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The Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan: Korean Fandom and the ’Cancel the
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The Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan:

Korean Fandom and the “Cancel the Japan Tour” Protest

JENNIFER M. KANG¨
Queensland University of Technology, Australia

This article focuses on the online protest by Korean K-pop fans during the 2019 trade
dispute between Korea and Japan. Several fandoms demanded that entertainment
agencies cancel upcoming concerts in Japan as part of a nationwide boycott of Japanese
brands in Korea. An analysis of the tweets under the hashtag #Cancel_Japan_Concert
indicates that the Korean fans challenged the dominant discourses surrounding K-pop by
(1) evoking the Korean-ness of the entertainment agencies that manage the K-pop groups
by arguing that they should cancel the concerts because of the heightened domestic anti-
Japanese sentiment, (2) emphasizing their role as moral caregivers by criticizing the
agencies for treating K-pop idols as commodities, and (3) pointing to the lack of a “real”
world tour in the idols’ concert schedules. These findings reveal that K-pop functions as a
space in which Korean fans imagine alternative identities that transcend their popular
image as embodying a collective nationalistic attitude toward the genre.

Keywords: K-pop, Korean Wave, fans, nationalism, globalization

South Korean popular music, better known as K-pop, has become a worldwide phenomenon in
recent years. For instance, the K-pop band BTS sold out of concerts on the North American leg of its 2018
tour, which included landmark stadiums such as the Rose Bowl. Another band, SuperM, made up of K-pop
veterans from the groups SHINee, EXO, NCT, and WayV, debuted at the top of the Billboard 200 in 2019.
Continuing the trend, the girl group Blackpink’s (2020) single How You Like That was the fastest music video
to reach 100 million views in YouTube history. The prominence of these groups makes clear that K-pop is
now a fixture of the global media landscape.

In the context of Korea-Japan relations, K-pop is fraught with complications. Japan’s music market
is the second largest in the world and is attractive for K-pop because of cultural similarities between the two
countries. Since the 2000s, K-pop idol groups have found success in Japan, even setting records on Japan’s
Oricon Chart. According to the 2019 Hallyu White Paper, Japan was the largest importer of K-pop, accounting
for 62.5% of the total amount of exports, followed by China at 21.4%, Southeast Asia at 12.6%, and Europe
at 1.7% (Korean Foundation for International Cultural Exchange, 2020). At the same time, Korea and Japan
have a long history of conflict tracing back to the Japanese colonization of Korea from 1910 to 1945. The
issues in dispute include sovereignty over Dokdo Island (the Liancourt Rocks), the glorification of Japan’s

Jennifer M. Kang: [email protected]

Date submitted: 2021-10-28

Copyright © 2023 (Jennifer M. Kang). Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial
No Derivatives (by-nc-nd). Available at http://ijoc.org.
1020 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

role in World War II in Japanese history textbooks, and the name of the body of water that separates the
two countries (i.e., the East Sea or Sea of Japan).

More recently, in 2019, Japan announced plans to remove Korea from a “whitelist” of countries
receiving preferential treatment in export trading, causing concern in the latter country regarding access to
chemical materials needed for semiconductor manufacturing, one of its major export sectors. Some thought
that the Japanese government’s decision was in retaliation to a ruling by the Korean Supreme Court
demanding several Japanese companies to compensate the descendants of Koreans who were forced to
supply labor during the colonial period. In any case, Koreans, in response, boycotted Japanese products,
eventually driving several Japanese companies from the Korean market.

This surge in anti-Japanese sentiment associated with the trade dispute also influenced the K-pop
industry at this time, with several K-pop groups receiving criticism when announcing plans for concert tours
that included Japan. The fans threatened that performing in Japan at a time of tension with Korea would
negatively impact their idols’ careers, and they started hashtag protests against the decision by Korean
entertainment agencies to move forward with concerts in Japan. Initiated by fans of the group EXO, this
online protest gained traction when fans of Seventeen, TWICE, and Mamamoo, joined in.

