Friede HistoryFitDrama 2019
Friede HistoryFitDrama 2019
Friede HistoryFitDrama 2019
Chapter Title: When History Does Not Fit into Drama: Some Thoughts on the Absence
of King Arthur in Early Modern Plays
Chapter Author(s): Susanne Friede
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Drama
1 I warmly thank Thomas Habel for his gracious hints and explanations. – The plays can be
found in Adalbert von Keller’s anthology Fastnachtsspiele aus dem fünfzehnten Jahrhundert.
4 vols. Stuttgart: Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins, 1853–1858. [Reprint: Darmstadt: Wis-
senschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1965–1966]. Das vasnachtspil mit der kron appears as no. 80,
Der Luneten Mantel is no. 81, and Ain hupsches Vasnacht Spill von Künig Artus is no. 127. Cf.
also Kurt Ruh, editor. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, vol. 5. Berlin:
de Gruyter, 1985. All three plays are mentioned there: Das vasnachtspil mit der kron (p. 384),
Open Access. © 2019 Susanne Friede, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under
the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110604276-005
Still, why is there no historical play about King Arthur in the early modern period?
One explanation of remarkable importance is that the history of Arthur cannot
provide a heroic model. First, it is necessary to underline the fact that the Middle
Ages and the early modern period knew considerably more religious (i.e. biblical
or salvific) plays than secular historical plays. While the notion of ‘secular theater’
does not refer to a homogeneous group of texts, the distinction between religious
and profane theater is rather sharp.2 For example, a manuscript from Wolfenbüttel
edited by Alan E. Knight3 gives a clear idea of this difference and underscores prefer-
ences of Renaissance playwrights with regard to content. It contains a collection of
mystères performed during the processions at Lille. From these 74 mystères, almost
all, i. e. 69, are religious plays, and only 5 are historical mystères treating episodes
from Roman history. ‘Historical’ playwrights could select their topics from biblical
history, saints’ lives, or, à la limite, secular history, as is the case in the mystères of
Lille. However, they had to include a moral, or at least stage a hero with outstand-
ing values and comportment,4 who would ideally serve as a typological example for
biblical protagonists and Christian virtues. A play about King Arthur could not have
belonged to Roman history, and it would have been difficult to represent Arthur’s
life as a praiseworthy example of biblical, or as a part of salvific history.5
In her article in this volume, Gaia Gubbini discusses different factors that
caused the decline of King Arthur and his reign as told in La Mort le Roi Artu, the
last part of the Prose Lancelot-Grail Cycle, a complex cycle generated in growing
stages between 1210 and 1235/40. In La Mort le Roi Artu, the narrator provides a lot
of overt explanations to rationalize the decline of the Arthurian empire. Explicit
comments on Lancelot’s, Guinevere’s, and indirectly also on Arthur’s behavior
stress both their subjective guilt (also through the Christian term pechié) and their
objective guilt (without any sense of misbehavior on the part of the heroes). The
latter, the objective guilt, is, for example, evoked by the incestuous relationship
Der Luneten Mantel (p. 1221) and Ain hupsches Vasnacht Spill von Künig Artus, i.e. König Artus’
Horn (pp. 70–72).
2 Cf. Alan E. Knight. Aspects of Genre in Late Medieval French Drama. Manchester: Manchester
University Press, 1983, esp. pp. 17–40, as well as Charles Mazouer. Le théâtre français du Moyen
Âge. Paris: Sedes, 1998, chapters I and IV.
3 Alan E. Knight, editor. Les mystères de la procession de Lille. 2 vols. Geneva: Droz, 2001/2003.
4 See the excellent article by Konrad Schoell. “Le théâtre historique au XV e siècle.” Divers toyes
mengled: Essays on Medieval and Renaissance Culture in Honour of André Lascombes, edited by
Michel Bitot. Tours: Université François Rabelais, 1996, pp. 189–196.
5 In a purely technical sense, it would have been difficult to give (as is regularly done in the
mystères of Lyon) a moral of the play in the epilogue or to mention its precise historical sources
in an argumentum at the beginning.
between Arthur and Morgane that is insinuated in the text. It is true that the very
first vernacular text mentioning King Arthur, Wace’s chronicle (Roman de) Brut,
depicts him as a strong and combative, successful, and very courageous hero
(which is why the Plantagenets could refer to this ‘historical’ figure for the legit-
imization of their claim to power). However, in other texts of the twelfth century
that belong to different genres, he is described as a rather weak and passive king
whose significance is not as great as that of the other knights of the Round Table.
This is, for instance, true of the lai Lanval and Chrétien’s courtly romances, includ-
ing Lancelot, ou le Chevalier de la charrette and Perceval, ou le Conte del Graal. In
the Prose Lancelot-Grail Cycle, and notably in La Mort le Roi Artu, King Arthur’s
position weakens even further, and finally he is lethally wounded by his own
nephew. In this way, medieval French texts about King Arthur provide an impres-
sive example of how reworking existing figures can be provocative in literature.
In fact, from the beginning of the thirteenth century at the latest, the history
of Arthur was no longer able to provide a heroic model, as had been the case,
albeit for a very short period, in the middle of the twelfth century (Wace’s Roman
de Brut). It therefore does not necessarily matter whether a potential early modern
play about King Arthur would have been conceptualized and perceived as a liter-
ary or as a historiographical drama.
To point out further probable reasons for the absence of a historical play about
King Arthur in the early modern period, it will be helpful to look at the – in some
regards contrary – example of Alexander the Great. In his study of theological
and humanistic erudition in the early French theater, Tobias Leuker analyzes the
mystère called Les Épitaphes d’Hector et d’Achille by George Chastelain, which was
staged in Nevers in 1454.6 He examines and outlines the novel perspective that this
play aims to offer on ancient history. The main character, Alexander the Great,
reads and judges the epitaphs of the two great heroes of the Trojan War, Hector
and Achilles. To redeem Hector, whose epitaph declares that he has been perfidi-
ously killed by Achilles, Alexander calls Achilles up from the depths of the neth-
erworld and arranges a ‘confession conversation’ between Achilles and Hector.
Apart from the single flaw that he is not a Christian, Alexander (like Hector)
functions as a nearly perfect example of ideal behavior as prescribed by the idea
of nobility in most ancient and medieval romances, which partly appear in the
shape of a ‘mirror of princes.’ That is why Alexander and Hector are both held in
the limbus (the siège des Preux) in Chastelain’s play.7
6 Tobias Leuker. Vom Adamsspiel bis Jodelle: Theologische und humanistische Gelehrsamkeit im
frühen französischen Theater. Köln: Böhlau, 2016, pp. 109–130.
7 Cf. ibid., p. 130.
8 See, for example, the following three studies: Martin Gosmann. La légende d’Alexandre le Grand
dans la littérature française du 12 e siècle: Une réécriture permanente. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1997;
Catherine Gaullier-Bougassas. Les Romans d’Alexandre: Aux frontières de l’épique et du roman-
esque. Paris: Champion, 1998; Susanne Friede. Die Wahrnehmung des Wunderbaren: Der Roman
d’Alexandre im Kontext der französischen Literatur des 12. Jahrhunderts. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2003.