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This study analyzes the role of attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control
on the behavioral intentions of Filipinos in saving surplus money in the bank. Anchoring on the
theory of planned behavior, a logistic model involving this financial behavioral intention and
psychological variables extracted from the Philippine Central Bank’s Consumer Finance Survey
was developed. The survey generated data through a stratified random sampling of households
asking their financial conditions including income, spending and insurance coverage. Findings
illustrate that subjective norms and perceived behavioral control significantly predict
behavioral intention towards banking. Moreover, demographic differences are also described
to influence behavioral intentions. Implications and contributions are positioned in the
contextualization of psychological factors in consumer finance domain and consequently
towards financial inclusion marketing strategies.
Keywords: attitudes and behavioral intentions, consumer finance survey, marketing, behavioral
finance
1 Introduction
Improving financial inclusion has been the major mandate of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP).
In this mandate, the BSP aims to achieve a state wherein the access to financial services such as in
banking becomes effective especially for the vulnerable sectors. To do this, BSP continuously improves
the design and quality of the formal financial offerings to address the varying needs of individuals
wanting to conduct business with financial institutions.
This research explores on an alternative explanation of financial exclusion among individuals in the
Philippines. This research uses a behavioral lens on linking attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived
behavioral control on financial behaviors among Filipinos specifically in the formal banking domain.
Past research has shown several explanations and mechanisms to explain low financial market
participation in the country (e.g., Fernandes, et al., 2014; Ferrer, 2017; Razafimahasolo et al., 2016;
Tan, 1991).
However, research set in the local context has been scarce in the attitudinal level to explain financial
exclusion in the lens of attitudinal tendencies (Lucas, 2018). Thus, this paper aims to quantitatively
link towards financial behaviors the following factors: (1) Filipinos’ attitudes towards banking and
investing, (2) their perceived behavioral control over banking and investing, and (3) the social
influence emanating from subjective norms potentially coming from immediate family members at
home.
The intended contributions of this paper are as follows. Firstly, beyond the observable reasons for
financial exclusion such as cost and lack of funds, this research postulates that financial exclusion can
be caused by attitudes, behavioral control (i.e., one’s assessment of ability), and social influences from
one’s subjective norms. These factors have not been described in the formal reports and research done
in the local context as barriers to financial inclusion initiatives. Apart from the issues relating
education, access, infrastructure in the supply side, the grand concept of financial inclusion also
requires scrutiny of individuals’ psychological factors in the demand side (Debunque-Gonzales &
Corpus, 2021). The common indicators included in several analyses on this side merely include
demographic variables such as income, education, age, and gender. The intervention strategies of
policymakers and private entities should also understand patterns of attitudes and behaviors among
target populations. For example, as Rahman, et al. (2021) interpreted, poverty-stricken individuals
might be anchoring their decisions on psychological factors such as emotionality. These seemingly
small emotional factors might be hindering more rational financial decisions (Mullainathan & Shafir,
2009). Finally, the World Bank (2015) stresses that such financial decisions and participations are
highly influenced by attitude and behavioral patterns. Mindra, et al. (2017) strongly connect such
behavioral traits to financial inclusion such as self-efficacy. For formal financial services to be more
enticing, encouraging, and participative, individuals’ attitudes, subjective norms and social influences,
and perceived behavioral control must be put to the equation when aiming for financial inclusion. The
theoretical underpinnings on financial behaviors wherein a basic proposition is that attitudes towards
financial behaviors precede intentions, and then actual behaviors are demonstrated in this empirical
research. More importantly, the role of behavioral control (i.e., one’s perceived ability to perform a
behavior) is highlighted in this research as a major driver of financial behaviors. Third, practical utility
of the findings in the paper could aid the micro-financial domain of the industry (e.g., personal banks
and investment companies) in capturing market interest and understand consumer behaviors in the
said category. Finally, academic and pragmatic knowledge coming from the richness of the Consumer
Finance Survey of the BSP can be produced and disseminated through employing systematic, basic,
and empirical research. The study of attitudes and its implications on consumer behavior is important
to various stakeholders, especially those with immediate decision-making powers and/or those who
interact directly with customers. Because of the potential benefits the understanding of how attitude
translates into actual behavior that may be favorable or unfavorable to the financial institution in
question, the study of attitude-behavior is worth examining.
