123

http:/ / www.futureofchildren.org

The Impact of Home

Computer Use on
Children’s Activities
and Development
Kaveri Subrahmanyam
Robert E. Kraut
Patricia M. Greenfield
Elisheva F. Gross

“I really want to move to Antarctica— I’d want my cat and Internet access Kaveri Subrahmanyam,
Ph.D., is assistant pro-
and I’d be happy.”
fessor of child develop-
—16-year-old HomeNet participant (1995) ment at California State
University, Los Angeles.
Robert E. Kraut, Ph.D.,
Abstract is professor of social
The increasing amount of time children are spending on computers at home and psychology and human-
school has raised questions about how the use of computer technology may make a dif- computer interaction
ference in their lives—from helping with homework to causing depression to encour- at Carn egie M ellon
aging violent behavior. This article provides an overview of the limited research on the University.
effects of home computer use on children’s physical, cognitive, and social development.
Patricia M. Greenfield,
Initial research suggests, for example, that access to computers increases the total
Ph.D., is professor of psy-
amount of time children spend in front of a television or computer screen at the
chology at the University
expense of other activities, thereby putting them at risk for obesity. At the same time,
of California, Los Angeles.
cognitive research suggests that playing computer games can be an important build-
ing block to computer literacy because it enhances children’s ability to read and visu- Elisheva F. Gross, cur-
alize images in three-dimensional space and track multiple images simultaneously. rently a Ph.D. candi-
The limited evidence available also indicates that home computer use is linked to date at the University of
slightly better academic performance. California, Los Angeles,
was founding creative
The research findings are more mixed, however, regarding the effects on children’s
director of Plug In!
social development. Although little evidence indicates that the moderate use of com-
Teen Talk on America
puters to play games has a negative impact on children’s friendships and family rela-
On lin e, a n on profit
tionships, recent survey data show that increased use of the Internet may be linked to
enterprise dedicated to
increases in loneliness and depression. Of most concern are the findings that playing
developing communica-
violent computer games may increase aggressiveness and desensitize a child to suffer-
tion, technical, and
ing, and that the use of computers may blur a child’s ability to distinguish real life from
creative skills among at-
simulation. The authors conclude that more systematic research is needed in these
risk teens.
areas to help parents and policymakers maximize the positive effects and to minimize
the negative effects of home computers in children’s lives.

The Future of Children CHILDREN AND COMPUTER TECHNOLOGY Vol. 10 • No. 2 – Fall/Winter 2000
124 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

T
he time is ripe to assess the impact of home computer use on child
and adolescent development. Most American children now have
access to home computers and are using them for everything from
playing games to doing schoolwork to chatting with friends via e-mail to surf-
ing the Web. In 1999, an estimated 67% of households with children had a
computer game system such as Sega or Nintendo,1 60% had home com-
puters, and 37% had home access to the Internet—more than twice the per-
centage with access in 1996.2 Although children still spend more time
watching television than using computers, when a nationally representative
sample of children ages 8 to 18 were asked which medium they would
choose to bring with them to a desert isle, more chose a computer with
Internet access than any other medium, including television.3
With the increased role of home computers in children’s lives has come
increased concern about how children may be affected. Time spent on
home computers may displace other activities that have more developmen-
tal value, and the merit of the computer-based activities has also been ques-
tioned. Surveys of parents suggest that they buy home computers and
subscribe to Internet access to provide educational opportunities for their
children and to prepare them for the “information age.”4 Although they are
increasingly concerned about the influence of the Web on their children and
are disappointed with some of the online activities their children engage
in—such as games and browsing the Internet to download lyrics of popular
songs and pictures of rock stars—parents generally view computers favor-
ably, and even consider children without home computers to be at a disad-
vantage.5
Although research on the effects of children’s use of home computers is
still sketchy and ambiguous, some initial indications of positive and negative
effects are beginning to emerge. This article begins by describing the
increasing amount of time children are spending on home computers and
the impact of computer use on other activities. This discussion is followed
by a survey of the available research about the effects of home computer use
on children’s activities and development in four broad areas: (1) physical
well-being, (2) cognitive and academic skill development, (3) social devel-
opment and relationships, and (4) perceptions of reality. The article con-
cludes with a summary of the issues requiring further study to better
understand what can be done to ensure that children’s use of home com-
puters has a positive impact on their lives.

Displacement of Other approximately 1 hour 37 minutes per day

Activities using the computer and/ or playing video
When children use home computers instead games,1 about 24 minutes more than in
of watching television, it is generally viewed 1998.6 Yet little research exists on how chil-
as positive; but when children use comput- dren’s growing use of computers may be dis-
ers instead of participating in sports and placing activities other than television
social activities, it raises concerns about the viewing, and the few findings that exist are
possible effects on their physical and psy- ambiguous. Some evidence indicates that
chological well-being. Results from a children who use home computers may
national survey suggest that in 1999, chil- watch less television than nonusers, but
dren between ages 2 and 17 were spending other evidence suggests that television view-
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 125

ing remains the same or might even increase bined. For example, parents reported in a
with the use of home computers. 1999 survey that children between ages 2
and 17 with access to home computers and
For instance, parents reported in a 1998 video games spent an average of 4 hours 48
national survey by the Annenberg Public minutes per day in front of a television
Policy Center that children in households screen or computer monitor. In contrast,
without computers watched television an aver- parents reported that children without com-
age of 36 minutes longer each day than chil- puters or video games spent an average of 3
dren in homes with computers (2 hours 54 hours 40 minutes per day in front of a
minutes versus 2 hours 18 minutes, on aver- screen, more than an hour less.1 Another
age).7 Children in homes with computers also national survey of children ages 2 to 18
spent less time watching videotapes and more found that total reported screen time aver-
time doing schoolwork and reading maga- aged 4 hours 19 minutes per day, excluding
zines or newspapers, compared with children use of the computer for schoolwork.
in homes without computers. Even after con- Reported screen time varied greatly by age,
trolling for families’ income and education however, ranging from 2 to 3 hours per day
levels, computer ownership had a significant, for ages 2 to 7, to nearly 6 hours per day for
albeit weaker, effect—that is, in homes with
computers, children spent less time watching
television compared with children in families Parents reported in a 1999 survey that
with similar income and education but with- children with computer access spent an
out home computers. Interestingly, having a
average of 4 hours 48 minutes per day
home computer did not affect the time spent
reading books or playing video games on in front of a television screen or
noncomputer platforms. computer monitor.
Other studies, such as a 1999 study by
Nielsen Media Research, suggest that com- ages 8 to 13 (see Figure 1).11 As the com-
puter use does little to reduce television view- bined amount of time children spend across
ing. The data gathered by Nielsen showed these various media increases, the likelihood
almost no change in household television of displacing time spent on organized sports
viewing after households gained Internet and other social activities also increases, thus
access.8 Indeed, many Americans report that exacerbating the impact on children’s phys-
they prefer to use computers and watch tele- ical and social well-being.
vision simultaneously. A 1999 study of 10,000
U.S. households by Media Metrix, an
Internet and digital media research firm, Effects on Physical
found that among households with a home Well-Being
computer, 49% used their computers and Systematic research on the physical effects of
watched television at the same time.9 children’s computer use is lacking thus far,
but insights can be gained from several
Still others suggest that, because of the sources. Results from the numerous studies
growing trend to link the content of various on the physical effects of watching television
media—as exemplified by the “tie-ins” are informative, given the similarities
between children’s television shows, com- between these media. In addition, research
puter games, and Web sites—computer use focusing on the physical risks of playing
may not displace television, but may instead computer games is important, given that
lead to an increase in television viewing.10 games remain the most frequent home com-
(See the article by Montgomery in this jour- puter activity for children across most age
nal issue for further discussion of the links groups, despite the proliferation of other
between television and the Internet.) software and applications. (See the article by
Becker in this journal issue for further
Furthermore, it appears that greater details on the demographics of different
access to home computers may actually be types of computer use.) These studies sug-
increasing children’s total “screen time,” gest that children’s extended computer use
that is, time spent using a computer, playing may be linked to an increased risk of obesity,
video games, and watching television com- seizures, and hand injuries.
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126 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

Figure 1

Children’s Daily “Screen Time,” by Age, 1999

5
Number of Daily Hours

ar s
18
4

13
7

ye ge
to

to

s)
to
to

18 ll A
s2

s5

4
s8

A
s1
ge

ge

ge

ge
A

to
A

(2
Television Movies

Taped TV shows Video games

a
Video tapes Computer

a Excluding time spent doing schoolwork.

