Appropriating the State on the Council Estate

Author(s): Daniel Miller

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Jun., 1988), pp. 353-372
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 APPROPRIATING THE STATE ON
THE COUNCIL ESTATE

DANIEL MILLER
CollegeLondon
University

This articleis concernedwiththenatureofconsumptionin an industrialsociety.It investigates

the mannerin which tenantson a London Council Estate have decoratedand alteredtheir
kitchens.Strikingdifferences in the abilityof tenantsto appropriatefacilitiesprovidedby the
council are consideredin relationto gender,ethnicityand otherfactors.Such a perspective
thedialecticalnatureofgendercategoriesundercertainconditions.Italso highlights
illustrates the
dynamicpotentialoflong-termconsumptionas an arenathroughwhichsocial groupsattemptto
transform alienablegoods intoinalienableculture,butareoftenunableto accomplishthisgoal.

Introduction:
thetheoretical
background
The key analyticaltermsto be employed in this articleare alienationand
appropriation.These are derivedfroma considerableliteraturewithinwhich
anthropologists have attemptedto utiliseconceptswhich arose out of critical
debatesas to thenatureof industrialsocietiesand applythemto smaller-scale
communities.A keypointofdeparturehas been Thegift by Mauss (1954), from
which a polarityhas been developedbetween'commodity'societies,used to
exemplifythestateofalienation,and 'gift'societies,usedto characterise thestate
ofinalienability
(e.g. GregoryI 982).
This polarityhasbeenmostmarkedin writingson thePacificwherea seriesof
recentanalyseshave followed fromSahlins's representation (1974: I49-83),
followingMauss, of culturalstrategiesas a formof pre-emptivestrikeagainst
thepossibilityof alienation(e.g. Munn I977; StrathernI985; WeinerI985). It
would seem worthwhileto utiliseour understanding of suchculturalstrategies
derived fromthe study of non-industrialsocieties,and returnthem to the
context within which the problematicwas firstencountered-to see, for
example,whetherimagesofcultureas inalienability can also be recoveredfrom
ethnographic studywithinan industrialsociety.
In completingthiscircle,a shiftin thefocusof concernseemswarranted.In
Melanesia,theformationof processessuch as genderand exchangeensurethat
objectsare integralto theformationof social relations.By contrast,giventhe
influenceof Marx on this 'expressivist'tradition,the main thrustof social
criticismwithinindustrialcontextshas been levelledagainstconditionswhich
createalienationas estrangementfromthe productsof labour, regardedas
havingbeeninvestedwithaspectsofthesocial beingof theproducer.It should
Mani(N S ) 23, 353-372

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354 DANIEL MILLER

be evidentby theI980's, however,thatthisformofcriticaltheorymaybynow

be anachronistic. The experienceofalienationas estrangement mayencompassa
much widerspectrumof interaction betweensocial groupsand theirreceived
environment thanthatof therelationsofproductionwhichhave been thefocus
of conventionalsocialism.Withinan industrialcontext,the veryscale of the
institutions whichconstructand distribute itsproductsmay makealienationan
intrinsiccondition.In such circumstanceswhat must be looked for are not
'pre-emptivestrikes',but rathera responsein the formof an appropriation,
understoodas a re-socialisation, oftheartefactual environment.
The problem of housing, which provides the backgroundto my study,
exemplifiesthecomplexityof thecurrentrelationship betweensocietyand its
artefacts. housing,despiteitspoliticalappeal,is neverlikelytobe more
Self-built
thana minority possibility,unlesswe wantto renewtheentirehousingstockat
veryshortintervals.A theoryofhousingtherefore has to be largelya theoryof
consumption.The distributive mechanisms-thatis, themarketand thestate
-are clearlyproblematiccandidatesas thedirectsourceofsocial identification
or affective community.This meansthatwhetheras counciltenantsor owner
occupiers, households are likely to receive theirbuilt environmentas the
ofa
product system which would notbe regardedas an investment oftheirsocial
If
being. they areto develop their as
self-conception householdsand neighbour-
hoods it mustbe throughsome formof consumptionas appropriation, though
theirpossibilitiesof accomplishingthis task may well be coloured by their
consumptionstatus.
The aim ofthisarticleaboutworkon thehomeas consumptionis therefore to
excavatethenatureofthevalue whichconfirmssuchlabouras a social activity.
This is notsome absolutequalitybutratherderivesfromtheparticularposition
of consumptionin the contextof more generalcharacterisations of industrial
society. Our currentnotion of consumersis extremelyconstraining,used
mainlyin relationto the purchaseof commoditiesor of statusin respectto
ownership,and the connotationsare generallynegative,a degenerationfrom
the previousstateof 'users' (e.g. R. WilliamsI980). There is a considerable
literatureon what is wroingwith consumption,but verylittleabout what an
activitywhichis integralto all industrialsocietiesoughtto be like. Consump-
tionmay,however,be reformulated in value-relatedtermsas an ideal. One such
model mightinvolve a process by which social groups are formedaround
activitiesthroughwhich theyattempt(with variabledegrees of success) to
renderwhatis inevitablymetas alienatingwhenreceivedthroughthedistribu-
tive institutionsof the nation-state,into inalienableculture (Miller I987:
I78-2I7). Our concernshould therefore be increasingly with the mannerby
which relationsof productionand distributioncontributeor constrainthis
projectof consumptionas theconstruction ofinalienability.
The particularsubjectof thisanalysisis an aspectof thebuiltenvironment in
Britain.At thepresenttimethereare manyincentivesto establishingalterna-
tives to the dual means of housing distributionwith theirconsequence of
potentialalienationofsectionsofour own societyfromtheenvironment which
theyoccupy. These are a strongcentralist planningbureaucracywhichduring
the period of high modernismappearsto have alienatedthe recipientsof this

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 DANIEL MILLER 355

aspectofwelfarestatepolicy,and,on theotherhand,a privatehousingmarket,

eitherrentedor, especiallytoday,owner-occupied,whichleaves onlya declin-
ing and clearlyinferior housingsectionto thoseunabletojoin thefray(Labour
Housing Group I984).
In developingsuch alternatives the drivehas been towardsa more partici-
patoryand dynamicrelationshipbetweenplannersand consumers,including
different formsof collectiveownershipand communityconstruction(such as
housing co-operatives)or possibilitiesof self-buildand self-control.These
changesare associatedwithgroupsas diverseas thefarleftand themonarchy
(McDonald I986; Ward I985). Recentacademicwritingon thesetrends(e.g.
SaundersI984; P. Williams1986) oftenemploysterminologysuch as 'aliena-
tion', 'affectivecommunity',and most recently'ontologicalsecurity'which
evokesa processbeyondtheconstruction ofhousingandimpliesa concernwith
the subsequentrelationshipbetween the housing and its occupants. Here,
however,researchis relativelysparse.Therehave been participant observation
projectson housingestates(e.g. AndrewsI979) buttheorientation has been to
the public domain and theemergenceof phenomenasuch as tenants'associa-
tionsor the use of public facilities.The problemforresearchis thatonce the
buildingsare completemostof theactiontakesplace in thatratherinaccessible
areabehindthefrontdoors.
Such information as is availableabout thislong-termrelationshipis mainly
gleanedfromparticularsymptoms,suchas theincidenceofvandalism,cases of
depression,differential districthousepricesandso forth.Often,however,thisis
relatedto specificgroups withinthe mass and it is hard to gauge the actual
heterogeneity, somethingwhichemergesstronglyfromresearchsuchas Tony
Parker'sinterview-based accountof a London estate,publishedas Thepeopleof
providence (I983). There have also been a seriesof user studies,usuallyunder-
takenaftera relativelyshortperiodofoccupationand concernedlargelywiththe
functionalsuccessof specificdesignfeatures(e.g. DOE I972, thoughsee also
Darke I984). Exceptions have been studiesbased on the transformation of
buildingformsin a wide varietyofsocial contexts,suchas King's researchinto
thedevelopmentofthebungalow(I984), and a studyoftheappropriation ofLe
Corbusier's'village'ofLe Pressac(Boudon I972) (thoughthisis a ratheratypical
case).

