Dissenting Dalit Voices

Journal of International Women's Studies
Volume 22
Issue 10 Casteing Gender: Intersectional Article 4
Oppression of Dalit women
October 2021
Dissenting Dalit Voices: An Analysis of Select Oral Songs of Dalit

Women in Kerala
Anne Placid
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Placid, Anne (2021). Dissenting Dalit Voices: An Analysis of Select Oral Songs of Dalit Women in Kerala.
Journal of International Women's Studies, 22(10), 31-44.
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Placid: Dissenting Dalit Voices
This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or
systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form
to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2021 Journal of International Women’s Studies.
Dissenting Dalit Voices: An Analysis of Select Oral Songs of Dalit Women in Kerala
By Anne Placid 1
Abstract
The caste and gender configurations in literary and socio-historic spheres that misrepresent
or eliminate Dalit women’s voices in mainstream chronicles uphold the notion that caste
subjugation has been unresponsively endured by Dalit women. This depiction of the gendered
caste subaltern in the mainstream narratives is interrogated and countered by the oral songs of
Dalit women in Kerala. This paper examines how the songs as the sites of the register of the voices
of Dalit women hold cultural and historic significance carrying the bearings of the Dalit feminist
standpoint. The oral songs which contain the feminist consciousness of the gendered caste
subaltern in the nascent form provide a lineage to contemporary Dalit feminist writings.
Keywords: Dalits, Dalit literature, Dalit oral tradition, Gendered caste subaltern, Caste patriarchy,
Dalit feminist standpoint, Subliminal protests.
Introduction
This inquiry and review of the Dalit oral tradition illuminates the sketching of the literary
map of the ‘banished’ and counters Gayatri Spivak’s observation that the subaltern cannot speak
(1988:283). The oral tradition of the subaltern simultaneously interrogates the un-representation
and misrepresentations of the caste subaltern in the mainstream and offers an exemption to the
notion that the caste subaltern is incapable of musings beyond mundane existence. Walter J. Ong’s
words are significant here: “oral cultures can produce amazingly complex and intelligent and
beautiful organizations of thought and experience” (1982: 57). Oral cultures energize the
contemporary literary engagements of the Dalits. Vansina’s definition of oral tradition as
“documents of the present” also inheriting “messages from the past” (1965: 10) underlines how,
far from being a thing of antiquity, oral traditions can engage with the contemporary world too.
Dalit women’s presence in oral renderings of the caste subaltern challenges the denial of
the gendered caste subaltern’s subjectivity and is also a lineage to Dalit feminism today. Although
there is an increased interest in the study of Dalit Literature, the area of Dalit Orature remains
vastly neglected by scholars. Though the relevance of Dalit Oral Tradition in Dalit Literature is
not properly investigated, even by the Dalit academics and critics, the fact remains that the
distinctive subversive voice and aesthetics of Dalit Literature is inspired by its oral roots.
Oral tradition—being the principal mode of literary transmission before the nineteenth
century—has profoundly molded the Indian literary sensibility, poetics of composition, and the
conventions of literary reception. Unlike the western tradition, literacy was not equated with
knowledge or wisdom, while primacy was accorded to the oral forms. Though western modes of
1
Anne Placid is an Associate Professor and Head of the Department of English at Government College Thrissur in
Kerala. She is a part-time Ph.D. Scholar working in the field of Dalit Oral Literature at Kerala University,
Thiruvananthapuram, India. She has published several research articles.
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Journal of International Women’s Studies Vol. 22, No. 10 October 2021
Published by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University, 2021 1
Journal of International Women's Studies, Vol. 22, Iss. 10 [2021], Art. 4
composition emphasized the fixed nature and stability of the written word, the primacy of oral
tradition is attested by the rich corpus of literary artifacts that exist in the realm of orality across
the globe. Much of the oeuvre in the written tradition has been inspired by the oral tradition across
world literature. The ancient Greek oral epic Odyssey, for example, profoundly influenced many
great works of Western literature like James Joyce's Ulysses (1920), Kazantzakis The Odyssey: A
Modern Sequel (1938), Joseph Campbell’s The Hero With A Thousand Faces (1949), to mention
only a few, and it continues to inspire contemporary literature across the world.
In regional works of literature in India, the influence of orality in the mainstream tradition
is well recognized and has been a popular subject of academic interest. Malayalam literature is no
exception. On the thematic, stylistic, and aesthetic fronts, mainstream literary texts have clearly
been influenced by oral traditions. In fact, as G N Devy, the noted linguist and cultural activist,
observes, the classification of literature into oral and written streams is itself arbitrary:
A close analysis of any significant ‘written’ work of literature will indicate that it
has internalized and consciously foregrounded features ‘of spoken language, such
as speech rhythms, conversational tones, and musical tonality, dialects, and
regional styles. Similarly, no composition belonging to a given oral tradition is free
of linguistic self-consciousness: and devices serving to aid memory, such as pauses
and stops or ‘punctuation’, allusions to earlier compositions and texts, and even
stylistic clues that help in the exploration of the authorial imagination are all
features of written literature. (2010: 30)
Thus, the written text always carries traces of orality, just as an oral form has many specifications
of textuality.
Marginality of Orality
Though all languages are musical and undoubtedly stem from orality, the epistemological
affiliations, and the prevalent notions of acceptance by the ‘cultured’ relegate the diverse oral
traditions to the background. The constant communion with the cognitive and linguistic devices of
the written tradition prompts one to think that the verbal and cognitive patterns involved in oral
tradition are too simple to be valued and recognized. For instance, in his book, Of Grammatology,
Derrida argues that orality shouldn’t be valued more than the written word (1998:43). This
situation of linguistic subalternity is accentuated when it comes to the case of the caste subalterns.
Caste discrimination with its associated discriminative tools spread over the economic, cultural,
and social spheres makes the lower castes more and more invisible. This being the prevalent
attitude to the oral tradition, the caste subaltern has to fight for the recognition and preservation of
their cultural artifacts located in orality.
Significance of Dalit Orality