Source: Data from Roberts, D.F., Foehr, U.G., Rideout, V.J., et al. Kids and media at the new millennium. Menlo Park, CA:
Kaiser Family Foundation, November 1999, p. 20. Based on a national survey of 3,155 children ages 2 to 18, in which chil-
dren ages 8 to 18 responded directly. Totals are not adjusted for portions of the day in which the child may have used
more than one medium at a time, and therefore some double counting may be included.

Risk of Obesity in front of a television screen—they are

Sedentary pursuits, such as watching televi- likely to be increasing their risk of obesity.14
sion and using the computer, are believed to Consequently, the American Academy of
be an important environmental factor con- Pediatrics advises parents to limit time spent
tributing to the fact that 25% of children in with media and to emphasize alternative
the United States are overweight or obese.12 activities, such as athletics and physical con-
Although there is no research that systemat- ditioning, as well as imaginative play.15
ically documents a relationship between
obesity and computer use, evidence does Other Physical Effects
exist that obesity in children is linked to Since the early years of computer game tech-
excessive television watching, that is, five or nology—beginning with video games in the
more hours per day.13 As children spend 1970s, followed by the growing popularity of
increasing amounts of time in front of com- stand-alone game systems like Nintendo in
puter monitors—in addition to time spent the 1980s16 and the rise of the personal com-
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 127

PHOTO OMITTED

puter in the 1990s—playing games has been sometimes for prolonged periods, it is likely
the predominant computer activity for chil- that children will begin to experience the
dren overall. Studies indicate, however, that same kinds of injuries frequently reported by
playing computer games exposes children to adult computer users.22 To reduce the possi-
a number of physical risks, including seizures, bilities of such injuries, children should be
hand injuries, and changes in heart rate.17 given similar instructions as adults regarding
safe computer use, including such precau-
For example, some research suggests tions as taking frequent breaks and position-
that playing computer games may trigger ing equipment properly. In addition, game
epileptic seizures in certain users.18 One manufacturers should avoid producing
research team reviewed 35 reported cases of games with flicker frequencies known from
video game–related seizures and found that clinical experience to induce seizures in
abstinence from video games was the pre- epilepsy-prone patients.
ferred treatment, compared to anticonvul-
sant medication.19 It appears that the “flicker Effects on Cognitive Skills
frequencies,” or quickly flashing images,
in some video games can trigger seizures in
and Academic
patients with photosensitive epilepsy. After Performance
studying 115 French subjects ages 7 to 30, Computers and the Internet are used widely
another research team recommended using by children for schoolwork and to obtain
a 100Hz television screen (with twice the res- information, but whether home computer
olution as a standard television screen) and use can make children “smarter” remains an
sitting at least one meter away from the open question. Nevertheless, playing specific
screen to reduce the likelihood of video computer games has been found to have
game–induced seizures.20 immediate positive effects on specific cogni-
tive skills, and use of home computers has
Excessive computer game playing also been linked to mildly positive effects on aca-
has been associated with a form of tendinitis, demic performance. With the narrowing of
called Nintendinitis, which is a sports injury the gender gap in home computer use, early
characterized by severe pain in the extensor fears that girls are turned off by computer
tendon of the right thumb as a result of the technology appear unfounded.
repeated pressing of buttons during game
play.21 Currently there is no systematic Computer Games and the
research on this type of injury or on the Development of Cognitive Skills
impact of computer use in general on chil- Cognitive skills are the skills associated with
dren’s eyes, backs, and wrists; however, given thinking and knowing—the skills required for
children’s increasing use of computers, children to understand language and num-
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128 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

bers, to reason and problem solve, and to tributed to the selective increases in nonver-
learn and remember. Although the term bal intelligence scores during the past cen-
“cognitive skills” encompasses a broad array tury.25 For example, a comparison of
of competencies, research on the effects of average scores on the nonverbal test, the
computer use on cognitive skills has focused Raven Progressive Matrices, among British
on the development of a specific set of visual adults of comparable ages in 1942 versus
intelligence skills crucial to the use of com- 1992 showed significant increases for all age
puter technology: spatial skills, iconic (or groups tested.26
image representation) skills, and visual
attention skills. Computer Use and Academic
Performance
Computer applications of many kinds, In the early years of home computer owner-
and especially computer games, are ship during the 1980s, Alfred Bork, a pio-
designed in ways that emphasize visual neer in the use of computers for instruction,
rather than verbal information processing. suggested that “the home computer may
Consider popular action games with their well become the primary influence upon the
rapid movement, imagery, and intense inter- educational system of the future.”27 Since
action, plus various activities occurring then, the rapid evolution of the personal
simultaneously at different locations on the computer has indeed broadened society’s
screen. Studies indicate that children who vision of computers from devices for pro-
play such games can improve their visual gramming and playing games, to tools for
intelligence skills—skills that may provide developing children’s skills and motivation
in academic areas such as math, science, lan-
guage arts, and writing. Today, children and
Studies indicate that children who play teens frequently use home computers and
computer games can improve their visual the Internet for their schoolwork,28 and par-
ents generally believe that computers are an
intelligence skills—skills that may provide
important educational resource.29 Among
them with “training wheels” for computer teens ages 13 to 17, schoolwork has sur-
literacy. passed games as the most frequent online
activity, according to Annenberg’s 1999
survey,2 but there has been only limited
them with “training wheels” for computer lit- research on the impact of home computer
eracy. Such skills may be especially useful in use on academic achievement.
the fields of science and technology, where
proficiency in manipulating images on a What research exists, however, appears to
screen is increasingly important. Of course, corroborate parents’ perceptions that home
computer game playing can enhance a par- computer use is related to better academic
ticular skill only if the game uses that skill performance. For example, early home
and if the child’s initial skill level has computer use studies found that high school
matured to a certain level. Studies showing students who used educational software at
the effects of various computer games in home scored significantly higher than other
enhancing selected visual intelligence skills students on computer literacy tests.30 Home
are described in Box 1.23 computer use has been linked to improve-
ments in general academic performance as
Much of the research on the cognitive well. For example, a longitudinal study pub-
impact of computer games has measured lished in 1995 which tracked a group of stu-
the effects of game playing only immedi- dents from seventh through twelfth grade,
ately after the practice and does not address found that the students with computers at
questions about the cumulative impact of home had higher overall grades and better
interactive games on learning. However, grades in math and English than those with-
many computer games use the same skills out home computers.31 Of course, students
that are tested in nonverbal (as opposed to with home computers are also more likely to
verbal) intelligence tests, such as the have families with greater income and edu-
Wechsler and the Stanford Binet.24 Thus, cation, factors that are highly correlated with
exposure to the proliferation of imagery in better academic performance. But even just
electronic technologies may have con- among those with home computers, heavier
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 129

Box 1

Effects of Playing Computer Games on

Selected Visual Intelligence Skills
■ “Marble Madness” and effects on spatial skills: A study of 61 children, ages 10 to
11, compared the effects of two computer games on the development of spatial
skills—the cluster of skills required for children to visualize and manipulate
objects or images in their minds.1 Practice on Marble Madness was found to
reliably improve th e ch ildren ’s spatial per forman ce, wh ile practice on
Conjecture, a computerized word game similar to the TV show Wheel of Fortune,
did not. The children playing Marble Madness used a joystick to guide a marble
along a three-dimensional grid, trying to keep the marble on the path and pre-
vent it from falling off or being attacked by intruders. After playing the game,
children were found to have improved their ability to anticipate targets and
visualize spatial paths.

■ “Concentration” and effects on iconic skill: A cross-cultural study carried out in

Rome and Los Angeles examined the effects of playing a computer game on
the development of iconic skills—the skills that enable people to read images
such as pictures and diagrams.2 Researchers found that after playing the game
Concentration on a computer, undergraduate students offered more diagrams
in their analysis of an animated simulation of electronic circuits, whereas those
who played the game on a board offered more verbal descriptions.

