Eae2 D-Ha

Table of Contents
Introduction .......................................................................................... Vll
Acknowledgements ................................................................................. IX
Hamburg editorial team.............................................................................. Xl
Advisory board ....................................................................................... Xl
Field specialists ....................................................................................... Xl
Contributors .......................................................................................... Xll
Notes for the user .................................................................................... XVIll
Transliteration and transcription tables

Table 1. General phonetic ..................................................................... XVIll
Table 2. G;)c;)Z script .............................................................................. XIX
Table 3. Arabic script ............................................................................. XXI
Table 4. Epigraphic South Arabian ...................... ...................................... XXI
Key to detail maps ................................................................................. XXI
General abbreviations ................................................................................ XXll
Bibliographic abbreviations ........................................................................ XXIV
Biblical abbreviations ................................................................................. xxxix
Articles
D ...................................................................................................... 1
E ...................................................................................................... 211
F ...................................................................................................... 483
G ...................................................................................................... 595
Ha ................................................................................................... 945
Coup d'etat 1916 ................................................................................. 1081
Coup d'etat 1960 1081
Introduction
The Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, a state-of- The Encyclopaedia articles present basic

the-art reference work for Ethiopian and information in a concise form; to encourage
Eritrean studies, was launched in 1997. Cre- further research, the articles are accompa-
ated by hundreds of scholars from all over nied by a short list of bibliographic refer-
the world, whose joint efforts are co- ences, which distinguishes between primary
ordinated by Hamburg University team, the and secondary sources. Maps and illustra-
lexicon will contain circa 4,500 articles in its tions offer additional information.
four volumes. The fifth volume will accom- All entries appear alphabetically, and
modate indices and necessary supplements Oriental notations are listed according to
as well as addenda and corrigenda. their transliterated form. For personal
Volume one was presented to the schol- names, pre-positioned particles like da, de,
arly audience during the 15th International van or similar are ignored for the sake of
Conference of Ethiopian Studies held in simplicity - irrespective of traditional names
Hamburg during the summer of 2003. Since relating to a person's provenance - thus
then it has found its due place in the fields facilitating the search for a name under its
of Ethiopian, African and Oriental studies; main part (e.g., Andrade, Antonio de; Bas-
the first reviews have already appeared (for sano, Francesco Da; Esbroek, Michel van).
example, the review by Joseph Tubiana in Somali words are as a rule transcribed in
Aethiopica 7, 2004, 194-211). The publica- accordance with this work's orthographical
tion of the first volume, with nearly 1,000 rules (s. Transcription and transliteration
articles, motivated many more colleagues to tables). Articles that for various reasons
collaborate with the project. could not be accommodated in due alpha-
Geographically, the Encyclopaedia fo- betical order will appear in volume five.
cuses on the Horn of Africa. Present-day To make volume two bindable, the block
Ethiopia and Eritrea receive the most atten- of the articles beginning with letter H had to
tion, but issues concerning Djibouti and the be divided in two parts; the second part
border areas of the Sudan and Somalia are (beginning with Healers/Healing) will ap-
also addressed. Thematically, the Encyclo- pear in volume three.
paedia concentrates on the humanities, with Due to a software error, a portion of
history, anthropology, languages and lit- text, between pages 809 and 810, was un-
erature, culture, religion and arts forming fortunately omitted in the first volume. We
the core areas. Geographic and biographic apologize to our readers and the authors of
entries are also indispensable in a lexicon of the affected articles, Coup d'etat 1916 and
the Encyclopaedia Aethiopica's scale. Coup d'etat 1960, and enclose the corrected
The Provisional Military Government's pages with the present volume. These pages
rise to power in 1974 creates a temporal can also be downloaded from the official
caesura for the Encyclopaedia; however, Encyclopaedia website (http://www.rrz.uni-
events after this demarcation point are in- hamburg.deIEAE), and they will be re-
cluded if they originated before 1974. printed in volume five.
Acknowledgements
An interdisciplinary project like the Ency- at the very last minute: for this I am sin-
clopaedia Aethiopica can only be successful cerely grateful.
if it collaborates with scholars who are Special thanks go to those Ethiopisants
willing to research topics lying within their who agreed to participate in the editorial
field of competence in addition to investi- activities of the Research Unit Ethiopian
gating new areas. Such scholars must also be Studies making themselves available and at
able to phrase their results concisely and be hand in Hamburg. These were, in most
willing to allow their research to pass cases, the same scholars who have agreed to
through intensive editorial processing by become members of the "Advisory Board»
colleagues and co-authors. Just like the first and spent long days and weeks in Hamburg
volume of the Encyclopaedia, the second - in some cases several trips were made
volume saw numerous contributors face up whilst working on this volume. During their
to this challenge: over 250 authors agreed to stays at the University, they daily - and
collaborate and are herewith presenting the sometimes nightly - discussed current
results of their painstaking work. I would problems together with members of the
like to express my deepest gratitude to them Editorial team, checked and counterchecked
all, especially to the many Ethiopian schol- the articles, tested the coherence between
ars for their tremendous commitment to the different entries dealing with related topics,
project. The exceptionally active co- suggested alternative phrasing and made
operation of young scholars should be par- important additions. In this connection I
ticularly emphasized. lowe special thanks must emphasize the collaboration of Gian-
to those researchers who participated in the franco Fiaccadori who regularly came to
project notwithstanding personal complica- Hamburg - for one to two weeks - and took
tions of various kinds. active part in the editorial work.
A special circle of colleagues had the dif- lowe my most sincere gratitude to the
ficult task of reading the submitted entries young editorial team that bears the daily
and making suggestions towards their im- workload with me. Their duties and respon-
provement. Their number is in reality higher sibilities are indeed vast, including: writing
than that of the official "Field Specialists", articles, formatting and laying out the in-
whose names are listed on page xi, because coming texts, revising articles as necessary -
many placed themselves at our disposal in shortening or extending when needed -
certain individual cases. I thank them all for looking up references and ensuring the nec-
their important help and willingness to re- essary contiguity throughout the volume.
spond at short notice. Additionally, they check the structure of
Several colleagues have agreed to serve general entries, and perform the numerous
the Editorial team as "First Readers" by processing and editing steps that are neces-
critically reading through the draft manu- sary for the entries' completion. Whilst
scripts, and this under considerable time performing their work, the team remains in
constraints. In many cases they were able to individual correspondence with authors and
draw our attention to embarrassing mistakes field specialists and ensures the progress in
Acknowledgements
scholarly discussion - remammg involved within the framework of a long-term proj-

and yet critically distant at the same time. ect, from the German-Israeli Foundation,
All of these tasks they perform with tre- the Zeit-Stiftung Ebelin und Gerd Bucerius,
mendous dedication, time and energy, and the Johanna und Fritz Buch Gediichtnis-
the project would not be possible without stiftung, and the Stiftung zur Forderung der
their extraordinary effort. I would like to Athiopistik. The present volume could only
thank them all, and also our student assis- appear thanks to the generosity of the Uni-
tants for their technical support. versitiit Hamburg, which accommodates and
Various individuals and organizations equips the Research Unit, thus ensuring its
have provided a number of less visible but technical survival, and offers support at the
often important contributions, and I would administrative level.
like to express my gratitude to them all, I am particularly grateful to the Deutsche
even if I can only list them here very briefly. Forschungsgemeinschaft for the subsidy
I would also like to mention all those who towards the printing costs, which has allowed
have placed valuable illustrative material at us to maintain a relatively low price for the
our disposal and those who have helped us volume, particularly relevant for scholars
and the authors to translate articles written from less economically secure countries.
in languages other than English. My special Last but not least, we cannot forget those
thanks are owed to the Institute of Ethio- Encyclopaedia authors who have passed
pian Studies of Addis Ababa University for away since the launch of the project, having
its important support, to Matthias Schulz sometimes spent the very last weeks of their
for his detailed maps, to Arthur Irvine for lives working on their contributions. Among
language proof-reading, to Thomas Rave for those are Aberra Jembere, Ayele Teklehay-
the lay-out and to Michael Langfeld from manot, Sevir Chernetsov, Michael van Es-
Harrassowitz Verlag for invaluable profes- broek, Friedrich Heyer, Thomas Leiper
sional technical advice. Kane, Otto Meinardus, Caspar Detlef Gustav
The financial support, and thus the nec- Miiller, Stuart Munro-Hay, Paulos Tzadua
essary material base for the project, came and Alexander Sima. To them we owe a debt
from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft of gratitude and sincere appreciation.
Siegbert Uhlig
Hamburg, 7 March 2005*
* on the occasion of the Centenary of German-Ethiopian Diplomatic Relationships
x
Hamburg Editorial Team
Assistant editors: Technical editor:
Maria Bulakh (2004-2005) Thomas Rave
Dirk Bustorf (2002-2005) Cartographer:
Andreu Martinez d'AIos-Moner (2002-2005) Matthias Schulz
Denis N osnitsin (1999-2005) Proof-reader:
Wolbert Smidt (1999-2005) Arthur Irvine
Evgenia Sokolinskaia (1999-2005) David Emanuel
Advisory Board
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska Gianfrancesco Lusini
Gianfranco Fiaccadori Siegfried Pausewang
Alain Gascon Shiferaw Bekele
Steven Kaplan
Field Specialists
Jon Abbink, Leiden Marilyn Heldman, St. Louis MO
Hermann Amborn, Munich Hussein Ahmed, Addis Ababa
Bahru Zewde, Addis Ababa Steven Kaplan, Jerusalem
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, Uppsala Kay Kaufman Shelemay, Cambridge MA
Giorgio Banti, Naples Gianfrancesco Lusini, Naples
Alessandro Bausi, Naples Richard Pankhurst, Addis Ababa
Paul Baxter, Stockport James Quirin, Nashville TN
Lionel Bender, Carbondale IL Shiferaw Bekele, Addis Ababa
Ulrich Braukamper, Gottingen Peter Unseth, Duncanville TX
Sevir Chernetsov, St. Petersburg t Rainer Voigt, Berlin
Donald Crummey, Urbana IL Ewald Wagner, GieSen
Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Milan Stefan Weninger, Marburg
Alain Gascon, Paris Andrzej Zaborski, Krakow
Gideon Goldenberg, Tel Aviv U go Zanetti, Chevetogne
Contributors to Volume 2
Abbas Haji Gnamo Ayele Teklehaymanot t
North York ON, Canada AzebAmha
Abbebe Kifleyesus Leiden, The Netherlands
Asmara, Eritrea BahruZewde
Abbink,Jon Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Leiden, The Netherlands Bairu Tafla
Abdulkader Saleh Mohammed Hamburg, Germany
Asmara, Eritrea Balashova, Galina
Abebaw Ayalew Moscow, Russia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Balicka-Witakowska, Ewa
Aberra Jembere t Uppsala, Sweden
Aberra Nefa Banti, Giorgio
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Rome, Italy
Aboneh Ashagrie Barnes, Cedric
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia London, UK
Ahmed Hassen Omer Battera, Federico
Aix-en-Provence, France Trieste, Italy
Ahmed Zekaria Bauerochse, Ernst
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Hermannsburg, Germany
Alemayehu Kumsa Bausi, Alessandro
Prague, Czech Republic Naples, Italy
Allehone Mulugeta Baxter, Paul
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Stockport, UK
Alpers, Edward Baye Yimam
Los Angeles CA, USA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Amanuel Gano Bekele Gutema
Denver CO, USA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Amborn, Hermann Bender, M. Lionel
Munich, Germany Carbondale IL, USA
Amsalu Aklilu Berhanu Gizaw Haile-Mariam
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Anbessa T eferra Berhanu N ega
Hadera, Israel Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Appleyard, David L. Berry, LaVerle B.
London, UK Alexandria VA, USA
Arnesen, Odd Erik Biasio, Elisabeth
Oslo, Norway Zurich, Switzerland
AsfawDamte Biniam Ghebremedhin W.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Hannover, Germany
Boavida, Isabel Degif Petros

Lisbon, Portugal Montreal, Canada
Boll, Verena Del Boca, Angelo
Hamburg, Germany Torino, Italy
Bosc-Tiesse, Claire Demel T eketay
Paris, France Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Braukamper, Ulrich Demeulenaere, Elise
Gottingen, Germany Paris, France
Bugday, Korkut Derat, Marie-Laure
Cologne, Germany Paris, France
Burtea, Bogdan Dohrmann, Alke
Berlin, Germany Leipzig, Germany
Bustorf, Dirk Dore, Giovanni
Hamburg, Germany Bologna, Italy
Calchi Novati, Giampaolo Dubois, Colette
Pavia, Italy Aix-en-Provence, France
Campbell, Ian Ege, Svein
Washington DC, USA Trondheim, Norway
Carmichael, Tim Erlich, Haggai
East Lansing MI, USA Tel Aviv, Israel
Chernetsov, Sevir t Ezra Gebremedhin
Chojnacki, Stanislaw U ppsala, Sweden
Sudbury ON, Canada Fattovich, Rodolfo
Clapham, Christopher Naples, Italy
Cambridge, UK Favali, Lyda
Cohen, Leonardo Turin, Italy
Jerusalem, Israel Fekade Azeze
Colin, Gerard Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Paris, France Fiaccadori, Gianfranco
Coltorti, Mauro Milan, Italy
Siena, Italia Ficquet, Eloi
Crummey, Donald Paris, France
Urbana IL, USA Finneran, Niall
Curtis, Matthew Southampton, UK
Gainesville FL, USA Firla, Monika
Daniel Kendie Stuttgart, Germany
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Fisseha T adesse
Data De'a Eichstatt, Germany
Bergen, Norway Fox, Gregory H.
De Souza, T eotonio Orange CA, USA
Lisbon, Portugal Frantsouzoff, Serguei A.
Declich, Francesca St. Petersburg, Russia
U rbino, Italy
XU1
Freeman, Dena Heintze-Flad, Wilfred

London, UK Villars-Tiercelin, Switzerland
Fritsch, Emmanuel Heldman, Marilyn E.
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia St. Louis MO, USA
Gamst, Frederick C. Henze, Marta
Cheyenne WY, USA Washington VA, USA
Garretson, Peter Henze, Paul B.
Tallahassee FL, USA Washington VA, USA
Gascon, Alain Heyer, Friedrich t
Paris, France Hodes, Richard
Getatchew Haile Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Collegeville MN, USA Holtz, Toby Berger
Getie Gelaye New York NY, USA
Hamburg, Germany Hussein Ahmed
Getinet Assefa Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Halle, Germany Imperato, Pascal James
Gibb, Camilla Brooklyn NY, USA
Toronto ON, Canada Itushi Kawase
Gilkes, Patrick Kyoto, Japan
London, UK J eheskel Shoshani
Girma Fisseha Asmara, Eritrea
Munich, Germany Johanson, Donald
Girma Getahun TempeAZ, USA
Oxford, UK Johnson, Deborah
Goldenberg, Gideon Silverado CA, USA
Jerusalem, Israel Kaplan, Steven
Gori, Alessandro Jerusalem, Israel
Florence, Italy Kaufman Shelemay, Kay
Graber, Gerd Cambridge MA, USA
Mannheim, Germany Kebede Hordofa Janko
Guazzini, Federica Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Siena, Italy Kebre-Ab Tesfaf
Habtemichael Kidane Hamburg, Germany
Asmara, Eritrea Kimberlin, Cynthia Tse
Hagos Yohannes Point Richmond CA, USA
Asmara, Eritrea Kleiner, Michael
Hahn, Wolfgang Marburg, Germany
Wien, Austria Klemm,Peri
Hayward, Richard J. Decatur GA, USA
London, UK Kon, Ronald E.
Hecht, Elisabeth-Dorothea Leiden, The Netherlands
Nairobi, Kenya Koser, Khalid
London, UK
XIV
Kurimoto, Eisei Metz,Manfred

Osaka, Japan Berlin, Germany
Launhardt, Johannes Meyer, Ronny
Hermannsburg, Germany Mainz, Germany
Leclant, Jean Miran, Jonathan
Paris, France London, UK
Lenci, Marco Mohammed Hassen Ali
Parma, Italy Atlanta GA, USA
Leslau, Wolf Molvaer, Reidulf Knut
Fullerton CA, USA Oslo, Norway
Lourie, Basil Morin, Didier
St. Petersburg, Russia Villejuif, France
Lusi,ni, Gianfrancesco Mulatu Wubneh
Naples, Italy Greenville NC, USA
Lydall, Jean Muller, Caspar Detlef Gustav t
Mainz, Germany Munro-Hay, Stuart t
Lykowska, Laura Mussie T esfagiorgis
Warsaw, Poland Hamburg, Germany
Mantel-Niecko, Joanna Muth, Franz-Christoph
Warsaw, Poland Mainz, Germany
Marrassini, Paolo Naigzi Gebremedhin
Florence, Italy Asmara, Eritrea
Martinez d' Alos-Moner, Andreu Natsoulas, Theodore
Hamburg, Germany Toledo OH, USA
Mattausch, Birgit N ebes, Norbert
Cologne, Germany Jena, Germany
McClellan, Charles W. Nicolas, Andrea
Radford VA, USA Berlin, Germany
Revol-Tissot, Meaza Haile Nosnitsin, Denis
Bouffement, France Hamburg, Germany
Meinardus, Otto t O'Mahoney, Kevin
Mekete Belachew Addigrat, Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Orlowska, Izabela A.
Mekonnen Retta London, UK
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Pankhurst, Richard
Merawi Tebege Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Cologne, Germany Pankhurst, Rita
Merdassa Kassaye Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Papathanasiou, Athanasios N.
Merid W olde Aregay Athens, Greece
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Paulos Tzadua t
Mersha Alehegne Pausewang, Siegfried
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Bergen, Norway
xv
Persoon, Joachim Seltene Seyoum

Nijmegen, The Netherlands Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Pietruschka, Ute Shawki EI Gamal
Halle, Germany Cairo, Egypt
Poissonnier, Bertrand Shiferaw Bekele
Vouvant, France Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Poissonnier, Nicole Silverman, Raymond A.
Vouvant, France Ann Arbor MI, USA
Priess, Maija Sima, Alexander t
Hamburg, Germany Simeone-Senelle, Marie Claude
Prijac, Lukian Villejuif, France
Brest, France Smidt, Wolbert
Quirin, James Hamburg, Germany
Nashville TN, USA Sobania, Neal
Raineri, Osvaldo Holland MI, USA
Rome, Italy Sokolinskaia, Evgenia
Rao, S. Krishna Hamburg, Germany
Asmara, Eritrea Spaulding, Jay
Reid, Richard Union NJ, USA
Durham, UK Stella, Gian Carlo
Ricci, Lanfranco Ravenna, Italy
Rome, Italy Stoffregen-Pedersen, Kirsten
Richter, Renate Jerusalem, Israel
Leipzig, Germany Stork, Lothar
Rider, Alfons Hamburg, Germany
Spiegel, Switzerland Strebel, Barbara
Rouaud, Alain Zurich, Switzerland
Paris, France Strecker, Ivo
Rubenson, Sven Mainz, Germany
Lund, Sweden Taddesse Wolde Gossa
Rubinkowska, Hanna Palo Alto CA, USA
Warsaw, Poland Tamiru Alemayehu
Samatar, Said Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Newark NJ, USA T arekegn Gebreyesus Kaba
Samuel Yalew Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tarsitani, Simone
Schaefer, Charles Rome, Italy
Valparaiso IN, USA T edros Abraha
Scholler, Heinrich Asmara, Eritrea
Munich, Germany Temesgen Negassa
Schulze, Andrea Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Bonn, Germany T enalem Ayalew
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
XVI
T esfaye Akalu Wei6enborn, Anke

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Berlin, Germany
T osco, Mauro Weninger, Stefan
Genoa, Italy Marburg, Germany
T oubkis, Dimitri Winkler, Dietmar W.
Paris, France Graz, Osterreich
Triulzi, Alessandro Wion,Anals
Naples, Italy Paris, France
Tronvoll, Kjetil Witakowski, Witold
Oslo, Norway Uppsala, Sweden
Tsega Endalew W oldeyohannes W orkneh
Hamburg, Germany Mekele, Ethiopia
Tsegay Berhe G. Libanos Worku Nida
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Los Angeles, USA
Tsegaye Tegenu Wudu Tafete Kassu
Uppsala, Sweden Urbana IL, USA
Uhlig, Siegbert Yaqob Beyene
Hamburg, Germany Naples, Italy
Unseth, Peter Yonas Admassu
Duncanville TX, USA Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Van Donzel, Emeri Yosef Libsekal
Oegstgeest, The Netherlands Asmara, Eritrea
Vestal, Theodore M. Zanetti, U go
Stillwater OK, USA Chevetogne, Belgium
Voigt, Rainer Zemede Asfaw
Berlin, Germany Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
V olker-Saad, Kerstin Zewde Gebre Sellassie
Berlin, Germany Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Wagner, Ewald Zitelmann, Thomas
Giessen, Germany Berlin, Germany
Weil, Shalva Zuurmond, Rochus
Jerusalem, Israel Faringdon, UK
XVll
Notes for the User
Transliteration and Transcription Tables
Table 1. General Encyclopaedia Aethiopica transcription system
~ ~
·c~ -a
.;
.~ • ...9 ~ ,.J til .~ tJ e u ~ ~
'" ..2§< ..9 ~ ~
~.~ .~
~ ~ ::aE-<
Q.,
~ Q.,. Q.,'U' Z ~ ~
~
....:I ~ E-<
Bilabial, vel. p l? Ii ell
Bilabial, ved. b b m bv ~ w
Labiodental, vel. f
Labiodental, vcd. v
Dental, vel. t ~ 9/!
Dental, vcd. d cf n alg
Alveolar, vel. ts ~ s 1 r
Alveolar, ved. dz z 1 r
Lateral, vel. tl ~ i
Lateral, ved. dl B
Retroflex, vel. t ~ §
Retroflex, ved. q 4 ~ r
Postalveolar, vel. C ~ S
Postalveolar, vcd. g Z
Palatal, vel. c ,;;
Palatal, ved. J ii J Y
Velar, vel. k q kx !yx
Velar, ved. g g IJ gy Y
Labiovelar, vel. kp XW
Labiovelar, ved. gb yW
Uvular, vel. q
Uvular, vcd. G If/g R
Pharyngal, vel. 1:1

Pharyngal, ved. cit
Glottal, vel. on h
Glottal, ved. h
Notes for the User
Table 2. G;,"az script
1", order 2nd order 3rd order 4th order 5th order 6th order* 7th order
II ha II- hu t hi ., ha 't he II ha .,. ho
t\ La Ir lu t\. Ii l\ la t\. Ie IA la tr- Io
tit pa dr pu th. pi .It pa tit. pe ih pa th po
011 ma 011' mu "'- ml "., rna ""L me ,.. ma "., mo
IP sa II'" su .... si PI sa ..... se ", sa V' so
l ra ~ ru t, n ~ ra t.. re C ra ~ ro
I'l sa ~ su I'l. Sl It sa (\ se it sa {l so
if sa if su it si 7f sa it se "Ii sa i\" so
.,. .,.
f
qa
qa
•=Ii qu
qu
4!
f
ql
qt
~
?
qa
qa
4:
=Ii
qe
qe
:,.
'f
qa
qa ~
qo
qo
0 ba 0- bu 0. bi q ba fL be 11 ba {1 bo
.,. ta 1: tu 1: ti :l- ta i: te :,. ta .,. to
:f ca =Ii Cu :f Ci ;J= ca :,; ce l- ea ¥ Co
... .... -t ;) .... ..,
'1
lJa
na .,.
lJu
nu '1.
lJi
m Ci
lJa
na ~
lJe
ne , lJa
na
'Ii
-r
lJo
no
1 fia r fiu . 1: fii r; fia 1: fie ~ fia If> fio
'a 'u h. ' t. 'a 'e 'a to.
"
h ka '"
tr ku h. ki "
l) ka
It.
11. ke
"h ka ...
"0
ko
"Ii ka "Ii- ku 1i. ki "Ii ka "Ii. ke "Ii ka "Ii ko
ID wa OJ. wu 1! 'I' wa ce we OJ" wa wo
"
WI
0 a
C
0- u
C
1. c·
I Ii a
C
'to e
C
iJ a
C
P Co
za zu Il Zl za It. ze 11 za zo
"
". ia "'
11' iu 1C ii
If
ia 11: ie :r.- ia
If
io
ya ~ yu ,. yl
"If
1 ya ye ,. ya
".
yo
,...'"
f f'
1- da ~ du Jl di .c; da de 1: da P- do
1: ga :( gu :( gi )f ga 1: ge ~ ga
.,. go
1 ga ,. gu 1. gt ;J ga 1. ge .., ga
., go
XIX
Notes for the User
1st order 2nd order 3rd order 4th order 5th order 6th order* 7'h order
ta tu m. pi "I ta te 'I' ta to
"'-
In
fa
til"
Q ?u Q;I" ?i ... fa
til.
t;Qr fe 6f!' fa
til
(lib fO
A pa A. pu ~ pi A pa A- pe pa ~ po
*'
~
IJ
~a
fa
~
".
~u
fu
R.
t
~I
Ii
,
~ ~a
fa
~
'1
~e
fe
X"
II
~a
fa
2t
P
~o
fo
A- fa 4- fu ~ fi of. fa 4- fe Ii! fa t:: fo
r pa rp pu T pi :r pa 1: pe T pa ;r po
q
ii va it- vu "- VI va it ve -ii va i1 vo
Labiovelars**:
.", q"'a .,... q"'i !I: qfIJa !II q"'e .,... q'"a
..... b"'a ~ b"'i :\ b"'a ".\ b'"e 1-- bfIJa
,.. Il- k"'a

g"'a
flo.
.,..
kfIJi
g"'i
\I.
=\
k"'a
g"'a ,.
\I. k"'e
g"'e
It
l'
k"'a
g"'a
1i- kf1Ja "flo. k"'i ~ k"'a 11- k"'e 'It kfIJa
f, qfJJa ... q"'i f q"'a !Ii q"'e ... q"'a
* The consonant in the sixth order can be vocalized (-a) or unvocalized (/21).
** Consonant symbols with the additional ~ underneath (e.g., "-, Fa, 9., bfIJa,:I:, t"'a etc.) or
- above (e.g.,.i7, mfJJa, G, rfDa, 6.,ja etc.) stand for the respective consonant phonemes fol-
lowed by -"'a.
Numerals:
Ii 1 ~ 8 ~ 60
« 2 j 9 ~ 70
J: 3 ! 10 it 80
!! 4 f! 20 j 90
?; 5 en 30 I 100
i 6 ~ 40 If 1,000
i 7 2 50 et 10,000
xx
Notes for the User
Table 3. Arabic transcriptionltrartsliteration
a) Consonants
i
,
c: 1)- j z ..b ~ J q b h
y b t b '-'" s .J,;, ~ .!I k .J W
c
.::. t .1 d ..;. S t J I r.S Y
.!. ~ ~ 9 <.)Q ~ t g i" m
[ g .) r ~ <;l ....i f .:, n
b) Vowels
--
,
a lor lS a - u .J fi -- I
Ii i
Table 4. Transliteration for Epigraphic South Ara-bian
/11
, 8 <;l '< b
., n l( S (S3) (J) W
0 c ~ f 't' 1)- ~ q 1. ~ 'l Y

n b 1 g h k ) r X t X z
>I d 11 g 1 1 ~ S (SI)
H 9 V h ~ m ~ S (S2)
I
m
~
~
" ~
Key to Detail Maps
~..
Selection area International border
Provincial border
)~~ / Border of an 1I'WTlIgga
Elevation: Railway line
~
below sea level Main road
0-200m
200 -t,OOOm
1,000 - 2,000 m
2,000 - 3,000 m
> 3,000 m
$"ijii';;""
>-, """
Language area, ethnic area
I'lgllmii Historical region

I!S- River
T3:GRAY Country, province, 1I'WTlIgga
.Aksum Main entry
.. Oogum Archeological or
• cAddigrat Town, locality pre-historical site
¥ NiI_i Mosque AAmba Aradom Mountain, mountain range
., Dibri Biziin Church, monastery ~o Scale
Disclaimer: The majority of boundaries used by the Encyclopedia Aethiopica reflect the situation at the end of the t£ayla
S:lllase I period. The only exception is the international border between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which reflects the present
situation. The borderlines shown on the maps should not be considered official.
XXI
General Abbreviations
abbr. abbreviation; abbreviated fasc. fascicle

A.D. Anno Domini fern. femininum
Mr. Mrican fig(s). figurative(1y); figure( s)
A.M. Anno Misericordiae; cAmiita Mabriit fl. flourished
(year in Ethiopian calendar) fol(s). folio(s)
A.Mart. Anno Martyrum Fr. French
Amh. Amharic GDP Gross Domestic Product
ANLin Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Roma geogr. geography; geographical
annot. annotated Germ. German
anon. anonymous Gr. Greek
Arab. Arabic; Arabian H. hig;ii (year of Higra, i.e. in Arab. calendar)
art. article ha hectar(s)
A.S.L. above sea level ibid. ibidem (in the same place)
b. born id. idem (the same, masc.)
B.A. Bachelor of Arts I.e. id est (that is [to say])
B.c. before Christian Era IES Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa
BFBS British and Foreign Bible Society iid. iidem (the same, pI.)
bibl. bibliography; bibliographical ill. illustration
BN Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris incl. including; inclusive(ly)
BritLib British Library, London intr. introduced; introduction
BritMus British Museum, London Ital. Italian
B.Sc. Bachelor of Sciences IUO Istituto Universitario Orientale (= Universiti
B.S.L. below sea level degli studi di Napoli "L'Orientale")
C Celsius km kilometre(s)
ca. area Lat. Latin
cent. century lit. literature; literal(ly)
d. confer 1(1). line(s)
ch(s). chapter(s) m metre(s)
cm centimetre(s) M.A. Master of Arts
col(s). column(s) masc. masculinum
comm. commented mf(s). microfilm( s)
Copt. Coptic M.Sc. Master of Sciences
cpo compare ms(s). manuscript(s)
d. died, dead n. note; footnote
D.Sc. Doctor of Sciences n.d. no date
ead. eadem (the same, fern.) N.N. nomen nominandum
ed(s). editor(s); edition; edited no. number
e.g. exempli gratia (for instance) obv. obverse
et al. et alia (and others) op.cit. opus citatum
etc. etcetera orig. original(1y)
Eritr. Eritrean pep)· page(s)
Eth. Ethiopian; Ethiopic p.a. per annum
f(f). (the) following pers. person(al) [grammatical]
Abbreviations
Doctor of Philosophy suppI. supplement(ary)

Ph.D.
plural; plate syn. synonym(ous)
pI.
political; politics Syr. Syriac; Syrian
pol.
Tgn. T~g~ii.iia
pron. pronoun
Tgr. T~gre
r recto
rule(d); reign(ed) theoI. theology; theological
r.
tr. translation; translator; translated
repro reprint( ed)
rev. reverse trad. traditional
see v verso
s.
series; serie var. variant; variation
ser.
singular VatLib Vatican Library; Biblioteca [Apostolica]
sg.
spelling; spelled Vaticana
sp.
spec. specifically; special voles). volumes
source(s) vs. versus
src.
St. , Saint
020000 0485721,,
XX1l1
Bibliographic Abbreviations
AAP Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere, Koln 1985-2002

Abbay Abbay. Documents pour servir a l'histoire de la civilisation ethiopienne, Paris
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AbbGeogr ANTOINE D' ABBADIE, Geographie de I'Ethiopie, ce que j'ai entendu, faisant suite
ace que j'ai vu, Paris 1890
AbbSejour ARNAULD D'ABBADIE, Douze ans de sejour dans la Haute-Ethiopie (Abyssinie),
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AeF Aethiopistische Forschungen, Stuttgart - Wiesbaden 1977ff.
Aethiopica Aethiopica. International Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies, Wiesbaden
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XXVll
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SixBay VERONIKA SIX, Athiopische Handschriften, 2: Die Handschriften der Bayerischen
Staatsbibliothek, ed. by ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT, Stuttgart 1989 (VOHD 20, 5)
SixDeu VERONIKA SIX. Athiopische Handschriften, 3: Handschriften deutscher Biblio-
theken, Museen und aus Privatbesitz, Stuttgart 1994 (VOHD 20, 6)
SixTana III VERONIKA SIX, Athiopische Handschriften vom Tanasee, Teil 3: Nebst einem
Nachtrag zum Katalog der iithiopischen Handschriften deutscher Bibliotheken und
Museen, ed. by ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT, Stuttgart 1999 (VOHD 20, 3)
SKK Studien zur Kulturkunde, Stuttgart - Wiesbaden 1933ff.
S.L.L.E. Survey of Little-known Languages of Ethiopia. Linguistic Reports, Addis Ababa
linguistic reports 1992-95
StAfEt Studi Africanistici. Serie Etiopica, Napoli 1992ff.
StrANL STEFAN STRELCYN, Catalogue des manuscrits ethiopiens de I'Accademia Nazionale
dei Lincei. Fonds Conti Rossini et Fonds Caetani 209, 375, 376, 377, 378, Roma 1976
(Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: Indici e sussidi bibliografici della biblioteca 9)
StrBritLib STEFAN STRELCYN, Catalogue of Ethiopian Manuscripts in the British Library:
Acquired since the Year 1877, London 1978
StrGriaule STEFAN STRELCYN, Catalogue des manuscrits ethiopiens (collection Griaule),
Tome IV, ethiopien 373 (Griaule 69) - ethiopien 674 (Griaule 366) - Nouvelles
acquisitions: ethiopien 301-304, 675-687, Paris 1954
StStud VOLKER STITz, Studien zur Kulturgeographie Zentraldthiopiens, Bonn 1974 (Bonner
geographische Abhandlungen 51)
StudAeth VERENA BOLL - DENIS NOSNITSIN - THOMAS RAVE - WOLBERT SMIDT -
EVGENIA SOKOLINSKAIA (eds.), Studia Aethiopica. In Honour of Siegbert Uhlig on
the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, Wiesbaden 2004
TadTChurch TADDESSE TAMRAT, Church and State in Ethiopia 1270-1527, Oxford 1972
TedEthPrel I, II SALVATORE TEDESCHI, "Ethiopian Prelates", in: CE, vol. 3, 999-1003 [I]; vol. 4,
1005-44 [II]
THMDic TAsAMMA HABTA MIKA"EL, h"'-I:= llCY'l= .........,:1 fO""C~= tlD1f10= .4"1\:" (Kaiate
Barhan Tiisiimma. YiiCamarafiiia miizgiibii qalat, 'Tasamma, the Light Revealer. An
Amharic Dictionary'), Addis Ababa 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.]
XXXVI
TilDic TILAHUN GAMTA, Oromo-English Dictionary, Addis Ababa 1989

TrIslam JOHN SPENCER TRIMINGHAM, Islam in Ethiopia, London - Oxford - New York
1952
TSTarik I-IV TAKLA SAD3Q MAKw3RIYA, fh.+rt:,: ;f-~h (Yii'ityopya tarik, 'History of
Ethiopia'). ~11' - "hl\-"'I If""~: Mh: 0'1.: I-tt-.-r: ",.."h: HOD~: OD1"I1"'+ II i~:
ODK"d1t;: (Nubaya - Aksum Zag"'aye askii Cafe Yak"'anno Amlak ziimiinii miingast.
Andiififia mii~baf, 'Nubia, Aksum, ZagWe till the Time of Reign of a~e Y~kunno
Amlak. Book 1'), Addis Ababa 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.]; op. cit., I~: ODK"d1t;::
ho'l.: I-tt-.-r: ",.."h: Mh: 0'1.: Al1~: 1:'."A (Huliittiififia mii~baf kil'afe Yakwa-
nno Amlak askii Cafe Labnii Dangal, 'Book II: from a~e Y~kunno Amlak to a~e
L~bna D~ng~l'), Addis Ababa 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.]; op. cit., ho'l.: Al1~:
1:'."A: 7.llh: 0'1.: 1;9'1:1:11 (KiiCafe Labnii Dangal askii Cafe Tewodros, 'From a~e
Labna D~ng~l to a~e Tewodros'), Addis Ababa 1953 A.M. [1960/61 A.D.]; 51965
A.M. [1972/73 A.D.]; op. cit., hh'l.: 1;9'1:1:111 Mh: +1."'1,£: ~I-i\ 1 1"'".... (Kii'afe
Tewodros askii qiidiimawi ljaylii Sallase, 'From a~e Tewodros to Ijayla S~llase
1'), Addis Ababa 1946 A.M. [1954/55 A.D.]
TurIz BORIS 'fvRAEV, Izsledovaniya v oblasti agiologicheskih istochnikov istorii Efiopii
('A Study on the Hagiographic Sources for the History of Ethiopia'), St. Peters-
burg 1902
UhPal SIEGBERT UHLIG, Athiopische Paliiographie, Stuttgart 1988 (AeF 22)
UllBibl EDWARD ULLENDORFF, Ethiopia and the Bible, London 1968 (The Schweich
Lectures of the British Academy 1967)
UmMasGaud IBN FAOLALLAH AL-cUMARI, Masalik al-ab~ar fi mamalik al-am~ar, 1: L'Afrique,
moins I'Egypte, traduit et annote avec une introduction et 5 cartes, tr. by
MAURICE GAUDEFROY-DEMOMBYNES, Paris 1927 (Bibliotheque des geographes
arabes 2)
UmMasSezg IBN FAOLALLAH AL-cUMARI, Masalik al-ab~ar fi mamalik al-am#r, 'Routes
toward Insight into the Capital Empires', ed. by FuAT SEZGIN, Frankfurt/Main
1988 (Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science,
Series C, Facsimile Editions 46, 4)
USCES HAROLD GOLDEN MARcus - JOHN HINNANT (eds.), Proceedings of the First
United States Conference on Ethiopian Studies, Michigan State University, 2-5 May
1973, East Lansing, MI 1975 (Monograph no. 3, Occasional Papers Series, Com-
mittee on Ethiopian Studies)
VelMaw BERNARD VELAT, "Le Mawas~O~t et les livres de chant liturgique ethiopien", in:
Memorial du Cinquantenaire de l'Ecole des Langues Orientales Anciennes de
l'Institut Catholique de Paris, Paris 1964 (Travaux de l'Institut Catholique de Paris
10),159-70
VelMe I-II BERNARD VELAT (ed., tr.), Macaraf Commun de l'offu:e divin ethiopien pour toute
l'annee. Texte ethiopien avec variantes, Paris 1966 (PO 34, fasc. 1-2) [I = text];
Etudes sur Ie Macaraf, commun de l'office divin ethiopien. Introduction, traduction
franfaise, commentaire liturgique et musical, Paris 1966 (PO 33) [II = tr.]
VelSoDe I-II BERNARD VELAT (ed., tr.), Soma Deggua. Antiphonaire du careme. Quatre pre-
mieres semaines, Paris 1966 (PO 32-1, 32-2 [no. 151, 152]) [I = text]; Paris 1969
(PO 32-3, 32-4 [no. 153, 154]) [II =tr.]
VOHD Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Wiesbaden - Stuttgart
1961ff.
XXXVI1
VSAe I-III ADOLF ELLEGARD JENSEN (ed.), Altvolker Sud-Athiopiens, mit Beitragen von EIKE
HABERLAND - ADOLF ELLEGARD JENSEN - W. SCHULZ-WEIDNER - ELISABETH
PAULI, Stuttgart 1959 (Volker Siid-Athiopiens. Ergebnisse der Frobenius-
Expeditionen 1950-52, 1954-56, Teil 1) [I]; EIKE HABERLAND, Galla Sud-
Athiopiens, mit einem Beitrag von K. REINHARDT, Stuttgart 1963 (Volker Siid-
Athiopiens. Ergebnisse der Frobenius-Expeditionen 1950-52, 1954-56, Teil 2) [II];
HELMUT STRAUBE, Westkuschitische Volker Sud-Athiopiens, mit einem Beitrag von
W. SCHULZ-WEIDNER, Stuttgart 1963 (Volker Siid-Athiopiens. Ergebnisse der
Frobenius-Expeditionen 1950-52, 1954-56, Teil3) [III]
WagFath EWALD WAGNER (ed., tr.), Legende und Geschichte. Der Fatl; Maamat Harar von
Yabya Na~allah, Wiesbaden 1978 (Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes
44,3)
WrBriMus WILLIAM WRIGHT, Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscripts in the British Museum
Acquired since the Year 1847, London 1877
YaqMist I-II YAQOB BEYENE, Giyorgis di Sagla: illibro del Mistero (Ma~bafa Mestir), Louvain
1990 (CSCO 515, 516 [SAe 89, 90]) [I]; Louvain 1993 (CSCO 532, 533 [SAe 97,
98]) [II]
ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, Leipzig 1886-1938
ZanBibl SILVIO ZANUTTO, Bibliografta etiopica in continuazione alia «Bibliografia
etiopica" di G. Fumagalli. Secondo contributo: manoscritti etiopici, Roma 1932
ZanLitTheod diibtiira ZANNAB, The Chronicle of King Theodore of Abyssinia, ed. by ENNO
LITTMANN, Princeton 1902
ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig - Wiesbaden -
Stuttgart 1847ff.
ZerEth ADRIEN ZERVOS, L'empire d'Ethiopie. Le miroir de Ethiopie moderne, Alexan-
dria 1936
ZewYohan ZEWDE GABRE-SELLASSIE, Yohannes IV of Ethiopia: a Political Biography, Ox-
ford 1975
ZotBNat HERMAN ZOTENBERG, Catalogue des manuscrits ethiopiens (Gheez et Amharique)
de Ia Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris 1877
ZSem Zeitschrift fur Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete, [Leipzig] 1922-35
XXXVlll
Biblical Abbreviations
O.T. Old Testament

Gen Genesis Prov Proverbs
Ex Exodus Ecc Ecclesiastes
Lev Leviticus Song Song of Songs
Num Numbers Wis Wisdom
Deut Deuteronomy Sir Sirach
Josh Joshua Ba Baruch
Judg Judges Is Isaiah
Ruth Ruth Jer Jeremiah
I Sam I Samuel Lam Lamentations
2 Sam 2 Samuel Ezek Ezekiel
I Kgs I Kings Dan Daniel
2Kgs 2 Kings Hos Hosea
I Chr I Chronicles Joel Joel
2Chr 2 Chronicles Am Amos
Ezra Ezra Obad Obadiah
Tob Tobit Jon Jonah
Jdt Judith Mic Micah
Neh Nehemiah [= 2 Ezra] Nah Nahum
3 Ezra Apocryphal Book of Ezra Hab Habakkuk
4 Ezra Apocalypse of Ezra Zeph Zephaniah
Esth Esther Hag Haggai
I Mac I Maccabees Zech Zechariah
2 Mac 2 Maccabees Mal Malachi
Job Job En Enoch
Ps Psalms Jub Jubilees
N.T. New Testament

Mt Matthew I Tim I Timothy
Mk Mark 2 Tim 2 Timothy
Lk Luke Tit Titus
Jn John Phlm Philemon
Acts Acts Heb Hebrews
Rom Romans Jas James
I Cor I Corinthians I Pet I Peter
2 Cor 2 Corinthians 2 Pet 2 Peter
Gal Galatians IJn I John
Eph Ephesians 2Jn 2 John
Phil Philippians 3Jn 3 John
Col Colossians Jude Jude
I Thes I Thessalonians Rev Revelation
2 Thes 2 Thessalonians
D
Daarood Arbore and Elmolo it forms the Western

The Somali clan of D. in its oral tradition refers branch; farther relatives are the Somali dialects,
to the šay abart b. Ism l as its founder. He Rendille and Bayso.
is said to have migrated to Somalia from Arabia . phonemes are: ð (in free alternation with
sometime prior to the 13th cent. ( äbärti). [z]), s, f, š; b, , d, t, , (in a handful of words,
Linguistic evidence places the origin of the possibly an allophone of the following), , , g, k,
Somali in south-western Ethiopia (LewPeople , ; m, n, ñ, ; r, l, w, . A further segment, [h], is
20ff.). The D., which are divided into the sub- automatically inserted before any phonologically
clans of Maree aan, Kablala , Yuusuf, War- word-initial vowel in absolute initial position.
sangali, ulbahante, Majeerteen and Ogaadeen, . is a pitch-accent language. Accent distinc-
quickly spread throughout Somalia. They cur- tions are used fairly often in the morphology
rently occupy the Bari and Nugal regions and (e.g., só, ‘meat’, so, ‘meats, pieces of meat’; fúr,
parts of the Lower uba, Mudug, Sanaag and ‘open!’, (mí) fur, ‘(he) opened’ [“Short Past”
Tog Dheer regions. form]), less so in the lexicon (e.g., ár, ‘bull’,
ar, ‘song’; íl, ‘valley’, il, ‘eye’). A few deter-
miners and sentence markers have a so-called
“seesaw” accentual pattern: they bear an accent
when preceded or followed by an unaccented
word, while they are unaccented when the pre-
ceding or following word bears an accent (e.g.,
gíl u, ‘my hand’, gil ú, ‘my hands’).
The morphology is very complex, especially
for the many allomorphs and irregularities in
verbal morphology. Four verbs ( át, ‘to be-
come/say’, ká e, ‘to come’, ás, ‘to kill’, yáal, ‘to
stand’) are partially prefixal, all other morphol-
ogy is suffixal.
There are three main positive paradigms: a
Past, a Non-Past and a Dependent (also used for
an on-going action). Inflectional categories inter-
act in a small number of endings and most dis-
tinctions are not expressed on the verb alone.
Due to various assimilation and reduction proc-
There are also D. populations in eastern Ethio- esses, within any paradigm a maximum of two
pia and northern Kenya. Those who live in the forms are distinguished, expressing number-
trans- uba and in Kenya are largely cattle herders gender-inclusiveness (for the 1st pers. pl. only).
while the others are camel herders. Both engage The “A-form” has no exponent, and a paradig-
in agricultural pursuits where conditions permit. matic vowel (Past -i, Non-Past -a, Dependent -u)
Lit.: MARGARET CASTAGNO, Historical Dictionary of directly follows the stem; in the “B-form” either
Somalia, Metuchen, NJ 1975 (African Historical Dic- an infix is inserted or various changes in the stem
tionaries 6), 41, 141; LewPeople 20–23.
Thomas P. Ofcansky
take place. E.g., from the stem fur- ‘to open’, the
positive past has the A–form furi (for 1st pers. sg.,
3rd pers. sg. masc., 1st pers. pl. inclusive) and the
áasana B-form fu i (for 2nd pers. sg., 3rd pers. sg. fem.,
áasana language 1st pers. pl. exclusive and 2nd pers. pl.).
Genetically, the . language belongs to the There are five series of (partially overlapping)
Omo-Tana branch of East Cushitic. With pronominal elements in .: Absolute, Subject,
áasana
Use of the language is intensive; most . are

monolingual or have at best a working knowl-
edge of Amharic. Turkana also plays a role in
naming and in cultural activities (singing and
story-telling).
Lit.: HANS-JÜRGEN SASSE, “Notes on the Structure of
Galab”, BSOAS 37, 1974, 407–38; ID., “Dasenech”, in:
BendNonSLang 196–221; MAURO TOSCO, The Dhaa-
sanac Language: Grammar, Texts, Vocabulary of a
Cushitic Language of Ethiopia, Köln 2001.
Mauro Tosco
áasana ethnography
The . (Dhaasanac) are a pastoral people of
south-west Ethiopia and north–west Kenya.
They inhabit a plain of approximately
2,300 km2, stretching along the lowest course of
the Omo river and the northern and north–east-
ern shores of Lake Turkana. The . are bor-
dered in the north by the Ña atom and in the
Verbal, Object and Possessive. An Inclusive and south and west by the Turkana; to the East
an Exclusive form are distinguished in the 1st their neighbours are the Hamär.
pers. pl. For the 3rd pers. a single form is used, The . are generally called Gäläb by their
irrespective of number and gender. Here only neighbours; other names found in old sources
the Absolute and the Subject series are exempli- are Merille and Reshiat. “Šangílla” is used in
fied, in this order: 1st pers. sg.: yú/yáa; 2nd pers. Kenya.
sg.: kúuni/kúo; 3rd pers.: – /hé; 1st pers. pl. inclu- The 1994 Ethiopian Census numbers . at
sive: múuni/( hé) ke ~ ki; 1st pers. exclusive: 32,029, almost all of them in the Kuraz wäräda
ñíini/ñaañi; 2nd pers. pl.: itíni/ ití. (Southern Omo Zone, Southern Nations, Na-
In demonstratives, a basic opposition is built tionalities and Peoples’ Region). A few thou-
upon a binary [±NEAR] opposition; e.g.: máa sand . live in Kenya. The . belong to the
l = a ‘this man’ vs. máa ti=a ‘that man” (final =a cattle-complex like their neighbouring pastoral
is a further determiner). peoples, but they also practise agriculture (their
There are no copula elements in . The nomi- main crops being sorghum, followed by maize
nal predicate is preceded by the Subject pronoun.
Interrogative sentences are marked by a spe-
cial rising intonation. The interrogatory pro-
noun is not moved to sentence-initial position.
In negative sentences special negative para-
digms are used; the verbal form is further pre-
ceded by the negative markers má ~ ma (with a
“seesaw” accentual pattern) and ha – the latter
limited to Jussive and Imperative sentences.
. has an accusative syntax and is on the whole
a dependent-marking language. It is Subject-
Object-Verb at sentence level and Head-Modifier
at clause level, but relatives precede the matrix
clause. Phrases are consistently marked at their
end by the determinative ka.
The lexicon appears to be drawn from different
sources and contains many loans. The standard ten-
word list for . is: táka , ‘one’, naama, ‘two’, seddi,
‘three’, šíeti, ‘fire’, bie, ‘water’, áa u, ‘sun’, uí, Young áasana man with typical hair dress; photo
‘moon’, fás, ‘blood’, ére, ‘tongue’, ké u, ‘tooth’. courtesy of the author
2
Däbarq
and beans) and fishing. The . are divided into Gafat communities. This seems to be indicated in
eight tribal sections (at least some of them of their own customary laws which censured such
other origin). The sections are further divided usage of the term with heavy penalties.
into clans, which are further segmented into Src.: BTafA 363, 875, 900; KaneDic 1786f.; LesCDic 121;
“houses” or “families”. The same clans are often THMDic 1096; DTWDic 333; PerChron vol. 1, 224.
scattered among different sections and are the Lit.: GIRMA GETAHUN, “Ancient Customary Laws of
the Gafat People”, JES 30, 2, 1997, 27–88.
primary focus of self-identification. Girma Getahun
Other important areal cultural features are the
excision of the two lower incisors, an age-group
system and the division into two endogamous Däbarq
moieties which regulate marriage and kinship
D. (6+?8 ,, 13° 09' N, 37° 54' E) is a town of
terms. The age-group, or “generation-set”, is
about 20,000 inhabitants in north-west Ethio-
the central classificatory device of the society.
pia, ca. 90 km north-north-east of Gondär.
Each person belongs to the alternate generation-
Located on the western foothills of the S men
set of his or her father. For most sections, alter-
mountains, it nowadays serves as a starting
nation is regulated by the division of the gen-
point for tourists’ hiking tours into the S men
eration-sets into two triads.
Mountains National Park.
Lit.: URI ALMAGOR, “Name-Oxen and Ox-Names
among the Dassanetch of Southwest Ethiopia”,
Paideuma 18, 1972, 79–96; ID., “Tribal Sections, Terri-
tory and Myth: Dassanetch Responses to Variable Eco-
logical Conditions”, African and Asian Studies 8, 2, 1972,
185–206; ID., Pastoral Partners: Affinity and Bond Part-
nership among the Dassanetch of South-West Ethiopia,
Manchester 1978; CLAUDIA J. CARR, Pastoralism in Crisis:
the Dasanetch and their Ethiopian Lands, Chicago 1977;
NEAL W. SOBANIA, The Historical Traditions of the Peo-
ples of the Eastern Lake Turkana Basin c. 1840–1925,
Ph.D. thesis, University of London 1980; CSA 1996.
Mauro Tosco
Däbän Ansa
D.A. (6(#y !#D , also 6(!#D , däbänansa), is a
pejorative term for a tanner and/or black-
smith. In Amharic the term däbän means ‘hair
and grease of the fell’, and ansa is an imperative
meaning ‘remove, pick up’. Hence däbänansa
seems to convey the meaning of ‘one who Historically, D. appears to be first mentioned
scrapes off hair and grease from a fell’. in the late 17th cent. as a way-station on journeys
The term also appears in a few sources as the and campaigns that a e Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706)
name of a clan or an ethnic group akin to the undertook from Gondär to the north. However,
Gafat people. Yet, even in such instances, it is given D.’s strategic location on the old main
not quite clear whether the term is perhaps used trade route that led from Go am (and be-
pejoratively, referring to a community of Gafat yond) via Gondär and Adwa to the Red Sea, it
people engaged in traditional tannery or foundry, seems reasonable to assume that a settlement of
or as a proper designation for a group of people some size existed in D. sometime earlier. In the
who provided specific services to the imperial mid-19th cent., D. is reported to have been an im-
court, such as making and/or managing däbäna, portant toll-post of dä azma W be aylä
‘a kind of royal tent made of woollen fabric’ (cp. Maryam of T gray, collecting duties of the same
Kätäma). In the latter sense däbäna ansa, un- scale as Adwa; a näggadras used to be installed
like D.A., may have conveyed the meaning of over the customs and the local market. In the
‘carriers of a royal tent’. D.A. and other offensive time of Italian occupation (1936–41) D. was
terms were commonly used to refer to artisan made a Commissariato. Violent fights occurred
3
Däbarq
around D. between the regular army and the After the death of Yo ann s, D.A. once again
Ethiopian Democratic Union and the Ethiopian rebelled, this time against Mängäša Yo ann s.
Democratic Movement guerrilla. After the Lib- In July 1889, Mängäša had to confront D.A.,
eration D. became the capital of S men awra a who had been encouraged and assisted with
(now within the Amhara k ll l). arms, ammunition and finance from Italy.
Src.: GuiIohan 158ff., 168, 186 (text) = 150ff., 165, 196 (tr.). Mängäša along with Alula fortified Mä älä,
Lit.: AbbGeogr section 97; Guida 257; PankEcon s. in- awaiting D.A. with his superior resources, but,
dex; HuntGeogr s. index.
Tsegaye Tegenu – Michael Kleiner
instead of attacking, D.A. decided to negotiate a
truce, with the secret intention of imprisoning
Alula and Mängäša. However, his plan failed and
Dabat D.A. was incarcerated at Amba Sälama. He was
D. (9+M ) is a small town located about 50 km soon released, only to rebel once again, fighting
north of Gondär on the main Gondär–Asmära ras Alula at nearby Abba Gärima on 24 Septem-
road (s. Däbarq map for location). It is the ber 1891, where he was defeated and killed.
capital of the Wägära awra a, D. wäräda, in Lit.: HAGGAI ERLICH, Ras Alula and the Scramble for Af-
north Gondär. Little is known about how the rica. A Political Biography: Ethiopia and Eritrea 1875–
1897, East Lansing, MI 1982 (Lit.), s. index.
town was established. Its church is devoted to Zewde Gabre-Sellassie
St. George. In the late period of a e M nil k II’s
reign the town grew in importance due to its
telephone station. The Guida identifies D. as a Däbbäbä Säyfu
major local market centre. Much of the Wägära
D.S. (6((y AÊ ; b. 12 July 1950?, Y rgaläm,
awra a is very fertile and known for its wheat
Sidamo, d. 25 April 2000, Addis Abäba) was an
and barley production. During the Italian occu-
important poet and academic teacher. His par-
pation (1936–41), the Italians established a large
ents were ato Säyfu Antän Y s äñ and wäyzäro
farm, as well as an agricultural research centre in
Maryam Wärq Asfaw. He was educated at the
D. They also built a granary and a small food-
Ras Dästa School in Y rgaläm and at the
processing plant. According to the statistical
aylä llase I Secondary School in Addis
data of 2000, D. had a population of 11,596.
Abäba, where he graduated with distinction in
Lit.: MahZekr 493, 499; Guida 258; CSA 2000.
Mulatu Wubneh 1967. Then he went on to the aylä llase I
University, studying accounting for one year,
before transferring to the arts faculty, where he
Däbbäb Ar aya studied Ethiopian languages and literature and
Fitawrari D.A. (6(-y !?$\ ; d. 24 September obtained his first degree (B.A.) in 1973. For his
1891) was the second son of ras Ar aya llase M.A. he studied English literature and gradu-
D m u, and a cousin of a e Yo ann s IV. He ated with top marks in 1980.
had an insatiable appetite for political success D.S. was always dedicated to reading. Still in
and an extremely turbulent nature. Frustrated secondary school, he showed a gift for fictional
with his low rank of fitawrari, he first defected writing, winning a short-story competition, and
and joined the Egyptians and later sided with was from then on encouraged to cultivate his
the Italians. He was an inveterate enemy of his literary talent. He wrote poetry during his uni-
brother-in-law ras Alula ng da (who mar- versity years and steadily improved as a poet
ried D.A.’s sister mlasu), against whom he until the end of his life. In 1972, he wrote a
fought several times during 1882–88, whilst be- poem about his home town, playing on the
ing armed by the Egyptians and the Italians. As “double meaning” he attached to its name:
a š fta, he mostly robbed Alula’s caravans and ^?Ny (nz (Y rga aläm, ‘Let the Land have
disturbed trade between Asmära and Massawa. Peace’) and ^?Nynz (Y rga läm, ‘Be Peaceful
Towards the end of Yo ann s’s reign he sub- [and] Prosper’), both divisions of the word pos-
mitted and was pardoned, which distressed sible for its usual spelling as one word (^?Nnz ,
Alula. When Yo ann s summoned Alula to Y rgaläm). He soon showed social concern and
help fight against the Mahdists, D.A. occupied used his poetry to point to ways towards prog-
Asmära, killed Alula’s deputy dä azma aylä ress for Ethiopia. Patriotism and compassion
llase, and opened its gates for the Italians. became characteristics of much of his writing.
4
Däbo
Thus, he wrote several poems against the indif- Some of his early poems were published in an
ference of the government during the severe anthology with poems by 17 contributors, called
famine in 1973. It was natural for him to see eO:9y -&?y YP4{,y u;(s ( ggeräda b r:
hope for the country with the coming of the yäg mo mädbäl, ‘A Pen of Roses: a Bunch of
Revolution in 1974 and he gave it his support. Poems’), but most of his poems were published
At this time he took as his slogan “Greater self- in two volumes, Y-?U#y I8? (Yäb rhan f q r,
awareness and self-realization” (Y=Ey P#u, , ‘Love of Light’) and n=Fy YHcDy 6-9, (Läras
Yärase g n zzabe), and he became involved in yätä afä däbdabbe, ‘Letter to Myself’, with the
the national debate about Marxism. As a lin- subtitle ‘Second Volume of Love of Light’),
guist, he contributed to the development of a which came out a short time before he died.
Marxist vocabulary in Amharic, as well as other D.S. left behind many unpublished plays and
fields needing new ways of expressing modern essays as well as poems. His poetry is pre-
ideas. scribed reading for students of Amharic litera-
D.S. was a member of the Ethiopian Writers’ ture at Addis Abäba University, and he is a
Union for many years and held high positions highly respected poet in Ethiopia.
in the union, for several years as chairman, Src.: DÄBBÄBÄ SÄYFU, Y-?U#y I8? (Yäb rhan f q r,
helping other authors to get their work pub- ‘Love of Light’), Addis Abäba 1980 A.M [1987/88 A.D.];
lished, and he edited the union’s magazine, -r# ID., n=Fy YHcDy 6-9, (Läras yätä afä däbdabbe,
‘Letter to Myself’), Addis Abäba 1992 A.M. [1999/2000
(B len, ‘The Pupil [of the Eye]’). He was also a A.D.]; ID. (DEBEBE SEIFU), Ethiopian Literature in Eng-
member of the board of the government-owned lish, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa 1980; ID., “Profile of the
Kurraz Publishing House and he became in- Peasantry in Ethiopian Novels”, in: PICES 7, 103–12;
volved in the turmoil over Bä alu G rma’s cele- ID., “A Note on Post-Revolution Theatre”, in: PICES 9,
vol. 3, 45–53; ID., “The Thirteenth Sun: an Eerie Novel
brated novel '@x^ (Oromay, Tgn. ‘It is point- of a Society”, in: PICES 11, vol. 1, 609–24.
less’, from Ital. ormai, or ‘now or never’, from Lit.: REIDULF KNUT MOLVAER, “Afewerq Yohannis
ora o mai), which was critical of the government and Debbebe Seyfu: Notes on Ethiopian Writers of the
(and led to its author’s abduction and execution). Late Twentieth Century”, NEASt new series 6, 3, 1999,
D.S. taught in the Department of Ethiopian 59–74 (Lit.).
Reidulf K. Molvaer
Languages, Literature and Theatre Arts at the
aylä llase I University (later the Addis
Abäba University) up to 1993. At first he taught
Dabbo Bread
literature, later (from 1980) he worked in the
theatre section. Many of his students have testi- Däbo
fied to the strong impression he made on them. D. (Amh. 6. , also known as HO , ge or ]#Ds ,
At this time, he wrote and translated plays and wänfäl), a common practice in the rural areas of
also published a book on acting. Some of his plays central and highland Ethiopia, is one of the tra-
were acted only as experimental theatre by his ditional forms of co-operation and mutual as-
students on the university stage, but others found sistance. The communal labour sessions are
a wider public. One, lIHM (K ftät, ‘The Gap’), usually organized during peak agricultural sea-
had several showings on Ethiopian television. sons of ploughing, weeding, harvesting and
When the Marxist regime in Ethiopia ended in threshing, whereby peasants contribute their la-
May 1991, several academics lost their jobs. D.S. bour and agricultural tools to carry out urgent
was dismissed from his teaching post at the uni- and time-consuming tasks. Besides, a D. can be
versity in 1993. During his last years he therefore organized for such tasks as house construction,
experienced great stress and sorrow, but he also wood collection and the preparation of large so-
wrote some of his best poetry during this period, cial events ( Funeral, Wedding etc.).
e.g., !^6nzy r]M?y {M (Aydälläm zäwät r The D. functions as an informal mutual help
mot, ‘It is not Always Death’) and nz#y {Hy agreement. The host is expected to provide
*o (Läm n motä bilu, ‘If they Ask why he food and drink for D. participants which,
Died’). The latter poem also shows his pessimis- thus, incurs considerable costs in terms of fi-
tic mood at this time: “If they ask why he died, nance, material and labour.
tell all concerned, withholding nothing, that he A D. can be called together by an individual
died sulky and at loggerheads with the world.” to accomplish an urgent (agricultural) work. If
5
Däbo
the size of a D. team is large, e.g., 20 to 30 per- recent times was D. sometimes usurped for the
sons, women from the neighbouring households name of important churches (e.g., Däbrä yon
or close relatives take part in the preparation of of Addis Aläm, Däbrä ge Q ddus Ura el
food and drinks and carry them to the work-site of Addis Abäba etc.). While some authors have
of the D. The type of tools, foods and drinks traced the origin of the ecclesiastical usage of
prepared for the D. vary according to the com- the term to the frequent location of monastic
munity, the culture and the nature of work to settlements on mountains (LesCDic 121, but cp.
be done. ibid. 183; Wondmagegnehu – Motovu 1970:24),
D. is also an important occasion for its par- it should be noted that sacred places are often
ticipants to improvise and perform a variety of depicted as “mountains”, regardless of their
work songs (YT=y rD#, yä ra zäfän), he- geographical status: cp. Coptic tow and Egyp-
roic recitals (3:?N, qärärto, Fukkära) praises tian Ar. abal, meaning both ‘mountain’ and
(vKD , muggäsa) and blessings (z?6M , m r- ‘monastery’ (Crum 1939:441a). The most fa-
r qat), accompanying them by different ges- mous of Ethiopia’s monastic institutions are
tures and jokes, whispering and boasting freely styled by this term: Däbrä Bizän, Däbrä
and openly. Usually, a D. consists of age-mates. Damo, Däbrä ayq s ifanos, Däbrä
Adult men, women of the same age, young boys Libanos etc.; the name of Däbrä F rem (‘Mon-
and girls etc. each form their own D. to tackle astery of F remna os’, i.e. of abunä Sälama
various types of social and traditional tasks. Kä ate B rhan), is attested as early as in the
During a D. elderly men and women play an 10th/11th-cent. Aksumite inscriptions of a ani
important role in motivating and encouraging Dan el (RIE 193, I–II).
participants by recalling past reminiscences, im- D. also came to indicate a particularly impor-
provising amusing and touching songs and tant type of church institution, different from
making jokes. Above all, they bless the partici- the smaller countryside church, a gä är. A D.
pants, the cattle, the harvest, the season and even was supposed to have at least three priests
the community and the country at large. serving at time and even more deacons. This
Src.: THMDic 945, 1048, 1098f. was only possible if the monastic community
Lit.: ABDUL-JELIL MOHAMED, “The Making of Däbo”, was large enough (cp. Gädam) or founded
Ethnological Society Bulletin 1, 3, 1955, 27–28; GETIE and sponsored by noble patrons – emperors and
GELAYE, Peasants and the Ethiopian State. Agricultural members of the royal family, local rulers and
Producers’ Cooperatives and their Reflections in Amharic
Oral Poetry: a Case Study in Yetnora, East Gojjam,
“kings” providing financial support for the con-
1975–1991, Hamburg – Münster 2000, 50–62; KEBEBEW struction of huge buildings, for murals, liturgi-
DAKA, The Cooperative Movement in Ethiopia, Addis cal vessels, books etc., and granting land posses-
Ababa 1978. sions. The foundation and endowment of a D.
Getie Gelaye was considered the most pious act, crucial for
the salvation of the soul (such churches were
frequently supposed to become their patrons’
sepulchres). The rising of some famous D. took
Däbr quite a number of years and resulted in enor-
D. (6-? , pl. adbar, adbarat) means, literally, mous expenses, as for Däbrä ä ay Qw sqwam
‘mount, mountain’: e.g., Däbrä Zäyt (‘Mount of (GuiIyas 89–105). The D.’s wealth and its ties to
Olives’), Däbrä Sina (‘Mount Sinai’), Däbrä the royal court attracted many educated clergy
yon (‘Mount Zion’). Since the late 15th cent., (liqaw nt), so that the place was usually a major
the latter has also been adopted as a personal centre for religious education. Because of its
name known through rare attestations (mainly royal connections the D. tended to be located in
in the hypocoristic form Däbru), though allud- or around important political centres: the seat of
ing to the millenarian doctrine of the “Banquet the ruler’s or emperor’s court or the capital cit-
on Mount Zion” (Fiaccadori 1993:332, n. 2; ies. If a local community wanted a D. to be
Däbrä yon). erected, it needed consent from the emperor in
D. is traditionally the most common term order to secure resources for its clergy, monks
used, chiefly in composition, for a monastic and students.
church and/or the relevant cloister, as well as Founding a D. involved land-granting and spe-
for the place in which they are located. Only in cial ceremonies: after the emperor reached the
6
Däbrä Abbay
designated place, horns were blown and drums

beaten; he then went around the construction-
site and announced the properties given to that
church. An appointed scribe immediately regis-
tered his words in the “testament of the D.”. The
emperor could also have service books copied for
the D. and inscribed with the list of his donations
to the D. (which in some cases included votive
crowns used in the church service). In other
cases, he merely signed a list of donations and
sent it to the D. After the building was finished,
its tabot was solemnly introduced into the D.
Sometimes the emperor had his word written
on parchment and sent it through a messenger
to the place where the D. was being con-
structed. Then the metropolitan or bishop
blessed the building-area of the church. The lo-
cal noblemen and elders, along with the clergy
holding a Gospel book and ringing special bells D.A. was established with a more liberal rule
( Qa l), encircled the area, together with the than other Wald bba monasteries, it allowed to
emperor’s messenger. In the churchyard, the consume grain and was consequently appropriate
words of the emperor were read and, in turn, for the aged and infirm. The “Golden Gospel”
confirmed by the metropolitan. ( Wängelä wärq) of the monastery records that
Src.: AmhChurchD vol. 2, 1–5; GuiIyas 89–105 (text) = the monks were weakened by eating qwarf, the
95–114 (tr.); LesCDic 121, 183; WALTER EWING CRUM,
A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford 1939, 441a; DillmLex 1102. staple diet. In the time of abbot Bäkimos, when
Lit.: AYMRO WONDMAGEGNEHU – JOACHIM MOTOVU the communities of Wald bba refused to accept
(eds.), The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Ababa land estates, these were granted to D.A. It is
1970, 24; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Aethiopica (II)”, claimed that half of the gw lt (44 or 88 units in
RSO 10, 1925, 481–520, here 500; GIANFRANCO
FIACCADORI, “Epigraphica Aethiopica”, Quaderni
total are mentioned) was given by a e Y s aq
Utinensi 8 [15–16], 1993 [1996], 325–33, here 327f., (HuntLand 34).
331ff.; HAILE MARIAM LAREBO, “The Ethiopian Or- In the second half of the 19th cent., D.A. re-
thodox Church and Politics in the Twentieth Century”, mained an important monastery. Around 1905
NEASt 9, 3 1987, 1–23, here 11ff. it was richly endowed by ras Mäkwänn n Wäldä
Steven Kaplan – Red.
Mika el, then in 1916 by ras Täfäri Mäkwänn n,
the future emperor. The D rsanä Ura el men-
tions D.A. along with Däbrä Damo, Däbrä
Däbrä Abbay ayq and some other famous monasteries.
D.A. (6-:y !+^ ) is an important monastery During the Italian war, D.A. suffered much in
connected to the Wald bba complex. It lies in the course of the fighting between the Italians
the Šire awra a (now North Gondär Zone of and ras mm ru aylä llase. Most of the
the Amhara k ll l) between May äbri and nda monks who survived sought refuge in the
Abba Guna, close to where the Täkkäze River neighbouring areas. After the liberation, D.A.
formed the T gray–Bägemd r border. The his- was restored and became a flourishing commu-
tory of the monastery is known mostly from lo- nity, famous as a centre of traditional education,
cal traditions and legends (for the apparently ear- especially for the certificate in Mäzgäbä q ddase,
liest mention in written sources s. PerZarY 28). It eucharistic liturgy, in which the mämh rs of
is said to have been founded as a church by D.A. are considered to be the highest authority.
Samu el of Wald bba in 1339 A.M. [1347 A.D.] This was confirmed by the demise of the other
and it was granted a monastic charter much later, centre of S däd Kula in Go am, whose teach-
in 1380 A.M. [1388 A.D.] during the reign of a e ers came to D.A.
Dawit II. However, it remained under the ad- The community of D.A. claims to preserve
ministration of Wald bba for a long time. the relics of abba Samu el in the mäqdäs of the
7
Däbrä Abbay
monastery’s Betä L em church. Certain tradi- as a result, the monastery declined. Abba
tions mention monks of D.A. coming secretly at Samu el of Wald bba rebuilt the monastery
night and stealing the body of abba Samu el and is considered its patron; after his death
from Wald bba for reburial at their monastery, abunä Bäkimos, his pupil, became the head of
but this is vigorously denied by the D.A. com- the community. A e Dawit II offered D.A.
munity. To this day there is a tradition of co- r st- and gw lt-land possession, but the monks
operation between D.A. and Wald bba to en- refused to accept it (and the land is said to have
sure that the monastic life does not disappear been transferred to the nearby Däbrä Abbay).
from either. Both communities celebrate the However, later, as the tradition claims, land es-
festival of abba Samu el on 12 Ta a ; D.A. tates were accepted from the Betä sra el leader
celebrates the translation of his relics on 7 Gedewon.
Mäskäräm. The “five fathers” from Däbrä Libanos of
Src.: BÄRIHUN KÄBBÄDÄ, Y`s;+y K9zy K<l (Yä- Šäwa reportedly came to the monastery in 1397
wald bba gädam tarik, ‘The History of the Monastery of and found it divided into 44 däwäl (lit. ‘bells’) –
Wald bba’), Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/91 A.D.], 44, groups of hermits, each having its own tabot;
62f., 71, 116f.; NATHANIEL PEARCE, The Life and Ad-
ventures of Nathaniel Pearce …, London 1831, vol. 2,
these were eventually reduced to two “houses”,
174ff.; ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “L’Homélie en l’honneur de those of abunä Minas and those of abunä
l’archange Ouriel (Ders na Ur el)”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88; a mä Kr stos, which exist to this day. The
HuntLand 34; AmhChurchD vol. 4., 185–90; PerrZarY monks had fled before the army of A mad b.
28; BZHist 12. Ibr h m al- z ; thereafter, the community was
Joachim Persoon – Denis Nosnitsin threatened by the Rayya and the Azaboo
Oromo. The main church of D.A., Kidanä
M rät, was established in 1773. A e Täklä
Däbrä Abräntant Häymanot II, who went to Wald bba and be-
D.A. (6-:y !-:#K#M ) is the central monas- came a monk after his abdication in 1777, is said
tery of Wald bba. It is located in a lowland to have been later buried at D.A.
desert area near the S men Mountains, strad- After this, D.A. retained its importance; in the
dling the former T gray–Bägemd r (Gondär) 1970s it hosted a large community with an
border (s. Däbrä Abbay map for exact loca- elaborate organization, consisting of several
tion). Wald bba’s borders are marked by the settlements with churches of their own, all un-
rivers Täkkäze, Zärema, An ya and Buyya. der the administration of one head (!(y z"M ,
This area is venerated as a sacred place where, as abä m net). The monk grades range from the
some traditional sources narrate, the Holy novices to the “perfect hermits”; the monks are
Family dwelt during its return from Egypt. engaged in the production of cereals and bananas
One of the earliest independent sources that (which is the main ingredient for qwarf) along
explicitly refers to D.A. is possibly a note at- with bee-keeping. The monastery is famous due
tached to the Acts of Märqorewos (Conti Ros- to the austerity of the monks, as well as its mas-
sini 1904:48). Besides, the Chronicle of a e ters of zema-chanting and exegesis.
Iyasu I reports that the Emperor visited the D.A. has an important collection of crosses,
monks of Abräntanti (or abärtanti) and passed paintings on wood and manuscripts. Two staff-
the place twice in 1692 (GuiIohan 152f., 165). crosses deserve special attention. One, called the
The local monastic tradition dates the founda- “Jerusalemian” or “Egyptian”, is decorated with
tion of D.A. to 493 A.D. and attributes it to a inlays of gold and silver and seems to be of
group of faithful from Bulga, who, having Coptic origin. The cross cannot be precisely
been admonished by a hermit, set out for Jeru- dated, but the inlay-technique connects it with
salem. A youth accompanying them revealed objects of Islamic sumptuous art of ca. 13th–15th
himself to be Christ and made a “testament” cent. The cross has an invocation in the name of
that the site would be “like Jerusalem”. The “King Gäbrä Mäsqäl” (possibly a e Amdä
word abräntant in the name of the monastery is yon or Y s aq?) and, on a picture of St.
traditionally explained as !-:#y H!#H (abrän Mary, an inscription which mentions a e
tä antä, ‘we are together with you [God]’). Iyasu II. The second cross, made of bronze,
Later, the local hermits are reported to have has a shaft decorated with the head of a ram, a
been massacred by Queen Gudit ( sato) and, very rare feature, shared with the cross from the
8
Däbrä Asäbot
monastery of W rrä Mäsqäl, Agamä (attributed area; since the Männagäša forest was rich in
by its inscription to n äw d m; Zagwe) and timber, there was no problem of wood supply
the cross from Tädbabä Maryam, Say nt for the construction. The church was designed
(which is connected by local traditions with to be octagonal in shape, like the churches of
John the Baptist). Two other iron hand- n o o Ragu el and Mänbärä Mäng t
crosses in open-work technique and the imita- Gäbr el.
tion of bamboo-knots on the handles are dated The main reason for constructing D.A. was the
to 15th–16th cent. sheer distance between the capital and Däbrä
Two large wooden panels with the Cruci- Libanos of Šäwa, which prevented the faithful,
fixion scene are high-quality examples of the so- including the nobles, high officials and the Em-
called First Gondärine style. Among the manu- peror, from visiting this monastery, the sanctu-
scripts there is a Vita of Täklä Haymanot deco- ary of abba Täklä Haymanot. The main feast
rated with 187 miniatures in the Second of this Saint was celebrated on 24 Nä ase, dur-
Gondärine style. According to oral tradition, ing the rainy season, a time when communica-
the monastery owns a portrait of St. Mary, tion between Däbrä Libanos and Addis Abäba
painted by St. Luke, which suggests a foreign became especially difficult. Hence, a church of
provenance. Täklä Haymanot in the capital was needed.
D.A. could be described as the “Mount Athos” Although the construction of D.A. was an-
of Ethiopia, preserving the essential values and nounced by the Emperor and became the con-
aspirations of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa- cern of many officials, it was a long time in
do Church. It was, and still is, a training- reaching completion. Construction of the prin-
ground for future church leaders. The particular cipal church started in 1898, and was terminated
life style that has evolved over the centuries in- and inaugurated in the reign of tege Zäwditu.
volves unique ways of interacting with nature, The bell house, also started in 1898, was com-
agricultural methods, architectural style, handi- pleted during the second half of the 1930s. The
crafts and diet. Above all, D.A. has developed a hall, used as an accommodation for the
strictly ascetic and contemplative spirituality. sänbäte-meetings, was built in the 1960s. The
Src.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, Vitae sanctorum indige- mäqdäs was built in 1983. Construction of the
narum I. Acta Marqor wos, Louvain 1904 (CSCO 33, 34 fence started in the 1950s, in co-operation with
[SAe 16, 17]), 48f. (text) = 63 (tr.); GuiIohan 152f., 165 the city municipality of Addis Abäba and with
(text) = 160, 173 (tr.).
Lit.: EWA BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, “Is Näwa Bäg u an contributions from the public, finally completed
Ethiopian Cross?”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 105–24; BÄRIHUN in the second half of the 1970s. The church ad-
KÄBBÄDÄ, Y`s;+y K9zy K<l (Yäwald bba gädam ministration offices were built at different times.
tarik, ‘The History of the Monastery of Wald bba’), Addis However, the church began offering full spiri-
Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/91 A.D.]; JACQUES JARRY, “Un
voyage de reconnaissance au Waldebba”, AE 9, 1972,
tual services from the very outset, even although
227–36; GIRMA ELIAS, “The Monastery of Abrentant in it took almost 90 years to build the church
Waldibba”, Abbay 8, 1977, 93–121. complex.
Joachim Persoon – Denis Nosnitsin Lit.: HAILE GABRIEL DAGNE, “The Establishment of
Churches in Addis Ababa”, in: CentAddis 57–78.
Mersha Alehegne
Däbrä Amin Täklä Haymanot
D.A. (6-:y !w#y Hlny U^x$M, lit. ‘Mount
[Monastery] of Faith [dedicated to] Täklä Däbrä Asäbot
Haymanot’) is a church in Addis Abäba, located D.A. (6-:y !A.M , or Asäbot llase Däbrä
near Täsämma Abba Qämmaw Road. The cor- Wägäg, 9°17' N, 40°35' E) is a monastery
ner stone of the church was laid down on 12 (gädam) in eastern Harärge, approximately half-
July 1898. The tabot was blessed by the then way between Addis Abäba and D rre Dawa
Metropolitan abunä Matewos, accompanied (2,493 m A.S.L.). Mount Asäbot is an extinct
by a e M nil k II, his officials and the sur- volcano. The most important monastery of this
rounding people, before being placed within a area, D.A. was founded by a highly venerated
small tent. After this, the Emperor proclaimed saint, the Šäwan abba Samu el [of Däbrä
the commencement of the construction of the Wägäg], perhaps around the second half of the
church. The stone was brought from the Kotebe 14th cent., and follows the rule of abba Täklä
9
Däbrä Asäbot
Other monasteries of the region disappeared, but

it was believed that attempts to do away with
D.A. were thwarted through divine intervention.
Src.: ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “L’homélie en l’honneur de
l’archange Ouriel (Ders na Ur ’él)”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88,
here 64, 77, 87f.; STANISLAS KUR, Actes de Samuel de
Dabra Wagag, Louvain 1968 (CSCO 287, 288 [SAe 57, 58]).
Lit.: abba AYELE TEKLEHAIMANOT, “Un faro di luce
cristiana brilla da secoli sull’Ogaden”, QSE 2, 1981, 56–64;
ENRICO CERULLI, “Il monachismo in Etiopia”, OrChrA
153, 1958, 259–78, here 260.
Joachim Persoon
Däbrä Asbo Däbrä Libanos
Däbrä Bägg
D.B. (6-:y (P* , lit. ‘Mount [Monastery] of
the Lamb’) is a monastery in the early Christi-
anized district of ära in eastern Šäwa (former
Haymanot. A e Dawit II richly endowed the Tägulät Bulga awra a), located in the valley of
monastery with gw lt estates situated between the Qabänna, a tributary of the Käsäm River
the Awaš and the Mullu. In the 16th cent., the (ca. 39°40' N, 9°25' E; s. map for Däbrä
advancing Muslim forces of A mad b. Asäbot). By tradition, it was founded in the 14th
Ibr h m al- z destroyed it. In 1911 D.A. was cent. by an Mo a, who was a cousin of
re-established under the Empress Zäwditu, Zena Marqos (both having the same grandfa-
only to be destroyed during the Italian period. ther).
The Italians took the monks to Mogadishu, A substantial number of manuscripts from the
where many were to die. It was restored again monastic library, most of them dating to the 18th
by a e aylä llase I, who ordered a modern or 19th cent., have recently been catalogued (s.
church to be built, in the form of a Latin cross EMML vols. 6, 10). The monastery possesses a
with a cupola. copy of the Acts of an Mo a (mf. EMML
According to the D rsanä Ura el, Christ’s 2353, fol. 3a–35b), judged to have been written
blood was collected in a shining chalice and in the 18th cent. An inventory of books and
sprinkled by an angel in different places that church furnishings in the possession of D.B.
were to become monasteries on account of this mentions landholdings given to the monastery
action. When the blood fell on D.A. the place during the time of n gu ahlä llase (EMML
was illuminated, hence its name of Däbrä 2353, fol. 2a), as well as those donated by a e
Wägäg (Caquot 1955:77, 87), cp. Amh. ]KPy M nil k II, whose father n gu aylä Mälakot
!n , wägägg alä, ‘to dawn’. In addition, the was buried in D.B. (GueCopMen 84), and by
name D.A. is also traditionally explained as wäyzäro Bafäna (EMML 2352, fol. 169b; 2353,
“mount of the thinkers, or the wise men” (cp. fol. 89a). Five miniatures from EMML 2349 are
Amh. !D*c,, assabiwo , ‘thinkers’). judged by Chojnacki to be significant examples
In the 1990s the community numbered ap- of the Šäwan painting style, showing evidence
proximately 50 monks and nuns (excluding of the impact of Gondärine art on 18th- and 19th-
novices), following the cenobitic and nnät rule. cent. Šäwan art (s. ChojPaint 471f.). Ms. EMML
7 rr and 7 amle, the feasts of the Trinity, to 4380 contains valuable texts in Old Amharic,
which Samu el dedicated the monastery, are such as the interpretations of G z letters,
among the most celebrated and important mo- nä f rät, interpretation of the Nicene
ments at the monastery. Creed etc.
D.A.’s strategic location, in an area where Src.: EMML 2349, 2352, 2353, 4380; GueCopMen 84.
Lit.: AWTarik xv, map, 113; FRIEDRICH HEYER, Die
Muslim population is predominant, has given it a Heiligen der äthiopischen Erde, Erlangen 1998 (Oiko-
political, spiritual and cultural relevance. At nomia 37), 92f.; ChojPaint 471f., figs. 215a-d.
times, persecuted Christians found refuge there. Paul B. Henze
10
Däbrä B rhan
Däbrä Ba r y
D.B. (6-:y +B?^ , lit. ‘Mount of the Pearl [or,
of the Divine Nature]’) is a monastery founded
by abba Giyorgis of Sägla (Gas a) during the
reign of a e Y s aq, quite close to the grave of
abba Bä älotä Mika el. D.B., more commonly
referred to as Gas a Abba Giyorgis gädam, is
located on the summit of a precipitous elevation
(amba; 2,400 m A.S.L.) on the Gas a plateau,
opposite aqata and south of the River Wäläqa
in Wällo. It is only two or three hours walk
from Sägla, which is the birthplace of the foun-
der (Wright 1957:12; Derat 1994:25).
The location by Yaqob Beyene (YaqMist I) of
Gas a in Ambassäl and Sägla in Šäwa is, thus,
far from certain. Neither can his assumption
that Giyorgis of Gas a and Giyorgis of Sägla
were two different people be proved. In addi-
tion, the reference in the Gädlä Iyäsus Mo a to ticularly rich manuscript collection. A recent
Giyorgis of D.B. and of Gas a as different in- inventory reveals only 54 manuscripts on
dividuals should not be taken for granted. Ac- parchment and 45 published books. Neverthe-
cording to his hagiography and to oral tradition, less, it still serves as a major centre of religious
the Giyorgis who was born in Sägla and the one instruction for about 18 parish churches.
who founded D.B. in Gas a was one and the During the reign of a e aylä llase I, the
same person; hence, Giyorgis of Sägla, or monastery had 50 gašša (ca. 2,000 ha) of land;
Gas a, or D.B. The Mälk of Giyorgis of however, it has now lost more than 90 % of this
Sägla, which repeatedly describes him as ba r y total due to the sweeping land reforms after
(‘pearl’), summarizes everything when it refers 1974 by the Därg. There are three tabots conse-
to his grave at Gas a as D.B.: Aqzy nu6- crated to St. George of Lydda, the Trinity and
:gy ]n?oy !;\xy/ A`F]y `tMy }Uy St. Mary. A cave-church of Bä älotä Mika el,
]z*=Ky F-@My P;xy/ M_?MFy xiD9y which had fallen into disuse, now also belongs
]r#M#Wsy 48xy &z?t#y js(JUy G(y to D.B.
!D;D6My P?xy/ 6-:y +B?^y Au^`y Fx, Src.: EMML V, 339, no. 1838, fols. 1r–50r; 434, 1940;
‘Greetings to your grave and its surroundings/ GÉRARD COLIN, Vie de Georgis de Sagl , Lovanii 1987
Its length is a ladder for prayer and its breadth a (CSCO 492, 493 [SAe 81, 82]), 64 (text) = 48 (tr.);
KurMoa, s. index; YaqMist I, V-VI.
staircase for [raising] glorification/Giyorgis is Lit.: MARIE-LAURE DERAT, Giyorgis de Saglâ (1365–1425):
its tower and its building that will never be de- un prêtre du Tabernacle, Mémoire de D.E.A., Université de
stroyed/When its glory was more than the oth- Paris I – Sorbonne 1994, 25; STEPHEN WRIGHT, “Notes on
ers,/They called its name Däbrä Ba r y’. Some Cave Churches in the Province of Wallo”, AE 2, 1957,
7–13, here 12.
The monastery has been damaged by fire Fisseha Tadesse Feleke
three times: first by A mad b. Ibr h m al-
z , then by a certain arämawi (lit. ‘pagan’, i.e.
Muslim) who reportedly has come from the Däbrä B rhan
town of Yädära Adäre (probably the town of D.B. (6-:y -?U# , ‘Mount of Light’) was one
Harär) and finally by the Muslims of the sur- of the earliest, and most important, capitals of
rounding area. Wright (1957:12) observed evi- Šäwa, and remains to this day a large and flour-
dence of burning; there are also some burnt ishing urban centre.
pages of the Mä afä sä atat by Giyorgis that The town was apparently founded in the 15th
are believed to belong to the original exemplar cent. by a e Zär a Ya qob and figures exten-
of this work (the present author examined them sively in his chronicle. This links the establishment
during his visit to the monastery in 1997). As a of the settlement with a miraculous, Heaven-sent
result of these fires, D.B. does not have a par- light. This was probably Halley’s comet, which
11
Däbrä B rhan
and D.B., also resided for part of the year in the

vicinity, at Angoläla. The D.B. area was, how-
ever, the locality where he galloped his horses,
and held his principal military reviews. The town
also had a sizeable market, renowned especially
for the sale of mules and horses.
D.B. suffered as a result of a e Tewodros’s
occupation of Šäwa in 1855. The then ruler,
n gu aylä Mäläkot, set fire to the town, in-
cluding the palace, to prevent it falling to Te-
wodros. The latter nevertheless occupied the
town, and placed his tent on the cinders of the
former palace.
M nil k, after his escape from Mäqdäla, oc-
cupied D.B. in 1865, but established an entirely
new settlement five km to the north-east, at
L e, which he made for a time his capital.
Later, however, in 1878–79, under pressure
made its appearance in 1456, i.e. in the last third of from a e Yo ann s IV, he abandoned L e, in
Zär a Ya qob’s reign. D.B., according to the favour of old D.B. The latter then reverted to its
chronicler, became the site of a fine palace, which former status as one of the principal political
he describes in considerable detail. The town at centres of Šäwa, and the settlement was subse-
this time was visited by numerous priests and quently largely rebuilt by M nil k, who re-
countless courtiers from all over the empire, who stored the town’s llase church in 1905.
came to pay allegiance to the mighty Emperor. After the abandonment of Ankobär, in favour
D.B. subsequently suffered from a serious of n o o, and later Addis Abäba, D.B.
epidemic, which Zär a Ya qob reputedly over- emerged as the principal settlement of northern
came in part by building the town’s church of Šäwa. Its population was estimated in 1935 at
Betä Qirqos and by insisting on the proper no less than 12,000. After World War II the
burial of the dead. D.B. was, however, later town’s position on the Addis Abäba – Asmära
abandoned by Zär a Ya qob’s son and succes- road ensured it considerable urban growth. The
sor a e Bä dä Maryam, after which its im- town became the capital of a large awra a con-
portance doubtlessly declined. The settlement sisting of Bulga and Tägulät. The develop-
was nevertheless still in existence in the early ment was accelerated by the establishment of a
16th cent., during the reign of a e L bnä teacher’s training college, a woollen blanket
D ng l, when it was occupied by an army he factory, a flour-mill, a tannery, and numerous
had summoned there from T gray. The town hotels. The population grew from 14,986 in-
later fell to im m A mad b. Ibr h m al- z , habitants in 1970 to 51,446 in 2000. D.B. is
who reportedly destroyed Zär a Ya qob’s old twinned with the French town of Blanc-Mesnil,
palace; and it was at D.B. that the Adal leader on the outskirts of Paris.
proclaimed: “Abyssinia is conquered”. Src.: PerrZarY 193f., s. index; BassHist 401; CSA 2000.
The revival of D.B., in the late 17th cent., owed Lit.: PankHist I, II (Lit.).
much to Näga e Kr stos Wärädä Qal, the foun- Richard Pankhurst
der of the later Šäwan dynasty, who made the
settlement his capital and rebuilt Zär a Ya qob’s
former palace. His immediate successors moved, Däbrä B rhan llase
however, to other locations. Two subsequent late D.B. . (6-:y -?U#y TqE, lit. ‘Mount of
18th- and early 19th-cent. Šäwan rulers, Asfä Light [dedicated to, i.e. with the tabot] of the
Wäsän and Wäsän Sägäd, both spent part of their Trinity’, also known as llus Q ddus) is one of
time at D.B. and part at nearby Ankobär. This the finest churches of Gondär. Situated on
practice was followed, in the early 19th cent., by elevated land north-west of the city, it was con-
n gu ahlä llase, who, in addition to Ankobär secrated in January 1694 during the reign of a e
12
Däbrä B rhan llase
Iyasu I and is ecstatically described in a pane- for its redecoration. The ceiling, decorated with
gyric to him. This enumerates how Iyasu pre- cherubs, is today a major tourist attraction.
scribed that the walls should be four cubits thick Src.: BegCron 64, s. index; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Iy su
and (being round) exactly one hundred cubits I re d’Etiopia e martire”, RSO 20, 1, 1942, 65–128, here 76–
from north to south and east to west. The roof 81, 108–13.
Lit.: GUY ANNEQUIN, “De quand datent l’église actuelle
was surmounted by a gold gull lat, or roof deco- de Dabra Berhan Sellase et son ensemble de peintures?”,
ration, and a large gold cross holding gold AE 10, 1976, 215–26; CrumLand 88f.; MONTI DELLA
spheres the size of ostrich eggs, which shone like CORTE, I Castelli di Gondar, Roma 1938 PankHist I, 132,
the sun by day and the moon by night (Conti 143; MARIO DI SALVO, Churches of Ethiopia: the Mon-
Rossini 1942:76–81, 108–13). The belfry had two astery of N rg ell s , Milano 1999, 67, fig. 64.
Richard Pankhurst
large bells, presented by the Dutch India Com-
pany and imported by the Armenian trader o a
Mur d. The church was important as a place Paintings in Däbrä B rhan llase
where the Emperor and his courtiers celebrated The detailed description of D.B. . in the
the Feast of the Trinity and where not a few Chronicle of a e Iyasu I and in the Vita of the
prominent figures were buried (BegCron 64). Its Emperor allows us to reconstruct it as a round
original establishment or särit involved over 170 building of tooled stones, with the central part
clergy supported by grants of land in encircled by arcades reposing on twelve pillars
Dämb ya. This establishment served as a model with twelve entrances. The walls of the
for many of the churches later founded in mäqdäs and the pillars were entirely covered
Gondär and in other parts of the country with paintings. The choice of the scenes and
(CrumLand 88f.). their disposition represent what we now call the
The original round church, the external foun- classical decoration system of a round church.
dations of which are still visible, was destroyed An exception was made by the pillars decorated
by lightning in 1707, but it was immediately rein the lower sections with the stories of the
stored and until 1730 frequently used as a royal Apostles, and in the upper sections, with the
necropolis. It was replaced by the present rec- figures of twelve archangels. A fragment de-
tangular building (Di Salvo 1999:67), recon- picting an angel, still kept in the church in
structed by order of liq aylä Maryam šäte (d. frames, may originate from this ensemble.
1842), a nobleman from Gondär, probably be- The present church is a rectangular hall with a
tween 1800 and 1830. His church survived the half-circular apse at the east end; it has three
pillaging of Gondär by the dervishes in 1888. entrances from the north, south and west and a
Tradition claims that they were driven away by divided thatched roof. An ambulatory bound
a swarm of angry bees. by rectangular pillars is the latest addition. The
D.B. . is today renowned for its fine murals, building is encircled by a high smooth-stone
which cover the entire interior and include paint- enclosure with a two-storey tower facing west.
ings of the church’s original founder, Iyasu I, as In the lower part there is the main entrance, the
well as of gwalä yon, who probably paid upper part houses the treasury.
Cloth mural painted about 1820; ceiling and