This article approaches the controversy by analyzing the hashtag protests against the Japanese
concerts of two of these groups, EXO and Seventeen, as a site where Korean fans participated in the clash
of global and local politics. In previous research, K-pop has been hailed as exemplary of contra-flow, that
is, as a challenge to the one-way flow of culture going from the West to the rest of the world. Some of these
studies highlight the success of the K-pop industry in targeting the global market through the hybridization
of local and global practices (Lee, 2011; Shim, 2016), and others provide in-depth analyses of the reception
of K-pop by global audiences (Khiun, 2013; Siriyuvasak & Shin, 2007). However, in this effort to uncover
the dynamics of the global expansion of K-pop, the changing ways in which domestic audiences have
experienced it as it has become a global phenomenon have received relatively little attention. In the
mainstream media and academic research, the Korean fans in general have been viewed as closed-minded
and as hindering the genre’s global success (Berbiguier & Cho, 2017; J. H. Kim, 2019; Min, 2020), thereby
precluding an understanding of how individual fans navigate competing political discourses and their fan
identities in a global context. This article presents the results of critical discourse analysis of Twitter posts
under the hashtag #Cancel_Japan_Concert conducted to examine the ways in which the Korean fans have
re-articulated and re-conceptualized national boundaries and identities. The findings demonstrate that
regional animosities with Japan, nationalistic expectations regarding K-pop’s global success, and heightened
anti-Japanese sentiments at the local level have complicated Korean fans’ identities.

Globalization and K-Pop Audiences

Though a fairly recent phenomenon, K-pop has become a popular topic in global media studies.
Scholars have examined the genre using various approaches, including analyses of business strategies (Lee,
2011), hybrid textual forms (Jin & Ryoo, 2014), and audience reception (Khiun, 2013; Swan, 2018). A
common theme running through these studies is the contextualization of K-pop within the framework of
International Journal of Communication 17(2023) Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan 1021

cultural globalization in the terms described above as a significant flow of transnational popular culture
running counter to Western-centric globalization and homogenization.

Many studies of K-pop have focused on identifying the factors responsible for its global popularity
(e.g., Howard, 2017; Messerlin & Shin, 2013; Oh & Lee, 2013). Research in this area has tended to take a
broad perspective and explore the strategic decisions of entertainment agencies and creative personnel,
and it has pointed to the significance of the agencies’ strategies of intensive in-house training programs to
cultivate all-around entertainers and recruitment of foreigners into K-pop groups (Y. Kim, 2008; Lee, 2011).
The agencies carefully manage the entire process of creating an exportable idol star—the vocal training,
choreography, production, management, and marketing—to ensure the success of a group. The hybridized
textual form of K-pop songs, which involves blending various music genres and collaborating with foreign
producers, is another element of the genre’s global success (Jin & Ryoo, 2014; Shim, 2006). K-pop songs
often blend English and Korean lyrics to make music accessible to non-Korean-speaking audiences, and
music videos that highlight visual performances with cross-cultural appeal are distributed through YouTube
to reach a worldwide audience.

Other researchers have examined the reception of K-pop to understand its appeal to transnational
audiences (e.g., S.-Y. Kim, 2018; Noh, 2011; Sung, 2014; Yoon, 2018). One of the central issues that this
line of research addresses is the experiences of individual fans in interpreting K-pop. Fandom is often
associated with cultural forms that are denigrated by mainstream value systems and with individuals who
are marginalized by any combination of race, age, gender, and class (Fiske, 1992). Overlooking the
differences that exist among fans not only flattens the diverse qualities but also ends up silencing
marginalized voices and obscuring alternative perspectives within the fandom. Thus, the fan studies
literature in general shows a move toward the specificity of fans within fandoms and consideration of the
process by which “communities of affect and belonging are constituted” (Morimoto & Chin, 2017, p. 347).

In line with this approach to fandom, K-pop fan studies have focused on the ways in which fans
develop their connections to the genre. Pop culture forms generally can provide audiences with the cultural
resources to negotiate conflicting identities and social problems (Y. Kim, 2013; Lee, 2018; Yoon, 2018), and
K-pop fan communities operate as “multiple, transnational sites of engagement” that can “contest racial,
national or other important markers of identity that matter to them deeply” (Y. Kim, 2013, p. 14). For
example, Yoon, Min, and Jin (2020) found that fans in Spain used K-pop to imagine a space that was neither
Eastern nor Western in which they could explore their desires. For Asian American youth, Korean media
have served as a connection to a pan-ethnic identity within the East Asian community (Ju & Lee, 2015), and
Canadian fans have imagined alternatives to Western-centric globalization through an interest in K-pop as
a cosmopolitan, participatory, and cute culture (Yoon, 2018). Such studies have revealed the influence of
the political, cultural, and socioeconomic realities of K-pop audiences on their interpretations of K-pop as a
form of global pop culture.

