Satyagraha in Champaran

SATYAGRAHA
IN CHAMPARAN
By
BABU RAJENDRA PRASAD
S. G A N E S A N
PUBLISHER TRIPLICANE. MADRAS
CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I Land and Life 3
II History of Champaran 9
1)1 Europeans and Indigo Cultivation 14
IV Grievances of Tenants 22
V 1907 — 1909 37
VI Sharahbeslii; Tawan, Harja 60
VII Government Measures 91
vni Abwab 109
IX Survey and Settlement 122
X The All vent of .Mahatma Gandhi 128
XI Mahatma Gandhi at Bettiah 161
XII Interview with the Hon’ble Mr. Maude 171
XIII Consternation amongst Planters 183
XIV Ganilh’ji Interviews Governor 201
XV The Appointment of the Enquiry Committee 209
XVI The Sitting of the Enquiry Committee 222
XVII The Report of the Champaran Agrarian
Enquiry Committee 234
XVIII Planters Uneasy 239
XIX The Chamfiaran Agrarian Act 249
XX How V’olunteers Served 253
Appenili.x- a ; Thellon ’ble Mr. Maude’s Speech
Appendix B : Kist of Volunteers
PREFACE
This book was written in Hindi during the long vacations
of the High Court in September and October of 1918 and 1919-
It was published in 1922 and the English translation is now
presented to the English knowing public. An attempt has
been made to make the tra- slation as accurate as possible
except that portions giving extracts from newspapers which
might interest Hindi readers have been omitted from the
English translation as unduly increasing the bulk of the book.
As remarked in the Preface to the original Hindi many things
wh.ch may appear common place today after the ex erienc.s
gained d iring theSatyagr iha and Non-co-ooera‘ion cam aig is
of 1919 to 1921 were altogether ne.v to the countrv in 1918 when
the book was written. It will be noticed that the Iatt<r move
ment is a reproduction and reapplication on a country wide
scale of the same principles which in recent times w -re first
brought into play in India in Cham- aran by Mahatma Gandhi.
I have to apologise to the readers for the inclusion in the
book of many details in which they may not feel interested.
My justification, however, is firstly that it was necessary to
ecter into a detailed examination of the situation and of the
rights and liabilities of par'ies and their doings to enable the
reader to appreciate at its true worth the great service rendered
by Mahatma Gandhi; and, in the second place, the book
having been originally written in Hindi for the Hindi rea-'i.ng
people, particularly those residing in Bihar, it was felt that
details would interest them. To enable the read.-r to further
a ipreciate the effect of the intensive work of 1917, I may state
here that within the last ten years indigo has practically ceased
to be grown in Champaran, that the biggest indigo factories
have either been already sold or are being sold, that many of
the smaller ones have disappeared, and that the ryot of
Cham aran is now a bolder and more self-respecting individual
tha.i he was ten years ago. He has still many grievances and
faults—but he is now as free as any other man in India can be
in th? present conditions to develop and improve himself and
his surroundings. 1 cannot help regretting that the work of
village reconstruetion which was started in 1917 has not been
kept up, but it is certainly true that Champaran has not failed
Vlll PREFACE
to rise equal to the demands made during the Non-co-operation

campaign and is very much stronger and bolder today than
ever before during the period of British cccupation. It is able
to take its stand by the side of other districts in the Province
of Bihar and can today boast of many workers dedicating
themselves to the services of the motherland.
Patna, ) RAJENDRA PRASDA
rst March, 1928. )
PUBLISHER’S NOTE
The book is an addition to what may be called the case law
of Sat5agiaha, which elucidates how Satyagraha is to be app-lied
in ditferent circumstances. It gives the story of the liberation,
by the use of Satyagraha, of the ryots of Champaran from that
hopeless economic thraldcm to the planter which had made the
ryots worse than dumb-driven cattle.
The Champaran tenant was labouring under every sort of
grievance a tenant could possibly be subjected to—illegal ex
actions, forced raising of an uneconomic crop under the whip of
the European planters’ agents, obligation to render service to
which he was not legally liable, the enforcement of the so-called
rights of the landloid by the European Magistrates by the
wrongful use of the criminal laws of the country for this
purpose and so on.
The volume details how Mahatma Gandhi pitched his camp
for some months in Bihar, enlisted a corps of volunteers to do
social service and uplifiment work among the villagers, con
ducted in the face of opposition from officials as well as the
planterdom and the whole weight of the Anglo-Indian Press, an
impartial enquiry into the rj’Ots’ grievances and successfully
organised the ryots to secure their freedom. “ To give a full
account of the Champaran enquiry”, Mahatma Gandhi writes
in his Autobiography, “ would be to narrate the history, for the
period, of the Champaran ryot, which is out of question in these
chapters. The Champaran enquiry was a bold experiment with
truth and Ahinta. For the details the reader must turn to
Sjt. Rajendra Prasad's history of the Champaran Satyagraha.”
The present volume is the history to which Mahatmaji has
referred in his book.
SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
■K'-t’.'v
•
CHAPTER I
LAND AND LIFE
P'HAMPARAN is the name of an adminis-
trative district situate in the north
western corner of the Province of Bihar
and Orissa in British India. To its north are
the Himalayan mountains and the territory
of Nepal; on its west is the district of
Gorakhpur in the United Provinces; to its
east, is the district of Muzaffarpur and to its
south the district of Saran. The name of a
part of the southern portion of the Hima
layan range is Someshwar, and it falls in part
in Champaran. That constitutes the boun
dary between Nepal and Champaran. It is
about 1,500 feet high, but one of its spurs on
which stands a fortress is 2,884 feet high.
The biggest river in this district is the
Narayani which is also known as the Sala-
grami or the Gandak. In olden times it
flowed right through the middle of the
district; but it changed its course and to-day
it forms its southern boundary. It rises in the
Himalayas near a place called Tribeni. Boats
can go right up to Tribeni. During summer
there is not much water in the river, but even
then country boats can ply. During the
rains the volume of water becomes very large
and its current very strong. The river is
notorious for alligators and crocodiles. The
4 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
Pauranic story of Gajagraha has a refe

rence to a place on the banks of this river in
the district of Saran. The river second in
importance to the Gandak which deserves
mention is the Chhoti or Small Gandak. It
rises from the Someshwar Hill and flows
across the district. Up to a certain distance
it bears the name of Haraha, then it becomes
the Sikrahana and further down it becomes
known as the Burhi or old Gandak. Many
small rivers rising in the hills come and join
it with the result that the Sikrahana which
during summer has hardly a bed of 100 yards
under water becomes about 2 miles in width
at places during the rainy season. Apart from
the smaller rivers, there is a canal made by
the British Government known as the Tribeni
Canal.
It has already been said that at one
time the Gandak flowed through the middle
of the district. The river has changed
its course, but traces of its old course
are still there in the shape of lakes about
43 in number in the whole district. Many
of these are deep and remain under water
throughout the year. Their water, however,
is not always drinkable. It is used in indigo
factories many of which have been construct
ed on the banks of these lakes.
Champaran has two kinds of land. To
the north of the Sikrahana the soil is hard
and the level of the land low. It is, therefore
LAND AND LIFE 5
fit for paddy cultivation. It cannot grow
indigo. It is called bangar locally. To the
south of the Sikrahana, the soil has a large
admixture of sand in it and paddy cannot be
grown on it. But it is very good for maize,
wheat, etc. It is very good for indigo plan
tation also. It is locally known as bhect. The
lands in the Terai or hill valley are very
fertile, and although the climate of the
locality is unhealthy for men, it is very good
for crops. In these parts the crop most
grown is paddy which may be considered the
staple crop of the district. About 56 p. c. of
the cultivated land is paddy growing. There
is a saying current among villagers which
may be translated as follows—“Majhowa is a
wonderful country where even crows do not
care for rice ”. Majhowa is the name of the
biggest pargana in Champaran.
The climate of Champaran is considered
to be worse than that of many other districts
of Bihar. In the Terai it is very bad indeed.
Malarial fever rages there, and after the
rainy season almost every house becomes a
hospital. The climate of the southern portion
also cannot be said to be good. As compared
with other districts of Bihar it is cool. For
this reason it is liked by Europeans. There
is something in the nature of the soil, water
and climate of places on the banks of the
Sikrahana and the Gandak which causes
goitre to the residents. In these parts the
6 satyagraha in champaran
people, too, are not intelligent. One comes

across many persons who are lame, decrepit
and with goitres. There are many idiots also
among them. They do not know how to
count, cannot talk coherently, nor understand
what others say, and smile and laugh
idiotically. Such idiots are locally known as
bagar, and in other districts of Bihar, bagar
ofMajhowaisa well understood expression.
It is said that in some places even lower
animals have goitres.
There are only two towns in the district
-Motihari which is the headquarters of the
district, and Bettiah which was formerly a
centre of trade and is even now the seat of
the Maharaja of Bettiah and the headquarters
of a subdivision. The area of the district is
3,531 square miles. There are 2,841 villages in
it and the population according to the census
of 1911 is 19,08,385. About 2 p. c. of the
population live in towns and the rest live in
villages. The population per square mile is
540. Population in southern and eastern
portions of the district, which border on
Saran and Muzaffarpur, is denser, while that
in the north-western portion which has a bad
climate is thin. It is worth mentioning that
large numbers of people have emigrated from
Saran and Muzaffarpur and settled in this
district and their number is increasing. They
come and settle here as agriculturists.
Like other districts of Bihar there is
LAND AND LIFE 7
preponderance of Hindus in this district.
Their number is 16,17,456, while that of
Mussalmans 2,86,067 only. In and near
Bettiah there is a large population of Chris-
tains. It is said that the wife of Raja Dhrub
Singh of Bettiah was ill and a Christian
missionary cured her. The Raja was pleased
and about 1745 A. D. set apart some land for
the Christian missionary there. The number
of converts began to increase and they now
count 2,775 souls. The peculiarity of the
Christians of Bettiah is this that there is no
difference in the mode of life and dress of
Christians and other inhabitants of the
place except that their women wear a kind of
gown which Hindu women do not wear.
Hindus and Mussalmans in this district live
in more or less the same way as in othei
districts of Bihar. There is a special caste of
Hindus which one does not find in other
districts. They are known as Tharus. They
are 34,602 in number and live mostly in the
Terai area. They can bear the climate of that
locality better than other people. They are
simple and truthful. They shun litigation
and know the art of agriculture very well.
The least interference or oppression causes
them to vacate their villages and emigrate
to other and safer places, They grow
paddy and live quite happily.
The language of the Hindus and
Mussalmans of Champaran is a dialect of
Hindi known as Bhojpuri which agrees

almost entirely with the language of Saran. In
the dialect of the south-eastern portion of the
district adjoining Muzaffarpur district there
are traces of the influence of Maithili. The
language of the Tharus is also Bhojpuri, but
it contains some words of their original
primitive language.
»
CHAPTER II
HISTORY OF CH AMP ARAN
pHAMPARAN is a corrupt form of the
word Champaranaya. It is mentioned
in the Puranas. In its jungles were the
places of penance of Rishis. It is said that
Tappa Duho Suho is named after Durani and
Surani, the two wives of Raja Uttanapada..
Dhruva was the son of this Raja and he was
born in this Tapovana and did his penance
here. The Ashrama of Valmiki Muni was
also situate within this district. Janaki after
her exile took shelter in this Ashrama of
Valmiki and her two sons Lava and Kusha
were born there. The battle between
Ramachandra and his two sons Lava and
Kusha took place somewhere within this
district. The story is current that the capital
of Birat Raja where the Pandavas lived
during their exile was also in this district,
and a place called Barahi is still pointed out
as that capital. It is at a short distance from
Ramnagar, It is believed by the local people
that the kingdom of Raja Bideha was also
here and he used to live at a place called
Jankigarh which is also known as Chankigarh..
The Lichhavis reigned in Champaran
about 600 B.C. They fought against Ajatshatru
of Magadha, were defeated and had to pay
tribute to Magadha. Traces of forts are still
extant at Nandangarh and other places and

they are said by historians to belong to the
time of the Lichhavis. Coins have also been
discovered in these places which are of about
1000 B.C.
Numerous memorials of the Buddhistic
period are found in Champaran. Buddha
is said to have travelled through this district
in his journey from Plasi to Kusinar. His
ashes are said to be lying in some stupa at
Lauria Nandangarh or near about it. Many
pillars erected by Asoka are still seen in
several parts of the district. Most of the
places where such pillars stand are known as
Lauriya, that is, the place of the pillar. It
appears from this that at one time the
Buddhists had great influence there. Raja
Asoka started on his pilgrimage from Patali-
putra (Patna) and went to Ramapurwa pass
ing Kesaria, Lauriya, Areraj and Lauriya
Nandangarh, and he set up pillars in all these
places. In those days Nepal also formed a
part of the kingdom of Magadha, and this
used to be the route for officials going from
Patna to Nepal via Bhikhna Thorce. The
•Chinese travellers travelled by this route.
Both Fa Hian and Huen Tsang have men-
tioned these places.
After the Buddhists, the Gupta kings
reigned over Champaran and Raja Har-
shavardhana’s flag also flew there. The history
of the period prior to the 13th century B.C. is
HISTORY OF CHAMPARAN II
not available in a reliable form but it is said

that at one time the Cheddis also reigned
over Champaran.
Evidence is available that later on Cham
paran passed under the sway of the kings of
Tirhoot. The two kingdoms deserving of
mention are those of Simra and Sugaon. In
the 13th and 14th centuries, the Mussalmans
invaded Champaran but they did not quite
establish themselves there. At the beginning
of the i6th century, Sikandar Lodi took
possession of Tirhoot and thenceforward
Tirhoot which included Champaran became
a part of the Muslim Empire. No separate
history of Champaran is available after this,
as it thenceforward became mixed up with
that of other districts. In the l8th century
when Alivardi Khan became Governor of
Bihar and Bengal he invaded Champaran and
he was helped by the Afghans of Darbanga.
His invasion was successful and he carried
away a large amount of booty. Sometime
later the Afghans who had helped him
rebelled against him but were defeated by
Alivardi Khan. Two of these Afghans,
Shamsher Khan and Sardar Khan, took re
fuge in Bettiah Raj. Alivardi Khan for this
reason invaded Bettiah with the result that
the Raja of Bettiah handed over those
Afghans with all their dependants to Alivardi
Khan.
About 1760 there was a war between
Shah Alam and the English in which the

latter were successful. One of the helpers of
Shah Alam was Khadim Husain Khan, the
Subedar of Purnea, After his defeat he fled
towards Bettiah. Miran and General Claude
pursued him but on account of the accidental
death of Miran by a stroke of lightning
General Claude had to retrace his steps. But
before doing so he realised a tribute from the
Raja of Bettiah. The Raja of Bettiah shortly
afterwards raised the standard of revolt and
Mir Kasim invaded Bettiah and suppressed
the rebellion. In 1765 Champaran was also
granted to the English by Shah Alam along
with Bengal and Bihar. It should not be
inferred from this, however, that there was
peace after this event. Shortly afterwards
Raja Jugalkishor of Bettiah declared war
against the English but he was defeated and
fled to Bundelkhand leaving his Kingdom.
After this time the condition of Champaran
was very deplorable. The tribute payable to
the English went on dwindling. The English
thought that without the return of Raja
Jugalkishor, Bettiah would not become
prosperous again and that their revenue
would not increase. They accordingly asked
Raja Jugalkishor Singh to return and made
over to him the two Parganasof Majhowa and
Simraon in 1771; and two other parganas of
Mehsi and Babra w'ere given to his kinsmen
Srikrishna Singh and Awadhut Singh.
HISTORY OF CHAMPARAN 13
In 1791 when the Decennial Settlement
was made the two Parganas of Majhowa and
Simraon were settled with Raja Jugalkishor
Singh’s son, Birkishor Singh, and the two
Parganas of Mehsi and Babra which had been
granted to Srikrishna Singh and Awadhut
Singh came to constitute the Sheohar Raj.
Two other Zamindaris of Madhuban and
Ramnagar also came into existence about
that time. This settlement was confirmed in
1793 at the time of the Permanent Settle
ment. Sometime later pargana Babra was
transferred to the district of Muzaffarpur
and only small parts of Sheohar Raj remain
ed in Champaran. There are several small
Zamindaris now in existence but the principal
Zamindaris in the district are even now only
three, namely, Bettiah, Ramnagar and
Madhuban. It should not be understood,
however, that these Zamindaris had their
origin about this time. The Bettiah Raj is a
very old Raj. It was granted for the first
time by Emperor Shah Jahan to Ujjain Singh
and his descendants have always held it.
Similarly the Ramnagar Raj is also an
ancient Raj. It is said that the ancestors of
the Ramnagar Raj came from Chitor and
conquered Nepal and they founded Ram
nagar. They got the title of Raja from
Emperor Aurangzib in 1676 A. D.
CHAPTER III
EUROPEANS & INDIGO CULTIVATION
THE area of the Bettiah
" ' ' ” Rajj is about 2,000
sq. miles. Formerly communication was
not as convenient as it is now. Therefore
for better management the estate was divided
into small parts and leased out to lessees.
The lessees had to look after the parts leased
out to them, to realise rent from the
cultivators and to pay the same to the Estate.
In the earlier days all lessees were Indians
and they had been there from before 1793.-
Later on Europeans who engaged in indigo
and sugarcane cultivation began to take
leases from the Bettiah and Ramnagar Estates.-
The oldest indigo factory was that established
by Col. Hickey at Bara. Later on Turkaulia,
Peepra, Motihari and Rajpur factories were
established. As time went on, new factories
were established and they went on replacing
the Indian lessees in the Bettiah Raj. In the
early times these factories were established
only in places where the soil was fit for indigo
and sugar-cane cultivation. But when they
had established their influence fully, some
Europeans began to settle in the north-western
portion of the district also in about 1875.
The soil being unfit for indigo cultivation,
they had to find out other means of income.
In this way the whole of the district became
EUROPEANS AND INDIGO CULTIVATION 15.
honey-combed with European factories and
now-a-days there are about 70 such factories,,
a detailed account of which will be found in
later pages. For building their factories they
took small plots of land from the Bettiah Raj
on perpetual lease. The Bettiah Raj had
become encumbered with debt in about 1888..
Mr. T. Gibbon, its manager, raised a loan of
about 85 lakhs in England to liquidate that
debt. It was arranged that the Bettiah Raj
should settle a portion of its Estate with
European factory owners in perpetuity, and
these lattei- would pay the reserved rent
towards the liquidation of the debt. Accord
ingly lands fetching five lakhs and a half
per year were se-ttled in perpetual or Mokarri
lease with fourteen factories. The result was
that this permanent interest in the land
strengthened their position very much. Besides
this they also went on taking temporary
leases from the Raj. Some villages were settled
in perpetuity with factories by the Ramnagar
Raj also; but it is difficult to find when and
under what circumstances this took place.
Within recent times some factories have also
purchased Zamindari rights in some villages,
but that is to a very small extent only. At
present there are 36 European lessees under
the Bettiah Raj of whom 23 deal in indigo.
More than one half of the district is in the
possession of European lessees.
In the beginning the planters used to

cultivate sugar-cane along with indigo. But
from about 1850 they diminished sugar-cane
plantation on account of the larger profit
derived from indigo. Ever since then the
planters have carried on indigo cultivation
under two systems;—(a) Zerait—i. e., depart
mental cultivation under their direct supervi
sion. {b} Asamiwar—i.e., cultivation through
cultivators or tenants.
Zerait.—The factory owners under this
system used to cultivate the land in their
possession with the help of their own
ploughs and bullocks. This land used to be
either the proprietors’ (their lessors’) private
land or land in which the factory owner had
acquired rights of occupancy. The entire
burden of cultivation used to be on the
factory. The only connection that the
tenants had with this cultivation was that
they were liable to render service on the land
or to have their bullocks and ploughs
impressed for such cultivation under the
orders of the factory. The factory had no
doubt to pay something for this kind of
service—but it will be seen later on that the
wages used to be so low that the tenants
could never feel satisfied. To make matters
worse the factory underlings used to deduct
a discount from the wages so paid. Mr. J. A.
Sweeney, the Settlement Officer, stated in his
evidence before the Champaran Agrarian
EUROPEANS AND INDIGO CULTIVTION 1/
Committee that “ so far as he was aware no

factory was fully self-contained then in the
matter of cultivating its rural lands”.
Asainiwar.—Under this system the fac
tory got indigo grown by the tenants.
This used to be done in several ways^
but the most prevalent method was that
known as Tinkathia. Kushki and Kurtauli
systems also deserve mention as other
methods.
About the Kurtauli system it was said
by the Commissioner of Patna in 1885:
“ The Kurtauli lease is a new institution
dating from a very few years back........... There
is growing up in our midst and in spite of our
efforts at beneficient legislation, a system
under which the ryot mortgages his entire
holding and the very site of his house for a
period probably extending beyond his own
life-time, redemption being contingent on the
repayment of a loan ; the ryot, to use the
common expression, is selling himself body
and soul into hopeless servitude. ”
This system is not widely prevalent in
Champaran but there is no doubt that it is
very harmful to the interests of ryots.
As said above, Tinkathia was the most
prevalent system in Champaran. According
to it the factory owners got the tenant to
cultivate indigo in a portion of his holding
for which a fixed price was paid. About i860
the portion so reserved for indigo used to be
2
i8 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
5 Kathas per bigha or one fourth of the

tenant’s holding. Sometime later, about 1867,
this area was reduced from 5 Kathas to 3
Kathas per bigha. Since then the system
came to be known asTinkathia (or the S5’’stem
of three Kathas). When the factories were
being established for the first time, their
owners had no permanent interest in land.
They used to take short term leases from the
Bettiah Raj and to grow indigo on lands in
their possession under the Zerait system.
But that was in small quantities. They would
place temptation in the way of the Bettiah
Raj by offering to take a lease on a reserved
rent equal to the gross rental realisable from
tenants, and when they got the lease, they
would get indigo cultivated by the tenants for
their own benefit. They used to make much
profit from indigo. The only losers were the
tenants. It is thus apparent that whenever
a factory got possession of a village, its
first attempt would be to bring as much land
as possible under indigo cultivation ; and for
this they used to cheat, cajole and coerce the
simple tenants into agreeing to grow indigo
on their lands. After sometime these agree
ments used to be reduced to writing as Sattas.
One of the conditions in such agreements or
Sattas used to be that the tenant would grow
indigo on 3 Kathas per bigha of his holding
for a number of years—sometimes for 20, 25,
or even 30 years. The particular plot of his
EUROPEANS AND INDIGO CULTIVATION IQ
holding which would be reserved for indigo

would be selected by the factory. The land
would be ploughed and otherwise made fit for
cultivation by the tenant under the supervi
sion of the factory. If the crop was good
a fixed price per bigha would be paid to the
tenant. But if the crop was not bumper,
then whatever the reason for it may be, the
tenant would get only a reduced price. If the
tenant failed to grow indigo, he was liable to
pay a heavy sum by way of damages for his
breach.
There is evidence to show that both the
zerait and asamiwar systems of cultivation
have been in vogue ever since indigo cultiva
tion was introduced into Champaran. It has
already been stated that originally the indigo
used to be grown by tenants on 5 Kathas out
of each bigha of the holding, and this was
reduced in 1867 to 3 kathas per bigha. In 1909
the Planters’ Association passed a resolution
that this area should be further reduced from
3 to 2 kathas per bigha but it is not known if
this resolution was given effect to by the
factories. It is certain, however, that many
factories did not observe it and many did not
require to do it. The reason for this will be
stated hereafter. Similarly the price payable
by the factories to the tenants was also
raised from time to time under pressure from
the Government and the tenants. Before
1867 the tenant used to be paid Rs. 6-8-0 for
every acre of indigo. After the disturbances

of that year the planters under Government
pressure increased the rate to Rs. 9 per acre.
This was further raised in 1876 to Rs. 10-5-0,
in 1897 to Rs. 12-7-0 and in 1909 after Mr. Gour-
lay’s Report to Rs. 13 -8-0 per acre. Apart
from this there has been an idea ever since
1878 that no rent should be payable by the
tenant for the area under indigo; but this
rule has not been followed by the factories.
The cultivation of indigo was more
extensive in Champaran than in any other
district of Bihar. During the survey of 1892-97
indigo used to be grown on 95,970 acres,
that is, on 6*63 per cent of the land under
cultivation. Out of this about one fourth was
cultivated under the Zerait system and the
remaining three-fourths were cultivated under
the asamiwar, that is, the Tinkathia system.
In those days 33,000 labourers used to work in
indigo factories, Later on by reason of the
introduction of German synthetic dyes,
profits fell and the planters reduced the
cultivation of indigo, so much so that in 1905
the area under indigo cultivation fell to
47,800 acres and in 1914 to 8,100 acres. In 1914
War was declared between Germany and
England and the import of German dyes
ceased. Indigo began to look up once again,
and the planters increased its cultivation. In
1916 indigo was grown on 21,900 acres and in
1917 on 26,848 acres, out of which about two-
EUROPEANS .AND INDIGO CULTIVATION 21
thirds were grown asamiwar and only one-

third under the Zerait system. The planters,
however, did not lose much on account of the
fall in the price of indigo, as they devised
means, to be detailed later, to transfer the loss
to the shoulders of the poor tenants.
There are two kinds of indigo—Sumatra
indigo an(;l Java or Natal indigo. Before
1905 only Sumatra indigo used to be grown.
For this crop the land is tilled from Aswin to
Phalgun (September to March) and the seed
is sown in March. The crop is cut in Asarh
(June to July), and this is known as the
Morhan crop. The stump that is left in the
field is cut once again in Bhadon (August to
September) and this is known as khunti. The
Java or Natal indigo is sown in Kartik to
Aghan (October to November) and is cut at
the same time as the Sumatra crop. From lOO
maunds of leaves and stalk about 10 seers of
indigo cakes are prepared.
CHAPTER IV
GRIEVANCES OF TENANTS
THE tinkathia system has been mentioned
in the last chapter. It is no exaggeration
to say that this was at the root of all
the troubles and miseries of the tenants of
Champaran.
In i860 there was a great agitation in
Bengal against indigo. In those days Babu
Harish Chandra Mukerjee was of great help to
the tenants and the British Indian Asso
ciation also sympathised with them. The
miseries of the tenants melted the hearts of
the Christian Missionaries. There were many
among British officials, too, who sympathised
with the tenants. Of those Mr. William
Herschell, who later on became Sir W’illiam
Herschell, and Mr. Ashley Eden who became
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal as Sir
Ashley Eden, were the most noted. At their
suggestion and on pressure from them the
Government appointed a Commission with
full powers to inquire into the grievances of
the indigo tenants. Mr. Seton Kerr who was
the secretary to the Government of Bengal
was the president of the Commission and its
members were Mr. Richard Temple who later
became the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal
as Sir Richard Temple; Mr. Fergusson, a
planter, Mr. John Sale, a missionary, and Babu
GRIEVANCES OF TENANTS
Chandra Mohan Chatterjee who was an in

fluential member of the British Indian As
sociation. Tenants from the districts of
Nadia and Jessore, where the indigo trouble
was most acute, were brought under arrange
ments made by Harish Chandra Mukerjee to
Calcutta to give evidence before the Com
mission. Harish Chandra Mukerjee himself
gave evidence. Lal Behari Day in his Bengal
Peasant Life has drawn a beautiful but
heart-rending picture of the planter and the
ryot of Bengal of those days. Mr. E. W. L.
Tower who was at one time the Magistrate of
Faridpur stated in his evidence before the
Commission as follows:
“ There is one thing more. I wish to
state that considerable odium has been thrown
on the Missionaries for saying that ‘ Not a
chest of indigo reached England without
being stained with human blood ’. That has
been stated to be an anecdote. That ex
pression is mine, and I adopt it in the fullest
and broadest sense of its meaning as the
result of my experience as Magistrate in the
Faridpur District. I have seen several ryots
sent in to me as a Magistrate who have been
speared through the body. I have had ryots
before me who have been shot down by Mr.
Forde (a planter). I have put on record, how
others have been first speared and then kidnap
ped ; and such a system of carrying on indigo,.
I consider to be a system of blood-shed.”
.24 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
It appears from the Report of the Com

mission that the grievances of the tenants of
Bengal were as follows :•—
(1) The contract which the tenants were
made to enter into with the planter regarding
indigo was not voluntarily accepted by them
but they were coerced.
(2) Some advance of money used to be
forced upon them for growing indigo.
(3) They had to give their valuable time
to the cultivation of indigo while it could have
been more profitably employed in growing
other crops.
(4) Their best lands were taken up for
indigo growing. Sometimes even land on
which another crop was growing used to be
taken up for growing indigo and the standing
crop destroyed.
(5) There was no certainty about the
indigo crop with the result that the tenants
very often could not repay even the advance
which became a heavy burden on them.
(6) The underlings of factories used to
■oppress them.
(7) The factory owners and managers
also used to employ force and beat them.
In the opinion of the Commission
almost all the complaints were well-founded.
They held that the tenants were not at all
benefitted by the indigo cultivation. The
planters reserved the right of selecting the
lands for indigo and sometimes they caused
GRIEVANCES OF TENANTS 25
land in which other crops were growing to

be ploughed up for indigo. The factory
amlas (employees) used to oppress them in
various ways. A tenant who had once taken
an advance could never extricate himself.
The Commission recommended that if the
tenants were to be made to grow indigo they
should be paid at a rate which would satisfy
them, and that if the system of contracts for
indigo was to be continued, they should be
for short terms and theii* accounts should be
settled every year ; the land on which indigo
was to be grown should be mentioned in the
contract itself. The planter should carry the
indigo plant from the field to the factory at
his own expense. The tenants should not be
required to pay the price of the indigo seed.
The tenants should be given the right to
grow any other crop on the indigo land after
the indigo crop was cut or that if they want
ed to reserve the crop for seeds, they should
be permitted to do so. Separate accounts
should be kept for indigo and the rents
payable by them. They also recommended
that arrangements should be made for the
protection of tenants. Sir John Peter Grant,
the then Lt.-Governor of Bengal, accepted
the recommendations almost in their entirety.
The result of the action taken on this Report
was that within a short time indigo cultiva
tion disappeared altogether from Bengal.
The reason of this was that without the
oppressive system then in vogue, the planter

could not make any profit out of indigo
plantation.
About the same time the question of
Bihar indigo planters was also raised but
there was no Harish Chandra Mukerjee in
Bihar to take up the tenants’ grievances, nor
was there any one among the tenants who
kept himself informed about the Calcutta
Commission. It is true that some Bihar
Planters also gave evidence before the Com
mission from which it appears that the same
system was in vogue in Bihar also. There
was a difference only in one respect. The
system of advances was not so oppressive to
tenants in Bihar as it was in Bengal ; but
the other grievances were practically the
same.
Although the tenants of Champaran have
ever since been clamouring for redress of
their grievances no effort was made to
remove the root causes of their troubles until
1917, so much so that when Mahatma Gandhi
arrived in Champaran in 1917 to enquire into
the grievances of tenants, the planters began
to say that they had no trouble with the
tenants, and that all the trouble was created
by outsiders. But this was later proved to
be absolutely unfounded before the Commis
sion. The Hon. Mr. Maude, in his speech
on the Champaran Agrarian Bill before the
Bihar Legislative Council, said as follows:
GRIEVANCES OF TENANTS 2Z
“ I have gone at what I am afraid is
rather wearisome length into the past history
of what may perhaps best be described as the
indigo difficulty, because it is, constantly
asserted, and I have often heard it said, that
there is in reality nothing wrong or rotten
in the state of affairs, that every one con
cerned is perfectly happy so long as they are
left alone and that it is only when outside
influences and agitators come in that any
trouble is experienced. I submit that this
contention is altogether untenable in the
light of the history of past fifty years of
which I have endeavoured to present to the
Council a brief sketch.”
It is this tale of woe that is given in
brief in the following pages.
The first indigo disturbance in Cham-
parn of which any record is available was in
1867. It began in Lalsaraiya * factory. The
tenants of Mouza Jaukathia refused to grow
indigo and sowed other crops on indigo
lands. The residents of other villages follow
ed suit. The factory bungalow caught fire
and was burnt. The planters even in those
days tried to fasten the responsibility of this
fire on the tenants as they did later on in
connection with another fire in 1917, but
•It is said of this factory as follows in the Champa ran Gazelleer:

“At one time it was the most renowned indigo factory in Bihar,,
being the home of M. James Macleod, who was known as the king
of planters. His stable contained 120 horses.
28 SAiYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
no evidence of this was available. The

complaints of the tenants were the same in
1917 as they were in 1867. The Commissioner
of Patna in his report regarding this distur
bance wrote to the Government that it was
not only that indigo cultivation brought no
profit to the tenants but that it caused actual
monetary loss to them; they were made to
give contracts for indigo ; their best lands
were taken for indigo; indigo cultivation
was a very difficult job; factory underlings
used to oppress them. This disturbance
•caused a great consternation amongst the .
planters. Indigo cultivation was stopped in
a way and it seemed as if it would disappear
altogether from Champaran. The planters
pressed their case before the Government
and the latter also helped them. As desired
by the planters a Small Cause Court of two
judges was established by the Government
at Motihari to speedily dispose of cases in
stituted by planters for recovery of damages
from the tenants for breach of their indigo
contracts. The result was that what the
planters wanted was achieved without their
having to institute suits, and the efforts of
the helpess tenants to get rid of the indigo
oppression failed. There is no wonder that
it was so, as the agriculturists as a class are
timid and particularly those of a place like
-Champaran are very simple. The mere fact
of the establishment of a Court at the instance
of the planters was enough to cow them. Who
can say that the tenants did not regard this
action of the Government as one to help and
uphold the planters? Again, what chance
was there for them to succeed in this unequal
fight ? The few cases which did actually go to
the Court were decided against the tenants.
There is no doubt that even if it be assumed
that the Government was not actuated
by any desire to help the planters, the tenants
believed this step to be for that purpose. It
may be stated here that whatever sympathy
the Government may have had with the
tenants, it has always been exhibited in such
a way that every attempt of the tenants to
free themselves from indigo has been met by
the Government with some action which
went to help the planters. We shall see later
on how special registrars were appointed
and that will make the point clear. The
Champaran Gazetteer says about this distur
bance of 1867 as follows:
“ The disputes between the ryots and the
planters had at one time threatened to be
come very serious. The local officers almost
unanimously reported that the cultivation of
indigo had become ver.v unpopular, and that
there was not a ryot who would abandon the
cultivation if he could, and this state of
things was ascribed as much to the insuffi
ciency of remuneration which the ryots
received as to the exactions, oppressions and
annoyance to which they were exposed at the

hands of the factory servants.”
The Provincial Government wrote to the
Government of India as follows about it :
“ The time had passed when it could be
hoped to carry on indigo concern profitably
by forcing on the ryots a cultivation and
labour which was to them unprofitable. The
necessity of giving adequate remuneration had
been recognised by the planters although they
had too long refused to recognise the neces
sity of making such an advance in price but
managers of the concerns now saw clearly the
danger which they had so narrowly escaped
and would in their own interest be careful to
guard against falling into such an error
again.”
The planters under pressure from Gov
ernment and finding that without increasing
the price of indigo it would be impossible for
them to continue in Champaran, raised it
from Rs, 6/8 to Rs. 9/-per acre. The local
Government consequently did not find it
necessary to take any further action. But the
Government of India, reviewing the matter,
made a most significant statement:
“ The evils of the system were so great
that the interposition of the Government
might become unavoidable unless measures
were taken to remove such elements of the
system as were unjust and oppressive.”
What the Government of India has
anticipated came soon to be true and shortly

after this rise in price signs of discontent
among tenants began to manifest themselves
in 1871. The price of indigo had no doubt
been increased but no steps had been taken to
remove the defects of the oppressive system.
In 1871 the Lt.-Governor, in reviewing the
report of the Commissioner of Patna, wrote as
follows:
“ The practice under which the ryots
were compelled to give up a portion of their
land for indigo is the compulsory feature of
the system to which His Honour has more
specially alluded as contrary to free trade
principles. Again the practice of forcing the
cultivators to exchange such of their lands as
may be arbitrarily selected from time to time
by the planter or his servant is an intolerable
grievance as is well set forth by Mr. Forbes
even where there is what purports to be an
agreement. In these cases it is obvious that
the character of the agreement is such that
no person of power and influence equal to
that of the planter himself would think, as
mere matter of business, of entering into it.”
The press continued to comment on this
subject in these days and the attention of
the Government was also drawn to it from
time to time. In 1875 the Commissioner of
Patna proposed that a commission be
appointed to inquire into indigo grievances.
Sir Richard Temple was then the Lt.-
Governor. He thought that the appointment

of a Commission would lead to agitation and
he accordingly gave direction to district
officers to decide disputes between planters
and tenants in an impartial manner.
When the root cause of discontent had
been left untouched, it was not to be expected
that peace could be restored. In 1877
Mr. Stuart Bayley, the Commissioner of
Patna, wrote that although the appointment
of a Commission had been considered inoppor
tune, “ the fact remained that there was
much discontent manifest enough to local
officers”.
About this time on the retirement of Sir
Richard Temple, Sir Ashely Eden * became
* He had stated in his evidence before the Bengal Indigo Com
mission as follows :
“ My opinion is that in no instance within the last six years at
least have ryots entered into any large contracts for cultivation of
the crop and that with the exception of Factories which have large
extent of chur lands cultivated, the Indigo cultivation is in no
instance the result of free agency but that it is compulsory.”
Explaining the grounds on which his opinion was formed he
stated:
“ First, I believe it to bo unprofitable and therefore I cannot be
lieve that any ryot would consent to take up that cultivation involv
ing as it does serious pecuniary loss to himself. Secondly, it involves
an amount of harassing interference to which no free agent would
subject himself. Thirdly, from the consideration of the act of
violence to which the planters have been compelled to resort to keep
up the cultivation as proved by the criminal record of Bengal.
Fourthly, from the admission of the planters themselves that if the
ryots were free agents they would not cultivate indigo. Fifthly, the
necessity under which the planters state themselves to bo of
spending large sums in the purchase of Zemindaries and other des
cription of rights giving them territorial influence and powers of
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. As has
already been stated above, Sir Ashley Eden
had been Magistrate at the time of indigo
disturbances in Bengal and was fully
acquainted with the activities of planters. He
thought that instead of taking action openly
which might cause agitation among planters,
it would be better to get them to agree to
some reforms. He accordingly impressed upon
them that the practice of indigo cultivation
under the asamiwar system was harm
ful to the interests of tenants, and that
they should therefore raise the price of
indigo, and that good feelings between the
tenants and planters would be restored
only if the latter got indigo cultivated on
purely business principles. He emphasised
the fact that it was not proper for the
planters to take forced labour from their
tenants.
The planters finding this stiff attitude of
the Lieutenant-Governor which might be the
cause of future trouble, established the Bihar
Planters’ Association which is still in
existence. In its very first sittings, the Associ
ation decided to enhance the price of indigo
from Rs. 9/- to Rs. 10/5 per acre. It was also
compulsion without which they would be unablo to procure the

cultivation of indigo. Sixthly, the statement of ryots and the people
generally in the districts in which I have been. Seventhly, as soon
as the ryots became aware of the fact that they were by law practi
cally free agents they at once refused to continue cultivation.”
3
34 SATYAGRAHA IN CH AMP AR AN
resolved that no rent should be charged front

the tenants foi* the land on which indigo was
grown. But it must be said with regard to
this last resolution that many did not care to
observe it. With regard to other complaints
of the tenants the Association passed several
resolutions which require to be stated as
showing what grievances the tenants then
had and that in spite of these resolutions they
remained unredressed and were stated before
Mr. Gourlay in 1909 and were found to exist
in 1917 at the time of Mahatma Gandhi’s
inquiry. Among the rules then adopted,
some of the most important were that the
price of indigo should beat the rate of Rs. 9/-
per bigha measured with a pole of 6%. cubits,
that even in the absence of a stipulation to
the contrary, the planters could not without
the consent of the tenant exchange the
indigo land, and that even if the indigo land
was changed, the land of one tenant should
not be exchanged with that of another, and
that if any complaint was made against any
member of the Association, the Association
should be entitled to inquire thereinto and if
that member did not obey its orders, he
would be liable to be removed from the Asso
ciation. After some correspondence with
the Government they also made a rule
that if a tenant grew indigo on 3 Kathas for
every bigha of his holding his rent would be
liable to be enhanced.
When these rules were formed, the
Local Government thought the discontent
would disappear and it took no further
steps. But it was the opinion of Sir Ashley
Eden that one of the reasons of the tenants’"
discontent was that Zamindars used to
lease out their villages to planters who
thereby gained great power over the tenants
and got an opportunity to oppress them.
But nothing however was done to remedy
this; on the other hand, as has already been
shown above, the planters managed to make
their hold stronger on the Bettiah Raj. On
account of the Bettiah Raj being encumbered,
a loan of 85 lakhs was raised in England in
1888, and for its repayment a large number
of villages was given in perpetual leases to
planters. Such leases were granted to 14
factories of which the most important were
three, viz., Turkaulia, Peepra and Motihari.
Besides, temporary leases continued to be
given to the factories. Consequently, although
to all outward appearances there was peace,
discontent among tenants was smouldering.
In 1887 there was a great famine in Bihar and
the people in Champaran suffered very much.
The planters at that time raised the price of
indigo further from Rs. 10/5 to Rs. I2/-per
acre. But even this did not satisfy the tenants
and their discontents found expression from
time to time. In 1906 the tenants of Telhara
factory murdered its manager, Mr. Bloom-
field. Many of them were prosecuted and the

