Unit 2

Abnormal Psychology

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 Learning outcomes

After studying this unit, you should be able to:

• Differentiate between normal and abnormal behaviour in terms of different
worldviews
• Demonstrate a basic understanding of African epistemologies about mental
disorders
• Identify the models that explain abnormal behaviour.

2.1 Introduction

There is no consensus on what criteria constitute the necessary and sufficient conditions
for defining, and thus properly applying, the term “psychopathology” (Sue, Sue & Sue,
2003). Included are factors such as maladaptiveness (inability to adjust), deviance,
functional impairment, suffering, irrationality, incomprehensibility, loss of control, and the
presence of underlying psychological or biological deviance (Bergner, 1997). Western
conceptualisations of psychopathology seem to rest on normal versus abnormal
functioning. The terms “typical” and “atypical” form part of the psychological definition of
normal and abnormal behaviour. Any behaviour that is not typical or usual (i.e.,
uncommon behaviour) is, by definition, abnormal. Table 2.1 outlines the differences
between normal and abnormal behaviour.

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Table 2.1

Normal versus abnormal behaviour from a Western worldview

Source: www.slideshare.net/innkblotz/defining-abnormality-1997590

The most common method used to clinically diagnose mental health conditions is the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) of Mental Disorders (APA, 2000). This
classification system was first published in 1952 by the American Psychiatric
Association (APA) and became the dominant classification scheme for mental disorders
around the world and even in South Africa. This classification system has been revised
a few times and sequentially included DSM-I in 1968, DSM-II in 1980, DSM-III in
1987,DSM-IV_TR in 1994, and the latest, fifth edition DSM-V in 2013 which is slightly
different to DSM-IV_TR. The fourth edition was a multi-axial system which evaluates the
individual on 5 axes or dimensions and facilitated a comprehensive and systematic
evaluation (see Fig. 2.1). The current fifth edition discarded the multiaxial system of
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diagnosis (formerly Axis I, Axis II, and Axis III) listing them under one section. Axis IV
and Axis V have been replaced and listed as psychosocial and contextual features.

To address the observation that specific populations exhibit discrete syndromes,

differing vastly from the clinical picture of typical syndromes, the DSM-IV-TR added a
new spectrum of disorders called culture-bound syndromes (APA, 2000). The DSM-IV-
TR, for example, makes references to the ways in which various cultures and identity-
related factors influence the manifestation of certain disorders (Canino & Algería, 2008).
There are a few changes that can be seen or noted with the introduction of DSM-V
(APA, 2013). For example, in an effort to improve diagnoses for people of different
cultural backgrounds, the DSM-V incorporates greater cultural sensitivity in the manual,
culture-bound syndromes, cross-cultural variations in the manner in which disorders
manifest as well as cultural concepts of distress (American Psychiatric Association,
2013). Thus, also indicating that mental disorders are culture-bound and contextual.
This means that in studying human behaviour, we have to be mindful of different
cultures and communities in which mental disorders manifest since the etiology can be
contextual and culture-bound. Further, understanding mental disorders from a cultural
perspective advances better identification and diagnosis of symptoms and also paves a
way for effective treatment or ways in which the affected communities can respond to
the diagnosis. Despite the attempt by the DSM-V to be culture-sensitive, it falls short of
delving into culture-specific and varied mental disorders and largely views culture using
western lenses. Thus, negating an essential part in conceptualising mental health from
an insider’s viewpoint.

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Figure 2.1 DSM-IV multi-axial system.