north wall: cherubs, mariological scenes and
St. George; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael
Gervers
13
Däbrä B rhan llase
The interior of the church is entirely covered pl. 429; EWALD HEIN – BRIGITTE KLEIDT, Ethiopia –
with paintings. The decoration of the sanctuary Christian Africa: Art, Churches and Culture, Ratingen
1999, figs. 191–200.
inside the apse is unknown. This part of the Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
church was not entered during the restoration
works that UNESCO performed in the 1970s.
The technique used is painting on canvas glued Däbrä B rhan llase
to the walls. Stylistically, the painters were fol- The church of D.B. . (6-:y -?U#y TqE , lit.
lowers of the second Gondärine school. The ‘Mount of Light [dedicated to, i.e. with the
name of one of them, Bä aylä Mäsqäl, is men- tabot] of the Trinity’, also known as nda
tioned in an inscription. A e gwalä yon, who llase) was founded by dä azma Ka a M r a
should be considered the donor of the paint- (a e Yo ann s IV) at Adwa, as here was the
ings, is depicted three times: prostrating before residence of his court. Built upon a “lofty
abba Täklä Haymanot, the Virgin Mary and the place” where the house of Ka a’s father, ras
Crucified Christ. Mika el S ul, once stood, it was consecrated by
The north wall is divided into five rows. The abunä Atnatewos on 14 May 1871. Dedicated
two highest show a Mariological cycle, includ- to the Trinity, it was named D.B. after the
ing the story of the Flight to Egypt based on the famed church founded in Gondär in 1694 by
Nägärä Maryam. The third row has portraits a e Iyasu I.
of ten equestrian saints and figures of the most Its structure, with an attractive height and
popular Ethiopian and ecumenical saints. The width and a ceiling that was “lofty and deco-
south wall is devoted to the Passion cycle, the rated with purple color” (BTafY 85, 90–93),
Last Judgement, the martyrdom of Peter and along with its secondary buildings, was reduced
Paul and portraits of the Apostles. On the west to ruins during a battle fought at the church in
wall, the main scene represents the Apparition the recent civil war.
of the Virgin Mary at Däbrä M maq, sur- A description and photographs of the church
rounded by the portraits of various saints. The were recorded in the report of the Deutsche
east wall, transfixed by two portals leading to Aksum-Expedition (DAE III, 57ff., pl. III). The
the mäqdäs, is flanked by figures of St. Michael church was a circular building of stone and
and St. Gabriel. In the upper part of the wall the wood with a double ambulatory and a central,
Trinity is represented, in the lower part the square sanctuary ( Mäqdäs) surmounted by a
Crucifixion between the Annunciation and the tambour. It was constructed within a stone en-
Nativity of Christ. The whole ceiling is deco- closure with a circular tower and a square en-
rated with the heads of cherubs. tryway. Its decoration consisted of many carved
Church buildings; Painting and incised wood details (the framing of doors
Src.: BegCron 81f., 67ff., 75–78; GuiIohan 176f., 285f., and windows, the beams of entablature, the
304ff.; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Iy su I re d’Etiopia e
martire”, RSO 20, 1942, 65–128, here 108f.
grills of screens) – the work of Italian craftsman
Lit.: OTTO JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, Antiquities of North Giacomo Naretti. The murals on the exterior
Ethiopia: a Guide, Stuttgart – London 1974, 47–52 (Lit.);
PAUL M. SCHWARTZBAUM et al., Conservation of Mural
Paintings in Ethiopia, Paris [UNESCO] 1979 (Technical
Rapport 1); GUY ANNEQUIN, “De quand datent l’église
actuelle de Dabra Berhan Sellasé de Gondar et son
ensemble de peintures?”, AE 10, 1976, 215–26; CLAIRE
BOSC-TIESSÉ – ANAÏS WION, “Inventaire des peintures
datées du XVIIe au début du XIXe siècles: questions sur
l’art gondarien (Éthiopie)”, in: CLAUDE HÉLÈNE
PERROT – FRANÇOIS-XAVIER FAUVELLE (eds.), Autres
sources, nouveaux regards sur l’histoire africaine, Paris
1998 (= Cahiers du Centre de recherches africaines 9),
215–42, here 227f.
Ill.: JULES LEROY, La pittura etiopica, Milano 1964, pl.
38, 39a, 39; ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT – OTTO JÄGER,
Illuminierte äthiopische Handschriften, Wiesbaden 1968,
pls. 32; WOLFGANG VON VOLBACH – JACQUELINE
LAFONTAINE-DOSOGNE (eds.), Byzanz und der christli- Two-storey entryway and exterior wall of Däbrä B rhan llase,
che Osten, Berlin 1968 (Propyläen Kunstgeschichte 3), Adwa (destroyed early 1996); courtesy of the IES (no. 98 A2)
14
Däbrä Bizän
wall of the sanctuary, which survive only in in their dreams. Pilgrimage to D.B., on the
photographs, included a depiction of the arrival commemoration of the death of the saint, 3
of dä azma Ka a at Aksum for his coronation Ta a , and generally the third day of each
as Yo ann s IV on 21 January 1872, the banquet month, is still very popular, rivalling the pil-
that followed it, an episode from the Egyptian- grimage to Däbrä Libanos of äwa.
Ethiopian war in 1870 and several hunting A miracle added to the Acts of Zena Marqos
scenes. According to the Guida, most of the mu- (EMML 3987, fol. 136a–38b), written by an ab-
rals were painted by aläqa Luqas of Go am. bot of D.B. named Qalä Awadi, in charge dur-
The church owned a large collection of military ing the war of A mad b. Ibr h m al- z
objects and church paraphernalia. (Grañ), shows that the library of the monastery
Src.: BTafY 85, 90–93; DAE I, 7; III, 57ff., pl. IV; was very rich. When Qalä Awadi heard of the
AUGUSTUS BLANDY WYDLE, Modern Abyssinia, Lon- coming of Grañ’s armies, he dispersed hundreds
don 1901, 170; EMILIUS ALBERT DE COSSON, The Cra- of manuscripts and the tabots and fled to
dle of the Blue Nile: a Visit to the Court of King John of
Ethiopia, London 1877, vol. 1, 113f.; ALEXANDRE Bägemd r.
GIRARD, Souvenirs d’un voyage en Abyssinie (1868– D.B. belongs to the Däbrä Libanos movement.
1869), Le Caire 1873, 98, 168, 198; Guida 242. For this reason, during the doctrinal quarrel be-
Lit.: PankHist II, 91, 351; ALBERTO SBACCHI, “‘Le tween Unctionists ( Q bat) and Unionists
Memorie’ di Giacomo Naretti alla corte dell’imperatore
Giovanni IV d’Etiopia”, Bolletino della Società
( Täwa do) in the 17th and 18th cent., the com-
Geografica Italiana ser. 12a, 4 [136], 1999, 751–63; ID., munity followed the Däbrä Libanos party.
“The Late Robert L. Hess and the Memoirs of Giacomo Src.: EMML vol. 9, 268–77, no. 3987 [cp. no. 4740, fol.
Naretti at the Court of Emperor Yohannes of Ethiopia”, 149b]; vol. 10, 285f., no. 4741 [list of the abbots of D.B.];
in: PICES 12, vol. 1, 899–918, here 911f. ERNEST ALFRED WALLIS BUDGE (ed., tr.), The Life and
Marilyn Heldman Miracles of Tâklâ Hâymânôt in the Version of Dabra
Lîbânôs …, London 1906, vol. 1, 199; vol. 2, 81, 258f.;
GABRA IYASUS HAYLU, “Un manoscritto amarico sulle
verità della fede”, in: PICES 1, 345–52, here 351; GreTis-
Däbrä B rat Vat 371, ms. Vat. Aeth. 95.
D.B. (6-:y -T=M , ‘Monastery [Mount] of Lit.: ENRICO CERULLI, “Gli atti di Z n M rqos, monaco
the Annunciation’), known also as Däbrä Zena etiope del sec. XIV”, in: Collectanea Vaticana in honorem
Marqos, is located on the slopes of a table- Anselmi M. Card. Albareda, Città del Vaticano 1962 (Studi
e testi 219), vol. 1, 191–212; STANIS AW CHOJNACKI,
mountain in Morät (Šäwa, Tägulät and Bulga “Day Giyorgis”, JES 7, 2, 1969, 43–48, here 43f.
awra a) near the church of Däy Giyorgis (s. Marie-Laure Derat
map for Däbrä Asäbot). The latter was re-
cently rebuilt on the top of this mountain, in the Däbrä B u a Amlak Kodadu
vicinity of the ruins of the ancient Däy Giyorgis
church attributed to the 15th-cent. a e zbä
Nañ ( Täklä Maryam). Däbrä Bizän
According to Enrico Cerulli’s summary The monastery of D.B. (6-:y *r# ) lies in the
(1962) of the Acts of Zena Marqos, D.B. was Eritrean province of amasen, near the village
founded in the 14th cent. by this saint, a cousin of Näfasit, some 25 km east of the capital city
and disciple of abba Täklä Haymanot. It was Asmära, on a high mountain, on the main road
the site where his birth was announced to his leading to Massawa. The name D.B. could be
father. translated literally as ‘Monastery [Mount] of
After the death of Zena Marqos, in 1375/76 Byzantium’, but the true meaning of such an
according to his hagiography, a e N wayä expression is rather obscure. Francisco Alvares’s
Maryam granted lands to the community, which Verdadera Informaçam, published in 1540, re-
constituted a third of the income of the Em- fers to D.B. as “Monastery of the Vision”, cer-
peror (a clear reference to the late tradition con- tainly because of local traditions narrating that
cerning the donations of a e Y kunno Amlak Jesus appeared to the saint and told him to build
to Täklä Haymanot). the convent in the place that he would see a
Zena Marqos was buried in his monastery. golden stick suspended in mid-air. It seems the
According to his Miracles, pilgrims rushed to place-name Bizän had existed before the foun-
his burial place. They used to sleep near his dation of the monastery referring to the great
tomb, hoping for an apparition of Zena Marqos massif dominating Näfasit.
15
Däbrä Bizän
View of Däbrä Bizän; photo 1995, courtesy of
Paul B. Henze
At present D.B. is also known as nda Abunä Dahlak sul n in Massawa, called yyumä
Fil os, since it was founded in 1373 or 1374 ba r (‘governor of the sea’). The social and
by the monk Fil os, a leader of the monas- political role played by D.B. in the struggle of
tic movement known as däqiqä Ewos atewos the Solomonic rulers to extend their sovereignty
( Ewos ateans). Under Fil os’s abbotship over the lowland was a primary one. It is not by
until 1406, D.B. grew so much in importance as chance that the religious doctrine of D.B. was
to assume the political and religious leadership progressively accepted in the days of Dawit II,
of the Ewos atean monasteries. During the last Y s aq and Zär a Ya qob, three emperors
decade of the 14th cent. the community suffered deeply engaged in a long-term conflict which
from repression, culminating, after the resolu- brought eventually to the occupation of Mas-
tions of a council summoned in April 1400 by sawa (1438). Specifically, Zär a Ya qob ex-
a e Dawit II, in the arrest of Fil os and his pressed his acknowledgement of D.B.’s contri-
internment on the island of ayq, within the bution in at least one significant land grant pre-
monastery of Däbrä s ifanos. A few years served in the ms. BritLib Orient. 481 (fol. 208).
later, about 1403 or 1404, the same Emperor An important source for D.B.’s history in the
allowed the Sabbath celebration, i.e., the ob- first half of the 16th cent. is the already-
servance of rest on both Saturday and Sunday. mentioned Verdadera Informaçam by Francisco
According to the G z sources, after the new Alvares. According to this report, in 1520 the
council of Däbrä M maq (1450) and the sub- coast from rgigo to Massawa was still nomi-
sequent resolution of the monastic schism with nally part of the Solomonic Kingdom, under the
a decision favourable to D.B., the monastery direct administration of the ba r nägaš. The
was liberally granted land by a e Zär a monks of D.B. are depicted as the highest re-
Ya qob. ligious authorities of the Eritrean regions,
D.B. was founded on the top of a massif the playing also a political role as “ambassadors” of
eastern slope of which descends steeply to the the ba r nägaš residing in D barwa. The
lowland, in the direction of Ginda and Dog ali. leading position of D.B. among the monasteries
In this choice of a strategic position, dominating of the amasen and Säraye regions is confirmed
the route to the sea, one can see a serious at- for the 17th and 18th cent. by the reports of Pedro
tempt to establish a stronghold on the political Paez, Charles Poncet and James Bruce.
and cultural boundary separating the Christian In the last decades of the 18th cent. (after
Solomonic Kingdom and the Islamic Sultanate 1780–81 according to the Annals of Addi
of Dahlak, with Massawa as its main coastal Nä amm n, s. KolTrad III, 44, 49), a serious
centre. The most ancient literary documents devastation affected D.B. The event must have
informing about D.B. are the hagiographies of occurred before 1810, because Henry Salt in-
the first two abbots of the monastery, the foun- forms about the monastery “deserted and in
der Fil os (1322/23–1406) and his first suc- ruins” (SalTrav 442). Some 15 years later a
cessor Yo ann s (1372/73–1449). These texts similar scene appeared to the French travellers
reveal the conflict between the monastery and Edmond Combes and Maurice Tamisier who
the nayb ( N ib), i.e., the deputy of the undertook their journey in 1837.
16
Däbrä Damo
th 285–91; ROGER SCHNEIDER, “Notes sur Filpos de Dabra
Starting from the mid-19 cent., the monas-
tery was rebuilt in its modern shape. Today it Bizan et ses successeurs”, ibid. 11, 1978, 135–39; LusStud
96–110; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI,
includes three churches, a large number of cells “Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui conventi
plus different small buildings all constructed of eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 22–25;
uncommonly accurately cut masonry. The ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso
rights of D.B. were respected during the Italian comunità monastiche dell’Eritrea. Parte seconda”, RSE 29,
1995 [1997], 25–48.
occupation, and during the Ethio-Eritrean war Gianfrancesco Lusini
the importance of the monastery grew quickly.
It is sufficient to recall that after the Eritrean Däbrä Daga s ifanos Daga s ifanos
declaration of independence, the abbot of D.B.
was invested with the office of Metropolitan of Däbrä Damo
Eritrea. The monastic rule of D.B., tracing back
D.D. (6-:y 9{, Däbrä Dammo, also nda
to the same Fil os, is celebrated for its sever-
[Abunä] Arägawi) is one of the oldest Ethio-
ity, especially as to the strict prohibition for any
pian monasteries. Located on top of a mountain
female to enter the monastery. The monastery
plateau entirely surrounded by steep cliffs in the
now houses the greatest manuscript collection
district of Bizät, eastern T gray, it can only be
of all Eritrea, totalling around 572 pieces, ac-
reached by climbing. The foot of the amba is
cording to the local monks. The preservation of
connected by a dry-weather road to the Addi-
this first-rate historical heritage and its envi-
grat– Adwa main highway.
ronmental context is one of the several chal-
No documents are available on D.D.’s foun-
lenges facing the Eritrean state.
dation. Hagiographic sources, however, attrib-
Src.: WrBriMus 6, no. 2 [Orient. 481], fol. 208; FRAN-
CISCO ALVAREZ, Ho Preste Joam das indias. Verdadera
ute the first monastic settlement there, under
informaçam das terras do Preste Joam, Lisboa 1540; ibid. the Aksumite kings Tazena and Kaleb lla
annot. by AUGUSTO REIS MACHADO, Lisboa 1943; A b ha, to abunä Zämika el Arägawi, who
CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il Gadla Filpos e il Gadla gave it the name of Däbrä Halleluya (Gädlä
Yo annes di Dabra Bizan”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1901, 61–
170; ID., “Aethiopica (I)”, RSO 9, 1923, 365–468, here
Zämika el Arägawi, s. Guidi 1894:68); what is
452–55 [no. 15. “Un editto di re Zar a Y qob per now the main or large church was then built by
l’Eritrea”], 455ff. [no. 16: “Sulla politica abissina verso i the son and successor of Kaleb, Gäbrä Mäsqäl
musulmani del NE, nei secoli XIV, XV e XVI”]; KolTrad (ibid., 73), who is credited with a land grant to
III, 9–49; BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 53, 56–59, 68–73, 85–96; the monastery (cp. CRAxum 19f., and Hunt-
SalTrav 441f.; EDMOND COMBES – MAURICE TAMISIER,
Voyage en Abyssinie, dans le Pays des Galla, de Choa et Land 30, no. 4). At he end of the works, the
d’Ifat, vol. 4, Paris 1843, 192–95. King was asked by the Saint to remove the
Lit.: OTTO FRIEDRICH AUGUST MEINARDUS, “Notizen scaffold used for construction: da m mo! (lit.
über das eusthatische Kloster Debra Bizen”, AE 6, 1965, ‘demolish it!’, cp. LesCDic 127), and henceforth
the place was called Däbrä Da m mo (Guidi
1895:74) – thus introducing a popular etymol-
ogy for its name: Dam(m)o < Da m mo. Ac-
cording to local traditions, Gäbrä Mäsqäl was
eventually buried in D.D., where his remains
are still supposed to be. The monastery was
later devastated by a pagan queen, Gw dit
( sato), who destroyed it to ground and built
a town in its place (Fiaccadori 1992b:441, 444).
Other traditions also have it that by then the
amba served as a royal confinement, for Gw dit
had all the princes slaughtered (TSTarik I, 384;
MahZekr 761).
The monastery lies at ca. 2,216 m A.S.L., the
amba being ca. 600 m long from the north-east
to south-west. The monastic complex includes
two churches, compounds of monks’ dwellings,
some household constructions etc. The main
17
Däbrä Damo
and projecting courses of walls are alternatively

made of timber and stones set in mud mortar
and plastered. They are reinforced by timbers
set in intervals and passing through the wall
with the ends visible in the outer and inner faces
of the wall. Massive dressed stone blocs are at
the corners of the building. The age of the
church was and still is the subject of debate. The
most plausible dating, proposed by Buxton
(1947), is 9th/10th cent. It is not excluded that the
walls of the church were once decorated with
the paintings on canvas. Two such fragments
were reported by DAE (III, 50; fig. 149) and
later described by Mordini (1952:29–32) who
dates them to the 16th cent. One piece repre-
senting St. Mary with the Child found its way
to the private collection in Italy; the second,
with depiction of six monastic leaders is lost (or
church of D.D., the importance of which for the was probably lost in 1950).
history of Ethiopian art has been underlined There is a second, lower church, also dedi-
since its first scholarly description by the cated to Zämika el Arägawi, and built over the
Deutsche Aksum-Expedition (DAE II, 168– underground cave from which, according to the
94; s. also Matthew – Mordini 1959), is Acts of the latter, he mysteriously disappeared.
dedicated to Zämika el Arägawi. Although The water leaking onto its bottom is supposed
rebuilt several times, it still preserves some to have healing powers. The church is an orien-
important features typical of Aksumite tated, rectangular building with central sanctu-
architecture. The Aksumite spolia still in situ ary surrounded by external walls constructed
were used for construction. Laying on a stepped according to Aksumite principles; its other parts
plinth, the building has a simplified basilica plan are later additions of different periods, the date
including the central nave, two aisles, a tripartite of which is presently difficult to establish.
sanctuary and a narthex proceeded by a porch Some of the rock-cut tombs and caves of the
of later date. A stairway in the northern part of hermits, decorated with carvings, that surround
the low-roofed narthex gives access to the upper the church may be of ancient date.
chamber. Three monolithic pillars support a Some Ku na gold coins of the 2nd cent. A.D.
wooden coffered ceiling that may come from an and several ancient Arab coins of the Umayyad
earlier building. The carved panels of this ceiling and Abbasid period were found in D.D. This
are decorated with geometric and zoomorphic implies closer commercial ties of North Ethio-
motifs in relief, comparable with those of pia with the Middle and Far East from the Late
nda Maryam in Asmära. The central nave is Antiquity to the Middle Ages, even though it is
divided into four bays by Aksumite monolithic unclear how the material reached the monastery
columns supporting the lintel beams. A frieze (s. Fiaccadori 1992a:56ff. and n. 32). A few Is-
imitating the row of blind windows runs above lamic textiles with Arabic inscriptions of the
them and continue around the walls of the F imid period discovered in the main church
central part of the sanctuary. The walls of the also bear witness to the history of the place and
nave that rises above the frieze support a timber its trade contacts throughout the centuries
roof of uncertain date. The aisles, lower than the (Wiet in Matthews – Mordini 1959:58; Mordini
nave, are surmounted by lofts. The central part in PICES 1, 249–54).
of the sanctuary communicates with the nave by The monastery seems to have been favoured
a wooden arch and is crowned by a wooden by the Aksumite kings, but neglected in the
dome. Doors and windows (one with the origi- Zagwe period, for it was at the forefront of the
nal wooden tracery) are framed with squared anti-Zagwe struggle. In fact, under the “re-
beams projecting at the corners. The recessing stored” Solomonic dynasty, the abbots of D.D.
18
Däbrä Damo
acquired the title of n burä d, and became

most influential in the Ethiopian political sys-
tem (this being supported by the wide-spread
veneration of abunä Zämika el Arägawi).
D.D. enjoyed a reputation as a centre of
learning. Several prominent religious mission-
aries and monastic leaders were indeed educated
there, among whom abunä Iyäsus Mo a and
abunä Täklä Haymanot of Däbrä Libanos
(Šäwa), under the abbot abba Yo anni. The
Gädlä Zämika el Arägawi is followed by a brief
history of D.D., which lists, though with diffi-
cult chronology, only eight heads of D.D. from
Zämika el Arägawi till (early 14th cent.?) Zä-
Iyäsus (Guidi 1894:78–86). From the later notes,
it is clear that the emperors tried to keep the
monastery (situated in the region governed by
t gre mäkwänn n) under their control by
nominating its heads: Giyorgis of Gass a, ac- Däbrä Damo, main church, transversal section; drawing by
Theodor von Lüpke, 1906; from DAE II, Tafel XXV
cording to his hagiography, spent some time as
n burä d of D.D. having been appointed by a e it was crucial to count on the loyal support of
Däwit II (Colin 1987:17, 23). N burä d D.D. as well as of other major monasteries (cp.
Nob from Däbrä B kw r and Matewos were RubActa III, no. 234). A certain Gäbrä Mäsqäl,
appointed by a e Zär a Ya qob (PerrZarY 12, representative of D.D., reached Jerusalem in
109, 149; Matewos was in tenure also under a e ca. 1807–08 (Mordini 1953:68ff.). In 1830 the
Bä dä Maryam). monastery was visited by Samuel Gobat (Go-
Its inaccessibility allowed D.D. to escape bat 1834:314ff.) and in 1843 by Giustino De
such destructive events as the Muslim invasion Jacobis (De Jacobis 2000:552–65), whose notes
of im m A mad b. Ibr h m al- z (“Grañ”) provide important details (s. Mordini 1953:64).
in the 16th cent. Instead, it served as the refuge of In the 1940s the community was composed of
the royal family of a e L bnä D ng l, who several hundred monks (and small settlement
was also buried at D.D. (BassÉt I, 332; Kropp of nuns living at the foot of the amba); also, it
1988:11 [SDL §8], 20 [MS §16]). The Portuguese was in charge of the administration of the
army who came to rescue the Christian state neighbouring areas.
used the monastery as an arsenal and munitions Because of the antiquity of the monastery, its
depôt during its successful expedition against library contains old G z manuscripts, but the
Grañ in 1542–43. information on that is still scarce (s. Conti Ros-
In September 1557 Turkish forces from Yemen sini 1940). To this library a few leaves from a rare
under Özdemir paša seized D.D., burnt the painter’s album or model book of ca. 1700 also
church there and massacred the monks (s. belonged. Now kept in the Biblioteca Palatina,
ConzGal 74). The monastery must have partly Parma (ms. Parm. 3853), they were formerly in
recovered in the 17th/18th cent., if not already by the collection of Antonio Mordini, Barga
1626, when the Jesuit Manoel Barradas wrote (Lucca), who visited D.D. several times (s. Fiac-
his short description (Tractatus, II, 37 and 45, s. cadori 2001:282–87, no. 60). A series of archaeo-
BecRASO IV, 246, 279ff.; Barradas 1996:132, logical missions – a few of them led by Mordini
158ff.). During the 17th–18th cent., however, himself – surveyed the monastery in the 20th
D.D. seems to have mostly abstained from cent.; major restoration works were carried out
large-scale political involvement. At some time by Derek Matthews in 1948, the financial sup-
the head of D.D. lost his title of n burä d and port being provided by the Society of Antiquar-
was styled as mamh r only. ies of London and, above all, the British Council
Yet, for the monarchs of the re-united at Addis Ababa through the munificence of a e
Ethiopian empire, from Yo ann s IV at least, aylä llase I. Until the 1974 Revolution,
19
Däbrä Damo
D.D. was among the greatest beneficiaries of ru- sciences connexes offerts par ses amis et ses élèves à
ral land grants and other material endowments. l’occasion de son 80ème anniversaire, avec des articles et des
études inédites de M. Cohen, The Hague – Paris 1970,
Currently, however, it depends upon the offer- 441–43; TadTChurch, s. index.
ings of the congregation and some subsidies Tsegay Berhe G. Libanos – Red.
from the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The
treasury ( qä bet) of D.D. was severely dam-
aged by fire in 1996. Däbrä D u an
Src.: IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Il ‘Gadla ’Aragâwî’”, MRALm The monastery of D.D. (6-:y ;eg# , also
ser. 5a, 2, 1894, 54–96; BassÉt I, 332 (text) = II, 103 (tr.); D hu an, lit. ‘Mount [Monastery] of the Hol-
CRAxum 19f. (text) = 21f. (tr.), nos. 3–4; GÉRARD lowed [Rocks]’; s. map for Däbrä Bizän) lies in
COLIN, Vie de Georges de Sagl , Lovanii 1987 (CSCO
492, 493 [SAe 81, 82]), 23f., 31 (text) = 17, 23 (tr.); Eritrea, in the Qwä ayn district of Säraye prov-
MANFRED KROPP (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna- ince (zoba Däbub in the present Eritrea). It is
Dengel, Claudius und Min s, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, also known as nda Abunä Yonas Ta tay, since
504 [SAe 83, 84]), 11 [SDL §8], 20 [MS §16] (text) = 10, it was founded in 1489 by the monk Yonas, a
20 (tr.); BecRASO IV, 246, 279ff.; MANOEL BARRADAS, disciple of Ewos atewos. It is not to be con-
Tractatus Tres Historico-Geographici (1634): a Seven-
teenth-Century Historical Account of Tigray, Ethiopia, fused with another monastery established by the
tr. by ELIZABETH FILLEUL, ed. by RICHARD same Yonas in 1455, Däbrä ge, known also as
PANKHURST, Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF 43), 132, 158ff.; nda Abunä Yonas La lay. Nowadays D.D. and
ConzGal 74 (text) = 164 (tr.); RubActa III, 338, no. 234; Däbrä ge share a single abbot for both com-
TSTarik I, 384; AmhChurchD vol. 4, 191–96; GIUSTINO
munities. According to the documents, D.D. was
DE JACOBIS, Scritti, 1. Diario, Frascati (Roma) 2000,
552–65 and fig. (1072); SAMUEL GOBAT, Journal d’un granted land by B len Sägädä, head of Säraye,
séjour en Abyssinie pendant les années 1830, 1831 et 1832, during the reign of a e sk nd r.
Genève 1834, 315ff.; HuntLand 30, nos. 3–4; EWALD
HEIN – BRIGITTE KLEIDT, Ethiopia – Christian Africa:
Art, Churches and Culture, Rattingen 1999, 90–95;
LesCDic 127; MahZekr 761; Pittura etiopica tradizionale,
with notes and introduction by LANFRANCO RICCI,
Roma 1989, 158–62, no. 89 (ill.).
Lit.: DAVID R. BUXTON, “The Christian Antiquities of
Northern Ethiopia”, Archaeologia 92, 1947, 1–42; CARLO
CONTI ROSSINI, “I. Pergamene di Dabra Dammo”, RSO
19, 1940, 45–57; DAE II, 168–94; III, 50, fig. 149;
GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna
1992 (a), 56ff. and n. 32; ID., “Bâlî”, La Parola del Passato
47, 1992 (b), 439–45, here 441, 444 (Lit.); ID., “Album di
pittore. Ms. Parm. 3853 [= Mordini 20]”, in: Cum picturis
ystoriatum. Codici devozionali e liturgici della Biblioteca
Palatina, Modena 2001, 282–87, no. 60 (Lit.); ChojPaint
223f.; OTTO A. JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, The Antiquities of
North Ethiopia, Stuttgart ²1974, 99–103; GEORG GERSTER
(ed.), Kirchen im Fels. Entdeckungen in Äthiopien, Zürich
²1972, 71–78; DEREK MATTHEWS – ANTONIO MORDINI,
“The Monastery of Debra Damo, Ethiopia”, Archaeologia
97, 1959, 1–58, pls. I–XV; ANTONIO MORDINI,
“Informazioni preliminari sui risultati delle mie ricerche in
Etiopia dal 1939 al 1944”, RSE 4, 1944–45 [1946], 145–54,
here 145–48, fig. 1; ID., “Il soffitto del secondo vestibolo Däbrä D u an, approached by a rock-climb from the
dell’End Abuna Arag wi in Dabra D mmò”, ibid. 6, far side; from Buxton 1970, ill. 67
1947, 29–35; Od., “Un’antica pittura etiopica”, ibid. 11,
1952 [1953], 29–32; ID., “Il convento di Gunda Gundiè”, Src.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Gli Atti di Abb Yon s”,
ibid. 12, 1953 [1954], 29–70, here 64, n. 1, 68ff., figs. 31–33; RRALm ser. 5a, 12, 1903, 177–201, 239–55.
ID., “I tessili medioevali del convento di Dabra D mmò”, Lit.: LusStud 118–22; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIANFRAN-
in: PICES 1, 229–47; ID., “Gli aurei Kush na del convento CESCO LUSINI, “Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca
di Dabra D mmò”, ibid. 249–54; ID., “Uno sconosciuto sui conventi eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 15f.;
capolavoro dell’arte etiopica: il soffitto di Dabra Damò”, GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Scritture documentarie
Antichità viva 1, 8, 1962, 29–35; ID., “Un crucifix en bois etiopiche (Dabra De u n e Dabra ege, Sar ’e, Eritrea)”,
sculpté provenant du monastère de Dabra D mmó (Tigrai RSE 42, 1998 [1999], 5–55; DAVID BUXTON, The Abys-
Orientale, Ethiopie)”, in: DAVID COHEN (ed.), Mélanges sinians, London 1970, 118.
Marcel Cohen. Études de linguistique, ethnographie et Gianfrancesco Lusini
20
Däbrä Gännät Elyas
Däbrä D ma Däbrä s ifanos Däbrä ayq s ifanos

The monastery of D.D. (6-:y ;xB , lit.
‘Mount [Monastery] of the Top’) lies in Eritrea, Däbrä Gännät Elyas
in the Däqqi Täsfa district of Säraye prov- D.G.E. (6-:y K|My %s\F , lit. ‘Mount of
ince,north of Arräza, in the historical region of Paradise [dedicated to] Elijah’) is a church lo-
Dämbälas (s. map for Däbrä Bizän). In the mod- cated in East Go am, Mä äkkäl wäräda,
ern Eritrean administrative terminology the dis- 45 km south-west of the town of Däbrä Mar-
trict (wäräda) is called Qwälla Säraye and the qos. The tradition has it that it was founded in
sub-district (n us wäräda) M dri Fälasi. The 1468, at the very end of a e Zär a Ya qob’s
monastery is also known as Däbrä Märqorewos, reign, by a certain D l Asäma from Ifat. A high-
because its foundation is attributed to the 14th- ranking official of Zär a Ya qob, he was the
cent. monk Märqorewos, a disciple of commander of the äwa ordered by the Em-
Ewos atewos. According to the 17th cent. peror to settle there. When he came to the
Gädlä Märqorewos, D.D. was granted land by Mä äkkäl area, he brought with him the tabot
a e Dawit II (1382–1412), while its founder was of Elyas (Elijah). Some oral traditions suggest
still alive. However, since the Italian occupation that D l Asäma was Zär a Ya qob’s son-in-law
the monastery has lost all of its land rights. through marriage with the Emperor’s daughter.
Among Eritrean monasteries, D.D. shares with The church came to prominence from 1874
Däbrä Bizän and Däbrä ndr yas the strict onwards. In this year a e Yo ann s IV was on a
rule forbidding women to enter the monastery. military campaign to Go am. The church is lo-
Src.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, Vitae sanctorum indigenarum I. cated close to the mountain fortresses of äbälla
Acta Marqorewos, Louvain 1904 (CSCO 33, 34 [SAe 16, 17]).
Lit.: ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso
and Mutära. Ras Adal Täsämma, the governor of
comunità monastiche dell’Eritrea. Parte terza”, RSE 41, Go am (dä azma Täklä Haymanot), had
1997 [1998], 13–56, here 37–40; LusStud 110ff.; taken refuge in these mountains when Yo ann s
ALESSANDRO BAUSI — GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Ap- came to subdue him. In the course of this con-
punti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui conventi eritrei”, frontation, the Emperor’s soldiers looted the
RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 18ff.; DAVID BUXTON, The
Abyssinians, London 1970, pl. 86 (ill.). church’s treasury and the huts of the monks in the
Gianfrancesco Lusini compound. In compensation, Yo ann s pro-
moted the church to the rank of däbr (thus it
Däbrä gzi ab er Ab Däbrä ayq s ifanos acquired the name D.G.E.), donated gw lt lands
and instituted a large number of church officials.
Since then the title of the head of D.G.E. has been
Däbrä ndr yas ;x=y K|M (d ma a gännät).
The monastery of D. . (6-:y &#;?\F,
‘Mount of ndr yas’; s. map for Däbrä Bizän)
lies in Eritrea, in the Säff a district of Säraye
province, west of D barwa. Its foundation is
attributed to the monk ndr yas, a lesser
known figure of 15th-cent. religious history of
this region, whose still unpublished Gädl is
transmitted in the 20th-cent. manuscript Acca-
demia Nazionale dei Lincei (Rome), Fonds
Conti Rossini no. 84. D. . is also known in
Asmära, where a modern building houses a
delegation from the monastery. D. . shares
with Däbrä Bizän and Däbrä D ma the strict
rule forbidding women to enter certain parts of
the monastery, especially the church.
Src.: KinBibl 69, no. 44.
Lit.: StrANL 216f., no. 84; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIAN-
FRANCESCO LUSINI, “Appunti in margine a una nuova ri-
cerca sui conventi eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 16f.
Gianfrancesco Lusini
21
Däbrä Gännät Elyas
In the last quarter of the 19th cent. and vasion), which confirm the old privileges of
throughout the first half of the 20th cent. the D.H. Later sources include further details about
church was well known for its q ne bet and the pre-Grañ situation, sometimes in an exag-
zema bet schools. Famous individuals such as the gerated way; e.g., Manoel de Almeida speaks of
Patriarch abunä Tewoflos, the writer addis both the impressive ruins of the old church, “90
Alämayyähu, Yoftahe N gu e and Mälaku churches”, all once under the authority of D.H.,
Baggosäw were educated at D.G.E. and several hundreds of monks who used to
Lit.: ABEBAW AYALEW, A Short History of Dabra Eleyas dwell in the monastery.
Church 1874–1974, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University Monks of D.H. were among the Ethiopian
1998. pilgrims to Jerusalem. During the 15th cent.
Abebaw Ayalew the monastery became known also in Europe
due to the false rumours that its monks con-
Däbrä Garzän Gundä Gunde verted to Catholicism and followed “Domini-
can rules” (cp. Dominicans), and there was
the seat of a bishopric established by the oth-
Däbrä Halleluya erwise unknown Italian Dominican Barthe-
D.H. (6-:y Uro\ , also known as Däbrä lemy of Tivoli, alleged founder of the monas-
Hallelo, Allelo) was an important monastery in tery itself. However important the latter may
the district of Addi Arba tä (Torat, T gray), have been, in 1535 it was brought to an end by
about 30 km north-west from the city of Ak- Grañ’s army, which, on its progress through
sum, on a hill overlooking the Märäb river (s. T gray, destroyed the monastery, as well as
map for Däbrä Damo). It is believed to have many other communities of the area. D.H. was
been founded by abunä Samu el (d. 1375), a never properly rebuilt after the invasion; its
spiritual son of the monk n on s of Däbrä ruins were inhabited by a few monks alone
Tämbuk, some time in the late years of a e (they were five in 1625), and at a certain point
Amdä yon (1314–44) or during the reign of it disappeared completely from the Ethiopian
his successor a e Säyfä Ar ad. Nothing is ex- sources, even though a small monastery or
actly known about the initial adherence of D.H. church still existed there as late as the first
to any religious order or movement of that quarter of the 20th cent.
time, although it was later exposed to the influ- This monastery of D.H. should not be con-
ence of the Ewos a eans. fused with Däbrä Damo, founded by abba
As reported in the Acts of Samu el, during Zämika el Arägawi, which is also sometimes
the office of abbot Zä iyäsus, Samu el’s succes- called Däbrä Halleluya (cp. CRStor 159; ms.
sor, a e Dawit II, bestowed on D.H. gold, EMML 3987, fol. 113a).
vestments and land-possessions. His initial in- Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 32, no. 1, 572f.; MANOEL BARRA-
tention had been to punish D.H., since one of DAS, Tractatus Tres Historico-Geographici (1634): a
his officers assumed the monastic habit there Seventeenth Century Historical and Geographical Ac-
against his will. Yet, due to the miraculous in- count of Tigray, Ethiopia, tr. by ELIZABET FILLEUL, ed.
by RICHARD PANKHURST, Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF 43),
tervention of Samu el, he changed his mind,
132–38; CAMILLO BECCARI (ed.), Il Tigrè descritto da
made gifts and concluded a “testament” with un missionario gesuita del secolo XVII, Roma 21912, 149–
Zä iyäsus. According to a number of sources, at 62, esp. 153f.; BassEt 15, 105; GÉRARD COLIN, Vie de
least from the early 15th cent. to the Muslim in- S mu’ l de Dabra H ll luy , Lovanii 1990 (CSCO 519,
vasion of A mad b. Ibr h m al- z (Grañ), 520 [SAe 93, 94]), 60–64 (text); CrawItin 18f., 122, s. in-
D.H. was a big and prosperous monastery. dex; CRAxum nos. 41, 42, 44; HuntLand nos. 40, 41, 43;
PerrZarY 27f.; EMML vol. 9, 274, no. 3987, fol. 113a.
Monks from D.H. stood at the camp of a e Lit.: ENRICO CERULLI, “Il monachismo in Etiopia”,
Zär a Ya qob (r. 1434–68), enjoying the privi- OrChrA 153, 1958, 259–78, here 260; CerPal vol. 2,
lege of being in the vicinity of the Emperor to- 368; CRStor 159; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Sulle
gether with the representatives of other impor- missioni domenicane in Etiopia nel secolo XIV”, Atti
tant communities. One of the itineraries re- della Reale Accademia d’Italia, Rendiconti ser. 7a, 1,
1940, 71–98; MARC-ANTOINE VAN DEN OUDENRIJN,
corded by Alessandro Zorzi estimates at 500 “L’évêque dominicain fr. Barthélemy, fondateur
the number of D.H.’s monks. Three charters of supposé d’un couvent dans Tigré au 14e siècle”, RSE 5,
a e L bnä D ng l (r. 1508–40) concerning D.H. 1946 [1947], 7–16.
are known (all dating shortly before Grañ’s in- Denis Nosnitsin
22
Däbrä ayl Q ddus Ragu el
Däbrä ayl Q ddus Ragu el B rhanu D nqu and yyum Akalä Wäld. Those
D. . (6-:y g^sy 87Fy =L%s, lit. ‘Mount of in charge of the quick demolition of the houses
the Power [dedicated to] St. Raguel’) became a on the site were Wäldä Arägawi, with the close
“twin church” and the continuation, in terms of support of two guards, Wäldä ad q Tägäññä
history, of the well-known n o o Ragu el, and Kidanä Wäld Mädh n. The construction of
which was the third church, after those of St. the church took two years and cost ca. b rr
Mary ( n o o Maryam) and Ura el ( Däbrä 300,000. On the eve of the inauguration of the
ge Q ddus Ura el), founded by n gu M nil k new church, which was held in Christmas Hall
on the n o o mountain. (now Addis Ababa University), on 11 September
With the death of M nil k II and the emer- 1955, the tabot was brought from n o o
gence of other Addis Abäba churches the pre- Ragu el to Addis Abäba. The old church of
eminence of n o o Ragu el was over. During Ragu el accommodated then the tabot of Elyas
the Italian invasion, tege Mänän Asfaw, who and was called Däbrä ayl Q ddus Elyas. The
was the gäbäz of n o o Ragu el, made a vow move was attended by a large number of people
to the Archangel Raguel, just before the cam- from Addis Abäba, the Emperor and tege
paign of May äw, beseeching the intercession Mänän. Although the occasion gave a lot of re-
of St. Raguel for the victory of a e aylä joicing to the Addis Kätäma’s local people, the
llase I. After the May äw defeat, on her way residents of n o o and the neighbouring Oromo
into exile, she made another vow to construct a population were greatly disappointed; the aged
new church for Raguel should he bring her con- and women wept bitterly for having lost their
sort to power. In 1941, after Ethiopians’ victory tabot, which was M nil k’s great monument.
over Italian invaders, Mänän returned to Addis Src.: mss. and documents from the archive at Däbrä ayl
Ragu el, Addis Abäba; n o o Ragu el Church Archives;
Abäba and started to plan the construction, be- Ethiopian Orthodox Church [EOC] Archive: Special Sec-
ing inspired by the priests’ numerous stories retary of abunä Bas lyos to EOC, Ref. No. 888/761/51, 3
about Raguel’s miracles during the Italian occu- Mäskäräm 1952 A.M.; Menelik II Memorial Board Office
pation. She summoned a big council of influen- Archive, G rma Zälläqä, Head of Addis Abäba City
tial persons related to the church of at n o o Council Estimate Department to M nil k II Memorial
Board Office, Ref. No. 250/25, 9 G nbot 1960 A.M., Ref.
Ragu el, the agenda being how to construct a new No. 3/9u/25, 2 Nä ase 1965 A.M. and 502/1/60, 4 rr
church building within the compound of the old 1960 A.M.; EOC Archive, Märs e azän Abbäbaw, to
one, by demolishing it. However, all advised her Financial Department, File no. 3–u–7, ref. nos.
against the demolition of the existing church, and 4630/117/71 and 4631–4633/117/71, 4 Miyazya 1971 A.M.;
EOC, ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICE (ed.), Y!8Fy !(+y
thus this idea was given up. tege Mänän decided !;+=M!y K<j_y !uA=:K'b (Yä addis Abäba
to find a place to move the old Ragu el Church to adbarat nna tarikawi ammäsäraräta äw, ‘The Cathe-
Addis Abäba, where a large parish would be drals of Addis Abäba and their Historical Foundation’),
found, and the first site she chose was on the D m ä Täwa do, G nbot-Säne 1980 A.M. [1988 A.D.];
Kolfe area. But it was soon abandoned in favour ID., 6-:y g^sy 87Fy =L%sy ,Hy l?FJ\# (Däbrä
ayl Q ddus Ragu el Betä Kr stiyan, ‘Church Däbrä
of another place, Addis Kätäma, where the ayl Q ddus Ragu el’), ibid. 15 Mäggabit 1980 AM.
church is located today. On 9 May 1953, a e [1988 A.D.]; ID., 9Px_y z~sl!y Y!8Fy !(+y
aylä llase I and tege Mänän attended the !;+=My YuNy (uKMy KeK (Dagmawi M nil k nna
May annual feast of St. Raguel at n o o. When yä addis Abäba adbarat yämäto amätat gä ta, ‘M
nil k II and the Overview over the Centenary of Addis
the celebration was over, the gathering descended Abäba Cathedrals’), ibid. 15 rr 1978 A.M. [1986 A.D.];
to Addis Abäba to attend the consecration. GSMen; AFÄWÄRQ GÄBRÄ IYÄSUS, 9Px_y z~sly
Abunä Bas lyos blessed the site; the ceremony #LOy |KTMy r#M_1\ (Dagmawi M nil k n gu ä
was concluded with the Emperor himself laying nägä t zä ityo ya ‘M nil k II, King of Kings of Ethio-
pia’), Roma 1901 A.M. [1909 A.D.]; Asmara ²1967.
the foundation stone. The site of the church was Lit.: HAILE GABRIEL DAGNE, “The Establishment of
very close to mi al-Anw r. Thus, Addis Churches in Addis Ababa’’, in: CentAddis 57–78;
Abäba Ragu el church became the first in the HAROLD GOLDEN MARCUS, The Life and Times of
history of the city to be in the immediate neigh- Menelik II: Ethiopia 1844–1913, Oxford 1975; PankHist
bourhood of a mosque. II; RICHARD PANKHURST, “Menelik and the Founda-
tion of Addis Ababa’’, JAH 10, 1, 1966, 103–17; ID.,
The people entrusted to follow up the con- “Some Notes For a History of Ethiopian Secular Art’’,
struction work were bä rond (later fitawrari) EthObs 10, 1, 1966, 5–80.
Rätta Gäbrä Amlak, ndärase of tege Mänän, Mersha Alehegne
23
Däbrä ayq s ifanos
Däbrä ayq s ifanos was conferred on the head of the community.

D. . (6-:y =^8y &F1G$F , also Däbrä The abbot of D. . was attended by the !Dy
ayq or Däbrä Nägwädgwad) is a monastery lo- (6,y A(M (afä aqqabe sä at, ‘spokesman of
cated on the island of Lake ayq in the old the aqqabe sä at’) and the 7Ay K(w (qesä
Amhara region (Ambassäl, Wällo). According gäbäz, ‘administrator’).
to the Acts of Iyäsus Mo a (KurMoa 15), two D. . became famous for its monastic school,
churches were founded at this place, known as a where the youngsters of the area had to stay a
worshipping-area consecrated to a snake’s cult few years to complete their formation. To tes-
before the coming of the Saint. One church, tify to the influence of D. ., the author of the
built around the 10th cent. by a e D lna od Acts of Iyäsus Mo a enumerates the most famous
and Metropolitan abunä Sälama (Sälama pupils of the school and the disciples of Iyäsus
Zä azeb, ‘Sälama from the South’, or Sälama II, Mo a: Giyorgis of Sägla (Gas a), Täklä
known only from this source), was dedicated to Haymanot, Aron of Däbrä Daret and
God the Father (therefore named 6-:y &Pt!- irutä Amlak (KurMoa 35).
A?y !- , Däbrä gzi ab er Ab); the other one, According to the records preserved in Iyäsus
founded by “another king” in the 6362nd Year of Mo a’s Gospel (ms. EMML 1832), from the reign
the Creation of the World (862 A.D.; s. KurMoa of Y kunno Amlak onwards, the community of
iii) and consecrated by the Metropolitan B nyam, D. . was richly endowed with lands. Though
was dedicated to St. Stephan (6-:y &F1G$F , his predecessor W d m Rä ad confiscated them,
Däbrä s ifanos). Cerulli (in KurMoa) sug- ae Amdä yon, who enjoyed a close rela-
gested correcting 6362 to 6662 [1167 A.D.] in tionship to D. .’s abbot Kr stos Täsfanä, con-
order to restore a consistent chronology; but he firmed these donations and increased them with
himself underlined other chronological errors in new lands. Some of these lands were redistrib-
the same text. The Acts of Iyäsus Mo a are very uted to ecclesiastics for their support.
incoherent as to dating, because their only ob- The relations between the rulers and the
jective is to place the foundation of D. . before monastery became so close that the aqqabe
the reign of the Zagwe dynasty. sä at Amm a yon stayed permanently at
The development of D. . began when Iyäsus the court of a e Zär a Ya qob in Däbrä
Mo a came to the island around 1248. He of- B rhan, forcing his community to elect a new
fered his support to Y kunno Amlak to seize abbot, Gäbrä Kr stos. Afterwards, the role of
the throne of the Zagwe. In exchange, Y kunno the aqqabe sä at in the government of the em-
Amlak entered into many “pacts” (kidan) with pire became more and more significant, so that
Iyäsus Mo a. The island was given exclusively to Abbot Täsfa Giyorgis belonged to the Regency
the monks (laymen and women were no longer Council of the young a e sk nd r. The mon-
allowed there) and the title of aqqabe sä at astery became also a place of internment from
Däbrä ayq s ifanos, western

view, photo 2004, courtesy of
Wolbert Smidt
24
Däbrä Libanos
Claudius und Min s, Louvain 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe
83, 84]), 13 (text); KurMoa 14ff., 19, 22–29, 35 (text), III
(tr.); PerrZarY 7, 60, 109, 135, 167f; PerrEsk 353.
Lit.: DerDomTh 68–76, 124–37, 227–32 (Lit.); DerDom, s.
index; WLOS DW , “Un manoscritto etiopico degli
Evangeli”, RSE 11, 1952, 9–28; SERGEW HABLE SELLASIE,
“The Monastic Library of Dabra Hayq”, in: OrbAethChoj
243–58; TADDESSE TAMRAT, “The Abbots of Dabra
Hayq”, JES 8–1, 1970, 87–117; TadTChurch, s. index.
Marie-Laure Derat
Däbrä Kol
The monastery of D.K. (6-:y ms , ‘Mount of
the Apple’) lies in Eritrea, in the Märagw z dis-
trict of Säraye province, south-west of
Mändäfära ( Addi W gri; s. map for Däbrä
Bizän). It is also known as nda Abunä Buruk
Amlak ( nda Abba Buruk), since it was estab-
lished on the site of the alleged martyrdom of the
1400 to 1404 for Fil os, abbot of Däbrä 14th-cent. monk Buruk Amlak, a pupil of
Bizän and leader of the Sabbath party Absadi and a follower of abunä Ewos atewos’s
( Ewos ateans). At this time, abbot äräqä rule. According to written traditions (Gädlä
B rhan was a close ally of Dawit II. Another Buruk Amlak), after the foundation of Däbrä
important prisoner was Waray A mad arb Maryam (1374), Absadi’s monastery in Qwä ayn
Ar ad b. Al b. abradd n, Prince of Adal, de- district of Säraye, Buruk Amlak spent the final
tained in D. . during the reign of a e L bnä part of his life in Ad Haywa.
D ng l. The date of his death, which took place dur-
D. . was destroyed by the armies of A mad ing the reign of a e Dawit II (r. 1382–1412), is
b. Ibr h m al- z in 1532 (BassHist 326ff. uncertain, as is, consequently, the precise date
[tr.]). The soldiers seized gold, silver and other of D.K.’s foundation. The tomb of the saint is
riches, but also a number of manuscripts and still venerated in the monastery along with a
they captured the aqqabe sä at Nägädä spring of water that, according to local tradi-
Iyäsus and killed him in 1535. tion, miraculously began to flow from the site
Even after it had been plundered, D. . re- where the saint was murdered.
mained a functioning religious centre throughout Src.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Un santo eritreo: Buruk
the 19th and the 20th cent. It is still famous for its Aml k”, RRALm ser. 6a, 14, 1938, 3–50.
rich library. Two manuscripts are particularly Lit.: LusStud 113ff.; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIANFRAN-
CESCO LUSINI, “Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui
well known for their marginal notes: the Gospels conventi eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 11f.
of Iyäsus Mo a (ms. EMML 1832) and Kr stos Gianfrancesco Lusini
Täsfanä (Addis Abäba, National Library ms. 28
[olim 5]), the latter being an illustrated manu-
script, important for the history of Ethiopian Däbrä Libanos
art and one of the oldest dated (s. wlos dw D.L. (6-:y p+$F), originally known as Däbrä
1952). D. . has also a rich collection of hagiog- Asbo and renamed D.L. by a e Zär a Ya qob
raphies of such saints as Iyäsus Mo a, Giyorgis in 1445 is a monastery located in Šäwa, Sälale
of Sägla, än älewon and Aron (most of them awra a (the locality formerly known as
microfilmed for the EMML project). The mon- G rarya), in the gorge near the river Zega
astery possesses a number of other valuable ar- Wädäb. This southern location has to be empha-
tefacts and paraphernalia (e.g., Märäw h). sized: the community was established between
Src.: BassHist 326ff. (tr.); BeckHuntAlvar 249f., 580; the pagan kingdom of Damot and the Muslim
EMML vol. 5, mss. 1762–68, 1823–27, 1830–44, 1929–31,
1933–37, 1939–60, 1963; Addis Abäba, National Library, sultanate of Šäwa, under the authority of Ifat.
ms. 28 (olim 5), Gospel of Täsfanä Kr stos; MANFRED According to the Gädlä Täklä Haymanot, this
KROPP (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, monastery was founded by abunä Täklä Hay-
25
Däbrä Libanos
Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa: monks’
dwellings; photo 1932 by Hans
Anstein; courtesy of Basler Mis-
sion 21
manot at the beginning of the 14th cent. After he presents this saint as a martyr because of his
had converted the yyum of G rarya, Sämen opposition to a e Amdä yon I’s matrimo-
Sägäd, to Christianity, the latter gave him the nial habits. Later, the monastic chronicle Zena
land of Asbo, where he built a church dedicated Däbrä Libanos (‘History of D.L.’) alludes to a
to the Virgin Mary. In the earliest period, the conflict between a e Dawit II and the abbot
monks probably lived in caves. At the beginning Yo ann s Käma. Finally, during the reign of
of the 15th cent., the Abbot Tewodros built a new a e Zär a Ya qob, ndr yas, the head of the
church dedicated to the saint, which became the monastery, was put into jail and died there, per-
shrine of Täklä Haymanot and the abbots of the haps because of his disagreement with the Em-
community. peror’s policy concerning the observance of the
According to the Vita of Anorewos, one of Sabbath. After his death, Zär a Ya qob him-
the first disciples of Täklä Haymanot, the daily self named the new abbot of the community,
life was under the jurisdiction of a mäggabi. Mär a (Y mr annä) Kr stos, and asked that
Anorewos (most probably, the first mäggabi) two members of the community be present
decided to separate nuns and monks and to create permanently at the royal court. From this time,
a new office in the monastery: =;& (räd , pl. relations between D.L. and the emperors
!?;&M, ard t, lit. ‘helper’). These ard t changed completely. The abbot of the commu-
(novices) performed domestic tasks in place of nity became a privileged counsellor of the em-
nuns to help monks. Anorewos held also the title peror, and he is named as the monastic head
of p3y 8\9!M (liqä diyaqonat, ‘archdeacon’). over the different monasteries, founded by the
Later, probably after the 15th cent., the abbot of emperors such as Däbrä M maq or Atronsä
D.L. received the title of äge and was seen as Maryam.
the head of Ethiopian monasticism. The 15th cent. also appears as a period of great
The economic background of the D.L. com- activity in the scriptorium of D.L. At this time, the
munity is not well documented. According to gädlat of Täklä Haymanot and of Fil os and
the Chronicle of Zär a Ya qob, he granted ue=Dy IsAIy nHlny U^x$M (Mä afä
lands and incomes to the monastery after 1445. f lsätu lä-Täklä Haymanot, ‘The Book [of the
However, we do not have any acts proving this, History] of the Translation [of the Body] of
and there is no information concerning the land Täklä Haymanot’, s. Nosnitsin 2003) were
donations of other rulers. These land donations, written.
as well as the attribution of a new name to the Despite the destruction of the monastery by
community, were part of a new policy of Zär a the armies of A mad b. Ibr h m al- z in
Ya qob towards D.L. after 1445. Before this July 1532, the community of D.L. survived.
date, it seems that the community was in oppo- äge Yo ann s lost his life, accompanying
sition to royal power. The Vita of Fil os, a e Gälawdewos in the battle with N r b.
third abbot of D.L., who lived in the 14th cent., Mu hid on 23 March 1559, but the time of
26
Däbrä Libanos
Gälawdewos and his successor a e är ä

D ng l was a period of relief; attempts were
made to elevate D.L. to the position of religious
centre of the monarchy (cp. Tädbabä
Maryam). However, the situation deteriorated
due to the massive migration of the Oromo
and increasing isolation of D.L. from the rest of
the Empire. During the tenures of äge Zäträ
Wängel and äge Abr ham, the community
moved to the region near Lake ana ( nfraz),
following the shift of the political centre of the
Empire in the same direction; subsequently, the
“house of Täklä Haymanot” was established at
Azäzo, in the vicinity of the royal court at
Gondär (cp. Azäzo Täklä Haymanot). The
monks came back to the site of the old D.L. in
the late 18th cent. only, to re-establish it and to
re-discover the tomb of Täklä Haymanot.
The monastery’s main church was rebuilt sev- stations, established in Sälale before the Italian
eral times: in 1812 under Wäsän Sägäd, in 1884 occupation, was in D.L. During the occupation,
under Yo ann s IV and in 1908 under a e D.L. suffered destruction and death: General
M nil k II. The late 19th cent. brought for D.L. Graziani ordered the massacre of the monks
not only revival and the special attention of the in May 1937. Thereafter, D.L. remained closed
monarchs, but also control on the latter’s part for some time; the treasures of the monastery
and the monastery’s involvement in political were reportedly taken to Italy. The monastery
matters. äge Tewoflos, the partisan of a e was rebuilt by aylä llase I and the work was
Yo ann s IV, was deposed after the latter’s completed in 1963.
death, to be followed by äge Gäbrä llase. Despite all the disruptions, the tomb of Täklä
He was a confessor of M nil k II and Bafäna, Haymanot is regularly visited by great numbers
but his authority decreased, since the important of pilgrims, especially on three of the Saint’s
office of liqä kah nat of Šäwa was transferred annual feasts: 12 G nbot (day of the translation
from the see of the äge to the Metropolitan of the body of the Saint), 24 Ta a (his birth-
abunä Matewos. The next abbot, the energetic day) and 24 Nä ase (day of his death). Families
Wäldä Giyorgis, actively participated in the often try to bury their deceased in the vicinity
deposition of l Iyasu in 1916. In 1930 his of the monastery, which is definitely one of the
successor äge Gäbrä Mänfäs Q ddus, on the most venerated sacred places of Ethiopia.
special request of ras Täfäri Mäkwänn n (the Even though the economic base of the mon-
future Emperor aylä llase I), was conse- astery suffered greatly in the course of the
crated bishop by the Coptic Patriarch John XIX Revolution of 1974 and subsequent events,
(who personally came to Addis Abäba in De- D.L. seems to be the largest monastery of the
cember 1929) as a as Säwiros. country, counting in 1985/86 about 240 monks
The ascension of D.L.’s heads to the top of and a far larger number of disciples, supplicants
the ecclesiastical authority was interrupted by etc., engaged in the elaborate monastic house-
the Italian occupation. äge Gäbrä Giyorgis
hold. The compound also houses a nunnery.
went into exile; however, after the Liberation in
Following the old tradition, the monastery is
1951 he was consecrated the first Ethiopian pa-
run by the mäggabi and äbate, who preside
triarch, abunä Bas lyos.
over a council of twelve representatives dele-
With the establishment of Addis Abäba, the
gated from the monks.
sanctuary of Täklä Haymanot began to be fre-
Src.: AmhChurchD vol. 4, 142–56; BassÉt 99f., 101, 104;
quented by the nobles. The monastic commu- BegCron 17; ERNEST ALFRED WALLIS BUDGE (ed., tr.),
nity is reported to have obtained special regula- The Life and Miracles of Tâklâ Hâymânôt in the Version
tions from M nil k II; one of the four telephone of Dabra Lîbânôs …, London 1906, 195–265; CARLO
27
Däbrä Libanos
CONTI ROSSINI, “Il gadla Takla Haymanot secondo la
redazione Waldebbana”, MRALm ser. 5a, 2, 1894, 97–
143; ID. (ed., tr.), Vitae Sanctorum Indigenarum I. Acta
S. Ba alota Mik l, S. Anorewos (seu Acta Sancti
Honorii), Louvain 1905 (CSCO 28, 29 [SAe 11, 12]), 60f.
(text); JEAN DUCHESNE-FOURNET, Mission en Éthiopie,
Paris 1909, 415ff., 419f., 428–31; CONCETTA FOTI, “La
cronaca abbreviata dei re d’Abissinia in un manoscritto di
Dabra Berhan di Gondar”, RSE 1, 1941, 87–123, here
115f., 120f.; PerrZarY 89ff.; LANFRANCO RICCI, “Le
Vite di ‘Ìnb qom e di Yo nnìs, abbati di Dabra Lib nos
di Scioa”, RSE 14, 1959, 69–107, here 92, n. 98;
STANISLAS KUR, Actes de Mar a Krestos, Louvain 1972
(CSCO 330, 331 [SAe 62, 63]), 38f. (text); BORISSUS
TURAIEV, Vitae sanctorum indigenarum. II. Acta S. Aro-
nis et S. Philippi, Louvain 1908 (CSCO 30, 31 [SAe 13,
14]); ID., v!y 6-:y p+$F . Povestvovanie o Dabra-
Libanosskom monastyre (‘Zena Däbrä Libanos. The
History of the Däbrä Libanos Monastery’), St. Peters-
burg 1906 (Pamyatniki efiopskoy pismennosti 4).
Lit.: IAN CAMPBELL, “The Church of Saint Takla Hay-
manot at Däbrä Libanos”, The Sociology Ethnology Bul-
letin of Addis Abeba University 1, 3, 1994, 4–11; ALULA
PANKHURST, “Däbrä Libanos Pilgrimages Past and Pres-
ent, the Mystery of the Bones and the Legend of Saint
Täklä Haymanot”, ibid. 14–26; ENRICO CERULLI, “Gli
abbati di Dabra Lib nos, capi del monachismo etiopico
secondo la ‘lista rimata’ …”, Orientalia nuova ser. 12, Document no. 7 from the Golden Gospel of Däbrä Libanos,
1943, 226–53; 13, 1944, 137–82; 14, 1945, 143–71; MARIE- ed. in CRDLib 189f.; photo courtesy of the author
LAURE DERAT, “Une nouvelle étape dans l’élaboration Bausi 2003), he is said to have come from
de la légende hagiographique de Takla Haymanot”,
Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Africaines 9, 1998, 71–
Qw s n nya (‘Costantinople’) during the reign
90; TadTChurch, s. index; DENIS NOSNITSIN, “Mä afä of kings llä Gäbäz or Zägäbäz(ä Aksum)
f lsätu lä-abunä Täklä Haymanot: a Short Study”, and/or Gäbrä Mäsqäl. From the latter’s, apoc-
Aethiopica 6, 2003, 137–67; RUDOLF KRISS – HUBERT ryphal “feudal acts” transmitted in the “Golden
KRISS-HEINRICH, Volkskundliche Anteile in Kult und Gospel” ( Wängelä wärq) of D.L. claim dona-
Legende äthiopischer Heiliger, Wiesbaden 1975, s. index.
tions (CRDLib 184f., nos. 1–5). In the same
Marie-Laure Derat
“Golden Gospel” the head of D.L. is referred to
as aqqabe sä atä Mä a (ibid. 187–216, nos. 6–8,
10–11, 13–15, 17–18, 20, 22–23, 27, 33).
Däbrä Libanos D.L. is the first monastery for which reliable
The monastery of D.L. (6-:y p+$F ), occa- historical “feudal acts” are extant, its “Golden
sionally known also as Däbrä Wärq, is located Gospel” could in turn date back to the 13th cent.
in the historical district of Anbäsät Gäläba, (CRDLib; Conti Rossini 1916; cf. now Schneider
Š mäzana, in the present day southern part of in PICES 8): a e Lalibäla and his wife Mäsqäl
the province of Akkälä Guzay, Eritrea, close K bra gave privileges to D.L. not any later than
to the border with Agamä, T gray (s. map for the first decades of the 13th cent. (1209 and 1225,
Däbrä Damo). Along with the nearby hamlet cf. CRDLib 187–91, nos. 6–7), while the latest
of Ham (not: am), or Aham, it is one of the reliable acts are donations by a e Zär a
earliest Christianized sites, if not one of the old- Ya qob (1459). Extremely powerful in the 13th
est settlements, in the region. Its foundation and 14th cent., as it appears from the lands and
probably dates back to the 5th–6th cent. and is rights it enjoyed (donations by a e Y kunno
attributed to Libanos, or Mä a . One of the Amlak, by Täsfanä gzi and Ya bikä gzi
saints of the Aksumite period not included with [1319], heads of nt rta, by B len Saba, the wife
the “Nine Saints”, he was chiefly active in of a e Amdä yon [1322], and by Amdä
Säraye and Akkälä Guzay. According to the yon himself [1323 and 1328]), it was still im-
different recensions (and mss.) of his Gädl portant in the 15th cent., when a e Zär a Ya qob
(Conti Rossini 1903; Getatchew Haile 1990; drew inspiration from it for his reform of the
28
Däbrä Mä ar
baptismal ceremony (PerrZarY 43). D.L. was Ricordi di un soggiorno in Eritrea I, Asmara 1903, 23–41
since resisting strong rivalry by the monasteries of [III. “Il Gadla Libânos”]; GETATCHEW HAILE, “The
Homily of Abba El yas, Bishop of Aksum, on Mä a‘”,
the “order” established by abba Ewos atewos, ABoll 108, 1990, 29–47.
and progressively losing its influence. A confir- Lit.: ALESSANDRO BAUSI — GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI,
mation of this is found in the Miracles of Libanos “Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui conventi
(Conti Rossini 1903; Bausi 2003), where main epi- eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36 here 26–32 (Lit.);
ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso
sodes that took place during the reigns of a e comunità monastiche dell’Eritrea. Parte terza”, RSE 41,
Säyfä Ar ad, Dawit II and Y s aq are reported, 1997 [1998], 13–56 (Lit.); DAVID RICHARD BUXTON,
while only the latest recension of the text refers “The Christian Antiquities of Northern Ethiopia”, Ar-
to events under a e Zär a Ya qob. chaeologia 92, 1947, 1–42, here 13f.; ID., The Abyssinians,
The names of several abbots down to the 14th London 1970; CRStor 156f.; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI,
Principî di diritto consuetudinario dell’Eritrea, Roma
cent. are reported in the “Golden Gospel” 1916, 394ff.; ID., “L’iscrizione etiopica di Ham”,
(CRDLib 219): Täsfa ywät or Zena Yo ann s, Rendiconti della Regia Accademia d’Italia, classe di
around 1209; Y rd annä Kr stos or ägga Mä a , scienze morali … ser. 7a, 1, 1939, 2–14; CrumLand 23–43;
already in 1225 and up to 1268; Täkä tä B rhan PerrZarY 43; ROGER SCHNEIDER, “L’Evangéliaire de
Dabra Libanos de Ham”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, 163;
or ännay Mänfäs, in 1270; Asf a or Efrem, 13th RAINER VOIGT, “Die Erythräisch-Orthodoxe Kirche”,
cent. to 1319; qbä gzi or Kr stos Abuhu; OrChr 83, 1999, 187–92 (Lit.); STEPHANOS PIERRE
Gäbrä Kr stos or Y rd annä gzi , from 1322 to PÉTRIDÈS, “Une église ancienne disparaît”, L’Éthiopie.
Säyfä Ar ad’s reign. Revue mensuelle en langue française – Yäzareyitu
The old Aksumite church of D.L. (to be distin- Ityo ya 3, August 1962, 10–11 (ill.).
Alessandro Bausi
guished from the church of Ham) has been re-
placed in 1959/60 by a new one, within which a
few elements of the ancient building have been Däbrä Mä ar
reused (cf. Bausi 1997:13–41, Lit.). The most im-
D.M. (6-:y u(?, lit. ‘Mount of Honey’, also
portant relic of D.L. is the “golden” cross said to
Däbrä Mä arä, Däbrä Ma ara, Däbrä Ma räyä)
have belonged to abba Libanos himself. The li-
is a site with two rock-hewn churches on a
brary still houses a considerable number of mss.
mountain top, ca. 600 m above a wide valley on
(84 at least in 1994), with a few illuminated 14th-
the D gum plateau ( Gär alta). Formerly,
cent. examples (Bausi 1997). The monastery, with
there was a monastic community.
administrative jurisdiction over the district of
Little is known about the history of D.M., yet
Anbäsät Gäläba until at least the early 20th cent.,
is still active as one of the most important relig- the place appears to have been important, par-
ious centres of Akkälä Guzay (data of 1994). ticularly in view of the extent of the monastic
Monasteries cemetery. It includes a large double grotto
(11 m x 4 m x 3.5 m and 5 m x 3 m x 1 m) with
about 80 cubiculi hewn out of the walls on dif-
ferent levels. According to a local tradition, the
founder of the main church was the 14th-cent.
abunä Gäbra Mäsqäl of Gär alta, whose relics
are said to be preserved in D.M. He is also rec-
ognized as founder of the Ma aquddi church
nearby. The second is a simple cave-church,
presently serving as a sheepfold.
In the course of time, the churches of D.M.
possibly owned different tabot-tablets and re-
ceived different dedications. The notes in the
14th-cent. Gospel Book of D.M., kept in the
Main entrance to the enclosure of the new church of
Däbrä Libanos; the wooden decoration above the door treasury of the main church, mention the
probably taken from the old ruined church; photo 1994, “Gabriel church of Däbrä Mä ära” (fol. 14v,
courtesy of the author 230v–231r). Currently, the tabot of the main
Src.: ALESSANDRO BAUSI, La «Vita» e i «Miracoli» di
church is dedicated to St. George of Lydda,
Lib nos, Lovanii 2003 (CSCO 595, 596 [SAe 105, 106]); yet two other alabaster tabots, with other names,
BerTarik 14ff., 26–42; CRDLib; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, have recently been discovered in the burial cell
29
Däbrä Mä ar
counterparts. The largest, at the front of the

sanctuary, measure 3.2–3.5 m in diameter. The
aisles and the central nave open through low
arches into the sanctuary. In the nave, above the
lintels, runs a frieze of blind arcades. Four sections
of the aisle ceilings are decorated with reliefs based
on wooden models, three of them imitating a
dome. A cell, cut high above the ground in the
wall of the south aisle, houses a coffin with bones
– reportedly the remains of Gäbrä Mäsqäl.
The inside of the church was once covered
with paintings, fragments of which are still visi-
ble under subsequent layers of whitewash. Sty-
listically, they are very close to the better-
preserved ensemble in Däbrä yon. Among
the angels and figures of ecclesiastics depicted
inside the arcade friezes, only liqä a asat
Matewos (Alexandrian Patriarch Matthew I,
1378–1409?) may be identified by a surviving
inscription. It is also possible to see, as in Däbrä
yon, that the capitals, arches and ceilings were
extensively covered with interlace patterns. In
the northern aisle, close to the main entry, a
representation of King David playing the harp-
sicord in the form of a bägäna appears to be
of a later date than the rest of the paintings, pos-
John the Evangelist; miniature from a Gospel Book, fol. sibly from the 15th/16th cent.
11v; dated 1341; treasury of Däbrä Mä ar Giyorgis; photo
The church is entered through a pronaos
2000, courtesy of Michael Gervers
(3.8 m x 5.5 m) with three constructed walls,
of Gäbrä Mäsqäl, situated in the main church. that on the east being the rock-face. The porch
Teweldemedhin Josief (1970:54, nos. 25, 26) reis covered by a wooden ceiling supported by
corded the D.M. churches as nda Maryam and two wooden pillars crowned by double-bracket
nda Giyorgis (cp. Sauter 1976, no. 1214); Pearce capitals. The ceiling and capitals are painted
and Jäger (1974:115), describing only the main with geometric patterns similar to those in the
one, called it Däbrä Mä ar Giyorgis. church. The walls bear four paintings of later
As follows from the notes preserved in the date, one of them depicting a saint holding a
Gospel Book, among the benefactors of the large cross d astride a lion. This figure may rep-
monastery were a e Dawit II, Zär a Ya qob resent the founder of the church, Gäbrä Mäsqäl;
and a certain aqqabe sä at Mäksimos (who was in fact, a poem in his honour (KinBibl 74f.)
in charge of commemoration services for both
emperors, fol. 14v). In the land charters attached
to the Mä afä Aksum, Däbrä Mä ara and its
abbot Näftalem are included in the list of mon-
asteries and ecclesiastics endowed by a e
L bnä D ng l.
The main church (15.24 m x 8.8–7.7 m x 3.7–
4.5 m) is considerably damaged due to advanced
rock fragmentation. It is a three-aisled structure
divided by eight uneven columns into five ir-
regular bays. The easternmost bay, which forms Wooden lintel and capital, carved and painted; Däbrä
the mäqdäs, is the largest. The columns, with Mä ar Giyorgis; vestibule of the church; photo 2002,
their flutings, reflect the shape of their classical courtesy of Michael Gervers
30
Däbrä Marqos
praises him as “a second Elias”, able to ride a Däbrä Marqos

lion without bridle. The town of D.M. (6-:y x?9F , lit. ‘Mount of
D.M. possesses a unique collection of old St. Mark’) is located 300 km north-west of
manuscripts, crosses, paintings on wood and a Addis Abäba along the Addis Abäba–Gondär
small wooden mänbärä tabot (‘the throne of the road at an elevation of 2,400 m A.S.L. The total
tabot’). The most important object is the famous municipal area of the town is about 2,720 ha.
Gospel Book created, according to the scribal The minimum and maximum temperatures in
notes, in the “Year 525 of Grace” [1341/42 A.D.] the town average 14° C and 20° C, respectively.
(fol. 230v), during the reign of Amdä yon I D.M. was founded in 1853 by dä azma
(whose explicit mention was previously un- Tädla Gwalu, who was at that time the ruler of
known, s. Fiaccadori 2003:200f., 245f.). Accord- Go am. The town was originally named
ing to other notes (fol. 4v, 231r), the manuscript Mänqwärär. N gu Täklä Haymanot, who be-
was ordered by abunä Ma äntä Kr stos and came the ruler of Go am in 1881, changed the
abunä K bur Mäsqäl. It is decorated with a com- name of the town to D.M. and then divided it
plete set of Canon Tables and eight full-page into separate zones, i.e. areas in which specific
miniatures. These include the so-called short social groups live: Kah n Säfär (‘camp of the
Christological cycle, with the Crucifixion, in priests’) around the church of St. Mark and in-
which Christ is depicted symbolically as a lamb habited by the priests serving there; Färäs Bet
(Balicka-Witakowska 1997:126f.), and the por- (‘house of horses’) at the western edge of the
traits of the Evangelists. However, the folios town was occupied by the domestic servants of
with pictures of Luke, Marc and John, distin- Täklä Haymanot and the merchants who traded
guished by colourful patterned backgrounds, in horses and donkeys; Abun Säfär (‘camp of
originate from another manuscript. the abun’) which was occupied by abunä
One of the crosses, which can be classified as Luqas, who was the bishop of the town. The
belonging to the “Lalibäla type”, with a central area called Mo a Säfär was inhabited by the
Greek cross presented under a large arched can- people who had migrated to D.M. from the
opy, has the unusual shape of a half-open fan. Mo a awra a. Throughout the first half of the
Among the paintings on wood, the 16th-cent. 20th cent., D.M., the town of ras aylu Täklä
triptych with an early depiction of the Trinity Haymanot, remained the most important town
on the central panel (ChojPaint 102, fig. 30) de- in Go am. During aylä llase I’s reign, it
serves particular attention. was the capital of the Go am governorate-
Src.: interview with the local priests: qes afä mäzmur general. Since 1991 it has become a part of the
Gäbrä Mädh n Bärhe, qäññ geta Kasa Hadära, 3 Decem- Amhara k ll l and capital of M sraq Go am
ber, 2000, Däbrä Mä ar; Gäbrä ad q Zär u, 13 Novem- Administrative Zone.
ber, 2002, Däbrä Mä ar; personal communication by Currently, the central part of the town serves
Roger Schneider, December 20, 1990; CRAxum no. 44,
39 (text) = 47 (tr.); HuntLand 51f., no. 43. as a market-place. Most of the government ad-
Lit.: AfrZion 63–67; EWA BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, La ministrative buildings are located within the
Crucifixion sans Crucifié dans l’art éthiopien. Recherches compound of the former palace. The residential
sur la survie de l’iconographie chrétienne de l’Antiquité
tardive, Warszawa – Wiesbaden 1997 (NÆ 4), 126f. (Lit.),
s. index; DAVID BUXTON, “The Rock-Hewn and Other
Medieval Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia”, Archae-
ologia 103, 1971, 33–110, here 57, fig. 24, pl. 28a; ChojPaint
102, 147; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “ , non
. Efeso, Gerusalemme, Aquileia (Nota a IEph
495, 1 s.)”, La parola del passato 58, 2003 [2004], 182–
249, here 200f., 245f. (Lit.); OTTO A. JÄGER – IVY
PEARCE, Antiquities of North Ethiopia, Stuttgart ²1974,
115, fig. 6, 7; KinBibl 74f., no. 66; RUTH PLANT,
Architecture of the Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester 1985, 44ff.;
ROGER SAUTER, “Églises rupestres du Tigré”, AE 10,
1976, 157–75, here 167; OSVALDO RAINIERI, “Gabra
Masqal di Gar lta”, in: EncSan vol. 1, 945; abba
TEWELDEMEDHIN JOSIEF, The Monolithic Churches of
Tigray, Addis Ababa 1970, 45, 54. A market scene in Däbrä Marqos; photo 1965, courtesy
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska of the IES (no. 9D, 634)
31
Däbrä Marqos
D.M. on Lake ana was identified with the

monastery of D.M. in Dära (cp. Därra), ini-
tially called Däbrä äqwän, which was founded
by abba Tadewos of lal š during the reign
of a e Amdä S yon I (s. HamTana I, 60; Six
1975:21, passim). However, this suggestion,
based upon the identification of Dära of
Bägemd r, on the southern side of Lake ana,
with Dära where Tadewos was active, is debat-
able (TadTChurch 188, n. 3; Cornuau 1994:14f.,
30–33; DerDomTh 214–24). It seems to be a later
historical “reconstruction”, dating back, appar-
ently, to the time of the revision of Tadewos’s
hagiography after 1515 (DerDomTh 214–24).
The same confusing elements as those in the Acts
of Tadewos can be found in the short undated
Amharic text added to the D.M. Gospel book
(ms. n see 59, fol. 96vb–97r, s. HamTana II,
areas are scattered throughout the town. The 52; cp. Six 1975:380–83) with the D.M. church’s
population of D.M. was estimated at 53,164 in history, possibly an apocryphal chart. Further-
1991 and at 78,188 inhabitants in 2004 (s. CSA more, there is no mention of D.M. in the sources
2004). According to the census of 1994, the concerning Lake ana during the 14th and 15th
population was 49,297 in 9,617 housing units. All cent. Besides, most of the time D.M. church is
in all, D.M.’s growth rate together with the pro- mentioned in a text one cannot prove that the
vision of infra-structural facilities such as educa- Lake ana D.M. is meant (e.g., PerrZarY 27f.).
tion, health, housing and transportation and
communications are still far below the expected
level given the town’s age of nearly 150 years.
Src.: CENTRAL STATISTICAL AUTHORITY (ed.), Results
for Amhara Region, vol. 1 (Parts 1–4), Addis Ababa
1995; CSA 2000; CSA 2004.
Lit.: PankHist II, 147f., 318–22; ALERNU KIRKOS, A
Study on Urban Development: the Case of Debre Markos
Town, Senior Essay, Department of Geography, Addis
Ababa University 1991; GEORGI GALPERIN, Ethiopia:
Population, Resources, Economy, Moscow 1981; MARINA
OTTAWAY, Urbanization in Ethiopia, a Text with Inte-
grated Readings, Addis Ababa 1976; MEKETE
BELACHEW, “Spatial Aspects of Urbanization in Ethio-
pia: with Emphasis on the Primate Pattern of Urban
Development”, EJDR 12, 2, 1990.
Mekete Belachew
Däbrä Maryam
D.M. (6-:y x?\z, lit. ‘Mount of St. Mary’) is
a monastery located on an island which bears The claims of the D.M. monks connect them to
the same name, on the southern side of Lake the network of Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa; its
ana, quite close to the shore. claims and the rewriting of the Gädlä Tadewos
The manuscripts of D.M.’s monastic library obscure the historic beginnings of the monastic
have been microfilmed (31 by Ernst Hammer- establishment on the island. Only from the be-
schmidt; s. HamTana II; Hammerschmidt 1977, ginning of the 17th cent. there is a greater degree
plates 132–35; also by EMML, not yet cata- of certainty about D.M.’s history. At that time,
logued), but they contain only few notes con- according to the Jesuit Pedro Paez (in BecRASO
cerning D.M.’s history. At an unknown date, II, 579), the monastery was related to the “net-
32
Däbrä Mäwi
work” of Däbrä Libanos. At the beginning of

1688, D.M. witnessed for several months the
debate over Christ’s Unction ( Q bat) between
the opposed factions of monks who had retired
to the island by order of a e Iyasu I so as to dis-
cuss and consult the Holy Books, but did not
reach an agreement (GuiIohan 116f., 121–26).
The church of D.M. is believed to have been
burnt down during the Zämänä mäsaf nt and
later rebuilt under a e Tewodros II (oral infor-
mation collected by Hammerschmidt; s. HamTana
I, 60, fig. 24; sketch in Angelini 1971:53). The
present church is very small and much more
recent. It was built in 1970s, but some red cut
stones betray the presence of an earlier
Gondärine architecture.
Src.: HamTana I, 58–62, fig. 24; HamTana II, 50–111,
167f. [table of D.M.’s mämh ran]; ERNST HAM-
MERSCHMIDT, Illuminierte Handschriften der Staatsbib-
liothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz und Handschriften vom
n see, Graz 1977, pl. 132–35; VERONIKA SIX (ed., tr.),
Die Vita des Abuna T d wos von Dabra M ry m im
n see, Wiesbaden 1975 (VOHD, Supplementband 18),
21, 380–83, passim; BecRASO II (P. PETRI PAEZ S. I.
Historia Aethiopia, Liber I et II), 579; GuiIohan 116f.,
121–26; SANDRO ANGELINI, The Historic Route: a One of the Canon tables in the Gospel Book of Däbrä
Work-Plan for the Development of the Sites and Monu- Maryam Qwä ayn; 1361; by David Buxton
ments, Ethiopia, n.p. 1971 [Report of a UNESCO mis-
sion to Ethiopia], 53; PerrZarY 27f. was persecuted for its loyalty to Ewos atewos’s
Lit.: TadTChurch 176, 186, 188 note 3; RODOLPHE rule. A few years later, around 1403 or 1404,
CORNUAU, Moines et monastères du Godjam et du lac Dawit allowed the celebration of the Saturday-
Tana en Éthiopie aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Evangélisation Sabbath, i.e., observance of rest both on Sat-
et intégration dans l’empire salomonide, mémoire de
maîtrise, Université de Paris-I 1994, 14f., 30–33; urday and on Sunday. According to the docu-
DerDomTh 214–24 (Lit.); DerDom, s. index. ments, after the new council of Däbrä
Claire Bosc-Tiessé M maq (1450) and the subsequent end of the
monastic schism, D.M. was generously granted
land by a e Zär a Ya qob (r. 1434–68).
Däbrä Maryam Src.: GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI (ed.), Il Gadla Abs di
The monastery of D.M. (6-:y x?\z , lit. (Dabra M ry m, Sar ), Louvain 1996 (CSCO 557, 558
‘Mount of St. Mary’) lies in the Qwä ayn district [SAe 103, 104]).
Lit.: DAVID BUXTON, The Abyssinians, London 1970,
of Säraye province (in present-day Eritrea, zoba 138-41, pl. 68–75, 80, 125f.; KolTrad III, 9–49; LusStud
Däbub), west of Addi wala (s. map for Däbrä 69–92; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI,
Bizän). It is also known as nda Abunä Absadi, “Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui conventi
because it was founded in 1374 by the monk eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 20ff.;
ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso
Absadi, a 14th-cent. leader of the monastic comunità monastiche dell’Eritrea”, ibid. 38, 1994 [1996],
movement of the Ewos ateans. 24–69; GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Copisti e filologi
According to written traditions (Gädlä dell’Etiopia medievale: lo scriptorium di Dabra M ry m
Absadi, s. Lusini 1996), Wägrä K sahe was the del Sar (Eritrea)”, La Parola del Passato 59, 2004
[2005], 230–38.
old name of the mountain where the monastery
stands, near the confluence of the Märäb river
with its tributary, the Obel. After Absadi’s
death, the monastery was headed by abbot
Täwäldä Mäd n, in charge from 1390 or 1391. Däbrä Mäwi
Following the council summoned in April 1400 D.M. (6-:y u_& also u_* Mäwi , lit. ‘Mount
by a e Dawit II (r. 1382–1412), the community of the Victor’) or Däbrä Mäwi Maryam mon-
33
Däbrä Mäwi
of manpower has caused decline in the physical

state of the church.
Src.: v!y HgTHy -?U# (Zena Täkä tä B rhan, ‘The
History of Täkä tä B rhan’), ms. in Dima Giyorgis
Church; also IES, UNESCO microfilm series 10, no. 4;
AmhChurchD vol. 4., 157f.; DombrChr, s. index.
Joachim Persoon
Däbrä M wa
The church of D.M. (6-:y zT`* , lit. ‘Mount
of Altar, or Sacrifice’) was founded at the end of
the 15th cent. by a e sk nd r (according to
his Chronicle, s. PerrEsk 358). The location of
this place is unknown. We only know, from the
same Chronicle, that the ecclesiastical head of
D.M. held the title of ul-- (mäkb b), just as
the one in Atronsä Maryam.
Src.: PerrEsk 358.
Lit.: DerDom, s. index.
astery is situated in Go am, Ba r Dar Marie-Laure Derat
awra a, in the district of Y lmanna Densa. It is
said to have been founded by qes Täklä Mäd n,
who brought the tabot of Mary from Šäwa to Däbrä M maq
D.M. in 1518 (yet, some other traditions put the
D.M. (6-:y z4x8, or Däbrä M maq
foundation of D.M. in the 17th cent.). The abbots
Maryam) is a royal church and monastery lo-
of D.M. still bear the title of gäbäz.
cated in Tägulät, Šäwa shore, which was
Following the conversion of a e Sus nyos
founded by a e Zär a Ya qob. According to
to Catholicism, learned churchmen gathered, in
the Chronicle of the Emperor (PerrZarY 55ff.,
opposition to that, at D.M. under the leadership
88) and the Miracles of St. Mary (CerMaria
of abba Akalä Kr stos. Suddenly attacked by
124f.), the building of D.M. was inspired by the
soldiers on 19 mt 1616, more than 7,000 destruction of an Egyptian monastery called
people are said to have been slain there. A e “M mäq” (G z for Arabic ma is/mi as
Fasilädäs proclaimed a yearly festival to hon- ‘baptistery’), famous for its miracles of Mary.
our these martyrs (B zu an Maryam, ‘The This monastery was a station for Ethiopian pil-
Crowds of Mary’), celebrated on 21 Mäskäräm,
he also constructed a memorial at G nb Giyorgis.
In 1701 a e Tewoflos pursued his enemy,
dä azma D rm n, into the church of D.M.
which manifested its strength by protecting him
twice from incineration. Tewoflos then vowed to
Mary that he would rebuild the church in stone
and plaster if his enemy was burned. His request
was granted and D rm n was killed, while the
tabot of Mary rested in an olive-tree. The miracle
was accompanied by thunder. The tabot re-
ceived the epithet K+<Hy g^s (gäbaritä ayl,
‘wonder-worker’). Monastic status was granted
to D.M.; only the monks celebrated the liturgy.
During the Italian war of 1935–36 the church
of D.M. was bombed and soon after restored
again. It possesses many treasures. They include
donations by tege aytu B ul; some of them
are associated with a e M nil k I. A recent lack
34
Däbrä Nägwädgwad
grims on their way to the Holy Land. In 1441, pound in Gondär (s. CrumLand 80), was built
John, the Patriarch of Alexandria sent a message by a e Täklä Giyorgis I, the last Gondärine
to Zär a Ya qob telling him of the destruction king to found a church on his own (Guidi
of M maq. We can assume that the building of 1926:416). Construction began in November
D.M. did not begin before this date. 1782 and was overseen by ras Ayädars
The exact ecclesiastical hierarchy of D.M. is un- (BlunChr 269f.). The name of the church
known. However, the monastery was affiliated to (meaning, lit., ‘mount [church] of the baptis-
the community of Däbrä Libanos and the ab- tery’) was chiefly reminiscent of the homony-
bot of Däbrä Libanos was also the abbot of D.M. mous Egyptian monastery, in which several of
It received gw lt lands in the region of Tägulät. the miracles of Mary took place, but also of the
This monastery and church became famous church Däbrä M maq in Tägulat, Šäwa,
because of their close ties to Zär a Ya qob. founded by a e Zär a Ya qob. In August
According to the Mä afä milad, which is 1783, Täklä Giyorgis assigned the lands and
attributed to the Emperor, on 21 Ta a 1445, established the clergy (CrumLand 148), ac-
he celebrated the feast of Mary in his church at cording to the royal chronicle and the records
D.M. There he learnt that A mad Badl y, kept in a D.M.M.’s manuscript (BlunChr 296,
sul n of Adal, was leading a revolt of the Mus- 301; ms. Tä amm rä Iyäsus of D.M.M.). He also
lim sultanates against the Christian empire. richly endowed the church with liturgical items
During the service, a hand moved from an icon (BlunChr 298-301). At the time of the founda-
of Mary, pointing to Zär a Ya qob. This mira- tion, he decided to bestow the title of aqqabe
cle was interpreted as a sign of the Emperor’s sä at on the head of the D.M.M. priests (a func-
victory over Badl y (Wendt 1962:13f.). This tion “which had been raised above all the offi-
victory took place on 26 December 1445. After cial grades”) and chose him amongst the
the battle, the Emperor sent his trophies to “monks of Däbrä Libanos”. The qes a e Käbte,
D.M., where his triumph had been foretold. reputedly a learned monk, was then appointed
On 21 Yäkkatit 1450, Zär a Ya qob gathered to this post (BlunChr 296f.). The royal founda-
a council at this church to discuss the ortho- tion of D.M., in the monastic “network” of
doxy of the Sabbath. Abunä Gäbr el and Däbrä Libanos, also enjoyed the privilege of
abunä Mika el were present. The Emperor per- being a place of asylum (ibid. 449f.).
suaded the Metropolitans to recognize the Sat- A list of the books and items of the church, in
urday Sabbath as orthodox and to write a letter Amharic, was copied for the mission Dakar–
to the Ethiopian clergy to confirm this decision. Djibouti in 1932 (ms. Paris, BN éth. 630).
With this council, Zär a Ya qob brought an Src.: BlunChr 47f., 65, 67ff., 173 (text) = 269f., 296f., 298–
301, 449f. (tr.); ms. Tä amm rä Iyäsus of D.M.M. = ms.
end to the controversy around the question of Illinois/IES 88.XII.17–18; IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Due nuovi
the observance of the Sabbath. manoscritti della ‘cronaca abbreviata’ di Abissinia”,
The monastery was still active during the RRALm ser. 6a, 2, 1926, 357–421, here 416; Guida 356f.,
reign of a e Bä dä Maryam (1468–78). After map; StrGriaule 200f., ms. éth. 630 [Griaule 322], fol. 16v.
this date, there is no information concerning Lit.: CrumLand 80, 145, 148, 297, n. 5, 12.
Claire Bosc-Tiessé
this community.
Barsb y
Src.: CerMaria 124f.; PerrZarY 55ff., 65, 88, 115f.;
ColSyn XIII, 307f., 317–21; CRRicBerhan vol. 2, 86 (tr.); Däbrä Nägwädgwad
KURT WENDT, Das Ma afa Mil d (Liber nativitatis) D.N. (6-:y |H;K;, lit. ‘Mount of Thunder), is
und Ma afa Sell s (Liber trinitatis) des Kaisers Zar a the name of the royal church and monastery
Y qob, vol. 1, Louvain 1962 (CSCO 221, 22 [SAe 41,
42]), 13f. (tr.).
founded by a e Zär a Ya qob some time be-
Lit.: CerPal 353; DerDomTh 571, 642f. (Lit.); DerDom, fore 1450 in the district of Dähaya, in ancient
s. index. Amhara. According to the sources, it served as a
Marie-Laure Derat sanctuary (u86F , mäqdäs), a church and a great
monastery (uj# , mäkan) all at the same time. As
such, the institution was not only run by court
Däbrä M maq Maryam ecclesiastics (jW!Hy 6-H: , kah natä däbtära),
The church of D.M.M. (6-:y z4x8y x?\z), but also by the abbot of the most influential
located to the south of the Royal Castles’ com- monastery of the time, Däbrä Libanos of
35
Däbrä Nägwädgwad
Src.: BassHist 307, 310, 313f.; BégChron 13f.; MANFRED
KROPP (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna Dengel,
Claudius und Min s, Louvain 1988 (CSCO 503, 504
[SAe 83, 84]), 8, 13 (text) = 8, 13 (tr.); STANISLAS KUR,
Actes de Mar a Krestos, Louvain 1972 (CSCO 330, 331
[SAe 62, 63]), 60; PerrZarY 52ff., 65, 83–87, 116–19, 172;
PerrEsk 354f.
Lit.: DOMENICO BRIELLI, “Ricordi storici dei Uollo”,
in: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI (ed.), Studi etiopici, Roma
1945, 78–110, here 82; ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “Aperçu
préliminaire sur le Ma afa fut de Gechen Amba”, AE
1, 1955, 89–108, here 103; CerMaria 118; DerDomTh
638ff.; GETATCHEW HAILE, “A Study of the Issues
Raised in Two Homilies of Emperor Zär’a Ya qob”,
ZDMG 131, 1, 1981, 85–118, here 90.
Marie-Laure Derat
Däbrä Nägwädgwad Däbrä ayq s ifanos
Däbrä Qozät
Šäwa. At the Emperor’s initiative, Däbrä Li- D.Q. (6-:y 9rM ) is a monastery located on
banos became the “mother house” of D.N. the slopes of the highland in Wäläqa (ancient
Among the court ecclesiastics appointed by province of Amhara), now aqata (Boräna,
Zär a Ya qob, we can distinguish a chief of the Wällo, today Amhara k ll l). According to the
priests ( Liqä kah nat), named Minas, and a Acts of Iyäsus Mo a, D.Q. was founded prior
teacher (mähari), named F re Kah n. to the 15th cent., for abba Gäbrä ndr yas of
The monastery’s land holdings appear to have D.Q. is introduced as a disciple of the first ab-
been considerable, and were granted by Zär a bot of Däbrä ayq s ifanos. However,
Ya qob with an hereditary status, in part for Gäbrä ndr yas was apparently not the founder
the commemoration of the monarchs. Later, a e of D.Q., his Acts giving the name of a Gäbrä
Bä dä Maryam released the church from all Kr stos as the head of the monastic community,
taxes. whom Gäbrä ndr yas succeeded. According to
Zär a Ya qob showed a strong affection for the local tradition, the monastery was founded
D.N. After his 1450 victory over the Adal sul n in the reign of D l Nä ad ( D lna od), that is,
A mad Badl y b. Sa dadd n he donated the even before the rise of the Zagwe dynasty.
trophies of this victory to the church. Moreover,
he made the church a royal necropolis, transfer-
ring the body of his father a e Dawit II there
and burying his mother gzi K bra and the
mämh r of Bä dä Maryam, Täklä Iyäsus, at the
same site. Zär ä Ya qob himself was buried at
D.N., though later his remains were translated
to the monastery of Daga s ifanos.
After the reign of Zär a Ya qob, the monas-
tery became a place of pilgrimage and place of
residence for his successors until it was de-
stroyed by the army of im m A mad b.
Ibr h m al- z on 3 November 1531. Brielli
(1945) located its ruins in Wällo (ancient Am-
hara) between Legambo and Lägä Hida.
The toponym D.N. is also linked to many
other churches and monasteries, including one
of the churches on Lake ayq ( Däbrä ayq
s ifanos).
36
Däbrä Sälam Mika el
The Oromo, who settled in the region during British Library, London. In the 1880s Suda-
the 17th cent., posed a continuous threat to D.Q. nese Mahdists sacked D. .Q. further, so that
and the monastery eventually declined. But it re- today’s church, while it maintains the same
emerged in the 19th cent., during the second church yard and basic building of the days of
Christianization of the region. A e M nil k II M nt wwab, is a pale reflection of its days of
rebuilt the monastery in 1895/96 (ms. EMML glory. In 1941 D. .Q. was badly damaged by air
654, fol. 39r). A few years later (1913), ras raids. It has been recently restored.
Mika el presented the community with a copy Src.: GuiIyas 95–114 (tr.), IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Due nuovi
of the Acts of Gäbrä ndr yas, thus restoring manoscritti della ‘Cronaca abbreviata di Abissinia’”,
back its identity (EMML 654, fol. 35v). RRALm ser. 6a, 2, 1893, 357–421, esp. 412f.
Lit.: CrumLand 107ff.; DONALD CRUMMEY — SHUMET
Nowadays, D.Q. has a still active, but very SISHAGNE, “Land Tenure and the Social Accumulation
small community, and the monks keep the cult of Wealth in Eighteenth-Century Ethiopia: Evidence
of Gäbrä ndr yas, reading a miracle of the from the Qwesqwam Land Register”, IJAHS 24, 2, 1991,
saint at the beginning of each liturgical office. 241–58; DONALD CRUMMEY, “The Lands of the Church
of Däbrä S’ähay Qwesqwam, Gondär”, JES 26, 2, 1993,
Src.: EMML vol. 2, 404, no. 654; BORIS TURAIEV (ed.),
53–62; JEAN DORESSE, Au pays de la Reine de Saba.
Monumenta Aethiopiae hagiologica, vol. 2, Petropoli
L’Éthiopie: Antique et moderne, Paris 1956, 117 (ill.);
1902, 80–91 [“Vita et Miracula Gabra-Endreyas”]; Kur-
OTTO JÄGER, “Ethiopian Manuscript Paintings”,
Moa 35 (text) = 28 (tr.).
EthObs 4, 11, 1960, 354–91, here 370–76; ALESSANDRO
Lit.: MARIE-LAURE DERAT, “Gäbrä ’Endreyas de Däbrä
AUGUSTO MONTI DELLA CORTE, I Castelli di Gondar,
Qozät et les généalogies monastiques du XVe au XIXe
Roma 1938.
siècle: réécritures et réemplois ”, AE 17, 2001, 229–55.
Donald Crummey
Marie-Laure Derat
Däbrä ä ay Qw sqwam Däbrä Sälam Mika el