This paper aims to answer the following research questions: (1) How do behavioral attitudes,
subjective norms, and behavioral control beliefs affect both intentions and actual behaviors of Filipino
consumers’ behaviors towards financial services? (2) How do these intentions and actual behavior
towards financial services differ among Filipino demographic segments?
The second question elaborates the attitudes, intentions, and behavioral manifestations on
financial services based on some existing knowledge of attributable mechanisms among Filipinos’
demographic differences. By empirically illustrating potential differences, implications can be realized
with both theoretical development on attitude–behavior link and practical actions by agencies to
encourage financial behaviors.
The Theory of Planned Behavior paves the way to conceptually illustrate the relationship and
causality of attitudes, social norms, and perceived behavioral control towards behavioral intentions.
Although the TPB explicates that these factors lead to behavioral intent, and does not strictly connect
intentions to actual behaviors, theorists of TPB have argued that behavioral intention are
approximations of actual behaviors (e.g., Eifler & Petzold, 2019). However, in this paper, the model
explicitly tests the TPB factors linked to behavioral intentions, not to actual behaviors.
The intended contribution of this current research is to investigate generalized consumer attitudes,
social influences, and perceived behavioral control in the context of banking. In addition, such
generalized scanning of behavioral finance in the current Asian market (i.e., The Philippines) could
represent well the entire society as the dataset utilized was a nationwide national survey conducted
by the government similar to the quality of Western dataset by Rutherford and Devaney (2009) in
credit card behaviors among Americans.
around 53% of the country’s adult population, or roughly around 41 million on that year (Hilario,
2022).
The BSP’s Consumer Financial Survey (CFS) that started in 2009 is a nationwide quadrennial
survey on consumer finances among Filipino households (BSP, 2014). The 2014 version of the CFS
involved approximately 15,000 households covering all regions in the country (except Leyte and the
Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)). The survey generates data on household level
financial conditions and individual-level financial attitudes. This 2014 edition added items on
Filipinos’ attitudes towards saving in banks and investments, which notably were not present in the
2009 edition.
To highlight some relevant findings, 2014 CFS reported that only 14 percent of Filipino households
had a deposit account. This means that two in every five Filipinos had used deposit accounts in the
Philippine banking system. However, those with financial assets such as investments in stocks, mutual
funds, government securities, and fixed-income securities are still small. In the National Capital Region
alone, only 0.4 percent of households had held investments in these types of assets while only 0.2
percent for the entire country (BSP, 2014). Since its inception in 2009, there had been a dearth of
academic research that could tap into the richness of the data that the BSP-CFS contains. This research
extracts the attitudinal–behavioral aspects of the instruments in the aim of explaining micro-
personality levels of behavioral finance through the lens of a behavioral theory studies—i.e., Theory of
Planned Behavior.
Meanwhile, while the BSP aims to increase the numbers year-on-year, barriers against financial
inclusion still thrive such as cost of financial services, and lack of excess money to be set aside for
savings (BSP, 2018). The potential reasons according to the BSP include: not having enough money, no
documentary requirements, unaware of the details about this or how it works, and not needed. Not
many reports have explicated the attitudinal aspects of financial exclusion at least in the formal
banking behaviors.
and reliable information and lack of courage to behave differently” (p.89). There is broad research on
how social interactions with several circles of groups affect the attitude and behavior of individuals.
Social learning happens when behaviors are shaped by observing and imitating others (Bandura,
1971). Parents, for example, shape and guide the financial attitudes and behaviors of their child
through communication and using negative and positive reinforcements (Bakir et al, 2006). That being
said, these individuals would therefore develop some desire to belong to that group, or at the very least
imitate those who are influencing them. In the context of this research, it can therefore be simply said
that if those some parents, for example, possess some degree of knowledge and experience in financial
products and services, then they themselves would be more interested to avail these products and
services as well.
The theory of planned behavior states that attitude toward the focal behavior, subjective norms,
and perceived behavioral control shape an individual’s intention and behavior to the said behavior.
Ajzen suggested the theory in 1991 as an improvement of the theory of reasoned action previously
developed by Ajzen and Fishbein in 1980. Ajzen added perceived behavioral control as one of the
determinants of intention and behavior with attitude toward the behavior and subjective norms.
