Sacks, Oliver (Ed.) - The Best American Science Writing, 2003 (HarperCollins, 2003)
Sacks, Oliver (Ed.) - The Best American Science Writing, 2003 (HarperCollins, 2003)
Sacks, Oliver (Ed.) - The Best American Science Writing, 2003 (HarperCollins, 2003)
EDITORS
FORTHCOMING
An Imprint of HorperCollinsPublishers
THE BEST AMERICAN SCIENCE WRITING
All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be used or re
produced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quota
tions embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address HarperCollins Publishers
Inc., IO East 53rd Street, New York, NY Ioo22.
HarperCollins books may be purchased for educational, business, or sales promotional use. For in
formation, please write: Special Markets Department, HarperCollins Publishers Inc., IO East 53rd
Street, New York, NY I0022.
FIRST EDITION
03 04 05 06 07 BVG/RRD IO 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2
C ont ents
NATALIE ANGIER I
Scientists Reach Out to Distant Worlds 106
ri C onte n ts
MARGARET WERTHEIM I Here There Be Draaons 111
LEONARD CASSUTO
Bia Trouble in the World ef "Bia Physics" 228
DENNIS OvERBYE I
Hawkina's Breakthrouah Is Still an Eniama 2 37
SCIENCE WRITING-unpleasant term, but what else should one call it?
first presented itself to me, as a boy, in books. I was given
The Stars in Their
Courses, by the famous astronomer James Jeans, when I was ten, and this so ex
cited me that I then wanted to read everything else he had written. I rushed to
the local public library (much of my real education came from reading in pub
]. I took
lic libraries, rather than from lessons at school), and went straight to
outThe Mysterious Universe and devoured it, then The Universe Around Us and
Through Space and Time.
Through Space and Time was based on the Christmas Lectures that Jeans
delivered at the Royal Institution in London in 1933 (this date particularly ap
pealed to me, since it was the year of my birth). Such lectures, designed for gen
eral audiences, had been an important feature of the RI's activities since its
founding in 1799· The early nineteenth century marked, in many ways, the be
ginnings of modern science (the very word "scientist" was coined only in the
i83os; there had just been "savants" and "natural philosophers" before), and
from the start, there was a need to present the latest discoveries in exciting, ac
cessible terms. Humphry Davy, the great poet-chemist who discovered the al
kali metals, and his student Michael Faraday, who went on to discover many
fundamentals of chemistry and electricity, both lectured at the Royal Institu
tion, where they attracted huge crowds and became a major part of cultural life
viii I nt roduct ion
in London; and they did much to fuel what was to become a great popular in
terest in science.
Presenting new scientific concepts and discoveries in an accessible and at
tractive form was not regarded as a contemptible activity, or as a distraction
from the actual, serious work of science. Thus between 1835 and 1860, Faraday
delivered five or more Evening Discourses every year, covering an enormous
range of topics, and he obviously enjoyed giving these. This sense of delight in
science shines through all of his lectures and writings (his Chemical History ofa
Candle, based on his famous Christmas Lectures at the RI, is still as delightful
and stimulating today as when it was first published in 1861 ) .
By the middle o f the nineteenth century, the general public, confronted by
the rapidly changing technology of the industrial revolution no less than the
revolution in understanding that was happening in chemistry, natural history,
and biology, needed a way for such scientific information to be widely dissemi
nated, and in terms the layman could readily comprehend. It was during this
period that the great museums of natural history and of science were estab
lished throughout America and Europe, and that popular science magazines
came into being. Scientific American, founded in the 1840s, was one of the first
and most distinguished of these, and it continues to be published regularly
every month, as it has for more than a hundred and fifty years. Indeed, until the
middle of the twentieth century, one could read Scientific American and stay
reasonably current with scientific development in general. But the last thirty
years or so have seen so huge an explosion in scientific knowledge, the creation
of so many new disciplines and subdisciplines, that it is no longer possible for a
single person to keep current in all fields of science, and it is difficult for any
but the most specialized to read most scientific journals.
Perhaps for this very reason, the popular appetite for good science writing
has increased too, and the venerable Scientific American has been joined by an
ever-increasing number of other magazines aimed at the nonspecialist, some
concerned exclusively with science, or with particular branches of science, and
others with occasional articles on science.
I do, I confess, voraciously read such magazines and periodicals, partly to
keep up in my own field, but also to learn what is going on, what is being dis
covered and thought in fields far from my own, but also for the excellence of
writing they often contain. I subscribe to many specialized periodicals: Neurol
ogy, Brain, and so on, because I am a neurologist; Pteridologist and its lighter
cousin, Fiddlehead Forum, because I am a fern lover; Mineralogical Record, be
cause I love minerals; Journal of the History of Neurosciences and Ambix, be
cause I am fascinated by the history of science. But I subscribe to a clutch of
Introduction ix
popular ones as well. Having just returned to my desk after a couple of weeks
away, I find a massive accumulation of these- Science News, Scien tific Ameri
can, New Scientist, Discover, National Geographic, American Scientist (to say
nothing of Science and Nature, The New Yorker, The New York Review of Books,
Harper's Magazine, and The Atlantic Monthly).
I have stuffed them all into my briefcase, wondering if I will tear the handle
off with their weight, and after dinner I will lie down on my bed (I do most of
my reading there, or in the bath), and rush through them eagerly and greedily,
picking out (sometimes razoring out) articles that stimulate me because of
new ideas or information. An omnivore, yet selective, a sort of filter-feeder, I
will extract intellectual nutrients from the articles as I extract nutrients from
my dinner. Every so often, however, I am arrested by an article because it con
tains not just new information but a highly individual point of view, a personal
perspective, a voice that compels my interest, raising what would otherwise be
a report or a review to the level of an essay marked by clarity, individuality, and
beauty of writing.
Reading an article by the late great Stephen Jay Gould always gave me this
special sense-one felt the man, his special interests and experiences (whether
his favorite snail, Cerion, punctuated equilibrium, or Gilbert and Sullivan),
and the landscape of his mind, whatever the particular theme of the article;
and one felt the highly individual choice of image and language. A Stephen Jay
Gould article was never preqictable, never dry, could not be imitated or mis
taken for anyone else's.
I am not entirely sure what makes "good" science writing (or indeed,
"good" writing of any sort), but Coleridge put it as succinctly as possible when
he advised "proper words, in proper places." The best science writing, it seems
to me, has a swiftness and naturalness, a transparency and clarity, not dogged
with pretentiousness or literary artifice. The science writer gives himself or
herself to the subject completely, does not intrude on it in an annoying or im
pertinent way, and yet gives a personal warmth and perspective to every word.
Science writing cannot be completely "objective"-how can it be, when science
itself is so human an activity?-but it is never self-indulgently subjective either.
It is, at best, a wonderful fusion, as factual as a news report, as imaginative as a
novel. It is with this in mind that I have made what is bound to be a highly par
tial and idiosyncratic selection of the best American science writing of 2002. I
have, frankly, found this to be nearly a impossible task-for I would like to
have included twenty or a hundred pieces for every one here, and to have given
every facet of science, from paleontology to psychoanalysis, its place and due.
But there is only so much one can do in a book of three hundred pages.
x I n troduction
Science writing, good science writing, is not confined to "scientific" maga
zines (though this collection, not surprisingly, includes articles that appeared
in Discover, Scientific American, and Popular Science). It is equally to be found
in general publications, such as The Washington Post, The New York Times, The
New Yorker, The New York Review of Books, Harper's Magazine, The Atlantic
Monthly, and The New Republic; as well as many less widely circulated but
highly regarded magazines such as Daedalus, Monthly Review, Mother Jones,
Tikkun, and Southwest Review; and even local and regional publications such
as LA Weekly and High Coun try News. All of these are represented in this collec
tion, as well as an online magazine, Salon.com, and Wings, the tiny journal of
the Xerces Society, dedicated to the conservation of invertebrates. A very slen
der magazine-only a dozen pages or so-that comes out every week is the ad
mirable Science News, which in addition to scientific news always contains
original articles and essays, and I am glad to be able to include a piece from this
publication.
The rules of this series prevent the inclusion of any articles from non
American authors, and thus this volume does not contain anything from two
great periodicals published in England (but freely available in the United
States) New Scientist, an extremely fine popular science weekly with no exact
-
analogue in the United States, and Nature, which not only represents a world
forum for original scientific articles ( it is just fifty years since Watson and Crick
published their famous letter in it suggesting the structure of DNA), but also
contains some of the very best science writing one is likely to see. It is similar to
its American counterpart, Science.
Though there have always been scientists who have excelled (and de
lighted) in lucid expositions of their own and others' work, and there has al
ways been coverage of major scientific discoveries in the general press, "science
writing" as such is a relatively new phenomenon, yet it is one that has already
achieved a central place in our culture, as this series attests. There are now
dozens of first-class science writers whose names are well known to every
reader, and whom one can always turn to with the near certainty of encounter
ing clarity, enthusiasm, and depth. There is the temptation, in an anthology
such as this, to rely on these tried-and-true names, but I have tried here to in
troduce new writers as well, whose names may now be unfamiliar but will not
be for long.
At the opposite end of the spectrum, Stephen Jay Gould was, unarguably,
the best known and most beloved science writer of the past quarter century. As
I write this, it is not quite a year since Steve died so prematurely, at the age of
sixty, in May 2002. Steve was everything-a field scientist, a theoretician, a his-
Introduction xi
've just reached Makao, the most remote village in the Republic of Congo.
tribes in Africa. The village long had a reputation as a poaching town, one of
the centers of the extensive and illegal African "bushmeat" trade, which, in the
Congo basin alone, still accounts, annually, for a million metric tons of meat
from animals that have been illegally killed. But since 1993 the poaching in
Makao has all but ceased, and the village has taken on another significance: it is
the back door to the Nouabale-Ndoki forest. Nouabale-Ndoki is named for
two rivers, only one of which actually exists. The name of the existing river
Ndoki-means "sorcerer" in Lingala, the lingua franca of much of the two
Congos. Nouabale doesn't mean a thing. It's a misnomer for another river, the
Mabale, inaccurately represented on a geographer's map in the faraway Con
golese capital, Brazzaville.
Nouabale-Ndoki is now a 1,70o-square-mile national park known chiefly
for having the least disturbed population of forest life in Central Africa. No one
lives in the park, or anywhere nearby. Nouabale-Ndoki has neither roads nor
footpaths. It contains forest elephants, western lowland gorillas, leopards,
chimpanzees, forest and red river hogs, dwarf and slender-snouted crocodiles,
innumerable kinds of monkeys, and nine species of forest antelope, including
the reclusive sitatunga and the supremely beautiful bongo. The southwest cor
ner of the park is home to the famous "naive chimps" that sit for hours and
stare at human intruders. Until biologists arrived just over ten years ago, few of
these animals, including the chimps, had ever encountered humans.
Blake studies elephants. A self-proclaimed "working-class lad" from Dart
ford, England, Blake read zoology at the University of London; he is now work
ing on a doctoral thesis about the migratory patterns of Nouabale-Ndoki
forest elephants at the University of Edinburgh. Thirty-six, fit, and lean, Blake
is known as a scientist who likes the bush and is not afraid to go where wild an
imals live. But he's also considered audacious, a biologist who thinks nothing
of crossing wild forests clad in sandals and a pair of shorts. Richard Ruggiero,
who runs the elephant fund for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and worked
with Blake just after the park was established, compares him to nineteenth
century explorers: "He's someone who could walk across Africa, turn around,
and then be ready to go back again:' Another colleague described encountering
him as he emerged from a long stint in the bush. "He was wearing torn shorts
and a tattered T-shirt. He had a staph infection but seemed completely happy."
As part of his research, Blake has taken a series of what he calls "long
walks"-foot surveys that start in Makao and follow a web of elephant trails up
the Motaba and Mokala rivers to the park's northern border, cross the park
from north to south, and then emerge from the headwater swamps of the Lik-
The Forest Primeval 3
ouala aux Herbes River below the park's southern border. (The gorillas of the
Likouala aux Herbes were the subject of Blake's master's thesis at Edinburgh.)
Each of these treks-and Blake has made eight-covers about 150 miles and
takes about a month. When I joined him, Blake was preparing to embark on his
ninth and final trip along his survey route. I had heard of Blake's work from
Amy Vedder, a program director at the Wildlife Conservation Society, which,
along with the U. S. Fish and Wildlife Service and the Columbus (Ohio) Zoo,
funds his research. Vedder and I had been discussing the toll that the region's
wars have taken on its wildlife when she told me about Blake's long walks. I
signed on to accompany him on his last one. At the time, it seemed a rare op
portunity to see the Earth as it was thousands of years ago, at the moment
when humans lived side by side with the great apes from which they evolved.
But now that I've reached Makao, I'm wondering why I made no special
preparations for this trip. All the perils, which seemed theoretical before I left,
have become disturbingly real. Not only don't we have phones or any means of
communication; we also face threats of dengue fever, deadly malaria, the newly
resurgent sleeping sickness, and even AIDS and Ebola, which are believed to
have emerged from the forests of this region. I'm also afraid of army ants, ticks
(eventually one crawls up my nose and inflates just at the top of my nasal pas
sage), swarms of flies, and, above all, snakes. When I let slip that I am particu
larly nervous about snakes, Blake tells me about the Gabon viper, a fat,
deadly-poisonous snake with the longest fangs of any snake in the world. It of
ten lies in ambush on Nouabale-Ndoki trails. "The Gabon viper always bites
the third person in line;' Blake says glibly. "That's your slot."
more than spears and homemade crossbows. Blake hires them because they
know the forest intimately. "I often think every Bayaka should be awarded a
doctorate in forest ecology," Blake says. "They know what's going on."
But Makao is ruled by Bantus, who, while dominant, know much less than
the Bayaka about the forest. Blake would rather travel only with Bayak.a, but,
because of the dynamics of the village, he also hires Bantus. The relationship
between the groups is complicated. The Bayaka Pygmies are small forest
people-the men in Makao seem to average around five feet three-and pre
sumably the original inhabitants of Central Africa. The Bantus, who are taller,
are fishermen and slash-and-burn cultivators who migrated to the region sev
eral thousand years ago. The Bantus control Bayaka families; the Bayaka are ex
pected to hunt for their Bantu owners and to work their manioc fields. In
return the Bayaka get metal implements, notably cooking pots and spear
points, made from automobile leaf springs; having acquired these things, they
light off to follow a nomadic life in the forest. The arrangement is changing,
however, as many Bayaka now live in the village year-round. Not all of the
Bayaka still know how to make crossbows, recognize plants, or use spears. They
can no longer survive in the forest.
Several of Blake's Bayaka recruits have accompanied him on earlier treks.
They include one of Blake's oldest Bayaka friends, Lamba, who is named for a
stout vine that winds helix-like up into the canopy trees, and Mossimbo, who is
named for an elephant-hunting charm. But this time Blake is excited about a
new recruit: Zonmiputu. Zonmiputu comes from one of the most traditional
bands of the Makao Bayaka. Blake had met him on one of his early trips after a
chance encounter, somewhere outside the park, with Zonmiputu's father's
band, which had been living off the forest, following the ancient, intricate
Bayaka way of life, for more than a year.
"They were carrying spears and homemade crossbows," Blake recall s .
"They had one cooking pot, no water jugs, and a lot of baskets they'd made out
of forest vines. Their clothes had worn out, and they'd gone back to wearing
bark fabric."
As the first person ever to have employed the Bayaka, Blake is changing
their lives. "Before they worked for me, their wives had to scrape for yams using
sticks. Almost all their food was baked in leaves. Now one of them works for me
for a month and makes enough money to buy a machete, a few clothes, a pot,
and some fishhooks." Still, after returning from a month in the forest, Blake has
frequently been confronted by Bantu patrons demanding the money he is
about to pay "their" Pygmy. They react with incredulity when Blake won't give
it to them.
The Forest Primeval s-
As Blake and I talk by the river, I hear what I take for a birdcall. It's soon an
swered by a similar call-but at a harmonic interval-and then a third. Soon
the river valley is full of strange syncopated harmonies. It's as if the trees them
selves were singing. "Pygmies:' Blake says when he sees my puzzled expression.
"They're working the fields."
TEN YEARS AGO the Nouabale-Ndoki park didn't exist. The land was set
aside after a decade of mass slaughter of elephants. During the 1970s a Japanese
vogue for ivory signature seals, a consequent tenfold increase in the price of
ivory, and a continent-wide collapse of civil authority combined to set off an
orgy of elephant destruction. Poachers wielding AK-47s massacred entire
herds for tusks, and then sold the ivory through illegal networks presided over
by potenates like Jean-Bedel Bokassa, the cannibal emperor of the Central
African Republic, and Jonas Savimbi, the murderous Angolan warlord. At the
height of the slaughter, poachers were killing 80,000 elephants annually. In the
1980s almost 700,000 elephants were killed.
In 1989 conservation organizations intervened. The Convention on Inter
national Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) , a widely supported treaty that
regulates trade in endangered species, put African elephant ivory on its list of
most restricted commodities, thus effectively banning its international ex
change. The market collapsed and conservationists rallied to save the remain
ing elephants. Africa has two types of elephants: Loxodonta africana africana,
the bush elephant of the savannas, and Loxodonta africana cyclotis, the forest
elephant. Biologists know a great deal about the savanna elephant, the world's
largest land mammal, which is easy to spot and easy to monitor. But the forest
elephants that Blake studies are smaller, more elusive creatures. Only recently
identified as their own species, forest elephants live in Africa's impenetrable
jungle, and their behavioral patterns-even their numbers-are almost en
tirely unknown.
As part of a continent-wide elephant census that began with the conserva
tion efforts, the Wildlife Conservation Society and the European Economic
Community contracted to estimate the elephant population in the north of the
Republic of Congo. The north was then almost entirely unexplored but had re
cently been carved into forest blocks designated for European logging interests.
Michael Fay, an American botanist and former Peace Corps volunteer who was
studying western lowland gorillas, was hired to conduct the survey. Today, Fay
is known for having made a 1,200-mile "megatransect;' a trek from Nouabale
Ndoki to the coast of Gabon. But in 1989, Fay was just an adventurous graduate
student and Nouabale-Ndoki merely Brazzaville's name for an unexplored log
ging concession. Fay traversed Nouabale-Ndoki with a group of Bangombe
Pygmies. In the interior they found large numbers of forest elephants, western
lowland gorillas, and chimpanzees that were unafraid of humans. Chimps are
hunted everywhere in Africa, and their lack of fear in this instance led Fay
to conclude that he and his team were the first humans they had ever seen. He
decided that Nouabale-Ndoki-unspoiled, vast, and teeming with wild
The Forest Pr imeval 7
animals-would make an ideal national park. Working with Amy Vedder and
William Weber, directors of the Wildlife Conservation Society's Africa pro
gram, Fay wrote a proposal for a park that WCS, the World Bank, and the U.S.
Agency for International Development agreed to fund. In a dramatic gesture
that pleased conservationists, the government of Congo withdrew Nouabale
Ndoki from the list of logging concessions. In December of 1993 it became a
national park, with Michael Fay as its first director.
walk. In i997, just as Blake was beginning his research, a civil war erupted in
Brazzaville when the then president, Pascal Lissouba, sought to disarm a tribal
faction from the north. Protracted firefight leveled what had been one of Cen
tral Africa's few intact cities; io,ooo to 12,000 people were killed in Brazzaville
alone. The violence also spread to rural areas, where a third of the country's
population was displaced and uncounted numbers were killed. Many Con
golese fled their villages and hid in the forest, where they died of disease or
starvation while trying to subsist off wild game.
"People did a lot of atrocious things and got away with them:' Blake says.
"Every Tom, Dick, and Harry had an AK-47. You'd go into a tiny village and
half a dozen sixteen-year-olds would come strutting down the street with ban
dannas and automatic rifles?' The war led to more hunting. Although the park
itself was spared, largely because of its remoteness, the surrounding elephant
population, as Blake puts it, "got hammered."
This history has contributed to Blake's conviction that the isolation
indeed the very existence-of places like Nouabale-Ndoki is imperiled. As
we've traveled, I've noticed a certain desperation on his part, as if he were con
vinced that whatever he doesn't learn about the elephants on this trip will
never be learned-and that all there is to know about forest elephants will be
irrevocably lost.
"FR E s H Du N G ! Blake exclaims. He sheds his daypack and pulls out his
"
waterproof notebook. With a ruler, he measures the diameter of the dung pile
(which looks like an oversized stack of horse manure), cuts two sticks, and be
gins to separate seeds from the undigested roughage.
We're four days up a wide-open elephant trail along the Mokala River. The
trail is thick with dinosaur-sized elephant prints. There are also hoof marks of
red river hogs; the seldom seen giant forest hog, which grows to 600 pounds;
and a pangolin, a 75-pound nocturnal consumer of ants and termites that is
covered in dark-brown scales that look like the shingles on a roof; as well as
leopard prints and both rear foot and knuckle prints of a big gorilla. Overhead,
troops of monkeys chatter and scold: spot-nosed guenons, gray-cheeked
mangabeys, and the leaf-eating colobus. In spite of all the tracks and animals
we've come across, however, we've found little evidence that elephants have
been here recently.
We travel each day with one of the Bayaka acting as a guide while the other
Bayaka and Bantus, who tend to be boisterous on what for them is a junket into
the wilderness, cavort well behind us so that they don't scare away the animals.
The Forest Primeval 9
On this day, Blake's old friend Lamba has taken the lead, followed by Blake, and
then me in the Gabon-viper slot. Lamba crouches over the dung pile while
Blake isolates four types of seeds in it. Three of the four, he says, are dispersed
only by elephants. One of these is the seed of a bush mango.
Lamba tells Blake that we're not seeing elephants along the trail because
they've left the river for the hills, where the wild mangoes are bearing fruit.
"Most fruits are produced in fixed seasons:' Blake says to me. "But there
seems to be no pattern here with mangoes. They fruit whenever. It would be
great if we could find lots of fruiting mangoes and lots of elephant signs. That's
the kind of thing we're looking for, a few indicators of what moves elephant
populations."
The most obvious explanation of what moves elephants is food, and Blake's
research involves making a thorough study of the plants we encounter as well
as chasing down feeding trails. We stop every twenty minutes so that he can
make botanical notes. In order to create a definitive survey, Blake always fol
lows the same route, varying it only when he makes side trips down feeding
trails. He carries a Global Positioning System, a handheld device that translates
satellite signals into geographic coordinates and which Blake uses to record the
exact location of his observations. The Bayaka take care of navigation. Blake
also carries a palm-sized computer, into which he enters his data. The use of
such technology is new in wildlife biology. As Richard Ruggiero puts it,
"[Blake]'s the first to use GPS and satellites to successfully look at the long
term movements of elephants in the forest. He's collected data no one else has
looked at before."
But none of this matters if we don't see elephants. Despite Blake's estimate
that as many as 3,000 elephants use the park, the animals themselves elude us.
They're hard to see because they are agile and fast: Forest elephants grow to
nine feet at the shoulder and weigh up to 8,ooo pounds but move with surpris
ing stealth, thanks to a pad of spongy material on the soles of their feet, which
dampens the sound of breaking branches. The elephants also communicate by
using infrasound, a frequency below the range of human hearing. Once ele
phants have determined that intruders are present, they can warn one another
over significant distances-without humans detecting the exchange.
Blake has attempted to make elephants easier to find in a number of ways.
In the fall of 1998, he received a grant from Save the Elephants, a foundation
run by noted elephant conservationist Iain Douglas-Hamilton, to outfit several
elephants with GPS collars. Blake and Billy Karesh, a W ildlife Conservation
Society field veterinarian, went deep into the forests of Central Africa with a
high-powered tranquilizing rifle; they managed to sedate two elephants near
10 PETER CASBY
Nouabale-Ndoki and put collars on them. One of the collars never worked, but
the second, placed on a female, worked for a month, long enough to trace the
elephant's movements outside the protected forest.
The fewer signs we see of elephants, the more restless Blake becomes.
"Amazing, isn't it," he muses. "Absolute bugger all ."
On the fifth day, as we're walking along a ridge above the Mokala, Blake
hears a branch snap. Zonmiputu is our guide. He is a quiet man, about five
feet tall, an inch or two shorter than the rest of the Pygmies, and perhaps forty
years old.
"Ndzoko," Zonrniputu whispers. Elephant.
Quietly he puts down his pack, indicates the elephant's direction '\ith his
machete, and leads us at a crouch through the thick underbrush. After thirty
five yards, Zonrniputu stops and points out a shadm\1· shape looming twenty
yards away. It is a young-looking bull , about eight feet at the shoulder, '\ith
deep chocolate-colored skin. I can see its brown tusks wa,ing as it reaches up
'\ith its trunk and rips branches out of the surrounding trees. We approach.
Blake hands me his binoculars. The elephant is now fifteen yards away, and I'm
focused on its eye-a startling sight, sunken in the wrinkled skin, bloodshot; it
seems to peer out from another epoch, as if it were looking fonvard at some
huge, unfathomable span of time.
"A young bull ," Blake whispers. "Perhaps twenty years old."
The bull senses that we're near, lifts its trunk toward us, and crashes off into
the forest.
the Bayaka if any of them has ever kille d an elephant. I know that Pygmies have
traditionally hunted elephants '\ith spears. As Blake relays the question, the
Bayaka stiffen. It's illegal to kill elephants. They don't know why I'm asking,
and they all say no--uncomincingly. All, that is, except Lamba. Blake refers to
Lamba as "Beya," the Bayaka word for giant forest hog, because he has, as Blake
puts it, "scabby habits." Ha,ing made this trip several times together, Lamba
and Blake are perpetually laughing at each other, and, in front of Blake, Lamba
doesn't bother to dissemble. He's kille d three elephants '\ith his spear, he tells
us. He stalked the elephants and speared them in the gut. When necessary, he'd
spear one a second time in the foot to prevent it from running .
For one of these elephants, which a Makao Bantu hired him to kill for its
tusks, Lamba was paid an aluminum cooking pot. For another, he received a
pair of shorts.
The Forest Primeval 1 1
"This for a hunt that would have taken him weeks;' Blake says hotly.
I ask Lamba whether he has any fear while hunting an elephant.
No, he doesn't, he responds, even though elephants can kill hunters. Goril
las, however, scare him. A mature male-a silverback-can grow to over 400
pounds. He knows three Pygmies who've been killed while stalking gorillas.
''And do the Bayaka kill people?" Blake asks.
This elicits nervous laughter. Cannibalism is not unknown in this region,
though no one has ever accused the Bayaka of eating people. But we're not far
from Bangui, where, in modern times, Emperor Bokassa is said to have served
human flesh at state dinners. Blake tells me that the first Frenchman to arrive in
Makao in 1908 was eaten. "We found records of it in the colonial archives in
Paris;' he tells me. (Later, when looking in vain for a copy of the document at
park headquarters, I turn up a similar complaint from another colonist whose
son had been eaten in a nearby village.)
When the laughter dies down, we hear a roar in the hills. It's a gorilla beat
ing its chest.
throws them into a state of agitation and draws them down to the trees' lower
branches. Soon the forest resounds with the thrashing of limbs and the crack
ing of branches, as well as grunts, whistles, and alarmed chattering, as the mon
keys react to being caught between the imagined eagle above them and the
indefinable hominids below.
On another occasion, Lamba crouches down and makes a nasal call that
imitates the distress call of a duiker, a type of forest antelope that has adapted
to the lack of browse on the tropical forest floor by eating fruit, flowers, and
leaves dislodged by canopy monkeys and birds. Immediately a blue duiker
only a foot tall, one of the smallest of the forest antelopes-charges out of the
undergrowth. It has big eyes and a small, round nose. When it spots us, it pulls
up short, then turns around and bolts. But it can't resist Lamba's call. It returns,
stops, bolts again, and comes back-until Lamba finally breaks the spell by
laughing at the antelope's confusion.
Later, we come across a herd of fifteen red river hogs rooting and grunting
around the forest floor. These hogs grow to 250 pounds and have small, razor
sharp tusks. Our presence makes them skittish, but they don't flee. They may
never have seen men before. We stalk until the closest hog is five yards away,
just over the trunk of a fallen tree. Mossimbo then begins a wheezing-pig call.
The pigs freeze, dash away, and then, spellbound, return nervously, almost
compulsively. Mossimbo keeps calling until he has the biggest boars lined up
across the trunk from us. Staring, entranced, their faces look extraterrestrial
tufted ears, long snouts, big sensitive eyes ringed with white; they seem unable
to fathom just what they're looking at. Mossimbo squeals-an alarm. The pigs'
eyes bug out, and they race off into the forest as Mossimbo erupts in laughter.
To me these episodes are fragmentary glimpses of a world in which hu
mans and animals share a symbolic language. The Bayaka take great pleasure in
their mastery over the animal world, and nearly every episode of their sum
moning animals ends in guffaws. It's not benevolent laughter. If Blake and I
hadn't been present, each of these animals would certainly have wound up in a
Bayaka cooking pot-and there's something about this nasty, exhilarating con
fidence that is quintessentially human.
of closed canopy forest where the understory is more passable and the butts of
the trees are eight and nine feet in diameter, with straight boles that explode
into kingdoms of filigree high above. Zonmiputu is again in the lead when he
stops stock-still, turns back to us, and whispers, "Koi." Leopard.
Through a gap in the underbrush, we make out a pattern of dark rosettes
on a brown background. The impression gradually resolves into the abdomen
and haunch of a large leopard. As we watch, it glides out of the frame, its snaky
tail trailing behind.
Zonmiputu crouches, clears his throat, and makes a duiker call to try to
fool the leopard into coming to investigate. Through another gap, I see the
leopard hesitate, then break into a run. It's gone.
Although leopards are not commonly believed to attack humans, the Pyg
mies claim they do. Several days earlier, Mossimbo had pointed out a pile of
leopard scat filled with reddish-brown hair. Blake poked around in it long
enough to discover a strange brown cylinder the size and color of a cigar butt.
Using a stick, we rolled it over. I leapt back in horror. It was the top half of a fin
ger, the nail still intact.
"Chimpanzee;' Blake said.
ing, because today i n fact I do. Neither am I heartened by the fact that today
we're not moving camp. While Blake goes off to do some elephant-feeding
studies, I'll have to spend the day alone with the Bayaka.
The Bayaka and I leave camp around eight, cross a stream, head up into the
hills, and wander, foraging for wild mushrooms, yams, seasonal fruit, a bark
that tastes like garlic, a bark that serves as an antibiotic, a bark containing qui
nine, an edible vine in the legume family, a sapling that is said to act like
Viagra-in short, whatever the forest will provide. With Blake, we follow ele
phant trails and walk purposefully in single file. With the Bayaka we maintain
no consistent direction. My compass becomes useless. I cling to my guides.
My first Bayaka encounter occurred as Blake and I stepped from our
pirogue into the waiting crowd at the riverside. A kindly-looking old Bayaka in
a torn shirt stepped out from the back of the crowd and headed straight for me.
He grasped my hand, stared curiously into my eyes, and wouldn't let go.
"He just wanted to see what kind of a person you are;' Blake explained,
once I'd pried my hand free.
It was almost as if the old Bayaka recognized me. If he had, it wouldn't have
been entirely far-fetched. Douglas Wallace, the geneticist who has made a ca
reer reconstructing human migrations around the globe through rates of
change in mitochondrial DNA, believes that the Bayaka are descended from a
small group of Paleolithic people who once roamed across eastern Africa. Wal
lace and several others argue that a population genetically very close to the
present-day Bayaka were the first modern humans to leave Africa some 50,000
years ago. "We are looking at the beginning of what we would call Homo sapi
ens;' he wrote recently.
In other words, I live in New York, but I'm also the long-lost cousin of the
Bayaka, the depigmented descendant of their ancestors who hiked over the
horizon and never came back-until now.
Strolling through the forest, I've noticed that my cousins appear to be in a
perpetual Wordsworthian idyll; they often gaze dreamily upward, as if contem
plating the god that has provided them with such sylvan abundance. At one
point, I convey this impression to Blake. He corrects me. "What they're looking
for is not divinity but wild honey. Although, for them, it's pretty much the
same thing."
Sure enough, my day with the Bayaka devolves into a honey hunt. There are
several kinds of wild honey in the forest; one belongs to a stinging bee.
Mossimbo doesn't take long to spot what he takes for a stinging-bee hive high
overhead, sixty feet up, in a hole in a tree branch. The Bayaka rapidly build a
The Forest Pr imeval 1 �
fire and extinguish it. Mossimbo wraps the coals in a bundle of leaves, straps
the bundle on his back, grabs a machete, and effortlessly shinnies up a liana
along the branchless tree trunk. Soon he's vanished into the foliage, and all we
can hear is his machete hacking into a tree branch. Finally he descends with
two dry honeycombs.
"Chef," he says, drawing on his minimal French for the first time. "C'est
,
ft m.. ,
The hive has been abandoned.
After several more hours of wandering, the Pygmies spot a more accessible
stingless sweat-bee hive, climb the tree, and soon revel in honey that tastes wa
tery, smoky. I sample it, but to me it's an off-putting soup of bark, twigs, grubs,
and dead and dying bees. I leave it to the Pygmies.
After we leave the hive, the sweat bees pursue us vengefully. We're squatting
down in front of a pile of bush mangoes, shucking the seeds out of the hard
ened pits, when I'm suddenly overcome with helplessness. A large part of my
frustration comes from the language. Blake is not here to translate my ques
tions. But I'm not just deprived of speech today; I'm also faced with the fact
that the forest, which is such a source of bounty to the Bayaka, is, to me, an un
differentiated mass. I don't have the vocabulary to break this environment
down into parts. There's nothing I can parse, nothing I can usefully under
stand. I'm completely at a loss without words. The Pygmies see that I'm
wilting.
"Papa;' Mossimbo says, affectionately, handing me a mango seed.
By the time we get back to camp, it's thick with tsetse and filaria flies. Tsetse
flies carry sleeping sickness. Filaria flies can deposit the larva of parasitic
worms in a human's bloodstream. (Blake later comes down with fly-borne ele
phantiasis.) One of the Bantus slaps a tsetse that is feasting on my back, leaving
the dead insect lying in a pool of my blood. I think of what Blake told me when
I'd been bitten earlier by a tsetse. "No one can tell me those flies can't transmit
AIDS. All you need is a few viral cells. We're in the Congo, after all, and the
AIDS problem is huge."
As the afternoon ends, I'm not fit for anything but crawling inside my tent.
The flies disappear at sundown, and I re-emerge for dinner. Smoked fish
again. This time it's served with manioc, a cloying flour made from the tuber
ous root of the cassava plant. After our meal, the Bayaka pull out djamba
marijuana-a substance that the Bayaka value only slightly less than wild
honey. As they have on many nights, the Bayaka roll the marijuana in forest
leaves and inhale deeply. Tonight the ensuing hilarity seems greater than usual.
16 PETER CANBY
Since all the jokes are in Bayaka or Lingala, I ask Blake for explanations. The
Pygmies have asked him if I'm rich, he says. Obligingly, he has told them that I
am the richest man in the world.
"You're their new culture hero," he says.
I try to imagine what might have led the Pygmies to speculate about my
wealth, and remember that, in addition to the Tevas I wear most days (we're
constantly in and out of water), I have two pairs of sneakers, one of which I
haven't even worn. Three pairs of shoes! Extravagant, prodigal-rich.
I retire to my tent and, crawling in, notice that the ground under the tent
floor is blotched with patches of light. I have smoked the djamba, and the tent
floor looks like a city at night seen from an airplane. Until I figure out that it's a
phosphorescent fungus, this vision offers consolation, if only because it re
minds me that there is a city out there, somewhere in the world. I fall asleep
and have another strange Ndoki dream. A woman appears and teaches me the
supernatural art of being in two places at once.
W E ' v E R E Ac H E D the line of bais stretching from north to south that de
fines the center of the park's elephant life. The word "bai" is derived from the
French "baie," but it has escaped into local usage to describe a miniature sa
vanna maintained by forest elephants in the middle of the forest. "If elephants
are lost from an area;' Blake says, " bais quickly grow over."
One afternoon, Blake and I follow the elephant trails to the Bonye River
bai. The bai is big, the size of three football fields, and it's the first open terrain
we've seen since leaving Makao. The afternoon light is soft and golden, playing
on the riffling surface of the river as it winds through the clearing. In the water,
about seventy-five yards away, are nine forest elephants-four adults and five
young, three of them infants. As we watch, an old matriarch ambles out of the
forest, followed by two more young and another adult female. The matriarch
reaches the riverbed, kneels, drills her trunk into the white sand, and gurgles as
she sucks mineral-rich water out of the streambed. When she pulls her trunk
up, she sprays river water into her mouth. Upstream, a wading bird picks at the
riverbed while three red river hogs browse on the marsh grass, trying to avoid
the playful charges of one of the baby elephants. On the far margins a si
tatunga, with its distinctive wide, splayed feet, feeds quietly.
During the next hour and a half there is a constant coming and going until
we've seen thirty elephants in all. The young ones prance around and engage in
mock fights, and the adults spray themselves and their children, as the sunlight
flashes in the water droplets. Blake looks blissful. He creeps forward to the edge
The Forest Primeval 17
of the bai, quietly sets up a video camera, pulls out his notebook, and begins
sketching what are the most distinctive and identifying features of individual
elephants: their ears. He'll exchange these later with Andrea Turkalo, a forest
elephant researcher who is studying the social structures of elephant herds in a
Dzanga Sangha bai across the border in the Central African Republic.
I sit on a fallen tree trunk, relieved, enjoying the light. Elephants are mem
bers of the ancient, highly successful order of Proboscidea, which, historically,
has contained almost 200 different trunked and tusked species, including
mastodons and mammoths. Beginning 50 million years ago, and as recently as
the late Pleistocene, 10,000 or so years ago, proboscideans roamed the globe.
Mastodons and mammoths grew up to fifteen feet. But there were also pygmy
elephants. (A four-foot-tall elephant, Elephas falconeri, survived on the Greek
island of Tilos until a little over 4,000 years ago. A dwarf mammoth lived on
Wrangel Island off Siberia until 1700 B.c.) Then, toward the end of the Ice Age,
elephants died off en masse, and today only two species survive-the Asian ele
phant, Elephas maximus, and its bigger cousin, the African elephant, Loxodon ta
africana. Both of these species evolved in Africa, but Elephas moved into Asia
and then became extinct in its home range. Some argue that only then-about
40,000 years ago-did Loxodon ta africana, which had been exclusively a forest
creature, emerge to seize the open savanna.
The mass proboscidean die-off was part of the mysterious and more gen
eral Pleistocene extinctions. Sometime between 10,000 and 25,000 years ago, all
mammals weighing more than a ton-as well as many lighter than that
disappeared from Europe, Asia, and the Americas. This is an old story. But the
other story is that some elephants survived-as a miracle, emissaries from the
prehistoric world.
acknowledged;' Blake says. "And that's because almost all elephant research has
been based on savanna elephants, which eat very little fruit. In fact, many con
clusions drawn from savanna-elephant research are simply not applicable to
forest elephants. It's always amazing to me that elephants get lumped in cate
gories the way they do:'
As we walk, Blake confesses to me his obsession with the rocker Chrissie
Hynde, and in particular with her song "Tattooed Love Boys:' And one
evening, after we arrive in camp, Blake spots Lamba sprawled across his bags.
Blake takes his daypack, lifts it over his head, stands over Lamba as if to hurl it
down, and recites:
Lamba is baffled but, with the rest of the Bayaka, laughs nervously. " 'One
of My Turns; by Pink Floyd;' Blake explains to me. "You never heard The Wall
concert they played in Berlin, did you? There's that whole debate about sta
dium concerts. I'm not that big a fan of stadium concerts, but that was a great
concert."
As we're ducking under some vines, we see our first snake. It's in the
branches overhead-a big, evil-looking thing nearly five feet long. Blake can't
identify it, but it's not one of the famously poisonous snakes of this region
not a boomslang, not a black mamba, not one of the several cobras. The Bayaka
give us their name for it, say it's bad, and seem anxious to get away from it.
"Can you imagine how many others we haven't seen?" says Blake.
Shortly afterward we scare a leopard off a fresh-killed duiker. The duiker's
entrails are ripped out, but it's still warm. The Bayaka tie up the duiker and take
it along for our dinner.
We're wading in the sandy shallows of the Mabale River when we discover a
dead baby elephant. It's a gruesome and disturbing sight; the elephant, the size
of a pony but stouter, is half submerged, covered in flies, and leaking blood
from its trunk.
The Forest Pr imeval 19
At this same spot last evening, we saw one of the elephants Blake had col
lared two years earlier now standing in the river, still wearing her nonfunction
ing transmitter. Considering the size of the park, this was quite a coincidence.
And not only did we see her yesterday but we saw her with a young elephant
following close behind her; at the time she was collared, she had been preg
nant, and this young elephant looked about a year old-the appropriate age.
Now, it seems, that baby is dead.
"Hell of a thing;' says Blake, pacing back and forth. "Hell of a thing." He
picks up the baby elephant's trunk, lets it flop back into the water, and exam
ines the tiny tusks and the toenails on each foot. He picks up a stiff leg and
turns the little creature over, looking for some telltale sign of what killed it, but
he can't find anything except a group of puncture wounds on the animal's
chest. With snakes on my mind, I suggest that the wounds might be the result
of Gabon-viper bites-and that the elephant may have died of hemolytic
bleeding. Blake is unimpressed but seems distressed that he can't come up with
an explanation. He frets, hovers, pulls out his notebook and takes notes, gets
his video camera and shoots pictures. He is reluctant to leave.
Looking over the little creature, dead of unknown causes, I'm struck again
with a sense of being dead-the idea that this lifeless body could be mine. After
a quarter of an hour, I persuade Blake to give up his forensics, and we start up
a trail--only to turn back ten minutes later. He has decided the puncture
wounds are the result of a leopard attack.
"If we could demonstrate that a leopard could kill a baby elephant, it would
be quite a thing;' he says.
We wade back into the river. Blake pulls out his knife and makes precise in
cisions along the puncture wounds, two of which go straight through the ele
phant's chest and into its lungs. A punctured lung could be the source of the
bleeding through the trunk. The elephant could have drowned in its own
blood. Blake's hypothesis about the leopard suddenly seems plausible.
"Hell of a thing. Hell of a thing;' Blake repeats to himself, still agitated, but
in much better spirits now that he's arrived at a theory. It occurs to me that sci
ence is formidable, and not merely for its accomplishments but because faith
in reason leads people to brave treacherous environments like this one.
and I awake at three in the morning to gorilla calls echoing up the valley, ele
phants trumpeting from the bai above, and moonlight illuminating the side of
my tent.
In the morning we head up to the bai. The approach paths are wide and
parklike, and the landscape has been designed by elephants. They have dug
bathing pools out of the hillsides. The underbrush has been cleared of patches
of forest, and tree trunks are swollen to exotic shapes from elephants having
picked away their bark. We find a meadow surrounding a highly polished ter
mite nest-an elephant rubbing post surrounded by the marks of heavy traffic
and worn d own so far that it looks somehow like a public monument.
We creep forward toward the edge of the bai, a huge open space of marshy
grassland and isolated clumps of trees. A shower has just passed and the mist is
lifting off the forest all around. Swallows are dipping in the river. A white palm
nut vulture with its hooked yellow beak is perched on a dead tree limb. A single
bull is drinking from a pool.
Just as we're preparing to walk out into the river, nine bongos-large forest
antelopes-emerge out of the underbrush and wade into the middle of the bai,
tails flicking, sides adorned with vertical white stripes, their celestial-looking
horns curving gracefully skyward.
They come whipping around the tree root, see us, and just deflate. They've
never seen humans before. I 've had one sit and stare at me for five minutes."
In his book The Third Chimpanzee, the physiologist Jared Diamond argues
that humans are close enough to chimpanzees to properly be thought of as a
third chimpanzee species (after chimpanzees and bonobos). The DNA of
chimpanzees is 98.4 percent the same as ours, and of the remaining i.6 percent,
most is insignificant. The meaningful genetic differences could be focused in as
little as one tenth of one percent; they account for the genes that lengthened
our limbs (allowing us to walk upright and use tools) and, more importantly,
altered, as Diamond puts it, "the structure of the larynx, tongue, and associated
muscles that give us fine control over spoken sounds." Indeed, a group of scien
tists have recently isolated a single gene that may underlie the human ability to
speak. These scientists are presently trying to determine when this gene
evolved. One theory dates it to only 50,000 years ago-around the time the an
cestral Bayaka left Africa and set out to explore the world.
We're in chimpanzee territory now, and after our stalking encounter we
find signs of chimps everywhere. We hear them pounding on tree trunks and
howling like coyotes out in the forest. We see their skillfully made nests in the
trees and the ingenious traps they've set at termite nests, but we don't see the
chimps themselves. Noticing that I've become preoccupied with spotting a
chimp, Lamba volunteers that the Bayaka make a chimp-hunting charm, but
when I ask him about it he averts his eyes. The next day one of the Bantus
speaks up. "Chef," he says to Blake, "Lamba was lying. There's no chimp
hunting charm-only a gorilla-hunting charm."
A few nights later, Zonmiputu strips a liana down into fine strands and
dries the strands over the fire. ("It's Manneophyton fulvum, the liana they use
for making hunting nets,'' Blake explains.) Zonmiputu tosses the mass of
shredded vine to Manguso, another of the Bayaka. Taking the mass of vine with
him, just at sunset, Manguso climbs into the lower branches of a tree. He
makes gentle sounds, gorilla sounds-imploring noises, soft exclamations,
sounds of surprise-all the while weaving whatever he's expressing into a rope.
"You do it this way,'' Zonmiputu explains, "so you can get the gorilla up in a
tree."
It's the gorilla-hunting charm.
"Not every Bayaka knows how to make this,'' Blake says to me. "These peo
ple are disappearing as fast as the elephants, and their knowledge is disappear
ing with them."
Two days later, I'm wearing the charm bandolier-style across my chest
2 2 PETER CANBY
when Zonmiputu sees me. He looks alarmed. He's made the gorilla charm for
me, but one of the other Bayaka is supposed to wear it. Such things are sup
posed to be worn only by initiated Bayaka-but we can't, of course, talk to each
other, and I only learn about this prohibition later. Zonmiputu sends one of
the Bantus to explain that if I come across an elephant, I must take it off. Oth
erwise the elephant will become mean.
We smell the gorillas before we see them. There's a dusky odor along the
trail. The gorillas are just ahead of us, and apparently they smell us. There's a
loud crash of tree branches, and a silverback barks, then ignominiously flees. A
female with an infant on her back and two juveniles are caught in the trees. For
the next ten minutes, they try to muster the nerve to descend and flee. Eventu
ally, the mother, the infant, and one of the juveniles make death-defying leaps
to the ground and run off into the underbrush. T he remaining juvenile stays
behind, defiantly pounding his little chest until we move along and leave it in
peace.
"They're in for a shock when the loggers get here," Blake says.
WE' RE Now ouT of the park and in the Pokola logging concession, which
is leased to the German-owned, French-managed company Congolaise Indus
trielle des Bois (CIB). Blake, who was jubilant while in the forest, now seems
depressed.
"Our wilderness walk is over as far as I'm concerned;' he says. "We're now
in the realm of man."