Source: https:// www.slideserve.com/gilead/abnormal-psychology

When we study psychology our aim is to understand human behaviour and thus to
improve our understanding of people. This understanding helps us in our everyday
interactions and dealings with others. As we interact with individuals from various cultural
backgrounds we make assumptions about them, thus we need to be aware of the etics
(universal truths or principles which appear consistent across different cultures) and
emics (findings that appear to be culture specific) in our truths (Jardine, 2004). Put simply,
an etic view of a culture is the perspective of an outsider looking in, whereas, an emic
view is a focus on the intrinsic cultural distinctions that are meaningful to members of a
given society, an insider’s perspective. This means that when studying human behaviour,

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and by extension mental illness, some psychologists use a cross-cultural perspective
which attempts to understand a phenomenon across various cultures in order to
universalise conclusions about human behaviour (etic approach). Contrary, other
psychologists use a culture-specific perspective to understand mental illness (emic
approach). The conclusions drawn from the emic approach are only applicable and
relevant to the context in which observations were made. Other scholars advocate for a
blended approach (combing etic and emic approaches) to enhance a better
understanding of human behaviour and mental illness. This is important because a
blended approach help psychologists understand and interpret behaviours from an
overarching and comprehensive viewpoint.

Research conducted by Draguns and Tanaka-Matsumi (2003) demonstrates a link

between culture and psychopathology, and identifies relationships between psychological
distress and cultural features. To better understand how culture influences mental illness,
three main theoretical positions from a cross-cultural approach are used: universalistic,
relativistic and absolutist perspectives (Hassim, 2013). Universalistic perspectives are
etic in nature in that they signify an explanation of encounters independent of the attached
connotations. That is, the universalistic view acknowledges culture through the
supposition that specific behaviours or mental illnesses are common to all people, but
that the development, expression and response to the condition are influenced by culture
(Eshun & Gurung, 2019). Classification manuals such as the DSM-V and ICD10 (the
World Health Organisation’s (WHO) International Classification of Diseases (ICD)) fall
under the universalistic approach because they assume that the Western understanding
of syndromes can be applied to all contexts. The relativistic perspective is based on the
notion that mental illness should be understood through the context of a particular
behavioural norm within a specific culture. According to the relativistic perspective,
classification schemes like the DSM-V give culture a very restricted position in diagnoses,
leading to a category fallacy and unfair homogeneity in pathology across cultures
(Kleinman & Kleinman, 1991). According to Wakefield, Pottick and Kirk (2002) the idea
that the pathology lies within a person is strongly contested by relativists. The absolutist
perspective assumes that culture does not play any role in the expression of behaviour.

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That is, the presentation, manifestation and implications of psychological distress are the
same, regardless of culture (Eshun & Gurung, 2019). Thus, trivialising the role of culture
in shaping human behavioural manifestations.

The African worldview of psychopathology promotes a culture-specific method of

understanding mental illness which opposes the universalistic and absolutist approaches.
The universalistic approach does not acknowledge the existence of cultural differences
and other factors that make one culture distinct from others, while the absolutist approach
does not recognise the role of culture in shaping behaviour. In the following sections, we
discuss mental illness or psychopathology as understood from the African perspective.
We do this by adopting a somewhat relativistic approach since we regard mental illness
as a complex concept that cannot be simplified through adopting the biased lenses of the
universalistic and absolutist approaches. Instead, we regard mental illness as a broader
concept that can be understood relatively to a particular frame of reference such as the
cultural context.

2.2 Normal and abnormal behaviour

African people’s worldviews are based on societal and cosmological relationships. African
people have a strong understanding of respect for self, others, and all of nature, especially
the land, trees, and water (Mbiti, 1969). This explains why land remains such a thorny
issue in Africa. When one thinks of mental illness in the African context, one must think
about the loss of land, which rid people of control over what they produce and consume.
This loss of land also meant people lost a sense of their healing systems, which were
primarily reliant on nature. People could no longer access the forests for medicinal plants,
and the rivers and mountains no longer served the healing purpose they did prior to
colonisation. This resulted in disharmony between nature and the people. Before
colonisation, indigenous peoples treated illness by relying on their cultural belief systems.
Any behaviour that fell outside of the expected cultural norms, was considered abnormal.