D. .Q. (6-:y k=^y ;F<z ) was one of the The church D.S.M. (6-:y Aqzy wj%s, lit.
principal churches of Gondär. It was founded ‘Mount of Peace [dedicated to the archangel]
by tege M nt wwab ( B rhan Mogäsa) over a Michael’) is situated in a cave (ca. 15 x 12 x 7.5 m)
period of some 13 years. She began the process in some 7–8 km north-west of A bi (A bi Dära,
1733, dedicated the tabot in April 1740, com- K l ttä Awl alo, T gray). It is an oriented basil-
pleted the building around 1743, and completed ica of Aksumite type (dimensions: 8.8 x 7.5 m),
the church’s endowment sometime after 1746. partly constructed and partly rock-cut. The
D. .Q. was richly endowed with lands that sup- building (s. the picture) consists of two bays
ported 260 clergy, making it the largest clerical closed from the west by a constructed vestibule
establishment in Gondär. The lands for the and from the east by a semicircular apse flanked
clergy were in Ba äna (in today’s Arma ho), by two side rooms. The walls between the hori-
in Bäläsa and in b nnat. Yet other lands sup- zontal beams, containing clearly protruding
ported the church’s services and material fabric. transversal “monkey-heads”, are filled with
Its establishment served as a model for later es- blocks of dressed stone instead of the traditional
tablishments in T gray and Go am. rubble in mud-mortar. The north wall is cut out
In 1866 the church was sacked by a e of the rock. A wooden stepped podium rises well
Tewodros, who removed many of its manu- above ground level. The windows, in two rows,
scripts and special communion vessels to have wooden frames and are filled with inter-
Mäqdäla, and from Mäqdäla the manuscripts woven wooden and stone tracery. Some of them
and vessels were taken by the British expedi- are supplied with shutters. Two doors, to the
tionary force in 1868. Many are now in the west and south, are also framed. The latter,
Drawing of the Däbrä ä ay
Qw sqwam complex. On the right
the church, on the left the residence
of B rhan Mogäsa, with a circular
chapel serving as an oratory; both
are surrounded by a wall with
entrance-towers in Gondärine style,
from Doresse 1956:117
37
Däbrä Sälam Mika el
th
(renewed in the 15 cent.) preserved in the
Mä afä Aksum (CRAxum nos. 5, 14) may
suggest it was constructed much earlier (s. here
th th th
other documents of the 16 /17 and 19 cent.,
ibid., nos. 53 [54], 82). A local tradition has it
that king Gäbrä Mäsqäl was first buried at
D.S.M., and only later was his body taken to
Däbrä Damo (Fiaccadori 1992:441, 444).
The interior of the church is decorated with
wall-paintings, some being badly damaged. The
cupola preserves a fragment of the Maiestas
Domini (the enthroned Christ holding a codex,
sitting on a mandorla borne by the Four Celes-
tial Creatures, is accompanied by the collegium
apostolicum). The Entry into Jerusalem occupies
the lower zone of the north-east corner in the
north aisle (Christ on a grey mule, the apostles,
people carrying the palm-branches and spread-
ing garments). The second Maiestas Domini
once serving as the main entrance, is accessed
(Christ on a throne inside a mandorla encircled
through a portico built of alternating wood and
by the Four Celestial Creatures, flanked by two
stone layers. The western entrance is accessible
large crosses) appears in the north aisle, under a
indirectly via a vestibule opening to the south.
The bays are bounded by arches supported
both by free-standing and engaged pillars,
crowned with bracket capitals bearing imposts.
Corresponding blind arches in bold relief deco-
rate the walls of the aisles and the western wall.
The ceilings, the dome of the apse and the Ak-
sumite frieze of squared metopes, which passes
round the nave walls above the arches, are cut
from the rock. The ceiling of the central nave is
higher than those of the aisles. A carved wooden
ceiling covers the vestibule.
In the central nave, a wooden chancel stands
before the bay closest to the sanctuary. The
screening panels, about 1.5 m high, are deco-
rated with carvings consisting of interwoven
geometrical patterns, the motif of crosses being
dominant. Entry is through a central arch sup-
ported by two short columns with double
braked capitals, and topped by a large cross.
The cave is closed off by a squared wall meas-
uring approximately 12.5 x 15 m. From a func-
tional viewpoint, this entire area between the
outer built wall and the church itself is treated
like the q ne ma let in the round churches and
is accessible to the community, while the church
itself plays the rôle of the mäqdäs. In the cave,
on the west side of the church, a stream of holy
water empties into a hewn basin. The inner Däbrä Sälam Mika el; wooden chancel in front of the
church was dated by Buxton (1971:77) to the entry to the mäqdäs; 13th cent. (?); photo 2000, courtesy
14th cent., but an alleged 10th-cent. document of Michael Gervers
38
Däbrä San
blind arcade decorating the north wall. St. Mary

with Child, flanked by two angels, is depicted
on the lower register of the east wall of the
south aisle. Standing figures (over 40 are still
more or less discernible) presented in rows,
singly or in groups of three or four, appear on
the walls, around the pillars and on the pilasters.
All are depicted frontally, wearing a long-
sleeved, pallium-like tunic, or sometimes a cloak
and holding either a codex or with hands raised
in prayer. The angels, probably numerous in the
original programme, are presently limited to six.
Two persons riding an elephant are depicted on Däbrä Sälam Mika el: south-east corner of the church;
the western wall of the north aisle. Different wall construction showing interspersed layers of hori-
kinds of birds and crosses of “fleur-de-lis” type zontal beams and plastered stonework with “monkey
heads”; photo 2000, courtesy of Michael Gervers
enclosed in a circle enrich the decoration.
The poor condition of the paintings and a to- Tigrai”, in: PICES 3, 83–98, here 97; GIANFRANCO
tal absence of inscriptions make it difficult to FIACCADORI, “Bâli”, La Parola del Passato 47, 1992, 439-
58, here 441, 444.
identify all the figures and to interpret the Lit.: DAVID BUXTON – RUTH PLANT, “Rock-hewn
ideological message of the programme. Only the Churches of the Tigre Province”, EthObs 13, 3, 1970, 157–
conjunction of the Maiestas and the Entry into 268, here 217; DAVID BUXTON, “The Rock-Hewn and
Jerusalem, clearly rendered as the Adventus Other Medieval Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia”,
Domini, may suggest the earthly and celestial Archaeologia 103, 1971, 33–100, here 76f., fig. 32 and pl.
XXXIV; OTTO DALE, “The Rock-Hewn Churches of
triumph of Christ. The standing figures spread Tigre”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 121–51, here 148–51; GEORG
around the church could be the prophets, but GERSTER, Churches in Rock, London 1970, 121–24, figs.
neither their appearance nor attributes are dis- 143–54; ID., “Die Michaelskirche von Debra Selam”, Neue
tinctive enough to permit precise identification. Zürcher Zeitung. Das Wochenende 78/79, 1966 (ill.); JEAN
GIRE – ROGER SCHNEIDER, “Etude des églises rupestres
According to Lepage (1976), the entire ensemble du Tigre: premiers résultats de la mission 1970”, Abbay 1,
of paintings may be interpreted as a vision of 1970, 73–79, here 73f., figs. 1–2; CLAUDE LEPAGE – JEAN
the Celestial Jerusalem. Stylistic characteristics – GIRE, “Dieu et les Quatre Animaux Célestes dans
the use of sharp, black outlines; figures with l’ancienne peinture éthiopienne”, ibid. 7, 1976, 70–112,
stocky bodies clothed in simplified conventional here 84–88, 96–101, figs. 11–24 (ill.); IVY PEARCE,
“Pearce’s Pilgrimage to the Rock–Hewn Churches of
dress; round heads whose eye-sockets and nose Tigre”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 77–120, here 114–20; RUTH
are marked with a single line; eyebrows indi- PLANT, Architecture of the Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester
cated by two connected lines; narrow mous- 1985, 109f. [no. 51]; OTTO A. JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, An-
tache; a black circle around the hairline and tiquities of North Ethiopia, Stuttgart ²1974, 132-35; BENT
JUEL–JENSEN – GEOFFREY ROWELL (eds.), Rock–Hewn
beard – reflect those of some Coptic paintings Churches of Eastern Tigray. Oxford Expedition to Ethiopia
dated to the second half of the 12th cent., as, for 1974, Oxford 1975, 17, 65ff., figs. 23–27, 52f. (ill.);
instance, in the chapel of St. John the Baptist of GERTRUD VAN LOON, The Gate of Heaven. Wall Paint-
St. Mercury church in Old Cairo and in Dayr ings with Old Testament Scenes in the Altar Room and the
Anb Biš y in W d n-Na r n. H rus of Coptic Churches, Istanbul 1999, 185–201;
MAHMOUD ZIBAWI, Orients chrétiens: entre Byzance et
A painting of St. Mary Hodigitria in the Sec- l’Islam, Paris 1995, figs. 167, plates 53ff., 58a, 74f. (ill.).
ond Gondär style decorates the inside of one of Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
the window-shutters on the south side. A list of
44 manuscripts belonging to the church was
Däbrä San
compiled in 1974 by the Oxford expedition. In
2000 and 2004 photographs were taken of frag- D.S. (6-:y D# ) is the name of an ancient mon-
ments from a painted liturgical fan ( Märä- astery and a locality in nfraz, Bägemd r. It is
w , of the 15th/16th cent., and a triptych (late located on top of a mountain (2,100 m A.S.L.) on
17th cent.) stored in the treasury. the Gärno (Arno) river, in former Gondär-
Src.: CRAxum 20f., 24, 44, 58 (text) = 22f., 27f., 53, 70 (tr.);
Zuriya awra a (North Gondär Zone). The
HuntLand 31, 35, 56, 72; abba TEWELDE MEDHIN actual name of place is in all probability Däbsan
JOSEPH, “Introduction générale aux églises monolithes du (6-D# ) or D bsan (;-D# ), D.S. being a folk
39
Däbrä San
province of eastern T gray. According to the

16th-cent. Acts of Ananya, this community
was established by Ewos atewos himself, who
stayed there from 1300 to 1307. His first succes-
sor was Bäkimos, who gave the monastic habit
to Fil os of Däbrä Bizän. Ananya was initi-
ated into the monastic life at D. . by the abbot
awlos, whom he succeeded after the latter’s
death. We also know of Iyosäyas, who was
Ananya’s successor.
Src.: GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Il Gadla An ny ”,
Egitto e Vicino Oriente 13, 1990, 149–91; ID., “Miracoli
di An ny ”, ibid. 14, 1991–92, 171–74; OSVALDO
RAINERI, “Atti di Anania, santo monaco etiopico del XVI
secolo”, Ephemerides Liturgicae 104, 1990, 65–91; ID., “Il
testo etiopico dell’«Effigie di Anania»”, Quaderni Utinensi
7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 165–66; LusStud 94ff.
etymology introduced in hagiographic literature Däbrä ge

(s. Conti Rossini 1938:445, n. 2). The monastery of D. . (6-:y eO, lit. ‘Mount of
According to written traditions, the monas- the Flower’) lies in Eritrea’s Märagw z district of
tery of D.S. was founded by the monk Gäbrä the Säraye province, south-east of Mändäfära
Iyäsus some years after the death of his spiritual ( Addi W gri), in the historical region of Tä äla
father Ewostatewos (1352). The 16th-17th-cent. (s. map for Däbrä Bizän). It is also known as
Acts of Gäbrä Iyäsus describe the region of nda Abunä Yonas La lay, since it was
D.S., called Wäyna Däga and celebrated for its founded in 1455 by the monk Yonas,
fertility, as occupied by Betä sra el settle- Ewos atewos’s disciple. It is not to be con-
ments. During the first phase of the spread of fused with another monastery established by
the Ewos ateans, the foundation of D.S. rep- the same Yonas in 1489, Däbrä D u an,
resented their westernmost boundary. In the known also as nda Abunä Yonas Ta tay, in
second phase, during the 15th cent., they ex- the Qwä ayn district of Säraye province. To this
tended Ewos atewos’s rule down to Go am, as day D. . and Däbrä D u an share a single
is the case for the monastery of Däbrä Wärq, abbot for both communities. According to the
established by the Ewos atean monk är ä e ros. documents, D. . was granted land by a e
During the reign of a e Sus nyos the site Zär a Ya qob. The church of the monastery
became one of the strongholds of Catholicism. is outstanding because of its antiquity and ac-
From 1626 to 1633 it was here that the Catholic counting for its basilica plan.
Patriarch Afonso Mendes had his residence Src.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Gli Atti di Abb Yon s”,
(BecRASO VIII, 180f.). The ruins of what once RRALm ser. 5a, 12, 1903, 177–201, 239–55.
possibly was his palace can still be seen there Lit.: LusStud 118–22; ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIAN-
FRANCESCO LUSINI, “Appunti in margine a una nuova
(Anfray 1980–81:9ff.).
ricerca sui conventi eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36,
Src.: BecRASO IV, 9; VIII, 180f.; XII, 258. here 12ff.; GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Scritture
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Note di agiografia etiopica documentarie etiopiche (Dabra Dehuh n e Dabra ege,
( Abiya Egzi , ‘Arkal des e Gabra-Iyasus’)”, RSO 17, Sar ’e, Eritrea)”, ibid. 42, 1994 [1998], 5–55.
1938, 404–52, here 439–52; LusStud 115ff.; HERVÉ Gianfrancesco Lusini
PENNEC, Des Jésuites au royaume du Prêtre Jean
(Éthiopie), Paris 2003, 181–84, s. index; FRANCIS ANFRAY,
“Vestiges gondariens”, RSE 28, 1980–81, 5–22, plates (ill.).
Däbrä ge Q ddus Ura el
D. . (6-:y eOy 87Fy "=%s , also Däbrä
ge) is one of Addis Abäba’s earliest and most
Däbrä ärabi important churches. Its history begins with the
The monastery of D. . (6-:y `=* , lit. Ura el church, founded at n o o north of
‘Mount of the Carpenter’) lies in the ra M nil k II’s palace, while the churches of
40
Däbrä yon
n o o Maryam and n o o Ragu el were help; some three years later, l Iyasu was de-
founded east and west of the palace, respectively posed and she was brought back from Fale by
(Archangels Raguel and Uriel were both consid- fitawrari Habtä Giyorgis to be crowned Em-
ered patrons of the Šäwan dynasty). A few years press of Ethiopia. Once in power, she had the
later, the Uriel church was moved to the capital. D. . church rebuilt with stone walls and a roof
The year of the D. .’s foundation at its present covered with corrugated iron, giving it its pres-
location in Addis Abäba (to the south-east of the ent appearance. The church is square with three
former Asmära Road) seems to be 1885. This concentric walls, dividing the space inside into
date is confirmed by the documents of the mu- three compartments. There is also a small chapel
nicipality of Addis Abäba (s. Johnson 1974:183; within the church, which was used by Zäwditu
before 1886 according to Garretson 1974:343). for private prayer. The handles and hinges of the
Richard Pankhurst, stating that 1884–85 were the doors of the church are said to have been im-
years in which the construction of the churches ported by the famous Indian merchant of the
of n o o Maryam and Ragu el was begun, early 20th cent. Mu ammad Al .
remarks that a third church – dedicated to Uriel – Src.: ADDIS ABABA MUNICIPALITY (ed.), Mirror of Addis
was built somewhat later by ras Darge ahlä Ababa, Addis Abäba 1942 A.M. [1949/50 A.D.]; GSMen
llase. Still others say that it was established in 218, 223, 249, 297, 307 n. 4, 372, 454 n. 2.
Lit.: BAHRU ZÄWDE, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa:
1886, the year of the foundation of Addis Patterns of Evolution”, in: CentAddis 55; HAILE
Abäba. The wall-paintings were reputedly done GABRIEL DAGNE, “The Establishment of Churches in
by aläqa Elyas. Addis Ababa”, ibid. 57–78; PETER P. GARRETSON,
Before the foundation of the church, the area History of Addis Ababa from its Foundation in 1886 to
1910, Ph.D. thesis, University of London 1974, 343;
belonged to the minor chief efa Aduña from
MARTIN E. JOHNSON, The Evolution of the Morphology
Mänz, supposedly a relative of a e M nil k on of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Ph.D. thesis, Los Angeles, CA
his mother’s side. When the tabot of Uriel was 1974, 183; RICHARD PANKHURST, “Menelik and the
brought from n o o, it was first placed in efa Foundation of Addis Ababa”, JAH 2, 1, 1961, 103–18.
Aduña’s smaller house, lf ñ, while a larger one Mersha Alehegne
was given to the clergy who came to serve the
church. The smaller house remained the tempo-
rary dwelling of the tabot until a large church
Däbrä yon
was later constructed by ras Darge. efa Aduña History of the monastery of Däbrä yon
received a tract of land in compensation for the The monastery of D. . (6-:y e_# , lit. ‘Mount
loss of his old residence. of Zion’) in the Gär alta province of eastern
Construction of the church was completed in T gray (s. map for Gär alta) was probably estab-
1895. Gäbrä llase, M nil k’s chronicler, states lished by the monk Abr ham at the end of the
that construction work was finished in the rainy 14th cent., during the reign of a e DawitII. Since
season (GSMen 372), immediately before the the Vita of Abr ham is still unpublished, we have
campaign of Adwa. Ras Darge distributed plots little information about the history of this mon-
of land among the clergy around the church. He astery. We do know, however, that Dawit plays
also made his loyal servant dä azma Layäh the an important role in that hagiographical text. A
gäbäz of the church. Moreover, ras Darge is land charter of a e L bnä D ng l, dating to
said to have given tege Zäwditu a piece of land, around 1530 and preserved in the Mä afä
on which she built her house. Consequently, this Aksum (CRAxum no. 44), refers to D. to-
area was sometimes called Zäwditu Säfär (or gether with at least six other T grayan monas-
N g t Säfär) and the road between palace and teries ([Däbrä] Halleluya, Däbrä Aysäma,
church was named Zäwditu Mängäd. Däbrä Bänkwäl, Däbrä Bäkw r, Däbrä Bärbäre
Soon after its establishment, Ura el church and Däbrä Mä ara), to whom the Emperor
came to be known as D. . As indicated above, awarded the renewal of previous gw lt grants.
Zäwditu had a residence in the Ura el a biya According to the same document, at that time
which she greatly favoured, especially on Sun- the abbot of D. was Täklä Giyorgis and all the
days. However, after the death of M nil k in monasteries mentioned were in poor conditions.
1913, she became a victim of l Iyasu’s Judging from the notes in the 14th-cent. Gos-
whims. While exiled to Fale in Mullo district pel Book (fols. 4v, 5v) which is still kept in the
(Šäwa), she is said to have prayed to Uriel for house of the gäbäz of the monastery, D. . was
41
Däbrä yon
richly endowed with land and other gifts during serves as the sanctuary ( mäqdäs). It is not
the time of a e Iyasu I. raised and can be entered under high arches
Src.: CRAxum 39ff. (text) = 46ff. (tr.); HuntLand 51f.; from the nave and the aisles alike. A system of
HuntGeogr 120 [which erroneously places D. in arches connects the free-standing and engaged
Wäld bba]. pillars. Ten ceiling sections are cut in form of
Lit.: ROGER SCHNEIDER, “Notes éthiopiennes”, JES 16,
1983, 105–13, here 106–10 [2. “Sur la chronologie des domes, those above the sanctuary surprisingly
règnes de Dawit, Téwodros et Yeshaq”]. reposing on pendentives. The walls of the aisles
Gianfrancesco Lusini and the eastern wall of the mäqdäs are deco-
rated with large blind arches and smaller arches
Churches of Däbrä yon arranged in two or three rows. Aksumite friezes
There are two churches on the site of D. . of are visible here and there on the walls. The cen-
Gär alta, hewn just below the summit of the tral and southern parts of mäqdäs each contain a
mountain. The smaller one, dedicated to the monolithic altar. In the eastern part of the corri-
founder of the monastery, abunä Abr ham, is dor surrounding the church there is the entry to
presently out of use. It is a simple, small, square two hermit cells. The larger one, a circular shal-
cave, divided by four circular columns into low-domed room (3m x 3m), decorated with
three aisles. An arched opening connects the low relief, geometrical and figural (St. Mary,
main room with an oval sanctuary ended at the two archangels, an ecclesiastic before an altar) is
east by a semi-circular niche. Beneath the com- believed to be the oratory of abunä Abr ham.
pound, about 9 m down the face of the cliff, The interior of the church is covered by
there are several caves which until recently were paintings executed during at least three different
used by the monks. periods. The earliest set, spread around the
The main church, with tabots dedicated to church is most probably contemporary with the
Kidanä M rät and St. Mary, is rectangular in foundation of the church; the second, of the
shape. From the west, south and east it is sur- first bay and its pillars, probably dates from the
th
rounded by a large ambulatory, leaving only the end of the 15 cent.; the paintings of the narthex
northern façade, with a door and windows, are difficult to locate in time.
exposed. Two more doors (west and south) The earliest set might have come from the
offer indirect access via ambulatory. Part of the same workshop which decorated Däbrä
church’s exterior wall reflects an imitation of Mä ar. The paintings are badly damaged. Still
misunderstood Aksumite wall-structure. recognizable, within the small arcades of the
The interior (21 m x 10 m x 7.3 m) is divided south and north aisles, are figures of saints and
by six cruciform pillars into three naves and martyrs particularly venerated in the Coptic
four bays. A hewn, narrow narthex is situated at Church (among them John of Senhut, Arkä-
the west end. The nave and the aisles are not läd s, Awsanyos, Minas of Däbrä M mäq). The
clearly differentiated. The entire eastern bay walls of the sanctuary bay are occupied by a
Maiestas Domini; wall painting,

main church of Däbrä yon,
eastern wall of the mäqdäs; 14th
cent.; photo 2004, courtesy of
Michael Gervers
42
Däbrä yon
large Maiestas Domini and St. Mary with the Däbrä yon
Child. Another thematic group represents the D.S. (6-:y e_# , ‘Mount Zion’) is one of the
equestrian saints: Gälawdewos and Te- central elements in the Ethiopian version of the
wodros are depicted in the second bay of the millenarian doctrine ( Dag m m atu
north aisle, Mercury on the western wall and läkr stos; Eschatology), accepted by the
Mar Behnam in the narthex. In the third bay of Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do Church. The
the northern aisle appears a short Passion cycle first detailed exposition of this doctrine can be
composed of the Crucifixion, the Entomb- found in the Mä afä m s ir of Giyorgis of
ment and the Anastasis. The four Evangelists Gas a (YaqMist I, 204), while in the collec-
on the ceiling of the first bay of the northern tions of the miracles of Mary, e.g., ms. EMML
aisle and an elaborated, haräg-like interlacing 5492, fol. 24b (19th–20th cent.), a clearer version
ornament which covers other sections of the of it can be found: “Listen, O my brothers, to
ceilings and the arches belong to the same early this … mystery which our holy fathers have
period. told us, which they have found written in the
The second set of the murals is devoted exclu- Holy Scriptures. They said: When Our Lord
sively to monastic subjects. The central theme comes at his second coming … the dead will rise.
appears to be the life of Samuel of Wald bba Our Lord will sit on the throne of His glory at
depicted by four large paintings (one de- Mount Zion to judge the whole world. Heavenly
stroyed). In addition, pairs of famous monks Jerusalem will descend with all the saints and
placed in four registers covers all sides of the martyrs and be set on top of Mount Zion, (at)
pillars and pilasters. A couple of them are re- Jerusalem, facing the Mount of Olives. Between
w
painted in the style of G Y m ata murals. them, there is a very deep valley, called the Field
Narrative scenes and some of the monks’ figures of Josaphat. There is a church there, built on the
are accompanied by dedicatory notes, prayers tomb of Our Lady the Twofold Virgin Mary …
and invocations on behalf of D.S. community. at the last day, it will become like a ship and
th
A 14 -cent. Gospel Book, decorated with un- bring across (the sea of fire) Christians who had
finished Canon Tables and archaic portraits of observed the holy day(s) of Our Lady the Two-
standing evangelists and a very well-preserved fold Virgin Mary, and had been merciful to the
liturgical fan ( märäw h) are housed in the poor and the wretched in her name. She will
D. . treasury. make them merry with her in the Kingdom of
Lit.: EWA BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, “The Liturgical Fan Heaven and make them inherit eternal life”.
and Some Recently Discovered Ethiopian Examples”, A e Zär a Ya qob was an ardent proponent
Rocznik Orientalistyczny 57, 2, 2004, 19–46, here 27f.,
figs. 25A-C; DAVID BUXTON, “The Rock-Hewn and of the thousand-year reign of Christ with the
other Medieval Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia”, Righteous (c;6# , adqan). The Emperor and
Archaeologia 103, 1971, 1–99, here 59f., fig. 16, pl. 28b–d; the Church authorities maintained that this
ID. – RUTH PLANT, “Rock-hewn Churches of the Tigre thousand-year reign before the end of the world
Province”, EthObs 13, 3, 1971, 157–267, here 171, 176f.,
179, 194ff.; STANIS AW CHOJNACKI, “Note on the Early
would be a thousand-year repose and banquet
Iconography of St. George and Related Equestrian Saints on D.S. (zDBy (6-:y e_# ) for the Just (e.g.,
in Ethiopia”, JES 13, 2, 1975, 39–54, here 43, 49; Choj- Wendt 1963:37–44). This position may reflect
Paint 183f, 490, figs. 69, 234a–b; ROBERT COWLEY, “The the popularity the idea earned among the
Study of Geez Manuscripts in Tigré Province” JES 9, 1, Ethiopian clergy; hagiographic writings fre-
1971, 21–26, here 24; OTTO DALE, “The Rock-hewn
Churches of Tigre”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 121–51, here quently mention the immediate entrance to “the
122-25; GEORG GERSTER, Churches in Rock: Early banquet on D. .” as one of the rewards prom-
Christian Art in Ethiopia, London 1970, 81, 83f, pl. 44– ised by God to saints and their followers (s.,
53; KinBibl 60f.; IVY PEARCE, “Pearce’s Pilgrimage to e.g., Guidi 1895:28).
the Rock hewn Churches of Tigray”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968,
77–120, here 84–87; OTTO JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, Antiq-
The doctrine sparked a controversy (to which
uities of Northern Ethiopia, Stuttgart 21974, 114f., pl. 1–2; the diffusion of D. . as a proper name in the 15th
ROGER SAUTER, “Églises rupestres au Tigré”, AE 10, cent. is also related; Däbr). The
1976, 157–75, here 168. Zämika elites and the Stephanites openly
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska refused to accept such teaching (Getatchew
Haile 1991:32; cp. Taddesse Tamrat 1966:110,
Däbrä yon Tulluu Guddoo no. 6). Risking their lives, they maintained that
43
Däbrä yon
the reign of Christ had begun with his first When the whole region had become an impor-
coming. In the words of Zär a Ya qob, they tant platform for the vigorous and multiethnic
said: “There is no one thousand years for the patriotic movement, the Italians moved their
saints other than these times. And the banquet is administration centre from Wäyra Amba to the
the body and blood of Christ” (!s.y more strategic location of Fasil Amba. It was the
rZc(uMy r87D#y r&#(ny w#Iy !wx#| inhabitants of Wäyra Amba, Argaga En inne and
]zDW~y TNSy ]6vy nl?FNF ; Wendt Šola Meda, on the suburbs of D.S. town, who
1963:40). But the Emperor had calculated and seriously attacked the Italian force under Pietro
affirmed that the present Christian era would end Badoglio on 29 April 1936. After a few days,
in 1500 A.M. (ibid., 42, 100f.), for the new era, however, Badoglio and his force passed through
known as the eighth millennium, was to begin. the area on their march to capture Addis Abäba.
According to tradition, the world was created D.S. was founded as a village town under the
5500 years before the birth of Christ, making the mountain arma Bär (at the eastern edge of the
eighth millennium start in 1501 A.M. [1508/9 Šäwan plateau) which could be reached from the
A.D.]. Since nothing unusual happened at that south after passing through the three tunnels
time, the teaching was no longer related to a built by the Italians. Travellers from the north
fixed time, but still remained a component of could also reach there after their gradual ascent
the faith of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. through the ragged terrain and over ridges of
The liturgy has prayers to the Lord that he may Asfa äw, ira Meda, Armanya and Šola
make the faithful partakers of the banquet. Meda. Near the tunnels on the mountain arma
Zion Bär the Italians “set up a monument to com-
Src.: EMML 5492, fol. 24b; GETATCHEW HAILE, The memorate their conquest of the mountain”.
Epistle of Humanity of Emperor Zär a Ya qob ( omärä
täsbe’t), Louvain 1991 (CSCO 523, 522 [SAe 95, 96]), 32; In this newly founded strategic town of D.S.
KURT WENDT, Das Ma afa Mil d (Liber Navitatis), (on the site of the previous Fasil Amba), a few
und Ma afa Sell s (Liber Trinitas) des Kaisers Zar a Italians and one battalion of the askari were
Y qob, vol. 1, Louvain 1962 (CSCO 221, 222 [SAe 41, left, to turn the administrative activities and to
42]); vol. 2, Louvain 1963 (CSCO 235, 236 [SAe 43, 44,
100f.]); YaqMist I, 204; IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Il ‘Gadla crush the patriotic resistance movement which
’Aragâwî’”, MRALm ser. 5a, 2–1, 1894, 54–96, here 79. was getting stronger from the direction of
Lit.: ROBERT BEYLOT, “Le millénarisme, article de foi Y fat under dä azma Täsämma rgä e
dans l’Église Éthiopienne”, RSE 25, 1971–72 [1974], 31– (1895–1972), dä azma (then l ) Käffäläw
43; TADDESSE TAMRAT, “Some Notes on the Fifteenth
Century Stefanite ‘Heresy’ in the Ethiopian Church”,
Wäldä ad q (d. 1964) and wähni azza!
RSE 22, 1966, 103–15, here 110. Ayyälä "ayle.
Getatchew Haile After the liberation the area of Mänz and
G šše was lumped together with that of Y fat in
Däbrä Sina
Several places in north-east Šäwa are named
after Mount Sinai (G z, Amh. 6-:y C!, e.g.,
Ex 19:11). One of them is a small town, and
another D.S. is a site just about 20 km south-
east from the first one and about 196 km north-
east of Addis Abäba. Local Christian tradition
asserts that the site was named D.S. by Chris-
tian settlers in very early times.
Before the Italian Occupation of 1936 the area
of D.S. was known under three appellations,
namely id Amba, Wanzit and Fasil Amba. The
area between the rivers Robi and Awadi used
to be administered from a political centre
known as Wäyra Amba about 10 km to the left
of the main road, north of the present D.S.
As all available sources confirm, the current
D.S. town was founded by the Italians in 1936.
44
Däbrä Sina
1941, to form a larger awra a, its capital D.S.

having the first elementary school in 1942. D.S.
played a key administrative role in this region
until 1958, when the Mänz–Y fat awra a was
deemed too large and subsequently divided into
two independent administrative zones (Mänz–
G šše and Y fat– mmuga awra as). As a
result D.S. became part of Y fat and was
reduced to an administrative centre of the sub-
district (wäräda) known as Fasil Amba until
1968. Between the years 1968 and 1991 D.S.
revived as the administrative capital of Mafud
district, housing the first-rate comprehensive
Senior Secondary School of the Y fat– mmuga
awra a which was opened in 1972.
D.S. is still one of the least developed towns
in the country with most of its ancient historical
features still intact to a large extent.
Lit.: AHMED HASSEN OMER, A Historical Survey of the followers in the reign of Gäbrä Mäsqäl, the
Ethnic Relations in Yefat and Temmuga, Northeast
Shäwa (1889–1974), M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa Univer- successor of Kaleb Ella A b a, and most
sity 1994, 2ff., 85–98, 100, 139; ID., Aspects of the History likely his historical son W ZB, who reigned
of Efrata-Yille (Shoa Region) with Particular Reference from 534 to 548 approximately ( sra el).
to the Twentieth Century, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa Near D.S. a rock is venerated as the place
University 1987, 1, 4; ID., “Italian Local Politics in
Northern Shäwa and its Consequences, 1936–1941”, JES
where the Holy Family escaped from the hands
27, 2, 1995, 1–7; CrawItin 64f., 132f.; MULUGETA ZER’A, of Herod’s soldiers during their flight to Egypt,
The Foundation, Growth and Development of Dabra a tradition also transmitted in the 20th cent.
Sina Town until 1974, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa Univer- D rsanä Ura el.
sity 1985, 3; PAUL BERNARD HENZE, Ethiopian Jour-
The traditional school of D.S. played a role in
neys: Travels in Ethiopia, 1969–1972, London 1977, 42;
PIETRO BADOGLIO, The War in Abyssinia, London Ethiopian intellectual history. In the 15th cent. a
1937, 161f.; TadTChurch 120, 161f.; TADDÄSSÄ monk from this monastery, Nabyud, composed
ZAWÄLDE, Y!+q%3y ru# (Yä abballaš ñ zämän, ‘A an apocalyptic and exhortatory book (Beylot
Period of Devouring One Another’), Addis Abäba 1955 1976). Towards the end of the 19th cent. various
A.M. [1962/63 A.D.], 49ff., 70, 90–101.
Ahmed Hassen Omer men of letters acquired their traditional educa-
tion at D.S., e.g., Täklä Maryam Wäldä
Sämharay, the author of many grammatical
Däbrä Sina works, and A rätä Maryam, the author of a
The monastery of D.S. (6-:y C!, lit. ‘Mount hagiographic history of the monastery (Zena
Sinai’) lies in Eritrea’s Sän it region, north of Däbrä Sina, s. A rata M ry m 1910).
the main route connecting Asmära to Kärän, Src.: A RATA M#RY#M, Storia del convento di Debra
between the villages of Ad Täkälezan and Sina, ed. by IGNAZIO GUIDI, Roma 1910; ANDRÉ
CAQUOT, “L’homélie en l’honneur de l’archange Ouriel
Addi Bär d, on the mountain massif of Säläba, (Ders na Ur ’ l)”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88, here 69ff., 81ff.;
overlooking the Ansäba valley. Not far from ROBERT BEYLOT, Abb Nabyud de Dabra Sihat. Visions
the convent, in the Aratu region, Aksumite et conseils ascetiques, Louvain 1976 (CSCO 377, 378
ruins have been detected. The local people also [SAe 70, 71]); FESSE A GIYORGIS, Storia d’Etiopia, ed.
by YAQOB BEYENE, Napoli 1987, 30f., 185f.
call these ruins Däbrä Sihat, a name which
Lit.: CRStor 158 226; MARCEL COHEN – ROGER
probably reflects an Ethiopic adaptation of the SCHNEIDER, “Le troisième chapitre de la grammaire par
Arabic name Šihat (or Šayhat, from Coptic Abb Takla M ry m W. S. (en traduction)”, RSE 13,
Ših t), indicating the Egyptian desert of Scetis 1954 [1955], 31–55; TadTChurch 33; GIANFRANCO
(in Ethiopic also called Asqe s). FIACCADORI, “Aethiopica minima”, Quaderni Utinensi
7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 145-64, here 146 and n. 2 (Lit.);
According to local traditions, D.S. was estab- GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “L’Église axoumite et ses
lished by a monk Yo anni (possibly a name of traditions historiographiques”, in: BERNARD POUDERON
Coptic origin), who came from Egypt with his – YVES-MARIE DUVAL (eds.), L’historio-graphie de l’église
45
Däbrä Sina
des premiers siècles, Paris 2001 (Théologie historique
114), 541–57.
Däbrä Sina
D.S. (6-:y C! , lit. ‘Mount Sinai’), located on
the shore of Lake ana near Gorgora, is said
to have been founded by abunä omas during
the reign of a e Amdä yon I (1314–44). The
present church, circular in plan, is dated to the
17th cent.
It preserves an almost complete scheme of
wall paintings. An inscription added to the
picture of the Virgin Mary (western wall) men-
tions a certain Mäläkotawit as a donor of the
paintings. Her true identity and the date of the
painting have yet to be established. Cheesman,
for example, identifies Mäläkotawit as the eldest
daughter of a e Sus nyos (ChTana 196f.); The paintings cover all the walls and the tam-
however, Staude and also Chojnacki believe she bour of the mäqdäs. They are partially dam-
was the third wife of a e Iyasu I. Additionally, aged, but most of them are still recognizable.
two other princesses with the same name who The paintings on the plinths suffered most
were alive during the reign of Iyasu were iden- through time and only two of the original
tified by Bosc-Tiessé and Wion (1998). It must paintings there are preserved (the group on the
be noted, however, that the Mäläkotawit in- western plinth: the Virgin Mary as the Queen of
scription was written by a later hand, while the Heaven, the mounted St. George and St. Mi-
original hand accompanies the portrait of a
chael; two episodes from the legend of the
royal couple depicted on the southern plinth.
Archangel, were added in the 19th cent.). Almost
Unfortunately, the names of the figures are
all the scenes and figures were labelled with
difficult to decipher. Although the exact dating
texts which have faded a great deal throughout
of the paintings is thus not possible, their style
the course of time.
allows us to identify them as belonging to the
Four thematic groups may be distinguished: 1)
early period of the first Gondärine school. This
O.T.: the Sacrifice of Abraham, the Three
style is characterized by carefully modelled
Youths in the furnace, Jonah, Daniel, Manasseh,
faces with cheeks and chins shadowed with a
the king of Judah, and four kings of Israel:
red wash, minutely rendered details drawn with
David, Solomon, Hezekiah and Josiah accom-
black lines and a soft play of colours dominated
panied by prophets and court attendants; 2)
by white, red, beige and yellow.
N.T.: the Annunciation, the Nativity, the Ado-
ration of the Magi, the Flight into Egypt, the
Massacre of the Innocents, Christ’s baptism, the
Entry into Jerusalem, the Sermon on the
Mount, Christ’s temptation, the Transfigura-
tion, the Crucifixion, the Descent into Hell, the
Ascension, the Last Judgement and the Maiestas
Domini with 24 Heavenly Priests; 3) saints and
martyrs: the Decollation of John the Baptist and
the martyrdoms of Paul, Peter, Stephen, Cyriacus
and Julitta; Egyptian desert fathers and monks:
Anthony the Great, Shenute, Bishoi, Pachomius,
Poemen, Abib, Afer, Palamon, Onophrius,
Däbrä Sina, Church of St. Mary; early 17th cent.; view Latson and Serapion; equestrian saints: George,
towards south; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers Basil, Mercurius, Claudius, Justus, Theodore and
46
Däbrä Sina
th th
two others difficult to identify; Ethiopian saints: from the 17 and 18 cent., among them an illu-
Täklä Haymanot, Gäbrä Mänfäs Q ddus, minated Tä amm rä Maryam and D rsanä
Samu el of Wäld bba, wos atewos, the Nine Mika el, two triptychs and a silver processional
[Syrian] saints and two ecclesiastics connected to cross of the 19th cent.
the church by names omas and Efrom; 4) Painting
Mariological scenes: the Virgin Mary with the Lit.: ChTana 196f.; WILHELM STAUDE, “Une peinture
Child (twice: western wall and eastern plinth), éthiopienne datée dans l’église de Betä-Lehem (région de
Gaynt), province Begemder”, Revue de l’histoire des
the Covenant of Mercy ( Kidanä m rät), the religions 156, 1959, 72–74; ID., “Étude sur la décoration
Apparition of the Virgin Mary at M mäq and picturale des églises Abb Antonios de Gondar et Dabra
the Virgin Mary among the angels. Sin de Gorgora”, AE 3, 1959, 185–235; OTTO ARNOLD
Some scenes display unusual iconography, JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, Antiquities of North Ethiopia: a
Guide, Stuttgart – London ²1974, 62–65; GUY AN-
e.g. the Sacrifice of Abraham with Sarah, the NEQUIN, “Le lac Tana et ses îles. Trésors méconnus
Nativity with the Priest Simeon, the Annuncia- d’une thébaide à l’abandon”, Les dossiers d’archéologie 8,
tion with Gabriel represented as an old man. On 1975, 92–93; ChojPaint 135ff., 345ff.; STANIS AW
the western tambour are depicted 18 (22?) na- CHOJNACKI – PAUL HENZE, “A Rich Heritage – Still
ked and haloed young men in half figure. Only Inadequately Explored”, in: PAUL HENZE (ed.), Aspects
of Ethiopian Art from Ancient Axum to the 20th Century,
a few of their names can be read. The same London 1993, 9–16; CLAIRE BOSC-TIESSÉ – ANAÏS
scene (also painted on the tambour) appears in WION, “Inventaire des peintures datées du XVIIe au
the s ifanos church on K bran and also in début du XIXe siècles: questions sur l’art gondarien
Qoma Fasilädäs (36 figures, s. Wion 2001). (Éthiopie)”, in: CLAUDE HÉLÈNE PERROT – FRANÇOIS-
XAVIER FAUVELLE (eds.), Autres sources, nouveaux
The wooden frames of the doors and windows regards sur l’histoire africaine, Paris 1998 (Cahiers du
of the mäqdäs and the beams holding up the Centre de Recherches Africaines 9), 233f.; ANAÏS WION,
roof are carved in various scroll patterns. In the “Un nouvel ensemble de peintures murales du premier
church, a group of manuscripts is preserved style gondarien: le monastère de Qoma Fasilädäs”, AE
17, 2001, 277–306.
Ill.: GIOTTO DAINELLI, La regione del lago Tana, Mi-
lano 1939, figs. 111, 112; EWALD HEIN – BRIGITTE
KLEIDT, Ethiopia – Christian Africa: Art, Churches and
Culture, Ratingen 1999, figs. 203–12; MARIO DI SALVO,
Churches of Ethiopia. The Monastery of N rg ell s ,
Milano 1999, figs. 87f., 127, 149, 151.
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
Däbrä Sina
D.S. (6-:y C!, lit. ‘Mount Sinai’) the south-
ernmost of the five inhabited islands of Lake
Zway, is a round volcanic upthrust, rising
some 30 m and located approximately 1,500 m
A.S.L. from the south-western shore of the lake.
Like the other Zway isles, D.S. was one of the
southernmost outposts of Ethiopian Orthodox
Täwa do Christianity, which gradually lost
connection with the highlands in the course of
the 16th–17th cent. However, when n gu
M nil k came to conquer the Zway area in
1880s, he was surprised to find the inhabitants,
including those of D.S., still calling themselves
Christians, even though they were in desperate
need of priests and had ceased to perform al-
most all the religious services.
Later, the residents of D.S. gradually left the
Däbrä Sina Gorgora; abba wos atewos; cloth mural, western island for the nearby lands granted to them by
wall; first half of the 17th cent.; photo courtesy of the author M nil k. Now thickly forested, D.S. has traces
47
Däbrä Sina
mf. 118; some information in the manuscript of

Gädlä äge Yo ann s, IES, ms. 38, fol. 210 (cf.
KinBibl 84), nothing being found, however, in
the translation of the published recension of the
same text (cf. Ricci 1971). Neither D.T. nor the
two saints seem to be mentioned in the pub-
lished recensions of the S nk ssar.
D.T’s rock-cut church (ca. 16 m x 10 m x 5 m)
is dedicated to St. Mary. The sanctuary, delim-
ited by four L-formed pillars, is encircled by an
elongated ambulatory passing on the west side
the constructed pronaos with three doors. The
ceiling in the southern and eastern part of the
ambulatory is in the form of shallow domes.
The external walls of the sanctuary are covered
th
by wall-paintings from the beginning of the 20
cent. On the northern wall the founders of the
monastery protecting two supplicants are de-
picted. The church owns an interesting collec-
of former cultivation and pasturage, but has
tion of manuscripts, crosses and church para-
been uninhabited since 1960, except for a few
phernalia. One of the staff crosses made of
nuns, who have houses around a small church
bronze and decorated with engravings repre-
dedicated to the Virgin. This church, originally
senting St. Mary with the Child can be dated to
a small thatched round-shape house, was re-
the time of a e$ Zär a Ya qob (1434–68). From
placed in the late 1990s by a solid round ma-
the same period an iron hand cross decorated
sonry structure, financed by descendants of
former inhabitants of the island who moved to
the nearby town of Zway. Services are held occa-
sionally by clergy from the mainland.
Src.: GueCopMen 336f.
Lit.: VSAe II, 647–77; PAUL BERNARD HENZE, “Lake
Zway and its Islands”, EthObs 16, 2, 1973, 76–88; ID.,
Ethiopian Journeys: Travels in Ethiopia, 1969–1972, London
1977, 109–12; ID., “Lake Zway – Southern Christian Out-
post and Repository of Medieval Christian Art”, in: Pro-
ceedings of the First International Conference on the History
of Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 30–40 (Lit.).
Paul B. Henze
Däbrä Tä amina
D.T. (6-:y H!w!, or 6-:y MLU#, Däbrä
T guhan, lit. ‘Mount of the Vigilants’) is a little-
known monastery in T gray, in the district of
Qwälla Tämben (s. map for Däbrä Sälam
Mika el). According to Kinefe-Rigb Zelleke
(KinBibl nos. 110, 147; repeated by Raineri), it
was founded – at an unknown date – either by
Mäsqäl Bezanä (also Kr stos Bezanä), or by
Tadewos of D.T., one of his spiritual sons. The
only sources on D.T. are: two manuscripts from
the monastery, Gädlä Mäsqäl Bezanä (unpub-
lished) and Gädlä Tadewos (cf. de Santis 1942); Däbrä Tä amina, G bra mamat, fol. 137r; 14th cent.;
another copy of the Gädlä Tadewos at the IES, photo 2002, courtesy of Michael Gervers
48
Däbrä Tabor
with brass inlay seems to originate. Among the The French Saint Simonian missionaries
th
manuscripts, the 14 -cent. G brä mamat Edmond Combes and Maurice Tamisier (1838,
th
deserves special attention. So does the 15 -cent. vol. 2, 54ff.), the first travellers to visit the town,
Gospel Book which preserves only two por- describe it, in 1835, as essentially a military
traits of writing Evangelists and two pages of camp, “inhabited by soldiers”, whose “life of
illuminated Canons tables. carelessness”, they claim, attracted “a large
Lit.: DAVID BUXTON – RUTH PLANT, “Rock-hewn concourse of dancers and courtesans”. The
Churches of the Tigre Province”, EthObs 13, 3, 1970, settlement was then dominated, they say, by Ali
157–267, here 238, no. 45; DAVID BUXTON, “The Alula’s palace ( G bbi). Surrounded by a
Rock-Hewn and Other Medieval Churches of Tigré
“vast” courtyard, it contained a large audience
Province, Ethiopia”, Archaeologia 103, 1971, 33–100,
here 67; KinBibl 84, 91, nos. 110, 147; OSVALDO chamber with two divans, many “fine weapons”
RAINERI, “Masqal B z na”, “Taddeo di Ta amin ”, in: on the walls, and three recesses for Ali Alula’s
EncSan vol. 2, 448, 1127; RUTH PLANT, Architecture of favourite horses (ibid. 61, 83). The town, ac-
the Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester 1985, 151; LANFRANCO cording to a somewhat later French traveller,
RICCI, “Le Vite di Enb qom e di Yo ann%s abbati di
Arnauld d’ Abbadie, comprised 1,600 to 1,700
Dabra Lib nos di Scioa. Parte II: La Vita di Yo ann%s”,
RSE 24, 1969–70 [1971], 134–232; AmhChurchD vol. 4, houses, which, on the assumption of six in-
178; RICCARDO DE SANTIS, “Il Gadla T d wos di habitants per house, would suggest a population
Dabra B rt rw . Un contributo allo studio della of well over 10,000 inhabitants, much more than
letteratura agiografica etiopica”, Annali Lateranensi 6, that of most settlements of the time (AbbSéjour
1942, 9–116 [reviewed by CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, RSE
vol. 2, 190).
3, 1943, 335–40, here 340].
Alessandro Bausi – Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
D.T. was captured and partly burnt down, in
June 1853, by dä azma Ka a, the future a e
Tewodros II, who, having defeated his father-
in-law Ali Alula, made it his capital, as well as
Däbrä Tabor by extension the abode of the abun. There the
D.T. (6-:y K.? ) is a town in Bägemd r Emperor built a new church, dedicated to
(11°51'N, 39°46'E, 2,945 m A.S.L.) named after Mäd ane Aläm (‘Saviour of the World’); and it
the biblical Mount Tabor. It was founded was at D.T. that his son Alämayyähu was
sometime in the first decade of the 19th cent., born. Tewodros allocated Gafat, a settlement
and was the headquarters, or capital, for most of an hour’s walk from D.T., to his missionary and
the rulers of the Oromo Yä u dynasty, and other foreign artisans; and it became the site of
later of Tewodros II and Yo ann s IV. The the first casting of cannon in Ethiopia, as well as
settlement was founded by the Yä u chief ras that of Tewodros’s earliest road-building ac-
Gugsa Märsa, who is said to have chosen it at tivities. However, as a result of the arrival of the
the behest of a monk. The latter reputedly told British expeditionary force led by Robert
him that he should abandon his earlier capital, at Napier, the Emperor felt obliged to abandon
nearby L bo, and seek out a place where a fe- D.T. in favour of the mountain fortress of
male leopard had just lain down. There, after Mäqdäla, in October 1867.
killing the feline beast, Gugsa Märsa is said to D.T. was later chosen as one of his centres by
have cleared the forest and established the town a e Yo ann s IV, who built his palace on a new
(GueCopMen 201f.). Be that as it may, the site neighbouring site, on the mountains of Sämära:
he chose was convenient. Well watered, with
several dozen natural springs, it had a healthy
highland climate, and enjoyed good communi-
cations with many parts of the empire. The
town served ras Gugsa thereafter as his capital
for the rest of his life – and it was at D.T. that he
was buried in the church of Iyäsus ( Däbrä
Tabor Iyäsus) which he had built on a mountain
overlooking Lake ana in the distance.
The settlement was subsequently inherited as
their capital by Gugsa Märsa’s successors ras Sämära, the residence of a e Yo ann s IV in Däbrä Tabor;
Y mam, ras Dori Gugsa and ras Ali Alula. from Rohlfs 1883:194
49
Däbrä Tabor
Däbrä Tabor Iyäsus
D.T.I. (6-:y K.?y #YBF) is one of the princi-
pal churches of Däbrä Tabor. Situated on a
hilltop above the town, D.T.I. was reportedly
th
founded as a sanctuary by the 14 -cent. a e
Säyfä Ar ad (Heyer 1981:23) when the fist
monastic communities were established on the
Lake ana islands. In fact, D.T.I. was founded
w
much later, by ras Ali G angul or, more proba-
th
bly, in the 19 cent. by ras Gugsa Märsa, the
Yä u dynasty greatest ruler, as his burial place
( Graves). His tomb, a square tower with an
egg-shaped dome ( nqulal g mb; s. CrumLand
158f.), still exists in the compound.
Gugsa Märsa richly endowed D.T.I. His dis-
tant descendant, ras Gugsa Wäle, was active in
its further development by reconstructing the
church (PankHist II, 349) and sponsoring aläqa
it was there for example that he crowned ras B rhanu to paint its inner walls.
Adal of Go am as n gu Täklä Haymanot. D.T.I. is a circular stone church with the cen-
Yo ann s was responsible for the erection of a trally placed squared mäqdäs and with a spa-
new palace, with three adjacent large thatched cious compound encircled by a stone wall. The
round buildings, as well as the rectangular paintings are arranged according to the scheme
th
church of " ruy Giyorgis, which was built established in the 17 cent.: the Trinity, St. Mary
with the help of the Italian craftsman Giacomo and St. George killing the dragon are depicted on
Naretti. Yo ann s, in the early 1880s, how- the west wall; Mariological scenes, including the
ever, moved, with the abun, to T gray, and D.T. miracles of Child Jesus and of St. Mary (mostly
lost much of its earlier importance. illustrating Tä amm rä Maryam) e.g., “the one
The death of Yo ann s, in 1889, and the rise who eats people” ( (q)y A-& , Bäla e säb ) and
of M nil k, king of Šäwa, spelt the continued the metamorphosis of the five camels into five
decline of D.T. The town nonetheless remained stones decorate the south wall; Christological
the local capital of Bägemd r. It was the head- scenes, with the Passions in the centre, cover the
quarters, in the early 20th cent., of ras Gugsa eastern, the equestrian saints the northern wall.
Wäle, the sometime husband of M nil k’s The murals, partly destroyed by birds who had
daughter Zäwditu, later Empress. Sometimes pecked at the colours, were repainted in 1979 by
referred to as the “second Gugsa” – an allusion a certain Muse and the painting class of the
to the earlier Gugsa Märsa – he moved his Däbrä Tabor Church School.
palace to yet another D.T. site, and repaired the In the qa bet of D.T.I., illuminated manu-
earlier church buildings. scripts of aläqa ng da have been preserved,
The town today has an airport, and is con- among them an illuminated Tä amm rä Maryam.
veniently linked by road (built by Italians and Lit.: CrumMis 95; CrumLand 158f. (ill.); FRIEDRICH
later rebuilt with the help of China) with HEYER, Die Kirche in Däbrä Tabor, Erlangen 1981
(Oikonomia 13); RICHARD PANKHURST, “The History
Gondär, Ba r Dar, Däse and the Addis Abäba– of Däbrä Tabor (Ethiopia)”, BSOAS 70, 1977, 235–66;
Asmära highway. PankHist I, 266; II, 349; SYLVIA PANKHURST, Ethiopia:
Src.: EDMOND COMBES – MAURICE TAMISIER, Voyage en a Cultural History, Essex 1955, pl. CCV (ill.).
Abyssinie, Paris 1838, vol. 2, 54–90; AbbSéjour vol. 2, 189f.; Friedrich Heyer
ChTana 390, s. index; GueCopMen 201f., s. index;
GERHARD ROHLFS, Meine Mission nach Abessinien, auf
Befehl Sr. Maj. des deutschen Kaisers im Winter 1880/1881
unternommen, Leipzig 1883, 194f. (ill.). Däbrä llul
Lit.: RICHARD PANKHURST, “The History of Däbrä
Tabor (Ethiopia)”, BSOAS 70, 1977, 235–66 (Lit.); Pank- The monastery of D. . (6-:y 4os, possibly
Hist I, 265–73, II, s. index; Guida 391. from 6-:y eos, lit. ‘Mount of the Possessed’)
Richard Pankhurst lies in the Gwala district of Säraye province
50
Däbrä Wärq
(zoba Däbub in present Eritrea), south-east of

D barwa, in the locality called Däqqi Bä w ri (s.
maps for Däbrä Bizän and Däbrä Sina in Eri-
trea). It is also known as nda Abbona ( ndab-
bona) or Däbrä Abunä Abranyos, since it was
founded in the second half of 17th cent. by the
monk Abranyos.
Until 1974, the gädäm had considerable land
property (r sti and gulti) out of its own borders,
but after the Revolution most of it was expro-
priated. Among the remaining gulti is Addi
w
A l (close to May ä ada in Addi ala area).
Today D. . is the most influential monastery in
the Mändäfära area. It has dozens of nuns (at
the foot of the mountain), monks and students (in
the main monastery), and a number of economic
activities inside it. The library has a few valuable
illuminated manuscripts (Guida 234f.). The
church on the very top of the mountain was built mane Maryam would also have been founded.
th
in the early 20 cent. by the Italians. The alleged More intriguing, a lost inscription of Dayr
tomb of the founder, Abranyos, is still venerated al-Abya& (S h , Egypt) recorded Ethiopian
in a separate building next to the church, along pilgrims from Go am, in particular a “ är ä
with a rudimentary pulpit (made up of two stone Yo ann s from Däbrä Wärq”, passing by on
slabs between the church and the tomb) from their way to the Holy Land on 8 Säne 222 A.M.
which the Saint is said to have preached. (de Bock 1901:54, fig. 65, cp. Conti Rossini
Src.: OSVALDO RAINERI, Atti di abuna Abr nyos, santo 1923:461f.), possibly equal to 2 June 1038 or 1114
eritreo (1633–1718), Roma 1983 (= MRALm ser. 8a, 26,
(Chaîne 1925:191f., discarding Conti Rossini’s
1983, fasc. 4), 435–530 (text) = 562–622 (tr.); Guida 234f.
Lit.: ALESSANDRO BAUSI — GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, 1563). This could suggest a much earlier chro-
“Appunti in margine a una nuova ricerca sui conventi nology for the monastic settlement, which also
eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 [1994], 5–36, here 9ff. boasts connection with the legendary Abr a
Gianfrancesco Lusini and A b a (Fiaccadori 1985:77; 1984–85:234f.).
D.W. was later an important centre for the
Ewos ateans: although the sources are not
Däbrä Wärq perfectly eloquent (s. Cohen 1923:160f.), a local
The monastery of D.W. (6-:y ]?8, lit. ‘Mount S nk ssar with a special entry on abba
of Gold’, ‘Golden Mountain’) is located in east- Fil os, founder of the Ewos atean monastery
ern Go am, on top of a hill in the town by the of Däbrä Bizän (Schneider 1978:135), may shed
same name. According to different sources, its light on that. In fact, from both the writings of
church is devoted to either the Archangel Mi- the Jesuits and the participation of monks from
chael (s. BecRASO XI, 128: early 17th cent.) or D.W. in the Gondär synod of 1688 (GuiIohan
the Virgin Mary (d’Abbadie 1873:574). Today it 123; Paez in BecRASO II, 579) the place appears
is often referred to as Däbrä Wärq Maryam. to be a 17th-cent. Q bat stronghold.
D.W. is said to have been founded by the holy According to James Bruce (BruNile vol. 4,
monk är ä e ros, whose Acts, preserved in 308), or rather his undisclosed sources, a e
the monastery, are still unpublished (KinBibl no. Gälawdewos had the church rebuilt after it
139); it seems, however, that he was a disciple of was destroyed by the Muslim, i.e. when N r
mämh r Täklä Maryam of Mär ulä Maryam b. Mu hid fought against him. In the 17th cent.,
and a contemporary of a e Bä dä Maryam. D.W. was frequently camped at by emperors
Equally unpublished local documents give con- Sus nyos and Iyasu I (PerChron 53, 108, 123,
tradictory indications as to the chronology of his 172; GuiIohan 68, 70, 106, 163). Next to the
th
life, though within the 15 cent. (TadTChurch church, a square tower still shows Gondärine
202f.) – when the satellite monastery of Getese- masonry (Anfray 1988:22).
51
Däbrä Wärq
Before being translated to Atronsä Maryam, Hautes Études Marocaines 10), vol. 1, 143–62; CARLO
ae sk nd r was buried first at D.W. (PerrEsk CONTI ROSSINI, “Aethiopica”, RSO 9, 1923, 365–81,
449–68, here 461f. [20. “Iscrizione etiopica a Deyr el-
341, 343; BassÉt 13). An illuminated Gospel Abya&”]; JULES LEROY, Ethiopian Painting in the Late
book from his time is still kept there, with images Middle Ages and under the Gondar Dynasty, London
of the Evangelists attributed to the Venetian 1967, 52, pl. XVI; GUY ANNEQUIN, Aux sources du Nil
painter Niccolò Brancaleone – like the side bleu, enluminures et peintures chrétiennes du XIe au
XVIIe siècle, Genève 1990, vol. 2, 102–05, 116–19, 124f.
panels added to the famous 18th-cent. “Greek” Lit.: AfrZion 97f., no. 12; FRANCIS ANFRAY, “Les
icon (possibly of Syrian origin) called T*ny monuments gondariens des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Une
]^}M ( lä wäynut, ‘Image of Wäynut [= vue d’ensemble”, PICES 8, vol. 1, 9–45, here 22; EWA
Purple?]’), also part of the treasury of the BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, “Un psautier éthiopien illustré
church (Kriss – Kriss-Heinrich 1975:66; Choj- inconnu”, Orientalia Suecana 33–35, 1984–86, 17–48,
here 21f., 29ff., figs. 33–38; STEPHEN BELL, “A Military
Paint 385–89, 439, figs. 179f.). This icon was Helmet and Mail Shirt at Däbrä Wärq, Go am: Two
reportedly brought from Egypt by a e Dawit II Historic Objects of Probable Earlier Portuguese Prove-
and presented to the monastery by a e Zär a nance”, in: MANUEL JOÃO RAMOS – ISABEL BOAVIDA
Ya qob (Spencer 1972:83ff., ill.). (eds.), The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian
Ethiopian Art. On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the
The church of D.W. – seen by the Jesuits as
16th-17th Centuries, Aldershot 2004, 152–60 (Lit.);
one of the most important in early 17th-cent. MARIUS CHAÎNE, La chronologie des temps chrétiens de
Ethiopia (BecRASO XI, 128) – still keeps a few l’Égypte et de l’Éthiopie, Paris 1925, 191f.; TadChurch
other richly ornamented books, among them a 202f.; ChojPaint 186, 270, 387f., 439, figs. 71, 111, 179f.;
15th-cent. Psalter with 26 full-page miniatures CrumLand 87, 157, 329f.; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI,
“Etiopia, Cipro e Armenia: la «Vita» di Êwost âtêwos,
(ChojPaint 186, fig. 71; Leroy 1967:52, pl. XVI; santo abissino del secolo XIV” (I), Corsi di cultura
Balicka-Witakowska 1984-86, figs. 33-38) and a sull’arte ravennate e bizantina 32, 1985, 73–78, here 77;
copy of the Tä amm rä Maryam in the first (II), Felix Ravenna 127–28, 1984–85, 217–39 here 234f.
Gondärine style (ChojPaint 270, fig. 111; Afr- (Lit.); RUDOLF KRISS – HUBERT KRISS-HEINRICH,
Volkskundliche Anteile in Kult und Legende Äthiopischer
Zion 97f., no. 12). A few manuscripts from
Heiliger, Wiesbaden 1975, 66f.; DIANA SPENCER, “In
D.W.’s library have been microfilmed by the Search of St. Luke Ikons in Ethiopia”, JES 10, 2, 1972,
UNESCO and University of Illinois at Urbana– 67–95, here 83ff. (ill.); ROGER SCHNEIDER, “Notes sur
Champaign teams and deposited into the IES Filpos de Dabra Bizan et ses successeurs”, AE 11, 1978,
library (s. CrumLand 329f.) 135–39, here 135.
Decorated with a series of 18th- to 20th-cent. Claire Bosc-Tiessé – Gianfranco Fiaccadori
murals unfolding a version of the history of the
monastery (Annequin 1990, vol. 2, 102–05, 116–
19, 124f.; Bell 2004, pl. 14[b1]), the church also Däbrä Zäyt
preserves a 16th-cent. helmet and a contemporary D.Z. (6-:y r^M, lit. ‘Mount of Olives’; also
mail shirt. Both associated with abba är ä Bišoftuu, Oromo sp. Bishoftuu) is a town lo-
e ros and a e Zär a Ya qob in local tradition, cated at 1,900 m A.S.L. about 48 km south-west
these items are reproduced in the Gondärine of Addis Abäba on the main road to
wall-paintings: the Emperor, who had captured Adaamaa/Nazret, in the Oromiyaa k ll l of the
them in battle against the Muslims, is shown Eastern Šäwa zone. There are five crater lakes in
presenting them to the Saint. Actually, they are the area of D.Z., four of them constitute a major
likely to have belonged to a Portuguese soldier part of the topography of the town: Bišoftuu,
of Cristovão da Gama’s military expedition of Hooraa Arsid, Hooraa Guuda and Kuriflu.
1541–43 (Bell 2004:152f., 156). Generally, it is believed that the town was
Src.: WLADIMIR DE BOCK, Matériaux pour servir à established in 1888, when it assumed its original
l’archéologie de l’Egypte chrétienne, St. Pétersbourg
name of Bišoftuu. The most important factor
1901, 54, fig. 65; BruNile vol. 4, 308; BassÉt 13 (text) =
103 (tr.); KinBibl 90, no. 139; PerChron 53, 108, 123, 172 behind the development of D.Z. was the con-
(tr.), cp. 341, 355, 359 [notes]; PerrEsk 341, 343 (text) = struction of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti
355, 359 (tr.); GuiIohan 68, 70, 106, 123, 163 (tr.); Be- Railway in 1917. As the railway passed
cRASO II, 579; XI, 128; ANTOINE D’ABBADIE, Géodésie through the town, it created easy access to
d’Éthiopie, ou triangulation d’une partie de la Haute-
Éthiopie, Paris 1873, 573f.; MARCEL COHEN, “Dabra
commercial activities and facilitated domestic
Warq”, in: Mélanges René Basset. Études nord-africaines and foreign trade. It also improved the commu-
et orientales, Paris 1923 (Publication de l’Institut des nications and transportation systems, such as
52
Däbtära
w
top of Mount Z q ala, where on the 25
Mäggabit pilgrims take part in the pilgrimage of
Saint Abbo ( Gäbrä Mänfäs Q ddus).
Src.: CENTRAL STATISTICAL OFFICE, Report on a Survey
of Shoa Province, Addis Ababa 1966; ID., Survey of Major
Towns in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1968; CSA 1984; CSA
1971; CSA 1998; CSA 2004; EMAtlas; MesfAtlas²; Guida
427; F. MAZZARINI et al., “Geology of the Debre Zeyt
Area (Ethiopia)”, Acta Vulcanologica 11, 1999, 131–41
(with map).
Lit.: ALAIN GASCON, “Les ‘bastides’ d’Éthiopie. Les villes
fortes de Menilek dans le sud de l’Éthiopie et
l’urbanisation contemporaine”, in: BENOÎT ANTHEAUME
– FLORENCE PINTON (eds.), Tropiques. Lieux et liens,
Paris 1989, 435–44; GasEth; MesfGeogr.
Mekete Belachew – Alain Gascon
Dabrim la S ho
Däbsan Däbrä San

motor-cars, traction-engines, bicycles, tele-
phones and telegraphy, which resulted in the Däbtära
further growth of commercial activities, as well The term D. (6-H= ; from the Greek
as in the gradual attraction of governmental and ‘skin or leather [used as a tent]’; LesCDic 122)
non-governmental institutions. means ‘tabernacle [Heb 9:11], sanctuary, [royal]
During the Italian invasion, services such as tent, camp’ and by extension and commonly
hotels, bars, restaurants etc. developed. The refers to a group of unordained clergy. The D.
expansion of the town started at the end of the are the most educated clerics and may be de-
1950s when the Swedes established an airbase scribed as “lay ecclesiastics”. They occupy an
and when veterinary laboratories were opened, intermediate position between the clergy and
which remained under French management the laymen. They are not ordained, but no
until the Revolution. As a result, new facilities service can be held without them.
such as apartments and recreation centres, They are choristers (sometimes called !]9% ,
which catered largely for the military personnel awäddaš, ‘who glorifies, performs canonical
posted in the town, were introduced. After the hours’, from !]6A , awäddäsä, s. KaneDic
Italian war "aylä llase I and Crown Prince 1565), poets, dancers, scribes, painters, herbal-
Asfa Wäsän used their farm in D.Z., which had ists, wizards. Special knowledge is required for
been turned by the Italians into the Azienda the role, but not special holiness. Recruitment is
Agraria di Biscioftù, as a weekend residence. informal. There are no rites of ordination, nor is
Many wealthy residents of Addis Abäba have there any point at which a person becomes or
second residences in D.Z. However, the town has ceases to be a D.
never been an important administrative centre. They are not set off from the populace by
D.Z. has grown dramatically throughout the special insignia. Some wear turbans like the
final decades of the 20th cent. In 1970 it had a priests, but others dress like laymen (those D.
population of 27,627. By 1984 this had grown to who held more prestigious posts may be seen
55,655. The 1994 Census indicated the total with fly-whisks or wearing a bärnos cloak).
population of D.Z. to be 73,372. Out of this Becoming a D. entails a course of study beyond
population, over 70 % spoke Amharic as their that minimally required for priests. They receive
mother-tongue, while a further 20 % spoke some instruction in the Bible, especially the Psal-
Oromiffa. In 2004 the population was estimated ter. They are trained in the study of Amharic and
to have grown to 119,393. G z, but their attainments in the latter are apt to
In spite of urban growth, traditional Oromo vary widely. They undergo instruction in q ne,
cults continue to thrive and attract pilgrims. zema and aqwaqwam and at least in theory in
D.Z. is the starting-point for the climb to the the F t a nägä t and canon law ( Ethiopian
53
Däbtära
médecine”, Abbay 7, 1976, 113–34; MAXIME RODINSON,
Magie, médecine et possession en Éthiopie (à Gondar), Paris
– La Haye 1967, 26f.; KAY KAUFMAN SHELEMAY, “The
Musician and Transmission of Religious Tradition: the
Multiple Roles of the Ethiopian Däbtära”, Journal of
Religion in Africa 22, 3, 1992, 242–60; BERNARD VÉLAT,
“Chantres, poètes, professeurs: Les Dabtara éthiopiens”,
Les cahiers coptes 5, 1954, 21–29; UllBibl, s. index.
Steven Kaplan
Musical performance of däbtära

Foremost among the esoteric knowledge ac-
quired and transmitted by the D. is that related
to musical performance. Following his mastery
of reading and writing in G z, and memoriza-
tion of the Psalter, the student D. begins to
study sections of the liturgy as an oral tradition
during the night-time hours. Following the
young D.’s mastery of the central body of
Ethiopian Christian liturgical music, most par-
Däbtära copying a manuscript page: märigeta Fänti
ticularly the Hymnary ( D ggwa), he will select
ndaläw; photo 2002, courtesy of Anne Parsons a church or monastery outside his natal parish
for advanced musical studies.
Orthodox Täwa do Church). In addition, The most ambitious and promising D. have
knowledge is acquired of writing, preparation of traditionally studied at one of the major zema
magical formulae and the use of herbs. Women bet, the foremost being, since the 16th cent., the
are excluded from the priesthood, but in rare Betä L em monastery south of the town of
instances they may perform the duties of D. Däbrä Tabor. It takes at least four years to
The D. is the subject of marked ambivalence. achieve a grasp of zema and its use in the litur-
They are feared for their magical powers and gical setting, with additional time devoted to
resorting to ruses and deceitfulness, but re- mastering the signs ( M l kk t) of the indige-
spected for their learning. They are the masters nous Ethiopian system of musical notation and
of sophisticated poems, but also of magical copying the D.’s own personal copy of the
spells. They are known for their skilful use of D ggwa. While many D. seek employment in a
language (6ny 6-H= , qalä däbtära, lit. ‘the church once they have completed the chant
speech/language of D.’, the argot used by D., school, it is traditional for an individual to spe-
KaneDic 1786) and for interspersing their Am- cialize in at least one area of liturgical music,
haric with G z. such as aqwaqwam, q ne or mäwa t.
The D. writes amulets to keep away sickness By the mid-20th cent., the drive to systematize
and evil spirits. He knows formulas that can education according to Western models resulted
protect one from bullets, help a student in his or in a movement away from the traditional edu-
her studies and attract a mate. He can bring rain cation of D. in rural monasteries and the cen-
or plague and stop them as well. He performs tralization of church music education in Addis
divination using books, brews and interpreting Abäba at the newly founded Theological Col-
leaves, and writes on paper. He is an expert on lege. With the loss of church lands and tax reve-
knowledge of plants and herbs that can heal. He nues in post-revolutionary Ethiopia, increasing
can also perform sacrifices. numbers of highly literate D. accepted outside
Src.: KaneDic 1565, 1786; LesCDic 122.
employment in government agencies and the
Lit.: LevWax 71, 171ff.; JACQUES MERCIER, Art that business sector.
Heals. The Image as Medicine in Ethiopia, New York Lit.: IMBAKOM KALEWELD, Traditional Ethiopian
1997; ID., Asrès, le magicien éthiopien: souvenirs 1895– Church Education, tr. by MENGHESTU LEMMA, New York
1985, Paris 1988; ID., “Le magicien en apôtre pervers ou 1970; KAY KAUFMAN SHELEMAY – PETER JEFFERY
comment un lettré éthiopien (däbtära) légitimait sa pratique (eds.), Ethiopian Christian Liturgical Chant: an Anthol-
de la vaticination ( enqwäla)”, in: PICES 10, vol. 1, 485–90; ogy, 3 vols., Madison, WI 1993, 1994, 1997.
ID., “Les däbtära et le vocabulaire de la magie et de la Kay Kaufman Shelemay
54
Da e
Da e to inanimate objects are thus as a rule feminine.

The D. language (also Dac e, Dache, Dace or Plural marking is characterized, as is usual in
Gerese) belongs to the Ometo sub-branch of Ometo languages, by a suffix with a dental.
Omotic (according to some scholars, a member Case marking takes place by means of mor-
of the Cushitic family corresponding to “West phemes suffixed to the end of the whole noun
Cushitic”, cf. Lamberti 1994). Its speakers (num- phrase (if the head noun does not have the last
ber unknown), usually referred to as the place in the noun phrase, it always appears in its
Gäräse, live in the former province of Gamo absolutive case). Adjectives (with the exception
Gofa in and around the district of Gardula, in a of demonstratives) remain as a rule uninflected.
territory delimited by other Ometo-speaking The verb system exhibits a complicated inflex-
groups such as Dorze (in the north), Ka ama (in ional system with a great richness of paradigms
the north-west), Koyra (in the west) and Zayse and forms. Verbs are exclusively inflected and
(in the south) and in the east by the non-Ometo derived by means of suffixes. Syntactically, D.
Bur i. Within Ometo, D. is part of the Northern has a basic Subject-Object-Verb structure;
branch together with Wälaytta, Zala, Dawro, within the noun phrase modifiers always pre-
Konta, Malo, Gofa and Gamo, to the last of cede their head noun, while the definite article
which D. seems to be particularly close. Linguis- (-za ‘the’) is suffixed to the noun it refers to. In
tically, it represents a bridge between Gamo and possessive constructions the genitive always
Zayse (East Ometo) assuming thus a peculiar precedes its head noun. Relative clauses as a rule
intermediate position between North and East precede their head noun, but they can also fol-
Ometo (closer to North than to East Ometo). low it. In verb phrases auxiliaries follow their
As far as the structure of the language is con- main verb.
cerned, D. is predominantly an inflectional lan- Verbs have four different conjugation rows:
guage. It is not yet completely clear whether it is affirmative positive, affirmative negative and
a tone language, probably it is a “tonal accent interrogative positive and interrogative negative.
language”, as Gamo and other Omotic and The first has three tenses (past, present, future),
Cushitic languages are. D. seems in fact to pres- for the last three only two tense forms are
ent an interaction of accent and tone within the found (past and present/future). This is an ex-
phrase, which renders the prosodic analysis of ample of a verbal paradigm for the affirmative
the system difficult. The usual syllable structure positive conjugation of the D. verb be (‘to see’):
of D. consists of Consonant-Vowel and Conso- Person Past tense Present Future
nant-Vowel-Consonant. The vowel system has 1. sg. be -a-dis be -ays be -an-dis
the canonical five vowels (i, e, a, o and u), 2. sg. be -a-dasa be -aasa be -an-dasa
wherein vowel length is phonologically relevant; 3. masc. sg. be -i-des be -eese be -an-des
the vowel phonemes are thus altogether ten; there 3. fem. sg. be -a-dus be -awsu be -an-dus
are also voiceless vowels, but it is dubious 1. pl. be -i-dos be -ooso be -an-dos
whether they are phonologically relevant. The 2. pl. be -i-deta be -eeta be -an-deta
consonant system consists of five points of ar- 3. pl. be -i-da be -ettes be -an-da
ticulation (labial, coronal, palatal, velar and glot- Language samples: bizzo (‘one’), nam a (‘two’),
tal) and eight manners of articulation (stops, hayt o (‘three’), waat e / haat e (‘water’), budo
fricatives, affricates, ejectives, nasals, vibrant, / tama (‘fire’), awa (‘sun’), agina (‘moon’),
i
lateral and glides). Consonant gemination is, as in suut (‘blood’), in are (‘tongue’), a e
i
other Ethiopian languages, phonologically rele- (‘tooth’). Personal pronouns: 1st pers. sg. ta(a-n )
nd i rd
vant. Word stems are often biradical, but triradi- (‘I’), 2 pers. sg. ne(e-n ) (‘thou’), 3 pers. fem.
cals are also very numerous, especially if they sg. izaa (‘she’, inflecting stem izi-), 3rd pers.
contain a sonorant as second radical. masc. sg. izi (‘he’, inflecting stem iza-), 1st pers.
i i
Morphologically, D. nouns have all three pl. nu(u-n ) (we), 2nd pers. pl. hinte(e-n ) / hutuni
rd
categories: two genders (masc. and fem.), two (‘you’), 3 pers. pl. izeeta / esuni (‘they’); polite
numbers (sg. and pl.) and nine cases (absolutive, forms: direct form hutuni (‘You’, singular and
subject case, genitive, dative, directive, locative, plural), indirect form esuni (‘He/They’).
instrumental, ablative and vocative). The femi- D. possesses several demonstrative forms
nine form is unmarked, so that nouns referring which vary according to the gender, number
55
Da e
and case of the head noun, only some of them

are indicated here:
masc. fem. pl.
this (subj.) hay/hayssi hanna hayti
this (abs.) ha/hayssa hanni ha/hayta
that (subj.) heessi/seekki hinna/seekki heyti/seekki
that (abs.) heessa/seekki hinno/seekki heyta/seekki
The copula is: -ko (is/are).
Src.: author’s own data.
Lit.: MARCELLO LAMBERTI, “Sulla classificazione
dell’Omotico”, in: VERMONDO BRUGNATELLI (ed.),
Sem Cam Iafet. Atti della 7a Giornata di Studi camito-
semitici e indoeuropei, Milano 1o Giugno 1993, Milano
1994, 99–126.
Marcello Lamberti
Dafaa ammoo
Qes D. . (Oromo: Dafaa Jammoo; b. 13
August 1913, Dafaa ammoo, Western Wällä–
ga; d. 27 February 2002, A ira) was the first
Ethiopian Lutheran pastor, one of the founders
of the Mekane Iyesus Church and a productive
Oromo writer. In 1928 he was employed by Dafaa ammoo on the 11th General Assembly of the
German Lutherans from the Hermannsburger Mäkanä Iyäsus Church in Addis Abäba; photo 1980,
Mission and trained as a teacher and evangelist. courtesy of Johannes Launhardt
Confirmed as first communicant in 1935, he
Language’), Addis Abäba 1980; ID., AEy -Yy kD (Saffuu
maintained and defended the mission station biya keesaa, ‘Cultural Values of the Country’), Addis
during the Italian occupation. After the return of Abäba 1983; ID., !uny `7D!y A(y '@{ (Amala
the missionaries in 1939, D. . was ordained as a waaqeeffannaa saba Oromoo, ‘Worship Customs of the
Lutheran pastor in 1941 and became the presi- Oromo People’), Addis Abäba 1994; ID., Lz*y '7
(Gumbii oduu, ‘Reservoir of Stories’) vol. 2, 1982; ID.,
dent of a number of evangelical congregations yy ]nN#y S(! (Me Wallaggaan hubanna!, ‘Let us
which organized themselves as a national church Understand Wällägga!’), n.d., mimeographed; ID., _y
in 1949 (Gimbii Board). When in 1959 the \6H~y |uy ;#v3 (Yo yaadatani nama dinzeeqa, ‘Think
Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Iyesus of it and Marvel!’); ID., E!y O?u#y V?x#F)?Py
wC_# (Seenaa German Hermannsburg missiyoon, ‘His-
was constituted, the Gimbii congregations
tory of the German Hermannsburg Mission’); ID., E!y
formed the main body as the new “Western 7Fy 6Gy F{ (Seenaa Qes Dafaa ammoo, ‘History of
Wälläga Synod”. D. . served as Synod President Qes Dafaa ammoo’).
until 1971 and after that as Superintendent of the Lit.: DIETRICH WASSMANN, Der Durchbruch des Evan-
A ira District until his retirement in 1978. geliums im Gallaland, Hermannsburg 1948, 42–60;
ERNST BAUEROCHSE, Zum Hirten berufen, Hermanns-
D. . wrote a considerable number of manu- burg 1959; ID. (ed.), Ein Leben für das Evangelium,
scripts on linguistic, cultural and religious mat- Pastor Dafaa Jammoo zum Gedenken, Hermannsburg
ters, all in Oromiffa. His works include po- 2002; KUMERA GEMTESA, Qes Daffa Djammo, the Man
ems and short stories, with which he influenced and his Ministry, Addis Ababa 1990, mimeographed.
the development of modern Oromo literature. Ernst Bauerochse
Some of them are still unpublished and circulate
locally in several copies.
Src.: DAFAA AMMOO, S?D (Huursaa, ‘The Huursaa Däga
River [at Ayra]’), Addis Abäba, 14 G nbot 1969 A.M. D. (6N) is one of the ecological zones of Ethio-
[1977 A.D.]; ID., $9y '@{y ]nN (Aadaa Oromoo w
pia (along with wäyna däga, q älla, bäräha
Wallaggaa, ‘Culture of the Wallagga-Oromo’), Addis
Abäba 1974; ID., Lz*y '7 (Gumbii oduu, ‘Reservoir of and qur) which lies at altitudes ranging from
Stories’), vol. 1, Addis Abäba 1975; ID., hDy AKry '@{ 2,300 m to 3,300 m A.S.L. The mean annual
(Kuusaa sagalee Oromoo, ‘Dictionary of the Oromo temperature is between 10° C and 15° C. The
56
Daga s ifanos
Ethiopian highlands within the D. zone occupy

a major part of the country that slopes down-
wards towards the west and south.
The country’s varying climatic zones signifi-
cantly affect the cultivation of crops, among
other factors. In general, most of the production
of cereals, grain crops and pulses is concentrated
in the highland areas of the country where the
climate is temperate and which enjoy D. and
wäyna däga climates. Wheat, barley and ef
are the dominant food crops grown in these
zones. The word D. does not only designate a
level of vegetation, but also a good place to live,
to resist invasions and an “étage de prestige, de
commandement” (cp. Gallais 1995).
Agriculture; Climate; Geography;
Ecological zones
Lit.: ABEBE ZEGEYE – SIEGFRIED PAUSEWANG (eds.),
Ethiopia in Change: Peasantry, Nationalism and Democ-
racy, London 1994; EMAtlas; GEORGI LVOVICH s ifanos and Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa to take
GALPERIN, Ethiopia: Population, Resources, Economy,
possession of this monastery (Bosc-Tiessé
Moscow 1981; MINISTRY OF EDUCATION (ed.), Geogra-
phy of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1981; JEAN GALLAIS, 2001:50f., 54–60; cp. SixTana 208f.; Six in
“Perception et interprétation amharique de la mon- MisAethKur, 250f.).
tagne”, in: PAUL CLAVAL SINGARAVELOU (ed.), Eth- One can assume that the island was probably
nogéographies, Paris 1995, 93–199; MESFIN WOLDE already inhabited by some hermits at the end of
MARIAM, Suffering under God’s Environment. A Verti-
cal Study of the Predicament of Peasants in North- the 13th cent. or at the beginning of the 14th cent.
Central Ethiopia, Bern 1991. (cp. Wajnberg 1936:32–37). But there is no
Mekete Belachew other information on the monastery’s history
before the 15th cent. In any case, monastic life at
D. . expands during the 15th cent., as attested by
Daga s ifanos royal grants, burials and artistic realizations. A e
D. . (9Ny &F1G$F, also Däbrä Daga Y s aq gave the lands of L ome and Zä or
s ifanos) is the monastery dedicated to the to the monastery as gw lt. During the reign of
proto-martyr St. Stephen. It is located on the a e Zär a Ya qob, mämh r Y s aq ordered the
small conic island of Daga, at the centre of Lake monk-painter F re yon to create an altar-
ana on the main island’s eastern side, Däq. panel which reflects the new theological trends
Thanks to the microfilming projects on its im- of the court (Heldman 1994:24, 165–71). It
portant library (67 mss. microfilmed by Ham- certainly goes together with the set of canvas
merschmidt and catalogued by Six [SixTana III], paintings meant for the walls, as shown by the
around 40 microfilmed by the EMML project, extant fragments of these paintings, executed in
not yet catalogued; and, additionally, 28 mss. the same style (Bosc-Tiessé 2001:40–48).
kept at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France), During the same century, D. . seems to have
we can construct a broad outline of D. .’s his- become a burial-place for emperors, but the
tory and follow the hagiographic and histo- major part of the sources which characterize
riographic activities of the monks (Six in D. . as a “royal necropolis” consists of late
MisAethKur 251f.; Bosc-Tiessé 2001:215–20). texts or texts written at Daga, conflicting mutu-
D. . is usually considered the first monastery ally and with external documents (Bosc-Tiessé
on Lake ana’s islands. But the alleged founda- 2003). At least since the beginning of the 19th
tion of D. . by the saint irutä Amlak, who cent., the alleged royal remains were kept inside
is said to have been sent there by his spiritual the qa bet. However, the translation of Zär a
father abba Iyäsus Mo a, appears today to be Ya qob’s body to the island by a e Na od,
a historical reconstruction connected with the with items that the former had deposited at
attempts of the “networks” of Däbrä ayq Däbrä Nägwädgwad, is attested (PerrEsk 365).
57
Daga s ifanos
513). At that time, Fasilädäs gave the land of

Z b d as gw lt to the priests, whereby the
märigeta of D. ., abba Ya qob, was granted
a personal gw lt in Z b d or in Bäd (cp. Per-
ruchon 1898:89; DombrChr 202). Fasilädäs’s
body, first buried at Azäzo, would have been
exhumed later and reburied in D. . (Perruchon
1898:92).
A e Iyasu I also often visited D. . from
1684 onwards (GuiIohan 68, 110, 127, 140f.).
Mämh r Askal, who succeeded Arku as head of
the monastery in autumn 1684, was close to the
Emperor. Iyasu I often stayed at Askal’s, at
Daga s ifanos; cloth mural; scenes from the life and L ome, on the south-eastern shore of the lake,
martyrdom of St. Stephan, attributed to F re yon;
photo 2001, courtesy of the author even though Iyasu had to intervene against him
in a conflict with other monks of Daga when
During the second half of the 16th cent., the they begged for his arbitration in 1705 (Bosc-
monastery was still used as a mausoleum, not Tiessé 2001:201f.). When B rhan Mogäsa
for the emperors themselves, but for the mem- founded the church of Narga llase nearby,
bers of the royal family, as recorded in the local she endowed it some of the lands traditionally
S nk ssar (BN, ms. d’Abbadie 66–66bis.; Bosc- attributed to D. ., which caused recurrent con-
Tiessé 2001:89). flicts (Bosc-Tiessé 2001:295–99). In this context,
At that time, the monastery seems to have a e Täklä Giyorgis gave D. . the right of
been especially prosperous. Between 1563 and asylum in July 1782 (BlunChr 264f.; Bosc-
1574, mämh r Gäbrä Kr stos restored the Tiessé 2001:306–09). Today, monastic life is still
church with financial support from käntiba important in D. .
Gäbrä Mika el. Two canvases show that a part Src.: JULES PERRUCHON, “Notes pour l’histoire
of the murals may have been renewed at this d’Ethiopie. Le règne de Sarsa Dengel ou Malak Sagad
point (Bosc-Tiessé 2001:85–89). A e är ä (1563–1597)”, RevSem 4, 1896, 177–85, 273–78, here 274;
D ng l asked the monastery for support in the ID., “Notes pour l’histoire d’Ethiopie. Règnes de Ya qob
wars against the Muslims and, in return, gave it et Za-Dengel (1597–1607)”, ibid. 355–63, here 358, 362;
ID., “Notes pour l’histoire d’Ethiopie. Le règne de
lands on Däq as gw lt, precious items and books. Fasiladas ou Alam Sagad (1632–1667)”, ibid. 6, 1898, 84–
In addition, he deposited there the trophies 92, here 87ff., 92; ISAAK WAJNBERG, Das Leben des Hl.
taken from the defeated enemy (Perruchon J fqerana ’Egz ’, Roma 1936 (OrChrA 106), 32–37;
1896:274). The young Zäd ng l (r. 1603–04), CRAbb; SixTana III; HamTana I, 180ff., ms. n see 41
before becoming emperor, was brought up at [= Kebr n 41]; Paris, BN ms. d’Abbadie 66–66bis [s.
ColSyn XI, XIII; GuiSyn I, II]; ZotBNat 211ff., no. 141
the monastery and was later buried there [Éth. 104], fol. 63r; DombrChr 202; GuiIohan 68, 110,
(Perruchon 1896:358, 362). 127, 140f.; PerrEsk 365; BlunChr 264f.
In the 17th cent., the monastery benefited Lit.: ChTana; VERONIKA SIX, “Kurzer Abriss zur Ge-
much from the emperors’ favours. At the end of schichte und Bedeutung des Klosters Daga s ifanos im
1646, a e Fasilädäs, following the imprison- anasee”, in: MiscAethKur 241–52, here 250ff.; ID., “The
‘rim’ Documents of Lake ana Manuscripts”, in:
ment of his brother Gälawdewos (BassÉt 135), ALESSANDRO BAUSI – GIANNI DORE – IRMA TADDIA
who was the direct pretender to the throne, gave (eds.), Materiale antropologico e storico sul “rim” in
land in D rd ra as gw lt shared between Daga Etiopia ed Eritrea, Torino 2001, 123–39; CLAIRE BOSC-
and K bran (Perruchon 1898:87f.). This gw lt- TIESSÉ, Art, église et royauté en Éthiopie aux XVIIe et
XVIIIe siècles: écriture de l’histoire et “fabrique” des
right was renewed by a e Yo ann s in 1677 (ms.
rb images dans les églises du lac n , Ph.D. thesis,
Kebr n 41, fol. 3 , cp. HamTana I, 181). Also in Université de Paris-I 2001, 40–48, 50f., 54–60, 85–89,
1646, Fasilädäs decided to rebuild the church 201f., 215–24, 295–99, 306–09, 513 (Lit.); ID., “Tombes et
(Perruchon 1898:87f.) and probably to renew nécropoles royales: le cas de Daga”, paper presented at
the murals. The buildings were finished between the seminar Death in Ethiopia at the Centre de Recher-
ches Africaines, Paris 2003; ID., “Notes sur l’histoire et
1651 and 1653 (Bosc-Tiessé 2001:91ff.), but the l’art des églises du lac Tana. Rapport de mission (27
church burnt down again in 1714 (s. BN, ms. décembre 1997–28 janvier 1998)”, AE 16, 2000, 207–70,
Éth. 104, fol. 63r; Bosc-Tiessé 2001:215–24, here 263–66; MARILYN HELDMAN, The Marian Icons of
58
Dägah Bur
the Painter Fr eyon. A Study in Fifteenth Century The monastery houses a large collection of
Ethiopian Art, Patronage and Spirituality, Wiesbaden crowns and crosses. The most precious seems to
1994 (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 6), 24, 165–71.
Claire Bosc-Tiessé be a processional bronze cross with a cavity for
relics, decorated with the figures of the Cruci-
fied Christ, the Maiestas Domini in high relief
The art of Daga s ifanos
and open-work ornamentation with inlaid gold
The monastery church of D.E. was rebuilt several
and glass. It was a gift of a e Zär a Ya qob to
times. The present, octagonal building, recon-
the monastery of Däbrä Nägwädgwad. Among
structed after a fire in about 1880, replaces the
the manuscripts there is an illuminated Gospel
church erected at the beginning of the 17th cent.
book dated to the end of the 15th cent. with two
Two fragments of monumental painting from
miniatures of the Evangelists and richly orna-
that time are preserved: one on the door of the
mented frontispiece pages.
mäqdäs, portraying an archangel, and a sec-
Lit.: ChTana 136–45; JULES LEROY – STEPHEN WRIGHT
ond, framed and kept separately, representing – OTTO ARNOLD JÄGER, Éthiopie. Manuscrits à pein-
the Virgin Mary on a crescent with the Child ture, Paris 1961, 25, 27; ChojPaint 102ff., 237f., 419f.;
and two angels. Both paintings stylistically EWA BALICKA-WITAKOWSKA, “Is Näwa Bäg u an
belong to the first Gondärine school. Two other Ethiopian Cross?”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 105–24, here
105ff.; GUY ANNEQUIN, “Le lac Tana et ses îles. Trésors
fragments – a Maiestas Domini surrounded by méconnus d’une Thébaïde à l’abandon”, Les dossiers de
seven archangels and scenes from the life and l’archéologie 8, 1975, 80–115, s. 102–05; CLAIRE BOSC-
martyrdom of St. Stephen, painted on cloth TIESSÉ, “Notes sur l’histoire et l’art des églises du lac
which was previously glued on a wall – are Tana. Rapport de mission (27 décembre 1997–28 janvier
attributed to F re yon. A painted panel 1998)”, AE 16, 2000, 207–70, here 263–66.
signed by this artist, with the Galaktotrophousa
guarded by Michael and Gabriel and, in the
lower register, St. Stephen flanked by St. Paul Dägah Bur
and St. Peter, is kept in the church treasury. D.B. (6NWy )? , Somali sp. Dhagaxbuur) is
Also preserved is a triptych dated to the turn of located at the elevation of 1,106 m A.S.L. on the
the 15th and 16th cent., with the Holy Trinity ärer river, which flows from the highlands of
surrounded by the symbols of the Evangelists Harär downwards into the steppes of the
and Heavenly Priests and with christological Ogaden. The name of the town (from Somali
scenes on its wings. aga , ‘stone’) recalls the rocky scenery of the
surrounding areas. Some time after 1936, the
Italians built the bridge on the i igga – Beled
Weyn – Mogadishu route which connected the
capitals of Ethiopia and Somalia. It was here that,
at the beginning of the 20th cent., the troops of ras
Mäkwänn n Wäldä Mika el (the first Ethiopian
governor of Harär) met on their advance to the
south the strong resistance of the dervishes of
sayyid Mu ammad Abdall h assan.
The British only gave D.B. back to Ethiopia
in 1948, along with the “Reserved Areas”.
In order to hold back the Somali of the
Ogaden clans, the Ethiopians installed one of
their strongest garrisons in the city, along with
that of Gode. The area saw violent battles dur-
ing the Ethiopian–Somali wars of 1964 and
1977/78. The maquisards of the Western Soma-
lia Liberation Front fought against the Ethio-
pian army until in 1988 the treaty on boundaries
was signed by the two countries.
Daga s ifanos; shafted cross of Däbrä Nägwädgwäd; 15th
cent.; photo by Roger Schneider; photo 2001, courtesy of
With the disintegration of the Somali State,
the author many refugees found a shelter in Somali k ll l.
59
Dägah Bur
al- z attacked him with his stirruped cavalry

(s. Mäläsay), D.’s troops fled. D. was proba-
bly the first Ethiopian leader who appreciated
the significance of these new Muslim shock-
forces and during the im m’s conquest of
Däwaro in 1531, he warned the Emperor of
the inability of Ethiopian troops to withstand
them. As depicted in the Fut al- aba a
(BassHist 179f.), he served L bnä D ng l loy-
ally and defended him from the Muslims. The
time and circumstances of D.’s death are ob-
scure, but his son, Täklä Haymanot, also fought
bravely against the Muslims, survived the
ih d and was active until the reign of a e
är ä D ng l (Kropp 1988:53, 61f.).
Src.: MANFRED KROPP, Die Geschichte des Lebna-
Dengel, Claudius und Min s, Louvain 1988 (CSCO 503,
SA 83), 6f., 13, 25, 53, 61f.; BassÉt I, 97; BassHist 36, 103,
155, 161, 178ff., 192, passim; BegCron 15; IGNAZIO
In 2000 they suffered from a grave famine that GUIDI, “Di due frammenti relativi alla storia di Abis-
affected all the Ogaden. sinia”, RRALm ser. 2a, 8, 1893, 579–605, here 582; JULES
Today D.B. is the capital of the zone and of the PERRUCHON, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie. Le
règne de Lebna Dengel”, RevSem 1, 1893, 274–86, here
wäräda of the same name. The population counts 275, 280; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Storia di Lebna
to 32,617 inhabitants (2000 Census), as opposed Dengel, re d’Etiopia, sino alle prime lotte contro Ahmad
to the 2,000 inhabitants of 1938 (Guida). To the ben Ibrahim”, RRALm ser. 5a, 3, 1894, 617–40, here 9f.,
south of the town, in Šilabo, works to exploit a 20; DombrChr 159, 315.
Lit.: TÄKLÄ AD Q MÄK RIYA, YP=3y !Wu;y ]:=
W
natural gas pocket have recently started.

