T H E HISTORY OF

ANTHROPOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM’

A. IRVING HALLOWELL
University of Pennsylvania

I n thinking about the history of anthropology, it is desirable in the first place to

focus upon anthropological questions, rather than upon labeled disciplines, or
groups of disciplines, as we now find them conventionally defined. By anthropologi-
cal questions I mean any of those to which we would now seek answers in a pro-
fessionally recognized tradition : in the literature of physical anthropology, arch-
aeology, cultural or social anthropology and linguistics. For these areas of special-
ized knowledge only emerged after anthropological questions had been articulated,
answers to them consciously pursued, and organized data and concepts embodied in
a professionally transmitted tradition. In this respect anthropology is a very recent
development in the intellectual history of western culture.
At the same time, the broadly gauged comparative and historical framework of
inquiry which we now assume in anthropology has led to a consideration of all kinds
of data relevant to man in a universally human perspective. I n this frame of refer-
ence we may ask: How far did the cultures of non-western peoples provide answers
to anthropological questions? Were there any conditions present which motivated
a search for answers t o them? What observational data were available to the people
of these cultures? What quantitative and qualitative differences existed in the kind
of anthropological knowledge available? What circumstances and events promoted,
or retarded, the accumulation of such knowledge in different cultures? If we were in
a position to answer questions of this kind we would be better able to appraise the
cultural and historical background of the interest in anthropological questions which
became articulated and reached fruition in the organized inquiry with which we are
familiar.
The history o€ anthropology considered as an anthropological problem sup-
plements an exclusive concern with the history of organized inquiries and any at-
tempt to arbitrarily isolate their development from its roots in a wider cultural con-
text. On the contrary, it directs attention to the cultural context and historical cir-
cumstances out of which formulations of anthropological questions must have de-
veloped and suggests that, at this level, one may find parallels in early western cul-
ture to non-western cultures. The history, then, of what is now labelled anthro-
pology in western culture is linked with the study of the sociology of knowledge,
“ethnoscience)’ and the study of man and his behavior from many different points of
view, humanistic and scientific, in the modern period of western culture. If we look
for the most authoritative answers to anthropological questions in both societies
other than our own and in the earliest phase of western culture2 we are most likely
‘Based upon a paper with the same title read a t a Symposium on the History of Anthropology,
Annual Meeting, American Anthropological Association, (Chicago) November, 1962. A background
paper (“Anthropology and the History of the Study of Man”), pre ared for the Conference on the
History of Anthropology, sponsored by the Social Science Research 8ouncil (N. Y.: April, 1962) also
has been drawn upon. Since many of the problems alluded to in this paper have not been studied,
documentation is chiefly illustrative.
zI.e., the period subsequent to the fall of Rome in the West in 476, A. D.

24
 THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 25

to find them embedded in the cognitive orientation of a people, in their culturally

constituted world view, from which they have not been abstracted and articulated.
Questions related to man and his nature are an integral part of mythology and re-
ligion. The persons most concerned with such matters are priests, theologians,
philosophers, or their equivalents. The kind of knowledge possible in this type of
tradition is limited by its dogmatic character, in the absence of any motivations
which encourage independent or objective inquiry. I n western culture we know that
radical changes occurred in the course of a few centuries and that this level of knowl-
edge was transcended: A secular view of the world based on independent inquiry
arose to challenge the traditionally sanctioned one--“La crise de la conscience euro-
p6enne” of Paul Hazard. The class of persons to whom one could turn for authori-
tative answers to anthropological questions began to shift. The criteria for evaluat-
ing the reliability of anthropological knowledge became transformed as independent,
objective inquiry expanded.
The significance of these historic events, which were only part of the revolution-
ary intellectual changes which occurred in Europe, are unique in their anthropologi-
cal implications. For in their total range and sweep, they have no precise parallel
in the cultural development of any other society. Western culture, among other
things, is distinctive as the theatre of a continuing and accelerating effort by man to
obtain increasingly reliable knowledge about his own nature, behavior, his history
and varying modes of life, as well as his place in the universe. The labels which
ultimately emerged to discriminate varying facets of the professional study of man
sometimes obscure the enduring and characteristic intellectual preoccupation with
himself that became so ramified, and so persistent in the history of western culture.
Besides this, the concomitant historical events which occurred have a dual
interest for anthropology today. On the one hand, they involve on a large scale what
have now become familiar problems of inquiry to anthropologists on a smaller scale :
cultural changes and radical social readjustments, movements of population; cul-
tural borrowing and the effects of contacts with other cultures; economic transforma-
tion and radical changes in value systems. On the other hand, it was during this
same period in western culture that new anthropological questions came to the fore,
while older ones were more sharply focused.
While in western culture the rise of the conscious pursuit by specialists of
answers to anthropological questions is unique, at the same time this only expresses
in a highly developed form a universal interest in himself exemplified by man
everywhere. For man’s capacity for becoming an object to himself and contemplating
his existence as a being living in a world conjunctively with beings other than his
kind is concomitant with his distinctive mode of cultural adaptation i t ~ e l f . Con-
~
sequently, it is not surprising to find man’s ideas of his own nature reflected in the
traditional world views of human societies. All cultures provide answers to some
anthropological questions which are considered to be authoritative and final. Tradi-
tional knowledge of this kind may be characterized as folk anthropology, i.e., a body
of observations, beliefs, and socially sanctioned dogmas which parallel folk knowl-
edge about other aspects of the phenomenal world. What we have in the case of
western culture is an opportunity to document an intellectual shift from the level of

*See Hallowell, 1963.