In contrast to the Western concept of psychological wellbeing, which focuses on the

individual, wellbeing from an African perspective encompasses the individual's physical,

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spiritual and social dimensions. Traditional African psychopathology defines dysfunction
as a state of collective and individual imbalance, especially regarding differences in the
community, and physical and social functioning (Kwate, 2005). That includes
disharmonious and fractured social and spiritual relationships. Disharmonious
relationships with the spiritual world, nature, family and community, are believed to cause
people to suffer ill health. Any disturbed relationship with the above critical entities creates
an uneasy imbalance, which is expressed in the form of physical problems such as illness,
or mental problems (Nwoye, 2015).

Wellbeing, from an African perspective, encompasses the physical, spiritual, and social
dimensions of an individual. Many cultures experience psychopathology and disease, but
according to the African perspective, the cause is thought to exist outside of a person’s
control. In African cultures, control belongs to invisible beings such as God, the ancestors,
and/or spirits (Santino, 1985). According to Hammond-Tooke (1989), the spirits of the
departed are believed to look after the best interests of their descendants but, at the same
time, can also send them illness and misfortune when moved to wrath. Abnormal
behaviours such as alcoholism, drug abuse and addiction, constant and unresolved
conflicts in relationships, and women’s barrenness, to name but a few, are attributed to
external forces. Since the spiritual dimension foregrounds African existence, the
ancestors play a critical role in people’s lives. The ancestors, who are known to be people
who once lived, are able to provide guidance and healing to those still in the earthly
dimension. They are referred to as baholo (in Sesotho) or abantu abadala in the Nguni
languages. The ancestors are thus the ancients with whom life is shared. You may not
be familiar with the terms baholo/abantu abadala because the commonly used words
these days are:

• Midzimu (TshiVenda)
• Badimo (Sesotho languages)
• Iminyanya (isiXhosa)
• Amadlozi (isiZulu)

Task 1

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 In a discussion forum on myUnisa with your e-Tutor, reflect with your peers how
these terms are defined in your own language.

NB: Please note that it is compulsory for you to have these discussions.

An important aspect to note, is how the speakers of isiZulu also refer to amadlozi as
abaphansi (those who reside below the surface). That concept draws from the same
understanding that life is like a seed – it emerges from the ground. It also means that, in
African cosmology, the ancestors are like roots to which those who are still on the earthly
plane, are attached. The view is that any detachment from the roots cause will illnesses
of a “mental-spiritual” nature – we use this term for lack of an expression of the
interconnectedness between the mental and spiritual realms. According to Nwoye (2015),
mental illness is not just seen as an illness, but also as a carrier of messages that must
first be decoded. This means that when the elders are faced with abnormal behaviour,
they look beyond the presenting problem.

2.3 African epistemologies in relation to mental disorders

The concept of umntu/motho/muthu

The traditional African perspective takes a holistic view of wellbeing, in that minimal
distinction is made between physical and mental functioning. There is a strong belief in
the unity of spirit, mind, and matter. This implies that, in terms of this perspective, the
physical and psychosocial systems are interconnected, and changes in one system
inevitably bring about changes in all others. Traditional African views on illness, mental
illness, and health in general are therefore holistic, and cosmological in emphasis.
Africans do not distinguish between the individual and the group, and recognise that
social factors play a major role in the causation, maintenance, or cure of abnormality.

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Traditionally, Africans believe that mental disorders occur with a particular intention, and
that the causes can be identified (Beuster, 1997). Within the African perspective,
disorders are grouped into two categories, in line with their perceived causal factors. A
distinction is made between umkhuhlane (diseases/infections caused by natural factors)
and ukufa kwabantu (disorders caused by supernatural factors or the ancestors).