G.N. Devy, in his book After Amnesia, explains how the death of an oral language leads to
the extinction of a community itself, especially if it is a fragile one. According to him, the
expression of native imagination and cultural identity is deeply tied to the oral tongues, where the
tongue becomes a signifier of the essence of the community and the vanishing of an oral tongue is
akin to the vanishing of that speaking community itself. Devy explains how each tongue holds a
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Journal of International Women’s Studies Vol. 22, No. 1 February 2021
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unique world view—one’s perception of time, space, relationship with oneself, society, nature,
and God. Devy’s observation is relevant in the context of the Dalit communities in India. The
neglect of the oral traditions of the caste subaltern amounts to the effacement of the community
itself, especially so in the absence of written historical records of the same. Oral traditions involve
the society instead of the individual for they are historical documents of a social nature inscribed
and preserved in the memories of the members of society, transmitted by word of mouth from
person to person. They also imply a collective nature as the collective memory of the society is the
repertoire of the community's wisdom and experience which is transmitted to the next generation
and aids in the construction of the social and cultural history of the society. It is the perception of
society that unfolds through oral renderings. Undoubtedly, a shared experiential world is implied
in oral renderings.
The World of Dalits’ Orature

The caste subaltern has a rich oral tradition that enshrines their various streams of
knowledge, experiences, world views and attitudes, hopes, even in despicable situations, their grit
to go against the odds, and oblique expressions of anger and resentment against the caste center.
The oral renderings of the Dalits are mirrors held up to their life because, as Poikayil Appachan
(1879-1939), the pioneering Dalit poet lamented:
About my race
I see no alphabet
Oh, that there was no one

In the ancient world
To write the story of my race. (Dasan 2012: 5)
The cultural hegemony of the caste system ostracized Dalits from the world of letters and literacy,
rendering them invisible in history. Dalit folk literature in Malayalam—consisting of songs, tales,
dramas, legends, myths, and proverbs—have immense historical and anthropological significance
and aids to reconstruct the history of subaltern castes in South India until the very end of the
medieval period.
The art forms of the upper castes and the Dalits in Kerala reveal the socio-economic and
cultural contexts of their production. The polished elite art forms like Koothu 2, Koodiyattom 3, and
Kathakali 4 took birth from life circumstances of high castes who exist in affluence and leisure. For
instance, sometimes Kathakali performances extend over several days since the upper caste
audience has enough free time, compared to Dalits who toil in the fields of upper-caste landlords
and have little free time. Since the high castes lived at the expense of Dalit people’s labor, they
had enough leisure for the enjoyment of their art forms. In the case of Dalits, their literary forms—
especially the oral songs—were not mere literature, but life itself. They sprang from their everyday
2
Kooth is a solo socio-religious narrative performance held in Koothambalam (theatre hall in temples for staging
Kooth), independently or as part of Koodiyattom.
3
Koodiyattom is a traditional performing art form of Kerala dating back to the Sangam era consisting of the
elements of theatre and Kooth.
4
Kathakali is the official art form of Kerala. It is a classical 'story play' genre of art distinguished by elaborately
colorful make-up, costumes, and face masks.
33
work and folk culture and were part of their ritualistic expressions. Dalit oral songs rely on content
rather than structure. They served as a means of reducing the hardship of their toil. Since they were
the reflection of life itself, they could not be detached art forms where the speaker or the singer
was the experiencer. Since the creative expressions of the lower castes existed in the sphere of
orality, they did not have such serious thoughts related to its polishing and perfection as there was
no need to do so.
Women in Dalit Orality