Therefore, as seen in the financial behavior context, three primary factors can influence both
intention and actual behaviors among individuals: attitudes towards financial services, social norms
and influences around the individual on financial behaviors, and perceived behavioral control on
saving and investing (e.g., ability to increase personal wealth). Moreover, the study further investigates
the variances on intention and actual behaviors towards financial services that can be attributed to the
perceived behavioral beliefs among demographic segments in the market. For example, an individual’s
financial resources, age, societal gender role, and level of educational attainment could improve the
prediction of intention and actual behaviors by considering limiting factors affecting the individual’s
ability to perform the behavior (Sahni, 1995). An individual’s ability to perform a behavior is limited
by his maturity, level of knowledge, experience, financial resources, and societal gender roles. (Serido
et al, 2013). According to Ajzen, by considering the individual’s perceived behavioral control, the
theory of planned behavior increases the descriptive power of the model to determine financial
behaviors. Figure 1 illustrates the conceptual framework (See Figure 1. Conceptual Framework using
the Theory of Planned Behavior).
This paper explores on these primary variables—attitudes towards the behavior, subjective norms,
and behavioral control over financial behaviors among Filipinos. In addition, demographic features
that marginally contribute to the prediction of intention and behavior are also investigated.
This paper aims to contribute to the growing literature that anchors onto the theory of planned
behavior where the results of this paper are highly contextualized in behavioral finance. Recent
research has utilized said theory in the financial context of consumer marketing such as those of
Aboelmaged and Gebba (2013) in their study on mobile banking adoption, Yousafzai, Foxall, and
Pallister (2010) in internet banking behavior, Gopi and Ramayah (2007) on online stock trading,
Rutherford and DeVaney (2009), and Xiao et al. (2011) on credit card use. More recently, Effendi, et al.
(2021) applied the theory to predict consumers’ decisions in using Islamic rural banking services.
Manuelito Co and Dave D.G. Centeno 19
Meanwhile, Raut, Kumar, and Das (2021) studied the predictability and reasons of individual investors’
intention to subscribe to socially responsible investments in the Indian market using the TPB model.
Similarly, Nomi and Sabbir (2020) investigated the factors of consumers’ purchase intention towards
life insurance in Bangladesh through the lens of TPB.
To further establish that TPB models are most appropriate anchors in recent literature, Mahardika
and Zakiyah (2020) analyzed the interest of millennial consumers in Indonesia with their intention to
invest in stocks; as well as Putri and Adawiyah’s (2020) main framework of TPB in analyzing the effect
of behavioral finance towards investment intentions. Summing it up, Antony (2020) acknowledges
that the TPB models are appropriate tools in the domain of behavioral finance when financial decisions
are "guided and affected by psychological, emotional, and behavioral factors” (p. 5).
Socialization starts in the family as the initial reference point for the individual. Parents and other
family members shape and guide the financial attitudes and behaviors of a child through
communication and using negative and positive reinforcements, such as a head of the family who has
stocks and bonds being able to influence his or her children to do the same (Bakir et al., 2006). Peer
interaction in the workplace can also exert similar influences towards financial behavior, like
colleagues discussing about important life decisions, including financial decision-making such as
investments (Bursztyn, 2014) and availing deposit services (Tan & Chua, 1986), among others. To
show belongingness and camaraderie to the group, individuals subscribe to the same attitudes and
behaviors manifested within the group.
In view of family and workplace social influences, propinquity effect and mere exposure state that
the mere presence and exposure to family members’ and workplace colleagues’ behavior has a direct
influence on intention and actual behavior (Zajonc, 1968). In Malaysia, for example, Sharif and Naghavi
(2020) investigated consumers and the significant indirect role of parents’ teaching and behavior
towards financial and risk-taking behaviors, while Jamal and colleagues (2015) enumerate social
environment as a part of savings behavior among Malaysians. Similarly, Widyastuti and colleagues
(2016) found out that attitude and subjective norm significantly influenced saving intentions among
young people. Also, in Iran, Ghalandari (2012) includes social influence as a factor to positively affect
user’s behavior and intention to use e-banking.
The channels of social interaction have also been employed in behavioral finance research. Hong
and colleagues (2014) enumerate two mechanisms through which social interaction can entice
individuals to avail of financial services. First, information can be disseminated by means of word-of-
mouth communication or observational learning (Banerjee, 1992; Bikhchandani et al., 1992; Ellison &
Fudenberg, 1995). Second, individuals may also enjoy discussing the choice of financial services among
the social group. Thus, it is more likely for an individual to avail of financial services, say invest in
stocks, if the participation is high among an individual’s social circles. Likewise, social interaction can
also favorably influence financial decision-making in an effort to belong. Being aware of the financial
decisions within a given society pressures the individual to follow and maintain the level of activity
within the group. Bernheim (1994) presents a model of social conformity, where individuals adapt to
a uniform standard of behavior. They believe that even slight departures of their actions with the social
norm will diminish their status.