These disorders are “diseases of the African people” – in other words, the diseases and
symptoms are associated with Africans, and their interpretation is bound up with African
views on health and disease. Such diseases can best be explained by animistic theories
which ascribe disorders to the dissatisfaction or anger of some personalised,
supernatural agent such as a spirit, god, or ancestor. This is expressed in the sayings
abaphansi basifulathele and badimo ba re furaletse, which mean that the ancestral spirits
have withdrawn their protection. Ukuthwasa refers to a “creative illness” following the
calling by the ancestral spirits to become a diviner, or to a religious conversion experience
(Murdock et al., 1980, p. 19, cited in Vilakazi, 1997).

Badimo (Sesotho) or amadlozi (isiZulu) are the living spirits of the deceased. The
ancestors are believed to be benevolent creatures that preserve the honour, traditions,
and good name of a tribe. They invariably play a significant role in maintaining mental
health, as they protect against evil and destructive forces. According to African beliefs,
ancestors are “like angels” who serve as intermediaries between the people and their
creator (God). The ancestors maintain intimate relationships with their families, and their
primary concern is the welfare of their descendants (Ngubane, 1977).

The ancestors punish their kin in situations where they are disappointed or angered.
The disorder or misfortune sent by the ancestors serves as a warning to amend one’s
behaviour and follow the culturally prescribed code of conduct. The ancestors also cause
mental and physical suffering if important rituals and customs concerning critical life
events are either neglected or incorrectly carried out.

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To avoid punishment, extensive birth, initiation, marriage and death rites must be
performed (Beuster, 1997). These rites were prescribed in the distant past by African
people who trusted in, and were grateful to, their ancestors. It is still believed that if these
rites are not performed, the spirits of the ancestors will show their disapproval in no
uncertain terms through visitations on their offspring, which may take the form of ill
health, misfortune, a lack of material resources, or even the death of a family member
(Gumede, 1990).

The ancestors also make demands on their kin in that they have to be appeased regularly
through offerings of animal sacrifices and sorghum beer. They also need to be informed
of new developments in the family. If the demands of the ancestors are ignored protection
will be withdrawn, and physical or mental disorders can occur. Since the ancestral spirits
are believed to play a significant role in the causation of illness, it is also believed that
they, and God, have the strength to decide whether or not to cure someone (Gumede,
1990).

Traditional Africans believe that malicious people such as witches and sorcerers can
cause mental disorders, via supernatural means. These types of disorder can best be
explained by magical theories which attribute mental disorders to the covert actions of
malice and jealousy on the part of humans, who magically cause injury through sorcery
and witchcraft. Idliso/sejeso refers to poisoning which is attributed to sorcery.

The African understanding of illness is based on how Africans conceptualise

umntu/motho which we earlier defined as being not just a biological denotation, but that
which is earthed by spiritual forces and guided through life by the cultural prescripts of
isintu. Every human being has relatives, living or dead. Every human being encounters
and experiences nature in some way, be it as rain, trees, or the like. No one is an island
entire of him/herself. As the Basotho say, motho ke motho ka batho (I am because we
are), or “a person exists because others exist”. A person is viewed in terms of the whole
of his/her community; priority is thus given to interpersonal relations. Let us revisit the
ubuntu concept of Umntu ngumtu ngabantu (Nguni) and Muthu ndi muthu nga vhathu
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(Tshivenda), which mean “I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am”, to
re-emphasise the critical role the community is expected to play in the wellness of its
members. Thus, in principle, the community is responsible for the wellbeing of all its
members.

From an African perspective, conflicts in interrelationships, killing animals that the