26 A. IRVING HALLOWELL

folk anthropology to a level of systematic observations and inquiry detached from

traditional beliefs, and inspired b y values giving prime emphasis to the search for
more reliable knowledge of all aspects of human phenomena.
Unfortunately, the reliability of different areas of folk knowledge has not yet
been as carefully studied as it might be. I n some areas where direct observation and
experience is involved, such as ethnobotany, animal and human anatomy, its level
may be much higher than once supposed. Laughlin, e.g., goes so far as to say th a t:
‘(We may consider the likelihood th a t man was always aware of his affinity
with other animals and consequently did not need to ‘discover’ this obvious re-
lationship any more than he discovered his stomach or eyeballs, or than the
female of our species discovered that she was bearing the young. The early
apprehension of a working knowledge of anatomy, human and non-human, was
indispensable to man’s survival. This was crucial in a n animal form that was
liquidating various physical abilities and instincts in exchange for the use of
tools, who had both to defend himself from predators and to hunt and utilize
other animals and who required assistance for the birth of his young. . . Though
varying greatly around the world, the anatomical information possessed by
most peoples has probably been consistently ~nderestirnated.”~

On the other hand, we know th at there were many anthropological questions

which could neither be posed nor answered in terms of the personal experience of
men cognitively oriented in the provincial traditions of non-literate, or even early
literate, cultures. Among the most obvious of these is any knowledge of the total
range in the physical types of mankind throughout the world, or the actual anti-
quity of man. Furthermore, even if we grant that man recognized his anatomical
affinities with other animals a t a very early period, was this the only kind of affinity
recognized or the primary one emphasized? Did animals have “souls’), like men, or
were they only “machines”? And, in the case of the Greeks, if it is said, as Kluck-
hohn does, that they “saw man as a part of nature and to be naturalistically under-
, ~ we say th at (‘nature’’ has an equivalent meaning at all periods of
~ t o o d ” can
European culture, to say nothing of its meaning in other cultures?6 The conceptual
framework in which observations are ordered and the explanation of phenomena
must be considered in their cultural and historical context before significant com-
parison can be made. To recognize that man has animal-like characteristics had a
different meaning in a nineteenth century evolutionary context than it had for the
Greeks, or in earlier periods of European culture, or for non-literate peoples. Further
investigation in the area of “ethnoscience” may provide a more satisfactory basis
for making detailed comparisons of the limits and range of reliable knowledge
possessed by non-European peoples both with respect to its pragmatic aspect, and
the way in which such knowledge is classified and ordered in relation to the premises
of different world views.7 It would be interesting to know in how many cultures
where close observation of any order of phenomena led to knowledge of more or less
immediate pragmatic value this level was transcended and what steps led to this

‘Laughlin, pp. 150, 172.

SKluckhohn, p. 42.
BCollingwood.
?French and Sturtevant.
 THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY A S A N ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 27

later development.8 For a very limited knowledge of man may be pragmatically

adequate within a particular sociocultural system. There may be no need to question
its validity. Incentives stimulating the acquisition of new, or more reliable knowl-
edge, may never arise. Essential anthropological questions, of limited scope, can
be answered in meaningful fashion by appeal to tradition and personal experience.
I n early western culture the level of knowledge represented in the traditional
Christian world view is equivalent to folk anthropology. It was culturally consti-
tuted, untested knowledge about man and his world, reinforced by socially sanc-
tioned religious values which gave it the stamp of ultimate truth. This traditional
world view of the West is the historical backdrop against which changes in the
answers to anthropological questions may be plotted. It is the known cultural base
line against which shifts from a level of folk anthropology in the direction of more
reliable, objective, tested knowledge about man can be documented. It is in this
respect that the culture history of the West provides the record of a unique ex-
perience in the history of man’s awareness of himself.
Thus a n anthropological approach to the history of anthropology in western
culture suggests that this history shouId be set squarely within the cultural context
of western civilization. Relationships should be sought between historical events,
changing intellectual currents and other factors having a bearing on the kind of
anthropological questions that were being asked and the answers that were being
sought a t successive periods. This would supersede the historical chronicle in
which lip service is given to Herodotus as the “father” of anthropology, an over-
simplified linear chronology of name-dropping passes for history and a causual leap
is made from western culture to that of Greece in the fifth century B. C. The actual
historical process is more complicated and devious than can be represented in any
straightaway linear scheme of ideas or influence^^).^ Classical writers and the class-
ical tradition do enter the picture, of course, but within the context of the intellectual
history of western culture itself as part of its literature. What in anthropological
terminology we might call “literary acculturation” was actively promoted, including
the attempt to reconcile this pagan heritage with the Bible and the Christian world
view. One example of this heritage was Pliny’s uncritical collection of material con-
cerning fabulous races and peoples. “If theologians ever doubted these tales,)’ says
Hodgen, “they were restrained by a traditional classicism and scholastic logic from
refuting their existence. As for man as a whole, the Fathers desired less to know
him than t o save him.”1° Belief in the existence of fabulous races was actually re-
inforced: they appeared on maps right up to the discovery of the New World and