The study therefore looks at the presence of a household member that has financial assets and a
household member working in the financial services industry as mechanisms for social learning theory
within households. These household members possess enough knowledge to make more solid
arguments to influence individuals to develop favorable attitudes and behaviors towards financial
products and services. Likewise, this research also looked at being employed in the financial services
industry as a mechanism where individuals are influenced by peers and colleagues in the workplace
for the same reasons as that of household members. Thus, social influences from subjective norms,
represented by the presence of a household member availing financial services (i.e., availing a bank
deposit account) and employment in the financial services industry, positively affects the likelihood
that the individual intends to avail of the same financial services.
Thus, the next hypothesis on the effect of social norms states that:
H2: Individuals who are affiliated with someone who has formal bank accounts will have increased
intention to avail of formal banking services.
This factor, which he added in the domain of cognitive control in the behavioral structure of an
individual, deals with the perceived lack of volitional control over a locus of action. The lack of control
even on the antecedent behavioral actions form part the series of perceived behavioral control. For
example, if one says he/she cannot save money, thus, he/she cannot put anything on a bank to save, is
a statement about controllability over the focal behavior. In this case, intention to use a bank.
Related studies have explored self-control and self-efficacy in financial behaviors. For example,
Rha, Montalto, and Hanna (2006) connected varying self-control levels depending upon the life cycle
of an individual. Also, behaviors of low-saving households are attributed to bounded rationality and
self-control (Thaler & Benartzi, 2004). Through these foundations, thus, in the context of financial
behaviors, it is predicted that perceived behavioral control towards saving behavior affects intentions
and actual behavior (i.e., ownership of bank accounts and investment instruments) among Filipinos.
H3: Individuals who express negative perceived behavioral control over saving money will have
lesser intention to avail of formal banking services.
2.6.2 Gender
There is a considerable amount of research documenting a significant difference on how men and
women behave financially. Men avail financial services as well as invest in risky investment such stocks
and bonds more than women. In the perspective of the prospect theory, loss aversion is the behavioral
tendency to be more sensitive to losses relative to gains (Kahneman & Tversky, 1979). Croson and
Gneezy (2009) find that the significant gender variation in financial behavior is because women are
22 Effects of Filipino Consumers’ Financial Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control on Intentions to
Formal Banking: Towards Financial Inclusion
more loss averse compared to men. They find that women exhibit a more severe loss reaction, leading
to a higher risk aversion than men. Examining cross-country differences in gender use of banking
services among 98 developing countries, Demirguc-Kunt and colleagues (2013) found that where
women are restricted to work, lead a household, decide where to live and receive family inheritance,
women tend to avail financial services less likely relative to men. Their study also validates the
manifestation of gender norms in societal culture which adds to gender difference in the use of
financial services such as: 1) where women home-make and men provide for the family, 2) where there
is high violence and discrimination against women and 3) where there is a high incidence of early
marriage (Demirguc-Kunt et al., 2013).
Furthermore, Bajtelsmit and Bernasek (1996) found that this difference is caused by mental
cognition on how men and women process information brought by differences in income,
discrimination, employment, experience, preferences, and human capital choices. The discussion of
loss aversion between the two genders has two sides of the argument. One position is that men take
excessive risk while the other position is that women generally invest conservatively (Hinz et al.,
1997). Barber and Odean (2001) looked at overconfidence between men and women in investment
decisions as another way to explain such differences. Overconfidence is a bias wherein individuals
overestimate their skills relative to their actual skills. Croson and Gneezy (2009) corroborated the
study of Barber and Odean that men are more overconfident than women. In addition, Agnew (2006)
reported that men are more likely to take riskier investments such as investment in stocks and bonds
while women tend to invest in less riskier investments like bank deposits. Related to this, in terms of
investments, men primarily feel anger (which leads to overconfidence) while women feel fear (which
leads to loss aversion).
In addition, Almenberg and Dreber (2015) suggest that gender differences in financial literacy can
explain a significant part of the gender gap where men are typically more financially literate than
women. It is therefore worth studying if the same is true in the context of the Philippines and in future
studies assess whether improving financial literacy and financial inclusion among women could
improve their access to financial services.
