ASSIGNMENT SOLUTIONS

GUIDE (2019-2020)

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E.H.I.-4
India: From 16th to Mid-18th Century
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denied. Any Omission or Error is highly regretted though every care has been taken while preparing these Sample Answers/

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Solutions. Please consult your own Teacher/Tutor before you prepare a Particular Answer and for up-to-date and exact

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information, data and solution. Student should must read and refer the official study material provided by the university.

Note: All questions are compulsory. Marks for each question are mentioned against it.

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Section 1: Answer each question in about 500 words each.

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Q. 1. Discuss briefly the evolution of mansab system under the Mughals.
Ans. Mansab System: The word mansab means a place or position, and hence a rank in the mansab system

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under the Mughals.

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During Babur’s reign, wajhdar, than mansabdar was employed who differed from mansab system.

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Later on, both civil and military officers were given mansabs in accordance with their merit or service to the

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state. He was broadly inspired by Chingiz Khan, who had organized his army on decimal system, with the lowest

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unit being of ten horsemen followed by one hundred, one thousand and so on. Abul Fazil has stated that there existed

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66 grades of mansabdars ranging from commanders of 10 horsemen to 10,000 horsemen during Akbar’s reign,

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although he has mentioned of only 33 grades.

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Broadly, three things were denoted by mansab:
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(a) The status of its holder (mansabdar) in official hierarchy

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(b) The fixed pay of the mansabdar

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(c) Laid upon, the obligation over the holder to maintain a specified number of contingent with horses and
equipment.

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The Dual ranks: Zat and Sawar–Initially the personal pay and size of contingent of mansabdar only represented

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the rank, but later on, during 1595-96, it came to be denoted by two numbers—zat and sawar, where the first number
(zat) determined the mansabdar’s personal pay (talab-khasa) and his rank in the organization while sawar fixed the
number of horses and horsemen. The mansabdar was to maintain and receive the amount for his contingents (tabinan)
accordingly.
As regards the dual rank, a controversy has evolved, where Wiliam Irvine has taken it to mean the obligation to
maintain two contingent of troops by the mansabdars from their personal pay. Abdul Aziz, while rejecting Irvine’s
viewpoint opines that zat pay was purely personal with no involvement of troops and it meant maintainence of one
contingent and not two. Clarifying the position further, Athar Ali says that zat placed the mansabdar in the appropriate
position among the officials of the state, and determined his salary accordingly, while sawar rank determined the
number of horses and horsemen, the mansabdar had to furnish.

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The Three Classes of Mansabdars–The mansabdars were broadly classified into three groups in 1595-96:
(a) those having equal number of zat and sawar;
(b) those having sawar number half or more than half of zat number;
(c) those having sawar rank less than half of their zat rank.
The sawar rank was either equal or less than the zat and even if the former was higher, it would not affect the
mansabdar’s position in official hierarchy. But when the mansabdar, served in difficult terrain amidst the rebels, the
state often increased their sawar rank without altering the zat rank, thus reforming the system without modifying the
basic structure to meet the circumstances. Similarly, an innovation was, the use of conditional rank (mashrut) meaning
increase in a sawar rank for a temporary period in time of crisis i.e. their permission to recruit more horsemen at the
expense of the state.
During Jahangir’s reign, an another innovation was the introduction of ‘do aspa sih aspa’, which was firstly

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given to Mahabat Khan in the 10th year of Jahangir’s reign. According to this, a part or full sawar rank of mansabdar

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was made do aspa sih aspa. For example–a mansabdar holding a mansab of 4000 zat/4000 sawar may be granted

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huma do aspa sih aspa (all two three horses) and in such cases, ignoring his original sawar rank, the mansabdar will
maintain double the number of do aspa sih aspa (here 4000 + 4000 = 8000). Again out of the same rank, if it had

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2000 do aspa sih aspa, then it would mean that there would be only 2000 barawurdi or ordinary troopers and the
additional rank of 2000 do aspa sih aspa would double itself to 4000 ordinary troopers thereby increasing the total
number of horsemen to 6000.
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As regards, the rationale behind adopting do aspa sih aspa system, it seems, that Jahangir wanted to promote

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the nobles of his confidence and strengthen them militarily, but had practical problems as the sawar rank could not

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have been higher than zat rank and any increase in one would mean an increase in the other too, leading to the

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additional payment and imposing of burden on treasury besides giving rise to jealousy among the nobles due to their

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upward mobility in official hierarchy.

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Thus in fact, do aspa sih aspa was a safe way of granting additional sawar rank without disturbing the zat or

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mansab hierarchy, and saving the revenue of the state by not increasing the zat rank.
Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars–As regards appointments and promotion of mansabdars, a well

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established procedure of recommendation was followed, in which before presenting the candidature to the emperor

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by Mir Bakshi, the recommendation of diwan, bakshi and others were sought. Then the farman was issued under the

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seal of wazir.

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Granting of mansab was the prerogative of the emperor and depended on the personal preference and whims of

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the emperor. There was no examination or written test for this purpose, as it existed in China. However, a survey of

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mansabdars appointed during Mughal rings hints of preference for a certain group over others.
Khanazads or sons and close kinsmen of those already in service were the most favoured followed by those
holding high positions in other kingdoms. These people came mainly from Uzbek and Safavi empire and Deccan
kingdoms and included Irani, Turani, Iraqi and Khurasani.
The rulers of autonomous principalities especially Rajputs also received preferential treatment in recruitment
and promotions.
The performance and lineage generally served the basis for promotions, which is also testified by Manucci,
however in actual practice, racial considerations and inflinching loyality played an important role in promotions.