(Yägrañ Ahmäd wärära, ‘Ahmad Grañ’s war’), Addis
Lit.: LEE VINCENT CASSANELLI, The Shaping of Somali Abäba 1966 A.M. [1973/74 A.D.], 283–87; TSTarik 3, 62;
Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, MORDECHAI ABIR, Ethiopia and the Red Sea, London
1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982; ALAIN GASCON, 1980; ASA JOHNSON DAVIS, “The Sixteenth Century
“Ogadén/Ogaadeen”, “Somalie”, “Somaliland”, in: YVES Jihad in Ethiopia and the Impact on its Culture”, Journal
LACOSTE (ed.), Dictionnaire de Géopolitique, Paris 1995, of the Historical Society of Nigeria 2, 4, 1963, 567–92,
1148, 1410–17, 1417f.; ID., “Les Somali. Nomadisme, here 572; MOHAMMED HASSEN, The Oromo of Ethiopia,
migrations et déplacements forcés”, in: LUC CAMBRÉZY – 1500–1850: with Special Emphasis on the Gibe Region,
VÉRONIQUE LASSAILLY-JACOB (eds.), Populations réfu- Ph.D. thesis, University of London, School of Oriental
giées. De l’exil au retour, Paris 2001, 77–94; Guida, s. index; and African Studies 1983, 3.
RICHARD HOGG, “Changing Mandates in Ethiopian Sevir Chernetsov
Ogaden. The Impact of Somali ‘Refugees and Returnee’ on
the UNHCR”, in: TIM ALLEN (ed.), In Search of Cool
Ground. War, Flight and Homecoming in Northeast Africa,
Trenton – Asmara 1996, 153–63; JULIUS HOLT, “Looking Dä än
beyond the Towns. Facts and Conjectures about Rural D. (6C#, older variants: ädän, edan) is nei-
Returnees in the Ogaden and ‘Somaliland’”, in: ibid., 143– ther a title nor a military rank, but a temporary
52; IAN MYRDDIN LEWIS, A Modern History of Somalia.
grade given to an officer who acted on the
Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, Harlow 1982.
Alain Gascon march as commander of the rearguard, and, by
extension, of a military unit engaged in its de-
fense. The traditional Ethiopian army, formi-
Dägälhan dable in its assault, was rather vulnerable on the
D. (6KsU# , also Degäl an, Del an), an 16th- march, especially while going through narrow
cent. Ethiopian aristocrat, married a e L bnä mountain passes when it was returning from a
D ng l’s sister Amätä W n, and was made a successful campaign with captured slaves, cattle
governor of the frontier province of Bale with and booty. This weakness was well known,
the title of ras. His main task was to neutralize both to the local people eager to take revenge
raids by the Muslims of Adal. and to rescue their kinsmen and property, and
In 1527 D. led a punitive expedition and was to the soldiers themselves. Therefore, on the
victorious, but when im m A mad Ibr h m march the most experienced and trusted officers
60
Däggafi
were usually appointed as D. They brought up Eschatology

the rear, helped those who weakened and those Src.: AUGUST DILLMANN, Das Buch Henoch, Leipzig
who fell behind and repelled enemy attacks. The 1853; SIEGBERT UHLIG, Das äthiopische Henochbuch,
Gütersloh 1984 (Jüdische Schriften aus hellenistisch-
first case of this term’s use is dated to 1567, as is römischer Zeit 5, 6); KARL GUTBROD – REINHOLD
recorded in the Chronicle of a e är ä D ng l. KÜCKLICH – THEODOR SCHLATTER (ed.), Calwer
Src.: CRHist 40 (text); GuiVoc 688; KaneDic 1827, 1871; Bibellexikon, Stuttgart 1979; zT1:y TqE (M irä
KWKDic 1114; PerChron I, 109. llase, ‘The Mystery of the Trinity’), Addis Abäba 1960
Sevir Chernetsov A.M. [1967/68 A.D.]; TÄSFA GÄBRÄ LLASE, Ij>y
#YBFy ]M#*Hy |*\M (F kkare Iyäsus wät nbitä
näbiyat, ‘The Explanations of Jesus and the Prophecies
Dägano H gano of the Prophets’), Addis Abäba 1966 A.M. [1973/74
A.D.]; Yue=Iy 87Fy uwK(y qM (Yämä af q ddus
Dag m m atu läkr stos mäzgäbä qalat, ‘Amharic Bible Dictionary’), Addis
Abäba 1972 A.M. [1979/80 A.D.].
D.m. (9Pzy ze!Iy nl?FNF , ‘the second Lit.: A RAT GÄBRÄMARYAM, MzW?Hy unmM
coming of Christ’) belongs to one of the “Five (T mh rtä mäläkot, ‘The Doctrine of the Divinity’),
Pillars of Mystery” ( Amm stu a madä Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1991 A.D.]; AYMRO
m ir) in the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do WONDMAGEGNEHU — JOACHIM MOTOVU (ed.), The
Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Ababa 1970, 31–33;
Church, the Resurrection of the Dead. It is liqä s l anat HABTÄ MARYAM WÄRQ NÄH, Y#M_1\y
called 9Pz (dag m, ‘second’) because the hu- '?N<lFy H`W<y ,Hy l?FJ\#y &z|M!y MzW?M
man birth of Christ is known as the first com- (Yä i yopya ortodoks täwah do betä kr stiyan mnät
ing. The teachings of the D.m. are found in Mt nna t mh rt, ‘The Faith and the Teaching of the Ethio-
pian Orthodox Täwah do Church’), Addis Abäba 1963
24:25 (cf. also 1 Cor 15:51f.; 1 Thes 4:16f.). The A.M. [1970/71 A.D.]; MARCOS DAOUD, The Liturgy of
Book of Enoch can be interpreted as the the Ethiopian Church, Cairo 1959.
detailed teachings about the D.m., particularly Merawi Tebege
it says that the Lord will return on a Sunday.
The Ethiopian Church accepts and teaches the
fundamental dogmas in the Nicaean Creed, in Däggafi
which the D.m. is referred to. St. Yared wrote D. (6NF , lit. ‘supporter’) is a name for a servant
w w
about the D.m. in the D gg a, omä d gg a who accompanies by foot a lady or cleric riding
and Mäzmur. The F kkare Iyäsus gives pro- a horse or mule. His duty was to run beside
phetic warning about the D.m. The author pro- them and see that the rider did not fall off. Usu-
phetically writes about things that happen be- ally noblemen were not assigned a D. However,
fore the D.m.: a big star with a tail will be seen after a good dinner, a careful host – after seeing
on the sky and there will be a battle between his guest up to the gates himself – often ordered
two kingdoms, Gog and Magog, in the north. one or two servants to accompany the guest as
Since the D.m. (as well as the Resurrection of D., a courtesy which sometimes was not alto-
the Dead and the Ascension of Christ) is men- gether unnecessary.
tioned in the Anaphora, it is mentioned at
every liturgy. The Anaphora of Jacob of Serug
88–92 reads as follows: “Because thou didst say,
Heaven and Earth shall pass away, but my
words shall not pass away. Thou also didst say,
The horn will be blown three times to awaken
the dead”. Church fathers such as Athanasius
also teach about the D.m.
The Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do Church
celebrates the D.m. twice a year. The first cele-
bration takes place on the fourth Sunday of
Easter Lent, which is known as the festival of
the Mount of Olives (Däbrä Zäyt). In addition,
if one of the extra five days placed at the end of ä afe t zaz Gäbrä llase accompanied by two däg-
w
the year and in ag men happens to be a Sun- gafi; early 20th cent.; courtesy of Peter the Great Museum
day, then it is celebrated as the D.m. of Anthropology and Ethnography, St. Petersburg
61
Däggafi
At the royal court of Gondär D. was made a ranks it second to ras in his undocumented
court title, and in the Chronicle of a e Iyo as a protocol of ranks, but there have also been cases
certain D. Wäldä Ab is mentioned (s. GuiIyas where a D. could eventually be more prestigious
245). Nevertheless, D. was more a function than and influential (particularly if he governed a
an office, which was usually carried out by any powerful region, such as Bägemd r) than an
servant who was ordered to do so. ordinary ras (cp. the case of D. G rmame).
Src.: KaneDic II, 1837; GuiIyas 245. The provinces governed by such D. were
Sevir Chernetsov known as Y|N<My !K? (yänägarit agär, ‘the
country of the drum of mobilization’, the
nägarit being one of the articles of honour the
Däggäm D. was privileged to possess) or Y6Fwx,y !K?
D. (6Kz , also Däggämo) was a village in the (yädä azma agär, ‘the country of a D.’).
vicinity of Dämbä a in southern Go am. The These regions enjoyed a special prestige and,
locality is mentioned in passing in the Chronicle hence, no one less in rank than the D. was al-
of a e Sus nyos. lowed to govern them.
The term is made up of two words: dä and
azma . The second component, which was
used independently as a title, was the most im-
portant one. It signifies both the function (e.g.
military leadership) and the position (i.e. one
who causes to direct) of the bearer. Between the
16th and the 19th cent., it was often combined
with regional offices as bägemd r azma ,
go am azma , mäqet azma etc. The sources
do not agree on the origin of the first compo-
nent. Some sources conjecture that it was a
derivative from an Amharic term for ‘rear’
( Dä än). Hence, D. would signify rear-guard
commander, in contrast to fitawrari, com-
mander of the vanguard, qäññazma , com-
mander of the right, and grazma , commander of
the left wing. However, this proposition is ap-
parently based on logic rather than on any lin-
guistic or historical evidence. A likely explana-
A military unit from the place seems to have tion is from the root d–g, signifying outside (of
been prominent in the early 17th cent. the palace or the capital), ‘door, threshold’ (cp.
Lit.: PerChron vol. 1, 257; BTafA 1016, s. index; Hunt- G z :: , dede, Amh. 6H , dä , Tgn. 6K ,
Geogr 176, 226. dägä), hence ‘vanguard’ or ‘commander of the
Richard Pankhurst ruler’s door’.
Under normal circumstances, the military
commanders (D., ras, fitawrari etc.) were sepa-
Dä azma rate from the court officials and their contact
D. (Amh. 6Fwx, , also dä azma , short form was regulated mainly through the office of the
dä a ; Tgn. däggäzmati, short form däggiyat) ligaba ( G bbi). When exactly the office of D.
was one of the highest military titles of tradi- (dä azma nnät) was instituted is equally
tional Ethiopia. unclear. Tradition alleges that D. and a few
The prestige and rank of the bearer varied little other military titles were introduced in the reign
in the course of the centuries until the title was of a e Dawit II. The official did, at any rate,
reduced to a merely honorary one after 1941. gain prominence from the second half of the 15th
Besides, those appointed by the provincial lords cent. onward. As a replica of his imperial lord,
( n gu or ras) did not enjoy the same author- the D. had three basic responsibilities: governor
ity outside their jurisdiction as the imperial ones. of a province, chief judge of his particular gov-
Ma tämä llase Wäldä Mäsqäl (MahZekr 642f.) ernorate and commander-in-chief of the men at
62
Dagussa
arms under his jurisdiction. His court and camp By means of its tone, its style – vivid and
were constructed in the same form as those of pictorial, but a little obscure and peculiar – and
the sovereign and his ceremonial march was in no its recourse to accounts of personal witnesses, it
way different. He could appoint officers with represents an innovation in Ethiopian historical
similar titles up to a fitawrari. He could pass literature ( Historiography). It constitutes one
verdicts in matters of administrative, civil, crimi- of the rare direct Ethiopian sources on the first
nal and, to some extent, religious cases. The death part of the reign of M nil k. Often quoted for
sentence was in principle reserved for the sover- this reason, it remains nonetheless an isolated
eign, though some high officials (including a D.) work, without having exercized much direct
were granted a rope at the time of their ap- influence over historiography.
pointment as a special symbol of authority to Src.: AFÄWÄRQ GÄBRÄ IYÄSUS, 9Px_y z~sly #LOy
punish criminals by hanging. |KTMy r#M_1\ (Dagmawi M nil k n gu ä nägä t
Src.: DillmZarY 75, no. 1; GuiVoc 1953, 687; KWKDic zä ityo ya, ‘M nil k the Second, King of Kings of Ethio-
346; KaneDic I, 1617f., 1826f.; MahZekr 642f.; LesEtDic pia’), Rome 1901 A.M. [1909 A.D.], Asmara 21967; LUIGI
123, 639; TSTarik 2, 144. FUSELLA, “Il D gm wi Mìnilìk di Afawårq Gabra Iya-
Bairu Tafla sus,” RSE 17, 1961, 11–44 [tr. 16–44]; ID., ibid., 19, 1963,
119–49 [tr.].
Lit.: ALAIN ROUAUD, Afä-Wärq, un intellectuel
éthiopien témoin de son temps, 1868–1947, Paris 1991,
Dagmawi M nil k 250–57, passim; THOMAS LEIPER KANE, “History of
Menelik II of Afeworq Gebre-Yesus – an Ethiopian
In 1909 A.D. [1901 A.M.], while assistant to Evaluation”, in: OrbAethChoj 89–96.
Francesco Gallina at the Regio Istituto Alain Rouaud
Orientale in Naples, Afäwärq Gäbrä Iyäsus
published a biography of a e M nil k II in
Amharic, entitled D.M. (9Px_y z~sly #LOy Dagussa
|KTMy r#M_1\ , Dagmawi M nil k n gu ä D. (9LD or 9ID dagw ssa) is the Amharic name
nägä t zä ityo ya). Printed in Rome at the Casa for the minor cereal crop known as the African
editrice italiana, the book, with 123 pages and of finger millet. It is a widely cultivated cereal
small format (12 x 16.5 cm), opens with a pref- belonging to the grass family (Poaceae). Botani-
ace by his mentor, Gallina, and an introduction cally, D. is known by the name Eleusine cora-
in which Afäwärq praises the use of Amharic cana. It is mostly significant in the highlands of
instead of G z. The narration does not include Ethiopia and Uganda.
the battle of Adwa, but after the text the edict D. is probably an Ethiopian domesticate, as it
of 10 G nbot 1901 A.M. [18 May 1909] is features among the oldest archaeological rec-
added. Provided with an index, the book was ords (its grains were found in excavations of
dedicated by the editor to Yo ann s, the ancient sites). As it was also rather early re-
author’s first son, who had just been born. It corded in India, it is possible that it was taken
was on this son’s initiative that the work would there together with other crops (sorghum, pearl
be re-edited in June 1967. millet, cow-pea) and cotton from Africa (cf.
From 1883 to 1894 Afäwärq was a confidant Vavilov 1951; Harlan 1969; Hancock 1992). In
of a e M nil k II and was direct witness of modern times D.’s importance has declined
important political events affecting Ethio-Italian while other indigenous and introduced cereals
relations, before being exiled because of his have gained popularity ( Plants, cultivated).
Italian sympathies. It is thus as collector of The crop is still cultivated in many locales as a
memories that he told the story of the Emperor, companion crop for minor uses.
praising his achievements, rather than – as was Botanical and agronomic descriptions for the
his claim – as biographer or historiographer, and crop are available in many books and taxonomic
even less as historian. The criticism against D.M. accounts. In the wild, the species is encountered
of being incomplete or inexact are hence without as an escape on roadsides. It is tolerant to
foundation. Equally unfounded is that the author drought and dependable under poor conditions.
sought the Emperor’s favour, since by 1909 M The plant is an annual that grows up to a height
nil k no longer exercized power. Indeed, the of about 0.5–1 m and has the appearance of a tall
work faced hostility since it unmasked promi- tufted grass. The head is branched into 5–7
nent contemporary groups and individuals. spikes (fingers), usually 5–10 cm long, with
63
Dagussa
Dagussa plant (Eleusine coracana); Immunity and Breeding of Cultivated Plants …, tr. by
drawing 1985, courtesy of the K. STARR CHESTER, Waltham, MA 1951 (Chronica
IPGRI (International Plant Genetic Botannica 13).
Resources Institute), Rome, Italy Zemede Asfaw
Dahlak islands
History of the Dahlak islands until 1945
The D. (πº«e) islands are an archipelago of ca.
125 flat islands, islets, rocks and coral reefs with
deeply indented coasts in the Red Sea off the
port of Massawa, extending ca. 350 km. Their
centre lies at about 40o10' E, 15o45' N. The
most important islands are Dahlak (al-)Kab r,
Nokra (with the seat of administration), N ra,
Dohol, Raka (Baka), Daraka and H w ib.
So far the etymology of the name remains ob-
scure (cf. Basset 1893:85–88). Al-Hamd n (d.
945, ed. 1884–91), al- aw l q (d. 1114; ed.
1942:66) and Y q t (d. 1229; ed. 1924, vol. 2,
634) read dahlak, while the latter also gives
dahlik. According to Y q t (ed. 1924, vol. 3, 34;
see also Ibn ad-Dayba 1971:185, n. 4), followed
by al- aw l q , dahlak is a foreign word which
became Arabicized. Al-Akwa (1990:93, n. 1)
numerous spikelets, which appear like fingers remarks that in his Mu am m ista ama, al-
emerging from the hand. The dull red grains are Bakr (d. 1094) gives dalhak – with metathesis
rich in carbohydrates as well as calcium and of h and l – while in Piamenta (1990:159) the
iron and are known to store very well. Bread, word dahlak is said to mean ‘big merchant’. The
porridge and gruel can be made of D. flour broken plural dah lik also occurs as a place
alone, or in admixture with other cereals. The name (al-Hamd n 1884–91, s. index; cp. Wright
grains are used also in the making of various 1859:226 c–d). In the d w n of the poet
traditional beverages, including the famous älla Ku ayyir Azza, al-dah lik evidently indicates
and aräqi / katikala ( Drinks). the D. islands. The Ethiopian sources give
At present, D. is grown mainly in the north- da lak (9iql, DillmLex 1422), dahlaka, dal k,
w
western parts of the country in the q älla and d l kh (Ricci 1954:116, n. 41) and dälk, dahluk
wäyna däga ecological zones ( Climate) at (Acts of Fil os of Däbrä Bizan, Conti Ros-
altitudes ranging from 1,000–2,000 m A.S.L. sini 1900:106). Finally, the Arabic stelae read
The crop is said to show less diversity as com- dahlak /d hlak /ad-dahlak y, but never a
pared with other indigenous cereals. form derived from dahl k.
Lit.: JAMES F. HANCOCK, Plant Evolution and the In Pharaonic times, the D. may have been
Origin of Crop Species, Englewood Cliffs 1992, 305;
JACK RODNEY HARLAN, “Ethiopia: A Centre of Diver- known as “the islands of the inhabitants of
sity”, Economic Botany 23, 1969, 309–14; ID., Crops and Uten” (CRStor 48) and in classical times the
Man, Madison 1975, 21992; ALBERT FREDERICK HILL, islands were called Elaía (Ptolemy, Artemi-
Economic Botany; a Textbook of Useful Plants and Plant doros, Strabo) and Aliaeu (Pliny the Elder),
Products, New York – London 1937, ²1952; JOHN
WILLIAM PURSEGLOVE, Tropical Crops: Monocotyle- both perhaps names of a tribe in the region of
dons, London 1972, 607; IRVIN ELDIE SIEGENTHALER, As r in Western Arabia, between the i z and
Useful Plants of Ethiopia, Alemayya 1962/63 A.M. Yemen. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
[1970/71 A.D.], 31; INGA HEDBERG – SUE EDWARDS speaks also of Alalaios, a group of small islands
(eds.), Flora of Ethiopia and Eritrea, vol. 7: Poaceae
(Gramineae), Addis Ababa – Uppsala 1995; STEFAN
off the port of Adulis, which produced tor-
STRELCYN, Médecine et plantes d’Ethiopie, vol. 2, Napoli toise-shells. The Greek/Latin names are not
1973; NIKOLAI I. VAVILOV, The Origin, Variation, found in the Arabic sources. Schneider (1983,
64
Dahlak islands
what he called ‘the land of thorns’ (ar aš-

šawk). The same caliph sent the religious
scholar (faq h) Arr k b. Malik into exile in D.
This fate also fell on the sons of Abdal abb r
b. Abdarra m n, the governor of ur s n,
who had been put to death in 759/60 by the
Abb sid Caliph al-Man r (r. 754–75). Exiles
to D. are also mentioned by abar (1879–
1901, vol. 2, 1777). H r n ar-Raš d (r. 786–
809) is said to have asked the famous Muslim
jurist M lik b. Anas (715–95) whether he
should attack the people of D. (al-Maqr z
1959, vol. 2, 202). This perhaps is to be put in
relation with the revolt in Yemen against ar-
Raš d’s governor amm d al-Barbar . The
islanders may have taken advantage of that
rebellion in order to liberate themselves from
Yemenite tutelage.
In the 9th cent., the D. islands, along with the
settlements on the African coast, were under the
Christian ruler of Abyssinia (cf. al-Ya q b
1892:319; 1937:159). Around 900 the king of
Aksum concluded a treaty of friendship with
Ibr h m b. Ziy d (d. 902), the Ziy did ruler of
Zab d in Yemen. The historian Um ra al-
Ancient Muslim gravestone with k f inscriptions, from Yaman (d. 1174) relates that the Ziy did Is q
the Dahlak islands; from Schneider 1983, pl. II b. Ibr h m, Ab l- ayš (r. 911–81) entertained
vol. 1, 9–15) gives a list of Arab and European good relations with the Abyssinian king and
authors who mention or describe the islands. with the ruler of the D. islands, from whom he
Rainfall and vegetation on the islands are received black slaves, ambergris, leopard-skins
scanty and living conditions harsh. There are and other objects (Kay 1892; cp. Ibn awqal
natural and carved-out cisterns, the latter attrib- 1964:122f.). Is q even extended his rule over the
uted to the Furs, or Persians (CRStor 295). islands, on which he imposed a tribute, consist-
Relations between Abyssinia and the D. is- ing, among other items, of 500 Abyssinian and
lands are attested between the 4th and 7th cent. 500 Nubian female slaves. Um ra also seems to
A.D. After Abyssinian pirates had sacked edda allude to pearl-fishing near the islands (s. Kay
in 702 (Wüstenfeld 1857–61, vol. 2, 44), the D. 1892; Derenbourg 1897–1904). Never a real
islands were occupied by the Muslims. They political power of their own, the islands served
thus became a bridge-head of Islam in North- as a transit station for goods travelling from
East Africa. The Umayyad Caliph Abdalmalik Abyssinia to Yemen and profited from the
b. Marw n (r. 685–705) used the islands as a thriving trade, which consisted mainly of Abys-
prison ( abs, Ibn al-Mu wir 1951-54:110). sinian slaves, who were highly valued in the
Under Caliph Umar b. Abdul az z ( Umar II, Muslim world (cf. CRStor 297).
r. 717–20), Yaz d b. al-Muhallab, governor of The necropolis of D. contains 260 + 7 stelae
ur s n, was in 717–18 sentenced to be exiled (Schneider 1983, vol. 1, 431), of which 56 un-
in D., but was then permitted to remain in the dated and 33 dated stelae represent the period
prison of Aleppo (Basset 1893:18). The poet between 864 and 1010. They reflect Ism l
Abdall h al-A wa al-An r (655–728) was an influence, which was spreading in South Arabia
exile in D. four or five years for having written at this time. In general, the names of the de-
satirical verses against Caliph Sulaym n b. Ab- ceased refer to various tribes in Arabia, or to
dalmalik (r. 715–17). Caliph Yaz d II b. Ab- Mecca, Syria, Iraq, Iran and Byzantium, thus
dalmalik (r. 720–24) permitted him to leave showing that D. was an international trading
65
Dahlak islands
Dahlak archipelago on a map of the German Imperial Navy of 1909 (as reprinted and slightly revised in
1943); collection of Alberto Valle
66
Dahlak islands
post between Egypt and India. Stele no. 85, called several times at D., are documented for
dated 980 A.D., is that of the daughter of af 1097–98 (s. Goitein quoted by Schneider 1983,
b. Umar al-Yaman , who died in ndärta in vol. 1, 34, n. 138).
1001. Between (before 1093 or) ca. 1140–1249 the
In the 11th cent. D. played a role in the fight- islands were ruled by a line of sul ns. In this
ing between the Na ids, a dynasty of Abys- period the title sul n was still limited to holders
sinian slaves who ruled in Yemen from Zab d of real political and military power. u ril beg
(1022–1158), and the ulay ids, who ruled in (r. 1038–63), founder of the Great Seljuk Sul-
Yemen from San a (1047–1138). Like the tanate in Iraq and Persia, was the first to receive
Ziy dids (818–1018) before them, the Na ids this title from the Abb sid caliph. Outside the
imported soldier-slaves from Abyssinia. In 1061 islands, the rulers of D. were indicated as
Na , the founder of the Na ids, was killed. ib/malik or mutamallik ( az ir) dahlak (al-
His sons, driven out from Zab d by the Isma l Qalqašand , quoted by Schneider 1983, vol. 1,
ulay id Al b. Mu ammad (r. 1047–81), fled 37, n. 147). The titles of the D. rulers show
to the D. islands, which became the base of resemblance to those used by N radd n
Na id power. In 1081 Sa d b. Na at- Ma m d b. Zan of Aleppo (1147–74; cf. Wiet
tacked Zab d. According to Um ra (Kay 1951–52:92): “defender of Islam, defender of the
1892:83, 112), Al b. Mu ammad counter- marches of Islam, glory of Islam and the Mus-
attacked Sa d with 5,000 Abyssinian lancers, lims, beauty of the sultans, standard of the
but according to Basset (1893:20), they fought champions of the faith, revivifier of justice in
for Sa d. Al b. Mu ammad was killed and the worlds”. These titles have a Sunn character.
Sa d entered Zab d. Through a local chief, In 1125–26 the am r al-Muwaffaq, commander
Al ’s grand-son Al b. A mad b. Al (r. 1075 of the military slaves in Egypt, came with one
or 1086 to ca. 1091, cf. Bosworth 1996:102) had hundred men to D. in order to arrest Ibn Na b.
persuaded Sa d to attack him. Sa d is said to The first stele on which the title sul n is
have launched an attack with 20,000 Abyssinian found dates from 1093 (s. below 1.). The epi-
foot-soldiers, but they were dispersed and Sa d taph reads: “al-sul n al-mub rak, client
again fled to D. In 1086 he re-established Na- [mawl ] of Al b. A mad, died in 1093”.
id rule in Zab d. He was killed in 1089 and Schneider (1983, vol. 1, 369; cf. Schneider
succeeded by his brother ayy š b. Na . 1983:167f.) translates: “Le sultan al-Mubarak”.
Around 1075, D. again became a place of ref- But Wiet (1951–52:90) has already remarked
uge, this time for the Egyptian Abd n, who that al-mub rak may also be interpreted as an
had deceitfully tried to become metropolitan adjective, meaning “the blessed”. In that case it
bishop of Abyssinia. When the rightful metro- is not sure that this sul n belonged to the Ban
politan arrived, Abd n fled to D., where he was Sad d. On the other hand, as Wiet remarks
imprisoned by the Muslim ruler. His posses- (1951–52:91), the relative al-mub rak (s. below
sions were confiscated and he himself sent to no. 5) may be an indication that this sul n did
Cairo, where he was condemned and executed, belong to the line of sul ns of D. between
probably in 1086 (Renaudot 1713:453; cp. (some date before 1093 or) 1147 and 1249 (s.
TadTChurch 47, n. 3). below nos. 1–9; Schneider 1983, vol. 2, “Tab-
Inscriptions on tombstones (Schneider 1983, leaux généalogiques”, no. 13). In epitaphs of
vol. 1) show that the islands, during the 12th and other sul ns, such as that of sul n Bah add n
13th cent., were important for the transit trade Ab l-Fa l al-M lik (s. below no. 4, stele no.
between Egypt and India. Among the deceased 225), it is said: “this is the tomb of … sul n
of this period are individuals who originated not Bah add n” etc. In 1119–20 the da , or Š
only from Arabia, Syria and Iraq, but also from propagandist, Ibn ib ad-Dawla, met in D.
present-day Georgia, the south-west coast of with the d Mu ammad b. Ab l- Arab of
the Caspian Sea, Marrakesh, Sousse and Valen- Aden (Kay 1992:57).
cia. They probably were artisans and merchants The genealogical table is not complete. Most
in transit, who had to pay levy-tax on D. The of the sul ns do not have their own stelae, their
commercial activities of a certain Joseph Lebdi, names are mostly found in the epitaphs of other
who travelled between Cairo and India and people.
67
Dahlak islands
1. Sul n al-Mub rak or “the blessed sultan”, d. 1093. Abyssinian or F imid, later Yemenite, suze-
2. Ab s-Sad d al-Muwaffaq (I) b. Ya y b. Ab s-Sadad rainty.
al-Muwaffaq al-Mub rak , N iradd n. His name is In 1171 A.D. the Spanish Jewish traveller
found on stele no. 226 in the epitaph of his daughter Benjamin of Tudela travelled from Ay b to
Zaynalmulk. According to Wiet (1951–52:91), he died Asw n. D. and some settlements on the African
in 542 H. [1147/48 A.D.].
coast, he writes, were ruled by Muslims.
3. Ya y (I) b. Ab s-Sad d al-Muwaffaq. He is men- Of the 12th cent., only a few stelae are known.
tioned on stele no. 223 in the epitaph of his client
This may be an indication that commercial
Umm Abdall h. According to Wiet (1951–52:91), he
died in 563 H. [1167 A.D.].
activities had diminished. Stele no. 239 contains
the epitaph of Rizqall h b. Abdall h al- abaš
4. Ab l-Fa l al-M lik b. Ya y b. Ab s-Sad d al-
Muwaffaq, Baha add n. He died in 567 H. [1172 A.D.]
al-Qirw š (d. 1214), a Muslim of Abyssinia,
(stele no. 225). called n u , the Persian word for ship-owner
5. Ab s-Sad d (II) al-Muwaffaq b. Ya y b. Ab s-Sad d or “manager” in charge of passengers and goods
al-Muwaffaq al-Mub rak . He is mentioned on stele no. (Goitein quoted by Schneider 1983, vol. 1, 408).
219 in the epitaph of his client Umm Y suf F ti a (who In 1265–66 the Maml k sul n Barsb y
died in 1133) and on stele no. 224 in the epitaph of his wanted to interfere in Red Sea trade, but the
daughter Sitt al-Mulk (who died in 1171). According to islanders managed to continue their lucrative
Wiet (1951–52:91), he died in 1193. activities. Ibn Sa d al-Ma rib (d. 1286; s. EI2)
6. ? b. Ya y (II) b. al-Malik b. Ya y b. Ab s-Sad d al- relates that the ruler of the islands was an Abys-
Muwaffaq. On the fractured stele no. 233 the date of sinian Muslim who tried to defend his independ-
death is illegible. Schneider (1983, vol. 1, 399) remarks ence against the rulers of the Yemen. The Abys-
that this may also be the tomb of a parent or of a client sinians called the sul n of D. šumä ba r ‘prefect
of the sultan.
of the sea’, to distinguish him from the ba r
7. Ab Abdall h Mu ammad b. Ya y b. al-M lik b.
nägaš, a high-ranking Abyssinian official. The
Ab s-Sad d; d. 1230 (stele no. 242).
ruler of D. had a n ib, or deputy, in Massawa,
8. F il b. Sulaym n b. Ab s-Sad d b. Ya y b. Ab s-
Sad d al-Muwaffaq. He is mentioned on stele no. 246
the port which still in the 16th cent. was linked to
in the epitaph of his daughter (?) Qamula (?), who died the D. islands (de Barros 1777, vol. 8, ch. 1).
in 1240. There are no stelae of the 14th cent. Ab l-
9. Ab s-Sad d (III), mentioned by Schneider’s “Tab- Fid (d. 1331) relates that the ruler of D. was
leaux généalogiques”, no. 13, as descendant of Ab s- “managed” by an Abyssinian Muslim. In 1385
Sad d II. According to Wiet (1951–52:91), his full the ruler of D. sent an elephant, a giraffe, an
name is Ab s-Sad d b. Ab s-Sad d al-Muwaffaq b. ostrich and other wild animals as presents to
Ya y al-Muwaffaq. He died in 647 H. [1249 A.D.]. Yemen, and in 1392–93 to Egypt, together with
The Egyptian poet Ibn Qal qis (d. 1172; cp. EI2, male and female slaves, who probably came
“Ibn al is”), who had suffered shipwreck in from Abyssinia.
the Red Sea and sought shelter on D., was badly In the 15th cent. a e Zär a Ya qob tried to
received by M lik b. Sad d (above no. 4), whom establish Abyssinian influence over the low-
he calls “M lik, guardian of Hell” (i.e. D.), with lands along the Red Sea. This led in 1464–65 to
a play of words on M lik, according to tradition the pillage of Massawa and of the D. archipel-
the guardian of Hell (s. al-Bu r 1903, vol. 1, ago, during which the local q was killed (s.
449; Ibn al-Dayba 1971:185 n. 4). The Sunn KolTrad).
character of the titles given above may refer to In 1513 d’Albuquerque, the Portuguese gov-
the fact that the sul ns were looking for inves- ernor of India, sent captain João Gomes from
titure from N radd n of Aleppo, at a time when Qamar n island (cp. EI2, “ amar n”) to D. and
the power of the Š F imids, probably their Massawa in order to reconnoitre. The šay of
overlords, was in decline (Wiet 1951–52:91). D., probably sul n A mad’s father Ism l,
During the reign of the Ayy bid T r n Š hI b. who was a vassal of the sul n of Aden, said that
Ayy b over the Yemen (1174–81), D. was inde- there were no merchants on the islands, only
pendent from both Abyssinia and the Yemen. fighters. In 1517 Lopo Soares de Alvergaria,
But such periods of independence, which may then governor of India, sent João de Silveira to
have reached out to coastal settlements on the take possession of Massawa and D. Even
African mainland, including Massawa, were though A mad b. Ism l submitted to him and
short-lived. The islands intermittently fell under made a great show of friendship, de Silveira
68
Dahlak islands
preferred to stay at “Darua”, near rgigo, on (Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum 7), 319; A MAD
B. AL% AL-MAQR%Z%, Kit b al- i a al-maqr z ya, Cairo
the mainland. Five Portuguese, who had been
1959, vol. 2, 202; AL- ASAN B. A MAD AL-HAMD$N%,
assured they would be safe, were ambushed on Geographie der arabischen Halbinsel ( ifat azirat al-
D. (al-Kab r) and killed, probably by A mad b. Arab) [von] al-Hamdânî …, ed., tr. by DAVID
Ism l, who was described by the Armenian HEINRICH MÜLLER, Leiden 1884–91; JOÃO DE BARROS,
Mateus as a man to be mistrusted. In 1520 Da Asia, Lisboa 1777, vols. 2, 8; MADELEINE
SCHNEIDER, Stèles funéraires musulmanes des îles Dahlak
Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, successor of Lopo (Mer Rouge) …, 2 vols., Le Caire 1983 (Textes Arabes et
Soares, left Goa on a punitive expedition against Études Islamiques, 19/1, 3); ID., “Notes d’epigraphie
D. On board were the Armenian Mateus and arabe Nord-Yemenite”, JA, 1983, 3-4, 227-61; BassÉt I,
the ambassador Rodrigo da Lima. Massawa 332f.; HARTWIG DERENBOURG, Oumâra du Yemen: sa
vie et son oevre, 2 vols., Paris 1897, 1904; IBN AD-
was occupied, while on D. houses and huts were DAYBA , Qurrat al- uy n bi-a b r al-yaman al-maym n,
destroyed. In 1526 sul n A mad submitted to ed. MU AMMAD B. AL% AL-AKWA , n.p. 21988; IBN AL-
Hector de Silveira and committed himself to MU $WIR, Descriptio Arabiae Meridionalis, ed. by
pay 3,000 parados annually. Some time later he OSKAR LÖFGREN, vol. 1, Leiden 1951, 110; HENRY
CASSELS KAY (ed., tr.), Yaman. Kit b ta r al-Yaman,
joined A mad b. Ibr h m al- z and re-
London 1892, 57, 83, 112; KolTrad A 25, A 32 n. 5;
ceived !u unu/Dahono [ rgigo] as appanage MaqIlmam; MAWH#B B. A MAD AL- AW$L%Q%, Al-
(Schneider 1983, vol. 1, 45ff.). On stele no. 255, mu arrab min al-kal m al-a am , ed. by A MAD
A mad b. Ism l, the last ruler on Schneider’s MU AMMAD Š$KIR, n.p. 1942, 83, 112; MOSHE
list, is called “fighter for the faith” (mu hid), PIAMENTA, A Dictionary of Post-Classical Yemeni Ara-
bic, vol. 1, Leiden 1990, 159; MU AMMAD B. ISM$ %L AL-
warrior on the frontier (mur bi ), the sul n of BU $R%, a al-adab al-mufrad. Les traditions is-
Islam in the march of the well-protected D. (sul- lamiques traduites de l’arabe, ed., tr. by OCTAVE VICTOR
n al-isl m bi- a r Dahlak al-ma r s). He died HOUDAS – WILLIAM MARÇAIS, 4 vols., Paris 1903–14
on 16 aww l 946 H. [24 February 1540 A.D.] (Publications de l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes,
4 ser., vols. 3–4), vol. 1, 449; GIOVANNI OMAN, La nec-
i.e. before the Portuguese attack against D. of ropoli islamica di Dahlak Kebir (Mar Rosso), Napoli 1987;
1541 and the battle of Sälf (in the region of Särd) JOSEPH TOUSSAINT REINAUD – WILLIAM MCGUCKIN
in the same year between a e Gälawdewos and DE SLANE (ed., tr.), Géographie d’Aboulfeda, Paris 1848,
gärad sman (BassEt I, 332f.). A mad b. Is- ii, 1, 126, 371; EUSÈBE RENAUDOT, Historia patriarcha-
rum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum a D. Marco usque ad
m l’s successor was appointed governor of finem saeculi XIII…, Paris 1713 [repr. Brussels 1969],
rgigo, but this led to a second Portuguese 453; LANFRANCO RICCI, “Le Vite di &nb qom e di
attack in 1541, in which D. was destroyed and a Yo ann's abbati di Dabra Lib nos di Scioa”, RSE 13,
mass evacuation of the islanders took place. 1954, 91–120; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il Gadla Filpos
When Estevão da Gama arrived in Massawa in ed il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra Bizan”, MRALm ser. 5a, 8,
1900 [1901], 62–170; UmMasGaud 30f.; WILLIAM
1541, the local ruler, a Muslim, also ruled D. WRIGHT, A Grammar of the Arabic Language, …, vol. 1,
With adim Süleyman paša’s naval expedi- London – Edinburgh 1859, 226 c–d; Y$Q#T B.
tion of 1538 against Gu"arat began the rarely ABDALL$H AL- AMAW%, Jacut’s geographisches Wörter-
asserted Ottoman suzerainty over the D. is- buch … (Kit b mu am al-buld n), ed., tr. by FER-
DINAND WÜSTENFELD, 6 vols., Leipzig 1866–73 [repr.
lands. 1924], vol. 2, 44, 634, vol. 3, 34.
In the second half of the 19th cent., the islands Lit.: GEORGE ANNESLEY, Voyages and Travels to India,
temporarily came under Egypt, but they re- Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia, and Egypt in the Years
mained a backwater. In 1889 the Italians occu- 1802–1806, vol. 2, London 1811, 28–40; RENÉ BASSET,
“Les inscriptions de l’île de Dahlak”, JA sér. 9, vol. 1,
pied Eritrea and established a vice-residency on 1893, 77–111; CLIFFORD EDMUND BOSWORTH, The
the island of Nokra. The census of 1931 gave a New Islamic Dynasties: a Chronological and Genealogi-
total of 2,275 inhabitants, composed of 1,475 cal Manual, New York 1996, 102; JOHN CROWFOOT,
T gre, 475 Arabs and 325 Afar. After the end of “Some Red Sea Ports”, Geographical Journal 37, 1911,
547–48; CRStor 45, 48, 211–14, 295, 297; DillmLex 1422;
the Italo-Ethiopian war in 1941, the D. islands
SHLOMO D. GOITEIN, “From the Mediterranean to
came under British care-taker rule until 1952, India: Documents on the Trade to India, South Arabia
when Ethiopian sovereignty was established. and East Africa from the Eleventh and Twelfth Centu-
Src.: AB# L-FARA AL-I BAH$N%, Kit b al-A n , ries”, Speculum 29, 1954, 181–97; TadTChurch 47, n. 3;
Cairo 1931, 4, 248ff.; AB# L-Q$SIM MU AMMAD B. GASTON WIET, “Roitelets de Dahlak”, Bulletin de
AWQAL, Configuration de la terre, tr. by JOHANNES l’Institut d’Égypte 34, 1951–52, 90–95; FERDINAND
HENDRIK KRAMERS – GASTON WIET, vol. 1, Paris 1964, WÜSTENFELD, Die Chroniken der Stadt Mekka, 4 vols.,
24, 122f.; A MAD B. AB% YA Q#B AL-YA Q#B%, Kit b al- Leipzig 1857–61, vol. 2, 44.
buld n, ed. by MICHAEL JAN DE GOEJE, Leiden 1892 Emeri van Donzel – Ronald E. Kon
69
Dahlak islands
Dahlak ethnography 1993, the construction of a tourism resort

Today, out of the entire D. archipelago, four started, but has been stopped after the deterio-
islands are inhabited, with a total population of ration of the relations with Yemen in 1995;
ca. 2,500, most of them officially recorded as tourism has been developed only on a small
T gre (the original inhabitants calling them- scale. Modern migration from the continent to
selves Dah lík), specialized in fishing and fish D. remained relatively small, continental T gre
trade. Most of the inhabitants, ca. 1,500, live and Afar being the most important migrant
on D. al-Kab r, a former Därg military base. groups.
Traditional pearl fishery is still practised on Lit.: OLFERT DAPPER, Umbständliche und Eigentliche
th
that island, until the early 20 cent. mostly Beschreibung von Africa, Und denen darzu gehörigen
Königreichen und Landschaften, als Egypten, Barbari-
traded by the Banyan. Also other goods were en, libyen, Biledulgerid, dem Lande der Negros, Gui-
traded by them, like shark skins and fins for nea, Ethiopien, Abyßina, und den Africanischen Insuln
the China market, tortoise-shell, cowrie shells …, Amsterdam 1652, 662f.; WERNER MUNZINGER,
and mother-of-pearl (cp. Pankhurst 1979). “Briefe vom Rothen Meere”, Zeitschrift für Allgemeine
Haka na Dah lík (‘Language of the people of Erdkunde, Neue Folge 1, 1856, 289–305, here 298;
GIANNI ROGHI – FRANCESCO BASCHIERI, Dahlak:
D.’, s. below), mainly spoken on D. al-Kab r, is with the Italian National Underwater Expedition in the
influenced in its vocabulary by Arabic and A- Red Sea, tr. by PRISCILLA HASTINGS, ed. by ELEANOR
far, which points to the political and migration BROCHETT, New York 1957; RICHARD PANKHURST,
history of the archipelago (e.g., Egyptian “The ‘Banyan’ or Indian Presence at Massawa, the
th Dahlak Islands and the Horn of Africa”, in: C.
Mamluks fled to D. in the 16 cent, but also MEHAUD (ed.), Mouvements de populations dans
Arabs from the Arabian Peninsula and several l’Océan Indien. Actes du quatrième congrès de
Persians settled on D., s. Dapper 1652:663). l’Association Historique Internationale de l’Océan
All men are at least bilingual ( Afar, Arabic). Indien […] tenu à Saint-Denis de la Réunion …
septembre 1972, Paris 1979, 107–28; DANILO A.
Both continental T gre speakers and the Da- JELENC, Mineral Occurrences of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa
h lík themselves traditionally style this lan- 1966, passim; MARIE-CLAUDE SIMEONE-SENELLE,
guage as a mixture of T gre, Arabic and Afar. “Les langues en Erythrée”, Chroniques yéménites 8,
Modern research shows, however, that the 2000 [2001], 167–73, here 169.
Wolbert Smidt
situation is more complex. In 2000 it has been
reported that pure monolinguals do not under-
stand continental T gre (Simeone-Senelle Haka na Dah lík
2000:169). Munzinger in 1853 similarly noted Haka na Dah lík (short form Haka Dah lík or
that the language spoken on D. could hardly simply Dah lík, lit. ‘[Language of] the people
be understood by T gre in Massawa of D.’) is the term used by the native speakers
(Munzinger 1856:298). The lingua franca was when they refer to their own language. This
then Yemenite Arabic. Interestingly, already mother tongue of about 2,500 speakers is spo-
th
the 17 cent. Dutch geographer Olfert Dapper, ken exclusively on the largest island of the
whose reports on “Abyßina” and surrounding archipelago of D., D. al-Kab r, and two smaller
areas are of considerable value, notes that the islands. Up to the 1996 French survey on the
language of D. differs “to some degree” from island, Dah lík had totally escaped linguistic
the language spoken at the coast (Dapper investigation and was defined as T gre without
1652:663). attention to its linguistic specifics. Dah lík
Apart from fishing, the population of D. also belongs to the Ethio-Semitic group. Its exact
lives of salt trade. Large deposits of salt were position within this group remains to be as-
discovered before World War II and again in sessed. It is close to T gre and T gr ñña, but
the 1960s during drillings for oil. Oil-bearing many linguistic features, as well as the degree
layers had already been identified by 1917; of mutual non-intelligibility between T gre
exploratory drillings of 1935–40, especially in and Dah lík speakers have suggested that Da-
the surroundings of the village of Darbuset, h lík would be set apart as an original unit
eastern D. al-Kab r, were stopped by the war. within the Northern Ethio-Semitic group. The
The D. islands were declared a national park discussion of this hypothesis is still open, as it
due to the considerable variety of the sea fauna had not yet been confirmed or disputed by
and flora, which makes diving attractive. After other linguists. On the island, Dah lík is in
70
Dakar
contact with Afar, Arabic and, to a lesser [2001], 167–73; EAD., “Some characteristics of Dahalik,
extent, T gre. The prevalent situation is that of a newly discovered Afro-Semitic language spoken in
Eritrea”, in: PICES 15, in preparation; EAD., “La dé-
bi-/multi-lingualism. Standard Arabic is the termination du nom en dahalik, langue afro-sémitique
only language taught in primary schools. parlée en Erythrée”, in: ALESSANDRO MENGOZZI et al.
The phonemic system includes five vowels (eds.), The Proceedings of the XIth Italian Meeting of
(a, i, e, o, u) and in unstressed syllables; the Afro-Asiatic Linguistics, Bergamo 5–7 June 2003, in
status of long vowels has to be specified. There preparation.
are 24 consonants, as in continental T gre. Marie-Claude Simeone-Senelle
is the only ejective, which occurs in a few
(loan?) items; the prevailing articulation of
and is as velarized obstruents, as in Arabic. Dainelli, Giotto
/Q/ is commonly articulated as a uvular: Professor D. (b. 19 May 1878, d. 1968) was a
voiced in intervocalic position, voiceless in distinguished Italian geographer, geologist,
front of a consonant. Vocalic harmony is a palaeontologist and explorer. Part of his vast
widespread phenomenon. Assimilation of the world-wide scientific research was devoted to
apico-alveolars and bilabials to the first conso- Eritrea and Ethiopia, the destinations of two of
nant of the suffix is regular. his main expeditions. The first one, in the years
The nouns have two genders and two num- 1905/06, led him to Eritrea. D. was accompa-
bers. Gender opposition for adjectives is very nied by his fellow scholar, the geographer
often marked by vocalic apophony. Broken Olinto Marinelli. The achievements thereof
plurals are wide-spread, but external plurals were reported in the priceless book Risultati
with suffixes are rare. The independent pro- scientifici di un viaggio nella Colonia Eritrea
nouns are: ana ‘I’, enta, enti ‘you’ (masc., (1912). The other expedition was carried out in
fem.), itu ‘he’, ita ‘she’, ne na ‘we’, intum, north-western Ethiopia in the year 1937 and
intun ‘you’ (masc., fem.), itun, itan ‘they’ was concerned with research on physical geog-
(masc., fem.). The verb morphology is based raphy, anthropology, economics, chemistry,
on aspectual opposition with two simple para- biology, ornithology, botany and limnology.
digms, enlarged by composed conjugations The results were summed up in a serial publica-
with two auxiliaries (h)elle and k!na. In the tion in seven volumes under the title Missione di
perfect and the imperfect, the verbal personal studi al Lago Tana (1938). Among others, the
markers are the same as in T gre, except for series contains the following works: Lidio Ci-
the imperfect 3rd pers. masc. sg. (no marker) priani, Ricerche antropologiche sulle genti
(Roma 1940), Vinigi Lorenzo Grottanelli, Rela-
and 3rd pers. masc./fem. pl. (no personal
zioni preliminari (Roma 1938) and Ricerche
marker, number marker only). In the imper-
geografiche ed economiche sulle popolazioni
fect, a few irregular verbs have the marker i-
(Roma 1939), Vinigi Lorenzo Grottanelli –
for 3rd pers. masc., as in T gr ñña: ibil ‘he
Claudia Massari, I Baria, i Cunama e i Beni
says’, ibilu ‘they say’. Word order in the sen-
Amer (Roma 1943).
tence is Subject–Object–Verb. There is a defi-
Lit.: ILARIA LUZZANA CARACI, “Dainelli, Giotto”, in:
nite article ya-; the order in the phrase is (arti- Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 31, Roma 1985,
cle +) qualified + qualifier: ya-aw-awlet ‘the 693–94 (Lit.).
girl’s father’, bisíd-da (/bisit-da/) ab- Lanfranco Ricci
báy <woman-this (fem.) / old (fem. sg.)> ‘this
old woman’.
The ten-word list for D. is: ente ‘one’, kile Dakar
‘two’, salas ‘three’, isat ‘fire’, may ‘water’, There are two places called D. (j∑e). One, Dakar
a ya ‘sun’, war , qammaret, qamar ‘moon’, Gobana, was located on a slope south-east of
dam ‘blood’, lisan ‘tongue’, sin ‘tooth’. Harär in immediate vicinity of the town near
Lit.: MARIE-CLAUDE SIMEONE-SENELLE, “La the road to i iga, where today is an oil
situation linguistique dans le sud de l’Erythrée”, in: H. refinery (Paulitschke 1888:297; Robecchi-
EKKEHARD WOLFF – ORIN D. GENSLER (eds.), Pro-
ceedings of the Second World Congress of African Lin- Bricchetti 1896:215; WagFath 82). It is said that
guistics, Leipzig 1997, Köln 2000, 261–76; EAD., “Les some ruins are still visible there. Dakar Gobana
langues en Erythrée”, Chroniques Yéménites 8, 2000 was the place where the legendary am r abb ba
71
Dakar
1888, 297; LUIGI ROBECCHI-BRICCHETTI, Nell’Harrar,
Milano ³1896, 215; EWALD WAGNER, “Die Chronologie
der frühen muslimischen Herrscher Äthiopiens nach den
Harariner Emirslisten”, in: BRIGITTA BENZING – OTTO
BOECHER – GUENTER MAYER (eds.), Wort und Wirklich-
keit. Studien zur Afrikanistik und Orientalistik, Eugen
Ludwig Rapp zum 70. Geburtstag, 1, Meisenheim 1976,
186–204, here 201; HuntGeogr 101f.
Ewald Wagner
Dälanta
D. 6q#K is a wide highland plateau on the
northern side of the Bäš lo river in North
Wällo, between Daw nt to the east and
Yä u to the west. From the 17th cent. on-
wards D. had been a buffer zone between
Bägemd r, Wällo and Yä u regions. In modern
Ethiopia, D. was first paired with Wadla with
a single designation as Wadla-Dälanta awra a,
is supposed to have defeated the Christian
before being linked with Daw nt as a wäräda,
anbalul (?; Wagner 1976:201, note 46). It is also
the main town of which is Wägäl ena.
mentioned as a village (qarya) in the Fat
mad nat Harar by Ya y b. Na rall h, year
1234/5 (WagFath 80).
Another D. according to a marginal note on a
manuscript of Arabfaq h’s Fut al- abaša
was located about 65 km east-northeast of Harär
near the modern town Fiyambiro (Cerulli
1931:39). Huntingford (HuntGeogr 101f.) sug-
gests that it may have been the fortified rocky
hill “ enahasan” (?) or “Jenas n ” in this region.
This second D. became the capital of the
Walašma rulers when they returned from
Yemen and transferred the centre of their sul-
tanate from Ifat to Adal, which was not so
much exposed to Christian attacks. Al-Maqr z
(MaqIlmam² 20) mentions D. as the residence of
the Walašma sul n A mad Badl y b.
Sa dadd n. In 1479 D. was destroyed by a e
sk nd r when he fought against Adal (Per-
rEsk 342). In 1520 the Walašma sul n Ab
Src.: CLEMENTS ROBERT MARKHAM, A History of the
Bakr b. Mu ammad b. zar transferred the
Abyssinian Expedition, London 1869, 284f.
capital of Adal from D. to Harär (Cerulli Lit.: DONALD CRUMMEY, “ ä äho and the Politics of the
1931:42). The Storia dei re reports that shortly Northern Wällo-Bägémder Border”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 1–9.
before N r b. Mu hid’s death in 1568, the Eloi Ficquet
Oromo devastated many places, among which
was also D. (Cerulli 1931:57). This is the last Dallol Afar Depression
time that D. occurs in the sources.
Src.: ENRICO CERULLI, “Documenti arabi per la storia Dama Military units
dell’Etiopia”, MRALm ser. 6a, 4, 1931, 39–101, here 42,
53 (text) = 50, 57 (tr.), s. 39 [repr. in: CerIslam 135–206, Dämä Kr stos
here 139, 152 (text) = 148, 158 (tr.), s. 135]; MaqIlmam²
20; PerrEsk 342 (text) = 357 (tr.); WagFath 80, 82.
D.K. (6uy l?FNF ) was the 14th wag šum to
Lit.: PHILIPP PAULITSCHKE, Harar: Forschungsreise appear in the official list of the regional rulers of
nach den Somâl- und Galla-Ländern Ost-Afrikas, Leipzig Wag and Lasta for the years ca. 1720s–30s.
72
Dämära
He assumed the office in the first quarter of the mosphere, which marks the entire week before
18th cent. and was a contemporary of a e Bäkaffa the holiday. The twigs are brought to the place
and a e Iyasu II. His father, wag šum A är I was where the D. is erected. The D. is built under
deposed by the son of one of his sisters, the supervision of a few old and respected
Ar ayo, who took the office by force in ca. people (š mag llewo ). The construction re-
1697. D.K. was unable to succeed his father and quires precision, lest the D. pyre, which may be
a local power struggle for the office of the wag around 12 metres high, fall and the feast be
šum emerged between wag šum Ar ayo and the marred. As soon as the D. is constructed and
descendants of wag šum A är I. embellished with mäsqäl-flowers, the top being
Oral sources indicate that D.K. was in rebel- decorated with the cross, the priests celebrate
lion against his nephew and later removed the liturgy and walk around the D. three times.
Ar ayo and acceded to his legitimate office. The senior ecclesiastic blesses the D. The D. is
Power remained in the hands of D.K. until the left till the twilight, when the people gather to
advent to power of a e Iyasu II. He was succeeded set it ablaze. This happens in the presence of the
by his son, wag šum Tewodros, who is men- senior ecclesiastics, dignitaries and state officials
tioned in 1740 as paying tribute to the court of (in Addis Abäba, the D. ceremony on Mäsqäl
a e Iyasu II. Square was usually attended by the Patriarch
Lit.: WUDU TAFETE KASSU, A Political History of Wag and the emperor himself). One of them (e.g., the
and Lasta, ca. 1543–1919, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa governor or local chief) sets fire to the D. with a
University 1995. bbo-torch, amid common jubilation. While it
Wudu Tafete Kassu is burning down, the people watch carefully; it
is said that the direction of the D. fall points to
the parts of the country where tribulations may
Dämära be expected. The people take the ashes to draw
D. (6u=, from the root meaning ‘to add, join’) on the forehead the sign of the Cross; they go
is a stack of upright poles or bundled twigs, home to burn piles of dry wood – small “D.” of
which is erected then set ablaze on the eve of their neighbourhoods – and to participate in
the Feast of the Invention of the True Cross of festive meal, dancing and singing.
17 Mäskäräm (s. Mäsqäl). The ritual of the We know that the Mäsqäl feast dates back
burning of the stack is called “D.” as well. into the first half of the 15th cent.; however, it is
The big D. is usually built in the centre of a not known how old the D. ritual is. It certainly
town, on an open public area, in the vicinity of existed before the 19th cent., as European travel
the church and sometimes under the auspices of reports started to mention the “bonfires” in
its clergy. For the D., long straight twigs are cut connection with the Christian feast of Mäsqäl.
and their upper ends are decorated with mäsqäl- The Ethiopian Orthodox tradition derives the
flowers (Delphinium dasycaulon, but also oth- symbolic interpretation of the D.-ceremony
ers); this happens in a vivid and joyful at- from the narratives about the Finding of the True
Blessing the dämära at

Hossäyna market, Hadiyya;
photo 1999, courtesy of Dirk
Bustorf
73
Dämära
Cross by the Empress Helena; it is said that D. Dämbä a

are kindled in commemoration of the bonfires D. (6z(M , also Dänbä a) is a town in
Helena ordered be lit in Palestine to let the Damot, situated about 40 km north-west of
people of Constantinople know that the True Däbrä Marqos, Go am (for a while the capital
Cross had been found (Hyatt 1928:165); other- of D. wäräda, Qwälla Däga Damot awra a). It
wise, it is said that the D. symbolizes a bundle probably developed as an urban settlement due
of burning twigs, the smoke of which came to to its location in a commanding position on the
the place where the Cross was hidden. slope of a ridge extending from the oqqe
The ritual burning of bundled poles or twigs Mountains and along the great western caravan
as the focus of a festival, similar to the Mäsqäl, route from Gondär to Limmu nnarya. An-
is widespread among different ethnic groups of other factor may have been the safety provided
Ethiopia, and presents a complex set of indige- by its renowned church, which the metropoli-
nous cultural elements and Christian Highland tan abunä Yosab made a sanctuary in the late
influence, from both medieval and modern 18th cent. The town appears to have gained im-
times. The feast is usually called by a name portance in the early decades of the 19th cent.
clearly deriving from the word Mäsqäl. It is with the rise of dä azma Zäwde S l an (d.
generally celebrated in the period close to 10–27 1809), who established his residence there. Ac-
Mäskäräm; cp. Mäskäla of the Dorze on 15– cording to one tradition, he also raised the
17 September (VSAe III, 206f.), with the status of the church to a large däbr with gen-
burning down of the big stack, Mas arro of erous endowments. The church would subse-
nnarya and Mašqarro of Šeko (Lange 1982:46, quently serve him as a sanctuary from his ene-
162f.), Maskala of Wälaytta with the setting mies and as a resting place for his remains.
ablaze of the gulia-bonfire (Petros F. Tekle Dä azma Goššu Zäwde also resided there
1961), etc. The festivities usually include ritual frequently over his long period of rule over
slaughter of cattle, and meat consumption. Go am and Damot, thereby enhancing the
Previously, the Gurage celebrated their Mäsqäl at standing of D. Its market was important for the
the beginning of the rainy season in June–July, beewax that the surrounding regions produced.
with every adult male contributing his Mäsqäl- The development of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti
pole to the common mw qy r – the equivalent of Railway and the consequent diversion to Šäwa of
the D. (the role of the lighter of the bonfire the trade of south-western Ethiopia and eastern
implied a dominant position in the political Go am seems to have played a major part in the
hierarchy). Under the imperial authority, the decline of D. as a market place in the 20th cent.
feast was moved and styled in order to coincide In 1999 the town of D. had ca. 11,500 inhabi-
with the nation-wide Mäsqäl. Among the tants; currently it is the administrative centre of D.
agriculturalist groups of Ethiopia, the ritual of
the D. might have been a reflection of an ancient
pre-Christian celebration to mark the beginning
of the dry season, the renewal of the procreative
power of nature and a new period in economic
and social activities of the people (cp. VSAe III,
206f., Shack 1968:460, n.1).
Src.: GuiVoc 649; MANSFIELD PARKINS, Life in Abys-
sinia, London 1853, vol. 2, 82f.; AmhChurchD vol. 4,
117–20; LesCDic 135; KaneDic 1721f.
Lit.: WERNER J. LANGE, History of the Southern Gonga
(Southwestern Ethiopia), Wiesbaden 1982 (SKK 61), 46,
162f.; HARRY MIDDLETON HYATT, The Church of
Abyssinia, London 1928, 165; PankSoc 192f.; PETROS F.
TEKLE, “The Masqala”, University College of Addis
Ababa. Ethnological Society Bulletin 2, 1, 1961, 59–70;
VSAe III, 206f.; WILLIAM SHACK, “The Mäsqäl Pole:
Religious Conflict and Social Change in Gurageland”,
Africa 38, 4, 1968, 457–68.
Mersha Alehegne – Denis Nosnitsin
74
Dämb ya
(former) awra a, a part of M rab Go am Src.: GueCopMen I, 167, 336; II 414, n. 3; TilDic 14.
Administrative Zone within the Amhara k ll l. Lit.: Guida 555; AbbGeogr vol. 1, 290, 305; BTafA 763, 902.
Evgenia Sokolinskaia
Src.: AbbGeogr vol. 1, 54, 57, 109, 152, 158; AbbSéjour
232, 241; CHARLES TILSTONE BEKE, “Abyssinia – Being a
Continuation of Routes in that Country”, Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society 14, 1844, 1–76; GUSTAVO Dämb ya
BIANCHI, Alla terra dei Galla. Narrazione della spedizione D. (6z-\ , also Dämbiya; in Arabic sources:
Bianchi in Africa nel 1879–80, Milano 1884, 467; JEAN ad-Danb ya) is a vast plain bordering upon the
DUCHESNE-FOURNET, Mission en Éthiopie (1901–1903),
Paris 1908, vol. 1, 94; CSA 2000; BlunChr 193f. northern shore of Lake ana, a rich agricul-
Lit.: HuntGeogr 202; PankHist 149, 323. tural district (in a few sources the name of the
Girma Getahun district is applied to the lake). Until the 16th
cent. the population of D. was predominantly
of Agäw stock; later it constituted the large
Dämbäl Mäqi Fälaša ( Betä sra el) population of the region,
D.M. (6z(sy u5 ) is an area north-west of concentrated in particular around Gondär. A
Lake Zway around the Mäqi river, one of its dialect of K mant nay known as Dämb ñña
main tributaries. The word dämbäl might be a or just as Dämb ya was reportedly spoken in D.
corruption of Oromo dambali (‘deep [of water], till the 19th cent.
overflowing’), D.M. thus meaning ‘the deep Since early times D. seems to have hosted
[place on the] Mäqi’, or it may simply refer to trade routes connecting coastal areas with the
Lake Zway itself, which is often referred to as interior of the African continent. A e Amdä
Dämbäl. The name D.M. also refers to a small yon I may have obtained some territorial
lake and a chain of mountains in the area. There gains in D.; some äwa were settled in D.,
was also a small town called Mäqi (also Ponte perhaps from the 14th cent. on. Hagiographies of
Macchi) on the road to the south in the 1970s. 14th-cent. monks (e.g., Yafq rännä gzi
During M nil k’s 1880 campaign against the Zäyo ann s) attest to the spread of Christian-
Arsi Oromo, he, together with the troops of ity into the region, which, however, was politi-
the recently baptized ras Mika el, undertook cally dominated by local rulers. A e Dawit II
numerous successful raids along the Zway coast, is reported to have appointed over D. a Fälaša
including at D.M. M nil k returned there at governor from S men.
least twice: in December 1886, when he camped Some time in 1534 Ahmad b. Ibr h m al-
on the shores of the Mäqi (s. GueCopMen I, z (Grañ) chose D. for his residence, im-
336), and in December 1895, when a major pressed by the fertility of the region. After-
epidemic among horses and mules of the expe- wards, D. increasingly attracted the attention of
dition broke out (ibid. II, 414). the Ethiopian emperors, who, in resisting the
Oromo invasion, for security reasons had to
move their “winter residences” further and
further to the north. A e är ä D ng l regu-
larly visited D., and used to launch from there
his expeditions to the south, against the Oromo,
or, to the north, against the Fälaša of S men,
and to the north-east. After a e Zä llase was
killed in 1604 by rebellious regiments at
Bar a, in D., a e Sus nyos (1604–32) set up his
“winter residence” there at Gorgora, in 1614
(although this location, infested with malaria,
appears less than ideal). His son a e Fasilädäs
completed the process by establishing in 1636 a
genuine permanent capital city at Gondär,
also in D. Thus the status of the region changed
radically. D. became not simply a granary for
the growing city, but a capital district, and soon
its governor with his traditional title of
75
Dämb ya
18th cent. D. became noted for its security, and
the expression “safe as in D.” was the best
praise for any province in the country.
This situation changed with the appearance of
ras Mika el S ul in D. in 1767 and the begin-
ning of the so-called Zämänä mäsaf nt, which
put an end to the real power of Gondärine kings.
However, the former political and religious im-
portance preserved a degree of significance to this
region; in the 1820s it afforded a base for the
short-time rise of dä azma Maru. It was
precisely this hegemony of both the district and
the capital city that a e Tewodros II wanted to
liquidate by burning down Gondär in 1864. The
next emperor, a e Yo ann s IV, was not
greatly interested in this region ( lga be-
coming its major settlement), and D. became an
ordinary Ethiopian provincial district.
käntiba became a sort of mayor of Gondär. The Italians seized the Gorgora peninsula on
The royal capital became the greatest consumer 14 April 1936, and in 1938 inaugurated there, on
of goods, both imported and local. It was also the Vetta Mussolini (‘Mussolini’s Peak’), the
the base where Ethiopian emperors and their Faro della Conquista (‘The Lighthouse of the
armies returned after annual campaigns along Conquest’). After the Liberation, D. became an
with their booty, slaves being the most valuable awra a of Gondär/Bägemd r province, with
and convertible items. This attracted to D. in the capital in Qwälla Däbba. During the 1950–
general and Gondär in particular Muslim long- 60s malaria remained a problem; in 1953–54 the
distance traders (mainly from Sinn r), and in government even had to order the evacuation of
the capital a special quarter for them ( slam the district and the Qwälla Däbba market. Since
Bet) was established, together with a quarter for malaria seems to have been eradicated, tourism
artisans (Kayla Meda, or Fälaša Meda). could benefit the population of the region. A
During the Gondärine kingdom period, the boat service connects Gorgora to the monaster-
capital district of D. prospered, whereas the ies of lake ana and Ba r Dar; the Däbrä
territory under Christian monarchs’ control Sina church is still in good condition, but the
diminished considerably. Probably to compen- Maryam G mb church collapsed after the
sate for this, the Gondärine kings sought to 1995 rains. According to the 1994 Census, the
concentrate in D. all famous sacred places of population of the region (after 1991 a wäräda of
Ethiopia. In Azäzo, at the former Jesuit resi- the S men Gondär zone, Amhara k ll l)
dence Gännätä Iyäsus, “new Däbrä Libanos” reached 226,000, while the population of Qwälla
was established, with the tabot of St. Mary from Däba increased from 6,837 in 1984 to 11,716.
the old Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa ( Azäzo
Src.: CSA 2000; BassHist 431 (Lit.), s. index; BeckHunt-
Täklä Haymanot). In Gondär itself such famous Alm, s. index; BassÉt 73ff.; CRHist; GuiIohan, GuiYas;
churches as Däbrä B rhan and Däbrä ä ay PerChron 101, 112, 124 (text), s. index; BruNile, vol. 2,
Qw sqwam were erected. The capital district of 585ff.; MELESSA GHIORGHIS, “Gondar Yesterday and
D. became not only the most important political Today”, EthObs 12, 3, 1969, 164–76; VINIGI LORENZO
GROTTANELLI et al., Missione di studio al Lago Tana,
and economic core of the Christian kingdom,
vol. 2, Roma 1939; Guida 359; CSA 1984.
but also a centre of ecclesiastical learning, art Lit.: AbPrince s. index; MARC AUBERT – LUIGI
and culture. Due to the presence of the royal CANTAMESSA, Éthiopie. Berceau de l’humanité, Génève
court, army and leading clergy, Amharic, ³2000; CrumLand 73–93; TadTChurch, s. index;
which had been spreading rapidly in D. since FREDERICK J. SIMOONS, Northwest Ethiopia: Peoples
and Economy, Madison 1960, s. index; MERID WOLDE
the middle of the 16th cent., became the pre-
AREGAY, Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom,
dominant language; its local Gondärine variant 1508–1708, with Special Reference to the Galla Migra-
was long considered the “superior” dialect of tions and their Consequences, Ph.D. thesis, University of
Amharic. For the same reasons, during the 17th– London 1971; AbbGeogr 189, 251, 320, 360, 370, 382;
76
Damian of Alexandria
BTafA 902, PankHist I, s. index (Lit); PankBord, s.
index; RubTew, s. index.
Tsegaye Tegenu – Alain Gascon – Sevir Chernetsov –
Denis Nosnitsin
Dambi Dolloo
D.D. (Amh. sp. 6z*y <t Dämbi Dolo) is an
administrative and trade centre on the western
edge of the north Ethiopian highland at 1,821 m
A.S.L. The town, earlier known as Sayyoo (under
the name of the Mä a Oromo subgroup in-
habiting the territory in and around it), was re- Anfillo courtyard in Šabal near Dambi Dolloo; photo
named during the period of Italian administra- 2001, courtesy of Günther Schlee
tion ( Africa Orientale Italiana). The name D.D. Oromo Liberation Front (O.L.F.) leaders were
probably refers to dambi or dimbi (Ficus Thon- educated here. In 1991-92, D.D. was the only
ningii), a sycamore species holy for the Oromo. district controlled and governed by the O.L.F.
It is the area where Oromo migration towards In the administrative system of the Ethiopian
the west came to a standstill in the 18th cent. Be- Empire, the town was the capital of Qell m
tween 1886 and 1908, D.D. belonged to the ter- awra a (Wälläga province). Currently, it be-
ritories controlled by mooti ootee Tulluu, longs to Säyyo wäräda of East Wälläga Zone,
after he, with a e M nil k II’s help, defeated the k ll l Oromiyaa. The town counts over 26,000
Sayyoo “strong man” Barayuu. In the 1930s it inhabitants (26,356 in 2000) and is growing
grew to a great commercial centre. From there, rapidly. There is an international airport at D.D.
coffee, agricultural products, wax and skins In recent years it has been developing into a
(earlier also gold) were exported to the Sudan; tourist centre (on the way to Gambella). Among
imported goods, in the first place, textiles, were its main attractions are the old gold mines in the
sold on further into the country. Numerous vicinity of the town.
foreign companies (especially Greek) were resi- Anfillo
dent in D.D. In 1938 the population was esti- Src.: Guida 509; CSA 2000.
mated at 8,000 inhabitants (Guida 509). Hermann Amborn
D.D. is also an important early centre of
western Christian missions (mostly Protestant).
The Protestant mission school in D.D. was the Damian of Alexandria
major cradle of pan-Oromo nationalism; many D. (;z\$F, D myanos), an anti-Chalcedonian
35th archbishop of Alexandria (578 [577]–607
[606] A.D.) and saint, was a leader of a group of
bishops and Church writers (Orlandi 1989) and
the originator of a triadological concept which
was predominant in Egypt until the late first
millennium. Arguing against the so-called
“tritheist” doctrine, where the three hypostases
of the Divinity were considered as three sepa-
rate beings, D. elaborated a diametrically oppo-
site doctrine of his own, where the unity of the
three hypostases was treated as an identity, with
the only real distinction being of three “charac-
teristic properties” which make the difference
between the hypostases of the same nature (like
“unborn”, “born” and “proceeded”). D.’s
teaching immediately caused (588) a rupture
with the monophysite Severianist Patriarchate
of Antioch. D. managed, however, to obtain
77
Damian of Alexandria
support from the side of the Julianists (581). Dammohoytá Adoyammára and
The last mention of Damianism as a separate Asahyammára
Christian sect was made by a Muslim author in
the 10th cent. (Dodge 1970:814, cp. note 400). Damot
Despite the absence of D.’s works in Ethiopia,
The kingdom of D. (9{M ) seems to have been
he is commemorated in the S nk ssar (on 18
in existence at least as early as the 10th cent. in
Säne), and his thought influenced the Ethiopian
the region immediately south of the Abbay in
Orthodox Church in many ways: first of all, in
present-day Wällägä and western Šäwa. Its
the 15th cent., under the pressure of the follow-
bounds are uncertain, but they may have
ers of Giyorgis of Sägla, but also in the
stretched as far west as the Didessa River and as
karra doctrine (cp. discussion in Lourié far south as Wällamo. One of several states
1999:329–34). For instance, the following is a inhabited by non-Christian Sidama on and to
specimen taken from the Mä afä m s ir by the south of the Šäwan plateau, D.’s inhabitants
Giyorgis of Sägla, where the trinitarian doctrine may have had queens as well as kings for rulers.
is entirely within the Damianist framework: For instance, in the mid-10th cent., a queen of
“We have found, as to the Father, that He is the “Ban l-Ham(u)w ya” led her people
called ‘Father’, being the Holy Spirit according against the overlordship of the late Aksumite
to His hypostasis and His essence. And we have Christian kingdom, destroying churches, killing
found, as to the Son, that he is called ‘Son’, the king and many of his subjects, and threat-
being the Holy Spirit according to His hyposta- ening the kingdom’s survival ( sato). She
sis and the community of essence [calque from restored her people’s independence and there-
Gr. ] with the Father. But we have after ruled over a large and powerful kingdom
found no father of the Paraklete, to call Him that apparently included former Christian lands.
‘Son’, nor son, to call Him ‘Father’. Therefore, Yet, the identity of the queen and the reference
He is always called ‘Holy Spirit’, as was demon- of this episode to D. are both uncertain (but
strated by us, and the Holy Spirit is Holy Spirit, note an alternative rendering of “Banu d-
as was demonstrated by us, because ‘spirit’ [D]am ta” for country and people). The earliest
means the Godhead impalpable and the power unambiguous reference to the “kingdom of
invisible” (YaqMist II, 268). Damot” occurs in 13th cent. Zagwe records.
Theology; Julianism From the 10th to the 13th cent., D. was the
Src.: BudSaint 1011ff.; RIFAAT Y. EBIED – ALBERT VAN dominant power on the Šäwan plateau, defeating
ROEY – LIONEL R. WICKHAM, Petri Callinicensis patri- at least one Zagwe attack from the north-east and
archae Antiocheni. Tractatus contra Damianum, 4 vols., reducing Muslim principalities as far east as Ifat to
Turnhout – Leuven 1994/96/98/2004 (Corpus Chris-
tianorum, Ser. Graeca 29, 32, 35, 54); GuiSyn I, 629-33; vassalage. In the early to mid-13th cent., a famed
BAYARD DODGE (ed.), The Fihrist of al-Nad m. A legendary ruler named Motälämi (TadTChurch
Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture, 2 vols., New 121) led his subjects in devastating campaigns
York – London 1970, vol. 2, 814; YaqMist II, 268 (text) = against Christian settlements in Šäwa. Later
149f. (tr.). hagiographic legends maintain that the Šäwan
Lit.: CASPAR DETLEF GUSTAV MÜLLER, “Damian, Papst
und Patriarch von Alexandrien”, OrChr 70, 1986, 118– saint Täklä Haymanot evangelized in D. and
42; TITO ORLANDI, “La patrologia copta”, in: ANTONIO converted Motälämi to Christianity, but such
QUACQUARELLI (ed.), Complementi interdisciplinari di traditions are not reliable.
Patrologia, Roma 1989, 479–502; VASILIY LOURIÉ, In the late 13th cent., Y kunno Amlak drove
“Bogoslovie ‘egiptstvuyuschih umom’: monofizicheskaya D. overlords from the Šäwan plateau, but it was
triadologiya mezhdu triteizmom i damianizmom” (‘The
Theology of ‘Those Égyptisants by Intellect’: Monophy- a e Amdä yon I in the early 14th cent. who
site Triadology between Tritheism and Damianism’), began subjugating the kingdom. Thereafter,
Hristianskiy Vostok new ser. 1 [7], 1999, 479–89 (Lit.); Christianity and Amhara culture slowly dif-
ID., “Avva Georgiy iz Sagly i istoriya yulianizma v fused among the population. By the 16th cent., D.
Efiopii” (‘Abba Giyorgis of Sagla and the History of had become an integral province of the empire of
Julianism in Ethiopia’), ibid. 317–58; PHILIPPE
BLAUDEAU, “Le voyage de Damien d’Alexandrie vers Ethiopia, and its governor carried the same title
Antioche puis Constantinople (579–80), motivations et as the governor of Šäwa – ä afe lam. During
objectifs”, OrChrP 63, 1997, 333–61. the mid-16th cent., the now partly Christianized
Basil Lourié population joined with their Amhara and T gray
78
Dämwamwit
Tulluu, governor of D. and son-in-law of a e
Iyasu I, led his armies in Iyasu’s unrelenting
raids into Oromo lands south of the Abbay.
Tulluu rallied his forces behind Iyasu in the
struggle with Iyasu’s son, the future Emperor
Täklä Haymanot I, over the throne in 1706.
Tulluu helped negotiate Iyasu’s retirement and
Täklä Haymanot’s accession, but Täklä
Haymanot immediately exiled and blinded him
in an attempt to quell discontent in D. and
Go am over the arrangement.
Having helped enthrone a e Iyasu II in 1730,
D.’s leaders insisted that dä azma Wäräñña,
not the court’s nominee, be appointed their
governor. Two years later, armies from D. and
Go am under Wäräñña’s command rescued
the court from certain defeat at the hands of
rebels who had laid siege to Gondär, ushering in
four decades of Qwaran rule. In early 1768, the
countrymen in fighting against the Muslim inva- D., again insisting that they be governed by one
sion of A mad b. Ibr h m al- z . of their own, refused to accept tege B rhan
About 1578–80, the Mä a Oromo branch Mogäsa’s (M nt wwab’s) brother, šäte, as
attacked D. as they pursued their conquest of their overlord, a stance that contributed to
the Šäwan plateau. Unable to repulse the Mä a, šäte’s death and to the end of Qwaran domi-
most of the people of D. submitted to their nance in Gondär. In 1779, they secured the
conquerors, who absorbed them into Mä a enthronement of Täklä Giyorgis I in place of
society and made D. their new homeland. Some, Solomon II as emperor. In the mid-20th cent.,
however, including many who had become D. was incorporated into the Province of Go
Christian, fled across the Abbay into am as an awra a, after 1974 known also as
Go am. There, in the early 17th cent., they Qwälla Däga Damot.
re-established their homeland in the plains be- Src.: BassÉt 165f.; BégCron 79f.; GuiIohan 21, 37f., 103f.,
tween Go am on the east and Agäw lands on 164, 221–24, 233ff. (tr.), 261; GuiIyas 45ff., 56, 79, 122–
the west. Thereafter, D. once again became one 25, 138f., 231, 237ff. (tr.); BlunChr 231 (tr.).
of the major provinces of the Christian empire, Lit.: TadTChurch 5f., 38f., 120–23, 135, 160–73; ChTana,
s. index, maps; MHasOr 27, 35f.; ENRICO CERULLI,
and its inhabitants, composed of the population “L’Etiopia medievale in alcuni brani di scrittori arabi”,
from old D., other peoples such as the Gafat RSE 3, 3, 1943, 272–85 [repr. in: CerIslam 257–80];
who had similarly fled before the Oromo, and TrIslam 52–60; TSEHAI BERHANE SELASSIE, “The Ques-
various Mä a groups who were permitted to tion of Damot and Wälamo”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 37–46.
LaVerle B. Berry
settle on the north bank of the Abbay, accepted
Amhara culture, adopted the Amharic language, Damot Military units
and converted to Christianity.
Throughout the 17th and 18th cent., D. allied Damot Aw i
itself with Go am and Qwara in pursuit of
influence and power in Gondär. The province’s Dämwamwit
military forces, especially its cavalry composed D. (also Dämwät) is a female deity of the
of awe Oromo were renowned for their autochthonous folk-religion of the Säbat Bet
fighting abilities. In 1704, as a reward for their Gurage. D. has some symbolic relation to a
service in his campaigns, a e Iyasu I settled the certain type of snake and to the leopard. Like the
awe on the north bank of the Abbay in D. to other deities (or spirits) of Gurage, Waq and
serve as a bulwark against incursions by their Bo ä, D. has an ambiguous nature: to people
Mä a kinsmen. who observe the rules of the socio-religious or-
Two Oromo, Tulluu and Wäräñña, were der, she guarantees health and fertility, while her
among D.’s most prominent leaders. Dä azma enemies have to suffer of certain diseases, e.g., the
79
Dämwamwit
ritual illness of zit. The one who suffers of zit mw yät groups from all over Gurage gather at
(eventually connected with liver or kidney prob- Yäbi ara. The festival is characterized by rampant
lems) is seen as being possessed and ritually pol- dancing and singing of chants of praise dedicated
luted, and is to be isolated from society. to D. (wäywät). The Yäwäy dämam receives a
Due to her life-giving power D. is associated tribute of honey, grain, coffee or male sheep
with blood. In songs of praise she is called “the which is collected by the mw yät leaders for the
red” or the “bloody one”. Her irascibility is sake of D. At other occasions, sacrifices for D.
expressed by referring to her “bloodshot eyes”. are held at the waterside, where the blood of the
The deity is said to protect especially the slaughtered animals is led into the water.
women and the weak and to punish hard the The symbolic power of the Yäwäy dämam
sexual harassment of girls dedicated to her. D.’s extends into the field of traditional politics and
function as a healer is shown, e.g., by associa- legal practice, therefore he attends meetings of
tion with the kosso tree and its red blossom. the pan-Gurage assembly Yä oka. According to
As Shack (1966:198) states, in the Gurage re- Shack (1969:153) the Yäwäy dämam also plays a
ligious system “men and women are placed in a role during the installation rite of clan chiefs.
cross-sexual ritual relationship” with their ac- In the 1994 census a number of 731 people in
cordant deities. The cult of D. is mainly a cult of Gurage declared that they follow a “traditional
women and can be seen as the structural an- religion”. A further differentiation could not be
tagonist of the predominantly male cult of Waq. expressed in the census. In areas dominated by
The internal structure of the D. cult is based Christianity the mw yät associations are consid-
on the mw yät female age-organization and the erably weakened; in Muslim areas of Säbat Bet
male ritual representative of D., Yäwäy dämam Gurage their importance continued to a certain
(‘Master of Honey’) at Yäbi ara, aha. degree.
Unmarried Gurage women – if following the Src.: CSA 1996, 220.
old custom – belong to the mw yät association Lit.: ShGurage 2, 53, 93, 110, 126f., 132–35, 159, 167f., 172ff.,
from circumcision till marriage. After mar- 175, 185ff., 196; WILLIAM A. SHACK – HABTE-MARIAM
MARCOS, Gods and Heroes: Oral Traditions of the Gurage
riage the relation to the association is weakened of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974, 60–71; WORKU NIDA, “Descrip-
but not given up (but cp. Gabreyesus tive Account of the Dammuamuit Cult of the Gurage”, in:
Hailemariam 1991:143). In the first month of Proceedings of the 2nd National Conference of Ethiopian
membership in the mw yät association the Studies, Addis Ababa, in preparation; GABREYESUS
young girls are secluded and ritual knowledge is HAILEMARIAM, The Guragué and their Culture, New
York 1991, 100, 140–45, 186; JEAN-FRANÇOIS PRUNET –
conveyed to them, including the secret “lan- BERHANU CHAMORA, “A History of the Thunder-God
guage” Fedwät, which is produced by the re- Cult in Central Ethiopia, with a Text Analysis”, Langues
placement or modification of a number of words Orientales Anciennes Philologie et Linguistique 5–6, 1995,
(cp. Leslau 1964:16–30). Part of the ritual activi- 60; WOLF LESLAU, Ethiopian Argots, London – The
Hague – Paris 1964 (Janua Linguarum, Studia memoriae
ties is allegedly related to an altered state of con- Nicolai van Wijk dedicata, series practica 17), 14–30.
sciousness. The local mw yät associations are led Dirk Bustorf
by male ritual specialists of Fuga origin.
A selected group of mw yät members does not
marry, but dedicate life to D. Members wander Dan
around in small groups, carrying a croched ritual D. was one of the sons of the Biblical patriarch
stick (zänzäna) which is considered as symbolic Jacob, and gave his name to one of the twelve
“husband”. In the villages they visit they receive tribes of Israel. Following the destruction of the
food and shelter from mw yät members. northern kingdom of Israel, D. was one of the
The Yäwäy dämam, and the shrine of D. he ten tribes that went into exile and became known
guards, is protected from ritual pollution by a as the Ten Lost Tribes. To this day, attempts are
set of taboos, similar to those surrounding other made to associate different groups and tribes
spirit intermediaries in southern Ethiopia. In with one of several of these tribes. Since the time
contrast to the role women play in the D. cult it of Eldad Ha-Dani, there have been claims that
is not allowed to women, with the exception of the Betä sra el were descendants of the tribe
Yäwäy dämam’s wives, to enter his compound of D. In 1488, the noted rabbi and Talmudic
or to see his face for they are considered to be scholar Obadiah of Bertinoro, wrote that the
ritually impure. At the annual Sän ä festival Jews from the land of Prester John claimed to
80
Dances
be from the tribe of D. The Egyptian Talmudist T gray pair-D. is performed with the T gray
and legal authority David Ben Abi Zimra based circle-D.
his affirmation on Betä sra el’s Jewishness on The two-part division of the D., designated
the belief that they were descendants of D. This sections A and B, generally corresponds to an
view was cited again by the Sephardi Chief open-ended, cyclical, binary musical form. Most
Rabbi of Israel, Ovadiah Yosef, when in 1973 he D. are in double metre, save the T gray D.,
declared the Betä sra el were Jews. which are in triple metre. D. is accompanied by
Lit.: MENACHEM ELON, “The Ethiopian Jews: A Case singing, hand-clapping and instrumental ac-
Study in the Functioning of the Jewish Legal System”, companiment, notably through various types of
New York University Journal of International Law and drums.
Politics 16, 1986–87, 553–63; STEVEN KAPLAN, “History,
Halakha and Identity: the Beta Israel and World Jewry”, The accompanying zäfän (secular songs) are
Israel Social Science Research 10, 2, 1995, 13–24. responsive, consisting of a solo statement fol-
Steven Kaplan lowed by a choral response. Although section A
is always shorter in duration than B, each can
Danakil Afar; Dänkäl; Dankáli last from about half a minute or less to several
minutes until the cycle is repeated. Section A
Dances functions as a warm-up or rest period, sets the
Dances, secular mood, and acts as a tension release after the
climax is achieved in section B.
Function and organizational structure
Basic foot motifs include stepping and/or
The majority of Ethiopian D. are performed by stamping in place and various “walking”
both men and women as entertainment at wed- rhythmic patterns. The second longer section
ding celebrations and other festivities for family contains the D. proper. Compared with section
and friends, or on holidays such as Mäsqäl A, section B has accelerated tempo, denser
and mqät. Some fulfil other functions re- rhythmic patterns, greater dynamic level, an
lated to courting and working and as displays of increased number of D. motifs and more energy
patriotism. D. can be performed individually or expended executing D. movements. These
in pairs, or performed in alternation like the changes can occur gradually or quite abruptly.
&FKrq^ ( stalelay, a T gray pair-D.). The The basic D. formation consists of a circle
from a dozen to over a hundred dancers and
singers. Within the circle, there are solo dancers
numbering from one to five individuals, or
soloists grouped in twos, threes or fours, or solo
dancers in multiple two- to four-line formation.
Circle-dances focus on the group during the
first section and highlight the soloists during the
second section, where an outer circle of per-
formers singing in chorus with instrumental
accompaniment cheers on the soloists, who
display their D. skills and virtuosity. This dual-
ity displayed within the AB format and the use
of contrast exemplified by the group-versus-
solo performance are dominant features of the D.
sk sta
A major feature of the D. is known as &FlFK
( sk sta). The word is said to be derived from
the Amharic &FlF ( sk s, ‘to do something
smoothly’; s. Yasuko Endo 2001). This meaning
is demonstrated by the symbolic imagery of
moving water as replicated in the D. movements
Some dance foot motifs, notated by Labanotion; from in the upper-shoulder region of the body, of
Tibor Vadasy 1973:220 water flowing, rippling and falling (waterfall).
81
Dances
in which the basic character of the D. does not