The prospecting line, however, is only the first sign of what Blake refers to
as the park's "biggest land management issue"-industrial logging. CIB now
has the rights to two of the three concessions surrounding the park, and over
the next twenty years the entire forest surrounding the park will be selectively
logged. What this means, Blake says, is that in twenty years the only intact for
est in the north of Congo will be Nouabale-Ndoki.
Logging itself is not the most dangerous threat to wildlife. Loggers in the
region generally confine themselves to removing only two species of African
mahogany that bring high enough prices on the European market to justify the
expense of transporting them. (A single African mahogany log might bring
$4,000 on the dock at a European port.) The additional light brought to the
forest floor as trees come down may even promote the growth of ground ferns
favored by many large mammals, including elephants, and logging may in
crease densities of certain animals. But by building roads, bringing in thou
sands of foreign workers, and creating a cash economy, logging has invariably
The Forest Pr imeval 23
a dessert plate crawling up his back toward his hair and his collar. "Putus!" I
shout, using his nickname. Zonmiputu freezes. This is distressing. Zonmiputu
is supposed to be invulnerable. I run up behind him, intending to brush the
spider off. But the spider has a furrowed, lethal-looking body and strong hairy
legs that are tensing as if it is preparing to leap. I grab a stick and whisk the spi
der into the bushes. Zonmiputu turns around, looks at my spider pantomime,
grimaces, shudders, and hurries back along the trail.
In Nouabale-Ndoki there is always the unnerving sensation that something
is watching you. A mongoose creeps through the underbrush; a tree snake
twirls along a branch. Today, as we scramble over root snarls, plunge thigh
deep through pools of mud, and approach Terre de Kabounga, the end of our
walk, we come across the fresh trail of a crocodile and then hit something that
really stops us: a human footprint in the mud. It's so fresh that it's still filling
with water. Someone has spotted us, and he's hiding.
The Bayaka find the trail and follow it. We hit dry land and soon hear a
woman singing, a meandering, flutelike voice. A tall, graceful Bantu woman,
clad in brightly colored wax-print African fabrics, her hair in cornrows, is gath
ering firewood and, though she has seen us, defiantly continues her song. Be
fore long a husband emerges. He's a square-shouldered, handsome man, the
schoolteacher, he tells us, from the nearby town of Bene. He hasn't been paid in
three years, so he closed down the school and left his students, the future of
Africa, to fend for themselves. He moved out into the swamps, along with a
good part of the rest of this region's shattered population, to smoke fish and
hunt bushmeat.
We follow the schoolteacher and his wife to their camp. It's filled with fish
and hung with shotguns. Other relatives come out of the forest to stare at us in
wonder. They direct us to a path that leads, an hour later, to the cut-over edge
of the forest. We emerge onto a red-clay road, blinking and squinting in the
harsh, flat light of the open road. The heat, unfiltered by the forest, hits like a
blast furnace. We shake hands in a gesture of shared congratulation, but the tri
umph feels hollow. We've been dreaming of the human world, but now that
we've arrived it's disorienting.
We walk for hours. Late that afternoon a big, flatbed Mercedes drives up.
The driver is so drunk he can barely stand. The ten of us find space in back
among twenty-seven other passengers, sacks of manioc tubers, baskets of
smoked fish, mounds of edible leaves, and the carcasses of several dead duikers.
Soon we're being carried off toward the logging town of Pokola at such high
speeds that at times the big truck seems to go airborne. I offer a silent prayer
that, having survived a month in the forest, I won't be killed in a car crash.
The Forest Pr imeval 2 _s-
A decade ago, Pokola was a tiny fishing village on the Sangha River. It's now
a sprawling shantytown built of scrap mahogany. In its busy market, the
Bayaka spend their pay outfitting themselves in bright sports clothes until they
look, in Blake's words, "like Cameroonian soccer stars." Blake and I drink wine
with the French logging managers inside their fenced-off compound. I pull the
tick out of my nose. Before I know it, I 'm back in New York, where I am treated
for schistosomiasis, amoebic dysentery, and whipworms.
B L A K E ' s N I N T H A N D last "long walk" capped the first phase of his doc
toral research and gave him the data to begin writing his thesis. Since our trip
he has returned to the interior of Nouabale-Ndoki several times to collar more
elephants and collect data to support his argument that by disseminating the
seeds of forest-fruit trees, elephants play a crucial role in the evolution of Cen
tral African forests.
But in the interim, civil war has broken out again, and Blake reports that
since our trip all of the remaining concessions in the north of Congo have been
leased to logging companies. A new sawmill is being built north of the park,
and a logging road now runs straight into Makao. Another road cuts across the
Bodingo peninsula close to the park's southern border. The place where we saw
the gorillas, Blake reports, is already a lacework of logging trails. "The civil war
was a disaster for the country," he says. "If there'd never been a civil war, the
government might have been more open to conservation. Now development
and reconstruction have become the country's highest priority.
"In many ways," he says, "what we saw is already gone:'
C H AR L E S C . M A N N
149 1
F R O M THE A TLA N TI C M O N TH L Y
Recent research into the natural history ef the pre-C olumbian Americas is
turnin9 up some provocativefindin9s about the size ef the Indian popula
tion and the sophistication ef its culture. A 9roup ef archaeolo9ists and an
thropolo9ists is threatenin9 to overturn many cherished ideas about the
Indians' civilization-and creatin9 controversy in the process, as Charles
C. Mannfinds out.
he plane took off in weather that was surprisingly cool for north
T central Bolivia and flew east, toward the Brazilian border. In a few
minutes the roads and houses disappeared, and the only evidence of
human settlement was the cattle scattered over the savannah like jimmies on
ice cream. Then they, too, disappeared. By that time the archaeologists had
their cameras out and were clicking away in delight.
Below us was the Beni, a Bolivian province about the size of Illinois and In
diana put together, and nearly as flat. For almost half the year rain and
snowmelt from the mountains to the south and west cover the land with an ir
regular, slowly moving skin of water that eventually ends up in the province's
northern rivers, which are sub-subtributaries of the Amazon. The rest of the
year the water dries up and the bright-green vastness turns into something that
resembles a desert. This peculiar, remote, watery plain was what had drawn the
researchers' attention, and not just because it was one of the few places on
149 1 27
earth inhabited by people who might never have seen Westerners with cam
eras.
Clark Erickson and William Balee, the archaeologists, sat up front. Erick
son is based at the University of Pennsylvania; he works in concert with a Boli
vian archaeologist, whose seat in the plane I usurped that day. Balee is at Tulane
University, in New Orleans. He is actually an anthropologist, but as native peo
ples have vanished, the distinction between anthropologists and archaeologists
has blurred. The two men differ in build, temperament, and scholarly procliv
ity, but they pressed their faces to the windows with identical enthusiasm.
Dappled across the grasslands below was an archipelago of forest islands,
many of them startlingly round and hundreds of acres across. Each island rose
ten or thirty or sixty feet above the floodplain, allowing trees to grow that
would otherwise never survive the water. The forests were linked by raised
berms, as straight as a rifle shot and up to three miles long. It is Erickson's belief
that this entire landscape-30,000 square miles of forest mounds surrounded
by raised fields and linked by causeways-was constructed by a complex, pop
ulous society more than 2,000 years ago. Balee, newer to the Beni, leaned to
ward this view but was not yet ready to commit himself.
Erickson and Balee belong to a cohort of scholars that has radically chal
lenged conventional notions of what the Western Hemisphere was like before
Columbus. When I went to high school, in the 1970s, I was taught that Indians
came to the Americas across the Bering Strait about 12,000 years ago, that they
lived for the most part in small, isolated groups, and that they had so little im
pact on their environment that even after millennia of habitation it remained
mostly wilderness. My son picked up the same ideas at his schools. One way to
summarize the views of people like Erickson and Balee would be to say that in
their opinion this picture of Indian life is wrong in almost every aspect. Indians
were here far longer than previously thought, these researchers believe, and in
much greater numbers. And they were so successful at imposing their will on
the landscape that in 1492 Columbus set foot in a hemisphere thoroughly dom
inated by humankind.
Given the charged relations between white societies and native peoples, in
quiry into Indian culture and history is inevitably contentious. But the recent
scholarship is especially controversial. To begin with, some researchers-many
but not all from an older generation-deride the new theories as fantasies aris
ing from an almost willful misinterpretation of data and a perverse kind of po
litical correctness. "I have seen no evidence that large numbers of people ever
lived in the Beni;' says Betty J. Meggers, of the Smithsonian Institution.
"Claiming otherwise is just wishful thinking." Similar criticisms apply to many
28 CHARLES C. MANN
of the new scholarly claims about Indians, according to Dean R. Snow, an an
thropologist at Pennsylvania State University. The problem is that "you can
make the meager evidence from the ethnohistorical record tell you anything
you want;' he says. "It's really easy to kid yourself."
More important are the implications of the new theories for today's ecolog
ical battles. Much of the environmental movement is animated, consciously or
not, by what William Denevan, a geographer at the University of Wisconsin,
calls, polemically, "the pristine myth"-the belief that the Americas in 1491
were an almost unmarked, even Edenic land, "untrammeled by man," in the
words of the Wilderness Act of 1964, one of the nation's first and most impor
tant environmental laws. As the University of Wisconsin historian William
Cronon has written, restoring this long-ago, putatively natural state is, in the
view of environmentalists, a task that society is morally bound to undertake.
Yet if the new view is correct and the work of humankind was pervasive, where
does that leave efforts to restore nature?
The Beni is a case in point. In addition to building up the Beni mounds for
houses and gardens, Erickson says, the Indians trapped fish in the seasonally
flooded grassland. Indeed, he says, they fashioned dense zigzagging networks
of earthen fish weirs between the causeways. To keep the habitat clear of un
wanted trees and undergrowth, they regularly set huge areas on fire. Over the
centuries the burning created an intricate ecosystem of fire-adapted plant
species dependent on native pyrophilia. The current inhabitants of the Beni
still burn, although now it is to maintain the savannah for cattle. When we flew
over the area, the dry season had just begun, but mile-long lines of flame were
already on the march. In the charred areas behind the fires were the blackened
spikes of trees-many of them, one assumes, of the varieties that activists fight
to save in other parts of Amazonia.
After we landed, I asked Balee, Should we let people keep burning the Beni?
Or should we let the trees invade and create a verdant tropical forest in the
grasslands, even if one had not existed here for millennia?
Balee laughed. "You're trying to trap me, aren't you?" he said.
A C C O R D I N G TO F A M I LY L O R E , my great-grandmother's great
grandmother's great-grandfather was the first white person hanged in Amer
ica. His name was John Billington. He came on the Mayflower, which anchored
off the coast of Massachusetts on November 9, 1620. Billington was not a Puri
tan; within six months of arrival he also became the first white person in
America to be tried for complaining about the police. " He is a knave," William
Bradford, the colony's governor, wrote of Billington, "and so will live and die."
What one historian called Billington's "troublesome career" ended in 1630,
when he was hanged for murder. My family has always said that he was
framed-but we would say that, wouldn't we?
A few years ago it occurred to me that my ancestor and everyone else in the
colony had voluntarily enlisted in a venture that brought them to New England
without food or shelter six weeks befo re winter. Half the 102 people on the
Mayflower made it through to spring, which to me was amazing. How, I won
dered, did they survive?
In his history of Plymouth Colony, Bradford provided the answer: by rob
bing Indian houses and graves. The Mayflower first hove to at Cape Cod. An
armed company staggered out. Eventually it found a recently deserted Indian
settlement. The newcomers-hungry, cold, sick-dug up graves and ransacked
houses, looking for underground stashes of corn. "And sure it was God's good
providence that we found this corn:' Bradford wrote, "for else we know not
how we should have done." (He felt uneasy about the thievery, though.) When
the colonists came to Plymouth, a month later, they set up shop in another de
serted Indian village. All through the coastal forest the Indians had "died on
heapes, as they lay in their houses;' the English trader Thomas Morton noted.
"And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made
such a spectacle" that to Morton the Massachusetts woods seemed to be "a new
found Golgotha"-the hill of executions in Roman Jerusalem.
To the Pilgrims' astonishment, one of the corpses they exhumed on Cape
Cod had blond hair. A French ship had been wrecked there several years earlier.
The Patuxet Indians imprisoned a few survivors. One of them supposedly
learned enough of the local language to inform his captors that God would de
stroy them for their misdeeds. The Patuxet scoffed at the threat. But the Euro
peans carried a disease, and they bequeathed it to their jailers. The epidemic
(probably of viral hepatitis, according to a study by Arthur E. Spiess, an archae
ologist at the Maine Historic Preservation Commission, and Bruce D. Spiess,
the director of clinical research at the Medical College of Virginia) took years
to exhaust itself and may have killed 90 percent of the people in coastal New
England. It made a huge difference to American history. " The good hand of
God favored our beginnings;' Bradford mused, by "sweeping away great multi
tudes of the natives . . . that he might make room for us."
By the time my ancestor set sail on the Mayflower, Europeans had been vis
iting New England for more than a hundred years. English, French, Italian,
Spanish, and Portuguese mariners regularly plied the coastline, trading what
CHARLES C . MAN N
they could, occasionally kidnapping the inhabitants for slaves. New England,
the Europeans saw, was thickly settled and well defended. In 1605 and 1606
Samuel de Champlain visited Cape Cod, hoping to establish a French base. He
abandoned the idea. Too many people already lived there. A year later Sir Ferdi
nando Gorges-British despite his name-tried to establish an English com
munity in southern Maine. It had more founders than Plymouth and seems to
have been better organized. Confronted by numerous well-armed local Indi
ans, the settlers abandoned the project within months. The Indians at Ply
mouth would surely have been an equal obstacle to my ancestor and his
ramshackle expedition had disease not intervened.
FAcE D w I T H such stories, historians have long wondered how many people
lived in the Americas at the time of contact. "Debated since Columbus at
tempted a partial census on Hispaniola in 1496;' Will i am Denevan has written,
this "remains one of the great inquiries of history." (In 1976 Denevan assembled
and edited an entire book on the subject, The Native Population of the Americas
in 1492.) The first scholarly estimate of the indigenous population was made in
1910 by James Mooney, a distinguished ethnographer at the Smithsonian Insti
tution. Combing through old documents, he concluded that in 1491 North
America had 1.15 million inhabitants. Mooney's glittering reputation ensured
that most subsequent researchers accepted his figure uncritically.
That changed in 1966, when Henry F. Dobyns published "Estimating Aborig
inal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric
Estimate;' in the journal Current Anthropology. Despite the carefully neutral title,
his argument was thunderous, its impact long-lasting. In the view of James
Wilson, the author of The Earth Shall Weep ( 1998 ), a history of indigenous Amer
icans, Dobyns's colleagues "are still struggling to get out of the crater that paper
left in anthropology:' Not only anthropologists were affected. Dobyns's estimate
proved to be one of the opening rounds in today's culture wars.
Dobyns began his exploration of pre-Columbian Indian demography in
the early 1950s, when he was a graduate student. At the invitation of a friend, he
spent a few months in northern Mexico, which is full of Spanish-era missions.
There he poked through the crumbling leather-bound ledgers in which Jesuits
recorded local births and deaths. Right away he noticed how many more deaths
there were. The Spaniards arrived, and then Indians died-in huge numbers, at
incredible rates. It hit him, Dobyns told me recently, "like a dub right between
the eyes."
It took Dobyns eleven years to obtain his Ph.D. Along the way he joined a
149 1 ] I
rural-development project in Peru, which until colonial times was the seat of
the Incan empire. Remembering what he had seen at the northern fringe of the
Spanish conquest, Dobyns decided to compare it with figures for the south. He
burrowed into the papers of the Lima cathedral and read apologetic Spanish
histories. The Indians in Peru, Dobyns concluded, had faced plagues from the
day the conquistadors showed up--in fact, before then: smallpox arrived
around 1525, seven years ahead of the Spanish. Brought to Mexico apparently
by a single sick Spaniard, it swept south and eliminated more than half the
population of the Incan empire. Smallpox claimed the Incan dictator Huayna
Capac and much of his family, setting off a calamitous war of succession. So
complete was the chaos that Francisco Pizarro was able to seize an empire the
size of Spain and Italy combined with a force of 168 men.
Smallpox was only the first epidemic. Typhus (probably) in 1546, influenza
and smallpox together in 1558, smallpox again in 1589, diphtheria in 1614,
measles in 1618-all ravaged the remains of Incan culture. Dobyns was the first
social scientist to piece together this awful picture, and he naturally rushed his
findings into print. Hardly anyone paid attention. But Dobyns was already
working on a second, related question: If all those people died, how many had
been living there to begin with? Before Columbus, Dobyns calculated, the
Western Hemisphere held 90 to 112 milli on people. Another way of saying this
is that in 1491 more people lived in the Americas than in Europe.
His argument was simple but horrific. It is well known that Native Ameri
cans had no experience with many European diseases and were therefore im
munologically unprepared-"virgin soil;' in the metaphor of epidemiologists.
What Dobyns realized was that such diseases could have swept from the coast
lines initially visited by Europeans to inland areas controlled by Indians who
had never seen a white person. The first whites to explore many parts of the
Americas may therefore have encountered places that were already depopu
lated. Indeed, Dobyns argued, they must have done so.
Peru was one example, the Pacific Northwest another. In 1792 the British
navigator George Vancouver led the first European expedition to survey Puget
Sound. He found a vast charnel house: human remains "promiscuously scat
tered about the beach, in great numbers." Smallp ox, Vancouver's crew discov
ered, had preceded them. Its few survivors, second lieutenant Peter Puget
noted, were "most terribly pitted . . . indeed many have lost their Eyes." In Pox
Americana (2001) , Elizabeth Fenn, a historian at George Washington Univer
sity, contends that the disaster on the northwest coast was but a small part of a
continental pandemic that erupted near Boston in 1774 and cut down Indians
from Mexico to Alaska.
32 CHAR LES c . MAN N
Because smallpox was not endemic in the Americas, colonials, too, had not
acquired any immunity. The virus, an equal-opportunity killer, swept through
the Continental Army and stopped the drive into Quebec. The American Revo
lution would be lost, Washington and other rebel leaders feared, if the conta
gion did to the colonists what it had done to the Indians. "The small Pox! The
small Pox! " John Adams wrote to his wife, Abigail. "What shall We do with it?"
In retrospect, Fenn says, "One of George Washington's most brilliant moves
was to inoculate the army against smallpox during the Valley Forge winter of
'78:' Without inoculation smallpox could easily have given the United States
back to the British.
So many epidemics occurred in the Americas, Dobyns argued, that the old
data used by Mooney and his successors represented population nadirs. From
the few cases in which before-and-after totals are known with relative cer
tainty, Dobyns estimated that in the first 130 years of contact about 95 percent
of the people in the Americas died-the worst demographic calamity in
recorded history.
Dobyns's ideas were quickly attacked as politically motivated, a push from
the hate-America crowd to inflate the toll of imperialism. The attacks continue
to this day. "No question about it, some people want those higher numbers,"
says Shepard Krech III, a Brown University anthropologist who is the author of
The Ecological Indian (1999 ) . These people, he says, were thrilled when Dobyns
revisited the subject in a book, Their Numbers Become Thinned (1983)-and re
vised his own estimates upward. Perhaps Dobyns's most vehement critic is
David Henige, a bibliographer of Africana at the University of Wisconsin,
whose Numbers from Nowhere (1998) is a landmark in the literature of demo
graphic fulmination. "Suspect in 1966, it is no less suspect nowadays;' Henige
wrote of Dobyns's work. "If anything, it is worse."
When Henige wrote Numbers from Nowhere, the fight about pre
Columbian populations had already consumed forests' worth of trees; his bib
liography is ninety pages long. And the dispute shows no sign of abating. More
and more people have jumped in. This is partly because the subject is inher
ently fascinating. But more likely the increased interest in the debate is due to
the growing realization of the high political and ecological stakes.
ket leader in the nascent trade for Indian slaves. The profits had helped to fund
Pizarro's seizure of the Incan empire, which had made Soto wealthier still.
Looking quite literally for new worlds to conquer, he persuaded the Spanish
Crown to let him loose in North America. He spent one fortune to make an
other. He came to Florida with 200 horses, 600 soldiers, and 300 pigs.
From today's perspective, it is difficult to imagine the ethical system that
would justify Soto's actions. For four years his force, looking for gold, wan
dered through what is now Florida, Georgia, North and South Carolina, Ten
nessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas, wrecking almost everything
it touched. The inhabitants often fought back vigorously, but they had never
before encountered an army with horses and guns. Soto died of fever with his
expedition in ruins; along the way his men had managed to rape, torture, en
slave, and kill countless Indians. But the worst thing the Spaniards did, some
researchers say, was entirely without malice-bring the pigs.
According to Charles Hudson, an anthropologist at the University of Geor
gia who spent fifteen years reconstructing the path of the expedition, Soto
crossed the Mississippi a few miles downstream from the present site of Mem
phis. It was a nervous passage: the Spaniards were watched by several thousand
Indian warriors. Utterly without fear, Soto brushed past the Indian force into
what is now eastern Arkansas, through thickly settled land-"very well peo
pled with large towns:' one of his men later recalled, "two or three of which
were to be seen from one town." Eventually the Spaniards approached a cluster
of small cities, each protected by earthen walls, sizeable moats, and deadeye
archers. In his usual fashion, Soto brazenly marched in, stole food, and
marched out.
After Soto left, no Europeans v isited this part of the Mississippi Valley for
more than a century. Early in 1682 whites appeared again, this time Frenchmen
in canoes. One of them was Rene-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle. The
French passed through the area where Soto had found cities cheek by jowl. It
was deserted-La Salle didn't see an Indian village for 200 miles. About fifty
settlements existed in this strip of the Mississippi when Soto showed up, ac
cording to Anne Ramenofsky, an anthropologist at the University of New Mex
ico. By La Salle's time the number had shrunk to perhaps ten, some probably
inhabited by recent immigrants. Soto "had a privileged glimpse" of an Indian
world, Hudson says. "The window opened and slammed shut. When the
French came in and the record opened up again, it was a transformed reality. A
civilization crumbled. The question is, how did this happen? "
The question i s even more complex than it may seem. Disaster o f this mag
nitude suggests epidemic disease. In the view of Ramenofsky and Patricia Gal-
34 CHAR LES C . MAN N
bright evolutionary future. In its worst outbreak, from 1347 to 1351, the Euro
pean Black Death claimed only a third of its victims. (The rest survived,
though they were often disfigured or crippled by its effects.) The Indians in
Soto's path, if Dobyns, Ramenofsky, and Perttula are correct, endured losses
that were incomprehensibly greater.
One reason is that Indians were fresh territory for many plagues, not just
one. Smallpox, typhoid, bubonic plague, influenza, mumps, measles, whoop
ing cough-all rained down on the Americas in the century after Columbus.
(Cholera, malaria, and scarlet fever came later.) Having little experience with
epidemic diseases, Indians had no knowledge of how to combat them. In con
trast, Europeans were well versed in the brutal logic of quarantine. They
boarded up houses in which plague appeared and fled to the countryside. In
Indian New England, Neal Salisbury, a historian at Smith College, wrote in
Manitou and Providence (1982) , family and friends gathered with the shaman at
the sufferer's bedside to wait out the illness-a practice that "could only have
served to spread the disease more rapidly:'
Indigenous biochemistry may also have played a role. The immune system
constantly scans the body for molecules that it can recognize as foreign
molecules belonging to an invading virus, for instance. No one's immune sys
tem can identify all foreign presences. Roughly speaking, an individual's set of
defensive tools is known as his MHC type. Because many bacteria and viruses
mutate easily, they usually attack in the form of several slightly different
strains. Pathogens win when MHC types miss some of the strains and the im
mune system is not stimulated to act. Most human groups contain many MHC
types; a strain that slips by one person's defenses will be nailed by the defenses
of the next. But, according to Francis L. Black, an epidemiologist at Yale Uni
versity, Indians are characterized by unusually homogenous MHC types. One
out of three South American Indians have similar MHC types; among Africans
the corresponding figure is one in 200. The cause is a matter for Darwinian
speculation, the effects less so.
In 1966 Dobyns's insistence on the role of disease was a shock to his col
leagues. Today the impact of European pathogens on the New World is almost
undisputed. Nonetheless, the fight over Indian numbers continues with undi
minished fervor. Estimates of the population of North America in 1491 disagree
by an order of magnitude-from 18 million, Dobyns's revised figure, to i.8 mil
lion, calculated by Douglas H. Ubelaker, an anthropologist at the Smithsonian.
To some "high counters;' as David Henige calls them, the low counters' refusal
to relinquish the vision of an empty continent is irrational or worse. "Non
Indian 'experts' always want to minimize the size of aboriginal populations,"
36 CHARLES c . MANN
high counters (though not the highest counters) seem to be winning the argu
ment, at least for now. No definitive data exist, he says, but the majority of the
extant evidentiary scraps support their side. Even Henige is no low counter.
When I asked him what he thought the population of the Americas was before
Columbus, he insisted that any answer would be speculation and made me
promise not to print what he was going to say next. Then he named a figure
that forty years ago would have caused a commotion.
To Elizabeth Fenn, the smallpox historian, the squabble over numbers ob
scures a central fact. Whether one million or 10 million or 100 million died, she
believes, the pall of sorrow that engulfed the hemisphere was immeasurable.
Languages, prayers, hopes, habits, and dreams-entire ways of life hissed away
like steam. The Spanish and the Portuguese lacked the germ theory of disease
and could not explain what was happening ( let alone stop it) . Nor can we ex
plain it; the ruin was too long ago and too all-encompassing. In the long run,
Fenn says, the consequential finding is not that many people died but that
many people once lived. The Americas were filled with a stunningly diverse as
sortment of peoples who had knocked about the continents for millennia. "You
have to wonder;' Fenn says. "What were all those people up to in all that time?"
B riflalo Farm
surprisingly widespread; when Lewis and Clark surveyed the Missouri, Jeffer
son told them to keep an eye out for errant bands of Welsh-speaking white In
dians. ) The historian George Bancroft, dean of his profession, was a dissenter:
the earthworks, he wrote in 1840, were purely natural formations.
Bancroft changed his mind about Cahokia, but not about Indians. To the
end of his days he regarded them as "feeble barbarians, destitute of commerce
and of political connection." His characterization lasted, largely unchanged, for
more than a century. Samuel Eliot Morison, the winner of two Pulitzer Prizes,
closed his monumental European Discovery ofAmerica (1974) with the observa
tion that Native Americans expected only "short and brutish lives, void of hope
for any future." As late as 1987 American History: A Survey, a standard high
school textbook by three well-known historians, described the Americas before
Columbus as "empty of mankind and its works." The story of Europeans in the
New World, the book explained, "is the story of the creation of a civilization
where none existed."
Alfred Crosby, a historian at the University of Texas, came to other conclu
sions. Crosby's The Columbian Exchange: Biological Consequences of 1492
caused almost as much of a stir when it was published, in 1972, as Henry
Dobyns's calculation of Indian numbers six years earlier, though in different
circles. Crosby was a standard names-and-battles historian who became frus
trated by the random contingency of political events. "Some trivial thing hap
pens and you have this guy winning the presidency instead of that guy;' he says.
He decided to go deeper. After he finished his manuscript, it sat on his shelf
he couldn't find a publisher willing to be associated with his new ideas. It took
him three years to persuade a small editorial house to put it out. The
Columbian Exchange has been in print ever since; a companion, Ecological Im
perialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900- 1900, appeared in 1986.
Human history, in Crosby's interpretation, is marked by two world-altering
centers of invention: the Middle East and central Mexico, where Indian groups
independently created nearly all of the Neolithic innovations, writing in
cluded. The Neolithic Revolution began in the Middle East about 10,000 years
ago. In the next few millennia humankind invented the wheel, the metal tool,
and agriculture. The Sumerians eventually put these inventions together,
added writing, and became the world's first civilization. Afterward Sumeria's
heirs in Europe and Asia frantically copied one another's happiest discoveries;
innovations ricocheted from one corner of Eurasia to another, stimulating
technological progress. Native Americans, who had crossed to Alaska before
Sumeria, missed out on the bounty. "They had to do everything on their own;'
Crosby says. Remarkably, they succeeded.
149 1 39
chose to be an Indian. Some early colonists gave the same answer. Horrifying
the leaders of Jamestown and Plymouth, scores of English ran off to live with
the Indians. My ancestor shared their desire, which is what led to the
trumped-up murder charges against him-or that's what my grandfather told
me, anyway.
As for the Indians, evidence suggests that they often viewed Europeans
with disdain. The Hurons, a chagrined missionary reported, thought the
French possessed "little intelligence in comparison to themselves." Eu ropeans,
Indians said, were physically weak, sexually untrustworthy, atrociously ugly,
and just plain dirty. (Spaniards, who seldom if ever bathed, were amazed by the
Aztec desire for personal cleanliness.) A Jesuit reported that the "Savages" were
disgusted by handkerchiefs: "They say, we place what is unclean in a fine white
piece of linen, and put it away in our pockets as something very precious, while
they throw it upon the ground." The Micmac scoffed at the notion of French
superiority. If Christian civilization was so wonderful, why were its inhabitants
leaving?
Like people everywhere, Indians survived by cleverly exploiting their envi
ronment. Europeans tended to manage land by breaking it into fragments for
farmers and herders. Indians often worked on such a grand scale that the scope
of their ambition can be hard to grasp. They created small plots, as Europeans
did (about i.5 million acres of terraces still exist in the Peruvian Andes) , but
they also reshaped entire landscapes to suit their purposes. A principal tool was
fire, used to keep down underbrush and create the open, grassy conditions fa
vorable for game. Rather than domesticating animals for meat, Indians re
tooled whole ecosystems to grow bumper crops of elk, deer, and bison. The first
white settlers in Ohio found forests as open as English parks-they could drive
carriages through the woods. Along the Hudson River the annual fall burning
lit up the banks for miles on end; so flashy was the show that the Dutch in New
Amsterdam boated upriver to goggle at the blaze like children at fireworks. In
North America, Indian torches had their biggest impact on the Midwestern
prairie, much or most of which was created and maintained by fire. Millennia
of exuberant burning shaped the plains into vast buffalo farms. When Indian
societies disintegrated, forest invaded savannah in Wisconsin, Illinois, Kansas,
Nebraska, and the Texas Hill Country. Is it possible that the Indians changed
the Americas more than the invading Europeans did? "The answer is probably
yes for most regions for the next 250 years or so" after Columbus, William
Denevan wrote, "and for some regions right up to the present time."
When scholars first began increasing their estimates of the ecological im
pact of lndian civilization, they met with considerable resistance from anthro-
42 CHARLES C . MANN
pologists and archaeologists. Over time the consensus in the human sciences
changed. Under Denevan's direction, Oxford University Press has just issued
the third volume of a huge catalogue of the "cultivated landscapes" of the
Americas. This sort of phrase still provokes vehement objection-but the main
dissenters are now ecologists and environmentalists. The disagreement is en
capsulated by Amazonia, which has become the emblem of vanishing wilder
ness-an admonitory image of untouched Nature. Yet recently a growing
number of researchers have come to believe that Indian societies had an enor
mous environmental impact on the j ungle. Indeed, some anthropologists have
called the Amazon forest itself a cultural artifact-that is, an artificial object.
Green Pr isons
don't change much over time, so you can pick up a bunch of chips and say, 'Oh,
look, it was all one big site!' Unless you know what you're doing, of course."
Centuries after the conquistadors, "the myth of El Dorado is being revived by
archaeologists:' Meggers wrote last fall in the journal Latin American Antiquity,
referring to the persistent Spanish delusion that cities of gold existed in the
jungle.
The dispute grew bitter and personal; inevitable in a contemporary aca
demic context, it has featured vituperative references to colonialism, elitism,
and employment by the CIA. Meanwhile, Roosevelt's team investigated Painted
Rock Cave. On the floor of the cave what looked to me like nothing in particu
lar turned out to be an ancient midden: a refuse heap. The archaeologists
slowly scraped away sediment, traveling backward in time with every inch.
When the traces of human occupation vanished, they kept digging. ("You al
ways go a meter past sterile:' Roosevelt says.) A few inches below they struck
the charcoal-rich dirt that signifies human habitation-a culture, Roosevelt
said later, that wasn't supposed to be there.
For many millennia the cave's inhabitants hunted and gathered for food.
But by about 4,000 years ago they were growing crops-perhaps as many as
140 of them, according to Charles R. Clement, an anthropological botanist at
the Brazilian National Institute for Amazonian Research. Unlike Europeans,
who planted mainly annual crops, the Indians, he says, centered their agricul
ture on the Amazon's unbelievably diverse assortment of trees: fruits, nuts, and
palms. "It's tremendously difficult to clear fields with stone tools:' Clement
says. "If you can plant trees, you get twenty years of productivity out of your
work instead of two or three."
Planting their orchards, the first Amazonians transformed large swaths of
the river basin into something more pleasing to human beings. In a widely cited
article from 1989, William Balee, the Tulane anthropologist, cautiously esti
mated that about 12 percent of the nonflooded Amazon forest was of anthro
pogenic origin-directly or indirectly created by human beings. In some circles
this is now seen as a conservative position. "I basically think it's all human
created:' Clement told me in Brazil. He argues that Indians changed the assort
ment and density of species throughout the region. So does Clark Erickson, the
University of Pennsylvania archaeologist, who told me in Bolivia that the low
land tropical forests of South America are among the finest works of art on the
planet. "Some of my colleagues would say that's pretty radical:' he said, smiling
mischievously. According to Peter Stahl, an anthropologist at the State Univer
sity of New York at Binghamton, "lots" of botanists believe that "what the eco
imagery would like to picture as a pristine, untouched Urwelt [primeval world]
149 1 45
in fact has been managed by people for millennia." The phrase "built environ
ment;' Erickson says, "applies to most, if not all, Neotropical landscapes."
"Landscape" in this case is meant exactly-Amazonian Indians literally
created the ground beneath their feet. According to William I. Woods, a soil ge
ographer at Southern Illinois University, ecologists' claims about terrible Ama
zonian land were based on very little data. In the late 1990s Woods and others
began careful measurements in the lower Amazon. They indeed found lots of
inhospitable terrain. But they also discovered swaths of terra p reta-rich, fer
tile "black earth" that anthropologists increasingly believe was created by hu
man beings.
Terra preta, Woods guesses, covers at least 10 percent of Amazonia, an area
the size of France. It has amazing properties, he says. Tropical rain doesn't leach
nutrients from terra preta fields; instead the soil, so to speak, fights back. Not
far from Painted Rock Cave is a 300-acre area with a two-foot layer of terra
preta quarried by locals for potting soil. The bottom third of the layer is never
removed, workers there explain, because over time it will re-create the original
soil layer in its initial thickness. The reason, scientists suspect, is that terra preta
is generated by a special suite of microorganisms that resists depletion. "Appar
ently;' Woods and the Wisconsin geographer Joseph M. McCann argued in a
presentation the summer of 2001, "at some threshold level . . . dark earth at
tains the capacity to perpetuate-even regenerate itself-thus behaving more
like a living 'super' -organism than an inert material."
In as yet unpublished research the archaeologists Eduardo Neves, of the
University of Sao Paulo; Michael Heckenberger, of the University of Florida;
and their colleagues examined terra preta in the upper Xingu, a huge southern
tributary of the Amazon. Not all Xingu cultures left behind this living earth,
they discovered. But the ones that did generated it rapidly-suggesting to
Woods that terra preta was created deliberately. In a process reminiscent of
dropping microorganism-rich starter into plain dough to create sourdough
bread, Amazonian peoples, he believes, inoculated bad soil with a transforming
bacterial charge. Not every group of Indians there did this, but quite a few did,
and over an extended period of time.
When Woods told me this, I was so amazed that I almost dropped the
phone. I ceased to be articulate for a moment and said things like "wow" and
"gosh:' Woods chuckled at my reaction, p robably because he understood what
was passing through my mind. Faced with an ecological problem, I was think
ing, the Indians fixed it. They were in the process of terraforming the Amazon
when Columbus showed up and ruined everything.
Scientists should study the microorganisms in terra preta, Woods told me,
46 CHARLES C . MANN
to find out how they work. If that could be learned, maybe some version of
Amazonian dark earth could be used to improve the vast expanses of bad soil
that cripple agriculture in Africa-a final gift from the people who brought us
tomatoes, corn, and the immense grasslands of the Great Plains.
"Betty Meggers would just die if she heard me saying this;' Woods told me.
"Deep down her fear is that this data will be misused:' Indeed, Meggers's 2001
Latin American An tiquity article charged that archaeologists who say the Ama
zon can support agriculture are effectively telling "developers [that they] are
entitled to operate without restraint." Resuscitating the myth of El Dorado, in
her view, "makes us accomplices in the accelerating pace of environmental
degradation." Doubtless there is something to this-although, as some of her
critics responded in the same issue of the journal, it is difficult to imagine
greedy plutocrats "perusing the pages of Latin American Antiquity before de
ciding to rev up the chain saws." But the new picture doesn't automatically le
gitimize paving the forest. Instead it suggests that for a long time big chunks of
Amazonia were used nondestructively by clever people who knew tricks we
have yet to learn.
I visited Painted Rock Cave during the river's annual flood, when it wells up
over its banks and creeps inland for miles. Farmers in the floodplain build
houses and barns on stilts and watch pink dolphins sport from their doorsteps.
Ecotourists take shortcuts by driving motorboats through the drowned forest.
Guys in dories chase after them, trying to sell sacks of incredibly good fruit.
All of this is described as "wilderness" in the tourist brochures. It's not, if
researchers like Roosevelt are correct. Indeed, they believe that fewer people
may be living there now than in 1491. Yet when my boat glided into the trees,
the forest shut out the sky like the closing of an umbrella. Within a few hun
dred yards the human presence seemed to vanish. I felt alone and small, but in
a way that was curiously like feeling exalted. If that place was not wilderness,
how should I think of it? Since the fate of the forest is in our hands, what
should be our goal for its future?
No vel S h ores
To Charles Kay, the reason for the buffalo's sudden emergence is obvious.
Kay is a wildlife ecologist in the political-science department at Utah State Uni
versity. In ecological terms, he says, the Indians were the "keystone species" of
American ecosystems. A keystone species, according to the Harvard biologist
Edward 0. Wilson, is a species "that affects the survival and abundance of
many other species." Keystone species have a disproportionate impact on their
ecosystems. Removing them, Wilson adds, "results in a relatively significant
shift in the composition of the [ecological] community."
When disease swept Indians from the land, Kay says, what happened was
exactly that. The ecological ancien regime collapsed, and strange new phenom
ena emerged. In a way this is unsurprising; for better or worse, humankind is a
keystone species everywhere. Among these phenomena was a population ex
plosion in the species that the Indians had kept down by hunting. After disease
kille d off the Indians, Kay believes, buffalo vastly extended their range. Their
numbers more than sextupled. The same occurred with elk and mule deer. "If
the elk were here in great numbers all this time, the archaeological sites should
be chock-full of elk bones:' Kay says. "But the archaeologists will tell you the
elk weren't there." On the evidence of middens the number of elk j umped
about 500 years ago.
Passenger pigeons may be another example. The epitome of natural Amer
ican abundance, they flew in such great masses that the first colonists were stu
pefied by the sight. As a boy, the explorer Henry Brackenridge saw flocks "ten
miles in width, by one hundred and twenty in length." For hours the birds
darkened the sky from horizon to horizon. According to Thomas Neumann, a
consulting archaeologist in Lilburn, Georgia, passenger pigeons "were incredi
bly dumb and always roosted in vast hordes, so they were very easy to harvest."
Because they were readily caught and good to eat, Neumann says, archaeologi
cal digs should find many pigeon bones in the pre-Columbian strata of Indian
middens. But they aren't there. The mobs of birds in the history books, he says,
were "outbreak populations-always a symptom of an extraordinarily dis
rupted ecological system:'
Throughout eastern North America the open landscape seen by the first
Europeans quickly fill e d in with forest. According to W illiam Cronon, of the
University of Wisconsin, later colonists began complaining about how hard it
was to get around. (Eventuall y, of course, they stripped New England almost
bare of trees.) When Europeans moved west, they were preceded by two waves:
one of disease, the other of ecological disturbance. The former crested with
fearsome rapidity ; the latter sometimes took more than a century to quiet
down. Far from destroying pristine wilderness, European settlers bloodily ere-
48 CHAR LES c . MANN
ated it. By 1800 the hemisphere was chockablock with new wilderness. If "forest
primeval" means a woodland unsullied by the human presence, William
Denevan has written, there was much more of it in the late eighteenth century
than in the early sixteenth.
Cronon's Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New
England (1983) belongs on the same shelf as works by Crosby and Dobyns. But
it was not until one of his articles was excerpted in The New York Times in 1995
that people outside the social sciences began to understand the implications of
this view of Indian history. Environmentalists and ecologists vigorously at
tacked the anti-wilderness scenario, which they described as infected by post
modern philosophy. A small academic brouhaha ensued, complete with
hundreds of footnotes. It precipitated Reinventing Nature? (1995), one of the
few academic critiques of postmodernist philosophy written largely by biolo
gists. The Great New Wilderness Debate (1998) , another lengthy book on the
subject, was edited by two philosophers who earnestly identified themselves as
"Euro-American men [whose] cultural legacy is patriarchal Western civiliza
tion in its current postcolonial, globally hegemonic form:'
It is easy to tweak academics for opaque, self-protective language like this.
Nonetheless, their concerns were quite justified. Crediting Indians with the
role of keystone species has implications for the way the current Euro
American members of that keystone species manage the forests, watersheds,
and endangered species of America. Because a third of the United States is
owned by the federal government, the issue inevitably has political ramifica
tions. In Amazonia, fabled storehouse of biodiversity, the stakes are global.
Guided by the pristine myth, mainstream environmentalists want to pre
serve as much of the world's land as possible in a putatively intact state. But
"intact;' if the new research is correct, means "run by human beings for human
purposes." Environmentalists dislike this, because it seems to mean that any
thing goes. In a sense they are correct. Native Americans managed the conti
nent as they saw fit. Modern nations must do the same. If they want to return
as much of the landscape as possible to its 1491 state, they will have to find it
within themselves to create the world's largest garden.
A T U L G AWA N D E
"Practice, practice, practice"9oes the punch line to the old joke, and it 's as
truefor sur9eons as it isfor musicians. Atul Gawande, who has chronicled
his own sur9ical trainin9 with honesty and humor, shares his experiences
and anxieties-about the way doctors learn their skills: performin9 suppos
edly routine procedures on unsuspectin9 patients.
he patient needed a central line. "Here's your chance:' S . , the chief resi
T dent, said. I had never done one before. "Get set up and then page me
when you're ready to start."
It was my fourth week in surgical training. The pockets of my short white
coat bulged with patient printouts, laminated cards with instructions for doing
CPR and reading EKGs and using the dictation system, two surgical hand
books, a stethoscope, wound-dressing supplies, meal tickets, a penlight, scis
sors, and about a dollar in loose change. As I headed up the stairs to the
patient's floor, I rattled.
This will be good, I tried to tell myself: my first real procedure. The
patient-fiftyish, stout, taciturn-was recovering from abdominal surgery
he'd had about a week earlier. His bowel function hadn't yet returned, and he
was unable to eat. I explained to him that he needed intravenous nutrition and
that this required a "special line" that would go into his chest. I said that I
would put the line in him while he was in his bed, and that it would involve my
50 A T U L G AWA N D E
numbing a spot on his chest with a local anesthetic, and then threading the line
in. I did not say that the line was eight inches long and would go into his vena
cava, the main blood vessel to his heart. Nor did I say how tricky the procedure
could be. There were "slight risks" involved, I said, such as bleeding and lung
collapse; in experienced hands, complications of this sort occur in fewer than
one case in a hundred.
But, of course, mine were not experienced hands. And the disasters I knew
about weighed on my mind: the woman who had died within minutes from
massive bleeding when a resident lacerated her vena cava; the man whose chest
had to be opened because a resident lost hold of a wire inside the line, which
then floated down to the patient's heart; the man who had a cardiac arrest
when the procedure put him into ventricular fibrillation. I said nothing of such
things, naturally, when I asked the patient's permission to do his line. He said,
"OK."
I had seen S. do two central lines; one was the day before, and I'd attended
to every step. I watched how she set out her instruments and laid her patient
down and put a rolled towel between his shoulder blades to make his chest arch
out. I watched how she swabbed his chest with antiseptic, injected lidocaine,
which is a local anesthetic, and then, in full sterile garb, punctured his chest
near his clavicle with a fat three-inch needle on a syringe. The patient hadn't
even flinched. She told me how to avoid hitting the lung ("Go in at a steep an
gle;' she'd said. "Stay right under the clavicle") , and how to find the subclavian
vein, a branch to the vena cava lying atop the lung near its apex ("Go in at a
steep angle. Stay righ t under the clavicle") . She pushed the needle in almost all
the way. She drew back on the syringe. And she was in. You knew because the
syringe filled with maroon blood. ("If it's bright red, you've hit an artery," she
said. "That's not good.") Once you have the tip of this needle poking in the
vein, you somehow have to widen the hole in the vein wall, fit the catheter in,
and snake it in the right direction-down to the heart, rather than up to the
brain-all without tearing through vessels, lung, or anything else.
To do this, S. explained, you start by getting a guide wire in place. She
pulled the syringe off, leaving the needle in. Blood flowed out. She picked up a
two-foot-long twenty-gauge wire that looked like the steel D string of an elec
tric guitar, and passed nearly its full length through the needle's bore, into the
vein, and onward toward the vena cava. "Never force it in;' she warned, "and
never, ever let go of it." A string of rapid heartbeats fired off on the cardiac
monitor, and she quickly pulled the wire back an inch. It had poked into the
heart, causing momentary fibrillation. "Guess we're in the right place;' she said
to me quietly. Then to the patient: "You're doing great. Only a few minutes
The Lear n i n9 Cu rve s 1
now." She pulled the needle out over the wire and replaced it with a bullet of
thick, stiff plastic, which she pushed in tight to widen the vein opening. She
then removed this dilator and threaded the central line-a spaghetti-thick,
flexible yellow plastic tube-over the wire until it was all the way in. Now she
could remove the wire. She flushed the line with a heparin solution and su
tured it to the patient's chest. And that was it.
Today, it was my turn to try. First, I had to gather supplies-a central-line
kit, gloves, gown, cap, mask, lidocaine-which took me forever. When I finally
had the stuff together, I stopped for a minute outside the patient's door, trying
to recall the steps. They remained frustratingly hazy. But I couldn't put it off
any longer. I had a page-long list of other things to get done: Mrs. A needed to
be discharged; Mr. B needed an abdominal ultrasound arranged; Mrs. C
needed her skin staples removed. And every fifteen minutes or so I was getting
paged with more tasks: Mr. X was nauseated and needed to be seen; Miss Y's
family was here and needed "someone" to talk to them; Mr. Z needed a laxative.
I took a deep breath, put on my best don't-worry-I-know-what-I'm-doing
look, and went in.