On the other hand, very little English language research has been done on the understanding of K-
pop by Korean fans as a global phenomenon. When mentioned at all, the domestic fans are usually discussed
in the context of being perceived by non-Korean fans as nationalistic and possessive of their idols (e.g.,
Yoon, 2018). In Korean literature, there has been research conducted on domestic fans, including female
1022 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

fans’ perception of boy bands’ masculinities and the changing relationship between fans and entertainment
agencies (Jung & Lee, 2009; S. A. Kim, 2011). However, such research was done mostly before K-pop’s rise
as a global popular culture. This neglect of the Korean fans represents a gap in the literature on the
globalization of K-pop regarding the sociohistorical contexts in which people consume texts and the cultural
politics that influence their consumption practices (Iwabuchi, 2010). Choi and Maliangkay (2014) point out
that K-pop fandom is polycentric and that the local specificity plays a strong role in fans’ expectations
regarding K-pop, describing culture as space where political and economic objectives play out, and K-pop
“has become a unique channel through which heterogeneous interests of global fans are negotiated” (p. 7).
Globalization is an uneven and highly contextual process experienced in various ways across various spaces.
The dynamics of communication and culture become unsettled in the protracted process of globalization, so
the identities and places usually labeled as dominant or marginal cannot be essentialized. Amid this
unpredictability, it is crucial in identity politics to consider how difference, marginality, and disempowerment
“are evoked, how they are produced, where they are produced, and how they are reconstituted, through
differential logics in globalization” (Shome & Hegde, 2002, p. 176). The globalization experience of Korean
fans is not the same as that of other audiences, and their experiences, as part of this global landscape, are
worthy of academic attention. This study, then, helps to fill this gap in the literature by initiating a scholarly
conversation that adds the experiences of Korean fans to K-pop reception studies.

Nationalistic Identities and Clashes

The Korean Wave, a term that refers to the global popularity of Korean popular culture, has been
interpreted as an example of neoliberal nationalism within Korea and celebrated for the economic benefits
of cultural exports for the country (Fedorenko, 2017; Lee, 2008). This mainstream discourse highlights
increases in tourism, sales of related products, and the exports of Korean brands that ultimately contribute
to the country’s national image (Lee, 2013). In general, the export success of the Korean Wave, including
that of K-pop, has been adduced as evidence of the superiority of Korean culture. From this perspective,
culture is instrumentalized as a commercial export, and, at the same time, it serves as a source of national
pride. Thus, K-pop singers are not just successful celebrities but cultural ambassadors representing Korea
on the international stage (Choi & Maliangkay, 2014; Fuhr, 2015). For instance, EXO performed at the
closing ceremony of the PyeongChang Winter Olympics, and members of BTS delivered a speech at the 76th
U.N. General Assembly in the capacity of special presidential envoys. Kyong Yoon (2017) argued that the
postcolonial national identity of Korea is heavily intertwined with this understanding of K-pop, in that its
popularity serves symbolically to “affirm its collective national identity and nationalism” (p. 113).

However, this nationalistic interpretation of the Korean Wave overlooks the ruptures that exist in
the midst of the global popularity of K-pop. Contrary to the romantic vision of it as fostering a seamless,
virtual fan community of affect that spans across time and geographical distance, the genre “evokes
counterforces and re-emphasizes and re-articulates national boundaries” (Fuhr, 2015, pp. 127–128). This
dimension of K-pop is especially pertinent to its spread across Asia as its purveyors navigate the national
rivalries, political disputes, and patriotism that underpin inter-Asian exchanges (Fedorenko, 2017). Previous
researchers have identified specific cultural contexts that continue to constrain the online and offline realities
of fans in the age of globalization (Iwabuchi, 2010; Swan, 2018). Ahn and Lin (2019), for example, examined
how Tzuyu of the group TWICE was caught between Chinese and Taiwanese nationalism when she waved a
International Journal of Communication 17(2023) Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan 1023

Taiwanese flag on a Korean reality show, which Chinese netizens interpreted as incompatible with the One
China Policy, and then was forced to apologize for her actions, which Taiwanese netizens interpreted as a
threat to the Taiwanese identity. Similarly, Koreans heavily criticized Tiffany of Girl’s Generation for posting
a Snapchat photo using a filter that was reminiscent of the Japanese rising sun flag (Epstein, 2021), which
for Koreans symbolizes Japanese imperialism and atrocities during World War II. She posted several public
apologies to the public but, nevertheless, was dismissed as a regular host of a television show as a result
of the controversy. These cases demonstrate that, while digital platforms have certainly aided the
transnational exchange of ideas and culture, they have also fostered hate and hostility.