require sk sta, as in Gurage D., to a primary
emphasis, as in Amhara D.
Go am D. are identified by various move-
ment patterns, of which the three major ones
are the ;:+ (d rräba, ‘twice’), involving a ratio
of two to one, that is two shoulder movements
per one foot movement (beat); the w!- (z nab,
‘rain’) where the shoulders move up and down
imitating the motion of falling rain, and the
&#8484 ( nq qq , ‘shake’), involving a num-
Dance of Afar warriors; early 20th century; photo by ber of short, sharply executed shoulder shakes
Arnold Holtz; from the collection of André Evalet per one foot movement (Yasuko Endo 2001).
sk sta has been variously defined as a D. Dancers from the Gondär region perform the
genre, a specific D., or D. style identified by its greatest number of different sk sta variations
most prominent feature, the shoulder move- and are known for their consummate skill in
ments of the dancer. It is actually a D. technique their execution. Dancers from the M n ar re-
with variations in the manner the shoulders are gion prefer more foot motifs than the Go am
shaken. This “shaking shoulder” motif serves as and Gondär dancers. But the Gurage use the
the pivotal point of the technique itself. Shoul- most foot motifs, so much so that it is these foot
der movements involve direction (vertical, hori- motifs rather than sk sta that define the char-
zontal, diagonal), manner of movement (jerking, acter of Gurage D. (s. Tibor Vadasy 1971:194).
shaking, twisting) and points between which
shoulders are able to move (direction, shoulder Some distinctive characteristics of Dances
position). There are gradients and varying com- Though the Gurage sing during the first D. sec-
binations of direction and position, as in the tion, this ceases in the second section, where the
“jerking sk sta”. When the technique is ex- vocalists emit a continuing, guttural breathing,
tended, it affects other body parts, such as the in-out technique corresponding rhythmically
chest or even the entire body. Technically, with the foot motifs.
sk sta is always supported by different body Both the Gurage D. and the Oromo ragada
and foot movements such as bending, jumping, dance are the most energetic and violent in the
small springing action and knee flexions. B section, with angular jerking and kicking
sk sta is favoured by solo dancers to display movements that affect the entire body. There
their virtuosity, to stage a competition and to are no pauses during this section, lasting be-
create and perform new solo parts in combina- tween ten and thirty seconds. However, in the
tion with other D. techniques. Amhara and T gray D., there are pauses and the
sk sta can function as the most important entire sk sta is performed at an even higher
component of a D. consisting solely of it, energy level often lasting several minutes. When
though it is used in conjunction with foot Oromo dancers pause between the two sections,
movements to support it, as in the D. of the solo partners make an elastic bow towards
Go am and Gondär. Alternatively, it can serve each other. During the bow, the head is bent
as an accompaniment to another D. movement forward and sways from left to right or right to
where body or foot movements are equal or left. This is very typical, and basic to the šagoye,
more important than sk sta, as in some of the an Oromo couples’ dance from Harär.
Gurage or M n ar dances. It also can serve as Some dances, like the hota, a war D. from
the finale, as in the T gray and Oromo D. Wällo, do not consist of an established D. for-
In Amhara D., both partners or soloists per- mation, but simply of a mass of men pressed
form different sk sta techniques simultane- together who move and sing together in
ously and change technique at will. However, in rhythm. Often, after the sk sta, the closed mass
Wällo dances, both partners perform the same of men opens up and they run away searching
sk sta techniques simultaneously and change for another locale or “enemy.” As part of the
technique only when given a signal by the D. D., this running takes place at the beginning and
leader. Emphasis on sk sta varies from slight, at the end of the sequence.
82
Dances
The Hamär urra (spring D., “to leap high”) included äggaye Däbalqe, former Director of
takes place at night and appears to illustrate the Music Division of Ethiopian Radio and
male and female courting. Two dozen male Television, and Iyo el Yo ann s, Director of the
dancers form a semi-circle where half the men Hagär F qr Tiyat r (Patriotic Association).
step forward out of the semi-circle. They then Two Hungarian scholars, György Martin and
perform, individually, feats of high leaps with Bálint Sárosi, along with members of the Addis
twists and turns of their bodies, and move their Abäba radio staff, participated in a preliminary
heads rhythmically in different directions. The expedition in 1965, collecting materials from
remaining men in the circle clap independently. seventeen regions in eight provinces, resulting
Later, all dancers leap and clap in unison. This in a broad overview of D. Approximately 3,000
established, the women rush en masse towards metres of film and several hundred still photo-
the men and the D. terminates the very moment graphs, as well as tape-recordings of music were
they reach the men. The women are chased collected (Bálint Sárosi 1970). Another Hun-
away and the entire sequence begins again. This garian scholar and dance specialist who taught
D. is defined by the alternation of chaos and dance at the Yared School of Music was Tibor
order; the dissolution of order takes place at the Vadasy who subsequently continued the re-
very moment it has been achieved. search and collecting, but focused his attention
Special props are often integral to the perform- on detailed analysis of specific dances of ethnic
ance, such as the drum, stick, sword and šämma. groups from various regions. Published during
Drums play a decisive role in the T gray circle D. the early 1970s, his three articles on secular
As leaders, two to five drummers give the basic dance were the most detailed analyses of dance
rhythmic patterns and signal when to begin of that time (Tibor Vadasy 1970, 1971, 1973).
sk sta and when to repeat the D. sequence. The Publications containing terminology used in
Wällo hota and Oromo i isa men’s war D. do not descriptions of dance genres and specific D.
allow anyone to participate unless he is in posses- were not standardized but idiosyncratic using
sion of a stick, probably symbolic of weapons either a descriptive title (awrus or pigeon
used in battle. In the šire (T gray sword D.), two dance), a title by ethnic group (Oromo dance),
to four men run 20 to 30 m out of the circle each by geographical location (Gondär or Wällo
holding a sword in one hand and its sheath in the dance), D. formation (T gray pair dance), D.
other. Though they dance with sword in hand, it technique (shaking sk sta), by sex (hota, a
is never used to initiate an attack on a partner. The men’s dance), function (M n ar threshing
awrus (T gray pigeon D.) ostensibly enacts a duel dance), event (Gurage funeral dance), or in
between a pigeon and an eagle, but symbolically combination (s. Tse Kimberlin 1986).
represents the enticement of a man by a woman Descriptions of D. are indeed problematic.
or two women. The woman uses the shawl of her For instance, Amharic terms often were used to
šämma as wings to imitate a pigeon’s flight and by describe D. of non-Amharic-speaking groups.
the man to imitate an eagle’s outstretched wings. Translation of indigenous words into English
caused difficulty when no English equivalents
State of dance studies were forthcoming. For example, the Amhara do
A major attempt to study and document Ethio- not have an indigenous word for “music” and
pian D. on a systematic basis was instigated in do not perceive the words “song” and “dance”
1964 by the Hungarian government in collabo- as separate entities. Thus, zäfän could mean
ration with the Ethiopian Ministry of Informa- song, secular song, D. and/or music. Descrip-
tion. In order to establish an organizational tions of D. movements often contained subjec-
framework for study and for archiving materi- tive words that could not be quantified such as
als, scholars and specialists with expertise in the harsh, soft, lively, and quick. Vadasy sought a
performing arts were enlisted to travel through- more objective description of D. movement by
out the country to collect and document music utilizing Labanotation, a universally applicable
and dance. Under the aegis of the Yared School notation system of nonverbal symbolism used
of Music and the Institute of Ethiopian Stud- to record movement. Based on the universal
ies, these materials eventually were to be made laws of kinetics, this system enabled him to
available to interested scholars and dance prac- reconstruct the simplest to the most complex
titioners. Ethiopians who worked on the project movements (Laban 1928; Hutchinson 1954).
83
Dances
For information on secular D. after 1980, see Wälqayt, and – as a final triumph – to have
Timkehet Teffera (1999) for aspects of D. ac- “subjected the king of Aksum and made him
companying Amhara wedding songs, with cease ruling Aksum”.
comments about D. and movement patterns No date can be set for these events (9th–12th
among the Qottu, Harari, Wälaytta, Wällamo, cent. is the most general and likely estimate), but
Dorze, Gurage, T gr ñña speakers and Oromo. it is not impossible that a ani D. was one of the
Although publications by other authors are rulers who controlled Ethiopia from Ku bar, a
acknowledged, the core of secular D. studies is mysterious new capital city mentioned by Arabic
discussed on the basis of Vadasy (1970, 1971, writers from al- Ya q b (fl. ca. 872–91) on-
1973) and Tse Kimberlin (1986). wards. This city and the relevant kingdom might
Lit.: YASUKO ENDO, Dance and Society, Kyoto 2001, have had some later connection with the Zagwe
182–92; ANN HUTCHINSON, Labanotation: the System for dynasty (ca. 1137–1270) and its capital Ro a (or
Recording Movement, London 1954; RUDOLF LABAN, Adäfa), later called Lalibäla. If a ani D. was an
Principles of Dance and Movement Notation, London Agäw conqueror of Aksum, he might be consid-
1928; CYNTHIA TSE KIMBERLIN, “Dance in Ethiopia”, in:
International Encyclopaedia of Dance, New York 1986;
ered as one of the Zagwe’s forerunners.
GYÖRGY MARTIN, “Dance Types in Ethiopia”, Interna- A striking feature is that a ani D. refers to
tional Folk Music Council 19, 1967; MINISTRY OF himself thrice as the “son of Däbrä F rem” (yet
INFORMATION (ed.), Music, Dance, and Drama, Addis readable, in one case, however: “Däbrä Afrem”?).
Ababa 1968 (Patterns of Progress in Ethiopia 9); BÁLINT Däbrä F rem may not be D.’s patronymic, as
SÁROSI, “Melodic Patterns in the Folk Music of the
Ethiopian Peoples”, in: PICES 3, vol. 2, 280–87; IVO
once supposed, but rather points to the religious
STRECKER – JEAN LYDALL, Musik der Hamar, institution D. was affiliated to (as a monk? cp.
Südäthiopien. [Recordings and Commentary], Berlin “son of Däbrä Libanos”, etc.), däbr styling in
1980 (Museum Collection Berlin [West], 6); TIBOR fact a monastery or a church, F rem being the
VADASY, “Ethiopian Folk-Dance”, JES 8, 1, 1970, 119– eponymous holy person. If so, F rem could be a
46; ID., “Ethiopian Folk-Dance II: Tegr and Gurag ”,
ibid. 9, 2, 1971, 191–217, here 194; ID., “Ethiopian Folk- hypocoristic form of the name F remna os
Dance III: Wällo and Galla”, ibid. 11, 1, 1973, 213–31 (Frumentius), evangeliser of the 4th cent.-Aksum,
(ill.); TIMKEHET TEFFERA, Musik zu Hochzeiten bei den later better known as abunä Sälama Kä ate
Amara im Zentralen Hochland Äthiopiens, Berlin 1999. B rhan, and refer to the ancient church of
Cynthia Tse Kimberlin F remona, 6 km from Adwa, to the south of
the way to Aksum, where the Portuguese for-
Dances, religious Aqwaqwam; Däbtära; tress was to be much later (s. Fiaccadori 1990).
D ggwa; Q ddase; Zema As to the title of D., the G z word =n~
( a ani) literally means ‘tutor, guardian [of the
Dan el children]’, but its exact significance here, and
a ani D. (9#%s ) is known from two G z the position of D. therefore, are unclear; it
inscriptions on an ancient stone throne base still might have meant something like a ‘guardian [of
lying in a field at Aksum, May Qo o. A third the state]’ (an etymology from a ani has been
one, on a stone slab nearby, most probably a part suggested for a e and for ä, s. Cerulli
of the same throne, may also be related to D. (s. 1943:274ff., Fiaccadori 1990:328 respectively). It
DAE I, 59f.; IV, nos. 12ff.). These texts, dating is nonetheless the same title born by King
roughly between the 7th and the 12th cent., are Lalibäla, the Zagwe ruler, in two land grants as
later than the throne is; they are crudely inscribed they are preserved in the “Golden Gospel” of
and mostly illegible, both reading and interpreta- Däbrä Libanos of Š mäzana (in two other
tion being mere matter of speculation (cp. RIE land charters, however, he is presented as n gu
nos. 193 [I, II], 194; Schneider 1984:163). CRDLib nos. 6, 7), and mentioned in the account
Despite such an extreme uncertainty, the evi- of a e Amdä yon’s campaign ( a ane Sägärat,
dence on a ani D. is of considerable impor- s. MarAmdS 52f.). The title appears in non-
tance. The inscriptions seem to show him bat- Ethiopian sources: the 10th-cent. Arab author
tling victoriously in several areas of northern Ibn awqal has it in the form a ni as ap-
Ethiopia, thus rendering the king of Aksum his plying to the king of Abyssinia (the one killed by
vassal. D. appears to have possibly defeated the queen of the Ban l-Hamw ya, s. sato). It
another a ani, Karuray, to have fought the is possible that a ani was a court title given to
Barya both near “Käsäla” ( Kassala) and in local governors (or rulers); and a ani D. had
84
Dan el of Däbrä Maryam
became stronger than his (over)lord, the n gu of of Däbrä Maryam on Mount Qorqor, in the
Aksum – a situation known from other periods Gär alta province of eastern T gray, where a
of Ethiopian history. frescoed chapel is dedicated to him. According to
Src.: CRDLib 184ff., nos. 6–7; DAE II, 59f. [“Thron Nr. his Gädl, D. came from the Mänbärta province of
23”]; IV, 42–48, nos. 12–14; RIE 278-84, nos. 193, 194; eastern T gray, “from the lineage of the däqiqä
LesCDic 226; MarAmdS 52f. afqäre who were called la el y mogarya”. He
Lit.: ARTHUR KINLOCH IRVINE, “Däbrä-Férém”, in:
DicEthBio 45; ID., “Dan’él”, in: ibid. 46; ID., “Karuray”, was initiated into the monastic life by bnä
in: ibid. 98; ENRICO CERULLI, “L’Etiopia medievale in Sänbät, abbot of the same monastery of Däbrä
alcuni brani di scrittori arabi”, RSE 3, 1943, 272–94, here Maryam in the last decades of the Zagwe period,
274ff. [= CerIslam 257–80, here 259ff.]; MHAksum 232, toward the middle of the 13th cent.
262; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “Epigraphica
Aethiopica”, Quaderni Utinensi 8 [15–16], 1990 [1996],
D. was the spiritual father of Ewos atewos
325–33, here 327ff., 333 [“II. Dabra Fer m”] (Lit.); of Däbrä ärabi, the T grayan monk who led a
ROGER SCHNEIDER, “Review Article on Yuri M. Kobis- dissident monastic movement during the reign
chanov, Axum, The Pennsylvania State University Press of a e Amdä yon I. According to a frequent
1979”, JES 17, 1984, 148–81, here 163; DAVID W. topos of hagiographic literature Ewos atewos
PHILLIPSON, Ancient Ethiopia, London 1998, 127f.
Stuart Munro-Hay – Denis Nosnitsin
was D.’s nephew. Advocating the independence
of regular clergy from civil authorities and
promoting the celebration of the Sabbaths, i.e.,
Dan el the observance of rest on both Saturday and
Sunday, Ewos atewos made proselytes in
D. (9#%s , Ar.: Dany l) was a metropolitan of
northern Ethiopia. His meeting with D. is de-
Ethiopia consecrated by Coptic Patriarch Phi-
scribed in the Acts of both saints and must have
lotheus (979–1003). The biography of this Patri-
occurred around 1280, when D. was already
arch in the History of the Patriarchs of the
abbot of Däbrä Maryam.
Egyptian Church preserves a copy of a letter
from a king of Ethiopia to King George II of
Nubia (r. ca. 969). The story relates how the
“king of A byssinia” sent to the king of Nubia
to tell him how a “queen of Ban l-Hamw ya”
had attacked his land (s. sato). The Ethiopian
king considered that the situation reflected
divine retribution for Ethiopia’s bad treatment
of an earlier metropolitan, e ros, in the time of
Patriarch Cosmas III (923–34), after which the
Alexandrian patriarchs had refused to send
another bishop to Ethiopia. The king begged
George to assist him in persuading Philotheus
to send a new metropolitan so that “God may
remove his wrath from us”. Philotheus agreed,
and selected a monk from Dayr Anb Maq r,
called D., to renew the metropolitanate in
Ethiopia. The Ethiopian S nk ssar (12 dar)
repeats a version of the same story, but does not
mention the foreign queen.
Src.: BudSaint 233f.; SawHist vol. 2, part 2, 171f.
Lit.: SALVATORE TEDESCHI, “D n’ l (fl. late tenth
century)”, in: CE vol. 3, 1002 (Lit.); MHAlex 133f. (Lit.).
Stuart Munro-Hay

Interior of Dan el’s chapel: view towards north-east;
The monk D. (9#%s ) of Däbrä Maryam niche in the eastern wall; wall-paintings: Abraham, Isaac,
(T gray) was active in the second half of 13th cent. St. Theodore the Oriental; photo 2000, courtesy of
He is remembered as an abbot of the monastery Michael Gervers
85
The information on this encounter, the per- is one of the settlements whose emergence ac-
sonal name bnä Sänbät and a long inscription companied political and commercial develop-
on a mänbärä tabot in Lalibäla, alluding to a ments in Go am in the 18th and early 19th cent.
controversy on the Saturday’s rest, allow one to The topography of the D. wäräda is charac-
state that the question of the Sabbaths’ obser- terized by a gently elevated plateau gradually
vance, characteristic of Ewos atewos’ teaching, decreasing in elevation from the south to north
dates to at least a century before the teaching of and north-west. The town of D. is situated on
the latter and that eastern T gray was the site in land with an average elevation of 2,200 m A.S.L.
which the controversy took shape. The D. wäräda in general and the D. town in
A copy of the Acts of D. is transmitted in a particular have a wäyna däga (temperate) cli-
18th/19th-cent. manuscript from Däbrä Maryam mate, with the exception of some areas border-
(Addis Abäba, IES mf. 194), but the text is still ing the Beni Šangul-Gumuz region, which have
unpublished. a qwälla (hot) type of climate.
Lit.: STANIS AW CHOJNACKI, “Note on the Early Ico- Agäw elders explain the name D. as deriving
nography of St. George and Related Equestrian Saints in from Agäw ñña ( Aw i) words dang and ila.
Ethiopia”, JES 13, 2, 1975, 39–55; LusStud 7, 27, 54f., 70,
98; GEORG GERSTER, Kirchen im Fels, Berlin 1976, 83, fig.
Dang is believed to be a descendant of the first
42f. (ill.); GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “A New Source for seven founding fathers of D., viz. Ankaša/
the History of Gar lt . The Life of D n’ l of Dabra Hankaša, Ban a, Azana, Mätäkkäl, Zigam, ara,
M ry m on Mount Qorqor (KRZ 36)”, Quaderni Uti- and Kwakura, from elder to younger. One day
nensi 8 [15–16], 1990 [1996], 345–52; ID., “Historical
Elements in the Gadla D n’ l”, in: PICES 12, vol. 1,
Dang’s brother wanted his company to go hunt-
1275–81; KapMon 47f. ing. Coming to Dang’s house, he asked Dang’s
Gianfrancesco Lusini wife, Dang zukama? (‘Is Dang in the house?’)
Dang’s wife replied, Dang ila (‘Dang is not
Dan el of Tämben ä ada mba, here’). From then the area where Dang’s house
Mäd aninä gzi was located came to be called Dang-ila. Later, the
name of that particular place (the present day D.
Dang la
town) became used also for the region.
D. (9#Pq , 10° 16' N, 36° 51' E) is a town in According to the Chronicle of a e Sus nyos, ras
Agäw M d r, Go am (currently it is the lä Kr stos defeated in D. the Mä a
capital of D. wäräda in the Agäw-Awi Adminis- Oromo, who attacked this and the neighbouring
trative Zone) and the name of an Agäw group areas; in 1625 D. was raided by Sus nyos himself.
living there. The town is found 85 km south-west The vicinity of Gondär promoted slave-trade,
from Ba r Dar, on the main Addis Abäba – and D. became an important slave-hunting area,
Däbrä Marqos – Ba r Dar – Gondär road. This where the Agäw-captives were sold to the Mus-
lim traders from Sinn r. In the early 19th cent.,
“Old D.” (which probably was the direct pre-
cursor of the D. town today divided into “Old
D.” and “New D.” by the river Qesaw sta) was
known as a slave trading market and a weekly
Saturday market serving as a contact point be-
tween agriculturists and craftsmen. The vicinity
of Gondär encouraged also the spread of the
Amharic language and Christianity; the place
was granted as a fief to the court church G m a
Bet Maryam (hence Qäsaw st, lit. ‘its [the
church’s] clergy’).
The British authorities established one of their
consulates in D. before the march of the Italians
into the town in 1936. Apart from its early com-
mercial importance, several factors prompted
Britain select this town as the seat of the consu-
late. Among these are the hospitable climate, and
86
Dängolo
Britain’s desire to control the area drained by the brance’), Addis Abäba 1985 A.M. [1992/93 A.D.];
Blue Nile and its tributaries, and also to build a KTMast; HuntGeogr, s. index.
Mersha Alehegne
dam at the outlet of lake ana. Following the
conquest of the Sudan, consulate policy included
diverting south-western and western Ethiopian Dängolo
trade to the British colony there. D. (6#Qt , also Dängälo) is the name of a few
The coming of the Italians in 1936 and their small settlements in T gray and Eritrea.
five years stay at D. were marked by important D. in K l ttä Awla lo, T gray, first appears
changes in the social, economic and political in 19th-cent. literature due to its ancient rock-
spheres. Having occupied the surrounding hewn church erqos Maryam (e.g. LefAbyss
provinces, the Italians built a formidable fort at vol. 3, 426) – in fact, the first monolithic church
D. and made the former British consulate their to become known in Europe. This cruciform
military and administrative headquarters, to basilica, widely known as W ro erqos (cp.
control and govern the nearby provinces such as Plant 1985:9ff.; from Tgn. w ro, ‘carved in
Agäw M d r, Mä a and A äfär. They used the stone’), lies near the entrance of a mountain pass
town as a springboard to launch several offen- separating the historic districts of aramat and
sives and campaigns against the patriotic resis- of ra , close to the ancient trade route leading
tance in the above-mentioned districts. from the north to the south. The new settlement
After the Liberation, D. town became the W ro nearby derives its name from the
administrative centre of Agäw M d r awra a erqos church.
and of the D. wäräda. Watered by the Bäläs, According to local tradition, first recorded by
Gälg l Abbay, Ašär, Kil tti, and other rivers, D. Munzinger and by the archaeologist Rassam, the
wäräda brings forth such agricultural products church was founded in the 4th cent. by Abr ha
as ef, millet, maize, nug, barley, peas, chick- and A b a; Plant (1985:91) places its foundation
peas, potatoes and onions. Domestic animals in the late 6th or 7th cent. Yet, the building is much
(including sheep, goats and cattle) and pack more recent. It is remarkable for its barrel-vault,
animals (donkeys, mules and horses) are bred a feature which is very rarely observed in Ethio-
by the population of the wäräda. A variety of pia (DAE I, 181); and the Aksumite detail acting
trees grows in the wäyna däga climatic zone of as the frieze above the columns. From the Napier
D., such as juniper, Millettia ferruginea, syca- military expedition of 1867/68, which passed by
more, olive tree, acacia, and many others. These D., we have a detailed sketch of it.
trees, however, are being replaced by eucalyptus. The church has three aisles, each of them
Amhara are the dominant ethnic group, con- having a separate tabot. The nave and apse host
stituting 88.1 % and 90.9 % of the total popula- tabots of St. erqos (or Qirqos) and of St. Mary
tion of the town in 1984 and 1994 Census re-
spectively. The second ethnic group is Agäw
(7.7 %) while the share of remaining ethnic
groups was only 1.4 % in 1994. The majority of
the inhabitants of the town are followers of Or-
thodox Christianity, with Muslim minorities and
a few Protestants. Amharic is the dominant lan-
guage spoken in the town, followed by Aw i.
Src.: PerChron 250ff. (text); Guida 370ff.; GuiIyas 12,
65, 89, 234, 241 (tr.); ChTana; TEFERI MEKONNEN, A
History of Dangila (c. 1900–1956), B.A. thesis, Addis
Ababa University 1999; WASIHUN TÄFFÄRA, The His-
tory of Dangila Senior Secondary School 1975 – 1990,
B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1993; CHARLES
TILSTONE BEKE, The Sources of the Nile; being a General
Survey of the Basin of that River and its Headstream; with
the History of Nilotic Discovery, London 1859.
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Note sugli Agau. ii.
Appunti sulla lingua awiy del Danghel ”, Giornale della
Società Asiatica Italiana 18, 1905, 103–94; BZHist;
ADDIS ALÄMAYYÄHU, MwK (T zz ta, ‘Remem-
87
Dängolo
Src.: LefAbyss vol. 3, 426, pl. 52 (Atlas); The Illustrated
London News, 18 July 1868, 49, 51ff., 61 (ill.); Guida 191,
194.
Lit.: DAE I, 181; CRStor 311; SerHist 40; ROGER
SAUTER, “Où en est notre connaissance des églises
rupestres d’Éthiopie”, AE 5, 1963, 235–92, here 237f.,
257, no. 13 (Lit.); RUTH PLANT, Architecture of the
Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester 1985, 91ff.; KilHDic 168f.
Wolbert Smidt
Dängwära
The D. (Amh. 6#H=, also 6#Q= , dängora,
Oromo dongoraa) is a 1.5 m-high sharp-pointed
digging stick made in hard wood (acacia or olive
trees), sometimes fitted with an iron tip. To
weight it, a bored stone (around 4 kg) is slipped
down the upper part. Two men hold it and
drive it into the soil in successive blows to a
depth of 20–25 cm. They lever up a lump of
earth and turn it over, thus tilling 60 m² per
hour. The overturned soil is crushed down with
a hoe, a hammer, or by hand, as is customary
once a plough has been drawn.
This tool is used in Harär among the Somali, the
Qottuu and Ittuu Oromo, as well as in Arsi but
Central nave of the rock-hewn church of Dängolo, view the Ethiopian plough has supplanted it on flat
from the q ne mahlet towards the mäqdäs; from The fields. With a D. it is possible to till narrow
Illustrated London News, July 18, 1868, 61. terraces, slopes and gardens and to avoid the
need to own or rent a pair of oxen. It is wrongly
(hence the church’s alternative names Maryam
considered by some Ethiopian and European
W ro, Maryam Qirqos), the north aisle is
scholars as a ‘primitive’ tool and sometimes it is
dedicated to St. Michael, the south aisle to St.
confused with a tall forked digging-stick, used
Gabriel.
by nsät farmers (the Gurage wänäd/wänät),
Another D. (Ital. “Dongollo”), in Eritrea,
or for a planting-stick (hordaa), used by west-
acquired some economic importance in the 20th
ern Oromo.
cent. due to its mineral springs. This spa, also
Agriculture
called Dängolo La lay (‘Upper D.’), lies Lit.: ROBERT DE BRUN, Voyage en Éthiopie méridionale,
north-east of Ginda on the road to Massawa pays Galla, Changalla et Dankali (1905–1906), n.d.;
in the slopes of the highlands, 966 m A.S.L., JOHN DESMOND CLARK, “The Use of the Bored Stone
near the small plain of Säbarguma. Under the in Abyssinia”, Man 44, 1944, 31–32; ALAIN GASCON,
Italian administration, modern facilities were “Le dängwära, pieu à labourer d’Éthiopie”, Journal
d’agriculture traditionnelle et de botanique appliquée, n˚
constructed, so that the mineral water of D. spécial, 24, 2–3, 1977, 111–24; VSAe II; FAOAgr;
became one of the most prominent bottled FREDDY MAES, “Production agricole des hauts pla-
waters of Eritrea, the term “D.” being some- teaux”, in: XAVIER VAN DER STAPPEN (ed.), Æthiopia.
times used almost as a synonym for ‘mineral Pays, histoire, populations, croyances, art & artisanat,
Bruxelles 1996, 36–52; HENRI DE MONFREID, Vers les
water’. Its most important competitor is the
hautes terres hostiles d’Éthiopie, Paris 1933; ShGurage;
nearby spa of Säbarguma, of similar impor- STANISLAW STANLEY, “Ensete in the Ethiopian Econ-
tance. In colonial times sisal was also cultivated omy”, Ethiopian Geographical Journal 4, 1, 1966, 30–37;
in D. FREDERICK JOHN SIMOONS, “The Forked Digging Stick
A third D., at the foot of the slopes in the of the Gurage”, Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie 84, 2, 1959,
302–03; GIOVANNI VITALI – ENRICO BARTOLOZZI,
lowlands is called D. Ta tay (‘Lower D.’), first Strumenti agricoli indigeni dell’Africa Orientale Italiana,
developed in the 1930s as the main factory for Firenze 1939 (Relazioni e Monografie Agrarie Coloniali
the Säbarguma mineral water concession. Today 52).
it is the seat of Eritrea’s Ministry of Defence. Alain Gascon
88
Dankáli
Danish Ethiopian Mission

The D.E.M. (Dansk Ethioper Mission) is the
youngest of the Scandinavian societies for
Christian mission in Ethiopia. It was founded in
April 1948 by Johan Sonne Lindblom, a Danish
Folk High School teacher and Lutheran pastor
from Bornholm. On 21 March 1949, Lindblom
obtained permission from a e aylä llase I
to erect mission schools at Dodola and Ebano in
Bale, Harär province.
During the short interval immediately fol-
lowing the revolution of 1974, when the mis-
sionaries were forbidden to work in Ethiopia,
the society operated an orphanage for Ethiopian
refugee children in Jerusalem for a year.
Since 1969 the D.E.M. has closely co-operated
with the local Ethiopian Evangelical Church
Mekane Iyesus; six Danish missionaries are at
present active in Addis Abäba (in technological eration with Ethiopia. The Ethiopian govern-
programs and education), and in Awasa (in the ment changed the administrative name into
Sidama Literacy Project, Bible translation, and “District [awra a] of Asäb” when Eritrea
in construction and medical administration). became a province of the Empire in 1962. A
Since 2000, the D.E.M. has had its centre and new division of the north in 1987, disregarding
offices at Christiansfeld, sharing the building the former Eritrean borders, included the for-
with other Danish Lutheran missionary socie- mer Wällo district of Awsa in a new Asäb Re-
ties (Ydre Missions Bygning). gion. In the independent Eritrea D. was re-
Denmark, relations with placed in 1995 by the new administrative region
Lit.: JOHAN SONNE LINDBLOM, Ild i Bjerget, Køben- Däbubawi Qäyy Ba ri.
havn 1970. The D. coast is extremely arid and thinly
Kirsten Stoffregen Pedersen populated (around 7,000 inhabitants). Mi dír
(administrative name Mädär), on the Bay of
Amfilla, and Baylul are both historical
Dänkäl towns, while T o and Asäb were established
Until 1995 D. (6#gs ) was the administrative by the Italians. The Arra tá hills (nicknamed
name of the southern coastal district of Eritrea, Alpi Dancale or Danachile) consist of a narrow
south of the Gulf of Zula and historically linked mountainous coastal strip, behind T o, and the
to the Afar Dankáli. During the Italian pe- southern coastal plain of G lí M a (between
riod, the name “Dancália” (settentrionale and S roytá and Íddi [ dd]), north of Mab á and
meridionale) was applied to the area mainly Bî u.
inhabited by the Afar, i.e. from the Buri As the name of an Afar subgroup, the Tgn.
Peninsula to French Somaliland and to the term D. originally referred to the Dankáli, but
Ethiopian foothills. The brunt of the modern D. later was used for all the Afar.
Afar
district corresponds to the former Dancália
Lit.: KilHDic 157f.; DIDIER MORIN, Poésie tradition-
settentrionale esterna under the commissariato nelle des Afars, Paris 1997 (Langues et cultures africaines,
di Assab, which had a representative in T o. 21), 7; IBN SA D, Géographie d’Abulféda, tr. by
Under the British Military Administration STANISLAS GUYARD, Paris 1883, vol. 2, 128.
the so-called Red Sea Division included the Didier Morin
coastal region and the Sämhar Plain. The former
Italian division, whose administrative border
was the town of Arafali (I falo) and the east- Dankáli
ern edge of Akkälä Guzay inhabited by the D. (Arab. plural Dan kil; the Afar D. as a collec-
S ho, was restored during the period of fed- tive noun has no plural) is the name traditionally
89
Dankáli
given by the Arabs to the Afar. It designates Chron; DonHaySirat, s. index.

the Afar-speaking tribes that are predominantly Lit.: DIDIER MORIN, “The Kingdom of Danakil, Ethiopia
and Yaman (Baylûl revisited)”, in: Äthiopien und seine
located in the desert north of Bayl l, with Nachbarn. Ethiopia and its Neighbours (Orbis
whom Arab sailors have been historically in Aethiopicus 3), Frankfurt am Main 1997, 53–57.
contact. Among the S ho, the Afar are known Didier Morin
as Dankál.
The D. consist of four main sub-clans:
Dawuddó (those of Mädär/Mi dír and of the
Dañña
island of Sar abbáy are supposed to be historical D. (Amh.: 91 , Tgn.: danya, ‘judge, magistrate’)
chiefs of the coast before the Dammohoytá is a title that usually denotes all judges from the
domination, Adoyammára and Asahyammára), highest to the lowest ranks, including leading
Umarto, Fadilto (chiefs of Bayl l who took over members of traditional councils of elders, both
the “first” inhabitants, the Án a and the Gô áw) in the past and at present. The term appears as
th
and Sumâ iltó. early as in the first half of the 16 cent., in land
Ibn Sa d in the 13th cent. mentions the charters of a e L bnä D ng l (CRAxum no.
“Dankal” from the neighbourhood of Saw kin 31, cp. nos. 52, 56). By then, D. is attested as a title
up to the B b al-Mandab (he may be confusing for the office of the “keeper, overseer” or “guard-
the D. and the Ankâla tribes, the latter still pres- ian” bestowed by the abbot of the congregation in
ent in the Buri peninsula). During the reign of the Ewos atean monasteries ( Ewos ateans), e.g.,
a e Bä dä Maryam in the 15th cent., “the king of Däbrä ärabi and Däbrä Bizän (BeckHuntAl-
D.” is mentioned as a neutral tributary during an var 89 and n. 2, 556).
Ethiopian raid against the Doba a. A alternative term to D., wämbär, describes
As the name of a political entity, D. – a member of the bench of the judiciary. Excep-
“Deuchali” – appears for the first time on Fra tions were the Chief Justice ( Afä n gu ) and
Mauro’s map from 1460. In the 17th cent., when Vice-Chief Justice or presiding judges (zlMsy
Mendez passed through Bayl l, this port was !Dy #LT , m k tt l afä n gu ) of the Supreme
still the capital of the “Reino de Dancali”. Imperial Court until 1974, and =Fy ]z(? (ras
th
At the end of the 17 cent. the kingdom was wämbär) as a senior judge of the same court
threatened by the local Dammohoytá. They had prior to 1936. Today, judges assigned to the
founded the sultanate of Bî u around 1650 and hierarchy or courts are simply referred to as D.
took over Buri a century later. They still occupy with slight variations of spelling in different parts
the majority of the peninsula. The Chronicle of of the country.
a e Sus nyos may refer to these events when it The governors of all administrative divisions
reports on Kámil, King of D.; after fighting (levels) would sit in the court of their adminis-
against his nephew Se em ( Afar form of Arabic trative boundary, with two other judges to
Ša m), he was defeated and expelled. He then adjudicate cases.
showed allegiance to Sus nyos, asking for his D. were formerly designated by either the lo-
protection (the Emperor welcomed him but also cal or the regional governors as their own
demanded tribute). Kámil was apparently the wämbär. Later, however, they were appointed
father of Se em b. Kámil al-Dankáli, the “mas- by the central government. The judge desig-
ter of Bayl l”, who received the envoy of the nated for the lowest court is referred to as
im m of Yemen to a e Fasilädäs, in September !4*\y 91 (a biya dañña; in Amharic a biya
1647. The S rat al- abaša provides the last means ‘parish’ or ‘locality’). Local governors
written indication of D. power in Bayl l (van were empowered to set up the lowest court at
Donzel 1986). a biya level to adjudicate minor cases. Such
The D. F dilto maintained the power in Bay- courts were operating widely in Ethiopia before
l l until the middle of the 19th cent., but were the Italian occupation. After an interruption of
replaced first by the Nassár and then by the a number of years, the a biya dañña court was
Af ara, supported by the M daytó of Áwsa, re-established by Proclamation no. 90 of 1947.
whose sul n pretended to control the port. It was, however, by implication abolished by
Adoyammára and Asahyammára the Civil Procedure Code of 1965.
Src.: IBN SA D, Géographie d’Abulféda, tr. by Local judges were not government employ-
w
STANISLAS GUYARD, Paris 1883, vol. 2, passim; Per- ees. They were grant-land holders, balä g lt
90
Dañña äw Wärqu
w
( G lt), or mälkäñña, or their representa- Returning to Ethiopia, he resumed teaching at
tives. These judges often held office because of Addis Ababa University and later joined the
their hereditary title. In rare cases, they were Ethiopian Standards Institute, where he acted as
chosen from among the landowners of the lo- language expert. From that time on he devoted
cality by the governor of the district. Local much of his time to creative writing.
judges were authorized by the proclamation to D.W.’s talent became evident early – after the
handle cases of small claims. Two assessors sat success of his first stage work, Säqäqän š sat,
with the local judge when he could not effect a in 1955. However, it was Adäfr s (1969/70)
compromise in criminal cases. In civil cases, which brought him the highest public apprecia-
local judges had original jurisdiction over dis- tion. D.W. published two novels, two plays, a
putes involving 25 b rr or less and in criminal collection of poems and numerous short stories
cases over offences punishable with a fine below in Amharic and English that appeared in various
25 b rr. Appeals from their decisions went to magazines and newspapers.
the subdistrict courts. D.W.’s academic works are Yä uf bäb
Customary law; Law and Judiciary mämmäriya (1984/85), one of the most profound
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 89 and n. 2, 556; CRAxum no. 31, works that introduced various Amharic styles,
cp. nos. 52, 56; HuntLand nos. 30, 51, 55, p. 106;
LesCDic 139, 146; THMDic 1131f.; Proclamation no. 90 and, in co-authorship with Amsalu Aklilu,
of 1947; WOLF LESLAU, Documents tigrigna (éthiopien Yä amar ñña fäli o , a dictionary of Amharic
septentrional). Grammaire et textes, Paris 1941, 229–34 idiomatic expressions. He also participated in the
[“Juge: dayna”]. creation of a dictionary of geographical terms,
Lit.: ABERRA JEMBERE, An Introduction to the Legal
History of Ethiopia, 1434–1974, Münster – Hamburg –
Yä amar ñña yä i ografi mäzgäbä qalat.
London 2000, 217, 478, 516; LANFRANCO RICCI, “Le One of his novels, The Thirteenth Sun, writ-
Viti di nb qom e di Yo ann s, abbati di Dabra ten in English, was translated into Russian and
Lib nos do Scioa”, RSE 22, 1965 [1967], 75–102, here German because of its high literary standard.
92f., n. 173; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “Aethiopica His sudden death was a shock to many
minima”, Quaderni Utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 145–
64, here 147 and n. 3 (Lit.) Ethiopian readers.
Aberra Jembere – Red. Amharic literature
Src.: DAÑÑA ÄW WÄRQU, A33#%y &DM (Säqäqän š
sat, ‘Your Love is Like Fire in me’), Addis Abäba 1948
A.M. [1955 A.D.], ms.; ID., !6I?F (Adäfr s, ‘Adäfres, or
Dañña äw Wärqu Disturber’), Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.]; ID.,
&z#y (oy Ac, ( mbwa bälu säwo , ‘Ye Men Bellow!’),
D.W. (91'by ]?4 , b. 24 February 1936, Addis Abäba 1967 A.M. [1974/75 A.D.]; ID., Aby !ny -
Däbrä Sina, d. 1 December 1994, Addis Abäba) ] (Säw allä b yye, ‘I Thought there were Honest People’),
was a playwright, novelist, poet, university Addis Abäba 1950 A.M. [1957 A.D.]; ID., M(sO (T bäl ,
lecturer and translator. Due to his excellent ‘You [fem.] are Better’), Addis Abäba 1965, ms.; ID.,
Ye>Iy 4(-y uu<\ (Yä uf bäb mämmäriya, ‘A
achievements in his elementary education at
Guide to Writing Skills’), Addis Abäba 1977 A.M.
Abb yyä school, he was sent to the then famous [1984/85 A.D.]; ID. et al. (eds.), Y!x?1y YE'P=Fy
secondary school at Addis Abäba, Kotäbe. uwK(y 6qM (Yä amar ñña yä i ografi mäzgäbä qalat,
Upon completing his secondary education he ‘Amharic Dictionary of Geographical Terms’), Addis
joined the Teachers Training School in Addis Abäba 1986; DANIACHEW WORKU, The Thirteenth Sun,
London 1973; Lawrenceville 22000; ID., Die dreizehnte
Abäba and, upon graduation, he joined the Sonne, tr. by KARIN VON SCHWEDER-SCHREINER,
Mäd ane Aläm Secondary School at Harär, Olten 1980; AMSALU AKLILU – DAÑÑA ÄW WÄRQU,
where he taught for several years. Y!x?1y Dp5, (Yä amar ñña fäli o , ‘Amharic Idi-
He graduated from the Arts Faculty of aylä oms’), Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1986/87 A.D.].
llase I University ( Addis Ababa University). Lit.: DEBEBE SEIFU, Ethiopian Literature in English,
Addis Abäba 1980, ms.; FÄQADÄ AZZÄZÄ, YKnn!y
After teaching at the Department of Ethiopian YzssFy G^9y (!6I?Fy YuCu<\y z*=I (Yägälä anna
Languages and Literature for several years, he yäm l ll s fayda bä adäfr s yämä ämmäriya m raf, ‘The
continued his education and became the first Significance of Description and Dialogue in the First
Ethiopian to earn a Masters Degree in Fine Arts Chapter of Adäfr s’), Ethiopian Journal of Languages and
Literature 8, 1991 A.M. [1998 A.D.], 1–24; MolLit; SAHLE
from Iowa State University, which also awarded SELASSE BERHANE MARIAM, “The Novels of Daniachew
him, years later, with the title of Honorary Worku”, The Ethiopian Herald, 27 October 1974; TEKLU
Fellow of the International Writers Workshop MINAS, Daniachew Worku’s Writings, M.A. thesis, Addis
Association of Iowa University. Ababa University 1983; TÄKLU MINAS, Y6=Cy 91'by
91
Dañña äw Wärqu
]?4y (u-Wy v!y B^]M!y *:IM (Yädärasi was made, he says, of “stone and lime”, and had a
Dañña äw Wärqu bäzzabb h zena ywät nna räft, large subterranean water-tank. The palace was, he
‘The Story of the Life and Death of the Writer
Dañña äw Wärqu Bäzabb h’), in: A Special Issue of the explains, one of the first Jesuit-sponsored build-
School Magazine Devoted to the 50th Jubilee Celebration ings to be erected with mortar, the use of which
of Abb yyä School on 26–27 G nbot, Abb yyä 1987 had been introduced by a Banyan, presumably in
A.M. [1994/95 A.D.], 24–44; ROBERT M. WREN, “The Portuguese employ, only a few years earlier, in
Ethiopian Volcano: Ambiguity and Meaning in Da-
niachew’s ‘The Thirteenth Sun’”, World Literature
1621. There was also a fine basilican royal church,
Written in English 15, 1, 1976, 29–41. the foundation stone of which was laid by the
Amsalu Aklilu Jesuits in 1628. Remains of this building, like
those of the palace, can be seen to this day.
During its efflorescence, D. was an important
Dänqäz place in Ethiopian history: it was at this capital
Situated 30 km south-east of Gondär, D. (6#3w ; that Sus nyos in 1626 announced his adherence
s. map for Däbrä San for location) was the site to the Roman Catholic faith and there, six years
of a e Zäd ng l’s court as early as 1604, but later, that he abdicated in favour of his son a e
became important only when a e Sus nyos Fasilädäs, who then proceeded to establish a
established himself there in 1617–18. The set- new capital, at Gondär.
tlement is referred to in the latter’s Chronicle as Src.: EDMOND COMBES – MAURICE TAMISIER, Voyage en
the monarch’s kätäma and as his mädina, or Abyssinie, dans le pays des Galla, de Choa et d’Ifat …,
principal place of residence. It was said by the Paris 1838, 31f.; BeckHuntAlm 187ff.; PerChron 290 (text)
Portuguese Jesuit missionary Manoel de = 224 (tr.), 567 (tr.), index.
Lit.: HuntGeogr 285; PankHist I (Lit.); FRANCIS
Almeida to have had “as many as eight or nine ANFRAY, “Monuments gondariens des XVII et XVIII
thousand hearths”, which would imply a popu- siècles: une vue d’ensemble”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 9–45,
lation of over 50,000 people (BeckHuntAlm 188). here 34–37; PHILIP CARAMAN, The Lost Empire: the
Sus nyos’s palace was built, according to the Story of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, London 1985, s. index;
chronicler, by a Banyan architect called Abdäl LAVERLE BERRY, “Ethiopian and Jesuit Monumental
Stone Architecture in the Lake ana Basin: a Preliminary
Kerim and an Egyptian head-workman called Assessment”, in: MANUEL JOÃO RAMOS – ISABEL BOA-
Sädäqa N sräni (PerChron 290 [text] = 224 [tr.]). VIDA (eds.), The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian
The building was described by Almeida as “a Ethiopian Art on Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the
wonder … and something that had never been 16th–17th Centuries, Aldershot 2004, 16–29, here 23ff.;
RICHARD PANKHURST, “A Tale of Four Cities: Late-16th
seen nor yet imagined” in the country and and Early-17th Ethiopian Capitals and their Turkish,
“would have value and been reckoned a hand- Portuguese and Indian Connections”, in: ibid., 3–15, s.
some building anywhere” (BeckHuntAlm 188). It index; ID., “Dänqäz: an Early Seventeenth Century
Jesuit basilica at Dänqäz,

constructed in the late
1620s; south façade with
window and arch; photo
2000, courtesy of
LaVerle Berry
92
Däqqäm are
Ethiopian Capital, and its Portuguese-Indian Connec- originally belonging to a Gospel Book, two
tions”, Mare Erythraeum 3, 1999, 57–65; HERVÉ crosses and a crown of bronze traditionally con-
PENNEC, Des Jésuites au royaume du Prêtre Jean
(Éthiopie), Paris 2003, 181–84, s. index. nected with a e Y kunno Amlak, as well as a
Richard Pankhurst triptych with scenes representing the life and the
martyrdom of St. Rhipsime, painted in the sec-
ond Gondärine style. Jäger and Pearce (1974:70)
mention a triptych of the 16th cent. kept in the
Däq
church of St. George. During the last ten years,
D. (68 ) is the largest volcanic island of Lake extensive restoration works have been carried out
ana (about 16 km in circumference, 5 km in in the church of St. Mary (Kotä Maryam). This
diameter), situated in its centre. During the dry central tripartite building, dating to the second
season, D. is connected to the Narga ( Narga half of the 16th cent., still shows in the walls of the
llase) isle, lying at its western shore. D. is almost mäqdäs traces of paintings representing the early
entirely flat, the highest land in the centre rises no phase of the first Gondärine style.
more than 10 m above the lake. Richly forested, Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il convento di Tsana in
mostly by fig-trees (bäläs), and covered by many Abissinia e le sue Laudi alla Vergine”, RRALm ser. 5a, 19,
species of flowers, the island was obliged to con- 1910, 581-621; HORMUZD RASSAM, Narrative of the
tribute hundreds of jars of honey to the royal British Mission to Theodore, King of Abyssinia, London
court. Devoid of wild animals and birds the place 1869, vol. 1, 315; JEAN DUCHESNE-FOURNET, Mission
en Éthiopie 1901–1903, Paris 1908, vol. 1, 130f.; ChTana
is a hatchery for different kinds of mosquitoes, 119–45; JULES LEROY – STEPHEN WRIGHT – OTTO
some of them malaria-carriers. A small number of JÄGER, Éthiopie. Manuscrits à peinture, Paris 1961, pl.
people live on the island in a few dispersed vil- 23–27; OTTO JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, Antiquities of North
lages. Most of the land once belonged to the Ethiopia: a Guide, Stuttgart 21974, 70; GUY ANNEQUIN,
“Le lac Tana et ses îles. Trésors méconnus d’une thébaide
Daga s ifanos monastery. The main crops à l’abandon”, Les dossiers d’archéologie 8, 1975, 98–101;
cultivated are dwarf millet dagussa and ef, and in MARIO DI SALVO – STANIS AW CHOJNACKI –
limited quantities cotton and coffee. OSVALDO RAINERI (eds.), Churches of Ethiopia: the
From the 14th cent. D. served as a deportation Monastery of N rg ell s , Milano 1999, 55, 80, 98ff.,
destination. As late as 1693, a e Iyasu I sent 148f., figs. 81ff., 89, 118, 146, 153; CLAIRE BOSC-TIESSÉ,
“L’histoire et l’art des églises du lac ana”, AE 16, 2000,
people there from Šire as punishment for not 207–70, here 208, 261f.
defending the monasteries of Wald bba from Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
the Šanq lla’s plundering raids. According to
Rassam (1869, vol. 1, 315), the island was in-
vaded by a e Tewodros II, who took revenge Däqqäm are
on its inhabitants for supporting his enemies. The village of D. (63z=> ), also Däqqi Mä ari
Among the five churches of the island – dedi- (65 y u=< ), Decamharè or Decà Maharè in
cated to the Virgin Mary, Jesus, St. George, St. Italian sources (probably following T gre pro-
John and Arsima Säma tat – the latter is the best nunciation Däqam are or Däqa Mä are, con-
preserved. A circular church, built from rock and nected to the plural form 66 ; cp. 66 y A ?Y in
mud, it is presently limited to the mäqdäs part. the same region), is located in Eritrea, 42 km
The wall-paintings are only visible in the west north of Asmära at the edge of the amasen
wall. These date back to the middle of the 18th plateau in Dämbäzan (15°86' N, 38°80' E). As
cent. and are assigned by Cheesman (ChTana such, it is called also D. Dämbäzan in order to
119–45) to the same artist who worked in the distinguish it from the town of D. ggäla
Church of the Trinity on the adjacent island (south from Asmära), which is also occasionally
Zäge. They seem to follow the iconographical referred too in the literature as Däqqi Mä ari.
program established at the beginning of the 17th D. is one of the northernmost archaeological
cent. (cp. Däbrä Sina), with the addition of sites of the Aksumite culture period docu-
scenes concerning the patron saint of the church, mented in the Horn of Africa. Ceramic artefacts
the Armenian virgin Rhipsim , killed together ( Pottery) and architectural rubble are evident
with her 26 fellow martyrs (säma tat) by order on the surface of the site. However, little is
of King Tiridates. In the church several artefacts known about the latter’s functions and extent of
are preserved: an important manuscript with occupation. In 1906 Richard G. Sundström
miniatures dating to the end of the 14th cent. and was in D. and copied here a Greek stone in-
93
Däqqäm are
scription issued by the Aksumite king

Sembrouthes, who set it up as a memorial of
his visit to that place “in the year 24” of his
reign (Littmann 1907:170; DAE no. 3 [RIE
275]), i.e., according to recent researches, some-
time before or around 200 A.D. (s. Fiaccadori
2004). The inscription, which is an important
mark of the territorial extension achieved then
by the kingdom of Aksum, is now located in
the collections of the National Archaelogical
Museum of Eritrea (Asmära).
Lit.: ENNO LITTMANN, “Preliminary Report of the
Princeton Expedition to Abyssinia”, ZA 20, 1907, 151–
82, here 170; DAE IV, 3f.; YURI M. KOBISHCHANOV,
Axum, ed. by J.W. MICHELS, tr. by LORRAINE T.
KAPITANOFF, University Park, PA 1979, 255; MHAk-
sum 73f.; RIE 275 (Lit.); GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI,
“Sembrouthes ‘Gran Re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la
storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del
Passato 49, 2004 [2005], 103–57 (Lit.).
Matthew C. Curtis – Gianfrancesco Lusini of Ethiopia. Lying close to the major airforce
base and aerodrome of Gura , also most of its
staff were housed in D.
Däqqäm are D. was the seat of the colonial administration
of the district (Residenza), hosting banks, ho-
D. (63z=> ), is a small city in northern Akkälä
tels, restaurants, a cinema, factories, agricultural
Guzay, Eritrea, south-east of Asmära, after the
concessions, as well as a fluctuating commerce.
historical district also called Däqqäm are ggäla
Its dynamic development ceased after World
to avoid confusion with Däqqäm are in the
War II. In 1962 the population was only about
district of Dämbäzan. It is Decamerè in Ital.
6,000. During the campaigns of the Ethiopian
sources, this spelling with “a” being probably
central government against the Eritrean Peo-
influenced by the forms Decamharè and Decà
ple’s Liberation Front of 1977–78 and 1991, the
Maharè indicating the homonymous village in town was heavily affected. After Eritrea’s inde-
Dämbäzan. The place-name is derived from pendence D. started again to flourish, the gov-
Däqqi Mä ari/Am ari (‘Sons of Mä ari/Am ari’), ernment encouraging the establishment of Eri-
a descent group of T gr ñña speakers of g- trean companies in D. following the policy of
gäla in possession of this area. Having been a decentralization. It is the administrative centre
small agricultural settlement (15th cent.?), D. is of the n us awra a of D., before the adminis-
virtually unknown in pre-20th cent. sources. It trative reform of 1995 one of four sub-
lies on the road from Asmära to Sägänäyti. In provinces of Akkälä Guzay.
D. this is joining a second road, connecting D. D. is not to be confused with the Däqqi
via May abar with the main road to Massawa Mä ari, who were like the Däqqi Täsfa
at Näfasit (the D.-Näfasit road, built in ca. ( Adkämä M lga ) an important subgroup of
1935 in preparation of the Italian invasion, be- T gr ñña speakers in Säraye.
ing the ancient caravan route of Addi R so). Lit.: Guida 286f.; PankHist; KilHDic 153ff. [“Dekem-
Situated in a plain in the proximity of Asmära hare”, “Dekemhare Front”].
with a favourable climate and where important Wolbert Smidt
roads cross, D. developed into an important
settlement during the late colonial period. An
increasing number of Italian nationals moved Däqqi
there during the 1930s, where a new European D. (65 , lit. ‘children’ but also ‘people’, BassDic
town was built in 1936–38 (by 1938, out of 772; G z: 68, däqq) is usually followed by an
12,800 inhabitants it had over 6,000 permanent individual’s name or a place name, e.g. Däqqi
and 4,600 temporary Italian residents). In 1936 it Akkälä Guzay (‘the people of Akkälä Guzay’).
was the main supply base for the fascist invasion It has two primary uses: as a term referring to a
94
Däqqi Minab
specific group of descendants and as a descrip- people of Akkälä Guzay and Säraye (zoba
tion of a more loosely linked group of people. Däbub in the modern state of Eritrea), Faluq
The term is used within the T gr ñña- and his sons Dämbäzanoy, Wärädä M rät,
speaking population. The specific descent group Tä ä tä B r an, Š mär m and Š mär b and
is defined by the context within which the term is their descendants are remembered as the
used, i.e. by the name put as apical “ancestor” for founding fathers of the inhabitants of the pres-
the group, either implying an extended family, a ent-day Dämbäzan region (today consisting of
lineage, or a descent group. In its next capacity, the communities of Ad Täkälezan, Gäbru,
D. is used as a metaphorical kinship term, as in D gd g etc.), where Faluq’s descendants had
däqqi käbäsa (‘the people of the highland’), thus r st rights. From there they spread to
embracing the whole T gr ñña speaking people. Karnäš m, Däqqi Tašš m, Käbäsa wa
Däqqi Minab; Däqqi Täšš m (today consisting of Säla Da ro, Addi Gom-
Lit.: KolTrad III; SIEGFRIED FREDERICK NADEL, “Land bällo and some other villages), to some parts of
Tenure on the Eritrean Plateau”, Africa 16, 1, 1946, 1–21;
NadEr; KJETIL TRONVOLL, Mai Weini. A Highland
Loggo wa (in Zaw lkälkälti, including such
Village in Eritrea, Lawrenceville – Asmara 1998. places as Addi Zaw l, Addi Hallo, Addi
Kjetil Tronvoll S lday t, Addi Gäbray etc.; in ll ma-
D barwa, Addi Loggo and others), and to
Šäw attä Ansäba, Lamza, Sä arti and
Däqqi Minab Wäqärti in amasen (now largely part of the
zoba Ma käl). D.M. are even said to have left
The D.M. (65y w!-) are a T gr ñña-
their mark in some areas of Akkälä Guzay. The
speaking descent group who claim common
generation-kinship diagram shows the apical
ancestry from a certain Minab (Benjamin). Most
people of the highlands trace their lineage up to ancestor, Minab, and his descendants (cp.
Genealogy).
but not beyond that of aluq, Maluq and Faluq,
Src.: @:Py Mbs8y 65y H%z ( aräg t wl ddi Däqqi
who are the great-grandsons of Minab, the api-
Täšš m, ‘The Pedigree of the Däqqi Täšš m’), ms., St.
cal ancestor of the D.M. George Church, ä azzäga; BMy U-Hy BoFy K-:y
While aluq and Maluq are traditionally :?FNF ( ggi Habtä Sullus Gäbrä r stos, ‘The Law of
claimed as the ancestors of the present-day Habtä Sullus and Gäbrä r stos’), ms., Addi Qwän i;
Minab
Šemšiyama
Legendary genealogy of the Senah
Däqqi Minab
Guma
Minab
Sinna
Gualuq
Moroni
Faluq Maluq Caluq
Dämbäzanoy Wärädä Méhrät Täkästä Béròan Šémärsém Šémartéb Bidäl
Hannés Zanoy ZärŸéýu

= Male
YaŸéqob Sämarä Attäwa Béròan Mosa Béròan
Solomon Mähtär Gäbru Hézbay Mähärä Hädgambäs Hayälo
Atäššém
95
Däqqi Minab
BMy tQy O` ( ggi Loggo wa, ‘The Law of Loggo Täšš m or ggi Habtä Sullus Gäbrä r stos.
wa’), ms. in the author’s possession; K<:y T]My Atäšš m (ca. 1600–50) was the son of zbay
=&Cy g^ny unmMy ]s6y wj%s (Tari hiwät ra si
aylä Mäläkot Wäldä Mika el, ‘A Biography of Ras and father of Täsfa en, Gäbrä r stos,
aylä Mäläkot Wäldä Mika el’), ms., private collection of Abr ham, B ruh, Monqoreyos, Zar onay and
blatta Täsfa en Därräs of Hazzäga, Asmära; GÄBRÄ Musa. Täsfa en, the son of Atäšš m, was the
MIKA EL GURMU, K<:y u:-y zq% (Tari Märäb founder of two well-known lineages in D.T.,
M llaš, ‘History of Märäb M llaš’), ms., private collection,
Asmära 1951; interviews with abba TÄKLÄ HAYMANOT
namely, Täkkälä and Aggäba, or Täkkälä
AYLÄ, age 76, Asmära; baššay BÄRA I ZÄMUY, age 81, Aggäba, centred around ä azzäga and Mi-
Hazzäga; blatta SÄMÄRÄ ABTU, age 70, Hazzäga. nab, and Zär ay, or Minabä Zär ay, centred
Lit.: GÄBRÄ IYÄSUS ABBAY, uA:My (rMy Ww*y u:-y around Hazzäga. Both Hazzäga and ä az-
zq% (Mäsärät alet h zbi Märäb M llaš, ‘The Origins of zäga, among others, are homes to the descen-
the People of Märäb M llaš’), Asmara 1965; KilHDic
159; KolTrad II; ANDOM GÄBRÄ MIKA EL, A Biogra- dants of Täsfa en Atäšš m, who founded these
phy of Dä azma aylu Täwäldä Mäd n of amasen two hereditary ruling houses of amasen.
1805 – 1876, Senior Essay, Department of History, Täsfa en’s eldest sons Minab and Zär ay re-
aylä llase 1 University, Addis Abäba 1973; NadEr;
st
mained in Hazzäga, while his youngest sons
RUFFILLO PERINI (GABRÈ NEGÙS), Di qua dal Marèb
(Marèb-mellàsc’), Firenze 1905; YAQOB BEYENE,
Täkkälä and Aggäba moved to ä azzäga. After
“Diritto consuetudinario di Habsellus”, RSE 43, 1999 the death of Täsfa en Atäšš m (ca. 1660),
[2001], 153–210. Täkkälä, Aggäba, Minab and Zär ay all rose to
Abbebe Kifleyesus power and retained a claim to the governorship
of amasen. Over the years, the successors of
these siblings engaged in constant power strug-
Däqqi Täšš m gles and confrontations for rule over amasen
The D.T. (65y H%z , also Aytäšum, or Atäšš m) in general and D.T. in particular. At one point
are a T gr ñña-speaking descent group dä a Hab llus (Habtä Sullus), the great-
( Däqqi) who call themselves and their region great-grandson of näš m Aggäba, and his son
w
by the same name. Their Addi Q än i-based Gäbrä r stos expanded the power of the house
customary law is also known as ggi Däqqi of ä azzäga over D.T. and most of amasen
Genealogical pedigree of the

Däqqi Täšš m in amasen
96
Dära
and other parts of the highlands in Eritrea. But Dära

the zenith of the power of ä azzäga came under D. (6= , Arab. D rah or D ra; also Dara) was a
the rule of ba ri näga i Solomon Täsfa en, the region south-east of Däwaro and west of
grandson of dä a Gäbrä r stos Habtä Sullus Bale belonging to the Muslim belt or “Muslim
and great-grandfather of aytä Täwäldä Mäd n, fringe” (a - ir z al-Isl m ). According to the
father of dä a aylu (s. kinship diagram). learned informants of the Egyptian courtier Ibn
Such a rule was contested by käntiba Zär ay and Fa$lall h al- Umar (d. 749 H. [1349 A.D.]) in
his son aytä Solomon of Hazzäga, both descen- the first half of the 14th cent., D. was the weakest
dants of Zär ay, the son of Täsfa en Atäššem. and smallest of the seven Muslim trading states
This eventually culminated in the well-known (Ifat, Däwaro, Arabäbn [Ar en], Hadiyya,
feud between Hazzäga and Sä azzäga under the Šar a and Bale%. It was only a three days’ jour-
leadership of ra si Wäldä Mika el Solomon and ney in length by three days in breadth, with an
dä azma aylu Täwäldä Mäd n, respec- army of no more than 2,000 cavalry and infan-
tively, and resulted in the death of the latter at try. Its inhabitants were described as anafites.
the battle of Wäkki D bba on 17 July 1876 (s. Like in the neighbouring small principality of
KolTrad). Bale in the west, their commerce was based only
Nowadays, in the state of Eritrea, D.T. refers on barter. Repeated in full by the Egyptian
to the following amasen-based villages located encyclopaedist al-Qalqa#and (d. 845 H. [1418
in zoba Ma käl: Gä rät, Goday f, Qušät, A.D.]), al- Umar ’s statement was shortened by
ä da K rst yan, Addi Sogdo, Bet Mä a , the historian al-Maqr z (d. 845 H. [1442
Wäkki D bba, Da ro Qawlos, Addi Musa, A.D.]). In the 16th cent. the region is mentioned
ä da mba, ä azzäga, Addi Gäbru, Addi in Arab Faq h’s Fut al- abaša, stating
w
Tä lay, Addi Q än i, Hazzäga, Addi Däbbänä, that, after the battle of Zalla (July/August 1532),
! m " mnuq, Addäsfäda, Addi Habtäsullus, A mad b. Ibr h m al-& z sent the ar d
Addi ! mag llä, Addi Mär awi, Addi Ya qob, " #ah, the father of Bi# ra b. ' sah, to block
Addi Abeto, Addi Bidäl and Amä i. the outlet of Bale at D ra.
Däqqi Minab Src.: UmMasFuat IV, 16, 23; UmMasGaud 1, 18f., 38;
Src.: GÄBRÄ MIKA EL GURMU, K<:y u:-y zq% AL-QALQAŠAND , Kit b ub al-a š f in at al-inš , I–
(Tari Märäb M llaš, ‘History of Märäb M llaš’), ms., XIV, Cairo 1913–18, V, 329; MaqIlmam 13, (Arabic text) =
Asmära 1951 [private collection]; @:Py Mbs8y 65y 10f., 15 (Latin tr.); MaqIlmam2 8; BassHist 291, 343f. (text)
H%z ( aräg t wl ddi Däqqi Täšš m, ‘Pedigree of Gen- = 387, 459f. (tr.); SihFutuh 296.
erations of Däqqi Tä## m’), St. George Church, Lit.: TrIslam 64 (map), 73; TadTChurch 142, 188, n. 3;
ä azzäga; BMy U-Hy BoFy K-:y :?FNF ( ggi BrHad 73 (map 4), 74f. (map 5), 92; PankBord 73f., 222.
Habtä Sullus Gäbrä r stos, ‘The Law of Habtä Sullus Franz-Christoph Muth
and Gäbrä r stos’), Addi Qwän i; BMy tQy O` ( ggi
Loggo wa, ‘The Law of Loggo wa’) [in the author’s
possession]; K<:y T]My =&Cy g^ny unmMy ]s6y Dära
wj%s (Tari hiwwät ra si aylä Mäläkot Wäldä
Mika el, ‘A Biography of Ra si aylä Mäläkot Wäldä D. (6=, in G z sources also 6?g , Där a, and
Mika el’) [private collection of blatta Täsfa en Därräs 6?@, Där a) is a region in Bägemd r, located
of Hazzäga, Asmära]; interviews: with abba TÄWÄLDÄ on the south-eastern shores of Lake ana, im-
B RHAN ANDÄ MÄSQÄL (age 72), Asmära; dä azma
GÄBRÄ YOHANN S TÄSFÄ MARYAM (age 82), Asmära; mediately north of where the Abbay flows out
ato ÄGGAY TÄ LÄ AB (age 68), Addi Tä lay; of the lake. It extends north as far approxi-
wäyzaro "ÄMMÄR ANDÄ HAYMANOT (age 73), mately as ana Qirqos and is bounded by the
ä da Kr styan. regions of Andabet to the east and Fogära to the
Lit.: GÄBRÄ IYÄSUS ABBAY, uA:My (rMy Ww*y u:-y north.
zq% (Mäsärät alet h zbi Märäb M llaš, ‘The Origins of
the People of Märäb M lla#’), Asmära 1965; KilDic; Traditions from ana Qirqos seem to indicate
KolTrad II; ANDOM GÄBRÄ MIKA EL, A Biography of that Christianity reached D. early, possibly
Dä azma aylu Täwäldä Mäd n of amasen 1805– during Zägwe rule. When abba Zäyo ann s
1876, Senior Essay, Department of History, aylä llase came to the Lake ana region in the mid-14th
1st University, Addis Abäba 1973; NadEr; RUFFILLO
cent. to evangelize, he (probably very con-
PERINI (GABRÈ NEGÙS), Di qua dal Marèb (Marèb-
Mellàsc’), Firenze 1905; YAQOB BEYENE, “Diritto sciously) made his first stop in D., where the
consuetudinario di Habsellus”, RSE 43, 1999, 153–210. people were already Christians. It was from D.
Abbebe Kifleyesus that Zäyo ann s moved to settle on K bran, and
97
Dära
n. 76, 74; HuntGeogr s. index (s.v. Där a and Dära);
TadTChurch 190–96; MahZekr.
Michael Kleiner
Darägot
D. (9:QM , also Daharagot, d. ca. 1610) was a
military leader and regional governor of the
second half of the 16th cent. He held a pre-
eminent position, at least since during the reign
of a e Minas (r. 1559–63). Minas’s young son
and successor, är ä D ng l, prudently mar-
ried D. to his cousin Wälättä D ng l in 1567
and appointed him governor of Wag. Thus, he
secured the important support of D. and his
brother, Wäldä Giyorgis, against rebellious
war-lords who seriously endangered är ä
D ng l’s position at that time. All of this tran-
spired during the beginning of D.’s long loyal
that Christian influence began to spread to the service to the sovereign. In 1572 he repelled an
south-western shores of the lake and into Oromo invasion in his province of Wag and
northern Go am. in 1578 the Emperor used him, already pro-
In political terms, D. only began to play a moted to the office of governor (näga ) of
more important role from the 16th cent. on- Go am, against ba r näga Y s aq, a rebel-
wards, when the Christian kingdom’s centre of lious figure in T gray. In November 1579 D.
gravity moved from Šäwa to the Lake ana was sent to S men against the local Betä sra l
region. As an example, after the decisive battle hereditary ruler Räda i and then again in 1585
w
of Wäyna Däga (21 February 1543), the against another Fälaša chief called G äš n.
Christians of D. decimated fleeing contingents An able general and loyal governor-general,
of Grañ’s defeated army ( A mad b. Ibr h m D. was frequently promoted and deployed in
al- z ). Monarchs from är ä D ng l (r. 1563– the most endangered areas, where his service
97) to Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706) often traversed the was needed. When the Turks were threatening
area, as we learn from their chronicles, and the D barwa in 1587, D. was made ba r näga
same probably holds true for later rulers about of T gray and sent there. Throughout his career
whose travels we are less well informed. Yet D. was successful and victorious in all his as-
politically, D. was always eclipsed by signments. He lived a long life and was still alive
Dämb ya north and north-east of Lake ana, in 1607 at the beginning of Sus nyos’s reign.
where, from Minas (r. 1559–63) onwards, a However, D.’s three sons (Tewodros, Zär a
number of royal residences and, ultimately, the Yo ann s and Läbasi) were less fortunate and
new capital of Gondär were established. died in their rebellion against the “renegade-
The main settlement of D. today is Wärota (in king” Sus nyos.
G z sources Qwära a), where a e Fasilädäs (r. Src.: BegCron 37; CRHist 42, 91; PerChron 88, 129, 242;
BassÉt II 111.
1632–67) already had a church built in honour Sevir Chernetsov
of the female martyr and saint Wälättä e ros,
buried on nearby Rema island. Historical Därara Military units
settlements and areas in D. that repeatedly ap-
pear in the chronicles include äf äfa, Tamre
and Wäräb. Därasa Gide o
Src.: ChTana; DombrChr 201; CRHist 53 (text) = 61f.
(tr.), 117f. (text) = 134 (tr.), 137f. (text) = 156f. (tr.); Däräsge
PerChron ch. 22, 31, 47, 58, 66, 79; GuiIohan 68 (text) =
67 (tr.), 178 (text) = 186 (tr.), 209 (text) = 221 (tr.); D. (6:FO ) is located in the S men mountains
GueCopMen 305; BassHist I, 343f. at 13° 02' N and 38° 11' E. It is about one-and-
Lit.: DombrChr 320, 334 (s.v. Qwar ); HamTana I, 59 a-half day’s walk from Däbarq, the capital of
98
Däräsge Maryam
Wägära, and lies within an Amora wäräda, While W be was preparing to crown himself,
former S men awra a (now North Gondär dä azma Ka a of Qwara (later Tewodros II),
Zone, Amhara k ll l). was threatening to displace him. In 1855, Ka a
D. served as a capital for dä azma W be marched to S men to meet the combined army
aylä Maryam, the dominant ruler in northern of T gray and S men under W be at D. W be
Ethiopia — the provinces of S men, T gray, and was wounded in battle, was later captured by
the central highland districts of today’s Eritrea Ka a. Two days later, on 11 February 1855, the
— from 1830 to 1855. victorious Ka a was crowned as n gu ä n gä t
By 1840 W be had full control of S men and Tewodros by abunä Sälama in the church of
T gray as far north as Märäb M lla and was Därasge Maryam.
planning to crown himself as n gu ä n gä t, but At the battle of D. on 9 February 1855, Ka a
lacked two key elements. The first was a bishop. also captured W be’s daughter wäyzaro ru
In 1841, following special efforts by W be, Wärq and her two brothers. In 1862 Ka a mar-
abunä Sälama arrived in Adwa. To meet the ried ru Wärq in a church ceremony. She re-
second need, a major church and a residence, mained his wife until his death at Mäqdäla.
W be began to construct a church in D. to host Src.: CRNuov; ZanLitTheod; RubActa I, 157, no. 120;
his coronation. In 1849, in a letter to Walter RubInd 136, 216.
Plowden, the British envoy, W be pleaded for Lit.: CrumMis 97, 98; ill. facing 18, 110.
Donald Crummey – Mulatu Wubneh
workmen who were knowledgeable in con-
struction. The English translation (RubActa I,
157) reads as follows: “Dejaj Oobey greeting to Däräsge Maryam
Mr. Plowden. If you can find five or three
D.M. (6:FOy x?\z, 13°01,432' N, 38°05,99' E;
workmen if possible at Massowah, if not by
3,096 m A.S.L., also Däbrä gzi , Däbrä ge) is
sending to your country, builders, or masons,
a church situated 5 km west of the village of
bring them for me. If they wish for lands or
Däräsge, in the hardly accessible mountains of
appointments, I will give them plenty, if they
S men ( an Amora wäräda), 50 km south-
wish for wages, I would give them wages. And
east of Däbarq.
take care of them.” Plowden, however, did not
Located in a graceful mountain valley, D.M. is
succeed in securing the requested workmen.
a circular church constructed during the reign
Some time around 1852 W be founded the
of dä azma W be aylä Maryam by the
church of Däräsge Maryam. He used D. as his
German scientists Georg Wilhelm Schimper
capital, although it never took on the character-
and Eduard Zander. It is mentioned in an
istics of a town, being too spread out and lack-
Ethiopian feudal act written in Amharic during
ing a centre.
ae ahlä D ng l’s reign and now preserved in
London (ms. BritLib Orient. 481, fol. 3b). In
1855, the church was used for a e Tewodros
II’s coronation. The church exhibits many well-
preserved murals, a rich treasury with abundant
church paraphernalia and a library.
Between the two ring-walls surrounding the
church, an unusual stone building is situated,
dä azma W be’s former “castle” ( G bbi); at
the eastern entrance of the church lies his grave.
It was at the beginning of 1849 that W be de-
cided to build a church and a palace in his native
country of S men. Schimper, who had been
residing in Adwa since 1837, acted as a political
adviser and translator. Some years later, with
regard to W be’s plan to erect a church and a
palace in this remote region, Schimper wrote
(1868:294–98) that he had to build both the
church and the “castle” by himself, since W be,
99
Däräsge Maryam
who was planning to crown himself as emperor, the Apostolic mission of De Jacobis in Massawa
had no one skilled enough to help him. Al- and Schimper. The building is constructed of
though Schimper had not studied architecture massive trachyte blocks and fully covered with
before, within five years the construction of a lime …” (von Heuglin 1857:68ff.). Schimper was
small building “in Byzantine style” was com- also in charge of the wall-paintings, as Markham
pleted. reported after meeting the two German scientists
W be’s desire to appoint two färän o (Euro- in the fortress of Mäqdäla on behalf of the Brit-
peans; Färän ) to supervise the construction ish Napier Expedition in 1868: “The German
seems peculiar at first sight. However, the exam- botanist Schimper superintended the floral
ple of the scarcely known German missionary decorations of the church at Derezgy” (Mark-
and carpenter Christian Aischinger from Würt- ham 1869:64). Only few foreign explorers vis-
temberg, who, as Krapf reported, had to con- ited the church after Tewodros had transferred
struct the rqos Church near Addigrat for his court to Däbrä Tabor.
dä azma Säbagadis Wäldu of T gray in 1842, The church, still surrounded by two well-
shows that such a procedure was not unusual. preserved stone walls, has a huge entrance door
On 2 June 1850, Schimper and Zander set out on the western side. D.M. is the final point of a
from Adwa for the S men mountains and be- holy procession occurring every year on 21
gan preparations for the construction in D.M. January to worship the patron. A picture of St.
On those occasions, many drawings of the Mary with the Child, painted in synthetic ul-
mountain area were made by Zander, a talented tramarine, can be found at the western entrance.
artist (e.g., he executed the unique painting of Besides the colour (cp. Marx 2001), the drapery
Däräsge dating from 1852). According to von of St. Mary’s coat, decorated with rich inter-
Krosigk (1937:117), the inauguration of the laced ornaments, is unusual. Also remarkable is
church took place during the Mäsqäl festival another mural close to the opposite door, por-
in the same year. On 6 February 1853, von traying dä azma W be wearing a crown,
Heuglin came to D.M. and described its con- accompanied by his wife and abunä Sälama,
struction: “… The plan is borrowed from the all on a horseback. The library of D.M. remains
political sanctuary of Gondar [ Däbrä B rhan largely unexplored.
llase] … The building is only of insignificant Src.: interview with the abbot of the church S NTAYEHU
size. It may be 40 to 50 feet long, 30 to 35 feet ABATE, Däräsge, 26 March 1996; interview with
deep and 30 feet high. It contains three small Mäzgäbä B rhan Gäbrä Yo ann s Gäbrä Maryam;
WrBriMus 1-6, no. 2 [Orient. 481]; RubActa I, 157, no.
chambers with narrow, small windows. The
120; EDUARD ZANDER, Abyssinian Studies, Sketchbook
building is one-storey, with a square, still un- German 197.a., n. d., BritMus.
finished central bell-tower at its back. The three Lit.: THEODOR VON HEUGLIN, Reisen in Nord-Ost-
bells determined to be hung there are gifts from Afrika, Gotha 1857, 68ff.; SOPHIE FRANCES FANE
Part of Wébe’s gébbi in the compound of Däräsge

Maryam, photo courtesy of the author
Part of W be’s g bbi in the

compound of Däräsge Maryam;
coronation place of Tewodros II;
photo courtesy of the author
100
Därg
Dä azma W be with his wife
and abunä Sälama; cloth mural;
Däräsge Maryam Church; photo
courtesy of the author
VEITCH, Views in Central Abyssinia, London 1868, plate incorporate the territories as far as imma Ab-
no.1; LUDWIG KRAPF, Reisen nach Ostafrika ausgeführt in baa ifaar and Käfa. However, the situation
den Jahren 1837–1855, Stuttgart 1964, 151; FRIEDRICH
VON KROSIGK, Ein Weizenkorn fliegt gegen den Wind,
was complicated by the fact that Gobäna, n gu
Mühlhausen 1938, 117; CLEMENTS ROBERT MARKHAM, M nil k’s later a e M nil k II’s) general,
A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, London 1869, 64; wanted to expand his control at the same time
GEORG WILHELM SCHIMPER, “Meine Gefangenschaft in and in the same direction. The Gobäna’s seizure
Abessinien”, Petermann’s Geographische Mittheilungen
8, 1868, 294–98; GERD GRÄBER, Auf Spurensuche im
of booty that D. . had collected led to a tense
Semiengebirge, Kirche und Schule in Äthiopien, Heidel- confrontation between the two generals and
berg 1997, 13–25 (Lit.); ID., “Georg Wilhelm Schimpers eventually drew their superiors into a show of
abessinische Zeit (1837–1878)...”, Verein für Naturkunde strength.
Mannheim 6, 1999, 47–68; ANNEGRET MARX, “Indigo, In 1882 the Battle of mbabo was fought;
Smalt, Ultramarine – a Change of Blue Paints in Tradi-
tional Ethiopian Church Paintings in the 19th Century Sets Täklä Haymanot was wounded and captured
a Benchmark for Dating”, in: PICES 14, vol. 1, 215–32; early on in the engagement. D. . ignored the
ID., “Blau aus der Waschküche: Wege einer Farbe nach order of his captured lord to surrender and
Äthiopien”, Aethiopica 4, 2001, 158–69; ROBIN MCEWAN, fought on with remarkable resilience. However,
Picturing Apocalypse at Gondar. A Study of the Two
Known Sets of Ethiopian Illuminations of the “Revelation
victory ultimately went to the Šäwans and the
of St. John and the Life and Death of John”, Torino 2005. course of Ethiopian history was thereby signifi-
Gerd Gräber cantly changed, as the succession of M nil k to
the imperial throne was guaranteed. Not much
is heard of D. . after mbabo, although he is
known to have represented his overlord at the
Däräso abo
coronation of M nil k II at n o o in 1889.
Ras D. . (6:Gy 2.) was one of the most out- Src.: BTafA, s. index; HerTar; MahHorse; aläqa TÄKLÄ
standing military commanders of the late 19th IYÄSUS, Y#M_1\y K<l / Y#LTy Hlny U^x$M
cent., his name being often cited along with ras (Yä ityo ya tarik / Yän gu Täklä Haymanot, ‘A His-
Alula ng da and ras Gobäna Da i. A tory of Ethiopia [and of] N gu Täklä Haymanot’),
w Addis Abäba, IES ms. 254.
balabbat of Q älla Damot in Go am, D.T. was Lit.: BAIRU TAFLA, “Two of the Last Provincial Kings of
chosen by n gu Täklä Haymanot to lead his Ethiopia”, JES 11, 1, 1973, 29–55; BIZUALEM BIRHANE,
military campaigns into the Oromo territories Adal Abba Tänna Nïgus of Gojjam and Käffa 1850–1901,
across the Abbay. B.A. thesis, Haylä llase I University, Addis Ababa 1971;
RICHARD CAULK, “Territorial Competition and the Battle
Following the designation of Täklä of Embabo”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 64–88.
Haymanot as n gu of Goggam and Käfa by a e Bahru Zewde
Yo ann s IV in 1881, D. ., then dä azma ,
was made ras and appointed governor of the
Oromo regions of Guduru and Leeqaa. D. . Därg Provisional Military Administrative
then embarked on an extensive campaign to Council
101
Darge ahlä llase
Darge ahlä llase

Ras D. . . (9?Oy RWny TqE , “horse name”
!+y O?D , Abba Gersa; b. ca. 1830, d. March
1900) was a prince, royal councillor and provin-
cial governor. Son of n gu ahlä llase and
wäyzäro Wärräyega of Hadiyya, D. . . became
head of a family branch of the Solomonic dynasty
of Šäwa collateral to that of a e M nil k II and
ras Mäkwänn n Wäldä Mika el.
He was born and brought up in Ankobär.
Though details of his early life are few, we
know that he emerged as a prominent military
leader immediately after the death of his father
in 1847. In 1847–49 he campaigned in Sälale
and the neighbouring districts of the Abbi uu
Oromo in collaboration with his younger
brother, abeto Säyfu ahlä llase. In 1856, he
mobilized men from Mänz on behalf of Säyfu
who had refused to submit to a e
Tewodros II; but he surrendered to the Em-
peror soon after the arrest of Säyfu by their
third brother, mär d azma aylä Mika el.
Tewodros treated him well at first and even
appointed him governor of Šäwa, but D. . .
was soon accused of intriguing with opponents
of the sovereign and, hence, was confined at
Mäqdäla. After his release by the British in
Ras Darge ahlä llase; oil painting, signed “Šiwu-
April 1868, he returned to Šäwa and submitted narian”, late 19th cent. (?); photo by Mersha Alehegn,
to M nil k, who respected him highly and con- courtesy of the National Museum, Addis Abäba
sulted his opinion on major state matters
throughout his life. In the early reign of n gu decades of the 19th cent. His conquest of Arsi
M nil k, D. . . was appointed governor of was, however, devastating, as the resistance of the
Bulga, an office which he held for three years. inhabitants was fierce.
In 1871, he was made dä azma and was given D. . . was rich, religious and conservative,
Sälale and Mär abete, the former of which he though he is known to have shown no repug-
retained until his death. In 1876–77, he fought nance to Western education and innovations.
his nephew, Mäšäša Säyfu, and wäyzäro He befriended a number of Europeans, includ-
Bafäna, the rebellious consort of M nil k, ing Mondon-Vidailhet, Ilg and Appenzeller;
who had risen up against M nil k and held the he also allowed his royal nephew to send one of
stronghold of Tamo. The following year, his sons, Gugsa (1876–1921), to Europe for
M nil k promoted D. . . to ras. education. He built and renovated many
D. . .’s last military campaign was most churches, his most favourite one being that of
probably the conquest of Arsi in 1882–86, in Gännätä Giyorgis at F e. He died of illness
which at least two of his sons also participated. in March 1900 and was buried with pomp and
On grounds of advanced age and his chronic ceremony in Däbrä Libanos.
rheumatism, he avoided military expeditions M nil k then split his governorate between
and long marches after this event. M nil k two of his sons, dä azma Asfaw Darge and
nonetheless entrusted to him the regency of his dä azma Täsämma Darge (both of them were
throne whenever he himself went on military political suspects who enjoyed freedom mainly
expeditions. His provincial administration through the protection of their father). Asfaw
seems to have been fair; at least, no insurrections was a brave military leader who participated in
were recorded in Sälale throughout the last three the conquest of Arsi in the 1880s and subju-
102
Däse
gated Bale as far as Lug in the following dec-

ade. However, he often disregarded imperial
orders and allegedly aspired to the throne, con-
seqently, he was severely punished in the late
1890s. A few years after the death of their fa-
ther, Asfaw was accused of intrigues and con-
fined in the mountain prison of Afqära, where
he died, allegedly of an illness, in October 1905.
Täsämma was put under surveillance until his
death in Addis Abäba three days before his
imprisoned brother. Asfaw was survived by a
son, dä azma Zäwde, who proved a capable
resistance leader during the Fascist occupation
of Ethiopia, and by a daughter, Asädä, who
married ras yyum Mängäša and earned the
title of l lt.
Two other sons of D. . . died earlier:
fitawrari Šäwaräggäd Darge was killed in a
horse-racing accident in June 1882, and north, and the Rivers Wän t and ämma
dä azma Dästa Darge, who governed äl- in the south. D. is typical of the north-central
leya,died from an illness in 1892. The latter was a highlands, with table mountains reaching
maternal uncle of a e aylä llaseI, under 2,300 m and river gorges dissecting the land-
whose rule a grandson, dä azma Mammo scape at 600 m. (There is another location with
yyum Dästa, enjoyed high offices. D. . . also the same name situated north of the Abbay as it
had three daughters: ä ayä Wärq, Askalä leaves Lake ana.)
Maryam and Tässämma. The first, a resolute The predominantly Oromo population con-
and relatively free-spirited woman, was a close sist of Orthodox Christians and Muslims, but
associate of Empress Zäwditu and, hence, she traditional religious practices are also adhered
came into conflict with ras Täfäri Mäkwänn n in to. The households in D. depend on mixed
1925 and subsequently died in prison. Perhaps farming.
the most influential descendants of ras D. . . Before the Oromo invasions, D. was part of
were Täsämma’s son, ras Ka a aylu, and his the Wäläqa province of the Christian empire.
sons, dä azma Abärra Ka a, dä azma The Oromo of the Tuulama group settled in
Wänd Wässän Ka a and l ul ras A ratä D. towards the end of the 16th cent. In the 17th
[Maryam] Ka a. cent., they were attacked several times by impe-
Src.: GueCopMen 94, 101, 129, 135, 139, passim; rial forces. The D. Oromo consist of three local
GUSTAVO BIANCHI, Alla terra dei Galla. Narrazione Oromo agnate descent groups, the Metta, Aadaa
della spedizione Bianchi in Africa nel 1879–80, Milano
1884, 493–99. and Tuti. The last Oromo ruler of D., Wolele
Lit.: BTafA 54, 377, 593, 761–71, 883f., passim; HerNägäst (wife of the late ruler Hasän Wäda ), was de-
40ff., 81–86; MÄK ÄNN N NDALKA ÄW, usjzy
W
feated in the 1880s by ras Darge ahlä llase,
,HA., (Mälkam betäsäbo , ‘Good Families’), Addis and D. was merged with his province of
Abäba 1949 A.M. [1956/57 A.D.], 38–41; MahHorse 235,
275, 277f.; BAIRU TAFLA, “Some Aspects of Taxation
Sälale. For most of the 20th cent. D. has been
and Land Tenure in Sälalé under Ras Dargé in the Nine- part of Mär abete. Today it is the northern-
teenth Century”, JES 12, 2, 1974, 1–9; ID., “Ras Dargé most Oromo wäräda, Gundä Mäsqäl being the
Sahlä Sellase, c. 1827–1900”, ibid. 13, 2, 1975, 17–37; wäräda capital.
Bairu Tafla
Lit.: BTafA; StStud.
Odd Eirik Arnesen
Därra
D. (6=) is a border region between Go am, Däse
Šäwa and Wällo. It is delimited by the River D. (6E, lit. ‘My Joy’; 2,370 m A.S.L.) is a town
Abbay in the west, the River Betu in the in Wällo. It was reportedly founded by a e
103
Däse
Aräb Gända is an important area where the first
foreigners, probably Arabs, built their settle-
ment. The primary nucleus of D. is Ay äyäf,
the banqueting-hall of n gu Mika el, which
once accommodated a large crowd ( G b r).
Around this site an important residential area
was formed. Mugad is a market-place that is
active throughout the week. Most of the whole-
sale and retail trade establishments are located
here. The Mäd ane Aläm Church is another
important point north of Ay äy f. It was built
by order of ras Mika el – according to tradition
on the site of an earlier church, destroyed by
th
A mad Grañ in the 16 cent. Priests reside
around this church and there are many älla
and ä bets to the west and north of the
church. Located in the Ho e district in the
north-eastern part of D. are hospitals, a nurs-
ing school, the regional health headquarters, a
Yo ann s IV around 1883, who also ordered cinema hall, the main prison, the Ho e Com-
the Betä llase church to be built there (Chaîne prehensive High School, the Tigril F re Ele-
1913:188f.). The site, formerly known as Wäyra mentary School, the main stadium and the
Amba, was already used by Tewodros II as a electricity powerhouse. The Robit Gäbäya area
military camp. During the time of ras (later houses the second important market. North of
n gu Mika el Ali the settlement developed to it lies the metropolitan’s residence and a theo-
become the regional capital. logical school. Still further north, at the top of
The physical environment was favourable for a hill, is the Betä llase church. Arära, the
D. Its hilltops formed the ideal site for building city’s most lightly populated area, is located in
a governor’s residence. The area had a temperate its north-eastern part at the foothills of Azwa
wäyna däga climate. The hinterland had rich Gäde, east of the Borkäna river. Dawdo is a
volcanic soils, which enabled the farmers to new settlement which has emerged in the
produce surplus crops for the city dwellers. northern part of the city to address residential
Since D. was located at the crossroads of major housing shortages.
trade routes, it became an important trading The population of the town increased sig-
centre. It was also of strategic importance dur- nificantly in the second half of the 20th cent.
ing a e M nil k II’s campaign against the While in 1938 it was estimated at 36,000 in-
Italians, it became a major supply centre for the habitants (6,000 Italians; Guida), in the Census
Ethiopian troops (De Castro 1915, vol. 2, 264). of 2000 the number of inhabitants was 129,431.
D. was the capital of Wällo province during the According to the 1994 Census, the Däse Zu-
reign of a e aylä llase I and in the Därg riya wäräda has a total population of 201,433.
period. After 1991 D. became the centre of Details of the infrastructure and living condi-
North Wällo. tions are as follows: the total student enrol-
Modern D. is composed of several distinct ment in the various schools comprised of Pri-
areas. The Säñño Gäbäya disctrict hosts the old mary (485), Junior Secondary (261) and Senior
market established by n gu Mika el. In the Secondary (228). Among housing units, 645
th
early 20 cent., this market was as great as that had individual tap-water, 3,532 had tap-water
of Boru Meda, i.e. was the largest in that part within their compounds, 460 had protected
of Ethiopia (Annaratone 1914:128). The well- and spring-water, 195 had unprotected
Bärbäre Gända is the northward extension of well- and spring-water. By ca. 1985 9,776
the Sälay š Säfär west of the main highway housing units received electricity from the
extending from Addis Abäba to Asmära. Be- lines that ran from the Qoqa dam to D. To-
sides having a number of shops, banks, and day, many more houses benefit from this ar-
offices it has several residential houses. The rangement.
104
Dästa Darge
Src.: MARIUS CHAÎNE, “Histoire du règne de Iohannes

