Presenter Notes For Decolonization in Nigeria
Presenter Notes For Decolonization in Nigeria
Presenter Notes For Decolonization in Nigeria
Another newspaper which served as a tool in the nonviolent struggle was the West African
Pilot, which was a daily newspaper, whose publication had signaled the inauguration of
popular journalism in Nigeria. It was the foremost nationalist newspaper in Nigeria during the
Second World War. It was founded by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, an American-trained Nigerian
leading journalist and nationalist politician of the period, who had cut his journalistic wisdom
teeth in the Gold Coast as the editor of the Accra African Morning Post on November 22,
1937. The West African Pilot had consequently grown to be a fire-eating and aggressive
nationalist paper of the highest order. The West African Pilot spread across Nigeria. Starting
in Onitsha, the newspaper moved to Warri, Jos, Enugu and even Kano, in the North, taking a
more national posture. In 1949, Obamafemi Awolowo, politician and nationalist, also started
the Nigerian Tribune in Ibadan, Western Nigeria. For 20 years, ‘Zik’ and ‘Awo’, as they were
affectionately known to Nigerians, blew the nationalist trumpet without provoking any
significant repression from the colonial authorities who, since the late 1950s, had begun to
attune themselves to the reality of African independence. This attitude can be explained by
the fact that the British saw the press in Nigeria as a “stabilization factor.” Indeed, it allowed
radicals to voice their impatience loudly in Lagos or Ibadan.
.Constitutional debates in 1951 and 1954 were all conducted on the terms of reforming
colonial administration to provide for Western educated Nigerians in local administration
rather than the dissolution of British rule. The dominant thoughts remained how nationalists
might acquire "difficult art of governing themselves, to train civil services in the ideas of
honesty and efficiency, and to improve the economic conditions of the territories so that they
may be able to face the future unaided. The Colonial Office continued to assume the
retention of an eventually ‘independent’ Nigerian with a Dominion status .However, partly as
a result of the sharp criticism of the constitutions by nationalists, and the urgency
consequent upon the independence of Ghana in 1957, nationalist leaders in the Eastern and
Western provinces pressured for and were granted internal self-government in 1957. Only
afterwards was decolonization set on an irreversible course; one which Nigerians and
colonial official alike, tried to make sense of and tried to resolve the ambiguities of freedom
in a colonial setting.In reality, decolonization also portended anxieties for the region’s chiefly
elite, the powers of which had been secured and enhanced by colonialism.3 Across Nigeria,
minority groups began voicing fears of domination by the dominant ethnic identities should
the British leave, for which reason a Commission was set up to find ways of providing
constitutional guarantees.4 Up till the end of the 1940s, the idea of Nigerian nationhood was
not firmly established and many groups imagined futures other than Nigeria, as
demonstrated when educated elite of Abeokuta in Western region convened a “national”
constitutional conference from 1948 to 1949, and in the anticipation that their nation would
become sovereign, they designed a national flag and anthem “fit for a place among nations.
These developments underscore the many different ideas and interests, which struggled to
impose upon the form and direction of decolonization. While there had always been calls for
the British to leave, there was no certainty that a transfer of power would happen.
Constitutions enacted in 1946, 1951, and 1954 progressively granted political involvement to
local elites, but they only hinted at the possibility of independence as some future point.
1957 marked a turning point with the implementation of internal self-rule signalling the
beginning of the end of colonial government.The granting of internal self-government had
profound implication for decolonization in Nigeria. It marked the first time Nigerians were
vested with real political powers under colonial administration. Even though the colonial
governors had involved Nigerians in administration, those did not exercise any political
authority. From 1957, elections into regional parliaments saw parties campaigning on
themes of governance and power other than against foreign rule that was previously the
case. Previous attempts among nationalists at forming a united platform against colonialism
began to break down into fierce rivalry among them and the political parties they formed .
These rivalries were not always peaceful and often resulted in violence among their
supporters. Up till 1957, the colonial government was in effective and impregnable control of
the colonial police and the colonial civil service, but the granting of self-government rendered
this control anomalous, opening up debates and controversies over the control of the police,
and over shifting conceptions of public order, public administration and political behaviour.
The new leaders held different interpretations of self-rule among them, and from British
colonial officials. For instance, where colonial officials saw internal self-government as the
next stage in tutelage and preparation, the Premier of the region, Awolowo claimed: “the
burden of administering the Region and providing for the general well-being of its people
now devolves entirely on the leaders of our party.
There were important consequences from the tension generated by decolonization. Political
elites do not unilaterally shape public order. Political and administrative restructurings
produced effects to which ordinary people reacted. Aside from the political rivalries between
political parties and their followers, and anti-colonial riots, decolonization was also marked
by manyanti-self-government demonstrations and what colonial officials saw as the break-
down of public order. Two instances namely the tax riots of 1957-1958 and the Ibadan riots
of 1958 demonstrate the shifting conceptions of public order and the challenges of policing
decolonization. The series of restructuring in the political and administrative transition proved
very costly; just as the implementation of the regional government’s programme of massive
infrastructural development, and expansion of educational and health services not only
expanded the bureaucracy, it drew heavily on state finance. For instance educational
expenditure, which stood at £56,000 in 1949, had risen to £1.16m by 1957. By 1958, only
one local government could balance its budget, most had expended their reserve funds and
at least twelve councils
were bankrupt.
Independence of Nigeria
The Federation of Nigeria formally achieved its independence from Britain and joined the
Commonwealth of Nations (CON) on October 1, 1960. On October 1, 1960, Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa, founder of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), was appointed as prime
minister (head of government) of the Federation of Nigeria. Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe,
leader of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, was appointed as Governor-
General (representative of Queen Elizabeth II, the Nigerian head of state) on November 16,
1960. The Federal Republic of Nigeria was established on October 1, 1963, with Abubakar
Tafawa Balewa as prime minister (head of government) and Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe as
president (head of state). President Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe dissolved the House of
Representatives on December 8, 1964. Parliamentary elections were held on December 30,
1964 and March 18, 1965, and the NPC won 162 out of 312 seats in the House of
Representatives.
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is evident that the withdrawal of the colonialists from governance in Nigeria
and the subsequent handing over of power to Nigerians in 1960 did not come as a result of
the British act of benevolence. It came as a consequence of various demonstrations of
nonviolent actions, agitation, and efforts of various nationalists movements. The nonviolent
struggles were deeply rooted mass strikes and protests, enormous sacrifices largely by
Nigerian workers, taking cognizance of newspaper reports which played significant roles of
checks and balances in the early colonial administration of Nigeria.