Sessions Judge sentenced three of them to
death, but on appeal the sentences of death
were set aside and they were given six years’
imprisonment.
CHAPTER V
1907-1909
'^HERE is a limit to forbearance. Even
an ant, if you tread upon it, opens its
small mouth to bite you in revenge. It
has been shown in the previous pages that
the tenanti*y of Champaran thorougly dis
liked indigo cultivation. They were daily
praying for relief against it. Things went
on somehow up to 1907. With the beginning
of 1907 signs of discontent began to manifest
themselves in the Bettiah subdivision. Some
tenants of Sathi factory expressed their
unwillingness to grow indigo on the ground
that it was unprofitable. On account of
heavy flood in 1906 they had lost their paddy
crop and they were in pecuniary difficulties.
The planters on the other hand were insist
ing on having indigo grown. These were
the causes of the discontent. In March 1907
some tenants had submitted a petition to the
Magistrate at Motihari in which they stated
among other things:
“ That for six or seven years, the Sathi
Factory is oppressing your petitioners in
many ways and is exacting from them higher
rent and begar (forced) labour and forcing
your petitioners to cultivate indigo against
your petitioners’ wishes without adequately
paying for them and bringing false criminal
cases against your petitioners and other

tenants to execute indigo sattas.”
When Mr. F. C. Coffin, the manager of
the Sathi factory, saw that it was not possible
to have indigo cultivation according to old
methods, he sought the help of Government
officials. Whatever the reasons may have
been, some of the tenants were made special
constables by the Magistrate so that there
might be no breach of the peace. But this
did not prevent it. There were several
criminal cases in connection with indigo
cultivation. In July 1907, there was a crimi
nal case in the villages of the Sathi factory
in which one Sundarman Rai, a gumastha
(agent) of the factory, charged Foujdar Dube
and others with having prevented one Kali-
charan Teli from serving in the factory and
that they had assaulted factory servants who
had gone to fetch him. The defence of the
accused persons was that this case had been
got up only to coerce them into submission.
Mr. E. L. Tauner was the Magistrate of
Bettiah at the time and he convicted the
accused persons.
On the seventh of August 1907, the
tenants of the factory submitted a petition
to the Collector of Champaran in which they
fully set out their grievances. In it they stated :
“ That instead of growing indigo at three
Kathas per bigha, the factory introduced a
new system. In half the area the factory had
1907-1909 39
compelled your petitioners to grow indigo

and in the other half jai (oats) and that it
allows only Rs. l5/-per bigha for jai although
according to out-turn deducting expenses of
cultivation, it comes up to almost Rs. 45/-per
bigha.
That if the total area of indigo and jai
cultivated by your petitioners does not come
to three Kathas per bigha, the factory for
balance area realises paddy at the rate of
25 maunds per bigha and if it is not paid in
time, its price is realised at the market-rate
.at the time of realisation, and that the
factory does not pay any compensation for
paddy or its price thus realised........ That
bullock carts, ploughs and labourers of your
petitioners and petitioners themselves are
forced to work at 54 of the ordinary wages
and sometimes for nothing.”
They finally prayed for inquiry. Mr. T.
S. Macpherson, the Magistrate, directed
Mr. Tauner to hold the inquiry and in his
order said:
“The matters raised are of great im
portance to the peace of the villages concern
ed and a sifting inquiry as to the existence of
the causes of complaint specified is essential.
It should be as wide and unrestricted as
possible. I can see that persons are ring-lead
ers, but it does not at all follow that the
agitation which is so widespread, is without
foundation.”
It appears that Mr, Tauner’s inquiry did

not satisfy the tenants, as Shaikh Gulab, who
was considered to be the leader of the
tenants, along with other tenants submitted a
memorial to the Lieutenant-Governor in
which he said about this inquiry:
“ That the Sub-Divisional Officer of
Bettiah went only to three Mouzas and made
inquiries of some of your memorialists and
then went away leaving the enquiry in-
complete.”
About the beginning of November the
Sub-Inspector of Police of Lauriya Thana
submitted a report to the Magistate of
Bettiah that some tenants were dissuading
others from growing indigo and paying rent
and that they should be bound down under
section 107 of the Code of Criminal Pro
cedure. The Magistrate took securities from
several tenants for keeping the peace. The
poor tenants felt very much oppressed by
these proceedings. Many of them even went
to jail, many had to furnish security for good
behaviour and many were made special
constables. A memorial that was submitted
to the Lt-Governor evoked no satisfactory
response. But in spite of all this the tenants
did not agree to grow indigo; and ultimately
the Sathi Factory had to give up indigo
cultivation. Thus a heavy load was taken
off the shoulders of the tenants.
But it was not to be expected that the
1907-1909 41
factory would take things lying down. It
found out another means of realising money
from the tenants, so that the loss of indigo
was made up in another way.
In 1880 the Sathi factory had excavated
a canal for irrigating its indigo land. It
had given an agreement to the Bettiah Raj
wherebj^ it had bound itself to maintain
this canal and to permit tenants to irri-
gate their lands by its means without any
charge.
So long as the tenants had cultivated
indigo they had been permitted to irrigate
their lands without any charge. When in
1908 the factory stopped cultivating indigo,,
it started realising Rs. 3/- per bigha from the
tenants for supplying water. This tax was
named Pain Kharcha (canal tax). The tenants
never freely consented to pay this tax ; but
the factory got them to execute agreements
for it. It is alleged that those tenants who
refused to execute agreements were forced to
do so. A special Registrar was deputed by
the Government to register these agreements.
The tenants knew what it meant to raise
their heads against the factory ; they conse
quently executed them even against their
will. The factory promised in these agree
ments to supply enough watei- for irrigation,
but this promise remained a promise on paper
only. Even tenants, whose fields could never
be reached by the water of this canal and
who were never benefited thereby, had also to

pay this tax of Rs. 3/-per bigha. At the time
of the survey of 1913-15 the tenants of the
Sathi factory refused to pay this water tax.
The Survey Officers made inquiries and
found that this yearly irrigation tax had been
realised even from those tenants who had
never derived any benefit from the canal.
After a sifting inquiry the truth came out and
these agreements were cancelled and this tax
came to be regarded as an illegal exaction and
was stopped. The tenants gratefully accept
ed this decision and now if the tenant wants
to take water from the canal, he gets it after
paying for it.
It used to be the practice in the Sathi
and some other factories of the Bettiah sub
division to get indigo grown without any
written agreement. In 1907-08 the tenants of
Sathi factory stopped growing indigo. This
news spread to the neighbouring villages also.
They also began to stop indigo cultivation.
One Shaik Gulab had taken a prominent part
in stopping indigo cultivation in the Sathi
Villages. His example put new life into
other villagers. Shaikh Gulab had to suffer
imprisonment and much pecuniary loss for
his activities but he rose very much in the
estimation of the villagers. They began to
look up to him as their true friend and leader.
There was another factory named Parsa
Factory at a short distance from the Sathi
1907-1909 43
Factory. Signs of discontent among the
tenants of this factory became visible in
September 1908. A big fair is held at Bettiah
at the time of Bijaya Desami. People from
distant villages visit this fair. The tenants
converted this fair into an instrument to
propagate their ideas. Shaikh Gulab and one
Sital Rai, who was an inhabitant of a village
near Parsa began to persuade the tenants not
to grow indigo. Some people went so far as
to devise means for driving out the planters.
On returning home from the fair the tenants
began to talk among themselves about these
matters and their ideas began to grow. Sital
Raj devoted himself heart and soul to the up
rooting of the system of indigo cultivation.
He used to collect the tenants at night and to
preach to them not to grow indigo. The
tenants were made to take oath in these
meetings. This agitation, was, however, con
fined to the tenants of the factories of
Mallahia, Parsa and Baeriya, and Kundia. It
is said that the tenants ha’d so organised
themselves that on hearing a particular singu
lar sound, the tenants of several villages
would assemble in no time at a particular
place. On the l6th October, 1908, the tenants
commenced the disturbance openly and a
certain peon of the Parsa factory was assault
ed. It is alleged that they also attacked the
manager of the Factory. News of the dis
turbance was immediately sent to the Govern-
44 SATVAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
merit. The Government sent military Police

to check it. On the 26th October Sital Ray
and a wealthy marwari, Radhumal, were
arrested. People say even now that in those
days the military police and the Gurkhas
oppressed them very much, and particularly
the tenants have not yet forgotten the name
of Inspector Knight, nor can they forget
those black days. Most of the newspapers
commented on those incidents at the time.
The Statesman of Calcutta deputed a special
correspondent who wrote on the 27th
November as follows:
“ A remarkable state of affairs exists at
the present moment at Bettiah in the Cham-
paran district in Bihar. Disputes between
the planters and the ryots have led to acts of
hostility, and in order to protect the Euro
pean population large forces of Bengal
armed police and Gurkhas have been drafted
into the town and its neighbourhood. Fifty
rounds of ball amunition have been served
out to each merhberof the Bihar Light Horse
and in parts the division has assumed a
perfectly warlike appearance. Seven cases
have been reported to the police in which
Europeans were attacked. Other stories are
current in the neighbourhood of equestrians
being ambushed, of frantic rides along jungle
paths through crowds of ruffians armed with
lathis and of inoffensive folk being molested
on the high way. Police Inspector Knight
was badly mauled by a Badmosh with a lathi.
Mr. Maxwell Smith a planter was chased by a
mob and a tum-tum belonging to Mr. Max
well, Factory Manager, was burnt at Muzaf-
farpur
On Wednesday last nineteen persons
were convicted here under section 143 I. P. C-
for being members of an unlawful assembly
and sentenced, besides graduated fines in each
case, to the full term of six months solitary
confinement. There are now no less than
200 prisoners awaiting their trial at Motihari
under various charges, chiefly for assaulting
Europeans, for arson and under sec. 505 for
inciting class against class. The principal
accused in this group is Sital Raj who holds
ryoti lands under Mr. S. E. Coflin of the
Sathi Factory in Bettiah Subdivision, Radhu-
mal a Marwari banker, and Ramswarath his
gumasta were arrested recently.”
On the l8th November, 1908, there was a
meeting of the Bengal Legislative Council
and the Hon. Mr. Duke stated as follows:
“ The attention of the Government has
been directed to the disturbances in Cham-
paran ever since they commenced. Its atten
tion was first attracted by the actual occur
rence of the breaches of the peace, for no
representation has been addressed to it or
any of its officers on behalf of the persons
who created the disturbance until breaches
of the peace had taken place and the law had
been put in motion to repress them. Govern

ment is not aware that any persons had to be
released in consequence of the absence of its
sanction to prosecute them, as sanction was
granted in the cases in which it was asked
for. It is not possible to answer in further
detail at present, but Government has set it
self to restore order and repress crime. The
neighbourhood is generally quiet and as
soon as it is reasonably certain that there
will be no further resort to violence, a full
enquiry will be made into the causes of the
outbreak. An experienced officer has been
selected and furnished with full instructions
as to the subjects to be examined ; but no
such enquiry could be undertaken without
greater danger to the public peace or use
fully conducted so long as the peace of the
district continues to be disturbed.”
The Magistrate of Bettiah was unable to
take up all the prosecutions for trial and the
Government deputed a Special Magistrate
Mr. Goode. There were about fifty cases in
which more than 300 persons were convicted.
Radhumal admitted his guilt and was let off
with a fine of Rs. 3,000 Sital Ray was
sentenced to 2^ years’ rigorous imprisonment
and a fine of Rs. 1,000. The Government
further posted an additional punitive police
force in these parts which remained there
from November 1908 to April 1909. The
entire costs of the force was realised from
1907-1909 47
the tenants and it is estimated that this came
to about Rs. 30,000.
It has been said above that whenever the
tenants of Champaran have tried to free
themselves from the miseries of indigo
cultivation, the planters have always laid the
blame of the agitation among them on the
shoulders of outsiders. On this occasion too
they tried to do the same by starting the
theory that Bengalis had created this ferment
among the tenants for political reasons. But
this accusation was wholly baseless and the
Special Correspondent of the Statesman,.
reviewing the situation, wrote on the second
December 1908 as follows :
“The expediency of a Departmental
inquiry by the Government into the troubles
of the planters and the grievances of the
ryots will probably have been suggested by
my last letter upon the present situation in
this subdivision of Champaran. From en
quiries I have made today, it seems that some
action of the Government is generally
regarded as not only desirable but necessary
and as the wish is father to the thought, it i&
hinted as a possibility that a Commission
may be appointed when the Police Court
cases are over in order that a thorough
investigation may be made. In the meantime
in view of this not unlikely contingency, it
is only fair to those who are connected in
any way with the case that I should publish
the result of my interview with the ryots and

so to collate and confront them with the
recorded statements of planters.
“At the outset I must record certain
alleged acts of reprisal on the part of the
factory servants and so-called ‘ friendly
villages’ who, now that they are backed by
bayonets and rifles, have, it is said, turned
upon the enemy in some parts of the district
with retaliatory lathi blows. During the
riots of the ryots some hard knocks were
occasionally given as the evidence shows, and
some of those who were knocked in the first
place have, it is rumoured, been returning the
compliment with compound interests. While
walking early this morning through the
bazaar, an individual of the cooly variety
came running to me with a lamentable tale of
assault and beating committed upon him by
a factory peon. He shed more tears in five
minutes than I should have considered
possible in the case of a man, and pointing to
his body he indicated by weird gesticulations
a great weal which clearly indicated the
impression of a bound bamboo. I gave him
some pice and told him to place his com
plaint before the Magistrate, and as he
received the money with favour and the
instructions with disfavour, there it seemed
the matter had ended. Upon my return to
the place of tents, however, an ox-waggon
■drew up to my door, and by most pitiful
1907-1909 49
lamentations my attention was drawn to the
occupants. What I saw then is common
enough to those who have trailed through a
campaign, but unless war has actually broken
out in this usually peaceful province it was a
sight to be wondered at. The waggon con
tained a party of wounded men. One had a
blood stained bandage round his arm.
Another had his jaws tied up in a cloth and
upon this there were blood stains; upon the
party generally there were contusions and
abrasions. A white-haired person in the
group who did all the howling, seemed to have
nothing the matter with him at all, however,
and it was he who told the story, the truth oi-
falsity of which must be left to another
tribunal, as to an alleged assault by factory
servants, in the absence of the proprietor,
upon his unfortunate companions. If any
reliance can be placed upon the garrulous
individual in question the planter would be
well advised if in future he keeps a sharp eye
upon his ‘friendlies’.
“I have been requested by some of the
planters to deny the statement which has
evidently gained some credence, that the
recent agitation was engineered by Bengalee
agitators. The observation appeared, I am
told, in a certain Calcutta newspaper. One
has only to live five minutes in Bettiah to
realise the absurdity of the contention made
by the correspondent in the present instance,
4
for there is an inherited antipathy, indefined

as Indian antipathies are, between Bengalees
and Biharees which at once precludes the
argument. A Bengalee anarchist would pro
bably get as much chance of a hearing in
Betti ah as Moody and Sankey might have
done in Mecca. On the other hand, it would,
generally speaking, be just as profitable to
expound a problem of Euclid or to deliver an
exposition upon Sematology as to preach
politics to the Bettiahis. The exsisting
trouble is purely agrarian. The ryots had
held their holdings for generations, they
rarely pass beyond the limitations of the
farms ; they know nothing and care nothing
about the hubbub of the outside world ; the
entire interest of each one of them is centred
upon his own individual paddy patch. In the
police court evidence it is said that the ryots
conspired to ‘ drive the sahibs out of the
country’, but the country in their case means
the Bettiah Subdivision, not the Indian
Empire, and it is erroneous to suppose that
the agitation has any thing to do with
Bengalee anarchism.
“I interviewed to-day some persons whose
names need not be mentioned, within the
elaka of a certain factory where the agitation
commenced in the first instance. The ryots
in this claka have not renewed the sattas of
their forefathers, and they contend in the
absence of any agreement to the contrary, that
1907-1909 51
they are under no obligation to cultivate indigo
on their farms for the use of the factories.
THE QUESTION OF COMPULSION.
“Has any compulsion been made in order
to induce you to grow indigo ? ” was the first
question put to the visitors from Sathi.
“Since last year there has been no
compulsion,” said one of the men, “either as
regards indigo or any other crop for the
benefit of the factory. We have merely to
pay Rs. 3 per bigha in order to evade the
obligation to devote three Kathas in the
bigha to indigo cultivation.”
“ By that payment you acknowledge the
existence of some sort of obligation ”?
“Yes,” replied the second man, “under
the old sattas we were paid Rs. 19 per bigha
for growing indigo. Although we have now
no formal sattas, we have hitherto been
growing indigo under the conditions con
tained in the former contracts. For about
twenty-five years we have worked without
sattas. For the past thirty years no new
agreements have been introduced until recent
ly. I have never seen a ‘ satta.’ The Sahib was
quite willing to go on without them, seeing
no necessity for their re-introduction. Last
year, however, the Sahib purchased about
400 rupees worth of agreement stamps, in
some places by force he compelled the
■‘assamis’to sign new ‘sattas’. They have
since petitioned the Collector stating that

they were compelled by the Sahib against
their will to subscribe to these new contracts.
Under the sattas a ryot receives Rs. 15
per bigha for oats and Rs. 19 for indigo; but
from our own country crops we can make
Rs. 40 to Rs. 50 per bigha. A bigha would
realise from 60 to 70 maunds of oats, and in
the rainy season, when oats (a winter crop)
have been harvested, we are able to get a full
crop of paddy, which may possibly come to
from 60 to 65 maunds, which would realise
about Rs. 120”.
“What do you mean when you say that your
brothers were forced to sign new agreements”?
“They were compelled by the institution
of false charges and imprisonment. Last
year there were several cases against my
relatives and they were bound down to keep
the peace ”.
“Is it not a fact that after the indigo is
cut, you are at liberty to grow rabi for your
own use on the indigo land ’?
“ We are not allowed to do so. The land
must be fallow until the next sowing in
order to increase its productiveness. The
introduction of Java seed is an experiment
and at present it occupies the ground for
three years to the exclusion of country crops.
We do not want to grow indigo. As regards
sugar-cane, it does not pay us sufficiently to
cultivate it for the factories. We can make
1907-1909 53
much bigger profits if we grow crops for

ourselves in our own way
“If that is true, how do you account for
so much sugar-cane being sent to a factory
by outside ryots, who are under no such
compulsion as you suggest ”?
“ It comes about in this way. The ryots
grow cane in order to convert it into golden
sugar. They have not the requisite machinery
for converting their entire crops and what
remains of the cane is sold to the factories.
The factories have sufficient lands of theii*
own both for indigo and sugar, and they
should therefore allow us the freedom of
doing as we like”.
“ You were contented and happy in the
past while working for the Sahibs. Why have
you changed your attitude so suddenly?”
“At a time when food stuffs were cheap,
we were willing to grow indigo. For the last
few years, however, there has been draught
and scarcity and the prices of cereals have
gone up and we can now make largei* profits
from our own crops. When growing indigo
we are engaged in that work throughout the
year and our own lands are neglected and we
have to pay bakshees to the Sajawal, the
Tokedar, and Ziledar of the factories ; if we
do not, they make us do extra work which is
objectionable to us and the dhangars who did
menial work in the past, at 4 as. per day,
have been sent away and we are compelled
to do their task ourselves, at 5 or 6 pice; for

these reasons we do not wish to contract
with the Sahibs for the cultivation of indigo.”
After the restoration of peace the Govern
ment deputed Mr. W. R. Gourlay, who was at
the time Director .of Agriculture and who
had also served as the Magistrate of Cham-
paran formerly, to inquire into the grievances
of the tenants. He arrived at Bettiah on the
20th December, 1908, and began his enquiries.
The tenants of Champaran even now grate
fully remember the name of Mr. Gourlay and
say that if all the Government Officials were
like him, all their miseries would have
disappeared long-ago. Mr. Gourlay, after a
thorough inquiry, submitted a report to the
Government. That report is still a sealed
book to the public as it was not published.
Several times questions were raised in the
Bengal and Bihar Councils, particularly by
the Hon. Babu Brajakishore Prasad who was
a member of the Bengal Council in 1910. But
the Government never gave satisfactory
replies and flatly refused to publish the
report. The Press also severely criticised
this action of the Government but to no
effect. The result was that the suspicion of
the public became deepei- that in Mr. Gourlay’s
report there must be the finding that the
tenants’ grievances were well founded and
that the planters were to blame. The Hon’ble
Mr. Maude, while introducing the Champaran
1907-1909 55
Agrarian Bill into the Bihar Council, said as
follows regarding this report:
“ The result of that inquiry (Mr. Gourlay’s)
was a re-statement of all the old grievances
which figured in all previous inquiries. Mr.
Gourlay found that the cultivation of indigo
on the Asamiwar system did not pay the
ryot, that the ryot had to give up his
best land for indigo, that the cultivation
required labour which could be more profita
bly employed elsewhere, and generally that
the system was irksome and led to oppression
by the factory servants. ”
After this report, the Lt.-Governor, Sir
Edward Baker, like Sir Ashley Eden on a
previous occasion, explained the situation
to the planters and had conferences with
them at Darjeeling and Patna in 1909-10.
The result of these Conferences was that the
price of indigo was once again raised by
12^2 P-C-» and it was decided that the tenants
should be made to grow indigo in 2 instead
of 3 Kathas per bigha of their holding and
they should not be required to raise any crop
other than indigo for the factories. It has
to be stated with regret that in spite of this
decision, some planters continued to cause
tenams to grow in 3 Kathas instead of 2
Katha?, not only indigo but other crops also,
such as, sugar-cane and barley. It must also
be added here that after Mr. Gourlay’s report,
the Government released all those tenants
56 satyagraha in champaran
who had been convicted and were in prison,

It is the belief of the people that that was
also a result of Mr. Gourlay’s report.
The tenants of Champaran remained quiet
for some time after these incidents. But it
should not be inferred from that that their
grievances had been removed. The oppression
of the planters continued as before and the
question was discussed from time to time in
the Council and in the Press. When the
King Emperor and Queen Empress came
to India in 1911-12, they visited the Nepal
Tarai near Bhekhna Thornee for shikar.
About 15,000 tenants assembled at Narka-
tiaganj railway station to lay their grievances
before them. The story is that they shouted
out their grievances, but on His Majesty’s in
quiry about the cause of the shout, it was re
presented to him as an expression of
welcome and joy on their part. It is no
doubt true that they expressed their joy and
welcome but they also represented their
grievances. To their misfortune, however,
only the former reached the ears of their
Majesties and not the latter. When His
Majesty reached Calcutta a number of
tenants went there and sent in a memorial to
him. This was forwarded under His
Majesty’s commands to the Government of
India for proper action ; but it was unfortu
nately returned to the senders on the 3rd
February 1912 by the Government o: India
1907-1909 57
for the reason that it had not been submitted
through the proper channel. The hopes
which the poor tenants had formed from
Their Majesties’ visit were thus dashed to the
ground.
In 1913 the Biharee which was the prin
cipal daily paper of Bihar wrote several
articles about Champaran.*
By that time Bihar had been separated
from Bengal. Sir Charles Bayley had been
appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Bihar.
It appears that the articles in the Biharee
produced only one result, and that was that
Babu Maheshwar Prasad, the fearless Editor
of the paper, was by some under-hand means
removed from the editorship, and the pro
prietorship of the paper which was formerly
owned by a limited company, passed into the
hands of a rich Raja, who had held the
largest share in the company.
In 1911-12 and 1912-13 the tenants sub
mitted several memorials to the Govern
ment, the Collector and other Officials. But
so far as is known it does not appear that
any action was taken on them which could
assure them that there was any one before
whom they could lay their grievances. It so
happened that in some cases these memorials
were forwarded to the very planters against
• See the daily Biharee 11th, 12th, 13th, 15th, and 28th
September, & 1st. 25tb, 26th, and 27th, October, 3rd December, 1912
and 11th, Jan, 4th, 22nd and 23rd February, 2nd, April, and 6th July,
1913.
whom complaints had been made in them.

The Amrita Bazaar Patrika of Calcutta, com
menting on this incident, unearthed an old
incident of the Muzaffarpur district in which
the Magistrate of Hajipur had referred for
report to Mr. Konstam of Singhia Factory a
complaint against him and this “ My dear
Mr.Konstam” practice (of writing demi-official
letters) continued in Champaran up to
1911-12 as was shown the articles in the
Biharee. In Novembei- 1912 Sir Charles Bayley
visited the Sonepur fair and there he was re
ceived with great eclat by the planters. They
presented an address to the Lt.-Governor
in reply to which His Honour said as follows :
“ I need not say how fully I and my
colleagues share your hope that the relation
of the planting community with the officials,
zamindars and ryots will alw’ays remain on
the present satisfactory footing.”
Reviewing this speech of His Honour,
the Indian Planters’ Gazette, which is the
organ of the planters, wrote as follows:
“ Peculiarly apposite too at this particular
juncture was His Honour’s reference to the
satisfactory relation between the planting
community and the officials, zamindars, and
ryots, and we hope that the vivacious
Editor of the Biharee, the erudite author of
the articles on the planter and the ryots that
have lately filled blank spaces in our Patna
contemporary, will digest this public official
1907-1909 59
utterance which so quietly and effectively
gives the Biharee the lie direct. Our contem
porary called upon God and Government to
hear while he bore witness to planter oppres
sion and planter extortion. Will the Govern
ment at any rate regard his testimony as false.?
We hope that our contemporary has the
courage born of convictions, we hope that his
editorials were not merely attempts to foment
discontent and discord.”
It was the misfortune of Champaran
tenants that just at a time when they were
sending memorial after memorial to the
Lieutenant-Governor detailing their grie
vances, His Honour thought it fit to give the
planters a certificate of character. But it is
a law of nature that Truth can never be
suppressed. Truth always finally conquers.
Whatever Sir Charles Bayley may have said
in reply to an address of welcome, the whole
truth came out in 1917.
CHAPTER VI
SHARAHBESHI, TA WAN, HARJA
'yVT'E have now arrived at a period when by
their adroitness the planters put a
heavy burden on the tenants for ever
to carry. Till then the factories used to get
indigo grown and whatever of force or oppres
sion there was, was in connection with the
cultivation of indigo. But the synthetic dyes
of Germany had reduced the price of indigo
to a very great extent and indigo cultivation
was not as profitable as it used to be formerly.
In some places there was actual loss. Many
factories were closed in the district of Saran;
and so also many of them stopped work in
the districts of Muzaffarpur, Dharbhanga, and
Monghyr, and those that remained were
growing other crops, like other agriculturists,
on their land. Champaran was not alto
gether free from the effects of this competi
tion, and there, too, where in 1892-97 indigo
had been grown on an average on 91,000 acres,
every year, in 1914 only 8,100 acres were undex*
indigo. The Government made great efforts
to save the indigo industry. Many scientists
began to investigate the subject, but there
was no chance of any profit from indigo
cultivation visible. Even indigo grown and
manufactured by labour which was not paid
for or if at all at a very low and nominal rate.
SHARAHBESHI, TAWAN, HARJA 6l
and which the tenants were compelled to

cultivate at loss to themselves, instead of
yielding profit now became a source of loss to
the planters. Inscrutable are the ways of
Providence! The tenants saw that what they
had not been able to accomplish by their
petitions to the Government and occasional
outbursts of violence was now going to
happen of itself, and they began to see the
dawn of hope for release from indigo op
pression. But who knew that behind the
rays of dawning light a storm was gathering
which for some time at least would over-cast
the brightness and spread darkness once
again ?
The planters saw that they must give up
indigo cultivation. The profits that used to
be derived from indigo cultivation could not
be made from cultivation of ordinary country
crops. They had also invested large sums in
tools and plants in their factories, and all this
would be a dead loss. They would be reduced
to the position of ordinary agriculturists.
They began to think of means by which all
the loss should be tranferred from themselves
to the tenants, and from 1912 to 1914 they
were engaged in this enterprise of transfer
ring the loss that should have been borne by
them on to the shoulders of the tenants.
They devised various means to accomplish
this,and of these Sharahbeshi, Tawan, Hunda.
and Harja deserve special mention.
The land in north-western Champaran is
not fit for indigo cultivation. When factories
were established in those parts, indigo culti
vation was not successful. They used to grow
paddy, and in some places sugar-cane and
oats; but these were not so profitable, and
the great source of theii' profit was realisation
of abwab or illegal cesses. It will be shown
later what these abwabs Here these
factories are mentioned only because it was
one of them that discovered a means of
making up the loss to it from loss of indigo.
There is a factory in these parts at a place
called Murla. When this factory saw as early
as 1897-98 that there was no hope of profit
from indigo in those parts, it began to realise
from the tenants a sort of cess as a substitute
for indigo cultivation. It was done as fol
lows. A tenant who had to grow indigo in a
certain portion of his holding did not do so,
as the land was not fit for it. He grew paddy
instead. The factory took the paddy grown
on the land which would have been under
indigo if the soil was suitable, and paid a
nominal price for it. In some places instead
of paddy, its price was realised. This system
is called Hunda. In effect it amounts to an
enhancement of rent. Take an example. A
tenant had a holding of lO bighas and the
rent payable for it was Rs. 60 per year. He
had to grow under the Tinkathia system
indigo on kathas per bigha of his holding.
SHARAHBESHI, TAW AN, HARJA 63
that is, in this case on 3 bighas; but he grew

paddy on these 3 bighas also and raised 60
maunds of paddy. The factory would take
these 60 maunds of paddy on a nominal price,
that is, it would realise besides Rs. 6o/-the
rent legally payable by him, 60 maunds of
paddy at a nominal price. When the Govern
ment came to know that Hunda was being
realised in this way from the tenants, it
declared the Hunda to be an abwab or illegal
case and ordered that it should 'not be realis
ed. Perhaps the Murla factory stopped reali
sing hunda under this order; but it began
to realise Harja or damages at the rate
of Rs. 3/—per bigha of the holding of
the tenants. The damages were supposed to
be in lieu of the release given to tenants
from the cultivation of indigo which was
never grown there and for which by act
of God the soil was utterly unfit. About 1905
the Motihari factory introduced a similar
system of release from indigo by realising
Harja. It began to realise, apart from and
over and above the legal rent, about Rs. 2 to 3
per bigha from the tenants. When the
Government became aware of this, it again
considered it illegal and tried to stop it.
But the Government was not as impartial on
this occasion as it had been on the previous
occasion. It notified to those factories which
had only temporary short term leases that if
they did not stop realising abwab, their leases
64 SATYAGRAH.^ IN CHAMPARAN
regarding Bettiah Raj villages would not be

renewed by the Court of Wards. It, however,,
made an addendum to its notification which
deprived it of all its value. Although it had
now become clear to every one that on ac
count of the loss involved in the business, the
factories were even more anxious than the
tenants to get rid of indigo cultivation, the
Government added in its notification that if
a factory insisted on indigo being grown by
a tenant in pursuance of the terms of a
contract between the planter and the tenant,,
and the latter did not wish to grow it, then
it would be open to the planter to release the
tenant from the obligation on taking damages.
No sooner was this declaration made than
the planters began to realise damages from
the tenants.
It has been shown above that the indigo
planters knew that their position was most
unsatisfactory. They thought it was not
wise to consult the Government often on this
matter; and that it was necessary to devise
some permanent solution of the difficulty.
Readers are aware that in the villages of the
Bettiah Raj the planters have acquired two
kinds of rights. In some villages they were
niokarridas, i. e., perpetual lessees on a fixed
rental which is not liable to enhancement.
The Raj has no connection or concern with
these villages except getting from the lessees
the fixed rent. The planters have all the rights
SHARAHBESHI, TA WAN, HARJA 65
of a landlord, i. e., proprietary rights, in those

villages subject to the payment of the fixed
rent to the Bettiah Raj. If the income from
these villages was enhanced, it would go not
to the Raj but to the planter, the lessee ; and
if the income fell, the loss too would fall on
the lessee. The Raj would be entitled to get
only the fixed rent from the lessee. The
other class of villages are those which were
leased out by the Raj to the factories for
short terms. It is open to the Raj either to
resume possession of such villages on expiry
of these terms, or to renew their terms to the
same lessee or to lease them out to other
persons. If the income of these villages is
enhanced, the enhancement after the expiry
of the term, will go to the Raj which may for
this reason resume possession of the villages
or resettle them on an enhanced reserved
rent with the lessee.
It is necessary to understand the dis-
tinction between these two classes of rights,
as the planters employed separate devices
in the two different classes of villages to
realise money from the tenants. The readers
must also know one other fact. Bihar which
was formerly a part of Bengal, has a tenancy
law called the Bengal Tenancy Act. This
Act lays down and defines the rights and
liabilities of landlords and tenants regarding
agricultural lands. According to it there are
two classes of tenants—one class having the
right of occupancy and the other having nc

such right. The rent payable by a tenant
having the right of occupancy can be
enhanced in one of two ways; namely, by
contract between the landlord and the tenant
or by order of Court. But a landlord’s right
to enhance the rent by private contracts is-
limited. The reason of the rule is that in
the view of the legislature it is not safe to
leave the tenant at the mercy of the landlord
who could coerce him in various ways to-
agree to large enhancements. The Bengal
Tenancy Act accordingly provides that a
contract between landlord and his tenant
enhancing the rent by more than 2 annas in
the rupee or 12^ p. c. is void. In 1883 when
this measure was before the Legislative
Council the planters induced the Government
to add as one of the exceptions to this rule
that if the rent payable by a tenant was
lower than the rent usually payable in the
locality by reason of the tenant’s obligation
to grow a particular crop on his holding for
the benefit of the landlord, and if the land
lord released the tenant from this obligation,
then any contract by which the rent was
enhanced even by more than 2 annas in the
rupee would be a valid contract. This was a
good weapon in the hands of the planters,
and they decided to employ it. Mr. Irwin,
the manager of the Motihari factory, took
legal opinion on this matter and it is said
SHARAHBESHI, TAW AN, HARJA 6/
that Sir Rashbehari Ghose of the Calcutta

Bar gave it as his opinion that if the
conditions laid down in the section were
fulfilled, then the tenant might enter into a
valid contract enhancing the rent by more
than 2 annas in the rupee. Mr. Irwin represent
ed the matter to the Government. The Go
vernment said that inasmuch as it had no
materials before it upon which to find that
the rent in Champaran was below the usual
rate by reason of an obligation on tenants to
grow indigo, it would give no opinion in the
matter, and the planters might do as they
were best advised but that if their action was
found to be illegal, the responsibility would
be theirs.
When the planters had armed themselves
with legal opinion and the Government, too,
did not stand in their way, they placed before
the tenants a proposal to enhance their rent.
It has been pointed out above that if the
rent of Mokarri villages was enhanced, the
enhancement would accrue to the benefit of
the Mokarridar or the perpetual lessee, i. e.,.
the planter. They, therefore, decided to have
enhancements of rent in such Mokarri villages.
Mr. Irwin of the Motihari factory began the
work of enhancing rents in 1911-12 by getting
contracts executed by tenants. Turkaulia,
Peepra, Jalaha, and Shirni factories were not
slow to follow the example of the Motihari
Factory. The planters say that the tenants.
willingly agreed to the enhancement of their

rent, and they gladly accepted to pay Rs. i/io
or Rs. I/I2 where they had been paying Re. i
only. It is urged by them that the tenants were
sick of indigo cultivation, and when the
planters promised to release them from the
obligation to grow indigo, they welcomed the
proposal and gratefully accepted the proposed
enhancement. The tenants, on the other hand,
say that they knew that indigo was now bound
to go. It was no longer profitable to the
factories. They knew, too, that in the
adjoining districts of Saran, Muzaffarpur and
Darbhanga many of the factories had been
closed and they were hoping that on account
of natural causes these factories would dis
appear from Champaran also. They urge
that, therefore, when the proposal to enhance
rent in lieu of release from indigo cultivation
was placed before them, they flatly refused to
agree and told the planters that in lieu of
release from the dying indigo cultivation
they would not put this burden of enhance
ment of rent on their and their children’s
heads, and that if it suited the planters, they
might insist on the cultivation of indigo.
The interests of the planters at this time,
however, demanded that indigo cultivation
should cease and tenants should pay in cash
instead. They were not any more prepared
to consider the interests of the tenants now
than they had been ever before. The tenants
assert that all the contracts for enhancement

of rent which they were supposed to make
were forcibly taken from them. Not one or
two but thousands and thousands of tenants
solemnly made the assertion before Mahatma
Gandhi that they signed or put their thumb
impression on enhancement contracts under
compulsion after being dishonoured and
beaten. Those who had the misfortune or
rather the good fortune to hear the statements
of these thousands and thousands of the
simple tenants of Champaran are firmly of
opinion that the tenants never willingly
agreed to these enhancements—the opinions
of those in authority and the Courts to the
contrary notwithstanding. It is, however,
true that every tenant was not roughly dealt
with, every tenant was not tied to a tree and
then beaten with leather straps, ever^" tenant
was not shut up in a chickenpen or in some
dirty place in the factory—peons were not
quartered at the house of every tenant,
Dhangars(a low class untouchables) may not
have been posted obstructing the egress from
and ingress into the house of every tenant,
every tenant may not have been tied down
and thrown in the hot day sun or a heavy
load placed on his head or breast -it may be
that the services of barber, washerman, car
penter and smith may not have been stopped
in the case of every tenant, every tenant
may not have been made the victim of a false
.70 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
prosecution in three criminal courts, the roads

leading to every village may not have been
closed and the grazing lands may not have
been closed against the cattle of every tenant;
but this much is certain that some of the
biggest and most respectable and influential
amongithe tenants were severely dealt with in
some one or more of these ways, and their
spirit having been crushed, the rest of that
and the neighbouring villages were easily
coerced into submission. It was only natural
that they should submit to what they consi
dered to be the inevitable.
The readers know that at that time Sir
Charles Bayley was the Lieutenant-Governor
of Bihar. His policy was peculiar. He paid
no heed to the petitions of the tenants; but
on the representation of planters he sent
special Registrars to the factories to register
the enhancement contracts, so that the
planters might be saved the trouble or delay
of going to the Registration Office, for
their registration. In this way some seventeen
special Registration Offices were opened in
Champaran and in 1912-14, some 30,710 enhan
cement contracts were registered. No more
effective method than this could have been
devised to impress upon the minds of the
tenants that the Government was behind the
planters in these efforts than this extraor
dinary procedure of opening special offices
for their convenience and it had the desired
SHARAHBESHI, TAWAN, HARJA /I
■effect of making them realise that if they

created any trouble, they would have the
repetition of what they had suffered in
1908-09—when large numbers among them
were shoved into jail and special punitive
police posted in their villages at their
•cost. They realised that planter and Go
vernment were interchangeable terms
and that they had no right to expect
protection from the one against the other.
Had not Sir Charles Bayley made this perfect
ly clear by giving a certificate of good
character to the planters about the end of
1912? To expect anything from him would
have been a height of folly and credulity of
which even the simple tenants of Champaran
were not capable. They submitted to the
inevitable.
Whether the enhancements were forced
on the tenants or whether they agreed
willingly to take this burden on their own
head to transmit it to their children and
children’s children in lieu of an alleged
•evanescent obligation which was fast dis
appearing by reason of natural causes, one
thing is certain, and that is that most of the
tenants of the Mokarri villages of the
Turkaulia, Peepra, Motihari and Jalaha
factories did execute such contracts. In the
Motihari factory the rent was thus enhanced
by Rs. I 10,6 per acre or by 60 p.c.; in Peepra
Rs.0/l5/-per acre i.e.by75 p.c.; in Turkaulia,
by Rs. 0/I5/-per acre, i.e., by 50 p.c.; and in Jala-

ha by Rs.l/3/-i.e. by 55 p.c. of the existing rent.*
If the average of the entire district is
taken, it will be found that the enhancement
of rent amounted to 60 p. c. on the existing
rental. Inspite of the fact that under the law
a landlord is not entitled to get an enhance
ment from his tenant by means of a contract
of more than 12^ p. c. on the existing rental,
it is said that the tenants willingly agreed to
the enhancement of about 60 p. c. The
planters on their side agreed to release
the tenants from the obligation to grow
indigo. We shall see later on how far this
promise was kept by them. Suffice it to say
here that when the Great War broke out and
indigo cultivation once more became profit
able the planters did not desist from making
the tenants grow it once again. They released
in this way about 22,000 acres of land in
which tenants had been growing indigo
under the Tinkathia system from indigo
obligation. Mr. Irwin admitted before the
Agrarian Commission that the increase in his
income from enhancement of rent in his
Mokarri villages amounted to Rs. 50,000 per
annum, the capitalised value of which at
20 years’ purchase would be no less than
Rs. 10,00,000. Mr. Irwin took this enhance-
•Vide letter of Mr. W. S. Irwin dated lG-lC-17 which was
published in the Englishman of Calcutta and reproduced by the-
Amrita Bazar Patrika dated 23-10-1917.
ment from 41 villages in which there were
41,005 tenants and realised thus Rs- 50,000 per
year for five years, i.e., about Rs. 2,50,000 over
and above their original rent. Similarly, in
Peepra Factory enhancement was taken from
8,000 tenants. The rate of rent in the
villages of that factory was lower than in
other places and the enhancement here was
up to 75 p. c. of the existing rental.
It used to be the opinion of Government
officials that the tenants of this factory were
more contented than those of other factories;
but the tenants of this factory created more
noise than those of other factories in this
matter of enhancements. Many petitions
were sent by them to the Government that
they were being forced to agree to enhance
ments. One of such petitions was submitted
by one Lamraj Singh to the Commissionei- of
the Tirhoot Division on the I2th December,
1914. This petition was signed by 700 tenants.
As a result Mr. E. N. Norman, the Manager of
the Peepra Factory, prosecuted Lamraj Singh
and 14 others for defamation. It was not a
civil suit for damages in a Civil Court. Very-
few of the suits of planters go to the Civil
Courts. They find their work easier and more
convenient in Criminal Courts -thanks to
the system of combining judicial and
executive functions in the same officers,,
readers can well imagine their reason for this
partiality for criminal Courts. The tenants
'did their best to defend themselves, but Mr.