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Maintenance of Troops and Payment–Mansabdars were required to present their contingents for regular
inspection and physical verification before the mir bakshi’s department. This procedure was called “dagh o chehra”,
under which, all the horses presented for inspection were branded through a seal (dagh) and the physical description
of the soldiers was recorded, thus reducing the possibility of presenting the same horses and troops again to a large
extent. This procedure was rigorously followed and the failure to meet the criteria resulted in the reduction in rank.
Abdul Hamid Lahori in his book Badshahnama says that under Shah Jahan, a mansabdar, having been posted in the
same province where he held jagir had to maintain one-third of the contingents of his sawar rank and in case of
outside posting, it had to be one-fourth. However, if he was posted in Balkh and Samarqand, he had to maintain one-
fifth of the contingents of his sawar rank.
Though, for the zat rank the scale of salary was fixed, but there had been no arithmetical or proportionate
relationship between the one and the other. In orther words, the salary didn’t either go up or go down proportionately.
The following salary table shows the salary for the zat rank per month during Akbar’s period. In the period, the
rank above 5000 was given only to princes except Raja Man Singh, who got the rank of 7000 zat.

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Pay for Zat Rank

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Zat rankClass I (Rs)Class II (Rs)Class III (Rs.)

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7000 45,000 – –

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5000 30,000 29,000 28,000

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4000 22,000 21,800 21,600

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3000 17,000 16,800 16,700

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2000 12,000 11,900 11,800

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1000 8,200 8,100 8,000

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The salary for the sawar rank was the sum total of the remuneration given to each trooper.

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Month Scale–Though, in general, the mansabdars were paid through revenue assignments (jagirs), but the
calculation which was made generally on the basis of the expected income (jama) from the jagir during one year,

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actually fell short in actual revenue collection. In such a situation, the mansabdar’s salaries were fixed by a method

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called month scale. For example, the jagir yielding only half of the jama was called shashmaha (six-monthly),

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yielding one-fourth was considered sih- maha (3 monthly) etc. This scale was also applied to cash salaries.

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The pays were deducted too, the largest deductions were from the Deccanis, who had to pay a fourth part
(Chauthai). Besides, there were also other deductions such as khurak dawwah (Fodder for beasts) belonging to the

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emperor. Those receiving cash (maqd) had two dams in a rupee deducted (dodami). The fines (jarimana) were also

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imposed for various reasons. Thus with the reduction of salaries, the income of the nobles too declined.

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At the same time, the revenue resources of the empire were distributed unevenly among the ruling class and as

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per an estimate 1,571 mansabdars appropriated almost 80% of the total revenue.
The System of Escheat–According to the many contemporary accounts, especially those of the European
travellers, the emperor took possession of the wealth of nobles after their death (which is known as escheat (zabt) on
account of non-payment of the loan or any other state obligation). The khan saman then used to take over the noble’s
property and distributed the rest of it after adjusting the state’s demand (mutalaba). However, sometimes, the state
demanded for escheating the entire wealth, but it practically remained dependent on the will of the emperor. In 1666,
Aurangzeb issued a farman, declaring the seizure and deposition of noble’s property after death in case he is not
survived by a natural heir. An another farman in 1691 confirmed it and also issued an adjoinder, instructing the state
officer not to attach noble properly whose heirs were in government service, as they could be asked to pay mutalaba.

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Q. 2. Enumerate various categories of land rights in the medieval Deccan.
Ans. Categories of Land Rights: The rights and privileges enjoyed by cultivating families comprising the
village community were determined on the basis of degree of superiority of proprietory rights in land held by them.
The cultivated area of a village was divided into:
Mirasi Right–The word mirasi of Arabic origin refers to the hereditary or transferable right or patrimony (bap
roti) obtained by descent, purchase or gift. The mirasdars were holders of land. Besides owning village land where
they could exact rent in money or service from peasant living on their tenure, there were mainly two categories of
mirasdars:
(a) the hereditary owners and those who reclaimed gatkul land of the village. They were placed in old land lists
of villages called thalazadas and
(b) the other possessed miras patra (miras-dead) attested by village communities of neighbouring areas and by

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deshmukh and deshpandes of the district.

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The practice of issuing miras patra was in accordance to the system mentioned in Smritis. These members of

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the family did not possess the right to vote in village assembly or got sabha. In Maratha state, under Shivaji, the
rights and privileges of mirasdars were substantially curtailed. The mirasi rights embodied the concept of

descendants to recover the land after hundred years.

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proprietorship of land. The eviction in case of non-payment of state dues did not prevent the thalazada and his

The mirsadars held the village land

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(a) on the basis of joint co-parcenary terms, according to which the village land was divided into several shares

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and

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(b) on the basis of a single proprietor ownership of village. These mirasi rights were held on the basis of

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village co-parcenary or ancient thal system.

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Such lands were held jointly by the different family members of a village, who had their share and rights

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clearly demarcated. The original thal was held by jatha in the form of several shares, who collectively comprised the

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lineal descendants of the first occupants of the thal. As a corporate body, this jatha was responsible for cultivation

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and payment of government and other dues. In case, a jatha died without leaving a natural heir, his land was divided

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among his surviving relatives, as per the Hindu law of inheritance. Each member was accountable for the payment to

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the state, although the payments were made collectively. Sale of patrimony was only carried out when extremely

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needed, and that too with the approval of village community. The members of jatha were related to each other and
were called gharbhu (home-brothers). The purchaser of land or new members of jatha were referred to as biradar

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bhau (brothers by village). A permanent land tax called ‘swasthidhara had to be paid by mirasdars to the government
apart from certain other cases such as miraspati, which were levied from time to time. In case of non-existence of a

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family, its share went to the village co-parcenary.
The main characteristics of miras tenure were–the mirasdars could sell their land as and when required even to
an outsider, provided he is willing to, settle down in village. This sale could also be carried out without state’s
approval, which reinforces the fact that the state did not possess proprietory rights over miras lands. The state
sanctioned this sale by issuing a document on the charge of a fee equal to one-fourth of the sale price.
The mirasdar had complete private proprietory rights in miras land which could not be encroached upon by the
state, village headmen or others. However, the state had the liberty to convert it into house sites after giving due
compensation in the form of gatkul lands to the mirasdars.

