Overcapacity at The Gate
Overcapacity at The Gate
Overcapacity at The Gate
Saturation point
The simplest and most widely accepted definition of overcapacity is when factories’
production capacity is under-utilized. While temporary overcapacity can be harmless and
a normal part of market cycles, it becomes a problem when it is sustained through
government intervention. Structural overcapacity happens when companies maintain or
grow their unused capacity without worrying about making a profit (or a loss), often due
to a lack of economic pressure to operate efficiently, like a hard budget constraint.
China has a long history of structural overcapacity. Its last severe episode happened in
2014-2016, a few years after the government launched a massive stimulus package in
response to the 2008-09 global financial crisis. The program, centered on infrastructure
and property construction, triggered significant capacity build-up in a range of associated
industries. In 2014, as demand for property and infrastructure construction weakened,
overcapacity became evident in heavy industry products such as steel and aluminum.
After years of retreat, anecdotal evidence is mounting that overcapacity is back in China.
This is clear in emerging sectors such as clean technology. Capacity utilization rates for
silicon wafers have dropped from 78 percent in 2019 to 57 percent in 2022. China’s
production of lithium-ion batteries reached 1.9 times the volume of domestically installed
batteries in 2022. But beyond these higher-profile cases, overcapacity now affects the
industrial sector as a whole. In early 2023, aggregate capacity utilization dropped below
75% for the first time since the worst point of China’s last overcapacity cycle in 2016
(Figure 1), with a slight rebound since.
FIGURE 1
China’s industrial capacity utilization rate, Q1 2013-Q4 2023
Percent
81
79
77
75
73
2016 low point of 72.9 percent
71
69
67
65
Jul-21
Mar-13
Mar-14
Mar-15
Mar-16
Mar-17
Mar-18
Mar-19
Mar-20
Mar-21
Mar-22
Mar-23
Nov-15
Jul-13
Nov-13
Jul-14
Nov-14
Jul-15
Jul-16
Nov-16
Jul-17
Nov-17
Jul-18
Nov-18
Jul-19
Nov-19
Jul-20
Nov-20
Nov-21
Jul-22
Nov-22
Jul-23
Nov-23
Source: China’s National Bureau of Statistics
In addition to low overall capacity utilization, Chinese firms seem to have been suffering
from over-production. Inventories reached their highest absolute levels since the
beginning of the data series 13 years ago. After years of decline relative to GDP, they grew
again from 43% in 2019 right before the pandemic, to 48% in 2022 (Figure 2). The trend is
improving slightly, but the pattern of the past few years means that for many firms in China,
even when operating below capacity, their production does not find consumers.
FIGURE 2
China’s inventories, value and share of GDP, January 2010-December 2023
RMB trillion (left), percent (right)
Inventories Share of GDP
18 70%
16
60%
14
50%
12
10 40%
8 30%
6
20%
4
10%
2
0 0%
Dec-10
Dec-11
Dec-12
Dec-13
Dec-14
Dec-15
Dec-16
Dec-17
Dec-18
Dec-19
Dec-20
Dec-21
Dec-22
Dec-23
Source: National Bureau of Statistics
The problem is widespread—capacity utilization rates in China have declined over the
past couple of years in every surveyed manufacturing sector except non-ferrous metals
(Figure 3). Products linked to the property sector, such as plastics and non-metal minerals,
are experiencing severe overcapacity because of weak demand in their downstream
markets. But many other sectors are seeing declining capacity utilization, too, from
machinery to food, textiles, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals.
FIGURE 3
Change in China’s capacity utilization rate, 2021-2023
Percentage Point
-6 -5 -4 -3 -2 -1 0
Growing imbalances
The under-utilization of production capacity in China is concerning in its own right for
foreign policymakers and businesses. It incentivizes firms to lower their prices in search
of a market for their excess capacity. In the past, this has led to global over-supply, price
declines, weak profitability, bankruptcies, and job losses.
But the drop in capacity utilization rates observed in the past few years is only one aspect
of a more profound phenomenon that should draw equal concern for policymakers in
Brussels and other economies—China’s growing domestic production surplus. Chinese
companies, across a wide range of sectors, now produce far more than domestic
consumption can absorb. This domestic surplus can produce low factory utilization rates.
But it can also find its way into foreign markets, creating a growing trade surplus and, at
times, global redundancies that threaten industrial ecosystems in other countries.