■ “Robot Battle,” “Robotron,” and effects on visual attention skills: A study compared
the effects of computer game expertise on college students’ visual attention
skills, the skills required to keeping track of several different things at the same
time—not unlike a pilot keeping track of a row of several engine dials simulta-
neously.3 Researchers measured participants’ response time to two events at
two locations on a computer screen, where one target icon appeared more
often than another. Predictably, participants who were expert players of Robot
Battle ( scoring above 200,000) had faster response times than participants who
were novice players ( scoring below 20,000) . But after five hours of playing the
game Robotron, all participants responded significantly faster to the target at
the low probability position on the screen, demonstrating a causal relationship
between playing a computer game and improving strategies for keeping track
of events at multiple locations.

Endnotes:
1 Subrahmanyam, K., and Greenfield, P.M. Effect of video game practice on spatial skills in girls and boys. Special issue:
Effects of interactive entertainment technologies on development. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology (1994)
15:13–32.
2 Greenfield, P.M., Camaioni, L.E., Ercolani, P., et al. Cognitive socialization by computer games in two cultures: Inductive
discovery or mastery of an iconic code? Special issue: Effects of interactive entertainment technologies on development.
Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology (1994) 15:59–85.
3 Greenfield, P.M., deWinstanley, P., Kilpatrick, H., et al. Action video games and informal education: Effects on strategies
for dividing visual attention. Special issue: Effects of interactive entertainment technologies on development. Journal of
Applied Developmental Psychology (1994) 15:105–23.

users performed better academically than edge than those who reported using their
light users: students who reported using home computer less.
their home computers for at least 10 hours
during the school year for activities unre- In addition, studies of the effects of one
lated to a class also reported better overall computer-based after-school program, The
grades, better grades in math and English, Fifth Dimension, show that children who
and did better on a test of scientific knowl- participated in the program had greater
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130 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

advances in reading, mathematics, com- Compared to girls, boys spend more than
puter kn owledge, followin g direction s, twice as much time per week playing com-
and grammar and had higher scores on puter games34 and are five times more likely
school achievement tests, compared with to own a computer game system.35 In a study
children who did not participate.32 For of self-reported leisure time activities of
example, in one well-controlled study, par- 2,200 third and fourth graders, computer
ticipan ts h ad small, but sign ifican t games topped the list of activities among
increases in reading and math posttest boys: 33% of boys reported playing com-
scores compared to n on participan ts. puter games, compared with fewer than
These effects were found even though the 10% of girls.36 Initially it was thought that
program did n ot in volve a structured this disparity was the result of the games’ vio-
instructional intervention. Rather, the pro- lent themes and lack of female protago-
gram emphasized voluntary participation nists.37 A more likely reason, however, is the
difference between the genders in their play
preferences: boys tend to prefer pretend
As the array of nongame applications play based on fantasy, whereas girls tend to
widens, the gap between the genders in the prefer pretend play based on reality—a rare
theme for computer games, even those
use of home computers is diminishing. Girls designed specifically for girls (see Box 2).38
now report using home computers as often,
and with as much confidence, as boys. But as uses of computers have expanded
beyond games, the disparities between gen-
ders in home computer use have dimin-
in a mix of recreational and educational ished. A 1997 national survey conducted by
activities, and a large proportion of the the Gallup Organization found that among
program’s activities included the typical teens ages 13 to 17, boys were still more
uses of home computers, such as educa- likely than girls to report playing video
tion al software, computer games, an d games, but the same number of boys and
Internet searches and communication. girls reported using a computer each day.39
Furthermore, boys and girls reported equal
Narrowing of Gender Gap in levels of computer usage and expressed
Computer Use equal levels of confidence in their computer
Boys traditionally have been heavier users skills.40 Other research has similarly found
of h ome computers th an girls, mostly parity between the genders in the reported
because of their interest in playing com- use of home computers for schoolwork and
puter games. Some research has indicated other nongame applications, especially with
that the gender difference in home com- respect to certain Internet activities. For
puter use spills over to schools, with girls instance, a 1999 national survey found that
also lagging behind boys in the use of except for playing games, 8- to 13-year-olds
school computers, and even perceiving reported no gender differences in the in-
school computers to “belong more” to school and out-of-school use of computers
boys.33 As a result, concerns have been for chatting, visiting Web sites, using e-mail,
raised that girls may not acquire the impor- doing schoolwork, or using the computer
tant computer literacy skills that will keep to do a job.11 The picture is similar for 14- to
them academically and professionally on 18-year-olds, except that older boys visit sig-
par with males, particularly in the technol- nificantly more Web sites than do older
ogy-based careers of the future. Recent data girls.
suggest, h owever, th at as th e array of
n on game application s widen s, th e gap Thus, contrary to early fears, recent
between the genders in the use of home trends suggest that girls have no inherent
computers is diminishing. Girls now report problem with computer technology—they
using home computers as often, and with as merely require functions that fit their inter-
much confidence, as boys. ests. It remains to be seen, however, whether
girls’ adoption of the newer applications of
The core audience for computer game computer technology will result in their
systems, such as Nintendo or Sega, always increased participation in technology-based
has been boys between ages 8 and 14. careers in the future.
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 131

Box 2

Video Games for Girls

Barbie Fashion Designer, a computer game that has become extremely popular
with girls, enables players to design and construct outfits for Barbie that can be
printed, assembled, and actually worn by the doll. The game has sold upwards of
1.75 million copies since its introduction in September 1996. ( To give some per-
spective, Myst, the best-selling computer game ever, has sold 5.5 million units since
1994.) In contrast, other efforts by the software industry to appeal to girls by cre-
ating nonviolent computer games with female protagonists, for example, have been
largely unsuccessful. Although a number of other Barbie games have become best
sellers among girls, the phenomenal success of Barbie Fashion Designer relative
to other Barbie games does not appear to stem from the mere presence of Barbie
and its nonviolent content, but from the fact that it contained features that fit in
with girls’ play and their tastes in reading and literature in general. By helping
girls create outfits for Barbie, the computer became a creative tool that fit well
with girls’ preferences for more reality-based pretend play that reflects their every-
day experiences.

Source: Subrahmanyam, K., and Greenfield, P.M. Computer games for girls: What makes them play? In From Barbie to
Mortal Kombat: Gender and computer games. J. Cassell and H. Jenkins, eds. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998.

Effects on Social with others to gain social competence, con-

cerns have been raised that children who
Development and form “electronic friendships” with comput-
Relationships ers instead of friendships with their peers
The use of home computers not only can might be hindered in developing their inter-
influence children’s cognitive and academic personal skills.43 More than one-fifth of all
skills, but can also shape children’s social children between ages 8 and 18 report
interactions and development. In children’s having a computer in their bedroom,11 sug-
interactions with parents and other adult gesting that the computer often may be used
authority figures, one obvious effect has in solitude, robbing children of time for
been the frequent reversal of the traditional other social activities and interfering with
parent-child relationship with the computer- the development and maintenance of
savvy child taking on the role of teacher to friendships. Indeed, one recent survey
the parent. Several studies have found, for found that, among junior high and high
example, that teenagers are more likely to school students, more than 60% of all their
help their parents with computers than par- computer time is spent alone.11 However,
ents are to help their children—with boys much of children’s “alone time” on comput-
disproportionately helping their fathers and ers appears actually to be spent extending
girls disproportionately helping their moth- social relationships by connecting with
ers.41 In addition, some have hypothesized others through interpersonal communica-
that the equality in online communications tion applications via the Internet. An
among computer users of all ages tends to overview of the research examining the
erode authority structures, with the result social effects of children’s use of comput-
that children will be less accepting of ers—from the impact of game playing on
parental authority.42 friendships and aggressive behavior to the
impact of the Internet on relationships and
With respect to interactions with peers, psychological well-being—is provided below.
the effects of computer use again appear to
depend as much on the type of activity Social Effects of Playing
engaged in while on the computer as on the Computer Games
amount of time spent in front of a screen. As mentioned earlier, game playing has long
Because of the importance of interacting been the predominant use of home com-
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132 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