I placed the supplies on a bedside table, untied the patient's gown, and laid
him down flat on the mattress, with his chest bare and his arms at his sides. I
flipped on a fluorescent overhead light and raised his bed to my height. I paged
S. I put on my gown and gloves and, on a sterile tray, laid out the central line,
the guide wire, and other materials from the kit. I drew up five cc's of lidocaine
in a syringe, soaked two sponge sticks in the yellow-brown Betadine, and
opened up the suture packaging.
S. arrived. "What's his platelet count?"
My stomach knotted. I hadn't checked. That was bad: too low and he could
have a serious bleed from the procedure. She went to check a computer. The
count was acceptable.
Chastened, I started swabbing his chest with the sponge sticks. "Got the
shoulder roll underneath him?" S. asked. Well, no, I had forgotten that, too. The
patient gave me a look. S. , saying nothing, got a towel, rolled it up, and slipped
it under his back for me. I finished applying the antiseptic and then draped
him so that only his right upper chest was exposed. He squirmed a bit beneath
the drapes. S. now inspected my tray. I girded myself.
"Where's the extra syringe for flushing the line when it's in?" Damn. She
went out and got it.
I felt for my landmarks. Here? I asked with my eyes, not wanting to under
mine the patient's confidence any further. She nodded. I numbed the spot with
lidocaine. ("You'll feel a stick and a burn now, sir." ) Next, I took the three-inch
.P A T U L G AWA N D E
needle in hand and poked it through the skin. I advanced it slowly and uncer
tainly, a few millimeters at a time. This is a big goddam needle, I kept thinking.
I couldn't believe I was sticking it into someone's chest. I concentrated on
maintaining a steep angle of entry, but kept spearing his clavicle instead of slip
ping beneath it.
"Ow! " he shouted.
"Sorry;' I said. S. signaled with a kind of surfing hand gesture to go under
neath the clavicle. This time, it went in. I drew back on the syringe. Nothing.
She pointed deeper. I went in deeper. Nothing. I withdrew the needle, flushed
out some bits of tissue clogging it, and tried again.
"Ow!"
Too steep again. I found my way underneath the clavicle once more. I drew
the syringe back. Still nothing. He's too obese, I thought. S. slipped on gloves
and a gown. "How about I have a look?" she said. I handed her the needle and
stepped aside. She plunged the needle in, drew back on the syringe, and, just
like that, she was in. "We'll be done shortly;' she told the patient.
She let me continue with the next steps, which I bumbled through. I didn't
realize how long and floppy the guide wire was until I pulled the coil out of its
plastic sleeve, and, putting one end of it into the patient, I very nearly contami
nated the other. I forgot about the dilating step until she reminded me. Then,
when I put in the dilator, I didn't push quite hard enough, and it was really S.
who pushed it all the way in. Finally, we got the line in, flushed it, and sutured it
in place.
Outside the room, S. said that I could be less tentative the next time, but
that I shouldn't worry too much about how things had gone. "You'll get it," she
said. "It just takes practice." I wasn't so sure. The procedure remained wholly
mysterious to me. And I could not get over the idea of jabbing a needle into
someone's chest so deeply and so blindly. I awaited the X-ray afterward with
trepidation. But it came back fine: I had not injured the lung and the line was
in the right place.
screw. Suppose she bled? Or suppose I fractured her foot? Or something worse?
I excused myself and tracked down Dr. W., the senior surgeon on duty. I found
him tending to a car-crash victim. The patient was a mess, and the floor was
covered with blood. People were shouting. It was not a good time to ask ques
tions.
I ordered an X-ray. I figured it would buy time and let me check my ama
teur impression that she didn't have a fracture. Sure enough, getting the X-ray
took about an hour, and it showed no fracture-just a common screw embed
ded, the radiologist said, "in the head of the first metatarsal." I showed the pa
tient the X-ray. "You see, the screw's embedded in the head of the first
metatarsal," I said. And the plan? she wanted to know. Ah, yes, the plan.
I went to find Dr. W. He was still busy with the crash victim, but I was able
to interrupt to show him the X-ray. He chuckled at the sight of it and asked me
what I wanted to do. "Pull the screw out?" I ventured. "Yes:' he said, by which he
meant "Duh." He made sure I'd given the patient a tetanus shot and then
shooed me away.
Back in the examining room, I told her that I would pull the screw out, pre
pared for her to say something like "You?" Instead she said, "OK, Doctor." At
first, I had her sitting on the exam table, dangling her leg off the side. But that
didn't look as if it would work. Eventually, I had her lie with her foot jutting off
the table end, the board poking out into the air. With every move, her pain in
creased. I injected a local anesthetic where the screw had gone in and that
helped a little. Now I grabbed her foot in one hand, the board in the other, and
for a moment I froze. Could I really do this? Who was I to presume?
Finally, I gave her a one-two-three and pulled, gingerly at first and then
hard. She groaned. The screw wasn't budging. I twisted, and abruptly it came
free. There was no bleeding. I washed the wound out, and she found she could
walk. I warned her of the risks of infection and the signs to look for. Her grati
tude was immense and flattering, like the lion's for the mouse-and that night
I went home elated.
In surgery, as in anything else, skill, judgment, and confidence are learned
through experience, haltingly and humiliatingly. Like the tennis player and the
oboist and the guy who fixes hard drives, we need practice to get good at what
we do. There is one difference in medicine, though: we practice on people.
also heavily sedated, and for this I was grateful. She'd be oblivious of my fum
bling.
My preparation was better this time. I got the towel roll in place and the sy
ringes of heparin on the tray. I checked her lab results, which were fine. I also
made a point of draping more widely, so that if l flopped the guide wire around
by mistake again, it wouldn't hit anything unsterile.
For all that, the procedure was a bust. I stabbed the needle in too shallow
and then too deep. Frustration overcame tentativeness and I tried one angle af
ter another. Nothing worked. Then, for one brief moment, I got a flash of
blood in the syringe, indicating that I was in the vein. I anchored the needle
with one hand and went to pull the syringe off with the other. But the syringe
was jammed on too tightly, so that when I pulled it free I dislodged the needle
from the vein. The patient began bleeding into her chest wall. I held pressure
the best I could for a solid five minutes, but still her chest turned black and blue
around the site. The hematoma made it impossible to put a line through there
anymore. I wanted to give up. But she needed a line and the resident supervis
ing me-a second-year this time-was determined that I succeed. After an
X-ray showed that I had not injured her lung, he had me try on the other side,
with a whole new kit. I missed again, and he took over. It took him several min
utes and two or three sticks to find the vein himself and that made me feel bet
ter. Maybe she was an unusually tough case.
When I failed with a third patient a few days later, though, the doubts really
set in. Again, it was stick, stick, stick, and nothing. I stepped aside. The resident
watching me got it on the next try.
Ph.D. every time. Sure, he said, he'd bet on the sculptor's being more physically
talented; but he'd bet on the Ph.D.'s being less "flaky." And in the end that mat
ters more. Skill, surgeons believe, can be taught; tenacity cannot. It's an odd ap
proach to recruitment, but it continues all the way up the ranks, even in top
surgery departments. They start with minions with no experience in surgery,
spend years training them, and then take most of their faculty from these same
homegrown ranks.
And it works. There have now been many studies of elite performers
concert violinists, chess grand masters, professional ice-skaters, mathemati
cians, and so forth-and the biggest difference researchers find between them
and lesser performers is the amount of deliberate practice they've accumu
lated. Indeed, the most important talent may be the talent for practice itself.
K. Anders Ericsson, a cognitive psychologist and an expert on performance,
notes that the most important role that innate factors play may be in a person's
willingness to engage in sustained training. He has found, for example, that top
performers dislike practicing just as much as others do. (That's why, for exam
ple, athletes and musicians usually quit practicing when they retire.) But, more
than others, they have the will to keep at it anyway.
I wA s N ' T s u R E
I did. What good was it, I wondered, to keep doing central
lines when I wasn't coming close to hitting them? If I had a clear idea of what I
was doing wrong, then maybe I'd have something to focus on. But I didn't.
Everyone, of course, had suggestions. Go in with the bevel of the needle up. No,
go in with the bevel down. Put a bend in the middle of the needle. No, curve the
needle. For a while, I tried to avoid doing another line. Soon enough, however,
a new case arose.
The circumstances were miserable. It was late in the day, and I'd had to
work through the previous night. The patient weighed more than three hun
dred pounds. He couldn't tolerate lying flat because the weight of his chest and
abdomen made it hard for him to breathe. Yet he had a badly infected wound,
needed intravenous antibiotics, and no one could find veins in his arms for a
peripheral IV. I had little hope of succeeding. But a resident does what he is
told, and I was told to try the line.
I went to his room. He looked scared and said he didn't think he'd last more
than a minute on his back. But he said he understood the situation and was
willing to make his best effort. He and I decided that he'd be left sitting
propped up in bed until the last possible minute. We'd see how far we got after
that.
The Lear n i n9 C u rve n
I went through my preparations: checking his blood counts from the lab,
putting out the kit, placing the towel roll, and so on. I swabbed and draped his
chest while he was still sitting up. S., the chief resident, was watching me this
time, and when everything was ready I had her tip him back, an oxygen mask
on his face. His flesh rolled up his chest like a wave. I couldn't find his clavicle
with my fingertips to line up the right point of entry. And already he was look
ing short of breath, his face red. I gave S. a " Do you want to take over?" look.
Keep going, she signaled. I made a rough guess about where the right spot was,
numbed it with lidocaine, and pushed the big needle in. For a second, I
thought it wouldn't be long enough to reach through, but then I felt the tip slip
underneath his clavicle. I pushed a little deeper and drew back on the syringe.
Unbelievably, it filled with blood. I was in. I concentrated on anchoring the
needle firmly in place, not moving it a millimeter as I pulled the syringe off and
threaded the guide wire in. The wire fed in smoothly. The patient was strug
gling hard for air now. We sat him up and let him catch his breath. And then,
laying him down one more time, I got the entry dilated and slid the central line
in. "Nice job" was all S. said, and then she left.
I still have no idea what I did differently that day. But from then on my lines
went in. That's the funny thing about practice. For days and days, you make out
only the fragments of what to do. And then one day you've got the thing whole.
Conscious learning becomes unconscious knowledge, and you cannot say pre
cisely how.
how to hold the knife, how to tie a square knot in a length of silk suture (not to
mention how to dictate, work the computers, order drugs). But then the tasks
become more daunting: how to cut through skin, handle the electrocautery,
open the breast, tie off a bleeder, excise a tumor, close up a wound. At the end
of six months, I had done lines, lumpectomies, appendectomies, skin grafts,
hernia repairs, and mastectomies. At the end of a year, I was doing limb ampu
tations, hemorrhoidectomies, and laparoscopic gallbladder operations. At the
end of two years, I was beginning to do tracheotomies, small-bowel operations,
and leg-artery bypasses.
I am in my seventh year of training, of which three years have been spent
doing research. Only now has a simple slice through skin begun to seem like
the mere start of a case. These days, I'm trying to learn how to fix an abdominal
aortic aneurysm, remove a pancreatic cancer, open blocked carotid arteries. I
am, I have found, neither gifted nor maladroit. With practice and more prac
tice, I get the hang of it.
Doctors find it hard to talk about this with patients. The moral burden of
practicing on people is always with us, but for the most part it is unspoken. Be
fore each operation, I go over to the holding area in my scrubs and introduce
myself to the patient. I do it the same way every time. "Hello, I'm Dr. Gawande.
I'm one of the surgical residents, and I'll be assisting your surgeon." That is
pretty much all I say on the subject. I extend my hand and smile. I ask the pa
tient if everything is going OK so far. We chat. I answer questions. Very occa
sionally, patients are taken aback. "No resident is doing my surgery;' they say. I
try to be reassuring. "Not to worry-I j ust assist;' I say. "The attending surgeon
is always in charge:'
None of this is exactly a lie. The attending is in charge, and a resident knows
better than to forget that. Consider the operation I did recently to remove a
seventy-five-year-old woman's colon cancer. The attending stood across from
me from the start. And it was he, not I, who decided where to cut, how to posi
tion the opened abdomen, how to isolate the cancer, and how much colon to
take.
Yet I'm the one who held the knife. I'm the one who stood on the operator's
side of the table, and it was raised to my six-foot-plus height. I was there to
help, yes, but I was there to practice, too. This was clear when it came time to
reconnect the colon. There are two ways of putting the ends together
handsewing and stapling. Stapling is swifter and easier, but the attending sug
gested I handsew the ends-not because it was better for the patient but
because I had had much less experience doing it. When it's performed cor
rectly, the results are similar, but he needed to watch me like a hawk. My stitch-
The Learn i n9 C u rve S9
ing was slow and imprecise. At one point, he caught me putting the stitches too
far apart and made me go back and put extras in between so the connection
would not leak. At another point, he found I wasn't taking deep enough bites of
tissue with the needle to ensure a strong closure. "Turn your wrist more;' he
told me. "Like this?" I asked. "Uh, sort of," he said.
In medicine, there has long been a conflict between the imperative to give
patients the best possible care and the need to provide novices with experience.
Residencies attempt to mitigate potential harm through supervision and grad
uated responsibility. And there is reason to think that patients actually benefit
from teaching. Studies commonly find that teaching hospitals have better out
comes than non-teaching hospitals. Residents may be amateurs, but having
them around checking on patients, asking questions, and keeping faculty on
their toes seems to help. But there is still no avoiding those first few unsteady
times a young physician tries to put in a central line, remove a breast cancer, or
sew together two segments of colon. No matter how many protections are in
place, on average these cases go less well with the novice than with someone ex
perienced.
Doctors have no illusions about this. When an attending physician brings a
sick family member in for surgery, people at the hospital think twice about let
ting traincees participate. Even when the attending insists that they participate
as usual, the residents scrubbing in know that it will be far from a teaching case.
And if a central line must be put in, a first-timer is certainly not going to do it.
Conversely, the ward services and clinics where residents have the most re
sponsibility are populated by the poor, the uninsured, the drunk, and the de
mented. Residents have few opportunities nowadays to operate independently,
without the attending docs scrubbed in, but when we do-as we must before
graduating and going out to operate on our own-it is generally with these, the
humblest of patients.
And this is the uncomfortable truth about teaching. By traditional ethics
and public insistence (not to mention court rulings), a patient's right to the
best care possible must trump the objective of training novices. We want per
fection without practice. Yet everyone is harmed if no one is trained for the fu
ture. So learning is hidden, behind drapes and anesthesia and the elisions of
language. And the dilemma doesn't apply just to residents, physicians in train
ing. The process of learning goes on longer than most people know.
Long ago, my mother chose to practice part time, which she could afford to do
because my father's practice became so busy and successful. He has now been
at it for more than twenty-five years, and his office is cluttered with the evi
dence of this. There is an overflowing wall of medical files, gifts from patients
displayed everywhere (books, paintings, ceramics with Biblical sayings, hand
painted paperweights, blown glass, carved boxes, a figurine of a boy who, when
you pull down his pants, pees on you), and, in an acrylic case behind his oak
desk, a few dozen of the thousands of kidney stones he has removed.
Only now, as I get glimpses of the end of my training, have I begun to think
hard about my father's success. For most of my residency, I thought of surgery
as a more or less fixed body of knowledge and skill which is acquired in train
ing and perfected in practice. There was, I thought, a smooth, upward-sloping
arc of proficiency at some rarefied set of tasks (for me, taking out gallbladders,
colon cancers, bullets, and appendixes; for him, taking out kidney stones, tes
ticular cancers, and swollen prostates) . The arc would peak at, say, ten or fifteen
years, plateau for a long time, and perhaps tail off a little in the final five years
before retirement. The reality, however, turns out to be far messier. You do get
good at certain things, my father tells me, but no sooner do you master some
thing than you find that what you know is outmoded. New technologies and
operations emerge to supplant the old, and the learning curve starts all over
again. "Three-quarters of what I do today I never learned in residency," he says.
On his own, fifty miles from his nearest colleague-let alone a doctor who
could tell him anything like "You need to turn your wrist more"-he has had to
learn to put in penile prostheses, to perform microsurgery, to reverse vasec
tomies, to do nerve-sparing prostatectomies, to implant artificial urinary
sphincters. He's had to learn to use shock-wave lithotripters, electrohydraulic
lithotripters, and laser lithotripters (all instruments for breaking up kidney
stones) ; to deploy Double J ureteral stents and Silicone Figure Four Coil stents
and Retro-Inject Multi-Length stents (don't even ask); and to maneuver fiber
optic ureteroscopes. All these technologies and techniques were introduced af
ter he finished training. Some of the procedures built on skills he already had.
Many did not.
This is the experience that all surgeons have. The pace of medical innova
tion has been unceasing, and surgeons have no choice but to give the new thing
a try. To fail to adopt new techniques would mean denying patients meaningful
medical advances. Yet the perils of the learning curve are inescapable-no less
in practice than in residency.
For the established surgeon, inevitably, the opportunities for learning are
far less structured than for a resident. When an important new device or proce-
The Lear n i n9 C u r ve 6 1
dure comes along, as happens every year, surgeons start by taking a course
about it-typically a day or two of lectures by some su rgical grandees with a
few film clips and step-by-step handouts. You take home a video to watch. Per
haps you pay a visit to observe a colleague perform the operation-my father
often goes up to the Cleveland Clinic for this. But there's not much by way of
hands-on training. Unlike a resident, a visitor cannot scrub in on cases, and
opportunities to practice on animals or cadavers are few and far between.
(Britain, being Britain, actually bans surgeons from practicing on animals.)
When the pulse-dye laser came out, the manufacturer set up a lab in Columbus
where urologists from the area could gain experience. But when my father went
there the main experience provided was destroying kidney stones in test tubes
filled with a urinelike liquid and trying to penetrate the shell of an egg without
hitting the membrane underneath. My surgery department recently bought
a robotic surgery device-a staggeringly sophisticated nine-hundred-and
eighty-thousand-dollar robot, with three arms, two wrists, and a camera, all
millimeters in diameter, which, controlled from a console, allows a surgeon to
do almost any operation with no hand tremor and with only tiny incisions. A
team of two surgeons and two nurses flew out to the manufacturer's headquar
ters, in Mountain View, California, for a full day of training on the machine.
And they did get to practice on a pig and on a human cadaver. (The company
apparently buys the cadavers from the city of San Francisco.) But even this was
hardly thorough training. They learned enough to grasp the principles of using
the robot, to start getting a feel for using it, and to understand how to plan an
operation. That was about it. Sooner or later, you just have to go home and give
the thing a try on someone.
Patients do eventually benefit-often enormously-but the first few pa
tients may not, and may even be harmed. Consider the experience reported by
the pediatric cardiac-surgery unit of the renowned Great Ormond Street Hos
pital, in London, as detailed in the British Medical Journal last April. The doc
tors described their results from three hundred and twenty-five consecutive
operations between 1978 and 1998 on babies with a severe heart defect known
as transposition of the great arteries. Such children are born with their heart's
outflow vessels transposed: the aorta emerges from the right side of the heart
instead of the left and the artery to the lungs emerges from the left instead of
the right. As a result, blood coming in is pumped right back out to the body in
stead of first to the lungs, where it can be oxygenated. The babies died blue, fa
tigued, never knowing what it was to get enough breath. For years, it wasn't
technically feasible to switch the vessels to their proper positions. Instead, sur
geons did something known as the Senning procedure: they created a passage
62 A T U L G AWA N D E
inside the heart to let blood from the lungs cross backward to the right heart.
The Senning procedure allowed children to live into adulthood. The weaker
right heart, however, cannot sustain the body's entire blood flow as long as the
left. Eventually, these patients' hearts failed, and although most survived to
adulthood, few lived to old age.
By the nineteen-eighties, a series of technological advances made it possi
ble to do a switch operation safely, and this became the favored procedure. In
1986, the Great Ormond Street surgeons made the changeover themselves, and
their report shows that it was unquestionably an improvement. The annual
death rate after a successful switch procedure was less than a quarter that of the
Senning, resulting in a life expectancy of sixty-three years instead of forty
seven. But the price of learning to do it was appalling. In their first seventy
switch operations, the doctors had a twenty-five-percent surgical death rate,
compared with just six percent with the Senning procedure. Eighteen babies
died, more than twice the number during the entire Senning era. Only with
time did they master it: in their next hundred switch operations, five babies
died.
As patients, we want both expertise and progress; we don't want to ac
knowledge that these are contradictory desires. In the words of one British
public report, "There should be no learning curve as far as patient safety is con
cerned." But this is entirely wishful thinking.
This, I suspect, is the reason for the physician's dodge: the " I just assist" rap;
the "We have a new procedure for this that you are perfect for" speech; the "You
need a central line" without the "I am still learning how to do this:' Sometimes
we do feel obliged to admit when we're doing something for the first time, but
even then we tend to quote the published complication rates of experienced
surgeons. Do we ever tell patients that, because we are still new at something,
their risks will inevitably be higher, and that they'd likely do better with doctors
who are more experienced? Do we ever say that we need them to agree to it
anyway? I've never seen it. Given the stakes, who in his right mind would agree
to be practiced upon?
Many dispute this presumption. "Look, most people understand what it is
to be a doctor;' a health policy expert insisted, when I visited him in his office
not long ago. "We have to stop lying to our patients. Can people take on choices
for societal benefit?" He paused and then answered his question. "Yes;' he said
firmly.
It would certainly be a graceful and happy solution. We'd ask patients
honestly, openly-and they'd say yes. Hard to imagine, though. I noticed on
the expert's desk a picture of his child, born just a few months before, and a
completely unfair question popped into my mind. "So did you let the resident
deliver?" I asked.
There was silence for a moment. "No;• he admitted. "We didn't even allow
residents in the room."
are not offered equally. They belong to the connected and the knowledgeable,
to insiders over outsiders, to the doctor's child but not the truck driver's. If
everyone cannot have a choice, maybe it is better if no one can.
the numbing medication. Then she puts the big needle in, and the angle looks
all wrong. I motion for her to reposition. This only makes her more uncertain.
She pushes in deeper and I know she does not have it. She draws back on the
syringe: no blood. She takes out the needle and tries again. And again the angle
looks wrong. This time, Mr. G. feels the jab and jerks up in pain. I hold his arm.
She gives him more numbing medication. It is all I can do not to take over.
But she cannot learn without doing, I tell myself. I decide to let her have one
more try.
L I Z A M U N DY
A World of Th eir O wn
F R O M THE WA S H I N G TO N P O S T MA GA Z I N E
Would you choose a disabilityfar your child? For some parents, proud mem
bers ef the vibrant Deef culture, the birth ef a deef baby is not a cause far
despair but a reason to rejoice . Washington Post reporter Liza Mundyfal
lows a deef couple awaitin9 the arrival ef a child they are hopin9 will be
happy, healthy, and deef.
A has a question for the midwife who is attending the birth. Asking it is
not the easiest thing, just now. Sharon is deaf, and communicates
using American Sign Language, and the combination of intense pain and the
position she has sought to ease it-kneeling, resting her weight on her hands
makes signing somewhat hard. Even so, Sharon manages to sign something to
Risa Shaw, a hearing friend who is present to interpret for the birth, which is
taking place in a softly lit bedroom of Sharon's North Bethesda home.
"Sharon wants to know what color hair you see:' Risa says to the midwife.
The midwife cannot tell because the baby is not-quite-visible. He bulges
outward during contractions, then recedes when the contraction fades. But
now comes another contraction and a scream from Sharon, and the midwife
and her assistant call for Sharon to keep pushing but to keep it steady and con
trolled. They are accustomed to using their voices as a way of guiding women
A World ef Thei r O wn 69
through this last excruciating phase; since Sharon can't hear them, all they can
hope is that she doesn't close her eyes.
"Push through the pain ! " shouts the midwife.
"Little bit ! " shouts her assistant, as Risa frantically signs.
And suddenly the baby is out. One minute the baby wasn't here and now
the baby is, hair brown, eyes blue, face gray with waxy vernix, body pulsing
with life and vigor. A boy. "Is he okay? " signs Sharon, and the answer, to all ap
pearances, is a resounding yes. There are the toes, the toenails, the fingers, the
hands, the eyes, the eyelashes, the exquisite little-old-man's face, contorted in
classic newborn outrage. The midwife lays the baby on Sharon and he bleats
and hiccups and nuzzles her skin, the instinct to breast-feed strong.
"Did he cry? " signs Sharon, and the women say no, he cried remarkably little.
"His face looks smushed:' Sharon signs, regarding him tenderly.
"It'll straighten out:' says the midwife.
Presently the midwife takes the baby and performs the Apgar, the standard
test of a newborn's condition, from which he emerges with an impressive score
of nine out of a possible 10 . "He's very calm:' she notes as she weighs him (6
pounds 5 ounces), then lays him out to measure head and chest and length. She
bicycles his legs to check the flexibility of his hips; examines his testicles to
make sure they are descended; feels his vertebrae for gaps.
All in all, she pronounces the baby splendid. "Look how strong he is! " she
says, pulling him gently up from the bed by his arms. Which means that it is, fi
nally, possible to relax and savor his arrival. Everyone takes turns holding him:
Sharon; her longtime partner, Candace McCullough, who is also deaf, and will
be the boy's adoptive mother; their good friend Jan Delap, also deaf; Risa Shaw
and another hearing friend, Juniper Sussman. Candy and Sharon's five-year
old daughter, Jehanne, is brought in to admire him, but she is fast asleep and
comically refuses to awaken, even when laid on the bed and prodded. Amid the
oohing and aahing someone puts a cap on the baby; somebody else swaddles
him in a blanket; somebody else brings a plate of turkey and stuffing for
Sharon, who hasn't eaten on a day that's dedicated to feasting. Conceived by ar
tificial insemination 38 weeks ago, this boy, Gauvin Hughes McCullough, has
arrived two weeks ahead of schedule, on Thanksgiving Day.
''A turkey baby:' signs Sharon, who is lying back against a bank of pillows,
her dark thick hair spread against the light gray pillowcases.
''A turkey baster baby:' j okes Candy, lying next to her.
''A perfect baby:' says the midwife.
''A perfect baby:' says the midwife's assistant.
70 LIZA M UNDY
But there is perfect and there is perfect. There is no way to know, yet,
whether Gauvin Hughes McCullough is perfect in the specific way that Sharon
and Candy would like him to be. Until he is old enough, two or three months
from now, for a sophisticated audiology test, the women cannot be sure
whether Gauvin is-as they hope-deaf.
baby. A boy. A girl. Or a baby that's been even more minutely imagined.
Would-be parents can go on many fertility clinic Web sites and type in prefer
ences for a sperm donor's weight, height, eye color, race, ancestry, complexion,
hair color, even hair texture.
"In most cases:' says Sean Tipton, spokesman for the American Society of
Reproductive Medicine, "what the couples are interested in is someone who
physically looks like them:' In this sense Candy and Sharon are like many par
ents, hoping for a child who will be in their own image.
And yet, while deafness may be a culture, in this country it is also an official
disability, recognized under the Americans with Disabilities Act. What about
the obligation of parents to see that their child has a better life than they did?
Then again, what does a better life mean? Does it mean choosing a hearing
donor so your baby, unlike you, might grow up hearing?
Does it mean giving birth to a deaf child, and raising it in a better environ
ment than the one you experienced?
What if you believe you can be a better parent to a deaf child than to a hear
ing one?
" I T w o u L D B E N I c E to have a deaf child who is the same as us. I think that
would be a wonderful experience. You know, if we can have that chance, why
not take it?"
This is Sharon, seven months pregnant, dressed in black pants and a
stretchy black shirt, sitting at their kitchen table on a sunny fall afternoon,
Candy beside her. Jehanne, their daughter, who is also deaf, and was conceived
with the same donor they've used this time, is at school. The family has been
doing a lot of nesting in anticipation of the baby's arrival. The kitchen has been
renovated, the backyard landscaped. Soon the women plan to rig a system in
which the lights in the house will blink one rhythm if the TTY-the telephonic
device that deaf people type into-is ringing; another rhythm when the front
doorbell rings; another for the side door. They already have a light in the bed
room that will go on when the baby cries.
In one way, it's hard for Sharon and Candy to articulate why they want to
increase their chances of having a deaf child. Because they don't view deafness
as a disability, they don't see themselves as bringing a disabled child into the
world. Rather, they see themselves as bringing a different sort of normal child
into the world. Why not bring a deaf child into the world? What, exactly, is the
problem? In their minds, they are no different from parents who try to have a
A World ef Th e i r O wn 73
girl. After all, girls can be discriminated against. Same with deaf people. Sharon
and Candy have faced obstacles, but they've survived. More than that, they've
prevailed to become productive, self-supporting professionals. "Some people
look at it like, 'Oh my gosh, you shouldn't have a child who has a disability,' "
signs Candy. "But, you know, black people have harder lives. Why shouldn't
parents be able to go ahead and pick a black donor if that's what they want?
They should have that option. They can feel related to that culture, bonded
with that culture."
The words "bond" and "culture" say a lot; in effect, Sharon and Candy are a
little like immigrant parents who, with a huge and dominant and somewhat
alien culture just outside their door, want to ensure that their children will
share their heritage, their culture, their life experience. If they are deaf and have
a hearing child, that child will move in a world wh ere the women cannot fully
follow. For this reason they believe they can be better parents to a deaf child, if
being a better parent means being better able to talk to your child, understand
your child's emotions, guide your child's development, pay attention to your
child's friendships. "If we have a hearing child and he visits a hearing friend,
we'll be like, 'Who is the family? ' " says Candy. "In the deaf community, if you
don't know a family, you ask around. You get references. But with hearing fam
ilies, we would have no idea."
They understand that hearing people may find this hard to accept. It would
be odd, they agree, if a hearing parent preferred to have a deaf child. And if they
themselves-valuing sight-were to have .a blind child, well then, Candy ac
knowledges, they would probably try to have it fixed, if they could, like hearing
parents who attempt to restore their child's hearing with cochlear implants. "I
want to be the same as my child,'' says Candy. "I want the baby to enjoy what we
enjoy."
Which is not to say that they aren't open to a hearing child. A hearing child
would make life rich and interesting. It's just hard, before the fact, to know
what it would be like. "He'd be the only hearing member of the family,'' Sharon
points out, laughing. "Other than the cats."
skirt and loose maroon blouse, she has checked in at the BirthCare and
Women's Health Center and has been ushered into an examining room, where
she now shifts, bulky, in her seat.
"How are you feeling?" the midwife asks.
"Tired today," says Sharon. Often, Sharon brings her hearing friend Risa
Shaw to interpret at checkups, but today she's relying on her own ability to
speak and read lips. Reading lips is something Sharon does remarkably well.
She developed the skill on her own. Growing up, she was also enrolled in
speech therapy, where a progression of therapists fitted her with hearing aids,
shouted into her ear, sent her home to practice talking in front of a mirror be
cause her "a" was too nasal, and generally instilled in her, she says now, a sense
of constant failure. On one level, the therapy worked: When she speaks, she
does so with fluency and precision.
But even the following small exchange shows what an inexact science lip
reading is. "This is our first visit?" the midwife says, looking at her chart.
"What?" Sharon replies, peering to follow the movement of her tongue and
teeth and lips.
"This . . . is . . . my . . . first . . . visit . . . with . . . you," says the midwife,
speaking more slowly.
"Oh," says Sharon, who has seen other midwives on previous visits. "Yes."
"Let's see-we are at 36 weeks, huh? So today we need to do an internal
exam and also do the culture for beta strep. You're having a home birth, right?
So do you have the oxygen?" "What?"
"The oxygen?"
"What?"
The midwife gestures to indicate an oxygen tank, one of the supplies they
need to have on hand at home.
"No."
This gives some sense of what life has been like for Sharon, who was raised
in what's known as the oralist tradition. Which is to say, she was raised to func
tion in the hearing world as best she could, without exposure to sign language
or to other deaf people, except her mother. Like her mother, Sharon was born
with some residual hearing but experienced hearing loss to the point where, at
eight or so, she was severely deaf. Her father, Thomas, a professor of economics
at the University of Maine, can hear, and so can her younger sister, Anne. In
this family Sharon was referred to as "hearing impaired" or "hard of hearing;'
rather than "deaf." She attended public school in Bangor; there was a special
classroom for deaf kids, and Sharon stayed as far away from it as possible.
"I find it very hard to say now," says Sharon. "Sometimes my speech thera-
A World of Th eir O wn 7s
pist would want me to meet the other deaf children, and it was an embarrass
ment. I didn't want to be identified with them. I didn't want my friends to look
at me as if I was different."
Those friendships were relatively easy when she was young, riding bikes
and running around, but became much harder in adolescence, where so much
of friendship is conducted verbally, in groups, which are impossible to lip-read.
She got by. "I played field hockey, I did layout for the yearbook, it looked like I
did fine, but inside I always felt there was something wrong with me. I remem
ber someone would ask what kind of music I liked, and I didn't know what the
cool answer would be. I used to make my sister write down the words to the
most popular songs."
She grew up feeling that her sister was normal and that she was flawed, a
feeling, she says, exacerbated by her father, who pushed her to speak. She
knows he meant well, and Sharon functioned so ably, it's easy to see why his ex
pectations for her were high. But those standards filled her with a desire to
meet them and a chronic sense of falling short. "Once when I was u or 12, my
family went to a restaurant to eat, and I wanted to have milk to drink, and I was
trying to tell the waitress and she couldn't understand me. I think I tried maybe
two or three times, and she kept looking at me like I was speaking Chinese. I
looked at my father like: 'Help me out here.' And he was like: 'Go ahead. Say it
again.' "
Another time, she says, her father told her that if she ever had children, she
should check with a geneticist to assess the risk that her baby, like her, would be
deaf. "I felt put down, like it would be bad if my child was deaf, or it was a neg
ative thing to bring a deaf child into the world," she says. "I took it personally."
And high school, compared with what came later, was easy. Having done
well academically, Sharon enrolled at the University of Virginia. She tries to
convey the numbing isolation of that experience; of being at a huge college full
of strangers; being from out of state; being deaf; straining to catch names; feel
ing at sea in dorms or at parties; sitting at the front of big classes, tape
recording the lecture and then taking the tape to a special office to be typed,
then returning, alone, to her room with a 30- or 40-page transcript. For a hear
ing person, perhaps the best analogy would be to imagine yourself in a foreign
country where you understand the language only slightly; where comprehen
sion will not get better no matter how hard you try. "I got;' she says, "very tired
of that."
She gravitated to a major in medical ethics, and in that department she met
a professor who urged her to learn sign and meet some deaf people. Sharon re
sisted; he persisted, pointing out that if she learned sign, she could interview
76 LIZA M U N DY
deaf people as part of her research. So she relented, went to Gallaudet for a
summer of sign lessons, and realized that her professor's argument had been a
ploy. "The first day I got there, I knew that it wasn't about taking it for school. It
was for myself;' she says. She returned to U-Va., graduated, got an internship in
the bioethics department at the National Institutes of Health. But her heart
and mind were in continuing her sign lessons and becoming part of the deaf
community. The writer Oliver Sacks, in his book about deafness, Seeing Voices,
has described American Sign Language, for deaf people encountering it for the
first time, as coming home.
"It was the best time," she says. "There were so many wonderful things
about it. About deaf people, about signing. People understood me. I didn't
have to explain myself. I didn't have to fake it. It was a positive thing to be deaf
at Gallaudet.
"That summer:' she continues, beginning to weep, "really changed my life,
my hopes and my dreams and my future. It changed everything.
"Before that," she says, "I couldn't think about the future. I felt so lost."
Some of this lostness had to do with her sexual identity. She had never
dated men much, and at Gallaudet she became increasingly aware of herself as
a lesbian. A fellow student recognized this, took her out to some bars, helped
her come out. She went on to pursue a master's in the Gallaudet counseling de
partment; it was during that period that she met Candy, a slender, vivacious
woman with a taste for leather jackets and hip, flared trousers. At the time,
Candy drove a Honda Prelude with a sound system that had-deaf people ex
perience music through vibrations-really hot woofers.
Unlike Sharon, Candy had been brought up signing, the child of deaf par
ents, but that doesn't mean her upbringing was easier. Neither of her parents
finished high school. Her father was a printer, the classic deaf profession; his
torically, to be deaf often meant to be relegated to industrial work-factories
and print shops being among the few places where it is an advantage not to
hear. They lived in northern California, where for a while she was put in a spe
cial deaf classroom in an inner-city Oakland school, where signing was not
permitted in class. Candy was so bright she worked through the entire third
grade math textbook in a weekend, but she felt the expectations of her were
very low (some kids with deafness are also born with other disorders, so the
range of abilities in a deaf classroom is very broad) . She transferred to a special
school for deaf kids, but-finding that easy, too-transferred again to a hear
ing high school, where she attended classes with an interpreter. But an inter
preter can't help a high schooler make friends. No teenage conversation can
survive the intrusion of third-party interpretation, and Candy, unlike Sharon,
A World of Thei r O wn 77
was not able to speak for herself. Profoundly deaf from birth, she had no resid
ual hearing to help her figure out how a voice should sound. Even with speech
therapy, she'd learned early on that hearing people could not understand her
when she spoke. "So," she says now, "I stopped talking."
At lunch the interpreter would take a break, and Candy, unable to talk to
anyone, would go to the library and do her homework. On weekends, she stud
ied or worked at the library shelving books. "I was the perfect student," she
says, so from high school she went to the University of California at Berkeley.
Like Sharon, she found college grindingly lonely. Her first year she met Ella
Mae Lentz, a deaf poet who composes in ASL. Lentz suggested Candy transfer
to Gallaudet. Like Sharon, Candy felt a deaf school would be academically infe
rior. But, Lentz pointed out, a crucial part of college is having friends. Candy
had already come out as a lesbian; her mother was upset, so it occurred to
Candy that 3,000 miles away might be a good place to be. So she transferred,
and like Sharon, she has never looked back. The women, who have been to
gether for nearly 10 years, moved in with each other, then bought a house with
their close friend Jan Delap. At some point Sharon spoke of a dream she'd
once had but dismissed: to have children. She assumed they couldn't, not be
cause they were deaf but because they were lesbians. It is not Candy's nature to
dismiss dreams. " 'Can't' isn't in my vocabulary;' she says. So they found a
donor, a friend of Candy's who comes from five generations of deafness. In
Sharon's family there are four generations on her mother's side. Once she was
pregnant, a genetic counselor predicted that based on these family histories,
there was a 50-50 chance her child would be deaf. Heads for a deaf child, tails
for hearing.
The very first time-with Jehanne-the coin came up heads.
Candy usually signs with both hands, using facial expressions as well as
signs. This is all part of ASL, a physical language that encompasses the whole
body, from fingers to arms to eyebrows, and is noisy, too: There is lots of clap
ping and slapping in ASL, and in a really great conversation, it's always possible
to knock your own eyeglasses off.
When she drives, though, Candy also signs one-handed, keeping the other
hand on the wheel. Chatting with Sharon, she maneuvers her Volvo through
Bethesda traffic and onto I-270, making her way north toward Frederick, home
to the Maryland School for the Deaf. State residential schools have played a
huge role in the development of America's deaf community. Historically, deaf
children often left their homes as young as five and grew up in dorms with
other deaf kids. This sometimes isolated them from their families but helped to
create an intense sense of fellowship among the deaf population, a group that,
78 LIZA MU NDY
much more profoundly deaf than Sharon, it is unlikely that she will ever have
speech as clear as Sharon's. But she wanted to take the class; when they asked
why, she told them that it was fun. Now they understand why. When Jehanne
and another friend are pulled out for speech class on this day, they make their
way down the hall to a classroom where the children enact a mock Thanksgiv
ing dinner. The teacher passes out plastic turkey and mashed potatoes and
bread; as they pretend to eat, enjoying the role- playing, the teacher signs and
speaks.
"Now we're going to do what with our napkins? " she says as the two girls
look up at her. "Put it in our 1-1-1-1-1-ap." She exaggerates the sound, so they can
see how an "l" is made. The girls learn speech by watching her and then trying
to imitate the tongue and lip movements they see. At such a young age, the
sounds that emerge are vague and tentative.
"Now we need a knife;' she says, and Jehanne makes a sound like "nuh."
"Knife."
"Nuh."
"Would you like some water?"
Jehanne makes a good-faith effort to say "yes, please," pursing her lips and
wiggling her tongue to come out with a "pl."
Candy and Sharon watch intently, concerned not about Jehanne's speech
but about the teacher's style of signing. At one point she tells Jehanne to lay out
her napkin, but because the sign isn't the classic ASL sign, Jehanne looks at her
blankly. "Oh well," says Sharon later. "It's good for her to know that not every
body is a fluent signer." They inspect the computer lab, chatting with the school
Webmaster, whom they know; he and his wife are the parents of one of Je
hanne's classmates. For Sharon and Candy, one of the great advantages of hav
ing a deaf child is that it gives them a built-in social life. Like most parents, they
socialize a lot with the parents of their children's friends, and at MSD, many of
the parents are deaf. They also see the school as one way to ensure that Jehanne
doesn't endure the loneliness and isolation that they did. By raising her among
deaf children, they feel she's getting a much stronger start in life.
And they are every bit as ambitious for Jehanne as any parent would be for
a child. Afterward, the women talk to the principal, who is also deaf. They tell
her they are happy with the school, with a few caveats: They wish she had a lit
tle more self-directed time; they wish the weekly written reports were more de
tailed. Jehanne, who is clearly an outstanding student, is also just a tiny bit
klutzy, no big deal, but even so they'd like to hear some details from the gym
teacher. Her last report, for gym, was checked "needs improvement." "Needs
improvement? What does that tell me? " signs Candy. "We've taken her to dance
So LIZA M U N DY
class, soccer; we swim each week, she does yoga! What more do you want us to
do?" Laughing, Sharon and Candy talk about the fact that Jehanne is one of
those kids who haven't figured out how to swing; she's still trying to get the
pumping motion. It's an interesting moment. To most parents, hearing would
seem a much more important ability, in the grand scheme of things, than
pumping. But that's not how Candy and Sharon see it.
"She's a sweetheart;' says the principal soothingly. "She's a role model.
She's in with such a nice group of friends." The principal has known most of
these kids almost since the day they were born. At MSD, deaf infants qualify
for a weekly morning class. When they are two, they go to preschool. Their
education-with small classrooms, extra teachers, transportation-is free,
paid for with public funds.
So advantageous is MSD, in fact, that one of the things Candy and Sharon
think about is how much more a hearing child would cost. If the baby is hear
ing, they'll have to pay for day care. For preschool. Even, if they find they don't
agree with the teaching philosophy of the public schools, for private school.
"It's awful to think that, but it'll be more expensive!" Sharon acknowledges.
But-while deaf children do receive some financial advantages-they
point out that deaf children give back, in ways that are complex and impossible
to predict. Take Candy and Sharon themselves: Both work at home as coun
selors, seeing deaf clients and, often, hearing family members. Not only do they
provide the deaf with dear, accessible mental health care; Sharon also finds that
hearing patients sometimes open up more for a therapist who is not herself
"perfect." And hearing parents of deaf children are often "relieved to come and
see a deaf therapist:' Sharon finds. "They're like, 'Oh, you went to college! Oh,
that means my children can do that! ' They're afraid the child will be on the
street selling pencils."
So sure, Jehanne's education may cost the public more. But deaf children,
Sharon argues, make a society more diverse, and diversity makes a society more
humane. Plenty of individuals and groups receive public support, and if you
start saying which costs are legitimate and which aren't, well, they believe, it's a
slippery slope.
"Do you think this baby's hearing?" Candy asks Sharon afterward, when
they are having lunch in downtown Frederick.
"I don't know;' says Sharon. "I can say that I hope the baby's deaf, but to say
I feel it's deaf, no."
They are talking about an old saying in the deaf community: If the mother
walks into a place with loud music, and the baby moves, the baby is hearing. "If
you base it on that, I do think it's deaf;' says Sharon.
A World of Th e i r O wn 8 1
"I just say to myself that the baby's deaf," Candy says. "I talk as if the baby's
deaf. If the baby's hearing, I'll be shocked:'
"You better be prepared;' Sharon tells her. "With Jehanne, I prepared my
self. It could happen." Thinking about it, she speculates: ''A hearing child would
force us to get out and find out what's out there for hearing children. Maybe
that would be nice."
Candy looks at her, amazed.
"It's not that it's my preference;' says Sharon. "But I 'm trying to think of
something positive."
deaf people. She'll have what they feel is the solid foundation of an education
anchored by sign. They think she'll have what they never had: strong self
esteem, a powerful belief in herself. She'll have the considerable legal protec
tion of the Americans with Disabilities Act, which forbids employment
discrimination.
Not that the ADA can solve everything. Candy, who is in the final stages of
getting her doctorate in psychology, needs to do a yearlong internship at a hos
pital or other workplace. She plans to counsel both deaf and hearing patients;
plans, in short, to be a psychologist like any other. This means two things. It
means an interpreter will need to be hired. It also means she is competing
mostly with hearing applicants. When she sends off her resume, there is no in
dication she is deaf; at Gallaud et, most of the students in her graduate program
are hearing people who plan to work with the deaf. But if she gets an interview,
she has to e-mail the prospective employer, to discuss her need for an inter
preter.
"If I go and they aren't interested," she says, "how do I know why? It's hard
sometimes to know whether discrimination is taking place, or not."
"Some deaf people think it's a hard life;' reflects Candy, whose grandfather
wanted to be a pilot but was prevented by deafness. "But some people think the
world is open."
"Did you ever want to be a policeman? " she asks Jan, whose father was a
cop. Jan, who is 60, had a deaf mother but a hearing father, so she grew up
around hearing relatives, and from them was exposed to music. When she was
seven, she saw a movie about an opera singer. "I told my friends that I wanted
to be an opera singer:' Jan recalls. "My cousin was like, 'You can't be an opera
singer. You're deaf ! ' I think that at that point I thought, 'I'm deaf now but
maybe I can be hearing later.' "
"I remember wanting to be a lawyer;' says Candy. "And then my teacher
said that a deaf person can't do it. And later it wasn't my area of interest."
Now, Jan mentions, there are quite a few deaf lawyers. They have a friend
who is one. In the courtroom she makes use of something called real-time cap
tioning. There are technical advances every day. But technology doesn't help a
deaf person who is standing next to a hearing person who can't sign. It will
never completely bridge what is, still, an enormous gap. Jehanne has a neigh
bor she plays with, a hearing girl she's known almost since birth. The mothers
agree that as they get older, it's getting harder and harder for the girls to com
municate, and they get together less and less.
"What I wonder;' Jan says at one point, "is whether they'll eliminate the
deaf gene. Maybe they'll be able to pluck out the deaf gene. Maybe there will be
84 LIZA M U N DY
no more deaf people." They sit contemplating this. It isn't out of the question.
Members of another disabled group were taken by surprise when the gene that
causes their condition was discovered: Now, a child with achondroplasia, or
disproportionately short arms and legs-also known as dwarfism-can be
identified in utero. And, if the parents don't want a child with dwarfism, the fe
tus can be aborted. The community of "little people;' which has its own associ
ation, its own Web site, a strong tradition in Hollywood, and a powerful
fellowship, has been left contemplating its children destroyed, its numbers
dwindling, its existing members consigned to a narrowing life of freakishness
and isolation. Such a fate could-it's possible-befall the deaf. The situation il
lustrates how in this country, at this cultural moment, disabled people are ex
posed to two powerful but contradictory messages. One says: You are beautiful.