Thus, we infer the next hypothesis:
H5: Males are more likely to have higher level of intention to avail bank deposit services than
females.
2.6.3 Age
Financial literacy increases with age as individuals mature (Atkinson & Messy, 2012). However,
cognitive deterioration happens to aging individuals. According to the same study, people with the age
group 30 to 60 have the highest financial literacy which translates to higher intentions towards
financial services. The devoted time and effort to studying the financial markets is reflected by the age
of the individual. Studies on cognitive aging show that cognitive abilities, especially memory, decline
with age (Horn, 1968; Salthouse, 2000). Agarwal, Driscoll, Gabaix and Laibson (2009) examine the life-
cycle patterns of financial decision errors, such as, suboptimal use of credit card balance transfer
offers, incorrect estimation of the value of own house, and excess interest rate and fee payments. The
authors recognize that the individual’s financial sophistication and economic behavior varies with age
and that the pattern is similar to the relationship between cognitive abilities and age. In addition,
Korniotis and Kumar (2009) examine the role of cognitive aging on the stock investment decisions of
older investors. Consistent with the financial sophistication life-cycle pattern, this research found that
older investors have inferior investment skills and they earn on average 3% to 5% lower returns
annually on a risk-adjusted basis compared to younger adults. According to the cohort effect on aged
population, older people with experience of a very different financial marketplace may find it difficult
to keep up with new technologies in the financial marketplace. With the advent of new technologies
attached to banking and investment, younger individuals would tend to show interest and subscribe
to new ways of banking and investing. Thus, we postulate that:
H6: Younger individuals are more likely to have more intention to avail bank deposit services.
Manuelito Co and Dave D.G. Centeno 23
2.6.4 Income
Income represents the cash inflow of an individual that is needed to avail of financial services.
Conceptually, people who have more income are more likely to avail of financial services (US
Government Accountability Office, 2022). Individuals with higher income tend to have more
disposable income. Therefore, individuals earning more would be able to save and invest more
compared to individuals who are earning less.
Moreover, the behavioral life-cycle theory states that individuals maximize their inter-temporal
utilities over their lifetime with the full knowledge of their lifetime income (Agustin et al, 2016). The
goal of the individual is to better manage their consumption behavior by availing of certain financial
products and services designed to meet this particular goal. It is therefore worthwhile to investigate
whether or not high-income individuals tend to increase their use of financial services than their low-
income counterparts.
Past studies have shown that income is correlated with intention to avail of formal banking. For
example, Servon and Kaestner (2008) found that interest in the impact of online banking are more
pronounced in the lower-income sector which has yet started exposure to banking. In Bangladesh,
Khan et al (2007) found that income and education have significant role in customers’ usage of Islamic
banks. In the Philippines, Chiu et al (2017) found that initial trust towards banking can be affected by
income as well.
Therefore, the prediction is that:
H7: Individuals with higher income are more likely to have more intention to avail bank deposit
services compared to their low-income counterparts.
2.6.5 Employment
An individual’s work status might be affecting his or her disposition towards banking behaviors.
Intuitively, employment provides a steady salary which is the usual source of funds for personal
banking transactions. Obviously, no salary would mean a severe lack of funds to save. Research has
demonstrated this effect and association of employment status in banking attitudes and behaviors. For
example, Borden and colleagues (2008) have said that employment status predicted financial
knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors. Also, Calvet et al (2009) linked professional status and lack of
jobs to financial sophistication (i.e., literacy and interest). Similarly, Stolper and Walter (2007) have
suggested that professional status is related to financial literacy, financial behavior, and financial
advice interest. Finally, Ruberton and Gladstone (2016) connected happiness or life satisfaction to
banking attitudes as determined by individuals’ employment status, alongside relationship status and
age as correlates.
Thus, the next hypothesis for this research is:
H8: Individuals who are employed are more likely to have more intention to avail bank deposit
services than being non-employed.
3 Methodology
Using the 2014 CFS dataset described at the onset, the variables that serve as proxies to the
concepts proposed to describe Filipino consumers’ financial behaviors were extracted. The unit of
observation in the study is the respondent who is the most knowledgeable about household finances.
Manuelito Co and Dave D.G. Centeno 25
3.4.3 (X6)
Age (X6) is the actual age of the respondent as of survey date. The age brackets were defined
according to marketing segmentation labels (Hecht, 2022): millennials (aged 14-32), generation x (33-
48), and ‘baby boomers’ (49 and up) by 2014.