PHOTO OMITTED

puters among children—especially among one leisure activity at the expense of others
younger boys. Although the available will hamper social and educational develop-
research indicates that moderate game play- ment.47 Indeed, one study of fourth- to
ing has little social impact on children, con- twelfth-grade students found that those who
cerns nonetheless have been raised about reported playing arcade video games or pro-
excessive game playing, especially when the gramming their home computer for more
games contain violence. Research suggests than an hour per day, on average, tended to
that playing violent computer games can believe they had less control over their lives
increase children’s aggressive behavior in compared with their peers.48 In addition,
other situations. some evidence suggests that repeated play-
ing of violent computer games may lead to
Moderate Game-Playing Appears increased aggressiveness and hostility and
Benign desensitize children to violence.49
Existing research indicates that moderate
game playing does not significantly impact Links to Violent Behavior Raise
children’s social skills and relationships with Concerns
friends and family either positively or nega- Although educational software for home
tively. Studies often found no differences in computer use includes many games that
the “sociability” and social interactions of encourage positive, pro-social behaviors by
computer game players versus nonplayers,44 rewarding players who cooperate or share,
but a few studies found some mildly positive the most popular entertainment software
effects. For example, one study found that often involves games with competition and
frequent game players met friends outside aggression,50 and the amount of aggression
school more often than less frequent play- and violence has increased with each new
ers.45 Another study of 20 families with new generation of games.51 A content analysis of
home computer game sets explored the recent popular Nintendo and Sega Genesis
benefits and dangers of playing games and computer games found that nearly 80% of
found that computer games tended to bring the games had aggression or violence as an
family members together for shared play objective.52 One survey of seventh- and
and interaction.46 eighth-grade students found that half of
their favorite games had violent themes.34
Less is known, however, about the long- Yet parents often are unaware of even the
term effects of excessive computer use most popular violent titles, despite the rating
among the 7% to 9% of children who play system from the Entertainment Software
computer games for 30 hours per week or Ratings Board in place since September
more.35 It has been suggested that spending 1994 (see Box 3). In a 1998 survey, 80% of
a disproportionate amount of time on any junior high students said they were familiar
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 133

Box 3

Computer Game Rating System

Since 1994, computer games have carried the ratings of the Entertainment
Software Ratings Board ( ESRB) . The ESRB ratings of age appropriateness ( for
example, early childhood, teen, mature) appear on the front of the computer
game box. On the back of the box, ESRB provides descriptors of game content in
various areas of concern, such as violence, language, sex, and gaming. The ESRB
uses the following phrases to describe violent content in games:
Mild Animated Violence: Contains scenes involving cartoon/ animated/ pixi-
lated characters in the depiction of unsafe or hazardous acts or violent situa-
tions.
Mild Realistic Violence: Contains scenes involving characters in the depiction of
unsafe or hazardous acts or violent situations in realistic or photographic detail.
Comic Mischief: Contains scenes depicting activities that have been character-
ized as slapstick or gross vulgar humor.
Animated Violence: Contains depictions of aggressive conflict involving car-
toon/ animated/ pixilated characters.
Realistic Violence: Contains realistic or photographic-like depictions of body parts.
Animated Blood and Gore: Animated/ pixilated or cartoon-like depictions of
mutilation or dismemberment of body parts.
Realistic Blood and Gore: Representations of blood and/ or gore in realistic or
photographic-like detail.
Animated Blood: Animated/ pixilated or cartoon-like depictions of blood.
Realistic Blood: Representations of blood in realistic or photographic-like detail.

Source: Entertainment Software Ratings Board. Rating categories and content descriptors. Available on the ESRB Web site
at http://www.esrb.org/rating.html.

with Duke Nukem—a violent computer Numerous studies have shown that
game rated “mature” (containing animated watching violent television programs and
blood, gore, and violence and strong sexual films increases children’s and adults’ aggres-
content), but fewer than 5% of parents had sion and hostility56; thus, it is plausible that
heard of it.53 playing violent computer games would have
similar effects. The research on violent com-
In the wake of violent incidents involving puter games suggests that there is, indeed,
children and teens, such as the massacre at an association between playing such games
Columbine High School in Littleton, and increased aggression, and that the criti-
Colorado, in 1999, concern over the violent cal variable is a preference for playing
content of computer games has taken on an aggressive games, rather than the amount of
increasing sense of urgency for many par- time spent playing.57 Several experimental
ents, educators, and policymakers. The studies suggest that playing a violent game,
Columbine case particularly has highlighted even for brief periods, has short-term trans-
the role of video games because the shooters fer effects, such as increased aggression in
were described as being “obsessed with the children’s free play,58 hostility to ambiguous
violent video game Doom—in which the play- questions,59 and aggressive thoughts.60 For
ers try to rack up the most kills—and played example, one study of third and fourth
it every afternoon.”54 In fact, the Web site of graders found that those children who
one of the shooters had a customized version played a violent game (Mortal Kombat II)
of Doom that resembled a simulation of the responded more violently to three of six
later attack on Columbine High.55 open-ended questions than did children
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134 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

Box 4

Communication Options via the Internet

Electronic mail (e-mail): Notes and letters sent electronically from one user to one or
more others. E-mail uses technology to store and forward messages, so that messages
sent at one time can be received at a later time, when the sender is no longer online.
Although most electronic mail consists entirely of text, recent e-mail services can
include pictures, sound files, and other multimedia documents.
Listservs: Address lists for the distribution of e-mails related to particular topics.
Usenet news groups: Electronic bulletin boards on particular topics where e-mail mes-
sages can be posted; users can access messages without being specifically identified as
an addressee.
Chat rooms: Communication system organized around particular topics that allows
users to exchange e-mails in real time; they can be either public with open access or pri-
vate with restricted access.
Multiuser domains: Real-time communication systems similar to chat rooms, but orga-
nized around role-playing games.
Instant Messages (or “buddy lists”): Software that informs the user when friends or col-
leagues are online and enables private, one-to-one, text-based conversations.

who played a nonviolent computer game In one recent study, the HomeNet pro-
( basketball) . Furthermore, it has been ject, researchers conducted an in-depth
found that children who have a preference analysis of the effects of acquiring access to
for and play aggressive computer games the Internet among a group of 93 families
demonstrate less pro-social behavior, such as (see Box 5). The study found that 10- to 19-
donating money or helping someone.61 year-olds (referred to inclusively as “teens”)
were especially likely to report using the
Studies of television have found that con- Internet for social purposes. Compared with
tinued exposure to violence and aggression the adults in the study, teens—and especially
desensitizes children to others’ suffering,62 girls—liked using the Internet for commu-
but studies of computer games have not yet nicating with friends, meeting new people,
explored such a link. At least since the 1980s, getting personal help, and joining groups.65
however, both the U.S. and British military Teens told researchers that keeping up with
have used violent video games for training, both local and distant friends was an impor-
reportedly to desensitize soldiers to the suf- tant use of the Internet for them, and they
fering of their targets and to make them often used the Internet for keep-in-touch
more willing to kill.63 communications involving small talk, gossip,
and news of the day, with a “here-and-now”
Social Effects of Communicating flavor. As discussed further below, the two-
via the Internet year study documented that, despite the use
Using computers to communicate with of the Internet for such social purposes,
others is an increasingly popular activity— teens who spent more time online experi-
especially among teen girls.64 Teens fre- enced greater declines in social and psycho-
quen tly m ake social con tacts on lin e logical well-being during their first year with
through the various options now available access to the Internet. Over time, however,
on the Internet ( see Box 4) . Research sug- these effects appeared to diminish.
gests that the social effects of such com-
p u ter u se m ay d ep en d , in p ar t, on Evidence of Initial Increases in
whether these on lin e social con tacts are Loneliness and Depression
with fam ily and friends, or with strangers Among both teens and adults in the
and acquaintances. HomeNet project, greater use of the Internet
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 135

Box 5

The HomeNet Project

The HomeNet Project was a field trial by researchers at Carnegie Mellon University,
studying home use of the Internet by 93 families in the Pittsburgh area between 1995
and 1998. By reducing economic and technological barriers to the use of computers
and the Internet from home, the study sought to learn how a diverse sample of fam-
ilies would use the technology when provided with the opportunity for the first time.
Starting in 1995, the study provided the families who were participating, including
208 adults and 110 older children ages 10 to 19, with home computers and connec-
tions to the Internet. Data about how these family members used the Internet were
then collected for two years through in-home interviews, periodic questionnaires,
and machine records that garnered information automatically whenever family
members went online. The goal of the study was to provide a rich picture of the fac-
tors encouraging or discouraging use of the Internet, the manner the Internet was
used, and the impact of such use over time. The machine records of weekly usage,
averaged across approximately two years of data, show that among the sample of
HomeNet children studied, Internet usage averaged about 3 hours a week during
weeks when they used it, and more than 10% used it more than 16 hours per week.
Children in the study were much heavier users of the Internet and all its services than
were their parents.