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Inam Lands–Inam is an Arabic word, that suggests gifts or reward. The inam villages were assigned to persons
or officials on a hereditary basis. These lands were either subject to a low tax called inam pattis or were totally
exempt from tax. It was assigned to hereditary village officials, state officials, temples and balutedars (priests) who
were designated as inamdars. These inamdars were both resident and absentee. The inam land held by a watandar
was saleable and transferable together with the office or watan. However, it can not be said with certainty whether
inam lands held by institutions such as temples, monasteries etc. could be sold without any constraint.
State Land (Crown Land)–Lands held by government or by the Peshwa/ruler were treated as state land, although
were some differences between the two. These lands existed in many villages in Deccan, managed by local bureaucrates.
They could be sold after the permission from central government. These lands could be granted in inam or could be
developed into house sites.
Waste Land or Lands of Extinct Families–A lot of uncertainty and vagueness remain regarding the waste land
or lands of extinct families, that could be sold either by village headman or village assembly or state. The land of

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extinct families were called as gatkul zamin. The lands which were left uncultivated for long periods were called pad

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zamin. The term ‘khalisa pad zamin’ referred to state waste lands.

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The wastelands could be appropriated and disposed off by the village headman, village assembly and government.

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The lands expropriated by the village headman were regarded as miras land. With the state’s approval the houses or

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house sites of the extinct families could be acquired by village headman. However, since this was not lucrative,

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therefore, the lands thus appropriated were cultivated by the uparis on a share cropping basis and were subject to
high and fixed land revenue demand with provision of relaxation in the event of crop failure. Though this provision

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added to the social prestige of the headman, but on the whole, it was not worthwhile.

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Wastelands were disposed off by local assembly either as miras or inam lands, where the purchaser (inamdar)

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was not required to pay land tax on land. However, the village as a group paid land tax to the government on large

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inam lands thus sold. These lands were subject to heavy land tax which had to be paid by the new incumbent.

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These wastelands were also given as compensation to mirasdars for taking over their land for converting them

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into house sites. These grants to local bureaucrats and hereditary officers were also intended to encourage cultivation.

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These wastelands were also granted as inam and the rest which were neither appropriated by village headmen nor by

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local assembly were resumed by the government, which were further granted as inam to priests, state officials,

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temples, mosques, hereditary officers etc. This way, the government curtailed the state expenditure and also secured

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the allegiance of the grantees to the state.

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Section 2: Answer each question in about 250 words.
Q. 3. Give a brief account of the political developments of the kingdoms of Ahmadnagar and her struggle

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with the neighbouring states.

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Ans. Ahmednagar: The Nizamshahi dynasty of Ahmednagar was founded by Malik Ahmad Nizamul Mulk
Bahri in 1490, who was the son of Malik Hasan, the Prime Minister of the Bahmani kingdom.
Malik Hasan had started carving out of this principality from the Konkan, and at the time of his death in 1510,
his kingdom included the area lying from Bir to Chaul and Ravedanda on the sea coast and from the Khandesh
frontiers in the North to Poona, Chakan and Sholapur in the South including Daulatabad fort. In 1636, this kingdom
was annexed by the Mughals.
In between, throughout the period, Ahmednagar rulers tried to add new territories, while protecting the existing
ones. The annexation of Berar was one of the biggest success in this regard.
Ahmednagar suffered the first set back in 1511, when she lost Sholapur to Bijapur, followed by joining of
hands by Bijapur and Vijaynagar to inflict a humiliating defeat on him. However, Husain Nizam Shah managed to

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secure the kingdom and soon married his daughter Chand Bibi to Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur. In 1565, the combined
attack of Bijapur, Golkonda, Bidar and Ahmednagar on Vijaynagar led to the defeat and death of Vijaynagar’s ruler
Ramaraya.
Husain was succeeded by his eldest son Murtaza in 1565, but the first six years of his rule was virtually in the
hands of his mother Khunza Humayun. She was repeatedly defeated by her neighbours that led the Nizam Shahi
nobility to help Murtaza take reins of administration in his own hands. As a result, Murtaza recovered Udgir from
Bijapur and annexed Berar to his kingdom in 1574. However, he was killed by his son Hussain in 1588, who in turn
suffered the same fate in 1589.
While enthroning Bahadur in 1595, Chand Bibi took the reins in her own hands, but under the continued
pressure of Mughals to cede Berar to the latter; she too decided to surrender Ahmednagar fort, that resulted in her
murder by the nobles and capture of Ahmednagar fort by the Mughals in 1600. Bahadur Nizam Shah was made
captive and sent to the Gwaliar fort.

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Malik Ambar a Nizam Sahi noble, tried to revive the kingdom by enthroning Murtaza Nizam Shah II and killed

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him in 1610 to enthrone his son Burhan Nizam Shah III. Burhan’s reign is marked by the continued skirmishes

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between Nizam Shahi forces and the Portuguese and later conclusion of a treaty between the two. In 1616 Shah

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Nawaz Khan, the Mughal commander managed khirki, the Nizam Shahi capital, but Malik Ambar rehabilitated it

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and resumed his offensives against the Mughals, forcing prince Khurram to undertake expedition and get the

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Ahmednagar fort and the districts of Balaghat surrendered only to regain it in 1619-20 by Malik Ambar.

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Apart from being a successful military commander, Malik Amber was a very able administrator, who is credited

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with a number of effective measures concerning revenue and general administration. However, his death in 1626,

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marked the waning away of all hopes of Ahmednagar.