Another shortcoming of the mainstream discourse about the Korean Wave is the underlying
assumption of a collective nationalistic response by the Korean public. From this perspective, Koreans are
expected to celebrate K-pop’s increasing popularity because it enhances their country’s political and
economic status (Lee, 2013). However, nationalism is not purely a state-driven ideology; rather, it operates
in tandem with the bottom-up interpretations of a nation’s citizens. Thus, Cho (2020) referred to Korean
Major League Baseball fan communities and “individualized nationalism” in fans’ perceptions of nationalistic
sentiments and found that, for fans, “the national” is “reinterpreted and perceived as a set of individual
preferences in which the structures of the national are articulated by personal choices, consumer rights, and
market principles” (p. 187). Lyan (2019) likewise cautioned against the essentialization of fan nationalism,
pointing out that it does not always coincide with national citizenship. Because fans constantly appropriate,
contest, and redefine the notion of nationalism in diverse ways, it is necessary to look beneath the surface
level of celebrating the nation to ask “crucial questions about the cross-border circulation and consumption
of media culture under uneven processes of globalization” (Iwabuchi, 2010, p. 89).

This article presents an analysis of the 2019 social media protest that Korean fans staged to stop
the Japanese concert tours. In the context of this protest, K-pop served as a space where popular culture
intersected with national, political, and capitalist desires (Ahn & Lin, 2019). When a dramatic political
incident like the 2019 Korea-Japan trade dispute occurs, fans are forced to negotiate between their fan
loyalties and the prevailing political and nationalistic discourses (Tsai, 2008). On the one hand, K-pop fans
are among the most passionate in popular culture and are deeply involved in making and breaking the
careers of their idols (S.-Y. Kim, 2018). They support both the local and global activities of their favorite
groups by following them on foreign tours, buying multiple physical albums to boost their rankings on world
music charts, and traveling overseas to participate in promotional events. On the other hand, Korean K-pop
fans are situated in the mainstream response to the trade dispute, which involves boycotting Japanese
brands in a show of patriotism. Under these circumstances of heightened anti-Japanese sentiment, such
typical fan activities as buying their idols’ Japanese albums and traveling to see them perform in Japan
suddenly become taboo. Thus, the manner in which the Korean fans manage the conflicting local, regional,
and global interests and expectations regarding K-pop reveals the genre’s status as a discursive space for
subversive contestation of identity.

The Cancel the Japan Tour Protest

Turning now to the hashtag protest against EXO and Seventeen, these major K-pop groups had
made plans to perform in Japan in 2019 as part of upcoming concert tours. In response, the fans each
1024 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

started a separate hashtag on Twitter containing the term “cancel_Japan_concert” in Korean to voice their
opposition to the agencies’ plans to move forward with the Japan concerts because of the trade dispute
between the two countries. They also incorporated into the hashtags the names of the entertainment
agencies involved, with Seventeen fans using the hashtag #Pledis_cancel_Japan concert
(#플레디스_일본콘_취소해) and EXO fans incorporating SM Entertainment along with more detailed

terminology into their hashtag calling for the cancellation of a specific concert site (a concert hall in Miyagi
Prefecture), #SM_EXO_cancel_Miyagi concert (#SM_엑소_미야기콘_취소해).

The hashtag protest started when SM Entertainment announced plans for EXO’s Japan tour on July
22. The group’s fans started the hashtag soon after, and it was quickly picked up by other fandoms,
including, in addition to Seventeen, TWICE, and Mamamoo. At this moment, the Japanese brand boycott
was at its height in Korea, with the Japanese government having announced on July 1 its decision to revise
export controls and regulations regarding Korea, quickly prompting the Korean public to start a “No Japan”
product boycott (Kwak, 2019). Angry fans circulated a joint statement condemning the agencies for failing
to recognize the anti-Japanese sentiment. These statements were then widely shared on social media, and
fans started to use the hashtags on Twitter to voice their opinions about the upcoming Japanese tours (S.
Y. Kim, 2019a).