26 Effects of Filipino Consumers’ Financial Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control on Intentions to
Formal Banking: Towards Financial Inclusion
X8: employment
X9: membership in pension
X10: household size
The specific levels of each of the variables above are described in the methodology section. The
study used STATA statistical software to compute for the marginal effects and test for the significance
of the variables in explaining the Filipino’s decision whether to avail deposit services or not.
Logit regression was used as the dependent variable is treated as a binary (1=surplus money to put
in bank or 0=otherwise). The logit regression is a nonlinear model that forces the output or predicted
values to be either 0 or 1.
STATA statistical software was also employed to conduct the regression analysis following the
proposed econometric model. The data on the behavioral variables that had more than one survey item
were averaged to obtain an aggregated value. Chi-square analysis was conducted to understand the
relationships between the variables. Logistic regression was conducted to predict and explain the
dependent variable using a covariate of independent variables (Hair et al., 2006). Logistic regression
is a statistical tool that is used to predict the likelihood of a discrete outcome (0 or 1) from a set of
variables that may be continuous, discrete, dichotomous, or a combination. The dependent variables
in the current study are dichotomous (1 if the consumer actually uses bank or invest; also if consumer
intends to use bank; and 0 otherwise) logistic regression is the appropriate method to predict the
likelihood of the dependent variable occurring given the set of independent variables.
Table 2. Descriptive statistics of respondents and response summaries of the sample (i.e., no savings
deposit accounts) from the Consumer Finance Survey 2014
Variable n %
Age group
Millennials (14 – 32 yo) 1,655 12.2%
Generation X (33 – 48 yo) 5,157 38.0%
Baby Boomers (>49 yo) 6,763 49.8%
28 Effects of Filipino Consumers’ Financial Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control on Intentions to
Formal Banking: Towards Financial Inclusion
Variable n %
Education
Below high school graduate 9,812 72.3%
High School graduate 2,919 21.5%
College graduate 844 6.2%
Gender
Male 5,312 39.1%
Female 8,563 63.1%
Average Annual Income, in Philippine Peso PHP (Average: PHP 137, 202.76)
None-Low: Below PHP 104,150 11,220 82.65%
Middle: > PHP 104,150 < PHP 1,341,157 2,186 16.10%
High: > 1,341,157 169 1.24%
Employed
Not employed 6,575 48.4%
Employed 7,000 51.6%
With Government Pension
Yes 2,627 19.4%
No 10,948 80.6%
Household size (Average = 4.9)
Small (1 – 4) 6,534 48.1%
Medium (5-10) 4,550 33.5%
Large (>11) 2,491 19.3%
Banking (Deposit) Intention
Has deposit intention 5,080 37.4%
Has no deposit intention 8,495 62.6%
Attitude towards opening a bank account (Average: 2.35)
1 strongly agree 1,459 10.7%
2 agree 7,858 57.9%
3 neutral 2,410 17.8%
4 disagree 1,738 12.8%
5 strongly disagree 110 0.8%
Family with bank account
With bank account 250 1.8.%
With no bank account 13,325 98.2%
Perceived Behavioral Control 1 (Average = 2.11)
1 strongly agree 2,139 15.8%
2 agree 8,766 64.6%
3 neutral 1,775 13.1%
4 disagree 850 6.3%
5 strongly disagree 45 0.3%
Perceived Behavioral Control 2 (Average = 2.24)
1 strongly agree 2,076 15.3%
2 agree 7,965 58.7%
3 neutral 1,922 14.2%
4 disagree 1,460 10.8%
5 strongly disagree 152 1.1%
Total 13,575 100.0%
(Source: BSP, 2014)
Manuelito Co and Dave D.G. Centeno 29
Table 3. Model summary on the effects of independent variables to formal banking behavioral intentions
Intention to Save Surplus Money in Formal Bank
Independent Variables Accounts
β SE z P
Attitude toward banking 0.0186 0.0207 0.90 0.369
1= Disagree, 5=Agree
With a family member with a bank deposit 0.4397 0.1295 3.39 0.001*
account
1=Yes, 0=No
Perceived Behavioral Control 1: 0.6158 0.0272 2.26 0.024*
“I just don’t earn enough money to save
regularly”
1=strongly agree, 5= strongly disagree
Perceived Behavioral Control 2: -0.1098 0.2344 -4.68 0.000*
“I don’t think I’m saving enough for the
future”
1=strongly agree, 5= strongly disagree