Beal, the Magistrate, convicted them and
sentenced them to 6 months’ imprisonment
and R^, 24,000 fine. The tenants appealed to
the District Judge, Mr. A. E. Scroope, and he
set aside the order of the Magistrate and
acquitted the accused on the /th Septem
ber, 1915. We quote below a portion of
Mr. Scroope’s judgment which will show
with what oppression the enhancement con-
tracts were forced down the throat of the
tenants :
“ For the appellants the contention is
that the wholesale execution of Kabulyats
was brought about by nothing less than an
organised system of oppression by the factory
servants, hangers on and umidwars who
represent the factory in the eyes of the
ordinary ryot, and that the chief means re
sorted to were (l) stoppage of cultivation till
the Kabulyats were executed, (2) bringing in
women to register, whose husbands or male
representatives had run away to avoid regis
tering, and (3) criminal cases. Againflooking
at the probabilities there is no doubt that
whilst the intentions of a manager may be
one thing, the acts of the factory servants
may be, and often are, quite another. It was
undoubtedly to the interest of the Factory to
substitute these new agreements for the obli
gation to grow indigo. This being so, it is by
no means improbable that the factory
servants would put pressure on the ryots to

come in and execute Kabulyats . . . Anyhow
taking the evidence as it stands, it is
impossible to avoid the conclusion that
stoppage of cultivation was used by the
factory as a means of getting these
Kabulyats executed, and this certainly justi
fied a representation to the Commissioner, as
it is hard to imagine a more unfair stimulus
to execute a document, and the adjectives
used in para 3 of the petition to the Commis
sioner are not unreasonable epithets to apply
to it. . . Then as regards the allegations about
women, the defence puts in Kabulyats all of
which, it is denied by the prosecution, were
filled up first in a man’s name and eventually
registered by a woman....... Certainly the
factory’s action in these instances may have
been perfectly bona fide but the necessity has
not been explained for this urgency and for
not waiting till the men had made their
periodic returns.”
In the Turkaulia Factory enhancement
contracts were taken from 9 to 10 thousand
tenants. Some of the tenants of that factory
instituted 9 civil suits to set aside their con
tracts. They were treated as test suits by the
factory and fought out with great care by it.
Mr. P. C. Manuk, a distinguished advocate of
Patna and for sometime the Government
Advocate and a Judge of the Patna High
Court, was engaged by the factory. The
7^ SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
cases went on for a long time. The tenants

were of course incapable of coping with a
litigation of this protracted nature. The
Munsiff in the first Court decided the suits
against the tenants, but when the cases went
in appeal, Mr. Sheepshanks, the District
Judge, held in his judgment dated 15th March,
1917, that in 5 out of the 9 test cases, enhance
ments were illegal as there was no obligation
on the tenants to grow indigo. Both parties
appealed to the High Court in the suits in
which the decisions of Mr. Sheepshanks went
against them, and these appeals were dis
missed without trial on account of the
Champaran Agrarian Act having been passed
in the meantime. But the judgment of
Mr. Sheepshanks shows this that it w^as not an
easy matter for the factories to prove the
obligation on the part of the tenants to grow
indigo, and it is no exaggeration to say that
no less than 60 p. c. of these contracts for en
hancement were illegal and void apart from all
considerationsof coercion and undue influence.
What happened among the Jalaha factory
tenants is worth knowing, particularly
because the then proprietoi' and manager,
Mr. J.V. Jameson, was the representative of the
Bihar planters in the Legislative Council and
in that capacity he said in the Council that
the Champaran Agrarian Committee did not
act impartially. Let us see how his factory
had behaved.
SHARAHBESHI, TAW AN, HARJA //
The factory people saw that there were

legal difficulties in the way of getting
enhancement agreements from tenants. They
saw that if the conditions laid down in the
Act were not proved to exist, the enhance
ment agreements were liable to be set aside
at the instance of the tenants. It has already
been stated above that a tenant who has
acquired right of occupancy is not liable to
have his rent enhanced except under certain
conditions and to a limited extent. But
under the law there is no limit to the right of
parties to contract to pay any rent for a land
newly settled. The reason of the rule is per
fectly clear. If the tenant does not agree to
pay the rent demanded by the landlord, the
former cannot force the latter to settle his
land with him and must be prepared to go
without it ; but in case of tenants who are
already on the land, the landlord’s rights are
limited and the tenant cannot be ejected
except under very strict conditions laid down
in the Act. The Jalaha factory devised a
means to get rid of this right of occupancy
acquired by the tenants in course of years and
make fresh settlements with them which
would be free from the obligations laid down
on landlords regarding occupany tenants and
which would also not be subject to any limit
in the matter of rent. The factory would
thus sail clear of all legal difficulties. The
only difficulty was how to deprive the tenants
of this right of occupancy. It is always open

to the tenant to surrender his right and his
land to the landlord and to free himself from
the liability^ to pay rent. This rule is laid
down for the protection of the tenant, as
there may arise cases in which on account of
excessive rental or for any other reason it
may be necessary for the tenant to free him
self from the liability to pay rent. But the
framers of the Bengal Tenancy Act could
never have imagined that this provision in
tended for the protection of the tenants could
ever be used for the oppression of the tenants
of Champaran. The factory told the tenants
to surrender their lands, and it is said by the
factory that the tenants willingly and gladly
surrendered theii- valuable lands and their
valuable rights in them, and again took fresh
settlements of these very lands in the names
of some relations of theirs on a greatly
enhanced rent.
Readers can easily imagine if the
planters could force the tenants to execute
indigo contracts or to agree to enhancements,
there was no particular difficulty in their
making their tenants agree to such surrender
of their rights. When a suit regarding such
surrenders came before the Civil Courts, the
Munsiff decided that the surrender had been
taken forcibly and he held as follows in his
judgment dated 30th July, 1917:—
“Examining the istifananta (document
SHARAHBESHI, TAWAN, HARJA /Q-
of surrender) I find it is on a printed form

and it does not bear the signature of Jaldhari.
No doubt it bears the thumb impression of
one person but it does not mention whose
thumb impression it is. Plaintiff had pro
duced the entire istifa book before me. I
made the Patwari count all the istifas taken
from that village in that year, and the witness
after counting it page by page stated that
there were 125 tenants in the village and
the surrender was taken in that village from
not less than 95 tenants of the village. It is
the evidence of plaintiff’s own witness No. 2
that tenants were not allowed to cultivate
theii- lands unless they paid an enhanced rent
at the rate of Rs. 1-8 per bigha and that
Jaldhari surrendered the land as plaintiff had
enhanced his rent at that rate. If that was
the reason for the surrender, I would natural
ly expect him not to take land from the
plaintiff any more. But he keeps on the same
land with this difference that its rent was
nearly doubled after this so-called surrender.
According to this witness rents of all tenants
of the village were enhanced that year save
that of four tenants and that saving these
four men all the tenants had to surrender
their lands.
The witness could not tell me any reason
for this wild epidemic of surrender affecting
all tenants of that village in that fateful
year 1320. Every one knows that by sur-
render of a holding by a tenant is

meant total renouncement of possession on
the said land of his. But this is a
peculiar kind of surrender in which the
tenant Jaldhari surrendered his holding on
the 9th April, 1913, and that the tenant and
his co-tenant took settlement of those very
lands the very next day i.e. on the lOth April.
The reason for going through this form of
surrender is found in the evidence of the
Plaintiff’s Patwari. He says that the rent of
tenants was enhanced at the rate of Rs. 1-8/-
per bigha on the wish of tenants in lieu of
not growing indigo. So exemption from
liability to grow indigo was the real cause of
enhancement of rent and the surrender was not
the cause for it, rather it was a convenient
means adopted to achieve that by getting
over the legal difficulties ... It is obviously
plain that what happened in 1320 was but a
paper transaction. Exhibit I the sham istifa
was but an ignominious device employed to
evade the provision of section 29(b) B.T. Act.”
Truly there was this "‘wild epidemic” of
surrender of valuable rights. The Jalaha
Factory in this way got an enhancement of
Rs. i-8''-per bigha i. e. about 55 p. c. on the
existing rental. The enhanced rent v/as
realised for three years i.e. from 1913 to 1915.
Mr. Jameson thought, however, that inspite
of all these precautions it was safer to take
cash in one lump than this enhanced rental
SHARAHBESHI, TAW AN, HARJA 8i
to be realised from year to year, He
evidently believes in the wise English saying
“A bird in hand is worth two in the bush”.
There was no knowing when the tenants
would become refractory and carry the
matter to Court. He therefore proposed to
the tenants that he would give up enhance
ments in lieu of lump sums paid by them. He
admitted before the Commission that he had
realised Rs. 26,000 from tenants who had
agreed to enhancements. He says that, this,,
too, was paid by the tenants willingly. The
tenants had no money even to pay their rents
as the crops had partially failed for two
seasons successively just before these lump
sums were realised. But inspite of that the
very tenants who were unable to pay their
rents not only gladly agreed to pay thi&
additional Rs. 26,000 but paid rupees eight
to ten thousands in cash, and executed hand
notes for the balance.
This sum had been realised from the
Mokarri villages only. Over and above this,,
like other factories, the Jalaha factory also
realised lump sum damages from other
temporarily leased villages, and the amount
thus realised would not be less than this sum
of Rs. 26,000. Thus the tenants of this small
factory were mulcted in the shape of consider
ation for release from enhancementsandtawan
to the extent of Rs. 52,000 between the
years 1912 and 1915. We shall refer again to
6
Mr. Jameson’s dealings with his tenants

and leave him here for the present for fear of
digression.
The Jalaha factory adopted this method
of circumventing the law. Other factories
adopted other methods. In one factory on
account of the cessation of indigo cultiva
tion, its own land could not be cultivated to
any profit. The factory was anxious to settle
it with tenants. It settled small bits of this
land with tenants. The rent payable for
these bits, however, was not the rent properly
and reasonably payable for them but to that
was added whatever the factory considered
itself entitled to get from the tenant on
account of enhancement- The result was that
the provision of the Bengal Tenancy Act
restricting enhancement was thus successfully
evaded and the rent was enhanced. This
system of settlement came locally to be
known as Hunda. To make the position
clear, let us take an example. The bit of land
newly settled was very small. It is doubtful
if any tenant got as much as one bigha of
land thus newly settled. The rent payable
for this additional newly settled land was
calculated as follows. We have already seen
that if a tenant had 20 bighas of land, he was
obliged to grow indigo on 3 bighas. If for
release from indigo cultivation he had to pay
Rs. 1-8 per bigha as enhancement in his
rent, he would have to agree to an enhance-
SHARAHBESHl, TAW AN, HARJA 83
merit of Rs. 30 per year. Now with this
tenant bigha of additional land was
settled, the rent properly payable for which
was say Rs. 5 per year. The rent, however,
fixed under the new hunda settlement for
this bigha was not Rs. 5 but Rs. 5 plus
Rs. 30 which, if he had agreed to enhance
ment, he would have to pay. In other words,
the rent for that bit of bigha was Rs. 35
or at Rs. 70 per bigha. Calculated in this
way the rent payable per bigha in some cases
came to as much as Rs. 91-7-3 per bigha. In
one case it was found that the tenants’ rent
for his holding of 27 bigha was Rs. 59-13-6
while the rent payable for the same quantity
of Factory’s Zerait (own land), if settled,
came to Rs. 659-7-0; in other words where
the average rent was Rs. 2-3-6 per bigha, that
for Zerait lands came to Rs. 24-6-0 that is
nearly twelve times the prevalent rent. It
should be remembered that there was no
difference in the quality of the land of the
tenants’ holding and the factory Zerait. In
some places this difference in rent was seen
in respect of different portions of the same
plot. The reason is clear. The rent was not
for the land actually settled. It was the
enhancement calculated on the basis of the
tenants’ tinkathia liability. I have heard that
in some places land which remained under
water all the year round and in which no
crop could ever be raised was settled in this
way at high rent. In other cases land whichs

existed only in the imagination of the settler
was settled. There was no land in existence
which could answer the descriptions given in
the settlement lease. The factory was con
cerned with realising the enhanced rent. The
tenants also knew that they had to pay the
enhancement. What did it matter whether
it was realised as enhancement pure and
simple, or in an indirect manner ? When the
revision of Survey and Settlement took place
the Settlement Officers recorded these newly
settled lands separately as constituting
separate holdings in themselves ; the result
of which was that if a tenant wanted to
surrender them, he could do so. The factory
was of course anxious that this newly settled
land and its rent should be amalgamated
with the tenants’ old holding and its rent.
But fortunately for the tenants this was-
frustrated and the tenants were saved the
enhancement. When Mahatma Gandhi came-
to Champaran, all these tenants in one voice
declared their intention to surrender these
hunda lands. The factory manager alleged
that the hunda land was of superior quality,,
that the tenants had pressed him very much
to settle it with them, and that if the tenants
surrendered it, he would be able to derive
much more profit from the land than he was
getting as rent from the tenants. When the
tenants heard this they all expressed their
willingness to surrender their lands at once,
and Mahatma Gandhi putting reliance on the
words of the manager took down the names
of the tenants who wanted to surrender the
hunda land and forwarded them to the
manager. But the very same manager who
had boasted that the factory had settled
these lands at a loss with the tenants
instituted suits for rents from the tenants for
these very lands. With all this staring in
their face there are people who are never
tired of saying that the planters are in
Ghamparan for the good of the tenants there,
and whatever agitation or stir there arises
among the tenants is artificial and the
creation of outsiders without any substance
or justification and that the tenants are quite
happy under/the planters. By these and such
•other methods the planters managed to shift
the loss of indigo on to the shoulders of
tenants. But this enhancement was taken in
villages which were mokarri or in perpetual
lease with planters, any increase in the
income of which would in perpetuity accrue
to the perpetual lessee, In temporarily
leased villages, if the rent was enhanced, it
would be open to the superior landlord the
Bettiah Raj, either to take these villages back
■or to enhance the rent payable by the lessee
on the expiry of the terms of the lease. In
such villages therefore the planters realised
lump sums of money from the tenants.
There are many points worth considering

in this connection. The planters’ allegation
was that they were entitled to compel tenants
to grow indigo in 3 kathas per bigha of their
holdings. It was a sort of a personal obliga
tion on the tenants—an obligation of the
same nature as that to pay rent. Under the
law this obligation could attach only to such
holdings as were burdened with it from their
very commencement. Obviously it could not
attach to holdings which were not so burden
ed at their commencement. If this obligation
did not attach to the holding from its very
inception, the provision in law to permitting
unlimited enhancement would not apply, and
a contract for enhancement of rent by more
than 2 annas in the rupee would be legally
void. In villages where the planters were
the perpetual lessees their rights were practi
cally the same as those of landlords; but this
mokarri or perpetual right originated only in
1888, and as most of the holdings of tenants
were in existence from before 1888, when the
planters’ right originated, the alleged obliga
tion to grow indigo could not have attached
to them, and therefore unlimited enhance
ments, would be illegal and void. But even if
on account of their permanent right in the
mokarri villages, it be admitted that the plan
ters had some sort of a right, it is impossible
to understand how they could have any such
right in temporarily leased villages in which
SHARAHBESHI, TAW AN, HARJA 8Z
their own rights were temporary and from
which they were themselves liable to be
ejected. The Bettiah Raj which was the
permanent and superior landlord of the
villages never claimed such rights. The
planters claimed rights against tenants which
they themselves did not possess. One can
understand a tenant contracting to grow
indigo for a number of years and refusing
to fulfil his promise and being made liaole
in damages for his breach. The factory
would in such a case be entitled to realise
damages from him ; and if it chose to release
him from this obligation, it might claim some
compensation for it also. But this can be
legal only if the contract between the factory
and the tenant is legally valid and duly
executed without any undue influence, force,
coercion or fraud and after fully understand
ing the effect thereof. The tenants of
Champaran had always asserted that the
indigo contracts were forcibly taken from
them and if they were left to themselves they
would not grow indigo for one single day
not only that, the terms and conditions of
these contracts used to be such that no man
in his senses would ever accept them as a
free agent. Besides many of the factories
had not even these contracts in their favour,
and in many the terms of the contracts had
long expired. But the planters realised cash pay
ments as taivan or damages from all of them.
•88 SATVAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
Like the rate of enhancement the rate of

■tawan varied in different factories. It was
■calculated in this way. If a tenant was obliged
to grow indigo in 3 bighas, it was said that
his indigo lagan was 3 bighas. The tawan
realised was at the rate of Rs. 50 to Rs. 60
and in some cases even Rs. lOO per bigha of
the lagan. The average for the whole district
would be between Rs. 50 and Rs. 60 per acre.
In this way the planters are said to have, re
leased l8,cxx) acres after realising tawan at
the rate of Rs. 50 to Rs. 60 per acre. In other
words they realised nine to ten lacks in the
shape of tawan. The tenants could not of
course pay all this in cash. They paid as
much as they could in cash, for the rest their
cattle were distrained and other properties
taken in lieu of cash. Many executed hand
notes. The notes which were executed in
many cases did not show that the considera
tion for them was not cash nor did they show
that they were in lieu of damages for indigo.
In some cases false consideration was
mentioned in the bonds, e. g., that the money
was borrowed by the tenant for necessary
household expenses. Those who had to pay
large sums were required to execute not hand
notes but registered bonds and in some of
them absolutely false necessity for the “loan”
was shown, such as, the marriage of a girl or
the funeral expenses of an elderly member of
the family. The tenants had also to pay
interest on the hand notes and the bonds. Mr.
Irwin, the manager of the Motihari factory,
had admitted that he had realised Rs. 3,20,000
from his tenants as tawan, and his rate was
Rs. 75 per bigha. It has already been stated
that Mr. Jameson even in Mokarri villages
realised Rs. 26,000 as tawan after having
realised enhancement for some years. In his
Thika (temporarily leased) villages he realised
tawan at Rs. 55 per bigha. The indigo lagan
of his factory was 475 bighas and he thus
realised Rs. 26,125 3.'s>tawan, out of which he got
about one third in cash and for the balance
he took hand notes and bonds. This he did
in Jalaha Factory. But before coming to
Jalaha he was a partner and manager of
another factory called Bhelwa Factory. All
the villages in possession of that factory had
been taken on temporary leases only shortly
before the realisation of tawan commenced.
The factory could not by any means force
any obligation on the tenants to grow indigo.
Mr. Jameson admitted in his evidence also
that the indigo obligation could not be
proved against the tenants. He had realised
Rs. 75 or Rs. 80 per bigha all the same, from the
tenants of this factory also. The indigo lagan
of that factory was 1600 bighas and he must
have realised Rs. 1,20,000 to Rs. 1,28,000. It
should also be noted that after realising this
large sum as tawan, he sold the factory with
the result that when in accordance with the
recommendations of the Champaran Agra

rian Committee ‘the Government ordered a
refund by the factories of one fourth of the
tawan realised by them, the tenants of
the factory did not get any refund, as
Mr. Jameson and his partner had departed
after realising the taivan, and it was consider
ed unjust by the Government to force the new
proprietors to make a refund of what they
had not realised.
CHAPTER VII
GOVERNMENT MEASURES
TT has already been mentioned that in 1912-13.
many petitions were submitted by the
tenants against the planters. It has also
been said how inspite of these petitions Sir
Charles Bayley towards the end of 1912
congratulated the planters at Sonepur on the
satisfactory relations then subsisting between
them and their tenants. But this certificate
could not long suppress the truth. When
Sir Charles Bayley visited Champaran in the
following February, the tenants memorialised
him again and we give below three of such
petitions.
I
“The humble petition of the undersigned
tenants of the village Gawandra Tappa
Harihara, Dist. Champaran,
Most respectfully showeth : —
1. That the petitioners are tenants
and Kashtkars of the village Gawandra
which is in lease to the Gawandra Indigo
factory.
2. That hitherto the Petitioners were
required to cultivate Indigo for the factory
at the rate of 3 kathas per bigha of their
holdings and although against their wishes
they had accustomed themselves to that
92 satyagraha in champarn
service, as any refusal on their part would

put them to serious trouble.
3. That now Indigo manufacture has
become less lucrative and the factory has
thought fit to discontinue cultivation of
indigo and has been trying to realise a sum of
Rs. 60 on the allegation that the factory
would relieve the petitioners from the burden
of cultivating Indigo.
4. That indeed the cultivation of indigo
is a burden imposed on the tenants without
any justification and the tenants are right
fully entitled to be relieved of that burden
and for the matter of that the factory is not
entitled to realise anything from the
petitioners.
5. That inspite of there being no justi
fication the petitioners are being coerced to
make payment of the above sum and some
•of us have been compelled to sign hand
notes. The petitioners are terrified.
6. That the petitioners are quite unable
to protect themselves in ordinary course
and they feel compelled to represent their
grievances to Your Honour in the earnest
hope that Your Honour will be graciously
pleased to extend protection to your peti
tioners.
7. That the petitioners are at Motihari
and aspire for an opportunity to appear before
Your Honour and to represent their griev
ances which they are unable to do in writing.”
GOVERNMENT MEASURES 95
II
1. “We the tenants of Mouzas Phenhara,.

Parsrampur, Rapawlia, Jamunia Nasiba, and
Ibrahimpur Parsawni, Dist. Champaran beg
to offer our humble though hearty and loyal
welcome to Your Honour on the occassion of
Your Honour’s graceful visit to the District
of Champaran and we take it as a fore
runner of peace and contentment in the
district.
2. Oui' villages are in lease to the
Parsawni Indigo Concern and we have had
miserable existence hitherto owing to the
high handedness of the factory with which
our lots have been permanently blended. But
we believe and trust that our circumstances
will henceforth be changed for better on
account of Your Honour’s happy visit to our
district.
3. The planters came to the district with a
determination to manufacture indigo and our
ancestors and ourselves were made to offer
ready-made 3 Kathas per bigha, every year
of our kost lands for the cultivation of indigo-
which being absolutely unjustifiable and
unconscionable was sought to be legalised by
exactions of agreements from the tenants
known as sattas and as slightest reluctance
on our part and on the part of our ancestors
would entail our total annihilation as it were,
we persuaded ourselves to be agreeable to our
lots to save our honour and existence, But

this was not all.
4. The three kathas ‘Nil’ sattas were
followed by a demand of cart sattas from
us and the unfortunate lot accumstomed
themselves to the necessary evils in the
expectation of enjoying peace. But this was
never to happen.
5. Unfortunately for ourselves the
natural indigo lost its value in the market
and the factories, at least the majority of
them, have given up this idea of cultivating
indigo any further and our factory is one of
them. But the lull forebade a destructive
storm.
6. The factory now demands and has
been demanding for the last few years an
yearly damage of Rs. 16/8 or a consolidated
damage of Rs. lOO per indigo bigha for the
apparent return of relieving us from the
cultivation of indigo which means an increase
of our rents by Rs. 2/4 per bigha and in the
other case our total bankruptcy.
7. That the demand is more than can
be assimilated and we are therefore unable
and naturally unwilling and reluctant to
consent to the payment of the same. But
without any consideration of our poor and
destitute condition, the factory insists upon
the payment of the same by causing oppres
sion of which there are many varieties.
False cases have been and are being
instituted against us, our cattle are taken
from our cowsheds to the factory ground
to be released only after payment of heavy
fines, undue advantages are being taken of
petty differences among the ryots themselves,
punitive police and police guards were once
requisitioned on false allegation of oppression
by the ryots to the factory which is simply
absurd and impossible ; now Dhangars who
are known as factory’s regiments, would be
let on us and many other means would be
devised to bring the ryots round,
8. We petitioned the District Officer
representing our grievances and praying for
protection. But he declined to take stepson
such petition and ordered us to file regular
complaints against the factory. We then
petitioned to the Commissioner of the
division stating our inability to prosecute
the powerful factory and praying for our
protection. The Commissioner was pleased
to order “Obviously if the tenants will not
by definite complaints nothing can be done,
but it appears that the affairs in this dehat
require to be watched.”
9. The Divisional Commissioner in the
last portion of his order has shown some
sympathy with us and has been pleased to
remark that our affairs required to be
watched, but that does not improve our
conditions materially. The District Officer is
pleased to advise our formally prosecuting
96 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAM PAR AN
the factory but for that we are unable

and incompetent. Sometimes complainants
against the factory have been prosecuted for
false complaints without the same being
properly considered with the result that we,,
ryots, are unfairly silenced and compelled
to pocket all sorts of injuries and oppressions
or to comply with the demands of the factory
so hard, unjustifiable and ruinous though they
are,
10. Your Honour’s personal presence
among us encourages us for presentation of
grievances which we hereby do, trusting most
sincerely that our evil days will end today
and under the protection of Youi- Honour’s
benign Government we will be allowed to
enjoy peace of mind in our humble hearth,,
if Your Honour be graciously pleased to
order the District Officer to issue instructions
to the Factory to give up its efforts to realise
the illegal demand mentioned above; for
which we shall, as in duty bound, ever pray
for Your Honour’s long life and prosperity?ff'
III
“ We the tenants of Mouza Madhubani,
thana Dhaka, Dist. Champaran, beg to offer
our humble but hearty and cordial welcome
to Your Honour on the occasion of your
Honour’s visit to this district.
We are. Your Honour, yoked to the
Nirpur Factory which has been demanding
an increase of our rent for our holding on
the allegation that we will be relieved of the
burden of cultivating indigo for the said
factory. The cultivation of indigo is indeed
a burden and the sooner we are relieved of it,
the better in the name of British Justice. But
the demand for any addition to our rental is
to drive us to the fire from the frying pan
and we are naturally reluctant to comply
with the new demand of the factory.
But however justified our reluctance might
be, the Factory is not prepared to put up
with it and various sorts of threat are being
held out to us by the Amias and the creatures
of the Factory and our very existence is in
danger and to safeguard ourselves we filed
a petition before the District Officer stating
the various threats held out to us as we neces
sarily thought ourselves to be quite unable to
stand the wrath of the Factory which is so
fearful. The result of our petition to the
District Magistrate has been that cases under
section 500 I. P. C. have been started and as
Your Honour might weil conceive, we are
quite unable to substantiate the allegation
in the petition to the District Officer before
the trying Magistrate in opposition to such a
strong body as the Factory; although our
allegations are true to the letter and in one set
of cases some of us have been convicted and
othex' sets are still pending judgment and
trial ; but the result of these cases, as well,
7
are a foregone conclusion under the circum

stances we are surrounded by.
It is argued that tenants are voluntarily
entering into agreements for the increase of
their rents, but slightly independent and
unbiased judgment will establish that any
such agreement on the part of the ryots
cannot but be the offspring of force and
coercion and the cultivation of indigo was
nothing better.
We are informed that a special Register
ing office has been opened and we apprehend
that our annihilation is near at hand as the
establishment of such an office will expedite
greatly the registration and completion of
that undesirable agreement for the increase
of the ryot’s rents.”
It is clear from these petitions that the
complaint of the tenants was that force and
coercion were used in getting enhancement
contracts from them. We do not know what
action was taken on these petitions. In
answer to a question by the Hon’ble Babu
Brajkishore Prasad in the Legislative Coun
cil, the Hon’ble Mr. MacPherson said as
follows:
“Government has received from time
to time petitions purporting to be signed by
the ryots of Champaran and complaining of
the relations existing between them and the
landlords. The petitions have been referred
to the local officers for inquiry but reports
GOVERNMENT MEASURES 99-
have not been received in all cases. In
certain cases, the local officers have taken
steps to redress the grievances which have
been proved to be well founded. The com
plete report of the local officers is still awaited
and in view of the imminence of the revi
sion of settlement operation in the district
which will bring to light all the facts of the
situation, Government do not consider that
any Committee of inquiry is now necessary
or expedient.”
About this time these enhancement con
tracts were being execute<d and tawan was
being realised. The Press was also comment
ing on this. On the 6th July 1913 The Biharee
wrote a strong article’" on the subject. But
* “ The failure of natural indigo to successfully compete with
the artificial dye has seriously affected the financial position of the-
planting community in the Zirhat division of our province and the
loss thus entailed on them has affected to a largo extent their
relation with the tenants. We have referred to the evils of the
Tinkathia system, and how their attempt to realise tawan (compen
sation) or Sarhabeshi (enhancement of rent) for releasing the tonant.s-
from their obligation to grow indigo on three kathas out of every
bigha of their holdings has created a situation which deserves the-
serious attention of the Local Government. Villages in which indigo
is or was grown are held either in Thica or Mokkarri. In the former
cash compensation is being demanded which ranges from Rs. 60 to
Rs. 100 per Indigo Bigha ; in the latter enhancement of rent as that
would permanently raise the income. Instances have come to light
in which coercion is employed to make the tenants agree either to
the enhancement of the rent or pay the cash compensation. Some
of those who do not agree are harassed in various ways, till they
agree to the terms imposed by the Saheb. Numerous petitions, we
understand, were filed before the District Magistrate, the burden of
the song in each case being * that the tenants were not lodging
formal complaints against the factories but only laying their peti-
inspite of all this Lord Hardinge was also

made to grant a certificate to the planters.
When Lord Hardinge visited Patna towards
the end of 1913 to lay the foundation stone
tions for their protection so that, they might be of uso in future and
in the hope that the Magistrate would use his influence with the
planters.’
“And be it said to the credit of the present Dist. Magistrate of
Champaran that he has on several occasions while sending copies
of such petitions to the factory managers for information, made it
perfectly clear that no ryot can be compelled to pay compensation in
lieu of Indigo against his will, that no sort of pressure can be used to
compel him. He has further added that only if the ryot has executed
an Indigo Sattah he is bound to grow indigo, and if he refuses or
neglects to do so, damages can be realised by civil suit. But the
payment of compensation in lieu of indigo i.s absolutely at the option
of the ryot. Such a clear and unambiguous expression of the views
which the District Magistrate entertains on the question of com
pensation has been a source of relief to the poor tenants. It is,
however, a well-known fact that the factory managers and the
European Thikadars had been practising a sort of benevolent
despotism. But it was despotism after all. The principal source of
profit having almost disappeared, there has been more of despotism
than of benevolence and it behoves the Government to come to the
relief of the poor cultivators, for these latter in their struggle with
the powerful organisation of the planters and Thikadars, a very
influential body certainly, have to face fearful odds. Sometimes
petitions are submitted to the District Magistrate on which it is not
possible for him to take any action, For instance, in one petition,
the magistrate passed the following order :—‘ The petition does not
show to what public officer it is add’esstd. If it is addressed to the
Dist. Magistrate, it is for the petitioners to state .vhat action they
desire the Dist. Magistrate to take and under what law? If it is
intended for the Collector, I do not in the least understand what
power of interference the Collector has. The petition is therefore
returned to the Mukhtear so that he may make the petition clear.'
We can very well understand the difficulties of the Executive head
of the District, but there are various ways in which he might take
action and we might be permitted to humbly suggest to him that
.as the head of the police, he might see that they are less subservient
to the wishes of the factory managers. Police guards arc placed io
GOVERNMENT MEASURES lOI
of the Patna High Court, the planters presen

ted an address of welcome to him in reply
to which he was made to say : “To day as far
as I know, the relations between the Bihar
villages where inhabitants are said to have gone out of the hand of
the factory, and the oppressions the members of this force are said
to practice might well bo put a stop to, and in all cases in which the
District Magistrate is satisfied that wrong is being done, although
he might not be able to employ the provisions of any law to punish
the wrong doers, he might use moral suasion, and we are sure this
will have the desired effect. Only very recently a case under
section 107 Cr. P. C. was tried by Deputy Magistrate of
Mothihari exercising first class powers, in which 9 persons were
accused of interfering with the cultivation of Gainnazttriva land
belonging to the Ba rah Factory and its artwork Gawandra
Factory threatening to commit violence on the servants and those
of their tenants who have paid indigo compensation known as
Tawan. The case for the defence was that the said factories were
demanding Tawan from the accused and other people and are coercing
them to pay by various acts of oppression and that this case has been
instituted by the police at their instigation with a view to put
pressure on them so that they may be compelled to pay it, and there
is no apprehension of a breach of the peace on their part. Now the
Magistrate who tried the case in the course of his judgment says :
* X have made a local inspection of the land and compared the
cadastral survey No. 1310 Mahal and Mauzah Gawandra Tola
Sherpore, and it is entered in the Khatian Or Ghair Maznta Rasta
(Road) Chah Pokhta ek ba Kabza A/alii: and it is also shown in the
cadastral map as a road. I have seen several other lands Plot No.
1681 Mahal and Mouza Gawandra, Tola Ramdiha and 1275 which
the factories have dug up in order to cultivate them, and these lands
are also shown in the cadastral survey khatian and map as road. It
will therefore be seen that what the factories arc au.xious to
cultivate are Ghair Mazrua road, that is public roads which
have been used by the people as such for many years, perhaps
many decades and that it has now suddenly entered their heads to
dig up and cultivate them and thus stop the right of way of other
people. 1 may say at once that the factory is not entitled
to dig up, cultivate and grow crops on these roads and thus stop the
traffic altogether. The chief people that are affected by this are the
accused and others that have not paid the compensation or
planters and their ryots are cordial and

satisfactory in the North Bihar Districts.
In 1914 the Bihar Provincial Conference
met at Bankipur on the lOth April. Babu
Brajkishore Prasad presided over it and in
his Presidential Address he said about
Champaran as follows: “ . . The highest
and who have got their houses, Goushafas^ Khalihans, Nads etc., near
them. What the factories have done is absolutely a wrongful act
which is likely to provoke a breach of the peace and for which they
want others to be bound down. The accused, in my opinion, were
perfectly justified in resisting in the way they are alleged to have
done, the cultivation of these roads by which the right of way would
-be stopped. I can understand no other motive on the part of the
factory of selecting these roads to be cultivated first before other
fallow lands (which are many) than the intention of making the
existence of these accused and others that have not agreed to pay
Indigo Tawan^ intolerable in the village. It is a piece of extreme
high-handedness on the part of the factories, to say the least of it.’
In the end the Magistrate came to the conclusion, * that the factory
people have dug up the roads to grow crops thereon with a view to
stop the way of the accused and others who have not paid the
Tawan in order to coerce them to submit to the factory terms and
this is in my opinion at once unjust and unlawful and that it is
they who are provoking a breach of the peace. It is the factory
servants who arc doing a wrongful act and who ought to be bound
down and not the accused. If any breach of the peace occurs I
would hold them responsible and not the accused. I accordingly
discharge the accused under section 119 Cr. P. C. ’ Any one who has
.any experience of Zemindari work will agree with us when we say
that it is an ordinary practice to coerce the refractory tenants in
this fashion. As the trying Magistrate found there was no other object
in selecting the roads to be dug up for cultivation, roads which have
been used as such for years, which were shown as roads in survey
maps, except that of coercion, specially when it is pointed out that
there are other fallow lands which were not sought to be cultivated.
And the first effort to cultivate was made in connection with the
roads where cultivation would seriously affect the accused and
-others who had not paid the compensation or Tawan. Comment is
superfluous and would be nothing better than an act of supereroga
tion”.
'Officials in the land have utilised their replies

to the addresses of welcome from the plant
ing community to bestow upon them glowing
.panegyrics on the valuable services they are
said to have rendered to Tirhoot. I do not
grudge the planters these eulogiums and I
wish them joy. But I do maintain that
there is another side of the shield and
whatever good the planters might have done,
their dealings with ryots have brought about
a serious agrarian situation and that they
have resulted in considerable suffering and
.misery to the poor defenceless villagers. It
is well known that the ryots’ allegations
against the planters which have been held by
-Courts to be generally well founded are to the
effect that they are found to execute illegal
sattahs by methods of coercion, including the
institution of vexatious cases, that fines and
cesses are unlawfully realised from them
and that they are ill-treated if they attempt
in the least to refuse compliance with the
■orders of the planters. So far as the execu
tion of the sattahs is concerned, it is strange
that registration offices are opened at
factories to suit the convenience of the
planters. These allegations are serious
enough in all conscience to merit a thorough
and sifting inquiry in the interest not only to
the ryots but the planters as well ... In my
opinion the Government will be well advised
•if, far from blinking so serious a problem.
they tackle it in the only way possible,,

namely, by appointing a small mixed Com
mittee of qualified officials and non-officials
to thoroughly investigate the matter by means
of an open enquiry and by acting upon the
recommendations. Otherwise, I may warn
the Government that there are rocks ahead
and that they had better look out.”
The Provincial Conference passed a
resolution recommending to the Government
the appointment of an enquiry Committee.
No heed was of course paid to this. The
Amrita Bazaar Patrika and the Bharatmitra
of Calcutta, the Pratap of Cawnpur and the
Abhyudaya, Allahabad, went on writing about
Champaran from time to time and Babu
Brajkishore Prasad by his questions in the
Council continued drawing the attention of
the Government to these articles and warning
the Government about the danger of over
looking the real causes of discontent in
Champaran. On the 3rd April 1915, the
Provincial Conference met at Chapra. Babu
Nandikishore Lal presided, and commenting
on the Champaran situation, he said as
follows :
“I gather that in the twelve months that
have elapsed since we met last, all has not
been well with the relations between the two
communities (planters and ryots). The ryots
have presented petitions to the Government
making very serious allegations against some
of the managers of the Indigo concerns and

the official reply in the Council was that the
Government had ‘ forwarded them in original
through the proper official channel for
report. ’ This is gratifying ; but one would
like to know soon the result of the inquiries,
or are they also to share the fate of
Mr. Gourlay’s Report submitted in connec
tion with the Champaran riot of 1908 and
which is popularly believed and perhaps not
unjustifiably to be so damaging to the
planters that the Government has not dared
to publish it inspite of repeated demands in
the Imperial and Provincial Councils for its
publication.”
He, too, like Babu Brajkishore Prasad
suggested to the Government the appoint-
ment of an enquiry Committee. In this
conference also a resolution recommending
such a Committee was again passed, and
it is worth noting that Pandit Rajkumar
Shukla about whom we shall have to say a
great deal later on, accompanied by many
others attended this Conference as a repre
sentative of the tenants and related the
story of their grievances before the Con
ference. The Legislative Council met in that
very month and Babu Brajkishore Prasad
proposed the following resolution at the
meeting:
“ That this Council recommends to the
Lieutenant Governor in Council that a Com-
IO6 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
mittee of qualified officials and non-officials

be appointed to make an immediate and
searching inquiry into the case of the strained
relations between the planters and the ryots
in the District of Champaran and to suggest
remedies therefor.’-’
It need hardly be stated that the Govern
ment of Sir Charles Bayley did not accept
this resolution. In reply it was said that the
Government from time to time had had inqui
ries made by local officers and at the time the
survey and settlement of the District was
going on, and whatever grievances the
tenants might have would be placed before
the Settlement Officer whose report would
•doubtless be authoritative. The represen
tative of the planters in the Council and
the Secretary of the Planters’ Association
Mr. Filgate quoted the encomiums bestowed
•on them by Lord Hardinge and said that the
relation between the planters and the tenants
was quite satisfactory and no inquiry was
needed. Babu Brajkishore Prasad quoted
the following from the Indian Planters'
Gazette, the organ of the planters, in
reply:
“It seems certain that bad feeling has
been brewing for some time between certain
of the European Zamindaries at Champaran
and their tenantry and that very shortly
after he was appointed District Officer,
Mr. Heycock found it necessary to circulate
a notice amongst royts with a view to

reassure them.”
No one can blame Mr. Filgate for the
defence he put forward on behalf of those
whose representative he was in the Council ;
but it must be admitted with regret that
other non-official members also in a way
opposed this resolution. Some of the non
official members who knew nothing about
Champaran had the temerity to advise Babu
Brajkishore Prasad to withdraw the resolution.
But the latter who knew a great deal about
Champaran did not of course listen to this
advice. He only said in reply that if the
Government gave a pledge to publish the
report of the enquiry which was then alleged
to be made by the Settlement Officers, he
might withdraw his resolution. But Sir
Charles Bayley’s Government did not agree
even to this. It was obvious that the report
might go against the planters and the certifi
cate granted by Sir Charles might be proved
false by his own officers. If the Government
had accepted Babu Brajkishore Prasad’s
suggestion for the appointment of an Enquiry
Committee in 1913, the tawan would not have
been realised, and both the tenants and the
Bettiah Raj would have been saved this heavy
fine. The Government, too would not have
had to eat the humble pie and Mahatma
Gandhi would not have had to take the trouble
he had to. But whatever God does. He does
for the best. Possibly the enquiry and the