While all oral expressions are marginalized and excluded from the canon of literature, the
Dalit oral expressions are doubly marginalized because of the discrimination and stigma attached
to the aspect of caste. Further, most of the Dalit literary expressions reflect the prerogatives of the
male members of the community, while women’s presence in these expressions is nominal. Dalit
women get only a token representation in Dalit literary works. For example, autobiography, a
popular genre of Dalit literature, is the forte of male writers who express their struggles, sufferings,
and identity crises while they are mostly silent about the plight of Dalit women. The oeuvre of
Dalit literature is scant in the representation of the varied realities of Dalit women. Though the
male Dalit writers are vociferous about Dalit woman’s oppression by caste patriarchy, they are
silent about the oppression from the Dalit patriarchy. Gopal Guru notes how Dalit patriarchy
replicates the value system of caste patriarchy in oppressing Dalit women:
It is not only caste and class identity but also one’s gender positioning that decides
the validity of an event. Dalit men are reproducing the same mechanisms against
their women, which the high-caste adversaries had used to dominate them. The
experience of Dalit women shows that local resistance within the Dalits is
important. (2003: 83)
In a society in which women fight against the structures of gender and Dalits fight against the
structures of caste, Dalit women must fight against both, and sometimes against upper caste
women as well. Hence, Dalit women are triply marginalized, and their position is at the bottom of
society. As mentioned earlier, while Dalit oral-literary expressions are doubly marginalized, those
of Dalit women are triply marginalized. Contemporary Dalit feminist writings that fight oppressive
social mechanisms can find a lineage in Dalit women's oral renderings against the caste center and
thereby offer an epistemological resistance to their triple marginalization.
The voice of the gendered caste subaltern in the oral songs of Dalits traverses the
invisibility of Dalit women of yesteryear in the literary canon. The Dalit oral songs are mostly
sung by women at their workplace, for recreation, for relieving the tedium of physical work, etc.
They register Dalit women’s dissenting voices, their struggle with the power structures of the
society. They bring to light the selfhood of the Dalit women, which is nowhere else recorded or
registered.
34
Community Songs
Among the oral songs of the Dalit community in Kerala, the work songs of the Pulayas 5
and the Parayas 6 are prominent. These songs detail the excruciating experiences of a community-
driven away from the centers of power and caste. They belong to the category of community songs.
“Aiyilandi Kunnalari” (Kunnalari of Aiyilandi), “Kaalipulayi” (Pulaya girl named Kaali),
“Cherupulayi” (Little Pulaya girl), “Omanathampuran” (Dear Landlord), “Munyalan Padathe
Kunnalechi (Kunnalechi of Munyalan field)” are some of the songs sung by the women of the
community as the Krishippattu 7 that showcases the experiences of the Dalit women of the feudal
times. The singer in “Aiyilandi Kunnalari” unambiguously exposes the double standards of the
Aiyilandi Moothampuran 8, who while summoning the Dalit woman for work in the fields, does
not forget to mention the age along with the number. While Kunnalari 9 and her companions start
their work in the fields, the Thampuran 10 reaches there and with his honey words directs Kunnalari
to come near him:
Want to chew betel leaf ...….. Theyyam tharo 11

I will chew if you give…… Theyyam tharo
Then you come along …… Theyyam tharo. (Sajitha 2012: 19. Trans. Mine)
She is asked to enter his house, to serve food for him, and later to sleep with him. We hear the
mutterings and controlled laughter of the Dalit women in the songs that mock the caste sense of
purity and pollution of the lecherous upper-caste male:
The Thampuran who bathes on touching the male