Those imbalances are not new, but they have reached unprecedented levels since the
pandemic. In 2020, as COVID hit the global economy, China launched a stimulus program
to boost industrial companies, with little support for household consumption. Beijing
rolled out substantial tax credits, production subsidies, and interest rate cuts to keep
struggling companies afloat and workers employed. When economic growth continued to
disappoint in 2023, Beijing’s policy support kept the emphasis on producers, as their bias
against “welfarism” kept policymakers from stimulating consumption.
China’s growing support for its companies resulted in rapidly growing production capacity
across many industrial sectors. From 2016 to 2020, investment and production capacity
growth was concentrated in strategic sectors linked to the Made in China 2025 strategy,
such as advanced electronics, particularly chips, and clean technology sectors. In other
areas of the economy, the focus was instead on reducing capacity in the supply-side
structural reform campaign from 2015 to 2019. However, this changed in 2020, with
renewed growth across all manufacturing sectors, including non-strategic ones like steel
products, household refrigerators, fertilizers, microcomputers, and machine tools (Figure
4).
FIGURE 4
Production capacity, 2015-2023
Index (2015=100)
110
100
90
80
70
60
50
2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
Source: National Bureau of Statistics
This capacity build-up was supply-driven, and most often not matched by equivalent
domestic demand. With little support from the government, household consumption
labored under strict zero-COVID restrictions and failed to pick up enough in 2023 to
deliver a consumption-led recovery. The property market downturn played a role,
dampening demand for a wide range of goods, from machinery to plastics and furniture.
As a result, consumption did not grow nearly as fast as industrial production and
investment (Figure 5).
FIGURE 5
Value-added of industry, assets, and retail sales
Index (December 2019=100)
140
VAI Assets Retail sales
130
120
110
100
90
80
Dec-19 Dec-20 Dec-21 Dec-22 Dec-23
Source: National Bureau of Statistics
The second difference is the list of affected sectors. China’s 2008 stimulus focused on
construction, infrastructure, heavy industry, and mining. In recent years, however, support
for infrastructure and construction was derailed by China’s acute property crisis starting
in the second half of 2021. Distress in the property sector diverted credit to other
industrial sectors (Figure 6)—with the effect of concentrating China’s recent investment
boom in manufacturing (Figure 7).
FIGURE 6 FIGURE 7
Monthly change in bank loans Monthly change in assets by sector
Trillion RMB, 12m rolling sum Billion RMB, 12m rolling average
Industrial sector Real estate Mining and heavy industry Manufacturing
7 1000
6
800
5
4 600
3 400
2 200
1
0
0
-1 -200
Jul-09
Mar-07
May-08
Mar-14
May-15
Mar-21
May-22
Sep-03
Nov-04
Sep-10
Nov-11
Jul-16
Sep-17
Nov-18
Jan-06
Jan-13
Jan-20
Feb-23
Oct-13
Oct-15
Oct-17
Oct-19
Oct-21
Oct-23
Feb-13
Feb-15
Feb-17
Feb-19
Feb-21
Jun-12
Jun-14
Jun-16
Jun-18
Jun-20
Jun-22
One last difference is how much support central and local governments have given failing
enterprises with little consideration of profit and efficiency. In addition to generous credit
and tax support measures, struggling companies were granted credit forbearances during
COVID to help them face liquidity crunches and operational disruptions. Government
support and prevention of market exit boosted the number of loss-making companies
(Figure 8). In a crowded environment, with loose budget constraints, firms lowered prices
and accepted razor-thin margins to retain market share. Perversely, it also pushed them
to build additional capacity in hopes of offsetting lower margins with higher volumes, and
because they knew from prior episodes that if authorities ultimately forced a market
consolidation, survival would be determined based on scale, not financial health.
FIGURE 8
Number and ratio of loss-making industrial companies
Thousand companies (left), percent (right)
120 25%
Number of loss-making enterprises Ratio of loss-making enterprises
100
20%
80
15%
60
10%
40
5%
20
0 0%
2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
FIGURE 9
Chinese share of global exports, selected products, 2019-2023
Percent
39%
37%
35%
33%
31%
29%
27%
25%
2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
Source: International Trade Center
Export gains are not the only spillover channel for China’s rapidly growing production
capacity. In sectors where China used to be a net importer, such as the petrochemical
sector, the combination of domestic production capacity increase and weak demand in
China resulted in sometimes drastic declines in Chinese imports, affecting firms in Europe
and the United States (Figure 10).