Descriptionoffieldwork Londonestate
ina north
The materialwhichformsthebasis of thisstudyis takenfroma singlecouncil
estatein northLondon. This estatewas builtin theearlyI970's and consistsof
blocks. It clearlyexhibitsthe 'streetsin the air'
flatsin low-rise,high-density
philosophyof deck-accessblocks currenta decade earlier,a reflectionof the
extendedperiodbetweeninitialplanningand completion.The estatewas locally
consideredunfavourablyas againstalternative estatesin the area. The atmos-
pherewas generallyunfriendly and it was known locallyas a 'valium' estate.
The initial settlementbased on the firstphase of building was relatively
successfulwith a dynamictenants'association,many of the tenantscoming

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356 DANIEL MILLER

froma nearbyarea,butas theestategrewto thepresentsize ofover300 flatsand

maisonettesconflictsemergedespeciallyover noise and fightsbetweenestate
children,who wereshortofplay areas.The tenants'associationfoldedand did
not ariseagain fora decade. Tenantsnotedthelargenumberof pettyquarrels
between neighboursbut on the other hand consideredit a relativelynon-
violent'safe' area,and some at leastsuggestedthatitsnegativereputationwas
'undeserved'.
I interviewedfortytenants(thiswas aroundI3 per cent.of thetotal,in flats
rangingfrombedsitters to threebedrooms).Thirty-four ofthemallowed me to
photographthekitcheninteriors in thestatetheyhappenedto be in at thetime.
The majorityofthesehouseholdswereeitheroriginaltenants' or hadlivedon the
estatefora decadeormore;onlya fifth had beenlessthanfiveyearson theestate.
The interviewsconcentrated on basicbackgroundinformation aboutthehouse-
hold and questionsregardingthekitchen,includingdetailsaboutpatternsofuse
and decorationsuchas how individualmembersof thehouseholdregardedthe
kitchenand whatactivitiestheyassociatedwithit,thepatternofvisits,attitudes
to the estate, and the processes which resultedin the presentpatternof
decorations.The informationI obtainedwas therefore kitchen-based,but as
notedin theMass Observationstudyof I94I-2, kitchenswere thekey deter-
minateof generalhousingsatisfaction (I943: 55), and remarksto thateffect
are
commonfromhousewivestoday'.
Wherepossibletheinterviewswere relativelyinformalallowinginformants
to raisea varietyof issues,so relativelyfewquantifiableformsof information
weregiven.The aimwas nota formalsamplesurvey,butto considerqualitative
factorsdifficultto expressin languageor to excavatefrompractices,butwhich
might emerge as general trends. Additional backgroundinformationwas
obtainedfrominterviewswith individualsin a positionto assess the general
social developmentof theestatesuchas a memberof a housingactiongroup,a
caretakerand thehead ofthetenants'association.I did notlive on theestatebut
triedto observepatternsofvisitingand use ofpublicareaswhenpossible.
The intentionof my studywas to examinehow essentiallyidenticalfacilities
providedbythecouncilhavebeendifferentially employedin thelong term.The
tenantsstartedwith the same blank 'canvas' and the data consist of their
self-designover theyears.One possiblefocuscould have been on thesymbol-
ism ofthedecorationsand theprinciplesof'order'established,butin thisarticle
theemphasiswillbe ratheron thedegreeto whicha particularhousehold,faced
withtheprovisionof a rangeof furnishings selectedby thecouncil,appearsto
have engagedin some formof 'appropriation'throughtransformation and the
factorswhichseemedto havefacilitated or constrained suchalterations.Almost
all thekitchenswerebased on one oftwo basic patterns.Most werelong butat
around2.4m widthrathernarrow.They alreadyhad a systemof modernfitted
cupboardsand thenormalplumbingand energysupplies,butall otherfacilities
wereprovidedbythetenants.At thetwo extremestherewerecasesin whichthe
kitchenwas virtuallyunalteredfromitsoriginalstate,as againstcaseswherethe
occupants had thrown out all the fitmentsthey were provided with and
purchaseda commercialfittedkitchen.My aim was to detectpatternsin these
transformations, or lack ofthem,and accountforthem.

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 DANIEL MILLER 357

Therewerelimitsto whatthetenantscoulddo withoutengagingin structural

alterationsgiventhepositionsofcupboardsandenergyandwatersources.They
were modernfittedkitchenswiththeusual worksurfaces and work 'triangle'.
Eatingwithinthekitchenswas difficult becausetheywerelong and narrow;the
three-bedroom maisonetteshada hatchleadingtoan areaof theloungein which
tenantswere expectedto put a table. Obvious subjectsforchangeincludedthe
black lino floor,curtainsand decorations,whitewares (most had purchased
fridges,cookersand washingmachines)and thecupboardswhich,apartfrom
therecentlyinstalledkitchenswhichhad laminatesurfaces,were of wood and
hardboardand requiredpainting.

Somerelevant variables
When conductinga specificanalysiswithinan area such as contemporary
London thereare a vast numberof possiblerelevantvariablesand questions.
Beforeexaminingtheresultsof thisenquiry,severalsuch key areas of debate
maybe verybriefly examined.Councilestates,despiteoftenbeinginspiredby a
varietyof socialistand welfarephilosophies,have commonlybeen regardedas
having failedto promote the intendedsociability.This has been associated
withtenants'consciousnessthattheyaremerelypassiverecipients ofsomething
which theywould otherwisehave wished to have controlover, and indeed
councils have traditionallyimposed tightrestrictionsupon the alterations
occupantsareallowed to maketo theirproperties.
Any evidenceforalienationexpressedin tenants'refusalto feel'at home' as
occupantsmay be associatedwithan antagonismeither-more narrowly-to
thestateas expressedin thecouncil,or-more generally-to theconditionof
classand povertysuchthattenantsfeelthemselvesconceivedofas thesymbolic
'other' to the privatesector. The modernistimage of council housing is a
reflectionof thecontrolexertedby thestatein generaland is a reflectionof the
controlexertedby capitalismover both theworkplaceand thedistribution of
resources(MillerI984).
Generalisationfromthissituation,as foundin currentpoliticaldebates,is
problematic.It should not be assumed that tenancyis some universalistic
condition,or thatprivateownershiphas some necessaryontologicalconse-
quences. In affluentcountriessuchas Sweden, WestGermanyand Switzerland
theproportionofhome ownershipmaybe low and in otherssuchas Canada in
decline (Agnew I98I: 67). It is in Britainin particularthatthis relationship
operates,where the house and gardenhave become an almostuniversalgoal
withina setofrelationshipsbetweenindividualism and thestate,and thecountry
and thecity,whicharehardto assimilateto continental models(see R. Williams
I973).
The focus on the kitchenimplicatesanotherseries of debates around the
natureof housewifery.Therehas been a considerableinterestin thehistoryof
thekitchen,emphasisingon theone handthedevelopmentof domesticscience
and attemptsto constructa setofnormativemodelsforkitchenuse, and on the
otherthelargenumberof alternative and radicalschemeswhichchallengethe