8Goodenough, e.g., (p. 110) points out that, ‘‘ . . . . practical and empirical in their approach, the
Carolinian people belie the frequent assumption that man evervwhere is awed by the marvels of
nature and, stirred to speculate thereon, seeks to formulate a coherent theory as to the origin and
meaning of the cosmos. . . . Rooted in navigation, aimed at determining directions and predicting the
weather, native astronomy is perhaps too important for personal safety t o permit its being removed
from an empirical context.”
9cf. Butterfield (Man . . . . , p. 32) who writes: “The history of science could never be adequately
reconstructed by a student who confined his attention to the few men of supreme genius. We should
produce a misleading diagram of the whole course of things if we merely drew direct lines from one of
these mighty peaks to another. The great books are undoubtedly preferable to the reader, more
serviceable in education, and more enriching to the mind; but, if we restrict ourselves t o these, the
result is likely to be a rope of sand; and in any case this is not the way in which to make discoveries
in the history of any science. In reality, the technical historian, bent on discovery-proceeding there-
fore from the known to the unknown-tends to find himself drawn rather in the opposite direction.”
‘OHodgen, p. 50 and Chapter 1, The Classical Heritage.
28 A. IRVING HALLOWELL

after.” The answers to anthropological questions given by the Greeks themselves,

or other peoples of the ancient Near East, would require independent studies. Such
investigations would illuminate the differences between the cultural historical situa-
tion in these societies as compared with the West in the development and fruition of
anthropological ideas.12
The first chapter, then, in the history of anthropology may be conceived as a
history of the conditions, events, activities and ideas which undermined the pro-
vincial folk anthropology of early western culture and, a t the same time, laid the
groundwork for independent observation and the ultimate accumulation, ordering
and interpretation of a body of knowledge which provided more reliable answers to a
wide range of anthropological questions. To those of us working in the field today,
for example, it seems obvious that anthropology should make use of a comprehensive
spatio-temporal frame of reference which embraces all living varieties of Horno-
sapiens, as well as extinct cultures and peoples of the distant past and more ancient
hominid types besides. This basic frame of reference is essential to the ordering of
our wide-ranging empirical data. The interesting historical question, then, is how
this inclusive spatio-temporal “grid” came into being. The answer, I think, is that
it only became possible to employ systematically such a conceptual frame of refer-
ence after a long and complex series of historical events had occurred in Europe
which were, to begin with, quite extraneous to the study of man.
So far as a world-wide geographical perspective is concerned, this could not
emerge until the entire globe had been explored. It began, of course, with the great
Age of Discovery. And what is significant for the history of anthropology is that this
was a unique achievement of the people of western Europe. Even in the absence of
organized anthropological inquiry it had a profound impact upon their thought.
The broadening of the base thus provided for the direct empirical observation of
the physical characteristics, languages and cultures of the living peoples of the
world was one of the necessary conditions required for answering vital anthropolo-
gical questions. It was logically analogous to the broadening of the base of visual
observation of objects in outer space after the invention of the telescope. The
growing acquaintance with the peoples of distant, almost semi-fabulous lands,
through the proliferation of Narratives, Descriptions and Collections of the reports of
travelers of all kinds, brought home to the peoples of Europe the inescapable fact
that their own outlook was, after all, extremely parochial. The idea of cultural
relativity did not have t o await the development of cultural anthropology. “It is
perfectly correct to say,”’ writes Hazard, “that all the fundamental concepts, such
as Property, Freedom, Justice and so on, were brought under discussion again as a
result of the conditions in which they were seen to operate in far-off countries, in the
first place because, instead of all differences being referred to one universal arche-
type, the emphasis was now on the particular, the irreducible, the individual; in
the second, because notions hitherto taken for granted could now be checked in the
light of facts ascertained by actual experience, facts readily available to all inquiring
minds. Proofs, for which an opponent of this dogma or that had laboriously to rum-
“For further details see Wittkower.
12See,e.g., Lute, who points out that the Sumerians entertained the idea of progressive stages in
the cultural development of man. Yet there is no evidence of empirical research. Cj. the Three Age
concept.
 THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 29