FIGURE 10
Decrease in Chinese imports of selected chemicals, 2019-2023
Percent
PE
Ethylene
Propylene
PP
Paraxylene
PVC
Styrene polymer
ABS
Styrene
Low prices are not the only factor behind Chinese firms’ ability to export their growing
capacity abroad. Competitiveness is another one. By lowering firms’ costs, allowing them
to scale up, and increasing their ability to improve products as they “learned by doing,”
state support made some Chinese companies fiercely competitive in global markets. The
electric vehicle sector is a case in point. The top Chinese exporters of EVs, BYD and SAIC,
are not the most affected by overcapacity—they are close to working at full capacity. Still,
these carmakers were able to leverage the supportive environment of the past four years
to become more efficient and more technologically competitive than their rivals. Facing
low profit margins in China today, and intense competition, they are uniquely equipped
and motivated to capture growth and profits outside of China.
The effects of this new wave of policy-driven capacity expansion in China are not yet all
visible. In certain industries, the timeline from investment to production can stretch over
years, meaning that funds allocated in 2021-2022 might only begin to materialize into
market-ready products or services several years later, with a delayed impact on Chinese
and global markets.
What’s more, although overcapacity created strong deflationary pressure within China, it
has not yet impacted global prices to the same extent (Figure 11). In fact, China’s export
prices were up in most sectors in 2023 compared to 2021, and the prices of imports from
China rose more quickly than the prices of imports from other extra-EU countries in 2021-
2022, before decelerating in 2023.
FIGURE 11
Export unit values and PPI, December 2017 to December 2023
Change from 2017 (2017 basis=100)
140
Export unit value index PPI
130
120
110
100
90
80
70
Dec-17 Dec-18 Dec-19 Dec-20 Dec-21 Dec-22 Dec-23
This is because many Chinese firms are still using overseas markets to make up for lower
prices, margins, or even losses on the China market. But this China-world price
discrepancy also means that Chinese firms could lower their export prices further in the
future to gain market access, weed out competitors, or make up for new tariff barriers in
the EU or the US.
Outlook
In the last two quarters of 2023, China’s capacity utilization rates have picked up, reaching
75.9%—a level similar to 2018-2019. However, China’s capacity expansion in
manufacturing sectors will likely stay elevated in the long run, creating episodes of
overcapacity and further effects on global trade.
This time around, the Chinese government is also expressing awareness of the issue. The
Government Work Report in February 2024, for example, mentioned strengthening
“investment guidance for key sectors to prevent overcapacity, poor quality, and
redundant development.” However, the solutions adopted will likely center on retiring
obsolete capacity and letting the most uncompetitive companies shut down while
continuing to support capacity expansion, innovation, and exports in others.
This policy mix is part of a broader economic strategy that emphasizes manufacturing and
exports as key growth drivers. Beijing has made clear in recent years that it wants to
prevent China from de-industrializing, including in low-tech industries that would
otherwise naturally migrate to lower labor-cost countries. Since the 14th Five-Year Plan
in 2021, Beijing has vowed to stabilize the share of the manufacturing sector in GDP—a
reversal of a decade-long trend. Several key local governments have since announced
quantified objectives for their share of manufacturing in the economy.
Beijing is also desperately looking to rebalance the economy away from the infrastructure
and property sectors and toward new growth drivers. Yet in the absence of a clear
strategy to prop up consumption, this means supporting the manufacturing industry—
particularly in emerging sectors such as renewable energy and electric vehicles—as a
core engine of growth. China’s March 2024 NPC meeting set an explicit focus on industrial
policy favoring high-technology industries, with very little fiscal policy support for
household consumption. This policy mix will only compound the trade impacts of China’s
growing state-supported industrial capacity and set China on a course of trade
confrontation with the rest of the world.
This sets China, the EU, and the US on a dangerous course of trade confrontation in 2024,
with a high probability of trade defense action cases. The systemic nature of China’s trade
surplus and market distortions, not confined to specific sectors, may also motivate larger
actions. Strong measures such as revoking the Permanent Normal Trade Relations status
or introducing a new tariff column for China are already on the radar of US politicians
during an election year. But China’s growing manufacturing surplus is not only a problem
for the US and the EU. In fact, China’s trade surplus with G7 countries grew by a third
between 2019 and 2023 while it more than tripled with developing economies, setting a
daunting barrier as they try to nurture their own industrial sectors. The spillovers of
China’s domestic imbalances are already compelling a response from a broader set of
countries, including Brazil, India, Mexico, and South Africa. If China’s imbalances continue,
this emerging market pushback will also likely intensify.
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