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358 DANIEL MILLER

primacyof the housewife-kitchen relationshipas it has developed (Hayden

I98I). A parallelconcentrationof researchand critiquehas been on theplace of
houseworkas unpaid labour, in which privatedomain the relativelyisolated
housewifeis reducedto a seriesofvicariouspursuits.These ensureherremoval
fromanyof themoreimportantpoliticaland publicdomains,and constructan
elaboratesub-cultureof women's domesticaffairsfosteredby media such as
women's magazineswhichreproducethisideologicalformof patriarchy(e.g.
Barrett& McIntoshI982; Coward I984; Davidoff1978).
A possiblealternative perspectivemay be relatedto certaintrendsemergent
fromrecentstudiesby sociologistsand economists.It may be arguedthatthe
domesticsphereoriginatedas theshrineof 'spirituality' whichdeterminedthe
removalof femalesfromthepublicdomain (ZaretskyI976). Witha declinein
theimportanceof theworkplace,however,has come an increasingorientation
towards the home and the privatesphereas the source for futureaffective
relations.The householdhas also reemergedas a key arenaforthepooling of
resources,as in Pahl's research(I984) on the articulationbetween different
formsof labour. Somewhat neglectedis the consumption-equivalent within
which the male may be re-constructed withina new role which provides
for a complementarygender relationship.There is evidence for this from
work (I978;
Gershuny's I983; I985) on the do-it-yourself
ethosbased on
replacingserviceindustries by workwithinthehome.
In theone comparablestudyavailable,based on a sampleof fifty-four both
owner-occupied and council tenants in Guildford (which did not, however,
examine the actual decorativeorder)Johnston(I980) proposed threemajor
groupingsin genderrelations.On theone handtherewere thosewomen who
followedtraditional rolemodels,andwereconcernedto keepthevariousrooms
in thehouseas functionally specificandresentedmenin thekitchen.At theother
end were householdswherethe room divisionshad brokendown as had the
gender specificityof many household tasks, and the home was essentially
regardedas a largelyde-segregated familydomain.The thirdgroupconsistedof
thosewomen who undertheinfluenceof feminismlooked towardsthe latter
modelbutwereconstrained to practiseaccordingto thetraditional
model andit
was herethatdissatisfaction was pronounced.Itshouldbe noted,however,that
thelargestgroupinJohnston's surveywas owner-occupied,whichis also where
feminist ideas werein evidence.
A further majorcontextualfactoris theconsiderableimpactoftheadvertising
outputof the fittedkitchenindustry.Many tenantsare readersof women's
magazinesand know of companiessuch as Hygena. In seeing what council
tenantsdo itis worthremembering theverylargesumsspenton fittedkitchens
by owner-occupiers in an industrywortharoundI. 5 billionpounds. Most such
commercialkitchensare based on essentiallyidenticalmelamine-facedchip-
board carcassesand functionaldifferences are minor. The tradejournal lists
pricesfromaround?3 00 to?4, ooo basedon kitchensall storingthesameamount
of objects,theonlysubstantivedifference beingthestylesand materialsof the
doorsandnameofthecompany.i.e. mostprivatehouseholdsmaybe willingto
spend up to thousandsof pounds purelyon stylewithvirtuallyno functional
consequences.I analyseda sampleofioo suchadvertisements fromthecompany

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 DANIEL MILLER 359

brochuresfromwhichit was evidentthatthemajororganisingdimensionwas

theevocationof time (fordetailssee Millerforthcoming). That is, therewere
threedominantclasses:
a) solid wood doors evoking an olde-worldenostalgiastyleassociatedwith
carvedinsets,leaded glass,itemsof copperand brass,preserves,driedplants,
old mastersand pewter;
b) A laminatefrontedmodernistform associated with geometricdesigns,
brightcolours,spotlights,non kitchenequipment,stainlesssteel,fruitand cut
flowers;
c) A mixtureof laminateand wood associatedwitha mixingof nostalgicand
modern items and more oftenassociated with practicalfunctionssuch as
cooking.
Underlyingthe temporalsymbolismwere two modes of organisation.On
the one hand was heterogeneity and bricolagewithforexamplechinafroma
numberof different sets,such thattheobjectswere not unitedas visual style
but impliedmemorabiliarelatedto thehouseholder'sown past. The opposite
organisationalprinciplewas one of homogeneity,in which all itemsrelated
stylistically to all others,and it was thevisual cohesionwhichdeterminedthe
meaningand acceptability of particularforms.These advertisements areuseful
becausetheyhavea clarityin developingthelogicofcertainorganisational prin-
cipleswhichas we shallsee is rarelyequalledin ordinary people'sactualkitchens.
There are significant differences betweentheassumptionsof advertisingand
the experienceof consumers.For example, in advertisements the young are
shown withmodernistformsand theelderlywiththenostalgiastyle.Histori-
callyhowevertheearliestfittedkitchensin theI950's wereuniversallymodern-
ist,themixedpine and laminatedevelopedin the I960's and thenostalgiastyle
based on oak did not take offuntilthe I970's. For the presentgeneration,
therefore, it is modernismthatis historical,nostalgiathatis relativelynew. In
interviewingon the estateit was the elderlywho most oftenpreferredthe
modernistbrightred and white formsout of a sample of advertisements
they were shown, while the young tended to go for the nostalgia styles,
althoughseveral of the elderlynoted that they were supposed to like the
nostalgiaformsand would probablyhave respondedaccordinglyto a simple
verbalquestionnaire.This is thefirstof a seriesof examplesindicatingthegulf
betweenwhat people felttheywere supposed to like and what theyactually
identified with.
A finalcontextualfactoris theimpactofdifferences in availableresources.In
thecommercialworlditis generallyassumedthat'doingup' yourkitchenis the
work of owner-occupiersas part of a more general strategyof financial
investment,and counciltenantswould therefore have littlereasonto become
involved. Surprisingly Johnstonfoundthatcouncil tenantswere as likelyto
have made significant alterationsto theirkitchensas thosein theprivatesector
(I980: I20). This is despitethefactthatcounciltenantswould makeno money
out oftheirkitchens,andindeedin theNorthLondon groupmostbelievedthey
would have to removeall theiralterations and returnthekitchento itsoriginal
statebeforetheywent,althoughin practicethiswas not actuallythecase.
One possible explanationfor this findingmight have been that council