This article mainly focuses on the tweets by EXO and Seventeen fans because they took the lead
in the Cancel the Japan Tour protest. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) served to analyze the tweets, an
approach that takes into account the text, discourse practice, and sociocultural context to identify
connections among language, power, and ideology (Fairclough, 2003; Machin & Mayr, 2012). The application
of CDA in this study followed the general analytical framework proposed by Mullet (2018). It incorporates
the key characteristics shared by various forms of CDA. The analysis involves identifying the major themes
in a data set and the internal and external relations between and among the texts in which the data are
embedded. Keywords relevant to the protest, such “boycott,” “nuclear,” and “trade dispute,” served to
generate a Twitter data set consisting of 2,360 tweets after excluding those that contained no information
relevant to the protest or simply repackaged existing information. The initial examination of this data set
established the frequency of the keywords, which were then grouped by theme. For example, the keywords
“nuclear,” “earthquake,” and “Ebola” constituted the reason why fans had to protect their K-pop groups. In
this way, the analysis identified themes relating to Korean fans’ disagreement with the nationalistic
understanding of K-pop’s global success, the characteristics and duty of a core fandom, and Korea’s
international position.

Disenchantment With K-Pop’s Global Status

During the 2019 Korea-Japan trade dispute, the neoliberal/nationalistic interpretation of the Korean
Wave remained a feature of the discourse in Korean mainstream newspapers. Many newspapers praised the
resiliency of K-pop as an international phenomenon amid the worsening Korea-Japan political relations. Articles
highlighted the continuing travel by Japanese K-pop fans to attend concerts in Korea, and the Japanese releases
of BTS and TWICE each received million and platinum certification from the Recording Industry Association of
Japan (S. Y. Kim, 2019b; Sohn, 2019). Some mainstream Korean newspapers went far as to call this a “third
International Journal of Communication 17(2023) Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan 1025

wave” of Korean popular culture, this time characterized by imperviousness to political tensions because of the
apolitical tendency of the younger generation to which the bulk of K-pop fans in Japan belong (H. J. Kim, 2019).
This discussion of a third wave reflects confidence in Korea’s cultural and economic influence in Japan regardless
of the latter country’s imposition of trade restrictions on the former.

However, the CDA revealed that the Korean K-pop fans were not necessarily receptive to this
celebration of a third Korean wave. One of the key themes in the hashtag tweets was criticism of the
entertainment agencies for their inability to recognize the significance of the anti-Japanese sentiment of the
Korean public. Fans argued that, because the entire country was participating in the boycott against
Japanese products, performing in Japan at this time would hurt the K-pop groups’ image. The boycott
involved more than simply refusing to buy certain Japanese products, extending on social media to the
display of images depicting Koreans cancelling their reservations for their Japanese trips and public shaming
of those who did not participate in the protest as traitors to their country.

The nationalistic fervor thus forced Korean K-pop fans to choose between the patriotism that they
were expected to display as Korean citizens and their devotion to their idols as fans. In particular, their
desire to support the groups’ international careers conflicted with their desire to avoid travel to Japan. To
negotiate this conflict, the Korean fans turned their attention to the entertainment agencies with efforts to
remind them of the Korean-ness of the K-pop industry. Therefore, posts accused the agencies of being crazy
over the Japanese market, taking sides with Japan, and even suggested that they go live in Japan if they
preferred Japan so much. As seen in the following tweet, the logic behind such posts was that, since the
groups and agencies were based in Korea, they should be subject to the same patriotic expectations to
which other Korean individuals and entities were subject. “SM Entertainment, please read the atmosphere.
Don’t you know the country is doing a Japanese product boycott? If all [Korean] EXO fans go to Japan, that
would be great for our image, right?”1 (Shurim, 2019).

Another frequent topic in the tweets is the inappropriateness of the Osaka-jo Hall, where K-pop
singers have usually performed when visiting Japan’s third-largest city, as a venue. The site became an
issue when fans pointed out that the hall stands on the grounds of the Osaka Castle, which was built by
Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the feudal ruler who invaded Korea in the 16th century and started the Imjin War.
Holding a concert at a site associated with such a problematic historical figure would, according to the
tweets, be disgraceful to Korea and displaying ignorance of Korean history.

Osaka Castle was built by Toyotomi Hideyoshi and this site idolizes Toyotomi Hideyoshi. I
don’t know why you [the agency] want to hold a concert at Osaka-jo Hall. Do you have to
do this [the concert] at this historically painful site for Koreans? (AThingYeon:Jeong, 2019)

As an export-oriented industry designed to appeal to diverse markets, K-pop has a strong incentive
to avoid political and nationalistic issues (Fedorenko, 2017). In fact, the accessibility of K-pop has been
attributed in part to the lack of any influence from traditional Korean culture (Lie, 2012). Nevertheless, the
fans invoked the “Korean-ness” of K-pop in the posts, arguing that, to behave as responsible Korean