report of the Committee, if then appointed,
would not have been as thorough as they were
under the Champaran Agrarian Committee
of 1917, and the tenants would not have been
freed from the burden of Tinkathia. India,
too, would have been deprived of the first
fruit of Satyagraha, and the residents of
Bihar could not have seen the burning example
of the sacrifice of Mahatma Gandhi for the
good of the tenantry of Champaran.
CHAPTER VllI
ABWAB
TT has been said above that the soil of
northwestern Champaran is not fit for
indigo cultivation which was never carried
on in a regular way in that part; but it should
not be supposed that Europeans did not
establish factories there. They used to take
leases of village from the Bettiah and
Ramanagar Estates and used to make their
living out of them. It does not follow from
this that their tenants were happy and con
tended. They had devised other means of
making money. We have already seen how
in 1907 the Sathi Factory had found a sub
stitute for indigo in Pain liharcha or water
tax. Other factories also, some of which did
not have indigo cultivation and some that
had it, used to realise various kinds of abwab
or illegal cesses. Pain kharcha was one such
abwab. It was said by factory owners that
Indian Zamindars had from time immemorial
realised various kinds of abwabs and that the
planters had only followed their example.
They also alleged that the tenants willingly
paid these illegal cesses which were equal in
amount to the legal rent payable by them.
With regard to the villages of the Ramnagar
Raj, it is said that the rent on which they had
been leased to the planters includes abwab.
no SATYAGRAHA IN CHA.MPARAN
Ever since the Permanent Settlement was

made in 1793, abwabs have been declared
illegal and they have been prohibited by the
Government. The Bengal Tenancy Act also
prohibits the realisation of abwab and pre
scribes a penalty against a landlord who
realises it to the extent of double the amount
realised to be paid to the tenant.
Abwabs are of many kinds. Their names
and mode of realisation would excite laughter,
if one forgot that they were the cause of
untold misery to the tenant. Some of these
are described below, as their mere names
may not be intelligible.
(I) Painkharclia—means a tax or rate paid
for water supplied by means of a canal for irri
gation. If there were really pains in existence,
and the tenants benefited by them by irrigating
their lands with the canal water no one would
object to this rate being realised. The tenants
not only in Bihar but in other provinces also
pay canal rates to the Government for irriga
ting their lands with water from Government
canals; and no one raises any objection to
such rates. But inChamparan this painkharcha
an abwab. The Sathi factory used to
realise it without making any satisfactory
arrangement for the supply of water. In other
factories also it used to be similarly realised
without any justification. In all these places
the rate was Rs. 3 per bigha. There is
a factory called Chautarwa in northwest
ABWAB III
Champaran. There are many “Dhangar”*'

tenants. Land is not settled there by
measurement. The rent is not paid at so
much per acre but so much per plough, that
is, so much for as much land as can be culti
vated with one plough, The system is
known as Halband. The Dhangar tenants-
used to pay Rs. 7-8 per plough as rent
and an equal amount was realised as
painkharcha from them. There is another
factory called Madhubani which is owned
by the same proprietor as Chautarwa. There
is an embankment called the Piprasi Embank
ment. It is alleged by the factory that this
embankment was made at the cost of the
factory, and it is also maintained by it, and it
is accordingly entitled to realise painkharcha
or water-rate from the tenants. No one
knows what its construction costs the factory,
but its upkeep does not cost more than
Rs. 300 per year. The income of the factory
from painkharcha and an embankment cess
was as much as Rs. 9000 per year. The tenants
say that the embankment was made by the
Dhangars without their charging any wages
from the factory! Similarly the Belwa and
Naraipur factories-used to realise painkharchay
and their allegation too, was that they had
constructed canals for the benefit of tenants.
The settlement officers of the Government
“Dhangars”:—are a class of aboriginies imported from Chota-
nagpur and settled in Champaran.
could not discover these canals, and even

where they were found, only a small portion
of the lands on which painkharcha was levied
was benefited by them. The Bhasurari
factory frankly confessed that it had no
canals but it realised the painkharcha all the
same!
Let us have the story of another factory.
Its name is Sikta. The proprietor was one
Mr. Thorpe. He saw that painkharcha might
be declared an abwab and its realisation
stopped. He thought it safer and wiser to
realise a lump sum instead. He accordingly
tried to realise 6 years’ painkharcha in one
sum and succeeded in realising it, too, from
some of the tenants, but many did not pay.
In the meantime the settlement officers
arrived and the whole show was over. A
large sum was due from this very Mr. Thorpe
on account of rent to the Bettiah Raj, and
the Court of Wards remitted Rs. 8o,OOOat one
stroke for his, it would seem, invaluable
services!
Salami, Tinkathia and Lagan, are various
names for Rs. 3 per bigha that used to
be realised over and above the rent. That
it should be called Tinkathia is very signifi
cant. It does not prove that indigo used to
be grown in northwestern Champaran also
under the Tinkathia system. But tenants felt
that as in eastern and southern Champaran
their compatriots had to bear the burden of
ABWAB II3-
indigo, so also should they bear the burden of

this abvvab. This is well illustrated in
Bhasurari factory. The factory started by
realising 3 maunds of paddy per bigha which
it later on commuted into a cash payment of
Rs. 3 per bigha. In the Murla and Hardia
factories also this abwab was realised in this
way. The tenants naturally thought that
whether it was for indigo or as abwab, they
had to pay to the European Planter, and it
made no difference to them by what name
others called it -whether Painkharcha, Tin-
kathia, Eagan or Salami.
(5) Bahndbheri -is an abwab like paink
harcha-, its rate is one anna per rupee of the
rent.
(6) Beth Maji—VVehave already mentioned
that in Chautarwa factory Rs. 7-8-0 used to be
the rent and Rs. 7-8-0 abwab per plough. Beth
niafi also used to be realised by that factory.
The factoiA'^ had some lands which used to be
cultivated with the help of the ploughs of the
tenants. It is said that it was very irksome
to the tenants to supply their ploughs to the
factory and they gladly commuted this obli
gation into money payment at the rate of
Rs. 3 per plough. This was called Beth rnaji,
i.e., an abwab paid in lieu of beth. The poor
tenants of that factory had thus to pay over
and above their legal rent of Rs. 7-8-0 per
plough, an additional Rs. 7-8-0 as painkharcha
and Rs. 3 as bethmafi per plough.
114 SaTYAGRAHA in champaran
(7) Bapahi-Putahi —WhQvi. a tenant dies his
son or heir has to pay a sort of death duty
which is known by this name. It should be
noted, however, that under the Bengal
Tenancy Act the right of an occupancy
tenant is heritable without any such payment
but the planters would not allow the heir his
legal right without this payment.
(8> Marwach is a tax of Rs. I-4-0 realised at
the time of the marriage of a tenant’s child.
(Q) Sagaura a tax of Rs. 5 realised at
the time of a remarriage of a widow.
(10) Kolhuawau - tax of Re. I realis
ed for every oil or sugar-cane mill.
(11) Chulhiawan-—In some places turmeric
is cultivated in large quantities and before
being placed in the market, it has to be boil
ed. This was a tax of Re. I for every oven
kept for boiling turmeric.
(12) Batchhapi—was a tax realised from
sellers of oil and milk, and the rate was Re. I
for every pail kept by the seller.
(13) Bechai used to be realised from those
who sold grain and the rate was Re. I or
Rs. 2 per year.
(14) Phagnahi (15) Dasahri (16) Chaitnawnii
(17) Dawatpuja used to be a sort of a cess
realised by the planters or their employees
from the tenants on the occasions of hindu
festivals of Phagus or Holi, Dasahra,
Chaitnawami and Dawatpuja. It is said that
some factories used to give dancing parties
ABWAB II5
on the occasion of the holi festival. The

factory employees used to enjoy the dancing
and the tenants were also invited. But
whether they came or not they had to pay
Re. I each.
(18) Ilathiahi—There are jungles in north
western Champaran. Planters and other
Europeans often go there for shikar. Ele
phants were required for these shikars and
the planters have therefore to keep elephants.
When they wanted to purchase elephants,
the tenants had to raise money from among
themselves under the name of Hatdiahi, i.e., a
tax for an elephant.
(19) Ghorahi (20) Motorahi or Haruoahi, (21)
Naivahi used to be similar exaction to enable
the planter to purchase a horse, a motorcar
or a boat.
(22) Ghawahi—If the planter fell ill, the
tenant, like a loyal tenant, had to find the
money for his treatment. It is said of one
planter that he had a sore which required
operation and treatment for a pretty long
time. This involved much expense which
was realised from tenants under the name of
Ghawahi i. e., a tax to meet the expenses of
the treatment for a sore.
(23) Aniahi (24) Katahalahi—^Nhen there
was a bumper crop of mangoes and jack
fruits, the factoiy ordered the mangoes and
jack fruits to be distributed among tenants.
If any one had the temerity to refuse this
favour, he incurred the wrath of the Sahib,

But the mangoes were soon followed by the
factory peon to realise their price. The price
was, however, not settled according to the
market rate but varied with the capacity of
the tenant to pay.
(25) Amadi Salami- -If the planter or any
big officer of the factory visited a village, the
tenant must of course appear before him to
pay his respects to him. But how could that
be done empty-handed ? Therefore even if a
tenant did not care to present himself but
deposited Re. I with the factory servant,
all would be well with him otherwise he was
taught a lesson in manners.
(26) Rasidawan waspaid to the village offi
cer at the rate of one anna per every receipt
he issued for rent realised from the tenants.
(27) Farkhawaa was a similar tax to be
paid by the tenant for an acquittance receipt
granted at the close of the year as proof of
the payment of the rent for the year in full.
Its rate varied from 8 annas to one rupee for
every tenant.
(28) Dasturi, (29) llisabaua,, (30) Tahrir,
(31) Dewan dasutri used to be various kinds of
cesses realised from the tenants at the rate of
6 pies to one anna per rupee of their rent.
The amount realised under this head used
ordinarily to go to the pockets of the factory
servants but in some cases the factory took
hold of this also.
ABWAB II7
(32) Hisahai, Pandrahi, Dasahi- -It has been

pointed out already that the Sikta factory,
some time before the settlement proceedings,
tried to compound the abwab by realising it
for several years in one lump. It is said by
the tenants that in Chantarwa factory abwab
was realised for 20, 15 or lo years in one lump
sum. Those tenants who could not pay in
cash had to execute hand notes as was done
in the case of tawan. It was realised on the
pretext of releasing the tenants from the
obligation to pay abwab just as tawan had
been realised on the pretext of releasing them
from the obligation to grow indigo.
There were several other kinds of abwabs,
(33) Mahapatri (34) Rajank (35) Mnkdekhi
(36) Diwanbhati (37) Gurubheti (38) Jangla is-
imnavisi (39) Dahicheoraiia (40) Jamunahi, etc.
These were all abwabs. But apart from
these all the planters, whether they were
actual planters as in eastern or southern
Champaran or only lessees as in northwestern
Champaran, used to realise fines. Many of
the planters admitted this before the Agrarian
Commission, but said that only small amounts
used to be realised and out of the sum
realised a part was kept by the factory and
a part paid to the complainant as damages,
The tenants mentioned a punishment
with a peculiar name. If a woman goes wrong
with a man, the latter, if discovered, is punish
ed. This punishment is called Singarhat. It
Il8 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
is said that this is prevalent in Nepal also.

The factories used to realise decent amounts
under this head of Singarhat. From the
names of abwabs mentioned above it is clear
that the planters know how to extract money
from tenants on some pretext or other. But
it will not be right to think that every tenant
has to pay each and every kind of abwab
every year. Some of these were doubtless
realised every year -some on special occa
sions and some from particular tenants. It
is the opinion of the Settlement Officer that
the incidence of abwab was equal to the legal
rent, that is, every tenant had to pay double
the amount he was legally liable to pay.
The Planters say that these abwabs have
come down from time immemorial, and that
the leases to them are on a system of
rackrenting leaving no margin of profit to
them unless they realise abwab. They also
say that in some cases the rent payable by
them for their leasehold exceeds that realis
able by them from the tenants, and in some
cases abwabs are actually mentioned in their
leases. How then, they argue, can they do
without realising these abwabs? Mr. Ammon,
the Manager of the Belwa Factory, and who
has the reputation of being a zabardest
planter, said in his evidence in defence of
abwab before the Commission—“ Is the
Thikedar to blame for collecting these
abwabs, for the Thikedar is paid to squeeze
ABWAB II9
and must squeeze to pay”. It is however not

true to say that the leases would not be
profitable without these abwabs.
Mr. J. A. Sweeney, the Settlement Officer,
proved this fact before the Commission
regarding the Bettiah and Ramanagar leases.
The Bettiah Raj pays 10 p. c. as commission
to lessees. As regards the Ramnagar Raj
villages, he showed by calculation that for
79 villages which were in lease the lessee had
to pay Rs. 40809 as rent to the Raj, but that
he was entitled to realise only 40547 as rent
from the tenants, that is, less than what he
had to pay. But if the income derived from
the Bakshat and hi/nda lands be added to the
rent realisable, then the total income would
come to Rs. 70,700, that is a clear profit of
Rs. 30,000 which works out at the rate of
75 p. c. as commission for collecting the rent
from the tenants. The readers should
remember that apart from this the lessee
realised abwab which also was equal to the
legal rent, that is, 40,000. It should, however,
be added that the lessee had to pay a heavy
premium at the commencement of the lease,
but that of course is nothing when compared
with 75 -p. c. for collection charges and the
100 p. c. abwab on the legal rental.
The tenants had sent petitions to the
Government and Government officials about
these abwabs, and when Babu Brajakishore
Prasad moved a resolution in the Legislative
Council for the appointment of an Enquiry

Committee, the Hon’ble Mr. L.evinge, who
spoke on behalf of the Government pointed
out that B. Brajakishore had made a mistake
in treating all Europeans in Champaran as
planters, whereas many of them had nevex-
cultivated or manufactured indigo at all. He
also stated that the petitions of the tenants
from the northwestern portion of Champaran
were not about indigo but about abwab,
and therefore they furnished no ground for
holding any enquiry so fax* as the indigo
planters properly so-called were concerned.
He further stated that these petitions about
abwab had been forwarded to local officers
for inquiry. No doubt this criticism of the
Hon’ble Mr. Levinge was literally true, but
the fact remains that the tenants of Cham
paran do not make any distinction between
an indigo planter and an European who
extracts abwab from them. To them both
represent one and the same thing—a xnoney
extracting agency.
The District Collector held enquiries on
the basis of these petitions and as a result
issued a notice on the l8th May 1914, to the
effect that with regard to the complaints of
the tenants that the Chantrawa Factory was
demanding Rs. 15 per bigha, the Factory had
assured him that this demand was not made
and that the tenants should not pay it, even
if the demand was made. The tenants of
ABWAB I2I
Belwa, Sikta Chantrawa, Madhubani, and

Naraipur went on submitting such petitions
complaining about abwab to the Collector,
the Commissioner and the Lieutenant
Governoj- of the Province. But this grievance
was not full^f dealt with until the Settlement
Proceedings when Mr. Sweeney after a
thorough enquiry submitted a report in June
1915. The complaints of the tenants were
mostly found by him to be true in this report,
and orders were issued to stop realisation of
abwabs. In the villages of the Bettiah Raj
collection of abwab was stopped after the
issue of these orders, but it continued in the
villages of the Ramnagar Raj.
CHAPTER IX
SURVEY AND SETTLEMENT
npHE readers will remember that Babu Braja-
-*■ kishore Prasad had proposed the ap
pointment of a Committee to inquire into
relations between the planters and their
tenants. The Hon’ble Mr. Levinge had in
reply said that such a Committee was un
necessary as the Government had deputed
officers for a revisional survey and settlement
of the District and that these officers would
listen to and inquire into the grievances of
the tenants, and that the Government would
take such action as was deemed necessary on
the receipt of the report of the settlement
officer. This work of Revisional Survey and
Settlement started in Champaran in 1913.
The Settlement Officer held a sifting
inquiry into the question of abwab, and it is
no exaggeration to say that if he had not
dealt with this question as thoroughly as he
had done, Mahatma Gandhi’s work would
have been even more difficult than it was.
The Settlement Officer openly declared the
Painkharcha to be an illegal abwab and told
the tenants that they could not be legally
compelled to pay it. His subordinates held
detailed inquiries from village to village as
to what large and small canals there were and
as to their capacity" to irrigate the lands of
SURVEY AND SETfLEMENT 125
the tenants and the amounts realised from

them. It is said that one officer ordered that
water should be allowed to flow freely to sec
how far it could irrigate the lands and he
himself waited there to see the result. But
inspite of all the efforts of the Factory
Employees, the water could not go far, and
thus the officer saw with his own eyes the
inequity of the Painkharcha. He reported to
the Settlement Officer that this Painkharcha
was altogether illegal and the latter verified
this report by his own personal inquiries. On
his report the Government ordered this reali
sation to be stopped. This was stopped soon
in the Bettiah Raj, which being under the
Court of Wards, is directly in Government
control but the lessees of the Ramnagar Raj
continued realising it. The tenants of some
villages, however, became emboldened and
refused to pay it ; but wherever the lessees
could get the upper hand, they realised it.
The readers will also recollect that under the
Bengal Tenancy Act a person who realises
abwab is liable to pay double the amount
realised by him as penalty. But no steps were
taken to enforce the law even against such of
the planters as admitted having realised
abwab. We do not know who is responsible
for this. The Settlement Officer deserves the
thanks of all for the action he took in stop
ing abwab. He acted very impartially and
boldly in this matter.
This is what happened in northwestern

Champaran. There were no abwabs on such
extensive scale in southeastern Champaran.
There the trouble was about Tinkathia,
ShardbesJii (enhancement of rent) and
tawan. The Settlement Officer had not the
power to do anything about tawan, that used
to be realised from the tenants, and he had
no authority to interfere. But the question
of Tinkathia and Sharabeshi came up before
him. It has to be stated with regret that in
dealing with these questions he did not act
with the same circumspection and care as he
had shown in dealing with abwab.
The tenants stated before him that
enhancement agreements were forcibly taken
from them. He decided that coercion was
not proved. It was argued on behalf of the
tenants that these agreements were illegal
under the Bengal Tenancy Act. He held that
most of them were valid. The decision can
not be said to be impartial or just ; for, as
has already been mentioned, in deciding nine
cases of the Tirkaulia factory, the munsiff
took several months. The Settlement Officer
decided 25 to 30 thousands of such cases
within a few months. Then again in 5 out of
the 9 cases of Tirkaulia, these agreements
were held to be invalid and their validity
was upheld only in four of them. But the
Settlement Officer had held most of them to
be valid in favour of the planters. One thing
SURVEY AND SETFLEMENT 125
more deserves to be mentioned. When it

was proved that the agreement for enhance
ment was taken under undue influence or
coercion and was consequently invalid, the
Settlement Officer recorded it in the Record
of Rights of the tenants that they were under
an obligation to grow indigo in 3 kathahs for
every bigha of their holding, which in other
words was only placing a weapon in the
hands of the planters to oppress the tenants.
It is not intelligible to ordinary men that
tenants who had been fighting against Tink-
athia for generations and who had almost
gained a victory, would easily give away the
fruits of their victory and agree to compro
mises. But the Settlement Officer recorded a
large number of such compromises and en
hanced their rents. The result naturally was
that there was great discontent among tenants
who had become desperate. They had hoped
that the settlement officer deputed by the
Government would redress their grievances ;
but when they were disappointed even by
him, their miseries became unbearable.
Champaran was seething with this discontent
when Mahatma Gandhi arrived on the scene.
It must be admitted that the Settlement
Officer can justly lay claim to the credit of
having put a new life into the tenantry of
Champaran. The tenants learned to talk
face to face to the planters in these Settle
ment Courts. It was in these courts that the
tenants could see that the planter and the

Government were not interchangeable terms,
and that even such a thing as a decision
against a planter was possible. No wonder
then that, when Mahatma Gandhi arrived,
they came in their thousands to him to tell
him their woeful stories.
We have no doubt whatever that the
decision of the Settlement Officer regarding
Sharabeshi was wrong. But it is a question on
which there is room for difference of opinion.
To err is human, and even if the Settlement
Officer erred, as we have no doubt he did, we
cannot lay any blame on him.
The Settlement Officer decided another
matter also. Whenever the tenants of Cham-
paran have tried to free themselves from the
planter tyranny, the planters have always
alleged that the tenants are quite happy, that
the relations between them and their tenants
are cordial, and that it is only under the
instigation of outsiders or of self-seeking
men of Champaran that at times these happy
and contented tenants got out of hand ; so
that if these instigators are got out of the
way, all will be well. The Government also
often accepted this story of the planters.
But we have seen that whenever an inquiry
has been held, no instigator has been dis
covered, while the allegations of the tenants
have almost always been found to be true.
When Mahatma Gandhi arrived in Cham-
SURVEY AND SE'fTLEMENT 127
paran, not only the planters but some

Government oflEicers also trotted out the
same old story of an agitation manufactured
by outside agency, but we shall presently see
how they failed in their attempt to sidetrack
the inquiry.
CHAPTER X
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the thirty-first session of the Indian
-*■ National Congress met at Lucknow in
December, 1916. About 2300 delegates
from various parts of India attended it.
After the split at Surat Lokamanya Tilak
for the first time attended the Congress with
his followers. The Deccan and Sindh camps
were full, -The number of delegates from
Gujarat, Madras and the Central Provinces
was also considerable. For U. P. people to
attend in large numbers was no matter of
surprise, as the Congress was held in their
Province. Mrs. Annie Besant with her
followers came from Madras. Bengal had
also sent a large number of delegates with
the President. Even Bihar was awake and
sent a large contingent of delegates. The
reason for this was that it was proposed to
place some important resolutions before the
congress on behalf of Bihar. Mahatma
Gandhi accompanied by his son had also
come from Gujarat and had taken his
residence in a camp near the Pandal.
It was proposed to place two resolutions
on behalf of Bihar. One regarding the
Patna University Bill, and the other regard
ing the relations between the planters and
their tenants of Champaran. Before placing
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI 129
this last resolution before the Subjects

Committee some people saw Mahatma
Gandhi, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and
other leaders and discussed the matter with
them. Pandit Malaviya knew something
about it but Mahatma Gandhi knew abso
lutely nothing. When the names of speakers
on the resolution were being selected in the
Subjects Committee Bihar delegates requested
Mahatma Gandhi to speak, but he said that
he knew nothing about the matter, and
unless he made himself acquainted with the
situation, he would say or do nothing. The
burden of proposing the resolution fell upon
Babu Brajakishore Prasad. On the second
day of the Congress the following resolution
was proposed before the Congress.
“ The Congress most respectfully urges
on the Government the desirability of
appointing a mixed Committee of officials
and non-officials to inquire into the causes of
agrarian trouble and the strained relations
between the Indigo ryots and the European
Planters in North Behar and to suggest
remedies therefor.”
It is worth mentioning here that it was
perhaps the first time in its history that the
Congress had to listen to the grievances of
the tenants from the lips of a tenant. The
tenants of Champaran had sent Pandit
Rajkumar Shukla as their representative to
the Congress and he, in supporting the resolu-
9
tion, related the miserable plight of the

Champaran tenantry.
It was the desire of Bihar and particularly
Champaran delegates that Mahatma Gandhi
should visit Champaran and see with his own
eyes the pitiable condition of its people and
devise means for improving it. Some people
had also sent a letter to him, and one gentle
man had even seen him at Ahmedabad in
this connection. But on account of want of
time Mahatma Gandhi had not been able to
comply with their request. After the above
resolution was adopted by the Congress, the
Bihar delegates approached him and pressed
him to come to Bihar. He promised he
would try to come about following March or
April. People were very much satisfied and
on their way back some people accompanied
him to Cawnpore and further related to him
the woeful story of the tenants. His heart
melted and he consoled them. They came
back to Champaran full of hope and began to
count the days of his advent.
After returning from Lucknow a letter
was again sent by Pundit Rajkumar Shukla
on behalf of the tenants on the 27th Febru
ary, 1917.
Mahatma Gandhi wrote in reply that he
would be in Calcutta on the 7th March and
enquired where Rajkumar Shukla could meet
him. On account of some mistake of the
post office the letter unfortunately did not
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI I3I
reach Rajkumar Shukla till after the /th

March. He had however received information
that the Mahatma had gone to Calcutta but
on arriving there he learnt that the Mahatma
had already left the place for Delhi.
Rajkumar Shukla returned to Champaran
and wrote again to Mahatma Gandhi and
received a reply on the i6th March, 191/,
saying that the Mahatma would take the
earliest opportunity of visiting Champaran.
On the 3rd April 1917 Mahatma Gandhi wired
to Rajkumar Shukla that he was going to
Calcutta where he would stay with Mr.
Bhupendranath Basu and asked Rajkumar
Shukla to meet him there. On receipt of
this telegram Rajkumar Shukla went to
Calcutta and met the Mahatma there. No
one in Bihar knew anything about all this at
the time, so much so that some members from
Bihar were present at the meeting of the All
India Congress Committee to attend which
Mahatma Gandhi had gone to Calcutta, but
as it was not known that he was proceeding
to Champaran from Calcutta, no one had any
talk with him. Rajkumar Shukla, too, did
not meet any of the Bihar members who con
sequently remained utterly ignorant of
Mahatmaji’sintended visit.
Mahatma Gandhi started on the 9th
April, 1917, with Shuklaji and arrived at
Patna on the lOth April, 1917. Shuklaji took
him straight to the house of the writer. The
writer was absent in Calcutta for the meeting

of the All India Congress Committee and had
proceeded from there to Puri and had not
returned till then to Patna. There was only
a servant in the house. He did not recognise
the distinguished guest and treated him as
an ordinary visitor. The Mahatma stopped
there for a short while. When news of his
arrival reached Mr. Mazharal Haque he came
and took the Mahatma to his house. The
Hon’ble Babu Krishna Sahay also came and
saw the Mahatma there. The latter had
decided to proceed to Muzaffarpur the same
evening and sent a telegraphic information to
Mr. J. B. Kripalani who was at the time, a
Professor in the G. B.B. College, Muzaffarpur.
Mahatmaji started in the evening with
Shuklaji for Muzaffarpur. The train reached
Muzaffarpur at lO O’clock at night. Professor
Kripalani had received the telegram and was
present at the station with some of his
students to receive Mahatmaji. Although
there had been correspondence between
Mahatma Gandhi and Professor Kripalani
they had never met before. No one
could recognise him, but when Pandit
Rajkumar Shukla saw the crowd of people
he understood that they must have come to
receive the Mahatma and he called them and
showed the great man to them. People
gave a reception at the station, took his
arati, and dragged his carriage. Mahatmaji
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHf 133
Stopped with Professor Kripalani in his

hostel.
On the llth April, 1917, Mahatma Gandhi
saw Mr. J. M. Wilson, the secretary of the
Planters’ Association, explained to him the
object of his visit, told him that he had come
to inquire into the causes of the misunder
standing between the tenants and the planters,
and asked for his help in his inquiry. Mr.
Wilson told him that he would give such
assistance as he would be able to render in
his personal capacity but he could not take
any responsibility on behalf of the Associa
tion. The same evening a number of Vakils
of Muzaffarpur came to see Mahatmaji. One
of them pressed Mahatmaji to proceed to
Champaran at once. Mahatmaji agreed. On
the I2th April, 1917, Mahatmaji sent intima
tion of his arrival to the Plon’ble Mr. L. F.
Morshead, the Commissioner of the Tirhoot
Division, and informed him of the object of
his visit and asked for an appointment to
meet him. On the same day Mr. Wilson
wrote to Mahatmaji saying that no inquiry
was needed and advised him not to go to
Champaran. He also said that if Mahatmaji
commenced this work during war time, self
seeking agitators would utilise the opportunity
for theii* selfish ends which might do more
harm than good to those to help whom he
came. Babu Brajakishore arrived at
Muzaffarpur from Dharbhanga the same even-
ing. On the J jth April, 1917, Mahatmaji saw

the Commissioner. Mr. D. Weston, the
Collector of Muzaffarpur, was also present
there. The Commissioner expressed his dis
approval of Mahatmaji’s visit to Bihar and
and inquired who had brought him there.
He also told him that inquiiy was being made
on behalf of the Government; that
Mahatmaji's visit was unnecessary ; that he
would not give any assistance to him in his
inquiry and finally advised him to go away
at once. Mahatmaji told him in reply that he
had been receiving letters from the people
for a long time but he could not produce
them before him; that at the last Congress
the delegates from Bihar had asked him to
move a resolution at the Congress regarding
Champaran but that he had refused to do so
on the ground that he would not make him
self a party to it unless he had seen things
with his own eyes; and that thereupon the
delegates had asked him to visit Champaran
and he was accordingly there.
Mahatmaji was not likely to change his
decision on account of this conversation with
the Commissioner. The more the secretary
of the Planters’ Association and the Com
missioner persisted in their advice to him not
to visit Champaran, his suspicion that there
must be something wrong became deeper and
his determination to go there more and more
confirmed. The Mahatma could see after
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI ijS
this interview that the Planters and the local

officials could not onlj’- not help him in his
inquiry but might put obstacles in his way.
After his return from the Commissioner’s
bouse Mahatmaji asked some prominent
delegates to the Lucknow Congress to give
him a letter to the effect that they and
some other delegates from Bihar had request
ed him at the Congress to hold an inquiry in
Champaran. Along with this letter he sent
a letter of his own, saying that he had come
to find the truth with regard to the relation
between planters and the ryots in view of
certain statements which had been made to
him. That was the only object of his visit
and all that he wanted was peace with honour.
The news of Mahatmaji’s arrival had
already reached Champaran and a large
number of tenants came all the way to
Muzaffarpur. Mahatmaji listened to their
story and perused such papers as he could get.
Pie had not upto this time formed any idea
as to the true situation in Champaran and at
times it seemed that he was not inclined to
believe all that he was told. He used some
times to ask, “ Is it possible ; can this be true ?
But at the same time his resolve to go to
Champaran was becoming more and more
firm.
On 14th April, 1917, he decided to start
for Champaran on the next following day
(Sunday the 15th April, 1917) the midday
train and he asked those who were present

there to give him some one who could act
as interpreter, as he could not understand
the dielect of the village people. It was
decided at the time that arrangements should
be made for this. In the evening of the same
day he visited a neighbouring village and
saw the condition of the people there. He
entered the huts of some poor men, saw how
they were living there and talked to little
children and women. When he was leaving
the village he said that India would get
Swaraj only when the condition of these
people would improve. The same evening
it was decided that B. Dharanidhar and
B. Ramnavmi Prasad, pleaders, would ac
company Mahatmaji to Champaran. The
conversation which Mahatmaji had that
night with the people there greatly encourag
ed and inspired them. He related to them
his South African experiences; how when
one man was sent to jail,, others used to take
his place and how when he was also removed
his place was taken by anothei- and so on.
He said, “I wish that work should be done
in the same way here. I know that these
people (Planters and Government officials)
would act harshly towards me and a warrant
for my arrest may come any moment. I am
therefore anxious to reach Champaran as
quickly as possible, so that whatever action
they may have to take against me, may be
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI I37
taken in the midst of the ryots of Champaran.

I know that in Bihar I cannot get men of
this type; those who will accompany me
will only act as clerks and interpreters; as
for the rest we shall see later. ”
On the 15th April, 1917, Mahatmaji
accompanied by B. Dharanidhai- and B.
Ramnavmi Prasad started by the midday
train for Motihari. He was from his very
start expecting a warrant of arrest. With
the exception of a few necessary articles he
had put the rest of his luggage separately in
a trunk. A large number of gentlemen came
to see him off at the station. On the way
at almost every station a large number of
tenants had assembled to greet him. Mahat
maji reached Motihari at 3 O’ clock in the
afternoon and went straight to the house of
B. Gorakh Prasad, pleader, where he stopped.
The news of his arrival spread through the
town in no time, and a large crowd assembled
there. Many Government servants also came
to see him ; but finding the Police there these
retraced their steps. Mahatmaji immediately
decided to visit a village, Jasaulipatti,—on
the next day (16-4-17) from where news of
oppression on a respectable farmer had been
received ; and the other tenants were inform
ed that their statements would be recorded
on the following Thursday after his return
from Jasaulipatti.
Arrangements were made for taking
13'8 SATYAGRAHA IN CH AMP AR AN
Mahatmaji to Jasaulipatti on the l6th Aprils

and accordingly Mahatmaji, and his two
interpreters started for Jasaulipatti about
9 a. m. on an elephant. Jt was the month of
Baishakh ; the sun was hot and there was
strong westerly wind, and one got almost
scorched in the open. Mahatmaji was not
used to riding an elephant ; then there were
three men on one elephant and to add to all
the strong west wind was actually causing a
shower of dust and sand; but in the Mahatma’s
heart there was burning a fire to see and to
redress the miseries of the ryots, compared
with which the outward heat of the sun and
the dust and sand were nothing. On the
way they were talking on various subjects
and topics. One of the subjects discussed
was ‘ Purdha ’ system in Bihar. He said “ It
is not my desire that our women should adopt
the western mode of living; but we must
realise what harm this pernicious system
does to their health and in how many ways
they are deprived of the privilege of helping
theii- husbands. ” By 12 O’ clock noon they
had travelled about 9 miles from Motihari
and reached a village called Chandrahia.
Mahatmaji desired to see the condition of
the village. On enquiry it was ascertained
that it was one of the villages of the Motihari
Factory and the majority of its residents
were labourers, who had all gone to the
factory for work. They however met a man
who explained to them the conditions of the

village and boasted that even the Collector
of the District dared not do anything against
the Sahib, the Manager of the Factory. It
appeared from his talk that he was connected
with the factory. While this conversation
was going on, a man in ordinary plain clothes
was seen coming on a bicycle. He was a
Police Sub-inspector. He told Mahatmaji
that the Collector had sent salaams to him
(a police form of asking for an interview).
Mahatmaji asked him to arrange for a
conveyance and told his companions, “I was
expecting that something of this sort would
happen. You need not mind it. You proceed
to Jasaulipatti and do the work there. If
necessary you may stop there for the night
also. ” The Sub-Inspector brought a bullock
cart and Mahatmaji started in it for Motihari,
while his two companions proceeded to
Jasaulipatti.
On the way Mahatmaji came across an
ekka and on the request of the sub-inspector,
he left the cart and took the ekka. When
they had gone a short distance a police man
was seen coming on a tandam and Mahatmaji
was taken from the ekka to the tandam. The
police officer who had come in the tandam
was the Deputy Superintendent of Police.
When they had gone a little further, he
stopped the tandam, showed a notice to
Mahatmaji, who quietly read it and after
140 SATYAGR-\HA IN CHAMPARAN
reaching Motihari, gave him a receipt for it.