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360 DANIEL MILLER

kitchenswerelessadequatethanthosein owner-occupiedhousingand therefore

requiredfunctionalimprovements. Johnston,whose backgroundwas in home
economics,carefullyinvestigateda numberof standardfood preparationand
similartasks:althoughthe alterationsmade did increasesatisfactionwith the
kitchenthiswas not associatedwithany actualimprovementin thefunctional
environment toergonomic
according criteria
(I980: I33). Whatever
thereasons
behindsuch alterationstheywere therefore not reduciblejust to a searchfor
efficiency.
Certainlymaterialand social resourcesare variable,and thisvariationwas
evidentin thenorthLondon studygroup,whichincludedninehouseholdsof
retiredpeople, six whose adultswere unemployed,foursinglewomen with
children,but also two withfouradultsin employment.It would, however,be
surprisingif resourceswere a major determinant since in periods of over a
decade, and using materialswhich were not costly,retiredpeople were in
practiceas likelyto have undertaken.suchchangesas householdsof employed
adults, with the exception of the installationof an expensive commercial
kitchen.
An alternativewould be to assumethattheobjectiveconditionsof working
class incomes constituteconsiderableconstraintsas comparedto middleclass
life. The key question then would be about the characterisation of these
constraintsand whatpermitscertaingroupsto emergeas creativeappropriators
of their environments,signifyingan ability to transcendsuch oppressive
conditions.Such a taskis helpedno moreby romanticising theworkingclassas
an immanentsocietyor deridingthemas a mass. We need to learnfromthe
differentialsuccessin thisstruggle;thismeanslearningfrompeople's actions,
which oftenprojectaspirationsbeyond the much more codifiedand perhaps
deadeningweightoflanguageand legitimacy.

Kitchens as canvases
The estateI studiedwas roughlydividedintothreemainpopulations,of Black
(WestIndian),Irishand local origin.As will becomeevidentthemaincleavage
in termsof the materialsused in thissurveywas betweenthe local and Irish
populationas againstthe Black (and continentalEuropean) populations.In-
itiallyI will focuson thekitchensof theformer.The followingdescriptionis
organisedaroundnormativeclustersbased primarily upon thedegreeto which
thekitchenshad been transformed. These are thenassociatedfirstwithhouse-
hold form and secondly with household attitudesto the kitchenbased on
interviewdata. These groupswere therefore polytheticcategoriesexemplified
throughparticularcases and withoutinvariantboundarydefinitions.
The firstgroup consistedof threecases of singlewhite males. These were
conspicuous by marked conservationof the original kitchenfeatures.An
examplewas a retiredmalelivingin a bed-sitting room who had no familyand
few friends,or, as he put it, 'you see I'm one of those people . . . I keep to
myself'.He did not leave theflatexceptto shop or visitthelibrarybut in his
bedsithe had only thekitchenand bedroomto dwell in. Despite livingthere
thirteen yearsnothinghad been done: therewas theoriginalblacklino flooring

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 DANIEL MILLER 36I

and theunitsas theyhad firstbeen installed,withonly a lightshadeadded;-yet

sinceretirement theproportionoftimehe spentalonein thekitchenwould rival
thatof a prisonerin solitaryconfinement. Anotherindividualappearedequally
isolated socially. The third,who was much more inclinedto bring friends
aroundto drink,had a fewdecorationsin thekitchen,mainlypaintingsof the
VirginMary.
In contrastto thesewas thesole exampleofa nuclearfamilyin whichthemale
claimedto dominatehouseholdactivities.Here thework done was of a classic
do-it-yourself variety,resultingin considerablephysicalchangebuta complete
heterogeneity ofeffect.Therewas a new linoflooring,andlinohad also beencut
into squares and put up as substitute'tiles' over the cooker and by the sink.
Additionalwork-surfaceshad been constructedout of two quite dissimilar
laminates,withnumerousadditionsincludinga neon light.The overallresult
was somewhatchaotic.
The second groupconsistedof fivehouseholds,fourcouples and one single
mother.Althoughin no instancesdid theyapproachthecompleteconservatism
of thefirst,thealterationsmade werefairlyslight.All had netcurtainsand had
made at leastone changeofsurface,suchas a new lino flooror a wallpaperedor
paintedwall, but theyretainedthe basic orderof the originalfitments.This
degreeofdecorativeworkwas closelyassociatedwitha setofinterviewswhich
came closestto theimage of theisolatedand depressedwoman identifiedin a
numberof studiesof housewiferyand the image of this particular'valium'
estate. They expressedfearsabout whetherthey would sound 'common',
complainedabout 'coloureds'or squatters,talkedabout theunfriendly atmos-
phereon theestate,or made statements such as 'thereis a tenants'association
whereyou canhavea moanbutnothingis everdoneaboutit'. Theyvariedfrom
the single motherwhere the weight of chores appeared overwhelming,to
householdswithseveralwaged workerswhose problemsseemedto relatemore
to theunappreciated statusofhousewifery.
The clustermaybe widenedby theadditionofparallelcasessuchas thatofan
immigrantfromSpain who expressedstronglythe feelingthat'such places'
were only for the poor, and showed considerabledisassociationfrom her
surroundings.One of the most nervous and depressiveintervieweeswas
associatedwith one of the most radicallytransformed kitchens.It emerged,
however,thatthesestronglycolouredand largelyintegrateddecorationshad
been carriedout by hersisterfromwhom she had inheritedtheflat.Although
she referreddisparaginglyto the 'ghastly'orange, in the eight years of her
occupationshehad neverbeenable to changetheseinheriteddecorations.
Such householdsrepresented theminority in mysurvey,althoughthesample
was very likely biased towards the sociable by those who refusedto be
interviewed.The largestclustercomprisedkitchenswheresubstantialchanges
had beenmadeto thedecorativeorder.Althoughthecupboardswerewood and
requiredperiodicrepainting,thesekitchensretainedthe originalplain white
surfaces.Insteada largenumberof additionalobjectshad been broughtin and
used, as it were, to cover the cupboards up. Objects such as teatowels,
breadboards,teacosiesand trayswereverycommonand oftenassociatedwitha
particularaestheticoflargebold flowers,cats,dogs and brightpatterns.As well