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Now, in its efforts of helping Ahmednagar, Shahji Bhonsle enthroned a royal family member as Murtaza Nizam
Shah III, who occupied a number of forts, but Shah Jahan forced Muhammad Adil Shah to accept defeat in 1636 and

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conclude a settlement according to which the Nizam Shahi kingdom was divided between the Mughals and Bijapur

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kingdom with the forts of Parenda and Sholapur with their adjoining districts. Kalyani province, the Nizam Shahi

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territory lying between the rivers Bhima and Nira to the Adil Shah of Bijapur in return for his assistance to Mughal

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against Shahji. Prince Aurangzeb was appointed the governor of Mughal Deccan who conquered Nizamshahi forts

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of Udgir and Ausa. Murtaza Nizam Shah III, was surrendered to the Mughals by Shahji, who himself fled to Bijapur.

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Thus the Nizam Shahi kingdom came to an end with the imprisonment of Murtaza in the Gwaliar fort.

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Q. 4. Describe the currency system of the Mughals.

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Ans. Currency System: The currency system under the Mughals was very well organised:

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The Coinage–The Mughal currency system was trimetallic i.e. three metals—copper, silver and gold. However,

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the silver coin was the base of the currency.
The silver coin was used during Delhi Sultanate for long as tanka, but was standardized for the first time by
Sher Shah and was called “rupaya” having a weight of 178 grains (troy). An alloy was added to it, while minting, to
keep it below 4 per cent of the weight. Rupaya continued to remain the basic currency with more or less the same
weight under Akbar, but under Aurangzeb, it was increased to 180 grains (troy). The silver rupaya was the main coin
used for business and revenue transactions.
A gold coin called asharfi or muhr was also issued by Mughals that weighed 169 grains (troy). However, it was
not used in commercial transaction, but for hoarding purposes and for giving a gift.

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A copper dam was the most commonly used coin which weighed around 323 grains. This was reduced by one-
third during Aurangzeb’s reign due to the shortage of copper.
Kauris (sea-shells) were used for petty transactions in coastal areas, which were brought mainly from Maldive
island. Around 2500 kauris equalled a rupaya.
Mahmudis, a long standing silver coin of Gujarat was an another commonly used coin, that continued to be
minted and used in Gujarat for commercial transaction.
A gold coin called hun or pagoda was used in the Vijaynagar Empire, which continued even after the
disintegration of Vijaynagar Empire in Bijapur and Golkunda. In many Deccan kingdoms, an alloy of copper and
silver called tanka was used.
Exchange Value of Coins–The silver value of gold fluctuated throughout the Mughal period, ranging from 10
to 14 rupaya for one gold coin.

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Taking 1595 as the base year, Irfan Habib has showed that the copper coins rose to 2.5 times by early 1660s, but

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came down to double and again reached to the level of 1660s by 1750.

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During Akbar’s period, for transaction, 40 copper dams were considered equal to one rupaya, which though
appreciated sharply after his death but still could not be maintained. Silver coins of small fractions called ana were
also used which was one -sixteenth of a rupee.

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The Minting System–The Mughals had a free coinage system, where one could take bullion to the mint and get

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it coined, the power of which only rested with the state. The purity of the coin was strictly maintained by following

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the standardization.

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There were mints spread throughout the Empire, especially in big towns and ports, where the imported bullion

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could be taken easily. The coin also carried the name of the issuing mint, year of minting and ruler’s name. Taza

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sikka referred to the newly minted coin in the current or previous year. Chalani referred to the coins minted and in

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current circulation. Khazana referred to the coins minted in earlier reigns. All these coins were subject to reduction

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in value, except taza.

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An amount was deducted (3% if in circulation for one year and 5% if in circulation for more than two years) on
the value of coins for successive years.

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The loss of weight of coin was an another factor for deduction in value. Abul Fazl says that a loss of the weight,

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less than one rati was treated as standard but if the loss was between 1 and 2 ratis, a deduction of two and a half per

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cent was made, and if exceeded 2 ratis, the coin was treated as bullion.

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Though, in principle, these deductions were made by the state but these were arbitrarily decided by sarafs

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(money changers) in practice, depending on the market.

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Working of Mints–Those desirous of getting money minted were supposed to carry bullion or old currency to
mint which was minted and delivered to the concerned person by paying the required fee, that accounted to 5.6% of
the bullion minted. A large number of personal and craftsmen were involved in this process.
Darogha-i-darul-zarb was an officer who headed the mint. His duties were the supervision of the over all
working of the mint. He was assisted by many officials, skilled artisans and workmen. The saraf was the assessor of
the mint who judged the purity, weight and age of the coin and fixed deductions on their value. The accounts were
maintained by mushrif. The daily profit and coins and bullions were kept in safe custody by tahsildar. The muhr kan
engraved and made dies. The wazan kash (weightman) weighed the coins. Besides, there were many artisans like
zarrab (coin maker), sikkachi (stamper) etc.

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The output of mints varied with its size and the commercial activities of the area. Aziza Hasan has estimated
the total rupees in circulation in 1639 to be three times that of 1591, which declined further and doubled of 1591 by
1684. After an ascent, by 1700 the total coins in circulation became three times than those of 1591.
Location of Mints–A list of mints have been given by Abul Fazl in Ain-i-Akbari, according to which the copper
coins were issued by forty-two mints, silver coins by fourteen and gold coins by four mints. By the end of the 17th
century, the number of mints issuing silver coins increased to forty.
On the basis of numismatic sources, M.P. Singh has compiled a detailed list of mints and has pointed towards
the absence of a large number of mints in either A in or other literary sources. He has given the following list:
Reign No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of Total
mints mints mints mints mints mints mints
coining gold, coining coining coining coining coining coining

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silver and gold gold and gold and silver silver and copper

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copper only silver copper only copper only

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Akbar 13 4 3 1 14 14 35 84
Jahangir
Shahjahan
6
10
2
1
7
12
–
–
11
13 –
3

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5
32
41
Aurangzeb 18 1 24

Re – 36 3 3 85
Prices–Ain-i-Akbari contains the prices of a large number of commodities of Agra region by the end of 16th

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century. However, there are no systematic record of prices for comparison purpose in the subsequent period. Thus,

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it has been difficult to trace the trend in the movement of prices of different commodites throughout, the Mughal

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period. Irfan Habib has studied the movement of prices in 16th and 17th centuries.