Sources: Kraut, R., Scherlis, W., Mukhopadhyay, T., et al. The HomeNet field trial of residential Internet services. Communications
of the ACM (1996) 39:55–63; and Kraut, R., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., et al. Internet paradox: A social technology that
reduces social involvement and psychological well-being? American Psychologist (1998) 53:1017–31.

during the first year of access was associated tionships generally supplemented tele-
with small but statistically significant declines phone and face-to-face visits, but rarely
in social involvement as measured by com- replaced th ese older com m un ication
munication within the family, size of social modes. Teens in the study told researchers
networks, and feelings of loneliness.66 they would hurry home from school to have
Greater use of the Internet also was associ- e-mail conversations with the friends they
ated with increases in depression. In this had just left. After going off to college, stu-
study, those who were lonely or depressed dents frequently used e-mail to correspond
were not more drawn to the Internet. with their parents and to keep up with high
Rather, the HomeNet results suggest that school friends.
using the Internet in itself caused the declines
in social well-being.67 It is unclear, however, HomeNet participants communicated
whether these effects were because the time online mostly with “strong tie” relationships,
spent using the Internet was substituting for but they also created new online relation-
time previously spent engaged in social activi- ships with strangers they met through the
ties, or because social relationships created use of Usenet news groups, listservs, multi-
online provided less social support than those user domains (MUDs), and chat rooms (see
grounded in the offline world.68 Box 4). Although adults made more of their
new online relationships through Usenet
The majority of HomeNet participants’ newsgroups and listservs, teens made more
online social relationships had their roots of their new online relationships through
outside the Internet. Thus, online commu- MUDs and chat rooms, which they said they
nications among HomeNet participants, all frequented for the express purpose of inter-
of whom were Internet neophytes, were acting with strangers. Adolescence in the
used primarily to keep up with close United States is typically characterized by
friends and close family members—what experimentation with social relationships
sociologists term “strong ties.”69 Using the and an expansion of peer groups; thus,
computer for e-mail in these online rela- teens’ use of the Internet for such social
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136 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

PHOTO OMITTED

experimentation is consistent with this devel- Changes in Effects Over Time

opmental stage in their lives.70 After having Internet access for about a year,
however, HomeNet participants no longer
Online communications with strangers experienced declines in social well-being or
and acquaintances, however, represent rel- increased loneliness, despite continued use
atively “weak tie” relationships that typically of the Internet. As with many learning
provide less social support than offline rela- processes, initial exposure may have gener-
tionships with family and friends.71 Along ated dramatic changes in behavior that less-
with participan ts in oth er studies, ened over time.75 For example, the novelty
HomeNet participants reported they felt of Internet access may have initially tempted
less close to those they communicated with teens to spend more time online than was
online compared to those they communi- good for them, to frequent Web sites that
cated with face-to-face. Less time was spent did not really interest them, and to commu-
“together” in online relationships, and such nicate with others in “weak tie” relationships
relationships tended to exist for a shorter which did not really engage them. Then, as
time.72 Strong relationships can be built the novelty wore off, teens may have begun
from contacts made online, but generally using the Internet more wisely, in ways better
such relationships require revealing one’s aligned with their true interests, such as
“real self” (as opposed to role playing, as is communicating online more with those with
often the case in a MUD or chat room) and whom they had “strong tie” relationships.
benefit from being reinforced by contacts
offline.73 In the HomeNet study, however, In addition, the Internet itself has
the online relationships created by partici- changed over time. During 1995 and 1996,
pants typically remained in the electronic for example, when HomeNet respondents
domain, rarely resulting in face-to-face were using the Internet for the first time,
meetings.74 MUDs and chat rooms were the two most
popular services that could be used to com-
Thus, teens in the HomeNet study municate with other people in real time.
spending greater amounts of time online in Because these services connected anyone
their first year of access may have experi- who logged into a common site, they
enced increased loneliness and depression increased the likelihood that users would
because they spent more time in MUDs and communicate with strangers. In 1997 and
chat rooms, communicating with “weak 1998, in contrast, two new real-time commu-
ties” with whom they had no offline contact, nication services gained in popularity:
and less time communicating with “strong Instant Messenger and ICQ (“I seek you”).
ties,” who tend to provide stronger social Both of these services allow users to identify
support. a list of people and to be notified when
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 137

anyone on that list goes online. Such buddy either in instant messages or private or
lists, as they are known, increase the likeli- restricted chat rooms. Interviews with girls
hood that people will communicate with who participate in such online activity, how-
others whom they already know. In addition, ever, indicate that the information about sex
the growth in the proportion of the popula- gleaned from the Internet, including online
tion online over the past few years means sexual experiences, may actually encourage
that the close friends and relatives of the greater caution and patience when making
HomeNet participants were more likely to sexual choices in real life.76 Thus, it is impor-
have an Internet account in 1998 than in tant to examine both the informative and
1995. Thus, many different factors—from social role of online interaction.
the preferences of teens for certain types of
online activities to the evolution of the tech- In sum, existing research suggests that
nology itself—influence the nature of online the social effects of children’s computer use
communications and the social effects of vary widely, depending on the amount of
computer use on children and teens. time spent, type of activity engaged in, and
the nature of content or information deliv-
Effects of Greater Access ered. For example, the evidence suggests
to Information
As the Internet puts an increasing amount of
information at children’s fingertips, adults Existing research suggests that the social
have begun to question whether such infor- effects of children’s computer use vary widely,
mation encourages violent and sexually
promiscuous behavior. For instance, infor-
depending on the amount of time spent, type
mation about building bombs is freely avail- of activity engaged in, and the nature of
able on the Internet, and one of the content or information delivered.
Columbine students responsible for the mas-
sacre in April 1999 had detailed bomb-
making instructions on his Web site. In a poll that computer games are most likely to lead
immediately following the incident, 76% of to negative effects when the content of the
adults said they wanted Internet service games is violent. Online communications
providers to do more to monitor Web sites to may cause loneliness and depression when
identify potentially dangerous individuals, they involve “weak tie” relationships, such as
and 68% said they thought the federal gov- those resulting from encounters in MUDs
ernment should do more.54 Yet the extent to and chat rooms. And finally, increased
which increased availability of information access to sexual content via the Web may
over the Internet contributes to violent encourage premature sexual activity, but
behavior has not been systematically studied. there are indications that it also may
encourage better sexual decision making.
Similarly, the prevalence of sexually Still, many possible social effects are as yet
explicit material available on the Internet, unexplored.
including sexually explicit dialogue and the
use of imagery to simulate sexual activity (or
“cybersex”) by children and teens, is also a Effects on Perceptions
major concern that has attracted little study. of Reality
Some online communications about sex are Simulated worlds created by electronic
educational and informative, such as public games, computers, and the Internet are
listservs, message boards, and Web sites that expanding children’s experiences from real
offer teens the opportunity to share ques- to virtual. Through electronic games, chil-
tions, concerns, and experiences regarding dren interact with simulated characters and
sex.76 At the same time, some adults are con- creatures; through the Internet, teens
cerned that these discussions, along with the assume multiple identities to interact with
preponderance of online flirting and cyber- strangers—and even robots (“bots,” com-
sex among young people, will induce pre- puter programs that represent themselves as
mature sexual activity. It is difficult to assess people)—in the simulated worlds of MUDs
the extent or impact of these interactions and chat rooms.77 Computerized games and
because they often occur, not in the public the Internet move users into a world where
space of MUDs, but in private conversations the distinction between real life and simula-
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138 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