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362 DANIEL MILLER

as being placed on surfaces,breadboardsand trays were typicallyplaced

verticallyagainstthewalls withtheirfaceforwardto emphasisetheirdecorative
nature.Post-cards,souvenirs,cuttingsfrommagazinesand pictorialcalendars
mightall be hungor stuckon thewalls. Sometimesthiswas used in matching
sets,buttherewas also the'biographical'patternin whichno attemptwas made
to findorderatthelevelofdesign,rathereachpieceappearedto be a mementoof
familyor holidays,as in the commercialnostalgiastylein which the relation
between objects was maintainedin the memoriesof the occupantsbut not
expressedvisually.
The heterogeneity of effectwithinanyindividualhouseholdwas, however,
contrasted withtheextentto whichsimilarsuchobjectswerefoundthroughout
thegroup.Indeedtheseobjectsand theirdecorativedesignsarequitefamiliaras
a prevalentworking-classaestheticin Britainand are availablein manyof the
largechainstores.They are distinguished by theirdecorativeformswhichare
large, takingup most of the availablesurfaceof the object, with brightbold
colouringdrawingtheattention.As suchtheyareoftenregardedby thearbiters
of tasteas 'vulgar'as againstthemoresubtlebut expensivedecorationswhich
are intendedmerelyto enhanceor 'frame'the object of attention(Gombrich
'979).
It may well be thatthisparticularformof populartaste,foundon theestate,
was inpartaccountedforbytherequirement fora setofconsumerobjects,often
givenas gifts,whichcould thenbe employedto personalisepropertieswhich
did not belongto theoccupants.This tenants'aestheticwas used to coverover
and draw attentionaway fromwhat theoccupantsclearlysaw as theintrusive
signifiersof theirhousingstatus.The cupboardswere, of course,utilisedbut
hereremainedalien, to be submergedin a welterof bricolage.This strategy,
whichmightbe complementary to others(forexamplein otherrooms within
the flats),was also especiallyassociated with single (includingwidowed)
women, involvingas it did no physicalalterationto thekitchenbut merelyan
organisationof consumergoods.
In completecontrastto thisstrategy a fewwomenappearedto havedeveloped
a verypowerfulrelationship withthekitchenevidentin theirdecorativeorder
and associated with informants'identificationwith traditionalnetworks
throughwhichtheybecamewhatone oftheinformants referredto as 'kitchen-
birds'.Here thecupboardshad beencoveredwitha strongcolouredlaminateor
paint and all decorationssuch as curtains,wallpaperand floorcoveringshad
been carefully chosento createan effect ofcompletehomogeneitywithinwhich
all itemsin thevisualfieldco-ordinatedas a colourscheme.For kitchen-birds,
thekitchenwas a focaldomainforfemale,butnotmale,visitors.The aesthetic
emphasison thekitchenas itselfthecontextfortea-drinking exchangevisitswas
comparable to Gullestad's (I984) study in Bergen, Norway of a far more
developed 'kitchen-table'societybased on very powerfulfemalenetworks.
Interviewevidencesuggestedthaton thisestate,as in virtuallyeverystudyof
Britishworking-classnetworks,thedominantrelationships were withfamily,
forexamplevisitingsistersand mothers,withfriendship usuallytakingsecond
place.
The finaltwo groupsconsistedofonlytwo caseseach. Two kitchenshad been

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 DANIEL MILLER 363

transformed to theextentthattheywerevirtually replacement fittedkitchens.In

one thefittedunitswere largelyretainedbut thedoors replacedwithwooden
doors,and thewall coveredwithwood panelling.Therewerea varietyofother
wooden objectssuchas breadbinsplacedon theworksurface. The effectwas not
entirelyhomogeneous,as some of the woods variedand the doors were the
wrongsize forthecupboardsand had had to be putsidewayson. All suchdoors
were carvedin what the commercialsectorterms'cathedralarch' style.The
othercase employedsimilardoors of different woods but withan astonishing
backdrop. The occupant had taken some old wood, stained it black, and
arrangeditin a seriesoffourfake'oak' beamsgoingacrosstheceilingand down
thewalls. Furthermore on one side had been constructed a fakechimneybreast
whichled down to whathad beenmade to look likea 'medieval'open fireplace
'converted'intoa space forstoringsaucepansand suchlike.The floorcovering
was a mottled'old stone'effect lino.
Finallycame two instancesof replacementfittedkitchensboughtcommer-
cially.The first,estimatedto cost around?2,000, was carriedout duringthe
periodof study.On thefirstvisit,thekitchenhad been closerto thebricolage
cover-upaesthetic,withsome matchingelements.The new fittedkitchenwas
whitewith'classic'internalrectangular beadingand a whiteworktop.This was
setagainsttheblue-greyfoundin thenew flooringand curtainsandpickedup by
a varietyof objectssuch as a set of threecylindricalcontainers,a cassetteradio
and a greytraywithan internalwhiterectangleand some blue and whitechina
pieces.Virtuallynothingremainedfromthepreviouskitchen,eventhearrayof
houseplantswas replacedby one in a dominantgreyceramicplantpot. The
entirety was highlighted by a seriesof ceilingspotlights.
The overall look, evoking the picturesin advertisingbrochures,was also
foundin the otherpurchasedkitchen,which looked to have been stillmore
expensive, though no cost was given. The degree of order and style was
comparable,althoughthis kitchenhad been built four years previously.It
incorporated a splitleveloven andextractor fan,neonstriplighting,a wallpaper
of fake'terracotta'tilesand a floorof 'fake' stone. Apartfroma double spice
rack, some matchingchina and a utensilrack therewas a markedlack of
additionalobjects.
The particularnatureof thedominantpatternsrevealedby thissequencewas
further clarified throughitscontrastwithanotherpopulationwhichhad reacted
in a very different fashionto the same circumstances.There was no a priori
reason to expectthatethnicitywould representa major line of cleavage and,
partlyundertheinfluence ofa studyofhouseholdobjectsinChicago (Csikszent-
mihalyi& Rochberg-HaltonI98I) and Wallman's work in Battersea(I982;
I984), I was anticipating thatitwould be atmosta secondaryissue.This was not
thecase, however.
Therewereseveralcases whichcould bestbe understoodin termsof specific
ethnicity:forexample,thesingleSouthAsianhouseholdwithitsarraysoftrays
of vegetablescomparableto thecontextfromwhichit had recentlyarrived,or
theSpanishfamilyworkingfortheirembassywithitsverylargewine rackand
extensivecollectionof ceramics,wine pourersand othersouvenirs.The major
contrast,however,lay betweenthetendency just described(eitherto coverup

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364 DANIEL MILLER

or to replacefitments),and thetypicalpatternamongstblackhouseholders:to
constructstrongvisualpatternsbased on paintingtheunitsand usingthesame
or contrastivecolours for floors,walls and ornaments.Brown, orange and
purplewerethedominantcolours,whilewhenthewhitetenantsdid paintunits
theyweremorelikelyto use blue and green.Therealso tendedto be a different
use of ornament,which was less centralto the design organisation.One
exampleconsistedoffittedunitspaintedlightbrown.All wood workwithinthe
kitchenhad been paintedthesame colour and thiswas complementedby the
paintingof theceiling,fakebrown'tiles'on thefloorand in thewallpaper,a set
ofwooden chairsand a smokedglasslightshade.More commonwas theuse of
brighterorangeand purplein contrastivemodes, as in diagonaleffectswithin
tiling.Not onlyblack tenantsemployedthisdecorativeorder.A Cypriotcase
was conspicuous by the lack of object bricolage and homogeneityof its
matchingbrowncolourscheme.
This strategywas dominantamongstthe black populationbut was by no
meansa rule.Therewas an overlapbetweenthedifferent populations,especially
amongsttheyoung,and manykitchenshad elementsfromdifferent strategies,
suchas a 'biographical'cover-upstrategywhichstillemployeda fewmatching
items.At theirmostextremethedominantdecorativestrategies ofthetwo main
populationsconstitutedan inversion.One was centredon the structuralel-
ements to which additionalobjects were subservient,the other made the
structuralfitmentsentirelysubservientto the object bricolage.The 'kitchen-
bird'form,however,carriedthisinversionwithinthewhitepopulation.
Anotherdifference was theuse madebysomeblackhouseholdsofthebackof
thekitchen.At itsmostextremethisareawas coveredfromfloorto ceilingby a
massivepile of disparateobjectssuch as brokensewingmachinesand piecesof
furniture.In the two cases of a three-generation
femalehousehold,one exhi-
bitedthisdisorderto suchan extremeas to suggestan inabilityto cope, but the
otherin verysimilarcircumstances showedno suchtendency.One oftheother
casescommentedon thesituationin theformofa chinaspoon hungon one wall
on whichwas inscribed'I likemykitchento be cleanenoughto be healthyand
untidyenoughto be happy'.