1
The original posts in Korean were translated into English by the author.
1026 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

companies, agencies should be mindful of the boycott and cancel their groups’ Japanese tours. Interestingly,
this argument departed from the mainstream news reports on K-pop’s continued global expansion. National
identity does not always take priority in individuals’ daily lives, often conflicting with other identities and
shifting depending on circumstances (Cho, 2020; Oh, 2009). In the present case, the Korean fans
appropriated nationalistic discourses associated with the Japanese brand boycott that resonated with them
and used these discourses to justify the personal choice as fans not to support their idols’ activities in Japan.
On a deeper level, though, these fans prioritized their fan identity because the purpose of the Japanese
brand boycott was to minimize Korea’s economic dependence on Japan rather than to sever all ties with it.
By citing the boycott as the reason that their idols should cancel their Japanese tours, the fans expressed
disagreement with the nationalistic rhetoric that classifies K-pop as a national economic asset, perceiving
this rhetoric as a form of political correctness. From this perspective, K-pop fandom is a personal choice
rather than a moral imperative for Koreans.

The Core Fandom

The Twitter posts naturally emphasized the importance of Korean fans. They referred to themselves
as the “core fandom” and attributed to themselves the power to influence the groups’ careers. This term
was specifically used by the fans, and the word “core” relates to the Korean fans’ status as the foundation
for the global success of K-pop groups. The tweets advised the agencies not to take the support of the core
fandom for granted and to consider the detrimental effect of a Japanese tour on the groups’ careers.
According to the argument, the agencies had to take the domestic market seriously and grow the core fan
base since it would be up to the Korean core fans to support the groups if their global popularity waned.

To be honest, who helped Seventeen become popular in the early days…isn’t it the
domestic fans? If you know this, you [the agency] should treat us better. Why do you
keep on going to that country [Japan] to promote [Seventeen]? (Cherita, personal
communication, July 25, 2019).

I get that you [the agency] want to earn money but come to your senses. If you hold
Japan concerts when everyone is doing Japanese product boycotts, then you ruin our
group’s image. Think about your artists. Don’t think that we [the core fans] will stay
around forever. (Hyeoni, 2019)

The fans also expressed particular concern regarding their idols’ health if the agencies chose to go
forward with the Japan tour, with the nuclear contamination resulting from the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear
disaster being a key topic in the hashtag protest. As exemplified by the quote below, the tweets pointed out
that the concert site in Miyagi, where all three groups were scheduled to perform, was close to Fukushima.

Apart from the Japanese product boycott, have you even calculated how much nuclear
contamination you would be exposed to when moving from Fukushima to Miyagi in an
hour and 30 minutes? Why hold a concert in a place that is number two in nuclear
contamination? Take care of your artists. (Chundeokssi, 2019)
International Journal of Communication 17(2023) Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan 1027

Nuclear contamination was already a concern with the Korean general public, and this wariness
escalated with the boycott. Thus, the Korean government declared an import ban on seafood from the
Fukushima area following the nuclear disaster, and Korean food-related businesses announced that they
would stop using both raw and processed materials from Japan. The fans’ tweets, then, included statistics
for the radiation levels in Japan and criticized the entertainment agencies for sending K-pop groups where
they would, presumably, have to eat produce from nuclear contaminated areas.

The fans criticized the agencies in other ways for neglecting the mental and physical well-being of
the K-pop groups in their pursuit of profit. Seventeen had already done a tour of Japan and released several
albums earlier that year and would again be touring Japan without any break in the group’s schedule. EXO
members Baekhyun and Kai were performing in two separate world tours, as part of EXO and part of SuperM
(another SM Entertainment group), at the same time. Furthermore, a suspected case of Ebola in a Japanese
citizen who had returned from the Democratic Republic of Congo, which later proved to be a false alarm,
had earlier fueled the fans’ distrust of agencies, as the tweets show.

We’re not asking for much; we want protection of artists and their health. We don’t care
about other areas, but you should avoid places that have Ebola cases, 6.2-scale
earthquakes, and nuclear contamination. Even tourists are avoiding these areas. All you
higher-ups should visit those places instead. (Kong, 2019)

There’s a suspected case of Ebola, nuclear contamination, and so many dangerous things
[in Japan]. If you think that earning money is more important than human lives, then you
[the agency] are inhumane. If you are human beings just cancel. (Toby, 2019)

The hashtag protest revealed how Korean fans perceived their role in the K-pop industry as both
consumers of the agencies’ product (K-pop groups) and protectors of the singers (Jung & Lee, 2009). The
agencies, some of the fans complained, had failed to fulfill their role as caretakers because of their profit-
driven nature, so it was up to the core fans to step in, and only they, the Korean core fans, were up to the
task, which could not be done by other fans overseas (especially those in Japan). As the following quote
indicates, the Korean fans tended to view the Japanese fans as failing to put the well-being of the idols first,
thus excluding themselves from the true core fandom.