tion may not be clear, especially for children. real life. In MUDs, for example, computer-
Researchers have begun to examine how generated characters interact with charac-
this shift from reality to simulation may influ- ters operated by real people and sometimes
ence children’s development. fool people into thinking they are human.77
Even the characters operated by real people
For example, one noted researcher, are often mixtures of fantasy and reality. In a
Sherry Turkle, found that some children study of LamdaMOO, one of the largest and
may have difficulty understanding the oldest role-playing systems, participants
boundaries between real and artificial life between the ages of 15 and 45 reported com-
when engaged in simulation computer municating primarily through characters
games.78 Such confusion concerning what it that tended to be slightly idealized, fanciful,
means to be “alive” occurred among chil- or distorted versions of themselves, and
dren of all ages. For example, one 10-year-old about half the respondents reported com-
thought that the creatures in the computer municating at least sometimes under multi-
game SimLife were “a little alive in the game,” ple identities.82
and that if you turned off the modem, they
would go away, but if the modem stayed on, In another analysis of MUDs based on an
the creatures could “get out of your com- extensive set of interviews, Turkle described
puter and go to America Online.” Even one the role playing of a Midwestern college
junior who communicated as four different
characters across three different MUDs—a
One never knows whether one is interacting seductive woman, a macho cowboy, a rabbit
with a “real self” or with someone’s of unspecified gender, and a furry animal.
The student explained how the various com-
alternative identity. In such a MUD, the
puter screens, or windows, make it possible
distinction between fantasy and reality is to turn portions of his mind on and off: “I
truly blurred. just turn on one part of my mind and then
another when I go from window to window
. . . ‘rl’ [real life] is just one more window,
15-year-old said that the whole point of and it’s not usually my best one.”83
SimLife was to show that you could “get
things that are alive in the computer,” and Such role playing might seem a develop-
that just as “we get energy from the sun, the mental outgrowth of children’s fantasy play,
organisms in the computer get energy from which evolves into adult drama and film;
the plug in the wall.” however, unlike most theatrical role playing,
one never knows whether one is interacting
Beyond games played on traditional with a character that is a “real self” or with a
computer screens, the rise in popularity of character that is someone’s alternative iden-
small interactive game-toys, such as virtual tity. In such a MUD, the distinction between
pets, represent a new level of integration of fantasy and reality is truly blurred.84 The few
computer simulation into the social world studies that have examined how computer
of children.79 A virtual pet is a hand-held, role-playing games affect perceptions of real-
interactive electronic game, somewhat more ity and subsequent interactions with others
popular among girls, that requires the in the real world suggest the effects can be
owner to take care of it to prevent it from quite strong. For example, in a study of the
“dying.” Similar to other computer games participation in a violent virtual reality game,
and devices, it beeps to attract attention and researchers found that college students who
displays various icons on a screen whose were immersed in the simulation were more
meanings and functions must be deci- likely to have aggressive thoughts than those
phered—in this case, indicating the virtual who merely observed the game.85 The effects
pet’s immediate need for food, sleep, play, may be even stronger for younger children,
or medicine.80 To a much greater extent than who are less able to discriminate between
other computer games, however, children are fantasy and reality.
encouraged to think of virtual pets as “real.”81
Whereas most studies of MUDs describe
Role-playing games on the Internet rein- the experiences of older children and
force this integration of simulated life into adults, younger children also are beginning
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 139

to participate more frequently in MUDs, findings in this article are only suggestive.
where they learn how to form multiple iden- There is a pressing need for more systematic
tities and relate to a simulated social world. research across the broad range of topics dis-
Turkle observed even eight- and nine-year- cussed to better understand the effects of
olds entering MUDs and playing such grade- computer use on children’s physical, intel-
school icons as Barbie or the Mighty lectual, and social development. The follow-
Morphin Power Rangers.86 As simulation ing are some of the most pressing of these
becomes more prevalent in children’s daily research issues.
lives—from playing video games to caring
for virtual pets to role playing in MUDs—it First, most time-use data have been gath-
becomes increasingly important to under- ered through self-reports or, in the case of
stand the impact of these virtual experiences children, self-reports and reports by parents,
on children’s developing identities and views usually in telephone surveys. Despite their
of the world. overall usefulness for sampling large num-
bers of people, self-report survey data are
Conclusions, Policy beset by problems of accuracy and reliability
stemming from memory limitations and
Implications, and Future inaccurate estimations by respondents—
Research Needs especially when children are involved. More
Children’s daily use of computers is increas- reliable methods of data collection exist,
ing both at school and at home. Although
children still spend more time watching tele-
vision than using computers, use of home Research especially is needed on the newer
computers is growing rapidly, adding to their generation of video games and Internet
total “screen time.” And although boys tradi- applications that are now available, such
tionally have used home computers more
than girls, mostly to play games, girls are as multiuser online games, MUDs, and
catching up as they use Internet communi- instant messaging.
cation activities to send and receive e-mail,
play with software such as Barbie Fashion
Designer, and care for computer-simulated such as using the computer itself to track
virtual pets. Thus, both boys and girls will who is using the computer, the applications
increasingly face the issues identified in this used, and the Web sites visited.87 But such
article, but a great deal is still unknown. methods have not been widely used because
they are more expensive and time-consum-
The strongest evidence examining how ing to carry out—and they raise concerns
home computer use affects children builds regarding privacy. Nevertheless, to derive
on the studies of television concerning phys- more accurate estimates of the time children
ical effects and violent content. The evi- spend on home computers and the Internet
dence on physical effects links the sedentary and of the time children are not spending
nature of computer use to an increased risk on other activities, such as reading, sports,
of obesity. Children should limit their time and real-world social pursuits, however,
with media and should be taught to use com- more research using computer tracking is
puters safely to avoid the types of eye, back, needed.
and wrist injuries that have plagued adult
computer users. In addition, the evidence Second, although computers and the
on violent content links exposure to violent Internet are widely used by children for
computer games to increased aggressive schoolwork and to obtain information, more
behavior. Stronger actions are needed on and better evidence is needed to support the
the part of policymakers and software devel- claim that home computer use can improve
opers to reevaluate the content of games tar- school performance. More research is nec-
geted to children, to help parents choose essary to determine if use of home comput-
appropriate games for their children, and to ers can have significant, long-term effects on
monitor violent content on the Web. cognitive skills and academic achievement.

For the most part, however, research in And third, children and adolescents are
this field is still in its infancy, and most of the spending increasing amounts of time using
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140 THE FUTURE OF CHILDREN – FALL/WINTER 2000

home computers to play multiuser games now available, such as multiuser online
and to communicate with others through games, MUDs, and instant messaging.
the Internet. There is a pressing need for
research to determine the impact of exces- Clearly, much more research is needed,
sive computer and Internet use on their but the research will never be perfect. We
loneliness, social relationships, and psycho- must begin to take steps now that can help
logical well-being. Research especially is maximize the positive effects and minimize
needed on the newer generation of video the negative effects of home computers in
games and Internet applications that are children’s lives.

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and children . Ph iladelph ia: An n en berg Public Policy Cen ter, Un iversity of Pen n sylvan ia,
1999.
2. Turow, J. The Internet and the family: The view from the parents, the view from the press. Philadelphia:
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5. Kraut, R., Scherlis, W., Mukhopadhyay, T., et al. The HomeNet field trial of residential
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University of Pennsylvania, 1998, p. 21.
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information behavior: A time budget survey in Japan. Social Indicators Research (1997)
42:151–69.
8. Nielsen Media Research. TV viewing in Internet households. New York: Nielsen Media Research,
May 1999. Available online at http:/ / www.nielsenmedia.com.
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New York: Media Metrix, July 12, 1999. Available online at
http:/ / www.mediametrix.com/ usa/ press/ releases/ 19990712.jsp.
10. See Coffey, S., and Stipp, H. The interactions between computer and television usage. Journal
of Advertising Research (1997) 37:61–67.
11. Roberts, D.F., Foehr, U.G., Rideout, V.J., et al. Kids and media at the new millennium. Menlo
Park, CA: Kaiser Family Foundation, November 1999.
12. Hill, J.O., and Peter, J.C. Environmental contributions to the obesity epidemic. Science (1998)
280:1371–74; see also U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Physical activity and
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Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Chronic Disease
Prevention and Health Promotion, 1996.
13. Gortmaker, S.L., Must, A., Sobol, A.M., et al. Television viewing as a cause of increasing
obesity among children in the United States, 1986–90. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent
Medicine (April 1996) 150:356–62; Dietz, W.H., Jr., and Gortmaker, S.L. Do we fatten our chil-
dren at the television set? Obesity and television viewing in children and adolescents. Pediatrics
(1985) 75:807–12; Andersen, R.E., Crespo, C.J., and Bartlett, S.J. Relationship of physical
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14. See note no. 12, Hill and Peter.
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Academy had earlier advised that television viewing should be limited to no more than one to
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16. Provenzo, E.F. Jr. The video generation. The American School Board Journal (March 1992)
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 141