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Gold Silver and Copper–The value of gold to silver was 1:9 by 1670, that reached to 1:16 after fluctuations and

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then came down to 1:14 by 1750.

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From the end of 16th century to 1660s, the price of copper coins increased by 2.5 times and came down to

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double of the 16th century, and rose by 1750 to the level of 1660s.

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Agricultural Produce–The prices of foodgrains fluctuated and varied a lot and depended upon the cultivation

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of specific food- grains in a particular region. Again level of production in a particular year, too, was the reason of

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variation in prices of same commodity at two places, at the same time, depending on how far it was carried from the

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place, where it was grown.
The prices of some foodgrains as per A’in’s records are as follows:
Wheat per man (maund)
h e 12 dams sada paddy per man 100 dams

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Black gram per man (maund) 8 dams Dewzira rice per man 90 dams
Lentils gram per man (maund) 12 dams Sathi rice per man 20 dams
Barley gram per man (maund) 8 dams Mash dal per man 16 dams
Moth gram per man (maund) 12 dams Mung per man 18 dams
Between 1595 and 1637, the prices of foodgrains doubled, between 1637 and 1670 it increased by 15 to 20 per
cent, by 1670, prices became 230 per cent of 1595. As regards Eastern Rajasthan agricultural prices increased slowly
between 1660 and 1690, but sharply by the second decade of 18th century, but a level more than twice of that in
1690s was maintained after that.

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Sugar and Indigo
Sugar and indigo were two widely grown cash crops in Mughal India. Till 1615, the prices in Northern India
rose by 140 per cent by 1630 and remained high till 1650s, while the sugar prices doubled by 1620 in Gujarat.
The price for Bayana indigo given in the A’in (1595) is Rs. 16 per man-i-Akbari. By around first quarter of the
17th century, the prices remained more or less the same but rose suddenly in 1630s, declined after a short period but
remained much above than those of 1620s. Again prices rose sharply in 1608, came down a bit, but remained around
5 times than those of 1595. By 1620, the prices of of Sarkhej indigo increased by 1.5 times, by 1630s it rose sharply
to decline by 1640s, but remained at the double level compared to that of 1595. The overseas demand were also
affected by fluctuations in indigo prices.
Wages
From the scattered figure of 17th century from Ain-i-Akbari, an increase of 67 to 100 per cent by 1637 is

g
shown, but these are not sufficient to draw broad conclusions.

n
Q. 5. Discuss merits and demerits of the zabti system.

i
Ans. Zabti: Originated in Sher Shah’s reign and revised a number of times during Akbar’s reign, before taking
a final shape, this was the most important, method of assessment during Mughal period.

a d
Originally, Sher Shah had established a rai per bigha yield for polaj (land under continuous cultivation) or

Re
parauti (land that rarely lied follow) based on three rates representing good, middling and low yields with one-third
of the sum of these as land revenue. Akbar adopted Sher Shah’s rai and introduced his karori experiment by appointing

e
karoris all over North India in 1574-75. He converted the entire jagir into khalisa. In 1580, Akbar instituted a new

in ks
system called ain dahsala on the basis of information received from karoris regarding actual produce, local prices,

l
productivity etc. Under the new system, ain dansala, the average produce of different crops along with the average

n oo
prices prevailing over the last ten years was calculated and one-third of the average produce was fixed as state’s

O b
minimum share. Under Karori experiment, the measurement of all provinces were undertaken by bamboo rods with

r -
iron rings called tanab. On the basis of productivity and prices prevailing in different regions, they were divided into

o
dastur circles for revenue purposes. The rate of assessment for each crop in every dastur in cash was decided and

f E
demand was fixed accordingly. In all, the main features of zabti system under Akbar were:

b d
(a) Measurement of land was essential.

u a n
(b) Cash revenue rates (dastur ul amal or dastur) were fixed for each crop.

H
(c) All the collections were made in cash.
Thus the zabti system had some merits from administrative point of view:

e
(a) Rechecking of the measurement could always be done.

h
(b) The fixed dasturs prevented the local officials from using their discretion.

T
(c) The fixed dasturs reduced the uncertainities and fluctuation in levying the land revenue demand.
There were some limitations of this system too
(a) In case the quality of the soil was not uniform, it could not be applied.
(b) The peasants had to bear the risks alone. Abul Fazl says “If the peasant does not have the strength to bear
zabti, the practice of taking a third of the crop as revenue is followed”.
(c) It was an expensive method. Access of one dam per bigha known as zabitana was given to meet the costs
towards the maintainence of the measuring party.
(d) There was the scope of much fraud in recording the measurement.

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Zabti system was adopted only in the core regions of the empire especially Delhi, Allahabad, Awadh, Agra,
Lahore and Multan and even in these provinces, other methods of assessment were also practiced.
Nasaq called Nasaqi zabti in North India and nasaqi ghalla bakshi in Kashmir was a subordinate method of
assessment. When it was applied under zabti, the annual measurement was done away with and previous figures
with certain variations were taken into account. Since the zabti system involved annual measurement, therefore as
per the wishes of the administration and revenue payers, zabti iharrata or annual measurement was set aside with
some modifications.
Following were the merits of the zabti system:
(a) Rechecking of the measurement could always be done.
(b) The fixed dasturs prevented the local officials from using their discretion.
(c) It also reduced the uncertainities and fluctuations in levying the land revenue demand.
Some of the limitations (demerits) of this system were as follows:

g
(a) In case, the quality of the soil was not uniform, it could not be applied.

i n
(b) The risks had to be borne by the peasants alone.

d
(c) It was an expensive method as a cess of one-dam per bigha known as zabitana was given to meet the costs

a
towards the maintenance of the measuring party.

e
(d) Much fraud was practiced in recording the measurement.