The notice was as follows :—
To
Mr. M. K. Gandhi
At present in Motihari.
Whereas it has been made to appear to
me from the letter of the Commissioner of
the Division, copy of which is attached to
this order, that your presence in any part of
the District will endanger the public peace and
may lead to serious disturbance which may
be accompanied by loss of life and whereas
urgency is of the utmost importance ;
Now therefore I do hereby order you to
abstain from remainingin the District, which
you are required to leave by the next
available train.
(Sd.) W. B. Heycock
Dist. Magistrate.
i6th April 1917. Champaran
To the notice was annexed a copy of a
letter from the Commissiner which was as
follows
To
The Dist. Magistrate of Champaran.
Si r,
Mr. M. K. Gandhi has come here in
response to what he describes as an insis
tent public demand to inquire into the
conditions under which Indians work on
indigo plantations and desires the help of
the local administration. He came to see me

this morning and I explained that the
relations between the planters and the ryots
had engaged the attention of the administra
tion since the sixties, and that we were
particularly concerned with a phase of the
problem in Champaran now; but that it was
doubtful whether the intervention of a
strange!' in the middle of the treatment of
our case would not prove an embarassment.
I indicated the potentialities of disturbance
in Champaran, asked for credentials to show
an insistent public demand for his inquiry
and said that the matter would probably
need reference to Government.
I expected that Mr. Gandhi would
communicate with me again before he pro
ceeds to Champaran but I have been informed
since oux' interview that his object is likely
to be agitation rather than a genuine search
for knowledge and it is possible that he may
proceed without further reference. I consider
that there is a danger of disturbance to the
public tranquillity should he visit youi'
District. I have the honour to request you to
direct him by an order under section 144 Cr.
P. C. to leave it at once if he should appear.
I have the honour etc.
L. F. MORSHEAD,
Commissioner of the Tirhut Division.
Mahatmaji immediately on his arrival at
Motihari sent the following reply to the

Magistrate.
“Sir,
With reference to the order under
section 144 Criminal Procedure Code just
served upon me I beg to state that I am sorry
that you have felt called upon to issue it and
I am sorry, too, that the Commissioner of
the Division has totally misinterpreted my
position. Out of a sense of public responsi
bility, I feel it to be my duty to say that I am
unable to leave the District but if it so
pleases the authorities, I shall submit to the
order by suffering the penalty of dis
obedience.
I must emphatically repudiate the Com
missioner’s suggestion that my object is
likely to be agitation. My desire is purely
and simply for a genuine search for know
ledge. And this I shall continue to satisfy
so long as I am free.”
16th April, 1917. M. K. GANDHI.
Mr. H. S. Pollock, Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya and other leaders of India as also
the writex- were informed of what had
happened by telegrams and Mr. C. F. Andrews
was wired to come at once.
Mahatmaji prepared a number of direc
tions for the guidance of those who were to
carry on the work after him.
B. Dharanidhai- and B. Ramnavmi Prasad
on the other hand reached Jasaulipatti at

about 3 P.M. and after recording the state
ments of some men returned to Motihari and
learned about the notice under section 144
Criminal Procedure Code. Mahatmaji gave
them a copy of the directions he had prepar
ed and explained to them in detail how the
work would have to be conducted after his
imprisonment. He also told them that if
they followed him to jail, then his mission
would be successful in no time.
The next day (Tuesday 17-4-17) had
already been fixed for recording the state
ments of tenants. Accordingly many tenants
came to Motihari and their statements began
to be recorded. The Police Sub-Inspector
also arrived on the scene and began to note
down the names of the tenants who gave
statements at first stealthily and after a time
openly. Such large numbers of tenants had
come that gentlemen who were recording
the statements had not even a moment’s rest
throughout the day. Mahatmaji of course
knew that he would have to go to jail
for disobeying the order. He conse
quently did not allow the work in any
way to suffer, nor was any mention
made to the tenants of what had happened.
On the same day it was decided that village
Parsauni about l6 miles to the south of
Motihari would be visited on the following
day and information was sent accordingly.
Conveyance was also arranged. The idea

was to start at about 3 A.M. and if there was
any delay or difficulty in getting the con
veyance to go walking on foot.
While the arrangements were being
made, telegrams were pouring in from all
parts of India. Mr. Polak wired from Allaha
bad that he has reached Patna the same
evening. Mr. Mazharal Haque wired his
readiness to start, if required. Mahatmaji’s
reply to Mr. Haque’s telegram was that Mr.
Haque’s presence would be required after his
imprisonment. The writer was informed to
come at once with volunteers. Pandit
Malaviya wired for information and expressed
his willingness to come, leaving the Hindu
University work. The reply to him too was
that his presence was not yet needed. The
work of recording the statements of tenants
went on the whole day.
When no summons was received upto the
evening about any charge of disobedience of
orders, Mahatmaji wrote a letter to the Dis
trict Magistrate in which he intimated to him
his intention of visiting village Parsauni on
the next day. He also told the Magistrate
that he did not intend doing anything secret
ly. It would therefore be better, if a police
officer accompanied him. Immediately on
receipt of the letter the Magistrate wrote to
him that he would be charged with an offence
under section 188 I. P. C., that a summons
THE ADVENT OF MAHATMA GANDHI I45.
would be issued against him and that the

Magistrate hoped that he (Mahatmaji) would
not leave Motihari. Shortly after this letter
was received, the summons also came calling
upon Mahatmaji to appear before the Sub-
divisional officer on the l8th April, 1917, at
12-30 P. M. After this Mahatmaji further
discussed the situation with his co-workers.
It was first considered that they should stick
to their programme and go to Parsauni. But
later on it was thought that it was not neces
sary to do so. Mahatmaji asked them—
“ What will you do after I am sent to jail ?”
The question was a difficult one and not easy
to answer. B. Dharanidhar said “for the
present I am only prepared for this that when
you are sent to jail I will continue the work
and if a notice under section 144 is served on
me also, I will arrange for a substitute and
leave the District. In this way the work will
be continued at least for some time.”
Mahatmaji did not appear to be satisfied with
this answer any more than his co-workers who
went on considering and discussing this
matter between themselves for the whole
night. After summons had been served
Mahatmaji felt quite contented and happy
and satdown to write letters. He went on work
ing the whole night without any rest at all.
Mahatmaji in the course of the same night
prepared a statement to be read before the
Court. He also wrote letters to the Secretary
10
of Planters’ Association and the Commis

sioner in which he recounted in so far as he
had come to know them, thegrievancesof the
tenants and suggested the remedies; he gave
instructions that these and some other letters
which he wrote should be posted only after
his imprisonment.
The writer after receiving the telegram
at Patna saw the principal publicists there
and explained to them the situation that had
arisen in Champaran. He also sent a tele
gram to B. Brajakishore informing him of
the proceedings under section 144. A tele
gram was received at Patna from Mr. Polak,
that he would reach Patna the same evening
by the Punjab Mail. In the evening a sort of
small conference was held, at Patna in which
it was decided that Mr. Polak, the writer and
such other persons as could be found, should
start the next day (18-4-17) by the morning
train for Motihari. It was expected that B.
Brajakishore would also arrive by the same
morning train.
The l8th of April, 1917, is a memorable
day in the history not only of Champaran,
but of the whole of India. It was on this day
that Mahatma Gandhi was preparing himself
to go to jail foi- the sake of the poor and
suffering people of the province of Bihar. On
this day the whole of India was to get her
first lesson and her first modern example of
Satyagraha which was to open new flood gates
of light and of vision before her. It is an old

saying that no harm can come to the true, but
a practical demonstration of this was to be
given to the world on this day by Mahatma
Gandhi. Ready and determined to remove
the grievances of the tenants, and equally
determined to do no injury to those who had
been oppressing them, it was, as it were, the
great soul of Mahatma Gandhi was born in
human shape to reconcile these apparently
irreconcilable elements. Could any obsta
cles bar the path of such a man ?
The eyes of all India from one end to the
other were turned towards Champaran. Time
passed, as if almost unnoticed, and it was
about 12 noon. Mahatmaji separated those
of his things which he wanted to take with
himself to jail from those which he*)wanted
to leave behind, and kept the latter^ in a
separate place. The work of recording state
ments was also stopped toda3'^ and the tenants
were told that this work would commence
again on the following day. At quarter past
12 Mahatmaji accompanied by his two inter
preters started in a carriage for the Court.
On the way B. Dharanidhar told Mahatmaji
that he and B. Ramnavmi had decided to
follow him to jail, even though others might
not. Mahatmaji felt very much pleased and
said with joy - “Now I know we shall
succeed ”.
Although no information had been given
148 SATYACjRAHA in champaran
to the tenants about the proceedings under

section 144 and subsequent prosecution, yet
the news had somehow reached not only every
corner of the town but even distant villages
and several thousand tenants had assembled
in the Court compound and were waiting for
Mahatmaji from lO O’clock. Their own desire
was to have a look at the man who was going
to jail in order to relieve their distress.
When Mahatmaji entered the Court room,
he was followed by about 2000 men who, in
theii- anxiety to get in, broke the glass-panes
of the doors. The Magistrate seeing the great
crowd asked Mahatmaji to wait for a little
while in the Mokhtiars’ library. Mahatmaji
went to the library while the Magistrate
sent for armed police to prevent the people
from entering the Court-room and to prevent
any disturbance in his work. Mahatmaji was
surrounded in the library by a large crowd
of people, the eyes of all of whom were fixed
on him, while tears were streaming down the
cheeks of many of them. Shortly afterwards
Mahatmaji was sent for and went to the
Magistrate’s Court-room. There the Govern
ment pleader was ready with his books of
law and precedent. He had perhaps thought
that he was going to prosecute a great man
like Mahatma Gandhi who had himself been
a famous lawyer and he expected that there
would be a very long and learned argument.
He had possibly not slept the previous night.
looking up precedents and law reports. When

Mahatmaji arrived, the Magistrate asked
him, “Have you got any pleader.?” and the
short reply was “ No, none.” Some people
were surprised, but still they thought that
having been a great advocate he would him
self argue his case. The Government pleader
opened the case and stated that under orders
issued under section 144 Mr. Gandhi ought to
have left Champaran on the night of the
l6th April, but that he had not yet done so
and he was consequently charged with an
offence under section 188 I. P- C. Mahatmaji
said that on receipt of the order he had sent
a reply to the Magistrate in which he had
stated his reasons for disobeying the order
and he wished that the letter should be
placed on the record, The iMagistrate said
that the letter was not there and if Mahatma
Gandhi thought it necessary, he might apply
for it. There-after Mahatma Gandhi read
out his statement in a firm, calm and deter
mined voice. While he was reading it there
was pin-drop silence inspite of the large crowd
that was present there, and all eyes were
fixed on him, and as he proceeded wonder
and unspeakable love became depicted on
the faces of the audience. The statement
was as follows:
“ With the permission of the Court I
would like to make a brief statement showing
why I have taken a very serious step of
seemingly disobeying the order made under

section 144 of Cr. P. C. In my humble opinion
it is a question of difference of opinion
between the local administration and myself.
I have entered the country with motives of
rendering humanitarian and national service.
I have done so in response to a pressing
invitation to come and help the ryots, who
urge they are not being fairly treated by the
indigo planters. I could not render any help
without studying the problem. I have, there
fore, come to study it with the assistance, if
possible, of the administration and the
planters. I have no other motive and cannot
believe that my coming can in any way
disturb public peace and cause loss of life. I
claim to have considerable experience in such
matters. The administration, however, have
thought differently. I fully appreciate their
difficulty and I admit, too, that they can only
proceed upon information they receive. As
a law abiding citizen my first instinct would
be, as it was, to obey the order served upon
me. But I could not do so without doing
violence to my sense of duty to those for
whom I came. I feel that I could just now
serve them only by remaining in their midst.
I could not therefore voluntarily retire-
Amidst this conflict of duty I could only
throw the responsibility of removing me
from them on the administration. I am fully
conscious of the fact that a person, holding
in the public life of India a position such as

I do, has to be most careful in setting ex
amples. It is my firm belief that in the
complex constitution under which we are
living the only safe and honourable course
for a self-respecting man is, in the circum-
stances such as face me to do what I have
decided to do, that is, to submit without
protest to the penalty of disobedience.
I venture to make this statement not in
any way in extenuation of the penalty to be
awarded against me, but to show that I have
disregarded the order served upon me not
for want of respect for lawful authority, but
in obedience to the higher law of our being
the voice of conscience.”
Till now the Government pleader had
been expecting that Mahatmaji would offer
defence. It may be stated here that order
under section 144 was wholly illegal. It is
the opinion of many lawyers of note, that if
the case had been argued and even if the
Magistrate had convicted Mahatmaji, he
would surely have been acquitted by the High
Court. The Government pleader had antici
pated this difficulty and had brought books
to meet it as best as he might. The Magis
trate could not make up his mind what to do
next. He repeatedly asked Mahatmaji, if he
pleaded guilty. Mahatmaji’s reply was “I
have said whatever I have to say in my state
ment The Magistrate said that that did not
contain a clear plea of guilty. Mahatmaji

thereupon, said, “ I do not wish to waste the
time of the court and I plead guilty This
put out the Magistrate still further. He told
Mahatmaji “If you leave the District now and
promise not to return, the case against you
would be withdrawn ”. Mahatmaji replied
“that cannot be. Not to speak of this time
alone, I shall make Champaran my home
even after my return from jail.”
The Magistrate was dumb-founded and
could only say that the matter required con
sideration and that he would pass orders
later at 3 O’clock. The whole of this memor
able trial was over in about half an hour’s
time and Mahatmaji was about to return to
his lodgings when the Deputy Superintendent
of Police came and told him that the Super
intendent of Police wanted to see him,
Mahatmaji accompanied him to the Superin
tendent. This latter gentleman had at one
time been in South Africa and talked freely
to Mahatmaji, claiming an old acquaintance.
He spoke a great deal against Rajkumar
Shukula and promised to bring about a
meeting between Mahatmaji and planters.
Thereafter Mahatmaji saw the District Magis
trate Mr. W. B. Heycock, who expressed
regret at the necessity he felt himself under
to take proceedings against him and said
that Mahatmaji ought to have seen him
earlier. Mahatmaji replied that after the
treatment he had received from the Com

missioner it was neither possible nor proper
for him to see the Magistrate to court a
bluff. The Magistrate requested Mahatmaji
to postpone his visits to villages for three
days to which Mahatmaji consented.
Mahatmaji appeared before the Magis
trate shortly before 3 O’clock. The Magis
trate told him that he would pass orders on
2ist April, 1917, but that he would release
him in the meantime on a bail of Rs. lOO.
Mahatmaji said that he had no bailor and
could not offer bail. The Magistrate was
again in difficulty and found a way out by
offering to release him on his personal
recognisance. Mahatmaji returned to his
lodgings at about three O’clock. From there
he sent information about what had happen
ed to friends and newpapers, at the same
time requesting them not to create any agita
tion in the press until the Government orders
were known.
On the Sth April a party consisting
of Messrs. Polak, Haque, Brajakishore,
Anugrah Narayan, Shambhu Saran and the
writer left Patna by the 7 A. M. train
for Motihari. On the way Mr. Polak
recounted several stories of Mahatmaji ’s
doings in South Africa and we reached
Motihari at 3 P.M. On arriving- there we
learnt what had happened in court in the
course of the day and it seemed that matters
would not probably proceed further and the

case would most likely be withdrawn. It was
at the same time felt that if, however, the
case was not withdrawn and Mahatmaji was
in any way touched then the work would
have to be continued. The new comers were
apprised of what had happened till then and
the whole party met at 7-30 P.M. to consider
the future plan of action. Here too the same
question arose as to what would happen after
Mahatmaji’s imprisonment. There was no
doubt that the work must be continued ; but
if in continuing it, it was necessary to
face imprisonments, should we be able to do
so. The new comers felt very much encou
raged when they heard of the determination
of B. Dharnidhar and B. Ramnavmi and they
all said in one voice that they also would not
lag behind. When we were discussing this
matter amongst ourselvesMahatmaji was not
there. When we had decided this we com
municated our decision to him. Mahatmaji
was filled with joy and Mr. Polak also was
very much pleased. Mahatmaji, like the
practical man that he is, asked us to make a
definite programme. It was accordingly
decided that if Mahatmaji went to jail, Mr.
Haque and B. Brajakishore Prasad would
take the lead and intimation of this would be
sent to the Government officers. If they were
removed, then B. Dharindhar and Babu
Ramnavmi would take charge of the work.
If they too were picked up, the writer, Babu

Shambu Saran, and Babu Anugrah Narayan,
would continue the work. It was hoped
that by the time these batches were re
moved, other people would have joined
the party and further programme would
be fixed later on. In accordance with this
decision Mr. Haque and B. Brajakishore
were permitted to go to Patna and Darbhanga
respectively to settle their affairs at home, so
that they might return by the 2lst April
which was the date fixed by the Magistrate
for passing orders. Mr. Haque had a pro
fessional engagement at Gorakhpore and it
was arranged that he would return straight
from Gorakhpore either on the evening of the
2ist or on the morning of the 22nd. Mr.
Haque who was then a member of the
Viceroy’s Legislative Council sent a long
telegram to the Viceroy, detailing the hap
penings in Champaran. After arranging all
this Mr. Polak, Haque and B, Brajakishore
left Motihari by the night train.
From 19-4-17 batches after batches of
tenants began to pour in and Mahatma
Gandhi’s assistants began to record their
statements. Mahatmaji himself recorded the
statements of a few of these and read the
statements recorded by others. Those who
were entrusted with the work of recording
statements were told to cross-examine the
tenants carefully and closely, to record only
such statements as appeared to them to be

true, and if they came across any case which
required immediate enquiry to draw Mahatma
Gandhi’s attention to it. While we were
recording statements the Police Sub-Inspector
used to be present taking notes of what was
going on. On this day, too, telegrams were
received from various parts of the country
and information was sent to friends of what
was happening. Mr. C. F. Andrews arrived
that after-noon. He had never been to
Champaran before, and the people of Cham-
paran too had never seen an Englishman like
Mr. Andrews. His simple dress, plain and
straight talk and above all his face beaming
with love endeared him to all who came near
him. Mahatmaji related to him all that had
happened. Mr. Andrews went to see the
Collector, but could not meet him.
We had all been staying upto this time
at the house of B. Gorakh Prasad ; but our
number was growing and we saw that the
work was likely to take time. It was accord
ingly decided that we should take a house
on rent. B. Ramadayal Prasad, who is an
enthusiastic young man of the famous Sahu
family of the place, secured a house for us. It
was decided that we should shift to that
house and Mahatmaji ordered that we should
remove that very evening. We accordingly
went to the new house the same night. It is
necessary to state here that all the time that
THE ADVENT OF MAHATxMA GANDHI I57
Mahatmaji and his assistants remained in

Champaran the Sahu family gave them every
kind of assistance.
On Mr. Polak returning to Patna, a
meeting of the Bihar Provincial Association
was held under the presidency of the Hon’ble
Rai Krishna Sahai Bahadur. Mr. Polak ex-
palined the situation in Champaran and
requested the leaders to go to Champaran.
The Association resolved to give all possible
assistance to Mahatmaji in his inquiry.
On the 20th April, 191/, Mr. Andrews
saw the Collector, Mr. Heycock. There he
learnt that the case against Mahatmaji would
be withdrawn and the Government Officers
would help him in the enquiry. We were not
aware of this decision of the Government and
it had accordingly been decided on the 19th
to request Bihar leaders to visit Champaran,
and telegrams had been sent to Mr. Hasan
Imam, Mr. S. Sinha and the Hon’ble Babu
Krishna Sahai. B. Brajakishore Prasad re
turned the same day from Dharbhanga. The
statements of the tenants continued to be
recorded the whole day. There was such a
continuous stream of these tenants that there
was not a minute’s break between 6-30 a.m.
and 6-30 P.M. Many had to stay overnight
and still their statements could not be re
corded the next day. We accordingly arrang
ed to take down the names of all those who
were left over for the next day for want of
158 SATYAGRAHA. IN CHAMPARAN
time and they were given priority the follow

ing day. Work continued like this.
At about 7 A.M. notice was received that
the case had been withdrawn.
On 21-4-17 statements continued to be
recorded. There was a great crowd of
tenants. They were under the impression
that orders in the Mahatma’s case would be
passed that day and they had come from
long distances. From Bettiah alone some 500
persons had come. When they received the
news of the withdrawal of the case, they were
naturally very pleased. They also came to
get their statements recorded. Two Sub
Inspectors of Police who had been kept to
watch us and our proceedings were removed
from that duty this day. The same after
noon Mr. S. Sinha and Rai Bahadur Krishna
Sahai arrived from Patna and had a long
conversation with Mahatmaji. Mr. Hassan
Imam could not come himself, but he sent
monetary assistance. Mahatmaji decided to
go to Bettiah on the 24th.
Mr. Andrews had previously settled to go
to Fiji. Mahatmaji was of opinion that he
should not change his programme. We were
of opinion that the trouble with the planters
was not yet quite ever and the presence of a
gentleman like Mr. Andrews would be a great
help. We spoke to Mr. Andrews and he said
that he would abide by Mahatmaji’s decision.
In the evening the matter was mentioned to
Mahatmaji and it was suggested that Mr.

Andrews should be detained. The reply that
Mahatmaji gave us had a great effect on our
mental outlook. He said he knew the reason
why we wanted to detain Mr. Andrews and
that reason was that this fight being against
the white planters the presence of a white
man like Mr. Andrews would give us some
protection ; but that he (Mahatmaji) was not
prepared to seek or give any protection of
that sort. It was a weakness on our part to
seek it and it was necessary for that very
reason that Mr. Andrews should go. But if
Mr. Andrews felt the call for Champaran as
more urgent than that for Fiji he might stay;
but this he must decide himself. It was
ultimately settled that Mr. Andrews should
go to Fiji and that he must start by the next
morning train.
On this and the following days a number
of pleaders arrived from Muzaffarpur and
Chapra to help in recording statements. As
usual there was a large crowd of tenants. Mr.
Andrews started by the lO A.M. train and
Mr. Haque returned from Gorakhpore by the
same train. While we were recording state
ments information was received from a
village that a man had been shut up by the
underlings of a factory in one of its godowns.
Mahatmaji deputed B. Anugrah Narayan to
proceed to the place at once and wrote to
the Superintendent of police asking for his
assistance. B. Anugrah Narayan reached the

place, but the factory people having received
information of his arrival let off the man and
asked him to go out by a back-door. Anugrah
Babu chanced to meet the man and brought
him to Motihari.
The same afternoon Mahatmaji accom
panied I by some of the workers went to
Bettiah leaving behind others at Motihari to
record statements of tenants who came
there.
When the news of the proceedings under
section 144 Cr. P. C. and the prosecution of
Mahatma Gandhi and its withdrawal was
published almost all the Papers of India
severely criticised the action of the Com
missioner and praised the Government for
ordering withdrawal of the case and directing
its local officers to help Mahatmaji.
CHAPTER XI
MAHATMA GANDHI AT BETTIAH
TT has been said above that Mahatma
Gandhi went to Bettiah by the afternoon
train of the 22nd.April. The news of the
withdrawal of the case, as also that Mahat-
maji was going to Bettiah by that train had
already spread. There were crowds of people
awaiting at every railway station to have a
look (Darshan) at him ; and the arrival of the
train was signalised by shouts of Jai and
showering of flowers. The train reached Bet
tiah at about 5 P.M. There was such a huge
crowd at the station that to avoid any accident
the train had to be stopped some way off from
the platform. The Mahatma was travelling
in a 3rd class compartment. The people of
the town and villages welcomed him. They
rent the skies with their cries of Jai and there
was a regular hail-storm of flowers.
Mahatmaji took his seat in a carriage.
The people unharnessed the horses and
wanted to pull the carriage themselves. But
Mahatmaji prohibited them and expressed his
determination to leave the carriage if they
persisted. The people yielded and the horses
were again harnessed. More than 10,000
people were present there. The carriage could
move but slowly and with great difficulty.
On both sides of the road countless men and
11
women were standing. It was the long-looked

for day of Mahatma Gandhi’s arrival and he
had arrived. No one felt any doubt that the
miseries of the tenants would now disappear.
This faith was deeply engraven on their simp
le faces. No one had said anything to the
people about Mahatmaji. Very few people
knew his past career. There were fewer still
who were acquainted with his South African
Satyagraha. What was it that created this
confidence i* It was apparently without any
reason. What was at the root of this firm and
unquestioning faith? I cannot answer this
question. The faith was firm, the heart was
true. These bore their fruit. Mahatmaji drove
from the station to the Dharamshala of
B. Hazari Mai. There he was received by
B. Suraj Mai, who made all arrangements for
Mahatmaji’s stay there. Mahatmaji stayed
at the Dharamshala all the time he remained
in Bettiah and the proprietors were ever
ready to serve.
On the following day Mahatmaji saw
Mr. W. H. Lewis, the Sub-divisional Magis
trate of Bettiah and Mr. J. T. Whitty, the
Manager of the Bettiah Raj. They had
already received communications from the
Collector about Mahatmaji.
At Bettiah also statements began to be
recorded. There used to be large crowds
here also. On the 24th, April Mahatmaji
and B. Brajakishore went to a village called
MAHATMA GANDHI AT BETTIAH I63
Laukai-ia. The people related to them their

grievances. Mahatmaji talked to small boys,
inquired about the wages paid to them by
factories and by other agriculturists, and
made rather sifting enquiries about wages.
Mr. Lewis also visited the place where state
ments were being recorded and stopped there
for a short time. Inspite of his presence the
tenants fearlessly mentioned their grievances
B. Brajakishore Prasad was recording their
statements after subjecting them to a search
ing cross-examination. It is believed that
Mr. Lewis came back satisfied with the
method and procedure of the inquiry.
Mahatmaji spent the night there. He also
visited Mr. H. Gale, the manager of the
Byreah factory, and had a long talk with him
about his factory and his villages. While
Mahatmaji was returning from the factory,
an incident occurred which deserves mention
here. He had gone a short distance when a
factory sevant came running to him and
told him, “ I was apprehending that the fac
tory Manager might behave rudely towards
you ; I was therefore over-hearing the whole
conversation from a concealed corner, ready
to come to your assistance, come what might
to me, in case anything untoward happened
to you”. The way he spoke showed that he
was speaking the truth and this incident only
proves that even those who were not in a
position to support and help Mahatmaji
openly were secretly praying for his success,,

and further were even ready to come to his
assistance, if any opportunity demanded it.
On the evening of the 25th Aprils
Mahatmaji came back all the way walking
from Laukaria to Bettiah which caused a
swelling in one of his feet.
The work of recording statements was
going on at Motihari; but since Mahatmaji’s
arrival at Bettiah the crowd there became
larger and more assistants had to be called
there. The statements which were recorded
at Motihari used to be sent every night to
Mahatmaji through a messenger.
On the 26th of April Mahatmaji went to
see a village, Singha Chapra under the Kuria
factory. This village is at a short distance
from Bettiah. There were also some police
men with him. He went round the village
and saw the condition there. What he saw
there melted his heart. He found Indigo
grown all round the houses of the tenants.
On the 27th April Mahatmaji accom
panied by B. Brajakishore Prasad and others
went to see some villages under the Belwa
factory. On the way B. Vindhya Basimi
Prasad, a vakil from Gorakhpur, joined the
party to assist Mahatmaji. Early in the
morning Mahatmaji and the party started on
foot from the Narkatiaganj Railway Station
for Murali Bharahwa which is at a distance
of 6 or 7 miles from there. Inspite of the
MAHATMA GANDHI AT BETH AH I65
hot sun of the month of Baisak they all

managed to reach Murali Bharahwa on foot
at about lO O’clock. Pandit Rajkumar
Shukla, who had been sent to the Lucknow
Congress as their representative by the
tenants of Champaran and who had accom
panied Mahatmaji from Calcutta, is a resi
dent of this village. He showed his house
to Mahatmaji, which, he said, had been looted
by the factory people only a month before.
The framework of the house was standing in a
disturbed condition. The earthen kothis in
which grain is kept were lying upset and
trunks of the plantain trees were lying here
and there scattered on the ground. On his
fields, which, he said, were grazed by cattle
under orders of the factory, were still stand
ing the stalks and stems of the crop which
had been so destroyed.* Mahatmaji saw all
this and was very much touched. A large
number of persons were examined there and
hundreds of people made statements about
the loot. Some of them were people whose
cattle were let loose to graze in the field.
Mahatmaji went and saw Mr. A. C. Ammon,
the manager of the Belwa factory. At night
the party stayed in the village of Belwa and
the next morning they all returned to
Bettiah.
' Rajkumar Shunkla stated the fact of his house being looted
before the Agrarian Committee. But it was denied by Mr. A. C
Ammon the manager of the Belwa Factory.
166 SaTYAGRAHA in champaran
Aftei' his return from Belwa he again

went and saw Mr. Lewis and Mr. Whitty and
had a long talk with them. The planters
and the local officers were very much upset
by Mahatmaji’s visit. Mr. Lewis was very
apprehensive and had drawn before his
imagination a terrible picture of a likely dis
turbance and had begun to imagine that no
one would care for any Government officials
any more. From the talk that he had with
Mahatmaji the latter gathered that he would
send a report about all this to the Govern
ment.
At about 4-30 the same afternoon we all
began to discuss what we should do if the
Government took steps again against the
party. We could not be punished for any
offence without a regular trial. The expedi
ent of Sec. 144 Cr. P. C. would now fall flat on
us and the people alike ; but still there was the
Defence of India Act under which we could
all be externed from Champaran. We
thought that if the Government decided
upon this course, all of us would be got out
of the way at one stroke. We had by this
time recorded statements of thousands of
tenants and had become acquainted with
almost all the grievances of Champaran.
There was hardly any locality in the whole
District from which some tenants had not
come to us and given their statements. There
was no factory in the whole District with
MAHATMA GANDHI AT BETTIAH 16/
whose doings and activities we had not be

come familiar. If we were all removed to
gether, it was just possible that the state
ments which we had recorded and the docu
mentary evidence that we had collected
might be lost or might become useless. We
knew that if we were removed, another batch
of workers would come and take our places
but the fresh batch would have to collect the
same evidence anew and it was just possible
that it might not get the documents with the
ease and quickness with which we had got
them. Then again the new batch would be
wholly unacquainted with Champaran and its
conditions. Mahatmaji discussed all this with
us for a pretty long time. It was suggested
by some of us that several copies should be
made of the documents and the statements
and complete sets of such copies should be
kept in various places so that the new batch
might get hold of at least one such set and
even if the Government forfeited the copy in
their possession, some copy might still be
available somewhere. After considering all
this Mahatmaji said that the Government
might deal with us as it liked, but it would
be an act of supreme folly on its part to for
feit or to destroy the evidence we had collect
ed, and it would never do any such thing,
because if the Government destroyed that
evidence then any statement that we who
had collected the evidence might make
would have to be accepted, and Government

would expose itself to attack on all sides
without gaining anything. But as a precau
tionary measure it was desirable to have
more than one copy of all our papers. We
went on discussing all this till late at night.
The same evening after 8 P. M. Mr. Lewis
sent a report which he was submitting to the
Government to Mahatmaii for his perusal
asking him at the same time to send any
note of his own regarding the subject matter
of the report. Mahatmaji returned the re
port with his note the same night.
On 30th April, 1917, Mahatmaji went to
Sathi factory and met its Manager Mr. C.
Still. There he also met Mr. Gorden Can
ning the Manager of the Parsa Factory. He
had a long conversation with them. After
hearing the statements of some tenants
Mahatmaji returned to Bettiah by the even
ing train.
On the 1st of May, Mahatmaji went to
Motihari, accompanied by B. Brajakishore.
On the second May there was a meeting of
planters. Many of the planters attended it.
They invited Mahatmaji also. There was a
long talk on various matters; but nothing
came out of it. On the 3rd May Mahatmaji
after seeing Mr. Heycock, the District Magis
trate and Mr. Sweeny, the Settlement Officer,
returned to Bettiah.
The Behar Government was not out of
MAHATMA GANDHI AT BETTIAH 169
touch with the progress of events in Cham-

paran. The local officers were sending no
doubt highly coloured reports. The planters
also sent their representatives on deputation
to lay their complaints before the Govern
ment. The European Defence Association of
Muzaffarpore induced its parent Association
in Calcutta to make a representation to the
Government of India in which they asked
that Mahatma Gandhi’s enquiry should be
stopped. But if the Government did not
want to do that it should appoint a Com
mission of its own. It seems that when the
planters did not feel satisfied with the result
of the conversation that they had with Mahat-
maji on the 2nd May, they began to take
these steps. Mahatmaji used to inform the
planters and the Government officials of all
that he was doing. On the other hand the
planters were doing all this secretly and no
news of it was allowed to reach him. Asa
result of this deputation, a telegram was
received by Mahatmaji from the Chief Secre
tary to the Government from Ranchi on 6th I
May 1917, informing him that the Hon’ble
Mr. W. Maude would be going to Patna on
the lOth May and requestoing Mahatmaji to
meet him there. We thought that the
Government was going to take some action ;
but we did not expect that it would stop the
enquiry. The rush of tenants went on in
creasing. Volunteers from various districts
170 SATYAGRAHA IN CH AMP ARAN
of Behar had come to assist in the work and

it was going on smoothly. At intervals the
leaders of Behar also used to come. On the
5th May Mr, Parameswar Lal Bar-at-Law
came to Bettiah from Patna and stayed there
for several days.
CHAPTER Xn
INTERVIEW WITH THE HON’BLE
Mr. MAUDE
/^N the morning of the Qth May 1917 Mahat-
maji accompanied by B. Brajakishore ,
started for Patna to have an interview
with Mr. Maude. The news that Mahatmaji
would travel by that train had spread and at
every station there was a crowd of people
waiting to see him raising the usual cry of jai
and showering flowers on him. Mahatmaji
reached Patna at 7 O’clock in the evening.
It was raining hard at the time. But inspite
of the rain there was a large crowd waiting
at the station. Almost all the leaders of
Patna and several thousands of people had
come to welcome him. Mahatmaji stopped at
the house of Mr. Mazharul-Haque.
On the lOth May, Mahatmaji had an
interview with Mr. Maude for about two
hours. On the previous day Mr. Maude had
already met Mr. Heycock, the District Magis
trate of Champaran, Mr. Whitty, the Manager
of Bettiah Raj and Mr. Lewis, the Subdivi-
sional Magistrate of Bettiah. We do not
know what talk took place between Mahat
maji and Mr. Maude. But it seems that the
planters had poisoned the ears of the Govern
ment and made serious charges against
Mahatmaji’s assistants. They had urged
before the Government that the pleaders who

were working with Mahatmaji were the root
of all mischief and they should be removed
from Champaran without delay. The reader
must remember that B. Brajakishore’s
name was not unknown to them on account
of his activities in the Behar Council in
favour of the tenants. When Mahatmaji met
Mr. Maude, after talking about other matters,
Mr. Maude insisted that Mahatmaji should re
move his pleader assistants from Champaran.
Mahatmaji assured Mr. Maude that those who
were associated with him were not in any way
against the Government or likely to cause
any disturbance and he altogether refused
to comply with this desire of the Government.
It was however agreed that Mahatmaji would
submit a report of his enquiry as soon as
possible and that method of enquiry should
now change, but that it should not be
stopped.
On 11-5-17 Mahatmaji returned to Bettiah
and began to prepare his report as desired by
Mr. Maude. On 12-5-1/ a report comprising
the main heads of grievances of the tenants
was prepared on the basis of the evidence
recorded. It is necessary to quote that report
verbatim so that the readers might judge for
themselves how each one of these complaints
was proved to be true before the Agrarian
Committee. Copies of this report were also
sent to the Government officers in the District^
INTERVIEWED WITH HON. MR. MAUDE 1/3
the Manager of the Bettiah Raj and Secretary

of the Planters’ Association. The report was
as follows :
“In accordance with the suggestion made
by Hon’ble Mr. Maude, I beg to submit here
with the preliminary conclusion which I have
arrived at as a result of the enquiry being
made by me into the agrarian conditions of
the ryots of Champaran.
At the outset I would like to state that it
was not possible for me to give the assurance
which Mr. Maude would have liked me to
have given, viz. that the vakil friends who
have been assisting me would be withdrawn.
I must confess that this request has hurt me
deeply. It has been made ever since my
arrival here. I have been told, i.c., after the
withdrawal of the order of removal from the
district, that my presence was harmless
enough and that my bonafides were unques
tioned, but that the presence of the vakil
friends was likely to create “ a dangerous
situation.” I venture to submit that if I may
be trusted to conduct myself decorously I
may be equally trusted to choose helpers of
the same type as myself. I consider it a
privilege to have the association in the
difficult task before me of these able, earnest
and honourable men. It seems to me that
for me to abandon them is to abandon my
work. It must be a point of honour with me
not to dispense with their help until anything
unworthy is proved against them to my

satisfaction. I do not share the fear that
either my presence or that of any friends can
create a “ dangerous situation.” The danger,
if any, must be in the causes that have
brought about the strained relation between
the planters and the ryots. And if the causes
were removed, there never need be any fear
of a “ dangerous situation” arising in Cham-
paran so far as the ryots are concerned.
Coming to the immediate purpose of this
representation I beg to state that nearly 4000
ryots have been examined and their state
ments taken after careful cross-examination.
Several villages have been visited and many
judgments of courts studied. And the enquiry
is in my opinion capable of sustaining the
following conclusions.
Factories or concerns in the District of
Champaran may be divided into two classes:
(I) Those that have never had Indigo
plantation and (2) Those that have.
(1) The concerns that have never grown
Indigo have exacted abwabs known by various
local names equal in amount at least to the
rent paid by the ryots. This exaction,
although it has been held to be illegal, has
not altogether stopped.
(2) The indigo growing factories have
grown indigo either under the Tinkathia
system or Khuski. The former has been most
prevalent and has caused the greatest hard-
INTERVIEWED WITH HON. MR. MAUDE 1/5
ship. The type has varied with the progress

of time. Starting with indigo it has taken in
its sweep all kinds of crops. It may now be
defined as an obligation presumed to attach
to the Ryot’s holding whereby the ryot has to
grow a crop on 3/20th of the holding at the
will of the landlord for a stated considera
tion. There appears to be no legal warrant
for it. The ryots have always fought against
it and have only yielded to force. They have
not received adequate consideration for the
services. When, however owing to the
introduction of synthetic Indigo the price of
the local product fell, the planters desired to
cancel the Indigo Sattas. They therefore,
devised a means of saddling the lossess upon
the ryots. In lease-hold lands they made
the ryots pay. Tawan i.e. damages to
the extent of Rs. lOO per bigha in con
sideration of their waiving their right to
Indigo cultivation. This, the ryots claim,
was done under coercion. Where the ryots
could not find cash, handnotes and mortgage
deeds were made for payment in instalments
bearing interest at 12 per cent per annum.
In these the balance due has not been des
cribed as Tawan i.e. damage, but it has been
fictitiouslv treated as an advance to the ryot
for som purpose of his own.
In Mokarrori land the damages has taken
the shape of Sharahbeshi Sattas, meaning en
hancement of rent in lieu of Indigo cultiva-
1/6 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
tion. The enhancement according to the

survey report has in the case of 5,955
tenancies amounted to Rs. 31,062, the pre
enhancement figure being Rs. 53.865. The
total number of tenancies affected is much
larger. The ryots claim that these Sattas
were taken from them under coercion. It is
inconceivable that the ryots would agree to
an enormous perpetual increase in their
rents against freedom from liability to grow
Indigo for a temporary" period, which free
dom they were strenuously fighting to secure
and hourly expecting.
Where Tawan has not been exacted the
factories have forced the ryots to grow oats,
sugarcane or such other crop under the Tin-
kathia system. Under the Tinkathia system
the ryot has been obliged to give his best
land for the landlord’s crops; in some cases
the land in front of his house has been so
used : he has been obliged to give his best
time and energy also to it so that very little
time has been left to him for growing his
own crops—his means of livelihood.
Cart hire sattas have been forcibly taken
from the ryots for supplying carts to the
factories on hire insufficient even to cover
the usual outlay. Inadequate wages have been
paid to the ryots where labour has been im
pressed and even boys of tender age have
been made to work against their will.
Ploughs of the ryots have been impressed
INTERVIEW WITH HON. MR. MAUDE I//
and detained by the factories for days to

gether for ploughing factory lands for a tri
fling consideration and at a time when they
have required them for cultivating their own
lands.
Dasturi has been taken by the notori
ously illpaid factory amlas out of the wages
received by the labourers often amounting
to the fifth of their daily wages and also out
of the hire paid for the carts and in some
villages the Chamars have been forced to
give up to the factories the hides of the dead
cattle belonging to the ryots. Against the
carcasses the Chamars used to supply the
ryots with shoes and leather strap for
ploughs, and their women had to render
services to the latter’s families at childbirth.
Now they have ceased to render these valuable
services. Some factories have for the collec
tion of such hides opened hide-godowns.
Illegal fines, often of heavy amounts have
been imposed by factories upon ryots who
have proved unbending.
Among the other (according to the
evidence before me) methods adopted to bend
the ryots to their will the planters have im
pounded the ryot’s cattle, posted peons on
their houses, withdrawn from them barbers,
dobhis’, carpenters’ and smiths’ services, have
prevented the use of village wells and pasture
lands by ploughing up the pathway and the
lands just in front of or behind their home-
12
steads, have brought or promoted civil suits

or criminal complaints against them and
resorted to actual physical force and wrong
ful confinements. The planters have success
fully used the institutions of the country to
enforce their will against the ryots and have
not hesitated to supplement them by taking
the law in their own hands. The result has
been that the ryots have shown an abject
helplessness, such as I have not witnessed in
any part of India where I have travelled.
They are members of District Board and
Assessors under the Chauk idari Act and
keepers of pounds. Their position as such
has been felt by the ryots. The roads which
the latter pay for at the rate of half an anna
per rupee of rent paid by them are hardly
available to them. Their carts and bullocks
which perhaps most need the roads are rarely
allowed to make use of them. That this is
not peculiar to Champaran does not in any
way mitigate the grievance. I am aware that
there are concerns which form exceptions to
the rule laid down but as a general charge
the statements made above are capable of
proof.
I am aware, too, that there are some
Indian Zamindars who are open to the
charges made above, Relief is sought for in
their cases as in those of the planters. Whilst
there can be no doubt that the latter have
inherited a vicious system, they with their
INTERVIEW WITH HON. MR. MAUDE 1/9
trained minds and superior position have

rendered it to an exact science, so that the
ryots would not only have been unable to
raise their heads above water but would have
sunk deeper still had not the Government
granted some protection But that protection
has been meagre and provokingly slow and
has often come too late to be appreciated by
the ryots.
It is true that the Government await the
Settlement Officer’s report on some of these
matters covered by this representation. It is
submitted that when the ryots are groaning
under the weight of oppression such as I have
described above, an enquiry by the Settle
ment Officer is a cumbersome method. With
him the grievances mentioned herein are but
an item in an extensive settlement operation.
Nor does his enquiry cover all the points
raised above. Moreover grievances have been
set forth which are not likely to be disputed.
And they are so serious as to require an im
mediate relief.
That Tawan and Sharah-beshi-sattas and
abwabs have been exacted cannot be ques
tioned. I hope it will not be argued that the
ryots can be fully protected as to these by
recourse to law. It is submitted that where
there is wholesale exaction, courts are not
sufficient protection for the ryots and the
administrative protection of the Sircar as the
supreme landlord is an absolute necessity.
l80 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARAN
The wrongs are twofold. There are

wrongs which are accomplished facts and
wrongs which continue. The continuing
wrongs need to be stopped at once and small
enquiry may be made as to past wrongs such
as damages and abwabs already taken and
Sharah-beshi payment already made. The
ryots should be told by proclamation and
notices distributed broadcast among them
that they are not only not bound to pay
abwabs, Tawan and Sharah-beshi charges but
that they ought not to pay them, that the
Sircar will protect them if any attempt is
made to enforce payment thereof. Theyshould
further be informed that they are not bound
to render any personal services to their land
lords and that they are free to sell their
services to whomsoever they choose and that
they are not bound to grow indigo, sugar
cane or any other crop unless they wish to
do so and unless it is profitable for them. The
Bettiah Raj leases given to the factories
should not be renewed until the wrongs are
remedied and should, when renewed, properly
safeguard ryots’ rights.
As to Dasturi it is clear that better paid
and educated men should substitute the per
sent holders of responsible offices and that no
countenance should be given to the diminu
tion in ryots’ wages by illegal exaction of
Dasturi. I feel sure that the planters are
quite capable of dealing with the evil although
INTERVIEW WITH HON. MR. MAUDE l8l
it is in their language ‘as old as the Hima

layas.’
The ryots being secured in their freedom
it would be no longer necessary to investigate
the question of inadequacy or otherwise of
the consideration in the Indigo Sattas and
cart hire Sattas and the wages. The ryots by
common agreement should be advised to
finish Indigo or other crops for the current
year. But henceforth whether it is Indigo or
any other crop it should be only under a
system of absolute free will.
It will be observed that I have burdened
the statement with as little argument as
possible. But if it is the desire of the Govern
ment that I should prove any of my conclu
sions I shall be pleased to tender the proofs
on which they are based.
In conclusion I would like to state that I
have no desire to hurt the planters’ feeling. I
have received every courtesy from them.
Believing as I do that ryots are labouring
under a grievous wrong from which they
ought to be freed immediately, I have dealt
as calmly as is possible for me to do so, with
the system which the planters are working. I
have entered upon my mission in the hope
that they as Englishmen born to enjoy the
fullest personal liberty and freedom will not
fail to raise to their status and will not be
grudging the ryots the same measure of
liberty and freedom.
I am sending copies to the Commissioner

of the Tirhut division, the Collector of Cham-
paran, the Sub-Divisional officer of Bettiah,
the manager of the Bettiah Raj, the secre
taries respectively of the Behar Planters’
Association and the District Planters’Associ
ation. I am circulating also among those
leaders of public opinion in the country who
have kept themselves in touch with the work
being done by my colleagues and myself. The
copies are being marked “ not for publica
tion ”, as there is no desire to invite a public
discussion of the question unless it becomes
absolutely necessary.
I need hardly give the assurance that I
am at the disposal of the Government when
ever my presence may be required.
I remain.
Yours faithfully,
(Sd.) M. K. Gandhi.
CHAPTER XIII
CONSTERNATION AMONGST
PLANTERS
A FTER Mahatmaji’s return from Patna a
change was introduced in the method
of recording the statements. Till
then we used to record the entire statements
of the tenants and as a matter of fact we had
so far recorded such statements of about
4000 tenants. On the basis of these state
ments we prepared a list of the heads of
grievancesand it was not necessary to record
anymore statements in full. Henceforward
we made a precis note of their statements.
This lightened our labour to some extent and
we were able to give time to fully study and
analyse the evidence so far collected.
The planters on the other hand were
very much perturbed and were trying to put
obstacles in the way of Mahatmaji at every
step. But the temper of the tenants was
altogether changed and they were not likely
to be cowed down by a show or threat of
force on the part of the factory. The tenants
who had been oppressed for hundred years
or more began to realise that if they did not
get their freedom on this occasion, they
would continue in their bondage for ever.
The boldness and the work of Mahatmaji
inspired them with courage. They were no
more likely to be deterred from coming to

him.
On the upper floor of the Dharamshala
at Bettiah there was a small room. Mahat-
maji occupied it, while his assistants used to
stay on the ground-floor where they used to
record statements or to do other things. The
crowd of tenants used to be so large that it
was difficult to work. The outer gate used to
be closed. Only those tenants used to be
taken to Mahatmaji whose statements con
tained something unusal or an interview with
whom was considered necessary. The tenants
however did not rest satisfied with giving
their statements. They would not return
home without having a darshan of Mahat-
maji. The gate used therefore to be opened
every afternoon and they were allowed to go
up to the extensive roof of the Dharamshala
which used to be filled up in no time. When
the gate was opened, it was difficult for some
time on account of the rush of tenants to go
up or down by the stair-cases.
Mahatmaji had fully understood the
significance of the hue and cry raised by the
panters and he used to take such steps as he
thought necessary to counteract their tactics.
He used occasionally to send all available in
formation to Government officials and keot
most of the prominent leaders of the country
informed of what was happening in Cham-
paran. He used occasionally to send reports
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS 185
to them of the work done and to ask them to

give such assistance as the occasion demand
ed or to keep themselves in readiness to
render him assistance when called upon to do
so. At the same time not one of these
bulletins or reports or any of the facts men
tioned therein was ever allowed to be publ ished
in newspapers. The reason was plain. Mahat-
maji was anxious to redress the grievances of
the tenants, not to create any agitation.
Inspite of this precaution, however, the
planters left no stone unturned to hamper his
work so that they might not be deprived of
their ill-gotten profit derived principally
from oppression of the tenants.
On receipt of Mahatmaji’s report, the
Government called for reports on the same
from the District officers, the Settlement
officer and the planters before the 30th of
June, 1917. It was not to be supposed, how
ever, that during this period there was to be
plain-sailing. How could the planters keep
quiet over this matter.? On the l6th of May a
telegram of the Associated Press, stated that a
part of the Olaha Factory which was one of
the branches of the Turkaulia Factory had
been burnt, causing a loss of several thousands
to the Factory and that the planters suspect
ed it to be a case of incendiarism.
There is a factory called Dhok-
raha at a short distance from Bettiah.
The manager of that factory Mr. A.
K. Holttum had told Mahatmaji that his ten

ants had no complaints against him and had
invited Mahatmaji to see some of his villages.
He had said the same thing to Mr. Lewis
also. It was arranged that Mahatmaji would
visit a place called Sarisawa. It is necessary
to remind the readers that Mr. Holttum is
the gentleman against whom the complaint
of the tenants was that instead of taking en
hancement agreement from them he had
settled small bits of Zerait lands and had
added to the rent of those bits the entire
amount of enhancement to which he consi
dered himself entitled.
On the morning of the l6th May, Mahat
maji started for Dhokraha accompanied by
the writer and Professor Kripalini, whose
services had been dispensed with by the
Muzaffarpore College and who had joined
our party to assist Mahatmaji in his Cham-
paran work. We started very early from
Bettiah. We had conveyances but decided to
walk. We reached Sarisawa bazaar which is
about 8 miles from Bettiah, at about 8 A. M.
A large number of tenants had assembled
even before our arrival. On our way some
tenants told us that the manager had arrang
ed to bring a number of men with him who
would come fully tutored to say that the
tenants were quite contented, that they had
no grievances whatsoever,etc. etc.
On arrival there Mr. Holttum also
arrived. We all met in a small orchard.