mage about in the storehouses of antiquity, were now reinforced by additional ones,
brand-new and highly coloured. See them just arrived from abroad, all ready for
use!”i3
In many respects an adequate temporal dimension relevant for the study of
man lagged far behind a global geographical perspective. It could not become sig-
nificant until the traditional view that the whole of creation and man’s entire history
could be encompassed within the span of 6000 years was displaced. It was con-
tingent upon a reconsideration of the chronology of human historyli4a revitalization,
linked with material evidence, of the Three Age system of man’s industrial develop-
ment, (stone, bronze, iron ages),15the periodization of the history of the earth, in
terms of geological and paleontological evidenceIi6and the empirical demonstration
of man’s “prehistory”, a term used for the first time in 1851.i7 It will be recalled
that John Frere, who sent some flint hand axes to the Secretary of the Society of
Antiquaries of London in 1797, remarked in his accompanying letter that the situa-
tion in which they were found tempted one “to refer them to a very remote period
indeed; even beyond that of the present world”. (Italics ours.) But these remarks were
ignored. Although modern archaeologists would place these tools in the Lower
Paleolithic, no one took Frere’s speculations seriously.i8 At this time there was no
temporal frame of reference into which they could be fitted. But more than this was
involved: there was no archeological frame of reference, either. As Heizer points
out, certain preconditions had to be met, “stone tools had to be admitted as having
13Hazard,p. 10. Cf. Butterfield (Origins. . . . , pp. 183-184), who makes the point that changes
in European thought and value towards the end of the seventeenth century were not only due to
developments in physical science but were affected by widely read books of travel that reported
discoveries in distant lands. See also Shapiro.
14Haberrecalls (p. 33) that Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540-1609) revolutionized chronology in his
De emendatrione temporum (1583). “He showed that ancient history was not confined to that of the
Greeks and Romans, but should include Persian, Bablylonian, Egyptian, and the secular Jewish his-
tory. He gathered extant fragments of ancient history, succeeded in reconstructing the lost Chronicle
of Eusebius . . . and studied the ancient systems of time keeping. He was thus able to compile for the
first time in the modern period a sound-though sometimes erroneous-universal chronology of pro-
fane history, as distinguished from the uncritical and somewhat mythological sacred history of tra-
ditional chronology.” The attempt of B. G. Niebuhr (1776-1831) to substitute historical scholarship
(in his History of Rome, 1811-1832, see Stern, p. 46 ff .) for the folk history of Livy, is comparable .in
principle to the transcendence of the level of folk anthropology which had scarcely begun. But his-
torical scholarship was not prepared to deal with such large questions as “universal” or “general”
.
history. (See Butterfield, Man . . . , chapter 2, “The Rise of the German Historical School”). “In
reality”, he writes, (p. 103) “the work of providing a rational account of man on the earth would seem
to have been taken over from the theologians by the general philosophers in the eighteenth century.
The need to know how mankind had come from primitive conditions to its existing state would appear
to have been felt before the historians were in a condition to supply what was wanted. Man‘s re-
flection on the matter marched ahead of his researches; and it was the philosophes-the ‘general
thinkers’ as we might call them-who attempted to map out the course of things in time. And this
would appear to be the reason why the philosophy of history, as it was called, came to its climax before
the study of history had reached its modern form. The Gttingen school resented the facile general-
izations which the men of the enlightenment produced without research, and imposed upon human
history from the outside.” General history, of course, did not include archaeological prehistory; the
necessary temporal frame of reference had to be radically expanded.
‘6See Daniel (1943, 1950) and, in particular, Heizer, (1962). Also Sanford.
’%See Gillispie. Charles Lye11 (1797-1875) published the first volume of his Principles of Geology
in 1830. Despite resistance in orthodox circles, by the middle of the next decade the age of the earth
had been extended to millions of years. “With Lyell’s Antiquity of Man, [1863]and Lubbock’s Pre-
Historic Times [1865]” says Haber (p. 287), “the last step had been taken in the overthrow of Biblical
chronology as an all inclusive time span for the work of creation”. For a concrete example of how the
Mosaic Time Scale hindered and distorted the development of a temporal framework required for.an
intelligible interpretation of racial and cultural events, see Mulvaney’s discussion of the Austrahan
material.
17By Daniel Wilson. See Daniel (1964), p. 9.
”%ee Daniel (1964), pp. 40-41. Heizer (1959) publishes Frere’s letter.
30 A. IRVING HALLOWELL

been made by man. The correction of the idea that flaked and polished stone tools
were thunderbolts which fell from the sky came about slowly through the discovery
and awareness of savage peoples, particularly those of the New World following its
discovery by Columbus, and the realization that these peoples who used stone tools
lived in a pre-metal stage and were living as modern man once had lived.”1g In other
words, sixteenth century published accounts of the manufacture of stone tools by
living American aborigines, circulated as a consequence of the Age of Discovery,
provided an initial clue relevant to the question of man’s antiquity. These revelations
planted the seeds of the classical “comparative method”, for in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, Montaigne, Hobbes and Locke were already expressing the
view that American Indians were existing representatives of an earlier general stage
of human cultural development. However tentative and extraneous, a t first, to
anthropology as we think of it now, this line of thought anticipated the establish-
ment of a firm spatio-temporal framework as a necessary foundation for the orderly
investigation and solution of anthropological questions that were to become more
and more clearly focused in the future.
While the Age of Discovery and the expansion of European peoples provided an
essential condition for the direct, first-hand observation of the living peoples of the
world, this was not a sufficient condition for the accumulation of reliable informa-
tion of a high order. What has not been carefully investigated are the factors that
retarded the reliability of observation and the motives, techniques, concepts, and
other factors which promoted reliability. What seems to have happened is that
for a considerable time the new observational facts concerning man’s physical traits,
cultures and languages, continued to be rationalized in relation to the persisting
tradition of folk anthropology or other concepts. Besides this, European ethno-
centrism created fictitious images of native peoples-the image of the Noble Savage
on the one hand, and the ignoble or bestial savage on the other. Seen in modern
anthropological perspective these images are the kind of phenomena which might
be expected to be one of the consequences of superficial contact with, or secondhand
knowledge of, exotic peoples prior to any systematic or scholarly study of them.1°
Although lack of written records and pictorial material makes the problem difficult
to study, the images of primitive man projected by Europeans are counter-balanced
by the images of civilized man and European culture for which we have evidence
lPHeiaer (1962), p. 260.
201nthe 4th century B. C. Theopompus (born ca. 378), a Greek historian, wrote about the E-
truscans in a manner which reminds us of some of the early reports of the people of the South Pacific.
According t o him sexual promiscuity existed, sexual intercourse sometimes occurred publicly, and
children did not know their own parents. For quotation see Hus (pp. 157-158). The first work t o
present the sexual mores of the people of the South Seas for the English reader was Hawkesworth’s
Account of the Voyages . . . i n the Southern Hemisphere . . . Drawn up from the Journals which were kept
by the Several Commanders . . . etc. 1773. He was a man of letters and had not been on any of the
voyages. As a matter of fact, his book was condemned for inaccuracy and indecency, yet it obtained
wide circulation. Boswell met Capt. Cook a t dinner in 1776 and asked him about the book. Boswell
reports in his Journal (p. 308) that Cook said, “Hawkesworth made in his book a general conclusion
from a particular fact, and wonld take as a fact what they had only heard . . . . . He said that a dis-
regard of chastity in unmarried women was by no means general at Otaheite, and he said Hawkes-
worth’s story of an initiation he had no reason to believe.” “Why, Sir,” Boswell goes on t o say,
“Hawkesworth has used your narrative as a London tavern keeper does wine. He has brewed it (i.e.
mixed other ingredients with it)”. Boswell also says (p. 341) that Cook “candidly confessed to me that
he and his companions who visited the South Sea Islands could not be certain of any information they
got, or supposed they got, except as t o objects falling under the observations of the senses, their
knowledge of the language was so imperfect they required the aid of their senses, and anything which
they learnt about religion, government, or traditions might be quire erroneous.”
 THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 31