You are empowered. The other says: You are deficient. You may be snuffed out.
"Maybe there will be no more deaf children:' Jan says.
"Except," says Candy, "for those of us who choose to make more deaf chil
dren."
As the weeks go by, Gauvin starts staying awake more. His eyes, blue and
wide, start tracking more; he watches his mothers, and Jehanne, with an inten
sity that they believe is characteristic of deaf children. They sign to him in deaf
"motherese"; like a hearing mother speaking in a high-pitched, singsong voice,
they sign slowly, with exaggerated gestures. In mid-December they take him to
Gallaudet for a show. In the auditorium there are people signing across the
room, people signing from the floor to people in the balcony.
In this group Gauvin is admired like a crown prince. Friends, colleagues
and former classmates come to peek inside the sling in which Sharon is carry
ing him, and, inevitably, to inquire whether he is deaf. "How many of you are
deaf?" asks the emcee, and Jan-half-joking, half-serious-motions to Sharon
to raise Gauvin's hand.
There are many more admirers: In December the sperm donor comes for a
visit, as he does about twice a year. Then, after Christmas, Sharon's father,
Thomas, arrives. Sharon's mother died of breast cancer not long after Sharon
graduated from U-Va., so he is here with the woman who is now his compan
ion, Caroline Dane. Both of them are hearing. Also visiting are Candy's
mother, Diana, who is deaf; Sharon's sister, Anne, who is hearing; Anne's boy
friend, Paul, who is hearing. That means there are four hearing people in the
house and five deaf people. Plus Gauvin, whatever team he ends up on.
Jehanne moves from or�e group to another, but usually gravitates toward peo
ple who are signing, because she has no way, save by gesturing, to communicate
with her hearing relatives.
A World of Their O wn 8 s-
Sharon is the pivot point, the only one who can translate, which is exhaust
ing for her. She has to keep lip-reading and talking and signing, almost simul
taneously. When an interpreter arrives to interpret for this article, the entire
group-all 10 of them-crowds into the living room and sits, talking intently,
for two hours.
It is the first time they have been able to fully express themselves to one an
other, the first time Sharon has ever had someone to interpret a conversation
with her own family. The first time she didn't have to strain to understand what
her father said, or her sister. Much of it is funny and fond: It turns out that
Thomas, cleaning out his attic, recently found some of the song lyrics that
Anne transcribed for Sharon, back when both were girls. "You saved those? "
says Sharon. "Why?" Then Anne remembers how she would interpret for
Sharon on the phone.
"I remember when that boy asked you to the prom;' says Anne, who is six
years younger than Sharon, her hair lighter brown, her face illuminated by the
same quizzical expressions, the same seriousness, the same faintly Gallic
beauty.
"You interpreted that?" Sharon says, laughing.
"Yes! " says Anne, who also remembers that whenever Sharon didn't want to
go out with a boy, Anne was the one who had to tell him.
"Do you remember that time we were having an argument, and I called you
'deaf ' ? " Anne says.
"You weren't happy. A lot has changed."
Together, the sisters try to excavate some of their mother's history, find out
why she never signed: Both Sharon and her mother struggled to lip-read each
other, mother and daughter divided rather than united by deafness, their com
mon bond. Eventually Sharon confronts her father with what she sees as the
central mistake her parents made in her upbringing. "I can look back now;' she
signs, "and say that things would have been different if I had learned to sign, or
been exposed to deaf culture. Growing up, if l got 60 percent of a conversation,
I felt like that was good. Some of those behaviors are still with me. In groups of
signers, they may be signing really fast and even if I'm not getting it all I'm like,
'This is good enough.' I still don't like asking people to repeat. I'm just used to
not getting everything.''
Later, sitting with her father, she asks, "Did you feel bad when I said that I
wished it had been different when I was growing up? "
"No," says her father, a solid, deliberative man with glasses who has brought
Jehanne a University of Maine sweatshirt. "We all think about that. We all feel
that way about our parents.''
86 LIZA M U N DY
their sleeping son, who, it appears, might be neither deaf nor hearing but
somewhere in between.
The doctor, Ira Weiss, bustles in; he is a white-haired, stocky man, jovial
and accustomed to all sorts of parents, hearing and deaf, happy and sobbing.
The technician points to the wave and suggests that perhaps it represents
some noise that Gauvin himself was making. "No," says the doctor, "I think it's
not just noise." Sharon looks up at Candy and lets out a little breath. The doc
tor disappears to get a printout of the results, then returns, reading it. Gauvin,
he says, "has a profound hearing loss in his left ear and at least a severe hearing
loss in his right ear.
"It does appear," he adds, "that his right ear has some residual hearing.
There might be some usable hearing at this time. Given the mother's history, it
will probably get worse over time. If you want to take advantage of it, you
should take advantage of it now. Right now it's an ear that could be aided, to
give him a head start on spoken English. Obviously, he's going to be a fluent
signer."
At this stage, Weiss says later, a hearing parent would probably try a hearing
aid, in the hope that with it, that right ear could hear something. Anything. A
word, here and there. A loud vowel. Maybe just enough residual sound to help
him lip-read. Maybe just enough to tell him when to turn his head to watch
someone's lips. Hearing parents would do anything-anything-to nudge a
child into the hearing world. Anything-anything-to make that child like
them. For a similar reason, Sharon and Candy make the opposite choice. If he
wants a hearing aid later, they'll let him have a hearing aid later. They won't put
one on him now. After all, they point out, Sharon's hearing loss as a child oc
curred at below 40 decibels, which meant that under certain conditions she
could make out voices, unaided. Gauvin's, already, is far more severe than hers.
Bundling Gauvin up against the cold, they make their way down the corridor,
and into the car, and home, where they will tell Jehanne, and Jan, and friends,
and family, a sizable group, really, that wants to know. He is not as profoundly
deaf as Jehanne, but he is quite deaf. Deaf enough.
F L O Y D S K LO O T
tan, the twenty years she lived in Brooklyn or the forty-four years she lived on
Long Island. Now that she's in Oregon, she doesn't know she ever lived else
where. Sometimes she believes her Portland nursing home is a beachfront ho
tel, just as she sometimes believes I am her late brother.
What's become apparent, though, is that she still knows songs. She retains
many lyrics, snatches that may get confused but are easily recognizable, and
when the lyrics are missing the melodies remain. She loves to sing, sings on key
and with zest, and I can't help wondering why song has hung on so tenaciously
while her life memories have not.
It's tempting to take the psychological approach : She never was very happy
with her life, but she was happy dreaming of stardom as a torch singer. She was
happy knowing she'd had a brief career singing on radio in the mid-193os,
where her five-minute program on WBNX in the Bronx aired opposite Rudy
Valee. In the chemical bath of her mind, she always transformed a few years of
apprentice costume work in the legitimate theater, and an assortment of roles
in local community theater, into a protracted career in the Thee-a-ter. No ques
tion: she loved performing. I remember how extravagantly she accompanied
herself on the piano, sliding along the bench to reach her notes, stomping the
pedals, rising and sitting again, going through her brief repertoire before
erupting with gusto at the end as a signal for applause. According to this psy
chological approach, my mother forgets what she needs to forget, and is left
with song.
But such an explanation isn't really convincing, not when the evidence of
deep organic brain damage is so apparent in her activities of daily living. She
cannot dress herself, needs reminding during a meal if she is to continue eat
ing, cannot process new information. Her failures of memory are not choices,
not driven by subconscious needs. It must be that, unlike personal memories
or the recall of facts, such things as song lyrics are stored in a part of her brain
that has, so far, escaped the ravages of her dementia.
Alzheimer's patients, the shrinking brain also becomes clotted with plaques
and tangles, and there is further neuron loss in the hippocampus, a part of the
brain associated with the ability to remember the ongoing incidents in our
lives. This set of compounding pathologies explains most of her symptoms,
but not the curious endurance of those songs. It's most likely that my mother's
lifelong joy in performing, and the powerful emotional forces associated with
it for her, have enabled the deeper storage of lyric and melody in her amygdala.
This almond-shaped organ in the inner brain is critical for forming and sus
taining emotional memories. Though most often spoken of in connection with
persistent, enduring traumatic memories, it also is responsible for enduring
positive memories. This is where our most vivid memories reside, etched there
by a mix of chemical and physical processes that ensure their endurance. I sus
pect that my mother's amygdala has not yet been overtaken by her disease
process. This would explain not only the persistence of her song repertoire, but
the relative calmness and sweetness she still manifests. As David Shenk notes in
his book The Forgetting, when the "amygdala becomes compromised, control
over primitive emotions like fear, anger, and craving is disrupted; hostile emo
tions and bursts of anxiety may occur all out of proportion to events, or even
out of nowhere."
My mother is not there yet. In trying to reduce her symptoms to these ob
jective clinical explanations, I know I'm trying to cushion myself from the
changes she's undergone and from what lies ahead. But this is my mother, not
some interesting case history in a neurology text. This is the woman who
fought to allow my birth, eight years after my older brother's, overcoming my
father's continuing resistance. The woman who recited nonsense verse to me,
sounds I still remember fifty years later though she does not, though she can no
longer always remember who I am: Nicky nicky tembo, whatso rembo, wudda
wudda boosky, hippo pendro, national pom pom. The woman, so miserable and
disappointed throughout her life, filled with anger, volatile, friendless in old
age, who now in dementia has grown sweet and accommodating, happy to
greet the day, who has come back to song.
Those songs of hers, which routinely interrupt any effort at communica
tion, are in fact signs of hope. They represent an enduring part of her past, con
nected with the rare joy in her life, which is why they linger when so much is
gone. I must learn to welcome rather than be annoyed by them. In many ways,
they're all we have left of her.
The Melody Lin9ers On 91
LIKE THE MAss of her brain, the physical structure of my mother's body is
also shrinking. At her tallest, about 5' 111, the top of her head used to be level
with the middle of my forehead; now she comes up to my throat. She was al
ways wide, too, a solid and blocky woman whose flowing outfits didn't disguise
her figure as she'd hoped. She took up room despite being small. But now she
has lost both water and mass. Her once swollen legs have slimmed; she sags and
looks frail. It's as though my mother is pulling herself in around a diminishing
core, the dwindling autobiographical self she's losing touch with, and closing
down before my eyes.
She was moving slowly toward our table in the coffee shop, inching her
walker along, taking a few steps and stopping. When she reached the table
where Beverly was placing napkins and spoons, she looked around with a
smile, let go of her side rails, tilted her head heavenward and sang, " S'wonder
ful, s'marvelous, la da da."
Her voice still comes from down near her chest, the way it's supposed to, a
richly resonating smoky contralto. It's almost as deep as my own off-key tenor.
But as a young singer, my mother was a soprano. There are three surviving 78
rpm records from her radio show that p rove it. She was called "The Melody
Girl of the Air" on a program hosted by an old family friend, and once a week
she sang a few standards for him. George Gershwin was alive then and Gersh
win was her favorite. There were times when she hinted at a romance with him,
never going quite so far as to say they'd dated, but implying that a certain dash
ing young composer-whom she was not at liberty to name but who had a
dowdy lyricist brother-was once very interested in her.
A solid fifty years of unfiltered Chesterfields transformed my mother's
voice and, though she stopped smoking in her early seventies, those cigarettes
remain audible now in her gravelly tones. But she can and does still belt out the
tunes, holding nothing back. This dynamic and deeper voice is how I remem
ber her singing. I never could make sense out of those old records, the high
pitched girlishness, the piercing delivery. In my hearing, she sang dark and
windy.
There was always a well-tuned mahogany piano against a living room wall
in our various apartments. Its lid was shut, its music deck empty, its surfaces
without dust or fingerprints. No one was allowed to sit on its bench or open the
keyboard lid, much less touch the keys or press the pedals down. No examining
the sheet music hidden inside the bench. She wasn't sure she wanted us even to
look at the piano.
By the 1950s, as I was growing up, my mother's performance repertoire had
92 F LOYD S K LOOT
been condensed to five tunes that she would play in the same order. She seldom
sang more than one refrain and chorus, took no requests, brooked no singing
along. She would consent to entertain at the end of small dinner parties or hol
iday meals, perching on the bench and holding her chin up until there was total
silence. Then she struck a chord fortissimo and launched herself into perfor
mance. First came the Gershwin portion of the program, "They Can't Take
That Away from Me;' " 'S Wonderful" and "Our Love Is Here to Stay." Then she
did Rodgers and Hart's "Bewitched, Bothered, and Bewildered" from Pal Joey
and finished with her signature song, Jerome Kern and Oscar Hammerstein's
"Can't Help Lovin' Dat Man:' from Show Boat. No encores. She was still, it
seemed, tied to the fifteen-minute radio show format.
I see now that her songs were songs of love, joyful love. Along with fame as
a performer, this was the other great unfulfilled yearning of her life. It was not
there with the man she married first, who died in 1961, the man she spoke of in
my hearing as "your father the butcher." Nor was it there apparently with her
second husband, a kind and gentle widower, the man she spoke of as "that nice,
handsome fellow." After his death, when she moved into a retirement hotel
overlooking the boardwalk, my mother had a succession of boyfriends but
none without glaring faults-too old and bent, too devoted to children and
grandchildren, too working-class, too senile. Now, from within her own de
mentia, one of the main themes woven through her rambling speech is love,
joyful love. Was she happily married? Does she have a boyfriend? Are Beverly
and I married? Are we happy? Is the nurse married? The young man behind the
Starbucks counter? Can we help my mother find a new boyfriend?
Even as a child, I sensed something that made me very uncomfortable with
my mother's recitals. It wasn't j ust the showy way she played, or the too
familiar spontaneity of her moves. It had to do with the look on her face, a rap
turous hunger, and the sudden exposure of her deepest, most obsessive wishes.
She leaped off her piano bench like a nearly drowned diver suddenly bursting
to the surface, head back, mouth wide open, and I imagine her longing was pal
pable to everyone. There was something brazenly sad about her selection of ro
mantic hits, a sadness I failed to appreciate for most of my life. She must have
wanted what she could never have, what few people ever have, and she hadn't
let go of the need: idealized romantic love. Her playlist was a litany of failed
dreams.
Those failed dreams and her overall sense of disgruntlement seem to have
shrunk now too. With the fading of memory and life story has come an appar
ent narrowing of mood. From the outside, seeing how she is now, this phe-
The Melody lin9ers On 93
nomenon suggests a compensation for her shattering losses, and I hope that's
how it works for her. I know it could have been otherwise. Like so many people
with Alzheimer's or deep dementia, she could long ago have become even an
grier and more tormented, hostile and restless.
("Suddenly I'm bright and breezy") in "Getting to Know You." At thirteen, dur
ing a horrifying cabaret-style local fund-raiser, I sang a duet with her, the duti
ful Sonny Boy climbing upon my mother's knee though we were the same size.
When she wasn't part of a play's cast, she still became engaged in the pro
ductions. She attended rehearsals to play the piano or read cues or kibbitz. She
painted sets. Resorting to her earliest contributions to the theater, she helped
design costumes.
I remember her working on hat designs for a production of Guys and Dolls.
She would glue buttons onto blank greeting cards, paint black dots for eyes in
the buttonholes and red dots for mouths, add a few ink strokes for hair. Then
she snipped bits of fabric and feathers to resemble hats, pasted them onto the
crowns of the buttons and made tiny adjustments with toothpicks. Below the
buttons, she drew the shape of necks, then added scarves or ties. It was possible
for her to devote four or five intense hours a night to this work, cigarettes smol
dering in her abalone shell ashtray. The finished illustrations would be spread
out over a card table to dry or for further modification. Finally, she would
bring them to rehearsal, stacked in a shoe box, and get herself ready for another
round.
My mother was, clearly, a trouper. I cannot remember her being as focused
or as sprightly as she was at her design work or within the acting company. She
saved all the reviews from our local paper, all the programs, and most of the
scripts. I found them in a storage locker when she moved into the retirement
hotel and, just glancing at them, felt myself swamped with the scents and
sounds of her theatrical life.
from 1926, Gus Kahn's "Makin' Whoopee" from 1928. She sings Yiddish songs,
too, all new to me, songs she must have learned during her childhood, when
Yiddish was spoken at home and in the Upper West Side neighborhoods where
she lived. I haven't heard her speak a word of Yiddish since we moved from
Brooklyn in 1957 and cannot remember her ever singing in the language that
might have marked her as marginal. She also now has the melodies for some
Hebrew tunes she must be picking up during Sabbath services at the nursing
home. I don't believe they come from her memory tune-bank because she
never went to the synagogue except for social or theatrical events, and I haven't
heard her utter a word in Hebrew before.
Much as I'm amazed to hear her dredge up songs from her childhood or
youth, it's the phenomenon of new songs-"Adon Olam:' for instance, and
"Hatikvah"-that astounds me. Perhaps this means that, because she still con
nects so powerfully to music, she can somehow learn and remember fresh ma
terial, at least song material, particularly melodies, though in conversation she
cannot remember the question she asked a moment before, or whether we told
her what state we live in, or if we're married. Asked if she has been to Sabbath
services, she says, "No, they don't have them here." But they do, and she has,
and the melodies have stuck.
She also comes up with songs I know she's heard in my lifetime but I hadn't
realized she remembered. And she delivers them with genuine glee. Be down to
la da in a taxi baby, doo dah be-dee dee in your hay dee hay. Gradually, I've been
discovering that this is an opportunity for conversation of a sort. While it's not
possible for me to ask her questions and get meaningful answers, or share in
formation with her about the life Beverly and I are leading, or even go over
memories of childhood with her, we can approximate the give and take of con
versation through song. "What are those?" I'll say, pointing to the necklace of
beads she's made during a crafts session. "Baubles? Bangles?" And she'll say,
"Bubbles, Bangles bright shiny beads la da dee dah." Or I'll hum the opening
notes from "If I Were a Rich Man" and she will pick up the song from there.
I'm beginning to find a solace in this exchange. We have the rhythm of con
versation, if not the content. A form of give and take that enables us still to feel
connected by words, or at least by meaningful sounds. "The song is ended:' as
her favorite songwriter wrote, "but the melody lingers on." We are holding on
to the melody of contact. And they can't take that away from me, from us, at
least not yet.
F RA N K W I L C Z E K
The phrase "music ef the spheres"has passed into metaphor, but it was ori9i
nal!J coined to describe celestial motion. The physicist Frank Wilczek won
ders whether the music ef the spheres is to be found not in the arand
movements ef the heavens but in the tiny workin9s ef the atom.
m = E/c1• The masses of the u and d quarks are much smaller than the masses
of the protons and other particles that contain them.
Putting all this together, we arrive at a most remarkable conclusion. To the
extent that we are willing to use the proton itself as a meterstick, and ignore the
small corrections due to the u and d quark masses, QCD becomes a theory
with no nonconceptual elements whatsoever.
Let me summarize. Starting with precisely four nu merical ingredients,
which must be taken from experiment, QED and QCD cook up a concept
world of mathematical objects whose behavior matches, with remarkable ac
curacy, the behavior of real-world matter. These objects are vibratory wave
patterns. Stable elements of reality-protons, atomic nuclei, atoms-corre
spond, not just metaphorically but with mathematical precision, to pure tones.
Kepler would be pleased.
This tale continues in several directions. Given two more ingredients, New
ton's constant G N and Fermi's constant G p , which parametrize the strength of
gravity and of the weak interaction, respectively, we can expand our concept
world beyond ordinary matter to describe virtually all of astrophysics. There is
a brilliant series of ideas involving unified field theories and supersymmetry
that might allow us to get by with just five ingredients. (Once you're down to so
few, each further reduction marks an epoch.) These ideas will be tested de
cisively in coming years, especially as the Large Hadron Collider (LHC) at
CERN, near Geneva, swings into operation around 2007.
On the other hand, if we attempt to do justice to the properties of many ex
otic, short-lived particles discovered at high-energy accelerators, things get
much more complicated and unsatisfactory. We have to add pinches of many
new ingredients to our recipe, until it may seem that rather than deriving a
wealth of insight from a small investment of facts, we are doing just the oppo
site. That's the state of our knowledge of fundamental physics today-simulta
neously triumphant, exciting, and a mess.
The last word I leave to Einstein:
I would like to state a theorem which at present can not be based upon
anything more than upon a faith in the simplicity, i.e., intelligibility, of na
ture: there are no arbitrary constants . . . that is to say, nature is so constituted
that it is possible logically to lay down such strongly determined laws that
within these laws only rationally completely determined constants occur
(not constants, therefore, whose numerical value could be changed without
destroying the theory) .
M A RC E L O G L E I S E R
!f we are the universe 's sole intelligent species, asks the physicist and as
tronomer Marcelo Gleiser, then what must we do to be good citizens ef the
cosmos?
come us?" This is the kind of exasperating question that makes most scientists
throw in the towel. A common answer is "Who cares?" After all, there may not
be a reason at all; we may be here simply as the result of a random sequence of
accidents, the right-size planet, with the right amount of water, at the right dis
tance from a moderate-size star, and so on. "The Universe may be full of Earth
like planets with other forms of intelligent life;' the argument proceeds.
Indeed, it is quite possible that the Universe is filled with Earth-like planets,
some of them with similar amounts of water and Earth-like atmospheric com
positions. Possibly, several will also have some form of living beings. If Earth is
a demonstrative example, life is very resilient and can adapt to very adverse cir
cumstances. But intelligent life is a whole other story. (By intelligent I mean a
species capable of self-reflection and with the ability for abstract thinking.)
Evolutionary arguments claiming that natural selection necessarily leads to
intelligence are flawed. Consider the history of life in the only place we actually
know it, Earth. The dinosaurs were here for about 150 million years and
showed no signs of decline or of intelligence. Intelligence may be a sufficient
condition for dominating the food chain, but it is not a necessary one. It took a
devastating collision with a 10-kilometer-wide asteroid 65 million years ago to
decimate the dinosaurs, together with 40 percent of all life-forms on Earth.
Ironically, the mammals, which up to that point were pretty much insignifi
cant, survived and flourished in the wake of this cataclysm. In a very real sense,
we are here due to this catastrophic collision.
Life is an experiment in emergent complexity: we may know what the in
gredients are, but we cannot predict its detailed outcome (and we still cannot
repeat it in the laboratory) . Intelligent life is certainly a very rare outcome. This
goes against everything we have learned over the last 400 years of modern sci
ence, that the more we know about the Universe the less unique we seem to be.
True, we live in one amongst billions of other galaxies in the visible Universe,
each of them with billions of stars. True, the matter that makes up people and
stars is subdominant; most of the matter that permeates the cosmos is not
made of protons and electrons, but of something else that does not shine, as
matter making up stars does. Our location in the cosmos and our material
composition are not of great cosmic relevance or special. But our minds are. As
far as we know, there aren't any others out there. If there were, chances are we
would have been visited by now. Our galaxy, being about 100,000 light-years
across and 12 billion years old, could have been traversed countless times by
other intelligent civilizations. But it hasn't. Unless, of course, aliens have been
here long before we have and didn't leave any clues, or do not want to make
contact. (Taking the first 2 billion years off for good measure, and assuming in-
Emer9ent Reali ties in the Cosmos 1 o _s-
telligent civilizations can travel at least at one-tenth the speed of light, gives a
total of 10,000 galaxy crossings in the last 10 billion years. Either we have been
purposely ignored, or we are really inconspicuous.) Given the unknowns
how can we presume to understand an alien psyche if we don't even under
stand our own?-we should keep an open mind, repeating, as Carl Sagan
suggested, that "absence of evidence is not evidence of absence." Maybe the
aliens are j ust very shy.
If, indeed, we are a rare event, we must be ready to take on an enormous re
sponsibility: we must preserve our legacy, learning how to survive in spite of
ourselves. Humans are capable of the most wonderful creations and the most
horrendous crimes. It is often very convenient to dream of archetypical aliens,
wise and all-knowing, who will inspire and educate us before it's too late.
Those aliens are not so different from the saints and prophets of many reli
gions, who bring us hope and direction. But if we are alone, we must learn to
save ourselves following our own guidance and acquired wisdom. It is here that
a blending of science and religious ethics can be profoundly useful. We can
start by extending the Old Testament maxim "Do unto others as you would
have them do unto you" from society to all known and unknown living beings
here and across the cosmos.
Then, we must learn from the way Nature operates. There is a single princi
ple behind all existing order in Nature, an all-embracing urge to exist and to
bind that manifests itself at all levels, from the racing world of subatomic parti
cles to the edges of the observable Universe. It also manifests itself in our lives
and our history. Humans cannot escape this alliance with the rest of the cos
mos. Our tensions are part of this universal trend, our creations and destruc
tions are part of the same rhythms that permeate the Universe. Through them,
we search for transcendence, for a reality deeper and more permanent than our
own. However, we have distanced ourselves from Nature and have become
wasteful. Nature is never wasteful, it never uses more energy than it has to, it
never chooses a more costly path to achieve the same end result. This is true of
atoms, of bacteria, of elephants, and of galaxies. Our wastefulness is reflected in
the way we treat our planet and ourselves. It is a cancer that grows and over
whelms what lives and what doesn't.
We must learn from Nature's simple elegance, from its esthetical and eco
nomical commitment to functionality and form. We must look beyond our
immediate needs and greed, reintegrating ourselves into a physical reality that
transcends political and social boundaries. Perhaps then we will start to respect
our differences, to learn from those who believe differently than we do, who
live and look differently than we do. And we don't have a minute to waste.
N ATA L I E A N G I E R
Had some quorn lately? !J the answer is no, then you probably are not plan
nin9 on travelin9 to distant stars. The celebrated New York Times reporter
and best-sellin9 author Natalie An9ier explains why lon9-ran9e space voy
a9es are not likely to resemble life on board the USS Enter p rise.
. obody knows why our early ancestors decided to get off their knuckles
N and stand upright. Maybe they just wanted a better view of the stars.
And when sky gazers finally realized that the heavenly lights were
not the footprints of the gods, but rather millions of blazing stars like our Sun
writ far, they began to wonder, How do we get there? How can we leave this world
and travel, not merely the 238,000 miles to the Moon, or 35 million miles to Mars,
but through the vast dark silk of interstellar space, across trillions and trillions of
miles, to encounter other stars, other solar systems, even other civilizations? Ac
cording to a group of scientists for whom the term "wildly optimistic dreamers"
is virtually a job description, it will indeed be very difficult to travel to other stars,
and nobody in either the public or private sector is about to try it anytime soon.
But as the researchers sec it, the challenge is not insurmountable, it requires no
defiance of the laws of physics, so why not have fun and start thinking about it
now?
Scientists Reach Out to Distant Worlds 1 07
"The inside of one of these long-duration space habitats might feel like the
inside of a shopping mall;' Dr. Landis said. "Malls are carefully designed to use
space efficiently, yet to give you the feeling that they're more spacious than they
,,
are.
And malls, of course, are a great place to bring the family. In Dr. Moore's
view, the good old-fashioned family is the key to success in space.
"Over the past several decades, space scientists and writers of science fic
tion have speculated at length about the optimum size and composition" of an
interstellar crew, he said. They have imagined platoons of Chuck Yeager-type
stalwarts grimly enduring all hardships, or teams of bionic and vaguely asexual
crew members overseeing freezers of embryos that can be defrosted and ges
tated as needed.
"Some of the scenarios proposed so far are downright alarming from a so
cial science perspective," Dr. Moore said, "since they require bizarre social
structures and an intensity of social relationships which are quite beyond the
experience of any known human communities."
In deciding how to organize a star mission, Dr. Moore looks to the most
"familiar, ubiquitous, well-ordered and well-understood" of social forms, the
human family. "Virtually every human society in history has been structured
along kinship lines;' he said, "from small-scale foraging societies to empires
comprising millions of people."
Lines of authority and seniority in a family are reasonably clear, and when
they're not, well, there's always the time-out chamber.
In Dr. Moore's rendition, all recruits for an interstellar odyssey would be
guaranteed the opportunity, though not the requirement, to marry and have
children. Mate choice would be part of the bargain as well, with the population
cannily structured so that each cohort of individuals, on reaching sexual matu
rity, would have about 10 potential partners of a similar age to select from.
Dr. Moore and his colleagues have developed a computer simulation called
Ethnopop, in which they asked how large the crew must be in order to main
tain genetic variability over time while still allowing crew members a choice of
sex partners. They determined that a founding crew could be as small as So to
100 people and stay viable for more than a thousand years, assuming that two
rules were followed: women waited until they were in their mid-3o's or so be
fore having children, and they had only a couple each. Counterintuitive though
it may seem, said Dr. Moore, delayed childbearing and small families are
known to help maintain genetic variability in a closed population.
Genetic diversity may be essential, but Dr. Sarah G. Thomason, a professor
of linguistics at the University of Michigan, argued that the same could not be
1 10 N A TA L I E A N G I E R
said for language. "You want everyone to be able to talk to each other as soon as
they're on board," she said.
As Dr. Thomason sees it, the likeliest lingua franca for a starship will be
gracias a Dior-English. After all, she said, English is the language of the inter
national air traffic control system, the scientific community and the educated
class generally. English is the official language of 51 of the 195 nations of the
world, and it is the second language of many others.
Yet, while crew members will be expected to speak English, their accents are
likely to be quite diverse, and the English that their children and grandchildren
end up speaking will have a rhythm and texture of its own-Space English.
And though Dr. Thomason believes that the basic structure of Space English is
not likely to change much from that of the mother tongue, teenagers will, of
course, invent words of their own and drop words of scant use. "I can imagine
the loss of words like snow, rivers, winter, mosquitoes, if they're lucky," she
said.
Another arena that will test the limits of human ingenuity is space cuisine.
Without livestock on board or supply ships to restock the pantry, crew mem
bers will have to be entirely self-sufficient. Dr. Hunter of Cornell envisions
crops grown in hydroponic gardens, in which plants are suspended in troughs
like rain gutters, and water and fertilizer are trickled slowly over their roots.
Among the possible food groups are wheat, rice, sweet potatoes, beans, soy,
corn, herbs and spices.
In addition, space-minded agronomists are exploring the marvels of mi
crobes. Plants take weeks to grow, but yeastlike microorganisms replicating in
vats can be used to churn out significant quantities of carbohydrates, sugars,
proteins and fats in a matter of hours. Of benefit to a community in which re
cycling is not just a personal virtue but a public necessity, microorganisms can
live on the carboniferous waste products of plants and people.
"There's a protein product called quorn, which is made from filamentous
mold;' Dr. Hunter said. "Not to make a joke of it, but it does taste like chicken."
Some cliches, it seems, are truly universal.
M A R G A R E T W E RT H E I M
en of the Middle Ages sadly realized that the great dragons were long
M since gone from European soil. Only feeble remnants remained, pal
try debased descendants of the grand saurians of the past: frilled
snakes and lizards, and small, feathered, scaly-headed beasts not much bigger
than a pheasant. The latter bore an uncanny resemblance to roosters, which
had recently been imported from China and were still a bizarrity to European
eyes. If the fearsome fire-breathing creatures of legend existed anywhere, it was
in far-off lands at the edges of the known world. "Here there be dragons:' the
maps optimistically declared.
Historians Lorraine Daston and Katherine Park (authors of Wonders and
the Order ofNature) alert us to a perverse tendency of wonders to congregate at
the outer reaches of our cartographic knowledge. Throughout history, distant
lands have beckoned with the promise of marvels: unicorns and elephants; gi
ants, Cyclopes and races of dog-headed men; miraculous healing springs and
trees whose gourds enclose, like fruits, miniature fleecy lambs. Distance
loosens the mind, freeing the imagination from the restraints of common
I I 2 M A R G A R E T W E RT H E I M
knowledge and opening the doors of perception to strange and unlikely coun
terintuitive phenomena.
Adventurous persons, from Marco Polo to Neil Armstrong, have always
been willing to travel immense distances to experience wonders for them
selves-expeditions have been mounted, novel conveyances constructed and
fortunes expended. Today, of course, cartographic knowledge exceeds the
bounds of our planet, and the domain of the marvelous has retreated, as it al
ways will, to even farther fringes. These days, those in search of the preternatu
ral look not across the Atlantic but beyond the horizons of geography itself, to
what Kant called the "island universes" of distant galaxies. Ever since Galileo
pointed his "optick tube" to the heavens and discovered mountains on the
moon and "satellites" orbiting Jupiter, outer space has become our chief do
main of marvels. Here there be dragons indeed: quasars spitting the energy of
entire galaxies, cosmic strings thrumming with the original Primal Force, neu
tron stars so dense a teaspoon weighs as much as Everest, and black holes so
powerful they could shred a spaceship into strings of spaghetti.
The ties that bind matter to space prevent us from voyaging in person to
this fabulous frontier; absent a revolution in physics and a radical new form of
propulsion, humanity seems destined to remain on our ancestral cosmic
home. Miraculously, however, light is exempted from Einstein's laws, confirm
ing perhaps the great physicist's belief that if "God is subtle, he is not mali
cious." Ephemeral and immaterial, light bears witness across the universe.
Where adventurers past were propelled on ocean waves toward the lands of
their dreams, so the phantasms of distant cosmic landscapes are borne to us
across oceans of space on waves of light. Here, the wonders come to us, though
again, Herculean effort is required for proper apprehension of the magical
phenomena-which is why astronomers build telescopes.
Sometimes, bigger really is better. The speed and power of sailing ships de
pended on the size of their sails; so, the bigger the telescope mirror, the more
light waves you can catch. Translating this into the metric of marvelousness
which, in opposition to gravity, increases with distance-the larger the mirror,
the farther out into space you can see, and hence the more marvels you can be
hold. This tyranny of numbers was majesticaly brought home to me on a re
cent trip to the University of Arizona's Mirror Lab, where the world's largest
telescope mirrors are made. There is nothing minimal about the place, which is
in itself a haven of wonder.
Even before you enter the Mirror Lab, a touch of the surreal hovers about
the enterprise, for it is bolted to the side of the university's sports stadium, the
Here There Be Dra9ons 1 1 3
only structure on campus strong enough to support the huge machinery that
casting requires. Inside it is more aerospace than bench top; the main work
room stretches three stories high and is half the size of a football field. Gigantic
gantries crisscross the cavernous space, while massive cranes stand by with
claws unclenched; they must be strong enough to heft 20 tons, yet gentle
enough to handle crystal. The whole building is low-pressurized to protect the
nascent mirrors from dust.
At the far end of the lab, some 50 yards away, an enormous mirror is being
polished: 8-4 meters in diameter, it seems impossibly big yet indescribably deli
cate. With its deep concave surface smooth and glistening, and bathed in water
to aid the buffing, it resembles nothing so much as a vast contact lens. Tele
scope mirrors are augmented eyes, and this one has 12 times the light-gathering
surface of the Hubble Space Telescope. It is one of a pair intended for the Large
Binocular Telescope currently being constructed on Mount Graham, in the
Quinlan Range west of Tucson, which will soon be the world's most powerful
optical instrument. Maximal vision demands that no bump on the mirror sur
face be larger than ioo nanometers (about 500 times narrower than a human
hair): If the giant mirror being polished here were expanded to the size of
North America, there would be no protrusion higher than 4 inches. The
custom-designed robotic polisher crawling over the surface acts like a mechan
ical caterpill a r nibbling away atoms at a time. Amazingly, it will be at its task 24
hours a day, seven days a week, for eight to 10 months.
Where conventional telescope mirrors are spherical, the Mirror Lab's are
parabolic, the most efficient shape for focusing light. As early as the i7th cen
tury, Johannes Kepler perceived that one way to make a parabola was to rotate a
bowl ofliquid-under the force of gravity, spinning liquid naturally configures
itself to this unique mathematical form. A few telescopes have employed this
idea using rotating bowls of mercury, but that's a toxic way to view the stars. In
i980, Mirror Lab founder Roger Angel realized that Kepler's insight could be
implemented with molten glass, if only you could keep the whole apparatus
spinning while the glass cooled and set.
A physicist by training, Angel tells me that when insight struck, his under
standing of the chemistry of glass was nil. Though English by birth, he repaired
immediately to that great American laboratory, the backyard, where in a
homemade kiln he fused together a couple of Pyrex custard cups-enriching
both the future of astronomy and the noble tradition of domestic science.
I 14 M A R G A R E T W E RT H E I M
They call themselves maverick theorists. Scientists call them cranks. Mem
bers ef the physics department at the University ef California, Berkeley,
keep every letter they receive from these eften delusional outsiders in an
archive they call the X:files. Siftin9 throu9h themfar a 9rain ef truth,Jen
nifer Kahn 9ets a disorientin9 9limpse ef a kind <if Bizarro-world science.
leven years ago Eugene Sittampalam was sitting in a hotel room on the
sars across the night sky made an arrow that pointed directly to a vast alien
communications network. A few years before, at Dartmouth, a dishwasher
swamped the Internet newsgroups with his descriptions of the universe as a gi
ant plutonium atom. The man, who identified himself as Archimedes Pluto
nium, wrote songs praising this atom universe and also provided stock tips.
When he appeared on campus, it was in a parka covered with equations like a
necromancer's robe.
Judging from the reams of odd theories sent daily to science journals, uni
versities, and researchers, science cranks are more prolific than ever. This is
true despite a discouraging silence on the part of the recipients. The author of
one atmosphere-based theory of gravity estimates that he has mailed 5,000
copies of his work to physicists over the past 15 years but received just two
replies. Presentation is part of the problem. "GENTLEMEN ARE YOU INTER
ESTED IN SEPARATING VALUABLE CHEMICAL COMPOUNDS FROM
THE SUNSHINE RAY?" demands one impatient correspondent. Crank papers
are so consistent in their tics that they're sometimes hung on physics depart
ment bulletin boards and given ratings-with points awarded for bold type,
multiple exclamation marks, and comparison of self to Newton, Einstein, or
God. But a few, like Sittampalam's, are more difficult to dismiss.
Sittampalam holds a bachelor of science degree from the University of Cey
lon and has spent 20 years consulting for a number of prominent global engi
neering firms. His 85-page treatise is formatted with flawless professionalism,
and he has no history of psychological disorders. Yet since his "breakthrough"
in Libya, Sittampalam has all but sidetracked his career in pursuit of his theory.
He has repeatedly sent his treatise to universities, paid to self-publish the work
in paperback, and lost "a small fortune in salary" by his own estimation. Seven
years ago he even offered a $25,000 reward to any physicist who could refute his
theory and, as he puts it, "slap me out of this obsession." So far, no one has
come up with a sufficient rebuttal.
Such single-minded absorption is part of the mythology of science. It's no
wonder, then, that scientists are nearly as fascinated by cranks as cranks are by
science. "It's unnerving," says Geoff Marcy, an astronomer at the University of
California at Berkeley. "It shows how easy it is to slip from healthy, even neces
sary, conviction into certainty and delusion. Plus, you realize that you don't al
ways know which camp you're in." There's the rub. Science owes a good part of
its success to its capacity to contend with doubt-to engage it, respond to it,
and transform itself in the encounter. Yet there's rarely a point at which a good
idea becomes clearly, incontestably a bad idea. Neurologist Stanley Prusiner
Notesfrom a Parallel Un i verse 1 17
spent 15 years arguing that a misfolded protein called a prion caused the brain
decay associated with scrapie and mad cow disease. Researchers snickered at
him. Evidence slowly accumulated in his favor, and in 1997 he was awarded the
Nobel Prize in medicine. "It's like a ball on top of a saddle;' Marcy says. "You
can't listen too closely to the establishment or you'll never be creative. But if
you don't listen enough, you fall over the edge."
they just ignore the explanation," he says bitterly. "They don't realize how much
time scientists spend coming up with ideas and rejecting them."
Cranks, of course, see it differently. In their view they are Davids fighting a
Goliath. Sometimes their foes may be theorists who have gone too far ("Decep
tion, horn-swoggling . . . Who are you fooling?" demands an opponent of
string theory) . Other times they are scientists--overeducated, institutional
ized, hidebound-who don't dare go far enough.
This confusion over fundamental purpose is understandable, given that
modern physics manages to seem at once simple and profoundly puzzling. As
tronomers have only recently determined that a mysterious "dark energy" is
forcing the universe apart, overwhelming the equally mysterious "dark matter"
that seemed to be holding it together. Even gravity, faithful shepherd of falling
rocks and fly balls, has recently gone to pieces: At small distances, it may not be
constant at all. "Some of the ideas are incredibly counterintuitive," says Nima
Arkani-Hamed, a Harvard physicist who specializes in theoretical particle
physics. "And they're just getting more bizarre."
Arkani-Hamed himself believes that space contains seven extra dimensions
we can't see because they're rolled up like very small window shades. His man
nerisms, too, might seem suspect in someone with less impressive credentials.
He talks faster than I can take notes, a kind of super-revved speech that still
seems to fall frustratingly short of the speed of thought. "Certain traits of per
sonality and character are . . . close," he admits. "The obsessive tendencies, the
compulsion, the restlessness. It's not the same, but there's a resemblance." Then
he adds, dryly: ''A lot of scientists have traits that would be bizarre if not chan
neled into science. I know that's part of why cranks interest me."
I do." But not every crank is so poetic nor so benign. Arkani-Hamed described
one author whose e-mails had become increasingly virulent. Another physicist
refused to be quoted by name in this article, replying tersely: "There is no guar
antee that all cranks are harmless:' Still another described his feelings about
cranks as "Neutral. With a touch of fear."
One case in particular has echoed down the years with the force of a small
town murder. In 1952 a man named Bayard Peakes turned up at the office of the
American Physical Society at Columbia University with a gun. Peakes was frus
trated at the society's rejection of his pamphlet, "So You Love Physics." Unable
to find any physicists at the society's office, he shot and killed a secretary
instead. ( Just months before, ironically, the society had changed its policy
to open its annual meetings to public speakers and accept all scientific
abstracts-including another by Peakes that aimed to prove that the electron
doesn't exist.)
The Peakes case was unique in degree but not in kind. Scientists have been
heckled, cursed, and harassed at work (one crank faxed love letters to a depart
ment chair and forged the signature of another scientist at the bottom). A few
have even had cranks turn up at their homes.
It was hard not to have these cases in mind when I began contacting writers
from the X-files, using the information that came with some of the papers. For
the most part the authors were elusive. Phones had been disconnected, e-mail
addresses bounced. The few who did answer were single-minded. One retired
commercial diver answered all my questions with an uninterruptible mono
logue on gravity (it pushes rather than pulls, he said) . An elderly man in south
ern California called back half a dozen times, each time hinting at his latest
discovery.
"With psychosis, there's a kind of pressure to push it out;' John MacGregor,
an expert in the "outsider art" produced by mental patients, told me. "Some
times the manic-depressives don't even use periods. They don't want to stop
writing!" The trouble starts when such zeal is spiked with paranoia. "Schizo
phrenics have a tremendous desire to prove that they're sane;' MacGregor said.
"It could be that they've adopted science in order to prove just how rational
1 20 JENNIFER KAHN
and intelligent they are." He paused. "If a paranoid schizophrenic decides that
certain rays are emanating from the physics department, it could be dangerous.
These are the people who might come in and shoot it up."
the paper wrote in to note that that's exactly what will happen-j ust billions of
years from now. Sittampalam acknowledged that mistake but attributed it to a
typo. He had mistakenly left the words "under perturbation" out of his hypoth
esis, he said. Revised, his theory now explained why Earth , subject to the gravi
tational pull of the rest of the planets, has never wandered out of its orbit.
"First, he's talking about gravitational radiation, which is a real but minute
effect; now he's talking about the solar system being sensitive to small changes,"
the physicist said. "It's true that if you moved the Earth a little bit today, its po
sition and velocity in a month would become quite different. But that doesn't
mean the shape of the current orbit is going to fall apart. We have simulations
showing just the opposite, actually: that the solar system is stable over an in
credibly long timescale. But that's what I mean. Every error you find, he's just
going to change the subject. It's never-ending."
t doesn't seem too difficult to trap a crow. Especially if you're armed with a
less than 100 yards down the conifer-edged road, a female crow is strutting well
within range of the stalled net, stuffing her beak with bread.
Marzluff has spent his career studying crows and ravens in Arizona, Maine,
Idaho, Montana, Hawaii and Guam. He and his students have banded about
500 crows in the Seattle area, but the job doesn't get much easier with practice.
"The more you try to trap crows:' he sighs, "the shorter your lifespan."
Crows and their cousins in the corvid family, ravens, jays and magpies, have
spent hundreds of thousands of years taking advantage of our inventions. To
day, they forage in dumps and on suburban lawns; they follow hunters to prey
and backpackers to campsites; they nest on Alaskan oil rigs and in the ornate
stonework of city libraries. They've been known to perform pitch-perfect imi
tations of explosions, revving motorcycles and flushing urinals.
They're fiercely, exasperatingly smart.
It's all too easy for crows to survive in the Seattle suburbs, where they have
free access to truckloads of tasty human castoffs. While many species are forced
to flee the expanding rings of development, crows and a few other hardy crea
tures are rushing in like bargain-hunters on their way to a flea market. Like it or
not, our backyards are hosting an evolutionary showdown, and the odds favor
the coyotes and the crows: The coyote is the only midsize carnivore that is actu
ally expanding its range in North America; the American crow, once rare in the
Pacific Northwest, is now one of the dominant birds in the Seattle area.
The showdown is pressing many Seattle residents-and the rest of us-up
against an awkward truth. Though we might like our cities neatly separated
from the natural world, nature is having none of that. Wild animals are react
ing and adapting to us as fast as they can, not j ust to our logging and mining
and ranching and fishing, but also to our fast-food restaurants, golf courses
and campgrounds.
Marzluff and a few of his colleagues are proving as adaptable as the animals
they study. In recent years, they've moved their research out of the wilderness
and into the suburbs. By shadowing the animals that shadow us, they're dis
covering how we might protect other, less adaptable creatures from being el
bowed out by the flood of newcomers.
"Crows are a perfect mirror for us:' says Marzluff. "They're a good species
for people to look at, not because crows are doing something wrong, but be
cause we're doing a lot wrong-and they're taking advantage of it, every step of
the way."
Ever since the late 1800s, when Seattle was little more than a staging ground
for the Klondike gold rush, the city has had an irony-laden relationship with
Shadow Creatures 1 2s
wildlife. Even then, city boosters were promoting Seattle as nature's next-door
neighbor, a place that provided a quick escape from the distractions of urban
life. Seattleites were also doing their damnedest to control the natural processes
around them, and they dug waterways and filled tidelands as busily as any
beavers.
Despite boosters' best efforts, wildlife refused to cooperate. Muskrats un
dermined a dam in central Seattle in the early 1900s, causing major damage to
the Fremont Bridge, and so many frogs filled a canal near the Duwamish River
that residents feared for local water quality. In the 1930s, city park officials en
couraged the feeding of birds, hoping to please nature-loving visitors, but the
mobs of geese and other waterfowl polluted Green Lake with droppings, up
rooted flowers and shrubs, and created an uproar among local residents.
By the 1990s, the city had transformed itself. It was the hippest spot on the
West Coast, with a Microsoft-powered economy, a caffeinated sensibility and
an influential downtown music scene. More than half a million people moved
to the area during the decade, many of them young, college-educated and eager
to be nature's neighbors.
Instead of the peaceful, outdoorsy life they envisioned, the newcomers en
countered some very urban problems, including a desperate housing crunch
and some of the worst traffic tangles in the country. They also encountered
crows-lots of them.