community consider sacred, or cutting down sacred trees may cause an individual,
family or community some health problems. A psychologically unhealthy person is
therefore that individual who lives in disharmony with the forces of nature. From a
traditional African perspective, ill health is manifested in physical disease
(microbiological infection) or psychological-mental illness, as well as a breakdown in the
social and spiritual mechanisms of the individual and the community. The
interconnectedness of the natural and unnatural phenomena world and spirituality are
two significant aspects of the traditional African worldview which deals with ill health, the
causes thereof, and healing. Ill health, from an African perspective, accrues from
multiple reasons (mostly external). These external causes identify humans, the
supernatural and ancestral spirits as agents of disease of various kinds. According to
Sogolo (1993), if an African is involved in an adulterous act with his brother’s wife,
whether or not this act is detected, he undergoes stress which disturbs his social
harmony. If he cheats his neighbour, is cruel to his family or offends his community, the
anxiety that follows may take the form of phobias, as a result of bewitchment or an
affliction with some disease. According to the Sotho people, a widow who fails to carry
out cultural prescriptions – not wearing mourning clothes for a prescribed period of time,
not avoiding contact with men during a prescribed period, and coming home late after
sunset before a prescribed mourning period has elapsed (ho bula thapo) – is bound to
suffer from a physical condition called mashwa. Mashwa is also a general label used for
any disorder with bodily manifestations, which are assumed to have at least a partial
cognitive and emotional aetiology, that is, bodily manifestations that are to some extent
psychological in Western terminology. For example, the guilt and worries of not
adhering to these cultural norms will make the individual sick, either mentally or
physically, or both. In a nutshell, the interconnectedness of the phenomenal and

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spiritual worlds (discussed above) conceptualises psychopathology from the
perspective of psycho-behavioural modalities such as collectiveness, sameness, and
commonality. The ethos of this view rests on ensuring survival for the tribe, and the
individual being one with nature.

For interest: Covid-19 has put the world at risk of complicated or prolonged grief
(Goveas & Shear, 2021; Johns, Blackburn & McAuliffe, 2020; Tang, Cheung & Xiang,
2021). For instance, due to the enacted regulations, people could not perform death-
related cultural practices on their loved ones, or properly bury a deceased. Many of the
traditional ways in which people grieve were denied them, and the bereaved were left
without the option of creating new experiences and social connections after a loss. This
not only tampered with traditional grieving processes, but also made it difficult for
families to find closure.

Task 2

In a discussion forum on myUnisa with your e-Tutor, reflect with your peers on
psychopathology and think of other examples of psychopathology that may arise
from pandemics or universal stressors.

NB: Please note that it is compulsory for you to have these discussions.

2.4 Models that explain abnormal behaviour

Causes of illness

In lands that have undergone colonial disruptions, it is not uncommon to have a society
subjected to energy imbalances that cause illness. As alluded to in the preceding
sections, colonisation resulted in cultural misorientation, which affected people’s
personalities and ways of relating to themselves and others. The societal changes that
the colonisers imposed caused a misalignment with which the colonised are still grappling
to this day. Their altered ways of life have forced them to exist in dissonance (see earlier
reference to the double consciousness affect isemo/semo sabo – their psychological
state). As such, many have resorted to unhealthy behaviours that numb their feelings of
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misalignment. Their relationship with materiality, food, and those around them has been
disrupted. Arguably, that is the reason for many of the illnesses prevalent in today’s
society. Colonialism distorted indigenous people’s relationship with their bodies and their
communities. Their bodies were suddenly portrayed as sources of labour and symbols of
everything bad (their skin colour determined their position in society). Their relations with
the community became increasingly individualistic, mirroring the Western lifestyle.
According to Manganyi (1973), these changes also led to an altered value system. Black
people started to adopt a materialistic approach to objects (an approach which is typical
of individualistic societies). The relationship to materialism, which was imposed by
colonial individualism, was not deemed healthy for black people, who were deprived of
many privileges. As Manganyi (1973) states, under normal conditions, people relate to
material objects based on both their attractiveness and utility value, but this is violated
when those people have been robbed of their dignity, self-respect, and spirituality. Their
sense of being-in-the-world-with-objects becomes distorted, and they tend to validate
themselves in terms of (external) possessions. Naim Akbar (1981) expands on this notion,
stating that this evaluation of material wealth and worth in terms of material possessions
are indications of the assimilation of the Western value system, and a denial of historical
factors which have led to people’s dehumanisation. Another consequence of being a
dehumanised subject is what Akbar (1981) coins “anti-self-attitude”. This describes the
attitude displayed by individuals who are motivated by the desire for approval from the
white population. Their behaviour is mainly influenced by this desire, and their standards
are based on what is deemed acceptable by white society. Notably, they tend to be more
critical of members of their own population group. Another important consequence of
being dehumanised, is self-destructiveness. According to Akbar (1981), this entails
engaging in self-defeating activities, resulting from the frustrations of existing in a
systematically oppressive society. Behaviours such as substance abuse and criminal
activities could be associated with individuals suffering from self-destructiveness.