The Thampuran who doesn’t bathe on touching the female. (Sajitha 2012: 19.
Trans. Mine)
Another song in the same vein is “Omanathampuran” (“Dear Landlord”). Here the derisive
finger is pointed at the lewd designs of the landlord. He leaves the rows of unattractive old women
and casts his lascivious eyes on the young women on the fields. The song “Kaalipulayi” (Pulaya
girl named Kaali) issues a warning to beware of the landlords who desert young Dalit women after
satisfying their sexual needs. The landlord who approaches Neelipulayi 12 finds her husband
Pulayan 13 as a hindrance. So, he illuminates her on the way to killing her husband. The Pulayan
dies after consuming poison mixed rice served to him by his wife. The treachery of the landlord is
later understood by her, and she realizes that she had followed hollow promises:
5
Pulayas are a low caste group found in the South Indian states of Kerala, Karnataka as well as historical Tamil
Nadu.
6
Parayas are a low caste group found in the south Indian states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu.
7
Krishippattu are songs sung by the lower caste community, especially women, at the time of various activities in
the field such as sowing and reaping to relieve the tedium of their toil.
8
Moothampuran means the eldest landlord.
9
Kunnalari is the name of a dalit girl belonging to the place called Ayilandi.
10
Thampuran is the feudal landlord.
11
Theyyam tharo is a common refrain sung by a chorus in popular Dalit oral genres like Vella pattu (songs sung by
fishermen) and Krishipattu.
12
Neelipulayi - Pulaya girl named Neeli
13
Pulayan is the common name of men belonging to the low caste pulaya community.
35
The seed-filled granary is not there for me Kaali 14

The dish and goblet is not there for me Kaali
The coconut groves are not there for me Kaali ……
You too search for your own ways (Sajitha 2012: 19. Trans. Mine).
The song is highly evocative of the life circumstances of Dalit women and contains a warning and
a means of self-defense. The song can be a shield for the beautiful Dalit woman who is precariously
exposed to the sexual advances of the caste higher-ups. The song appears as a piece of advice from
an elderly woman for the younger ones to protect chastity and advice for the women of a
community that cannot intellectually or physically challenge the caste dominance.
The song “Munyalan Padathe Kunnalechi” (Kunnalechi of Munyalan field), takes a step
further. The landlord comes asking for betel leaves from Kunnalechi 15, asking who is reaping the
field. Her friends then remind her to ask the landlord:
When comes and becomes close, ask

Will he marry to make you his wife. (Sajitha 2012: 20. Trans. Mine)
Her friends very well know that Kunnalechi’s question will surely unsettle the lustful landlord.
The song “Cherupulayi” (Little pulaya girl) climbs another scale, for, Cherupulayi does not allow
the landlord to come even near her. Though he wants to keep her under his olakkuda (parasol) and
to satisfy his desire for her, he is apprehensive of the common folk’s opinion. Her jingling bangles
will reveal his sexual intent. So, he asks her to remove her bangles:
Remove your bangles

And come under my parasol dear. (Sajitha 2012: 20. Trans. Mine)
To this invitation of the landlord, the Dalit woman snaps back, revealing her inner strength:
Parasol for me today

But bangles for me always. (Sajitha 2012: 20. Trans. Mine)
The same is her retort when the landlord asks her to remove her earrings. She unequivocally states
that she doesn’t need the momentary comfort and safety of being the concubine of the landlord. It
is her bangles’ jingle that she values more, the freedom and dignity of self that are important.
It is the voice of the strong-willed Dalit woman that is heard from these oral songs. The
songs were the ways of making sense of the difficult situations in which Dalit women often found
themselves in and how they protected themselves. The oral songs were a way of mitigating the
distressing experiences of the gendered caste subaltern. Such songs stemmed from the special
freedom granted by the landlords to the gendered caste subaltern. The songs are devoid of the
emotions of revenge or self-pity and are mostly dominated by the spirit of satire.
Many of the folk songs express the lechery of the landlords and expose their double
standards regarding the Dalit body. The caste codes demanded the Dalit body to be perceived as a
14
Kali is the black Hindu goddess, the horrible destroyer of evil who wrecks terror. She is the chief of the Mahavidyas,
a group of ten Tantric goddesses, a consort of Lord Shiva, "The Destroyer" within the Trimurti (The name Kali is very
common among Dalit women in Kerala).
15
Kunnalechi is the name of a girl belonging to a low caste community.
36
polluting one, the sight of which had to be shunned for fear of defilement. At the same time, while
the Dalit male body, which was thought to represent physical prowess, whetted the sexual desires
of the upper caste women, the Dalit female body was viewed as the object of sexual gratification
of the upper caste male. The Dalit folk song “Enne Nokkaruthe” (“Don’t Look at Me”) presents
such a situation. The son of the landlord casts his lustful eyes on the young Dalit woman who is
working in the fields. The young beautiful Pulayi 16 is busily engaged in the weeding activity in
the field. The vulnerability of the Dalit woman is etched in the song. The following lines
unmistakably express the helplessness and precarious position of the Dalit woman:
I have been given a vast field