Analysis:thesocialdeterminants
ofdecorative
strategies
Althoughbothinterviewandvisualdatahavebeenprovidedintheabove survey
there was one substantialdiscrepancybetween them. While discussions of
changescarriedout or intendedemphasisedfunctionalconsiderationssuch as
theproblemsofcooking,ofsmellsor ofservingfood,thesedid notemergeas a
majorfactorin theactualchangesmade. Boudon notedan identicaldistinction
in hisstudyofhouseholdersinLe Corbusier'svillageof Pessac. He suggeststhat
while the functionallogic of any particularhouseholderwas clear,takenas a
group the degree of contradictionsuggestedthatthe actual key factorslay
elsewhere(I972: 83). In theLondon groupone householder'samplespace was,
foranother,'totallyinadequate'(withno evidentcorrelationwithnumbersof
childrenandsimilarfactors)andfeelingsaboutwhereindividualitemsshouldbe
placed varied considerably.This echoes Johnston's(I980) more systematic

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 DANIEL MILLER 365

surveyofthedisparitiesbetweenergonomicfunctions, languageandobservable
changes.
This may in part account for differencesin these findingsand those of
Bourdieu (I984). His constructionof the major dimensionsby which tasteis
organisedin Franceis largelybased on verbalresponsesto questionnaires.His
conclusionsregardingworking-classtasteis summarisedas 'Necessityimposes
a tastefornecessitywhichimpliesa formofadaptionand consequentacceptance
of thenecessary'
(I984: 372). This looks verystrangewhenset againstthe
traditionalBritishparlour (Roberts I973) devoted to unused space and its
decorationswhichBourdieureducedto mereeffect(I984: 379-80). Stilltoday,
when parloursare effectively forbiddenby the architectural profession,the
two-thirdsoftenantswho mentionedthissubjectkepta specialareain themain
room fortheirbest,broughtout at Christmasifat all.
Althoughtheycould be onlyroughlydetermined, financialresourcesdid not
emergeas a significantfactorexceptin thetwo casesofa purchasedkitchen,and
even therein one case it was theresourcesof childrenlivingoutsidetheestate
whichwas crucial.By contrast,as evidentfrombothverbalandvisualevidence,
thefactofbeinga tenantdid considerably affectthelivesofmanyofthesepeople
(thismightwell be less trueon a terracedstreetwhereone's housingstatuswas
not so immediatelyevident). Most revealingwere the disjuncturesin what
people said. For example, severalinformantsclaimed thatwhat theyreally
wantedwas a 'fittedkitchen'.This suggestedthatalthoughtheyalreadyhad a
fittedarrayof floorand wall units,as in advertisements forfittedkitchens,for
thema 'real' fittedkitchenwas one purchased,not allocated. Certaintenants
whenaskedto selectpreferred stylesfromexamples,notedthattheywould have
chosen the nostalgiamode but forthe factthattheywere in a council estate
-that is, theidealstheyassociatedthemselveswithwere renderedpretentious
by theircircumstances. There was also a claimedlack of knowledgeabout the
I980 HousingActwhichsubstantially improvedtenants'rightsofalteration and
independencein theiruse oftheirproperties.Tenantsmostlyheldthatwhatever
was done would have to be put back to its originalstatebeforeleaving the
property,althoughin practicethishad hardlyeverhappened.In generalthere
was a markedantipathyto the councilwhichwas seen as failingto be present
when needed (forrepairsforexample),but at thesame timean alienpresence
aroundthem.
The examplesofreplacement, or near-replacement, kitchenswereinteresting
here. The images portrayedin the commercialbrochuresassociated such
kitchensand theircarvedor beadeddoorswith'middle-class'life-styles. It may
be no coincidencethatthe two householdswith replacementkitchenswere
amongst the few who provided unsolicitedand quite vehementstatements
aboutbeing'ordinaryworking-classfolk',whichin everyotherrespect,suchas
presentor previousoccupation,was clearlythecase. Negativefeelingsaboutthe
councilwereexpressedin otherstatements suchas 'theystickin a cupboardhere
and a cupboardthereand say that'salright,they'reonlycommonpeople, they
won't know thedifference'.
On thewhole thentherewas considerableevidenceto suggestthatthewhite
population felta deep unease about theirhousehold consumptionstatus as

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366 DANIEL MILLER

tenants,reflected in resentment and feelingsof beingstigmatised.Furthermore

theyclearlyassociatedthefitments providedin thekitchenwiththecouncil,as
objectsembodyingin theirmateriality theintrusivesignification oftheirstatus.
Three main strategieswere evidentin responseto thissituationof alienation.
One was passive,in whichalienationwas interiorised as thefutilityofactionand
an inabilityto appropriatethe materialenvironment withinwhich one lived.
The second was an attemptto use aestheticconstructionto impose a facade
whichas faras possibledrewattention awayfromthefixtures andtowardsitems
directlychosenby or associatedwith the tenants.And finally,a criticalpoint
was reachedwhere the alien formswere themselvesexpelled or thoroughly
transformed and replacedwith eitherpurchasedor builtconstructions by the
tenants.In such a situationit seemed thatin practicesuch commoditieswere
viewed as havingmuchgreaterpotentialforidentification thanitemsprovided
by thestate.
This, however,mustbe setwithintheparticularstructure of social inequal-
ities.That therewas no intrinsic linkagebetweenformsof distribution and the
experienceof alienationwas evidentfroma contrastwithintheestatewiththe
remainingthirdofthepopulation.Interviewswithblacktenantsconfirmedthe
evidence of theirdecorativestrategies.Althoughvarious otherresentments
were expressed,theactualfactof being tenantsdid not seem anythinglike as
centralto theiridentity.They weregenerallynegativeaboutthisstatusbutsaw
it more oftenas transitionalto somethingelse, and in thatrespectprovidinga
valuable opportunity.They did not appear to have the feelingof alienation
derivedfroman introjectionof thisconditionas integralto theiridentity.As
notedabove, theconnotationsof housingconsumptionstatusin Britaindiffer
markedlyfrom,forexample, continentalEurope, and the black population,
in constructingits identityas a group, mightwell on occasion have been
interiorisingtheirexperiencecontrastively with theirneighboursratherthan
empathetically.
The same contrastssuggest that the interviewevidence should not be
interpreted as directevidenceforany objectivefaultsin thelocal council. The
councilherewas a projectionby thetenantsin theirconstruction ofself-images
as victimsor combatants.The attitudeto the council was oftenambivalent,
becauseat thesame timeall tenantssaw themselvesas workingclass and many
would favourablycomparetheirpresentsituationwithpreviousprivaterented
accommodationor the alternativeof bed and breakfast'slums'. For some
people, such an ambivalencemightbe debilitating,since full appropriation
appearedto be assistedby a relativelyclearsenseofovercoming.Sartreperhaps
over-abstracted thesetensionsin hislaterwork(I976) wherehe impliesthattrue
social relationsonly emergein the union of terrorismagainstan oppressive
order,butat thismoremundanelevelan agonisticframework appearedto help.
The appropriationof the state,could not, however,be separatedofffrom
equallyimportantcontextualfactors,ofwhichthemostsignificant was gender.
In Johnston'ssurveytheidea and ideals of feminismand sexual equalityhad a
markedeffecton thefeelingsof associationand disassociationhouseholdsfelt
for theirkitchens.In my own study,however, which did not include the
owner-occupiedsector,therewas remarkably littleevidenceof suchideas and