R
Q. 6. Discuss briefly attitude of the Mughals towards religion.
Ans. Attitude of the Mughals towards Religion:

e
Akbar–During 1560–65, Akbar established matrimonial relations with Rajputs, abolished the pilgrimage tax,

in ks
prohibited the conversion of prisioners of war to Islam and abolished Jiziya. These measures earned him a liberal

l
outlook. However, the works like Gulzar-i-Abrar and Nafais-ul-Muasir suggest him to be a devout Muslim, who had

n oo
also taken suppressive measures against Mahdavis and the Shias.

O b
Several explanations have been given to Akbar’s liberal attitude. At one side his upringing and intellectual

r -
influences have been held responsible, while at other, he has been found forsaken Islam and being hypocritical in his

o E
tolerant attitude. The current view however looks at these measures as political concessions, which had become a

f
necessity in absence of a reliable Muslim support.

b d
However, after 1565, there appears a change of attitude. In a document (Aug.-Sept. 1566) signed by his wakil

u a n
Munim Khan, there is an order regarding the collection of jiziya in the vicinity of Agra. In 1568, Akbar issued

H
famous fathnama of Chittor, which is full of such terms and idioms that smacks of religious bigotry. He also declared
his war with Rajputs as jihad and has taken pride in destroying temples and in killing kafirs. In 1575, he also

e
reimposed jiziya. However, interestingly despite all this intolerance, most of the Rajput chieftains joined his service

h
during 1566–79.

T
Religion thus was only used as a tool to attain political goals. When this strategy didn’t work, Akbar
dropped it.
Again the establishment of Ibadat khana in 1575, is interesting which aimed to have a free discussion on
various aspects of Islamic theology. However, the continued quarrel among the ulemas over the question of
jurisprudence made the Emperor disillusioned with it. From Sept. 1578, the gates of Ibadatkhana were opened for
all Sufis, Shias, Brahmins, Jains, Christians, Jews, Parsis etc. that proved a turning point as Akbar now got convinced
that the essence of faith lay in “internal conviction” based on ‘reason’. Akbar proclaimed himself Mujtahid and
declared himself Imam-Adil, to claim the right to interpret all legal questions, were existed a difference of opinion
among the ulemas. This was though violently resisted by ulemas, but Akbar finally succeeded in his attempt.

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Akbar’s Tauhid-i-Ilahi (mistakenly called Din-i-Ilahi) was another important measure, whose theme has been
examined in detail by R.P. Tripathi (The Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire). His works seem to suggest that Akbar
only wanted to build up a devoted band of people around him, acting as their spiritual guide. Thus, this Tauhid-i-
Ilahi of Akbar had nothing to do with his religious or political policy.
Finally, it may be said that Akbar did not generally resort to religious discrimination in political consolidation,
yet he never hesitated in taking strong measures against those who threatened his position or crossed their limits. But
these were not taken against any religious group, but only against individuals.
Jahangir–Commenting upon Jahangir, R.P. Tripathi says that Jahangir was more orthodox than his father and
less than his son Khurram. It has been alleged that he took harsh steps against Sikhs, Jains and Sunnis, but in fact the
victims were individuals and did not represent any religious group perse (Guru Arjan Singh, Man Singh Suri and
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi). On the contrary, he visited Jadrup Gosain three times and discussed with him Hindu
philosophy.

g
Besides, the percentage of Hindu mansabdars did not decrease during Jahangir’s reign, and no temple or place

i n
of worship was ordered to be destructed. He also did not reimpose jiziya, nor forcibly converted to Islam.

d
Shahjahan–After ascending the throne in 1627, Shahjahan abolished the practice of sijda (as it deemed fit only

a
for the almighty) and replaced it with chaher taslim. Moreover, according to the author of Amal Salih, he ordered the

e
demolition of seventy-six temples in the region of Benaras, with the argument that “new idol houses” (taza

R
sanamkhana) could not be constructed. However the old ones were left untouched.
Significantly, Muslim orthodoxy could not influence the Emperor in regard of the patronage given by him to

e
music and painting. Dhrupad was his most favourite form of vocal music and Jaganath the best Hindu musician, who

in ks
was given the title of Maha Kavi Rai by the Emperor. The art of painting also developed which continued to get state

l
patronage since Akbar’s time. He also did not impose jiziya on the non-Muslims, nor the number of Hindu mansabdars
fell below the number under his predecessors.
n oo
O b
Aurangzeb–As regards Aurangzeb’s reign there exists a controversy dividing the scholars on matters of religion.

r -
There are mainly three category of scholars:

o E
(a) Jadunath Sarkar, S.R. Sharma and A.L. Srivastava who view Aurangzeb guilty of religious bigotry and
persecution.
f
b d
(b) Shibli Nomani, Zahiruddin Faruki and Ishtiaq Hussain Qureshi justify Aurangzeb’s actions as political

u a n
expedients.

H
(c) Satish Chandra and M. Athar Ali attempts a “neutral” analysis of Aurangzeb’s acts.
In order to have a clear view, Aurangzeb’s measures have been divided into two parts:

h e
(a) minor inconsequential ordinance
(b) major ones, that could form the part of state policy.

T
In the first category
(a) He forbade the kalima (Islamic confession of faith) from being stamped on his coins lest the holy words
might be desecrated under foot or defiled by the non-believers.
(b) He abolished Nauroz celebrations (New Year Day of Zoroastrian calendar) going on since his predecessor’s
time.
(c) Old mosques were repaired and Imams and muezzins were appointed on a regular salary.
(d) A Mukhtasib (censor of morals) was appointed to enforce Prophet’s law and put down the practices forbidden
by it.