Suburban housing developments and landfills "are like a banquet" set espe
cially for crows, says Marzluff. "We're creating hundreds of acres of crow habi
tat every single day;' he says. "We're creating habitat faster than the crows can
fill it:'
Like humans, crows tend to breed in the food-rich suburbs. Juveniles with
out established territories spend more time in the poorer habitat downtown,
moving back into the 'burbs when they find mates. (Marzluff and his students,
who track the movements of their banded and radioed birds, call these adoles
cent wanderers the Young Urban Crows, or "yuckies:' )
This survival strategy has been a wild success: The area's crow population
has grown by as much as tenfold in the past two decades, and it grew by more
than 30 percent just last year. It's one of the fastest-growing crow populations
in the world, and the birds are getting hard to ignore.
Crows peck at mossy cedar shingles, drink from gutters and find their way
into downtown office buildings. Karen Rillo and Mike Mead, the owners of a
nuisance-wildlife franchise called Critter Control, are on the receiving end of
many of the resulting complaints. They've shooed a crow out of a Barnes and
1 26 MICHELLE N IJ H U IS
Noble in University Village, used reflective balloons to scare crows off rooftops,
and advised sleepless homeowners to spook the birds by hanging a dead crow
in a tree. But the noisy flocks often prove persistent.
''I'm taking it personally when five pillows over my head won't do the
trick," Seattle resident Susan Brett told the Seattle Times. After a night of toss
ing and turning, she said, she spent the morning looking at newspaper ads for
air guns.
Matthew Klingle, a history professor at Bowdoin College in Maine who
wrote his Ph.D. dissertation on the environmental history of Seattle, says such
conflicts haunt almost every city in the United States-and are particularly
persistent in the West.
"People think about the West as nature's province, and they move to Seat
tle, Portland, Boise or Salt Lake City to be close to nature;' he says. "But people
also want clear boundaries. They want a divide between nature and culture."
Crows aren't the only animals causing headaches for their human hosts,
and Seattle isn't the only city that's unintentionally making more and more
room for crafty wildlife.
In Phoenix, hungry javelinas-knee-high wild pigs-can't resist the exotic
landscaping in suburban yards. "I tell people that they're just putting an ice
cream parlor on their corner;' says Arizona Game and Fish wildlife biologist
Joe Yarchin. His office, which handles more than i,ooo nuisance-wildlife
complaint calls every year, deals with Gila woodpeckers that hammer at air
conditioning units, peregrine falcons that smear pigeon guts on downtown
law-office windows, and most everything in between.
His typical call, though, has something to do with coyotes.
Like crows, coyotes have long been associated with humans. They're our
companions and our guides, our jesters and our harassers in legends and
myths. And also like crows, coyotes are having a high time in the suburbs. In
recent decades, their populations have rebounded from the all-out extermina
tion efforts in the first half of the 20th century, and they've started Dumpster
diving around urban parks and suburban backyards.
Coyotes tend to keep a low profile. Though the Game and Fish office in
Phoenix gets a lot of complaints about coyotes every year, not many of the
animals are really causing any trouble. But during the painfully dry summer of
2002, a family of seven coyotes kept turning up in a tony Phoenix neighbor
hood; a group of skinny juvenile coyotes was seen hunting ducks in a suburban
park; and more than a few cats and dogs came home with telltale battle scars.
Coyotes have also made themselves at home in Tucson, San Diego, and
Denver. They're regularly spotted in Oakland, California, and South San Fran-
Shadow Creatures 1 27
cisco, and U.S. Geological Survey biologist Erin Boydston began to track sev
eral recently arrived packs in Golden Gate Park. In Portland, Oregon, surprised
public-transit employees found a coyote inside a city light-rail train, calmly
curled up on a seat. The incident even inspired a song, "Light- Rail Coyote;' an
ode to Portland by the ultra-popular band Sleater-Kinney.
Of course, coyotes have moved into Seattle, too. Biologist Timothy Quinn,
whose dissertation research on urban and suburban coyote behavior sent him
striding down Seattle sidewalks with a radio receiver, heard reports of coyotes
in the Woodland Park Zoo (where they were trying to eat some frightened pea
cocks) and in heavily visited Discovery Park on the edge of Puget Sound. Sev
eral years ago, a young coyote wandered into a downtown office building,
where wildlife officials cornered it in an elevator. "That was one scared coyote,"
Quinn remembers.
Quinn, now the chief scientist of the habitat program for the Washington
Department of Fish and Wildlife, says the suburbs are as much of a banquet for
coyotes as they are for crows. When Quinn was collecting coyote scat for diet
analysis, he walked the same routes every two weeks. "I always saw all these lit
tle cat collars . . . at first, it didn't make sense to me;' he says.
His analysis eventually showed that coyotes' single most important mam
malian prey was the suburban housecat. Then, he says, "all those little collars
started to make sense."
Biologists aren't sure how these urban and suburban coyotes affect their
ecosystems, or how quickly changing, human-dominated ecosystems affect
coyote behavior. Quinn says coyotes in Seattle might be a boon to songbird
populations, since they pick off so many warbler-stalking kitties, but he can
only guess.
that?" she demands. Marzluff explains and apologizes, and the woman shrugs,
her curiosity satisfied for the moment.
Most biologists don't have to consider the effects of nervous neighbors,
speeding cars or ill-timed landscaping work. They've long preferred to work in
big nature, in wilderness areas and other places where nature's gears turn in
relative peace. For decades, many have viewed cities as ecologically dead, places
where natural processes stalled out long ago.
Marzluff likes studying the suburbs, not just because he's fascinated by the
ingenuity of crows ("You get hooked on 'em:' he says) but also because he's try
ing to figure out how other, less-adaptable species get by in the sea of subdivi
sions.
The total transformation of this landscape, along with the crows' habit of
aggressive nest predation, should be a death sentence for any forest-loving ani
mal. But in the struggle between the garbage-eaters and the habitat purists,
some of the purists are turning out to be surprisingly tenacious.
Just a few hundred yards down the wide, curving road, a slender greenbelt
snakes around the edge of the development. This tiny area, barely 45 yards wide
and just over a mile long, is an unexpectedly effective wildlife refuge. Though
the number of birds isn't nearly what it would be in an undisturbed stretch of
forest, every feathered forest-specialist in the region has appeared here at one
time or another. From the well-established trail, Marzluff points out a winter
wren nest, a delicate, grapefruit-sized ball of moss.
This smidgen of forest may not be attractive habitat for long. Invasive
plants may creep in, or curious cats and kids may disturb nesting patterns. But
for now, the greenbelt is like an island with regular ferry service to the main
land. With a 150-acre University of Washington forest preserve just down the
road, wrens and other birds can usually find the food, mates and habitat they
need by traveling between the two areas. Marzluff and his colleagues at the
University of Washington's Urban Ecology program have found that such well
managed small areas, interspersed with larger preserves, could go a long way
toward maintaining stable populations of forest birds and other animals.
These hopeful results are probably a happy accident, since parks and green
spaces are most often designed for us, not for wildlife. Parks are intended,
overtly or not, to educate us, enlighten us, or entertain us; animals, if they ap
pear, are usually just a pleasant diversion for passersby. Marzluff hopes his
work will convince some planners to take a bird's-eye view.
"We don't want to just set aside habitat, we want to set aside functional
habitat:' he says. "We want to make sure we have a good mixture, that it's not all
low-density sprawl:'
Shadow Creat ures 1 29
He and a few other researchers argue that cities and other human
dominated places are far from dead environments. They say they're complex
ecosystems, constantly in flux and well worth the attention of a new generation
of ecologists. They hope to flush more of their colleagues out of the woods to
investigate, and they're getting some high-profile support.
The federally funded National Science Foundation, which underwrites the
work of the University of Washington's Urban Ecology program, also oversees
a network of about 20 long-term ecological research stations. In i997, the foun
dation chose Baltimore and Phoenix for its first urban research stations. The
Phoenix station currently supports more than 50 projects, and many involve
not only biologists but also economists, sociologists and urban planners.
Through her work at the Phoenix station, Arizona State University biolo
gist Ann Kinzig has found that desert birds can also take advantage of habitat
fragments in the city. Small neighborhood parks-"even places with play
grounds and baseball fields"-support rich populations of native birds, ones
that seem to coexist with human-associated species such as rock doves and
starlings. When she applied economic and demographic data to her findings,
she discovered that bird diversity is significantly higher in wealthier neighbor
hoods, a tantalizing pattern she plans to investigate further.
The field of urban ecology still has a long way to go. "This research is where
timber research was 20 years ago;' says Andrew Hansen, an ecology professor at
Montana State University who studies the impacts of rural subdivisions. In the
early 1980s, he says, biologists knew very little about the effects of dear-cutting,
but the lengthening roster of endangered forest species inspired concentrated
research.
"We learned a lot about how the ecosystem worked, and we were able to fig
ure out how to log more gently;' he says. "We're just now realizing that rural
and urban development is a serious issue in many areas. We're just beginning
to come up with ways to live more lightly on the land."
In 20 years, this research will be even more critical. A recent study in the
journal Bioscience reported that sprawl is already the top cause of species en
dangerment in the continental United States. In July 2002, the American Farm
land Trust estimated that 25 million acres of Western ranchland will be
threatened by low-density development within the next two decades.
"Pretty soon;' says Tim Quinn, "we're all going to be urban biologists."
Cities might offer fascinating ecological puzzles to a new breed of scien
tists, but is "living more lightly on the land"-especially in Seattle or
Phoenix-really worth the trouble of finding out how to do it? After all, most
wildlife habitat in our cities has been more or less permanently paved over, and
1 30 M IC H E L LE N I J H U IS
what little is left seems to be dominated by crows, coyotes and hungry wild
pigs. It's hard not to see our backyards as sacrifice zones. Even John Marzluff,
who can see hope in 24 acres of scraggly conifers, isn't always optimistic.
"Studying urban ecology makes you a fan of the timber industry," he says
flatly. "The amount of disturbance we create where we live makes all the other
environmental issues we have pale in comparison."
But in the modern metropolis, even small conservation victories can be
meaningful. In Seattle, as in most urban areas, humans have built on top of
high-value wildlife habitat (low-elevation valleys and coastal areas) and pre
served more scenic but less diverse areas (mountaintops and ridges) .
"People think the wildlife i s out there, i n the national parks;' says John
Kostyack, head of the smart-growth and wildlife program at the National
Wildlife Federation. "Contrary to popular belief, we've found that [the sub
urbs] are quite rich wildlife areas." His group is delving into the environmental
records of U.S. metropolitan areas, and released a report and a set of recom
mendations at the end of 2002.
Other national environmental groups, including the Natural Resources
Defense Council and the Sierra Club, have established sprawl-control pro
grams that include habitat-protection efforts. Many land trusts, most notably
The Nature Conservancy, focus on protecting privately owned wildlife habitat
instead of generic open space. Land trusts of all sizes are using conservation
easements to protect wildlife-friendly lands on the urban fringe.
Thanks to the Endangered Species Act, some city officials are also getting
into the business of habitat protection. Seattle has limited logging and altered
flows in the Cedar River watershed to protect the endangered Puget Sound
chinook salmon. Tucson, like San Diego before it, is embroiled in a massive
habitat-conservation planning process triggered by a suite of troubled species.
In Seattle, the city-funded Urban Creeks Initiative has brought some of the
poorest neighborhoods into closer contact with their nearby rivers, and trans
formed what were once seen as dumps and drainage ditches. Over the past de
cade, community groups on the southern end of Seattle have restored a peat
bog and chopped out invasive plants in Longfellow Creek, while city agencies
have piled up woody debris to slow down flows and make the waters more hos
pitable to salmon. In 2002, about 300 salmon came up the creek, among them a
pair of Puget Sound chinooks.
Part of Longfellow Creek still runs under a Kmart parking lot, but many
stretches are more accessible and more familiar to the whole community, says
creek watershed specialist Sheryl Shapiro. "People are just astonished," she says.
Shadow Creatures 1 3 1
"They'll say ' Hey, I've lived here all this time, and I never even knew this was
here.' "
In her book Flight Maps: Adventures with Nature in Modern America, histo
rian Jennifer Price writes that "we have used a very modern American idea of
Nature Out There to ignore our ravenous uses of natural resources." We have
tried very hard to remain, as Woody Allen put it, "two with nature.''
The Longfellow Creek Project and other community efforts suggest we
may be able to treat our neurotic relationship with the natural world. Perhaps
we can turn capital-N Nature into something we successfully coexist with every
day.
The crows and coyotes might lend us a hand here. They might be able to, in
an odd, roundabout way, help us solve the problem they represent. By busting
through our comfortable ideas about where the city ends and Nature begins,
our annoying, overbearing wild shadows might finally convince us that how
and where we choose to live has a lot to do with the future of the natural world.
They make our options crystal clear: We can continue making endless
habitat for crows and their adaptable colleagues, or we can try to make enough
room for everybody. It's up to us.
G U N J AN S I N H A
Yo u D i r ty Vole
F R O M P O P ULA R S C I E N C E
What does a rodent have to tell us about love? Researchers studyin9 brain
chemistry and animal behavior havefound that the h umble prairie vole ex
hibits traits familiar to humans-matin9 and cohabitatin9 to raise chil
dren, while occasionally strayin9 for fieetin9 encounters with other
partners. Gunjan Sinha has the latestfindin9sfrom the science ef love.
gating monogamy in voles dovetailed nicely with her own research. The ani
mals were small: They made the perfect lab rats.
The scientific literature was already rich with studies on a hormone called
oxytocin that is made in mammalian brains and that in some species promotes
bonding between males and females and between mothers and offspring.
Might oxytocin, swirling around in tiny vole brains, be the catalyst for turning
them into the lifelong partners that they are?
Sure enough, when Carter injected female voles with oxytocin, they were
less finicky in choosing mates and practically glued themselves to their part
ners once they had paired. The oxytocin-dosed animals tended to lick and cud
dle more than untreated animals, and they avoided strangers. What's more,
when Carter injected females with oxytocin-blocking chemicals, the animals
deserted their partners.
In people, not only is the hormone secreted by lactating women but studies
have shown that oxytocin levels also increase during sexual arousal-and sky
rocket during orgasm. In fact, the higher the level of oxytocin circulating in the
blood during intercourse, the more intense the orgasm.
But there's more to vole mating than love; there's war too. Male voles are
territorial. Once they bond with a female, they spend lots of time guarding her
from other suitors, often sitting near the entrance of their burrow and aggres
sively baring their beaver-like teeth. Carter reasoned that other biochemicals
must kick in after mating, chemicals that turn a once laid-back male into a ter
ritorial terror. Oxytocin, it turns out, is only part of the story. A related chemi
cal, vasopressin, also occurs in both sexes. Males, however, have much more
of it.
When Carter dosed male voles with a vasopressin-blocking chemical after
mating, their feistiness disappeared. An extra jolt of vasopressin, on the other
hand, boosted their territorial behavior and made them more protective of
their mates.
Vasopressin is also present in humans. While scientists don't yet know the
hormone's exact function in men, they speculate that it works similarly: It is se
creted during sexual arousal and promotes bonding. It may even transform
some men into jealous boyfriends and husbands. "The biochemistry [of at
tachment] is probably going to be similar in humans and in [monogamous]
animals because it's quite a basic function," says Carter. Because oxytocin and
vasopressin are secreted during sexual arousal and orgasm, she says, they are
probably the key biochemical players that bond lovers to one another.
But monogamous animals aren't the only ones that have vasopressin and
oxytocin in their brains. Philandering animals do too. So what separates faith-
You Dirty Vole 1 3)
ful creatures from unfaithful ones? Conveniently for scientists, the generally
monogamous prairie vole has a wandering counterpart: the montane vole.
When Thomas Insel, a neuroscientist at Emory University, studied the two
species' vasopressin receptors (appendages on a cell that catch specific bio
chemicals) he found them in different places. Prairie voles have receptors for
the hormone in their brains' pleasure centers; montane voles have the recep
tors in other brain areas. In other words, male prairie voles stick with the same
partner after mating because it feels good. For montane voles, mating is a list
less but necessary affair, rather like scratching an itch.
The idea that romantic love activates parts of the brain associated with ad
diction got Donatella Marazziti at Pisa University in Tuscany wondering if it
might be related to obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD). Anyone who has
ever been in love knows how consuming the feeling can be. You can think of
nothing but your lover every waking moment. Some people with OCD have
low levels of the brain chemical serotonin. Might love-obsessed people also
have low serotonin levels? Sure enough, when Marazziti and her colleagues
tested the blood of 20 students who were madly in love and 20 people with
OCD, she found that both groups had low levels of a protein that shuttles sero
tonin between brain cells.
And what happens when the euphoria of "mad love" wears off? Marazziti
tested the blood of a few of the lovers 12 to 18 months later and found that their
serotonin levels had returned to normal. That doesn't doom a couple, of
course, but it suggests a biological explanation for the evolution of relation
ships. In many cases, romantic love turns into compassionate love, thanks to
oxytocin and vasopressin swirling inside the lovers' brains. This attachment is
what keeps many couples together. But because attachment and romantic love
involve different biochemical processes, attachment to one person does not
suppress lust for another. "The problem is, they are not always well linked," says
anthropologist Helen Fisher, who has written several books on love, sex and
marriage.
IN THE wI LD, about half of male voles wander the fields, never settling
down with one partner. These "traveling salesmen:' as Lowell Getz calls them,
are always "trying to get with other females." Most females prefer to mate with
their partners. But if they get the chance, some will mate with other males too.
And, according to Jerry Wolff, a biologist at the University of Memphis, female
voles sometimes "divorce" their partners. In the lab, he restricts three males at a
time in separate but connected chambers and gives a female free range. The fe
male has already paired with one of the males and is pregnant with his pups.
Wolff says about a third of the females pick up their nesting materials and
move in with a different fellow. Another third actually solicit and successfully
mate with one or both of the other males, and the last third remain faithful.
Why are some voles fickle, others faithful? Vole brains differ from one crea
ture to the next. Larry Young, a neuroscientist at Emory University, has found
that some animals have more receptors for oxytocin and vasopressin than oth
ers. In a recent experiment, he injected a gene into male prairie voles that per
manently upped the number of vasopressin receptors in their brains. The
Yo u Dirty Vole 1 37
animals paired with females even though the two hadn't mated. "Normally
they have to mate for at least 24 hours to establish a bond;' he says. So the num
ber of receptors can mean the difference between sticking around and skipping
out after sex. Might these differences in brain wiring influence human faithful
ness? "It's too soon to tell," Young says. But it's "definitely got us very curious."
How does evolution account for the often-conflicting experiences of love
and lust, which have caused no small amount of destruction in human history?
Fisher speculates that the neural systems of romantic love and attachment
evolved for different reasons. Romantic love, she says, evolved to allow people
to distinguish between potential mating partners and "to pursue these partners
until insemination has occurred." Attachment, she says, "evolved to make you
tolerate this individual long enough to raise a child:' Pepper Schwartz agrees:
"We're biologically wired to be socially monogamous, but it's not a good evolu
tionary tactic to be sexually monogamous. There need to be ways to keep re
production going if your mate dies."
Many of our marriage customs, say sociologists, derive from the need to
reconcile this tension. "As much as people love passion and romantic love;'
Schwartz adds, "most people also want to have the bonding sense of loyalty and
friendship love as well." Marriage vows are a declaration about romantic love
and binding attachment, but also about the role of rational thought and the
primacy of mind and mores over impulses.
Scientists hope to do more than simply decode the biochemistry of the
emotions associated with love and attachment. Some, like Insel, are searching
for treatments for attachment disorders such as autism, as well as pathological
behaviors like stalking and violent jealousy. It is not inconceivable that some
day there might be sold an attachment drug, a monogamy pill; the mind reels
at the marketing possibilities.
Lowell Getz, the grandfather of all this research, couldn't be more thrilled.
"I spent almost $i million of taxpayer money trying to figure out stuff like why
sisters don't make it with their brothers;' he says. "I don't want to go to my
grave feeling like it was a waste."
T R E VO R C O RS O N
"
covers.
s ir, I have a target, distance two hundred meters," the sonar operator
said. "It looks big." The nuclear-powered submarine NR-1 was hovering
600 feet underwater, on the edge of the continental shelf. Robert
Steneck, a professor of marine sciences at the University of Maine, decided to
check the target out. The helmsman nudged the sub forward, and Steneck, a
short, energetic man with a thick red beard, slipped below the control room
into the cramped observation module. There, through a six-inch-thick glass
viewing portal, he was confronted with the biggest lobster he had ever seen. It
was a female, about four feet long, weighing nearly forty pounds. She turned
toward the sub as it came right up to her, nose to nose, and defiantly shook her
claws.
Steneck is an unusual lobster scientist. Many of the leading scientists who
track the North American lobster population do so mainly on computer
screens in government laboratories, and from that vantage point lobsters ap
pear to be in danger. From the mid-194os to the mid-198os Maine's lobstermen
Stalkin9 the American Lobster 1 39
hauled in a remarkably consistent number of lobsters. But during the past fif
teen years they have nearly tripled their catch, raising fears among many scien
tists about overfishing. The situation recalls the recent history of the cod
fishery in New England, in which an exponential rise in the catch was followed
by a devastating biological and economic collapse. In 1996, as lobster catches
continued to hit all-time highs, a committee of the country's top government
lobster scientists warned of disaster, and they have since recommended drastic
management measures to save the fishery.
A failure in the lobster fishery-which has recently become the most valu
able fishery in the northeastern United States-would be disastrous. Revenues
from lobstering in 2000 topped $300 million. Nearly two thirds of the lobsters
were caught in the waters off Maine, where some 4,000 fishermen earned $187
million at the dock for nearly 60 million pounds of lobster. And lobstering
doesn't benefit only lobstermen: in Maine, for example, the fishery is a coastal
economic engine that generates some $500 million a year altogether.
Most Maine lobstermen believe that their fishery is healthy, perhaps even
too healthy. They worry not about a population collapse but about a market
collapse. Even the lobstermen who admit that catches could decline don't see
anything wrong with that. They say they're the lucky beneficiaries of a boom
orchestrated by Mother Nature. If lobster catches soon return to more tradi
tional levels, so be it.
The lobstermen argue that they are better biologists than the biologists are,
and there's something to what they say. Fisheries scientists who gauge the ef
fects of commercial lobster harvesting do so using techniques originally de
signed for tracking fish populations. Because fish are elusive and hard to study
in the wild, estimates of how well their populations are faring rely heavily on
mathematical models. But lobsters aren't fish. Many of them dwell in shallow
coastal water and are easy to observe, though until recently few scientists had
bothered to observe them. And unlike fish, lobsters aren't harmed by being
caught. Baby lobsters, oversized lobsters, and egg-bearing lobsters that lobster
men trap and return to the sea are none the worse for having taken the bait-in
fact, they've gotten a free lunch. Lobstermen know their resource more inti
mately than do many other kinds of fishermen, and they feel justified in telling
the government that lobsters are doing well enough to be left alone. The trou
ble is that lobstermen tend not to have advanced degrees and scientific data to
back up their claims, so their opinion carries little weight. But lately a new
breed of lobster scientist has appeared along the Maine coast, epitomized by
Robert Steneck on the NR-1. These scientists are ecologists, and they spend in
ordinate amounts of time underwater doing things almost no sane fisheries
1 40 TREVO R C O RSON
modeler with a computer and a comfortable office would ever do. They dig for
days in the ocean floor to count tiny lobsters; they risk life and limb on shark
infested ledges seventy miles from shore to see how long lobster populations
can survive predation. And they go lobstering with nuclear-powered sub
marines. Gradually they are concluding that some of the things lobstermen
have been saying may be right.
the minimum size of a lobster that may legally be landed. In 1933 the State of
Maine also instituted a maximum legal size. The main section of a lobster's ar
mor, from the eye socket to the end of the back, is often referred to as the lob
ster's body but technically is called the carapace. In Maine the carapace must be
no less than three and a quarter inches and no greater than five inches. Lobsters
not meeting the measure are thrown overboard.
Out on the open water, Fernald gunned the boat to cruising speed while his
sternman lifted the lid off the boat's bait bin, filling the cabin with the stench of
herring. As the boat bounced against the chop, the sternman stuffed handfuls
of gooey bait into small mesh bags with drawstrings. These he would soon be
placing in the traps piled in the stern. Fernald had taken the traps up from shal
low water a few days before and planned to drop them in deeper water this
morning. He maintains 800 traps across a twenty-mile-long swath of ocean.
He knows exactly where to place each one from one week to the next, March
through December. He takes time off during the worst of the winter weather to
repair his equipment.
During the summer Fernald keeps a third of his traps on short ropes near
shore, strategically placed in certain coves and kelp beds, and near underwater
boulders where he knows lobsters like to hide and hunt. In early September,
though, lobsters begin to move offshore, so Fernald had already shifted much
of his gear into middle-depth water-around a hundred feet. This morning's
job was to set the first deepwater traps of the season. Seven miles out to sea Fer
nald pulled a dirty waterproof notebook from a tangle of electronic equipment
and flipped through several pages of scrawled notes. He grabbed a pencil and
jotted a few numbers directly onto the bulkhead next to his compass; then he
squinted up at the GPS plotter above his head and keyed in a way point. He was
headed for an underwater valley between Western and Eastern Muddy Reef. He
was reassured to see his position confirmed by transmissions from four differ
ent satellites, but none of that was necessary: he could, if he had to, go back to
navigating with nothing but landmarks and a magnetic compass, as his father
still does.
Shortly, Fernald throttled down and studied the colorful blotches on his
Fathometer screen, which was connected to a transducer on the bottom of the
boat that bounced signals off the sea floor. The screen was painting the bottom
as a thick black line at twenty-two fathoms, or 132 feet, which meant that Fer
nald was directly over the rocky ledge of Western Muddy Reef. He circled the
boat a quarter turn and motored slowly east, watching the bottom on the Fath
ometer drop off and go from black to purple to orange, indicating a patch of
1 42 TREVOR C O RS O N
cobble and then gravel where the ledge ended. Suddenly the line fell precipi
tously and settled into a mushy yellow haze at forty-seven fathoms, or 282
feet-a deep bottom of thick, dark mud. He was over the valley.
begin to reach deeper water, Fernald must already have traps in place, which is
why he was now setting a gauntlet of traps in the valley.
The task was complicated by the fact that the water had become a sloppy
mess. A wave sloshed through an open panel in the boat's windshield and hit
Fernald in the face and chest. He swore to himself, yanked the window shut,
and shook himself off. Then he reached across the bulkhead and switched on
the Clearview, a circular plate of glass in the boat's windshield that rotates
eighty times a second-fast enough to fling off oncoming walls of water. "It
would have been a lot easier to do this yesterday;' he grumbled, "when it was
flat-ass calm." He and his stern man pulled the first pair of traps from the pile in
the stern and secured them on the rail so that they couldn't roll off before the
buoy line was attached.
Fernald and his sternman arranged bulky coils of rope on the floor at their
feet-carefully, because a tangle could cause mayhem. Fernald tied on a
torpedo-shaped buoy, marked with his signature colors in Day-Glo paint; then
he put the boat in gear and gave his sternman the signal to throw the first trap.
It went over with a splash, and the workday was under way.
"This looks like a high-rent district," Steneck said. Steneck's research assis
tant switched on the video recorder and noted time and depth on a clipboard.
Moments later a lobster antenna became visible.
"There's one;' Steneck said. "He's hiding between those two boulders."
The pilot pressed his joy stick for a slow-motion dive. P3S2 nudged the
boulder, and the lobster's antenna twitched. The pilot pulled the ROV back,
and the lobster emerged, strutting forward, claws extended and antennae
whipping the water. If he had been able to see the ROV, the lobster might have
been unnerved-but despite the fact that they are endowed with some 20,000
eye facets, lobsters have terrible vision. They have sensitive touch receptors,
however, and an acute sense of smell. Two long antennae and thousands of tiny
hairs on their claws and legs give them ample information about their environ
ment. Like houseflies, lobsters can even taste with their feet. A second pair of
shorter antennae, known as antennules, contain 400 chemoreceptors and give
lobsters most of their hunting and socializing skills. But P3S2 didn't emit a rec
ognizable scent.
"That's it, baby;' Steneck said to the lobster. "Work the camera." Steneck
wanted a side view, in order to get a laser measurement. When the lobster
turned to walk away, Steneck said, "Paint him with the lasers." A pair of laser
beams hit the lobster squarely on a claw and the tail, providing a gauge of its
size. This routine was more or less what Steneck and his team would be doing
every day, ten hours a day, for the coming week.
"Is that another set of claws right there?" the ROV pilot asked, aiming for
another boulder. "I don't think so:' Steneck said. "That looks like a molt. Empty
shell." But Steneck's attention was attracted by something else: the pebbly
ground at the base of the boulder was a lighter color than the surrounding bot
tom, and had been carved into a small crater. "Hold it;' Steneck said. "We've got
recent sediment-reworking here. Let's take a closer look." The investigation
paid off. The actual lobster, perhaps still soft from having recently shed its
shell, was hiding around the corner, its presence betrayed by the burrow it had
dug for itself.
The lobster wouldn't budge from its protected spot, but Carl Wilson saw a
retreating shape in a corner of the screen. "Is that one?" he asked. The pilot
changed course, and P3S2 slowly gained on the lumbering lobster. This one
clearly hadn't shed recently-large barnacles grew on its shell, an indication of
its size, because bigger lobsters molt less often. Alerted to a presence behind it,
the lobster spun, faced P3S2 head on, lifted its claws wide, and ran directly at
the ROV. "You're going to lose:' the pilot said. At the last second the lobster
seemed to reach the same conclusion, and it backed off.
1 46 T R E VO R C O R S O N
Soon after a trap i s set, lobsters smell the bait and approach. If the kitchen
is unoccupied, more than half of those that approach will eventually enter and
nibble at the bag of fish for about ten minutes. An astounding 94 percent of
those walk right back out again. Furthermore, while one lobster is eating, other
lobsters are often battling among themselves to be the next to enter, thus re
ducing the potential catch drastically-especially if the one eating also fights
off any intruders on his meal. In one twelve-hour period recorded by Watson
lobsters in the vicinity made 3,058 approaches to the LTV. Forty-five lobsters
actually entered, and of those, twenty-three ambled out one of the kitchen en
trances after eating. Twenty prolonged their stay by entering the parlor, but
seventeen of those eventually escaped, leaving just five in the trap. Of those
five, three were under the legal size. When Watson hauled the trap up, he'd
caught a grand total of two salable lobsters.
Lobstermen like it that way. In Maine they have lobbied to outlaw other
methods of catching lobsters, and during the past several years they themselves
have imposed limits on the number of traps each lobsterman may set. Trap
ping provides a steady year-round job with time off in the winter, and it allows
lobstermen to harvest only certain lobsters and throw back the undersized,
oversized, and egg-bearing animals that are so crucial to the long-term health
of the fishery. Most species that have collapsed from overfishing fell victim to
radical improvements in fishing technology. "It's a very primitive trap we use:'
one lobsterman says, "and that's an important part of Maine law. As long as we
keep using traps, we'll never catch them all. We're traditional in a lot of ways. I
think that's going to save us in the long run."
The faster fishermen at Islesford can haul more than 450 traps in a single
day. It's a demanding, manic routine, and it's dangerous. Most of the lobster
men on Islesford have tales of getting tangled in an outgoing rope as they race
from one trap to the next; this can drag a man to his death in seconds. Two
years ago a loop of outgoing line caught Jack Merrill around the ankle. He
threw himself down as he was dragged aft and managed to lodge himself under
the stern deck. His sternman rushed to the controls and threw the boat out of
gear, saving Merrill's leg.
Fisheries scientists think that the hell-bent routine of lobstering is part of
the reason lobsters are overfished; the race for profits, they feel, means that too
many lobsters are getting trapped too soon. According to the scientists (though
lobstermen dispute this), almost all of the annual catch now consists of new
shedders-lobsters that have just molted up to the minimum legal size
instead of a more diverse sampling of sizes, and that doesn't bode well for the
ability of the population to sustain itself.
1 48 T REVO R C O RSON
Rago model. Jack Merrill, of Islesford, has long been one of the model's tough
est critics. Like Idoine, Merrill studied both literature and science in college.
When he started lobstering, in the early 1970s, he joined the Maine Lobster
men's Association (MLA) and soon became its vice president.
In the 1980s Merrill began collecting scientific papers on the lobster fishery.
He noticed something strange: fisheries scientists had been using population
models to predict the crash of lobster stocks for years, and so far not only had
they been wrong but they'd had it completely backward-lobsters had done
nothing but increase in numbers. When Fogarty and Idoine's papers came out,
Merrill and other MLA officers met with Idoine and his colleagues at Woods
Hole. "We asked, 'Why are you telling us we're overfishing?' " Merrill remem
bers. "They said, 'The formula tells us that you're overfishing: "
The disagreement between Merrill and Idoine-and between almost all
lobstermen and government scientists-boils down to a question of small lob
sters versus big lobsters. Everyone agrees that in Maine's frigid waters only
about 15 percent of lobsters are sexually mature at the minimum legal size.
Lobstermen are harvesting prepubescents, which suggests to Idoine that very
few female lobsters ever get the chance to mate. "That's what keeps me awake at
night," Idoine says with a laugh. "Thinking about female lobsters:' But the
problem shouldn't be worth losing any sleep over, because a solution seems ap
parent. Government scientists have long recommended additional controls on
lobster fishing, such as closed seasons and limits on the total number of traps
in the water, but central to most management proposals has been raising the
minimum legal size. That way more females would have a chance to mature
and reproduce before they're caught. "Along with controls on fishing effort,
raising the minimum size gives you a margin of safety;' Idoine explains.
But Merrill and his colleagues in the MLA don't think Idoine's recommen
dations are necessary. They believe that the scientific models fail to factor in the
margin of safety that lobstermen have built into their fishery for decades: a
pool of large reproductive lobsters, protected not only by Maine's maximum
size restriction but also by a curious practice known as V-notching.
has also learned that females don't always follow its rules. "One night another
female got in the shelter and took a chunk out of the [ resident ] female;' Cowan
says. "Lobsters get PMS-pre-molt syndrome. Before they molt, they have an
activity peak and can go a little berserk." When Cowan altered the sex ratio in
the tank, things got more confused. "When I had three males and just two fe
males, the females couldn't make up their minds which male to stay with;' she
says. "They kept switching from male to male instead of pair bonding with just
one guy. It was absolute chaos. It was horrible." Cowan altered the ratio further,
and the results were even worse: "I tried to have five males and two females in
the tank, but the males fought so aggressively that I had to take two of them
out. Pretty soon even the remaining males had no legs left. They were walking
around on their mouth parts because they were killing each other."
Lobstermen realize that producing offspring is a big commitment for a fe
male lobster-up to twenty months of pregnancy and tens of thousands of
eggs. At first the eggs develop inside her body, and she may wait for as long as a
year after copulation to extrude them. Then she finds a secluded spot, rolls over
onto her back, squirts the eggs onto the underside of her tail, and carries them
around for another nine to eleven months. When they finally hatch and be
come larvae, she releases them into the ocean currents.
Once a female is carrying eggs, she becomes a kind of goddess to lobster
men. Most Maine lobstermen who find an "egger" in a trap will cut a quarter
inch V-shaped notch in her tail flipper (if she isn't notched already) before
setting her free, and from then on it's illegal to sell her, whether she's carrying
eggs or not. When she molts, the notch will become less distinct, but conscien
tious fishermen like Bruce Fernald and Jack Merrill always cut a new notch.
"She's a proven breeder," Fernald says, "so we protect her." V-notched females
and the oversized males that are protected by Maine's maximum-size law form
a pool of reproductive lobsters called brood-stock. Lobstermen are convinced
that brood-stock lobsters more than compensate for any deficiencies in egg
production by smaller lobsters.
They're not necessarily wrong. A female lobster that has mated can extrude
about 10,000 eggs if she has recently reached sexual maturity but ten times that
if she is bigger. An older female lobster is also savvier: she can retain a male's
sperm inside her body, perfectly preserved, for up to several years after copula
tion. She can use that sperm at will to produce a second batch of eggs. One
Canadian researcher estimates that to achieve the egg production of a single
five-pound female-a common size for a veteran V-notched lobster-more
than ten smaller females would have to be protected. The lobstermen have a
I .P T R E VO R C o R SO N
different way of saying the same thing: if V-notching were replaced by an in
crease in the minimum size, the increase would have to be so great that the only
lobsters fishermen could legally catch would be too big to eat.
next contest is a shoving match. Like bucks locking antlers, the lobsters put
their outspread claws together and push in a test of strength.
When dominance has been established between two lobsters, if they meet
again within seven days they won't bother dueling a second time. The domi
nant lobster will broadcast its status by secreting chemicals in its urine. Its
swimmerets will pulse constantly to spread the urine into the surrounding wa
ter, and the losing lobster will recognize the scent and back off. Steneck's exper
iments revealed that even for a dominant lobster, though, avoiding fights in the
first place was sometimes the best alternative. "If you're surrounded by a huge
number of other lobsters, you have a choice," he says. "You can spend all day
fighting, or you can move from an area of high population density to an area of
low population density." Ironically, Steneck himself would soon be facing a
similar choice.
Steneck was surrounded by fisheries scientists who thought about lobsters
very differently from the way he did. He didn't agree with government model
ers that lobsters were overfished. He also didn't think that encouraging more
egg production would necessarily result in more lobsters. The complexities of
the ecosystem in which lobsters live suggested to Steneck that any number of
factors were affecting lobster abundance. The historical evidence from catches,
and the large numbers of young lobsters Steneck saw underwater, suggested
that the resource was healthy.
On Islesford, Jack Merrill also felt that the government's lobster experts
were wrong. When he and his colleagues in the Maine Lobstermen's Associa
tion got wind of Steneck's research, they were intrigued. Ed Blackmore, the
president of the MLA at the time, invited Steneck to a meeting of MLA officers.
Steneck remembers it well. "I'd had very little contact with the industry at that
point," he says, "and I didn't know anything-I showed up in a suit." To the
room full of tough-skinned fishermen in boots and jeans, Steneck may have
looked like just another scientist, but when he started talking, they sat up in
their chairs. "We didn't agree with everything he said;' Merrill recalls, "but it
was the first time we'd heard a scientist say anything that made any sense."
By the summer of 1989 Steneck's claim that lobsters weren't being over
fished had provoked the ire of government scientists. Steneck was summoned
before a committee of two dozen lobster experts and interrogated. "At aca
demic conferences my work had always been well received;' he says. "Every
thing I said to that committee was later published in international journals.
But with the committee it was dead on arrival."
The committee declared Steneck's findings irrelevant, but it was too late.
1 _s- 4 TREVOR C O RSON
Lobstermen in both the United States and Canada had gotten wind of
Steneck's research, and many of them embraced his ideas. As a result, support
for a four-stage increase in the minimum size, which lobstermen had agreed to
a few years before, evaporated. Negotiations involving President George Bush
and Canada's Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney, failed to save the deal. The first
two increments of the increase had already been enacted, but state legislatures
blocked the remainder. Leading government scientists blamed Steneck.
Surprisingly, lobster larvae themselves have a small say in where they end
up. Most fish larvae are helpless creatures, utterly at the mercy of water flow,
and so are lobster larvae, up to a point. After hatching they progress through
three planktonic stages, a process that probably takes several weeks, during
which they are carried by whatever prevailing current catches them. Then they
molt to a fourth stage, which biologists call post-larval-or, more affection
ately, the "super-lobster" stage, because like miniature Supermen , these little
lobsters fly through the water with their claws outstretched. "They can swim
around powerfully in a horizontal direction, but it's more the vertical dives
they're able to control," Wahle explains. This is the only period in a lobster's life
when it can swim forward, propelling itself with the swimmerets under its tail,
and it lasts no more than a week or so. "They have a biological clock ticking;'
Wahle says, so the search for protective cobbles is frantic. If a superlobster dives
and can't find a nice spot to settle down, it launches itself back into the current
and tries again.
Once Wahle had mastered techniques for counting baby lobsters in their
nurseries, he and Steneck realized they might be on the verge of a new era in
lobster management. They developed a rigorous sampling protocol, trained a
team of student divers from the University of Maine, and, in 1989, initiated a
series of annual measurements that they thought might work as a predictive
system: a future increase or decrease in lobster catches ought to show up in ad
vance as a fluctuation in the number of larvae and young lobsters the ecologists
observed.
Meanwhile, the ecologists began to monitor lobster brood-stock as well.
Lobstermen like Bruce Fernald and Jack Merrill had a great deal of data to offer
the scientists-fishermen hauled up egged lobsters in their traps every day.
Steneck put Carl Wilson, his graduate student at the time, in charge of an am
bitious effort to get university interns out on lobster boats counting lobsters,
especially V-notched lobsters-a technique called sea sampling. At first the
sampling trips took place during the summer months and weren't especially
productive. "Jack kept harping on Bob;' Wilson recalls, "saying that the fall was
when the egged lobsters really migrated offshore-that's when we should do
it:' In the autumn of 1997 Wilson decided to go to Islesford, spend a day on
Merrill's boat, and see for himself. "Jack was right;' he says. "It was just mind
boggling. Huge eggers, huge V-notchers, all these egg-bearing females that you
never see during the rest of the year, came up in the traps."
While his students worked aboard lobster boats, Steneck descended to the
sea floor in a submarine to quantify brood-stock lobsters, including those too
large to come up in traps. Steneck continues these dives today, using ROVs, and
1 s6 TREVOR C oRsoN
Wilson, as the State of Maine's chief lobster biologist, now heads an expanded
sea-sampling program. So far the data appear to support the lobstermen's con
tention that the population of large reproductive lobsters is actually bigger
than mathematical models suggest.
But the data the ecologists have collected on lobster larvae and baby lob
sters complicate the picture. Through 1994 they observed an abundance of
both larvae and babies on the bottom. As those baby lobsters grew to mar
ketable size, lobster catches went even higher, hitting records in 1999 and 2000.
In 1995, however, Incze had seen a sudden drop in larvae, and Wahle had seen a
widespread decline in the baby lobsters he was counting on the bottom. The
two teamed up with Michael Fogarty, the population modeler at the National
Marine Fisheries Service, to develop a different kind of model--one that
would use the ecologists' new data to predict future catches. After five years of
low counts of larvae and babies, in the fall of 2000 Incze, Wahle, and Fogarty
announced their findings at a scientific conference. Steneck announced that his
scuba surveys of juvenile lobsters also reflected a downward trend in some
areas.
The ecologists' system had yet to be proved predictive, but Steneck, Wahle,
and Incze decided to issue a press release announcing that they had witnessed a
decline in larval and baby lobsters. They admitted that the implications for
lobstermen were still unclear, but they hazarded a guess that the stunningly
high numbers of legal-sized lobsters that fishermen had been catching might
start to drop along parts of the coast that coming fall. It was the first time a
statement from Steneck had sounded anything like what government scientists
had been claiming for decades.
But what he was saying was quite different. Government scientists had been
arguing that low egg production could lead to a population collapse. Steneck
and his colleagues were suggesting that the decline they had witnessed had
nothing to do with either egg production or a collapse. The ecologists believed
that egg production was reasonably stable-perhaps even at a surplus, thanks
in part to V-notching-but that something was affecting how many eggs sur
vived. Very probably, they thought, fewer larvae than before were getting to the
nursery grounds. The question was why.
STEN ECK, WA H LE, A N D I N CZE are convinced that the culprit is the
ocean itself. They don't deny that a certain number of eggs is necessary for a
sustainable fishery, but they argue that even if lobstermen were to protect
many more lobsters and allow them to produce eggs, larval biology and ocean
Stalki n9 the American Lobster 1 57
currents would still have the final say in whether those eggs became new lob
sters. And, as any fisherman knows, the sea is fickle.
Ocean currents are decisive because they carry the larvae from the place
where their mother hatches them to the nursery grounds where they settle on
the bottom. Lobsters bearing eggs are found in many areas along the coast of
Maine, but Steneck has identified what appear to be special concentrations of
them in certain places. These findings indicate that some larvae are arriving at
their nursery grounds having been hatched just around the corner, but others
are probably coming from hundreds of miles away. Now that the ecologists
have an idea where egg-bearing lobsters are on the one hand and where nurs
ery grounds are on the other, they hope to track the exact oceanographic links
between the two.
Incze, the oceanographer of the group, speaks of "retention" of local larvae
and "delivery" of distant larvae. He believes that depending on currents, any
given nursery ground can experience both, or one without the other, or-in
the worst case-neither. ''As oceanographic conditions change and steer cur
rents toward shore, bringing larvae with them, you can have a large increase in
the number of settlers coming from different areas of egg production," Incze
says. ''Alternatively, when those currents steer the water offshore, you can have
an entire region decline in settlement:' That might explain why the number of
larvae and baby lobsters decreased in the second half of the 1990s.
Incze is studying why these changes in oceanographic conditions occur.
"Ice melting in the Arctic, cloud cover, and prevailing winds can all affect how
water moves around the Gulf of Maine in specific ways;' he says. Incze will also
be examining the possible influence of the North Atlantic Oscillation, a varia
tion in the distribution of high- and low-pressure systems over the Atlantic
Ocean that affects weather patterns and ocean currents. "The North Pacific Os
cillation has been well studied;' Steneck points out, "and we know it affects the
Hawaiian spiny lobster." If the ecologists can learn why currents vary, and can
track these variations within the Gulf of Maine, their understanding of what
drives the size of the lobster population from one year to the next will dramat
ically improve.
Scientists will never be able to prevent declines in the lobster population
caused by ocean currents, but Steneck and his colleagues hope to be able to
warn lobstermen of them accurately, by monitoring the abundance of larvae
and baby lobsters. And if Josef Idoine turns out to be right, and egg production
drops off dangerously, that should show up too, as a decrease in the number of
big lobsters being counted by sea sampling and submarine dives. Either way,
the catches of the coming decade will reveal whether the system the ecologists
I 58 TREVOR C O RSON
have developed is indeed predictive. Steneck is confident it will work. It's not a
ridiculous notion: in recent years a similar system has successfully predicted
catches in the rock-lobster fishery of western Australia.
WH ETH E R oR NoT lobsters are being overfished, lobstermen face some se
rious problems. If the banner years end and catches return to their previous
levels, overfishing might become a more plausible danger, because there are far
more traps in the water than there used to be. And even if no biological disaster
ever occurs, an economic one might. Fishermen who have invested too heavily
in their equipment will suffer if catches decline, as will families who have
grown accustomed to a higher standard of living. Some lobstermen fishing to
day have no memory of the slower-paced, less lucrative kind of lobstering that
the older generation knew. That is because they started lobstering recently
after the collapse of other fisheries. On the whole, however, lobstermen in
Maine are thoughtful and broad-minded stewards of a communal resource,
and they understand that fishing sustainably is in their best interest. As one
Islesford lobsterman puts it simply, "We throw back for tomorrow."
Bruce Fernald's father, Warren, is confident that the lobster population is in
good shape. But given what he's seen in his half century of lobstering, he also
admits that a decline in catches might be just what the industry needs. "I always
relish a shakeout;' he says. "Sometimes scoundrels get into the fishery. After a
shakeout they don't do so well. The guys that have been hanging in there do
okay."