among some non-literate peoples. Lips published a fascinating collection of photo-

graphs of museum specimens in his book, The Savage Hits Back, and cargo cults
offer interesting material. Like Europeans, non-literate peoples made use of what
knowledge they had of other peoples’ cultures for their own purposes.
Anthropologists have paid little attention to the images of the “savage” in
European culture-possibly because some of the best examples are found in the
humanist tradition, in literature and the pictorial arts.2‘ Recently Wilcomb Wash-
burn, an historian, referring to the American Indians, has pointed out that “it has
become fashionable for twentieth-century critics to ridicule the ‘noble savage’ pre-
sumably ‘created’ by such writers (as Rousseau), but it is evident that the assump-
tions of twentieth-century writers about seventeenth-or eighteenth century Indians
must be examined as critically as the assumptions of the earliest writers.”22 He has
also pointed out that changing images may, in part, prove to be a function of chang-
ing power relationship^.^^ There is a nice problem here because once anthropology
entered the phase of a n organized discipline, some of the travel literature that was
previously used to create what some have thought to be fictitious images of primitive
man became source material in ethnography.
Direct observation of the non-literate peoples of the world did, of course, dispel
some ancient fictions of folk anthropology. But the process was sometimes slow.
The final disappearance of some of the fabulous races took several centuries. The
monopoli-with no heads, but with faces in their chests-were included in Pliny’s
inventory, referred to b y John Mandeville in his reputed fourteenth century travels
and reported by Sir Walter Raleigh as living in the New World (Guiana) in the
sixteenth century, although the latter did not claim to have seen them himself. A
picture of one of these individuals, associated with several perfectly decent Indians,
is t o be found in a plate in Lafitau’s Moeurs des sauvages Amhiquains (1724) .24
How indeed was it possible to evaluate the reliability of observations on distant
races and cultures of the world, particularly when observers sometimes disagreed?
John Mandeville’s travels were read in eleven languages and for five centuries before
it became known that they never took place a t all, but were compiled from other
Y3ee Fairchild, Pearce and Smith. An example of how the circulation of pictorial material created
confusing and undiscriminat.ing racial images, even relating t o the ancestors of Europeans themselves,
is the intricate connection between John White’s drawings of Zndiuns of Roanoke, made on the spot
in the late sixteenth century, De Brys’ engravings of Pick (1590) and “The Portraiture of the Ancient
Britaines”, published by John Speed in 1611 (See Kendrick,.pp. 123-125 and Plates XII-XV). Kend-
rick comments: “Speed . . . . . seems to have realized that it was no use quoting classical authors to
the effect that the ancient Britons wore few, if any, clothes, and painted themselves, if a t the same
time one refused to recognize that the picture of a naked and painted person would give some idea
of the probable appearance of an Ancient Briton. There was no question of any disgrace here, but
rather an occasion for pride; for nakedness implies hardiness, and painting oneself is, after all, art.
Where an Ancient Briton was concerned, there could be no doubt that savagery must include the
idea of
.~nohilit,v.”
22Washb&n, 1964, p. 415.
*3Washburn(1957, p. 54): “Perhaps the ‘idea of the noble savage’ developed its greatest force
when the white man was deDendent on the Indian for his safety and sustenance (as in the earlv years
of exploration and settlement), perhaps the ‘idea of the treacherous savage’ represents a period when
both groups were powerfuI and a threat to each other. Finally, the ‘idea of the filthy savage’ may well
have developed its greatest force when the Indian came t o be dependent on the will of the White man
(as in the late eighteenth century). Frederick J. Dockstader of the Museum of the American Indian
in New York has suggested a most recent idea: that of the ‘incompetent savage’ which he suggests
has arisen because of the growing economic rivalry between Indians and Whites in recent years.”
Smith (p. 244) points out that in the early nineteenth century pictorial material from the South
Pacifir was used in missionary propaganda t o create an image of the ignoble savage.
“Reproduced in Hodgen, opposite p. 335.
32 A. IRVING HALLOWELL