Full of weeds and screw-pine
Don’t stare at me
Look straight
The young son of my landlord
If I don’t finish the weeding today
I won’t get my wages
If you show me the Anantapuram forest
I shall go and hide there. (Chandran 2004: 14. Trans. Chandramohan)
Though in the form of a plea, the poem contains an implicit expression of resentment.
“Theendalu Jaathiyaane” (“I am an Untouchable”) takes the form of a dialogue. Here also,
the lewd designs of the landlord towards the young Dalit woman are in focus. The landlord, in his
attempt to seduce the Dalit woman, invites her inside his house in the absence of his wife. He asks
the Dalit woman to come and sit close to him on the golden mat. The words of the woman in reply,
couched in sarcasm, are an interrogation of the double standards of the caste patriarchy. It holds
up to ridicule the cunningness of the politics of inclusion and exclusion. The same subaltern body
which is ‘shunned’ as the locus of pollution is ‘included’ for carnal gratification:
If I sit on the golden mat

Won’t the landlady see me?
For sitting on the golden mat
Aren’t I of an untouchable caste? (Chandran 2004: 16. Trans. Chandramohan)
To this question of the woman, the landlord’s answer is evasive as expected:
If you are of an untouchable caste

Isn’t there a pond to bathe? (Chandran 2004: 16. Trans. Chandramohan)
The same spirit of bitter sarcasm animates the song “Ippol Aithamilla” (“No Untouchability
Now”):
Thampuran 17 stealthily came at night

Came out also the lovely dame
In daylight, he never comes here
16
Pulayi is the common name of women belonging to the low caste Pulaya community.
17
Thampuran is the feudal landlord
37
It is defiling for him in daylight. (Chandran 2004: 93. Trans. Mine)
The theme of lechery of the caste lords and the subsequent sexual exploitation of the Dalit women
are also the focus of the songs like “Ippol Aithamilla” (“No Untouchability Now”) and “Avalum
Vannu” (“It befell her too”). The song “Avalum Vannu” unveils the foul-faced morality of the
feudal times where a newlywed Pulaya woman falls prey to the sexual advances of the landlord.
Hearing about her, the landlord summons her for the work in the fields and the fate of all other
beautiful lower caste women befalls her.
The mentioned community songs of Dalits provide valuable insights into the working of
feudal landlordism, which was the reigning social and economic order of Kerala during the
medieval period which continued until the late 19th century. As evident from the songs, feudalism
was caste-oriented and thrived extricating the surplus value of Dalit's labor power. Dalits worked
in the fields of upper castes like slaves, and in addition to brutal economic exploitation, Dalit
women were subjected to sexual abuse by the caste patriarchy. The absence of any reference to
their male counterparts in the Dalit women's songs suggests the powerlessness of Dalit men. They
could do nothing to protect their women from high caste sexual advances. Although suggestive of
the vulnerability of the Dalit women, the songs are also evocative of the ability of Dalit women to
talk back; one can hear their subliminal protests against the oppressive system.
Thottam Songs
Yet another category of Dalit folk songs that carry Dalit woman’s presence is the Thottam
songs. Thottam songs are the ritualistic songs sung by the Theyyakolams 18, who play the role of
deities in Theyyam 19 performances. As K.K.N. Kurup says, "during the very dawn of human
history heroes were given a respectful place in society, and even after their demise, they were
generally deified and worshipped by the people” (1977: 37). Though this was spoken in the context
of the upper caste people, a few lower caste heroes and heroines also were deified and venerated.
The cultural artifacts of the marginalized community are never recognized and valued by
the mainstream tradition, and they fail to find a place in the canon. But even when many Dalit
intellectuals lament the fact that Dalits lack cultural capital, the cultural artifacts like the Theyyam
stand in relief. Here, it is interesting to note that while the human beings are denied acceptance by
the mainstream culture, the Dalit Gods get accepted by the upper castes, and the human beings
who get possessed are also venerated and treated with awe. They interfere in the religious matrix
of the upper castes and challenge, deconstruct, or undermine the mainstream mythology. The upper
castes tried to appropriate the lower caste deities as can be seen in the case of the Theyyam
performance, especially in Northern Kerala. Earlier, the performance which was confined to the
kavus (groves) now has come to be performed in the upper-caste households. Upper-castes who
used the physical prowess of the lower castes were afraid of the wrath of the lower caste deities
Theyyakolams are those who play the role of deities in Theyyam performances.
18
Theyyam is the traditional, ritualistic mask dance performed by the lower castes, especially in the northern part of
19
Kerala. It is a powerful presence in the social matrix of Kerala.
38
like Chathan 20 , Kali 21 , etc. For the lower castes who did not have the space to express their
frustration and anger against the caste center, the fiery deities were a sort of catharsis. The lineage
of the deities like Neeli and Kali continues even to the modern age in the form of blood sucking
Yakshis (female vampires) in films and novels.
Theyyam (also known as Theyyattom or ‘dance of God’ is a traditional ritualistic
performing art form of lower castes of northern Kerala) disrupts the usual codes of pollution and
purity because the upper castes, who consider even the sight of a lower caste as polluting, bow
before the Theyyakolams (those who play the role of deities in Theyyam performances). Thus
Theyyam, though obliquely, boosts up the Dalit identity by foregrounding the Dalit myths. It goes
a long way in asserting and reinstating Dalit identity. Moreover, many of the Thottam songs
contain strong indictment and criticism against the iniquities and absurdities of the caste system.
The prominent Theyyams like Puli Maranna Thondachan Theyyam, Pottan Theyyam, Aippalli
Theyyam, Neeliyar Bhagavati Theyyam are vehicles for expressing the suppressed emotions of a
trampled down community.
Neeliyar Bhagavati Theyyam is based on the story of Neeli, the daughter of Kunjikkaali
and Chathan. She is condemned to be sacrificed after being accused of sexual depravity. Neeli falls
prey to the vengeance of the lord of Elamura, since the latter’s licentious advances are rejected by
her. The story narrated from the perspective of Neeli’s parents exposes the heartless caste dictates
of the times. Kunjikkaali interrogates her husband Chathan, sensing his mental and emotional
distress. After much persuasion, Chathan reveals the heart-breaking news to his wife that their dear
daughter has to be sacrificed the next day:
Kunju 22 Neeli of Neelimala