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(e) The ceremony of weighing Emperor against gold and silver on his two birthdays was stopped.
(f) In 1665, Emperor ordered the Holi and Diwali to be celebrated outside the bazar of the city of Ahmedabad
and its parganas as the Hindus used obscene speech throwing the Holi bonfire in chaklas and bazars
throwing into fire everything, they could forcibly lay their hands on.
(g) The practice of jharokha darshan was discontinued after the eleventh year of his reign, because the Darshanias
didn’t eat anything before Darshan.
(h) Musicians were forbidden to perform at the court as Aurangzeb neither liked it nor had sufficient leisure
time. But Naubat (royal band) were retained and musicians were given pensions.
Now the first, seventh and eight measures, reflect Aurangzeb’s Islamic concern and zeal for social reforms. It
was not anti-Hindu either. As regards the sixth order, it was more of a police regulation otherwise, there were no
general ban on Diwali or Holi. There was a similar verdict on the ban of Muharram processions after a deadly fight
between rival processions at Burhanpur in January, 1669.

g
The seventh measure regarding Jharokha Darshan was Emperor’s personal perception. Similarly the 8th measure,

n
i
stopping music was more likely to affect musicians like Khushhal Khan and Bisram Khan than their Hindu counterparts.

d
Now, as regards the major ordinance, the first relates to the demolition of Hindu temples which were newly

a
constructed, while the old ones were not repaired. The similar verdict was also issued by Shahjahan (taza sanamkhana)

e
with the only difference that the area of operation of the latter were confined to the region of Benaras only, while that

R
of the former included his whole of Empire.

e
According to a farman issued in 1670, all temples constructed in Orissa within the last 10 or 12 years were to

in ks
be demolished. This order claimed Vishwanath temple of Benaras, the Keshav Rai temple of Mathura and the

l
“second temple of Somnath.” He also had desecrated the recently built temple of Chintaman at Ahmedabad in 1644,

n oo
by killing a cow, when he was the viceroy of Gujarat.
As regards Mathura temple built by Bir Singh Bundela in favour for slaying Abul Fazl (1602), Jahangir let it

O b
remained undisturbed which was built at the cost of thirty-three lakh rupees. But Aurangzeb converted it into a large
mosque and named it Islamabad.

o r -
f E
The reimposition of jiziya in 1679 has been viewed by Jadunath Sarkar as a clear case of bigotry. But Satish

d
Chandra (jiziya and the state in India during the 17th century, published in the Journal of the Economic and Social

b
u a n
History of the Orient vol. XII, Part III, 1969) links it up with Deccan problem (Golkunda, Bijapur and Marathas) and
says that it was aimed at enlisting the unflinching support of orthodox Muslims, in time of political crises. It is also

H
thought to have been taken due to the financial crisis. But this view doesn’t seem tenable, as the income from it was

e
insignificant.

h
In 1665, he ordered Hindus to pay 5% custom duty on goods, as against 2 and 1/2% by the Muslim merchants.

T
According to an another farman of 1671, all the revenue collectors of the khalisa land were to be Muslims only,
where the Hindus were subsequently allowed in selected departments, provided that their number was kept at half of
that of the Muslims.
Aurangzeb, however, seems an enigmatic personality. In contrary to his acts of intolerance, he inducted several
non-Muslim officers in state bureaucracy, not reduced the percentage of Hindus in mansab system, besides issuing
grants for the maintenance of temples and priests.
As per a psychosomatic analysis of the actions of Aurangzeb, it seems that he had developed an intense
consciousness of guilt of having killed his brothers and imprisoning his father–an act that violated Turah-i-Chaghatai

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by ascending the throne while his father was alive. In such a condition, he was bound to be overtaken by unprecedented
remorse, penance and contrite. Possibly for this reason, he took shelter in the Islamic shell.
Section 3: Answer in about 100 words each.
Q. 7. Write short notes on any two of the following:
(i) Establishment of Uzbeg power in Transoxiana
Ans. The assassination of Sultan Mahmud Mirza followed the death of Umar Shaikh and Sultan Ahmad Mirza,
after which the former’s two sons Sultan Ali and Baisundhur Mirza contested for the throne of Samarquand and
Hisar. Taking advantage of the prevailing anarchy in the Timurid empire, the Tarkhan nobles became powerful,
usurped the entire revenue and played one prince against the other. Finding the occasion opportune, Shaibani wrested
Bukhara from its Timurid governor Baqar Tarkhan in 1499 and then captured Samarquand. Queen Mother Zuhra
Begi agreed to surrender Samarquand on the condition of giving the governorship of the choicest province to her son

g
Sultan Ali, thus Shaibani occupied Samarquand without a war in 1500. Sultan Ali passed away soon after. However,

n
Khwaja Abul Mukarram, soon invited Babur and overthrew the Uzbegs. Due to the lack of assistance, Babur was

di
defeated in the battle of Saripul (1501) and leaving Samarquand went to his uncle Mahmud Khan. The combined
forces of Babur and his maternal uncle Mahmud and Ahmad Khan were soon defeated in early 1503 by Shaibani,

e a
who captured Babur’s both maternal uncles. Shaibani also conquered Farghana and Qunduz in 1504, on the invitation
of Babur’s noble Tambal and overran Balkh, Memna and Faryabs in 1505. Shaibani put Mahmud Khan and his five

R
children to death (1508), while releasing Mongol Khans, Mahmud and Ahmad due to their previous kindness. Now

e
it was planned by many Timurid princes including Babur, Badiuzzaman and Muzaffar Hussain led by Sultan Hussain

in ks
Baiqra to become united and then confront the Uzbegs unitedly. But before this dream could translate into reality,

l
Sultan Hussain died in 1506, thereby plunging the Herat into a war of succession. Even after the establishment of the

n oo
dual rule of Badiuzzaman and Muzaffar Hussain, the chaos persisted, thereby reducing the dream of conquering the