Educ. Attainment 1 0.0873 0.0449 1.94 0.052*
1= Finished high school, 0= Not finished high
school
Educ. Attainment 2 0.3344 0.0741 4.51 0.000*
1= Finished college, 0= Not finished college
Gender 0.0873 0.0403 2.17 0.030*
1=Male, 0=Female
Age Bracket (base=millennial)
2= Gen X -0.0864 0.0595 -1.45 0.147
3= Baby Boomers -0.1202 0.0572 -2.10 0.036*
Annual Income (base 0 = low-income)
1= middle-income 0.1361 0.0439 3.10 0.002*
2= high-income -0.4757 0.1831 -2.60 0.009*
Employment (1=employed, 0=otherwise) -0.0818 0.0390 -2.09 0.036*
Membership in pension fund (e.g., SSS, GSIS) 0.3420 0.0451 7.59 0.000*
1=yes, 0=otherwise
Size of Household -0.0108 0.0079 -1.36 0.175
Constant -0.4287 0.1059 -4.05 0.000
Model Summary N=13,575
Goodness of Fit
Pseudo R2 = 0.0094
Hosmer-Lemeshow Test, p <.01
𝜒𝜒𝜒𝜒2 = 168.65
We also estimated the average marginal effects (AME) of the independent variables towards formal
banking intentions. Using the delta method of estimation of marginal effects describes the average
predicted probability influenced by the factors. Table 4 shows the results of the delta method.
30 Effects of Filipino Consumers’ Financial Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control on Intentions to
Formal Banking: Towards Financial Inclusion
Table 4. Marginal effects of proposed independent variables to intention to put surplus money in a formal
banking
dy/dx
Independent Variable SE z p value
(Delta Method)
Attitude toward bank .0043058 .0047895 0.90 0.369
Subjective norm .1016704 .0299068 3.40 0.001*
Perceived behavioral control 1 .0142405 .0062881 2.26 0.024*
Perceived behavioral control 2 -.0253978 .0054059 -4.70 0.000*
Educational attainment 1 (HS or not) .0202631 .0104959 1.93 0.054*
Educational attainment 2 (college or not) .0795316 .0180233 4.41 0.000*
Gender (1=male) .020191 .0093084 2.17 0.030*
Age, if Gen X (base=millennial) -.0202202 .0139928 -1.45 0.148
Age, if Baby Boomer (base=millennial) -.0280073 .0134365 -2.08 0.037
Annual Income (base 0 = low-income)
1= middle-income .0318396 .0103517 3.08 0.002
2= high-income -.1014043 .0355892 -2.85 0.004
Employment -.0197077 .0090203 -2.18 0.029
Membership in Pension .0805714 .0103304 7.80 0.000
Size of Household -.0023638 .0018297 -1.29 0.196
Note: dy/dx for factor levels is the discrete change from the base level.
a. Educational Attainment
The results on educational attainment were presented into two variables. One compares these
coefficients of those that have finished high school versus those who have not. The other analyzes the
coefficients of those that have finished college versus those who have not. Both have produced
significant effects to the intention to put money in a formal bank. Those respondents that have finished
high school are more probably putting surplus money to banks than those that have not finished high
school (β=.0.0873, significant at p=0.052).
Meanwhile, those that have finished college also have higher probability of putting surplus money
in a bank than those that did not finish college. The effect was observed to be stronger (β=.0.3344,
significant at p=0.00). In other words, as educational attainment increases, the higher the probability
of banking intentions.
b. Gender
Unbanked men are more likely to put surplus money in a bank than women according to the results
of the regression (β=0.0873, significant at p=0.03). The marginal effects by delta method also
illustrates that unbanked men are 2.02 more likely put surplus money in a formal bank than women.
c. Age
The analysis bracketed the age groups according to popular generational terminologies used such
as in marketing: millennials, generation x, and baby boomers. The CFS 2014 allows for this data
recoding based on the current year versus 2014. Results showed that compared to millennials who
were 14- to 32-year-olds, members of Generation X (33- to 48-year-old) have lower intention to put
surplus money in a formal bank. However, this effect was not significant (p=0.141).
Notably though, compared to millennials, the baby boomers of more than 49-year-old in 2014, also
have lower intention to put surplus money in a bank. This result was significant at p=0.036).