authorities back to Pliny. In the sixteenth century it was even thought by some that
Mandeville was more reliable than Marco Polo, Columbus and Cortez.26 Banks and
Cook did not find giants in Patagonia. Yet their more reliable observations were
not, at the time, considered superior evidence to the testimony of others. One of the
interesting factors here is that, in support of the existence of giants, pictorial material
had appeared plainly showing the difference in height between Europeans and
Pata$onians.26 The question of the validity of observations is of anthropological
interest both with respect to the steps by which a higher level of reliability was
achieved and the role played by persistent traditions of any kind which retarded
the progress of objective knowledge?’ Even in this century overtones of this old
problem-although in a more refined form-are sometimes heard. A decade ago
Kluckhohn said: “In cultural anthropology we are still too close to the phase in
linguistics when non-European languages were being forcibly recast into the cate-
gories of Latin grammar”.28
Among the positive contributions that emerged from the Age of Discovery was
the fact that, it became more and more apparent that many of the anthropological
observations reported could not be reconciled with traditional folk anthropology.
While all the many revolutionary new questions which arose could not be satis-
factorily answered or, if they were, do not seem adequately treated to us today,
nevertheless, many of them were legitimate anthropological questions : the influence
of climate, the diffusion of customs and social and cultural development. We still
are faced with many of the same questions today and the answers are controversial.
I n order to place some of these questions in their historical context, I wish to quote
here a passage from an unpublished manuscript of Katherine George who some
years ago systematically surveyed the African travel literature from the fifteenth
through the eighteenth century.
Among other things, Dr. George points out that “The Age of Discovery not
only confronted the travellers with an astonishing array of cultural diversities which
“For information on Mandeville consult Letts and particularly Bennett, cf. Hodgen, pp. 69-71.
‘6“Making faithful records of the native eoples of the Pacific proved to be more difficult than
making accurate records of plants, animals, or fandscapes”, writes Smith (pp. 20-21). “There was, for
example, the question of size . . . . there had accumulated by 1768 a formidable body of evidence that
the natives of Patagonia were giants. The Captains, Harrington and Carmen, had come back in 1704
with stories of giants. Byron, in 1764, only four years before Cook sailed in the Endeavour, corroborat-
ed their story . . . . . Byron’s meeting m t h this chief was illustrated in Hawkesworth’s Voyages, the
chief being made, in accordance with Byron’s description, to tower above the Englishman.”
However, since Byron had no professional artist with him, this was “simply an illustration based on a
written statement”. Banks, accompanying Cook, did have artists and was anxious to correct mis-
conceptions about the size of the Patagonians. He wrote in his J O U Tthat ~ the men were from five
feet eight inches t o five feet ten inches in height, while the women were smaller, seldom exceeding
five feet. Furthermore, Buchan and Parkinson both made drawings of the Fuegians showing them t o
be normal in height. Nevertheless, a belief in the giantism of the Patagonians persisted. Lord Mon-
boddo claimed that Hawkesworth’s summary weighed heavily in this direction and even after the
publication of the latter’s Vugu.ges, there was an English collection which illustrated a giantess and a
French collection showing a giant Fuegian receiving Commodore Byron. See Smith (p. 255 and
Plates 167, 168, 169 for the transformation wrought after the invention of photography by Daguerre
(1789-1851) and the use of instrumentaqion and modelling. See Smith, too, for example of the articu-
lation of the general need for more preclse observation on men by such eighteenth century writers as
Ferguson, Monboddo and Herder, as well as the more detailed and explicit instructions given La
PBrouse (1785) as compared with Cook (pp. 100-102).
mAccording t o Smith (see pp. 30, 34) the acceptance of the idea of giants in Fuegia probably re-
flects a long tradition in Europe of antipodal inversion i.e., “the long-standing belief that things in the
southern hemisphere were somehow invested or at least governed by laws which differed from those
governing the northern parts of the world.”
2sKluckhohn, 1953, p. 508.
 T H E HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY AS A N ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 33

seemed to call for explanation, but after these had been considered and somewhat
assimilated, it also disclosed the presence of cultural correspondences or parallels;
correspondences such as that between a familiar homeland society and one in
Africa, between a custom or culture and a similar trait or condition among the Old
Testament Hebrews, or between African society and the social life of the classical
peoples of European antiquity. Often these parallels, which were recognized as
both contemporary and historical, were merely noted but not explained. But oc-
casionally in early reports, and more frequently in later, notation was accompanied
by efforts on the part of travellers to place them in broader context of theory. In
other words, such parallels were accounted for as the outcome of either diffusion or
development. The travellers who adopted the diff usionist position emerged with
explanations inferring contact at some period in past time; while those who ascribed
similarities to a uniformly operative process of social development noted correspond-
ences between existing African custom and earlier cultural conditions among Euro-
pean or other historical peoples. The latter assumed, in short, that the primitive folk
encountered in Africa were an early stage of progressive or developmental change
like that which was once manifested during the course of the history of some civil-
ized p e ~ p l e ~ ’ . ~ ~
In addition to the posing and answering of anthropological questions which Dr.
George documents in the African travel literature, she also notes a radical shift in
attitude towards Africans in the eighteenth century. The concept of “the bestial
African primitive,” and “the lawless, promiscuous society peculiarly associated with
him,” disappears. “The institutions and customs of the African primitive are not
merely accepted with a new tolerance by the eighteenth century traveller; they are
even fairly often upheld as models to be admired and emulated by the civilized world.
For the ‘noble savage’ is indubitably a personage in these acounts.” Admittedly a
romanticism which, “in its extremer forms, at least, can and does distort objectivity.”
George concludes that the errors “to be chalked up against this new positive pre-
judice in favor of the African primitive are as nothing beside the almost countless
errors of commission and omission attributable to the earlier negative prejudice.”
Consequently, she thinks that the concept of the “noble savage” “became of neces-
sity a friend rather than an enemy to the advance of knowledge about the primitive.
A bias it might remain, with capacities to distort . . . . ., (nevertheless) it introduced
a compulsion to go forth and observe.” It may have been “a door to objectivity,”
if not objectivity itself.30
So far as genuine anthropological concepts are concerned, there are clearly
defined historical links with a past which long antedated the rise of any variety of
anthropological discipline. Radcliffe-Brown found that his distinction between
ethnology and social anthropology had its roots in seventeenth and eighteenth
century writers. These two interests, he says, were clearly recognized by William
Robertson in his History of America (1777) where this author “gives one of the
earliest definitions of the study that later came to be called social anthropology,
and distinguished from the investigation of the origins of peoples which we now call