About 300 tenants were sent there. While
Mahatmaji and Mr. Holttum were talking
Mr. Lewis also arrived in his car. Mr. Holt
tum showed some papers to Mahatmaji and
told him that complaint against him regard
ing enhancement was totally false, that he
had settled his Zerait lands with tenants on
account of their presistent demand ; that by
so settling his Zerait he was not a gainer,
rather he could earn more from those lands
than he got as rent for them and that the
tenants were at liberty to surrender them if
they so desired. He also said that there
were many tenants who were perfectly satis
fied with the management of the factory,
and that a few tenants who might have com
plained to Mahatmaji must have done so un
der instigation from others. After saying
this he referred to an old cultivator aged
70 or 80 years and said that he was the most
respected tenant in the whole locality. He
asked Mahatmaji to listen to what he had to
say. Mahatmaji asked the old man, “ Have
you any trouble with the factory ?” He
said at once, “No sir! All the people are
perfectly happy under the factory and they
get all kinds of advantage from it.” He
added that the people had willingly taken
settlement of the Zerait lands. No sooner
had he said this than the entire body of ten
ants present there began to fret and fume
with rage and indignation. They began to

shout, “ This man is a traitor ; he is a parti
san of the factory; The sahib had tutored
him,” and addressing the old man they said,
“ Why are you in this old age adding to your
burden of sin by your falsehoods. Your time
is now nearly up; remember God at least now
and speak the truth”. There was such a
hubbub created there that it took a little
time to restore quiet. About 15 more
tenants made statements similar to that
of the old man. Thereafter Mahatmaji
enquired of the other tenants and they
repudiated what had been said by the
old man. Mahatmaji told them that he had
been informed by the manager that they had
taken Hunda settlements willingly and that
if they did not like the Zerait land they were
at liberty to surrender it. No sooner had he
said this than all the tenants shouted out in
one voice, “ We surrender the Zerait lands, we
don’t want them, let the sahib cultivate
what he can on them, we have no objection”.
This very much perturbed Mr. Holttum and
he said, “ If they do not like this he would
make them grow Indigo ”. Mahatmaji smiled
and said, “Just a minute ago you had said
that Hunda settlement had no connection
whatsoever with Indigo and that by culti
vating the Zerait lands you would be able to
make more profit than you were now getting.
In these circumstances it is a matter both of
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS I89
profit and good name to you if you take

back these lands and release the tenants from
what they evidently consider to be a bur
den.” Mr. Holttum only replied, “After all
I have also to live
The tenants had become so bold and
fearless that they began to complain against
Mr. Lewis in his presence. It was an extra
ordinary thing for Champaran. Who could
have said before Mahatmaji’s visit that the
tenant of Champaran who used to conceal
himself at the very sight of the factory
Jamadar, who used to suffer all kinds of dis
grace and oppression silently for fear of
more and worse oppression coming if he
complained about it, would in this way
accuse the factory manager and the Sub-
divisional Magistrate in their very faces? We
were all much struck by this change.
After the Sub-divisional Magistrate and
Mr.'Holttum had left, Mahatmaji asked us to
take down the names of those who wished to
surrender their Hunda lands. We went on
doing this upto the evening and still we
could not finish it. We started from there
at about 6 P. M. Mr. Holttum had enquired of
Mahatmaji if he would have any objection to
using his carriage. Mahatmaji accepted the
offer after some hesitation and we returned in
his carriage. We reached Bettiah at about
9 P. M.
Dhokraha and Loheria are two adjoin-
ing factories belonging to the same pro

prietor and Mr. Holttum was their manager.
He used to live generally at Loheria. There
was a great rush of tenants from these two
factories at Bettiah on 17-5-17. They came
to surrender their hunda lands. Their
names were taken down. Those of them who
could read and write were asked to put down
their signatures, while the thumb impression
of illiterate persons was taken. Mahatmaji
wrote a letter to Mr. Holttum, detailing all
that had happened and he also sent the
names of these tenants who had surrender
ed their lands. The readers must know that
the entire rent for that current year had
been already realised and in some of those
lands there were crops standing; but the ten
ants were so anxious to surrender these Zerait
lands and to get rid of this Hunda settle
ment that they surrendered their lands to the
factory with the crops standing on them.
About 500 tenants surrendered their Zerait
lands in this way within two days.
On the night of 18-5-17 fire broke out in
one of the houses of Dhokraha factory and
it was burnt. The tenants came running to
Mahatmaji and informed him that the f ’C-
tory people themselves had set fire^ to me
factory to create an excuse for oppressing
them. Mahatmaji immediately deputed
B Vindhyabasini Prasad to proceed to the
spoil to lind out the truth’after a thorough in-
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS IQI
spection and local inquiry. His report and
the statements of the tenants were sent to
the Government authorities.
We believe that -the fire * was not
due to the tenants. We knew that whatever
the cause of the fire might be the planters
would create a great noise about it. After
reading the Associated Press message about
the Olaha factory, Mahatmaji had written
the following letter to Mr. Heycock on the
14th of M ly.
Dear Mr. Heycock................ ,
I beg to refer you to the enclosed. All
kinds of rumour have come before me. Pres
sure is being put upon me to make a state
ment. But I do not want to make any un
authorised statement. Will you kindly let
me know for purposes of publication, the
damage caused by the fire, the nature of the
outwork burnt, whether it was inhabited or
otherwise protected and whether any con
nection has been shown between my presence
in Champaran and the fire?
I am sending a special messenger who
will await answer.
Bettiah. Yours sincerely,
14th May 1917. Sd. M. K. Gandhi.
‘ This book was written in 1919. Since then I have had a con
fession from the man who was employed to burn this factory. The
plan according to him was to burn the factory at midnigat, to rush
to the authorities, get large body of armed police immediately and,
if possible, to have the whole village looted. The plan failed because
the man who was entrusted with the cipher message could not deli
ver it in time.
Mr. Heycock replied as follows:

Dear Mr. Gandhi,
Your letter of the 14th May 1917. lam
able to give you the following information :—
Olaha factory is an out-work of the
Turkaulia concern. The buildings burnt
down were the engine room, press house and
cake-house. The value of the building has
been roughly estimated at Rs. 20,000 but this
is only a rough estimate. No manager or
asst, manager is in residence at the out
work. There are, however, factory servants
to look after the buildings. The out-work is
situated about 20 miles south east of Moti-
hari.
The fact that the buildings were burnt
down shortly after you came to the district
and that your visit of enquiry has caused
considerable excitement etc., may possibly
account for the rumours of all kinds which
you say have come before you.
Motihari. Yours sincerely,
l8th May, 1917. Sd. W. B. HeycoCK.
At about 10 P. M. on the 17th of May,
Mahatmaji was discussing some matters with
us, when a man who called himself part
proprietor of a village Parsauni came to us.
He said that his other co-sharers had leased
out their shares to a factory, but he was not
willing to lease out his share. The fac
tory was, therefore, very much annoyed with
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS I93
him and putting him to all kinds of trouble.

He had a small house in the village which
was going to be looted on the following day.
Mahatmaji at once deputed Professor Kri-
palini and the writer to proceed to the place
to make an enquiry. The Police Sub-Inspec
tor was also informed so that he might ac
company us if he so desired. We started the
same night. The village is about 30 or 35
miles from Bettiah and 8 or 9 miles from the
nearest railway station. We alighted from
the train at about 8 O’clock next morning
and reached Parasauni at about lO O’clock.
The Sub-Inspector of Police of Bettiah did
not accompany us. But he sent information
to the Thana within whose jurisdiction the
village was. The Sub-Inspector of the latter
place arrived at the spot soon after us. We
examined a large number of tenants. The
Sub-Inspector was present all along. After
completing our enquiry and having talked to
the people we started late in the evening and
we reached the railway station at li P. M.
and returned to Bettiah the following morn
ing at 9.
The planters as well as the local officials
were very much upset by all these activities
and the picture of a serious disturbance which
Mr. Lewis had drawn from his imagination
became still more deeply coloured by these
and the incidents that had taken place at
Sarisawa Bazaar. The planters and their
13
supporters were trying their level best to

show that Mahatmaji’s work in Champaran
was fraught with mischief and to have him
and his co-workers removed from the district.
At the same time they were trying to put
pressure on the tenants to prevent them from
coming to Mahatmaji.
On the 20th of May 1917, Mahatmaji wrote
a letter to the Dist. Magistrate Mr. Heycock
and sent along with it the statements of ten
ants of Dhokraha and Belwa factories. It is
worth-while quoting the letter in full as it
shows Mahatmaji’s method of work, his unflin
ching determination, flrm faith in the justice
of the cause and above all his principle of
self-suffering and non-violence. The letter
was as fojlows:—
Dear Mr. Heycock,................
“I have hitherto refrained from bringing
to your notice statements which have con
tinued to stream in to the effect that the
ryots are being prevented from coming in to
me and that those who have come in have
been subjected to all kinds of pin-pricks by
the Kothi Amals and in some cases by the
managers themselves. I have discounted some
of the statements. I have taken down a few.
But if what I have heard about the doings of
the Belwa and Dhokraha concerns is true,
it is calculated to end on one side at least the
friendly spirit in which the inquiry has
hitherto been carried on. I am most anxious
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS IQS
to continue and to increase the friendly spirit.

I am straining every nerve so far as in me lies
to so conduct my mission that nothing but
good-will should be left behind, when its
labours are finished. I send you the state
ments taken regarding the Belwa and Dhok-
raha concerns. If the statements are true
they do not reflect any credit upon the
concerns in question, I enclose too my letter
to Mr. Holttum which was written before 1
heard of the Are and which was despatched
before I took the statements of the Dhokraha
men last evening after 6. P. M.
I understand and even appreciate the
feelings which are bound to All those who are
called upon to contemplate the prospect of
having to forego huge incomes which they
have hitherto been in the habit, for a long
time, of receiving from their ryots. One can
not therefore mind any legitimate effort on
their part to hold on to what they have con
sidered as their right. But what is reported
to have happened at the Belwa and Dhokraha
dehats does not, in my opinion, fall under
such category.
It is a well-known fact that the desire of
the planters generally is that my friends and
I should not carry on our work. I can only
say that nothing but physical force from the
Government or an absolute guarantee that
the admitted or provable wrongs of the ryots
are to stop for ever, can possibly remove us
from the District. What I have seen of the

condition of the ryots is sufficient to convince
me that if we withdraw at this stage, we
would stand condemned before man and God
and, what is more important of all, we would
never be able to forgive ourselves.
But the mission is totally of peace. I can
not too often give the assurance that I bear
no ill-will against the planters. I have been
told that that is true of myself but my friends
are fired with an anti-English feeling and that
for them it is an anti-English movement. I
can only say that I do not know a body of
men who have less of that feeling than my
friends. I was not prepared for the pleasant
revelation. I was prepared for some degree
of ill-will. I would have held it excusable. I
do not know if I have not been guilty of
it myself under circumstances which have
appeared to me most provoking. But if I
found that any of my associates were in the
conduct of this mission actuated by any ill-
will at all, I should dissociate myself entirely
from them and insist upon their leaving the
mission. At the same time the determina
tion to secure freedom for the ryots from
the yoke that is wearing them down is
inflexible.
Cannot the Government secure that free
dom ? This is a natural exclamation. My
answer is that they cannot, in cases like this,
without such assistance as is ajBforded to them
CONSTERNATION AMONGST PLANTERS IQZ
by my mission. The Government machinery

is designedly slow. It moves, must move,
along the line of least resistance. Reformers
like myself who have no other axe to grind
but that of the reform they are handling for
the time being specialise and create a force
which the Government must reckon with.
Reformers may go wrong by being over-
zealous, indiscreet or indolent and ignorant.
The Government may go wrong by being im
patient of them or over-confident of their
ability to do without them. I hope in this
case neither catastrophe will take place and
the grievances which Lhave already submitted
and which are mostly admitted will be effec
tively redressed. Then the planters will have
no cause to fear or suspect the mission of
which I have the honour to be in charge and
they will gladly accept the assistance of
volunteers who w’ill carry on the work of edu
cation and sanitation among the villagers and
act as links between them and the ryots.
Pray excuse the length of this letter as
also its argumentative character. I could not
avoid it, if I was to place my true position
before you. In bringing the two matters
which have necessitated this communication
I have no desire to seek legal relief. But I
ask you to use such administrative influence
as you can to preserve the friendly spirit
which has hitherto prevailed between the
Kothis and my friends and myself.
198 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMPARaN
1 do not wish to suggest that the Kothis

in question are responsible for the fires. That
is the suspicion of some of the ryots. I have
talked to hundreds of them about the two
fires. They say that the ryots are not respon
sible for them, that they have no connection
with the mission. I readily accept the repudi
ation because we are incessantly telling the
ryots that this is not a mission of violence or
reprisals and that any such thing on their
part can only delay relief. But if the Kothis
may not be held responsible for them, they
may not seek to establish a connection bet
ween them and the mission. Fires have taken
place before now and, mission or no mission,
they will take place for ever. Neither party
may blame the other without the clearest
possible proofs.
There is talk too about the life of the
planters being in danger. Surely this cannot
be serious talk. Any way the mission cannot
render them less safe than they are. The
character of the mission is wholly against any
such activity. It is designed to seek relief by
self-suffering, never by doing violence to the
supposed or real wrong-doer. And this lesson
has been inculcated among the ryots in season
and out of season.
Lastly, there is I fear, ample proof of
intimidation such as is described in the state
ments hereto attached, Intimidation can
only mean more trouble all round without
meaning the slightest relief to the planters

in the shape of retention of the present
system.
I seek such help as you can vouchsafe in
the circumstances, I have ventured to place
before you.
Bettiah ) Yours sincerely,
20th May, 1927 j (Sd.) M. K. Gandhi.
A great hue and crj’’ was raised in the
Anglo-Indian press. The readers will remem
ber that in April 1915, B. Brajakishore Prasad
had proposed to the Government to appoint
a Committee of enquiry. The representative
of the planters, Mr. Filgate, had vehemently
opposed the resolution. But in May 1917, the
European Defence Association, the great
supporter of the planters, suggested the
appointment of a Commission and the Anglo-
Indian papers joined in a chorus in making a
similar demand. On 15-5-17, the chief Anglo-
Indian paper in Northern India, the Pioneer
whose comments are typical of those of the
Anglo-Indian Press, wrote as follows :
“ It appears to us that the Government
of Behar could do well forthwith to appoint
a commission to investigate the differences
which exist between the planters and the
ryots in the Indigo Districts. It is difficult to
see what good can come of Mr. Gandhi’s
investigation. But an enquiry conducted
with strict impartiality by a Commission
containing possibly a non-ofl5cial element
would give both sides a fair opportunity of

stating their cases and ought to result in a
lasting peace.
CHAPTER XIV
MAHATMA GANDHI INTERVIEWS
THE GOVERNOR
Vy/HILE, on the one hand, the Pioneer yN3.<s,
advising the appointment 'of a Com
mittee the planters, on the other, were
poisoning the ears of the Government about
the fires. The result was that on 29th May
1917 Mahatmaji was summoned by the
Government to Ranchi. Sir Edward Gait, the
Lieutenant Governor fixed the 4th of June
for an interview with him.
We could not quite understand the
reason of this call. The District officers had
not yet submitted their opinions on Mahat-
maj?s report. The call could not therefore
be for discussing that matter. Then remained
the planters and the agitation in the Anglo-
Indian press, the fire in two factories and the
imaginary fear of a disturbance in the minds
of local officers. We apprehended that there
must be something wrong about this call. It
was therefore necessary to proceed cautiously
and to be prepared for all eventualities. Our
party should be well organised and should be
ready to face any untoward turn events
might take^^ Plainly speaking we suspected
that Mahatffiaji might not be allowed to
return from Ranchi. We discussed the
future plan of action if that came to pass.
Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was wired to

come to Patna for consultation. Mahatmaji
wired to his wife who was in Calcutta to
come and meet him at Ranchi. His youngest
son Devadas Gandhi, who was at the Sabar-
mati Satyagraha Ashram was also telegraphed
to come to.Ranchi. The writer was deputed
to Patna to consult the leaders there. On the
second of June Mahatmaji reached Patna
with B. Brajakishore. Pandit Malaviya had
already arrived on the previous evening. A
conference was held and it was decided that
if any action was taken against Mahatmaji
then either Mr. Haque oi* Pandit Madan
Mohan Malaviya would take charge of the
work in Champaran. A programme similar
to that prepared on the l8th of April was
again made. Correspondence with leaders
of the country was started. The same day
Mahatmaji and B. Brajakishore Prasad left
for Ranchi, while Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya returned to Allahabad.
The planters had left no stone unturned
to get Mahatmaji and his assistants removed
from Champaran and to render his work in-
fructuous. On the 31st May the Muzaffarpore
branch of the European Defence Association
passed the following resolutions:
1. That the presence of Mr. Gandhi in
his self-imposed mission has been accom
panied by unrest and crime.
2. That his continued presence there is
GANDHI INTERVIEWS THE GOVERNOR 203
likely to be disastrous to the welfare of the

European in Champaran and the peace of the
District.
3. That they request the European
Central Association in Calcutta to press on
the Government the absolute necessity, if
they’ wish to maintain law and order in
Champaran District, to have Mr. Gandhi and
his assistants removed from there at once and
also that there is great fear of lawlessness
spreading to the neighbouring Districts.
On the 3rd of June 1917 the Pioneer pub
lished a long letter written by Mr. Irwin, the
manager of the Motihari Factory.Mr. Irwin had
actually written the lettei- on the 23rd of May,
but the Pioneer published it on the 3rd of June,
just on the eve of Mahatma Gandhi’s interview
with the Lieutenant Governor. It is neces
sary to say a word or two about Mr. Irwin
here as he wrote several letters to the press
in connection with the enquiry, about which
we may have to say something at the proper
place. Mr. W. S. Irwin is an old and powerful
planter. He is the manager of the Motihari
Factory and has been connected with it for a
long time. He was in a way the pioneer
amongst the Planters in the matter of taking
enhancement agreements and realising Tawan
from the tenants. He it was who had taken
legal advice about the Sharah-Beshi (enhance
ment) and Tawan and carried on correspon-
dance with the Government. It was in his
factory that in 1906 trouble about these things

at first arose. It is his boast that his tenants
never go to courts against him- Very few of
his tenants had dared to complain against
Sharah Beshi and Tawan 'to the authorities.
From these facts he -wants to impress upon
others that his tenants were contented and
that there was no trouble. The tenants,
however, have a different tale to tell. They
say that Mr. Irwin’s organisation is so perfect
and his method so effective that with all their
sufferings the tenants dare not go to law courts.
It was a Patwari of this Mr. Irwin who had
told Mahatmaji that a Sub-Inspector or a
Magistrate was nothing as compared to his
Saheb. Mr. Irwin in the lettei' which was
published in the Pioneer of the 3rd. of June,
to show his impartiality in the matter wrote
as follows :
“ Very occasionally brief paragraphs
appear in your columns alluding to Mr. Gandhi
and his so-called mission in Champaran but it
is more than evident you have no apprecia
tion of the harm he is doing and has already
succeeded in doing.
When the local authorities first became
aware of Mr. Gandhi’s threatened visit they
very wisely, and correctly, took action to res
train him but, on appeal by him, this order
was upset by the Provincial Government and
Mr. Gandhi was permitted to continue his
mischievous intention. He wanted to go to a
village in thePeepra factory ‘‘dihat” and there-
GANDHI INTERVIEWS THE GOVERNOR 20$
by encourage the villagers some of whom

were under trial for severely assaulting the
European sub-manager, but he was stopped
by the police. Then when detained by the
local authorities and awaiting the order of
the Government he occupied himself in Moti-
hari recording the exparte statements of some
hundreds of Peepra and Turkaulia concern
ryots who were induced by his entourage to
come to him. When Government orders were
received revoking the earlier proceedings he
passed on to Bettiah, but his doings in Moti-
hari bore fruit and shortly after his departure
an outwork of the Turkaulia concern was
burnt down. I may here say parenthetically
that of 20,000 ryots (more or less) not a dozen
men attempted to go near Mr. Gandhi, and
of these the majority went out of curiosity
pure and simple and no serious charges of any
kind were made. So in this matter I have no
“personal” quarrel with Mr. Gandhi. Natural
ly his arrival in the Bettiah Sub-Division was
objected to by both planters and officials and
the former sent a deputation to Ranchi to try
to get the Government to put an end to,
or at any rate keep under some control
Mr. Gandhi’s activities. This resulted in the
local officials and Mr. Gandhi being summon
ed by wire to attend a conference in Banki-
pore which ended in Mr. Gandhi’s being per
mitted to return and continue his doings now
more uncontrolled than ever and clothed in
the ryots' mind in the garment of recognition

and approval by Government. He visited a
village in the Dhakraha factory “dehat” the
ryots of which .in his presence and before
the S. D. O. and factory manager, foully
abused inHindustani the factory head servant
and while Mr. Gandhi was still in the
neighbourhood, but not actually within sight,
assaulted and grossly maltreated a most
respectable old man, who, too aged and
infirm to walk, had come in a cart to make
statements in factory’s favour and finally
two days or so later the factory office was
set fire to and burnt down. There can be no
possible doubt in any reasonable person’s
mind as to cause and effects in both this and
Turkaulia incident. But every body who
deserves to be in a position to know, knows
that the whole movement is meretricious and
Champaran has been selected for the exploita
tion of it for the following reasons. I. There
is practically only one proprietor, (malik) in
the whole District—The Bettiah Court of
Wards estate (i. e.) the local Government in
Tirhut and Suran most villages are owned by
several small share-holders, many residents,
and an agitator who would venture to go in
there and act, as he has been doing here
would meet with short shrifts. The engineers
of the movement have no desire to get up
against the Maharaja of Darbhanga. 2.
Champaran with its large community of
GANDHI INTERVIEWS THE GOVERNOR 20/
European Zamindars is eminently the place

to start with hopes of success a class agita
tion. Mr. Gandhi, I believe, is a well-inten
tioned philanthropist but he is a crank and
fanatic and is too utterly obsessed with his
partial success in South Africa and his belief
that he has been ordained by the Province to
be a righter of wrongs. To be able to realise
that, he is being made a cat’s paw of by (i)
Pleaders and Mukhtears etc., who know that
planters settle free, gratis and for nothing at
least 75 per cent, of disputes among ryots
which would otherwise bring grist to their
mills; (ii) Mahajans and money lenders whose
usurious dealings with ryots have been greatly
checked and who cannot now, owing to the
action of the planters, acquire the debtor’s
best lands without the consent of the land
owners and (iii) by Home Rule politicians
who hope to demonstrate on this for them
happy hunting ground of Champaran that
officials and non-officials go hand in hand to
oppress the population and so prove that the
district and incidently all India is being
misgoverned under the British Raj.
What do these people care for ryots save
to make use of them for their own purpose ?
For the protection of the property of the
Champaran planters, one and probably only
one step is essentially necessary and that is-
the removal of Mr. Gandhi from the District.
The extreme forbearance of the planters has
SO far prevented the outbreak of any very

serious disturbance, but unless Government
can see its way to protecting them they will
unavoidably be forced into taking the steps
necessary for their own protection,”
It need only be stated about this letter
that Mr. Irwin’s comment that not a dozen
of his tenants had attempted to go near Mr.
Gandhi was wholly unfounded as we had by
that time recorded the statements of some
300 of them.
The Anglo-Indian Press commenting on
the European Defence Association resolu
tions, attacked the proposal for a non-oflficial
enquiry by “ agitators ”, called on the
Government to suppress their activities and,
if necessary, appoint their own Commission
of enquiry. The Indian Press throughout the
country on the other hand, fully supported
Gandhiji in all his activities pointed to their
significant implications of planter opposition
to the enquiry and insisted on the enquiry
being carried out.
CHAPTER XV
THE APPOINTMENT OF THE ENQUIRY
COIMMTTEE
yVT'HILE on the one hand this agitation was
going on in the press, Sir Edward Gait
was holding discussions with Mahatma
Gandhi on the other, regarding the situation
in Champaran. We had all taken our res
pective places on the 4th June and were every
minute expecting a message from Ranchi.
We were being tossed about by a wave of
speculation. Just as the Government officials
had pictured to themselves an imaginary dis
turbance and had been taking steps to get
Mahatma Gandhi and his party removed
from Champaran, even so were we experienc
ing the effects of an imaginary order of ex-
ternment. The feeling was not one of fear,
but of a deep curiosity. The whole of the
night of the 4th June was spent by us in these
dreams and reveries. On the morning of the
5th at about 8 O’clock a telegraph peon was
seen coming and we all ran towards him. We
were all anxious to know what the telegram
contained ; but there was nothing definite in
it. It only said “ today’s interview satisfac
tory, meeting again tomorrow.” We waited
the whole night for it, but none came. The
anxiety on this day was not so keen, nor
were we subject to evil thoughts to the same
14
extent as on the previous day. But there was

no peace of mind. The 6th of June also passed
away in the same condition of suspense. On
the /th of June we received a telegram from
Mahatmaji informing us that he would return
from Ranchi on the Sth.
From the 4th to the 6th of June Mahat
maji was engaged in interviewing Sir Edward
Gait and the members of his Executive
Council, as a result of which, it was decided
that an enquiry Committee should be appoint
ed and that Mahatma Gandhi should be one
of its members. The names of other members
were also settled at the same time, but as
their consent had not yet been obtained, it
was decided not to publish their names until
such consent was obtained. On his way to
Ranchi Srimati Kasturbai Gandhi and Lhrijut
Devadas Gandhi had met him at Asansol and
accompanied him to Ranchi. Mahatmaji,
Srimati Gandhi, Devadasji and Babu Braja-
kishore arrived at Patna on the morning of
the /th of June. Pandit Malaviya was already
there waiting for them. After meeting all
friends Mahatmaji left Patna on the morning
of the Sth and reached Bettiah the same
after-noon.
The news had already reached Bettiah
that Srimati Gandhi was coming with Mahat
maji. There was a large crowd to welcome
her at the station. She took her residence in
another small room. The Associated Press
THE ENQUIRY COMMITTEE 2II
representative at Patna somehow managed to

get ths news inspite of the Government pro
hibition and wired that a Commission was
going to be appointed. This news was pub
lished in the papers of the Sth June. The
Government seeing various inaccuracies in it
issued the following communique on the llth
of June.
'‘The attention of the Government of
Behar and Orrisa has been drawn to a com
munication dated /th June on the subject of
agrarian situation in Champaran, which
emanated from the Bankipore correspondent
of the Associated Press. It was published in
several newspapers of June Sth. The com
munication was made without the knowledge
or authority of the Local Government and
contained various incorrect and misleading
statements. The Local Government intend
to appoint a Committee to enquire into the
relations existing between the landlords and
the tenants of the Champaran District and
will shortly announce its constitution and
terms of reference ”.
On the 13th of June 1917, a Government
communique announcing the appointment of
a Committee of enquiry and its personnel
was published.
On 31-5-17 when Mahatma Gandhi was
going to Ranchi, we were apprehending
many things. On the Sth June instead of
being interned at Ranchi, he returned to
Bettiah with his wife, son and co-workers.

What a tremendous change within these
8 days. He who had been summoned to Sir
Edward Gait’s presence almost as an accused,,
returned on this day as a member of a com
mittee entrusted with the work of giving red
ress to the tenants of Champaran. The
reader may very well ask what the reason of
this was. A real and genuine desire to secure
relief for the tenants and an equally genuine
anxiety to avoid any intention to do any in
jury to the planters, a readiness to suffer for
his principles and for what he considered to
be his duty, an unalterable faith in the power
of truth and a complete absence of fears
from worldly powers—these made such a
tremendous change possible. To hold to
these firmly is called Satyagraha.
The publication of the news of the
Committee created a great stir among
Anglo-Indian papers. In their issue of the
9th June the Pioneer, the Statesman
and the Englishman said, as if in one voice,,
that the only proper course was to remove
Mahatma Gandhi from Champaran, because
his presence after the appointment of the
Committee was no longer justified. They
did not know that Mahatma Gandhi too was
also appointed a member of the Committee.
On the 8th of June immediately after the
receipt of information about the appointment
of the Committee Mr. Alec Marsh, the Secre-
THE ENQUIRY COMMITTEE 213
tary of the European Association of Calcutta

wrote the following letter to the Govern
ment which also throws a flood of light on
the previous activities of his Committee :—
“ I have the honour to address you by
direction of the council of the European
Association with reference to Mr. Gandhi’s
visit in Champaran District and the matters
that have arisen is consequence of his pre
sence. On the 3rd May last, I telegraphed
you a copy of a telegram despatched to the
Government of India regarding the grave
situation in the Champaran District and on
the 4th May I forwarded you a copy of letter
No. 1575 addressed to the Government of
India regarding the same matter.
My Council observe with great satisfac
tion the-decision of your Government to
appoint a Committee to enquire and investi
gate into the relations between landlords
and tenants in the province, of Behar and
Orissa.
My Council are of opinion that the terms
of reference should be as wise as possible so
as to comprise not merely the questions
which have resulted in the appointment of
the Committee but any which have actually
proved a source of trouble in the past or may
do hereafter. It is extremely important that
so far as can possibly be now effected all
grievances real and imaginary should be
finally enquired into and removed.
I am also directed to urge that the en

quiry should be held in public and not in
camera. Proceedings of this nature in
camera invariably afford ground for criticism
that there is something to be concealed from
the public or that some person is being
shelved. In a matter of this kind the Council
consider that the public should be permitted
to form its own opinion.
My Council desire to impress on your
Government that Mr. Gandhi having com
pleted his self-appointed task of investigat
ing the relation between the landlords and
the tenants in the Champaran District and
having submitted his report to you in his
letter of May 13th, there is no further neces
sity for his presence in that District. Your
Government are doubtless aware of the grave
anxiety existing among the planting commu
nity that serious trouble may arise at any
moment. Also that opinion is generally held
by the same Committee that the continued
presence of Mr. Gandhi and his entourage in
Champaran is likely to precipitate serious
trouble in various directions. My council
would therefore urge upon the Government
as strongly as possible, that Mr. Gandhi and
his entourage be required by Government to
remove themselves from the Champaran Dis
trict except in so far as Mr. Gandhi’s pres
ence may be desired by the proposed Com
mittee.”
The Indian Daily News of Calcutta com

mented on this letter as follows :—
“Now that the Bihar and Orissa
Government have decided to appoint a small
committee of enquiry to investigate the whole
question of relation between the landlord
and the tenant in the Province, it seems im
possible that they can allow a roving Com
mission to an agitator who has to make his
case good or stand discredited.”
Unfortunately for them, however,
Mahatma Gandhi’s presence was necessary
even for the Enquiry Committee and the de
sire of the European Association that the en
quiry should commence only after Mahatmaji
had been removed could not be fulfilled. It
was an irony of fate that the allegations made
by the “Roving” Commissioner were eventu
ally found by the Committee to be true. The
Government of Bihar issued a resolution on
lOth of June regarding the appointment of
the commission audit was published in the
papers of the I2th June. That resolution it
self shows that the grievances of the tenants
of Champaran were neither new nor were
they the result of the machination of “agita
tors.” It is necessary to quote that resolu
tion in its entirety. It was as follows:
“ On various occasions during the past
fifty years the relations between the
landlords and tenants and the cir-
cumstances attending the growing of indigo
in the Champaran District have been the

cause of considerable anxiety. The condi-
tions under which Indigo was cultivated
when the industry was flourishing required
re-adjustment, when it declined simultane
ously with a general rise in the prices of food
grains, and it was partly on this account and
partly owing to other local causes that dis
turbances broke out in certain indigo con
cerns in 1908. Mr. Gourlay was deputed by
the Government of Bengal to investigate the
causes of the disturbancesand his report and
recommendations were considered at a series
of conferences presided over by local officers
of Government and representatives of the
Bihar Planters’ Association.
The result of these discussions revised the
conditions for the cultivation of indigo in a
manner calculated to remove the grievances
of the ryots. The revised conditions were
accepted by the Bihar Planters’ Association.
(2) In 1912 a fresh agitation arose con
nected not so much with the conditions under
which indigo was grown, as with the action
of certain factories which were reducing
their indigo manufacture and taking agree
ments from their tenants for the payment in
lieu of indigo cultivation for a lump sum in
temporarily leased villages or of an increase
of rent in villages under permanent lease.
Numerous petitions on the subject were pre
sented from time to time to the local officers
and to the Government and petitions were at
the same time filed by ryots of villages in the
north of the Bettiah sub-division in which
indigo had never been grown, complaining
of the levy of abwab or illegal additions to
rent, by their lease holders, both Indian and
European. As the issues raised by all these
petitions related primarily to rent and ten
ancy conditions and as the revision of settle
ment of the District was about to be under
taken in the course of which the relations
existing between the landlords and tenants
would come under detailed examination, it
was thought advisable to await the Report of
the settlement officers before passing final
orders on the petitions. The revision settle
ment was started in the cold weather of 1913.
On the 7th April 1915, a resolution was
moved in the local Legislative Council ask
ing for the appointment of a mixed Com
mittee of officials and non-officials to en
quire into the complaints of the ryots and
to suggest remedies. It was negatived by a
large majority, including 12 out of 16 non
official members of the Council present, on
the ground that the appointment of such a
Committee at that stage was unnecessary,
as the Settlement Officers were engaged in
the decision of the questions at issue and
an additional enquiry of the nature proposed
would merely have the effect of further exacer
bating the relations of landlord and tenant;
which were already feeling the strain of the

settlement operations.
(3) The settlement operation have been
now completed in the northern portion of
the district, and are approaching comple
tion in the remainder and a mass of evi
dence regarding agricultural conditions and
the relations between landlords and tenants
has been collected. A preliminary report
on the complaints of the tenants in the
leased villages in the north of the Bettiah
sub-division in which no indigo is grown has
been received, and action has already been
taken to prohibit the levy of illegal cesses
and in the case of the Bettiah Raj to review
the terms of the cases on which the villages
concerned are held. As regards the complaints
of the ryots in other parts of the District the
final report of the Settlement officer has not
yet been received, but recent events have again
brought into prominence the whole question
of the relations between landlords and ten
ants, and in particular the taking of agree
ments from the ryots for compensation, or
for enhanced rent in return for the aban-
donment of indigo cultivation. In these
circumstances and in reference to re
presentations which have been received
from various quarters that the time has come
when an enquiry by a joint body of officials
and non-officials might materially assist the
local Government in coming to a decision on
the problems which have arisen, the Lieute
nant Governor in Council has decided with
out waiting for the final report of the settle
ment operations to refer the question at issue
to a committee of enquiry on which all inte
rests concerned will be represented.
(4) The following Committee has accord
ingly been appointed with the approval of
the Government of India ; President; Mr. F.
G. Slay, C. S- I, Commissioner Central Pro
vinces. Members: The Hon’ble Mr. L. C.
Adami I. C. S. Superintendent and Remem
brancer of Legal Affairs, B. & O., the Hon’ble
Raja Harihar Prasad Narayan Singh/"’ mem
ber of the B & O Legislative Council; The
Hon’ble Mr. C. J. Reid, Member of the B & O
Legislative Council; Mr. G. Rainy, I. C. S.
Deputy Secretary in the Finance Department
of the Government of India; and Mr. M. K.
Gandhi. Secretary; M. E. L. Tanner I. C. S.
Settlement Officer in South Bihar.
(5) The duty of the Committee will be
(a) to enquire into the relations between
landlords and tenants in Champaran District
including all the disputes arising out of the
manufacture and cultivation of indigo; (b)
to examine the evidence on these subjects
already available, supplementing it by such
further enquiry, local and otherwise, as they
may consider desirable, and (c) to report
It is necessary to state here that on account of the ill-hea’th of
the Hon’ble Raja Harihar Prasad Narayan Singh, Raja Kj-ityanand
Singh B. A of Banarly was appointed in his place.
their conclusions to the Government stating