Halfway through the summer of 2001 Bruce Fernald was afraid a shakeout
might already have arrived, too soon for his taste. The lobstering in the spring
and summer had been mysteriously dismal, and some of the Islesford lobster
men were beginning to worry that the annual run of shedders would never ma
terialize.
On the July 2001 day when Robert Steneck was exploring with the ROY in
the waters off Islesford, Fernald finished hauling his traps early-there wasn't
much in them-and decided to swing by the Connecticut. The afternoon
breeze was whipping up a light chop, so Fernald had to jockey his boat up to
the side of the Connecticut with agile flicks of the throttle and well-timed twirls
of the wheel. Steneck emerged on deck and traded banter with Fernald across
the trough of seawater splashing between them.
"So far this is the worst season I 've ever had!" Fernald shouted over the
thump of his diesel engine. "But I'm seeing more oversized lobsters, V-notched
lobsters, and eggers than ever."
Stalkin9 the American Lobster 1 _s- 9
"That's good! " Steneck shouted back. "We're picking up a lot of larvae in
the water. For the long term, maybe things aren't so bad. And I think you're go
ing to start seeing shedders in your traps any day now. We're seeing them on
the bottom."
"I'll believe it when I see it," Fernald answered. He backed his boat away
from the research ship, leaving a frothy wake. "Come by the island for a beer
sometime!" Fernald shouted, saluting Steneck as he pulled away.
A few minutes later the VHF radio on Fernald's boat sputtered to life, and a
scratchy voice came over the airwaves. It was Jack Merrill, who had earlier in
the day given Steneck coordinates for finding big lobsters. He was calling
Steneck on the Connecticut from where he was fishing, fifteen miles out to sea.
Steneck responded, and after a brief exchange said to Merrill, "I don't know
if it makes any difference to you where you're fishing, Jack, but I just told Bruce
that over here we're starting to see some shedders."
"Oh, yeah?" Merrill said, sounding incredulous. "Throw a few in my traps,
will you?"
"Yeah, right!" Steneck said.
The voice of another Islesford fisherman crackled through on the radio.
"You saw shedders?" he said, his tone almost pleading. "Where the hell are you?
Stay right there, I'm on my way."
As it turned out, the lobstermen of lslesford didn't need submarines to find
their lobsters after all. In the middle of August the shedders came on like never
before. The fishermen counted their blessings and fished like crazy.
S I D D H ART H A M U K H E RJ E E
Fi9 h ti n9 Ch a n ce
F R O M THE N E W R E P UB L I C
What i s the best wayfor the 9overnment t oJund scientific research: by di
rectin9 scientists toward a particular 9oal or simply lettin9 them decide
what areas to study? Takin9 a close look at the question, medical researcher
Siddhartha Mukherjee cannot deny that both approaches have brou9ht suc
cess. As he reports, howe ver, the path one scientist took to the de velopment
ef a potentially effective antidote to the anthrax bacillus may show the
best way.
n the summer of i987, nearly 15 years before words like "anthrax" and
nism for the toxin made by diphtheria. In his laboratory at Harvard, Collier
had another set of graduate students tinkering with a toxin produced by a bac
terium called Pseudomonas aeruginosa. So while listening to that talk in 1987,
Collier decided that anthrax would be his next target. "It wasn't even a con
scious choice," he recalls. ''As a biologist, you just had to be intrigued."
In the wake of September 11, Collier's reasoning is worth remembering.
Since the World Trade Center fell, there have been numerous exhortations to
the nation's scientists to turn their attention to the terrorist threat. The Penta
gon and the Department of Health and Human Services have issued calls to re
searchers for proposals that pertain to the War on Terrorism. Nearly $2 billion
in funding is now available for anti-terror research. Georgia Senator Max Cle
land has even called for a new anti-terror Manhattan Project to be led by the
Centers for Disease Control (CDC), declaring: "This is a race for the best
minds, the best talent, and the best technology we can find in the realm of bio
logical, chemical, and radiological warfare."
But Collier didn't embark on a 15-year investigation into anthrax because
he was worried about bioterrorism or germ warfare. In fact, his early scientific
papers and grant applications don't even mention the words. Collier spent
thousands of hours picking the toxin apart, piece by piece, simply because he
was curious about the basic biology and chemistry of the proteins. And in ret
rospect, there was probably something inherent in that curiosity-in Collier's
becoming "intrigued" with anthrax toxin as a quandary of basic biology-that
ultimately accounted for his success.
All of which suggests a paradox. In the post-September n world, it's tempt
ing to think of curiosity-driven science as an anachronistic luxury. Wars in
evitably make nations pragmatic about spending. And so there is already
public pressure to funnel billions of dollars into applied research, into research
that directly intersects with the dramatic changes in the political sphere. But
Collier's story suggests the pitfalls of such an approach: Ironically, Collier may
have cracked the mystery of anthrax toxin precisely because he wasn't out to
curb the threat of bioterrorism. In other words, even in these pressured times,
we may be better off leaving such scientists alone-to follow their curiosities
wherever they lead.
fragment of the protein bound itself to the surface of cells and formed aggre
gates on the cell surface. Lethal Factor and Edema Factor then bound to these
aggregates, entered human cells through a "pore" created by the Protective
Antigen fragments, and proceeded to poison the cell.
By the late i99os Collier's work on these details began to yield astonishing
payoffs. Once Protective Antigen's critical role had become clear, Collier real
ized that he might be able to thwart the toxin by blocking Protective Antigen
directly. And last year Collier's team published two landmark papers describ
ing not just one but two such anti-toxins directed against Protective Antigen .
Preliminary studies with the new drugs far exceeded Collier's modest expecta
tions. Laboratory animals medicated with either o f the molecules became to
tally immune to lethal doses of anthrax toxin. If the same sort of drugs worked
in humans, Collier argued, they could potentially combat even the "late stage"
of anthrax, the frightful crescendo of the illness, when the disease can no
longer be curbed by conventional antibiotics or vaccines.
In short, anthrax turned the logic of the Manhattan Project on its head. In
the brief span of 50 years, the paradigm of research had dramatically changed,
with academic scientists-the tweedy "curiosity-driven" professors once
mocked by the Times-playing a critical role in understanding the toxin and
the military researchers lagging behind.
Th e Big Bloom
FR O M NA TI O "fo.'A L G E O G RA P H I C
I They seemed to sprout overnight in a few rows he had lent that year to new
neighbors from California. Only six years old at the time, I was at first put
off by these garish plants. Such strange and vibrant flowers seemed out of place
among the respectable beans, peppers, spinach, and other vegetables we had al
ways grown. Gradually, however, the brilliance of the sunflowers won me over.
Their fiery halos relieved the green monotone that by late summer ruled the
garden. I marveled at birds that clung upside down to the shaggy, gold disks,
wings fluttering, looting the seeds. Sunflowers defined flowers for me that
summer and changed my view of the world.
Flowers have a way of doing that. They began changing the way the world
looked almost as soon as they appeared on Earth about 130 million years ago,
during the Cretaceous period. That's relatively recent in geologic time: If all
Earth's history were compressed into an hour, flowering plants would exist for
only the last 90 seconds. But once they took firm root about 100 million years
The Bi9 Bloom 1 69
Now old-style fossil hunters with shovels and microscopes compare notes
with molecular biologists using genetic sequencing to trace modern plant fam
ilies backward to their origins. These two groups of researchers don't always
arrive at the same birthplace, but both camps agree on why the quest is impor
tant.
"If we have an accurate picture of the evolution of a flowering plant:' says
Walter Judd, "then we can know things about its structure and function that
will help us answer certain questions: What sorts of species can it be crossed
with? What sorts of pollinators are effective?" This, he says, takes us toward
ever more sensible and productive methods of agriculture, as well as a clearer
understanding of the larger process of evolution.
Elizabeth Zimmer, a molecular biologist with the Smithsonian Institution,
has been rethinking that process in recent years. Zimmer has been working to
decipher the genealogy of flowering plants by studying the DNA of today's
species. Her work accelerated in the late 1990s during a federally funded study
called Deep Green, developed to foster coordination among scientists studying
plant evolution.
Zimmer and her colleagues began looking in their shared data for groups
of plants with common inherited traits, hoping eventually to identify a com
mon ancestor to all flowering plants. Results to date indicate that the oldest liv
ing lineage, reaching back at least 130 million years, is Amborellaceae, a family
that includes just one known species, Amborella trichopoda. Often described as
a "living fossil:' this small woody plant grows only on New Caledonia, a South
Pacific island famous among botanists for its primeval flora.
But we don't have an Amborella from 130 million years ago, so we can only
wonder if it looked the same as today's variety. We do have fossils of other ex
tinct flowering plants, the oldest buried in 130-million-year-old sediments.
These fossils give us our only tangible hints of what early flowers looked like,
suggesting they were tiny and unadorned, lacking showy petals. These no-frill
flowers challenge most notions of what makes a flower a flower.
To see what the first primitive angiosperm might have looked like, I flew
to England and there met paleobotanist Chris Hill, formerly with London's
Natural History Museum. Hill drove me through rolling countryside to
Smokejacks Brickworks, a quarry south of London. Smokejacks is a hundred
foot-deep hole in the ground, as wide as several football fields, that has been of
fering up a lot more than raw material for bricks. Its rust-colored clays have
preserved thousands of fossils from about 130 million years ago. We marched
to the bottom of the quarry, got down on our hands and knees, and began
digging.
The Bi9 Bloom 1 7 1
slow-growing woody plants, the angiosperms' trump card was the flower. In
simple terms, a flower is the reproductive mechanism of an angiosperm. Most
flowers have both male and female parts. Reproduction begins when a flower
releases pollen, microscopic packets of genetic material, into the air. Eventually
these grains come to rest on another flower's stigma, a tiny pollen receptor. In
most cases the stigma sits atop a stalklike structure called a style that protrudes
from the center of a flower. Softened by moisture, the pollen grain releases pro
teins that chemically discern whether the new plant is genetically compatible.
If so, the pollen grain germinates and grows a tube down through the style and
ovary and into the ovule, where fertilization occurs and a seed begins to grow.
Casting pollen to the wind is a hit-or-miss method of reproduction. Al
though wind pollination suffices for many plant species, direct delivery by in
sects is far more efficient. Insects doubtless began visiting and pollinating
angiosperms as soon as the new plants appeared on Earth some 130 million
years ago. But it would be another 30 or 40 million years before flowering
plants grabbed the attention of insect pollinators by flaunting flashy petals.
"Petals didn't evolve until between 90 and 100 million years ago;' said Else
Marie Friis, head of paleobotany at the Swedish Natural History Museum on
the outskirts of Stockholm. "Even then, they were very, very small."
A thoughtful woman with short brown hair and intense eyes, Friis oversees
what many experts say is the most complete collection of angiosperm fossils
gathered in one place. The fragile flowers escaped destruction, oddly enough,
thanks to the intense heat of long-ago forest fires that baked them into char
coal.
Friis showed me an So-million-year-old fossil flower no bigger than the pe
riod at the end of this sentence. Coated with pure gold for maximum resolu
tion under an electron microscope, it seemed to me hardly a flower. "Many
researchers had overlooked these tiny, simple flowers;' she said, "because you
cannot grasp their diversity without the microscope."
So we squinted through her powerful magnifier and took a figurative walk
through a Cretaceous world of tiny and diverse angiosperms. Enlarged hun
dreds or thousands of times, Friis's fossilized flowers resemble wrinkled onion
bulbs or radishes. Many have kept their tiny petals damped shut, hiding the
carpels within. Others reach wide open in full maturity. Dense bunches of
pollen grains ding to each other in gnarled dumps.
Sometime between 70 and loo million years ago the number of flowering
plant species on Earth exploded, an event botanists refer to as the "great radia
tion." The spark that ignited that explosion, said Friis, was the petal.
"Petals created much more diversity. This is now a widely accepted notion;'
The Bi9 Bloom 1 73
Friis said. In their new finery, once overlooked angiosperms became standouts
in the landscape, luring insect pollinators as never before. Reproduction liter
ally took off.
Interaction between insects and flowering plants shaped the development
of both groups, a process called coevolution. In time flowers evolved arresting
colors, alluring fragrances, and special petals that provide landing pads for
their insect pollinators. Uppermost in the benefits package for insects is nectar,
a nutritious fluid flowers provide as a type of trading commodity in exchange
for pollen dispersal. The ancestors of bees, butterflies, and wasps grew depen
dent on nectar, and in so doing became agents of pollen transport, inadver
tently carrying off grains hitched to tiny hairs on their bodies. These insects
could pick up and deliver pollen with each visit to new flowers, raising the
chances of fertilization.
duck-billed dinosaurs were real mowing machines:' Behind those mowers an
giosperms adapted to freshly cut ground and kept spreading.
Dinosaurs disappeared suddenly about 65 million years ago, and another
group of animals took their place-the mammals, which greatly profited from
the diversity of angiosperm fruits, including grains, nuts, and many vegetables.
Flowering plants, in turn, reaped the benefits of seed dispersal by mammals.
"It was two kingdoms making a handshake;' says David Dilcher, a paleo
botanist with the Florida Museum of Natural History. "I'll feed you, and you
take my genetic material some distance away."
Eventually humans evolved, and the two kingdoms made another hand
shake. Through agriculture angiosperms met our need for sustenance. We in
turn have taken certain species like corn and rice and given them unprece
dented success, cultivating them in vast fields, pollinating them deliberately,
consuming them with gusto. Virtually every non-meat food we eat starts as a
flowering plant, while the meats, milk, and eggs we consume come from live
stock fattened on grains-flowering plants. Even the cotton we wear is an an
giosperm.
Aesthetically, too, angiosperms sustain and enrich our lives. We've come to
value them for their beauty alone, their scents, their companionship in a vase, a
pot, on Valentine's Day. Some flowers speak an ancient language where words
fall short. For these more dazzling players-the orchids, the roses, the lilies
the world grows smaller, crisscrossed every day by jet-setting flowers in the
cargo holds of commercial transport planes.
"We try to deliver flowers anywhere in the world within 24 hours of when
they're cut;' said Jan Lanning, a senior consultant with the Dutch Floricultural
Wholesale Board, the world's turnstile for ornamental flowers. "The business
has really globalized."
On my way home from Friis's lab in Sweden, I had stopped in the Nether
lands, the world's largest exporter of cut flowers. I asked Lanning to try to ex
plain the meaning of his chosen work. He leaned forward with a ready answer.
"People have been fascinated by flowers as long as we've existed. It's an
emotional product. People are attracted to living things. Smell, sight, beauty
are all combined in a flower." He smiled at an arrangement of fragrant lilies on
his desk. "Every Monday a florist delivers fresh flowers to this office. It is a nec
essary luxury."
Later that day in Amsterdam's Van Gogh Museum I spied a group of admir
ers crowded before a painting. I made my way there and pressed in among
them. Suddenly I was staring at Sunflowers, one of van Gogh's most famous
works. In the painting the flowers lean out of a vase, furry and disheveled. They
The Bi9 Bloom 1 7s
Sometimes the simplest questions hal'e the most interestin9 answers. Why do
some leal'e s turn such bri9ht, dazzlin9 shades ef red in the autumn? Susan
Milius catches up with a youn9 botanist in search ef the answer-and
whose modern-day research is re vivin9 an ideafirst proposed in the nine
teenth century.
leaf turning red in the fall makes for a much greater mystery than a
Red Start
I R o N I c A L LY , Lee didn't get interested i n anthocyanins until a job took
him to a place without fall. He grew up with the humdrum autumn colors of
the relatively dry landscape of eastern Washington State. "There wasn't much
of an autumn show-a few trees in town turned red," he says. However, in i973,
he left temperate seasons behind when he joined the faculty at the University of
Malaya in Kuala Lumpur.
Some of the tropical trees there burst into astonishing reds, though not all
at the same time or for the same reason as each other. The Indian almond, for
example, blushes brightly j ust before it sheds its leaves. The leaves of mangos
and cacaos do the reverse, turning scarlet when they first sprout.
"A whole tree will quickly flush red;' Lee says. "I saw it and thought, 'Wow,
what's happening here?' "
Anthocyanins provide the red special effects for much of the plant king
dom. Their fireworks intrigued i9th-century biologists, who discussed the pos
sibility that a leaf might make anthocyanins during a period of vulnerability, to
shield the green chlorophyll pigments from sunburn. However, these intensely
colorful compounds showed up in little walled-off pockets called vacuoles
within cells. Since physiologists have often considered the vacuole "the cell's
trash bag;' says Lee, the sunscreen proposal faded into disfavor. For much of
the past century, he says, physiologists classed anthocyanins as just some more
trash.
Lee suspected the old idea might have something to it, perhaps in the
screening of especially vulnerable leaves-the extremely young and the ex
tremely old-from ultraviolet (UV) radiation. Yet anthocyanins have turned
out not to absorb UV as well as some of their own chemical precursors in the
leaf do. Making anthocyanins would actually deplete the store of better UV ab
sorbers. "I became disenchanted with that hypothesis," Lee recalls, but he still
wondered whether anthocyanins might shield a vulnerable leaf from some
other menace.
1 78 S USAN M I L I U S
R e d S p rea d
thocyanins and so just turn yellow. The red leaves recovered faster from flashes
of intense blue light, the researchers reported in the October 2002 Plant Physi
ology. Flashes of red light, the wavelength that anthocyanins can't absorb, had
about the same effect on red leaves as on yellow ones.
The finding dovetails with physiological studies from other labs that sug
gest that leaves may need special protection during their final weeks. Tests
showed that old leaves are more vulnerable to photoinhibition than younger
but mature ones are. In a color-changing leaf, the plant's metabolic pathways
for making the initial capture of energy don't lose their efficiency as fast as the
subsequent pathways for processing that energy do, a risky imbalance that in
vites overloads. Seasonal stresses, such as chilling temperatures, also hobble the
leaf metabolism.
Yet during autumn, the aging leaf has to salvage as much nitrogen as possi
ble and send it to tissues that will survive the winter. So, as decrepit as the pho
tosynthetic mechanism becomes at the end, it has to keep catching and
processing sunlight if the leaf is to finish the salvage operation.
That scenario prompted William A. Hoch of the University of Wisconsin
Madison to look at the geographic history of intense red color. He hypothe
sized that plants would be most likely to manufacture anthocyanins in dimes
where temperatures often plunge during autumn. So, he ranked the intensity
of anthocyanins in fall - coloring in nine genera of woody plants. Some of these
were native to either a cold zone in Canada and the northern United States,
others to a milder, maritime dime in Europe. Out of 74 species, the 41 that
flamed out with reddest leaves all came from the North American chilly zone,
he reported in the January 2001 Tree Physiology.
Blueberries, Etc .
H Maxim gun. He is given little credit for another, much more benign
contribution to humanity, a discovery which was by nature serendip
itous, but certainly more worthy of recognition than the lethal contraption
that earned him a knighthood from Queen Victoria. Hiram Maxim, I would
argue, was the founder (or at the least, co-founder) of insect bio-acoustics, a
discipline now thriving, but hardly emergent in the late i8oos when Maxim
made his discovery.
Maxim was an electrical engineer whose reputation was at a par with that
of his contemporary, Thomas Alva Edison. He was in high demand for his tal
ents, at the very time when electrification was coming into vogue. In i878
Maxim was asked to install electricity in the Grand Union Hotel in Saratoga
Springs, New York. This was an offer he could not possibly refuse, as Saratoga
Springs was one of the primary resorts of the period, a spa where the munifi
cent and famous could mingle, while taking in the waters and exchanging for
tunes at the track. Frequenters of the spa over the years included Mark Twain,
The Mosq uito 's Buzz 1 8 J
Lily Langtry, Victor Herbert, "Diamond Jim" Brady, Lillian Russell, and count
less other celebrities. The Grand Union was the largest and best known of
Saratoga's hotels. Its dining hall alone could seat over two thousand. And its
nightly balls, in the great shaded outdoor gardens, were world- renowned. It
was these gardens that Maxim was asked to illuminate, and he complied by in
stalling arc lights. He put the generators in place, wired things up in appropri
ate fashion, and on the designated night, turned on the switches. One can only
gather, judging from the illustrated news accounts of the time depicting the
richly attired clustered in awe around the shining fixtures, that the advent of
the electric era in Saratoga Springs was received with acclamation.
Success did not keep Maxim from remaining observant. He was struck by a
peculiar phenomenon. One of the generators, which was emitting a high
pitched sound when it was turned on, was attracting droves of insects during
the evening hours. Mystified, Maxim availed himself of a loupe, and noted that
the insects were all of one kind. With expert help he was able to ascertain that
they were all male mosquitoes, and he ventured the guess that these had been
attracted because the sound emitted by the generator was imitative of the buzz
ordinarily given off by the female mosquito in flight. The buzz of the female, he
reasoned, was the mosquito's mating call. The idea was new, he thought, and
worth publishing. Scientist that he was, he put pen to paper, and proposed the
notion in a manuscript that he submitted to a technical journal. At the time,
the scientific establishment was resistive to innovative thought, and his paper
was rejected. He eventually wrote up his observations in a letter that he sub
mitted to The Times of London, which published it on October 28, 1901. The
date is a landmark of sorts in entomological history.
We know now that Maxim was right. Male mosquitoes as a rule are indeed
attracted to the flight sounds of the female, and they have special ears, in the
form of their antennae, for detection of the buzz. A simple experiment can be
carried out by anyone with access to a cage of mosquitoes. Take a tuning fork of
appropriate pitch (humming frequencies of three hundred to eight hundred
cycles per second will do nicely) , tap it so it will hum, and introduce it into the
cage. You will note that the male mosquitoes will take to flight and aggregate
around the fork. They are irresistibly attracted to the sound. While the fork is
humming, you can draw the males from the cage and walk about with them,
leading them by the fork until you are ready to return them into the cage. You
will not lose males as long as the fork is vibrating. Love, one is tempted to
muse, even in the world of mosquitoes, takes priority over freedom.
A more sophisticated experiment can be done by using live females in lieu
of the fork. Female mosquitoes can be glued by the thorax to the end of a fine
1 84 THOMAS EISNER
wire (using a small dab of wax), and they will "fly" when thus tethered, beating
their wings in normal fashion. Introduce such a buzzing female into a cage
with males, and she will attract them. Set up the female in front of a camera,
and you may have the privilege of recording her amorous antics. Males will
converge, singly or in groups, and eventually one of them will succeed in posi
tioning himself belly-to-belly beneath the female, like a torpedo under a plane.
The female may help the male secure his hold. Copulation sometimes follows
without the female ceasing to beat her wings. Belly-to-belly is not the usual way
for insects to mate-males tend to mount females in the insect world. In mos
quitoes, the strategy may have evolved specifically to permit aerial coupling.
Copulation runs its course in a matter of seconds in mosquitoes, attesting to
the extraordinary speed with which sperm transfer can take place in insects. It
takes longer in many insects, but tends to be kept short in species that incur
risks when paired. In mosquitoes, which may copulate in midair, the strategy
appears to be intended to "get things over with quickly."
Mosquitoes, on emergence from the pupa, are not instantly ready for "ac
tion." The males have a rear end that must first rotate i8o degrees before it lends
itself to belly-to-belly coupling. They are "born" with the genital apparatus ori
ented the ancestral way, and need about forty-eight hours to twist the appara
tus half a full circle. During this period the males are kept relatively insensitive
to sound, and as a result resistant to the hum of temptresses nearby. Acoustical
sensitivity in male mosquitoes varies in relation to the degree of deflection of
the bristles on their antennae. The antennae have a swollen segment near the
base, packed with sensory neurons that respond to the vibration of the anten
na} shaft. The antennae are especially prone to resonate in response to the
sound frequencies emitted by the buzzing female. The bristles on the antenna}
shaft act as an amplifier system. When the bristles are erect, they help "collect"
incoming sound, and the male is acoustically more sensitive. When they are re
cumbent against the shaft, the male is hearing-impaired. At emergence from
the pupa the bristles of the male are in the recumbent state, hence the male's
relative deafness. By the time the rear has undergone its twist, the bristles have
become erect.
The male's antennae, with their bushy covering, can impose a drag in flight,
which may be energetically costly. Remarkably, in some mosquitoes, the anten
na! bristles are kept in the recumbent state much of the day, and are erected
only for a few hours at dusk, when the sexes are at play. The bristles in these
mosquitoes are controlled by a circadian clock, which sets the rhythm of their
erection. The clock resides in the thorax, and it is from the thorax that the neu
ral signals arise that regulate the angular orientation of the bristles. The mech-
The Mosquito 's B uzz 1 8s
G o t Silk
F R O M THE NE W YO R K TIM E S 1UA G A Z I N E
A 9enetically modified 9oat that can produce the silk ef spiders in its milk
may seem like the stidJ ef science fiction, but thanks to the biotechnoloBY
revolution, it 's a reality. The journalist Lawrence Osborne tours afarm that
may '!!fer a preview ef our trans9enicfuture.
s soon as I walk into the humid goat shed in my Tyvek suit and steril
A ized boots, a dozen Nubians run up to the fence and begin sniffing at
me, their Roman noses dilated with fervent curiosity. "They're a little
frisky;' a technician explains, shooing them back toward their playpen toys.
"It's artificial insemination time, you know."
The technician, a young woman in galoshes named Annie Bellemare, and
two colleagues are playing a trick on a long-bearded billy goat. Leading him up
to a female in heat, they let him mount her; but at the last moment, they whip
out a warmed, rubber-lined bottle and have him discharge into it. "There;' they
cry, holding up a phial of goat semen. "Good boy!"
I look around the pen. Hundreds of sly-looking, inquisitive goats are star
ing at me intently. They seem unexceptional enough, but the goats that are be
ing bred here are far from ordinary. This is a so-called transgenic farm-a
place where animal species are either cloned or genetically mixed to create
medically useful substances-owned and run by a firm named Nexia Biotech
nologies. It is housed on a former maple-sugar farm in rural Quebec, not far
Got Silk 1 87
from the remote hamlet of St.-Telesphore. Nexia's facility is one of only three
transgenic farms in the world. (One of the company's rivals, PPL Therapeutics,
runs the farm in Scotland that collaborated in the production of the famous
sheep clone, Dolly. )
Out here in this tough French-speaking farming country, however, hardly
anybody gets worked up about the fact that on the old St.-Telesphore sugar
farm, a new chapter in biotechnology is being written. Nexia scientists are pur
suing a bizarre experiment straight out of The Island of Dr. Moreau, H. G.
Wells's dark science-fiction fable of a mad scientist who breeds experimental
animals on his private preserve.
"Oh, it's not that weird;' Nexia's president and CEO, Jeffrey D. Turner, says
as we walk around the pens, being nibbled constantly by aroused goats. "What
we're doing here is ingeniously simple," he says. "We take a single gene from a
golden orb-weaving spider and put it into a goat egg. The idea is to make the
goat secrete spider silk into its milk."
Milk silk?
Turner, a bouncy 43-year-old scientist turned biotech entrepreneur, makes
a sweeping gesture at his bleating production units. "Spider silk is practically
the world's strongest material;' he explains. "It's much stronger than steel-five
times as strong. We're going to make fishing lines out of it."
I raise my eyebrows dubiously.
"Yes. Biodegradable fishing lines. Or maybe tennis racket strings." He grows
even more animated. "You could make hundreds of things out of spider silk, if
only you could produce enough of it. Biodegradable sutures for surgery . . . re
placement ligaments or tendons . . . hemostatic dressings . . . fashion. We call
our product BioSteel."
Turner isn't simply fantasizing. Nexia foresees tapping into the $soo mil
lion markert for fishing materials as well as the $1.6 billion market for indus
trial fibers in the near future. And the haute-couture world is already intrigued
by a nearly weightless gossamer-like fabric. But the real gold mine might be
body armor: the Pentagon is working with Nexia to develop a prototype of a
new kind of vest that might be made entirely out of goat silk. The vest would be
only a little thicker than nylon, but it could stop a bullet dead.
"It's nothing short of a revolution;' Turner exclaims. "This special silk is the
first transgenic material ever made. The amazing thing, however, is that we're
changing the world from a tiny low-rent sugar farm, and our only machinery is
a goat."
Turner is very affectionate with his goats. A number of different species are
being tested for the spider-gene project. In one pen a gang of floppy-eared Nu-
1 88 L AW R E N C E O S B O R N E
bians frolic and duel, raising themselves on their back legs and then clashing
foreheads. Next door live the Saanens from Switzerland, all of them white,
rather meeker and well mannered, quietly cocking their heads at the sound of
human voices. Across the way stand a dozen West African Dwarf goats (once
used by the Hamburg Zoo as food for big cats from Africa) .
"We use West African Dwarf goats because they're sexually active all year
round:' Turner says. "Unlike American goats, which are only active in the fall
and spring." He winks. "The African goats get sexually mature in three months.
This helps reach the output potential quicker."
Turner once again admires his flock. "You could call them Spidergoats:' he
says. "But that would give people misconceptions. They're only 1/70,oooth spi
der, after all. When it comes down to it, they're just normal goats with one spi
der gene in them. They're just goats." He pauses. "Mostly."
cately structured and better suited to their tasks than our ceramics and metals
are suited to ours:' Benyus observes. Inspired by this, materials scientists are
now looking to merge biology and engineering-the natural and human
made.
"In the future, animals will be our factories," Turner says as we plod
through the facility. "Very cheap factories."
This is a land of silos and bleached cherry-red barns, somewhere between
the St. Lawrence and Ottawa Rivers. "We need to be where people aren't:'
Turner explains. Nexia's converted cabane a sucre and the surrounding land,
purchased five years ago from a local farmer, look sweetly ordinary. But the
new facilities are meticulously decontaminated. The company's corporate
headquarters are just 15 miles down the road, rising from the flatlands of
Vaudreuil-Dorion like a futuristic castle keep. Inside, the corridors are freshly
carpeted and sunlit; the labs are shiny and uncluttered and stocked with the
latest gadgets. These labs are known as "Class-100,000 rooms:' which means
that each cubic yard of air contains less than 100,000 motes of dust. Staff mem
bers proudly show me the latest PCR (polymerase chain reaction ) machines
the photocopiers of the gene world-that look like high-tech adding machines.
Pinned to the walls are some curious images derived from what is known as
FISH analysis. ( The acronym stands for Fluorescent In Situ Hybridization. )
These images show the goat genes as ghostly strands of dark orange, inside
which one can clearly see the bright yellow segments of alien spider silk genes.
Nearby are cute pinups of Nexia's original four transgenic goats, Willow, Bay,
Santiago and Zeus.
Nexia used cloning to make its four founder animals, though the descen
dant animals are allowed to breed sexually. One pie shows Willow, Canada's
first transgenic farm animal, posing coquettishly on a little orange plastic bob
bin. I am told that she is, in fact, 1 /70,oooth human. This is because she has
been specifically engineered to manufacture proteins for use in medical drugs
like clot-busters, another source of income for Nexia. I look at her closely. Am I
going mad or do I detect a human gleam in her eye?
H o w D O E S a spider gene get into goat milk in the first place? Nexia uses two
common spider specimens, Araneus diadematus (the common garden spider)
and Nephila clavipes (the golden orb weaver, native to many tropical forests) .
The spiders are frozen i n liquid nitrogen, then ground into a brown powder.
Since every cell of a spider contains the precious silk-producing genes, it's easy
1 90 L AW R E N C E O S B O R N E
to extract them. These genes are then tested in the "Charlotte machine," what
Turner calls a "synthetic goat" that tests whether or not the gene will function
inside an actual goat.
Next, the gene is altered. A "genetic switch" is added, which programs the
gene to "turn on" only inside the mammary gland of its new female host dur
ing lactation. The altered gene is then pushed on a fine glass pipette into a goat
egg. The baby goat will have a spider gene present in each of its cells (its eyes,
ears and hooves will all be part spider), but only in the mammary glands of fe
male goats will the silk gene actually spring to life. The goat will eventually start
lactating a kind of silk-milk mixture, which looks and tastes just like normal
milk.
This milk is first skimmed of fat, and salt is added to make the silk proteins
curdle into thin whitish particles that promptly sink to the bottom. After the
residue has been removed from the milk, a little water is added to this sediment
until it turns into a golden-tinged syrup. This silk concentrate is known to sci
entists as "spin dope" and is more or less identical to what is inside a spider's
belly. Now completely stripped from its milky context, the syrupy raw silk is
ready for spinning.
Nexia's labs are packed with odd machines that replicate a spider's
anatomy. First there is an extrusion machine, a strange-looking three-foot-tall
apparatus bristling with aluminum pipes, designed to force the raw silk mate
rial through a tiny hole. As the silk comes out through this aperture, it is imme
diately stretched inside a long steel bathtub-at full tilt, roughly a hundred
yards of it an hour.
Then the silk, which is transparently shiny with a white tinge, is taken to a
spinner and strung out between two spindles a yard apart, which stretch the
threads out as finely as possible. The idea is to do what a spider does naturally:
subject the silk to tremendous stretching, or "shearing." This not only elongates
it but actually strengthens the material as well. After being spun and wound
around a plastic bobbin, some of the threads are then passed to a tensile tester,
which measures their strength. In the production room, Turner hands me a few
20-micron-wide strands, frail as gossamer. The difficulty, he says, is making the
silk as evenly as a spider does.
As we pass through yet more rooms filled with liquid nitrogen tanks where
frozen goat semen and ova are stored, Turner explains to me the enigmatic in
ner world of spiders and their miraculous silk and their connection to modern
needs.
Four hundred million years ago, he begins excitedly, spiders were doing just
fine as ground hunters until one day bugs started flying. "The spider's evolu-
Got Silk 191
tion comes out of a kind of arms race between spiders and bugs. The bugs start
flying to get away from the spiders, so the spiders have to come up with a new
weapon." Most spider species died out, but a few developed a new talent,
namely, spinning webs. The silk had to both be invisible to a bug's vision and
virtually indestructible. Only spiders capable of making superfine, powerful
silk survived-a perfect example of evolutionary pressure.
What's special about spider silk, as opposed to silk from worms, is that it is
a unique liquid crystal. And that's what's magical, says Tu rner. "Liquid crystals
are the Holy Grail of material sciences. They make for incredibly tough, light,
strong materials with phenomenal properties. It's way beyond anything we hu
mans can make. Milled steel pales next to it."
But the complexity of arachnid silk is also what is problematic about it,
from the point of view of biomimicry. Spider-silk proteins consist of very long
strings of amino acids that are difficult to decode, and little is known of how
spiders actually unravel them and spin them into threads. A spider, moreover,
constructs its web methodically out of different kinds of silk. It builds diagonal
support lines called "dragline silk" (which it also uses to hoist itself around its
web) and then inner wheels called "the capture spiral" made from a more vis
cid, sticky silk. Dragline silk, says Turner, is the "best stopping material you've
ever seen," but how it's actually made inside a small orb weaver's abdomen re
mains mysterious. And whereas spiders produce up to seven kinds of silk pro
teins, BioSteel, as yet, contains only one.
As a result, BioSteel doesn't have all the resistant strength of spider silk
yet. Part of the mystery of spider silk's tremendous strength, current research
suggests, lies in the spinning rather than in the internal chemistry of the silk it
self. It seems that the silk proteins self-assemble as they are squeezed out of the
spider's glands much like toothpaste being squeezed out of a tube. The stretch
ing spontaneously causes the proteins to line up and lock into each other.
"That's why we've spent so much money on these extrusion machines," Turner
says. "The secret is in the spinning."
In any case, the properties of spider silk have long been recognized. Fisher
men in India have always prized it for the making of their nets; American Civil
War soldiers frequently used it as a surgical dressing. The problem lay always in
getting sufficient quantities of it. Whereas silkworms are peaceful herbivores
and can easily be farmed, spiders are aggressive territorial carnivores that need
plenty of space and solitude. In farm conditions, they moodily attack and eat
each other.
Farming zillions of spiders, then, is far too tricky. But farming peaceable
goats is a cinch. Yet how to get the desirable material from a rather nasty preda-
192 L AW R E N C E O S B O R N E
tor like a spider into the reproductive system of a kindly animal like a Nubian
goat? Enter the odd subject of mammary glands.
The mammary gland is a perfect natural factory for the synthesizing and
production of proteins. It occurred to Turner, who had been working on lacta
tion at McGill University's animal sciences department in the mid-to-late 'Sos,
that, theoretically, one could introduce foreign genes into an animal's mam
mary gland and get any given protein out of the animal without killing it,
much as one milks a cow. Given the enormous expense of manufacturing
drugs artificially, transgenic animals offered a brilliant way to make dirt-cheap
drugs; $so,ooo worth of proteins could be extracted from a few buckets of milk
at a cost of about $12 of hay! The logic seemed irresistible: the udder as factory
outlet.
In 1993, Turner was approached by the two venture-capitalist godfathers of
Canada's budding biotech industry, Bernard Coupal and Ed Rygiel. They had
heard of his work at McGill and were interested in finding a way to create a
transgenic goat. But where most transgenics is concentrated on making drugs,
Turner, Coupal and Rygiel eventually wondered if it might not be more practi
cal, and less risky, to concentrate on materials. For one thing, they realized, it's
almost impossible for small companies to manufacture drugs. But a simple
material that doesn't need FDA approval is quite another thing. And when they
considered the possible uses of spider silk, they were astounded.
"Humans never think about size," Turner says. "If an animal doesn't make
stuff on a scale we understand, we just ignore it. But insects and marine ani
mals, although they're tiny, make incredible materials that we could use. Who's
to say we can't?"
N E x I A D o E s N ' T o N LY
farm goats in St. -Telesphore. It also has ambitious
plans to turn an old Air Force base on the American side of the border into its
mass-production facility for BioSteel. As I approach this decommissioned base
just outside Plattsburgh, New York, I look through the miles of lonely fencing
at the old concrete bunkers where nuclear missiles were most likely housed.
They rise from the ground like ancient tombs covered with grass. A few floppy
eared Nubian goats stand incongruously on top of them, wagging their tails
and bleating.
Nexia's sympathetic farm manager, Thomas Ballma, tells me that the goats
just love rolling down the grassy sides in summer. "We can't hardly control
them:' he says as he shows me the inside of a newly refurbished bunker coated
with epoxy paint. Inside the So-foot-long cave our voices echo ominously as he
Got Silk 1 93
points out with some pride the new ventilation ducts and electric cables. Nexia
is trying to breed as many goats here as it can. From the present 302 goats they
hope to have 1 ,500 a year from now.
We wander into one of the inhabited bunkers, where dozens of mop-haired
Angoras jump to attention. Then they come trundling over to us en masse,
licking our hands and cocking their heads inquisitively. I remark that the coun
try music playing on the loudspeakers is rather loud. Is that Dolly Parton?
"Oh, they love Dolly Parton," Ballma says. "Country music has the steadiest
beat. It keeps them calm and happy. Heavy metal, though, gets them agitated."
A shipment of goats has just arrived from Georgia, and as we stroll around
the gigantic half-abandoned base, Ballma tells me how Nexia has revitalized
the sagging post-Cold War economy of Plattsburgh. "It's been a godsend," he
admits. "Even though it seems a little improbable. I've been raising goats for
years, I love them, so at first the idea of making them secrete spider silk kind of
weirded me out. But now I understand it. It's not what people think."
"Not Dr. Moreau?" I ask.
"No! We're just making fishing nets here. It's pretty normal, really."
As we stand in the old air-control tower overlooking the base I can hear a
faint bleating of happy goats. From nuclear bombs to transgenic goats, it seems
a strange progression, I say.
"Sure;' he replies. "But perhaps it's just our own cleverness that weirds us
out."
B R E N D AN I . K O E R N E R
Disorders Ma de t o Order
F R O M M O TH E R J O N E S
thing took 10 times more effort for me than it did for anyone else;' one woman
told the Chicago Tribune. "The thing about GAD is that worry can be a full
time job. So if you add that up with what I was doing, which was being a full
time achiever, I was exhausted, constantly exhausted."
The timing of the media frenzy was no accident. On April 16, 2001, the U.S.
Food and Drug Administration (FDA) had approved the antidepressant Paxil,
made by British pharmaceutical giant GlaxoSmithKline, for the treatment of
generalized anxiety disorder. But GAD was a little-known ailment; according
to a 1989 study, as few as i.2 percent of the population merited the diagnosis in
any given year. If GlaxoSmithKline hoped to capitalize on Paxil's new indica
tion, it would have to raise GAD's profile.
That meant revving up the company's public-relations machinery. The
widely featured quotes from Sonja Burkett, and the images of birds and pills,
were part of a "video news release" the drugmaker had distributed to TV sta
tions around the country; the footage also included the comments of Dr. Gor
man, who has frequently served as a paid consultant to GlaxoSmithKline. On
April 16-the date of Paxil's approval-a patient group called Freedom From
Fear released a telephone survey according to which "people with GAD spend
nearly 40 hours per week, or a 'full-time job; worrying." The survey mentioned
neither GlaxoSmithKline nor Paxil, but the press contact listed was an account
executive at Cohn & Wolfe, the drugmaker's PR firm.
GlaxoSmithKline's modus operandi-marketing a disease rather than sell
ing a drug-is typical of the post-Prozac era. "The strategy [companies] use
it's almost mechanized by now;' says Dr. Loren Mosher, a San Diego
psychiatrist and former official at the National Institute of Mental Health. Typ
ically, a corporate-sponsored "disease awareness" campaign focuses on a mild
psychatric condition with a large pool of potential sufferers. Companies fund
studies that prove the drug's efficacy in treating the affliction, a necessary step
in obtaining FDA approval for a new use, or "indication." Prominent doctors
are enlisted to publicly affirm the malady's ubiquity. Public-relations firms
launch campaigns to ·promote the new disease, using dramatic statistics from
corporate-sponsored studies. Finally, patient groups are recruited to serve as
the "public face" for the condition, supplying quotes and compelling human
stories for the media; many of the groups are heavily subsidized by drugmak
ers, and some operate directly out of the offices of drug companies' PR firms.
The strategy has enabled the pharmaceutical industry to squeeze millions
in additional revenue from the blockbuster drugs known as selective serotonin
reuptake inhibitors (SSRis}, a family of pharmaceuticals that includes Paxil,
Prozac, Zoloft, Celexa, and Luvox. Originally approved solely as antidepres-
1 96 B R E N DAN I . K O E R N E R
sants, the SSRis are now prescribed for a wide array of heretofore obscure
afflictions-GAD, social anxiety disorder, premenstrual dysphoric disorder.
The proliferation of diagnoses has contributed to a dramatic rise in antidepres
sant sales, which increased eightfold between 1990 and 2000. Prozac alone has
been used by more than 22 million Americans since it first came to market in
1988.
For pharmaceutical companies, marketing existing drugs for new uses
makes perfect sense: A new indication can be obtained in less than 18 months,
compared to the eight years it takes to bring a drug from the lab to the phar
macy. Managed-care companies also have been encouraging the use of medica
tion, rather than more costly psychotherapy, to treat problems like anxiety and
depression.
But while most health experts agree that SSRis have revolutionized the
treatment of mental illness, a growing number of critics are disturbed by the
degree to which corporate-sponsored campaigns have come to define what
qualifies as a mental disorder and who needs to be medicated. "You often hear:
'There are 10 million Americans with this, 3 million Americans with that: "
says Barbara Mintzes, an epidemiologist at the University of British Columbia's
Centre for Health Services and Policy Research. "If you start adding up all
those millions, eventually you'll be hard put to find some Americans who don't
have such diagnoses."
bate, sometimes heatedly, whether to include specific disorders. The entry for
GAD, says David Healy, a scholar at the University of Wales College of Medi
cine and author of the 1998 book The Antidepressant Era, was created almost by
default: "Floundering somewhat, members of the anxiety disorders subcom
mittee stumbled on the notion of generalized anxiety disorder," he writes, "and
consigned the greater part of the rest of the anxiety disorders to this category."
Critics note that the DSM process has no formal safeguards to prevent re
searchers with drug-company ties from participating in decisions of interest to
their sponsors. The committee that recommended the GAD entry in 1980, for
example, was headed by Robert L. Spitzer of the New York State Psychiatric In
stitute, which has been a leading recipient of industry grants to research drug
treatments for anxiety disorders. "It's not so much that the industry is there in
some Machiavellian way;' says Healy. " But if you spend an awful lot of time
with pharmaceutical companies, if you talk on their platforms, if you run clin
ical trials for them, you can't help but be influenced."
Smith.Kline's first forays into the anxiety market involved two fairly well
known illnesses-panic disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Then, in
1998, the company applied for FDA approval to market Paxil for something
called social phobia or "social anxiety disorder" (SAD ) , a debilitating form of
shyness the DSM characterized as "extremely rare."
Obtaining such a new indication is a relatively simple affair. The FDA con
siders a DSM notation sufficient proof that a disease actually exists and, unlike
new drugs, existing pharmaceuticals don't require an exhaustive round of clin
ical studies. To show that a drug works in treating a new disease, the FDA often
accepts in-house corporate studies, even when companies refuse to disclose
their data or methodologies to other researchers, as is scientific custom.
With FDA approval for Paxil's new use virtually guaranteed, Smith.Kline
turned to the task of promoting the disease itself. To "position social anxiety
disorder as a severe condition;' as the trade journal PR News put it, the com
pany retained the New York-based public-relations firm Cohn & Wolfe. (Rep
resentatives of GlaxoSmithKline and Cohn & Wolfe did not return phone
calls. )
By early 1999 the firm had created a slogan, " Imagine Being Allergic to Peo
ple;' and wallpapered bus shelters nationwide with pictures of a dejected
looking man vacantly playing with a teacup. "You blush, sweat, shake-even
find it hard to breathe;' read the copy. "That's what social anxiety disorder feels
like." The posters made no reference to Paxil or SmithKline; instead, they bore
the insignia of a group called the Social Anxiety Disorder Coalition and its
1 98 B R E N DAN I . K O E R N E R
condition had been associated almost exclusively with combat veterans and
victims of violent crime; now, Pfizer set out to convince Americans that PTSD
could, in fact, afflict almost anyone.
The company funded the creation of the PTSD Alliance, a group that is
staffed by employees of Pfizer's New York public-relations firm, the Chandler
Chicco Agency, and operates out of the firm's offices. The Alliance connects
journalists with PTSD experts such as Jerilyn Ross, president and CEO of the
Anxiety Disorders Association of America, a group that is heavily subsidized by
Pfizer as well as GlaxoSmithKline, Eli Lilly, and other drug-industry titans.
In the months following the launch of Pfizer's campaign, media mentions
of PTSD skyrocketed. Just weeks after the Alliance's founding in 2000, for ex
ample, The New York Times ran a story citing Pfizer-supplied statistics on
childhood PTSD, according to which 1 in 6 minors who experience the "sudden
death of a close friend or relative" will develop the disorder. Other stories high
lighted studies promoted by the alliance according to which 1 in 13 Americans
will suffer from PTSD at some point in their lives.
Eye-catching figures are integral to disease marketing campaigns, though
the quality of the data is sometimes dubious. A report published in February
2002 in the Archives of General Psychiatry warned that high estimates on the
number of people suffering mental-health conditions often include people
whose symptoms are so mild as to not require treatment. "When people look at
numbers that say close to 30 percent of the American public has a mental dis
order and therefore needs treatment, most would say that is implausibly too
high," the study's lead author, William E. Narrow, told the Associated Press.