32 Effects of Filipino Consumers’ Financial Attitudes, Subjective Norms, and Perceived Behavioral Control on Intentions to
Formal Banking: Towards Financial Inclusion
d. Annual income
The results show that unbanked middle-income respondents have higher intentions to save surplus
money to a formal banking compared to their low-income counterparts. The coefficient was at
β=0.1361, significant at p=0.002. Interestingly, unbanked high-income respondents also have the same
direction as low-income individuals – they both have lower intention to save surplus money to a formal
bank (β= -0.4757, p=0.009). One possible interpretation is that unbanked high-income respondents
put their surplus money somewhere other than in formal savings bank accounts.
e. Employment
Surprisingly, unbanked and unemployed respondents have higher intention to put surplus money
in a bank than those that are unbanked and employed. The regression beta for the dummy variable
was at β= –0.0827, significant at p=0.034. Being unbanked and employed decreases intention to avail
of banking services by 1.97%. One possible reason is that the nature of employment might be entailing
lower salary and does not give way to surplus. Another possible reason is that the nature of the
employment and the industry is such that there is little need for banking transactions or has very low
bank penetration rates, such as those who work in farms and fisheries.
f. Membership in Pension
The effect of membership in government pension towards unbanked respondents was significant
(β= 0.3474, p=0.00). Those that have pension plans have higher intention to put surplus money in a
formal bank.
g. Household Size
Finally, the size of household negative affects the respondent’s intention to put surplus money in a
formal bank. The effect was a β= –0.0101, but was not significant at p=0.202.
gender that unbanked men are more likely to put surplus money in a formal bank than women is also
consistent with previous research. Thirdly, the younger generation that is unbanked expresses higher
intention to avail of formal banking as well. The results involving annual income also suggest that
middle-income individuals have a higher intention to put surplus money in formal banking. The none-
to-low-income and the high-income counterparts have less intentions to do so. Furthermore, the
results also indicate that membership in pension can lead to saving intentions in a formal bank. Finally,
the household size result, albeit non-significant, was consistent with the several past research saying
that this particular variable has a negative relationship with banking intentions.
This study provides empirical evidence that attitudes, social influence, and perceived behavioral
control influence banking behaviors among Filipinos. Essentially, encouraging financial behaviors
depends primarily on how Filipinos think about the ability and controllability to save. The attitude
towards the gains of proper financial management such as those manifested in banking behavioral
intentions can be directed towards the benefit frame. This can be achieved by understanding how
cognitive perceptions towards money (i.e., saving) and how social norms in immediate social circles
can be favorably utilized towards encouraging saving in a formal bank.
These findings also have substantial implications on public policy and private companies in
enabling Filipinos to be more favorable in their financial behaviors. For policy makers such as the BSP,
programs enabled and the strategies employed should deeply understand individuals in their attitudes
(i.e., what drives such valence and direction of attitudinal influences), social norms (i.e., who has strong
word-of-mouth power among individuals), and perceived behavioral control (i.e., communication and
actual tactics on how to enable behavioral capability and control as perceived by individuals).
Consumer-centric programs that anchor on behavioral patterns must be established. Finally, focused
interventions and education on behavioral finance may be implemented in select segments such as
those in the younger generation or even those who are under-served in rural areas.
As for the managerial implications among private financial firms, the use of strategic marketing
communications that focus on positive and gain framing require thoughtful considerations. Targeted
campaigns towards identified demographic profilers can also be employed. For example, unbanked
individuals with lower educational attainment need more tailored messages that fit their motivations
towards banking and are anchored towards social influences, and more importantly, perceived
behavioral control on these target behaviors. Similarly, those individuals with less formal education
require strategic messages that are tailor fitted to the communication elements that match their level
of understanding towards these financial behaviors. Message design is a key factor that might enhance
attitudes and perceived behavioral control among target segments.
Finally, the international audience of this research can appreciate the behavioral distinctiveness
among Filipinos who are situated in an Asian community where collectivism is highly manifested – as
seen in the results of social influences towards the target financial behaviors. Moreover, the findings
of this study suggest that there is universality in the attitudes and perceived behavioral control
towards banking and investing relating to the demographic features among groups of consumers,
governed by psychological factors in the attitudes and behavioral intentions.
usage, and quality dimensions in behavioral finance. This way, the survey can further scrutinize the
behavioral aspects that directly identify key gain and pain points for the said financial inclusion
dimensions. Finally, to validate the results, an overall perception study of banking and investments as
everyday consumer concepts can be examined – as Antony (2020) puts it, many psychological factors
govern our everyday economic phenomena.
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