O b
last Timurid principality. Finally, Shaibani established his new dynasty known as Shaibani after undertaking a campaign

r -
against the Qazaks of Moghulistan in 1508. However, this transfer of power from the Timurids to the Uzbegs were

fo E
possible mainly due to:
the personal incompetence of the successive Timurid Rulers

b
the rivalry between the various rulers

n d
u a
the absence of any settled rule of succession and

H
the absence of any strong administration.

e
The Tripartite Conflict of the Uzbegs, Persians and Timurids

h
The border of Shaibanid empire came closer to the Safavi one, with the conquest of Khurasan. In 1510, a war

T
took place, leading to the defeat of the Shaibani and his killing, that erupted due to the Shaibani’s demand of
allegiance from Shah. Shah, thus occupied Khurasan and also assisted Babur to reoccupy Trans-oxiana from Uzbegs.
The Samarqand though gave warm welcome to Babur but disapproved his association with heretic Shia Shah Ismail.
The greed of the followers of Babur came in full display, later. This made the Central Asians to long for the ‘Uzbeg
rule’.
Recovery and Resurgence of the Uzbeg Power
Since, the Uzbegs had no courage to face the combined forces of Babur and the Shah, therefore they gathered
themselves in Turkistan. Prince Ubaidullah, the nephew of Shaibani conquered Transoxiana after defeating Babur,

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thereafter gradually recovering Bukhara, Samarqand and other territories in 1512-13.
In 1514 Ubaidullah was invited by Ottoman Sultan Salim (1512-20) to join him against Ismail. Though he
could not oblige Salim but the latter successfully defeated Shah through his strategic manoeuvre. Ubaidullah and
Abdullah Khan were two next important rulers of the Shaibani empire, who waged several wars against Persia.
The Astrakhanids dynasty came to be known, so six months after the death of Abdullah Khan and the assassination
of his only son and successor Abdul Momin.
(iii) Food Crops and Cash Crops
Ans. Food Crops: The majority of the seasonal crops in North India were grown in two major seasons kharif
(autumn) and rabi (spring). Rice was the main kharif crop while wheat was rabi. However, in South India on wet
lands two alternate paddy crops were cultivated. In North Arcot, dry crops (kumbu, red gram, horse gram, castor)
were sown from May to Sept./October and harvested from August to December/January.

g
Rice and wheat were two major food crops throughout the country. The regions with high rainfall (40" to 50")

n
like North-East, Eastern India (Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, parts of Eastern U.P.) southern coast of Gujarat and South

di
India, were rice producing areas. In South India there were two main season’s for rice cultivation during winter and

a
summer seasons.

e
Rice cultivation was also done in irrigated areas of Punjab and Deccan. Bengal and Bihar produced the finest

R
quality of rice.
Punjab, Sind, Western U.P. and other regions with little rainfall produced wheat. It is also referred to be produced
in Bihar, Gujarat, Deccan and part of Bengal.
e
in ks
Barley was extensively grown in central plains, in Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Ajmer, Delhi, Lahore, Multan etc.

l
n oo
Millet, Jwar and Bajra, are reported from wheat producing zones. Pulses like gram, arhar, moong, moth, urd
and khishari (the latter grown extensively in Bihar and Madhya Pradesh) are reported from different regions. However

O b
Abul Fazl says its consumption was injurious to health.

r -
Maize (makai or makka was grown in Rajasthan and Maharashtra and in other regions during the second half

o
f E
of the 17th century.

d
Cash Crops: Crops grown mainly for market are commonly known as cash crops. In Persian records, it is

b n
referred as jinsi kamil or jinsi ala. These crops occupied the fields throughout the year. The major ones during the

u a
16th-17th century were sugarcane, cotton, indigo and opium.

H
Though these crops were known in India from historical times, but their demand increased by 17th century due

e
to enhanced commercial activities. The peasants accordingly increased the cultivation of these crops.

h
Sugarcane was the most widely grown cash crop of the period which was reported from most of the dastur

T
circles of Agra, Awadh, Lahore, Multan and Allahabad. Sugar of Bengal was considered the best in quality. It was
also reported from Multan, Malwa, Sind, Khandesh, Berar and regions of South India.
Cotton was grown in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bengal, Ajmer, Allahabad, Awadh, Bihar, Multan, Sind, Lahore
and Delhi.
Indigo that yielded a blue dye (neel) was reported from dastur circles of Awadh, Allahabad, Ajmer, Delhi,
Agra, Lahore, Multan, Sind, Gujarat, Bihar, Bengal, Malwa and Coromandal in South India and Deccan. The produce
of Bayana and Sarkhej were considered the best in quality, hence fetched highest prices. The produce of Khurja and
Aligarh (U.P.), Sehwan (Sind) and Telingana in Deccan were also known for good quality.

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Opium was cultivated from Bihar and Malwa (best quality), Awadh, Delhi, Agra, Lahore, Bengal, Gujarat,
Marwar and Mewar in Rajasthan.
Tobacco introduced probably in 16th century in India by Portuguese was noticed in almost all parts of country
(especially Surat and Bihar).
Cultivation of coffee probably started during the second half of 17th century. San or sunn-hemp, a fibre yielding
plant was cultivated in Awadh, Allahabad, Agra, Lahore, Ajmer etc.
Sericulture (rearing of silk-worms on mulberry plant) was done in Bengal, Assam, Kashmir and western coast.
Rapeseed, castor, linseed were the main oil yielding plants, which was reportedly grown in all provinces from
Allahabad to Multan and Bengal.

n g
di
e a
R
e
l in ks
n oo
O b
o r -
f E
b n d
u a
H
h e
T

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