the measures they recommend to remove any
abuses or grievances which they may find to
exist.
The Lieutenant Governor-in-council
desires to leave the Committee a free hand
as to the procedure they will adopt in arriv
ing at the facts. The Committee will assem
ble about the 15th July and’ it will, it is
hoped, complete their labours within three
months.”
The Planters, however, were not at all
satisfied with the appointment of Mahatma
Gandhi. Mr. J. V. Jameson, whose name has
already been mentioned, wrote the following
letter which was published in the Statesman
of 22nd June, 1917 :
“ With regard to Mr. Gandhi’s appoint
ment to the Committee it is difficult to see
what his qualification for the post consists
of. He is a complete stranger to the Pro
vince and ignorant of its complicated system
of land tenure. He came to the district
frankly prejudiced in his views on the ques
tion while he professed his intention of mak
ing an impartial enquiry. He has spent a
considerable time at the head of a band of
agitators who by means of exaggerated
stories as to his position and authority have
attempted to induce the ryots to break their
agreements and to ignore the decisions of the
Settlement and Civil Courts and have suc-
ceeded in raising a considerable amount of
racial ill-feeling. As his and his colleagues’
activities are very important factors in the
present relations between landlord and ten
ants they must inevitably come within the
scope of this Committee’s enquiry, and it
would surely be more fitting that he should
be required to justify his actions and the
statements and recommendations which he
has already submitted to Government the
very point on which this Committee is re
required to report, rather than that he
should be put in the ludicrous position of
judging his own case and reporting on the
very conclusions and recommendations which
he has himself put forward.”
The allegation of Mr. Jameson that
Mahatma Gandhi came to Champaran with a
prejudice is, of course, unfounded. What
ever opinion Mahatmaji formed about Cham
paran was the result of his observations and
the information which he gathered on the
spot. His preliminary report would show
how he had mastered the situation and the
report of the Enquiry Committee shows that
his conclusions were all literally true.
v*
CHAPTER XVI
THE SITTING OF THE ENQUIRY
COMMITTEE
etween the appointment of the En
B quiry Committee and the the com
mencement of its sittings Mahatmaji decided
to pay a visit to Bombay and his assistants
were also given a few days’ holiday to go
home. The Committee was to commence its
work only on the 15th July and after the
publication of the Government resolution
there being no further need, the work of
recording the statements of ryots was stop
ped from I2th June. On the l6th of June
Mahatmaji went away to Bombay and his
assistants removed from Bettiah to Motihari
and began to sort the evidence which should
be placed before the Committee. Till then
the full statements of more than 8,000 ten
ants had been recorded under the personal
supervision of Mahatma Gandhi. It has been
stated above that there were 2,841 villages
a.nd tenants from no less than 850 villages
had made statements “which were against as
many as 60 factories. Over and above these
statements we had collected a large number
of documents many of which were judg
ments of Courts. So long as the assistants
were engaged in recording statements, they
did not get much time to study the documents.
When the recording of statements was stop
ped, we began to study the documents care
fully. We had to decide after careful scru
tiny and selection what witnesses and what
documents should be produced before the
Committee. Even after the I2th of June,
when we stopped recording statements, ten
ants continued to come in large numbers.
They used to be told that no more state
ments would be recorded and their grievan
ces would be considered by the Committee.
When the tenants learned that statements
were not recorded, many of them sent their
complaints by post. The police continued to
bestow their attention on us even after the
appointment of the Committee. Some police
officer made a report to the Government that
statements were being taken even after the
I2th June. This was of course untrue and B.
Brajakishore Prasad who was in charge of
affairs in Mahatmaji’s absence repudiated it.
All this kept us engaged for about a fort
night and Mahatmaji returned from Bombay
to Motihari on the 28th June ’17. Mahatmaji
brought with himself Dr. Hari Shri Krishna
Deva, the secretary of the “Servants of
India Society ” to help him in the mission.
On his return Mahatmaji also devoted
himself to the study of the evidence. Before
the commencement of the work the Com
mittee was to hold a preliminary meeting at
Ranchi to settle its programme of work and
such other preliminary matters. Mahatmaji

and B, Brajakishore accordingly left Motihari
for Ranchi on the 5th July and arrived there
on the 7th. The Committee met on the nth
July and Mahatmaji returned to Motihari on
the 13th July. It was settled that the Com
mittee should sit at Bettiah from the 17th
July. Bettiah was preferred to Motihari evi
dently for the reason that it being the Head
quarters of the Raj, it offered better conveni
ences for the comforts of the guests who
came for the Committee, The European
members of the Committee were lodged at
the guest-house of the Raj, while the Raja
Saheb of Banarly stayed in the Raj
palace. Mahatmaji and his party took
their lodgings at their old place, the
Dharamshala of B. Hazarimal. With the
exception of Mahatmaji, all the members of
the Committee reached Bettiah on the 14th
July. It had been announced that the Com
mittee would hold its sittings from about the
15th of July at Bettiah, Motihari and other
places and any one who wanted to say any
thing about Champaran must send his writ
ten note to the secretary of the Committee.
This notice had been published in the news
papers and its copies were hung up in the
Court premises. The tenants of the whole
district had thus come to know that the en
quiry would commence at Bettiah from the
15th July.
It is difficult to guess what hopes, what
apprehensions possessed the minds of Cham-
paran tenants. They instinctively felt on the
advent of Mahatmaji that their grievances
would go and when they saw that even the
Government had agreed to appoint an En
quiry Committee of which Mahatma Gandhi
was to be one of the members, the hope be
came doubly confirmed and large crowds of
tenants assembled at Bettiah on the 15th
July. In the streets, in the market place, in
the specious maidan of the town of Bettiah-
wherever one turned one’s eyes, one saw
groups of tenants. It looked as if there was
to be a big fair. The Dharamshala where
Mahatmaji was staying was always full of
visitors.
The number of tenants increased on the
l6th and it is estimated that no less than ten
thousand tenants were present at Bettiah on
that day. Mahatmaji was busy studying the
papers, supplied by the Committee ; his assis
tants were equally busy and had no time to
attend to the tenants, who were anxious to
have a look at Mahatmaji. The Committee
could not commence its work on the 15th
July. Mahatmaji was anxious that the ten
ants should not lose heart in any way. He
accordingly came out in the afternoon of the
l6th. As soon as Mahatmaji came out, the
crowd swelled in number and the specious
gfifden and the compound of the Dharam-
15
shala were filled with men. In a short speech,,

he explained to them that the Committee
had been appointed to redress theii* grievan
ces, that they should not go in large num
bers to the meeting place of the Committee,
and that if they had to make any complaint
they should do so before Mahatmaji’s assis-
tants. Babu Brajakishore Prasad also ex
plained this matter to the tenants. After
Mahatmaji’s speech the tenants went back
perfectly satisfied.
It has already been said that a notice
has been published inviting intending wit
nesses to submit their statements to the
Committee. In response to it the Bihar
Planters’ Association, the managers of two
factories. 25 tenants, Mr. J. T. Whitty, the
Manager of the Bettiah Raj, Mr. J. A.
Sweeney, the settlement officer, Mr. W. H.
Lewin, the S. D. O. of Bettiah, Mr. L. F.
Morshead, the Commissioner of the Tirhut
Division, Mr. E. H. Jonstone, an Ex S. D. O.
of Bettiah, submitted statements. The Bihar
Planters’ Association had been particularly
requested to represent their case, but they
replied that they had nothing particular
to say.
Examination of witnesses commenced at
Bettiah on the 17th of July. The Committee
used to meet in the hostel of the Bettiah Raj
school. On behalf of the planters Mr. Prin
gle Kennedy, a well-known lawyer of Muzaf-
THE ENQUIRY COMMITTEE 22/
farpore, was watching the proceedings-
Mahatmaji’s assistants and tenants were ad
mitted to the Committee on tickets. Inspite
of all our efforts the crowd did not diminish.
The roads were full of men. Two of our
party were deputed to maintain order among
the crowd. Although policemen in their
uniforms were not much in evidence, they
were posted in plain clothes. The Com
mittee began its proceedings exactly at
II A. M. The Associated Press of India, The
Amrita Bazar Patrika, and the Bengalee had
deputed their special correspondents to re
port the proceedings.
Mr. Sweeney was the first witness and
his examination took the whole day. On
the i8th July Mr. Lewis was examined
in the fore-noon and Mr, Whitty in the
afternoon. On the 19th July Srijut Raj-
kumar Shukla and Sant Rant, who had
once been a clerk under a factory and
Khendar Prasad Rai \yere examined on be
half of the tenants. There was no sitting of
the Committee on the 20th. On the 2lst
July the proprietor and Manager of Malahia
factory, Mr. W. J. Ross and Mr. H. Gale, the
manager of the Byreach factory gave their
evidence. On the 23rd July Mr. C. Still, the
Manager of Sathi factory and Mr. A. C.
Ammon, the Manager of the Belva factory,
deposed before the Committee. The sixth
sitting of the Committee was to take place
at Motihari on the 25th July and Mahatmaji

with his assistants accordingly came to Moti
hari on the night of the 23rd July.
At Motihari, too, the crowd of tenants
was as large as at Bsttiah. The Committee
met in the office of the District Board on the
25th July at II A. M. and examined Mr. W. B.
Heycock, the Collector of Champaran, Mr. J.
V. Jameson as the representative of the
Planters Association and Mr. E. H. Hudson,
the Manager of the Rajpore factory, On
the 26th July Mr. W. S. Irwin, the Manager
of the Motihari factory whom the readers
know already was examined. After Mr. Ir
win’s examination the members of the Com
mittee returned to Bettiah. The 27th of July
was an off-day, and on the 23Lh the members
of the Committee visited and held local
enquiry at the Parsa factory.
It may be added here that no infor-
mation used to be given to tenants about
the visit of the Committee to their vil-
lages so that the “agitator” might not
get an opportunity, as alleged by the
Planters, of tutoring the people of the
locality visited by the Committee, The
fact is there was nothing to tutor them
about. In whichever direction the motor
cars carrying the members turned a crowd
collected and the moment they reached any
particular factory, the news of their arrival
spread with electric speed and thousands
and thousands of tenants assemtled in

no time. The factory managers used to be
informed before hand so that they might
keep their papers, registers etc. in readiness
for inspection by the Committee. The Com
mittee visited the Kuria factory and its villa
ges on the 29th July. During these visits the
papers of the factory used to be perused,
statements of Planters recorded and tenants
examined. It is believed that what the mem
bers saw and heard during these tours made
a deep impression on them.
The Committee met at Bettiah on the
30th July and on that day Mr. F. Gran
ville, the manager of the Madhubani factory
and Mr. W. W. Broucke, its proprietor, were
examined. Some members of the Committee
visited some villages of Malahia factory and
examined its papers. Similarly on the 2Ist
local inspection was held in the villages of
Dhokraha factory. On the night of the 31st
Mahatmaji with some of his assistants went
to Motihari. The 1st of August was again an
off-day and on the 2nd the Committee visited
the Rajpore factory. Mr, Hudson, its mana
ger, had informed his tenants of the visit,
and about 5 to 6 thousands of people had
assembled there. On the 3rd of August the
Peepra factory was inspected and on the 4th
the committee visited Turkaulia. At these
factories too 3 to 4 thousand people were pre
sent. On the same day Mahatmaji saw Mr.
Irwin at his factory and on the 5th he visited

a village of his named Rajpur Chhitali, with
his consent and returned to Bettiah by the
after-noon train. On the 6th Rajghat Hadia
factory was visited. On the 14th August,
1917 Mr. Jameson was again examined as the
Manager of the Jalaha factory. No more
evidence was recorded after this. Mahatmaji,
however, placed before the Committee the
statements of a number of tenants and a great
many judgments of courts, which might
throw light on the subject matter of enquiry.
It may be stated here that in the days
on which the Committee did not examine
witnesses or visit villages, there used to be
sessions of it for considering the evidence
already recorded. There were several sit
tings of this nature. What used to take
place in those sittings is not known to out
siders; but it became a matter of public
knowledge later on, that to one of these sit
tings Mr. Hill of Turkaulia, Mr. Norman of
Peepra and Mr. Irwin of Motihari were in
vited and an attempt was made to bring
about an amicable settlement between them
and their tenants regarding Sharah Beshi
(enhancement).
It is also necessary to state here that
Mahatmaji agreed to a reduction in Sharah
Beshi instead of demanding its total cancell
ation. There were many difficulties in the
way of tenants. The'- bad with their eyes
open executed these enhancement agreements
although it was under coercion. The bur
den of proving that these agreements had
been executed under fraud or coercion was
on them. The Settlement Officer had held
most of these agreements to be valid and
the rent fixed by these agreements was enter
ed in the record of rights. Under S. 103 of
the Bengal Tenancy Act the Court is bound
to presume the record of right to be correct
and the onus of showing that it was wrong
was on the tenants. Although out of the
nine test cases fought in Turkaulia five
had been decided in favour of the tenants
and only four in favour of the Factory, these
cases had cost a great deal and given much
trouble to the tenants. On the one hand
the Factories were rich and powerful, their
Managers able and alert, their papers well
kept and arranged, on the other, the tenants
were poor and weak and uneducated and
they had hardly any papers. God alone
knows what would have been the result of
this unequal fight if it had to be decided in
Court. But more than anything else, if
suits had to be instituted to cancel these
enhancement agreements, then about fifty
thousand such suits would have to be
brought. The cases which the planters
would hive lost would surely have been car
ried to the High Court. Bat what Mahatmaji
felt most was that if this.matter was not set-
232 SATYAGRAHA IN CH.AMPARAN
tied by the Committee and the tenants were

driven to the necessity of going to Court,
then ill-feeling between the tenants and
planters would rise to such a pitch that they
would become inplacable enemies. What
he was anxious about was that the trouble
of the tenants should disappear and friend
ship established between the two parties, and
their relation should be such that each
should wish well of the other. Both should
have their rights and none any ill will against
the other. But how was all this to be achie
ved without an arnicable settlement.? It was
for these reasons that Mahatmaji and the
members of the committee were anxious that
there should be a compromise.
After several private meetings and Mr,
Jameson’s examination on the I4Lh August,
1917, the work of the committee for the
time being came to a close and the next sit
ting was fixed to be held at Ranchi in Sep
tember. The members of the Committee
dispersed to their respective places and
Mahatmaji also started for Ahmedabad on
the l6th August 1917, leaving B. Ramnavmi
Prasad and the writer in Champaran, the
other members of Mahatmaji’s party going
home.
On the 22nd September, Mahatmaji re
turned from Ahmedabad to Ranchi. B. Braja-
kishore Prasad also went there. Soon after
his arrival there Mahatmaji had an attack of
malarial fever, but inspite of it he went on
working in the Committee. There were seve
ral sittings of the Committee to settle the
report and Mr. Irwin and some other plan
ters were wired to go to Ranchi to settle the
question of Sharah Beshi. After several days’
discussion the members ofthe committee sign
ed a unanimous report on the 3rd of Octo
ber and submitted it to the Government on
the 4th of October. After considering the
report, the Government published their reso
lution on the i8th of October. It need only
be stated here that the Government accep
ted almost all the recommendations of the
Committee.
From Ranchi Mahatmaji returned to
Champaran and stopped there till the I2th
of October. Groups of tenants used to come
to see Mahatmaji and to enquire about the
recommendations of the Committee. Mahat
maji told them the principal points and they
were satisfied.
The students of Behar had elected Mahat
maji as the President of the Beharee Students’
Conference which was to be held at Bhagal-
pur on the 15th October. Mahatmaji started
from Motihari for Bhagalpur and went to
Bombay from there. About this time B. Janak-
dhari Prasad, Vakil of Muzatfarpur came and
took charge of the office at Motihari and
began to live there.
CHAPTER XVin
THE REPORT OF THE CHAMPARAN
AGRARIAN ENQUIRY COMMITTEE
TT has already been mentioned above that
-*■ the members of the Enquiry committee
had submitted their Report to the Go
vernment on the 4th October 1917, and the
latter having accepted almost all the recom
mendations had published their resolution on
the l8th October 1917. The following is
the gist of the Committee’s recommendations
which were accepted by the Government and
which were published in their resolutions.
(1) The Tinkathia system, whether for
growing indigo or any other crop, should be
completely abolished.
(2) If any agreement be executed for
growing indigo it should be done on the
following conditions:—
(a) The agreement should be voluntary.
(b) Its term should not exceed 3 years.
(c) The selection of field in which indi
go is to be grown should rest with
the ryots.
(d) The rate of sale of indigo plants
should be settled by the ryots accor
ding to their choice.
(e) The price of indigo plants should be
paid on weight. If the ryots agree
the plant instead of being weighed
on a scale its weight may be apprai
sed by arbitrators.
(3) In Motihari and Peepra concerns
the enhancement should be reduced by 26 P.C.
and in Turkaulia concern by 20 P.C.
(a) In Jalaha and Sirni factories the
enhancement would be reduced as
in Motihari and Peepra.
(b) The tenants in whose record of
right the Tinkathia lagan has been
mentioned will have to pay enhan
cement on their rent in accordance
with the above proportion.
(c) The Rajghat factory has not claim
ed any indigo lagan the ryots of
that factory have executed Sattas
for growing indigo on condition
that no enhancement would be
made in their rental. Hence the
factory did not apply for enhance
ment before the Settlement autho
rities. The ryots of that locality
want to give up indigo now. Hence
an opportunity should be given to
the said concern to apply for en
hancement.
(4) I'he ryots who have paid Tawan (ei
ther in cash or through hand-notes) to the
factories will get back one fourth of it
from them. In those villages which have been
given in lease to the factory recently the en-
236 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMP ARAN
tire amount of Tawan would be returned to

the ryots. The Bettiah Court of Wards will
not realise the enhancement Jama from them
for a perid of / years.
(5) The realization of abwdb is alto
gether illegal. In future the ryots should not
pay any amount to the Zamindars in excess
of what is entered in their Khatianor Record
of right.
(6) It is illegal to realise any fee for mu
tation of name of an heir of a ryot. In other
cases such fee should be realised on a fixed
scale. The Board of Revenue would be inform
ed that it should consider about fixing of
such a scale for mutation in the Bettiah Raj
and the mokarridars should also be asked to
realise fee on the same scale,
(7) The Charsa-mahal should be aboli
shed in the Bettiah Raj, but no final orders
should be issued in this connection till this
matter is fully enrjuired into in the Ram-
nagar Raj.
(8) It is illegal to issue license for selling
kerosine oil and this system should be alto
gether abolished.
(9) In the Bettiah Raj the tenants can
purchase half the share in timber on payment
of proper price to the malik, but if in any
Elaka it may be apprehended that trees would
be cut away (in large numbers) the Manager
of the Bettiah Raj may limit the number of
petitions of ryots in this respect.
(10) The Zamindars, Mokarridars and the
lessees should be informed that they should
keep sufficient parti and grazing grounds for
cattle in their Elaka.
(11) It is illegal to impose and realise
fines from the tenants. The ryots should be
informed about it and the Zamindars, mokar
ridars and the lessees should be prohibited
from realising the same.
(12) The term of a cart-satta should not
exceed 5 years and the agreement about it
should be voluntary.
(13) Labour should be voluntary.
(14) In connection with the recommenda
tion of the committee about issuing receipt
for payment of each kist or instalment of rent
the Government would prescribe a form, if
possible, for the same.
(15) The District Board would be inform
ed to keep direct management of the'pounds
as an experimental measure and not to lease
them out to factories or other lessees.
It should be added that immediately on
the publication of the report and the Govern
ment resolution thereon on the i8th October
1917, a notice was distributed throughout the
District on behalf of the Government contain
ing for the information of the tenants, a
summary of the recommendations of the
Committee.
This annoyed the planters very much and
Mr. Irwin of Motihari raised a great hue and
cry in the press, which will be dealt with in

detail hereafter. The “ Pratap ” a Hindi
newspaper of Cawnpore had before Mahatma
Gandhi’s arrival in Champaran written a
series of articles and had at one time issued
a notice inviting all concerned to supply it
with materials for a book on the grievances
of the tenants of Champaran. In those days
the policy of the Government was altogether
different and the distribution of the notice
had been stopped by it. From the same press
a booklet which was a sort of a commentary
on the Government notices was now issued
under the title of “ Champaran Kauddhars ”
and large numbers of its copies were sold in
Champaran, carrying the news of their
emancipation to almost every house.The plan
ters complained that this booklet was being
distributed on behalf of Mahatma Gandhi,
but it was, of course, not true and Mahatmaji
repudiated the charge. The result of all this
was that there was hardly any place in the
whole District where the recommendations
of the Committee were not known. The
tenants could now fully realise that through
the efforts of Mahatma Gandhi their evil days
were over and they could now sleep soundly
in their homes and they could now shout with
a full throat '‘Mahatma Gandhi Ki Jai'\
CHAPTER XVin
PLANTERS UNEASY
VEN before the report of the Committee
was published, Mr. Irwin of the Motihari
factory had managed to obtain informa
tion about its contents; and on the /th of
October 1917 he wrote a long letter to the
En^glishman, and Statesman, which may be
summarised as follows :—
“ The Committee invited me and the
Managers of Peepra and Turkaulia at Bettiah
and advised us to enter into a compromise
about Sharah-beshi. I agreed to accept a
reduction in the enhancement by 25 p.c. on
the condition that the Tawan would be left
untouched. I showed to them that by reduc
ing the enhancement by 25 p. c. there would
be a loss of Rs. 13,000 in the annual income
of my concern alone. But inspite of this Mr.
Gandhi did not accept our terms and insisted
on a reduction of 40 p. c. There was a similar
talk at Ranchi and agreed after much hig
gling to reduce the Sharah-beshi by 26 p. c.
but there was absolutely no talk about Tawan.
It now appears from the report of the Com
mittee that 25 p. c. of Tawan will have also
to be refunded. The result is that I alone
shall have to refund Rs. 80,000. He further
stated :
“ That our representative signed a report
of this sort is a matter which will have to be

settled with him. But I hereby absolutely
decline to submit to any treatment of this
kind and I as publicly as possible now revoke,
repudiate and withdraw the concession of 25
p. c. of the Sharah-beshi from the beginning
of the coming year and will, if obliged to,
spend this money in fighting this to a finish.”
This letter of Mr. Irwin was published in
the Statesman of the 2ist and the Englishman
of the 22nd October. The Government
criticised it very severely in its communique
of the 23rd Oct. and repudiated the charges
made against the president and the members
of the Committee. The Government note
distinctly said:
“The Lieutenant Governor in Council is
unable to believe the allegations made by Mr.
Irwin that the Committee obtained his con
sent to the reduction of Sharah-bes,hi by
leading him distinctly to understand that it
{Tawan) would not be interfered with.”
On the 24th of October Mr. Irwin pub
lished another letter in which he charged
Mahatma Gandhi with having shown to the
S. D. O. of Bettiah a letter of the Lieutenant
Governor, authorising Mahatmaji to inform
the tenants of the recommendations of the
Committee. He further charged the Local
Government with partiality for the tenants.
It need hardly be stated that the charge
against Mahatmaji was wholly unfounded as
PLANTERS UNEASY 241
he had never shown any such letter to Mr.

Lewis, and the Government -was only doing
its duty by the tenants.
It may further be stated that Mr. Irwin
had written in his first letter that Mr. Rainy,
who was a member of the Committee, and
who had formerly been a Collector of Cham-
paran, as Collector advised the planters in
the matter of Tawan. This statement was
reiterated by an anonymous planter, who
wrote a letter to the press under pseudonym
of “ Old Champaran He wanted to know
from Mr. Rainy, how Mr. Rainy, having
advised-the realisation of 'lawan, could sign
a report recommending refund of part of the
same.
On the 25th October Mr. Irwin returned
to the charge and criticising the Government
note wrote as follows : —
“I would like to know if his Honour has
made any enquiries from the only people in
a position to say whether my allegation is
true or not, viz. the managers of Turkaulia
Ltd., and Peepra who, with Messrs Rainy,
Reid.and myself, were the only persons pre
sent at the preliminary discussion.”
On the 2nd of November, 1917, Mr.
Jameson wrote a long letter to the Statesman,
in which he severely criticised the proceedings
of the Committee and said that Tawan had
been realised with the consent of Mr. Rainy.
He further said that as in 1909. after Mr.
16
242 SATYAGRAHA IJN CHAMPARaN
Gourlay’s report Sir Edward Baker had held

a private conference of the planters and
settled the whole disputes by enhancing the
price of indigo, so also if any changes or
modification were necessary, the Government
ought to have quickly sent for the planters
and settled the matter with them. But from
the way in which the Government had acted
in not stopping Mr. Gandhi’s enquiry, it was
evident that the Government did not want
to do justice to the planters who had lost all
confidence in it. He added “The Government
would have retained the confidence of the
planting community had it shown itself
genuinely anxious to deal honestly with the
whole question on its merits and to allay the
unrest caused by its mistaken policy. ’
The Government for once wanted to do
justice to the tenants and this was the result!
It is necessary to point out here that Mr.
Irwin’s statement regarding Tawan was not
correct and he was probably under a mis
apprehension. The Government held an
enquiry into the matter. Mr. Norman, the
Manager of the Peepra Factory, whom Mr.
Irwin had mentioned in his letter wrote as
follows on the 27th of October 1917:—
“To the best of my recollections and it
is my firm impression that the question of
Tawan vzas never mentioned or referred to
in any way at either of the two committee
meetings I have attended but personally I was
PLANTERS UNEASY 243
under no misunderstanding about the Com
mittee’s idea regarding the refund of 25 p. c.
as I was told they intended recommending
this refund in a conversation at Bettiah just
before the Committee meeting there which
Hill, Irwin and I attended. It is my impres
sion that both Hill and Irwin were told the
same as I was....... I wrote to Hill and Irwin
when I was in Ranchi in August last....... I
asked Mr. Sly if the 1 awan question would
be any way influenced by what was settled
over Sharah-beshi and he informed me that
Tawan was an entirely different matter and
whatever was settled regarding Sharah-beshi
would in no way affect their decision about
Tawan.'’
Mr. Reid, who was the planters’ represen
tative on the Committee wrote on the 1st of
November as follows
“I am extremely surprised to read (Mr.
Irwin’s) assertion that assurances were given
that the 26 p. c. Sharah-beshi reduction would
not be applied to Tawan. On the contrary
I have the clearest recollection that when
Mr. Irwin came to Bettiah, he himself asked
me if anything had been decided about
Tawayi showing that he understood that the
consultation with the three planters only
referred to Sharah-Beshi. Moreover I told
him that the Committee had decided to
recommend a 25 p. c. refund of Tawan. He
strongly disapproved but finally said that he
would prefer to pay the money to Raj and

not to the ryots. I told him that the matter
had been finally settled by the Committee
and 1 could do nothing further. All this was
at Bettiah. When he came to Ranchi the
Tawan question was never mentioned.”
Regarding the allegation made by Mr.
Irwin,Mr. Jameson and an anonymous planter
that Mr. Rainy had advised the realisation of
Tawan the Government held an enquiry and
Mr. Rainy wrote in reply as follows :—
“It is not true that Tawan was taken by
him after consultation with me and on my
advice. Had he said that it was taken with
my knowledge and without interference from
me, he would have been correct. He never
asked for my advice nor did I advise him.”
He further wrote that whatever corres
pondence he had with the planters in this
connection he forwarded to the Government
and communicated the Government reply to
them. As a Collector he said he could not
have done anything else and in his personal
capacity he offered no advice. It may also be
stated here that on the /th of November
191/, Mr. Irwin wrote a letter to the States-
inan which was published in its issue of 14th
of November 1917 in which he admitted that
after enquiry from Messrs. Hill and Norman
he had found that he was mistaken, regard
ing Tawan ; but that he had never agreed to
a refund of Tawan and that his agreement to
PLANTERS UNEASY 245
the reduction of Sharah-beshi was subject to
the condition that he would not have to
refund Taivan.
The readers must have gathered some
impression regarding the uneasiness caused
by the report among the planters. Many
letters and articles were published in the
Anglo-Indian press against the recommenda
tions of the committee and an anonymous
writer, X, Y, Z, wrote to the Statesman on the
Sth of November threatening that after the
action which the Government had taken, no
one would care to accept leases from the
Bettiah Raj. One Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie
who had at one time been a planter in
Champaran wrote as follows from Darjeel
ing :
“ The Government of Behar have employ
ed the most unheared of methods to uproot
respect for Behar planters in ryots’ minds by
their insulting procedure of scattering broad
cast pamphlets in the vernacular among an
ignorant peasant population most unjustly
putting planters in the wrong.
The action will have much more serious
results than Sir E. Gait anticipates and he and
his colleagues and the members of the so-
called Commission should be held collectively
and individually responsible for any blood
shed that may ensue. Will the Behar Govern
ment think for one moment that the planters
will accept without question the arbitrary
findings of the Commission? Will the Euro

pean Defence Association see this injustice
done to a section of their own community ? I
know not.”
On the 12th of November Mr. J. M. Wilson,
the Secretary of the Behar Planters’ Associa
tion sent to Xhe Statesman for publication the
opinion of the planters’ legal adviser. It was
published in its issue of the l8th November
1917.
It may be summarised thus:-
“ It is doubtful if the Behar Government
has got the power to take way the right
about the 2inkathia possessed by the planters.
The contract which has been in existence can
only be broken with the consent of both the
parties. But without their consent the notice
issued by the Government can have no effect.
It is more than 3 years that Taiuan money
was realised and the same cannot be realised
through court. Hence to take them back
from the planters and pay them to the ryots
is equivalent to extortion.”
Some one under the nom-de-plume of
^Solicitous’ wrote a letter on the 20lh of
November to the Statesman in which com
menting on the letter of Mr. Mackenzie he
advised the European Association to take
action in the matter in as much as what had
happened to the planters of Champaran to
day might happen to the Englishmen else
where tomorrow. A similar letter from
PLANTERS UNEASY 247
some Englishmen was also published in the
Statesman of 24th November in which he
attacked Mahatma Gandhi, the Government
of Behar and the Committee and supported
Mr. Irwin’s opinion regarding Tawan and
praised the planters. One gentleman under
the name of Ruat Caelum wrote the follow
ing letter which was published in the States
man of 2nd December in which he gave a
crushing reply to the various attacks made
on the Committee.
“If I have understood the writer of the
article correctly his position is that Statns-
quo-ante-Gandhi in Champaranl should be
restored, because, (i) it pays the ryot to grow
indigo (2) the indigo planter is a good, con
siderate land-lord, (3) all planters and their
relatives of military age are fighting for the
empire, (4) certain planters served Bettiah
Raj many years ago. To take these in reverse
order, most people acquainted with the facts
who are not planters, would-think regarding
the fourth that the planters in question got
an ample quid pro quo. The third hardly ap
pears to me apposite and the second would
be generally admitted to be true, if a proviso
is added “ so long as such conduct doesnot
interfere with his own interest.” Some would
add this that the planter is bound to behave
thus in his own interest. The real crux lies
in the first. Either the taking of Tawan was
a highly discreditable transaction in which
the planter made use of his influence and

superior knowledge, to extract a large sum
from the ryot for a release which was worth
nothing, or it does not pay the ryot, to grow
indigo at the rate fixed by the Bihar Planters’
Association. I have no doubt that the latter
is the correct answer....... As for Sly Com
mittee’s recommendation with respect to
Tawan there must be many who were surpris
ed at the moderation.
It is the opinion of many persons that
this letter was written by seme high placed
Englishman. While on one hand the planters
and their supporters were thus carrying on
an agitation in the press, on the other, they
were running down the tenants in various
cases to bend them. The Government of
Bihar introduced the Champaran Agraian
Bill into the Bihar Legislative Council on
29th November, 1917. ‘
CHAPTER XIX
THE CHAMPARAN AGRARIAN ACT
/^N the 29th of November the Hon’ble Mr.
Maude introduced the Champaran
Agrarian Bill into the Legislative Council.
On this occasion he delivered a remarkable
speech.* In the course of it he gave a short
history of the indigo trouble in Champaran
during the last 50 or 60 years as detailed in
the previous chapters; and he showed the
justice of the action of the Government in
adopting the recommendations of the Com
mittee. It may be stated here that when the
planters raised a clamour against the report
of the Committee, the Hon’ble Mr. J. D. Reid,
who till then represented the planters on the
Legislative Council and who had signed the
report as a member of the Committee, resign
ed his place on the Council and Mr. J. V.
Jameson was appointed in his stead. The
Government, nominated Mr. P. Kennedy the
the legal adviser of the planters, as a member
of the Council. These two members criticised
the introduction of the bill very severely, but
the criticism was more than met by the
Hon’ble Mr. Maude in his reply and the Bill
was published again in the Government
Gazettee on 20th February, 1918. The report
of the Committee was placed before the
* See Appendix A.
Council for consideration on the 4th of

March, 1918. Many Indian members moved
amendments to improve the Bill from the
tenants’ point of view; while Mr.Jameson and
Mr. Kennedy also tried to have it amended
from this point of view. But no important
amendment was accepted by the Government.
There was one matter however worth men
tioning. The Bill as originally introduced,
contained a provision that if a Government
official was informed that a Zamindar realis
ed abwab the former could proceed against
the latter suomots and if after the enquiry
the fact was proved, he could punish the
Zamindar. The Select Committee had deleted
this section. The Hon’ble Mr. Tanner moved
that it should be reinserted in the Bill. The
Government, left its members free to vote as
they liked. The result was that most of the
non-official members and some official
members voted against Mr. Tanner’s amend
ment and it was rejected. Those who voted
against it were of opinion that under the
Bengal Tenancy Act, a Zamindar who realis
ed abwab, was liable to be punished on the
complaint of a tenant and it was not neces
sary to have a new law for Champaran alone.
The Bill was ultimately passed and became
the Champaran Agrarian Act. Its principal
provisions were as follows:
(l) On and after the commencement of
the Act any agreement, lease or other contract
CHAMPARAN AGRARIAN ACT 25I
between a land lord and a tenant holding

under him which contains a condition to set
apart the land of his tenancy or any portion
thereof for the cultivation of a particular
crop shall be void to the extent of such
condition.
Provided that if the tenant has in con-
sideration of such condition received any
advance prior to the commencement of this
Act, he shall be bound to refund the same.
(2) Where in consideration of the release
of a tenant from a condition, the rent payable
by such tenant, prior to the first day of
October, 1917, has been enhanced, the amount
of such enhancement shall, with effect from
the said date be reduced by 20 per cent in
the case of rent payable to Turkaulia Limi
ted, and by 26 per cent in all other cases, and
a note to that effect will be made in the
record of rights.
(3) Where a special condition or inci
dent referred to above has been entered in
the record of rights in respect of a tenancy,
the same will be cancelled and the rent of the
the tenancy will be enhanced to an
extent proportionate to the reduced enhance
ment mentioned above.
(4) The Local Government will by rule
prescribe the authorit3' for making necessary
amendments in the record of rights, whose
decision shall be considered final.
(5) Nothing in the Act shall prevent a
252 SATYAGRAHA IN CHAMP ARAN
tenant from contracting to deliver to his

landlord a specified weight of a particular
crop to be grown on the land of his tenancy
or any portion thereof.
Provided that (i) that any claim for
damages for breach of such contract shall be
based on a failure to deliver the specified
weight and not on a failure to cultivaie any
portion of land, (ii) That the term of such
contract shall not exceed 3 years.
The most outstanding features of the
Act were;—
(1) The abolition of Tinkathia.
(2) Reduction of Sharah-beshi by 20 per
cent in Turkalia and 26 per cent in other
factories.
(3) The freedom of tenants’ holdings
from an obligation to grow indigo and
liberty to them to grow indigo on the volun
tary basis if they liked and
(4) Arrangement to prevent litigation
in respect of the matters covered by the Act.
The Committee had also recommended
that 25 pei‘ cent of the Tavoan realised by the
Factories should be refunded. The Govern
ment had accepted this recommendation.
Accordingly the Bettiah Raj refunded
Rs. 1,60,301-9-9 out of the tawan, realised by
18 factories. It may be added here that no
refund could be got in respect of villages
that did not belong to the Bettiah Raj. In
regard to one factory it is worth starting
CHAMPARAN AGRARIAN ACT 253
that its proprietor, after realising the Tawan^

transferred it and it was considered unjust
to force a refund from the new purchaser.
After the passing of the Agrarian Act, the
Pioneer, the mouth-piece of Anglo-Indians,
severely criticised the action of the Govern-
ment which had dared to do some justice to
the long suffering tenantry of Champaran.
It wrote as follows:
“We regret to find in those steps the
worst of the faults that can be attributed to
the bureaucracy. Infirmity of purpose is the
key-note throughout and it manifests itself in
the usual symptoms; a purposeless insis
tence for as long as possible on secretariat
secrecy and a refusal of requests for discus
sion when constitutionally put forward fol
lowed by a prompt acceptance of the same
request when the party making them shows a
disposition and ability to make things un
pleasant for the secretariat; professed reli
ance on the opinion of local o Cheers so long
as that profession serves as an excuse for
secrecy and delay, followed by abandonment
of those opinions when they are found to be
inconvenient; a too obvious desire to evade
for as long as possible grasping the nettle of
a controversial subject with the inevitable
risk of injustice resulting according to the
power of one side or the other to put pres
sure on Government.” {Pioneer, March, 13,
1918).
It was natural that the Anglo-Indian

Press should write like this. But every fair-
minded person will admit that it was the
first attempt on the part of the Government
to redress the long-standing grievances of
the tenantsand even to this the hands of the
Government were forced by a world-
renowned reformer like Mahatma Gandhi.
The so-called self-created rights of the plan
ters were no doubt affected and their hench
men in the Anglo-Indian press undoubtedly
felt sore about the matter, but the effect of
the Act, so far as the ordinary people were
considered, was all for the good and after a
long long waiting the burden on the oppres
sed tenants was for the first time lightened
to a certain extent.
CHAPTER XX
HOW VOLUNTEERS SERVED
TT was the opinion of Mahatma Gandhi
that one of the main reasons of the suffe
rings of the tenants of Champaran was
their ignorance. He was convinced from the
verv beginning that it was impossible for any
outside agency to improve their lot unless
their mental and moral condition was im
proved. This applies to the whole of India,
but it can be demonstrated beyond contra
diction in Champaran. The tenantry is alto
gether helpless. It is weak and there is gross
ignorance. Mahatmaji had therefore made
up his mind at an early stage of his mission
that even if he succeeded in securing some
relief for the ryots they would not be able to
get the full benefit of it and they would be
come subject to fresh bonds. It has already
been observed that since the advent of
Mahatma Gandhi a peculiar sense of freedom
and fearlessness was visible among the ten
ants of Champaran. But whether this was
only a passing phase or a permanent acquisi
tion by them could not be said for certain.
Their mode of living also requires a great
change. Dirt in the villages, dirt on the
roads, dirt everywhere. The villagers have
lost the ordinary capacity for organised work
and cannot, by their combined action, repair
a small village pathway. On the advent of

any epidemic disease they fall victims to it,
there being none to help them or protect
them and there being no arrangement for
their treatment. When there is no arrange
ment for sanitation, what arrangement could
one expect regarding medical relief. Mahat-
maji had accordingly decided that arrange
ment for spread of education was as necessary
among them as the redress of their grievan
ces. Sometime before the Enquiry Com
mittee commenced its work Mahatmaji had
written to some friends about it and told
them what sort of volunteers he needed for
this social work. He had written to a friend:
‘‘ Their (volunteers’) work will be the
most important and lasting and therefore it
will be the final essential stage of the mission.
They (volunteers) have to be grown up,
reliable, hardworking men who would not
mind taking the spade and repairing and
making village roads and cleaning village
cess pools and who will, in their dealings,
with their landlords, guide the ryots aright.
Six months of such training cannot fail to do
incalculable good to the ryots, the workers
and the country at large.”
After the Committee had made its re
port, Mahatmaji found time to attend to this
part of the work and on the Sth of Novem
ber, 1917, he came to Champaran from
Bombay with some volunteers. It was his
HOW VOLUNTEERS SERVED 257
wish that in this social work he should get
the help of planters and that in that villages
of almost every factory he should open
one or more schools. But alas! this
wish could not be fulfilled. He decided
that if the planters would not give
him lands in their villages, he should open
these schools in independent places. At a
distance of about 20 miles to the east of Moti-
hari there is a place called Barharwa
Lakhansen which is a village of the Bettiah
Raj and free from the control of any fac
tory. It was decided to open a school there.
A generous gentleman of the village B. S’niv-
ghulam Lal gave his house for the school and
promised other help. There on the 13th of
November, 1917, Mahatma Gandhi opened his
first school in Champaran. The school was
put in charge of Shriyut Baban Gokhale his
cultured wife Shrimati Awaniika Bai Gokha
le and Mihatmaji’s youngest son, Shriyut
Devadas Gandhi. Some time later Shriyut
Chhotalal and Shriyut Surendraji came
from Satyagraha Ashram, Sabarmati, and
stayed at Barharwa. Mr. Baban Gokhale is
a distinguished engineer of Bombay, who had
received his education and training in Europe
and Shrimati Awantika Bai had travelled in
Europe and before coming to Champaran she
was engaged in the work of education in
Bombay and had been doing the same kind
of work since her return from Champaran.
Another school was opened by Mahat-

maji on the 20th of November in a village
called Bhitiharwa. This village is situated in
the Nepal-Tarai about forty miles north-west
of Bettiah. ■ At a short distance from this vil
lage is the Belwa factory of which Mr. A. C.
Ammon was the manager. There is a small
temple in the village in which a sadhu used
to live. The temple has some Lakkeraj
(rent-free land). The Sadhu gave a portion
of that land for the school which was opened
in a straw hut erected for the purpose.
Shriyut Sadasiva Lakshman Soman B. A.,
L. L. B. a vakil of Belgaum in the Bombay
Presidency an enthusiastic young man from
Gujarat, Shriyut Balakrishna Yogeshwar
Purohit, Shrimati Kasturi Bai Gandhi and
Dr.Deva began to live there.
With the help of Seth Ganshyamdas, a
wealthy merchant, a school was opened on
the 17th of January, 1918, at Madhuban in the
Seth’s house. Shriyut Narahari Dwarkdas
Parakh B. A.. L T. B., a resident of Gujarat
and Professor of the Satyagrah Ashram
Sabarmati, his wife Shrimati Mani Bai
Parakh, Mahatmaji’s Secretary, Shriyut
Mahadev Haribhai Desai B. A., L L. B, his
wife Shrimati Dhurga Bai, Shreemati Anand
Bai, the sistei' of Shriyut Divekar, the Regis
trar of the Women’s University of Poona,
began to live there. For some time Shriyut
Vishnu Seetaram Randive alias Appaji and
Professor Kripalini also worked there. Pro
fessor Kripalini had to undergo imprison
ment in Champaran, which of course he
gladly accepted.
It is a matter of regret and shame for the
people of Bihar that while highly educated
and respectable people of the class mentioned
above from other provinces volunteered their
services, for some time not one man was found
in the whole province to take up this social
work. B. Dharnidhar M. A., B. L., had the
good fortune of accompanying Mahatmaji
from Muzaffarpore to Motihari when
Mahatma Gandhi set his foot for the first time
on the soil of Champaran. To him also came
the privilege of assisting in the completion of
Mahatmaji’s work by six months’ stay with
his wife and children imparting education in
the school at Madhuban. Besides the ladies
and gentlemen mentioned above, other volun
teers joined later on and served in one or an
other of the schools. They were Shriyut
Braj Lal Bhimji Rupani of Satyagrah Ashra-
nam, Shriyut Prem Lal Prabhu Ram Yogi
from Kathiawar, Shriyut Ramrakash Brahm-
chari and B. Shyamdeva Sahai alias Dipaji of
Saran and some paid teachers were also en
gaged from time to time. The objects and
ideals and the method of education imparted
in these Patashalas were described as follows
by Mahatmaji in a letter to a Government
official:
“In the schools I am opening, children

under the age of 12 only are admitted. The
idea is to get hold of as many children as
possible and to give them an all round educa
tion, i.e., a good knowledge of Hindi or
Urudu and, through that medium, of arith
metic and rudiments of history and geogra-
raphy, a knowledge of simple scientific
principles and some industrial training. No
cut and dried syllabus has yet been prepared
because I am going on an unbeaten track.
I look upon our present system with horror
and distrust. Instead of developing the moral
and mental faculties of the little children it
dwarfs them. In my experiment whilst I shall
draw upon what is good in it, I shall endea
vour to avoid the defects of the present sys
tem. The chief thing aimed at is contact of
children with men and women of culture and
un-impeachable moral character. That to me
is education. Literary training is to be used
merely as a means to that end. The Industrial
training is to be designed for the boys and
the girls who may come to us for an addi
tional means of livelihood. It is not intend
ed that on completing their education they
should leave their herditary occupation but
make use of the knowledge acquired in the
school to refine agriculture and agricultural
life. Our teachers will also touch the lives of
grown up people and, if at all possible, pene
trate the Purdha. Instruction will be given
HOW VOLUNTEERS SERVED 26i
to grown up people in hygiene and about the
advantages of joint action, for the promotion
of communal welfare, such as, the making of
village roads proper, the sinking of wells
etc. And as no school will be manned by
teachers who are not men or women of good
training, we propose to give free medical aid
as far as possible.”
In accordance with these principles edu
cation was given to about 140 children at the
Barharwa Pathshala under Mr. Gokhale and
Mrs, Gokhale began to educate about 40 girls
and women. In this Pathshala weaving also
was taught and people there trained in the
art of corporate action by making them keep
their wells and village roads clean, Mr,
Gokhale and Mrs, Awantika Bai would
themselves clean the village which naturally
produced a great impression on the minds of
the habitants. Women used to be trained
now to keep their children clean and well.
This Pathshala still exists. The Bhitiharwa
Pathshala is situate in a locality where com
plete ignorance reigns, The climate is bad.
The number of children for these reasons
never exceeded 40; but Dr, Deva created
very good impression among the people by
teaching others sanitary modes of living.
Shortly after the establishment of the school,
one night at about midnight the school huts
caught tire and were reduced to ashes. Dr,
Deva, Shriyut Somanji, Shriyut Appaji and
Shrimati Gandhi were staying there at the

time- The school was at a distance from the
village and so the village people could render
no assistance. It was a considered opinion of
Dr Deva that the fire was due to an act
of incendiarism. But instead of wasting time
in inquiring into the cause of the fire, Dr.
Deva, Mr. Somanji and Appaji decided to
erect a brick building in place of the burnt
straw hut ; and in no time did they succeed in
erecting it, carrying bricks on their own
heads and doing the work of coolies. This
building still exists.
After the departure of the first batch two
volunteers from Maharashtra, named Nara
yan Tammaji Kathgode alias Pundalik and
Eknath Vasudeva Kshire came toChamparan
and began to work at the Bhitiharwa Paih-
shala with singular boldness. Pundalikji’s
presence proved too much for the Government
and after a short time he was ordered under
the defence of India Act to go out of the Pro
vince. After Pundalikji’s departure his place
was taken by another Maharashtra volunteer,
Shriyut Shankar Deva B. A., who remained
there for several months.
The Madhuban Pathshala was also very
successful and had about lOO boys. A girl’s
Pathshala was opened there in which some
40 girls received education under Shrimati
Anandi Bai. After the departure of the first
batch from Madhuban, Shriyut Kshire and
Shriyut Shyamdev Narayan worked there for
several months. The entire cost of this
Pathshala was practically borne by Seth
Ganshyamdas. It is to be regretted, how-
ever, that this Pathshala is closed.
As stated above, education was
given in these Pathshalas in Hindi and
Urdu. Mah'atmaji himself used to visit them
from time to time and suggest improvements
in them. Dr. Deva used to supervise the
Pa’-hshalas, delivered lectures on sanitation
and cleanliness and treat sick people. Al
though the volunteers of the first batch re
mained in Champaran for six months only
their influence was not confined to the
Pathashalas only, but as was expected by
Mahatmaji all the people of the locality were
touched and even Purdha ladies did not re
main altogether unaffected. If this work had
been continued for some time, then not only
Champaran but the other districts of Behar
would have undergone a great change for
the better.
From what has been said above it should
not be presumed that Mahatma Gandhi com
menced his work of education only after the
report of the Enquiry Committee. For those
who were capable of taking lessons he had
started his work of education the day he set
his foot in Champaran. He showed a new
world to those who had the privilege of ser
ving under him. He gave them a new life.
Whenever we used to talk to him about