Many of the statistics used to promote new disorders are taken from studies
published in second-tier journals, which frequently depend on direct corpo
rate support. One publication that has drawn fire is the Journal of Clinical Psy
chiatry, whose major funders include GlaxoSmithKline and Eli Lilly. In 1993,
the journal published a study claiming that anxiety disorders cost the United
States $46.6 billion per year, primarily due to lost productivity. That figure was
repeated in countless press releases and made its way into articles in The Wash
ington Post and USA Today.
The study was produced by the Institute for Behavior and Health, a re
search firm headed by Dr. Robert DuPont, who served as President Ford's drug
czar. The institute's tax returns indicate that its programs are funded almost
exclusively by industry research grants; in 1999, for example, it conducted clin
ical trials on behalf of Merck, Pfizer, and Solvay. DuPont was paid more than
$so,ooo that year for 10 hours of work per week, in addition to a $s6,ooo fee
Disorders Made to Order 20 1
that the institute paid to his for-profit consulting firm. The 1993 anxiety study
was paid for in part by Upjohn, maker of the SSRI Luvox.
Studies published in medical journals are also useful in reaching a key au
dience for disease-awareness campaigns-doctors. Physicians, especially gen
eral practitioners, are under growing pressure to make quick diagnoses and to
treat mental-health conditions with drugs rather than refer patients to psy
chotherapy. Primary-care physicians now write upward of 60 percent of anti
depressant prescriptions, according to the American Psychiatric Association.
"There is a pressure to have treatments that are perceived as faster or more effi
cient;' says Dr. Robert Michels, chief of psychiatry at Cornell Medical College.
Drug companies are understandably eager to help physicians identify con
ditions that can be treated with their products. One widely distributed diag
nostic checklist, a 15-minute test that promises to screen for 17 different
disorders using special software, was developed by GlaxoSmithKline. Pfizer has
funded a test designed to help obstetricians and gynecologists identify women
with mental-health problems. According to a 2000 study, sponsored by Pfizer
and published in the American Journal of Obstetrics, a full 20 percent of all ob
gyn patients may need psychiatric treatment for anything from depression and
anxiety to eating disorders.
Most of all, though, pharmaceutical makers seek to build word of mouth
about a condition in the general public-the kind of water-cooler buzz that
prompts people to ask their doctor about a disease, and the drug that might
treat it. To that end, corporations have increasingly embraced patient organiza
tions that work to publicize mental illness. One such group is the National
Mental Health Awareness Campaign, created two years ago to eliminate "the
fear and shame that is still strongly associated with mental disorders." The or
ganization is particularly concerned with teenagers, and has run several ads on
MTV that encourage unhappy youths to call a toll-free number or visit its Web
site. A couple of weeks after the September n terrorist attacks, it released the re
sults of a survey, which found that 30 percent of adults questioned felt their
mental health had worsened since the tragedy. The group's press release urged
"parents and children traumatized by the recent terrorist attacks to avail them
selves of the opportunity to speak to mental health professionals."
The campaign's brochures say it has received financial support from the
Surgeon General's office. The organization is less forthright about its ties to
FoxKiser, a pharmaceutical lobbying firm whose clients include Bristol-Myers
Squibb and AstraZeneca. Michael Waitzkin, a partner at FoxKiser, is on the
campaign's board of directors, and until recently the campaign was headquar-
202 B R E N DAN I . K O E R N E R
tered in FoxKiser's Washington office. (It now operates from the office of the
PR firm Health Strategies Consultancy. )
The National Mental Health Awareness Campaign wasn't the only group to
step up its profile in the wake of the attacks. On September 26 the PTSD
Alliance-the group headquartered in the offices of Pfizer's PR agency, Chan
dler Chicco-issued a statement warning that post-traumatic stress can affect
anyone who has "witnessed a violent act" or experienced "natural disasters or
other unexpected, catastrophic, or psychologically distressing events such as
the September 11 terrorist attacks:' During the following month, according to
the trade journal Psychiatric News, Pfizer spent $5.6 million advertising the
benefits of Zoloft in treating PTSD-25 percent more than it had spent, on av
erage, from January to June.
But the biggest presence in TV drug advertising after September 11 was
GlaxoSmithKline, which in October 2001 spent $16 million promoting Paxil
more than it had spent in the first six months of the year combined. In Decem
ber, the company rolled out a series of new commercials, often broadcast
during prime-time news programs and built around lines such as "I'm always
thinking something terrible is going to happen" and "It's like a tape in my
mind. It just goes over and over and over."
An Embarrassm en t of Ch i m p anzees
F R O M D I S C O VE R
first heard the story a year ago. I was interviewing a scientist when he be
I gan griping about how difficult it is to get a chimpanzee for medical re
search. "They're expensive;' he said, "and you've got to pay all this money
into a social security plan to take care of them when they retire." Retired
chimps? Just where do they go to retire-and what do they do when they get
there? Eat bananas? Play shuffleboard? "I heard they put them on an island
sanctuary in Liberia;' the researcher said. He didn't know much more than
that, and of course it wasn't his job to know. He is the scientist. He uses chimps
to answer scientific questions. Someone else deals with what comes afterward.
A n Embarrassment ef Chi mpanzees 2os
For a while I thought about going to Africa to look for that chimp island. In
my mind's eye I envisioned a paradise where repatriated American chimps
lived free of humans, free of the cages that once confined them. But that turned
out to be a pleasant fiction, a tale told to lab workers foolish enough to ask. By
then I had observed chimps in zoos, read about them in the scientific literature,
and immersed myself in a world of animal sanctuaries that is stranger, more
interesting, and more disturbing than I could have imagined.
Eighteen chimps do live on a pair of islands in Liberia, most of which were
bred on-site by an American hepatitis research laboratory. And sanctuaries
throughout Africa shield wild chimps from poachers. None of these places will
accept U.S.-bred lab chimps after we're done with them. That's why sanctuaries
are needed here. At this moment, the United States is up to its ears in chimps.
During the 1980s, laboratory supply companies bred chimps like crazy to meet
the demands of AIDS and hepatitis researchers. That didn't work out too well.
By the late 1990s researchers conceded that while some chimps become HIV
positive, almost none develop full-blown AIDS. At least 200 chimps have been
exposed to HIV, yet only two may have died of AIDS. The researchers switched
to macaque monkeys. For a short time the National Institutes of Health, which
funds much of the biomedical research in this country, considered killing HIV
exposed chimps when they were no longer useful. The NIH later decided not
to, in part because the animals are listed as an endangered species. But the sur
plus has mounted-today more than 1,600 live in various primate facilities in
the United States-and humans have begun to ask themselves a serious ques
tion: What are we going to do with these animals?
During his last weeks in office, President Clinton signed the Chimpanzee
Health Improvement, Maintenance, and Protection (CHIMP) Act, which
mandates a national system of sanctuaries for chimps who qualify, but it is
likely to be two years before any new refuges are ready. In the meantime many
animals will have to remain in labs. So far, about 200 chimps have been ear
marked for retirement. When chimps do enter sanctuaries, there will be a
string attached: If a sanctuary owner takes government money, he or she must
be prepared to send the chimps back to the lab for further research if asked to
do so-a stipulation that infuriates those who believe that plucking a chimp
out of retirement negates the concept of sanctuary.
I N 1997 New York University decided to get out of the chimp business and
shut down its Laboratory for Experimental Medicine and Surgery in Primates.
It's a common story. Around the world, chimp labs are dwindling: The last re-
206 J OSEPH D ' A G N ESE
how to unscrew them," an employee explains, "but someti mes they like to stick
a canine in the cap to bite it off."
One day last October, the chimps are lounging around after lunch, picking
at their food, grooming themselves, and playing with toys. Some snatch plastic
cups of hot Tetley tea off the trolleys parked in front of their enclosure, sip
carefully, and return the cups through the bars without spilling a drop. Grow
brushes Tom's back with a small brush. "Let me see your fingernails," she says.
Tom holds them up for inspection. Another chimp, 42-year-old Annie, the old
est and a surrogate mother to the others, spots the brush and gestures through
the cage for it. "You want the brush?" Grow asks as she slips it to her. Annie
spends a couple of blissful minutes stroking her coat.
A few minutes spent watching chimps manipulate objects like cups, bottles,
and brushes quickly demonstrates why biologists regard them as the top tool
users in the animal kingdom, after us. Besides being dexterous, they are intelli
gent, strong, and often aggressive, especially as they grow older. Chimps also
seem to have a sense of humor, which any visitor to Fauna notices immedi
ately: They delight in teasing humans as well as each other. They routinely spit
water at their caretakers, cleverly varying the pattern to confuse them. They
also seem to understand and respect social hierarchies: A beta male accepts his
lot when an alpha male swipes his orange but goes ballistic when a lower
ranking female does the same.
The chimpanzee's ability to learn can be humbling. In 1967 psychologist
Roger Fouts taught chimps to use American Sign Language, which they mas
tered and taught to other chimps. Since 1983 psychologist Sarah Boysen has
been teaching chimps at Ohio State University to do simple arithmetic; in 1991
she figured out how to teach them fractions. In 1999 a landmark paper written
by Jane Goodall and eight other prominent primatologists established that
chimps use their smarts to master their environment. Chimps can codify cul
tural behavior-how to hunt, how to eat ants, how to groom oneself and
others-and pass that knowledge along to their young ones. Chimps that live
in the Gombe forests of Tanzania have been observed dancing, apparently to
make the rain stop.
In the wild, bands of chimps will rove the jungle for six or seven miles a day,
joining together to hunt monkeys, which they eat with relish, usually after
dashing out the smaller creatures' brains. That's the side of chimps humans
rarely see or choose not to see. However, they can also be kind. A chimp was
once observed trying to help a wounded bird to fly at a zoo in England.
At Fauna, there is constant physical contact between humans and chimps.
208 J OSEPH D, AGNESE
The tiniest scrape or scab on Grow's hand will elicit concern from a chimp,
usually in the form of a kiss. According to the standards of the Centers for Dis
ease Control, Fauna's chimp house is a biohazard facility. If this were a U.S. lab,
workers would be required to wear Tyvek suits, goggles, masks, or hair nets,
mandatory garb worn by researchers studying HIV or hepatitis. But Grow and
her workers wear street clothes, unless a chimp has an open wound or needs
surgery, in which case they follow aseptic procedures, donning gowns and
gloves just as they would with a human patient. They believe that if the animals
are treated well, they will not harm their caretakers. The theory has proved true
so far, but the chimps do get into fights with each other that require bandages
or surgery.
Now Grow calls to another animal: "Billy Jo, is your show on?" She peeks at
the TV. "Oh, it's Rosie. Don't worry, Oprah will be on soon." Grow agonizes
about keeping the chimps stimulated. Because they remain caged, she wants to
help entertain their restless spirits. Hence the painstaking preparation of
meals, classical music piped over the stereo, hanging spider plants, brushes
and paints, Halloween decorations, Christmas lights, birthday parties, crack
ling fires in the wood-burning stove, strands of red licorice, and aromatherapy
candles.
In the United States, lab animals fall under the jurisdiction of the Depart
ment of Agriculture, which inspects labs and enforces the Animal Welfare Act
of 1985. By these standards, the Fauna chimps were treated well in their former
lives: They got adequate food and shelter, their cages were clean, and they re
ceived the occasional toy or orange. But Grow and others like her consider
those standards weak and seek to do better. "I want them to be happy;' Grow
says. "To treat chimps well, you should treat them as you would victimized
people. Because they have been victimized. Terribly. Oh, it's so awful what
they've been through."
Annie, for example, was born in Africa, probably in 1959, then captured and
sent to the United States. She gave her life to humans for more than 35 years
at least 15 in the circus, followed by 21 in the lab as a breeder. When she refused
to mate, she was artificially inseminated. Her child was transferred to another
facility at age 3. Another Fauna chimp, Rachel, was born at the Institute for Pri
mate Studies in Norman, Oklahoma, in 1982. Rachel was sold for $10,000 as a
pet but ended up at the New York University lab when her owners divorced.
Rachel, who had grown up taking bubble baths and prancing around in
dresses, spent the next 11 years isolated in a cage. Today she occasionally bursts
into screaming and scratching fits, lashing out at her own hand, apparently be
cause she thinks it is attacking her. Her outbursts have diminished somewhat
A n Embarrassment <if Chimpanzees 2 09
since she arrived at Fauna in 1997, but her body is still covered with self
inflicted sores.
"Jeannie was going to be euthanized-did you meet her?" Grow asks. Lab
workers had to medicate Jeannie, an HIV-exposed chimp, to stop her seizures,
during which she ripped out her fingernails and thrashed any human or chimp
nearby. "She had a nervous breakdown before she came here, but she has made
lots of strides in her development. They all have. They put on weight, grow
more hair, their coats are shinier. They sleep better at night. We don't have
nearly as many fights as we used to when they first came, and they have learned
to vocalize more like real chimps."
Fauna's annual budget for the entire farm is $60,000. The food bill is
$40,000; the rest covers medicine and necessities such as bedding straw, tools,
and equipment repairs. In a good year, $15,000 of that comes from private do
nations. Fauna is not eligible for funding under the CHIMP Act because the
sanctuary is in Canada. Grow says she would not apply for funds even if Fauna
were eligible because of the requirement that sanctuary owners return chimps
to labs on demand: "I would never send them back. Who would?" The bulk of
Fauna's operating revenue comes from a dog grooming business and from Al
lan's veterinary clinic. On the first night of my visit, Allan, a French-Canadian
who has been doctoring animals on the outskirts of Montreal for 27 years, ar
rived at dinner in scrubs, looking exhausted. Delighted that Fauna would be
the subject of this article, he quipped, "Tell them we need money."
0NE REcENT coLD and wet morning, Grow is chopping fresh vegetables
for the rabbits and pigs when her sister Dawna Smith, who works in the chimp
house, chugs up to the barn in a Volkswagen. "Get in;' she calls to Grow. "I need
you to come look at Pablo."
"What's wrong with him? He was fine last night."
"In."
Up at the chimp house, the 30-year-old, almost 200-pound chimp struggles
to make himself comfortable in his nest-a pile of blankets on a 12-foot-high
platform inside the chimp house. He can find no peace. First he sits, then he
stands, repeating the process over and over: sitting, standing, sitting, standing.
He wheezes constantly.
Since the day of his arrival five years ago, Pablo has been ill. One winter he
developed a cough that X rays showed to be bronchitis. Medication helped, but
each autumn Grow worries that Pablo's cough will return. Still, she has never
seen him behave like this. She dashes up a spiral staircase to offer him more
2 10 JOSEPH D ' AGNESE
down;' as the lab techs say, with a dart fired from an air pistol. Allan fears he'll
have to break out the darts for the first time ever at Fauna. When Pablo sees the
needle, he thrusts his arm out. Allan is stunned. "This guy never liked needles,
but he gave me his arm. Didn't put up a fight."
Minutes after the injections, Pablo lies back and closes his eyes. His face is
immobile; a black arm hangs limply off the side of his nest. Allan carefully un
locks the gate to the chimp enclosure, and Grow rushes up a ladder. She grabs
Pablo's hand and feels a twitch. Life shudders out of the great ape's body. She
begins to cry but manages to help carry the body to the floor. Allan confirms
he'd dead, and Grow insists that the humans leave the enclosure to allow the
other chimps a chance to see Pablo.
Normally, when a lab chimp dies, he dies alone in a cage and is whisked
away. Grow believes chimps should be allowed to witness everything. A couple
of times Allan has performed surgery in the kitchen, where all the chimps
could see him. "Someday, when I die;' Grow says, "I want to be placed right
here where they can all see me and know that I am gone:'
So, as Grow and her staff sit weeping outside the enclosure, the chimps ap
proach Pablo. Alone or in pairs, they tug at his arms, open his eyes, groom him,
rub his swollen belly. Annie pours a cup of juice in his ear. Grow says it might
be an attempt to annoy Pablo and wake him up. Before long, the chimps wan
der off, hooting. The hoots blossom into screams, and soon the walls of the
chimp house echo with the sound of knuckles pounding steel.
hole that, if infected, can take years to heal. Pablo was also vulnerable to infec
tion on another front. Darts fired from an air pistol are, by definition, non
sterile; each penetration carries germs from the surface of an animal's skin into
its body.
According to his research dossier, Pablo, known as Ch-377 at the New York
University lab, had been darted 220 times, once accidentally in the lip. He had
been subjected to 28 liver, two bone-marrow, and two lymph-node biopsies.
His body was injected four times with test vaccines, one of them known to be a
hepatitis vaccine. In 1993 he was injected with 10,000 times the lethal dose of
HIV. The barrel-chested chimp had shrugged off AIDS and kept hepatitis at
bay only to die of an infection aggravated by years of darts, needles, and biop
sies.
"We always knew the chimps had a lot of problems:' Grow said two months
after Pablo's death. "But we always thought they were problems we could take
care of-because they were on the outside. Now we are learning that there are a
lot of things going on inside them that we may never know about. Annie's sick
now. Jeannie's sick now. What happened to Pablo wasn't unusual; it was aver
age."
Activists insist that animal-free science is already here-in the form of in
vitro research, data gleaned from autopsies, clinical observation, and epidemi
ology. But the scientists who work with chimps say that the inoculations, biop
sies, and knockdowns, though regrettable, are necessary. "I think the idea of
moving to humans is nonsense:' says Alfred Prince, the hematologist who
heads chimpanzee research in Liberia. "Ethics committees in hospitals are get
ting tougher and tougher, and the work you can do in people is less and less.
We will probably always need animal models . . . I think the answer is, if you're
going to do this work on chimps, you better take really good care of them:'
Other researchers, including primatologist Roger Fouts, believe that the days
when we are willing to imperil an endangered species for our own sake may be
numbered. Until then research will proceed, and people like Gloria Grow will
be left to deal with the results, as she did in January 2002, when Annie, the
grande dame of the chimp house, died. Her body is awaiting a necropsy. Then
the body will be sent, like Pablo's, to a local crematory that donates its services
to Fauna. Grow plans to bury some of the ashes of both animals at the sanctu
ary. Sometime soon, Jane Goodall will take the rest of the ashes with her to
Tanzania to sprinkle in the forests of Gombe, where chimps dance to stop the
ram.
D AN I E L L E 0 F R I
Com m on Gr o u n d
F R O M T/ K K UN
"
out personally to a patient.
control. If a patient requests it, we will provide it. But we do not offer it, pro
mote it, or condone it."
Before my super-ego could grab control, my New York sassiness spilled out.
"So, I don't suppose you perform abortions, do you?"
I could not believe I had just said that.
The older physician did not appear fazed. "No, we do not terminate preg
nancies. Nor do we permit referrals to physicians who do. If a patient requests
that service, we have them call their own insurance company. Their insurance
companies make the referral."
He stood up and put out his hand. "We are glad to have you aboard, Dr.
Ofri. We hope you enjoy your six weeks with us. And," he paused with a smile,
"we hope you consider staying longer."
I remained in my office after he left, a little confused about what I had just
heard and very embarrassed about the sauciness of my retort. I finally brushed
it off, attributing it to high-level politics that I was not a part of.
I had never spent much time in New England before. The town looked just
as I had imagined. Regal Victorian mansions with wrap-around wooden
porches lined the main street. Well-tended rose bushes graced the picket
fences. Manicured shrubbery lined the driveways. A river meandered through
the town and I often saw kayakers as I drove over the small bridges each morn
ing in my beige rental car. This was a different planet from my native New York
City.
I had been assigned to a small private practice that was short-handed after
two doctors had moved away. The staff members welcomed me warmly. They
gave me a large office with three exam rooms in a separate wing of the suite,
and a nurse, Karen, to work exclusively with me. At the beginning of each ap
pointment Karen would take a brief history from the patient, check their vital
signs and jot down their medications. When I entered into the room afterward
to see the patient, I would find all the supplies that I might need for that partic
ular patient neatly laid out. I learned that the walls of the examining rooms
were fairly thin because when I was finished with the patient, Karen would be
waiting outside with whatever vaccines or medications I had discussed with
the patient.
This was nothing like Bellevue Hospital-the city hospital where I did my
residency. Practicing medicine had never been so easy! I noticed that the medi
cine cabinet was stocked with free samples of birth control pills along with the
anti-hypertensives and cholesterol medications. Apparently, no one took the
contraception rule too seriously.
Nobody ever bothered Karen and me in our little corner. It was as though
Common Ground 2 1 _s-
we had our own practice. Between patients we would share stories of her life in
New England and my experiences at Bellevue. And I loved that she kept a pic
ture of her golden retriever, Sam, on her desk.
Three weeks into my assignment I met Diana Makower, a young computer
programmer at a local financial firm. She was wearing a gray suit with a purple
silk blouse. A single strand of pearls hung around her neck. Her carefully ap
plied make-up had started to smudge from the tears slipping down her cheeks.
"I think I'm pregnant," she spilled out, almost before I could introduce myself.
"I did one of those home pregnancy tests and it was positive. All I need from
you is a blood test."
I put down my stethoscope and pulled up a chair.
"It's a complicated situation," she wept. "I am ending a relationship with
my boyfriend, but it wasn't him. I have an old friend, it's never been more than
that, but I think he and I might be developing a romantic relationship. We slept
together just once, three weeks ago. I really think we could have a serious rela
tionship, but it is not ready for this. I can't believe this is happening."
"If you do turn out to be pregnant," I asked, "what do you think you would
do?"
"I need to have an abortion. I can't have a kid now; I'm single, I don't have a
stable relationship yet. I'm not ready for it now:'
''Are you sure that's what you want to do? Have you considered other op
tions, like adoption?"
''Absolutely," she said. "I have made my decision. I just need to know where
to go."
I suddenly thought of the medical director with his slicked-down gray hair.
According to the rules, I was supposed to tell Diana to call her insurance com
pany. Her insurance company? I had visions of a bored bureaucrat slurping on
his coffee while dispensing advice on a delicate matter to my distraught pa
tient. How could I send Diana into a situation like that? I excused myself and
went to consult Karen.
Karen did not know which local doctors performed abortions. "I stay out of
that mess,'' she said. The Catholic hospital that the practice was affiliated with
certainly did not. She sympathized with my predicament but warned me not to
let the office manager know what I was doing. "Someone else gave out a phone
number once," she said, "just a phone number. It wasn't even documented in
the chart, but somehow it got out and they got into trouble:'
I stared out the window and could see my rental car parked in front of a
clapboard house across the street. The house was painted bright yellow with
pale blue trim. A wooden porch surrounded three sides of the house. It was
2 1 6 DAN IE LLE 0FRI
overflowing with hanging spider plants and overripe ferns. Wicker furniture
with floral cushions was arranged around a wrought-iron table. An American
flag dangled from a second-story window. This Catholic medical institution
might choose not to perform abortions, but what about my ethical duty to
provide the care my patient needed? Sending a distressed patient to an 800 tele
phone number would not hold water under the Hippocratic oath.
It seemed clear to me that my duty was first to my patient, and only second
arily to some faceless institution. Unfortunately, as a stranger to this small
town, I did not know the local resources. I didn't know the names of the nearby
physicians to even make the referral if I had wanted to break the rules. I sud
denly pined for Bellevue, where I knew all the doctors and I knew the system. If
I needed help, all I had to do was dial the operator and have the appropriate
doctor paged. I looked back at the yellow and blue house across the road. It
seemed hostile and antagonistic. The small-town civility made me feel claus
trophobic.
Grinding my teeth, I re-entered the exam room. "As you may know, this
medical practice is Catholic," I told Diana, "so we cannot provide referrals for
abortion. The truth is, I wouldn't know where to send you even if I could. The
rule is that you are supposed to call your insurance company and get the refer
ral yourself. I would do it for you, but I can't. However, if you get the list of pos
sible referrals, I will call around to find out which is the best."
Diana nodded, and then asked if she could be alone. I left her with a box of
tissues and told her she could stay as long as she liked.
I called Diana the next day to let her know that the repeat pregnancy test
was positive. When I called, I got her voice mail at work. She had told me that it
was a private line, but suddenly I felt paranoid. I did not indicate that I was a
physician and I left a cryptic message about results being "confirmatory of our
original data."
Diana returned my call a few hours later. Her insurance company had given
her two phone numbers, without names, in the next state over. Her health plan
had no gynecologists in this state who performed abortions. Nobody in the
state? My patient couldn't get the care that she needed in her home state? I was
horrified. How could I send her off into the unknown like that? How could I
abandon her to a couple of random, blank telephone numbers in another
state? I felt like we were back in the 1950s, sneaking around with code words, no
names mentioned, having to go out of state for an abortion.
I plowed through my roster of patients for the day, but I couldn't focus on
the coughs, rashes, and shoulder pains. All I could think about was Diana. I
imagined her driving over the state line, tears pressing at her lid margins. The
Common Ground 2 1 7
lonesomeness in the car, the bitter highway, the directions scribbled on the
back of a used envelope. I imagined her squinting at the scrawled directions,
the car slipping ever so slightly out of the lane as her mind diffused focus from
the highway median to the second left after the traffic light to the enormity of
what lay ahead. Then she would tighten her grip and the car would even out.
She'd admonish herself to watch the highway. And so she would watch the
highway, look at the highway, stare at the highway, until the yellow lines would
begin to quiver, then shudder, then melt into the saltiness dribbling down her
face.
Between patients I paced around my office, too irritated to sit still. What
kind of place was this where some administrative rule could interfere with pa
tient care? Wasn't patient care more important than a bunch of rules? I won
dered when was the last time any of those bureaucrats had actually seen a
patient. When was the last time they'd sat face-to-face with a patient, watching
the tension lines around the mouth tremble, smelling the moist desperation,
accepting the burden and the honor of tender secrets? I fumed all afternoon,
cursing the insurance companies and the politicians whose ideologies and
business concerns were elbowing into my office, into the sacred space that my
patient and I shared.
Then Karen told me that the wife of one of the doctors used to work at a
teen clinic. Grateful for this information, I called immediately. She knew of
those two out-of-state facilities and told me they had reputations for treating
patients like cattle. There was, however, a private women's clinic two hours
north that was professional and reliable. But most insurance companies would
not cover the cost of the procedure.
I called Diana at home that evening. She had already made an appointment
at one of the out-of-state clinics and was very appreciative of my "insider infor
mation." I gave her the number of the private women's clinic.
"Have you told him?" I asked.
"No. No, I can't tell him. Not yet, at least. Maybe afterward:'
"Is there anyone that you'd feel comfortable talking to, a friend, a family
member? Is there someone who could come with you?"
"No, not really;' she replied. "I mean I have good friends, but I couldn't tell
them about this. They wouldn't understand."
I winced at the thought of her going alone. There was a sense of something
shameful, something to hide. "Bring your own bathrobe," I added, before we
hung up. "It's more comfortable than a hospital gown:'
I called her again the following day. Just to make sure she was okay. We
chatted a bit and it turned out that she had grown up in New York.
2 1 8 DAN I E LLE 0FRI
"Really?" I asked, excited to uncover a fellow New York native here in the
wilds of New England. "Where were you born?"
"Queens;' she said, "but then we moved out to Long Island, which is where
I really grew up."
"My family did something similar. I was born in Manhattan but then we
moved out of the city to Rockland. I hated the suburbs, though. I never forgave
my parents for leaving the city."
"Me too;' Diana said. "I spent all of my high school years hanging out in the
city, trying to make up for my parents' foolish flight to the 'burbs. My friends
and I would take the train in on weekends and hang out in Greenwich Village."
"So did I;' I said excitedly. "We used to tramp up and down Bleecker Street
then go hear music at Kenny's Castaways."
"I know Kenny's Castaways. The club that never checked ID."
"That's the one. Kenny's Castaways. And you went to Le Figaro Cafe, didn't
you?"
''Absolutely-southwest corner of Bleecker and MacDougal. That's where I
had my first cappuccino. I couldn't bear to drink my parents' instant coffee af
ter that."
I left work that evening and drove to my hotel. The very act of driving, of
commuting by car, made me feel odd. It had been more than fifteen years since
I'd relied on a car for transportation. In New York I was a regular denizen of the
subway, and an avid bicyclist. I particularly relished gridlock traffic in Manhat
tan. I adored watching the irate drivers fume inside their cars, locked in the
daily midtown mess, while I whizzed past on my ratty old ten-speed, needling
my way in and out of unloading trucks, yellow cabs, and wayward pedestrians.
And now as I sat in my rental car, idling at a traffic light, I felt confined. I
pined for the freedom of my bike. I yearned for the foot-based culture of New
York, in which everything I needed was in walking or biking distance.
Some people feel nervous in big cities; I feel nervous in small towns. No
pedestrians on the streets. No one to make eye contact with. No one to negoti
ate personal space on a sidewalk with. No mass of actual human beings on the
street to remind you that you are alive and part of a species. Only cars.
And so I sat in my car, cut off from humanity, isolated in a metal box that
rumbled with diesel heat under my feet as the traffic light languished on red.
Sure, the old houses were beautiful to look at and the landscaping impressive,
but there were no people. I craved people. Stuck in my car, I could think only
about Diana. She was also cut off. There was no one she could confide in, no
one she could bring with her. I realized that I was probably the only person in
this world she had spoken to about this. In the small enclosed space of my car,
Common Ground 2 19
with that bland smell of whatever they use to make seat stuffing, the heaviness
of that burden weighed onto the cramped muscles of my shoulders. There were
hundreds of people tucked into similar steel automobiles who were riding
along the same street as me-hundreds of cars shuttling human beings within
their tiny isolated orbits-but there was only one that contained Diana
Makower's confidence. As a woman, I felt an almost sisterly duty to be there for
her during this uniquely feminine quandary. As her doctor I felt that I had the
responsibility to make sure she got the medical care she needed and felt guilty
that I couldn't help her more directly. And as a human being, as the driver of
the steel box that held her confidence, I felt the moral obligation to hold that
dear, to treat that confidence with the utmost respect. I couldn't abandon her
during this difficult and lonely period.
When I arrived back at my hotel, I called her again. Just to see how she was
doing. Two days later I called Diana again. I somehow found a pretext to call
her almost every day until her abortion date the following week.
I felt a bit more like a therapist than a physician and I understood why ther
apists are to keep their personal lives out of the therapy. Therapy is about the
patient, not about the therapist.
I ached to share my own experience, but professionalism, and I suppose
some lingering shame, prevented me. I'd been only seventeen at the time and
just returning home from my first year in college. I had passed my calculus fi
nal exam and was pretty sure about physics. I had turned in my last organic
chemistry lab report. I was about to go off to be a counselor at summer camp
when I discovered that I was pregnant.
I'd had a steady boyfriend the entire year. Before we got involved I had gone
to Planned Parenthood because I didn't want to be irresponsible. I remem
bered the long talk with the counselor in the windowless room with the overly
cheery posters. We'd decided together on the diaphragm for birth control. The
package insert listed a 95 percent effectiveness rate. No one ever spoke about
the other 5 percent.
I lived in New York, the most liberal city in the most liberal state. My
friends and parents were all liberal, pro-choice people. But I was too scared to
tell anyone; it just didn't seem possible that it was happening and it didn't seem
possible to tell anyone.
After the pregnancy test I sat in a park and cried alone. It was a park where
my family used to have picnics when I was little. My parents would buy a pre
cooked chicken from the nearby kosher deli. We'd bring paper plates and the
vegetable salad. And of course, our dog Kushi. This was her chance to run off
the leash. Sitting in that park now I longed for the smell of her soft black fur. I
2 20 DAN IELLE 0FRI
In the years that have gone by I have told almost no one. Part of me feels
that I should be contributing to the destigmatization of abortion by being
open about my own experience. Yet another part of me feels it is something
personal. Worse yet, someth ing to hide. I feel gu ilty and hypocritical.
Sometimes I think about the child that might have been. At seventeen, I
had precious few resources to raise a child. I would never have finished college,
much less gone to medical school. I might have faced a lifetime of minimum
wage jobs and food stamps. What would my child's life have been like?
I called Diana after her abortion. She told me that the staff members at the
clinic were extremely kind and supportive, and that it didn't hurt too much. I
breathed a sigh of relief. We spoke a few more times after that. Each time I felt
the urge to share my story, but I couldn't.
I am not a politically active person. So much of what transpires in the gov
ernment seems to have no bearing on my life; I just want to take care of my pa
tients and my family. The decision about abortion is a difficult one, not one
that I would wish anyone to face. But when I see teenage mothers in my clinic
with minimal education, no job skills, barely mature enough to take care of
themselves let alone the two or three babies on their laps, I am viscerally aware
that my life was at the mercy of laws that permitted access to safe abortion. A
different time or a different place and the outcome could have been vastly dif
ferent.
Doctors often unconsciously separate themselves from patients-they are
the sick ones and we, in our white coats, are different from them. It is hum
bling, and also relieving, to know that we are all made of the same stuff.
R oA L D H o F F M A N N
Why B uy Th a t Th eory?
F R O M A M E R I CA N S C I E N TI S T
The principle known as Ockham 's razor holds that the right explanationfor
any phenomenon will also be the simplest. The Nobel Prize-winning
chemist Roald H'!!Jmann muses on whether simplicity is all that makes.for a
succesiful theory.
Simpli city
A s I M P L E E Q u AT I o N describing a physical phenomenon (better still,
many) , the molecule shaped like a Platonic solid with regular geometry, the
simple mechanism (A-B, in one step}-these have tremendous aesthetic ap
peal, a direct beeline into our soul. They are beautifully simple, and simply
beautiful. Theories of this type are awesome in the original sense of the
world-who would deny this of the theory of evolution, the Dirac equation or
general relativity?
A little caution might be suggested from pondering the fact that political
ads patently cater to our psychobiological predilection for simplicity. Is the
world simple? Or do we j ust want it to be such? In the dreams of some, the
beauty and simplicity of equations becomes a criterion for their truth. Simple
theories seem to validate that idol of science, Ockham's razor. In preaching the
poetic conciseness and generality of orbital explanations, I have succumbed to
this, too.
A corrective to the infatuation of scientists with simplicity might come
from asking them to think of what they consider beautiful in art, be it music or
the visual arts. Is it Bach's Goldberg Variations or a dance tune where the theme
plays ten times identically in succession? Is any animal ever painted to show its
bilateral symmetry?
Still, there's no getting away from it; a theory that is simple yet explains a lot
is usually accepted in a flash.
Story tellin9
W H AT 1 F the world is complex? Here, symmetry is broken; there, the
seemingly simplest of chemical reactions, hydrogen burning to water, has a
messy mechanism. The means by which one subunit of hemoglobin commu
nicates its oxygenation to a second subunit, an essential task, resembles a Rube
Goldberg cartoon. Not to speak of the intricacies of any biological response,
from the rise of blood pressure or release of adrenaline when a snake lunges at
us, to returning a Ping-Pong serve with backspin. Max Perutz's theory of the
cooperativity of oxygen uptake, the way the ribosome functions-these re
quire complicated explanations. And yes, the inherent tinkering of evolution
has made them complex. But simpler chemical reactions-a candle burning
are also intricate. As complex as the essential physics of the malleability, brittle
ness and hardness of metals. Or the geology of hydrothermal vents.
2 24 RoALD H O FFMA N N
When things are complex yet understandable, human beings weave stories.
We do so for several reasons: A-B requires no story. But A-B-C-D and
not A-B-C'-D is in itself a story. Second, as psychologist Jerome Bruner
writes, "For there to be a story, something unforeseen must happen." In science
the unforeseen lurks around the next experimental corner. Stories then "do
mesticate unexpectedness," to use Bruner's phrase.
Storytelling seems to be ingrained in our psyche. I would claim that with
our gift of spoken and written language, this is the way we wrest pleasure, psy
chologically, from a messy world. Scientists are no exception. Part of the story
they tell is how they got there-the x-ray films measured over a decade, the
blind alleys and false leads of a chemical synthesis. It is never easy, and
serendipity substitutes for what in earlier ages would have been called the grace
of God. In the end, we overcome. This appeals, and none of it takes away from
the ingenuity of the creative act.
In thinking about theories, storytelling has some distinct features. There is
always a beginning to a theory-modeling assumptions, perhaps unexpected
observations to account for. Then, in a mathematically oriented theory, a kind
of development section follows. Something is tried; it leads nowhere, or leaves
one dissatisfied. So one essays a variation on what had been a minor theme,
and-all of a sudden-it soars. Resolution and coda follow. I think of the sur
prise that comes from doing a Fourier transform, or of seeing eigenvalues pop
ping out of nothing but an equation and boundary conditions.
Sadly, in the published accounts of theories, much of the narrative of the
struggle for understanding is left out, because of self-censorship and the desire
to show us as more rational than we were. That's okay; fortunately one can still
see the development sections of a theoretical symphony as one examines an
ensemble of theories, created by many people, not just one, groping towards
understanding.
The other place where narrative is rife is in the hypothesis-forming stage of
doing science. This is where the "reach of imagination" of science, as Jacob
Bronowski referred to it, is explicit. Soon you will be brought down to earth by
experiment, but here the wild man in you can soar, think up any crazy scheme.
And, in the way science works, if you are too blinded by your prejudices to see
the faults in your theoretical fantasies, you can be sure others will.
Many theories are popular because they tell a rollicking good story,
one that is sage in capturing the way the world works, and could be stored away
to deal with the next trouble. Stories can be funny; can there be humorous
theories?
Why B uy That Theory? 22s
A Roll - o n S u i t c ase
Producti vi ty
T H E B E S T T H E O R I E S are productive, in that they stimulate experi
ment. Science is a wonderfully interactive way for gaining reliable knowledge.
What excitement there is in person A advancing a view of how things work,
which is tested by B, used by C to motivate making a molecule that tests the
limits of the theory, which leads to D ( not C) finding that molecule to be su
perconducting or an antitumor agent, whereupon a horde of graduate stu
dents of E or F are put to making slight modifications! People need reasons for
doing things. Theories provide them, surely to test the theories (with greater
delight if proved wrong) , but also j ust to have a reason for making the next
molecule down the line. Theories that provoke experiment are really valued by
a community that in every science, even physics, is primarily experimental.
A "corollary" of the significance of productivity is that theories that are
fundamentally untenable or ill-defined can still be immensely productive. So
was phlogiston in its day, so in chemistry was the idea of resonance energies,
calculated in a Hiickel model. People made tremendous efforts to make mole
cules that would never have been made (and found much fascinating chem-
2 26 RoALD H O FFMAN N
istry in the process) on the basis of "resonance energies" that had little connec
tion to stability, thermodynamic or kinetic. Did it matter that Columbus mis
calculated in his "research proposal" how far the Indies were?
As Jerry Berson has written, ''A lot of science consists of permanent experi
mental facts established in tests of temporary theories:'
of course vary, and inevitably so: they vary not only with the state of the sci
ence at a particular time, with local technological, social, and economic op
' Ti s a Gift
T H E R E I S something else, even more fundamentally psychological, at
work. Every society uses gifts, as altruistic offerings but more importantly as a
way of mediating social interactions. In science the gift is both transparent and
central. Pure science is as close to a gift economy as we have, as Jeffrey Kovac
has argued. Every article in our open literature is a gift to all of us. Every analyt
ical method, every instrument. It's desired that the gift be beautiful (simple
gifts are, but also those that bring us a good story with them) , to be sure. But
that the offering be useful (portable, productive) endows it with special value.
The giver will be remembered, every moment, by the one who received the gift.
The purpose of theory, Berson writes, is "to bring order, clarity, and pre
dictability to a small corner of the world." That suffices. A theory is then a spe
cial gift, a gift for the mind in a society (of science, not the world) where
thought and understanding are preeminent. A gift from one human being to
another, to us all.
L E O NA R D C A S S U T O
I published some startling experimental results. Schon and his partners had
started with molecules that don't ordinarily conduct electricity and
claimed they had succeeded in making them behave like semiconductors, the
circuits that make computers work. The researchers reported their findings in
Science, one of the flagship scientific journals.
The data created an immediate stir. Schon, who works at Lucent Technolo
gies' prestigious Bell Labs, followed that paper up with another, and then an
other. In his world of "publish or perish;' he became a virtual writing machine,
Bi9 Trouble in the World ef "B i9 Physi cs " 2 29
issuing one article after another. His group reported that they could make
other nonconductors into semiconductors, lasers and light-absorbing devices.
These claims were revolutionary. Their implications for electronics and other
fields were enormous, holding the promise that computing circuitry might one
day shrink to unimaginably small size. In the words of one Princeton professo r,
Schon had "defeated chemistry." He had become a modern alchemist, appar
ently conducting electricity where it had never gone before.
In a field where publishing two or th ree articles a year makes you produc
tive, Schon started issuing reports in bunches. He was the lead author on
dozens of articles-more than 90 in about three years, most of them appearing
in the industry-leading journals. In 2001, he received an award for scientific
"Breakthrough of the Year:' but most scientists saw this recognition as only the
beginning.
" I saw these results being presented to a German audience," says James
Heath of UCLA, "and they knock on the chairs instead of clapping. It was
incredible-they got a 'standing knocking.' I thought, These guys are going to
Stockholm." Less than five years after finishing graduate school, Jan Hendrik
Schon was in contention for the Nobel Prize.
Then the wunderkind fell to earth. In April 2002, a small group of re
searchers at Bell Labs contacted Princeton physics professor Lydia Sohn and
whispered that all was not right with Schon's data. Sohn recalls that she and
Cornell University's Paul McEuen stayed up late one night and found some
disturbing coincidences in Schon's results: The same graphs were being used to
illustrate the outcomes of completely different experiments. "You would ex
pect differences:' she said, "but the figures were identical. It was a smoking
gun."
Once tipped off, McEuen started looking closely at a range of Schon's work,
enlarging the graphs and playing a game of mix-and-match. He found many
duplicate graphs in different papers on different subjects. Schon was appar
ently using the same sets of pictures to tell lots of different stories.
In May, McEuen and Sohn formally alerted the editors of Science and
Nature-where Schon and his team had published numerous articles-of the
discrepancies. McEuen and Sohn also informed Schon; his supervisor and
coauthor, Bertram Batlogg; and Bell Labs management that they were blowing
the whistle. Schon immediately insisted that his experiments were fine, and
that the duplicated figures were a simple clerical error for which he now of
fered substitutes. To Nature he declared he was "confident" of his results. To
Science he said, " I haven't done anything wrong." Batlogg mostly said nothing
at all. A scandal had broken out in the world of physics.
230 LEONARD CASSUTO
Lucent Technologies, which runs Bell Labs, responded swiftly. Cherry Mur
ray, head of physical science research, acted with other Bell Labs officials and
appointed an independent committee to look into the matter. The panel was
made up primarily of university physics professors, led by Malcolm Beasley of
Stanford. Their mandate, according to Beasley, is to get the facts and "find out
whether scientific misconduct has occurred."
"Big Physics" is a small world. Very few people can understand, let alone
judge, what experimental physicists do. They work in close professional com
munities of specialists and subspecialists, conducting expensive experiments
and publishing papers with names like "Gate-Induced Superconductivity in a
Solution-Processed Organic Polymer Film."
But physics is also a field in which millions of taxpayer dollars are spent
every year. Now physics has an accountability problem and the only possible
auditors are other physicists. As the field reels from what may be the biggest
fraud in its history, scientists across the world are alarmed: Bad science can cost
lives-think of the untested 0-rings on the space shuttle Challenger that froze
stiff and caused the ship's tragic explosion. But what about phony science?
Jan Hendrik Schon joined Bell Labs in 1998, just before finishing his Ph.D.
in Konstanz, Germany. His international move was typical; the physics com
munity is a far-flung network within which virtually all practicing researchers
have connections to specialists in other countries.
But if physics is global, the United States is its financial center. There are
more scientists doing expensive experiments in the U.S. than in any other
country. Most work at universities as professors, but walking in step with fac
ulty members, attending the same conferences and publishing in the same
journals are corporate-funded researchers at places like Xerox, IBM and Bell
Labs.
Like university departments, science labs operated by giant corporations
depend on income from the larger entity (the university maintains its depart
ments, while the corporation maintains its lab ) . Both also receive government
money, often to conduct joint ventures. Together, the schools and the corpora
tions make up one large academic community.
Bell Labs, formerly operated by AT&T, is the most famous of all corporate
science centers. In 77 years of existence, the Labs have hired top-flight scientists
from universities and essentially turned them loose to look into whatever
they've wanted, with the corpo ration footing the bill. If their discoveries had
practical use, that was gn:at. Otherwise, the science was, like much university
based research, a contribution to common knowledge.
Researchers at Bell Labs were like professors without teaching and other
B i9 Trouble in the World oj "Bi9 Physics " 23 1
ings. Their professional livelihoods are literally at risk. If the results are fake,
how can these people get their careers back? Invoking recent headlines, UCLA's
Heath commented that "this is like the opposite of losing your retirement."
Asked one nervous faculty member, "Can we get a class action suit together?"
When Martin Fleischmann and B. Stanley Pons suddenly walked out of the
University of Utah chemistry department in 1989 claiming that they had solved
our energy problems by producing a "cold fusion" reaction (the heat of such
reactions has reserved them for hydrogen bombs) , scientists showed by
straightforward calculation that the experiment couldn't work. Not surpris
ingly, no one could repeat the results the two claimed. Though the matter re
ceived a lot of media coverage, it was a case of routine exposure of a couple of
unknowns.
Schon's work has also never crossed the repeatability threshold. Skepticism
about it was rising before the scandal broke. By the time his colleague McEuen
helped find the duplications, says Cornell's Dan Ralph, "We were having seri
ous doubts about the science." UCLA's Heath described how when a Schon pa
per would come out, he would get excited, but after a while "I would begin
worrying a little bit." Sohn, who worked with McEuen to make the matter pub
lic, says, "The data were too clean . They were what you'd expect theoretically,
not experimentally. People were getting frustrated because no one could repro
duce the results, and it was hitting a crescendo."
Many physicists now wonder about Schon's incredible productivity. "I am
guilty of extreme gullibility," says Nobel laureate Philip Anderson. "I have to
confess it. We should all have been suspicious of the data almost immediately."
Ramirez of Los Alamos says, "I find it hard to even read that many papers,
much less write them."
Why would Schan rush to publish dubious results if he knew others would
attempt to repeat his experiments? Perhaps, says Heath, Schon was "innocent
and naive:' like Utah's Fleischmann and Pons. One physicist gave voice to a
darker possibility: "If the results are fraudulent, Schon would have to have
some kind of psychological problem ."
Like other academic fields, physics polices itself through a peer review sys
tem. When a physicist submits a paper for publication, the editor sends it out
to be judged by specialists in the author's field. These referees recommend pub
lication (sometimes with revision ) or rejection. The system is designed to weed
out substandard work, and to improve promising submissions and make them
publishable. It's supposed to keep things honest.
Peer review also governs external funding. Experimental physicists need
labs to work in, and the equipment in a typical condensed-matter physics lab
Bi9 Trouble in the World ef "Bi9 Physics" 233
costs about a million dollars. Further funds are required for upkeep, and scien
tists and their staff need salaries. Universities maintain a lot of the country's
physics labs and pay much of the cost out of tuition and endowment income,
but an important part of any physics professor's job is to look for additional
funding. Corporations are one source, and in cases like Bell Labs, the parent
corporation pays most of the researchers' bills.