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 DANIEL MILLER 367

values; themost commonlyexpressedfeelingwas thatthekitchenwas essen-

tiallya woman's domain in which men helped in a few specifictasks but
otherwiseshouldstayout. The male'sown distasteforthekitchenwas strongest
amongsttheIrishimmigrantsand weakestamongstWest Indianimmigrants.
But if a decade of apparentlypopularfeminismhad permeatedlittleinto this
area, the relativelyunremarkedtransformation in male conceptionsof their
home rolehad had a quitepronouncedeffect.
The evidencesuggeststhatunlikethehigh artsthe aestheticof the home is
exclusivelyfemalecentred(compareParker& Pollock I98I). The increasing
amountof timespentby malesin thehome has resultedin a new role,based on
thelinkwithphysicallabouras thesiteforthedevelopmentofmasculinity.But
thisnew symbolicsymbiosisoperatesthroughmenhavingnothingto do with
design.Withouta femaleto directthemtheyarein mostcasesentirely impotent,
but when given theirdirectiontheythenperformtheirspecificallyassigned
'do-it-yourself'tasks.As Gershunyhas demonstrated in his partof a studyin
Batterseathe electricdrill,electricsaw and hand saw are the domesticitems
mostexclusivelymale-associated(WallmanI982: I65).
Males may show more initiativein expressingthemselvesin otherrooms
whicharenotso stronglyfemale-associated, buttheevidenceofmysurveywas
thatamong the whitepopulation,physicallabour was subservientto design.
The most extremecases showed the impotenceof single males to enact any
changes. Women were more flexible,in thattheywould undertakephysical
labour when no male was available for such work. In the main, however,
femalestransformed theirenvironmentusing aestheticratherthanphysically
expressivemedia.
The small group of replacementor near-replacement kitchenswere again
instructivehere.Therewas a strongkinand gendercomplementarity, withthe
femalesbothdirectingand beingseenas therecipients ofthisexpenditure(i.e. it
was done forthem),and the males as physicallyundertakingthe transforma-
tions.In two casesitwas particularlyclearthatthecoupleswereseenas coming
togetherto overcometheirstatusas tenants,and affirming thepowerofkinship
and marriagein thisstruggle.
The situationcould be describedas the emergenceof a neo-traditionalism.
Despite thepressureof modernistphilosophiesofequalityand feminismwhich
promotedthediminutionof sexual distinction, and theincreasingpresenceof
men in thehome, theevidencesuggeststhatmen did not takeon any greater
shareof householdresponsibilities. Rathertheolder use of the public-private
divisionto expressgenderhad been renegotiatedas a formalsymboliccom-
plementarity betweenwhatwas seenas theappropriategenderedsphereswithin
thehome. As in manyanthropologicalstudiesgenderis perhapsbestseen not
from the perspectiveof an essentialistdivision from which two a priori
categoriesof male and femalecome to the world with specificinterests,but
ratheras being constructedthroughthe culturaldevelopmentof relational
forms.
Genderon theestatemightnotbe a simplecontinuationofsome 'traditional'
familyorder(whichmay have tendedto a simplersegregatione.g. Whitehead
I978), but an emergentconstructionwhich could evoke such traditions.

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368 DANIEL MILLER

Women as housewivesdefinedthemselvesin relationto households,but this

categorycould remainunrealisedunlessthe maritalcouple had a mechanism
relevantto theircontemporary conditionsthroughwhichtheyconstructedthe
householdas an activity.The resultwas a denialof theintegrity of thefemale
housewife,and especiallythe single male, and a stresson the necessityof a
complementary and dynamicrelationshipwhichwas broughttogetherin the
practiceof 'labour' in thetransformation of an alienatingenvironment into an
appropriatedform.In thiscase thekitchen,althoughoccupiedby onlyone sex,
was an objectification of thegenderrelationshipand theincompletenessof its
constitutive elementsin themselves.Whatthisimpliesis thatevenunderpresent
conditions,gendermayin certaincircumstances be bestunderstoodas a genuine
dialectic.
The black populationclearlydid not conformto thesegeneralisations. The
interviewsand thetransformations indicatedthattherewas notthesame gender
split. Single black males showed a positive attitudeto their kitchenand
producedelaboratedecorationsand tiling(and discussionsof cooking)without
female guidance. The backgroundto this may well be the strong gender
autonomyobservedin studiesof West Indiansocieties,associatedwitha high
incidenceof female-headed households(e.g. Massiah I983). A traditionwhich
assertstheseparateviabilityof householdswithouta residentmale is in a sense
less debilitatingfor the male who has to constructa male centreddomestic
sphere,since eachsex may defineitselfwith a relativedegreeof autonomous
control.
Withinthesegenderrelationsa further expressivedichotomyhas arisenin the
distinctionbetweenmodernistic'kitchen-bird' homogenisationand thenostal-
gic bricolageof the cover-upaesthetic.Similardivisionshave been shown in
otherstudiesto relateto therelativeimportanceofkinshipas againstfriendship
and lengthof timespentin thearea, withmoderniststylebeingused to build
new communities,nostalgiato cementolder ones (compare especiallyPratt
I98I). These differences shouldnot be viewed as superficialor inauthentic.As
Williamshas shown, the parallelevocationof a countryand citypolarityin
literaturemay be equally farfromthe actual historicalconstructionof these
domainsundermoderncapitalism,but thisdoes not preventthemfrombeing
powerfulmediafortherepresentation ofidealworlds,markingor highlighting
historical
particular (R. WilliamsI973:
conjunctures I89-306).
Underlyingrelationsofgenderand tenancyis a moregeneralargumentabout
the linkagebetweenwork done on the kitchenand the natureof the social
relationsof consumption.One of the clearestgeneralisations
to emergefrom
my studywas the link between people who seemed lonely, depressedand
isolated,and thelack of decorativedevelopment.By contrast,constructingan
objectificationof thehouseholdand its relationships
throughcreativeactivity
appeared a strong signifierof an active social involvement.Though this
sociabilitywas commonlybased on kinoutsidetheestateor intra-household, it
was oftenthe relationshipsof affectionbetween, forexample, husband-wife
and parent-childwhichwere expressed(by thisI do not mean therelationsof
equalityimpliedin the termsymmetry(as in Young & WillmottI973) since
therewas littleevidencefortheseon theestate).