Swaraj he used to say that he was doing the
work of Swaraj. We could not, I confess,
realise at the time the full significance of
what he said ; but today when the immediate
work in hand in Champaran has been finish
ed, it may truly be said that it was the real
work of Swaraj. When Mahatmaji, on his
way to Champaran, had visited a village near
Muzaffarpore and seen the condition of the
people and the children there, he had ex
claimed “We can get Swaraj only when we
improve the lot of these people”! He had
proceeded to Champaran to improve the lot
of those people. It was his opinion that this
great work required a large number of volun
teers and it was desirable to get as many
men and women as possible; but every one
was not fit for this work. For this kind of
service they alone were fit who had accepted
Truth, cast out fear and adopted poverty.
Mahatmaji accordingly attracted his assis
tants towards these noble ideals. When we
first reached Champaran many of us had ser
vants, we also had a cook. Within a short
time the number of servants was reduced and
shortly afterwards there was one servant left.
The result was that those who had not in all
their lives drawn one potful of water out of a
well or washed a small napkin began under
the Mahatma’s influence within a short time to
help each other in bathing, washing clothes
HOW VOLUNTEERS SERVED 26 s
and cleaning utensils. In fact we used to do

everything ourselves. To sweep the rooms
and floor, to clean the kitchen, to wash our
own utensils, to carry our luggage and other
bundles from the station and the market
these and such other things we all used to do
and without hesitation. After the removal
of the cook Shrimati Gandhi used to cook
food for all of us and used to feed us all with
motherly affection. It was one of the results
of Mahatmaji’s visit that we ceased to look
upon travelling in a third class compartment
as a matter of indignity. His simple nature,.
Swadeshi dress and great sacrifice wrought a
tremendous change in the lives not only of
those who had the privilege of working un
der him, but also many other persons in the
province. After his return from South Africa
this was the first great work in India to which
he had set his hand and through God’s Grace
by achieving success, he was able to show his
countrymen a new path which would enable
them to attain whatever goal they may have
before them.
So ended the great struggle in Champa-
ran. It is difficult to fully and correctly esti
mate the effect of Mahatma Gandhi’s stay in
Champaran. The time has not yet come to
write the history of his achievements. The
seed which he sowed in Champaran, nay in
India, has sprouted, but is yet a sappling ; it
will take time to blossom into flower and bear
fruit. But if from the greenness of the sapp-
ling any estimate can be formed of the
sweetness of the fruit to be, then it will have
to be said, in all gratefulness, that in no dis
tant future new life, new thoughts, new aspi
rations and a new age are going to dawn.
The seed of Indian Swaraj has been truly
sown in Champaran and the freedom which
the poor, helplesss down-trodden tenants of
Champaran have secured against the educat
ed, ever-vigilent and wealthy planters, living
under the protecting wings of the powerful
Government, is but a precurserof that larger
freedom which Indians, trampled under the
heels for centuries, are going to achieve in
their struggle for Swaraj^ May God hasten
that day!
Appendix A
THE CHAMPARAN AGRARIAN BILL, 1917
The Hon'ble Mr. Maude moved for leave to introduce the
Chamijran Agrarian Bill, 1917-
He said :—
“ Your Honour,
“ I rise to move for leave to introduce into Council a Bill
the objects of which have been described in the preamble as
firstly, the settlement and determination of certain disputes
which have arisen in the district of Champaran between land
lords and tenants regarding certain obligations of the said
tenants, and, secondly, to establish a system of penalties for
the taking of abwab similar to the penalties w’hich, under section
58 ot the Bengal Tenancy Act, can be imposed upon a landlord
who refuses or neglects to give a legal receipt for rent; and
before I attempt to explain to the Council the nature of the
obligations with which the Bill deals, and the method of dealing
with them, I would ask for the forbearance of Hon’ble Members
while I refer as briefly as possible to some of the more recent
stages of the past history of the relations between the indigo
planting community and the cultivators of Tirhut and especially
of Champaran.
“ The conditions under which indigo has been grown has
been repeatedly under the notice of Government for nearly sixty
years past commencing from the time when disputes in I.ower
Bengal led to the appointment of the Indigo Commission, as a
result of which indigo rapidly disappeared in Bengal proper.
In that enquiry the conditions in Tirhut were more or less a
side issue, indeed they were in some ways admitted to be an
improvement on the Bengal system, notably in the matter of
advances which could not accumulate against a raiyal in such
way as to keep him in perpetual debt to the Factory ; but it
is astonishing how even in those early times the causes of
complaint were much the same as have constantly cropped up
since and have but now forced themselves once more upon the
Com niltee whose recent enquiries have led to the framing of
268 APPENDIX A
this Bill. We find the same complaint that land is cultivated
at a 1( ss by the raiyat, that there is no guarantee against agree
ments b_ing taken under compulsion, tnat thcraiyat is deprived
of the use of his best land, and that Factory servants are
frequently oppressive and extortionate. These were the causes
which led to the Indigo Commission in Bengal in Ib6o, and we
find them repeated in a memorandum by the Commissioner of
Tirhut in 1867, when trouble first began to show itself in the
Champaran district. Indigo, it was said, required much labour
and trouble and led to harassment by the B'actory servants, and
it did not pay as c< mpared with other crops, but the raiyatcould
not keep away from it, partly because he could not resist the
undertaking that his rent would not be enhanced so long as he
grew indigo, partly because he could not resist the temptation
of an advance, and partly because various methods of persuasion
were forthcoming to induce him to sign on. That trouble
occurred, as I have said, in 1867, and it originated in Lalsara^ a
Factory, the bungalow of which was burnt down, though
whether by accident or by arson it is not possible to say. The
trouble spread rapidly, but having attracted the attention of the
local officers and ol Government was settled for the time being
on the recommendation of the Ci mmissioner by an enhance
ment of the rates paid for indigo Irom rates varying from about
Rs. 5 to Rs. 6 per bigha to a rate averaging about Rs. 7-15-O
per bigha of cubits laggi. The matter was duly repcrtid to
the Government of India, and in making the report the Local
Government said that the time had passed when it could
be hoped to carry on an indigo concern profitably by forcing
on the raiyats a cultivation and labour which is to them
unprofitable ; the necessity of giving an adequate remunera
tion had been recognized by the planters although they had
too long refused to recognize the necessity of making such
an advance in price, but the managers of concerns now saw
clearly the danger which they had so narrowly escaped, and
would, in their own interest, be careful to guard against falling
into such an error again. Government did not, therefore, wish
to take any further steps. The Government of India accepted
the Local Government’s recommendation, but expressed the
significant fear (1 am speaking now of events which occurred
no less than fifty years ago) that the evils of the system were so
great that the interposition of Government might become
APPENDIX A 269
unavoidable, unless measures were taken to remove such
elements of the system as were unjust and oppressive.
“ The increase in the rate per bigha paid for indigo appears
to have smoothed matters down for a short time, but complai ts
constantly arose as to the objectionable nature of the whole
-system of asamiivar indigo and as early as 18/1 in reviewing the
Annual Administration Report of the Commissioner of the
Patna Division, the Lieutenant-Governor remarked again on the
practice under a which raiyats are compelled to give up a portion
of their land as presenting a compulsory feature contrary to
free-trade principles, it being obvious that no person of power
and influence equal to that of the planter himself would think
as a matter of business of entering into such an agreement.
Complaints continued up to 1875, when the Commissioner of
Patna suggested an Indigo Commission to enquire into the
whole question, but the suggestion was put aside as likely to
cause considerable disturbance, and on the ground that there
was no general manifestation of Widespiead discontent such as
to render a Commission necessary. Government contented
itself with a review of the existing law and a warning to
Magistrates to administer the law vigorously and impartially.
“ In 1877 the position was again reviewed chiefly with
reference to the Muzaffarpur district and the then, Commiss o-
ner, Mr. Stuart Bayley, wrote that although he concurred in Sir
Richard Temple’s opinion that a Commission was not necessaiy,
yet the fact remained that there was much discontent maniRst
enough to local officers. Attention was again called to the
unfairness of the asami-Mar system of cultivation and to various
other abuses, such as the thikadari system under which whole
villages were leased from the zamindar, a want of regard o
occupancy-rights and the practice of changing good lands for
bad which apparently then prevailed in Muzaffarpur. The result
was the formation of the Bihar Planters’ Association in 1878 by
which a set of rules were drawn up, the chief innovation being
a further rise in the price per bigha paid for indigo, which was
now advanced from 7-15 to Rs. 9 in addition to the propoitio-
nate rent for the la id u.idcr indigo.
“Thenceforth for sone years the relations between the
planters and raiyats seem to have improved and all continued
smooth on the surface until the year 1908, when the distur
bances bioke out in Bettiah which eventually led to the enquiry
270 APPENDIX A
by Mr. Gourlay, a former Subdivisional Officer of Bettiah. The
result of that enquiry was are statement of all the old grievances
which had figured in all previous enquiries. Mr. Gourlay,
found that the cultivation of indigo on the asami'o.'ar system
did not pay the raiyal, that the raiyal had to give up his best
lands for indigo, that the cultivation required labour which
could be employed more profitably elsewhere, and generally,
that the system was irksome and led to oppression by the
Factory servants. The main U| shot of this report was a further
rise in the jjricfc of indigo by an average of per cent., a
reduction by the Association of the indigo la ds, commonly
known as the indigo lagan, from ^kalhas, per bigtia .0 2 kalhas,
and the prohibition of entering into a contract under the salla
system to grow any crop other than indigo.
“Fora time these concessions seemed to have met the
needs of the case and things remained quiet. Owing to the
competition of synthetic indigo the value of the natural dye had
much declined and the necessity of keeping up indigo had
declined with the reductio.n in profits. Certain of the concerns
seeing that there was no longer any' profit to be made out of
indigo and that the agreements by' which the raiyals were bound
to cultivate indigo on three selected kalhas out of each bigha of
their holdings were of no use to them, proceeded to levy yearly
a certain amount from the raiyals as a condition of letting them
off tile cultivation of indigo.Tliis was known as hunda and it had
in fact been levied as early as 1905, that is to say, before the
Gourlay enquiry. The demand was resisted in some cases, and
the matter was consequently reported to the Board of Revenue,
and it was held that the levy of hunda must cease, though
compensation might be taken in cases where the Factory still
buna fide wanted the indigo contract fulfilled but the raiyal
wilfully or negligently failed to carry it out.
“ The next phase was the initiation of what has now come
to be known as sharahbeshi. Being precluded from taking yearly
hunda from the raiyals as an equivalent for being let off the
cultivation of indigo, the Motihari Concern announced its desire
in 1912 to commute the obligation altogether in the mukarrart
villages taking instead an enhancement, of the rent, which, it
was said was exceptionally low, having been exempted from
enhancement in consideration of the undertaking or customary
obligation to grow indigo. The Manager asked the Board
APPENDIX A 271
through the local officers whether the legality of such .action
was admitted, but the Board held that the existence of an
obligation to grow indigo as an incidence of the Tenancy, which
alone could make any enhancement of over two annas per
rupee legal under the Bengal Tenancy Act, was a question of
fact as to which they could not express any opinion. Thereafter
the practice of commuting the indigo obligation in the form of
sharahbeshi was regulary adopted both in the Motihari concern
and in others of the chief concerns in Champaran.
“So far with regard to nitikarrari villages. But in the
temporarily-leased villages it became expedient to find some
other form of commuting the indigo obligation because, when
the lease expired, the increase in rent would mainly go to the
landlord, i.e., to the Bettiah Raj, and only a small proportion to
the lessee or thikadar, supposing the lease to be renewed. The
result was the taking in the temporarily-leased village of what
is now generally known as lawan or a lump sum paid by the
raiyat in perpetual linquidation of the obligation to grow indigo.
“ 1 shall refer to sharahbeshi and lawan more particularly
later on, in connection with the recommendations of the Com
mittee and the provisions of the Bill. I only mention them
now as recent phases in the history of indigo cultivation in the
district, phases which, it will be remarked, are intimately
connected with and in fact the immediate outcome of the
system of linkathia or the compulsory growing of indigo (as the
result either of a contract or of an obligation incident to the
tenancj) on a fixed proportion but by no means a fixed part, of
the raiyat’s holding.
“ The last stage of the history commences from the year
1912-13 when a number of petitions were filed containing various
complaints regarding compulsion in the execution of indigo
sailas, levy of pyne-kharach and other abwabs and fines, the
forcible taking of ploughs and labour without payment, and so
forth. The petitions were sent to the Settlement Officer for
report, the revision settlement having by that time commenced
in the district. Subsequently a fresh lot of petitions, was
received from the northern part of the district where indigo was
not grown to any appreciable extent, the complaints being
mainly about the levy of abwab and lines. These also were
sent for report to the Settlement Officer. The enquiries involved,
took a considerable time, and the general result was that the
272 APPENDIX A
first batch of petitions were found to be for the most part
groundless, but that serious abuses in the nature of exactions
of abwab, which practically doubled the legal rent, were found
to be prevalent throughout the north of the district both in the
Ramnagar Estate and in the Bettiah Raj villages which were in
lease to several Ihikadars. 'fhese latter were at once told that
the renewal of their Rases would be conditional on the entire
stoppage of the collection of abwab, and later on steps were
taken to obtain control in the Ramnagar Estate by declaring
under the Court of Wards Act the lady in whose possession
the estate was, to be incompetent of management and by
assuming management.
“This was the state of affairs when Mr. Gandhi was
induced to visit the district and the presence and actions of
himself and his assistants created a tension which rendere.d it
necessary to appoint the Committee of Enquiry which has
recently finished its work and the recommendations of which
have resulted in the Bill which I am now laying before the
Council. The report of the Committee has been published with
Government’s Resolution thereon and they are fresh in your
memories and I need not summarize them at this point.
“ I have gone at what I am afraid is rather wearisome
I’ngth into the past history of what may be perhaps best
described as the indgo difficulty, because it is constantly assert
ed, and I have myself often heard it said, that there is in reality
nothing wrong or rotten in the state of affairs, that everyone
concerned is perfectly happy so long as they are left alone, and
that it is only when outside influences and agitators come in
that any trouble is experienced. 1 submit that this contention
is altogether untenable in the light of the history of the past
fifty years of which 1 have endeavoured to pr< sent to the
Council a brief sketch. What is it we find on each individual
occasion when fresh attention has been, at remarkably short
intervals, drawn once more to the conditions of the production
of the indigo plant ? We do not find on each occasion that
•some fresh little matter has gone wrong which can be easily
adjusted, but we find on every occasion alike that it is the
system itself which is condemned as being inherently wrong
and impossible, and we see also repeated time after time the
utter futility of bringing the matter to any lasting of satisfactory
settlement by the only solutions that have so far been attempted.
APPENDIX A 273
namely, an enhancement of the price paid for indigo and a
reduction of the tenant’s burden by reducing the limit of the
proportion of his land which he would be required to earmark
for i idigo cultivation. Re leatedly these expedients have been
tried—reptaudly they have tailed to effect a lasting solution,
pa: ty because they could not be univtrsally enforced but chiefly
because no tinkering ca 1 set right a system which is in its.lf
inherently rotten a id open to abuse. .A.ud in this connection
I would pay a tribute to the Bihar Planters’ Association which
has honestly a id at all times done its bist to put things right
and do what appeared to be just and called for. But the
Association is not omnipotent—it can only control its own
m.-mo/rs and it cannot force into its fold those who in order 10
evade its rules or for other reasons choose to remain outs de.
Nor have the tools at its command been efficient. As an
association of Persians whose o-vn interests were i ivolved it
could scare ly strike at the real root of the evils and it could
therefore only em >loy temporizing methods which could result
in no iiermiie.it settlement. Government alone, and that only
by legisl.ition, can kill the real root of the disease, a id I
contend that history for fifty years an-d m <re has been building
u) a c ise for drastic action by G iv.-rnme t and that the
findings of the r.-cjnt Committee, findings wnich I need not s.t
forth at length because th y have mereb' repeated once more
what has been found timt after time before, have merely set
the keystone on the case for interference.
“Now the root of the evil is the linkathia system under
which the raiyal is bound either by a contract or as an inc'dent
of his tenure to cultivate in indigo a proportion of his land to
bi s lected each year by the factory. It is this obligation which
clause 3 of the Bill is intended to abolish once and for all in the
Cnain aran district. The abolition appli.snot only to cases
wnere the t n'ialhia is dependent on an incident of the tenancy,
but also to cases where it is dependent on a mere civil contract
bit w. en the Factory and the raiyat and we have heard a good
deal i.n certain papers about the iniquity and illegality of
putting a sudden end to contracts which have been already
entered iiilo. As to the legal asuect 1 can only say that
I am not aware, and as the Governinent of India have
sanctioned the introduction of this Bill, they also are
apparently not aware, of any legal constitutional bar to
f8
274 APPENDIX A
an enactment being passed which will have the effect of

closing down existing contracts, should it be deemed necessary
to do so in the pursuit of justice and good administration. Put
baldly and without adequate explanation, it certainly sounds an
extreme measure to bar existing contracts, however doubtful
they might be but the circumstances in this case are peculiar
the fact being that in the vast majority of cases the indigo
obligation has already been commuted on the initative of the
planters themselves in the shape either of sharahbeshi or of
tawan, while in cases where it is based on an incident of the
tenancy, it will now under clause 4 of the Bill be commuted by
way of sharahbeshi. The Bill also provides for the proportinate
return of advances where such have been taken and have not
been already fully worked off. The iniquity of the termination
of the contract disappears therefore in the light of the compens
ation which as already been taken in most cases and in other
cases will be taken, and the practical effect of the clause will
merely be to prevent any revival of the tinkathia system in the
future, a provision the necessity of which has, as 1 have already
shown been amply demonstrated. It will be observed that the
abolition and prohibition of the contracts referred to in this
clause of the Bill is not confined to indigo but covers the case
of any other kind of crop also. This has been done deliberately
because it has been found in some cases that certain concerns,
when the growing and manufacturing of indigo became no longer
lucrative, attempted to create a liability on the part of their
tenants to grow for the Factory some other specified crop in
place of indigo, a procedure which of course led to a state of
things just as objectionable as it was before when the tenant
was only bound to grow indigo.
“I now come to clause 4 (l) (a) of the Bill and I am afraid
that I am here beginning to enter upon delicate ground. The
clause lays down that where an enhancement of rent has been
taken in lieu of the obligation to grow a particular crop, the
enhancement, that is, the additional rent added by the enhance
ment, shall be reduced by a certain specified proportion, viz.,
20 per cent, in the case of the Turkaulia Concern and 26 per
cent, in the case of other concerns. This peculiar provision
appears to the observer, and in fact is, entirely arbitrary, and
some explanation of it is necessary. It was the outcome of
pure compromise. The members of the Committee unanimously
APPENDIX A 275
considered that the enhancements which had been taken by the
five concerns, which alone took sharahbeshi, were excessive,
representing as they did anything from 50 to 75 per cent, on
the previously existing rental. It was not overlooked that the
rents were previously very low and had been allowed to remain
so in consideration of the indigo liability, but even when due
allowance was made for this, a sudden enhancement of from
50 to 75 per cent, was admitted to be excessive ; and as there
was no exact standard that could be utilised, the amount to be
reduced was, after much discussion, fixed by agreement with
the principal factories concerned. The delicacy of the situation,
to which I have referred, arises from the-fact that the manager
of one of those principal Factories has since thought fit to
repudiate the agreement in the public press on the ground that
he had been led to believe that the Committee were not going
to interfere in any way with the sums which have been taken
as tawan or lump compensation for the abandonment of the
indigo obligation in the temporarily-leased villages of the
Bettiah Raj in which sharahbeshi could not be, or was not
taken. It was not the function of Government to enter into a
controversy in the puolic press, but I take this opportunity of
stating emphatically before this Council that Government are
in possession of information which fully entitles them to
disregard that repudiation as wholly unjustified by the actual
facts, and they have accordingly framed this clause of the Bill
in accordance with the unanimous recommendation of the
Committee and in accordance with the agreement which was
entered into with the Committee before they made their
recommendation. The solution is, as I have already stated, an
arbitrary one, but in the opinion of the Government it is a just
and reasonable solution and is, or ought to be, binding upon
those who made it.
“1 may also impress upon the Council the very important
consideration that the agreement about sharahbeshi establishes
a large and certain gain to each of the Factories concerned as
against a possible and almost complete loss should this Bill not
be passed into law. The reason of this is that the question of
the legality of sharahbeshi has never yet been finally adjudicated
upon by the law-courts. The test case which is now pending
in the High Court is that brought by certain raiyals against the
urkaniia Concern denying all obligation to grow indigo under
2/6 APPENDIX A
saltaot otherwise.The existence of the obligation to grow indigO'
as an incident ot the tenancy is an issue in that case. The
ori{,i!ial court gave it in favour of the Factory, the first appel
late Court upset the decision as regards five holdings out of nine.
The lligh Court may of course restore the finding of the Munsif
but on the other hand it may go even further than the first ap
pellate court and hold that in no case was the growing ot it.digo
an lucioent under proviso {iii) to section 29. Should they do so
the Factories wilt stand to lose all sharahbeshi, whereas under
the bill Which is now before the Council they retain it al), less a
fair a..d reasonable reduction. I understand that the 1 lanteis’
representative On the Committee, as also the consenting Fac-
tones, or at least two of them, were much impressed by this
aspect of the case.
1 lie question of the refund of the ta-ivan which has been
taken in the tem,.orarily-leased villages is totally sepaiate from
the question of reduction of sharahbeshi rents and was quite
sci ataiely dealt w,th by the Committee. It could not be en
forced by legislation and it therefore does not figure in this Bill;
blit at the same time, so tar as G jvernment are informed, it is
not true to aaege that the ijarties to the agreement about
shatahbeshi were not all cognizant of the Committee's intention
as to lawan, while as regards the equity of a refund of some
portion 01 the latter, it is only necessary to refer to the figures
which JVir. Irwin has himself given in his letter and in his evi
dence before the Committee. He claims to have levied no
less than Rs. 3,20,000 as tawan, while in his written
statement he says that Rs. t>,60,0U0 in round figures was
collected as rent in the thika villages in five years, or an
average of some Rs. 1,30,000 per year. He thus mulcted
the tenants to the tune of nearly three yeais rental when his
own leaSeS were being renewed from year to year, or looking at
it in a.iolhe-r way, he levied tawan at Rs. 75 on the indigo ta^an
bigha, being equivalent to a levy of 3/20lh of that amount or
Rs. 11-4 0 on the jamabandi bigha. His sharahbeshi work dout
an average of Re. I-14-O per jatnabandi bigha, so that he levud
SIX years’ purchase from his raiyals lor ireedom from an
obligation which had practically become defunct.
“ To return to sharahbeshi, il it is equitable to take a re
duction by agteemeut in the case of the three big factories,
which c ontaiu 95 per cent, of sharahbeshi rents taken, it is
APPENDIX A 277
equally just and reasonable to extend the reduction to the two
mi I or concerns which did not enter into the agreement but in
which also sharahbeshi was taken to an extent not less onerous
than in the case of the three princij.al lactorks. On the other
hand, inasmuch as the compromise has the effect ol admitting
that the taking of compensation in the foim of sharahbeshi lor
the loss of the indigo obligation was in a certain degree lair and
reasonaole, it is enacted in clause 4 (i) (b) of the B.ll that where
the obligation is enured in the record aiid is therefore known
to exist, but has not been taken, a corresponding enhancement
will now be made in the rents. With the exception of the
Rajghat Factory which is bei.:g specially dcait with uy a
reference to the Government of India, the Committee ha\e not
mentioned any case in wnich no objection to grow indigo was
claimed and no sharahbeshi or tawan taken, but in whicn saltas
are still current. It is undeistood that there are no, or at any
rate few, such casts, but should any be found, their position can
be considered hereaitcr when this Bill is being considered in
Select Committee. Probably the s.mplest and most satisiactory
way of meeting the difficulty would ue to allow satlas in
such cases to run for a reasonable term of years betore tneir
extinction would come into lorce, a method wniCh has, 1 think,
been suggested in some of tne letters which have recently
appeared in the daily press.
“ The remaining provisions of the Bill require little nctice.
Clause 4 (2) provides for the necessary alterations in the re-
corJ-of-rights and aiso prescribes the date from which the
aujustea rentals will come into force. This date, namely, the
1st October 1917, corresponding with the commencement of
the Fash year 1325, termed part of the agreement wnicii was
Catered i.ito before tne CJinmittee of Enquiry.
“Clause 5 is self-expia.ia.ory and makes any contract for
the supply oi land produce at a lixed price invand :f the con
tract purports to be lor a longer period than three years or if
the amount of the produce contracted for is to be determined
otherwise than by actual weight or appraisement of weight.
The limitation of the term is designed to guard against ini
quities which may arise owing to enha.iceinent of values in
any considerable period, while the limitation of the methods
of determining the produce is intended to prevent tne
produce of any particular area, the value of which cannot of
2/8 APPENDIX A
course beforeseen, from being sold forward at a fixed
price.
“ Clause 6 has been inserted on account of its having been
clearly shown both before the Committee and in previous
settlement inquiries, that a variety of abwab have been common
ly levied in excess of and in addition to the legal rent and
cesses both by tbikadars and by proprietors, especially in the
northern pcrtion.of the district. In order to discourage such
illegal exactions it is necessary to give the Collector of the
district the same power of imposing a penalty after a summary
inquiry as is given by section 58 of the Bengal Tenancy Act in
cases of withholding proper receipts. A slight addition has
been made enabling the Collector to act on his own motion and
not merely on complaint or the report of a Civil Court. The
raiya.s of the northern portions of the district are very back
ward and appear in spile of one previous settlement record to
have little or no idea of what their legal liabilities are. A few
examples made by the Collector will, it is hoped, have the eftect
of teaching them the meaning of a legal rent beyond which the
landlord must not go.
“ I have now finished with the provisions of the
Bill, but before I resume my seat I should like, if the
Council will grant me their forbearance for one minute
longer, to revert the vexed question of tawan. I have al
ready shown that the supposition that its partial refund came
as a thunderbolt to the planters is a fallacious supposi
tion. 1 have also shown, although taiuan finds no part in this
Bill, that the extent to which it was levied was inequitable.
But there is yet another contention about this form of com
muted obligation, with regard to which I desire to say a few
words. It has been claimed in the public press that the levy of
iatvan was approved by Government and definitely sanctioned
by Mr. Rainy when he was Collector of Champaran, who is
said both in writing and in a certain speech which he delivered
at some function or other to have given the institution of tazvan
his official blessing. I cannot arrive at any trace of the speech
referred to, neither have I been able to procure a copy of the
letter in which Mr. Rainy is said to have approved of the
taking of iaivan, but having been Member of the Board of
Revenue at the time I have a very clear recollection of what
really took place. As I have already explained, the origina
APPENDIX A 279
from of compensation for remiss’on of the indigo obligation in
the ihika villages was a yearly compensation and it was forbioden
by the Board olRcve-nuc except where the raiyat had been guilty
of deliberate damage or neglect. Subsequently the Manager of
the Moiihari Concern hit upon the new expedient of taking
compensation in the form not of a yearly fee but of a lump sum
down which freed the ratyal once and lor all from the obligation.
He then asked the Collector, Mr. Rainj, il such compensation,
now known as tawan, would be permitted by the authorities. In
sending up the case Mr. Rainy said that he would not recom
mend the prohibition of this form of compensation, as it was a
matter between the raiyat and the h actory, atd it was most
desirable from all points of view to encouiage to the utmost
disappearance of the tinkathia system, a disappearance which
Mr. Irwin himself had admitted ‘ would be to the great
advantage of everybody concerned, official, Raj, planter,
and raiyat.' The Commissioner supported Mr. Rainy’s view,
which was lefcrred by the Board to Government, and
orders were eventually passed that if this new kind of
tawan were taken by voluntary agreement Government would
not interfere, but it must be distinctly understood that it could
ill no way inttifere with the right of the Raj to apply lor an
enhancement of the rents of the raiyais under the Bengal
Tenancy Act at the revision settlement when it came on. It
will be observed that the alleged approval of the higher authori
ties was a purely negative statement, and it was accompanied
by a warning which was in fact disregarded when tawan was
taken at the rate at which it was taken, because it became at
once clear that when the raiyat consented to pay at the rate of
Rs. 50 to Rs. 100 per bigha of indigo lagan he must have been
under the impression that he was paying not only tor the extinc
tion of one or two year’s liability to indigo or even for the
extinction of liability concident with the satla, but, was also
paying at the same time for a permanent exemption from
enhancement of rent. 'I'he result has been that the Committee
have been compelled to recommend in paragraph H of their
report that the Court of Wards should abstain for seven years
from taking any enhancement, and Government on behalf of
the Court of Wards have been compelled to accept the justness
of the recommendation and to order that it shall be carried out.
I fail to See how in these circumstances any sane man can
28o APPENDIX A
maintain that an order for a refund of a substantial proportion
of the taken is an improj er or unjust order.
“ Wv are nr w discussing only the princii ks of the Bilk If
the li'Mi which I am making is Ci'rriud T shall then move
that the Bill be relegated to a S«‘lect C< mmitlee in which the
details of its provisions will be fully discussed and considered
and on which the two Hon’ble Members who are here as rtpre-
s nling the B.har j lanlers will (*f course find a i lace.
I have I ow, Sir, come to the end cf my remarks and I
must ai oiogizc to the Council for having cccu-Jvd so much of
its time. 1 claim to have established.—
First, that as the Committee have put it, the tinkathia
system has outlived its day and must perforce dis-
appear. Mr. Jr win has hinistlf acmitttd that ihe
sooner it d’sapi ears tie better J or evcijbcdy.
Secondly, that in iis disaj’pearance as regulated by this
Bill, no injustice has been done to anyone.
Thirdly, that the intre duction cf the s de issue of tawan
avail nothing so far as this Bill is corcerntd because
it is unconnected with it and irrtkva t, but that at
the same time it was in no way sprung as a sur rise
upon the planting community, while as a distinct
and separate measure the refund is both just ard
necessary.
** Government have no desire to strike a blow at the indigo
industry, nor indeed, if they had such a desire, could it achieve
it through the provisiors of this Bill, for the simple reason that
if ibd go is sound commercially it can be grown and manufac
tured on open business terms and yet with a good profit. If it
is deoendent on conditions which are unsound and oppressive
the sooner it disappears from off the face of the country, the
better it will be. The wish of Gov< rnment is simply to put an
end to conditions in which the raiyat cultivator owing to his
agrarian relations with the nlanter is unable to hold his own
and can b*^ made, and sometimes is made, to do things w'hich in
his heart of hearts he would never t or sent to do. Nor, Sir, do
Government suffer from any lack of appreciation cf the many
and great services which the indigo planters of Bihar have con
stantly rendered to the province ii- which they live. Wv cannot
perhaps go so far as to admit that some of them mag -a.ii.nously
took up leases of Bettiah villages with the sole object
APPENDIX A 28i
of paying out of their own pockets the interest on the Sterling
Loan, as a recent writer to the daily papers would apparently
have people believe, but we can and do give the Bihar planters
as a class the fullest credit for having proved themselves good
and considerate land lords at all times, and especially in times
of flood and famine, as well as for the unswering loyalty with
which they have invariably supported Government and
striven to meet their wishes. Nor do we underestimate the
value of the capital which the European planter alone has been
both able and willing to bring into the disticts of Tirhut. But
deep as these feelings are they would in no degree avail us as
an excuse if we had decided to gloss over serious abuses and
leave them untouched, now that their existence has been forced
home upon us by recent events and recent enquiries. It is for
the removal of some of the most patent of those evils that this
Bill has been brought before the Council, and I accordingly
ask the Council’s, leave to introduce it and let it run its course
until it eventually, with such modifications as may hereafter
seem just and necessary, becomes part of the law of Bihar and
Orissa.”
,o!;i
Appendix B
THE LIST OF VOLUNTEERS FROM THE
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY
1. Dr. Harikrishna Deva, L. M. S., . Dhalia
2. Sj. Baban Gopal Gokhale . Bombay
3- .. Mahadev Haribhai Desai . Satyagraha Asram
Ahmedabad
4- .. Narahari Dwarkadas Parakh Do.
5- .. Brajilal Bhimji Rupani Do.
6. „ Chhatelal Jain Do.
7. „ Devdas Gandhi Do.
8. ,» Surendraji Do.
9- »> Balkrishna Jogaswar Purohit Do.
10. >1 Sadashiva Lachman Sarman,
B. A., LL. B., ... Belgaum
II. Narayan Tanmaji Katgode Pundalikji ... Do. • ■ -
12. VishnuSitaran Randibe Alias Appaji ... Dhuba
13. Eknath Vasudeva Khire Do.
14. Pranlal Prabhuran Yogi Lilia, Bhavanagar
15. Shri Shankar Dev, B. A., Poona
LADY VOLUNTEERS
I. Shrimati Kasturi Bai ... Wife of Mahatmaji
2. tt Avantika Bai ............ „ baban Gokale
3- ft Durga Bai ....................... Mahadev Desai
4- »> Mani Bai „ „ Narhariji
5. *1 Anandi Bai ... Mahila Ashram Poona
6. »* Vinapani Sahu ... WifeofSj. Naragandhar,
member of
Servants of India Society
THE END
Current Thought Press, Triplicane, Madras. *

Satyagraha in Champaran

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SATYAGRAHA

to rise equal to the demands made during the Non-co-operation

Pauranic story of Gajagraha has a refe­

people, too, are not intelligent. One comes

Hindi known as Bhojpuri which agrees

extant at Nandangarh and other places and

not available in a reliable form but it is said

Shah Alam and the English in which the

In the beginning the planters used to

Committee that “ so far as he was aware no

5 Kathas per bigha or one fourth of the

holding which would be reserved for indigo

every acre of indigo. After the disturbances

thirds were grown asamiwar and only one-

Chandra Mohan Chatterjee who was an in­

It appears from the Report of the Com­

land in which other crops were growing to

oppressive system then in vogue, the planter

•It is said of this factory as follows in the Champa ran Gazelleer:

no evidence of this was available. The

annoyance to which they were exposed at the

anticipated came soon to be true and shortly

Governor. He thought that the appointment

compulsion without which they would be unablo to procure the

resolved that no rent should be charged front

field. Many of them were prosecuted and the

cases against your petitioners and other

compelled your petitioners to grow indigo

It appears that Mr, Tauner’s inquiry did

who were never benefited thereby, had also to

merit. The Government sent military Police

been put in motion to repress them. Govern­

the result of my interview with the ryots and

for there is an inherited antipathy, indefined

since petitioned the Collector stating that

much bigger profits if we grow crops for

to do their task ourselves, at 5 or 6 pice; for

who had been convicted and were in prison,

whom complaints had been made in them.

and which the tenants were compelled to

that is, in this case on 3 bighas; but he grew

regarding Bettiah Raj villages would not be

of a landlord, i. e., proprietary rights, in those

right of occupancy and the other having nc

that Sir Rashbehari Ghose of the Calcutta

willingly agreed to the enhancement of their

assert that all the contracts for enhancement

prosecution in three criminal courts, the roads

■effect of making them realise that if they

by Rs. 0/I5/-per acre, i.e., by 50 p.c.; and in Jala-

'did their best to defend themselves, but Mr.

servants would put pressure on the ryots to

cases went on for a long time. The tenants

The factory people saw that there were

of this right of occupancy. It is always open

of surrender) I find it is on a printed form

render of a holding by a tenant is

Mr. Jameson’s dealings with his tenants

way at high rent. In other cases land whichs

There are many points worth considering

Pauranic story of Gajagraha has a refe

Chandra Mohan Chatterjee who was an in

It appears from the Report of the Com

been put in motion to repress them. Govern

recommendations of the Champaran Agra

are a foregone conclusion under the circum

of the Patna High Court, the planters presen

of Planters’ Association and the Commis

treatment he had received from the Com

time and they were given priority the follow

whose doings and activities we had not be