Our darling Kunju Neeli
The first and the last child
The boon of the god of the hill
………………………………
A loving girl born like that
Faces charges of sexual depravity
Four lords from four feudal families
Will assemble at the holy grove
I am told to bring Neeli there
Tomorrow at 10.30 am
And kill her at the stone altar
To sacrifice Neeli for the god
I am to cut my Neeli to pieces. (Nair 1979: 31. Trans. Chandramohan)
The grief-ridden Chathan and Kunjikkaali cannot sleep that night. Early morning Chathan wakes
up Neeli and asks her to bathe, wear new clothes, and follow him to the sacred grove to make an
offering to God. He also asks Neeli to take a machete with her. With tear-filled eyes, Chathan sees
20
Chathan is a negative spirit of Lord Shiva "The Destroyer" within the Trimurti. According to legends, Chathan is
born out of the relationship between Lord Shiva and a tribal woman. (The name Chathan is very common among
Dalit men in Kerala).
21
Kali is the black Hindu goddess, the horrible destroyer of evil who wrecks terror. She is the chief of the
Mahavidyas, a group of ten Tantric goddesses. A consort of Lord Shiva, "The Destroyer" within the Trimurti (The
name Kali is very common among Dalit women in Kerala).
22
Kunju – Child, a word often denoting endearment as is used here.
39
the Nair 23 lords from the four feudal families assembled at the grove to witness the sacrifice. Neeli
approaches the stone altar like a “helpless deer” (32) and places her head on the stone. Wailing in
agony and with prayers to God, Chathan strikes Neeli’s head with the machete. Miraculously Neeli
turns into a stone statue. While Chathan falls unconscious on the ground, the Nair lords and the
village who witness this are filled with fear and become speechless. Neeli’s voice is heard from
the sky:
Nobody is alive today on the earth