17. Whether electronic games are played on a stand-alone game set (for example, Nintendo or
Sega), an arcade console, or a computer, they all share essentially the same capabilities and
interactive nature, and thus are also likely to share the same risks.
18. See Glista, G.G., Frank, H.G., and Tracy, W.F. Video games and seizures. Arch Neurology (1983)
40:588; see also Edson, A.S., Harding, G.F.A., Fylan, F., et al. Pattern sensitive mechanisms in
computer game seizures. Seizure (1996) 5:160.
19. Graf, W.D., Chatrian, G., Glass, S.T., et al. Video game-related seizures: A report on 10
patients and a review of the literature. Pediatrics (1994) 93:551–56. Mean age of those
included in the study was 13.2 years.
20. Badinand-Hubert, N., Bureau, M., Hirsch, E., et al. Epilepsies and video games: Results of a
multicentric study. Electroencephalography and Clinical Neurophysiology (1998) 107:422–27.
21. Brasington, R. Nintendinitis. New England Journal of Medicine (1990) 322:1473–74.
22. Mendels, P. School computers may harm posture. New York Times. January 17, 1999, p. 16.
23. Most of the research was conducted on an older generation of computer games, but because
the fundamental nature of computer games has remained unchanged, it is expected the
nature of the effects would likely remain the same (although the strength of the effects on
visual intelligence skills studied could increase with the increasing sophistication of the graphics).
24. For example, similarities have been noted between the spatial visualization skills developed by
computer games such as Tetris, and the “Object Assembly” subtests of the Weschler intelli-
gence test for children and adults. See Greenfield, P.M. The cultural evolution of IQ. In The
rising curve: Long-term gains in IQ and related measures. U. Neisser, ed. Washington, DC:
American Psychological Association, 1998; see also Okagaki, L., and Frensch, P.A. Effects of
video game playing on measures of spatial performance: Gender effects in late adolescence.
Special issue: Effects of interactive entertainment technologies on development. Journal of
Applied Developmental Psychology (1994) 15:33–58.
25. Flynn, J.R. IQ gains over time. In Encyclopaedia of human intelligence. R.J. Sternberg, ed. New
York: Macmillan, 1994, pp. 617–23.
26. See note no. 24, Greenfield.
27. Bork, A. Personal computing for education . New York: Harper and Row, 1985, p. 170.
28. According to a 1999 NPD Online Research omnibus survey, two out of three children in
computer-owning households use the computer for school-related activities. See the article
by Becker in this journal issue for further analyses of data on home computer use.
29. See note no. 4, Lexmark International, Inc.
30. Sparks, Judith A. The effect of microcomputers in the home on computer literacy test scores.
Central Missouri State University, 1986. See also Nichols, L.M. The influence of student
computer-ownership and in-home use on achievement in an elementary school computer
programming curriculum. Journal of Educational Computing Research (1992) 4:407–21; see also
Linn, M., and Dalbey, J. Cognitive consequences of programming instruction. Educational
Psychologist (1985) 20:191–206.
31. Rocheleau, B. Computer use by school-age children: Trends, patterns and predictors. Journal
of Educational Computing Research (1995) 1:1–17.
32. Blanton, W.E., Moorman, G.B., Hayes, B.A., et al. Effects of participation in the Fifth
Dimension on far transfer. Boone, NC: Laboratory on Technology and Learning,
Appalachian State University College of Education, May 30, 2000. Available online at
http:/ / www.ced.appstate.edu/ projects/ 5dClhse/ publications/ tech/ effects/ ef_method.html.
See also Cole, M. Cultural psychology: A once and future discipline. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1996.
33. Cassell, J., and Jenkins, H. Chess for girls? Feminism and computer games. In From Barbie to
Mortal Kombat: Gender and computer games. J. Cassell and H. Jenkins, eds. Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press, 1998, p. 12.
34. Funk, J. Reevaluating the impact of video games. Clinical Pediatrics (1993) 2:86–89. Funk
found that 67% of the girls spent an average of two hours per week playing computer games,
whereas 90% of the boys spent an average of more than four hours per week.
35. Griffiths, M.D., and Hunt, N. Computer game playing in adolescence: Prevalence and demo-
graphic indicators. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology (1995) 5:189–93; Elmer-
Dewitt, P. The amazing video game boom. Time. September 27, 1993, pp. 54–59; see also note
no. 11, Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, et al.

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36. Harrell, J.S., Gansky, S.A., Bradley, C.B., et al. Leisure time activities of elementary school chil-
dren. Nursing Research (1997) 46:246–53.
37. Malone, T.W. Toward a theory of intrinsically motivating instruction. Cognitive Science (1981)
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38. Subrahmanyam, K., and Greenfield, P.M. Computer games for girls: What makes them play?
In From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender and computer games. J. Cassell and H. Jenkins, eds.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998.
39. Gallup Organization, in conjunction with CNN, USA Today, and the National Science
Foundation. U.S. teens and technology. 1997. Available online at
http:/ / www.nsf.gov/ od/ lpa/ nstw/ teenov.htm.
40. Overall, boys reported slightly more time on computers in the past week compared to girls
(4.7 versus 4.1 hours). This difference was the result of a small number of boys who reported
using the computer for more than 20 hours a week.
41. Kiesler, S., Lundmark, V., Zdaniuk, B., et al. Troubles with the Internet: The dynamics of help
at home. Unpublished manuscript. Carnegie Mellon University, 1998. See also note no. 39,
Gallup Organization.
42. Some researchers believe this effect is a continuation of a phenomenon that was begun by
television. See Meyrowitz, J. No sense of place. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1985.
43. Griffiths, M.D. Friendship and social development in children and adolescents: The impact of
electronic technology. Educational and Child Psychology (1997) 14:25–37; see also Dworetzky, J.
Child development. 6th ed. Saint Paul, MN: West Publishing Company, 1996.
44. Phillips, C.A., Rolls, S., Rouse, A., et al. Home video game playing in schoolchildren: A study
of incidence and patterns of play. Journal of Adolescence (1995) 18:687–91; see also Rutkowska,
J.C., and Carlton, T. Computer games in 12- to 13-year-olds’ activities and social networks.
Paper presented at the British Psychological Society Annual Conference, 1994.
45. Colwell, J., Grady, C., and Rhaiti, S. Computer games, self esteem, and gratification of needs
in adolescents. Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology (1995) 5:195–206.
46. Mitchell, E. The dynamics of family interaction around home video games. Special issue:
Personal computers and the family. Marriage and Family Review (1985) 8:121–35.
47. See note no. 43, Griffiths.
48. Wiggins, J.D. Measured self-esteem and locus of control of students related to video game,
home computer, and television viewing involvement: Final report-AACD Foundation
Research Project. Alexandria, VA: American Association of Counseling and Human
Development Foundation, 1985.
49. Provenzo, E.F. Jr. Video kids: Making sense of Nintendo. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1991.
50. Aggression here refers to both verbal and nonverbal physical actions that threaten or attack
another individual or character, such as verbal threats and physical assaults, as well as more
extreme violent actions, such as killing or shooting another character.
51. The first game, Pong, was nonviolent. Aggression started in the second generation with
Breakout, which involved destruction but no human aggression. The next generation of pop-
ular games, such as The Empire Strikes Back, involved human aggression and became more
personal, with hand-to-hand combat in games such as Mortal Kombat. Violence continues to
reign in the current generation of action games that include titles such as Doom, Duke
Nukem, Mace, Hexen II, Kingpin, and Mortal Kombat II. See note no. 38, Subrahmanyam
and Greenfield.
52. Dietz, T.L. An examination of violence and gender role portrayals in video games:
Implications for gender socialization and aggressive behavior. Sex Roles (1998) 38:425–42.
53. Oldberg, C. Children and violent video games: A warning. New York Times. December 15,
1998, at A16.
54. Glick, D., Keene-Osborn, S., Gegax, T.T., et al. Anatomy of a massacre. Newsweek. May 3, 1999,
p. 24. A review of the Columbine High School shootings.
55. See note no. 54, Glick, Keene-Osborn, Gegax, et al.; see also Murphy, K. Warning signs of
massacre were hidden in plain sight. Los Angeles Times. May 9, 1999, at A1, A20–21.
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ues. Psychological Bulletin (1986) 100:364–71; Zillmann, D., and Weaver, J. Psychoticism in the
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The Impact of Home Computer Use on Children’s Activities and Development 143