IV roi d’Éthiopie (1868–1889)”, RevSem 21, 1913, 178–
91, here 188f.; GueCopMen 263, 283f., s. index; Guida
322, 395–400; CSA 1996, 2000; LINCOLN DE CASTRO,
Nella terra dei Negus. Pagine raccolte in Abissinia, vol. 2,
Milano 1915, 164; CARLO ANNARATONE, In Abissinia,
Roma 1914, 127–33; ZewYohan, s. index.
Lit.: BTafA 904; PankHist II, 235ff. (Lit.).
Mekete Belachew
Däsk
The name D. (6Fl, ‘spot, stain’) indiscriminately
describes a group of non-Christian priests and
worshippers (-&Ey 6Fl , b se däsk) in 15th-
cent. G z literature. The term may also refer
to their deity. It is difficult to elaborate on this
topic because all records originate in the
stereotyped polemic of the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church against the non-Christian medieval
cults. According to this polemic, the D. people
are identified with demons and their rituals are
associated with satanic cults. The oldest records
about D. are known from the Acts of Samu el
of Däbrä Wägäg and from the writings of a e
Zär a Ya qob. One of the policies of Zär a
Ya qob was to condemn the non-Christian
practices of his time, which were widespread Ras Dästa Dam äw with Tänaññä Wärq; photo courtesy
even in the royal family. D. occurs in his writings of the IES (no. 23 D1, 770)
accompanied by other representatives of these sia in 1895 and was one of the commanders who
ancient cults, such as dino, gw dale, mäqaw ze, fell at the Battle of Adwa. D.D. grew up at the
mar yan, äfänt and änqwal yan, and seems to imperial court and was married to the eldest
describe a kind of soothsayer or warlock. In daughter of aylä llase, Princess Tänaññä
later magic literature D. is a name of a demon. Wärq. In 1928, subsequent to the detention of
Src.: STANISLAS KUR (ed., tr.), Actes de Samuel de Dabra dä azma Bal a by ras Täfäri for insubordi-
Wagag, Louvain 1968 (CSCO 287, 288 [SAe 57, 58]) 6, nation, the governorship of the lucrative prov-
13–16, 18–25, 27f., 32f., 40–43, 55, 68; PerrZarY 4, 6, 98,
112; KURT WENDT (ed., tr.), Das Ma afa Mil d (Liber
ince of Sidamo was given to D.D. As governor
Nativitatis) und das Ma afa Sell s (Liber Trinitatis) of Sidamo, he led Ethiopian forces on the
des Kaisers Zar a Y qob, Louvain 1963 (CSCO 235, 236 southern front against the invading Italian army
[SAe 43, 44]), 43, 83f.; GETATCHEW HAILE (ed., tr.), The in 1935. His bold offensive was thwarted at the
Epistle of Humanity of Emperor Zär a Ya qob ( omarä Battle of Genaalee Doriya (12–14 January
T sb t), Louvain 1991 (CSCO 522, 523 [SAe 95, 96]),
53–56, 58, 62f.; LesCDic 144. 1936), which proved a veritable massacre for the
Lit.: JACQUES MERCIER, “Le Qolle et le Zar: éléments Ethiopians. Emboldened by the nearly 1,000
pour l’histoire des anciens cultes éthiopiens”, Abbay 12, Eritrean askari who deserted to his side during
1983–84 [1985], 259–98. that encounter, D.D. continued to defy the Fas-
Bogdan Burtea cist occupation until he was captured in February
1937 and summarily executed. His heroic death
inspired one of the poems of the Senegalese poet
Dästa Dam äw Léopold Sédar Senghor.
Ras D.D. (6FKy 9z/b ; b. ca. 1893, d. 1937) Lit.: BZHist; HSLife; MahHorse.
Bahru Zewde
was a leading politician of the early aylä
llase I era. His father, fitawrari Dam äw, led
an official mission of Emperor M nil k to Rus- Dästa Darge Darge ahlä llase
105
Dästa S b at
Dästa S b at Agamä was subsequently merged with the

Dä azma D.S. (6FKy F-=M ; d. 1908, Addis governorate of dä azma Gäbrä llase
Abäba; r. 1902–08) was the son of ras S b at Barya Gab r, in addition to Aksum and the
Arägawi from the family of Säbagadis Wäldu Adwa areas. Gäbrä llase probably took ad-
of Agamä in eastern T gray. He is known vantage of his high standing in M nil k’s court
locally as šum agame Dästa. The title of dä - to facilitate D.S.’s removal from office (this act
azma was apparently conferred on him by his was achieved in concert with the Italians).
father and confirmed by a e M nil k II. Src.: interviews with ato AYLÄ LLASE RÄDDA, age
In 1890 D.S. was taken hostage by ras Män- 60, Addigrat, September 2000; l KAHSAY ABR HA,
age 90, Addigrat, October 1996.
gäša Yo ann s of T gray to enforce his father’s Lit.: TSEGAY BERHE, A History of ‘Agamä, 1822–1914,
submission, but D.S. soon escaped. He repeat- M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1996; MEKONNEN
edly joined rebellion against both ras Mängäša BERHANE, A Political History of Tigray, 1889–1913,
and M nil k. As a result, in 1893 Mängäša de- M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1994.
tained S b at Arägawi and D.S. at Ambalage Tsegay Berhe
on suspicion of conspiracy. The prisoners were
released in 1895 by the Italians. D.S. and his
Dästa Tädla Gwalu
father briefly allied themselves with the Italians
before their return to M nil k’s camp on the eve Ras D.T. (6FKy H;qy Ko, “horse name”
of the battle of Adwa. Two years later, they Dässe Abba W qaw; d. 1874) was a nobleman,
stopped fighting their former rival, ras Mängäša, rebel and governor. He was the son of
while in rebellion against M nil k’s central dä azma Tädla Gwalu, who rebelled against
government, but were defeated and captured. Tewodros II in the 1860s. Consequently, he was
After two more years, in 1902, M nil k released a direct descendant of ras aylu the elder. For
D.S. and appointed him governor of Agamä to some unknown reason, certain sources refer to
placate the stiff local rebellion that had led to D.T. as “Dästa Gwalu”.
political instability. Equally obscure is the history of D.T.’s youth
D.S.’s two surviving achievements are the two and upbringing. After the death of his father in
palaces he built one in Addigrat, the capital of 1867, the eldest son, dä azma N gu e Tädla
Agamä, and the other at Sabaya, to the north. Gwalu, succeeded to the gubernatorial office of
He also renovated the present day church of St. Go am, but he was soon replaced by his
Cyril in Addigrat. There were other ambitious youngest brother, D.T., who governed Go am
schemes that seemed to have brought him into intermittently until 1874. D.T. submitted to a e
conflict with a host of external and internal Täklä Giyorgis II in 1869 and was confirmed
rivals, including the peasantry. For instance, in his governorate. To ensure his loyalty, he was
attracted by the huge salt revenues of eastern also given one of the Emperor’s half-sisters in
T gray, he tried to divert the flow of the princi- marriage.
pal south-eastern salt caravan from ndärta to When Täklä Giyorgis decided to march
Agamä. For this purpose, he encouraged Mus- northwards to subdue T gray, however, D.T.
lim merchant communities to settle and trade in ignored the Imperial summons to mobilize his
Addigrat. Subsequently, many Muslims came men and join the expedition. Täklä Giyorgis
to live in the southern quarter of the town; the turned his force against Go am, but he failed
trade route, however, did not divert. to capture D.T. and retired to Däbrä Tabor to
D.S. also tried to dislodge the Italians from make further preparations for his military expe-
considerable territories of Š mäzana, which he dition. D.T.’s rival from a collateral family,
claimed were part of his realm. As a result, D.S. Adal Täsämma (later n gu Täklä Haymanot),
came into conflict with the Italians who began however, seized him and handed him over to
encroaching into some of the bordering districts the Emperor. The Emperor appointed Adal
of Agamä. governor of Go am and gave him another
The internal resentment and D.S.’s continued relation in marriage.
raids into the Italian colony of Eritrea appar- In 1871, after the defeat of Täklä Giyorgis by
ently led to his dismissal from office and subse- Ka a, who subsequently crowned himself a e
quent detention by M nil k. He died in con- Yo ann s IV, Adal failed to submit to the new
finement. sovereign. Yo ann s IV freed and reinstated
106
t imyam
D.T. as Governor of Go am with the rank and nants of the old Ethiopian Abugida syllabary,
title of ras at the end of 1873. A few months yet disregarding the traditional order of the
later, however, he was killed by Adal, who then vowels; he used a similar system in the G z
submitted to the Emperor at Sämära (Däbrä dictionary by Kidanä Wäld K fle, completed by
Tabor) through the intercession of the clergy D.T.W. after the author’s death ( Abugida and
and was given Go am, which he subsequently hahu).
held for more than a quarter of a century. Src.: DTWDic; KIDANÄ WÄLD K FLE, uwK(y F6qMy
Src.: aläqa LÄMLÄM – aläqa ZÄYOHANNES, The History Exb\M … (Mäzgäbä fidälat semaw yat …, ‘Collection
of Emperor Yohannes whose Mundane Name was of the Semitic Letters …’), D rre Dawa 1926 A.M. [1934
Bazbez Kasa Dictated to Monsieur Mondon by Alaqa A.D.], Addis Abäba ²1961, ³1965; ID., ?+@y Fzy
Lamlam of Mahdara Maryam at Entotto in 1887 of the ]!#3e (R ba a s m wä anqä , ‘Inflexion of Nouns and
Year of Grace, Paris, BN, mss. Éthiop. 259 Mondon 72, Verbs’), Addis Abäba 1946 A.M. [1953/54 A.D.]; DÄSTA
fol. 1–7. TÄKLÄ WÄLD, K(Ky @`?\M (Gäbäta awaryat, ‘Ta-
Lit.: BAIRU TAFLA, “Two of the Last Provincial Kings of bles of the Apostles’), D rre Dawa 1928 A.M. [1935
Ethiopia”, JES 11, 1, 1973, 29–56, here 31–34; ZewYohan A.D.].
31f., 45, 278. Lit.: MolLit 159–62; KIDANÄ WÄLD K FLE, U^x$Hy
Bairu Tafla !(by 36zM| , La foi des pères anciens. 1. Texte éthiopien.
Enseignement de Mamher Kefla Giyorgis …, ed. by DÄSTÄ
TÄKLÄ WÄLD, Stuttgart 1986 (SKK 79), here 27–36.
Ewa Wo k
Dästa Täklä Wäld
D.T.W. (6FKy Hlny ]s; ; b. 26 July 1901,
Goš W ha in Wägda, Šäwa, d. 5 September t imyam
1985, Addis Abäba) was a scholar of traditional In the Ethiopic sources, the goddess . . T
Ethiopian customs and culture. MYM), one of the five supreme deities of the
D.T.W. first received a church education near Sabaean pantheon, is mentioned in the final invo-
his home and later in Däbrä Libanos, where cations and other formulae of Sabaic and Ethio-
he studied church poetry and chant (q ne and Sabaic inscriptions, always in the fourth place,
zema) under aläqa Kidanä Maryam and mäm- after TR/ STR ( Astär), H(W)BS (Hawbas),
h r Gäbrä Iyäsus, and also biblical interpreta- LMQH ( Almaqah) but before T B DN
tion. (RIE 1:5–6; 5 B:2; 10:13–14). The vocalization
From 1923/24 to 1927/28 he was employed of the main part of her name as imyam, which
by the B rhan nna Sälam Printing Press as a is not supported by any source, remains con-
proof-reader and language consultant for relig- ventional. The traditional identification of . .
ious books. Later, asked by the renowned with the Sun goddess seems dubious, since it
scholar aläqa Kidanä Wäld K fle to join him was founded on the now rejected concept of the
at the Saint-Lazare Printing Press, D.T.W. Divine Triad elaborated by Ditlef Nielsen.
moved to D rre Dawa, where he spent 16 years However, the attribution of an astral nature to
working in a similar field. After returning to her cannot be excluded. On the territory of the
Addis Abäba at the end of this period, he Old Sabaean kingdom in Yemen only one tem-
worked for the B rhan nna Sälam Press and the ple of . . is localized, at the site of aribat
Artistic Printing Press. Sa d (ancient Kut l[um]), to the north-west of
D.T.W.’s greatest achievement and lifework M rib.
was his %8Fy \x?1y uwK(y 6qM| (jW!M!y In Yemen of the early 1st millennium B.C.,
(RK:y A-y <#< ( Addis yamar ñña mäzgäbä during the epoch of the Sabaean expansion, the
qalat, bäkahnat nna bähagärä säb qwanqwa, ‘A cult of . . was brought to some peripheral
New Dictionary of Amharic, in the Language of areas of South Arabian civilization. The indige-
the Clergy and the Peasants’ = DTWDic), nous population of north-eastern Ethiopia and
which he wrote on a e aylä llase I’s order. It inland a ramawt even incorporated her in
was completed in 1957/58 and published by the their own pantheons. On the basis of Hadrami-
Artistic Press in 1970. The dictionary consists of tic inscriptions found in two temples of . .,
1,284 pages with 523 illustrations and a long which were excavated in 1983–91 at the site of
introduction on grammar, the history of Am- Rayb n ( a ramawt), some of her functions
haric and the Ethiopian syllabaries. D.T.W. are ascertained; the goddess was responsible for
applied to it the alphabetic order of the conso- the regulation of conjugal relations and proba-
107
t imyam
bly of proprietary rights in land. No sculptural CHRISTIAN ROBIN – ALESSANDRO DE MAIGRET, “Le
or pictorial representation of her as well as of grand temple de Yéha (Tigray, Éthiopie), après la pre-
mière campagne de fouilles de la Mission française
other South Arabian deities has been found yet. (1998)”, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des
Some vague references to the interdiction of Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, juillet–octobre 1998, 737–
making images of . . occur in the epigraphic 98, here 785, 788f., 794f. n. 95.
documentation of Rayb n. Serguei Frantsouzoff
In the strongly Sabaean-influenced Ethiopian
kingdom of D MT (8th–7th cent. B.C.), . .
David Ben Solomon Ibn Abi Zimra
was worshipped under the names of both T
MYM and T MN. The latter form, at- Known as RaDBaZ (= Rabbi David Abi Zimra),
tested once in royal texts (RIE 9:6–7) and rather D. was a leading Talmudic scholar, halakhic
often in pre-Aksumite graffiti, might have re- authority and kabbalist. Born in Spain in 1479,
flected phonetic and morphological peculiarities his family moved to Safed following the exile of
of local dialects. This divergence in orthography the Jews in 1492. He emigrated to Egypt in
was obviously connected with the ethnic and 1513, settling first in Alexandria and later in
social heterogeneity of the inhabitants of D MT. Cairo. In 1517 he became the official head of
On a small altar found in Addi Kramat n two Egyptian Jewry. However, his reputation ex-
dedications to . . are discovered; in a care- tended well beyond the borders of that country
fully engraved Sabaic boustrophedon inscrip- and he received legal and religious questions
tion her name was written as T MYM (RIE from many Jewish communities.
53 I:2), while in a graffito roughly scribbled On two separate occasions D. considered the
over it along the frieze the spelling T MN Jewish religious status and identity of the Betä
sra el (Fälaša). In both cases he was asked to
was used (RIE 53 II:1). At the site of Y a, an
rule regarding Jews from ‘the land of Cush’
epithet of . . seems to have been attested in a
brought to Egypt as prisoners. He affirmed the
fragmentary context (RIE 46: w- t/ mym/
identity of the Betä sra el as descendants of the
t/…).
Tribe of Dan ( Eldad Ha-Dani), but noted
After the decline of D MT some centres of the
that their ignorance of rabbinic Jewish law cre-
cult of the goddess, known henceforward only
ated problems with regard to the legitimacy of
as T MN, existed at the site of F qya (RIE
their marriages and divorces. His rulings be-
71:2; 72 I:2; 73:2; 74; 75:2; 77:2) and in
came one the most important Jewish sources on
D kanamo (RIE 158; 163). Some correspon-
the Betä sra el and served as the basis for all
dence may be traced between . . and the
later Jewish discussions concerning their iden-
Aksumite deity of earth attested in the pre-
tity. A third text discussed the flooding of the
Christian inscriptions of Ezana as MDR (RIE
~ Nile and its Ethiopian source.
185 II:21), M dr (RIE 188:26) and (RIE
Src.: MICHAEL CORINALDI, Jewish Identity: the Case of
270bis:30). Ethiopian Jewry, Jerusalem 1998, 189–96; MENACHEM
Src.: RIE 1, 5, 9, 10, 46, 53, 71–75, 77, 158, 163, 185, 270. WALDMAN, Me-ever le-naharei Kuš: Yehudey Etiopia
Lit.: FRANCIS ANFRAY, “Introduction”, in: RIE 17–64, ve-ha-am ha-yehudi (‘Beyond the Rivers of Ethiopia: the
esp. 47; FRANÇOIS BRON, “Los dioses y el culto de los Jews of Ethiopia and the Jewish People’), Tel Aviv 1989,
Árabes preislámicos”, in: GREGORIO DEL OLMO LETE 66–76.
(ed.), Mitología y religión del Oriente antiguo, II/2: Lit.: MENACHEM ELON, “The Ethiopian Jews: a Case
Semitas Occidentales (Emar, Ugarit, Hebreos, Fenicios, Study in the Functioning of the Jewish Legal System”,
Arameos, Árabes), Barcelona 1995 (Colección: Estudios New York University Journal of International Law and
orientales, 9), 417, 419f., 423, 436; SERGUEI Politics 16, 1986–87, 535–63; STEVEN KAPLAN, “History,
FRANTSOUZOFF, “The Inscriptions from the Temples of Halakha and Identity: the Beta Israel and World Jewry”,
t imyam at Rayb n”, Proceedings of the Seminar of Israel Social Science Research 10, 2, 1995, 13–24.
Arabian Studies 25, 1995, 15–27, pls. I–II; ID., “Regula- Steven Kaplan
tion of Conjugal Relations in Ancient Rayb n”, ibid. 27,
1997, 113–27; ID., “A Parallel to the Second Command-
ment in the Inscriptions of Rayb n”, ibid 28, 1998, 61–
67; DITLEF NIELSEN, Der dreieinige Gott in Däwäl
religionshistorischer Beleuchtung, Bd. 1: Die drei D. (6]s, ‘territory, district, border, frontier’) is
göttlichen Personen, Kobenhavn – Kristiania – Berlin –
London 1922, 319, 321; CHRISTIAN ROBIN, “Sheba. II.
the term applied in particular to the periphery
Dans les inscriptions d’Arabie du Sud”, Supplément au of a church parish ( A biya). Sometimes it
Dictionnaire de la Bible, vol. 12, Paris 1996, 1156f., 1161; designates a subdivision within a monastic
108
Däwaro
community: in Wald bba a group of up to ten said to have rung the D. at three different times
monks, living outside the main monastic settle- during the day: at dawn for prayer and work, at
ment, is called D. noon for lunch and in the evening to announce
D. is also the traditional Ethiopian term for the end of the working day.
the (church) phonolith or “stone bell” (possibly In common church practice, D. are used to
with no connection to the previous meaning, s. summon the clergy and worshippers to prayer.
LesCDic 145). The D. are usually made from Ringing the D. at the beginning and end of
one or several resonant slabs of stone (yädän- church services is also customary. D. were also
giya däwäl), and sometimes from wood rung when members of the royal family died.
(yä n ät däwäl) that are usually suspended on a Traditionally, anyone seeking asylum in a
wooden frame within the church compound church or monastery had to reach the D. and
(cp. Powne 1968, plate 3; DAE III, 46). The strike it to let the ecclesiastics know that some-
bell-ringer (däwway) strikes the D. with a one was begging for their protection; after the
round pebble, but in some cases two resonant D. was rung no one was allowed to harm him.
stones hanging side by side are moved to strike Qa l
each other. While the stone or wooden D. were Src.: DicKane 1820f.; DAE I, 195; III, 52f., 79f., 141, s.
common, metal European-type bells, also called index; GuiVoc 686; THMDic 1212; DillmLex 1123f.;
LesCDic 145; BeckHuntAlvar 76, 99 (fig. 2).
D., were occasionally brought to Ethiopia (in Lit.: HamTana I, 51 (Lit.); MICHAEL POWNE, Ethiopian
exceptional cases, perhaps, even locally made). Music: an Introduction, London 1968, 20–23, pl. 3;
Among the gifts acquired in Venice by the 1402 MARCOS DAOUD (tr.), The Liturgy of the Ethiopian
Ethiopian embassy was a mechanical clock Church, Addis Ababa 1954; Zena betä kr stiyan 1, 30
Ta a 1938, no. 1–3; PankSoc, s. index; OSVALDO
referred to as dol (contracted form of däwäl), RAINERI, “I doni della Serenissima al re Davide I
with a hammer to strike the “bell” (s. Raineri d’Etiopia (ms. Raineri 43 della Vaticana)”, OrChrP 65,
1999:373). However, regular imports of metal 1999, 363–448, here 373 (tr.), 424 (text).
bells probably began at the time of the Jesuits Mersha Alehegne – Denis Nosnitsin
at the earliest and continued through to the 19th
cent. (cp. the unique “combined” D. in the yard
of St. Gabriel Church in K bran, s. HamTana
Däwaro
1, 51, fig. 23, and also the famous chapel of
Mad ane Aläm church at Adwa, DAE III, D. (6`@ , Arabic ÀiAÀe, also Dauarro, Davvaro,
52f.). Some churches used to possess both the Dauri, or Dauarri) was one of the seven Muslim
traditional D. and the bell (e.g., the old nda trading states in southern Ethiopia which be-
Maryam church of Asmära, DAE II, 195). D. longed to the belt of Muslim states, fittingly
are considered one of the sacred objects in the called by the Egyptian courtier al- Umar the
church. According to ecclesiastical tradition, the “Muslim fringe” (a - ir z al-isl m ). This series
use of the D. started at the time of Noah, who is of Muslim states, namely Ifat, D., Arabäbni
(Ar eñ), Hadiyya, Šar a, Bale and Darä,
grew up along the coast and inland as far as the
lakes, thus, encircling the east and south of the
Ethiopian massif. As one of the buffer-states, D.
itself, corresponding roughly to the present-day
Arsi region in southern Ethiopia, was a long,
narrow territory, only five days’ journey in
length by two days’ in width, as described by
al- Umar in the first half of the 14th cent.
Bordering upon the Bale sultanate in the south,
D. was separated from it by the Wabi Šäbälle
river and bordered on Ifat on the right bank of
the river Awaš. In the east, it reached the edge
of the Afar lowlands, in the south-west, it bor-
Church Däwäl of ä azzäga in amasen; photo 1914/15 dered on the small principalities of Šar a and
by Leo Frobenius’s expedition; courtesy of the Fro- Arabäbni (for further information on D., in-
benius-Institut, Frankfurt am Main (07–8213) cluding Dawro where refugees from D. had
109
Däwaro
awrari Bä er over D., and stationed garrison

troops called äwa there to strengthen his con-
trol.
Of great historical importance was his inter-
mittent struggle with A mad Badl y b.
Sa dadd n, who had been sent with the am r
arb Goš by am ladd n b. Bazy on an
expedition to D. After a successful preliminary
campaign in the highlands of Šäwa in August
1443, A mad Badl y and his brother airadd n
started a new offensive into the Ethiopian part
of D. in 1445. This time, however, they were
repelled by the Ethiopian army. Zär a Ya qob
himself marched against him and defeated him,
cutting A mad Badl y’s throat with his lance at
the decisive battle of Agbära in D. on 26 De-
cember 1445. With the victory over A mad
Badl y, whom the Ethiopians called Arwe
settled during the wars of A mad b. Ibr h m (‘Snake’) Bädlay, the Ethiopians ended the
al- z , s. BassHist II, 16, note 2, Cerulli equilibrium between the Muslims and Chris-
1971:286f., 290f. and HuntGeogr 87f., 126f., tians. During the ensuing reign of a e Bä dä
corrected by Taddesse Tamrat 1991:118). Maryam, who put D. under a governor with the
As a major Muslim community of the south- prestigious title of ras ( Ras), D. remained
ern region, the existence of the D. kingdom, in under imperial rule.
which abba Täklä Haymanot reputedly had Valuable information on D. also appears in al-
some influence through missionary activity Umar ’s sympathetic account. The territory, he
about 1300, is confirmed both by Ethiopic and states, was under a king who was tributary to
Arabic sources. In Ethiopic chronicles it appears the emperor of Ethiopia. Although much smaller
first in that of a e Amdä yon I. According than Ifat, D. is said to have possessed a large and
to this source, he subdued Ifat, D., Šar a and powerful army, consisting of around 20,000
Bale in the war of 1332, when the territory of D. cavalry and 15,000 infantry. Its ruler did not,
was ruled by a governor called aydara, a however, have a parasol carried over his head
tributary to the Emperor of Ethiopia. aydara and he and his emirs ( Am r) were not sup-
supported the insurrection of abradd n ported by attendants when walking. Like Ifat,
Mu ammad of Adal, who had planned to de- D. produced cereals and fruit and reared horses
feat the Emperor’s troops by attacking them and beasts of burden. As coinage the inhabitants
from as many points as possible. Amdä yon I of D., who were anafites ( anafism), used
conducted a punitive expedition against the pieces of iron called akunu (or anuku).
rebels in April 1332. According to the royal These were the length of a needle but three
chronicle, his campaign was a brilliant success. times as thick. 5,000 of them were needed to
Defeated and forced to submit, abradd n sur- purchase a cow and 3,000 for a goat. The same
rendered and was taken prisoner together with sort of money was used in the neighbouring
his ally aydara. The region was devastated and states of Arabäbni and Hadiyya. Al- Umar ’s
D. was placed under am ladd n b. Mu ammad valuable report on D. is repeated a century later
b. Man r, a brother of abradd n, as ruler by the Egyptian encyclopaedist al-Qalqašand
tributary to Ethiopia. (d. 1418) and by al-Maqr z (d. 1442), who sim-
Accordingly, D. is described as part of the ply copies al- Umar , although the situation was
Emperor’s dominion in the “Soldiers’ songs” of quite different and D. was at that time under
Amdä yon I as well as those of Zär a Christian control.
Ya qob (Guidi 1889:53–66), who, a hundred A century later, D. was one of the first prov-
years later, consolidated the conquests of his inces to feel the weight of A mad b. Ibr h m al-
predecessors. He appointed a governor called z ’s campaigns. He swept with recruits from
110
Daw nt
the Islamic world across Ethiopia in successive geez-amariña in onore di re abissini”, RRALm ser. 4a, 5,
battles. His chronicler Arabfaq h gives in his 1889, 53–66, here 62, 64 [= nos. 8, 13; 10, 33]; ENNO
LITTMANN, Die altamharischen Kaiserlieder, Straßburg
Fut al- abaša a great deal of topographical 1914, 26, 30; ConzGal 12ff., 19f., 28, 33f., 37, 128f., 131f.,
information which is quite consistent concern- 138, 141, 144; BegCron 17, 20, 24ff.; MANFRED KROPP
ing the limits of D. (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius
After a first unsuccessful raid into the terri- und Min s, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]),
4, 10, 13, 16, 19 (text) = 4, 9, 12f., 15, 19 (tr.); Arab.: IBN
tory sometime before 1527, which ended in FA LALL H AL- UMAR , at-Ta r f bi-mu ala aš-šar f,
disaster, Grañ, together with the vizier Addal , Cairo 1312 H. [1894 A.D.], 30; ibid. ed. by SAM R AD-
started a second campaign against D. in 1527 or DUR B , al-Karak 1413 H. [1992 A.D.], 38f., n. 113;
1528. They defeated the Ethiopians at the river UmMasSezg IV, 16; UmMasGaud 1, 14f., 32; MaqIlmam
Zam t. After the battle of Šämb ra Kwäre on 9f., 11f., 31 (Arabic text) = 10f., 13, 35 (Latin tr.); AL-
QALQAŠAND , Kit b ub al-a š f in at al-inš , I–
11 March 1529, he attacked D. and Gatur XIV, Cairo 1913–18, V, 326f.; VIII, 11, 39; BassHist 14f.,
again at the end of 1529 in a campaign which 21f., 65ff., 96, 99ff., 261ff., 280 (text); BassHist 16 n. 2,
resulted in the battle of An akya ( An okya) in 30ff., 47ff., 131ff., 169, 174ff., 359ff., 377 (tr.); SihFutuh
February/March 1531. One year later, in April/ 16f., 24f., 74ff., 108, 112ff., 268ff., 286.
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Catalogo dei nomi proprî
May 1532, Grañ sent Addal and am r usayn di luogo dell’Etiopia contenuti nei testi gi iz ed amhariña
b. Ab Bakr al- atur to D. to invade and oc- finora pubblicati”, in: Atti del Primo Congresso
cupy the country and appointed the gärad Geografico Italiano, Genova 1894, vol. 2, part 1, 387-439,
šah as governor of the province. The šay here 407; JOSEF MARQUART, Die Benin-Sammlung des
dam b. Ab Bakr became q there. The im- Reichsmuseums für Völkerkunde in Leiden …, Leiden
1913 (Veröffentlichungen des Reichsmuseums für Völ-
portance that Grañ attached to D. is evident kerkunde in Leiden, ser. 2, 7), cclxxiiff., cccvii, cccxxix,
from the fact that around 1540 he entrusted its cccxxxivf.; ENRICO CERULLI, “La sconfitta del sultano
government to his son Na radd n. He, how- Badl y ibn a d ad-D n in due inediti «Miracoli di S.
ever, was defeated by a e Gälawdewos in Sep- Giorgio» etiopici”, Aethiopica 2, 1934, 105-09; ID.,
“Harar, centro Musulmano in Etiopia”, in: CerStud I, 1–
tember 1542 and died just after the battle. With 55 [repr. in: CerIslam 281–327, esp. 286–93, § 5]; TrIslam
Grañ’s defeat and death at Zäntära ( Wäyna 62, 64 (map), 67, 71ff., 75, 78, 87, 93; BeckHuntAlm lii,
Däga) on 22 February 1543 and the dissolution lxvi, lxxivff., 37, 115f., 120, 135, 234; GEORGE WYNN
of his empire, control of the area passed to BRERETON HUNTINGFORD, “Daw ro”, in: EI², vol. 2,
Grañ’s nephew and vizier Abb s b. Aboñ b. 175; TadTChurch 83f., 138f., 140ff., 152, 294ff., 299f.;
TADDESSE TAMRAT, “Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the
Ibr h m. He ruled for a short time over D. and Horn”, in: ROLAND OLIVER (ed.), The Cambridge
the adjacent frontier provinces, but was defeated History of Africa, vol. 3: From c. 1050 to c. 1600, Cam-
and killed by Gälawdewos in October 1544. bridge 1977, 98–182, esp. 140f., 145, 147, 153, 155f., 168f.,
Not long afterwards, around 1547–48, Gälaw- 171f., 175f., 182; ID., “Place Names in Ethiopian His-
tory”, JES 24, 1991, 115–31, esp. 118f.; RA AB
dewos appointed Fanu el, one of his principal MU AMMAD ABDAL AL M, al- Al q t as-siy s ya
commanders, as governor of D. and the regions bayna muslim az-Zaila wa-na r l- abaša f l- u r
dependent on it. At this time, all of D. was over- al-wus , Cairo 1405 H. [1985 A.D.], 21ff.; PankBord
run and devastated by Oromo tribes, already 69f., 133ff., 171–82, 241f., 270f.; DerDomTh 43, 101f.,
under the third chief (luuba) Kiilolee in the 110, 392f.; DerDom, s. index.
Franz-Christoph Muth
late 1530s or early 1540s, and then again under
the fourth chief Biifolee (1546–54). An attempt
of a e är ä D ng l to repulse the Oromo
tribes in D. and the neighbouring areas, whose Daw nt
migrations and incursions led to major changes D. 9b#M is a plateau overhanging the north-
on the ethnic map of Ethiopia for more than a ern bank of the Bäš lo river, interrupted to the
century, failed in 1579. Thus, the Muslim state- west by the !ä äho defile, continued to the east
hood had perished in the Horn of Africa, by the Dälanta plateau and separated from
though the religion of Islam and the Muslims Wadla to the north by the river "etta. This
remained there. geographical situation made D. into a passage
Src.: Eth.: PerrAmdS 24, 30, 48, 111f. (text) = 28f., 34, 48, and a strategic buffer-zone between the
82f.; HuntAmdS 20ff., 34f., 37, 62, 65, 74, 91, 107f., 129;
KrAmdS 1, 11f., 15, 27, 67f. (text) = 2, 16, 20, 33, 71f.
Bägemd r and the Wällo regions from the
(tr.); MarAmdS 68f., 76f., 98f., 184–87, 199; PerrZarY 15, 17th to the 19th cent. In modern Ethiopia, D. has
45, 57ff., 88, 112, 159; IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Le canzoni been governed within the Wadla-Dälanta
111
Daw nt
lands. This succession struggle may be the reason

for some of the uncertainty which exists regard-
ing the exact year of D.’s accession to the throne.
äräqä B rhan was one of the main counsellors
of the Emperor. He had influence on royal pol-
icy concerning the Ewos ateans. With a view
towards weakening them, D. imprisoned abba
Fil ##os of Däbrä Bizän in Däbrä ayq from
1400 to 1404. In 1404, after the death of äräqä
B rhan, D. changed his policy. He released
Fil ##os and issued a decree prescribing the
observance of the Sabbath on Saturday in the
Ewos atean monasteries. This sudden change
seems to be linked to the influence of another of
D.’s counsellors, Giyorgis of Sägla. He pro-
vided the argumentation for D. to find a solu-
tion concerning the Ewos ateans. He was also
a supporter of the cult of St. Mary, following
the religious policy of D. His influence in the
awra a and is now linked with Dälanta as a
royal court grew when he became the teacher of
wäräda in North Wällo.
the Emperor’s children. Later, however, he fell
Lit.: IsKrapf 343, 354; DONALD CRUMMEY, “!ä äho
and the Politics of the Northern Wällo-Bägémder Bor-
from grace and clashed with his royal patron.
der”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 1–9. Numerous works are said to have been trans-
Eloi Ficquet lated during D.’s reign (s. EMML 1942, 12). He
is also credited with bringing a relic of the True
Cross to Ethiopia ( Mäsqäl), the icons of the
Dawit II Virgin Mary painted by St. Luke as well as
A e D. II (9_M , throne name Qwäs an inos; d.
1413) reigned from ca. 1379/80 till 1413. In fact,
he was the first Ethiopian emperor by this name,
but the local sources often refer to him as D. II
(the biblical King David being implied as Dawit
I), thus making it difficult to have a consistent
reckon of the subsequent emperors with the same
name ( Dawit III). There is no royal chronicle
concerning D.’s reign, but the Tä amm rä
Maryam, translated during his reign, and some
other sources provide information on his period.
D. was the son of a e Säyfä Ar ad and Läzäb
Wärqa. His brother N wayä Maryam had
succeeded to the throne of his father. Then,
according to The History of the Patriarchs of the
Egyptian Church (SawHist), D. seized power
with the help of his sister D l Sefa. After this
coup d’état, the clergy of the empire, especially
the monastery of Asbo ( Däbrä Libanos of
Šäwa) and its abbot Tewodros, showed its op-
position to the new emperor. D.’s primary sup-
porter was äräqä B rhan, the abbot of
Däbrä ayq s ifanos. Also D. found support
from monasteries in the north of the empire, A e Dawit II bowig before St. Mary; miniature from ms.
with Märqorewos of Däbrä D ma and Tä amm rä Maryam, treasury of Amba G šän; 15th cent.;
Samu el of Däbrä Halleluya, to whom he gave photo courtesy of Diana Spencer
112
Dawit III
many other relics (bones of St. George, Arma Dawit III

Christi etc.). A e D. III (9_M, regnal name Adbar Sägäd; r.
From the territorial point of view, the reign of 1716–21), was the son of Iyasu I and the brother
D. saw the continuation of his predecessors’ of a e Täklä Haymanot and a e Bäkaffa. The
policy towards the Muslim sultanates, and par- tradition counting Dawit II as Dawit I
ticularly Ifat, lead by Sa dadd n Ab l-Barak t (disregarding the biblical king) often refers to
Mu ammad, who made incursions into the D. III as D. II. However, the proper designation
Christian empire. D. pursued him up to Zayla , of Adbar Sägäd should be D. V, for Dawit was
where he killed him. After this, the Emperor also the throne name of both a e L bna
established new royal residences in Ifat ($ob- D ng l and a e Ba da Maryam (who was thus
bya) and in Fä ägar ($ilq). He suppressed a Dawit III or IV: s. Fiaccadori in MiscAethKur,
revolt of the Betä sra el in S men. D. main- 63f. and n. 3).
tained limited relations with Egypt, but he sent D. III’s nickname was “the Singer”, which
an embassy to Cairo to celebrate the coming of alluded in principle to his namesake, King
the new sul n Barq q ( Mamluks). David of Israel, but also – as a popular pejora-
According to the “short chronicle” (BassÉt tive – to his frivolous tendencies. One of the
11), D. died as the result of a kick from a horse buildings in the Gondär castle compound is
on 9 q mt 1406 A.M. [6 October 1413 A.D.] known as D.’s Singing House. D. was the son of
and is commemorated on this day (BudSaint Iyasu’s concubine Q dd ste and was believed
135; CoSyn VII 52f.). He was buried in “the to have been his father’s favourite son. How-
country yon” (PerrZarY 83f.), but his son ever, he was preceded to the throne by his older
Zär a Ya qob transferred his body to the brother Täklä Haymanot, his uncle a e
necropolis of Däbrä Nägwädgwad. Later his Tewoflos (1708–11) and by the usurping a e
remains were moved again, to Däbrä Daga Yos os (1711–16). The shortness of their reigns
s ifanos. His son Tewodros succeeded him indicates the turbulence and instability of the
to the throne. period.
Src.: BudSaint 135; EMML vol. 5, 444, no. 1942, 12;
Unfortunately, D.’s reign brought little respite.
BassÉt 11 (text) = 95 (tr.); GÉRARD COLIN, Vie de
Georges de Sagl , Louvain 1987 (CSCO 492, 93 [SAe 81, His accession was controlled by troops, possibly
82]), 13–23; ID., Vie de S mu’ l de Dabra H lleluy , the same w lla who determined the succession
Louvain 1990 (CSCO 519, 520 [SAe 93, 94]), 61–64 (text) of his brother Bäkaffa on the occasion of D.’s
= 49ff. (tr.), 65ff. (text) = 53f. (tr.); CerMaria 79–91; death. One of his few achievements was the con-
CoSyn VII 52f.; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, Vitae
Sanctorum Indigenarum I. Acta Marqor wos, Louvain
struction and endowment of the church of A a-
1904 (CSCO 16, 17 [SAe 33, 34]), 44 (text) = 57 (tr.); ame Q ddus Mika el, adjacent to the Gondär
DombrChr 36 (text) = 154 (tr.); GIANFRANCESCO castle compound (DombrChr 266; Fiaccadori in
LUSINI, Il “Gadla Absadi” (Dabra Maryam, Sara’e), MiscAethKur, 64 and n. 5). Sectarian conflict was
Louvain 1996 (CSCO 557, 558 [SAe 103, 104]), 60; ID., at an intense pitch in D.’s reign. The bishops and
“Scritture documentarie etiopiche (Dabra De u n e
Dabra eg%, Sar ’%, Eritrea)”, RSE 42, 1998 [1999], 5–55, the monks of Däbrä Libanos (of “the house of
here 40, 46f.; SALVATORE TEDESCHI, “Les fils du négus Täklä Haymanot”) were champions of the Alex-
Sayfa Ar’ad d’après un document arabo-chrétien”, Africa andrian doctrinal tradition. The monks from
29, 1974, 573–87; PerrZarY 83f.; SawHist2 vol. 2, 249–52. Go am ( Ewos ateans) championed a doctrine
Lit.: MARIE-LAURE DERAT, “La sainteté de Giyorgis de
Sagla: une initiative royale?”, in: MiscAethKur 51–62;
known as Q bat, which had appeared first in
DerDom; GETATCHEW HAILE, “Documents on the the reign of D.’s great-great-grandfather, a e
History of a é Dawit”, JES 16, 1983, 25–36; MARILYN Sus nyos. A new bishop, abunä Kr stodolu,
EISEMAN HELDMAN, “A Chalice from Venice for Em- arrived in Ethiopia in November 1720. D. then
peror Dawit of Ethiopia”, BSOAS 53, 3, 1990, 442–45; called a council in April 1721 to discuss doctrine.
STEVEN KAPLAN, “Notes Towards a History of A e
Dawit I (1382–1413)”, Aethiopica 5, 2002, 71–88; ROGER Kr stodolu refused to endorse Q bat and the
SCHNEIDER, “Notes éthiopiennes”, JES 16, 1983, 105– council apparently followed his lead, until the
19, here 106–10 [ch. 2 “Sur la chronologie de règnes de intervention on 9 April of the royal awe
Dawit, Tewodros et Yeshaq”]; TadTChurch, s. index; troops, who slaughtered over one hundred Däbrä
TADDESSE TAMRAT, “Problems of Royal Succession in
15th Century Ethiopia: a Presentation of the Documents”,
Libanos monks in the house of the äge, a
in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 501–35. place which had previously enjoyed the status of
Marie-Laure Derat sanctuary ( äge bet). The next day D. pro-
113
Dawit III
claimed Q bat as the faith of Ethiopia and died a Until its incorporation into the Ethiopian Em-
month later, on 19 May (DombrChr 268ff.). He pire in 1891, D. was a kingdom, related to
was buried at $ädda ( ädda, in Dämb ya). Wälaytta and other Ometo-speaking political
Src.: DombrChr 263–71 (tr.); BegChron 97–105 (tr.); formations. There is no “conventional” written
BassÉt 183–90 (tr.); IGNAZIO GUIDI, “Uno squarcio di history of the D., but there are oral traditions
storia ecclesiastica di Abissinia”, Bessarione 8, 1900, 10–25. about their past, some of which have recently
Lit.: BudHist 440-43; ALESSANDRO AUGUSTO MONTI
DELLA CORTE, I castelli di Gondar, Roma 1938, 32ff., been published (e.g., Elias Awato et al. 1999).
115f.; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “Un «atto feudale» These traditions reveal the mixed origins and
del negus Bakâffâ (1721-30). John Rylands University multi-ethnic relations of D. with neighbouring
Library, Eth. Ms. 28, f. 1”, in: MiscAethKur 63–69, here groups, such as the Käfa, Gamo and
63f. and n. 3, 64 and n. 5 (Lit.).
Donald Crummey – Red. Wälaytta. The latter group has a particular af-
filiation with D. because they share many clan
Dawit III Ba dä Maryam names. One tradition claims that king (or kati)
Abeto Yero (of the ata clan) was the founder of
the kingdom (in the 16th cent.); another tradition
Dawit IV L bnä D ng l
mentions Wataro (of the immigrant Kawka clan)
as the first king. A road connecting Soddo, Waka
Dawit Amanu el
and imma, after crossing the gorges of the
D.A. (9_My !x}%s ; b. 1862, d. 1944) is noted Omo river, has to pass three two-metre-high
as being the main translator of the New Testa- walls – D.’s protection from Wälayta invasions.
ment into T gre (published in 1902). In 1877, Though there is some controversy among D.
at about the same time as his father converted to elders concerning dynastic history, they usually
Islam, D.A. became the first evangelical believer agree that the immigrant Kawka clan took over
from among the Mänsa people. power from an indigenous clan, establishing a
D.A. was educated at Gäläb at a school run by more centralized polity.
the Swedish Evangelical Mission. There, he The D. kingdom recognized seven hierarchical
worked on Bible translation for a number of offices (in descending order): kati or kawo (king),
years together with Täwäldä Mäd n Gäbrä woraba, eraša, guda, dana, huduga and uga,
Mäd n. In addition to translating, D.A. began a each with distinct roles. The kingship was inher-
T gre dictionary and collected a great number of ited by elder sons from the royal lineage, but all
T gre songs and proverbs. Many of these were
other offices were partly elective. Craftsmen
later published by Enno Littmann (1910–15).
(smiths, potters and tanners) and the man a
D.A. was also active, serving the Church as a
(traditionally dependants on forest resources or
pastor and evangelist and was ordained in 1925.
Bible translation hunter-gathers) were excluded from the election
Src.: ENNO LITTMANN, Publications of the Princeton
process. On the basis of personal achievement,
Expedition to Abyssinia, 4 vols., Leyden 1910–15. slaves could be elected for lower offices.
Lit.: ArEvang 215, 291, 303. D. oral history mentions contacts with north-
Peter Unseth ern Ethiopia prior to the arrival of a e
Dawro
D. is one of the least-documented ethnic groups
of south-western Ethiopia. This people belongs
to the Ometo (Omotic-speaking) language
group and numbers about 280,000. They inhabit
a mountainous area (from 800 to 2,900 m A.S.L)
north-west of Wälaytta, across the Omo River.
D. were formerly known under the name of
Kullo, which is now rejected. Currently D. is
administered under the North Omo Zone of the
Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Erecting the centre pole of a house in Dawro; photo
Regional State. 2000, courtesy of the author
114
Dawro
M nil k I’s troops in 1891. This claim could
be part of the common tradition in southern
Ethiopia that the most prestigious clans claim
descent from northern Ethiopia (cf. Haberland
1981, 1984; Haileyesus Seba 1996).
D. economy is a subsistence agricultural sys-
tem, based on the cultivation of nsät, maize,
ef, taro and sorghum. Additionally, coffee,
cotton, peas, haricot beans, potatoes, sweet
potatoes and various types of spices are grown,
depending on the climate and agro-ecological
zones. Cultivation is still mainly conducted
with hand-tools (hoe, digging-stick) and the
plough (Data Dea 1997). The D. also practise
animal husbandry (cattle, goats, sheep, poultry
and equines). Almost all of the crop varieties
and livestock breeds are “indigenous”.
D. society is traditionally stratified into five
groups. In order of their social prestige these are because of their dietary habit (eating “unclean”
the malla (farmers, rulers, landowners), the things such as monkeys, wild rats and carrion).
woga e (smiths producing tools, arms and orna- Whether these two marginalized groups (manna
ments), the den a or degella (tanners), the manna and man a) in a comparative perspective can be
(potters) and man a (hunters and forest dwell- called “castes” is still the issue of considerable
ers). Following the incorporation of D. into the debate (s. Pankhurst 1999).
Ethiopian Empire, northerners (mainly Amhara) An analysis of the political structure of pre-
established a new ruling stratum superimposed M nil k D. might shed light on the multiple
on the existing system. This traditional stratifica- forms of interaction (e.g., related to the circula-
tion shares some important traits with neigh- tion of ideas of statehood, the exchange of people
bouring Omotic-speaking communities (Käfa, through marriage alliances and trans-community
Wälaytta and Gamo; s. Lange 1982, Haileyesus cultural representations) not only within the
Seba 1996). Interestingly, in D. the slaves (aylia) former states of south-western Ethiopia but also
were classified as malla (the term womano was extending to the other parts of Ethiopia. A
used to refer to the non-slave malla). The malla study of traditional social stratification in D.
controlled land and political titles and their de- may illuminate early forms of social and politi-
scendants still enjoy high social status. However, cal life in Africa regarding “caste” or caste-like
malla economic and political prerogatives were organization and political centralization.
lost in the wake of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution. Lit.: DATA DEA, Social Stratification and Rural Liveli-
The manna were despised because of their eating hoods in Dawro, Southern Ethiopia, M.A. thesis, Addis
of carrion and carcasses of dead animals. They Ababa University 1997; ELIAS AWATO et al., YAy#y
'{y Ww.,y \pJj_y K<l (Yäsämen Omo h zbo
were also avoided for their alleged dangerous politikawi tarik, ‘The Political History of North Omo
supernatural power (goromote, or ‘evil-eye’). At Peoples’), part 1, Arba M n 1991 A.M. [1998/99 A.D.];
the bottom of the D. hierarchy were the man a, EIKE HABERLAND, “Notes on the History of Konta: a
descendants of hunter-gatherers who still heavily Recent State Formation in Southern Ethiopia”, in: 2000
depend on forest resources. In the days of the Ans d’Histoire Africaine. Le Sol, la Parole et l’Écrit –
Mélanges en Hommage à Raymond Mauny, Paris 1981,
kingdom they were servicemen for the royal 735–49; ID., “Caste and Hierarchy among the Dizi
lineage: guards, producers of mats, wood- (Southwest Ethiopia)”, in: PICES 7, 447–50; HAILEYESUS
workers and hunters. Nowadays they are in the SEBA, A Study of Social Change in Wolaita, Southern
process of adopting agriculture (particularly since Ethiopia, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa 1996; WERNER
LANGE, History of the Southern Gonga (South-West
they were entitled to land ownership after the Ethiopia), Wiesbaden 1982 (SKK 61); ALULA PANK-
Därg’s land reform), although most of their in- HURST, “‘Caste’ in Africa: the Evidence from South-
come still comes from selling firewood and char- Western Ethiopia Reconsidered”, Africa 69, 1999, 485–509.
coal. Like the manna, the man a are despised Data Dea
115
Dayr al-Mu arraq
Dayr al-Mu arraq During the 13th–18th cent., there was a com-
D.M. (∂jZ¿ªAjÕe) is a monastery situated in the munity of Ethiopian monks in D.M., with their
central part of Egypt, on the desert’s border, ca. own church devoted to the Apostles (cp. the
21 km north-west from Manfal and 10 km Homily of Theophilos). Some information on
from Q ya (Old Egyptian Qjs, Copt. K s or the rules and order of the community, on dona-
K skam, Arab. Qusq m, G z Qw sqwam). It is tions etc. can be found in the colophons of four
accordingly called “the cloister of Mount [Ar. manuscripts in Paris, BN (ZotBNat nos. 32, 35,
abal] Qusq m” or, after the patron of its main 42, 52; s. CerPal), which previously were in the
church, “the cloister of the Virgin”. With this possession of a French bibliophile, Chancellor
venerable tradition D.M. was to become the Pierre Séguier (1588–1672).
most famous pilgrimage sites of Egypt. Ac- Among European travellers who risked their
cording to the Coptic tradition, D.M. is the lives to penetrate this region was a Flemish
southernmost point in the valley of the Nile chevalier, Joos van Ghistele. He visited D.M.
that the Holy Family reached while on their in 1482–83 and found there around 30 “Ethio-
flight from Herod (Meinardus 1962; Lambelet pians, Greeks and Jacobites”, each having their
1993). Having stayed six months there, they own area (s. Bauwens-Préaux 1976:95ff.). Jo-
returned, following the instruction received in a hann Wansleben, who visited Egypt in 1664
dream (Mt 2:19–20). and 1672–73, reports on the “famous monastery
The monastery claims to have the oldest of Moharrak on the Mount Koskâm” and an
church in the entire Christian world, in which “Abyssinian monastery of St. Peter and Paul
the first Eucharist was celebrated. A homily nearby”, in which he sojourned for a while and
ascribed to Theophilos of Alexandria (pre- copied Ethiopian manuscripts (s. Horn 1992:38).
served in Syriac and Arabic, as well as in For the Ethiopian pilgrims, D.M. was an im-
Ethiopic versions; s. Conti Rossini 1912) tells of portant station in the Nile valley on their way to
the Patriarch who learnt the history of Mount Jerusalem (Heyer 1984:144). In Ethiopia itself,
K skam while visiting it. In a vision he saw not churches such as Däbrä ähay Qw sqwam of
only the flight of the Holy Family to this site, Gondär and numerous paintings representing the
but also the miraculous events which took place Flight of the Holy Family reflect the significance
there on 6 Hat r (cp. the S nk ssar reading for of the Egyptian Holy Mount (ChojPaint 39–99).
6 dar) as the resurrected Jesus, His Mother, However, sometime in the 18th or 19th cent. the
midwife Salome, Mary Magdalene and the Ethiopian monastery of D.M. was abandoned
Apostles gathered at this place. Jesus conse- and disappeared. The monks moved to the main
crated the harbourage as a church in the name of cloister of D.M., where they still formed a quar-
St. Mary and Peter celebrated the liturgy. After ter of the community as late as around 1930. In
this, Jesus baptized the dead parents of the 1963 there were only two Ethiopians among
Apostles who, following His behest, appeared their Coptic brothers (Meinardus 1965:29). To-
in the newly consecrated church. Then a ban- day, the only remnants of the Ethiopian presence
quette-meal took place, and Jesus predicted the are an altar (haykal) dedicated to abba Täklä
construction of another church on this spot, to Haymanot in the monastery’s St. Mary church
be devoted to the Apostles (BudSaint 211f.; and some processional crosses and manuscripts.
Giamberardini 1976:170ff., Mingana 1929:420f.). Src.: BudSaint 211f.; ColSyn VIII, 254-57; CARLO
The beginnings of D.M. probably date back to CONTI ROSSINI, “Il discorso su monte Coscam attributo
th th
the 6 /7 cent. The most ancient parts of the a Teofilo d’Alessandria nella versione etiopica”, RRALm
monastery date to the 12th cent.; the traditions ser. 5a, 10, 1912, 395-471; MICHELANGELO GUIDI, “La
omilia di Teofilo d’Alessandria sul monte Coscam”, ibid.
connecting it with the Holy Family are attested
26, 1917, 217-315; RENÉE BAUWENS-PRÉAUX (ed., tr.),
for the time just after the beginning of the 8th Voyage en Égypte de Joos van Ghistele 1482–1483, Cairo
cent. (first in the Homily of Zacharias of Sa , s. 1976 (Collection des Voyageurs Occidentaux en Égypte
Giamberardini 1974:53f.). Afterwards, D.M. 16), 95ff.; ZotBNat nos. 32, 35, 42, 52.
became rich and influential. Four Coptic Patri- Lit.: CerPal vol. 2, 353–57, 360–63, 370–76, 379f., 384ff.,
393ff., 399f., 403f., 406, 413f., 418, 422, 455; ChojPaint
archs came from D.M., as well as two saints: 39–99; GABRIELE GIAMBERARDINI, Il culto Mariano in
anb Abraham, a Bishop of Fayy m and za Egitto, I: Sec. I–VI, Gerusalemme 1975 (Pubblicazioni
(1829–1914) and his scholar-abbot Michael al- dello Studium Biblicum Franciscanum: Analecta 6),
Bu ayr (1847–1923). 170ff.; ID., Il culto Mariano in Egitto, II: Sec. VII–X,
116
Dayr as-Sul n
Gerusalemme 1974 (ibid. 7), 53f.; FRIEDRICH HEYER, Latin canons of the Holy Sepulchre are partly
Kirchengeschichte des Heiligen Landes, Stuttgart – Berlin preserved. The church bells hang in one of the
– Köln – Mainz 1984, 144f.; JÜRGEN HORN, Studien zu
den Märtyrern des nördlichen Oberägypten. II: Märtyrer building’s empty niches. In the opinion of Vin-
und Heilige des XI. bis XIV. oberägyptischen Gaues, cent and Abel (1914:261–90), the Latin build-
Wiesbaden 1992 (Göttinger Orientforschungen: Reihe 4, ings must have already been constructed in 1114
Ägypten 15), 38, 50, 118ff.; RENÉ-GEORGES COQUIN- A.D., when patriarch Arnoulphe obliged the
MAURICE MARTIN, “Dayr al-Mu arraqah”, in: CE, vol. canons to accept the rule of St. Augustine and
3, 841f.; JEAN DORESSE, Les monastères coptes de
Moyenne-Égypte (du Gebel-et-Teir à Kom-Ishgaou) live in communal quarters.
d’après l’archéologie et l’hagiographie, Ph.D. thesis, The best-preserved parts of the Latin build-
Université de Paris, 3 vols., Lausanne 2000 (Neges Ebrix ings in our days are within the neighbouring
3–5), vol. 1, 192–235, vol. 3, 596–99; OTTO MEINARDUS, residence of the Coptic archbishop in Jerusalem
The Itinerary of the Holy Family in Egypt, Le Caire 1962
(Studia Orientalia Christiana Collectanea 7), 1–44; ID.,
and the Coptic monastery of St. Anthony the
“Ecclesiastica Aethiopica in Aegypto”, JES 3, 1, 1965, Great. The two small chapels – of the Four
23–35, 29; EDUARD LAMBELET, The Escape to Egypt Living Creatures (Ezek 1:5, Rev 4:6–8), on the
according to the Coptic Tradition, Cairo 1993; AL- level of D.S., and of St. Michael, on the level of
PHONSE MINGANA, Vision of Theophilus or the Book of
the parvis in front of the entrance gate of the
the Flight of the Holy Family into Egypt, Manchester
1929 (Woodbrooke Studies 5 [= Bulletin of the John Holy Sepulchre Church – are also well pre-
Rylands Library Manchester 13]), 420f.; YOUHANNA served. A passage and a flight of stairs lead from
NESSIM YOUSSEF, “A Coptic Inscription from the Mon- the courtyard of D.S. to the parvis.
astery of the Virgin Mary Known as al-Moharraq Mon- Ethiopian ascetes have been present in Jeru-
astery”, Göttinger Miszellen 195, 2003, 109–10.
Lothar Störk
salem ever since Ethiopia was Christianized,
although not much is known about this early
period. Ethiopian pilgrims are mentioned in the
letters of St. Paula and St. Eustochium in the
Dayr as-Sul n
380s (Hilberg 1910–12, Epistulae 46, 55). As
D.S. (∆B°ºnªA jÕe, lit. ‘Monastery of the Ruler’; Cerulli points out when bringing these quota-
Eth. :?y Ts2# , Der l an, or 6-:y tions, this context is very rhetorical and may
Ts2# , Däbrä l an) is a monastery situated simply mean that people from all over the world
on the roof of the Armenian St. Helena Chapel, – and not specifically from Aksum – were then
one of the chapels of the Church of the Holy present in Jerusalem as pilgrims (CerPal vol. 1,
Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The Ethiopians link 1f.).
its name to the biblical king Solomon, who is At different times in the Middle Ages, the
believed to have given the site to the Queen of community possessed four chapels within the
Sheba ( Mak dda); the Copts connect it with walls of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre
al add n, who reportedly bestowed it to the (CerPal vol. 1, 59ff.); and Sebald Rieter Junior,
Coptic community after his victory over the who visited Jerusalem in 1479, describes his visit
Crusader kingdom of Jerusalem in 1187 A.D. to an Ethiopian monastery in connection with
Today, the monastery consists of about 20 the Cave of David on Mount Zion (Röhricht –
small monastic cells, a refectory with narrow Meissner 1884:66).
sitting area for about 30 persons, a small kitchen In 1530 the Ethiopian monastic community in
with a store room, a cell turned into a shop with D.S. dwelt at the site where, according to tradi-
religious books and articles, a sacristy and the tion, Abraham found the ram he sacrificed in
betä l em, where bread for the Eucharist is place of Isaac (Gen 22:13). The French pilgrim
prepared. In the middle of the monastery court- Denis Possot visited the location and, upon his
yard stands the dome of the St. Helena Chapel, return to Paris, wrote that this is “the place
around which the liturgical processions of the where Abraham did his duty of sacrificing Isaac,
Ethiopians take place. and the black people called Abyssinians keep the
To the north, east and south the monastery is chapel, and there is also an olive tree which is as
surrounded by a wall with two gates, while to beautiful as when Abraham was about to offer
the west it borders on the Holy Sepulchre his sacrifice” (Possot 1890:185f.). Today, an olive
Church proper. On that wall remains of a me- tree is still there, surrounded by a stone wall.
dieval cloister are visible, while on the southern The poor state of repair in which the monas-
wall the vaults of the 12th-cent. refectory of the tery currently appears is due to a long-standing
117
Dayr as-Sul n
Plan of Dayr as-Sul n and the surrounding chapels and churches; from abba Fil os 1952 A.M.
dispute between the Copts and the Ethiopians mony concerning that dispute appears as early
over ownership of the property, which makes it as in the 18th cent. and all through the 19th and
illegal for any of the parties to carry out repairs 20th cent. (Stoffregen-Pedersen 1983; 1987–88).
to the site and leaves that responsibility in the From 1890 to 1970 the Copts kept two chap-
hands of the local government. Written testi- els locked, thus obliging the Ethiopian commu-
118
Dayr as-Sury n
nity to celebrate mass with the priests using the (Gaianites). The opponents of Julian left the mon-
sacristy as a chapel and the congregation stand- astery of Dayr Amb Biš y and founded a new
ing outside in the courtyard under the open sky. one nearby – the monastery of the Mother of
Efforts by emperors M nil k II and notably God of Amb Biš y. In ca. 710 this monastic
aylä llase I to regain the keys from the Ot- settlement was acquired by Marû â, a Syrian
tomans (in 1905–06), the Egyptians (1924) and merchant living in Fus , who offered it to his
the Jordanians (1961) proved unsuccessful. Dur- compatriots, Syrian monks. In 817 D.S. was
ing the night of Easter 1970, the Ethiopians, with sacked by the bedouins; ca. 850 the reconstruction
the help of the new Israeli rule in East Jerusa- began. In 931/32 Moses of Nisibis, the head of the
lem, broke the locks and again took possession monastery, brought to the monastery about 250
of the two chapels. A final agreement has not manuscripts from Syria and Mesopotamia: these
yet been reached in the dispute. formed the basis of the richest collection of Syriac
From the late 16th cent. until 1891 the Ethio- manuscripts and of one of the most important
pian community in Jerusalem had no other monastic libraries of the Middle Ages.
monasteries but D.S.; today it has seven. About 1088, during the Seljuk invasion,
Src.: ISIDOR HILBERG (ed.), Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi monks from Palestine and Syria sought refuge
Opera Epistularum, Vienna 1910-12 (Corpus Scriptorum at D.S. The year 1254 saw another impact of
Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 54/55), Sectio 1, Pars 1 and foreign monks seeking protection from the
2, Epistulae 46, 55; REINHOLD RÖHRICHT – HEINRICH
MEISNER, Das Reisebuch der Familie Rieter, Tübingen
Mongols. At D.S. – where Copts, Syrian and
1884 (Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, Ethiopians could easily meet and have fruitful
168), 66; DENIS POSSOT, Le voyage de la Terre sainte, intellectual exchanges – the text of “Ritual of
Paris 1532; ed. by CHARLES HENRI AUGUST SCHEFER, the Passion” underlying the Ethiopic G bra
Paris ²1890, 185f; abba FIL OS, v!y #M_1\y (RK?y mamat is likely to have been elaborated after
8;FMy #Y;Drzy (#Y;Drzy FnwK/My #M_1\b\#y th
gZXc^| (. z. Cz@y &Fgy ZXcXWy &. %. !. ;:F| Cor- the mid of the 13 cent., and then translated into
th
respondence Respecting Abyssinians at Jerusalem 1850– G z within the first quarter of the 14 cent.
1867, Asmära 1952 A.M. [1959 A.D.] (ill.); ID., n#M_1\y (Proverbio 1998:106ff.). The terminus ante
(,Hy l?FJ\#y (87Fy uj#y \qMy u-M| The Rights quem is provided by the plague that broke out
of the Abyssinian Orthodox Church in the Holy Places.
in Egypt in 1347 and, along with famine and
YA|;y xF:Fc| Documentary Authorities, Jerusalem
1962. bedouin raids, almost completely exterminated
Lit.: KIRSTEN STOFFREGEN PEDERSEN, “Deir es-Sultan: the population of the monastery. In 1413 just
The Ethiopian Monastery in Jerusalem”, QSE 8, 9, 1987– one monk lived there.
88, 33–47 (Lit.); EAD., The History of the Ethiopian Com- From 1480 to 1516 D.S. again began to flour-
munity in the Holy Land from the Time of Emperor Te-
wodros II till 1974, Jerusalem 1983 (Lit.); HAGGAI
ish, due to the coming of monks from both
ERLICH, Ethiopia and the Middle East, Boulder 1994 Lebanon and other Oriental regions. In 1484
(Lit.); HUGUES VINCENT – FÉLIX ABEL, Jérusalem, D.S.’s monks were dispatched to the coastal
recherches de topographie, d’archéologie et d’histoire. Vol. monasteries of St. Anthony and St. Paul, for-
2: Jérusalem nouvelle, fasc. I, ii: Aelia Capitolina, Paris merly destroyed by the nomads and now de-
1914, 261–90; CerPal vol. 1, 1f., 59ff.; abunä MATEWOS,
6-:y Ts2#y (#Y;Drz (Däbrä l an bä iyyärusalem,
serted. The literary activity at D.S. was given an
‘Däbrä l an in Jerusalem’), Jerusalem 1996 A.D.; OTTO impetus under Abbot Severus/Cyriacus (1494–
F.A. MEINARDUS, “The Copts in Jerusalem and the 1509). During this period the Coptic element be-
Question of the Holy Places”, in: KEVIN O’MAHONEY – came dominant: in 1516, from a total of 43
GÈORAN GUNNER – KEVORK HINTLIAN (eds.), The monks, 25 were Egyptian. The 17th cent. saw the
Christian Heritage in the Holy Land, London 1995, 112–
28; SALVATORE TEDESCHI, “Profilo storico di Dayr as- total demise of the Syrian monks; Peter Heyling,
Sultan”, JES 2, 2, 1964, 92–160 (Lit.). who was there in 1634, was the last to mention
Kirsten Stoffregen-Pedersen Syrians at D.S.
The reports of 17th-cent. European travellers
and missionaries drew the bibliophiles’ atten-
Dayr as-Sury n tion to the numerous Syriac manuscripts pre-
D.S. ( BÕjnªAjÕe, ‘monastery of the Syrians’), an served in D.S. and by the second half of the 19th
Egyptian monastery lying in W d n-Na r n cent. almost the entire monastic library was
(Scetis), was founded about 535 during the con- distributed among the European libraries in
flict between the partisans of Severus of Antioch Rome ( Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana), Milan
and the followers of Julian of Halicarnassus (Biblioteca Ambrosiana), London ( British
119
Dayr as-Sury n
Library) and Paris ( Bibliothèque Nationale de Dayr az-Z w ya

France). In 1837 Robert Curzon, 14th Baron D.Z. (“ÕÀAlªA jÕe, also known as az-Z w ya or
Zouche (1810–73), one of the protagonists of Z w yat ad-Dayr) is an Egyptian settlement ca.
this chase for manuscripts, encountered Ethio- 13 km south of Asy on the western bank of the
pian monks in the south-eastern corner of the Nile. Near this settlement was a monastery that
monastery, with a considerable library of their had been deserted from the second half of the 17th
own, and a chapel consecrated in the name of a cent., by the time Johann Wansleben visited the
certain Ab Y nes. The church of the 40 site. Today, due to the gradual expansion of D.Z.,
Martyrs of Sebaste was the place where Chris- part of the settlement is located on the site of the
todulus, “the head of the Ethiopian Church”, former monastery. The patrons of the monastery
was buried in 1624(?). Still in recent times and its church are said to be a certain Athanasius
Ethiopian pilgrims used to stay at D.S. on their and Ab Tarb (Horn 1992:185ff.).
way to Jerusalem. Like other settlements surrounding the Asy
Among the other treasures of D.S. one should caravan centre, such as Ab Ti , Dayr al-
mention the al- A r church, known for its an dla and ah , D.Z. is one of the places
stucco decorations, ebony and ivory-inlay where Coptic monks and priests made African
works and murals. In 1991 a (10th-cent.?) picture slaves into eunuchs ( Slavery; Castration) to
of the Annunciation was discovered under a serve as harem guards (Baer 1969:164). The
13th-cent. fresco. Under bishop Tawf lus, D.S. French traveller Jean Chardin (1643–1713) was
took a leading role in the renewal of the the first to report on the Coptic practice of
Coptic Church. Outstanding representatives castrating black slaves (s. Scholz 1997:34, 185);
of the renewal, such as Matt al-Mask n, the D.Z. was first mentioned as a castration centre
Abbot of Dayr Anb Maq r (b. 1919), ecumeni- by Johann Ludwig Burckhardt (1784–1817, s.
cal Bishop Samuel (1920–81) and Patriarch She- Meinardus 1969:52). According to Labib
nuda III (b. 1923), were all monks of D.S. (1965:48) and Pankhurst (PankIntro 374) the
Lit.: MICHAEL W. DOLE, The Black Death in the Middle Ethiopian slaves were brought to Egypt in the
East, Princeton, NJ 1977, 167f.; HUGH GERARD
EVELYN WHITE, The Monasteries of the Wadi ’n-
Middle Ages through Hadiyya, which was at
Na rûn, II: The History of the Monasteries of Nitria and that time under Muslim rule.
of Scetis, ed. by WALTER HAUSER, New York 1932 Lit.: GABRIEL BAER, Studies in the Social History of
(Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Publications Modern Egypt, Chicago – London 1969 (Publications
VII); J. M. FIEY, “Coptes et Syriaques, contacts et of the Center for Middle Eastern Studies 4), 164;
échanges”, Cairo 1972–73 (Studia Orientalia Christiana RENÉ-GEORGES COQUIN – MAURICE MARTIN, “Dayr
Collectanea 15), 295–365; PETER GROSSMAN, “Dayr alal-Z wiyah”, in: CE, vol. 3, 884; JEAN DORESSE, Les
Sury n”, in: CE, vol. 3, 876–81; JACQUES JARRY, monastères coptes de Moyenne-Égypte (du Gebel-et-Teir à
“Hérésies et factions en Égypte byzantine”, Bulletin de Kôm-Ishgaou) d’après l’archéologie et l’hagiographie,
l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 62, 1964, 173– Yverdon-les-Bains, Suisse 2000 (= Neges Ebrix 3–5), vol. 2,
86; JULES LEROY, Monks and Monasteries of the Near 438–41; JÜRGEN HORN, Studien zu den Märtyrern des
East, London 1963, 50–55; ID., Les peintures des couvents nördlichen Oberägypten, II: Märtyrer und Heilige des XI.
du Ouadi Natroun, Cairo 1982 (Mémoires Publiés par bis XIV. oberägyptischen Gaues. Ein Beitrag zur Topog-
les Membres de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orien- raphia christiana Ägyptens, Wiesbaden 1992 (Göttinger
tale 101), 69–72, pls. 125–35; ID., “Un témoignage inédit Orientforschungen IV, 15), 185–88; OTTO MEINARDUS,
sur l’état du monastère des Syriens au Wadi ’n-Natrûn au “The Upper Egyptian Practice of the Making of Eunuchs
début du XVIème siècle”, Bulletin de l’Institut Français in the 18th and the 19th Century”, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie
d’Archéologie Orientale 65, 1967, 1–23; OTTO MEI- 94, 1969, 47–58; ID., Christian Egypt, Ancient and Modern,
NARDUS, Monks and Monasteries of the Egyptian Deserts, Cairo ²1977, 396f.; PankIntro 374; SERGE SAUNERON,
Cairo 1961, 239–82; ID., “Peter Heyling, History and Villes et légendes d’Égypte, Cairo 1983 (Bibliothèque
Legend”, Ostkirchliche Studien 14, 1965, 305–26; ID., Two d’Étude 90), 124; PIOTR O. SCHOLZ, Der entmannte Eros.
Thousand Years of Coptic Christianity, Cairo 1999, 166– Eine Kulturgeschichte der Eunuchen und Kastraten, Düs-
70; PAUL VAN MOORSEL, “On a Recent Discovery in the seldorf – Zürich 1997, 34, 185; SUBHI Y. LABIB, Handels-
Wadi ’n-Natrun”, Nubian Letters 16, 1991, 11; DELIO geschichte Ägyptens im Spätmittelalter (1171–1517), Wies-
VANIA PROVERBIO, La recensione etiopica dell’omelia baden 1965 (Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschafts-
pseudocrisostomica de ficu exarata ed il suo tréfonds orien- geschichte 46), 48.
tale, Wiesbaden 1998 (AeF 50),105ff.; OLEG V. VOLKOFF, Lothar Störk
A la recherche de manuscrits en Égypte, Cairo 1970 (Re-
cherches d’Archéologie, de Philologie et d’Histoire 30);
MAHMOUD ZIBAWI, Die christliche Kunst des Orients,
De Jacobis Jacobis, Giustino De
Solothurn – Düsseldorf 1995, 163–67, pls. 50f.
Lothar Störk Deacon Diyaqon
120
D bab
D bab
The D. (;+- , G z for ‘large umbrella, balda-
chin, canopy’) was originally a portable dome-
shaped shelter which became a symbolic cover-
ing for church dignitaries and important people
of the East, the Mediterranean world and por-
tions of Africa. In Ethiopia, the D. is still used
during liturgical celebrations held in the open
air. The D. is habitually used by clergy taking
part in processions and it is also held above the
tabot and above the priest who reads for the
community from a holy book. During wedding
ceremonies, the bridal couple stands under a D.
and in funerary processions the coffin is sur-
rounded by people carrying them. In church
schools, when lessons are held outside, it is not
uncommon to see the pupils protecting their
teacher from the sun with a D. Queen Bafäna and her court; cloth mural; Bal i, eastern
Since the D. is recorded among the regalia of Šäwa, Amanu el church; second half of the 19th cent.;
the Kush and the Käfa, we can assume that it photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
was also an attribute of Aksumite kings, even
often domed, trapezoidal or conical with bor-
though the first mention of its use dates from the
ders of varying widths. They were covered with
time of the king Lalibäla (late 12th cent.) in
silk, velvet and thick tapestries in different col-
connection with a metropolitan. A version of the
ours. Traditionally, the gold D. was reserved for
K brä nägä t refers to the D. as being indispen-
sable for a royal coronation. Later sources con- the emperor and the abun, green was reserved
firm that the official responsible for carrying the for the n burä d, red for other dignitaries,
D. (G z ``>y ;+- , äware d bab) was also important persons and bridal couples, orange
the recipient of a land grant (Amh. Y;+-y for funerals and black and white for ordinary
M0y u>M , yäd bab añi märet). church and secular officials. D. were often deco-
D. are frequently mentioned in the accounts of rated with fringes, small silver bells and silver
travellers. Francisco Alvarez reports that a e ornaments forming a rosette or floral pattern. A
L bnä D ng l showed him four splendid ex- clay pinnacle of differing forms, with small bells
amples which had belonged to his grandfather. and topped with a cross, are found on the most
Each was so large that it could protect ten people. elaborated pieces. This type of decoration
The king ate, rested and slept under them during closely resembles the roof of circular Ethiopian
his journeys. Also, when the abun travelled on churches. At the present time, D. are either
a mule, each of his two servants held a tall stand- large black-cloth mass-produced items or are
ing D., as large as those carried for the emperor, covered with bright and colourful textiles,
but less decorated. Alvarez further observed that adorned with gold and silver embroideries (in
a large number of D. were kept in churches particular those used in the liturgy).
housing royal burials. These were collected for a In Ethiopian paintings, the D. appears as a
funeral and subsequently left there (in Mäkanä royal attribute, particularly for David, Solomon,
llase he counted 64 of them). o a Mur d Alexander the Great and Constantine. The
mentions among the gifts for Iyasu I a parasol earliest-known representations are found in
stitched with silk flowers. Nathaniel Pearce miniatures from the second half of the 15th cent.,
noted that for the funeral of a dignitary every mostly in Psalters (i.e. Paris, BN, d’Abbadie
church in the surrounding area was obliged to 105; and in the collections of Robert McCarthy
send its D. for the occasion, and that for the and Bent Juel-Jensen, ms. Aeth. 40). In three
funeral ceremony of Wäldä llase’s brother in paintings on wood from the late 16th cent., Jesus
1814 no less than 350 D. were displayed. rides under a D. in the scene depicting the Entry
Old Ethiopian D. supported by very long into Jerusalem (Addis Abäba, IES no. 4216;
poles were not collapsible. The upper parts were Peabody Museum of Salem, Langmuir 98;
121
D bab
Mä älä, the Cultural Association of T gray, no.

132). From the end of the 18th cent., D. fre-
quently appears in realistically treated secular
scenes representing events at court, processions,
travelling kings and dignitaries. Probably under
the influence of this tradition, they were added to
some religious themes incorporating Ethiopian
daily life (i.e. the Evangelists at their writing
desks or the burial of the Virgin Mary).
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 334, 338, 359; BeckHuntAlm 81, 93,
96; GueCopMen I, 183, II, 545; NATHANIEL PEARCE, The
Life and Adventures in Abyssinia, introduction by
RICHARD PANKHURST, London 1980–82, vol. 1, 189f.
Lit.: CHARLES DE LINAS, “Les disques crucifères, le
flabellum et l’umbrella”, Revue de l’art chrétien 27, 1884,
5–33; HARRY MIDDLETON HYATT, The Church of
Abyssinia, London 1928, 145f.; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI,
Etiopia e genti di Etiopia, Firenze 1937, 317; DonMurad
109; MHAksum.
Ill.: DAVID BUXTON, Travels in Ethiopia, London 1949,
fig. 35, 39; TSEGAYE GABRE-MEDHIN – ALBERTO “great market or fair”, attended, on Thursdays,
TESSORE, Ethiopia: Footprint of Time, Udine 1984, figs.
35, 36, 38, 42, 57; Proceedings of the First International by “300 or 400 persons”, engaged mainly in
Conference on the History of Ethiopian Art, London 1989, barter, and by numerous women, who brought
fig. 2, 73–76, 115; EWALD HEIN – BIRGITTE KLEIDT, measures for measuring goods, and looked after
Ethiopia – Christian Africa: Art, Churches and Culture, the traders and their wares. There were also two
Ratingen 1999, fig. 6, 93; STANISŁAW CHOJNACKI, Ethio-
pian Icons: Catalogue of the Collection of the Institute of
adjacent, and administratively linked, churches:
Ethiopian Studies Addis Ababa University, Milano 2000, St. Michael, for men, and Peter and Paul, for
178f.; JACQUES MERCIER (ed.), L’arche éthiopienne. Art women (BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 98, 104f., 112,
chrétien d’Éthiopie, 27 septembre 2000 – 7 janvier 2001, 118f., 125).
Paris 2000, 32, 38, 57, 141, 144, 189. D. was occupied by im m A m d b.
Ibr h m al- z in 1535, but after his defeat in
1542 resumed its position as the ba r nägaš
D barwa capital, but fell to the Ottoman Turks, who had
D. (;+?` , also D barowa), on the right bank of seized the port of Massawa in 1557. Their
the Märäb river, 30 km south of Asmära, was commander, Özdemir paša, established a fort
the capital of the ba r nägaš. The settlement, at D., with “a long wall and a very high tower”,
which lay on the principal trade route between reportedly full of gold and silver objects, pre-
the interior and the port of Massawa, was cious stones, and costly imported vestments
described by an early 16th cent. Ethiopian monk (ConzGal 76, 166). The Turks attempted to use
to Zorzi as the “chief city” and residence of the this fort to expand their power into the sur-
ba r nägaš (CrawItin 174f.); Alvares called it rounding area, but were attacked by the then
the “chief place” of that ruler, and the site of his well-armed local population, and obliged tem-
“principal residences”. The “town”, Alvares porarily to retreat. The area was subsequently
says, was “very good”, and “situated on a very the site of much fighting in which the Turks, at
high rock” upon which were situated “the times supported by the rebel ba r nägaš
King’s houses”, above the Märäb river. These Y s aq, fought against two successive emper-
buildings were laid out “in the manner of a ors, Minas and är ä D ng l. The latter cap-
fortress”, were guarded by upwards of 300 tured the fort in 1576 and razed it to the ground
“mounted men” and visited by “many more” (PankHist I, 67–70; DonMurad 218f.).
people, who came every day “for business of Despite this three-sided struggle D. main-
petitions”. Their presence attracted “many tained its political and commercial importance
young women”, also “because the men are well for the next two centuries. The French traveller
off and are like courtiers”. The town consisted Charles Jacques Poncet observed in 1699 that
of “300 households or more”. It possessed a “whatever comes into Aethiopia by the Red
122
D ggwa
Sea” passed through this town, which he called the kings of Aksum. Nevertheless, it seems diffi-
the “general magazine of the Indies” (Foster cult to attribute to one person the totality of the
1949:147), and the Scottish traveller Bruce D. and to date it to the 6th cent., a period when,
(BruNile vol. 3, 147) a century later referred to according to tradition, Yared lived.
it as the “common passage” between Massawa The manuscripts give the book various names
and T gray. At that time, according to the Ar- intended to highlight its characteristics; here are
menian trader o a Mur d, D. paid the em- the most significant: ueAHy 4(- (mä etä
peror an annual tax of 500 ounces of gold bäb, ‘mirror of wisdom’), uwK- (mäzgäb,
(DonMurad 93). However, the town was by ‘treasure’), z&q; or u;(s (m llad or
then on the decline. In the mid-18th cent., the mädbäl, ‘collection’). Yared is often qualified as
power of the ba r nägaš was usurped by ras Ma letay or Ma letawi, to signify that he is the
Mika el S ul, ruler of T gray, while the true composer of the ma let intended to praise
town’s commercial position was increasingly God. The sections (ar st) of the D. are as fol-
overshadowed by Adwa (PankHist I, 70ff.). lows: Abun, smä lä aläm, z l,
By the end of the 19th cent. the British visitor Mäwädd s, Mäzmur, Wazema, Sälä t,
James Theodore Bent wrote that “a few piles of Arba t, Bä am stu, gzi ab er näg ä,
stones, and almost ruined church, and a few Y tbaräk, Sälam, Zä amlak yä, Ma let,
wretched hovels” were all that remained of the S b atä nägh, Aryam, Zäy ze, Mäwa t,
ba r nägaš’s former capital (Bent 1896:87). Y bar k wwo, B u zäyäläbbu, K br y ti,
Ottoman Empire Z mmare and anä mogär.
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 98, 104f., 112, 118f., 125; Along with the omä d ggwa, the Z mmare,
BruNile vol. 3, 147; JAMES THEODORE BENT, The Sa- the Mäwa t and the M raf, the D. is
cred City of the Ethiopians, London 1896, 87; ConzGal one of the five books of the (sung) Divine Of-
76, 166; DAE III, 63, 72, 88, figs. 37, 180, 202; DonMu-
rad 93, 218f.; WILLIAM FOSTER, The Red Sea and Adja- fice, known as !zFIy ``M]y vx (amm stu
cent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century, äwat wä zema, ‘the five parts of chant’). It was
London 1949, 147. only after the 18th cent. that, for practical rea-
Lit.: CrawItin 174f.; PankHist I, 67–72. sons, the section corresponding to Lent was
Richard Pankhurst
separated, thus becoming the fifth book: the
omä d ggwa.
The D. is considered a genuine Ethiopian
D ggwa production and not a translation or adaptation
The D. (;K ) is the liturgical book of the Ethio- of imported elements, even though some pas-
pian Church which contains the hymns and sages may have come from abroad, either di-
troparies for the Divine Office; it is arranged in rectly or through the intermediary of texts bor-
calendar order and divided according to the rowed and adopted by the Church. Therefore, it
seasons of the liturgical year ( Calendar). The is not surprising that it finds wider acceptance
book provides the orders of service for various than any other Ethiopian liturgical book and
celebrations – the daily Divine Office, the feasts, that the simplicity and depth that spring from
Sundays, the saints, the martyrs, the angels – as the hearts of the Ethiopian Christians are well
well as for special occasions, such as the reflected in D.’s contents.
m lla, etc. Undoubtedly, the principal sources of D.’s
The origin of the term D. is not clear, nor is inspiration are the Bible, to which it constantly
the relationship which exists between this book alludes, and several other works often alluded to
and its function as a book of hymns. Thus far in traditional Ethiopian literature: the Apostolic
attempts to provide a solution to these ques- Tradition, the Testamentum Domini ( Kidan
tions have not been satisfactory. Even its antiq- zä gzi nä Iyäsus Kr stos) and others. There is
uity is doubted. no direct or indirect quotation from “Church
According to Ethiopian tradition, Yared, Fathers”, which, however, does not suggest that
who came from Aksum, is considered the author patristic literature exerted no influence. On the
and the singer of at least some of the liturgical contrary, such an influence is not limited to
books used in the Ethiopian Church. Numerous Alexandrian theology transmitted in Arabic,
sources link his literary and hymnographic activ- because some traces of ancient Greek and Syriac
ity to the great historical places and to several of Christian literature are apparent.
123
D ggwa
Detail from a D ggwa (with musical notation); Ms. or. quart. 1000, 17th cent. (?); fol. 110a (detail); courtesy of the
Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orientabteilung
The oldest complete D. in our possession, studied. In particular, no complete critical edi-
though without musical notation ( M l kk t), tion of this book exists. One has to be content
dates from the 15th cent. (Vat. aeth. 28); more with liturgical editions (that of the Ethiopian
ancient manuscripts contain parts of it (13th Orthodox Täwa do Church is in its second
cent.: EMML 7078; 14th to 15th cent.: EMML edition) based on recent manuscripts. We also
2095). The oldest part of the D. reflects a more lack a preliminary study that, using a sufficient
ancient calendar and can be met with in ancient number of manuscripts from diverse periods,
books of homilies. The D. certainly predates the would evaluate the major branches of the tradi-
translation of the S nk ssar (15th cent.), even tion and the principal stages of its evolution.
though the latter was subsequently to influence Src.: GreTisVat 134f., ms. Vat. aeth. 28; EMML 2045; 7078
the development of the calendar within the D. [not catalogued]; ETHIOPIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH (ed.),
w
Therefore, many reasons lead to conclude that, fuy ;Ky r87Fy \>; ( omä d gg a zäq ddus Yared
‘The Lent D ggwa of St. Yared’), Addis Abäba 1968,
with the exception of its original core, the D. is mimographed ms.; VelMe I–II; VelSoDe I–II; HamSixBerl
a collection of hymns that has been elaborated I, 226, no. 120 [Ms. or. quart. 1000].
over the centuries by different authors and Lit.: PETER JEFFERY, “The Liturgical Year in the Ethiopian
adjusted to the needs of varying historical cir- Deggwa (Chantbook)”, in: EPHREM CARR – STEFANO
cumstances. In the same way as the develop- PARENTI – ABRAHAM A. THIERMEYER – ELENA
VELKOVSKA (eds.), Eulogema: Studies in Honor of Robert
ment of the many Anaphoras of the Ethiopian Taft, S.J., Roma 1993 (Studia Anselmiana 1100 Analecta
liturgy proves to be related to theological con- Liturgica 17), 199–234; HABTEMICHAEL-KIDANE, “Il
troversies that stirred up the country, one can «Deggwa» – libro liturgico della Chiesa d’Etiopia”, in:
hypothesize that the evolution of the D. was, at ROBERT TAFT (ed.), The Christian East, Roma 1996 (Or-
ChrA 251), 353–88; HabUff; märigeta L SSANÄ WÄRQ
least in the beginning, a product of the same GÄBRÄ GIYORGIS, 4#K_y T?(Hy xirMy r!)|y
controversies concerning the Sabbath and other \>;y p8 ( ntawi r atä ma let zä abunä Yared liq, ‘The
issues. This is confirmed by the existence of of- Ancient Order of Singing of our Father Yared, the Master’),
fices dedicated to Yared and to other post- Addis Abäba – Mä älle 1997; TADDESSE TAMRAT, “A Short
Aksumite saints, an indication of later develop- Note on the Ethiopian Church Music”, AE 13, 1985, 135–
43; liqä kah nat UMÄ L SSAN KASA, \>;!y vxb
ments throughout the centuries. (Yared nna zemaw, ‘Yared and his Melodies’), Addis Abäba
Even though D. is the most important liturgi- 1981 A.M. [1988/89 A.D.]; VelMaw.
cal book of the Ethiopian Church, it is still little Habtemichael Kidane
124
D gsa
D gna an [ ]Wäynä Däga and had 60 tabernacles [tabotat]