Who can accuse me of acts of sexual depravity and kill me (Nair 1979: 33. Trans.
Chandramohan).
The transformation of Neeli validates her innocence and she is deified. Neeli becomes Neeliyar
Bhagavathy Theyya Kolam (Goddess Neeliyar). Through the not-so-violent yet strong resistance
of Neeli, Neeliyama Thottam is inscribed in the Kerala social conscience as the loud declaration
of the pride, pluck, and determination of the Dalit woman, interposing the conventional mentality
of viewing the Dalit woman as a mere sexual object.
Narrative Songs
There are narrative songs in the oral tradition which are popular among the Dalits that
glorify valorous feats of the heroes and heroines in the Dalit community. Vadakkan Pattukkal 24
belong to this category of narrative songs. But, here Dalit presence and representation are sparse.
The prevalent notion that “nattilperumollathu naduvazhikku” (“the lord deserves the best”) was
extended to include the case of women, and the naduvazhi 25 held that he deserves the beautiful
women in the land also. Against these forays into their self-esteem and individuality, the resistance
made by women finds expression in the Vadakkan Pattukal. Some of the songs showcase the
defiant spirit, though a subdued one of the lower caste women also. Archcha, the wife of the
ordinary toddy tapper Karumparambil Kannan, raises her fingers against the malicious social law
of naduvazhi system. She disguises her husband as a Brahmin (priestly caste) and sends him to
naduvazhi’s house to take revenge upon the latter. On realizing the true identity of Kannan, the
naduvazhi sentences him to death by hanging. Archcha, who reaches the scene minces no words
in condemning the wicked deeds of the naduvazhi as is evinced by the song:
Adyamkayaranam thamburanum
Pinneyumallo Kannanthanum
Adyam pizhayangu theerthuthannal
Pinnapizhanjanum theerthutharam (Panikkotty 2006: 21). (Translation of the
song is given in the footnote) 26
23
Kshatriya is a warrior caste
24
Vadakkan Pattukkal is a set of ballads popular in Northern Kerala that depicts the valorous feats of the heroes and
heroines of the Malabar region.
25
Naduvazhi means landlords and descendants of the royal household in Kerala.
26
Thampuran is to be hanged first/Then should Kannan be punished/Thampuran is to be penalized first/Then should
I pay the penance.
40
Archcha categorically states that naduvazhi must be punished first before awarding punishment to
Kannan. The strong indictment is against the male-dominated and caste-dominated society
represented by the naduvaazhi wielding power.
Another popular song is “Poomathai Ponnamma” which is again a loud declaration of the
self-pride and courage of a Dalit woman who eventually gets deified. While the Dalit woman is
viewed as a mere body to quench the lust of the upper caste male, Ponnamma emerges as the
personification of vitality, courage, and self-pride in the song. Ponnamma, the beautiful and
intelligent Pulaya girl, is employed in the household of the ruler of Kadalumkara:
If Poomathai 27 Ponnamma sings a song

The blooms will have fragrance and honey
If anyone listens to Poomathai Ponnamma’s song
His whooping cough and swelling in the body will vanish
If an unwed girl listens to Poomathai Ponnamma’s song
The unwed girl will get a husband. (Nambiar 1991: 113. Trans.
Chandramohan)
The naduvazhi of Kadalumkara is enamored by the beauty of Poomathai. But all his attempts of
seduction are rejected by the Pulaya girl. He offers her gold and land and even promises her to
find a husband for her in return for a sexual favor. But all these are boldly spurned by the proud
girl. The infuriated naduvazhi resorts to calumny. Aided by Aayithira Pulayathi, he succeeds in
spreading scandal about the character of Ponnamma. The naduvazhi’s henchmen, at his orders,
make Ponnamma hold a pot of cow dung water in one hand and a broom on the other, and parade
her in front of the whole village, seated on a donkey. They burn down her hut and tie her to a
mango tree. Her head and breasts are singed. Ponnamma is made a spectacle of disgrace. With
burning pain and humiliation, Ponnamma, on reaching a well, jumps into it and ends her life. The
gruesome incident of sending an innocent girl to agonizing death after subjecting her to disgrace
has fierce repercussions. Naaduvaazhi finds his kovilakam (Palatial building) in flames, and
Aayithira Pulayathi commits suicide. The truth about Ponnamma is revealed before the people,
and she is elevated to the stature of a deity.
The Vadakkan Pattukkal 28 contains several socially and historically relevant pictures about
the status of women in the past. Some songs reveal the hollowness of the caste system and the
associated notion of purity and pollution where the women were involved. One such custom that
figures in these songs is vannathi 29 giving mattu 30 to high caste women during menstruation and
delivery. A vannathi washes the menstrual clothes of the girls who attained puberty and the clothes
at the time of delivery of the upper castes. The absurdity is that vannathi, who was considered as
a medium of purification, was simultaneously regarded as impure because of her lower caste status
and was kept away from the home while giving mattu.
27
Poomathai Ponnamma is the name of a celebrated heroine of a popular Dalit folk song of the same name.
28
Vadakkan Pattukkal is a set of ballads popular in Northern Kerala that depicts the valorous feats of the heroes and
heroines of the Malabar region.
29
Vannathi is a woman belonging to the lower Vannar caste group, who is traditionally involved in the laundry.
30
The cleaned clothes vannathi (low caste woman) brings for the high caste women to wear during their menstruation
and delivery.
41
Illumination of Dalit Women’s World