aQSocial Theory in the early literature of voyage and exploratim in Africa. Doctoral Dissertation,
Dept. of Social Institutions, Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1944. Katherine B. Oakes (Mrs. H. C.
George).
aoGeorge(1958), pp. 71-72..
34 A. IRVING HALLOWELL

ethnology.’131 It was Robertson, it may be added, who explicitly stressed parallel

development, rather than migration or historical contacts] as the explanation of
cultural similaritie~.~~Hoebel, who has also studied Robertson’s work, finds that he
anticipates Tylorian and Morganian anthropology. More intensive research will no
doubt turn up other links with the past which will enable us to appraise current
anthropological ideas in better historical perspective.
While a comprehensive temporal frame of reference, although slow in develop-
ing, ultimately provided a convenient means of integrating facts about hominid
evolution and prehistoric man with human history and events in the natural world,
its most vital significance did not lie in its chronological usefulness. It was, rather,
because the conception of time characteristic of western culture embodied dis-
tinctive qualitative features which made it possible to order the dynamics of human
evolution, changes in socio-cultural systems, linguistic forms and other phenomena
of change in an orderly linear form. In this temporal frame of reference, too, persist-
ent, enduring, and unchanging properties of phenomena could be distinguished from
variable ones. What is significant, then, is that anthropology arose and developed
in a culture whose world view embodied the archetype of a conception of human
events in time which differed radically from that of the more ancient civilizations.
In contrast with Greek culture, for example, where the passage of time was con-
ceived as cyclical and not rectilinear, a number of scholars have pointed out that
the Christian world view embodied the notion of a universal history of mankind
moving along a linear course between Creation and the Last Judgment.33 It com-
prised a unique series of historical events which were irreversible. It now appears
that, more and more widely applied and secularized, a linear, rather than a cyclical,
conception of time, vital because it was seen as the ground for the generation of
novel configurations of events and developmental sequences, eventually became
the model in western culture for the interpretation of the dynamics of historical
events in all orders of phenomena.
Since cosmogenesis found its explanation in folk cosmogony, physical science
(mechanics, astronomy) at first, was not a t all concerned with the “history” of the
universe. For Newtonian physics the world was the same today as yesterday and
alRadcliffe-Brown, p. 146.
“See Hallowell, 1960, p. 13-14.
=See, e.g., Brandon, EEade, Peuch, Haber.
.
Butterfield (Man . . , Preface, ix-x) writes: “Philosophy and religion in many parts of the
world, and even in ancient Greece . . . . too often led to the depreciation of history-the feeling that
time’s changes are meaningless, the notion that events move in aimless, ever-recurring cycles . . . ..
Yet the Christian could not turn his back on history, for his very religion was ‘historical’: it was
essential for him to regard Christ as an actual historical figure. I n view of the Incarnation and the
Crucifixion, i t was impossible for him to take the line that events in time are really of no significance
or that history offers the pattern of aimless, repeating cycles. Perhaps it was the pull of the Old
Testament which, in the last resort, kept him close to earth-close to history-when he was in danger
of moving away from reality. Perhaps it was as a result of the influence of the Old Testament, which
began its story of mankind with the Creation, that there developed so remarkably under Christianity
the notion of a ‘universal history’-that is, a single story of all mankind . . . . . Other factors, such as
the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century . , . . . affected the course of historical inquiry,
and in the subsequent period, the growing currency of the idea of progress seemed to give new point,
new meaning, t o history itself-new reason for discovering the course of man’s development in the
antecedent age.” Haher (p. 25) says that it was St. Augustine who placed “the conception on a
unique, concrete, course of time in the mainstream of Christian eschatology”, and if, “in the eighteenth
century, the time scale of Biblical chronology became an onerous barrier to scientific progress, it had
served an heroic role during the Patristic period in establishing the archetype of progress itself which
science so readily borrowed.”
 T H E HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY A S AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 35

in the distant past. Physical science concentrated upon what Simpson has called
immanent, or nonhistorical processes and principles, inherent in the very nature of
matter-energy (gravity, energy, radiation). However, “the actual state of the uni-
verse, or any part of it at a given time, its configuration, is not immanent and is
constantly changing . . . . . . History may be defined as configurational change
through time, a sequence of real, individual, but interrelated events.”34 Simpson
points out that before the eighteenth century most people thought that the con-
figurational aspects of natural phenomena were likewise unchanging (the hills are
LLeverlasting”) both aspects being simply given, “probably by the creative acts of
And, since until Darwin living species were thought to be immutable, each
occupying its assigned niche in the Great Chain of Being, a time dimension in early
observationable and classificatory biology was not of central importance.
What is of special interest historically, and particularly from an anthropological
point of view, are the two main sources from which the knowledge and intellectual
stimulus came which required an explicit differentiation between immanent and
configurational characteristics. These were geology and human history. “No matter
what they thought of causes,11Simpson points out, ‘(the pioneer geologists learned
that the configuration of the earth is constantly changing, that it has a history.
Hence it follows that the structure of the earth-and, by an extension quickly made,
that of the whole physical universe-is not immanent but is at any moment a
transient state within a historical sequence.” And, “in the field of human history,
change in social structure and the human condition were generally evident, so that
a thoroughgoing belief in static configuration was hardly possible to even the earliest
~ ~ a linear conception of a sequence of irreversible events in time
h i s t o ~ i a n s . ” Thus
more and more deeply permeated the thinking of western man not only in the
humanities, but in the physical and biological sciences and the incipient social
sciences from the eighteenth century onward.
While there are traces of cyclical theories in the Middle Ages and later, as a
consequence of the influence of Arabic and Classical learning, they did not prove
viable. In the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries the belief that a general
process of degeneration was taking place had its But, from the seventeenth
century forward, writes Eliade, “linearism and the progressivistic conception of
history assert themselves more and more, inaugurating faith in an infinite progress,
a faith already proclaimed by Leibniz, predominent in the century of ‘enlightenment’
and popularized in the nineteenth century by the triumph of the ideas of the evolu-
ti0nists.”3~It was within the intellectual climate engendered by the early phase of
the conceptualization of the history of man as progressive that the cultural data
already accumulated in the Age of Discovery began to be fitted into this new frame
of universal temporal reference. General stages, or grades, of cultural development
were discerned and articulated, notably by the Scots of the eighteenth century, in
terms of “conjectural h i ~ t 0 r y . l ’ Associated
~~ with the reconstruction of cultural
stages in the development of mankind, without the benefit of prehistoric archaeology,
___
”Simpson, 1964, p. 122 in chapter 7, “The Historical Factor in Science.”
“Simpson, 1960, p. 118.
a9Tbid, p. 118.
a7SeeHarris and Hodgen, p. 263 8.
**Eliade,pp. 145-146.
8gSee Bryson. The term “conjectural history” was introduced by Dugald Stewart.
36 A . IRVING HALLOWELL