Colonial dehumanisation has even resulted in a distorted understanding of what is

fundamentally wrong. Often, illnesses are perceived from a surface level, and symptoms

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are treated, instead of dealing with the source. African cosmology is founded on the total
healing of the environment that permeates illnesses, not just the symptoms of the illness.

2.4.1 Healing: Ukuva/Ho utlwa

Africans believe illness is a consequence of disharmony, resulting from a misalignment

between the body and the psyche. In the healing process, efforts are focused on
realigning the person to his/her whole self. This realignment centres on the sense called
ukuva/ho utlwa, which can be loosely translated as ‘to hear’, but it is more about feeling
than audition; hence feelings are referred to as maikutlo (Sesotho) or imizwa (isiZulu).
Maikutlo/imizwa (feelings) are defined as that which you hear/feel when listening to your
psyche/soul, or that which your psyche/soul communicates with you. As such, Africans
encourage people to take time to ukuzimamela (isiXhosa) or o aimamela (Sesotho), which
means taking time to listen to oneself. This is a diagnostic activity and an illustration that
African Psychology is embedded in culture. In African cosmology, a healthy person is
expected to be in conversation with his/her psyche/soul at all times. Hence, when
someone is not feeling well, they say andiziva kakuhle/ha ke ikutlwe hantle, meaning
something has interrupted the connection between the individual and his/her psyche/soul.
Healing involves returning a person to the state of ukuziva kakuhle, which involves
hearing oneself again, or realigning one’s body to one’s psyche/soul. We wish to clarify
that African spirituality is not delinked from the body. As mentioned earlier, the body is
simply the physical part of the spirit, since ukumila is essence immersing itself with flesh.

The realignment of the body with the soul necessitates the involvement of the whole
family, including one’s ancestors. This is usually achieved through family/clan-specific
rituals, as each clan is believed to carry its own medicine, dispensed through its own
unique rituals. Only when the matter is beyond the comprehension of the family, are
diviners consulted.

Ukuva/ho utlwa is an all-encompassing sense, as is evident in the use of the term to

describe various other senses such as taste, hearing, and physical sensation. This means

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that African cosmology requires a person to be in touch with the inner conversation with
which the psyche/soul is constantly engaged.

Members of South African black communities often experience an unusual problem

during episodes of illness: they are faced with a choice between consulting a Western or
a traditional health care system, or some combination of the two. Urbanisation,
industrialisation and other social forces have brought about a more rational and
individualised lifestyle which, in many ways, contrasts with Africans’ group-oriented,
traditional lifestyle (Vilakazi, 1997). This dramatic change has resulted in experiences of
uncertainty, confusion and conflict about whether to follow Western or traditional
approaches to healing. The problem of choice is often worsened by deficiencies in (and
the associated inability of) the modern health care system to solve prevalent health
problems. People therefore often turn to the traditional health care system as an
alternative (Staugaard, 1991). The Western approach is disease oriented, thus a patient
who adopts this approach is inclined to focus on the symptoms, and consequently places
less emphasis on social issues; s/he is also more rational and makes decisions on his/her
own, without needing consensus or support from family members. The traditional
approach, by contrast, is socially oriented in its interpretation of health and illness, and
requires consensus among all concerned about what constitutes both health, and
abnormal symptoms/signs (Helms, 1990 in Vilakazi, 1997). In a multicultural society such
as South Africa, the challenge facing many therapists is how to work with people from
diverse cultural backgrounds. As most mainstream psychology is based on Western
philosophy and principles, how would you, as a Western-trained therapist, treat a
culturally different client who believes that (a) his/her mental problems are due to spirit
possession, (b) only a traditional healer with supernatural powers can deal with the
problem, and (c) a cure can be effected via a formal ritual and a journey into the spirit
world?