D. (;P!F#, also 6Nu# , Dägazan, P9?# , which accompanied him onto the battlefield …
G da an etc.) is a name of a half-legendary ruler After him the kingdom passed over to others
(or rulers?) of Aksum. who were not Israelites” (SerHist 231). In an-
Many (but not all) of the G z “king lists” other similar account – referred, however, to
place the name of D. or its variants among the D lna od in the Vita of Iyäsus Moa (KurMoa
last “legitimate” rulers before the rise of the 19) – D. is the king who kept the tabotat in tents
Zagwe dynasty; cp. list A: Arma , D. (here (6-H?, däbtär); and this is supposedly to be the
D gna Zan/ na an), Anbäsa W d m, D l origin of the term däbtära for those serving at
Nä ad (CRList 274). In some lists, this sequence the altar (Conti Rossini 1917:706f.).
is somewhat different; cp. list C: Arma , zbä Src.: KurMoa 19 (text) = 16 (tr.); CARLO CONTI ROSSINI,
“Il libro delle leggende e tradizioni abissine dell’ecciaghiè
Nañ, D., Anbäsa W d m, D lnä ad (ibid. 298); Filpòs”, RRALm ser. 5a, 26, 1917, 699–718, here 706f.; ID.
in list B the name G d a an is an obvious du- (ed., tr.), Vitae Sanctorum antiquiorum, I. Acta Y r d et
plication of D. (ibid. 283). Yet, only one text Pan l won, Roma – Paris – Leipzig 1904 (CSCO 26, 27
states that Gida an was a son of D. who later [SAe 9, 10]), 23 (text) = 21 (tr.); CRList 283; IBN
AWQAL, Configuration de la terre, tr. by JOHANNES
ruled as Anbäsa W d m (after SerHist 203). D.
HENDRIK KRAMERS – GASTON WIET, vol. 1, Beyrouth –
is sometimes called the father of both Anbäsa Paris 1964, 16, 22f., 56, 161; SerHist 230f.
W d m and D lna od. Lit.: BELAYNESH MIKAEL, “Degna- an”, in: DicEthBio
The time of D.’s reign is uncertain. Different 47f.; CRStor 267, 305; MHAlex 134ff.; JULES PER-
sources connect D. with historical legends related RUCHON, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie”, RevSem 2,
1894, 78–93; TadTChurch 35f.
to the little-known period between the fall of Stuart Munro-Hay
Aksum and the restoration of the Solomonic
dynasty (ca. 1270, s. Y kunno Amlak). In the
hagiography of Yared D. is a direct predecessor D gsa
of the Zagwe dynasty (ca. 1137?), and his pride D. (;PD , Ital. Digsà) is a small town in the
caused him to loose his crown to his servant Däqqi D gna district of Akkälä Guzay, Eri-
Märara. Alternatively, Däga an or Gida an is trea (14°59' N, 39°14' E). It is located on the top
credited with either a 10-month reign before the of a hill and surrounded by a valley.
rise of Gudit ( sato), or a 9-year reign (SerHist Wäräsänazgi, one of five sons of D gna, son of
203). The “king lists” give the length of D.’s reign Akkälä, is considered its founding father. D.
as 20 or 12 years (cp. list B, CRList 283 and Ser- rose to local importance due to its closeness to
Hist 203, MHAlex 136, n. 403). Massawa. Together with the nearby village of
Ibn awqal mentions a queen who reigned in alay, D. was the first Christian settlement at
Ethiopia for 30 years and had killed “the king of
the Ethiopians” — perhaps D. (or na an),
should this queen from the later 900s be identi-
fied with Gudit.
In later sources D. is also reported to have sent
an army of “about 100,000” to subdue the lands
west of Ethiopia (SerHist 230f.), which, however,
perished in the desert. Some of these traditions
seem to imply that D. initiated the gradual shift
of the political and religious centre of the king-
dom from northern Ethiopia to the south. This
process, which might have happened sometime in
the first half of the 9th cent. (TadTChurch 36),
was accompanied by the spread of Christianity
among the local population. A note found in the
ms. Addis Abäba, National Library, Arch. 15,
states: “During his time, he [D.] took 150 priests
from Aksum to Amhara, and named them däb-
tära. When he left T gre he made his capital
125
D gsa
D gsa in the early 19th cent.; drawing by
Henry Salt
the edge of the highlands on the Akkälä Guzay Lit.: KilHDic 165f.; PankHist I, 73f., 230f. (Lit.); JAMES
route from the coast to the Ethiopian highlands. BRUCE, Reisen in das Innere von Afrika, nach Abyssinien
In the 17th cent. it was a fortified market-town. an die Quellen des Nils, tr. by C. W. CUHN, Rinteln –
Leipzig 1791, 196–99; SalTrav 239ff. (ill.); AbbSéjour vol.
When the traveller James Bruce took this 1, 43; KolTrad II, 67, 140; OMahPh vol. 1, passim, vol. 2,
route, as the mountainous Akkälä Guzay 35, 45f., 105; RAINER VOIGT, “ und "o#ayto
seemed more secure to cross the border to the (‘Auf-/Ausblick’), Studien zur äthiopischen Toponoma-
Ethiopian kingdom than the route via D barwa, stik. 1”, Aethiopica 2, 1999, 90–102, 91.
Wolbert Smidt
he stayed at “Dixan” (a back-formation from
Tgn. alay n D gsan, ‘ alay and D.’, Voigt
1999:91), which was at that time a border town
between the Ottoman lowlands and the Chris- D gum
tian kingdom, with a mixed Christian and Mus- D. (;Lz ) is a site in Gär alta, in the plain of
lim population. The latter, dedicated to the slave awzen (s. map for Gär alta), known for its
trade (Bruce 1791:196ff.), inhabited the upper complex of rock-hewn sacral structures, com-
part of D., on the top of the hill, and were allied posed of three separate sections (A, B, C). Pres-
with the n ib. In 1768 D. was burnt in a raid by ently, only C serves as a church (dedicated to St.
ras Mika el S ul against the n ib (KolTrad 67). Mary); according to local informants, two oth-
In the 19th cent. it was under Christian rule and ers (Trinity and St. George) were also in use
th
had a ba r nägaš of its own – around 1805 it until the mid-20 cent. All three are often re-
was Iyäsus (SalTrav 239), in the 1830s the šaläqa ferred to as D gum llase (Plant’s Sellase I-III).
zäraye (AbbSéjour 43). It was from here that The structures share many common features: all
ba r nägaš Asgodom Muse of Säf a guided are small, oriented, have regular plans and imitate
“Agaw” N gu e Wäldä Mika el to attack Aksumite foundations ( Architecture) – both in
aylu Täwäldä Mäd n at ä azzäga in 1858. their planning and architectonic vocabulary.
Together with Sägänäyti, A!rur and Their dating is problematic (7th-8th cent. accord-
ebo, D. was among the first settlements being to Plant, 11th–12th cent. according to Lepage,
coming Catholic in 1866 when Fr. Delmonte 13th–14th cent. according to Buxton).
evangelized in the area (OMahPh 35, 45f.). To- Monument A (funeral chapel in Buxton 1971,
day, the majority of the population is Ortho- tomb of a rich family in Jäger–Pearce 1974,
dox. During the Italian colonial period D. martyrium in Lepage 1971) is preceded by a
joined the anti-Italian rebellion of Ba ta a- rock-cut narthex with pilastered walls and pro-
gos of 1894. Later an Italian farming concession jected façade. It was covered once by a con-
was established and the infrastructure devel- structed roof and encircled from west and
oped. Capuchins have built a clinic in D., north-west by connected ancillary buildings
which also serves the surrounding settlements. where Aksumite pottery has been excavated.
126
D hay Er tra
The main interior is divided by lintel beams into

three aisles; the division into three bays is only
marked by ceiling design: rectangles imitating
timber construction. The three-partite sanctuary
is accessible only from the central nave through
a semicircular arch, supported by squared, en-
gaged and composite pears (eastern part in the
form of a cylindrical semi-column) with stepped
bracket capitals – the only element differing
from the Aksumite tradition. The northern
room of the sanctuary is a simple square cham-
ber; the southern room has a niche in the east-
ern wall (60 cm x 42 cm x 35 cm) and ceiling Structure A: sanctuary, view towards east: ceiling with
design imitating wooden construction. In the imitation cross beams and arches springing from capitals
crowning engaged pillars; photo 2000, courtesy of Mi-
raised central room, four engaged corner pillars chael Gervers
are connected by the archivolts, the flat ceiling
is decorated by an imitation of two crossed sides, similar to those discovered at $ a, in
beams. In the centre of the floor, four holes Adulis and Mä ära.
mark the place where once an altar (or, accord- Separate sections of D. (unique as a complex) are
ing to Lepage, a reliquary) was installed. The comparable with the churches Gär alta Bära it
function of the window (61 cm x 59 cm) cut in Maryam, awzen Täklä Haymanot, ra
the eastern wall is uncertain: since behind the Abr ha-A b a, W qro %erqos ( Dängolo).
eastern part of the church there is a rectangular Lit.: DAVID BUXTON, “The Rock-Hewn and other Me-
originally roofed space, accessible from the dieval Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia”, Archaeolo-
gia 103, 1971, 1–99, here 56f., pl. 27b-c; OTTO DALE, “The
north via a rock-cut passage, it could serve as an Rock-hewn Churches of Tigre”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 121–
opening for distribution of communion (Ger- 51, here 124–27; GEORG GERSTER, Kirchen im Fels, Berlin
ster) or for delivering the eucharisitic bread 1976, 129; OTTO JÄGER – IVY PEARCE, Antiquities of
from a near-by betä l hem, or as an aperture Northern Ethiopia, Stuttgart 21974, 111f.; WOLFGANG
allowing access to reliquary (Lepage). FRITZ VOLBACH – JACQUELINE LAFONTAINE-
DOSOGNE (eds.), Byzanz und der christliche Osten, Berlin
Monuments B (church in Lepage) and C (fu- 1968 (Propyläen Kunstgeschichte 3), 370, pl. 432; CLAUDE
neral chapel), cut parallel to each other and sepa- LEPAGE, “Les monuments chrétiens rupestres de Degum,
rated by a stepped passage, are situated about en Éthiopie (rapport préliminaire)”, Cahiers ar-
30 m from A. They are accessible through the chéologiques 21, 1971, 167–200; IVY PEARCE, “Pearce’s
Pilgrimage to the Rock hewn Churches of Tigray”,
constructed chamber which serves as the vesti- EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 77–120, here 87; RUTH PLANT –
bule of the present church. C is almost an exact DAVID BUXTON, “Rock-hewn Churches of the Tigre
copy of A, but more elaborate. Set on a platform, Province”, ibid. 13, 3, 1970, 157–267, here 197f.; RUTH
it has an open cut vestibule, a main chamber PLANT, Architecture of the Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester
1985, 50–53; HERVÉ DE ROUX, “Notes sur des tessons
(used as the mäqdäs of the present church), a céramiques de Degum (Tigré)”, AE 10, 1975, 71–80;
similarly designed three-partite sanctuary (en- ROGER SAUTER, “Églises rupestres au Tigre”, AE 10,
gaged pillars, arches) and the outer space behind 1976, 157–75, here 167; JOSEPH TEWELDE MEDHIN,
the eastern wall. B, north of C, is a narrow two- “Introduction générale aux églises monolithes du Tigrai”,
in: PICES 3, 1969, 83–98, here 85f., 96.
level structure. On top level there are three Ewa Balicka Witakowska
rooms; the third (1.2 m x 0.9 m) with imitations
of constructed wooden elements (ceiling, arches,
D ano H rgigo
engaged pillars with stepped capitals and bases).
The crypt on the lower level is accessible through
the entry cut in the floor of the second upper D hay Er tra
room and by an extra opening, presently covered D.E. (;U^y %?M=, ‘Voice of Eritrea’) was
by stone slabs, in the floor of the third room. It is launched as a T gr ñña weekly by independence
composed of two connected chambers, the sec- leader Wäldä Ab Wäldä Maryam in Asmära in
ond one with graves. North-east of B there is a 1944. During its two years of publication, it had a
small rock-cut baptismal font, with steps on two very short section of international news in addi-
127
D hay Er tra
tion to local news. It was succeeded by Unità D lbä Iyasus

dell’ Eritrea, the organ of the Independent Front D.I. (;s(y #\BF ) is a figure known from the
Block published on Wednesdays, which had a period between 1682 to 1685. He first appears
circulation of 2,000 and continued until 1949. in the Chronicle of a e Iyasu I, attending the
After the Eritrean-Ethiopian Federation in coronation of the latter on 6 July 1682 (GuiIo-
1952, the Democratic Front Block revived D.E. han 60). One “short chronicle” informs us that
The next year, Ethiopia charged the paper with D.I. bore the title of “dä azma of T gre”
calling for the overthrow of the Ethiopian gov- (BassÉt 167).
ernment and with publishing state “secrets” A e Iyasu I’s official history mentions (without
about Eritrean tax revenues. The paper and its explanation) D.I.’s flight from Gondär and his
editors were acquitted by the Eritrean Court on confinement in “Sarka’s castle” (g mb zäsarka, s.
26 May 1953 and the Eritrean Supreme Court GuiIohan 87), north of Qwäläla.
on 19 August 1953. The Emperor’s representa- From a quotation in the “short chronicle” we
tives appealed to the Federal (Ethiopian) court. learn that D.I. was related to the royal family. It
On 8 December 1953, the court overthrew the appears that he was the husband of a e
Eritrean courts and sentenced the paper to a Yo ann s I’s grand-daughter princess Wälättä
two-year suspension and its editors to impris- awaryat, princess Amläkätawit’s daughter. A e
onment ranging from three to six years. Yos os, described as a usurper by the “short
Src.: “Eritrea: a Victim of UN Decision and of Ethiopian chronicles”, is none other then D.I.’s and Wäldä
Aggression”, in: ERITREAN LIBERATION FRONT, Gen- awaryat’s son. Consequently Yos os is, by
eral Secretariate (ed.), Appeal of the Eritrean People to the
26th Session of the General Assembly, New York, 12 means of his female relatives, Yo ann s’ grandson.
March 1971, 28f.; STEPHEN HEMSLEY LONGRIGG, Src.: GuiIohan 60, 87f., 175 (tr.); BassÉt 167, 133, 180;
Occupied Enemy Territory Administration Eritrea: Half BegCron 94; DombrChr 263 (tr.).
Yearly Report by the Military Administrator on the Dimitri Toubkis
Occupied Enemy Territory of Eritrea for the Period 1st
January to 20th June 1942, Cairo 1942; F.G. DREW, Eri-
trean Annual Report for 1949, London 1949; ID., Eri-
trean Annual Report for 1950, London 1950; ID., Eri-
Delmonte, Carlo
trean Annual Report for 1951, London 1951; Eritrea: D. (b. 1827, La Spezia, Italy, d. 19 May 1869,
Annual Review for 1954. Kärän, Ethiopia) was a Lazarist missionary who
Deborah Johnson continued with the apostolate of Giustino de
Jacobis. D. disembarked at Massawa in January
1860, after surviving shipwreck in the Red Sea,
D ana and became the first missionary to be appointed
In the 17th-cent. Chronicle of a e Sus nyos D. to the Vicariate of Abyssinia in 14 years. A good
(;8! ) appears as one of the sites in which the working relationship between D. and his Vicar
temporary royal tent stayed (PerChron, chs. 39, Apostolic, de Jacobis, immediately developed.
52). At that time a church dedicated to St. Shortly after his arrival, however, de Jacobis died
Gabriel already existed there. Still today the and, following the death of Biancheri, D. was
village (known as Dähana, Da!ana or Dähna) is the only remaining missionary.
located in Dämb ya, near Gorgora, on the When Pierre-Louis Bel arrived as the Vicari-
Amdä Wärq mount, on the road between ate’s third bishop, D. served him loyally. After
Gondär and the northern ana shore. Bel’s death, D. successfully reconciled the mis-
D. should not be confused with the place sionaries and the local clergy. He visited ras Ka a
called Da na (9i! ): according to the Acts of M r&a (later a e Yo ann s IV) at Adwa in 1868.
Iyäsus Mo a, this was a village in the Bägemd r There he also met the deposed a e Yo ann s III
province, 20 km east of the Täkkäze river, famed who had previously become a Catholic. In early
as the place where the saint was born around 1869 D. was appointed Vicar Apostolic; however,
1213. For the latter, other sources report also the he died, aged 42, before the news reached him.
form Dahana (9R! ). Lazarists
Src.: KurMoa 6 (text) = 5 (tr.); PerChron 132, 203f. (text) Lit.: ALÉMÉ ESHÉTÉ, La Mission Catholique Lazariste en
= 102, 156f. (tr), 418f.; Guida 369. Éthiopie, Aix-en-Provence 1972 (Institut d’Histoire des
Lit.: HuntGeogr 74, 79, 81, 170f., 245 [Lasta]. Pays d’Outre-Mer 2), 1–7; PAUL GIMALAC, Le Vicariat
Richard Pankhurst Apostolique d’Abyssinie 1839–1931, Paris 1932, 12;
128
D me ros
OMahPh vol. 1, 103f., 198f., 204f.; vol. 2, 2f., 5–9, 23f., 29, D me ros
33ff., 62, 73, 75, 78, 86ff., 90f., 93, 97f.
Kevin O’Mahoney D. (;y4@F ) of Amhara only appears in rec-
ords dating from 1689 to 1699 and 1709 to 1711,
but his career was certainly of longer duration.
D lna od When first mentioned in the royal chronicles, he
D. (;s!+; ) was, according to the Ethiopian was already governor of Šäwa; as governor, he
“king lists” and a number of legends, the last apprehended a rebel who had sought refuge in
king of Aksum before the Zagwe dynasty. Šäwa among the Tuulama Oromo. Throughout
Outside of these late texts, he is otherwise un- the 1690s, D. was a confidant of a e Iyasu I,
attested. In the lists he usually appears after helping plan attacks on the Tuulama and partici-
D gnä an and Anbäsä W d m, who are pating in Iyasu’s campaigns into Šäwa. By 1693
sometimes designated as his father and brother he held the title of ähafe lam; he was also a
respectively. In some cases he appears twice, dä azma . By the end of the decade, however,
once between Ayzor and Ma eday, predecessor he had lost favour at court. In March 1699, at the
of sato and Anbäsä W d m, the second time conclusion of yet another campaign against the
as predecessor of Tärda Gäbäz (eg. CRList, List Tuulama, Iyasu stripped D. of his appointment
A), who is supposed to have passed the king- of ähafe lam of Šäwa, which he had once again
dom on to the Zagwe. Other sources such as the assumed, and divided the government of Šäwa
Acts of abba Iyäsus Mo a, attribute the trans- among three men, leaving D. in control only of
ferral of power to the Zagwe to Masobä Wärq, the district of Mär abete, his homeland. Within
daughter of D., through her marriage to Täklä a decade, however, he had regained the governor-
Haymanot of “the family of He a a” (Zagwe). ship of Šäwa, and from mid-1709 to mid-1711, he
D.’s descendants reportedly lived in hiding, held the position of ras under Tewoflos. Among
taking the succession up to Y kunno Amlak. his descendants were many Šäwan notables,
The lists give D. a reign of 4, 10, 15 or 40 years. including, reportedly, the wife of a lä llase.
If he were really the predecessor of the Zagwe, one Src.: BassÉt 177, 180; BégCron 92, 94; GuiIohan 127–
would expect a mid-10th cent. date, but the Acts of 131, 138, 174, 187, 210, 213; BTafA 421, 984.
Iyäsus Mo a presents an earlier chronology. Met- LaVerle Berry
ropolitan Sälama Zä azeb (‘of the South’) “re-
entered his country” when D. was ruling. Later,
in the seventh year of this king, the royal seat is D me ros
said to have been transferred from Aksum to the
east. The king went with Sälama to ayq and D. (;y4@F ) was one of the puppet rulers of
built the church of Däbrä gzi ab er. Later, in the Zämänä mäsaf nt. When Sälomon II
the year 6362 of the world (862 A.D.), the church was deposed, dä azma Gugsa and dä azma
of Däbrä s ifanos of ayq was built. The arrival Alula made D., the son of abeto Arqadewos,
of Sälama II, either in or just before the reign of n gu in Gondär on the 20th ämle 1791 A.M.
D., is said to have occurred 618 years after the [25 July 1799 A.D.]. He immediately rewarded
arrival of Frumentius ( Sälama Kä ate B rhan, his benefactors by appointing them to impor-
usually taken as ca. 340 A.D.). Kur (KurMoa) tant positions. D.’s reign was interrupted in a
altered this date to 818, added 350, resulting in a matter of months in q mt, when messengers
date of 1168 A.D. He also altered the date 6362 from his rival, the perennial contender for the
to 6662/1167 A.D. – actually 1162 A.D. to reach throne Täklä Giyorgis arrived in Gondär
a date compatible with the short chronology for from T gre. They were greeted with rejoicing
the Zagwe dynasty, which suggests that the by the population. According to the chronicler
Zagwe came to power around 1137 A.D. of the period D. suffered further humiliation
Src.: KurMoa 21; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il libro delle during this period. He was deposed twice more,
leggende e tradizioni abissine dell’ecciaghié Filpòs”, once in favour of his rival Täklä Haymanot
RRALm ser. 5a, 26, 1917, 699-718, here 707; CRList. and “yet a third time … when he had done
Lit.: MHAlex 131ff., 168ff.; BELAYNESH MICHAEL,
“Del-Nä ad”, in: DicEthBio 48ff. nothing wrong” (BlunChr 470).
Stuart Munro-Hay Src.: BlunChr 182f., 187, 462ff., 470.
Lit.: BudHist 480.
Demanio Terra demaniale Steven Kaplan
129
D me ros Gäbrä Maryam
D me ros Gäbrä Maryam in publishing Church books, mobilizing the

D.G.M. (;y4@Fy K-:y x?\z ; b. 1900, youth and opening informal discussions with
Däqqi Täsfa district, western Säraye, d. 1989, other religions established in Eritrea. D.G.M.
Asmära) was a church administrator and politi- also built the church of Mäd ane Aläm in As-
cian. He received basic church education in mära, where he became dean with the title of
Däqqi Täsfa. D.G.M. started his career as a us!gy Aqz (mäl akä sälam), by which he was
secretary to ras Kidanä Maryam Gäbrä Mäsqäl better known. In 1963, he was appointed
of Arräza (Säraye). Later, he studied liturgy and n burä d of Aksum and in 1969 he rose to
q ne poetry in T gray, Bägemd r and Šäwa. He the highest civil position of Chief Administrator
was ordained priest (qäsis) in Addis Abäba in of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do Church.
1929. In the following year, he was appointed When the Revolution broke out in 1974, he was
liqä kah nat of his native district, a post which arrested and imprisoned by the military regime,
he retained for almost three decades. along with other high officials and dignitaries.
In the late 1940s, D.G.M. joined the Unionist He was later released and continued his activi-
Party of Eritrea ( Ma bär f qri agär) and was ties in the Ma bärä awaryat.
elected by his home district to the Constituent Churches and Church administration
Src.: ErDizBio 113; KilHDic 166 f.; addaš Er tra, 8
Assembly in the Spring of 1952, becoming vice- Nä ase 1992 A.M. [14 August 2000 A.D.]; ZÄWDÄ
president of the subsequent single-chamber RÄTTA, Y%?M=y L9^ 1941–1963 (Yä ert ra gudday
parliament in the following year. As an ardent 1941–1963, ‘The Eritrean Affair 1941–1963’), Addis
Unionist, he was said to have worked towards Abäba 1999, 351 (ill.).
Bairu Tafla
the fall of the Assembly’s president, Al
Mu ammad M s Raday, and the Chief Execu-
tive, dä azma Tädla Bayru. Thereafter, he Demography Population history
became the most powerful Eritrean politician
and, in collaboration with b twäddäd Asfä a Demons
Wäldä Mika el, he gradually undermined the Terminology
Federation, which was finally abolished in No- The main difficulty of this topic is to establish
vember 1962. As a result, he became very un- an adequate terminology to describe the Ethio-
popular in Eritrea. In 1961 and 1962, he nar- pian “supernatural” world. Ethiopian demonol-
rowly escaped two assassination attempts. ogy is syncretistic and contains both Semitic
D.G.M. was also active in the Church. He monotheistic and Cushitic elements. A very
was one of the founders of the Ma bärä complex, hierarchically organized world of
awaryat association. It became a leading organ angels, saints, the Devil and an array of spirits
(u#DF , mänfäs, ‘spirit’) exists between God
and man. The term D. describes only the evil,
destructive and malignant spirits, and not spirits
that are neutral, familiar, benevolent or am-
bivalent to Ethiopians ( Zar; b6* , w qabi
and 9r , qolle). The difficulty in terminology
arises because D. is used:
1) as a translation for terms within a similar
semantic scope in Ethiopic languages;
2) as an interpretative term for beings and
creatures who are only mentioned through their
proper names or short descriptions.
In the course of the time, the Jewish-
Christian demonology adopted by the Ethiopi-
ans was augmented with autochthonous ele-
ments, which originated – at least a large number
of them – in the confrontation between Ethio-
pian Christendom and the non-Christian envi-
D me ros Gäbrä Maryam; from Zäwde Rätta 1999: 351 ronment. During the “demonization” process,
130
Demons
gods, spirits, or even whole castes or ethnic D. are known in the N.T. by their names. One of
groups of non-Christian populations became D. them is Legewon (“Legion”), styled in Mk 5:9 as
The priests or worshipers of the ancient cults N " #y rOc# (ganen Legewon, ‘the D. Lege-
( Däsk; L9r, gudale; 8$, dino; /D#M , äfänt) won’) and in Lk 8:30 as -sg#y !N##M
were deemed to be D. by the representatives of (b zu an agan nt, ‘numerous D.’). The appear-
the Orthodox Church (Mercier 1983–84). ance of D. in the N.T. supports the main ideas
The genuine word for D. in G z is ganen of later Ethiopian demonology: D. cause ill-
(N " # , pl. !N##M agan nt), which is also used in nesses through possession; such illnesses can be
T gr ñña and Amharic (also ganel). The Arabic healed through exorcism; D. are hierarchically
loan-word inn or inni is recognized in almost organized.
all modern Ethiopian languages; however, its
meaning ‘spirit, genie’ (s. nn, KaneDic 1867) is Magic literature and popular beliefs
not identical with the semantics of the Arabic In this kind of literature, and especially in the
inn ‘D.’ (cp. T gre ‘D., devil’, Littmann — Höf- magic scrolls, the plural agan nt describes a class
ner 1962:553). of D. that damage and attack people. The use of
agan nt in some magical writings like the
The Bible Ard t corresponds to those in the healing and
In the O.T. ganen renders the Greek word miracle pericopae of the N.T., which are also
, initially with the meaning of ‘some- quoted in many magical prayers and incantations
thing demonical’ – which describes impure, evil (Grébaut 1939). Besides the agan nt, who are
spirits or idols (Is 13:21, 34:14, 65:3; Ps 95:5). representative for all unknown and unmentioned
“The D. of noonday” (ganenä qätr, Ps 90[91]:6) D., there is in Ethiopian popular beliefs a consis-
is also known in Ethiopian popular beliefs. Early tent group of individual D., who are responsible
Jewish literature from the inter-testamental pe- for illness: Barya, the D. of epilepsys whose
riod, which was later adopted by Christians, chief is Legewon; Mäggañña, the D. of the
plays an important role in the organization of threshold and of the closed door, who causes
this “supernatural” world. The main features of colic; T grida, another D. of epilepsy; W rz lya,
this spiritual plane are: the concentration of evil a female D. who causes the death of new-born
in the person of the Devil and the quasi-dualistic children; Šotälay, the D. of miscarriage. People in
polarization of the visible and invisible world Ethiopia believe that D. cause harm or illness
into a good part, represented by God and his through their eye, i.e. the “evil eye”. Therefore,
angels, and an evil part, represented by the Devil, phrases such as (^|y !N##M ( aynä agan nt,
the fallen angels and the D. The Book of ‘eye of D.’), (^|y +?\ ( aynä barya, ‘eye of
Jubilees and the Book of Enoch emphasize the barya’) or (^|y 4q ( aynä la, ‘eye of shadow’)
association of the fallen angels (Gen 6:4) with D. appear in some magical texts. The being who is
(s. En 6:1f., 19:1, 69:12; Book of Jubilees 10; here believed to harm people by the evil eye is called
also ganen). Another demon Mästema (Mä m), Buda. The world of D. is hierarchically struc-
who personifies hostility and often identifies tured. Many magic scrolls mention a “king of
with the Devil, is known from the Book of Jubi- D.” (#LOy !N##M, n gu ä agan nt) or the king
lees 10:8, 11:5, 11, 17:16, 18:9, 19:28 etc. as the of a particular kind of D. (#LOy +?\ , n gu ä
chief (or angel) of evil spirits. In a later writing barya ‘king of barya’) or of a particular illness
T zazä sänbät Mästema also appears as the (#LOy #9;, n gu ä n dad ‘king of fever’).
angel of darkness (Halévy 1902:55). The means of protection and defence against
In the N.T. ganen (respectively, agan nt) ren- D. and healing demonic illnesses such as those
ders the Gr. (Mt 8:31; Lk 8:29, Rev 18:2), caused by possession are extremely various.
(Mt 9:33; Jn 7:20; 8:48; 10:20 etc.) and Specialized persons like Orthodox priests
(Mt 8:16; Mk 9:20; Lk 9:39 etc.). In other (Heyer 1971:203–11), the !4x5 (a maqi, ‘bap-
passages, D. occur in connection with possession tizer’) or the “D.-pulling” däbtära (N "# y D* ,
and exorcism. D. can “dwell” in people (Mk ganen sabi) deal with possessions. The rites of
5:13–17; Lk 8:2), possess them and are subordi- immersion in water (4z3M , mqät) and the
nated to the Devil (Satan, Mk 3:22, 23). Jesus and sprinkling (!/u3 , a ämmäqä) of a possessed
his disciples have the power to drive D. and evil person with holy water are considered efficient
spirits out from possessed people. Only very few means of exorcism. The sign of the cross,
131
Demons
amulets and talismans ( Magic scrolls) are also (Lit.); SYLVAIN GRÉBAUT, Recueil de textes magiques
believed to protect against the attacks of the D. éthiopiens, Paris 1939 (Miscellanea Africana Lebaudy 1);
MARCEL GRIAULE, Le livre de recettes d’un dabtara
Another method to render D. inactive is abyssin, Paris 1930 (Travaux et Mémoires de l’Institut
to“seal” them. For this purpose, the magic d’Ethnologie 12); JOSEPH HALÉVY, T zâza sanbat
scrolls use a variety of “seals” (xiHz , ma täm; (Commandements du sabbat), Paris 1902 (Bibliothèque de
short text, sometimes with illustrations) like the l’École des Hautes Études 137), 55; FRIEDRICH HEYER,
Die Kirche Äthiopiens: eine Bestandsaufnahme, Berlin –
“Seal of the D.”, the “Seal of Solomon” New York 1971 (Theologische Bibliothek Töpelmann 22),
( Märbäbtä Sälomon) or the “Seal of Alexan- 203–11; KaneDic 1867; HUBERT KRISS, “Geister im
der”. A large number of magic texts are known Volksglauben Äthiopiens”, in: Äthiopien. Sonderausgabe
to be efficient in exorcising D.: `tMy (&#Hy der Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch, Tübingen 1973, 116–
x&A:y !N##M ( älot bä ntä ma särä 19; MICHEL LEIRIS, “La croyance aux génies ‘zar’ en
Éthiopie du Nord”, Journal de psychologie normale et
agan nt, ‘prayer for binding D.’), the pathologique 31, 1–2, 1938, 108–25; ID., “Le culte des zârs
Märbäbtä Sälomon, the ueAHyAt{# à Gondar (Éthiopie septentrionale)”, Aethiopica 2, 1934,
(Mä etä Sälomon, ‘Mirror of Solomon’), the 96–103, 125–36; DEBORAH LIFCHITZ, Textes éthiopiens
asmat prayers etc. The recitation of magic magico-religieux, Paris 1940; ENNO LITTMANN — MARIA
HÖFNER, Wörterbuch der Tigré-Sprache. Tigré-Deutsch-
writings like Bartos, Ard t or Sayfä mäläkot Englisch, Wiesbaden 1962, 553; JACQUES MERCIER, “Le
can also assist the exorcism of demonic posses- Qolle et le Zar: éléments pour l’histoire des anciens cultes
sion (Rodinson 1967:61). éthiopiens”, Abbay 12, 1983–84, 259–98; ID., Le roi
Besides D., spirits with more complex rela- Salomon et le maîtres du regard. Art et médecin, Paris
tions to people are known in Ethiopia. Rem- 1992; REIDULF KNUT MOLVAER, Socialization and Social
Control in Ethiopia, Wiesbaden 1995 (AeF 44); MAXIME
nants of ancient pre-Christian cults still exist in RODINSON, Magie, médecine et possession en Éthiopie (à
the peripheral areas of the official institutional- Gondar), Paris 1967; UllBibl.
ized religions. Such cults are syncretistic and Bogdan Burtea
constantly evolving. The spirits from these cults
manifest their activity in possessions. The cults
of famous spirits like zar, adbar, qolle, away D myanos
and w qabi have no confessional or ethnic In the first half of the 15th cent., the monk D.
boundaries. Other spirits – like s r el of the (;z\$F) was the abbot of the monastery of
T gr ñña speakers and ayaana and ateetee Däbrä Sina, in Däqqi Täsfa, a district of
among the Oromo – have a limited area of in- Säraye, Eritrea. He was initiated into monastic
w
fluence. Adbar and qolle are protective spirits life by Muse of Däbrä G ärzo, a pupil of
associated with specific places and localities. Absadi of Däbrä Maryam. According to
They can be either good and protect a particular written sources, Yonas, the future leader of
location, or bad and bring illness and poverty to a the monastic movement known as däqiqä
region. Away is a house-spirit that remains very Ewos atewos ( Ewos ateans), received the mo-
close to a certain family. W qabi (‘protector’) is a nastic habit from D., his uncle. This probably
personal or family spirit who possesses a medium occurred around 1417, and the lifetime of D. can
and treats other people through him/her. The be approximately dated between 1381 and 1441.
specialists who deal with these spirit are mostly After his death, Yonas became the abbot of
mediums like +ny u? , (balä zar), +ny b6* Däbrä Sina. At least one manuscript of the hith-
(balä w qabi) or 6s* (qall a) who do not erto unpublished Gädlä D myanos is known.
exorcise, but appease the spirits through a Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Gli Atti di Abb Yon s”,
sacrifice or gifts. Spirits like zar, adbar and RRALm ser. 5a, 12, 1903, 177–201, 239–55, here 187, ll. 21–
qolle are often identified with each other, as well 25; GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Scritture documentarie
etiopiche (Dabra De u n e Dabra eg', Sar ', Eritrea)”,
as with the D.: u?y bqH (zar w lla ) is a mon- RSE 42, 1998 [1999], 5–55.
grel of a zar and a D.; Y)9y u? (yäbuda zar) is Gianfrancesco Lusini
the spirit who possesses the Buda.
Devil; Magic; Religion, traditional; Dengue fever Diseases
Spirits; Spirit possession
Lit.: HARALD ASPEN, Amhara Traditions of Knowledge: Denmark, relations with
Spirit Mediums and their Clients, Wiesbaden 2001 (AeF
58); BOGDAN BURTEA, Zwei äthiopische Zauberrollen, The first hint of Danish interest in the country
Aachen 2001 (Semitica et Semitohamitica Berolinensia 1) appears with the Danish-Swedish expedition lead
132
D rgo
by Carsten Niebuhr, who was sent to Arabia feated by her brother Ka a at the Battle of
in the 18th cent. (1761–67) by the Danish King. Asäm in July 1871 and was incarcerated at the
Its members collected some information about stronghold of Amba Sälama, she joined her
“Habesh” from the Arab merchants. Later, the husband and remained with him until he died.
Danish lieutenant Soeren Adolf Arendrup, dur- Subsequently, she moved to Mä älä and became
ing a visit to Egypt, joined the Egyptian army one of the most influential counsellors to her
and, as its colonel, led a military expedition brother Yo ann s at the Imperial Court.
against Ethiopia. He was killed in battle by the During the aftermath of the Battle of
winning troops of a e Yo ann s IV in 1875. Mätämma when the political struggle in
A Danish embassy was erected in Ethiopia T gray was in a turmoil, she championed the
through a royal decree of September 1949. The cause of her son yyum, who was sent by
ambassador, who presented his credentials to M nil k II from Šäwa and was furnished with
ae aylä llase I on 8 March 1950, resided arms, ammunitions and finance by the Italians
in Athens. Later residences were in Cairo and, to fight against Mängäša and Alula ng da.
since 1972, Nairobi. To date, D. has never had Finally, when yyum refused to accept the
an ambassador resident in Addis Abäba. How- command given to him by M nil k over
ever, a consulate operated by a consul-general Agamä and Akkälä Guzay in 1890, he was
and two secretaries, functions there. King banished to Harär and died a year later. Over-
Frederik IX and Queen Ingrid of D. paid an whelmed by anguish, D.M. retreated to Šire,
official visit to Ethiopia in January 1970. where she led a quiet life during her remaining
In Eritrea, D. has been represented by a chargé years.
d’affaires since 1997. The Danish embassy is Lit.: ZewYohan; RubInd, s. index.
situated in Asmära and staffed by a chargé Zewde Gabre-Sellassie
d’affaires, an embassy secretary and an attaché.
Both countries receive economic support from
D rgo
D. In the year 2000 this amounted to 59.2 million
Danish kroner in development aid for Ethiopia. D. (;?Q ) is an Amharic term meaning, among
Danish Ethiopian Mission other things ‘grant’ (deriving from the verb
Lit.: Udvikling 9/10, Nytaar 1998/99: Danmark og U- därrägä, ‘to give out’; THMDic 1029). The
Landene. Etiopien. second meaning of the word is a kind of small
Kirsten Stoffregen-Pedersen measurement (usually one fourth of a qunna,
synonymous to rbo; DTWDic 386). By exten-
D nn Potatoes sion to its first meaning, the term is applied to
the regular supply of food in kind (cereals,
D nq näš M r a honey, butter) given by a king or a lord to his
D.M. (;#8|%y z?M , b. 1833, d. 1912) was the dependants.
daughter of šum tämben M r&a and wäyzaro The recipients of D. – called d rgoñña – could
Sälas D m u and the only sister of a e range from poor to those who offered the lord
Yo ann s IV. She was well educated, and oral their services at some time, from widows and
sources refer to her ability in composing poetry other people in need of support to lords who
of high standard. She was said to be cunning waited upon the court begging for appointment
th
and excessively proud, as her father was reputed or titles. Some of the 19 -cent. regional courts
to have been. She was first married to blatta had large numbers of d rgoñño . In addition to
Gäbrä Kidan Zemo, later ras bitwäddäd – one this, whenever foreign guests or Ethiopian dig-
of the earliest followers, companions and confi- nitaries from distant provinces visited the royal
dants of Yo ann s – from whom she had a son, or regional courts, they were supplied, for the
dä azma yyum “Abba Gobäz”, and three duration of their stay, with food, beverages, and
daughters, Aradä , Täkkolä and B zu. also with sheep and/or oxen that the guests
After she divorced Gäbrä Kidan, she married could slaughter to feed themselves and their
wag šum Gobäze Gäbrä Mäd n in 1867. When followers. This practice, also known as D., is
Gobäze proclaimed himself as a e Täklä described by different travellers who visited
Giyorgis II in 1868, the title of tege was con- various provinces of northern and central
th
ferred upon her. When her husband was de- Ethiopia in the 19 cent. In its various forms, D.
133
D rgo
D.D. (311 km by rail from Djibouti), how-

ever, is of very recent origin. It owes its foun-
dation to a technical problem: when it became
impossible to lay the Addis Abäba–Djibouti
Railway via Harär because of the steep access
to the town, a e M nil k II accepted (in a letter
dated 5 November 1896) that the first part of the
line might finish at a village at the foot of the
mountains, which should be named Addis Harär
(‘New Harär’). The railway reached this location
on 24 December 1902, a date which may be con-
D rgo offered to the leader of an expedition in Gofa; sidered the day of D.D.’s foundation. The new
photo 1902 by Emile Brumpt; courtesy of the Musée name, however, did not win recognition. In the
d’histoire naturelle, Paris long run, the local name D.D. was generally
was most probably an old institution going back accepted. D.D. most probably derives from So-
several centuries, however, it is difficult to say mali Dir abo (limit of the Dir confederation of
when exactly it emerged due to the lack of the Somali) and popularly etymologizes in its
th
sources prior to the 19 cent. Amharic form as “hill of uncultivated land”.
th
In the 19 -cent. Šäwa D. was administered by For financial and diplomatic reasons the rail-
the azza , a major official of the king’s and way was not continued until 1909 and the final
later the emperor’s court. After the Battle of inauguration of the whole line from Djibouti to
Adwa (1896), since there were increasingly more Addis Abäba – again delayed by the revolution
dignitaries and visitors coming to Ethiopia who of 1916 – only took place on 7 June 1917. Dur-
were entitled to D., more pressure was put on the ing all this time, D.D. was practically the termi-
court to provide it. One result was that a e nus of the railway. Because of this, the town
M nil k II and his Empress decided to found profited much and became a “boom city”, at-
the first hotel in Addis Abäba ( tege aytu Ho- tracting most of the trade which formerly
tel, originally aytu’s own house). In Addis passed through Harär. By 1902 the Ethiopian
Abäba D. was also provided to a large number of government, anticipating the future economic
people including retired palace workers. Ac- importance of D.D., had already transferred the
cording to an unpublished source D. was abol- customs station for trade with the Red Sea from
ished by ras Täfäri Mäkwänn n (later aylä ildessa to D.D.
D.D. developed into two settlements separated
llase I) during the 1920s because of abuses
by the Däkato River, which was dry for most of
surrounding it. Imperial D. could also be seen
the year and became a torrent only when it
mirrored in many noble and provincial courts.
Hotels rained. The north-western part of the town was
Src.: notes of the author; BeckHuntAlm 80; THMDic planned and constructed very regularly, mostly
1029; DTWDic 386. by the engineers of the railway company. At
Lit.: PETER GARRETSON, A History of Addis Ababa from first, this part of the town mostly housed the
its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49), employees of the railway company, but it later
33f.; PankEcon 513f.; ROBERT PEET SKINNER, Abyssinia attracted, besides the French, also Greeks, Arme-
of Today, London 1906, 57ff.
Peter Garretson nians, other Europeans and Arabs, who opened
shops and hotels and founded some industry as
well. In 1909 the French Capuchin Mission
settled in D.D. At that time, D.D. looked like a
D rre Dawa
French town. The other part of the town, south-
History of D rre Dawa east of the river, concentrated around the market
The region of D.D. (;>y 9` ; Somali: Dirir- and was inhabited mainly by Ethiopian, Somali
dhabbe, ‘Road of War’) was already populated and a few Arab traders.
by human beings in Mesolithic times, as re- In September 1916 the fleeing troops of l
vealed by rock paintings and Middle-Stone-Age Iyasu took hold of the town. Though l
artefacts in the cave of Porc-Épic, only a few Iyasu’s governor there, the Syrian a b al-
kilometres from D.D. The present-day town of Idlib ( Ydlibi), assured their security, 400
134
D rre Dawa
Europeans left the town and the rail traffic had by the Allied forces from Harär. The town
to be suspended. After the battle of M eso remained under British Military Administra-
(M eso), the governmental troops from Addis tion, being the headquarters for the British
Abäba re-established a regular administration. Reserved Areas ( Ogaden), till it was handed
During the 1920s, the south-eastern part of the over to the Ethiopian government in 1947. In
town also started to develop. Its inhabitants were the following decades the town greatly ex-
mostly Somali and Oromo, the other Ethiopians panded and the population grew to 160,000.
playing only a minor role. The population here The infrastructure was ameliorated and several
grew to 3,000, while that of the whole town industrial plants were established.
numbered about 20,000. Between the two World D.D. again played a role in the Ethio-Somali
Wars, two hospitals were established in D.D., War of 1977/78. It was besieged by the Somali
one by the railway company and another in 1934 troops till November 1977, when the Ethiopi-
by the government. Education on a primary level ans, Cubans and Russians under general Vasiliy
was provided by a government school, a Catholic Petrov took the offensive and pushed the So-
mission school and several schools for the differ- mali back. In May 1979, 250 Oromo who were
ent foreign communities in the town (Greek, detained in the prisons of D.D. were executed
Italian, Indian). by the Därg regime.
On 9 May 1936 D.D. was occupied by Italian Lit.: ENRICO BROTTO, “Dire Daua”, Rivista delle Colonie
troops coming from Harär, after Senegalese 12, 1938, 37–44; EDWARD ULLENDORFF, “Dire Dawa”,
in: EI2, vol. 2, 1965, 317; CATHERINE PERLÈS, “Réexamen
troops from Djibouti had prevented looting typologique de l’industrie du Porc Épic (Éthiopie): les
during the period of interregnum. Badoglio and pointes et pièces pointues”, L’Archéologie 78, 1974, 529–
Graziani celebrated their meeting on the rail- 52; JOHN DESMOND CLARK – KENNETH D. WILLIAMS –
way station of D.D. The Italians constructed JOSEPH W. MICHAELS – CURTIS A. MAREAN, “A Middle
Stone Age Occupation Site at Porc Epic at Dire Dawa
several new buildings in D.D., especially for the (East-Central Ethiopia)”, African Archaeological Review 2,
administration and the Fascist party. They also 1984, 37–71; ROSANNA VAN GELDER DE PINEDA, Le
improved the roads and enlarged the airport so chemin de fer de Djibouti à Addis-Abeba, Paris 1995, 268–
that their military planes could take off from there 71; Guida 432–35 (with map); PankHist II, 271–74.
to bomb the patriot forces in the Gara Mulläta. Ewald Wagner
As for other towns, the Italians conceived a “pi- Modern D rre Dawa
ano regolatore” for the construction of an Italian The town of D.D. is located 531 km east of
town in D.D. However, their occupation ended Addis Abäba and 55 km north-west of Harär at
before they could complete these plans. an elevation of 1,160 m A.S.L. The town was the
In June 1940 the British started to bomb the capital of the awra a by the same name, and
town and on 29 March 1941 D.D. was liberated after 1974 the capital of the awra a D rre
Dawa–Issa–Gurgura. In 1991 D.D. was included
in Oromiyaa, it borders upon the Somali k ll l in
the east and the Afar k ll l in the north. In 1998,
the town of D.D. became the capital of the D.D.
provisional administration, independent from
Oromiyaa, with Amharic as its official language.
D.D. is an important trading centre, since it is
half way between Djibouti and Addis Abäba and
stands at the crossroads of Harär and Asäb.
During the Därg period, the Taiwan market
merchants (contrabandists) openly sold goods
coming “through the desert” from the Djibouti
Free Zone in D.D. (GasÉth 134).
Climatically D.D. lies in the qwälla zone. The
o
town’s average temperature is about 25.3 C. The
o
mean minimum temperature is 19.1 C, while
o
the mean maximum temperature is 31.4 C. The
town has low precipitation, which is unevenly
135
D rre Dawa
were rented from private house owners. In 1994

the town of D.D. had 73,324 immigrants, over
half of whom had been in the city for more than
ten years.
D.D. is an important cultural centre, one of
the major printing presses of the country is
located here.
Lit.: OFFICE OF POPULATION AND HOUSING CENSUS
COMMISSION (ed.), Results for Dire Dawa Provisional
Administration, part 1, Addis Ababa 1995; CSA 2000;
CSA 2004; YALEW SEIFU HABTE, The Development of
Natural Resources in Dire Dawa Administrative Council,
D rre Dawa; photo by J. Steinlehner in the early 1930’s; Senior essay, Department of Geography, Addis Ababa
from the collection of Ulrich Hartenburg University 1997; HENRI BALDET, Urban Study of Dire
Dawa, Addis Ababa 1970; MEKETE BELACHEW, “Spatial
distributed throughout the year. There are two Aspects of Urbanization in Ethiopia: with Emphasis on
rainy seasons: a short one between March and the Primate Pattern of Urban Development”, EJDR 12,
2, April 1990; GasÉth 134.
April and a long one from July to September.
Mekete Belachew
Water is scarce throughout the year, reaching its
climax towards the end of the dry season.
According to the 1994 Population and Hous-
ing Census, the population of the town of D.D. D rsan
was 173,188 (plus 86,769 rural population, to- The G z verb 6:A (däräsä), which has several
gether amounting to 251,864 in the entire D.D. Semitic parallels, describes the exegetical or
administration). According to the statistical esti- homiletic activity developed by an ecclesiastical
mates, the urban population grew up to 229,000 interpreter or därasi. Consequently, its deriva-
in 2000 and 272,000 in 2004. The religious com- tive D. (;?D# ) applies to the written result of
position of the population was in 1994 as follows: this activity, i.e. to a new composition written
63.3% Muslims; 34.3% Orthodox Christians; to explain the sense of the Scriptures. The title
1.5% Protestants; 0.7% Catholics; and 0.1% D. (commonly translated as ‘homily’) usually
other religions. The ethnic composition of this stands for a text devoted to a specific theological
Council consisted of 48% Oromo; 27% Amhara; argument, whereas the term t rgwame (lit.
13.9% Somali and 4.5% Gurage. ‘translation’) refers by extension to a systematic
The sources of drinking water consisted of: taps commentary such as the catenae patrum, e.g.,
inside houses (1,259 households); taps in private t rgwame qalat or t rgwame wängelat (‘Com-
compounds (3,594); taps in shared compounds mentary on the [Four] Gospels’). Any treatise
(3,514); taps outside compounds (25,577); pro- or homily of a Church father, including the
tected well and spring water (217); unprotected fathers of the Ethiopian Church, who were
well and spring water (156); river and pond water mostly anonymous, can be called D.
(5). The census showed that 7,487 housing units The titles of Ethiopian homilies commonly
had no toilets; 1,662 housing units had private run according to the following structure: 1) D.,
flush-toilets; 10,300 housing units had private pit- 2) the relative zä- followed by the name of the
latrines; and 13,718 housing units had shared pit- author, 3) the preposition bä ntä followed by
latrines. In the town of D.D. 10,373 housing units the indication of the argument, e.g., ;?D#y
had private electricity-reading meters. 20,702 rLcItFy (&#Hy 87Fy _=#F (D rsan
housing units had shared electricity-reading zätewoflos bä ntä q ddus Yo ann s, ‘Homily
meters; 911 housing units had lanterns; 2,073 of Theophilus concerning St. John’).
housing units used kerosene for lighting and When the argument is a divine personality or
3,999 housing units had other lighting sources. a doctrinal concept, the title of the book is made
The type of tenure for the housing units com- of the word D. in status constructus, followed
prised the following: 13,951 were owner-occupied; by the personal name of the celebrated religious
10,216 were rented from qäbäles; 1,294 were figure: e.g., D rsanä ma yäwi (‘Homily on
rented from the Public Housing Agency; 429 the Life-Giver or Healer’, i.e., Christ);
were rented from other organizations; and 5,636 D rsanä änbät (‘Homily on the Sabbath’);
136
D rsanä Gäbr el
D rsanä llase (‘Homily on the Trinity’); D rsanä Abr ham wäsara bäg b
and, in the Betä sra el context, D rsanä D.A. (;?D|y !-?Uzy ]D=y (P-e , ‘Homily
Abr ham wäs ra bäg b (‘Homily on Abraham on Abraham and Sarah in Egypt’), credited to
and Sarah in Egypt’). The same construction St. Ephrem of Syria, is a G z tractate con-
appears in D rsanä Ragu el (‘Homily [in cerning Gen 12:10–20. In many manuscripts
Honour] of [the Archangel] Raguel’), and in (cf., e.g., EMML 1496, of the 14th–15th cent.) it
D rsanä Ura el (‘Homily [in Honour] of [the follows the Testaments of Abraham (Gädlä
Archangel] Uriel’), both containing eschatologi- Abr ham), Isaac (Gädlä Y s aq), and Jacob
cal revelations and thus belonging to the (Gädlä Ya qob), and the four works appear
apocalyptic genre. to have formed a single unit. The attribution
The word D. can designate not only a separate indicates it was originally a Syriac work (Baum-
text, but also a homiliary, i.e. a collection of stark 1922:49, n. 3), which was translated into
texts having a religious figure as the main char- Arabic (GrafLit vol. 1, 426). It was probably
acter: e.g., D rsanä Gäbr el; D rsanä translated from Arabic into G z in either the
Maryam; D rsanä Mika el; D rsanä Rufa el. 14th or 15th cent. It is one of the most popular
In this case, different units composing the col- works among the Betä sra el. D.A. appears
lection belong to the hagiographic rather than to in four manuscripts (nos. 9, 10, 12, 13) in the
the homiletic genre, since they contain mostly Faïtlovitch collection housed in the Sarousky
narratives of miracles ( Tä amm r) performed Library of Tel Aviv University, and in at least
by a religious figure ( Hagiography). one privately-owned manuscript.
The most ancient Ethiopic corpus of homilies D rsan
is the 6th-cent. Qer llos, so named in honour Src.: ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “Une homélie éthiopienne,
of Cyril of Alexandria, the author of three trea- attribuée à Saint Mari Éphrem, sur le séjour d’Abraham
tises opening this patristic collection attested et Sara en Égypte”, in: PATRICK CRAMER (ed.), Mélanges
Antoine Guillaumont, Genève 1989 (Cahiers
only in Ethiopic. For centuries Ethiopian theol- d’orientalisme 20), 173–85; EMML 1496.
ogy founded its “monophysite” character on Lit.: GrafLit vol. 1, 426; ANTON BAUMSTARK, Geschichte
these texts, which had been translated from der syrischen Literatur mit Ausschluß der christlich-
Greek. Among the collections of D., the homi- palästinensischen Texte, Bonn 1922, 49, n. 3; STEVEN
KAPLAN, “The Literature of the Beta Israel (Falasha): a
lies transmitted by mss. EMML 1763, London Survey of the Biblical-Hebraic Tradition”, Khristiansky
BritLib Orient. 8192 (= Strelcyn 56) and Vostok new ser. 1 [7], 1999, 199-223, here 110.
EMML 7062 and 8509 deserve special mention Steven Kaplan
both because they are arranged according to the
yearly cycle of the liturgical feasts and because
they contain various texts partially translated D rsanä Gäbr el
from Greek. Another noteworthy collection is The D.G. (;?D|y K-?%s , ‘Homily [in Hon-
the G brä mamat, the Lectionary for the our] of [the Archangel] Gabriel’) is a G z trac-
Passion Week, i.e. a collection of several homi- tate, depending on Arabic Vorlage, devoted to
lies of Greek and Oriental Church fathers. In the nature of the archangel, his glory as a creature
this last case a further distinction is made be- of God and his miraculous deeds. It is basically a
tween two words describing the homilies: the prayer-book through which believers ask for
more common D. and HPRe (täg a ), which Gabriel’s intercession and other blessings, such as
means ‘admonition’ and corresponds to Lat. healing. The D.G. contains such elements as
paraenesis (Gr. , ). d rsan in its strict sense (homily), tä amm r
Src.: StrBritLib 89–92, no. 56 [Orient. 8192]; EMML vol. ( Miracles), arke and mälk . In the title, the
5, 218–31, no. 1763; nos. 7062, 8509 [not yet catalogued].
term d rsan is used in a broader sense as referring
Lit.: GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Appunti sulla patristica
greca di tradizione etiopica”, Studi classici e orientali 38, to the whole book, as is the case of other Ethio-
1988, 469–93; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “Aethiopica pian works, e.g., the D rsanä Mika el.
minima”, Quaderni utineni 8 [13-14], 1989 [1993], 145-64, The D.G. is traditionally divided into 12 sec-
here 150, 161ff. [iv. “EMML 7602: «il Libro dei Santi» di tions for each month of the Ethiopian calendar,
Tullu Guddo”]; DELIO VANIA PROVERBIO, La recensione
etiopica dell’omelia pseudocrisostomica de ficu exarata ed il beginning with the month of Ta a , in which
suo tréfonds orientale, Wiesbaden 1998 (AeF 50). the angel’s feast-day falls. The part of the D.G.
Gianfrancesco Lusini for the 13th month ( agw men) is covered by the
137
D rsanä Gäbr el
D rsanä Rufa el, as 3 agw men is the feast- D rsan

day of St. Raphael. In some manuscripts the text Src.: DillmLond 46f., no. 40 [Add. 16254]; CRAbb IV,
is divided into seven sections, one for each day 190, no. 182 [BN d’Abbadie 29]; GreTisVat 627f. [Vat.
of the week, and the miracles are grouped to- Aeth. 169]; ENRICO CERULLI, “I manoscritti etiopici
della Bibliothèque Royale di Bruxelles”, RRALm ser. 8a,
gether in a separate section (Vat. Aeth. 82). 9, 1954, 516–21, here 520 [ms. II 6836]; HamTana II, 91f.
Each d rsan in the D.G. should be read on the ms. n see 76 = Dabra M ry m 18.
19th day of the month. Each section commences Gianfrancesco Lusini
in the name of the Holy Trinity and preaches
Christian ethics, the birth, teaching and crucifix-
ion of Jesus Christ, the glory of Mary, Mary’s
D rsanä Maryam
journey with Jesus through the desert of Egypt, The title D.M. (;?D|y x?\z , ‘Homily [in
the glory of the angels (the text honours them Honour] of Mary’) does not refer exclusively to
summarizing their miraculous deeds and justify- one text, but conventionally indicates a number
ing them through the Bible). Additionally, the of homiletic, hagiographic or apocalyptic works
creation of the angels, the fall of Satan and the fall sharing the veneration of the Virgin Mary.
of Adam are included. Each d rsan ends by re- Written at different times, they were frequently
questing the intercession of the angel and, some- based upon Arabic models. Two works under
times, by the saints whom the angel had helped. this title are pre-eminent, both of them trans-
We do not know when the D.G. was translated lated from Arabic, apparently around the mid-
from its Arabic original; but the most ancient ms. or in the second half of the 14th cent., at the time
( n see 3) dates back to the 18th cent. when the intellectual figure of abunä Sälama
Angels; D rsan “the Translator” dominated G z literature.
Src.: GreTisVat 309–13, ms. Vat. Aeth. 82; HamTana II, The ;?D#y (&#Hy *(Yy l-=y n&Pw&M|y
95f., ms. n see 3 = Kebr n 3; ;?D|y K-?%s| H!z:y x?\z (D rsan ba ntä bäyä k bra lä gz t nä
K-?%sy P*w!y !x?1 (D rsanä Gäbr el, tä amm rä maryam, ‘Homily on the magnificence of the
Gäbr el, g z nna amar ñña, ‘The Homiliary of honour of our Lady Mary’), also known as the
Gabriel, the Miracles of Gabriel, in G z and Amharic’),
Addis Abäba 1992 A.M. [1999/2000 A.D.].
Vision of Mary, is attributed to St. John
Lit.: SAMUEL YALEW, Narrative Structure of Tä amm ratä (Yo ann s wäldä Zäb dewos). According to the
Mäla kt, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 2000. explicit, the Virgin Mary herself was the first to
Samuel Yalew have the vision, inspired by her son: tä fä
ra ya gz t nä Maryam zä ar aya wälda (‘The
vision of our Lady Mary is finished here, that her
D rsanä ma yäwi son showed her’). Then, Mary appeared to the
The D.m. (;?D|y xBY_, ‘Homily on the Life- Evangelist and disclosed to him the things she
Giver or Healer’, i.e., Christ) is an anonymous saw in the places where blessed and damned men
homily on the Passion with no parallels in Arabic respectively would live at the end of time. At
literature. In part of the manuscript tradition, its least in one case, this religious subject provided
title is D rsan ma yäwi (‘Life-Giving Homily’ the occasion for a cycle of 25 illuminations,
or ‘Healing Homily’): s. among others, ms. Lon- transmitted, e.g., in 18th/19th-cent. manuscript of
don, BritMus Add. 16254, and Paris, BN the Biblioteca Forteguerriana of Pistoia (ms.
d’Abbadie 29. This is possibly the right form, the Martini Etiop. no. 5 [Zanutto no. 2]).
previous one being but a trivialization out of There is another important text, which is of-
analogy with other well-known titles of G z ten transmitted under the title D.M. and prop-
literature ( D rsanä Maryam, D rsanä Mi- erly called ;?D#y (&#Hy &Pw&M|y x?\zy ]
ka el etc.). At the beginning, the text also includes (&#Hy ,Hy rd6 =My zFny I4?y ]s9y
the title Mä afä or D rsanä mamatihu (6-:y 4F6z (D rsan bä ntä gz t nä
wämotu lä gzi nä (‘Book’ or ‘Homily on the Maryam wäbä ntä bet zä adärät m slä f qur
Passion and Death of Our Lord’). wälda bädäbrä qusqam, ‘Homily on our Lady
The work is divided in seven parts that corre- Mary and the house in which she lived with her
spond to reading units for the week days and to beloved son over the Mount Qusqam’), or briefly
w w
the day hours as well (completorium, nocturnae, the Homily on Mount Q sq am. This text, at-
prima, tertia, sexta, nona, vesperae, s. HamTana tributed to patriarch Theophilus of Alexandria
II, 91). The text is still unpublished. (385–412), deserves particular attention, since, ac-
138
D rsanä Mika el
cording to an Ethiopian tradition, the events

told here are connected to the first appearance
of Christianity in Ethiopia. This tradition,
first and foremost connected with the Egyptian
monastery Dayr al-Mu arraq, was later ap-
plied to the Eritrean monastery of Däbrä Si ät,
i.e. Däbrä Sina, as well and is told in the
D rsanä Ura el and the Zena Däbrä Sina
(‘Story of Däbrä Sina’) by A rätä Maryam.
According to the explicit of this D.M., wä anä
Gerlos sämi yä bä abä abba Tä ofilos zäntä
nägärä ä afku (‘I, Cyril, having heard this
speech from abba Theophilus, I wrote’), the
work was written by a certain Cyril after hear-
ing the story from Theophilus’s mouth. Here,
the spelling of the Patriarch’s name is notewor-
thy, because the form Tä ofilos could trace back
to a tradition older than that reflected by the
most common Arabic-derived form Tewoflos.
Mary; D rsan
Src.: MARIUS CHAÎNE, Apocrypha de beata Maria Virgine,
Louvain 1909 [repr. 1955] (CSCO 39, 40 [SAe 22, 23]), 53–
80 (text) = 45–68 (tr.); CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il discorso St. Euphemia delivered from the devil by the Archangel
su monte Coscam attribuito a Teofilo d’Alessandria nella Michael coming out of his icon; miniature from ms.
versione etiopica”, RRALm ser. 5a, 10, 1912, 395–471. D rsanä Mika el, Mäd ane Aläm Church, Mändabba,
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Manoscritti ed opere abissine Lake ana; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
in Europa”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1899, 606–37, here 612f.;
A RATA M RY M, Storia del convento di Debra Sina, ed. presents an entirely different distribution of
by IGNAZIO GUIDI, Roma 1910; ANDRÉ CAQUOT, texts: 1. Timothy of Alexandria ( dar), 2.
“L’homélie en l’honneur de l’archange Ouriel (Ders na Anonymous (Ta a ), 3. Yo ann s Metropolitan
Ur ’ l)”, AE 1, 1 955, 61–88; CANT 90f., no. 150;
GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “I codici etiopici del fondo of Ethiopia (from G nbot to r), 4.Yo ann s
Martini nella Biblioteca Forteguerriana di Pistoia”, Bishop of Aksum (from Säne to Yäkkatit), 5.
Aethiopica 5, 2002, 156–76. Anonymous (from Yäkkatit to Mäggabit), 6.
Gianfrancesco Lusini Yo ann s Bishop of Aksum (from amle to
Miyazya), 7. Homily of a patriarch of Antiochia
(from Mäggabit to G nbot), 8. Anonymous
D rsanä Mika el (from Nä ase to Säne), 9. Anonymous (from
The core of the D.M. ( ;?D|y wj%s , ‘Homily q mt to amle), 10. Epiphanius of Cyprus
[in Honour] of [the Archangel] Michael’) is a (from r to Nä ase), 11. Yo ann s the Ortho-
collection of twelve homilies in honour of the dox (from Miyazya to Mäskäräm), 12. Anony-
Archangel, one for each month of the year. In mous (from Mäskäräm to q mt).
most manuscripts the texts are ordered as fol- The original order is unknown, and so are the
lows: 1. Timothy of Alexandria ( dar), 2. reasons for the rearrangement of texts (often
Anonymous (Ta a ), 3. Epiphanius of Cyprus provided with original illuminations, especially
th
( r), 4. Anonymous (Yäkkatit), 5. Homily of a in the case of 18 -cent. luxurious exemplars, s.
patriarch of Antiochia (Mäggabit), 6. Yo ann s Fiaccadori in MiscAethKur, 65ff.). The inner
the Orthodox (Miyazya), 7. Yo ann s Metro- order of the D.M. reflects an Arabic tradition.
politan of Ethiopia (G nbot), 8. Yo ann s After the homilies, each monthly lecture contains
Bishop of Aksum (Säne), 9. Yo ann s Bishop of three shorter texts, which are an original Ethiopic
Aksum ( amle), 10. Anonymous (Nä ase), 11. addition to the Arabic Vorlage, arranged ac-
Anonymous (Mäskäräm), 12. Anonymous cording to the following scheme: 1) a miracle of
( q mt). The attribution of the texts to different Michael, 2) a story extracted from the S nk ssar
authors varies from one manuscript to another. and related to an intervention of the Archangel,
Moreover, a group of manuscripts consistently 3) a sälam in his honour. This order changes
139
D rsanä Mika el
frequently in the various manuscripts, as does the anonymous preacher reports the vision seen by
absence of one or more sections. Among the a e L bnä D ng l just before the stability and
elements composing the monthly lectures, the the peace of his reign were compromised by
miracles are particularly worthy of further study im m A mad b. Ibr h m al- z (Grañ).
in order to ascertain whether certain texts reflect In the D.R. the responsibility for the ravages
earlier traditions tracing directly back to Byzan- provoked by the appearance of Grañ, and by
tine hagiographic literature. The text of D.M. is the consequent Oromo expansion, is attributed
yet to be critically edited. to the same L bnä D ng l, guilty of several sins,
th
In the middle of the 18 cent. richly decorated especially that of pride. Appearing in a dream to
manuscripts of D.M. appear. Their miniatures in the Emperor, the Virgin Mary discloses the
the so-called Second Gondärine style of painting punishments that will fall upon him and the
illustrate miracles of the archangels and the com- Ethiopian people, but at the same time she
memorative texts describe the intervention of the guarantees the survival of the Christian monar-
archangels on behalf of some biblical and his- chy of Solomonic lineage. Next to the Virgin
torical figures (e.g., Moses, Constantine the Mary the Archangel Raguel ( =L%sy us!gy
Great). Since in both cases the texts are divided -?U!M, Ragu el, mäl akä b rhanat, ‘Ragu el,
into 12 monthly reading, the usual cycle of pic- the Announcer of the Lights’) stood, pro-
tures includes 24 episodes. They are introduced nouncing a number of mysterious prophecies ex
by a set of the frontispieces usually depicting eventu, especially related to the destiny of
Michael riding a horse and wearing a sumptuous L bnä D ng l’s four sons: the first-born
royal garment, the archangel rescuing the souls Fiq or, doomed to die in a battle against the
from hell and taking them to Paradise, the Mai- Muslims around 1538–40, the two future em-
estas Domini or Trinity attended either by him perors Gälawdewos and Minas, and
alone or accompanied by 24 Heavenly Priests. Ya qob, whose family branch ascended the
In particularly sumptuous manuscripts, mira- Ethiopian throne starting with a e Sus nyos.
cles and biblical stories are divided into many Since the Gondärine kingdom, the Archangel
episodes displayed on two or three pages. The Ragu el became a protector of the royal house;
cycle is closed by a couple of full-paged minia- and this role persisted until the end of the 19th
tures representing the last Judgement. cent., when the n o o Ragu el church was
Angels; D rsan founded. In fact, a redaction of the D.R., fol-
Src.: ;?D|y wj%s| ;?D|y ;G%s| usl!y wj%sy lowed by short conclusions in Amharic, can be
]usl!y ;G%sy (P*w!y (!x?1 (D rsanä Mika el, dated to the reign of M nil k II. These tradi-
d rsanä Rufa el, mälk a Mika el wamälk a Rufa el tions connecting L bnä D ng l to the rise of
bäg z nna bä amar ñña, ‘The Homily of Michael, the Grañ, the origins of the Oromo and the diffu-
Homily of Raphael, the Image of Michael and the Image of th
Raphael, in G z and in Amharic’], Addis Abäba 1992
sion of pagan habits are the subject of a 17 -
A.M. [1999/2000 A.D.]; AfrZion no. 121; DAVID cent. literary cycle in Amharic. It includes the
APPLEYARD, Ethiopian Manuscripts, London 1993, nos. History of the Galla and of the Vision of L bnä
17, 57, 67; EMML 569; DEBORA HOROVITZ (ed.), Ethio- D ng l, the Story of Wäyzäro Agaya and a short
pian Art: the Walters Museum, Baltimore 2001, no. 15. chronological note entitled The Time Given by
Lit.: GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI, “Un «atto feudale» del
negu Bakâffâ (1721-30). John Rylands University Library,
the Lord to the Galla is 200 Years (Yägalla
Eth. MS. 28, f. 1”, in: MiscAethKur 63-69, here 65ff. and n. zämän gzi ab er yäsä äw 200 amät näw, s.
17-19 (Lit.); HamSixBerl 173f., no. 86 [orient. oct. 2887] (Lit.); Lusini 1991–92; Lusini in: PICES 11, vol. 1).
PAOLO MARRASSINI, “I manoscritti etiopici della Biblioteca Angels; D rsan
Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze”, RSE 31, 1987 [1988],
69–110, here 77–87, ms. 14 [Acquisizioni e doni 776] (Lit.). Src.: ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “L’homélie en l’honneur de
l’archange Raguel (Ders na R gu’ l)”, AE 2, 1957, 91–122;
;?D|y =L%s| H!z:y =L%sy (P*w!y (!x?1|
usl!y =L%sy (sD|y P*w (D rsanä Ragu el, tä am-
m rä Ragu el, bäg z nna bä amar ñña. Mälk a Ra-
D rsanä Ragu el gu el, bäl ssanä g z, ‘The Homily of Raguel, Miracles
The D.R. (;?D|y =L%s , ‘Homily [in Honour] of Raguel, in G z and in Amharic. The Image of Ra-
of [the Archangel] Ragu el’) is an original com- guel, in G z Language’), Addis Abäba 1982 A.M.
[1989/90 A.D.].
position belonging to the apocalyptic genre, the Lit.: ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “Histoire amharique de Gr ñ et
most ancient textual kernel of which can be des Gallas”, AE 2, 1957, 123–43; BTafA 78–85;
dated to the beginning of the 17th cent. The GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “Documenti per la storia
140
D rsanä sänbät
degli Oromo”, Egitto e Vicino Oriente 14–15, 1991–92, sical Ethiopic literature. Composed in the form
163–69; ID., “Tradizioni amariche sulle origini degli of a sermon or homily (cp. D rsan), these texts
Oromo”, Annali IUO 53, 1993, 267–77; ID., “Docu-
ments on the History of the Oromo”, in: PICES 11, vol. usually belong to the extensive literary produc-
1, 641–47. tion prompted by the polemics on the Sabbath
Gianfrancesco Lusini – a cause of violent controversies in Ethiopia.
One of the works styled as D.S. is tradition-
ally attributed to Jacob of Serug (d. 512), the
D rsanä Rufa el famous Syrian ecclesiastical author. Over ten
D.R. (;?D|y ;G%s , ‘Homily [in Honour] of manuscripts of this D.S. have come to notice so
[the Archangel] Raphael’) is a composition th th
far, almost all dating to the 18 -19 (except for
traditionally attributed to John Chrysostomos. th
EMML 3200, probably from the 17 ) cent. No
The original nucleus of the text was translated similar work seems to be attested in the literary
from Arabic at an uncertain date, possibly to- corpus of Jacob of Serug as it is known today;
wards the end of the 14th cent. The attribution to this D.S. is most probably a pseudoepigraph,
Chrysostomos appears already in Coptic tradi- written by an Ethiopian and deliberately attrib-
tion, with two different versions of the work. In uted to a reputed writer. In the colophon of this
Ethiopia only one text is known, to be read on 3 D.S. the name of R tu a Haymanot may be
an-Nas , corresponding to 3 agw men of the occasionally interpolated, rather as an epithet
Ethiopian calendar. (“Orthodox”) of Jacob of Serug (ms. London,
The true homily is followed by a collection of BritLib Add. 16,222, s. DillmBodl 22; ms. Tel-
miracles, distinguished in the manuscripts under Aviv, Faitlovitch n. 34, s. Wurmbrand
the title H$z:y ;G%s (Tä amm rä Rufa el). 1964:346); in fact, a certain R tu a Haymanot is
This part of the text particularly reveals historian alleged author of the Homily on the Sabbaths
cal elements, such as the veracious detail of (;?D#y (&#Hy A#(KM, D rsan bä ntä sän-
Empress Eudoxia’s hostility toward John bätat; s. Lusini 1988; Fiaccadori 1992:XXXI),
Chrysostomos. It also reflects important ancient th th
still another, 13 or 14 -cent. text belonging to
traditions, such as those related to Theodosius I the Sabbath polemics.
and to his sons and successors Arcadius and The D.S. attributed to Jacob of Serug has been
Honorius, protagonists of narratives describing partially translated by Max Wurmbrand (1964);
many prodigious interventions of St. Raphael. the G z text was published with an Amharic
The text is still unpublished. translation by the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa-
Angels; D rsan do Church (from unspecified manuscripts, s.
Src.: ;?D|y wj%s| ;?D|y ;G%s| usl!y wj%sy
Gäbrä Kidan Bäzzabb h et al. 1947; Täsfa
]usl!y ;G%sy (P*w!y (!x?1 (D rsanä Mika el
d rsanä Rufa el mälk a Mika el wämälk a Rufa el Gäbrä llase 1959). The homily can be divided
bäg z nna bä amar ñña, ‘The Homily of Michael. The into four parts (cp. Wurmbrand 1964:347ff.),
Homily of Raphael. The Image of Michael and the Image loosely connected to each other and dealing
of Raphael, in G z and in Amharic’), Addis Abäba with various topics (the second and the third
1992 A.M. [1999/2000 A.D.].
Lit.: GreTisVat 521–26, ms. Vat. Aeth. 130; FRANCISCO
parts being thematically more coherent than the
MARIA ESTEVES PEREIRA, “Homilias de S. João first and the fourth parts): 1. On the glory and
Chrysostomo na literatura ethiopica”, Academia Real dignity of the Christian Sabbath (A#(Hy
das Sciencias de Lisboa. Separata do “Boletim da Segunda l ?FJ\# , Sänbätä kr stiyan ‘Christian Sabbath
Classe” 3, 5, 1910, 19; GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, [= Sunday]’) which is the day of Jesus’ resur-
“Appunti sulla patristica greca di tradizione etiopica”,
Studi Classici e Orientali 38, 1988, 469–93, here 487;
rection (s. Gäbrä Kidan Bäzzabb h et al.
DELIO VANIA PROVERBIO, La recensione etiopica 1947:47–59, chs. 1–7); 2. Moralistic exhortations
dell’omelia pseudocrisostomica de ficu exarata e il suo for laymen and clergy to lead a pious life; ad-
tréfonds orientale, Wiesbaden 1998 (AeF 50), 84f.; monitions not to spend the time for amuse-
ENRICO CERULLI, “Gli imperatori Onorio ed Arcadio ments during the sänbätä kr stiyan, but devote
nella tradizione etiopica”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 15–54.
Gianfrancesco Lusini it to the spiritual deeds and devotion to God;
instructions on how to pray, to go to church
etc. (ibid., 59–93, chs. 8–23); 3. The fate of the
D rsanä sänbät souls after death (ibid., 93–107, ch. 24); 4. Ex-
D.S. (;?D|y A#(M , ‘Homily on the Sabbath’) is hortations and admonitions for clergy and lay-
a generic title applied to a few works of the clas- men (ibid., 107–17, chs. 25–29).
141
D rsanä sänbät
Another important question stems from the (with no exegetical arguments), the position of
alleged literary relations and sources of the D.S. those who opposed the practice of Saturday
Wurmbrand, the first student of the work, ar- Sabbath (cp. Getatchew Haile 1983:244) – per-
gued that the author of the D.S. extensively haps some time after the reconciliation over this
used such texts as T zazä sänbät and issue in 1450 at the council of Däbrä M maq.
Mä afä mäla kt, which are known to be- Or else, less probably though, the work could
long in the Betä sra el literature: a portion of have been written in the earlier stages of the
T zazä sänbät (s. Halévy 1902:8–13) was Sabbath-controversy.
embedded into the first part of the D.S., while The second text entitled D.S. is an anonymous
Mä afä mäla kt (s. Halévy 1902:51–56) was apocalyptic composition presented as God’s
almost entirely included into the third part of it revelation to Ezra (s. abba Täsfa Gäbrä llase
(Wurmbrand 1964:348, 353). More recent re- 1959:5; cp. Gäbrä Kidan Bäzzabb h et al. 1947:15
searches, however, have convincingly demon- - the attribution to Jacob of Serug is secondary or
strated that the relationship between the D.S. false); in both Ethiopian editions ch. 19 appears
and the Betä sra el texts should be reversed as another short text, with a subtitle: ;?D#y
(Kaplan 1987). A closer investigation leaves 9Pzy r*w= (D rsan dag m zä zra, ‘The sec-
almost no doubt that the D.S. was the source ond homily of Ezra’). This D.S. does not corre-
and both T zazä sänbät and Mä afä spond to any of the books of Ezra that survived
mäla kt the recipients: while adapting the in the Ethiopic tradition, but is likely to form the
portions of the D.S. for their own texts and basis of yet another Betä sra el work, the
sake, the Betä sra el authors were not always apocalyptic treatise of Ezra (s. Halévy 1902:57–
successful in clearing the elements pointing to 79, 178–95), known from the manuscript acquired
the original religious denomination of the work by Faitlovich only (cp. Kaplan 1999:116f.).
(cp. Kaplan 1987:112–22); thus the process of Albeit thematically close to the Apocalypse of
adoption resulted in some inconsistencies and Ezra, the D.S. is not identical with it.
corruptions, which can only be explained if the D rsan
text of the D.S. is the source. Src.: EMML 1512, 1589, 1656, 1672, 2726, 1809, 3200,
The content of the D.S. is complex and needs 4017, 4362, 4435; DillmBodl 21ff., no. 18 [Add. ms. 16,
further investigation. Among its peculiarities, 222]; ;?D|y A#(M (D rsanä sänbät, ‘Homily of the Sab-
there is an account relating how St. Michael, bath’), ed. by abba GÄBRÄ KIDAN BÄZZABB H – aggafari
GÄBRÄ IYÄSUS – MÄŠÄŠA G ZZAW, Addis Abäba 1947
following the order of the personified “Chris- A.M. [1954/55 A.D.]; ibid. ed. by abba TÄSFA GÄBRÄ
tian Sabbath” (cp. the personified Church, LLASE, Addis Abäba 1959 A.M. [1966/67 A.D.]; MAX
Gäbrä Kidan Bäzzabb h et al. 1947, ch. 16), take WURMBRAND, “Le ‘Dersana Sanbat’. Une homélie
from Sheol all the convicted (who, of course, éthiopienne attribuée à Jacques de Saroug”, L’Orient
had observed the Sabbath rest on both days) syrien 8, 1963, 343–94, here 346–49; JOSEPH HALÉVY,
T zâza Sanbat (Commandements du Sabbat), Paris
and exempt them from tortures for the time 1902; LusStud 129–75.
from Friday evening till Monday (chs. 3–5). Lit.: ANTON BAUMSTARK, Geschichte der syrischen Lite-
There is a long didactic monologue of Jesus ratur, Bonn 1922, 151; GETATCHEW HAILE, “The Forty-
Christ with parables addressed to the Israelites Nine Hour Sabbath of the Ethiopian Church”, JSS 33,
1988, 233–54, here 244; GIANFRANCO FIACCADORI,
(chs. 20–22); in the third part of the D.S. the Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992, XXXI; ERNST HAM-
author explains that everyone’s deeds will be MERSCHMIDT, Stellung und Bedeutung des Sabbats in
“weighed” after death in order to determine Äthiopien, Stuttgart 1963 (Studia Delitzschiana 7), 62, no.
where the soul should be sent, good and evil 322; STEVEN KAPLAN, “Te’ezáza Sanbat: a Beta Israel
deeds being already registered by the Angel of Work Reconsidered”, in: S. SHAKED – D. SHULMAN – G.
G. STROUMSA (eds.), Gilgul: Essays on Transformation,
Light and the Angel of Darkness respectively Revolution and Permanence in the History of Religions,
(ch. 24). The author of the work speaks of two Leiden 1987 (Supplements to Numen 50), 107–24; STEVEN
Sabbaths (Saturday and Sunday), yet the Chris- KAPLAN, “The Literature of the Beta Israel (Falasha): a
tian one is presented as superior (the preface of Survey of a Biblical-Hebraic Tradition”, Hristiansky
the modern church edition of the D.S. under- Vostok new ser. 1, 1999, 199–223, here 104f., 110f.;
GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “L’omelia etiopica «Sui Sabati»
lines the honour of both the Sabbaths). di «Retu a Hâymânot»”, Egitto e Vicino Oriente 11, 1988,
The date of composition of the D.S. is uncer- 233–54; LusStud 16–27, 131–75.
tain: the work may expose, in a smoother way Denis Nosnitsin
142
Desa
D rsanä llase person. The last and longest revelation deals with
The title D. . (;?D|y TqE, ‘Homily on the the Archangel Uriel who, having gathered the
Trinity’) conventionally indicates an original blood poured out from the side of Christ on the
text drawn up at an uncertain date, possibly cross, spread it over different Ethiopian localities,
during the 15th cent. Different versions are determining in this way their destiny as relig-
known with important variants in both selec- ious centres. The list of these places sanctified
tion and distribution of the material. The rich- by contact with the blood of Christ is given in
ness of the textual tradition is reflected by the an approximately north-south order: Hagärä
fluctuation of the title, often attested in forms Nagran, theoretically in Eritrea, Däbrä Damo,
slightly differing from one manuscript to an- Aksum, Lake ayq, Däbrä Abbay, Däbrä Si ät,
other. In addition to D. . one can find the v!y i.e. Däbrä Sina in Eritrea, Lasta and an unidenti-
|K@vy nTqE (Zena nägäromu lä llase, fied Däbrä Qo ros in Mänz h or Mänz. Finally,
‘Story of the Acts of the Trinity’), or more sim- several Šäwan localities are enumerated, among
ply v!y TqE (Zena llase, ‘The Story of the which are G rarya, where Däbrä Libanos stands,
Trinity’), and ue=Dy TqE (Mä afä llase, n o o, Mount Z qwala and Lake Zway.
‘The Book of the Trinity’). Fragments of the The author of the D. U. was a learned cler-
D. . occur in another work, known under the gyman who exploited various works and tradi-
title A^Dy TqE (Säyfä llase, ‘Sword of the tions from Ethiopic literature. His homily
Trinity’; s. Lifchitz 1940:213–38). shows affinities with the Mä afä m s irä
The homily itself is divided into 13 reading sämay wäm dr by Bä aylä Mika el (15th cent.)
units, one for each month of the year. It is fol- and the Zena Däbrä Sina by A ratä Maryam
lowed by a collection of miracles, attributed to (beginning of the 20th cent.; Däbrä Sina). Un-
the awe-inspiring intervention of the Trinity, der the veil of apocalyptic revelation, the author
and by a final doxology divided into seven is arguing against the integration of recently
reading-units, one for each day of the week. The evangelized regions – in particular the religious
text is still unpublished. centres of Šäwa, where the new capital city lays,
D rsan founded by M nil k II – into the Christian
Lit.: SixDeu 306–17, no. 135 [ms. Hamburg, Cod. orient. Ethiopian tradition. The text of the D. U. was
409], (Lit.); DÉBORAH LIFCHITZ, Textes éthiopiens edited in 1955 by André Caquot on the basis of
magico-religieux, Paris 1940 (Travaux et mémoires de one single manuscript belonging to an Ethio-
l’Institut d’ethnologie 38), 213–38. pian private collection.
Angels; D rsan
Src.: ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “L’homélie en l’honneur de
l’archange Ouriel (Ders na Ur ’ l)”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88;
D rsanä Ura el ;?D|y &=%s| P*w!y !x?1| usl!y &=%sy
In Ethiopia the renown and the prestige of the (sD|y P*w (D rsanä Ura el, g z nna amar ñña.
Mälk a Ura el bäl ssanä g z, ‘The Homily of Uriel,
Archangel Uriel ( Ura el) are secured by the G z and Amharic. The Image of Uriel, in G z’), Addis
primary role he plays in such a highly esteemed Abäba, Miyazya 1985 A.M. [April–May 1993].
theological text as the Book of Enoch, in which Gianfrancesco Lusini
the archangel appears as the author of revelations.
The D. U. (;?D|y &=%s , ‘Homily [in Hon- Dervishes Mahdists
our] of [the Archangel] Uriel’) is an original
composition belonging to the apocalyptic genre, Desa
whose final redaction can be dated to the reign D. (:D , also däsa) is a long-standing and wide-
of a e M nil k II (1889–1913). spread system of communal land tenure in the
In the proem the work is assigned to a certain Eritrean Highlands; it is known also as š enna
Tewodo os, “son” of the Archbishops of B h- in Akkälä Guzay. Under D., all land found
n sa, disciple of Abrokoros, in his turn disciple within the territory of a village is conceived as
of Yo ann s “the beloved of the Lord” (i.e. John the common property of the community. Land
the Evangelist, with his pupil Prochorus). Aided title is based on residence and not on descent,
by a number of visions, Yo ann s explains to his such as in r sti ( r st). Land title is temporary,
followers the mystery of the Incarnation, i.e. the its length ranging from three to seven years
union of the two natures of Christ in one single according to which traditional law is involved.
143
Desa
The right to a share (g bri) pertains to each earth. The Afar Depression is a very wide area
married male who is permanently resident in the covered with salt plains at the northern end of
village, has already set up his own household the Great East African Rift system ( Rift Val-
( ša), and can give evidence of being a descen- ley) in Ethiopia. One of the lowest points on
dant of the common ancestor of the village earth in the continental land mass is present in
(wädäbbat). As a rule, women do not have the northern Afar in the Dallol Depression, spe-
right to a share. However, special rules, varying cifically called the Kobar Sink. The sink is some
according to which traditional law and time is 110 m B.S.L., daily temperatures there at times
considered, apply to unmarried women and reach a little above 50° C. The nomadic people of
widows, as well as to new settlers (ma kälay the Afar inhabit this region. It is one of the most
alet). Redistribution (wäräda) is carried out by sparsely populated parts of Ethiopia. For some
village elders (š magg llä, aqwari), usually in a time in the Cenozoic era, the Red Sea extended
group of three or multiples of three, according to the Afar region (Mohr 1970). When the sea
to a principle of equal treatment among villag- later evaporated, the products of evaporation and
ers. Plots are selected of comparable size and the salt remained in much of the Afar lowland
fertility, and nobody is usually entitled to hold plains and depressions. The annual rainfall is
shares in more than one village. People who are much lower than the 100 mm in most of the
not present, or eligible, when a certain wäräda Afar. As a result of low rainfall, high evapora-
takes place, have to wait until the next redistri- tion and the presence of salt deposits, the region
bution. However, some villages, to meet the is not favourable for sedentary cultivation. One
needs of individuals who may require land in of the main rivers of Ethiopia, the Awaš
the period between two redistributions, were crosses southern and central Afar. Unlike many
accustomed to set aside some spare g bri at the arid regions, the Afar Depression is character-
time of each allotment. ized by a series of saline lakes (Sebkha) such as
Land Tenure Af era ( Giulietti), Asale, Gamari, Afambo and
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, Principi di diritto consue– Abbe.
tudinario dell’Eritrea, Roma 1916; SIEGFRIED FREDERICK Many peripheral regions of Ethiopia are semi-
NADEL, “Land Tenure on the Eritrean Plateau”, Africa 16, 1, 1– arid, with an annual rainfall of no more than
21; FELICE OSTINI, Trattato di diritto consuetudinario
dell’Eritrea, Roma 1956; ALBERTO POLLERA, Il regime della 500 mm, and an altitude of no more than 1000 m
proprietà terriera in Etiopia e nella Colonia Eritrea, Roma 1913. A.S.L. These regions include the western low-
Lyda Favali lands in the Beni Šangul–Gumuz region and
the western Amhara region beyond Gondär,
Deserts and desertification the southern Ethiopian Rift Valley in the Omo
The word “Desert” refers to arid land with scat- valley, the eastern Ogaden region bordering
tered vegetation covered with sand or rocks, Somalia and the oorana region to the south,
where there is very little rain and few plants. close to the Kenyan border.
Most deserts are the consequence of global at- Climate; Environment
mospheric circulation and have existed since Src.: EMAtlas; ETHIOPIAN INSTITUTE OF GEOLOGICAL
earliest times, fluctuating in response to climatic SURVEYS (ed.), Geological Map of Ethiopia (at the scale
of 1:2,000,000), Addis Ababa, n. d.
changes over thousands of years. Lit.: ETHIOPIAN VALLEYS DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
Desertification is the process by which land AUTHORITY (ed.), Rift Valley Lakes Integrated Natural
changes into desert. Desertification results from Resources Development Master Plan, unpublished report,
a combination of factors: increased population Addis Ababa 1989; M.J. MAKIN – T.J. KINGHAM –
A.E.WADDAM et al., Prospects for Irrigation Develop-
pressure, extensive deforestation and soil ero- ment around Lake Ziway, Tolworth 1976 (Ministry of
sion, overgrazing, climatic changes etc. Deserti- Overseas Development, Report no. 26), 270; PAUL A.
fication has become a characteristic of the MOHR, Geology of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1970;
countries of the Sa l south of the Sahara due TENALEM AYENEW, The Hydrogeological System of the
to both climatic changes and land degradation Lake District Basin, Central Main Ethiopian Rift, Ph.D.
thesis, Free University of Amsterdam 1998, 259;
through human interference. TESFAYE CHERNET, Hydrogeologic Map of the Lakes
Strictly speaking there are no real deserts in Region (with Memo), Ethiopian Institute of Geological
Ethiopia, except for the Afar Depression, Surveys, Addis Ababa 1982.
which is one of the hottest and driest places on Tenalem Ayenew
144
Deutsche Aksum-Expedition
Desvages, Alexis
D. was a French printer who came to Ethiopia in
1910. First he served as the technical director of
the Imprimerie Éthiopienne, acting upon the
orders of the Ethiopian government. In 1913 he
founded his own printing house in Addis Abäba,
the Imprimerie Alexis Desvages. He launched a
weekly journal, Le Courrier d’Éthiopie, being
its editor until 1924, when he finally returned to
France. Between 1914 and 1917 D. was drafted
into the army and the newspaper’s publication
was therefore temporarily stopped. During
World WarI, D. also published Y5?y ]> (Yä or Participants of the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition welcomed
by the governor of T gray dä azma Gäbrä llase (from
wäre) – Les Nouvelles de la Guerre, a bulletin left to right: von Lüpke, Kaschke, Gäbrä llase with
that consisted of an Amharic translation of the Littmann, Krencker); photo courtesy of Brandenburgi-
Grand Quartier Général’s “communiqués” and sches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege und Archäologisches
other news from the front. Landesmuseum, Wünsdorf (No. 63u34/Sep. 231.17)
D. was also an occasional editor of manu-
sites and mapped the most impressive monu-
scripts. The catalogues of early printed Ethio- ments in Aksum, recording also some artefacts
pian books list several pedagogical and religious and inscriptions. The following monuments,
works. He also printed the Grammaire amarigna already described by travellers, missionaries and
of Joseph Baeteman (1923). scholars since the 16th cent. were carefully re-
Lit.: ALAIN ROUAUD, “Un journal éthiopien en langue corded: 1) the “Northern Stele Field” along the
française: Le Courrier d’Éthiopie, 1913–1936”, in: PICES
11, vol. 1, 711–24; ID., “Alexis Desvages, éditeur”, Les May a; 2) the “Southern stele field” at the
Nouvelles de l’Aresae 120, Novembre 1999, 3. base of May Qo o; 3) the “thrones” in front of
Alain Rouaud Maryam yon ( Aksum yon); 4) the ancient
foundations of Maryam yon; 5) the May Šum
cistern; 6) the hypogean tombs of Kaleb
Deutsche Aksum-Expedition ( nda Kaleb) and Gäbrä Mäsqäl; 7) the rock
The DAE conducted in 1906 the first compre- sculpture of a lioness at Gob dra.
hensive survey and test excavations at Aksum, In 1906 the DAE also collected data on other
and described many ancient remains visible unnoticed monuments: 1) a megalithic structure
along the road from Qo ayto to Aksum. ( Näfas Maw a); 2) a rock shrine (described as
The origins of the expedition lay in the activity a “rock-tomb”) at the southwestern side of May
of the German diplomat Friedrich Rosen (1856– Qo o; 3) some remains of buildings ( nda
1935), who was early in 1905 in Addis Abäba to Mika el, nda S m on, Tä a a Maryam
sign a treaty for the establishment of diplomatic Maryam, and Ruin A, Ruin B, Ruin C, Ruin D
relations between Ethiopia and Germany (12 in the western sector of the old town; 4) the
February 1905). Rosen convinced M nil k II to “Gudit (or Western) Stele Field” and the so-
allow studies there by suggesting that German called “Tomb of M nil k” on the plain to the
research would place Ethiopia into the line of south of Betä Giyorgis; 5) two ruins (Ruin E
nations with long outstanding history. Later, a and Ruin F) on the southern side of Betä Giy-
team financed by Kaiser Wilhelm II was formed. orgis; 6) the fruit presses at A afi; 7) ruins at
Headed by the leading Orientalists Enno nda Abba än älewon.
Littmann, it included the architect Daniel The DAE recorded the occurrence of a tu-
Krencker, the photographer and draughtsman mulus near the inscribed stele of Ezana in the
Theodor von Lüpke and the physician Erich Southern Stele Field. Unfortunately, this monu-
Kaschke. Counterpart of Littmann was the gov- ment was destroyed by the Italian army in 1937.
ernor of T gray, Gäbrä llase Barya Gab r, Finally, the DAE described aspects in the
who became of great help for the project. construction techniques of traditional architec-
Between 12 January and 5 April 1906, the ture, and as particularly remarkable recorded
mission conducted test excavations at different the following traditional houses and churches at
145
Deutsche Aksum-Expedition
Aksum and in the surrounding area: 1) the Development issues

house of dä azma Gäbrä llase, for the The understanding of D. has changed considera-
complicated structure of the building; 2) the bly over time. Until the 1960s, D. meant mod-
compound of ras Mängäša Yo ann s, to the ernization, and included anything that could help
south of nda Iyäsus, for the general structure the so-called “underdeveloped” countries to
of the buildings; 3) the church of nda Iyäsus; catch up with the “developed world”.
4) the cathedral of nda Maryam yon, for its In Ethiopia under Emperor aylä llase I,
massive construction and the general structure D. projects concerned both large-scale state
of the compound; 5) the church of the Four investments in industrialization, infrastructure,
Living Creatures (Arba tu ns sa); 6) the camp and education; and small scale efforts on the
of a e Yo ann s IV on the top of May Qo o hill, local level. Many areas had local “l mat com-
for its structure and spatial organization; 7) the mittees” (from Amh. sxM , l mat, ‘D.’) organ-
church of Abba Liqanos, for the general struc- izing local projects. These committees were
ture and its internal ceiling; 8) the church of under the control of the local nobility and or-
Mary Magdalene, at the base of the hill of Abba ganized the population for “self-help” efforts –
Liqanos; 9) the church of Abba än älewon. as long as they were in the nobility’s interest.
Unfortunately, some of these buildings – e.g. They sometimes attracted also material or per-
the churches of nda Iyäsus and Abba än äle- sonnel help from foreign donors.
won – were demolished during the 20th cent. In the 1960s, this concept of a simple time lag in
Other relevant sites recorded by the German “D.” was increasingly criticized as insufficient.
Expedition whilst on the way back to Massawa “Dependency” became a theoretical explanation
were Qo ayto, Käskäse, Tokonda , and for “underdevelopment”. Some authors blamed
Mä ära in Akkälä Guzay, Y a in T gray. the colonial powers for the poor countries’ “un-
Particularly significant are also the descriptions derdevelopment”, others attempted to show that
of the medieval constructed church at Däbrä the very political and economic structure of the
Damo, and the Old Church of Asmära ( nda “developed” world prevented the D. of the “un-
Maryam). The latter vanished; the description of derdeveloped” countries by preserving depend-
the DAE is almost the only detailed record ency and exploitation, and systematically distrib-
remaining. uting resources unevenly to the advantage of the
In 1913 the results were published in four vol- rich countries. In 1972 Walter Rodney in a book
umes, with 51 plates and 873 pictures. The report title took the word “underdeveloped” for a verb:
provides an exhaustive description of Aksumite How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dumont
architecture and remains still today the main (1962) denounced “false start in Africa” at the
reference work in Aksumite archaeology. The beginning of the independence period (1960s).
expedition also produced 37 wax cylinders with “Community D.” became a new branch in the
songs, preserved in their entirety in the Ethnolo- 1960s in Ethiopia, aiming at mobilizing local
gisches Museum Berlin, whilst archaeological efforts for self-D. within a community. A Min-
objects are housed in the Antikenmuseum Berlin. istry for Community Development was estab-
In May 2002 the First International Littmann lished, which tried to coordinate and support
Conference took place in Munich; the proceed- the efforts of “l mat committees” and also initi-
ings provide additional information on the DAE. ated larger D. projects. The “l mat farm” in
Architecture; Archeology Arba M n , for example, opened up the area
Src.: DAE I–IV; ENNO LITTMANN, “Preliminary Report for modern mechanized agriculture – at the
of the Princeton Expedition to Abyssinia”, ZA 20, 1907, expense of the Gu i herders who used the
171–72; FELIX ROSEN, Eine deutsche Gesandschaft in
Abessinien, Leipzig 1907. plains as summer grazing grounds. At the same
Lit.: DAVID PHILLIPSON (ed.), The Monuments of Aksum, time, the 1960s were also a period of large scale
Addis Ababa 1997; WALTER RAUNIG – STEFFEN WENIG investments in commercial “D. projects”.
(eds.), Afrikas Horn. Akten der Ersten Internationalen In the 1970s social and political aspects were
Littmann-Konferenz, München 2. – 5. Mai 2002, Wies-
more strongly emphasized, and “D.” came to
baden 2005 (Meroitica 22); STEFFEN WENIG (ed.), In
Kaiserlichem Auftrag: Die Deutsche Aksum-Expedition mean first of all the productive engagement of
1906 unter Enno Littmann, 2 vols., Berlin, in preparation. local human and natural resources. International
Rodolfo Fattovich – Steffen Wenig Labour Office launched its “Basic Needs Strat-
146
Devil
egy” to mobilize local resources. Rural and agri- While “D. aid” is being increasingly discredited
cultural D. was given high priority, and the po- in the public discourse in Western societies, sup-
tential of “Developing countries” to organize and port for the defence of human rights and of civic
pressurise the rich nations was emphasized. groups enjoys more legitimacy at present. In the
However, in Ethiopia, the application of the course of “globalization”, the state is gradually
concept was again state controlled, and the state relinquishing its competence and responsibility for
worked under the assumption that it knew what economic D. The concept has gradually blurred,
was best for the people. and it becomes increasingly unclear who and what
Ecological projects were at the core of “D.” in should be developed, and how.
the 1980s. Large amounts of foreign aid were Lit.: WALTER RODNEY, How Europe Underdeveloped
pumped into large scale conservation pro- Africa, London 1972; JOHN M. COHEN, Integrated
grammes, supported by the World Food Pro- Rural Development. The Ethiopian Experience and the
Debate, Uppsala 1987; RENÉ DUMONT, L’Afrique noire
gramme. In theory they were implemented
est mal partie, Paris 1962.
through peasant “self-help” supported by Siegfried Pausewang
“Food-for-Work” programmes. In practice,
however, peasants were coerced into forced la-
bour on state-planned schemes. Consequently Devil
the programme was unpopular with the peasants,
and few of the structures built survived the fall of Devil in religion and literature
the Därg in 1991. The idea of the D. entered Ethiopia together with
“D.” has increasingly become synonymous with the introduction of Christianity into Aksum in
th
programmes implemented with foreign aid. In the the 4 cent. A.D. and the translation of the Bible
1990s foreign aid itself came into a crisis, triggered into G z. At the time of the Christian mission in
by the debt trap: too many aid projects had been Ethiopia, the development of the concept of the D.
financed through loans, and loans had been taken was completed by joining different biblical figures
too easily, and often been misappropriated. The like Satan with personifications of destruction or
demands for “Structural adjustment” and the hostility, and associating it with a universal idea of
trend towards “Trade, not Aid” also had profound evil and sin. As the embodiment of evil, the D.
repercussions on the concept of D. “D.” became (Satan) is the opponent of God and Jesus and head
increasingly associated with investments and ac- of the demons.
cess to markets. Aid lost priority and significance G z uses many terms to describe the biblical
in terms of political and economic D. Govern- D.: A^2# (säy an), 8\-tF (diyab los), uFLx
mental and non-governmental aid organisations (mästema), ,sC? /-?\s (bel or/ b ryal) and
turned to new niches. Democratization, human even N"# (ganen). While säy an – from the
rights and civic organisations were discovered as Hebrew n (‘adversary’) through the Ara-
new areas meriting financial support from outside; maic s n or from Arabic šäy n – translates
D. of human resources – education, skills upgrad- the Greek words for D. ˜ , ˜ and
ing, vocational and practical training became new (DillmLex 394), diyab los is the pho-
fields of the involvement of non-governmental netic reproduction of the last Greek term.
organizations. Local programmes giving technical Mästema, taken from the Hebrew ma m h
assistance to cater for local needs and empowering ‘animosity’, is also used as a name of Satan
local self help organisations are preferred aid re- (Book of Jubilees 10, 17ff., 48) and plays an
ceivers. International donors also favour pro- important role in Ethiopian demonology. Bel-
grammes to strengthen the emergence of a “civil or, the Ethiopian translation of the Gr.
society” in the receiver countries. In Ethiopia, this (from Hebrew bel ya al ‘wickedness, depravity’)
message is not lost on those who depend on “D. in 2 Cor 6:15 is another name for the D. The
aid”, and civic non-governmental organisations are form b ryal appears in the Ascension of Isaiah
multiplying and competing for the attention of the (DillmLex 507) and often in the magic literature
foreign donor community. At the same time, there (Euringer 1928:306f.). Both of these forms ap-
is a multitude of more conventional aid pro- pear in the Book of Jubilees (chs. 1, 15). Ganen,
grammes continuing in Ethiopia, especially in the the G z term for demon, is only used in a few
fields of health care, schools, infrastructure and passages as an equivalent of (Jas 4:7; 1
agriculture. Pet 5:8; 1 Jn 3:8–10). The dragon or the ancient
147
Devil
serpent arwe or arwe abiy of Rev 12, 20 is areas of Ethiopia the D. can become an evil
identified with the D. (in Rev 20 ganen säy an). spirit who causes illness through possession.
Säy an and diyab los were borrowed from These types of spirits are known by the Sidama
G z to describe the idea of D. in modern people as šat na (sg. šat ni; cf. Hamer
Ethiopian languages. The old G z form occurs 1966:393ff.). This idea is reflected in Gurage and
as säy an in Amharic and T gr ñña, še an in sometimes in other modern Ethiopian lan-
T gre and as si ar, s n, se an and še an in the guages, where the terms for D. also depict evil
Gurage languages. From Ethiopian languages it spirits (Leslau 1979:576f.; s. Muher dabilos).
was taken as a loanword into Oromo saitana Orthodox Christianity offers certain defences
‘Satan, Demon, Devil, evil spirit’ (Borello against the D.: baptism, the sign of cross
1995:365) or see ana (TilDic 524). (YaqMist II, 16, 28f., 224f.), amulets and
In the late G z hexaemeric literature and its magic scrolls. The scrolls are inscribed with
Amharic commentaries we find another name prophylactic texts such as prayers to bind Satan
for the D. – Sa na el (D4!%s, or also S na el, (Dobberahn 1976:56), “Fanu el hymnus” (ibid.
S na). In writings like nä f rät he is the 23f.) or the anathematisation of Satan from
first angel created by God who had fallen from = a:y uF3s ( a urä mäsqäl, ‘Rampart of
heaven because of his pride and arrogance be- the Cross’; Lifchitz 1940:167–79, 191–203).
fore God and Adam. The Mä afä m s irä Religions, traditional; Magic; G z
sämay wäm dr describes the rebellion of the literature; Hymns; Demons; Spirits
apostate angel Sa na el against God, his defeat Src.: YaqMist I, 182ff. (text.) = 110f. (tr.); II, 16, 28f.,
by the cross of light. 224f. (text) = 11, 18, 124 (tr.); TilDic 524; DillmLex 507;
The D. is not only responsible for the tempta- MARIO BORELLO, Dizionario Oromo–Italiano, Ham-
tion of Eve through the serpent but also for a burg 1995 (Kuschitische Sprachstudien 10), 365;
large spectrum of sins and doctrinal errors, GETATCHEW HAILE (ed., tr.), The Epistle of Humanity
of Emperor Zär a Ya qob ( omarä T sb t), Louvain
among which are heresies (YaqMist I, 182ff.) and 1991 (CSCO 522, 523 [SAe 95, 96]), 10, 66 (text) = 8f.,
black magic (Getatchew Haile 1991:10, 66). Non- 52f. (tr.); GETATCHEW HAILE – MISRAK AMARE, Beauty
Christians like Jews or Moslems are considered of the Creation ( nä F rät), Manchester 1991 (Journal
by many Christians to be worshippers of Satan. of Semitic Studies Monograph 16); DÉBORAH LIFCHITZ,
Textes éthiopiens magico-religieux, Paris 1940 (Travaux
The literature and practice of magic is an im- et Mémoires de l’Institut d’Ethnologie 38), 167–79, 191–
portant source for describing the ambivalence of 203; JULES PERRUCHON, Le Livre des Mystères du Ciel
Ethiopian belief in the D. The portrayal of the et de la Terre, Paris 1903 (PO 1,1).
D. in a mälk of Sa na el is of special impor- Lit.: FRIEDRICH ERICH DOBBERAHN, Fünf Äthiopische
tance: on the one hand, the D. is called here Zauberrollen: Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar, Walldorf-
Hessen 1976 (Beiträge zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte
“holy” or “priest of heaven and earth”, and on des Orients 25); SEBASTIAN EURINGER, “Das Netz Salo-
the other hand, he assists the practice of black mons”, ZSem 6, 1928, 76–100, 178–99, 300–14, here 306f.;
magic (Strelcyn 1982). There also exist prayers to ibid. 7, 1929, 68–85; JOHN HAMER – IRENE HAMER,
the D. in times of sickness or on great feasts “Spirit Possession and its Socio-Psychological Implications
Among the Sidamo of Southwest Ethiopia”, Ethnology 5,
like New Year’s Day, Christmas, and Easter. The 1966, 392–408, here 393ff.; WOLF LESLAU, Etymological
frequency of the plural säy anat in the magic Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), vol. 2: English–Gurage
texts is a mechanism used to transfer the harmful Index, Wiesbaden 1979, 576; LevWax; STEFAN STRELCYN,
activity of the Christian Satan to many indefinite “Un poème satanique éthiopien”, in: JOSEPH TUBIANA
evil spirits. This development stems from a back- (ed.), Guirlande pour Abba Jérôme, Antibes 1982, 83–115.
Bogdan Burtea
ground of Ethiopian syncretism. The further
one moves from the church environment and its Devil in Ethiopian art
theology the more one finds popular religious Ethiopian artists, strictly following the general
beliefs characterized by a holistic demonology. Christian iconography, depicted the D. in vari
As the most powerful of the demons, the D. is ous human or semi-human aspects, according to
conceived as a dark, Negroid type, who dwells in a widespread belief that he is a polymorphic
deep waters, woods, and caves and frequents being. His most popular representation derives
murky hideouts at noon and midnight. He tries from the figure of a satyr and shows him as a
to harm people by pushing them into fire, mak- hairy creature with the upper body of a man,
ing them sick or by tempting them to sin. the legs of a goat, curled horns, pointed ears and
In nominally Christianized or non-Christian a tail which often ends with a serpent’s head.
148
Dias, Ayres
The parts of the D.’s body considered most