preferred means of conflict resolution. Personality and Individual Differences (May 1997)
22:613–27; Zillman, D., and Weaver, J. Effects of prolonged exposure to gratuitous media vio-
lence on provoked and unprovoked hostile behavior. Journal of Applied Social Psychology (1999)
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57. The research based on self-reported data focused on the amount of time spent playing
games, rather than the type of games played, with mixed results. For instance, a study of 6th
through 12th graders found that the amount of computer game play was positively correlated
with self-reported aggression, as well as teachers’ ratings of aggression, for students studied.
See Fling, S., Smith, L., Rodriguez, T., et al. Videogames, aggression, and self-esteem: A
survey. Social Behavior and Personality (1992) 20:39–45. However, another study of students ages
10 to 14 found no relation between amount of computer game playing and the likelihood of
being nominated by their peers for aggressive behavior. See van Schie, E., and Wiegman, O.
Children and videogames: Leisure activities, aggression, social integration, and school perfor-
mance. Journal of Applied Social Psychology (1997) 27:1175–94; see also Wiegman, O., and van
Schie, E. Video game playing and its relations with aggressive and pro-social behavior. British
Journal of Social Psychology (1998) 37:367–78.
58. Irwin, A.R., and Gross, A.M. Cognitive tempo, violent video games, and aggressive behavior
in young boys. Journal of Family Violence (1995) 10:337–50; Schutte, N.S., Malouff, J.M.,
Post-Gorden, J.C., et al. Effects of playing videogames on children’s aggressive and other
behaviors. Journal of Applied Social Psychology (1988) 18:454–60; Silvern, S.B., and Williamson,
P.A. The effects of video game play on young children’s aggression, fantasy, and pro-social
behavior. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology (1987) 8:453–62; Cooper, J., and Mackie, D.
Video games and aggression in children. Journal of Applied Social Psychology (1986) 16:726–44.
59. Kirsh, S.J. Seeing the world through Mortal Kombat-colored glasses: Violent video games and
the development of a short-term hostile attribution bias. Childhood: A Global Journal of Child
Research (1998) 5:177–84.
60. Graybill, D., Kirsch, J.R., and Esselman, E.D. Effects of playing violent versus non-violent video
games on the aggressive ideation of aggressive and non-aggressive children. Child Study Journal
(1985) 15:199–205.
61. Chambers, J.H., and Ascione, F.R. The effects of pro-social and aggressive videogames on chil-
dren’s donating and helping. Journal of Genetic Psychology (1987) 148:499–505; see also note
no. 57, Wiegman and van Schie.
62. Rule, B.G., and Ferguson, T.J. The effects of media violence on attitudes, emotions, and
cognitions. Journal of Social Issues (1986) 42:29–50; see also Drabman, R.S., and Thomas, M.H.
Does media violence increase children’s toleration of real-life aggression? Developmental
Psychology (1974) 10:418–24.
63. Kiddoo, T. Pacman meets G.I. Joe? Soldiers (1982) 37:20–23; Nawrocki, L.H., and Winner, J.L.
Video games: Instructional potential and classification. Journal of Computer-Based Instruction
(1983) 10:80–82; Trachtman, P. A generation meets computers on the playing fields of Atari.
Smithsonian. September 1981, pp. 51–61; Platoni, K. The Pentagon goes to the video arcade.
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Subrahmanyam and Greenfield; and note no. 1, Stanger and Gridina.
65. These comparisons hold true even when controlling for the greater number of hours per
week that teens are online compared to adults. Use of the Internet for social purposes was
especially strong among girls who, though spending less time on the Internet than boys over-
all, spent more of their online time sending and receiving e-mail messages.
66. The study included measurements of the number of minutes members of the panel
reported talking to other household members, the number of people they reported keeping
up with (both locally and nationally), and their levels of daily-life stress, depression, and social
support.
67. Results show that the variables of social involvement and psychological well-being measured
before respondents got their Internet connections did not predict how much they subse-
quently used the Internet. Because initial social involvement and psychological well-being
were generally not associated with subsequent use of the Internet, these findings imply that
the direction of causation is more likely to run from use of the Internet to declines in social
involvement and psychological well-being, rather than the reverse.
68. Krackhardt, D. The strength of strong ties: The importance of Philos in organizations.
In Networks and organizations: Structure, form and action . N. Nohria and R. Eccles, eds. Boston:
Harvard Business School Press, 1994.
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69. Granovetter, M. The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology (1973) 73:1361–80.
70. Cole, M., and Cole, S.R. The development of children . 3rd ed. New York: W.H. Freeman, 1996; see
also Brown, B.B., Mounts, N., Lamborn, S.D., et al. Parenting practices and peer group affilia-
tion in adolescence. Child Development (1993) 64:467–82.
71. Wellman, B., Salaff, J., Dimitrova, D., et al. Computer networks as social networks:
Collaborative work, telework, and virtual community. Annual Review of Sociology (1996)
22:213–38.
72. Parks, M.R., and Roberts, L.D. Making MOOsic: The development of personal relationships
on-line and a comparison to their off-line counterparts. Journal of Social and Personal
Relationships (1998) 15:517–37.
73. The study was based on a survey of experienced Internet users who had chosen to engage in
online communications by posting a message to one of 20 randomly selected Usenet news-
groups. See McKenna, K.Y.A., and Bargh, J.A. Coming out in the age of the Internet: Identity
“de-marginalization” from virtual group participation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
(1998) 75:681–94; see also McKenna, K.Y.A. Can you see the real me? Formation and develop-
ment of interpersonal relationships on the Internet. New York: New York University.
Manuscript in preparation.
74. There were some exceptions, however. One teenage boy in the HomeNet sample dated a girl
he met in a chat room and took her to his senior prom, although he did not keep up contact
with her afterward.
75. Argote, L., and Epple, D. The learning curves in manufacturing. Science (1990) 247:920–24.
76. Brown, J. Girl talk. Salon.com. July 28, 1999. Available online at
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77. Turkle, S. Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the Internet. New York: Simon and Schuster,
1995, pp. 88–95.
78. See note no. 77, Turkle, p. 169.
79. See note no. 77, Turkle; see also Richard, B. Digitaler grossanFgriff auf die seelen junger men-
schen (spiegel). Die sorge um ein virtuelles wesen (tamagotchi). Paper presented at the Self-
Socialization, Child Culture, and Media Conference. Germany, University of Bielefeld, 1998.
80. See note no. 79, Richard.
81. The popularity of such simulation, or “virtual life,” has continued with the advent of the very
popular Furby, an electronic toy with fur, eyes, and ears; a 200-word vocabulary; and the abil-
ity to interact with its environment to a limited extent.
82. Schiano, D.J., and White, S. The first noble truth of cyberspace: People are people (even
when they MOO). In Proceedings, CHI ’98: Human factors in computing systems. New York:
Association of Computing Machinery, 1998, pp. 352–59. In observations made of more than
4,000 different individuals over a two-week period, more than 75% used only a single charac-
ter during that period. Of the minority who assumed multiple characters, more than 80% of
their participation occurred while they logged in under their main character, suggesting that
the use of multiple characters might not be as common as believed.
83. See note no. 77, Turkle, p. 13.
84. Dorr, A. No shortcuts to judging reality. In Watching and understanding TV: Research on children’s
attention and comprehension . P.E. Bryant and S. Anderson, eds. New York: Academic Press, 1983;
see also Greenfield, P.M. Mind and media: The effects of television, video games, and computers.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984. These works discuss the blurring of reality
and fantasy in the television medium.
85. Calvert, S.L., and Tan, S.L. Impact of virtual reality on young adults’ physiological arousal and
aggressive thoughts: Interaction versus observation. In Interacting with video. P.M. Greenfield
and R.R. Cocking, eds. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1996, pp. 67–81.
86. See note no. 77, Turkle, p. 11.
87. PC Meter data uses computer tracking. See note no. 10, Coffey and Stipp. Alternatively, in the
Experience Sampling Method, participants are paged and asked to record their activity when
paged. See Kubey, R., and Larson, R. The use and experience of the new video media among
children and young adolescents. Communication Research (1990) 17:107–30.

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