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 DANIEL MILLER 369

The replacementand near-replacement kitchensand theirlink with social

involvementrepresented theextremecases. One householdwas almosttheonly
couple thateffectively lived (or at least were continuallyto be seen) on the
corridoroutsidetheirflat,and used theestateas thoughitwas a classicEast End
neighbourhood(Young & WillmottI957). Anotheras head and activepartici-
pant in the newly reformedtenants'associationwas also amongstthe most
sociallyinclined.By contrast,thetwo clustersof entirelyor largelyunaltered
kitchenswere expressiveof a verydifferent condition.The isolationof one of
the single males was described above. In the other cluster,although the
housewiveswere mainlymembersof households,whatwas registered in their
materialworld was preciselytheisolationand lack of valuationwhichis often
theexperienceof housewifery as a core of identity.The ideal objectifiedin the
neo-traditionalist familymayoftenremainunrealised.It demandsa responsive
attitudefromthemale, and thisclusterconformedcloselyto theimage of the
housewifeevokedby Oakley (I976) in herclassiccritiqueofthisformoflabour.
The backgroundto thiswas theevidenceforhighvaliumintakeand constant
bickering.The antipathyto neighbourlinessas against the high regardfor
privacywhichwas evidentfrominterviewswas itself,however,hardlynew.
The close neighbourhoodsof theEaling filmstudiosof the I940's were by no
meansan accuratereflection ofactualsocialinteraction in workingclassdistricts
as was made abundantlyclearby thesurveysmade in the same period (Mass
ObservationI943: 208). Apartfroman antipathyto one's immediateneigh-
bours, less than i in ioo expressedany interestin communityinvolvement.
The more importantfactorbehindany deterioration in conditionsforhouse-
wives as evidentfromvarioussociological studiesis likelyto be the relative
absenceof closekin.
This divisionin consumptionrelationssuchthatin some householdsgender
difference became thebasis of an alienatedisolationand in otherswas consti-
tutiveof culturaldynamicsexpressedin theactivityof appropriation,findsan
interesting parallelin the much more developed sociology of the divisionof
labour.In Pahl'srecentwork(I984; Pahl& WallaceI985) as in mostof the
articlesin thebook Beyondemployment (Redclift& Mingione I985), it is shown
thatinformallabour and exchangesof labour are not an alternativeto formal
waged employmentbut ratheran additionalresourcewhichmay be exploited
once a foundationof financialresourcesis secured.Transformation of kitchens
in theestatein a senserepresents theequivalentin theareaofconsumption.The
appropriationof the home is not a substitutiveor vicarious activitybut a
materialobjectification ofcertainsocialresourcesavailablein theconstruction of
householdidentitywhich in turnprovidesa foundationforthe formationof
largernetworks.
It is, however,difficult to determinesocialnetworksfromthekindofverbal
informationI recovered.Gullestad(I984) noted in her Norwegian case that
informants claimedto have littleconcernwithwhatotherpeople thought,but
theiractionswere highlynormativeand gregarious.In the case of the present
surveypeople indicateda greatdeal of such concernwith what otherpeople
mightsay and yet may rarelyhave had experienceof any actual evaluation.
'Neighbours'became a kindof collectivesuper-egoin whichnormativeorder

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370 DANIEL MILLER

was interiorised Once thiswas established,there

and expresseditselfinternally.
was littleneed fortheassertionofactualexternalauthority.

Conclusion
Ifthemostwidelyused criticalperspectiveon productionis thatwhichrefuses
to acceptthatwork is otherthana social activity(since commoditiesare the
resultof labourand not merelyself-producing), thenthesame may be said of
consumption,whichis also sometimesmystified by beingregardedas merely
vicariousor passive.Despitethespecificnatureoftheproblemsfacedby council
tenants(the focus of this article),the same overall problematicwould be
encounteredin both privatehousingand underan equitablesocialism. In all
thesecases householdersmustenterinto creativestrategiesof consumptionto
appropriatethatwhichtheyhave not themselvescreated,even if theyfeelfar
morepositiveaboutthecorporatebody thatbuilttheirhome.
To see this, however, we have to regard apparentlytrivialactivitiesas
derivingfromprofoundconcerns.The failureofmostcurrentsocial theoriesto
have regardto consumptionactivitiessuch as home decorationhas itsrootsin
themoregeneraldenigrationof consumptionand othersuch 'women's work'.
Ifhousewifery ofself-actualisation
is to be condemnedforitslackofpossibilities
(Oakley I976: 222-33), itis notso muchbecauseofitsobjectivenature(itis not
a prioriless susceptiblethanindustrialwork forappropriationthroughsocial
labour),butbecauseofourrefusalatbothordinaryandacademiclevelsto regard
it as otherthantrivial.The resultsof Gullestad's(I984) studyargue strongly
againstthe common assumptionthatthe materialconditionsof housework
makeitperforcean individualising and privateformofwork.
This argumentis notintendedto romanticise thestrategiesemployedin mass
activity.The evidencefromthiscase studyis fora complementarity closely
linked to inequality.Potentiallydifference and hierarchycould be disaggre-
gated,but it would be unreasonableto expecta clearmodel of ideal consump-
tion,extricatedfromtheconditionsunderwhichactualconsumptionstrategies
mustbe developed. Equally work done on kitchensmay have quite different
implicationswhenperformed insomeotherculturalcontext.Ithasbeenargued,
however,thata generalprincipleof significance forthecontradictions intrinsic
to industrialsocietymaybe recoveredfromtheobservation of some strategies
underlyingsuch activities.Whenrecognisedas a legitimateformof consump-
tiontheyindicatethatthismay be an importantsocial arenawhose goal is the
productionofinalienableculturethroughdialectical,thatis sociallyproductive
labour. This inalienability derivesfroman activityin which objects become
integralaspectsofprocesseswhichareconstructive ofsocialrelations.

NOTE

The surveyon thecouncilwas aided by a grantfromtheLondon UniversityCentralResearch

Fund. I am gratefultoJ.Atfield,F. Edholm,M. Jollyand M. Rowlandsforcommentson a draftof
whose recentpaperson genderin New Guineaprovedan important
thisarticleand to M. Strathern
stimulusto theanalysis.

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 DANIEL MILLER 37I

The fieldworktookplaceon an intermittent basisduringI986-7. Householdswereapproached

throughknockingon doorsand eitherinterviewing immediately or establishinga moreconvenient
timefora visit(or returnvisit).In mostcases themaininformant was specifiedas thepersonwho
had primaryuse of thekitchen,but as interviewswere held informally in the sittingroom other
familymemberscommonlytook part.Thereare two likelysourcesof bias ifthisgroupis takenas
representativeof theestateas a whole. Firstlya bias againstworkinghouseholdssincemore visits
were held on weekday afternoonsthan in the eveningsor at weekends, and secondly a bias
corresponding to thoseinstanceswheresoundsofoccupancyweredetectedbutno responsemade to
thedoorbell,and whichmaybe supposedto have correspondedto singleelderlyfemales(as it often
did in thosecaseswherean interviewwas refused).

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S'approprier 1'etatdans la cite de H.L.M.

Resume
Ce memoires'occupe de la naturede la consommationdansune soci6t6industrielle. I1examine
la mani&reparlaquelleles locatairesdansune cit6de H. L. M. ontdecor6ettransform6 leurcuisine.
Les locatairest6moignentdes differences frappantes dans la capacit6de s'approprierdes facilit6s
offertesparla mairie.Ceci est consid6r6en fonctiondu genre,de l'ethniqueet d'autres6l6ments.
Une telle perspectiveillustrela nature dialectique de la categoriedu genre sous certaines
conditions.Cela met 6galementen reliefle potentieldynamiquede la consommationa long
terme,comme une ar&nedans laquelle des groupessociaux essaientde transformer des biens
alienablesen cultureinalienable.Cependant,ils sontsouventincapablesd'accomplirce but.

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