we find the emergence of the ‘(comparativemethod” in its earliest form.40 Although

used by, and sometimes identified with, nineteenth century anthropologists it was
far from being original with them. I n fact, Auguste Comte (1798-1857) considered
it integral t o his positive philosophy and sociological method. A whole constellation
of ideas, too, which defined a distinctive level of primitive mentality-a child-like
quality, a concrete rather than an abstract mode of thought, a capacity for myth
making, with even a tincture of madness-not only antedate organized anthro-
pological inquiry, but date back to the earliest phase of the progressive philosophy
of human de ~elo p men t.~ l
By the time the question of the mutability of species had been settled by
Darwin in the middle of the nineteenth century, all human phenomena could be
considered diachronically in a linear scheme of temporal reference. The Biblical
age of the World had been transcended and the way was cleared for a more objective
approach to anthropogensis, and an increasing precision in ordering and inter-
preting human phenomena in time and space.
All I have tried to do here is to give emphasis to the fact th a t the events and
conditions which led up to the period when anthropological questions became the
concern of specialists and organized disciplines, require exploration as a n anthro-
pological problem-as a significant chapter in man’s pursuit of knowledge about
himself as part of his cultural adaptation. At the same time, this chapter in man’s
history in western culture is as much a part of the history of anthropology as the
subsequent chapters concerned with the techniques, methodologies, concepts and
theories developed. The primary historical question is not when anthropology be-
gan but, how did it come about %hat in western culture thinkers were increasingly
motivated, not only to search for more reliable knowledge about their surrounding
world, but t o intensify their efforts t o collect and analyze data that would provide
more and more reliable answers to anthroplogical questions. Even a superficial
consideration of this problem directs attention to distinctive features of western
culture, to unique historical events, which made the rational and empirical study
of man possible in a manner unparalleled in any other culture: the expansion of the
European peoples beginning with the Age of Discovery, the development of modern
science as a rational approach to the study of phenomena which transcends folk
knowledge on all fronts. Furthermore, Butterfield has stressed the fact th a t “we
do not always remember that it [western civilization] is similarly distinguished for
its ‘historical mindedness’ . . . . . For a long time we have been coming to realize that
we must study the history of science if we wish to understand the character and
development of our civilization. We have been much slower in realizing the im-
portance of the history of history.JJ42 We have been even slower in undertaking the
‘OFor the seventeenth and eighteenth century use of the comparative method see Bock and
Teggart (pp. 92s.).
“‘See Manuel pp. 43-44;141-142. Fontenelle (1657-1757) “revived the Augustinian analogy be-
tween the history of mankind and the development of the child t o maturity, and envisioned the
historical process as the gradual elimination of puerile myth and its replacement by adult mathe-
matical-physical reasoning. Fontenelle defined primitive mentality, but he did not admire it; this was
a stage of human consciousness which mankind was fortunate enough to have outgrown. In com-
paring the ancients, the savages, the peasants, and the children, Fontenelle allowed them the a+
tributes of humanity, even a rudimentary capacity t o reason, but he regarded them as incapable of
exercising those higher powers of abstraction so remarkable concentrated among members of the
French academies. For every event, Fontenelle believed, the primitive like the peasant, demanded a
concrete specific cause.” (p. 44)
42Butterfield, Man . . . . . , New Preface, VII.
 THE HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY A S AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM 37

detailed investigation of the history of the study of man. Yet, it has been in western
culture t ha t man has become most completely aware of his own unique being and
the possibility of making himself the subject of rational objective inquiry. The
historical and cultural factors that led to this type of inquiry are a n important part
of the history of anthropology. However, as Margaret T . Hodgen has observed re-
~ e n t l ywe
, ~ have
~ not yet probed far enough, nor deeply enough into the past. Partic-
ularly at a time, too, when there is such an upsurge of interest in the history of
science, the history of anthropology should not be viewed as antiquarianism, or
even marginal to current interests. A historical orientation to the development of
anthropological knowledge should provide a point of departure for a sounder ap-
praisal of current trends of thought and further research, as well as clarifying our
professional role in relation to other disciplines concerned with the study of man.

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