Perhaps the biggest single source of funding for scientific research is the
taxpayer. The federal government dispenses about $20 billion a year to scien
tists and mathematicians through numerous outlets. The National Science
Foundation is the most abundant source, awarding about $5 billion annually.
The Department of Defense also supports many a physics lab, as do NASA and
the Department of Energy. How does the government decide who gets the
money? It invites physicists to Washington to read their colleagues' grant appli
cations and make the j udgments. "There's a certain amount of trust in the
physicists;' said Jonathan Epstein, science advisor to New Mexico Sen. Jeff
Bingaman, chairman of the Senate Science and Energy Committee. The peer
review system is the means by which that trust is maintained.
The Schon affair has besmirched the peer review process in physics as never
before. Why didn't the peer review system catch the discrepancies in his work?
A referee in a new field doesn't want to "be the bad guy on the block;' says
Dutch physicist Teun Klapwijk, so he generally gives the author the benefit of
the doubt. But physicists did become irritated after a while, says Klapwijk, "that
Schon's flurry of papers continued without increased detail, and with the same
sloppiness and inconsistencies."
Some critics hold the journals responsible. The editors of Science and Na
ture have stoutly defended their review process in interviews with the London
Times Higher Education Supplement. Karl Ziemelis, one of Nature's physical
science editors, complained of scapegoating, while Donald Kennedy, who edits
Science, asserted that "there is little journals can do about detecting scientific
misconduct."
Maybe not, responds Nobel Prize-winning physicist Philip Anderson of
Princeton, but the way that Science and Nature compete for cutting-edge work
"compromised the review process in this instance." These two industry-leading
publications "decide for themselves what is good science-or good-selling sci
ence:' says Anderson (who is also a former Bell Labs director) , and their market
consciousness "encourages people to push into print with shoddy results."
Such urgency would presumably lead to hasty review practices. Klapwijk, a su
perconductivity specialist, said that he had raised objections to a Schon paper
sent to him for review, but that it was published anyway.
2 34 L E O NARD CASSUTO
Klapwijk points out that the duplicated figures were in separate papers that
weren't necessarily sent to the same people for vetting. But as one physicist ad
mits, "It's hard to criticize someone else's productivity without sounding like
you're full of sour grapes."
Another reason for the breakdown is the hypnotizing effect of reputation.
When the names of eminent people and places appear on the top of submitted
papers, says Florida physicist Hebard, "reviewers react almost unconsciously"
to their prestige. "People discount reports from groups that aren't well known;'
adds University of Maryland physicist Richard Greene.
"Part of the reason the work was accepted;' says Greene, was because
Schon's coauthor and one-time supervisor Bertram Batlogg put his impri
matur ( and that of Bell Labs) on it. Batlogg has been a respected superconduc
tivity physicist for more than two decades.
Batlogg left Bell Labs for a job in Switzerland before he became a cause
celebre. He now stands accused of harboring, if not abetting, scientific fraud.
In his only public pronouncement about the scandal, in a German magazine,
Batlogg said, "If I'm a passenger in a car that drives through a red light, then it's
not my fault."
Most other scientists feel very differently. "People don't want to hear this.
They want to hear a mea culpa. Batlogg allowed this to happen;' says Art
Ramirez of Los Alamos. "Batlogg signed on;' Hebard says. "He's a collaborator,
not a casual passenger. He's been benefiting all along, riding the public wave."
Adds Princeton's Sohn, "If a young driver has a learner's permit, then who's re
sponsible for him? Batlogg was the licensed driver, and Schon was the student
driver."
"If my student came to me with earth-shattering data, you wouldn't be able
to pry me out of the lab," says Rice University's Douglas Natelson. "I'd be in
there turning the knobs myself." Heath echoes this sentiment: "I'd sit down
there to see how this is being done. I 'd demand to see it several times."
Siegfried Grossman, head of a German research consortium, told a Ger
man publication that Batlogg is simply making excuses. Coauthors, Grossman
said, must take full responsibility for the contents of their publications. Sohn
says flatly, "I am responsible for what my students publish. If my name is going
to be on a paper, I want to make sure it's right."
Batlogg recruited Schon while Schon was still a graduate student. He
brought Schon into his lab. He sponsored Schon's experiments. And rather
than formally withdraw any papers he might have considered suspicious, he
gave many well-received talks at elite international conferences on the results.
Wonders one American physicist, "What did Batlogg know and when did he
Bi9 Trouble in the World oj "Bi9 Physics " 23s
know it? I don't see how he can work as a scientist any longer." Added Allen
Goldman of the University of Minnesota, " Batlogg's going to take his lumps on
this one."
What do we as a society expect from our scientists? We equate the scientific
method with abstract inquiry, but as biologist Stephen Jay Gould was fond of
pointing out, you have to be looking for something in the first place-and your
goal is bound to affect your search. Science, Gould suggested, involves a bal
ancing act between objective methods and subjective goals.
There is one shin ing rule, though: no cheating. Science, like any academic
field, demands scrupulous, rational honesty. "My goal may be to win a prize;'
says Nobel laureate Horst Stormer, "but my duty is to report what I have ob
served in the most objective way that I can. I say this in the strongest terms.
This is what I expect from my colleagues, from my graduate students, at all lev
els of the field."
American intellectual culture hasn't exactly been showcasing that sort of
rectitude and responsibility lately. The late Stephen Ambrose and Doris Kearns
Goodwin, two historians who admitted to plagiarism in their books, have seen
their individual reputations suffer for their acts, and they've tainted their disci
pline at the same time. Now we may have to make room for another in the pub
lic stocks. Schon, his colleagues say, is also risking the reputation of an entire
field.
Physicists everywhere are relying heavily on the Beasley committee to set
things right. Some hope to polish tarnished reputations. Christian Kloc, for ex
ample, is a chemist on the Schon team whose job was to supply tiny crystals for
the experiments. Kloc's work appears to be unrelated to the disputed data, but
as one physicist put it, "Who knows anymore?" But there is more at stake than
the careers of individuals. If the accusations turn out to be true, says Cornell's
Dan Ralph, "This is the biggest fraud in the history of modern physics."
McEuen, the man who helped to expose the problem, has confidence in the
investigation. Beasley himself is more circumspect. Acknowledging that the
physics community may be expecting more from his committee's report than
its mandate suggests, Beasley says only that "at the end of the day, we need to
demonstrate that we took this very seriously and that we did a good job."
More immediately, Dan Ralph of Cornell remains concerned about the ca
reers of younger physicists that may have been jeopardized, and by the unrelia
bility the whole system now shows. "Checks and balances didn't work the way
they should have;' he said. As a result, "The fallout from this will hurt," accord
ing to Hebard. Many fear that Bell Labs will not recover. Because Schon's re
sults are now suspect, Hebard and other scientists worry that funding for a
2 36 LEONARD CASSUTO
highly promising area will now dry up. But Hebard sees the effect of the scan
dal extending beyond the matter of organic superconductivity. "We thought we
were inviolate;' Hebard said. "Scientists are easy to fool because you believe
what your colleagues tell you. I would hope that the public wouldn't conflate
this with Enron and WorldCom, but it is inflating the profit statement:'
And when the news reaches the nation's high school physics classrooms?
"Science is scientists," said William Wallace, teacher and head of the science de
partment at Washington's Georgetown Day School. "It's a human activity."
Still, Wallace concedes that "A little trust is chipped away every time something
like this happens." Pointing to the "heroes I had growing up"-like Richard
Feynman, the maverick Nobel Prize winner who inspired generations of
physics students-Wallace notes that now "there's an incredible amount of
pressure on young and midcareer scientists. They always need to know where
the next grant is coming from." The result is "careerism;' not heroism or pur
suit of the truth. And that leaves the teacher with a question: "In the end, if
there isn't respect for scientific truth, then what have you got?"
D E N N IS OvERBYE
Stephen Hawkin9, perhaps the world 's mostfamous scientist, is known to the
worldfor his best-sellin9 books andfor his brilliant mind, undimmed by his
failin9 body. Jn the world ef physics he is known for somethin9 else-his
startlin9 discoveries about the nature ef those most mysterious celestial ob
jects, black holes. Thirty years qfter his key insi9ht, scientists are still 9rap
plin9 with its implications. Dennis Overbye reports on their proaress.
n the fall of 1973 Dr. Stephen W. Hawking, who has spent his entire profes
shop titled "The Future of Theoretical Physics and Cosmology:' the ideas
spawned by his calculation and its aftermath often took center stage.
They are ideas that touch on just about every bone-jarring abstruse con
cept in modern physics.
"Black holes are still fundamentally enigmatic objects:' said Dr. Andrew
Strominger, a Harvard physicist, who attended. "In fundamental physics, grav
ity and quantum mechanics are the big things we don't understand. Hawking's
discovery of black hole radiation was of fundamental importance to that con
nection."
Black holes are the prima donnas of Einstein's general theory of relativity,
which explains the force known as gravity as a warp in space-time caused by
matter and energy. But even Einstein could not accept the idea that the warp
ing could get so extreme, say in the case of a collapsing star, that space could
wrap itself completely around some object like a magician's cloak, causing it to
disappear as a black hole.
Dr. Hawking's celebrated breakthrough resulted partly from a fight. He was
hoping to disprove the contention of Jacob Bekenstein, then a graduate student
at Princeton and now a professor at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, that
the area of a black hole's boundary, the point of no return in space, was a mea
sure of the entropy of a black hole. In thermodynamics, the study of heat and
gases, entropy is a measure of wasted energy or disorder, which might seem like
a funny concept to crop up in black holes. But in physics and computer science,
entropy is also a measure of the information capacity of a system-the number
of bits that it would take to describe its internal state. In effect, a black hole or
any other system was like a box of Scrabble letters-the more letters in the box
the more words you could make, and the more chances of gibberish.
According to the second law of thermodynamics, the entropy of a closed
system always stays the same or increases, and Dr. Hawking's own work had
shown that the hole's surface area always increased, a process that seemed to
ape that law.
But Dr. Hawking, citing classical physics, argued that an object with en
tropy had to have a temperature, and anything with a temperature-from a
fevered brow to a star-must radiate heat and light with a characteristic spec
trum. If a black hole could not radiate, it could have no temperature and thus
no entropy. But that was before gravity, which shapes the cosmos, met quan
tum theory, the paradoxical rules that describe the behavior of matter and
forces within it. When Dr. Hawking added a touch of quantum uncertainty to
the standard Einsteinian black hole model, particles started emerging. At first
he was annoyed, but when he realized this "Hawking radiation" would have the
Hawkin9 's Breakthrou9h Is Still an Eni9ma 2 39
Wr i t i ng o n t h e Wa ll
others say this has yet to be accomplished-among them Dr. Strominger, who
added, "It remains an unsettled issue."
D e9rees ef Freedom
P E R H A P S T H E M O S T M Y S T E R I O u s and far-reaching consequence
of the exploding black hole is the idea that the universe can be compared to a
hologram, in which information for a three-dimensional image can be stored
on a flat surface, like an image on a bank card.
In the 1980s, extending his and Dr. Hawking's work, Dr. Bekenstein showed
that the entropy and thus the information needed to describe any object were
limited by its area. "Entropy is a measure of how much information you can
pack into an object;' he explained. "The limit on entropy is a limit on informa
tion."
This was a strange result. Normally you might think that there were as many
choices-or degrees of freedom about the inner state of an object-as there
were points inside that space. But according to the so-called Bekenstein bound,
there were only as many choices as there were points on its outer surface.
The "points" in this case are regions with the dimensions of 10-33 centime
ters, the so-called Planck length, that physicists believe are the "grains" of
space. According to the theory, each of these can be assigned a value of zero or
one-yes or no-like the bits in a computer.
"What happens when you squeeze too much information into an object is
that you pack more and more energy in;' said Rafael Bousso, a physicist at the
Kavli Institute for Theoretical Physics at the University of California, Santa
Barbara. But if it gets too heavy for its size, it becomes a black hole, and then
"the game is over;' as he put it. "Like a piano with lots of keys but you can't
press more than five of them at once or the piano will collapse:'
The holographic principle, first suggested by Dr. 't Hooft in 1993 and elabo
rated by Dr. Susskind a year later, says in effect that if you can't use the other pi
ano keys, they aren't really there. "We had a completely wrong picture of the
piano;' explained Dr. Bousso. The normal theories that physics uses to describe
events in space-time are redundant in some surprising and as yet mysterious
way. "We clearly see the world the way we see a hologram;' Dr. Bousso said. "We
see three dimensions. When you look at one of those chips, it looks pretty real,
but in our case the illusion is perfect."
Dr. Susskind added: "We don't read the hologram. We are the hologram."
The holographic principle, these physicists say, can be applied to any space
time, but they have no idea why it works.
242 DEN N IS 0VERBYE
" It really should be mysterious;' Dr. Strominger said. "If it's really true, it's a
deep and beautiful property of our universe-but not an obvious one:'
Th e Fron t i ers ef B e a u ty
T H AT B E A u T Y , however, comes at a price, said Dr. 't Hoo ft, namely cause
and effect. If the information about what we are doing resides on distant imag
inary walls, "how does it appear to us sitting here that we are obeying the local
laws of physics?" he asked the audience at the Hawking birthday workshop.
Quantum mechanics had been saved, he declared, but it still might need to
be supplanted by laws that would preserve what physicists call "naive locality."
Dr. 't Hooft acknowledged that there had been many futile attempts to
eliminate quantum mechanics' seemingly nonsensical notions, like particles
that can instantaneously react to one another across light-years of space. In
each case, however, he said there were assumptions, or "fine print;' that might
not hold up in the end.
Recent observations have raised the stakes for ideas like holography and
black hole information. The results suggest that the expansion of the universe
is accelerating. If it goes on, astronomers say, distant galaxies will eventually be
moving away so fast that we will not be able to see them anymore.
Living in such a universe is like being surrounded by a horizon, glowing
just like a black hole horizon, over which information is forever disappearing.
And since this horizon has a finite size, physicists say, there is a limit to the
amount of complexity and information the universe can hold, ultimately
dooming life.
Physicists admit that they do not know how to practice physics or string
theory in such a space, called a de Sitter space after the Dutch astronomer
Willem de Sitter, who first solved Einstein's equations to find such a space. "De
Sitter space is a new frontier;' said Dr. Strominger, who hopes that the tech
niques and attention that were devoted to black holes in the last decade will en
able physicists to make headway in understanding a universe that may actually
represent the human condition.
Dr. Bousso noted that it was only in the last few years, with the discovery of
D-branes, that it had been possible to solve black holes. What other surprises
await in string theory? "We have no idea how small or large a piece of the the
ory we haven't seen yet;' he said.
In the meantime, pt:rhaps in imitation of Boltzmann, Dr. Hawking de
clared at the end of the meeting that he wanted the formula for black hole en
tropy engraved on his own tombstone.
R I C H A R D C . LEWO N T I N
AN D RICHARD LEVIN S
A 9reat scientist who also strived to reach the wider public, Stephen Jay
Gould achieved the ni9h-impossible, doin9 9roundbreakin9 work in evolu
tionary biolo9y while writin9 essays and books ef9reat ele9ance and broad
popular appeal. In this appreciation ef his life and career, two ef his col
lea9ues at Harvard reflect on how Gould's work demonstrated the value ef
takin9 a radical approach to science.
I quickly that there was no hope of survival. He died on May 20, 2002, at the
age of sixty. Twenty years earlier, he had escaped death from mesothe
lioma, induced, we all supposed, by some exposure to asbestos. Although his
cure was complete, he never lost the consciousness of his mortality and gave
the impression, at least to his friends, of an almost cheerful acceptance of the
inevitable. Having survived one cancer that was probably the consequence of
an environmental poison, he succumbed to another.
The public intellectual and political life of Steve Gould was extraordinary,
if not unique. First, he was an evolutionary biologist and historian of science
whose intellectual work had a major impact on our views of the process of evo-
RICHARD c. LEWONTIN AND RICHARD LEVINS
lution. Second, he was, by far, the most widely known and influential expositor
of science who has ever written for a lay public. Third, he was a consistent po
litical activist in support of socialism and in opposition to all forms of colo
nialism and oppression. The figure he most closely resembled in these respects
was the British biologist of the 1930s, J. B. S. Haldane, a founder of the modern
genetical theory of evolution, a wonderful essayist on science for the general
public, and an idiosyncratic Marxist and columnist for The Daily Worker who
finally split with the Communist Party over its demand that scientific claims
follow Party doctrine.
What characterizes Steve Gould's work is its consistent radicalism. The
word radical has come to be synonymous with extreme in everyday usage:
Monthly Review is a radical journal to the readers of The Progressive; Steve
Gould underwent radical surgery when tumors were removed from his brain;
and a radical is someone who is out in left (or right) field. But a brief excursion
into the Oxford English Dictionary reminds us that the root of the word radical
is, in fact, radix, the Latin word for root. To be radical is to consider things from
their very root, to go back to square one, to try to reconstitute one's actions and
ideas by building them from first principles. The impulse to be radical is the
impulse to ask, "How do I know that?" and, "Why am I following this course
rather than another?" Steve Gould had that radical impulse and he followed it
where it counted.
First, Steve was a radical in his science. His best-known contribution to
evolutionary biology was the theory of punctuated equilibrium that he devel
oped with his colleague Niles Eldridge. The standard theory of the change in
the shape of organisms over evolutionary time is that it occurs constantly,
slowly, and gradually with more or less equal changes happening in equal time
intervals. This seems to be the view that Darwin had, although almost anything
can be read from Darwin's nineteenth-century prose. Modern genetics has
shown that any heritable change in development that is at all likely to survive
will cause only a slight change in the organism, that such mutations occur at a
fairly constant rate over long time periods and that the force of natural selec
tion for such small changes is also of small magnitude. These facts all point to a
more or less constant and slow change in species over long periods.
When one looks at the fossil record, however, observed changes are much
more irregular. There are more or less abrupt changes in shape between fossils
that succeed each other in geological time with not much evidence for the sup
posed gradual intermediates between them. The usual explanation is that fos
sils are relatively rare and we are only seeing occasional snapshots of the actual
progression of organisms. This is a perfectly coherent theory, but Eldridge and
Stephen Jay Gould: What Does It Mean to Be a Radical? 245
Gould went back to square one, and questioned whether the rate of change un
der natural selection was really as constant as everybody assumed. By examin
ing a few fossil series in which there was a much more complete temporal
record than is usual, they found evidence of long periods of virtually no change
punctuated by short periods during which most of the change in shape ap
peared to occur. They general ized this finding into a theory that evolution oc
curs in fits and starts and provided several possible explanations, including
that much of evolution occurred after sudden major changes in environment.
Steve Gould went even further in his emphasis on the importance of major ir
regular events in the history of life. He placed great importance on sudden
mass extinction of species after collisions of large comets with the Earth and
the subsequent repopulation of the living world from a restricted pool of
surviving species. The temptation to see some simple connection between
Steve's theory of episodic evolution and his adherence to Marx's theory of his
torical stages should be resisted. The connection is much deeper. It lies in his
radicalism.
Another aspect of Gould's radicalism in science was in the form of his gen
eral approach to evolutionary explanation. Most biologists concerned with the
history of life and its present geographical and ecological distribution assume
that natural selection is the cause of all features of living and extinct organisms
and that the task of the biologist, insofar as it is to provide explanations, is to
come up with a reasonable story of why any particular feature of a species was
favored by natural selection. If, when the human species lost most of its body
hair in evolving from its ape-like ancestor, it still held on to eyebrows, then eye
brows must be good things. A great emphasis of Steve's scientific writing was to
reject this simplistic Panglossian adaptationism, and to go back to the variety
of fundamental biological processes in the search for the causes of evolution
ary change. He argued that evolution was a result of random as well as selective
forces and that characteristics may be the physical byproducts o f selection for
other traits. He also argued strongly for the historical contingency of evolu
tionary change. Something may be selected fo r some reason at one time and
then for an entirely different reason at another time, so that the end product is
the result of the whole history of an evolutionary line, and cannot be ac
counted for by its present adaptive significance. Thus, for instance, humans are
the way we are because land vertebrates reduced many fin patterns to four
limbs, mammals' hearts happen to lean to the left while birds' hearts lean to the
right, the bones of the inner ear were part of the jaw of our reptilian ancestors,
and it j ust happened to get dry in east Africa at a crucial time in our evolution
ary history. Therefore, if intelligent life should ever visit us from elsewhere in
2 46 RICHARD C. LEWONTIN AND RICHARD LEVINS
the universe, we should not expect them to have a human shape, suffer from
sexist hierarchy, or have a command deck on their spaceship.
Gould also emphasized the importance of developmental relations be
tween different parts of an organism. A famous case was his study of the Irish
elk, a very large extinct deer with enormous antlers, much greater in propor
tion to the animal's size than is seen in modern deer. The invented adaptation
ist story was that male deer antlers are under constant natural selection to
increase in size because males use them in combat when they compete for ac
cess to females. The Irish elk pushed the evolution of this form of machismo
too far and their antlers became so unwieldy that they could not carry on the
normal business of life and so became extinct. What Steve showed was that for
deer in general, species with larger body size have antlers that are more than
proportionately larger, a consequence of a differential growth rate of body size
and antler size during development. In fact, Irish elk had antlers of exactly the
size one would predict from their body size and no special story of natural se
lection is required.
None of Gould's arguments about the complexity of evolution overthrows
Darwin. There are no new paradigms, but perfectly respectable "normal sci
ence" that adds richness to Darwin's original scheme. They typify his radical
rule for explanation: always go back to basic biological processes and see where
that takes you.
Steve Gould's greatest fame was not as a biologist but as an explicator of
science for a lay public, in lectures, essays, and books. The relation between sci
entific knowledge and social action is a problematic one. Scientific knowledge
is an esoteric knowledge, possessed and understood by a small elite, yet the use
and control of that knowledge by private and public powers is of great social
consequence to all. How is there to be even a semblance of a democratic state
when vital knowledge is in the hands of a self-interested few? The glib answer
offered is that there are instruments of the popularization of science, chiefly
science journalism and the popular writings of scientists, which create an in
formed public. But that popularization is itself usually an instrument of obfus
cation and the pressing of elite agendas.
Science journalists suffer from a double disability: First, no matter how
well-educated, intelligent, and well-motivated, they must, in the end, trust
what scientists tell them. Even a biologist must trust what a physicist says about
quantum mechanics. A large fraction of science reporting begins with a press
conference or release produced by a scientific institution. "Scientists at the
Blackleg Institute announced today the discovery of the gene for susceptibility
to repetitive motion injury." Second, the media for which science reporters
Stephen jay Gould: What Does It Mean to Be a Radical? 247
work put immense pressure on them to write dramatic accounts. Where is the
editor who will allot precious column inches to an article about science whose
message is that it is all very complicated, that no predictions can be made, that
there are serious experimental difficulties in the way of finding the truth of the
matter, and that we may never know the answer? Third, the esoteric nature of
scientific knowledge places almost insuperable rhetorical barriers between
even the most knowledgeable journalist and the reader. It is not generally real
ized that a transparent explanation in terms accessible to the lay reader re
quires the deepest possible knowledge of the matter on the part of the writer.
Scientists, and their biographers, who write books for a lay public are usu
ally concerned to press uncritically the romance of the intellectual life, the
wonders o f their science, and to propagandize for yet greater support of their
work. Where is the heart so hardened that it cannot be captivated by Stephen
Hawking and his intellectual enterprise? Even when the intention is simply to
inform a lay public about a body of scientific knowledge, the complications of
the actual state of understanding are so great that the pressure to tell a simple
and appealing story is irresistible.
Steve Gould was an exception. His three hundred essays on scientific ques
tions, published in his monthly column in Natural History Magazine, many of
which were widely distributed in book form, combined a truthful and subtle
explication of scientific findings and problems, with a technique of exposition
that neither condescended to his readers nor oversimplified the science. He
told the complex truth in a way that his lay readers could understand, while en
livening his prose with references to baseball, choral music, and church archi
tecture. Of course, when we consider writing for a popular audience, we have
to be clear about what we mean by popular. The Uruguayan writer Eduardo
Galeano asked what we mean by writing for "the people" when most of our
people are illiterate. In the North there is less formal illiteracy, but Gould wrote
for a highly educated, even if nonspecialist, audience for whom choral music
and church architecture provided more meaningful metaphors than the scien
tific ideas themselves.
Most of the subjects Steve dealt with were meant to be illustrative precisely
of the complexity and diversity of the processes and products of evolution. De
spite the immense diversity of matters on which he wrote there was, under
neath, a unifying theme: that the complexity of the living world cannot b �
treated as a manifestation of some grand general principle, but that each case
must be understood by examining it from the ground up and as the realization
of one out of many material paths of causation.
In his political life Steve was part of the general movement o f the left. He
248 RICHARD C. LEWONTIN AND RICHARD LEVINS
was active in the anti-Vietnam War movement, in the work of Science for the
People, and of the New York Marxist School. He identified himself as a Marxist
but, as with Darwinism, it is never quite certain what that identification im
plies. Despite our close comradeship in many things over many years, we never
had a discussion of Marx's theory of history or of political economy. More to
the point, however, by insisting on his adherence to a Marxist viewpoint, he
took the opportunity offered to him by his immense fame and legitimacy as a
public intellectual to make a broad public think again about the validity of a
Marxist analysis.
At the level of actual political struggles, his most important activities were
in the fight against creationism and in the campaign to destroy the legitimacy
of biological determinism including sociobiology and racism. He argued be
fore the Arkansas State Legislature that differences among evolutionists or
unsolved evolutionary problems do not undermine the demonstration of evo
lution as an organizing principle for understanding life. He was one of the au
thors of the original manifesto challenging the claim of sociobiology that there
is an evolutionarily derived and hard-wired human nature that guarantees the
perpetuation of war, racism, the inequality of the sexes, and entrepreneurial
capitalism. He continued throughout his career to attack this ideology and
show the shallowness of its supposed roots in genetics and evolution. His most
significant contribution to the delegitimation of biological determinism, how
ever, was his widely read exposure of the racism and dishonesty of prominent
scientists, The Mismeasure of Man. Here again, Gould showed the value of go
ing back to square one.
Not content simply to show the evident class prejudice and racism ex
pressed by American, English, and European biologists, anthropologists, and
psychologists prior to the Second World War, he actually examined the pri
mary data on which they based their claims of the larger brains and superior
minds of northern Europeans. In every case the samples had been deliberately
biased, or the data misrepresented, or even invented, or the conclusions mis
stated. The consistently fraudulent data on IQ produced by Cyril Burt had al
ready been exposed by Leo Kamin, but this might have been dismissed as
unique pathology in an otherwise healthy body of inquiry. The evidence pro
duced by Steve Gould of pervasive data cooking by an array of prominent in
vestigators made it clear that Burt was not aberrant, but typical. It is widely
agreed that ideological commitments may have an unconscious effect on the
directions and conclusions of scientists. But generalized deliberate fraud in the
interests of a social agenda? What more radical attack on the institutions of
"objective" science could one imagine?
Stephen Jay Gould: Wh a t D oes It Mean to Be a Radical? 2 49
Being a radical in the sense that informs this memorial is not easy because
it involves a constant questioning of the bases of claims and actions, not only of
others, but also of our own. No one, not even Steve Gould, could claim to suc
ceed in being consistently radical, but, as Rabbi Tarfon wrote, "It is not incum
bent on us to succeed, but neither are we free to refrain from the struggle."
A b o u t t h e C o n tr i b u t o rs
NATA L I E A N G I E R , whose science writing for The New York Times won her the
1991 Pulitzer Prize, started her career as a founding staff member of Discover
magazine, where her beat was biology. In 1990 she joined the Times, where she
has covered genetics, evolutionary biology, medicine, and other subjects. Her
work has appeared in a number of major publications and anthologies, and she
is the author of three books: Na tural Obsessions, about the world of cancer re
search ( recently reissued in a new paperback edition) ; The Beauty of the
Beastly; and the national bestseller, Woman: An Intimate Geography, published
originally in 1999 and now available in paperback. She was the editor for
Houghton Mifflin's The Best American Science and Nature Writing 2002, and
she is currently working on a new book, The Canon: What Scientists Wish That
Everyone Knew About Science. She is also the recipient of the American Associa
tion for the Advancement of Science-Westinghouse Award for excellence in
science journalism and the Lewis Thomas Award for distinguished writing in
the life sciences. She lives in Takoma Park, Maryland, with her husband, Rick
Weiss, a science reporter for The Washington Post, and their daughter, Kather
ine Ida Weiss Angier.
''As children," she reports, "my younger brother and I sneaked in a middling
amount of junk television. I say 'sneaked' because, should my father happen on
us watching, say, Gilligan's Island or The Flintstones, he could match King Lear
252 A b o u t t h e Co n tr i b u t ors
in howling rage, once going so far as to throw a heavy object against the televi
sion screen. Yet through that cracked screen our entire family each week
watched the one show that my father loved: Star Trek-the original series, of
course. I, too, adored all things Enterprise : Bones McCoy and his eye bags, Cap
tain Kirk and his ever- ripping shirts, the cosmic love-ins, the beehive hairdos,
the Star Fleet-issue miniskirts.
"I wrote my story about interstellar space travel as a kind of paean to Star
Trek. Despite the seductive scenarios described in the story, I'm skeptical that
we'll get very far in our space travels, and more doubtful still that we will ever
encounter alien civilizations. The distances between stars are just too huge.
Nevertheless, I can't help wishing that someday, one of my descendents will
have cause to utter, in all seriousness, that magic command: 'Beam me up,
Scotty. Beam me up now.' "
PETER CANBY, the head of fact-checking at The New Yorker, is the author of
The Heart of the Sky: Travels Among the Maya. He has written articles and re
views relating to Latin America and the natural world for numerous publica
tions. In addition to traveling extensively throughout the world, he has worked
on a scallop dragger and built a solar-heated house. He lives in New York City.
"Since my trip through Nouabale-Ndoki, much has changed:' he says.
"There is now not just a road to Makao; Makao has become a logging depot
with Central African traders, prostitutes and wild price inflation. New sawmills
ring the park and a capillary network of logging roads creeps ever closer. So far,
however, thanks to outstanding cooperation between the Wildlife Conserva
tion Society (the primary park administrator) and Congolaise Industrielle des
Bois (the logging company that is cutting most of the land surrounding
Nouabale-Ndoki), the park itself has held up pretty well. But who knows how
long that will last? Nouabale-Ndoki's preservation is the result of a distress
ingly thin act of institutional faith.
" For this reason, several readers told me they found this piece depressing. I
hadn't thought of it that way. Consider that studies of the oldest Nouabale
N doki trees show a uniform age of a thousand or so years. Consider also that
the park's sandy streams contain numerous small, black, petrified oil-palm
nuts that have been carbon-dated to the same period. The fact that oil palms
are not indigenous to the Nouabale-Ndoki area and are a marker of West
African civilization leads researchers to suspect that the Nouabale-Ndoki river
valleys were settled and then abandoned a thousand years ago. By whom is not
at all clear. Everything changes. Everything is mysterious."
A b o u t t h e Con t r i b u t ors 2 _s- 3
cists, on the other hand, trust the system as a way of separating good work from
bad, and they want to protect it. Some of my sources wrote to me after Schon
was fired to express relief that peer review had worked after all. But had it? It
seems to me that Schon was exposed not by the formal peer review process, but
by conscientious whistle-blowers in his profession. The inability of his fellow
scientists to duplicate his results would presumably have come a cropper at
some point, but that hadn't happened yet. Who knows how long it would have
taken? And what about the next time?"
ATu L G AWA N D E has been a staff writer on medicine and science for The New
Yorker since 1998 and recently completed his surgical training. He is now a gen
eral and endocrine surgeon on the staff of the Brigham and Women's Hospital
in Boston and an assistant professor of health policy at the Harvard School of
2s6 A b o u t the Co n tr i b u t ors
science. As such, it represents very uniquely the drive we all have to ask ques
tions about Nature's mysteries and to try and answer them as best we can. This
essay is an effo rt to communicate my own personal drive, a scientific drive fu
eled by a sense of awe which is also much older than science!'
of science. 'Why Buy That Theory?' belongs to the last category. Michael Weis
berg, a young philosopher of science and a friend, invited me to a symposium
at the Philosophy of Science Association meeting in 2002, on the theme 'Causa
tion and Explanation in Chemistry: It was also high time for my next American
Scien tist column. I wrote 'Why Buy This Theory?' to . . . see where it would take
me, as I had trouble beginning my talk. And because I was inclined to fight a lit
tle with all too rational ways of looking at science by philosophers and scientists.
"What may not be so obvious is the personal conflict ( read: inconsistency)
revealed in this article. First of all, the success of my early theoretical work with
Woodward was based in substantial part on some risky predictions. Second, I
have made a good living teaching people in chemistry simple orbital pictures
of the driving forces for shape and reactivity. Respectful of complexity, I've still
simplified-some would say oversimplified-the world.
"But in 'Why Buy This Theory?' I set off, bang, by dismissing the impor
tance of risky predictions in theory acceptance. And I come out, desperately
trying to restrain myself, for complexity.
"Why am I fighting myself? Is it that I've just gotten older? And as one ages
one loses (some people do) the simple, strong convictions of the young? And
sees shades of gray, the shadows that lurk around simple worldviews.
"No doubt that's part of it. But also that I've learned something from the
ambiguity that gives a poem (or prose) meaning beyond simple meaning. That
I just know more chemistry, more stories. And more people, who make won
derful molecules and build ornate theories, blissfully ignoring the Ockham's
razor they idolize. People who give us the gift of new means of looking. Their
way there is rife with tension, paved with inconsistencies as they craft provi
sional ( all the while subtly claiming absolute) knowledge. Telling stories, not
fessing up to it, telling them anyway, because they have. Just people, perforce
fallible, relentlessly curious, driven to create the new."
JENNIFER KAHN writes about science and other subjects for Discover, Harper's
Magazine, and Wired magazine, where she is also a contributing editor. She is
based in Berkeley, California, and was recently awarded the American Academy
of Neurology's 2003 journalism fellowship.
"A decade ago," she writes, "as an undergrad in the Princeton physics de
partment, I remember seeing a crank letter pinned to the basement bulletin
board. It was a long letter, written entirely in capitals and very neat, asking
whether anyone knew about the government's ability to transmit radio mes
sages through silver fillings. What struck me at the time was how reasonable the
question was. Why couldn't fillings act like antennae at some frequency? I
About the Con tributors 2 _s- 9
mean, how would you account fo r voices that seemed to originate inside your
own head? Because I was in lab at the time, and struggling to explain the bizarre
data that my experiments inevitably generated, I had a lot o f sympathy for the
idea that rogue electromagnetic waves permeated the universe. They had to be
mostly undetectable, of course-but really, it would have explained a lot."
merly a senior editor at U. S. News & World Report, where he covered every
thing from paleontology to cybercrime. His work has appeared in The New
York Times Magazine, Harper's Magazine, Slate, The Washington Monthly, The
New Republic, The Christian Science Monitor, and Legal Affairs. He also writes
the "Mr. Roboto" technology column for The Village Voice. Koerner was named
one of the Columbia Journalism Review's "Ten Young Writers on the Rise" in
2002, and he recently won the National Headliner Award for magazine feature
writing. A 1996 graduate of Yale, he lives in New York City.
" 'Disorders Made to Order' was something of a mea culpa on my part;' he
writes. "As a novice journalist, I was assigned a story on the 'hidden epidemic'
of social anxiety disorder, a malady with which I was not familiar. An editor as
sured me that it was a seriously underreported phenomenon, and that the So
cial Anxiety Disorder Coalition could point my reporting in the right
direction. Indeed, the Coalition was only too willing to assist, eagerly providing
interview subjects, scientific data, and enough colorful anecdotes to fill several
magazines.
"Yet as I delved more deeply into the story, I began to sense the taint of
drug-industry money. The Coalition's flacks doubled as press agents for
SmithKline Beecham; the interviewees appeared in Paxil marketing videos;
and the scientific talking heads were all paid consultants of one pharmaceutical
giant or another. The kicker was the fact that the Coalition's creation was suspi
ciously timed to coincide with the Food and Drug Administration's approval of
Paxil to treat SAD. Rather than write a heartfelt portrait of extremely shy souls
who'd been helped by psychopharmacological treatment, I opted for a piece
that focused on the drug industry's sly marketing tactics-and vowed to write
a more in-depth account when I had the chance. It took three years to find a
magazine willing to indulge my little quest.
"The trick was to write something more substantial than a cynical take on
pharmaceutical flackery. Rather, we wanted to take a hard look at how the drug
industry not only sells pills, but diseases as well. It can take upwards of a decade
to discover and test a new drug; creating a new disorder, or expanding the pa
tient base for an old one, is a far more cost effective process. Creepier, too."
For the last forty years RICHARD C . LEWONTIN and RicHARD LEVINS have
worked in the same academic institutions, first at the University of Rochester,
then the University of Chicago, and currently at Harvard University. Richard
Lewontin is a population and evolutionary geneticist who has investigated the
forces operating on genetic variation in natural populations, and works in the
philosophy of science and in the political economy of agricultural research. He
A b o u t t h e Con t r i b u t ors 26 1
has been active in the radical science movement, including Science for the Peo
ple and the Sociobiology Study Group. At present he is research professor in
the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard. Richard Levins is an ex
farmer turned ecologist. His primary interest is the study of processes in com
plex biosocial systems. He has worked in evolutionary ecology and population
genetics with application to agriculture and public health, biomathematics,
and philosophy of science and has been active in the New World Agriculture
and Ecology Group and the New York Marxist School. At present he is a profes
sor of population sciences at the Harvard School of Public Health and works at
the Cuban Institute of Ecology and Systematics.
They write: "Over the last forty years we have worked both together and in
parallel to attempt to create a coherent evolutionary population biology, with
Dick Lewontin emphasizing the intricacies of genetic systems and Dick Levins
focusing more on ecology. We have also worked to promote a critical science,
aware of its insertion into the larger society, and a science politics that consid
ers the organization, uses, political economy, recruitment, socialization and in
ternal content of science. Our views on these matters are expressed in the
essays contained in The Dialectical Biologist.
"In both the scientific and the political sides of our efforts we intersected
with Steve Gould in many ways. He shared our view of the complex and histor
ically contingent nature of living systems and their evolution, and he was a po
litical ally. One or the other of us, or both, taught j ointly with Steve in courses
on evolution and on biology and society. We worked together with him in Sci
ence for the People and the Sociobiology Study Group, struggling against naive
biological determinism. All three of us shared a feeling of distance from many
of our colleagues and from Harvard as an institution. It seemed appropriate,
then, that the editor of the Monthly Review should ask us to write a joint me
morial to him."
S u sAN M1 Lms says she has learned to enunciate carefully when explaining
that she writes about organismal biology on the staff at Science News. She re
members as a kid fantasizing about becoming a nineteenth-century plant ex
plorer, but she ended up falling into journalism instead. After some initial
bouncing around various niches ( even working as magazine food editor for a
while, although she freely admits she's a dreadful cook) , she has focused on
writing about biology for magazines, newspapers, and wire services.
"I fret about creeping far-ism in the science press," she adds, "a subtle ten
dency to publish more stories about animals than about plants. I'm guilty of it
myself because I find it hard to convey botanical excitements that compete
A b o u t t h e Co n t r i b u t ors 263
with cute furry faces and weird habits of procreation. Thank heavens this proj
ect had plants doing things about as dramatically as they can, what with turn
ing fire-engine red and hovering on the brink of death, and thank heavens
especially for plant physiologists who're fun to talk to.
"I remember when molecular biology took over the world for a while dur
ing the last century, and if you wanted to fit in with the smart kids yo u admit
ted interest in ants and flowers and newts only as childhood memories. It's
such fun now to see the borders blurring and the molecular people talking to
the whole-organism people."
this piece-what is the right formula for finding a balance between these two
goals?-is nearly unanswerable, partly because you couldn't easily design a
study to answer it. In June 2000, while I wrestled with that question in my own
career, I suddenly came upon Collier's example. As a medical student at
Harvard, I remembered thinking of Collier as a quintessential example of a
curiosity-driven scientist-and here, right before my eyes, he was becoming a
champion of application-driven research. Vannevar Bush had envisioned this
conversion nearly fifty years ago. And the prospect of this happening within
the lifetime of a scientist was obviously heartening to a young biologist holed
up in a laboratory with mice-who hoped to someday practice medicine
among humans."
L1zA M u NDY is a staff writer for The Washington Post Magazine. She grew up
in Roanoke, Virginia, and received her undergraduate degree from Princeton
University and a master's in English literature from the University of Virginia.
Before coming to the Post she worked at the Washington City Paper, where,
among other topics, she wrote about the deaf pride movement at Gallaudet,
the world's only university for the deaf. There and at the Post, she has also writ
ten about ethics and reproductive technology. She has freelanced for Lingua
Franca, The Washington Monthly, Redbook, and Slate.
"It must be such a strange thing to be written about;' she writes. "I think
about this every time I report a magazine feature. For a private citizen, to agree
to be profiled requires a leap of faith; a surrendering of control; a willingness to
trust (and spend time with) a stranger whose job it is to ask intrusive ques
tions; a laying-open of your life to the judgment of the reading public. This is
true for anybody, but it was truer still for Sharon and Candy, who knew that
their efforts to have a deaf child would attract opinion from many quarters.
Sure enough, within days after the article appeared, their computer crashed
from the number of emails they received from around the world. Some mes
sages-from hearing and deaf alike-were critical. Many-from hearing and
deaf alike-were galvanized, thoughtful, enlightened, supportive. Throughout,
Sharon and Candy bore this scrutiny with graciousness and good humor, qual
ities that were severely tested when, shortly after his first birthday, their beloved
son died, tragically and unexpectedly, of pulmonary hypertension, a congenital
disease unrelated to his deafness. I hope that this story will now stand as a
memorial to Gauvin. Precisely because his mothers were brave enough to be
written about, and to let him be written about, his life touched more people
started more conversations, challenged more minds-than many that last
much longer."
A b o u t t h e Con t r i b u t ors 26s
sides his students, is likely to be his discovery in 1973 that black holes are not
really black and will in fact eventually explode due to quantum effects. A quar
ter of a century later that discovery is still reverberating; the tale of its adven
tures is an example of how the meaning of a powerful insight can change and
grow with time."
eluded in The Best American Essays 1993 and 2 000, The Best American Science
Writing 2000, The Best Spiritual Writing 2001, and The Art of the Essay 1999. He
lives in rural western Oregon with his wife, Beverly Hallberg.
" 'The Melody Lingers On' is from my book-in-progress, Fragmentary
Blue," he comments. "It's a memoir counterpointing the relentless destruction
of my mother's memory with the slow reassembling of fragments of my own
memory, which was shattered by brain damage following a viral illness. In the
year and a half since 'The Melody Lingers On' was written, my mother's condi
tion has continued to worsen, but song remains. There are fewer songs left
now, and their snatches of lyric or melody are even less coherent, but on occa
sion her face will still light up and her voice will fill the room for a moment."
"The Forest Primeval" by Peter Canby. Copyright © 2002 by Peter Canby. Reprinted by permission.
" "
First published in Harper's Magazine. 1491 by Charles C. Mann. Copyright © 2002 by Charles C.
Mann. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. First published in The Atlantic
Monthly. "The Learning Curve" by Atul Gawande. Copyright © 2002 by Atul Gawande. Reprinted by
kind permission of the author. All rights reserved. First published in The New Yorker. "A World of
Their Own" by Liza Mundy. Copyright © 2002, The Washington Post. Reprinted with permission.
"The Melody Lingers On" by Floyd Skloot. Copyright © 2002 by Floyd Skloot. Reprinted by permis
sion of the author. Originally published in Southwest Review. "The World's Numerical Recipe" by
Frank Wilczek. Copyright © 2002 by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Reprinted by per
mission of Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, from the issue titled,
"On Inequality," Winter 2002, Vol. 131, No. 1. "Emergent Realities in the Cosmos" by Marcelo Gleiser.
Adapted with permission of the Templeton Foundation Press from the forthcoming Spiritual Infor
mation: ioo Perspectives, edited by Charles L. Harper. Copyright © 2004 by the Templeton Founda
tion Press. "Scientists Reach Out to Distant Worlds" by Natalie Angier. Copyright © 2002 by The New
York Times Co. Reprinted with permission. "Here There Be Dragons" by Margaret Wertheim. Copy
right © 2002 by Margaret Wertheim. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of the author.
First published in the "Quark Soup" column of LA Weekly. "Notes from a Parallel Universe" by Jen
nifer Kahn. Copyright © 2002 by Jennifer Kahn. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of
the author. First published in Discover. "Shadow Creatures" by Michelle Nijhuis. Copyright © 2002 by
Michelle Nijhuis. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. First published in
High Country News. "You Dirty Vole" by Gunjan Sinha. Copyright © 2002 by Popular Science.
Reprinted by permission. "Stalking the American Lobster" by Trevor Corson. Copyright © 2002 by
Trevor Corson. Reprinted by permission of the Stuart Krichevsky Literary Agency, Inc. This article
o riginally appeared in The Atlantic Monthly in April 2002. "Fighting Chance" by Siddhartha Mukher
jee. Copyright © 2002 by The New Republic, LLC. Reprinted by permission of The New Republic.
"The Big Bloom" by Michael Klesius. Copyright © 2002 by the National Geographic Society.
Reprinted by permission of National Geographic Image Sales. Originally published in National Geo
graphic, July 2002. "Why Turn Red?" by Susan Milius. Reprinted with permission from Science News,
272 A ckno wled9 m e n ts
the weekly news magazine of science. Copyright © 2002 by Science Service. "The Mosquito's Buzz" by
Thomas Eisner. Copyright© 2002 by Thomas Eisner. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permis
sion of the author. First published in Wings, the journal of the Xerces Society. "Got Silk" by Lawrence
Osborne. Copyright© 2002 by Lawrence Osborne. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. First
published in The New York Times Magazine. "Disorders Made to Order" by Brendan I. Koerner. From
Mother Jones ( July/August 2002). Copyright © 2002 by the Foundation for National Progress. "An
Embarrassment of Chimpanzees" by Joseph D'Agnese. Copyright © 2002 by Joseph D'Agnese. All
rights reserved. Reprinted by kind permission of the author. First published in Discover. "Common
Ground" by Danielle Ofri. Copyright © 2002 by Danielle Ofri. All rights reserved. Reprinted by kind
permission of the author. First published in Tikkun. "Why Buy That Theory?" by Roald Hoffmann.
American Scientist, Vol. 91, pages 9-11. Copyright© 2002 by Sigma Xi , the Scientific Research Society.
Reprinted by permission of American Scientist, magazine of Sigma Xi , the Scientific Research Society.
"Big Trouble in the World of 'Big P hysics' " by Leonard Cassuto. Copyright © 2002 by Salon.com.
Reprinted with the permission of Salon.com. "Hawking's Breakthrough Is Still an Enigma" by Dennis
Overbye. Copyright © 2002 by The New York Times Co. Reprinted with permission. "Stephen Jay
Gould: What Does It Mean to Be a Radical?" by Richard C. Lewontin and Richard Levins. Copyright
© 2002 by Monthly Review Press. Reprinted by permission of Monthly Review Foundation.