As an example, Draguns and Tanaka-Matsumi (2003) suggest that the African population
exhibits depressed states via general physical complaints. That is, African patients
frequently present with symptoms of pain, to communicate their depressed state.
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Depending on the cultural influences in operation, depression is often reported as a
psychological representation (e.g., guilt) or a physical complaint (e.g., a headache)
(Trujillo, 2008). Discussing deep-seated emotional trauma is perceived to be threatening
for many African patients. The discomfort of sharing private experiences with an outsider
in an unfamiliar venue leaves the patient feeling vulnerable. Often, presenting somatic
complaints appears to be less threatening, because the symptoms are related to the outer
self (Draguns &Tanaka-Matsumi, 2003). While these dynamics may be true for many
patients in general, one wonders about the difficulty some African patients experience in
dealing with the woundedness of the inner world.

This leads to a discussion on the concept of empathy, which is the ability to understand
and share the feelings of others. It begins with mirroring behaviours, such as yawning
when someone else yawns, or feeling sad or happy in the presence of others who express
these emotions strongly. When empathy expands to feeling another person's feelings as
if they were your own, this, in turn, encourages sharing and generosity, ultimately
resulting in a more equitable distribution of food and resources within a group. From an
African perspective, empathy is derived from the word ukuva, and ukuvelana is taken to
move beyond empathy as it is understood in the Western worldview to encompass the
reciprocal, with such reciprocity being communicated by the suffix ‘-ana’. It not only
requires the therapist to put him/herself in the client’s shoes, but to become umntu (that
person). That means, as therapists we are in conversation with the people and everything
they bring to the table. The healing relationship is not hierarchical: as a therapist you are
not just the expert bringing the healing, but the situation engulfs you, and you come to
understand the client’s situation from his/her level. In our healing, a healer is on a constant
frequency of humility, because s/he needs to be within reach of those whom s/he is called
to serve.

2.4.2 Misconceptions about illness and African healing

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Colonial demonisation and distortions of African cultures have resulted in many
misconceptions about African people’s conceptualisations of illness and healing. Much of
what passes for indigenous knowledge on these subjects, is in fact a distortion. For
example, some scholars believe in the concept of “angry ancestors” who punish their kin
by sending out illness and disharmony. Such myths have unfortunately been adopted as
truths by many indigenous people. With the culture of commodification, where indigenous
healing has been turned into a money-making business, many indigenous people fall into
the trap of spending vast sums of money on practices meant to appease the “angry
ancestors”. This has led to the further demonisation of African practices. For that reason,
it is important to be cautious about any information which is disseminated on indigenous
healing practices.

Individuals are carriers of culture, and their behaviour and interaction with others are
influenced by the beliefs, customs, thought patterns and symbolism of their community
(Schlebusch, Wessels & Rzadkowolsky, 1990). As such, individuals have to be viewed
within their cultural context. All individuals exist in their own cultures, with their own
cultural backgrounds, and thus tend to see things against that background. Culture
therefore acts as a filter not only when we perceive things, but also when we are thinking
about (and interpreting) events. All cultures experience psychopathology (Draguns &
Tanaka-Matsumi, 2003). In mental health, an understanding of culture is critical for
accurate and complete diagnoses, as well as psychiatric treatment. This is because
psychopathology and culture are intertwined (Sam & Moreira, 2012). People gain insight
into how to build systems to process and integrate psychological suffering as a result of
culture.

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 References

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