All the above-discussed songs are mirrors held up to the daily life and realities of Dalit
women. They represent the society and the kind of relationships that existed at the time. How the
gendered caste subaltern perceived herself also can be heard from these songs. While the
mainstream literary and historical representations uphold the picture of the Dalit woman as an
object of pity, always at the receiving end of ignominy, taking it all lying down and lacking in
selfhood and individuality, the picture that emerges from the oral songs is strikingly different. The
Dalit oral songs shed light on the mainstream unchartered terrains of Dalit women—their dynamic
nature, courage, determination, and self-pride in the face of harsh realities and spirit of resistance
against injustices.
At the same time, the songs truly present the caste dominant feudal society of Kerala
because though Neeli and Poomathai Ponnamma get deified after their deaths, they have to
undergo all the ignominy and agony that is kept in stock for any caste subaltern who refuses to
succumb to the dictates of caste patriarchy. They attain deification through acts of self -sacrifice,
at the cost of their lives. The savarna (upper caste) tactics of containing and appropriating the
elements which transgress the structures of caste codes can be viewed here. Unlike the upper caste
valorous women like Unniyaarcha 31 of Vadakkan Pattukkal, they attain glory only after much
suffering and physical agony. Thus, these songs become valuable documents in recreating the Dalit
woman’s life of the feudal times of Kerala.
The oral songs also provide insight into the gender relations within the Dalit community
and the division of labor that existed between men and women. The women worked cheek by jowl
with the men. Dalit women enjoyed more physical mobility compared with their counterparts in
the upper caste communities. While the high caste women could never venture out of their
household freely for fear of getting defiled due to the customs like Mannapedi and Pulapedi 32, no
such impositions bothered the gendered caste subaltern. Following the postcolonial strand of
reading the fissures, absence, and gaps where representational absence is a kind of presence, we
must presume that the absence of references in the songs to the household, its blisses, to their male
partners, connote the not so pleasant domestic life of Dalit women. The helplessness of the menfolk
and their inability to interfere with the caste matrix also must also be assumed.
Conclusion
The oral songs were an integral part of the life of the Dalit women, for they were the
moorings of their mind to keep their sanity, to keep them afloat amidst their inclement life
experiences. It is to be presumed that it must have been the wishful thinking of the caste subaltern
to give vent to their frustration and helplessness under the oppressive structures of caste and
patriarchy. Because of the stringent caste codes of the feudal times, the oral songs containing
rebuke and ridicule directed against the caste center could not have been sung within earshot of
the caste authorities. When all sorts of overt and explicit opposition would have been unthinkable
and would have been silenced with death, these artistic expressions contained the desire for the
resistance of Dalit women. The oral songs of Dalit women are historically, culturally, and
aesthetically significant for they register the feminist consciousness of the gendered caste subaltern
A legendary warrior and heroine celebrated in the popular Vadakkan Pattukal.

31
The customs by which a male from the untouchable Mannan or Pulaya community could procure an upper-caste
32
Nair woman since such a woman will be ostracized from her community, Nair women lived in constant fear of the
Mannan or Pulaya men.
42
in the nascent form. The subliminal spirit of resistance and protest in the gendered caste subaltern's
oral expressions has become more vociferous and explicit in contemporary Dalit feminist writings.
43
References
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Journal of International Women's Studies

Dissenting Dalit Voices: An Analysis of Select Oral Songs of Dalit

Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws

Part of the Women's Studies Commons

Significance of Dalit Orality

The World of Dalits’ Orature

Oh, that there was no one

Women in Dalit Orality

Want to chew betel leaf ...….. Theyyam tharo 11

The Thampuran who bathes on touching the male

The seed-filled granary is not there for me Kaali 14

When comes and becomes close, ask

Remove your bangles

Parasol for me today

I have been given a vast field

If I sit on the golden mat

To this question of the woman, the landlord’s answer is evasive as expected:

If you are of an untouchable caste

Thampuran 17 stealthily came at night

It is defiling for him in daylight. (Chandran 2004: 93. Trans. Mine)

Kerala. It is a powerful presence in the social matrix of Kerala.

Kunju 22 Neeli of Neelimala

Nobody is alive today on the earth

If Poomathai 27 Ponnamma sings a song

Illumination of Dalit Women’s World

A legendary warrior and heroine celebrated in the popular Vadakkan Pattukal.

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