Some Japanese fans are saying “come to Japan because the air quality is better”
[compared with Korea]. Are you saying that our group [EXO] should sacrifice their health
just to make you happy? How can you call yourself a true fan? (Banhyuteu Baeknyo, 2019)

Elfving-Hwang (2018) has referred to the strong attachments of K-pop fans to their idols as
“parasocial kinship,” in which the latter are constructed “simultaneously as an object of adulation and familial
affection” (p. 190). This familial relationship extends to the fans’ desire to take on a nurturing role to protect
their idols from exploitation by the entertainment agencies. Intertwined with geopolitical relations, the sense
of parasocial kinship encouraged the Korean fans to distinguish themselves from the Japanese fans by
emphasizing this protective role and to draw a boundary around a core fandom, with the act of exclusion
serving to create solidarity among them. Furthermore, the dispute over what constitutes a politically correct
1028 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

fan speaks to larger issues related to shifting structures and centers of power in the K-pop industry (Epstein,
2021). In particular, the control by the major management agencies over the groups has diminished as the
fandoms have become increasingly systematic and organized (Choi & Maliangkay, 2014; E. J. Kim, 2020).
For instance, the common practices of using special chants and colors to represent the idols started with
the fans, who also often act as cultural intermediaries to correct any misrepresentations in the media
regarding their idols. Thus, the Korean fans’ growing confidence regarding their place in the industry has
led them to demand that the agencies maintain what they see as the appropriate conditions for their idols.

It Is Not a “Real” World Tour

Many Korean fans discussed the political implications of the Japanese tour during the hashtag
protest. Unlike the Japanese fans, who have tended to separate politics from popular culture to enjoy K-pop
fully (Ahn & Yoon, 2020), Korean fans called attention to the strained political relations between their country
and Japan. The established practice is that K-pop groups partner with Japanese labels to facilitate local
promotional activities in that country (Jung, 2014). Examples include EXO partnering with AVEX and
Seventeen with Pledis Japan/Universal Music. According to the tweets, these Japanese companies influenced
the decision to push ahead with the tour of Japan. The Korean fans complained that their idols were being
forced to perform at unfavorable locations because of anti-Korean sentiment in Japan using terms such as
political retaliation and political maneuvering to describe the situation. As mentioned, the venue in Miyagi
(specifically, Sekisui Heim Super Arena) was troubling for EXO fans.

Because of the current situation, I can only think that AVEX is using our group [EXO]
politically because they reserved that concert hall [in Miyagi]. Our group usually performs
at domes, and why would they perform at a 7,000-seat concert hall? (Chokyo, 2019).

It is not like Miyagi Prefecture has a major dome. That place does not have any historical
importance, and we [EXO] don’t have any Japanese members [with ties to Miyagi]. So,
why are we going there for a 7,000-seat concert? (jun_I, 2019).

The EXO fans then argued that there was no significant reason for their idols to perform in Miyagi.
Dome tours refer to concerts held at the major dome halls in Japan—the Tokyo Dome, Saitama Dome,
Sapporo Dome, Kyocera Dome Osaka, Fukuoka Dome, and Nagoya Dome. The dome halls each have around
50,000 seats, so only exceptionally popular singers are able to perform at these locations. In previous years,
EXO had held concerts at the Kyocera and Tokyo Domes, while no K-pop concerts were held in Miyagi until
2019, with the fans describing this location as the “middle of nowhere and as a “high school gymnasium out
in the countryside” (Cheongsi, 2019). They argued that, since the small concert at Miyagi would not be
beneficial to EXO’s career, either symbolically or financially, it should be canceled. Moreover, some fans saw
these world tours as being something less than advertised. Seventeen’s 2019 tour, titled “Seventeen World
Tour ‘Ode to You,’” was scheduled to reach thirteen countries in Asia, the Americas, and Europe, with four
concert dates in Japan (Osaka, Aichi, Yokohama, and Chiba), but only one date in each of the other
countries. Therefore, the Korean fans criticized the tour for prioritizing Japan. Seventeen had already toured
five cities in the exclusive tour of the country earlier that year mentioned above, and the fans saw no reason
to spend so much time in Japan, especially in a politically strained environment. Thus, the tweets included
International Journal of Communication 17(2023) Politics of Being a K-Pop Fan 1029

complaints that there was more to the world than Japan (and also Asia) and expressed disbelief that the
agencies did not consider America or Europe for concerts. These posts indicated that the K-pop groups had
potential to further their career outside of Japan, but the agencies had neglected such opportunities by
focusing on the immediate revenue from the Japanese market. The EXO fans echoed this sentiment: “If you
[SM Entertainment] want to go overseas, go to Europe or America! We have been waiting for concerts, but
why are you going to an isolated place [i.e., Japan]?” (blueloey, 2019).

In these respects, the hashtag protest operated as a site for Korean fans to discuss their
perspectives on Korea-Japan relations. Yoon (2017) viewed the usual nationalistic responses to the global
reception in Korea as a postcolonial desire on the part of the country to “ensure its identity as a nation-state
that developed through struggles to overcome colonial legacy” (p. 112). In this context, “global” tends to
refer to regions outside Asia while, in the mainstream media, Asia is typically depicted as an area where
Korean culture has already been successful in contrast with, in particular, the Americas and Europe, which
are felt to represent the “real” global arena that Korea must target to achieve full recognition (S. A. Kim,
2013). Hence, the fans’ complaints about the lack of a “real” world tour to boost the groups’ fame align with
this discourse. This understanding was not necessarily a product of hatred toward Japan, as the Korean fans
were positive about the dome tours, but had more to do with imagining the position of K-pop in the world
market. Amid the antagonistic atmosphere, the Korean fans were confident about the status of K-pop as a
fixture of Japanese popular culture (as their argument about dome tours indicates) and that its popularity
would not be hindered by the political dispute between Korea and Japan. At the same time, the reality of
the West as the dominant framework for understanding globalization was evident in that the fans did not
see their idols’ popularity in Japan as representing global success for K-pop (Darling-Wolf, 2014), which
they continued to identify with finding a market in Western countries.

Conclusion: K-Pop as a Site for Alternative Identities

In the end, the 2019 hashtag protest by Korean K-pop fans failed to convince the entertainment
agencies to cancel the Japan concert dates. The only cancellation was by Pledis Entertainment, which was
forced to scrap plans for Seventeen’s Japan tour when the pandemic hit in the following year. Nevertheless,
the protest represents a moment in time when heightened tensions between Korea and Japan forced the
Korean fans to confront the conflicting nationalistic and capitalistic discourses and their identity as fans.

The existing fan research has tended to focus on non-Korean fans, though, mentioning the Korean
fans in passing in reference to their nationalistic sentiments (Berbiguier & Cho, 2017; Yoon, 2018). Their
protest against the Japanese concerts demonstrates, to the contrary, the absence of a collective national
identity among them. Thus, fans did not necessarily embrace the dominant discourse about K-pop as a
national asset that uplifts the country’s pride even at a time when nationalistic passions were inflamed.
Sometimes, they aligned with the mainstream perspective by demanding that the K-pop industry
demonstrate patriotism or expressing the view that K-pop is an influential force in Japan. At other times,
their fan loyalties were at odds with this nationalistic allegiance, as the tweets prioritizing the idols’ health
and well-being over their exchange value on a Japanese concert tour demonstrate.
1030 Jennifer M. Kang International Journal of Communication 17(2023)

More broadly, the results presented here speak to the status of K-pop as a site of alternative
identity where “a different voice can be raised and a self can be expressed, contested, re-articulated or
reaffirmed” (Y. Kim, 2013, p. 15) by Korean fans as well as fans in other countries. As K-pop becomes a
global phenomenon, “the force of globalization is interpreted and negotiated in audiences’ everyday lives”
(Yoon, 2018, p. 386). The Korean fans whose tweets are analyzed here grappled with intertwined global,
regional, and local sensibilities—that is, K-pop’s worldwide presence, Korea-Japan political disputes, and
anti-Japanese sentiments, respectively—that are intertwined yet contradictory rather than mutually
exclusive. These fans’ perspectives challenge the popular perception of Koreans’ nationalistic response to
K-pop, revealing their use of the genre as a space for alternative, even subversive modes of identity.

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bangsaneunge wiheomhangeotdeutdeul cheonjinde donbeoneunge saramsaengmyeongboda
jungyohangeomyeon nideuri inganinya seuema inganiramyeon jinjja chwisohae igeonjinjja aniya
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many dangerous things If you think that earning money is more important than human lives,
then you are inhumane. If you are human beings just cancel] [Tweet]. Retrieved from
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