obscene, his belly, sexual parts and behind, are
often oversized, as are his claws. If he has wings
they resemble those of an angel or a bat. His
face is generally human but marked by animal
features, elongated, with large mouth, flared
nostrils, exaggerated teeth, bristling hair and a
long sharp tongue. His eyes are large and staring,
with black pupils, sometimes surrounded by red.
In order to avoid their malevolent glare, the D. is
represented in profile, a rule which the Ethiopian
artists apply consistently with exception of his
th
figure which, from the 18 cent. onward, has
dominated the depiction of Hell included into
the Last Judgement. He is always a dark figure
depicted in a black, grey-blue or green. Some-
times he wears clothing and is armed with a fork
or a prod. The description of the D. which in
some way may have inspired the artist appears in
the Kidan zä gzi nä Iyäsus Kr stos, the
Mä afä M s ir and the Epistles.
The D. appears in some narrative scenes of the
New Testament, e.g., in the Descent into Hell Hell: Satan and devils punishing the souls of sinners; cloth
th mural; W ro Maryam, Dära, southern wall of the mäqdäs;
(up to the end of the 16 cent.) and above all in 19th cent.; photo 2004, courtesy of Michael Gervers
the Last Judgement, where he is portrayed de-
PÉRRUCHON, Le livre des mystères du ciel et de la terre,
feated, and chained, sometimes lying on his Paris 1903, 12.
back beneath the feet of Christ or prostrate Lit.: WILHELM STAUDE, “Die Profilregel in der christlichen
before him. As a seducer of people and hunter Malerei Äthiopiens und die Furcht vor dem ‘Bösen Blick’”,
of their souls he is depicted in several miracles Archiv für Völkerkunde 9, 1954, 129–61; BEAT BRENK,
“Teufel”, in: ENGELBERT KIRCHBAUM, Lexikon der christ-
from the Tä amm rä Maryam and the lichen Ikonographie, Roma 1972, vol. 4, 295–300; EVERETT
D rsanä Mika el – for instance, in a story FERGUSON, Demonology of the Early Christian World,
about a woman who consigned her son to the New York 1984.
D., or about a man, who, deeply devoted to St. Ill.: WALTER RAUNING (ed.), Religiöse Kunst Äthiopien.
Religious Art of Ethiopia, Stuttgart 1973, fig. 22f.; BENT
Michael, was punished by a jealous D. with an JUEL-JENSEN — GEOFFREY ROWELL (eds), Rock-Hewn
illness. An unusual figure of a D. with one arm Churches of Eastern Tigray. An Account of the Oxford
and one leg, described as the angel of darkness, University Expedition to Ethiopia 1974, Oxford 1975, fig. 74,
appears in the Crucifixion scene in the Gospel 77, 81; JACQUES MERCIER, Ethiopian Magic Scrolls, New
York 1979, fig. VII, XIV, pl. 5, 14, 24–26, 35; ID., Le roi Salo-
book of Princess Zir Ganela, dated to the mon et les maîtres du regard. Art et médecine en Éthiopie,
th
beginning of the 15 cent. In certain instances a Paris 1992, figs. 6, 8, 32f., 38f., 64, 119, 133; DAVID AP-
fully zoomorphic form is adopted for the repre- PLEYARD, Ethiopian Manuscripts, London 1993, nos. 14, 16,
sentation of the D.: a snake in the Temptation of 26, 42, 77; EWALD HEIN — BRIGITTE KLEIDT, Ethiopia –
Christian Africa. Art, Churches and Culture, Ratingen 1999,
Adam and Eve, a dragon in apocalyptic scenes figs. 192, 195, 227, 252f., 264ff.; AfrZion no. 120.
and, in connection with St. George, a basilisk Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
or a wild bull in the scenes with the other
equestrian saints defeating the power of evil
Dias, Ayres
(e.g. St. Victor, Mar Be nam). Diabolical mon-
sters and demonic figures frequently depict the D. (also Diz; b. ca. 1500, Coimbra, d. ca. 1545,
D. in Ethiopian magic scrolls. Ethiopia) was a half-cast Portuguese soldier
Painting (Bermudez 1875, ch. 6) who participated in two
Src.: LOUIS GUERRIER — SYLVAIN GRÉBAUT (eds.), Le expeditions to Ethiopia and served a e
Testament en Galilée de Notre Seigneur Jésus-Christ, Paris Gälawdewos. After being engaged in the em-
1912 [repr. Turnhout 1982] (PO 11, 3), 193; JULES bassy of Rodrigo da Lima (BeckHuntAlvar ch.
149
Dias, Ayres
113), and probably married in Cananor, India Armenians. Today D. is often used to describe
(Correia 1976:371), D. returned to Ethiopia with any population which originates in a land other
the military expedition of Christovão da Gama. than that in which it currently resides and
There he played an important role, skilfully using whose social, economic and political networks
his experience of the country (with particular cross the borders of nation-states.
regard to knowledge of language and milieu). Reconstructing the history of the Ethiopian
During a halt of the Portuguese army in mid- and Eritrean D. is often made problematic be-
1542 at Wäfla, he was sent to meet cause of terminological uncertainties: Ethiopian
Gälawdewos at his palace of “Mangadafo” Christians are often grouped with those of
(Castanhoso 1936, ch. 17; cp. Mängäfo, other Eastern Churches, and slaves ( Slavery)
Š wada, HuntGeogr 106, 135); and later ac- identified as Ethiopian, Abyssinian, abaš or
companied Gälawdewos to Wägära (end of abaš may, in fact, have been from areas in
1542; ConzGal ch. 15). When captain Affonso present day Somalia, Djibouti, or the Sudan.
Caldeira died, D., with strong support from Moreover, prior to 1991 most of those in the
Gälawdewos, was given charge of the Portu- Eritrean D. were identified as Ethiopians.
guese troops, by then already serving as a pri- Since Ethiopia is located on the edge of the
vate guard of the Emperor (Bermudez 1875, African continent in close proximity to
ch. 30); the latter would later say: “I made Arabia and the ancient commercial networks
Ayres Dias great among my people, and gave up the Red Sea and across the Arabian Sea, it
him valuable estates” (Gälawdewos to João III, is not surprising that Ethiopians have been
s. Whiteway 1902:116). D.’s new position in the dispersed beyond the frontiers of north-east
country was additionally strengthened by a re- Africa for centuries. In some instances, their
baptism (Bermudez 1875, ch. 39) and adoption movement and eventual settlement in other
of a local name, Marqos. Having participated in lands were voluntary, but in most cases Ethio-
at least one further imperial campaign to the pians were part of the larger forced migration
land of the “moesteiro de Syão” (ibid. ch. 37) overseas that we associate with the slave trade.
and after numerous clashes with other promi- More recently, in the last decades of the 20th
nent Portuguese at the court – namely, with cent., D. of Ethiopians have swelled the ranks of
Gaspar de Sousa (ibid. ch. 43) – D. was re- the so-called “new African diaspora”.
ported dead at the end of the 1540s (ibid. ch. 44). Although it is probable that some Ethiopians
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar ch. 113; RICHARD STEPHEN were enslaved in ancient Egypt, the earliest evi-
WHITEWAY (ed., tr.) The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia
in 1541–1543 …, London 1902 [repr. Nendeln/Liechtenstein dence we have for the existence of overseas
1967] (Hakluyt Society Works 2nd series X), 115–18 [Letter Ethiopians relates to the history of Christianity
of Galawdewos to João III, 6/7 December 1550]; JOÃO in Ethiopia. Notwithstanding various references
BERMUDEZ, Breve relação da embaixada que o patriarcha d. to “Ethiopian” pilgrims in Jerusalem in the first
João Bermudez trouxe do imperador da Ethiopia …[1565],
Lisboa 1875 [Typographia da Academia, Col. de Opusc.
centuries following the conversion of the king-
Reimpresos, t. I, n. iv.], ch. 6, 30, 37, 39, 43f.; MIGUEL DE dom of Aksum (4th cent.), with the rise of Islam
CASTANHOSO, História das cousas que o mui esforçado we encounter more suggestive testimonies for the
capitão dom Cristóvão da Gama fêz nos reinos do Preste presence of an Ethiopian Christian community in
João … [1564], ed. by AUGUSTO CÉSAR PIRES DE LIMA,
Pôrto 1936, ch. 17; GASPAR CORREIA, Lendas da India …,
the Holy Land. A letter of the al fa Umar (14
vol. 4, Lisboa 1864 [repr. Nendeln 1976], 371; ConzGal ch. H. [636/37 A.D.]) specifically mentions an
15; HuntGeogr 106, 135. Ethiopian community in Jerusalem as one of
Andreu Martínez three resident nations in contradistinction to
those who only travelled there as pilgrims (Cor-
respondence … 1868, 38). Indeed, by the rise of
Diaspora Islam, there were also many Ethiopian Christian
The term D. (from Gr. , ‘dispersion’ or traders and craftsmen in Arabia (SerHist 192).
‘to sow’, ‘scatter’), originally used in the Sep- During the period of Crusader domination
tuagint to describe the enslavement, exile and (1099–1187), Ethiopians – as part of a larger
displacement of Jews, was later extended to Monophysite community – established a mo-
cover the experiences of other forcibly dis- nastic community in Cyprus, while still others
persed populations, including Africans and were settled in Egypt (SerHist 262). In the Holy
150
Diaspora
Land, Ethiopians were grouped together with on the historical context in which it was used.
other Eastern Christians, but when al add n Enslaved Ethiopians played a prominent role
regained Jerusalem for Islam in 1187, he report- as soldiers, concubines and eunuchs in Muslim
edly recognized their claims as long-time repre- India. As early as the second quarter of the
sentatives of their own branch of the Coptic 13th cent., abaš slaves had become one of
Church (s. Dayr as-Sul n). several factors in the military and political arena
Sorting out individual Eastern Christian sects of the new Turkish Ily s Š h Sultanate of
from the early documentation sometimes makes Delhi. During his travels in India (ca. 1333–42),
identification of the Ethiopian D. difficult, but the great Moroccan traveller Ibn Ba a ob-
despite these problems and the fact that their served many abaš slaves employed as sailors
group was small, it appears that this was indeed and soldiers by rulers from north India to Sri
their first significant presence. Certainly, the fact Lanka. At Alapur, the governor was a abaš
that Ethiopians are named as one of the “na- named Badr, and Ibn Ba a encountered sev-
tions” of the Holy Land in a document from the eral other important abaš officials in his trav-
second half of the 13th cent. clearly reveals that els down the subcontinent.
the Ethiopian D. was well established in Jerusa- abaš also reached the kingdom of Bengal
lem. European travellers later attested to this directly by sea and became important as mili-
presence, as do the Church of the Holy Sepul- tary slaves under Ruknadd n Barbak Š h (ca.
chre and the Ethiopian Church that was financed 1459–74). In 1486, unhappy with the latter’s son
by a e M nil k II at the end of the 19th cent. and successor, they usurped power. They ruled
The community at Jerusalem was atypical, be- Bengal for seven years before being themselves
cause its members were individuals who, while overthrown as a consequence of the reign of
submitting to Church authority, had been cho- terror imposed by the last abaš ruler,
sen to serve their Church by representing its Šamsadd n Mu affar Š h (1491–94). In the af-
interests in the cradle of their faith. Most Ethio- termath of the abaš interregnum and the rise
pians in the D., by contrast, found themselves of the usayn Š h dynasty, the abaš were
enslaved in foreign lands and converted to Is- expelled from Bengal en masse. Over time they
lam. The Ethiopian slave Bil l b. Rab is drifted to the Deccan, where the rulers of the
honoured by Muslims as an early convert to Bahman kingdom had been employing abaš
Islam and said to have been the first mu a in. military forces since earlier in the century and
When reconstructing history of Ethiopian D. in where eventually several abaš also emerged as
the Islamic world we encounter same sort of major military and political leaders. In the late
definition problems as was the case with the 15th cent., two abaš ruled as governors of two
history of Ethiopian Christian community in of the kingdom’s four provinces; another served
Jerusalem. As a consequence of the slave trade as minister of revenue under sul n Ših badd n
from their homeland, Ethiopians were scattered Ma m d (ca. 1482–1518). At B dar, the Bahman
across the Islamic world from Arabia to India, capital, there still stands the Habaš K!t, or for-
Egypt to Zanzibar, where they were commonly tress, where tombs of prominent Ethiopians are
known as abaš or abaš . In some of the located. abaš were especially important in the
European documentation, however, they are 16th-cent. kingdoms of A madnagar, B p r and
known as Abyssinians. The problem with the Golconda. The most famous of these influential
latter term is that it encompasses many more abaš figures in the political history of the Dec-
peoples than those we would now recognize as can was Malik Anbar, who was waz r and
belonging into the Christian kingdom of Abys- virtual ruler of A madnagar from 1600 to 1626.
sinia. In this respect, abaš may more mean- Following Malik Anbar’s death, another abaš ,
ingfully correspond to the boundaries of Ethio- amad n, replaced him as major-domo for
pia and its people as this term has evolved his- the kingdom, while he in turn was followed by
torically, especially since we know that the Malik Anbar’s grandson. During this same pe-
Ethiopian slave trade drew primarily upon the riod, the abaš I l n (1627–56) served as
border populations of the south and south-west waz r of B p r.
of the country. That said, we must also recog- Related to the renown enjoyed by abaš
nize that the term abaš probably also included military and court officials in the Deccan at this
Somali and various Sudanese peoples depending time was the emergence of a abaš force as the
151
Diaspora
dominant naval power along the coast of west- bar, Sayyid Sa d b. Sul n (1804–56), were sev-
ern India. Following the defeat of the coastal eral Ethiopians.
region of the southern Konkan coast from Gu- The European colonial partition of Africa in
jar t early in the 16th cent., the ruler of A mad- the late 19th cent., including the survival of Impe-
nagar gave a abaš noble, Sidd Y q t, com- rial Ethiopian independence, effectively ended
mand of the island fort at "an ra. For the next the D. caused by the slave trade. No doubt some
two centuries the Sidd s were unchallenged Ethiopians who travelled abroad as pilgrims did
masters of the coasts, whether serving A mad- not return, but until the period of Italian hegem-
nagar, the Mughals, or their own interests. They ony in Ethiopia, when some Ethiopians settled in
maintained their independence until 1870, when Italy, the D. phenomenon was dormant.
they submitted to British overrule. After World War II some elite Ethiopians
abaš were also prominent during the centu- began to study abroad and, as opposition to the
ries of Muslim domination of northern India in imperial regime increased, some remained in
Gujar t, where they were found as soldiers in exile. But the phenomenon of a new D. dates to
the armies of its rulers and as sailors in its ports the 1960s as part of the struggle between imperial
as early as the 13th cent. During the reign of Ethiopia and the Eritrean liberation movement.
sul n Bah dur (ca. 1526–37) there were a re- Like earlier forms of D. from Ethiopia, this latest
ported 5,000 abaš in A mad b d alone, most version involves semantic complexities arising
of whom were probably prisoners taken in the from the initial definition of these populations
Muslim invasion of Ethiopia in 1527. According as “refugees”. From 1967 thousands of Eritre-
to traditions in the Sind and in Gujar t, a net- ans fled from imperial troops into the Republic
work of Islamic saints’ shrines that are associ- of the Sudan; in 1970 still more refugees crossed
ated with abaš pioneers in the agate-bead the border, this time from an even wider region,
trade to Africa was established during this era including the highland fringes.
(perhaps in the 14th cent.). The most important The Eritrean D. is normally considered to in-
of these is the shrine of Bava Gor at Ratanp r in clude those Eritreans who left Ethiopia or Eri-
south Gujar t. trea between 1961 and 1991. Most of them hap-
Ethiopian slaves were in high demand in pen to have been refugees, but there also were
Egypt, as well. Although the prominent abaš labour migrants, particularly to the Middle East,
of the Mamluk period were mainly from the and those who moved for education, particu-
Sudan, rather than Ethiopia, during the 19th larly to Eastern Europe and the former Soviet
cent. Ethiopian slaves, mainly women, were Union. The term is normally only applied to
desired in Cairo, where they were distinguished Eritreans who have settled outside the African
by their colour from other African slaves. Many continent, thus excluding, for example, over
of these women were manumitted and, accord- 500,000 Eritreans who fled as refugees to Sudan.
ing to Egyptian records, some inherited their With the Revolution of 1974 and the beginning
own property, although many lived at the edges of the Därg’s brutal campaign against Eritrea,
of society. One man, li al- abaš , gained his hundreds of thousands more sought asylum in
freedom by claiming his free birthplace in the Sudan. As the Därg continued to oppress its
Ethiopia and through the assistance of Ethio- internal enemies, various groups of Ethiopians
pian students at the "äbärti college of al-Azhar soon joined the ranks of Eritreans in the Sudan.
mosque (Petry 1994). Elsewhere, Ethiopian In the mid-1980s, drought and forced resettle-
slaves appear during the 19th cent. at Mecca as ment schemes caused another 50,000 to leave
concubines, where they introduced zar pos- Ethiopia, so that the total population in the Su-
session. Oromo and Gurage male slaves are dan reached at least 656,000. Much of this popu-
also mentioned by European travellers in Ara- lation movement was temporary, but uncertainty
bia during the 19th cent. During this century about political conditions at home caused many
abaš were being introduced anew in India at thousands of these refugees to remain in the
Hyderabad, where they were employed in the Sudan. Some moved on to Egypt, while still
Ni m’s military, although over time many of others made their way as secondary refugees to
the special African troop that was formed were Italy and elsewhere in Europe.
probably not from Ethiopia. Finally, among the Over 15,000 Betä sra el were taken to Is-
many concubines of the Omani ruler of Zanzi- rael, mainly from the Sudan, during the late
152
#ibaayyuu
1970s and early 1980s. In the 1990s another People’s Liberation Front in particular, as well as
35,000 reached Israel directly from Ethiopia. by contributing medicines, food and other goods.
The Refugee Act of 1980 opened the doors of Since Independence, many within the D. have
the United States of America to refugees from continued to contribute, for example, by making
Ethiopia and Eritrea, who may have numbered regular financial donations to the State, or more
at least 100,000 in 1995. While some have re- recently by buying state-issued bonds.
turned or visited home, continued political Src.: CerPal; Correspondence Respecting Abyssinians at Jeru-
instability in the Horn and establishing roots salem 1850–1867, London 1868; EMILY REUTE, Memoirs of
where they settled have combined to create true an Arabian Princess from Zanzibar, Princeton ²1996.
Lit.: MORDECHAI ABIR, “The Ethiopian Slave Trade and its
D. communities of Ethiopians and Eritreans,
Relation to the Islamic World”, in: JOHN RALPH WILLIS (ed.),
not to mention Somali, in a number of coun- Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, vol. 2: The Servile Estate,
tries. In the United States there are major com- London – Totowa 1985, 123–36; EDWARD ALPERS, “The
munities in Washington, DC and Los Angeles. African Diaspora in the Northwestern Indian Ocean: Recon-
There are no precise data on either the number or sideration of an Old Problem, New Directions for Research”,
Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa & the Middle East
the characteristics of the Eritrean D. in most 17, 2, 1997, 62–81; JOHN BURTON-PAGE, “Habsh ”, in: EI2,
European countries, because Eritreans who ar- vol. 3, 14–16; CerPal; RAGHU RAJ SINGH CHAUHAN, Afri-
rived before 1991 were registered as Ethiopians. cans in India: from Slavery to Royalty, New Delhi 1995; TOM
In the Middle East, many Eritreans remained KUHLMAN, Asylum or Aid? The Economic Integration of
unregistered. Other problems arise from the Ethiopian and Eritrean Refugees in the Sudan, Avebury 1994
(African Studies Centre Research Series 2); OTTO MEI-
question of self-definition – some people who NARDUS, “The Ethiopians in Jerusalem”, Zeitschrift für
originated from Eritrea are unwilling to label Kirchengeschichte 76, 1965, 112–47, 217–32; KATHRYN
themselves, or to be labelled, as Eritreans. MYERS MORAN, Community, Cohesion, and Conflict: Ethio-
One indicator of the size of the Eritrean D. is pian Refugees in Los Angeles, Ph.D. thesis, University of
the voting figures for the 1993 Referendum for California, Los Angeles 1996; RICHARD PANKHURST, “The
Habshis of India”, EthObs 4, 10, 1960, 347–52; CARL PETRY,
Independence. According to these data, a total “From Slaves to Benefactors: the Habashis of Mamluk Cairo”,
of 84,370 votes were cast by Eritreans outside Sudanic Africa 5, 1994, 57–66; ATUL CHANDRA ROY, History
Eritrea, most significantly in Saudi Arabia of Bengal: Turko-Afghan Period, New Delhi — Ludhiana,
(37,785), the USA and Canada (14,941), and 1986; SerHist 192, 262; OMAR KHALIDI, “African Diaspora in
India: the Case of the Habashis of the Dakan”, Hamdard
Germany (6,994). However, these figures only
Islamicus 11–4, 1988, 3–22; TEKLE MARIAM WOLDEMIKAEL,
cover those Eritreans eligible to vote – over 18 “Ethiopians and Eritreans”, in: DAVID W. HAINES (ed.),
years of age – and they are some seven years out Refugees in America in the 1990s: a Reference Handbook,
of date. A more realistic estimate is probably in Westport 1996, 147–69; TERENCE WALZ, “Black Slavery in
the region of 200,000. Egypt: during the Nineteenth Century as Reflected in the
Makhama Archives of Cairo”, in: JOHN RALPH WILLIS (ed.),
It is clear that the vast majority of Eritreans out- Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, vol. 2: The Servile Estate,
side Africa chose not to return to independent London 1985, 137–60.
Eritrea after 1991. For many, the decision not to Edward A. Alpers – Khalid Koser
return was mitigated by having obtained perma-
nent residence rights in their countries of settle-
ment. In most of these countries, the Eritrean D. ibaayyuu
maintains a strong collective national conscious- #. (also ibayyu, iibayyuu; cp. the verb ibaa-
ness, encouraged, for example, through commu- fa uu ‘to make a libation’) is an Oromo word
nity organizations and the celebration of Eritrean which can be translated as ‘libation’ and/or
national holidays. At the same time there are divi- ‘anointment’ (TilDic 162, cp. GraggDic 124)
sions within the D., particularly on the basis of depending on the context. #. are offerings to
ethnicity and religion. Both as individuals and as Waaqa, which are always accompanied by
families, but often as communities too, the D. prayers because the offerings alone are not effi-
maintains strong links with Eritrea. At an individ- cacious. Tablino’s observation (1999:114, 165)
ual or family level, money and other goods are that “d’ibaayu is perhaps the most personal of
regularly remitted to family members in Eritrea. It Gabra prayers” and “therefore subject to con-
is estimated that up to US$300 million was remit- siderable variations” in response to the feelings
ted by the D. during 1998. of the offerer of the prayer, is probably true
During the struggle for independence, the D. across the Oromo. #. can be uttered spontane-
played a crucial role by financing the Eritrean ously or as part of a structured ritual and fea-
153
#ibaayyuu
Both the Ethiopic D. (“Constitutions of the

Apostles”, I–VII) and the work generally
known as Didascalia (cf. CPG I, nos. 1730,
1738) belong to the old Christian literature of
canon law, but should not be confused with
each other; nor should they be mistaken for the
so-called “Teaching of the 318 Nicaean (Fa-
thers)”, quite a different text transmitted within
the Haymanotä abäw and the Senodos. The
Didascalia is likely to have been composed in
northern Syria in the first half of the 3rd cent.
Lost in the Greek original (apart from few
ibaayyuu ceremony among the Boorana; the elders
swinging their ceremonial stuffs between the knees, while fragments), it is preserved in a Syriac version (cf.
fire is continuously blown; photo 1950/52 by Eike Vööbus 1979). Approximately one third is also
Haberland, courtesy of the Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt included in the Latin Veronese collection, one of
am Main (23–Ha 250–09a) the most important canonico-liturgical collec-
tures regularly and prominently in Oromo tions (in the palimpsest cod. Veronensis LV,
religious activities: daily domestic blessings, all copied in the 5th cent. and probably dating to the
rites of passage, rituals when enterprises such as 2nd half of the 4th cent.; cf. CPG I, no. 1731). In
digging wells or migrations are started or com- the 4th cent. a Syrian compiler reworked the
pleted, at communal seasonal rituals and by Greek Didascalia into the Greek “Constitutions
participants in major national rituals. of the Apostles” I–VI (= Ethiopic D. chs. 1–34
In crop-growing areas the offering is likely to in Harden’s 1920 translation), from which we
be of beer (farsoo), bulbulla (a honey and water can form an idea of the original Greek text.
drink), ä and in pastoral areas milk and Book VII of the “Constitutions of the Apos-
butter. In Boorana, for example, a sheep dedi- tles” (= Ethiopic D. chs. 35–43) was based on
cated for sacrifice may either have milk dribbled the oldest pseudo-apostolic text, the Greek
along its back or be anointed with butter and (cf. CPG I, no. 1735), with the addition
sometimes both. The Gu i Oromo perform a of a Jewish prayer (chs. 33–38 = Ethiopic D.
ritual: “when the kayoo [‘fate, luck’] are not chs. 36–39), a baptismal order (39–45 = Ethiopic
good and the cattle become sick, the kraal will D. chs. 39–42), and a list of the bishops ordained
be ‘anointed with butter’, moona diibafanna” by the Apostles (46 = Ethiopic D. ch. 43).
(van de Loo 1991:213f.). The Ethiopic D. was most probably translated
Src.: TilDic 162; cp. GraggDic 124; oral communication with from an Arabic Vorlage no later than in the 14th
various Oromo elders. cent. There are at least two recensions of the Ara-
Lit.: BartOrom 89; JOSEPH VAN DE LOO, Guji Oromo Cul- bic work known as ad-Dusq l yya (or ad-
ture in Southern Ethiopia. Religious Capabilities in Rituals and
Songs, Berlin 1991 (Collectanea Instituti Anthropos 39), 213f.;
Dasq l yya, or ad-Disq l yya, cf. Baumstark 1900;
PAOLO TABLINO, The Gabra. Camel Nomads of Northern 1903; GrafLit vol. 1, 564–69); almost nothing is
Kenya, Nairobi 1999, 114, 165; VSAe I, 244–49. known on the version in ms. St. Petersburg, State
Temesgen Negassa Public Library, Orient. 3 (cf. GrafLit vol. 1, 568,
571; Coquin 1974:171). Like the Ethiopic D.,
those recensions do not correspond to the Greek,
Did sq lya Syriac or Latin Didascalia. Yet, they both have the
The Ethiopic D. (8;F8s\ , ‘Teaching [of the same preface as the Ethiopic D. and parallel the
Apostles]’, from Greek , ‘teaching’) “Constitutions of the Apostles” I–VI (for the 1st
is a pseudo-apostolic text (Hammerschmidt recension) or I–VII (the 2nd recension). The 1st
1964; Steimer 1992) corresponding to the first Arabic recension is divided into 39 chapters and
seven of the eight books of the “Constitutions corresponds to “Constitutions of the Apostles” I–
of the Apostles” (cf. Metzger 1985-87); besides VI, though with omissions (V, 13–16; VI, 7–29),
book VIII, the D. omits book I, 9; II, 48, 52; with a significant alteration in the order of the
VII, 13, 18–26, and adds a preface at the begin- subject-matter and the addition of six chapters. It
ning (cf. Harden 1920:xciiif.). had already been translated in the 11th cent. from a
154
Did sq lya
Coptic (Bo airic) Vorlage (cf. GrafLit vol. 1, 565f., Sabbath, also prescribed by the D. (cf. Getatchew
against Nau’s 1911 hypothesis of a translation Haile 1988) – were discussed in Ethiopic works on
from Syriac). The 2nd Arabic recension is found the basis of authoritative evidence, above the D.,
only in the ms. VatLib Borgia Ar. 22 (olim K IV the Senodos (cf. Bausi 1992:51–67) and the Kidan
24) from 1348 A.D.; it was translated into Arabic zä gzi nä Iyäsus Kr stos, played an important
in 1295 A.D. by Ab Is q b. Fa$lall h from a role. This is the case, in particular, for the Mä afä
Coptic (Sahidic) Vorlage of 926 A.D. It is divided m ir by Giyorgis of Sägla, the Mä afä
into 44 chapters and perfectly parallels the “Con- milad and the Mä afä b rhan inspired by a e
stitutions of the Apostles” I–VII. Zär a Ya qob (cf. Wendt 1964) and some hagiog-
Notwithstanding Graf (GrafLit vol. 1, 566f.), raphical works.
but in keeping with Harden’s statements (1920:xii– G z literature
xvii), the Ethiopic D. (usually divided into 42 or 43 Src.: CRAbb; ROGER W. COWLEY, “Ethiopic”, in: MARIA
chs.) shows more similarity to the 2nd recension of ROSARIA FALIVENE – ALAN F. JESSON, Historical Catalogue
the Arabic Didascalia. However, a direct deriva- of the Manuscripts of Bible House Library, London 1982, 166–
221; DillmBerl; J. FRANÇON, “La Didascalie éthiopienne
tion has not been proved. traduite en français”, ROC 16, 1911, 161–66, 266–70; 17, 1912,
The first 21 chapters of the D. were edited and 199–203, 286–93; 19, 1914, 183–87 [introduction by
translated by Pell Platt (1834), from a mutilated FRANÇOIS NAU, ROC 16, 1911, 161–63]; JOHN M.
15th-cent. ms. BFBS, 191 Eth. (Cowley 1982:74f.), HARDEN, The Ethiopic Didascalia, London 1920 (S.P.C.K.
now in the Cambridge University Library (cf. Translations of Christian Literature, Ser. IV. Oriental Texts),
xciiif.; HamTana I (Lit.); THOMAS PELL PLATT, The Ethiopic
Beylot — Rodinson 1995:46f.); the French trans- Didascalia: or, the Ethiopic Version of the Apostolical Consti-
lation by Françon (1911-14) covers the first 30 tutions, Received in the Church of Abyssinia, London 1834;
chapters of ms. BritLib Orient. 799 (WrBriMus SixDeu (Lit.); SixTana III (Lit.); ARTHUR VÖÖBUS, The
278, no. 365), with references to Orient. 793 Didascalia Apostolorum in Syriac, Louvain 1979 (CSCO 401,
402; 407, 408 [Scriptores Syri 175, 176, 179, 180]); WrBriMus
(WrBriMus 270, no. 361) and to ms. BN,
214, 270, 277f.
d’Abbadie 79 (CRAbb 69, no. 44); Harden (1920) Lit.: ANTON BAUMSTARK, “Überlieferung und Bezeugung
has provided a translation of the whole text from der ”, Römische
ms. BritLib Orient. 752 (WrBriMus 214, no. 321), Quartalschrift 14, 1900, 1–45; ID., “Die arabischen Texte der
with occasional references to Pell Platt’s (1834) ”, ibid. 291–300; ID., “Die Urgestalt der
arabischen ‘Didaskalia der Apostel’”, OrChr 3, 1903, 201–08;
edition and other testimonies in London. An edi- ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Alcune considerazioni sul «S nodos»
tion of the entire text of the D. is still lacking. etiopico”, RSE 34, 1990 [1992], 5–73 (Lit.); ROBERT BEYLOT –
Other manuscripts of the D. (apart from minor MAXIME RODINSON, Répertoire des bibliothèques et des
fragments and quotations in the Haymanotä abäw catalogues de manuscrits éthiopiens, Paris 1995 (Documents,
that have no value for the Ethiopic tradition) are: études et répertoires publiés par l’Institut de Recherche et
d’Histoire des Textes); CPG I (Lit.); RENÉ-GEORGES
BritLib Orient. 797 and 798 (WrBriMus 277, nos. COQUIN, “Le Testamentum Domini: problèmes de tradition
363, 364); EMML nos. 675, 950 (also containing an textuelle”, Parole de l’Orient 5, 1974, 165–88; FRANZ XAVER
Amharic translation of the text), 1188, 6522 (on FUNK, Die Apostolischen Konstitutionen: Eine litterar-
the margins of a Senodos), 6539, 7608, 7647, historische Untersuchung, Rottenburg/Neckar 1891; ID., “Die
8374, 8412; Stuttgart, Württembergische Landes- arabische Didaskalia und die Konstitutionen der Apostel”,
Theologische Quartalschrift 86, 1904, 233–48 [repr. in: ID.,
bibliothek, cod. Orient. fol. 49 (SixDeu 463f., no. Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen und Untersuchungen,
235; noted already in ZanBibl vol. 2, no. 105); vol. 3, Paderborn 1907, 350–62]; GETATCHEW HAILE, “The
Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, MS. Forty-Nine Hour Sabbath of the Ethiopian Church”, JSS 33,
Aethiop. 12, which is Hugo Duensing’s working 1988, 233–54; GrafLit vol. 1 (Lit.); ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT,
“Das pseudo-apostolische Schrifttum in äthiopischer Überlie-
draft, copied from the previous one (cf. SixDeu
ferung”, JSS 9, 1964, 114–21; MARCEL METZGER, Les
278f., no. 123); Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Or. fol. Constitutions Apostoliques, 3 vols., Paris 1985–87 (Sources
595 (cf. DillmBerl 35f., no. 42, mutilated); n see Chrétiennes 320, 329, 336); FRANÇOIS NAU, “Note sur le
46 = Kebr n 46 (cf. HamTana I, 191); n see 140 prologue de la Didascalie arabe et sur quelques Apocryphes
= D g Es if nos 29 (cf. SixTana III, 156). arabes pseudo-Clementins”, JA sér. 10, 17, 1911, 319–23;
BRUNO STEIMER, Vertex Traditionis. Die Gattung der
Like other pseudo-apostolic works, the D. is altchristlichen Kirchenordnungen, Berlin – New York 1992
attributed to St. Clement. Starting at least from the (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die Neutestamentliche Wissen-
14th cent., and mostly in the 15th cent., the identifi- schaft 63) (Lit.); KURT WENDT, “Der Kampf um den Kanon
cation and the canonical status of the “Books of Heiliger Schriften in der äthiopischen Kirche der Reformen
Clement” ( Qalem n os) – as well as other con- des XV. Jahrhunderts”, JSS 9, 1964, 107–13.
Alessandro Bausi
troversies, such as the observance of the Saturday-
155
Didessa
Didessa and from Ar o to "imma to the south. These
The D. (8:D , Orom. Dhidheessaa) is the main roads cross the D. canyon at its deepest section
left-bank tributary of the Abbay, originating and create an opening to the Illubabor enclave.
between Dämbi and Gore at an altitude of In 1976, the Relief Commission started a large
over 3,000 m A.S.L. in the forested mountains mechanized commercial farm project in the D.
of Limmu. It runs for more than 400 km valley, mainly to provide grain for relief pur-
swinging north to join the Nile, carving on poses. The farm expanded into the lands of the
the way a deep canyon between the highlands of Gumuz, Berta and other pastoralists which
Wälläga to the north and east and Illubabor generated local conflicts and confrontations.
to the south and west. The southern part of its Src.: FRANÇOIS BALSAN, Poursuite vers le Nil Blanc,
basin (28,130 km², s. Guida) includes the raini- Paris 1947, 109–23, 144f. (photos 33–35), 160f. (photos
36, 36bis); JULES BORELLI, Éthiopie méridionale, journal
est region in Ethiopia, where, over ten months, de mon voyage aux pays amhara, oromo et sidama,
precipitation exceeds 2.2 m. septembre 1885 à novembre 1888, Paris 1890, 278, 284,
Interrupted by falls (Angär, Bereda), its flow 304 (map); ROBERT DE BRUN, Voyage en Éthiopie mé-
is augmented from the right by the Angär river, ridionale, pays galla, changalla et dankali, 1905–1906, n.
a tributary draining the mountains which over- d.; EMAtlas; Guida 504f.; MesfAtlas² 42.
Lit.: DANIEL GAMACHU, Aspects of Climate and Water
look the Guduru plateaux. The discharge of Budget in Ethiopia, Addis Abeba 1977, 33; GasEth;
this outlet is erratic, leaping from 20 m³/sec in MesfGeogr; ChTana.
May to 220 m³/sec in September, with great Alain Gascon
effect upon the flow of the D. (Daniel 1977).
Densely populated by the Oromo, the high- Didessa Mao
lands around Ar o (2,440 m) are widely culti-
vated. Scattered among cereal fields are clusters Digaluu
of hamlets and villages nestling among nsät
D. (Digalo) was a powerful Oromo group that
and coffee plants. One thousand metres below
belonged to the Baarentuu confederacy. One
and downstream, dry forests and bushes form
branch of D. migrated to the north while the
grazing ground for agro-pastoralists, mainly
other remained behind in the south, especially
Gumuz, who practice extensive burning.
in the region of Boorana. During the 16th-cent.
This hot and paludal valley formerly separated
pastoral Oromo migration, the D. spearheaded
East Wälläga from West Wälläga. Since the 1960s,
the movement into the central and northern
the expansion of the coffee harvest has led to the
part of the historical Ethiopian empire. The D.
development of the road network from Leqemt
fought repeatedly against the soldiers of a e
to Gimbi, Asosa and Gambella to the west
Sus nyos, whom they defeated and by whom
in turn they were defeated on a number of occa-
sions. They settled among the Christian
Amhara population in Bägemd r and the
surrounding areas, by whom they were ab-
sorbed and assimilated. By the beginning of the
18th cent. the D. who had migrated to the north
and central parts of Abyssinia had ceased to be
part of the Oromo nation and had become Am-
haric-speaking Christians, an integral part of the
Ethiopian society. However, the other branch
of the D., who remained behind in the region of
Sidama during the 16th cent. are important
members of the Boorana (Bassi 1990:262), the
core of the Oromo nation.
Src.: PerChron 83, 93, 384.
Lit.: ASMAROM LEGESSE, Oromo Democracy: an Indige-
nous African Political System, Lawrenceville 2000, 165, 167,
169f., 172; MARCO BASSI, I Borana, Milano 1990, 262.
Mohammed Hassen
156
ikr
Digil
The D. belong to the Sab branch of the Somali
people. Unlike other Somali clans, the D. are
agriculturalists and are looked down upon by
the nomads.
In the early 17th cent., the D. moved into
southern Somalia from the Ogaden but a few
D.-related groups remained in south-east
Ethiopia. They settled into the fertile agricul-
tural region between the Juba ( Ganaalee) and
Wabi
Šäbälle rivers. Since then, the D. have relied on a
mixed economy of camel husbandry, cattle
raising, and cultivation. Traditionally, the D.
have battled with the Ra anween over commer-
cial and religious matters and with nomads who
sought to encroach on their territories.
Because of their inferior status, the D. have
not played a major role in Somali politics. After
way (11º 11' N 42º 37' E). It holds a strategic
World War II, the D. supported a local politi-
position because of its control of the Hanle
cal organization called the Patriotic Union
depression, one of the principal passages be-
(EPU). On 25 March 1947, the EPU trans-
tween Ethiopia and Djibouti. Before the arrival
formed itself into the Hizbia Digil Mirifle So-
of the French, D. with its date-palm plantations
malia, which gained 13 seats in the 1956 Legis-
and wells, was one of the stations along the
lative Assembly elections but only three seats in
caravan route which connected the rich prov-
the 1969 elections.
ince of Awsa with the natural salts of Lake
The term D. has also been used somewhat
Assal and the port of Ta ra.
loosely for several Somali-related dialects of
The indigenous population of the region are
inter-riverine Somalia spoken both by the D.
the Afar and the Somali. Besides, there are
and other groups (s. Moreno 1955 for May,
numerous Arab and Ethiopian merchants at-
Lamberti 1986 for the dialects of the Garre,
tracted by the growing importance of trade with
the Tunni, the Dabarre, and the Jiiddu).
Ethiopia. D., which is located 120 km from the
Lit.: DAVID D. LAITIN – SAID S. SAMATAR, Somalia:
Nation in Search of a State, Boulder 1987, 28f.; capital of Djibouti and is connected to it by an
MARCELLO LAMBERTI, Die Somali-Dialekte: eine ver- asphalt road, is also the administrative centre of
gleichende Untersuchung, Hamburg 1986; IOAN a large administrative district of the same name
MYRDDIN LEWIS, A Modern History of Somalia: Nation and has taken the lead in the development of the
and State in the Horn of Africa, London 1988, 123, 125,
region, where pastoral and agricultural activities
146, 156, 160, 204; HELEN CHAPIN METZ, Somalia: a
Country Study, Washington, DC 1993, 77ff.; MARTINO still dominate. In the 1990s it became the
MARIO MORENO, Il somalo della Somalia: grammatica e fourth-biggest town in Djibouti, with a popula-
testi del Ben dir, D r d e Dighil, Roma 1955. tion of ca. 10,000 people, having a crucial posi-
Thomas P. Ofcansky tion along the route between the port of Dji-
bouti and Addis Abäba. It is used by many
tourists as a starting point for excursions to
Dikhil Lake Abbe on the border of Ethiopia, famous
Built on a small hilltop at the entrance to the for its large population of pink flamingos.
plain where the Wadi Ab atu runs, the adminis- Lit.: AUBERT DE LA RUE, La Somalie française, Paris
trative and military post of D. (Di il) was 1939; COLETTE DUBOIS, Djibouti 1888–1967. Héritage
founded in 1928 for the security of the southern ou frustration?, Paris 1997; PATRICK FRILET – PATRICK
borders of what was then French Somaliland EROUART-SIAD, Djibouti, Brumath 1999; ROBERT
SAINT VERAN, A Djibouti avec les Afars et les Issas,
( Djibouti). The town of D. is located 30 km Cannes 1977; PIERRE VELLUTINI – PATRICK PIGUET,
east of the Ethiopian border ( Awsa) and Djibouti. Itinéraires géologiques, Djibouti 1994.
52 km north of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti Rail- Colette Dubois
157
ikr
ikr 33; ID., “Un problème de mystique comparée: la mention

du nom divin (dhikr) dans la mystique musulmane”,
In Islamic mysticism (ta awwuf i.e. ‘Sufism’), . Revue Thomiste 2, 1952, 642–79; ibid. 3, 1953, 197–216;
(j∑g, from the verb akara ‘to mention, to re- ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL, Mystical Dimensions of Islam,
member’) is an exercise of religious piety, con- Chapel Hill 1975, 167–78; JOHN SPENCER TRIMINGHAM,
sisting in the recollection of God through repe- The Sufi Orders in Islam, Oxford 1971, 200–17.
Eloi Ficquet
tition of His names or laudatory formulae.
Generally meaning ‘memory’, . derives its ikr in Harär: Zikri
religious signification from Qur nic prescrip- Zikri is the Harari equivalent to ., but in
tions such as: “You who believe, remember God Harär the term refers not only to the various
with all your memory” (s ra 33:40). This form forms of ritual recitation and their ceremonial
of prayer is distinct from the daily obligatory contexts, but also to the individual devotional
al t. . can be practised either solitarily and in songs performed during the . rituals. Among
a whisper, especially in a spiritual retreat the ceremonial traditions developed by Ethiopian
( alwa), or collectively and loudly during the Muslims, zikri is quite a significant one, devel-
weekly ritual gatherings (sg. a ra). Besides the oped in the city that has been for centuries the
invocation of the names of God (e.g. al-kar m main centre of Islam in East Africa.
‘the Generous’; ar-ra m n war-ra m ‘the Zikri rituals are the result of a peculiar histori-
Clement, the Merciful’; huwa ‘He’, or simply cal process during which ceremonial and doc-
the final consonant h), the most common sen- trinal traits coming from the Arab countries were
tences pronounced in . are : l il ha ill ll h assimilated and transformed within the Harari
‘there is no god but God’; al- amdu lill h culture. The rituals take place in the local Muslim
‘Praise be to God’; All hu akbar ‘God is the shrines, in the Nabi G r (lit. ‘House of the
Greatest’. According to the preferences of each Prophet’), during weddings and funeral mourn-
congregation ( ar qa), . is performed in a spe- ings, in private houses or in the streets of the
cific ritual order, with peculiar breathings and town. In the sacred places, weekly gatherings are
physical movements. In the a ra ritual, . is held on the nights from Thursday to Friday, but
usually associated with the recitation of litanies also numerous other occasions such as the fes-
(awr d, pl. of wird, used as sg. by Ethiopian tivities of the Islamic calendar or the anniversa-
Muslims) or spiritual poems (man ma). ries of the major saints are celebrated.
In Ethiopia Harari zikri, Somali digri The religious hymns performed during the
formulae may be recited to cure people afflicted ceremonies probably originated from the reper-
by evil spirits (e.g., zar). The frontier between toire of qa das brought to Harär from Arab
ecstasy sought in . and possession rituals may countries, and still today most of the zikri per-
thus appear rather blurred, even though relig- formed are in Arabic. Additionally, a rich body of
ious leaders strongly assert the distinction be- texts in Harari (and several other local languages,
tween both practices. above all Oromiffa) has developed. These texts
Islam; Islamic brotherhoods play a relevant role in Harari literature.
Lit.: DUNCAN Black MACDONALD, “ ikr”, in: EI1, vol. On the musical level, zikri songs are charac-
1, 983–84; LOUIS GARDET, “ ikr”, in: EI2, vol. 2, 230– terized by male responsorial singing, accompa-
Zikri ritual in Harar (right: reading from the Mawl d, left: singing zikri), photos 2000 by Simone Tarsitani, cour-
tesy of Archivi di Etnomusicologia, Accademia Nazionale di Santa Cecilia, Rome
158
Dilg mis
nied by large kettle-drums (karabu) and pairs of Lit.: CerIslam; ZENEBE BEKELE, Music in the Horn. A
wooden blocks (kabal). The large number of Preliminary Analytical Approach to the Study of Ethio-
pian Music, Stockholm 1987; CAMILLA GIBB, In the City
melodies, which bear no resemblance to either of Saints: Religion, Politics and Gender in Harar, Ph.D.
the Arab music or the neighbouring musical thesis, Oxford 1996; ECKHARD NEUBAUER, “Islamic
cultures, is generally based on portions of the Religious Music”, in: STANLEY SADIE (ed.), The New
diatonic scale, with ranges varying from a major Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, London 1980;
third to the octave. The singing is almost strictly CHRISTIAN POCHÉ, “Zikr and Musicology”, The World
of Music 20, 1, 1978, 59–73; GILBERT ROUGET, La
syllabic and generally monodic. Nevertheless musique et la transe, Paris 1980; AMNON SHILOAH,
certain elements of the performance should be Music in the World of Islam, Detroit, MI 1995; SIMONE
taken into account: these include the hetero- TARSITANI, “Zikri Rituals in Harar: a Musical Analysis”,
phonic processes generated by the combination in: PICES 15, in preparation; AHMED ZEKARIA, “Some
Remarks on Shrines of Harar”, in: BERTRAND HIRSCH –
of several melodic variations sung at the same MANFRED KROPP (eds.), Saints, Biographies and History
time and the overlapping of the soloist’s voice in Africa, Frankfurt am Main 2003, 19–29.
with the chorus at the end of every stanza. Simone Tarsitani
The rhythmic accompaniment is based on three
main models: the qa da karabu, the qu qu and a Dilg mis
family of rhythms that has several forms named
arat ala, s t ala, asra siddist ala etc. These D. ( øBVªe) was the last sul n of the Ma z m
models are quite far from the Arab rhythms and dynasty in Šäwa and ruled in the years 1263–
derive to some extent from elements of the local 69, 1278–79 and 1280–85. When he came to
musical pagan cults. They have different functions power after the abdication of his brother Gir m
relating to the rituals and to the moments of per- Gaz i on 6 December 1263, the dynasty was
formance. The qa da karabu, based on a binary already in total turmoil: several lines of the
form and played continuously, is suitable for family strove for supremacy. Rebellions of tribes
dancing. The qu qu and the ala family, based on and towns followed one after the other and
more complex patterns arranged depending on the droughts and plagues became the consequence.
text, are characterized by the interruption of the In his first years, D. was quite successful. In
rhythmic part during the solo singing section, thus 1264/65 he killed the prince of Mora. In
allowing the participants to follow more carefully 1266/67 he subdued several notables (umar
the meaning of the religious lyrics. wuzar wa-sal n) who must have been in
Four main categories of zikri can be distin- opposition to him before, and in 1269 he killed
guished. The zikris performed during the cere- the prince of id ya. But then, on 2 October
monial reading of the Mawl d, mainly accom- 1269, Dilm rra b. M lzarra, who belonged to
panied by the qa da karabu, are the most com- another line of the Ma z m family, made him-
mon and are currently performed on the occasion self sul n. Perhaps a fight with the people of
of weddings and of the most important celebra- Degun, which had occurred shortly before, was
tions in the shrines. The zikris of the Nabi G r, not successful. The deposed D. did not give up
usually with lyrics in Harari, are accompanied by till he and his brothers were taken prisoners in
the qu qu and the ala rhythms. These hymns June/July 1276 after losing a battle at Abut.
are the most peculiar of the Harari culture and The problems with which Dilm rra was con-
they seem to have developed in order to fulfil the fronted were almost the same as those of D.
teaching needs of the distinctive devotional place More than that: with the newly established
they are performed in. The zikris for the house- Walašma dynasty in Ifat, an enemy appeared
holds in mourning (am ta g r) are similar to the who was more dangerous than the petty tribal
ones of the Nabi G r, but their texts are related chieftains. First, Dilm rra tried to neutralize the
to the funerary occasion and are typically per- new menace by marrying a Walašma princess in
formed by a man – singing and playing karabu – 1271. That gave him only a short reprieve. At the
and a choir of women responding to him. The end of 1276, Walašma and his son Al appeared
last category is that of the female zikris. These are in Šäwa. Dilm rra had to flee from one place to
generally performed during weddings or during the next and finally to the Christian Emperor.
the mourning time, accompanied by the small The chaos all over, this gave D. the chance to
drum used by the women or only sung. Women regain the throne in July/August 1278. The
rarely sing zikris in the shrines. change of government did not hinder the
159
Dilg mis
Walašma from continuing their conquest. D. Christian Friedrich

had to fight on different fronts: against the August Dillmann;
Walašma , against Abdall b. an , a remote from Dillmann 1866
relative of his own family who made himself
sul n for nine months (May/June 1279 – Janu-
ary/February 1280), against Dilm rra who re-
turned in April/May 1280, but was taken pris-
oner and killed by the Walašma in May 1283,
and against several other rebels. The final end
came in July/August 1285. Walašma entered
Šäwa again, deposed the Ma z m and killed
the entire family.
Lit.: ENRICO CERULLI, “Il Sultanato dello Scioa nel
secolo XIII secondo un nuovo documento storico”, RSE
1, 1941, 3–36 [repr. in: CerIslam 207–43]; BELAYNESH
MICHAEL, “Dil-G mis”, in: DicEthBio 51. also in Berlin that D. in 1878 published the third
Ewald Wagner and last of his great manuscript catalogues, a
description of the Ethiopian collection in the
German capital’s Royal Library (today: Staats-
Dillmann, Christian Friedrich August bibliothek zu Berlin).
D. (b. 25 April 1823, Illingen, Germany, d. 4 D.’s intensive work with Ethiopian manu-
July 1894, Berlin) was one of the most promi- scripts, be it in the elaboration of catalogues or in
nent Ethiopisants of the 19th cent.; oftentimes he the preparation of text editions (see below), made
is even referred to as the founder of modern- him keenly aware of the lack of adequate philol-
day Ethiopian Studies. Various aspects of ogical tools for the study of G z. At the same
G z philology were at the centre of D.’s time, this work offered him an opportunity to
scholarly endeavours. A considerable number of gather and excerpt much textual material. This
his works in this field have not been superseded laid the basis for D.’s own attempts to remedy
and quite a few of them are still indispensable the situation and to provide such tools. Within
for the philologist and the historian alike. less than a decade, he published a G z grammar
D. was a Protestant theologian by training. (1857), a monumental G z-Latin dictionary
From 1840–45 he studied in Tübingen, where (1865) and a G z chrestomathy (1866), thereby
Heinrich von Ewald probably first inspired to single-handedly creating an apparatus of G z
him an interest in G z and Ethiopian things. philology. All three of these works have been
After an interlude of half a year of service as a reprinted well into the 20th cent.
curate, D. in 1846 received a Ph.D. from Tübin- From the outset D.’s philological ground-
gen University. Thereafter, he devoted his life work was no arid exercise undertaken for its
entirely to scholarly work in the two fields of own sake, but stimulated by an interest in G z
Ethiopian and Old Testament Studies. D. spent literature and intended to facilitate its explora-
the years 1846–48 in Paris, London and Oxford, tion. This is amply demonstrated by the numer-
where he studied the local Ethiopian manuscript ous and often richly annotated text-editions
collections. The immediate outcome of these which D. published throughout his career. In
researches were his two model catalogues of the his selection of texts D.’s theological roots are
Ethiopian manuscripts in London’s British easily discernible. As is well known, the O.T.
Museum ( British Library) and Oxford’s canon of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church tra-
Bodleian Library (1847, 1848). After his re- ditionally comprises a number of books absent
turn to Tübingen in 1848, D. became an in- from the canons of the Western and Greek
structor for O.T. and Oriental Languages at the churches. Evidently these “apocryphal” books
Theological Seminar. In 1853, still in Tübingen, are of particular interest to the Ethiopianist and
he was promoted to the rank of professor and the O.T. scholar alike. It therefore seems con-
thereafter held positions at the Universities of sistent that D. published editions of the three
Kiel (1854), Gießen (1864) and, finally, Berlin most important ones from among these “O.T.
(1869), where he spent the rest of his life. It was apocrypha”. In 1851 the Mä afä Henok (s.
160
Dima Giyorgis
Enoch) was D.’s first Ethiopic text edition, comprehensive history of Ethiopia. Such a work
complemented in 1853 by a translation and a never materialised, but D. published a number
commentary. The G z version of the Book of of shorter studies on the history of Aksum
Jubilees, of which he had already given a and on the early Solomonic period, such as, e.g.,
translation in the Jahrbücher der biblischen “Über die Anfänge des Axumitischen Reiches”
Wissenschaft (2, 1849/50, 230–56; 3, 1850/51, 1– (1853; ²1878/79) and “Die Kriegstaten des Kö-
96), was published in 1859, and the Ascension of nigs Amda- ion gegen die Muslim” (1883).
Isaiah followed suit in 1877. Src.: DillmLond; DillmBodl; DillmLex; DillmZarY;
With respect to the standard O.T. in G z, AUGUST DILLMANN, Das Buch Henoch, Leipzig 1853;
D. had set himself the task of publishing all its ID., Biblia Veteris Testamenti aethiopica, in quinque
tomos distributa …, vol. 1: Octateuchus Aethiopicus,
books in critical annotated editions. According Lipsiae 1853–55, vol. 2: Libri Rerum, Paralipomenon,
to his plan, this was to be achieved in five vol- Esdrae, Esther, Lipsiae 1861–71; ID., Grammatik der
umes. Vol. 1, the G z Octateuch, appeared as äthiopischen Sprache, Leipzig 1857, ²1899 [English tr.:
early as 1853. Over the years, however, the Ethiopic Grammar, ed. by CARL BEZOLD, tr. by JAMES
A. CRICHTON, London 1907]; AUGUST FERDINAND
immense task proved to be beyond even D.’s MICHAEL VAN MEHREN, Codices orientales Bibliothecæ
capacities. Already vol. 2, comprising the Books Regiæ Haviensis jussu et auspiciis regis Daniæ
of Samuel and Kings, had to be published in two augustissimi Christiani Octavi enumerati et descripti …,
instalments in 1861 and 1871, and the projected part 3, Havniæ 1857, 78f. [2 ms. described by D.];
vols. 3 and 4 never materialized. Vol. 5, com- AUGUST DILLMANN, ue=Dy hGr sive Liber
Jubilaeorum …, Londini 1859; ID., Chrestomathia
prising the deuterocanonical books (Baruch, Aethiopica, Lipsiae 1866 [repr. in: ERNST HAM-
Epistola Jeremiae, Tobith, Judith, Ecclesiasticus, MERSCHMIDT (ed.), Anthologia Aethiopica, Hildesheim –
Sapientia, Esdrae Apocalypsis, Esdras Graecus), Zürich – New York 1988]; ID., Ascensio Isaiae aethiopice
appeared only posthumously in 1894. In 1879, et latine cum prolegomenis …, Lipsiae 1877; ID., “Der
aethiopische Text des Joel”, in: ADALBERT MERX, Die
however, stepping outside his comprehensive Prophetie des Joel und ihre Ausleger, Halle/Saale 1879,
scheme, D. had already published the G z 449–58; AUGUST DILLMANN, “Zur Geschichte des
version of Joel in a collective publication de- Axumitischen Reiches im vierten bis sechsten Jahrhun-
voted to this prophet. Beyond the biblical dert”, Abhandlungen der Königlichen Akademie der
books, D. translated the Gädlä Adam (Jahr- Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Philosophische-historische
Klasse 1880–81, 1–51; ID., “Bemerkungen zur Gramma-
bücher der biblischen Wissenschaft 5, 1852/53; tik des Geez und zur alte Geschichte Abessiniens”,
1853) and in his Chrestomathia Aethiopica of- Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie
fered editions of a number of shorter religious der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1890, 3–17; s. also Lockot I.
texts in G z. Lit.: WOLF WILHELM GRAF BAUDISSIN, “August Dill-
mann”, Leipzig 1895 [offprint from: Allgemeine Zeitung
Also in the field of O.T. studies proper, D. (München), no. 123–25, 1895]; ERNST HAMMER-
counted among the leading scholars of his day. SCHMIDT, Äthiopistik an deutschen Universitäten, Wies-
His main contribution in this domain were a baden 1968, 16–21, 70ff. (Lit.); ENNO LITTMANN, “Au-
series of commentaries on major O.T. books gust Dillmann, 1823–1894”, in: MAX MILLER (ed.),
(the whole Pentateuch, Job, Isaiah). All of these Schwäbische Lebensbilder, Stuttgart 1940, vol. 1, 105–14
[repr. in: RUDI PARET – ANTON SCHALL (eds.), Ein
commentaries saw reprints during D.’s lifetime, Jahrhundert Orientalistik. Lebensbilder aus der Feder
those on Genesis and Isaiah even multiple ones. von Enno Littmann und Verzeichnis seiner Schriften …,
D., moreover, left a manuscript version of an Wiesbaden 1955, 1–10] (Lit.); UllBibl.
O.T. theology, which Rudolf Kittel posthu- Michael Kleiner
mously (1895) published as Handbuch der alt-
testamentlichen Theologie.
As a virtual pioneer in G z philology, D. Dima Giyorgis
almost inevitably had to devote the greater part The monastery of D.G. (8xy M_?MF , known
of his work to the basic tasks sketched above: also as Däbrä Dima or Däbrä D ma [not to be
manuscript description, creation of philological confused with Däbrä D ma in Eritrea]) is
tools, publication of a corpus of texts. He was located in nnämay wäräda (former B äna
not, however, as a matter of principle averse to awra a) 8 km from B äna, between the rivers
historical synthesis and interpretation. Ham- Gäd and Ziya, in Go am. The word dima is
merschmidt (1968:20) claims that D., early in his traditionally believed to be derived from G z
career, even conceived the idea of writing a ;xB (d ma , ‘head, skull’). It is said to refer to
161
Dima Giyorgis
the honour and prestige of the monastery or its

head-like form on top of a cliff.
D.G. is believed to have been founded by abba
Bäkimos of Däbrä Asbo ( Däbrä Libanos).
According to a local legend, he drove away a
female demon mmäw lad and performed many
miracles, including one involving a super natural
heavenly light, hence his name Täkä tä B rhan
(‘light has been revealed’). He evangelized the
area and founded a church dedicated to St.Mary
in a cave at Dima (ca. 1376), which was raised to
the status of a gädam by a e DawitII in 1395.
Täkä tä B rhan’s successor as abbot, abba
omos, visited the royal court in the time of a e Dima Giyorgis, entrance gate; photo courtesy of the IES
Y s aq and returned with the tabot of
George of Lydda. The position of D.G. was As the locality was administered by dä az-
changed to that of a däbr (cp. Cerulli 1943:1f.). ma ä ayä nqwä llase (1960–68), D.G. lost
A e L bnä D ng l confirmed the autonomous its administrative and judicial rights and reve-
status of D.G. During the period of incursions nues. This led to an exodus of clerics as its pres-
led by A mad b. Ibr h m al- z (Grañ), the tige waned. D.G. was a prestigious centre of
monastery was not destroyed, but the monks had traditional education, specializing in q ne
to flee. In 1655, under abba Wäldä Giyorgis, a poetry and t rgwame interpretation; the treas-
new church was built to replace the cave-church ury of the monastery is reported to be unusu-
(called Qädamit Maryam). In the following cen- ally rich (manuscripts, paintings on wood, litur-
turies D.G. remained an ardent supporter of the gical vestments, paraphernalia, s. Henze 1977;
Q bat faction. D.G.’s connection to Däbrä particularly interesting is a Gospels manuscript,
Libanos of Šäwa was always close. richly illustrated and very close to ms. BritLib,
In the time of the struggle against the Italians, Orient. 510, ChojPaint 68).
D.G. was a centre of resistance. In 1938 the Täklä Alfa; Monasteries
monastery was bombed, leaving the church Src.: KinBibl no. 148, 91; AmhChurchD vol.4., 31ff.
undamaged but inflicting many casualties Lit.: ENRICO CERULLI, “Gli Atti di Takla Alfa”, Annali
IUO 2, 1943, 1–85, esp. 1–5 (Lit.); PAUL BERNARD
among the monks. At a major battle in 1939, the HENZE, Ethiopian Journeys: Travels in Ethiopia, 1969–72,
Italian forces led by Major Dabobo were de- London 1977; ChojPaint 68, s. index.
feated at D.G. Joachim Persoon
Dimbo Garbaa Lidia Garbaa
Dime
Dime language
D. is an Omotic language of the Eastern sub-
family (BendLang) spoken by 5,587 people in
the district of Salamago in the southern Omo
zone, 120 km from the administrative centre,
inka. The D. speakers refer to their language
as Dim aaf (also Dim af, Dim ko af, ‘D. of
mouth’ or ‘mouth of D.’). The two mutually
intelligible dialects of D. are Garfa and U a.
Most of the D. speakers are bilingual or multi-
lingual, since they interact with the neighbour-
ing speakers of other languages, such as Bodi
( Me en), Basketo, Gofa, Amharic etc.
(Mulugeta Seyoum 1998:1f.; 1999). Fleming
162
Dime
(1990) argues that there are D. speakers outside

the D. land who are refugees in Basketo and the
Aari mountains, plus the few D. Amhara who
have travelled elsewhere.
The consonant phonemes of D. include: stops
(p, b, t, d, k, g, ), fricatives (f, s, z, š, , x, ,
, h), affricates ( , , ), nasals (m, n), liquids (l,
r), ejectives and implosives ( , , t , , , q, ) and
glides (w, y). It has a total of 33 consonant and 9
vowel phonemes. The vowels are front (i, e, ),
central (i, ) and back (u, o, , a). Except for the
central vowels and the lax front and back vow-
els and the other five vowels have their long
counterparts. In pre-vowel position, the non-
geminated bilabial consonants p and b occur as
and ß respectively.
In D., word-medial and word-final clusters of
two consonants do occur, while initial clusters
do not occur in the words of the language. The wokk l ‘one’ ma se ‘blood’
following are the syllable types of D. (where C q st n ‘two’ iyyi ‘sun’
means consonant and V vowel): CV, CVC, eet ‘three’ irfii ‘moon’
CVV, CVVC, CVCC, CVVCC. The first two nunu ‘fire’ áfé ‘teeth/mouth’
are considered as light syllables, while the other n ay ‘water’ ootu ‘leg’
four types heavy. Lit.: BendLang 46–49; HAROLD FLEMING, “A Gram-
Gemination is phonemic and results in mini- matical Sketch of Dime (Dim-Af) of the Lower Omo”,
mal pairs in D., for instance, ime, ‘breast’ vs. in: Richard J. HAYWARD (ed.), Omotic Language Stud-
imme, ‘give him’, guluu, ‘an owned land’ vs. ies, London 1990; ID., “Omotic Overview”, in:
BendNonSLang 299–322; MULUGETA SEYOUM, Phonol-
gulluu, ‘a nucleus of wood’ etc. However, ogy of Dime, Addis Ababa University 1998 (ms.), 1–35;
gemination is not as common as in Amharic ID., Y8yy -A:A-y +Ws!y <#<y !O?y 83M (Yädime
and never occurs at word-initial position. The b eräsäb bahl nna qwanqwa a r q ññ t, ‘Some Brief
tones (high and low) are also phonemic. Exam- Information about the Culture and the Language of Dime
ples of minimal pairs are: gó ú (high-high), people’), Journal of the Ethiopian Languages Research
Centre 1, 1, 1999; ID., Dime Field Report, Jinka 2002 (ms.);
‘navel’ vs. gó ù (high-low), ‘ribs’ vs. gò ú (low- RALPH SIEBERT, “A Survey of the Dime Language”,
high), ‘pressed’ (Mulugeta Seyoum 2002). S.L.L.E. Linguistic Reports 31, 1995, 2–14; AKLILU YILMA
Plurals are usually formed by adding affixes – RALPH SIEBERT, “Survey of Chara, Dime, Melo and
Nayi, part 1”, ibid. 25, 1995, 2–7.
to the noun stems. For instance, the following Mulugeta Seyoum
nouns use the plural suffix af: gostu, ‘man’ –
gostaf, ‘men’, diibi, ‘rain’ – diibaf, ‘rains’. The Dime ethnography
definite nouns are marked with the suffix -is, The D. are an indigenous population of seden-
e.g., gostafis, ‘the men’. The direct object is tary agriculturalists, living in a relatively iso-
indicated by the suffix -im attached to the stem lated outlier of the highlands of southern
of the object noun, while the indirect object and Ethiopia around the mountain imša (or
benefactive are indicated by the suffix -in. The “Mount Smith”), in the large bend of the
following is an example: atu na -im der-in Omo River. According to official statistics of
ba at/I water-obj goat-to took-I/‘I took water 1994, they numbered around 6,200 people.
to goat’. Neighbours of the D. are the Surmic-speaking
Fleming (1990) pointed out that the basic verb Bodi ( Me en) to the south and the Basketo
in D. is normally positive and active, as opposed and Gofa at some distance to the east. The
to negative and passive, in its unmarked state. Omo River is their north-western border.
Normally, negation has to be marked by a spe- Like the Dizi, who live across the Omo to
cial suffix and so does passivity. their south-west, the D. were an independent,
The ten basic vocabulary items of D. are: hierarchically organized society of chiefdoms,
163
Dime
are sorghum, ef, maize, nsät, root crops,

beans, bananas and coffee. Due to a lack of
roads and transport, there is little or no connec-
tion to outside markets. Most “D. Amhara”
people have also left the D. country in recent
years. The Bodi have encroached on D. terri-
tory, virtually annexing it (Gärfa and Irka areas),
and D. in the lower-lying areas bordering the
Bodi have become their ‘clients’.
Lit.: HAROLD C. FLEMING, “The Dime of Gemu-Gofa:
Ethnography of a Tragedy”, in: PICES 10, vol. 1, 449–51;
EIKE HABERLAND, “Die Dime”, in: VSAe I, 227–62;
DAVE TODD, “Aspects of Chieftainship in Dimam, South
West Ethiopia”, Cahiers d’Études Africaines 71, 1978, 311–
22; ID., “War and Peace between the Bodi and Dime of
South-Western Ethiopia”, in: KATSUYOSHI FUKUI —
DAVID TURTON (eds.), Warfare among East African
Herders, Osaka 1979, 211–25; JUDITH TODD, “Iron Pro-
duction by the Dimi of Southern Ethiopia”, in: RANDI G.
HAALAND — PETER LEWIS SHINNIE (eds.), African Iron
Dime market of Goldo; photo 1950/52 by Eike Haber- Working – Ancient and Modern, Oslo 1985, 88–101.
land, courtesy of the Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt am Jon G. Abbink
Main (23–Ha071–11)
based on agriculture and cattle-raising. They Dn r

were also one of the few remaining Ethiopian D. (iBƒÕe) is the name of the standard gold coin in
societies that until the late 1970s retained the the Arab world. It was known and also sparsely
traditional art of iron-smelting, carried out in used in medieval Ethiopia as attested by Arab
1.5-m-high earthen furnaces. The iron was used literary sources of the 13th cent. as well as by
for spears, plough points and various other stray finds.
tools and sold to their neighbours. When a e aylä llase I devised his first
Following their inclusion in the Ethiopian po- currency reform in 1931, it was planned to be
litical economy after 1898, the relatively prosper- backed by gold. This might be the reason why
ous D. were heavily hit by the northern occupa- the largest of the new coins was projected as a
tion, due to a particularly exploitative type of piece inscribed “1 Dinar”. However, in the
gäbbar system established among them. course of the international monetary crisis, the
Northern (mostly Amhara) settlers became the plan of a gold standard had to be abandoned
new administrators and lords of the D., although and the coin did not go into circulation, only a
they became strongly assimilated to D. society few trial strikes (on silver planchets of half-
and language. Many D. were enslaved and disap- b rrs) being known.
peared to the north. They were also vulnerable
to frequent attacks and raids on life and prop-
erty (cattle) from the Bodi agro-pastoralists,
from whom they were not protected by the
Imperial police or army – the latter had even
disarmed the local D. highland population.
Since the early years of the 20th cent., D. has
been a society in crisis and demographic decline,
due to violence, disease, economic decline and
emigration. In recent decades there has been “1 Dinar” with coronation date 1923 A.M. [1930 A.D.];
some stabilization of their numbers. photo courtesy of the author
D. now survive as subsistence farmers in a Coinage
relatively fertile but precarious highland zone, Lit.: PankSoc 295; DENNIS GILL, The Coinage of Ethiopia,
in an uneasy relationship with the Bodi. They Eritrea, and Italian Somalia, New York 1991, 52f., 147.
cultivate on terraced fields. Their main products Wolfgang Hahn
164
Dir
Din a en a homogeneous dialects (Lamberti 1988).

The northern Somali dialects differ from the
D n Mu ammad Burh n other Somali dialects spoken in central and
D.M.B. (∆B«jI f¿Zø ”ƒÕe) was sul n of Ra ayta southern Somalia and along its central and
in the early 1860s. He was one of the more southern coast, as well as in Kenya. The main
important Afar chiefs who agreed to sell the peculiarities of the Northern Somali dialects are
small port of Ra ayta to the French government the presence of the pharyngeal phonemes / /
by an agreement negotiated in Paris in Febru- and / /, i.e., c and x in Somali orthography, a
ary–March 1862 by the son of sul n Ab clear distinction between /q/ and / /, i.e., q and
Bakr of Zayla . This French purchase was the kh, plurals of monosyllabic masculine nouns
first step towards the acquisition of Obock with partial reduplication (e.g., sanan, ‘noses’
and Djibouti. from san), the occurrence of -koo/-too as one of
Lit.: JEAN DORESSE, Histoire sommaire de la Corne the demonstratives, an opposition between
orientale de l’Afrique, Paris 1971; MARC FONTRIER, inclusive 1st pers. pl. innaga, ‘we (but not you)’
Abou Bakr Ibrahim Pacha de Zeyla, marchand and exclusive 1st pers. pl. annaga, ‘we and you’,
d’esclaves …, Paris 2003; RubActa II, s. index. etc. (for more details see Lamberti 1986a:49–57).
Sven Rubenson
Among the peculiarities that distinguish the D.
dialects from the rest of Northern Somali the
Dir following should be pointed out:
1. the phoneme / / always maintains its realiza-
Dir language tion as [ ] even between vowels and word-
D. (Northern Somali, “Northern Somali in its
finally, while in the rest of Northern Somali it is
proper sense”, also called Isaaq) designates a
realized either as retroflex [ ] or as plain [r]
group of Somali dialects spoken in the extreme
intervocalically, cf. Dir wuu yi[ ]i ‘he said’ vs.
north-western part of the Somali-speaking ter-
the rest of Northern Somali wuu yi[ ]i or
ritory: the Djibouti Republic, the three re-
wuu/waa yi[r]i;
gions forming the former British Somaliland:
2. the more restricted distribution of the plural
Waqooyi Galbeed, Tog eer and Sanaag of the
morpheme -yaal, that occurs only in non-
Democratic Republic of Somalia, as well as in
monosyllabic masculine nouns ending in a vowel;
eastern Ethiopia along the frontier with north-
3. in negated sentences the negation merges with
west Somalia (s. map in Lamberti 1986a:33). The
the subject pronouns in a different way to what
D. cluster consists of three dialect groups,
it does in the other Northern Somali dialects.
namely: (1) that spoken by the Issa (Ciise) in
Djibouti and in the district of Zayla (Waqooyi Pers. Dir rest of Northern meaning
Galbeed); (2) the one spoken by the Somali
1st sg. ma- aan ma/ maan/ ma- ‘I did/do not’
Gadabuursi (Geedabuursi) in the Somali re-
aan-an
gion of Waqooyi Galbeed; and (3) D. dialect 2nd sg. ma- aad ma/ maad/ maad- ‘You did/do
proper spoken in the Somali regions of an/ ma- aad-an not …’, etc.
Waqooyi Galbeed, Tog eer and Sanaag as well 3rd masc. ma- uu ma/ muu/ maas/
as in eastern Ethiopia in the south of the fron- sg. ma- uus-an
tier with north-west Somalia. 3rd fem. ma- ay ma/ may/ may-na/
Among these dialects D. proper is the one sg./3rd pl. may-n-an
with by far the greatest number of speakers, and 1st pl. ma- aannu ma/ maan/ maan-
which has received the most attention in schol- an/ ma- aan-an
arly literature. It may be the best analysed So- 2nd pl. ma- aaydin ma/ maad/ maydn-
an/ ma- ayd-an
mali dialect in general. This also explains why in
the past the D. dialects have often been identi- Language samples
fied with D. proper (cf. Cerulli 1919; Moreno Ten-word list: koow, ‘one’; laba, ‘two’; sadde
1955:iii–iv). The D. cluster is part of the so- (saddex), ‘three’; biyo, ‘water’; dab, ‘fire’; qorra
called “Northern Somali” dialects (cf. Lamberti (qorrax), ‘sun’; bil, ‘moon’; iig (dhiig), ‘blood’;
1986b:13–16, 1986a:30ff.), roughly corresponding arrab (carrab), ‘tongue’; ilig, ‘tooth’.
to Andrzejewski’s (1971) “Common Somali”. Personal pronouns: 1st pers. sg. ani-ga (I/me),
The “Northern Somali” is a cluster of relatively 2nd pers. sg. adi-ga, ‘thou/thee’; 3rd pers. masc.
165
Dir
1968, 1–51; LEO REINISCH – BOGUMIL WITALIS
ANDRZEJEWSKI, “Some Observations on Hybrid Verbs in
Somali”, ibid. 10, 1969, 47–89; CHRISTOPHER RICHARD
VINCENT BELL, The Somali Language, London 1953;
ENRICO CERULLI, “Nota sui dialetti somali”, RSO 8, 1919,
693–99; ROBERT HETZRON, “The particle baa in Northern
Somali”, Journal of African Languages 4, 1965, 118–30;
JOHN WILLIAM CARNEGIE KIRK, A Grammar of the
Somali Language with Examples in Prose and Verse and an
Account of the Yibir and Midgan Dialects, Cambridge 1905;
MARCELLO LAMBERTI, Die Somali-Dialekte: Eine verglei-
chende Untersuchung, Hamburg 1986a (Kuschitische
Sprachstudien 5), 30ff.; ID., Map of Somali Dialects in the
Somali Democratic Republic, Hamburg 1986b, 13–16; ID.,
Somali Language and Literature, Hamburg, 1986c (African
Linguistic Bibliographies 2); ID., Die Nordsomali-Dialekte:
Eine synchronische Beschreibung. Studia Linguarum Africae
Orientalis, vol. 1, Heidelberg 1988 (Lit.); MARTINO MARIO
MORENO, Il somalo della Somalia. Grammatica e testi del
Ben dir, D r d e Dighil, Roma 1955, iii–iv; MARIA VON
TILING, “Adjektiv-Endungen im Somali”, Zeitschrift für
Eingeborenensprachen 10, 1919–20, 208–40.
Marcello Lamberti
sg. isa-ga, ‘he/him’; 3rd pers. fem. sg. iya-da,
‘she/her’; 1st pers. pl. (incl.) inna-ga, ‘we/us’; 1st Dir ethnography
pers. pl. (excl.) anna-ga, ‘we/us’; 2nd pers. pl. The D., the oldest of four pastoral Somali clan
idin-ka, ‘you’; 3rd pers. pl. iya-ga, ‘they/them’. families (others include Daarood, Isaaq and
Demonstratives are highly developed in dis- Hawiye), are divided into the Issa ( Iise),
tinguishing different degrees of nearness/farness Gadabuursi and Biyamaal clans. The Issa and
(here only the masc. forms are given): -ka the Gadabuursi, most of whom are camel herders,
common article, -kii the remote article, -kan live in northwest Somalia, Djibouti, and eastern
and -ka-kan, ‘this’ (near to the speaker), -kaa Ethiopia. The Biyamaal, who are largely cattle
and -kaas, ‘that’, -koo, ‘that’ (in the middle herders and farmers, inhabit the area between
distance) and -keer, ‘that’ (in the far distance). Mogadishu and Merca.
The copula is waa ,‘is/are’. Various traditions provide an explanation for
The most important works on the D. dialect the name of D. It might have been the apical
include Reinisch’s (1900–03) contribution with ancestor of the Issa, Akiššo, Gurgurá, Bursúg,
a comprehensive dictionary (Somali–German/ and G. (Bader 1999:242). The D., as opposed to
German–Somali), numerous texts provided with the Daarood sub-grouping, are also collaterally
German translation and a noteworthy grammar descended, with the Hawiye, from a common
for the time; papers by von Tiling (1918, 1919– ancestor, Irrir, son of Soomaali. According to
20, 1925) on morphology; Bell’s (1953) textbook; this genealogy, Soomaali is the brother of Sab,
and in the second half of the 20th cent. above all father of the Digil tribal confederation. The
the contribution of Andrzejewski (cp. Lamberti “noble” Somali are the sons of Soomaali (or-
1986c). Mention should also be made of Hetzron’s which has also a substitute called Samaale).
work on northern Somali syntax; and of a com- D. history began in the 10th cent., when ances-
parative description of the northern Somali dia- tors of the D. occupied the region along the Gulf
lects by Lamberti (1988). of Aden coast between Ta ra and Cape
Src.: author’s own data. Gardafui. Somali tradition maintains that šay
Lit.: BOGUMIL WITALIS ANDRZEJEWSKI, “The Problem of Daarood Ism l travelled from Arabia, settled
Vowel Representation in the Isaaq Dialect of Somali”,
BSOAS 17, 1955, 567–80; ID., “Accentual Patterns in the among the D., and married a D. woman. Their
Verbal Forms in the Isaaq Dialect of Somali”, ibid. 18, 1, offspring established the Daarood clan.
1956, 103–29; ID., “Pronominal and Prepositional Particles The Issa occupy the region where the
in Northern Somali”, African Language Studies 1, 1960, 96– boundaries of Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Somalia
108; ID., “Notes on the Substantive Pronouns in Somali”,
ibid. 2, 1961, 80–99; ID., The Declensions of Somali Nouns,
converge and extend inland as far as D rre
London 1964; ID., “Inflectional Characteristics of the So- Dawa. During the Ogaden War (1977–78),
called Weak Verbs in Somali”, African Language Studies 9, many Issa fought against Ethiopia. Issa also
166
Diraašša
participated in the struggle against the Siad (Si- ern Dullay languages, who now neighbour
yaad) Barre regime (1969–91). them to the west, but may once have inhabited
Lit.: HELEN METZ (ed.), Somalia: a Country Study, the Konsoid territory (Black 1975). One well-
Washington D.C. 1993, xxi, 71, 73, 166; ROLAND OLIVER remarked feature of the northern Dullay-
(ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, vol. 3, Cam- Konsoid Sprachbund is the shared loss of pho-
bridge 1977, 139, 153; IOAN MYRDDIN LEWIS, The
Modern History of Somaliland, New York – Washington nemic voicing contrasts in plain obstruents, so
D.C. 1965, 23f.; LEE VINCENT CASSANELLI, The Shap- that the Proto-Lowland East Cushitic opposi-
ing of Somali Society: Reconstructing the History of a tions *p : *b, *t : *d, *k : *g, *s : *z underwent
Pastoral People, 1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982. neutralization.
Thomas P. Ofcansky
Certain properties of D. itself have attracted
the attention of linguists. One such property is
its case-marking, which, while reflecting its East
Diraašša Cushitic ancestry (with a marked nominative in -
Diraašša language i contrasting with an unmarked absolutive form
Genetically D. ( iraašša, irayta, Gidole, Gar- of wide syntactic distribution), has been much
dulla) belongs to the Konsoid group within obscured by a reduction of word-final short
Lowland East Cushitic. This affinity is attested vowels to “shadow vocoids” and by the em-
in terms of shared lexicon (Bender 1971; Black ployment of a focus-system that shifts the nomi-
1973), as well as common phonological and nal predicate or complement forms (in absolutive
grammatical features (Black 1973). Konsoid’s form) to the front of the sentence by a clefting
nearest Lowland East Cushitic relative is operation (Tosco 1996; Hayward 1986, 1998).
Oromo and apart from a shared stock of vo- Another feature arising out of the focus-system is
cabulary, this relationship is apparent in both that affirmative declarative paradigms of verbs
noun and verb morphology. Of special note come in three sets, the occurrence of which cor-
here is the innovative group development relates with the scope of focus being either the
(Hayward 1986) whereby a derivative of the 1st subject, the complement, or the entire predicate
pers. sg. subject pronoun replaced the earlier (Hayward 1986, Hayward – Saeed 1984).
complement form, which had involved supple- Cushitic
tion; thus, Oromo an-i(n) ‘I’ : na, ‘me’; D. an- Lit.: MARVIN LIONEL BENDER, “The Languages of
tu, ‘I’ : an ‘me’; cf. Proto-Lowland East Ethiopia: a New Lexicostatistic Classification and some
Cushitic *an-i/u, ‘I’ : *yi/u ‘me’. Problems of Diffusion”, Anthropological Linguistics 13,
Certain peculiar features of the Konsoid 5, 1971, 165–288; PAUL BLACK, “The Konsoid Dialect
Chain: an Example of Extreme Dialect Differentiation”,
group are attributed to close contact with and
1973 (ms.); ID., “Linguistic Evidence on the Origins of
substratum influences of speakers of the north- the Konsoid Peoples”, in: USCES 291–302; HAILU
KASSAYE, Gidole Verb Morphology, B.A. thesis, Addis
Ababa University 1988; RICHARD J. HAYWARD, “Some
Observations on D’irayta (Gidole) Pronouns”, in:
PICES 6, 275–94; ID., “Vowel Reduction, Tone and
Nominal Declension in D’irayta”, in: MARK JANSE (ed.),
Productivity and Creativity: Studies in General and
Descriptive Linguistics in Honor of E.M. Uhlenbeck,
Berlin – New York 1998 (Trends in Linguistics: Studies
and Monographs 116), 503–19; RICHARD J. HAYWARD –
JOHN IBRAHIM SAEED, “NP Focus in Somali and
D’irayta: a Comparison of Baa and Pa”, in: THOMAS
LABAHN (ed.), Proceedings of the Second International
Conference of Somali Studies, University of Hamburg,
August 1–6, 1983, Hamburg 1984, vol. 1, 1–21; MAURO
TOSCO, “The Strange Case of D’irayta Subject Case”,
Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 17, 1996,
27–45; DINOTE KUSIA [SHENKERE] – RALPH SIEBERT,
“Second Survey of Language of the Gawwada, Tsamay
and Diraasha Areas with Excursions to Birayle (Ongota)
and Arbare (Irbore)”, S.L.L.E. Linguistic Reports 20,
1994, 2–12.
Richard J. Hayward
167
Diraašša
Diraašša ethnography
The D. inhabit today the area to the east of the
ridge of the Gardula Mountain down to the
southern shore of Lake amo. Before the
conquest by the northern-Ethiopian armies the
D. also occupied the Gumayde-highland in the
Rift Valley. During a e M nil k’s reign,
however, the district was divided between the
soldiers of merit of the northern-Ethiopian
army. Even the central territory of the D.
(kitoole) and the ridge area were turned into an
Amhara settlement zone. In the latter region the
winners established there the kätäma of
Gardula on top of the mountain, which remained
till the time of the Italian conquest ( Italian war
1935) the most southern political and military
centre of the Empire. Under the Italians, the
administrative centre was moved about 300 m
lower down to Gidole (cp. kitoole).
In spite of those drastic changes the D. man-
aged to preserve many of their cultural peculi-
arities (primarily to the south of Gidole) up to Diraašša landscape; photo 1999, courtesy of Hermann
the Revolution of 1974. The ethnographical Amborn
publications on the D. have, however, been
rather limited – in contrast to those on, for (under the numerous lineages of nine clans)
emerged in the course of the 19th cent. at the
example, the neighbouring Konso – to very
latest. Up to the Revolution of 1974, from this
few narrow fields of research.
lineage emerged the hereditary priestly chief of
The urban-like centres of the southern kitoole
the D., called aam(a). In order to preserve the
region, divided into wards, belong along with
lineage of the aam(a) institution even a
those of Bur i, Konso and O ollo to the
aam(a)’s chief widow (haa et) could take up the
cultural peculiarities of the area. The agricul-
function of such a priestly chief – even though
tural achievements of the D. can also be com-
the society was patrilineally organized. The
pared to those of Konso. Even if today the in-
authority of the aam(a) was mainly based on
tensive land cultivation in many of the parts of
their power over the rain and epidemic diseases.
the D. habitat belongs rather to the past, it was
They were acknowledged as rainmakers far out-
the D. who managed to develop Gidole into one
side their own territory among the neighbouring
of the most important agricultural markets in
ethnic groups. Many of the aam(a) features can
the southern part of the Rift Valley. The inten-
be compared to those of the sacred kingdom.
sified agriculture was and is ensured and sup-
Into recent times there has undoubtly been a
ported by differentiated handicraft products, certain rivalry between the egalitarian currents
manufactured by full-time craftsmen (haw a). and centralization tendencies; D. society has at
Their quality tools can even today compete with least tried to control the power by religious
industrial products, even though the latter can restrictions and an extremely complex system of
be obtained at the Gidole market at a cheaper political offices.
price. Even leather-working, having almost Lit.: HERMANN AMBORN, “Referenz und Abwehr. Der
vanished in the rest of south-west Ethiopia, is sprachliche Niederschlag der gesellschaftlichen Sonder-
still flourishing here. stellung von Lineage-Ältesten in der Burji-Konso-
One of the traits of the D. deserves to be em- Gruppe”, in: RAINER VOSSEN – ULRIKE CLAUDI (eds.),
phasized. While most of the ethnic groups of the Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur in Afrika: Vorträge, ge-
halten auf dem III. Afrikanistentag, Köln, 14./15. Oktober
Bur i-Konso cluster (a part of which the D. are 1982, Köln 1983, 305–29; HERMANN AMBORN, Differen-
also considered to be) have acephalous social zierung und Integration: Vergleichende Untersuchungen
structures, among the D. a dominant lineage zu Spezialisten und Handwerkern in südäthiopischen
168
Diseases
Agrargesellschaften, München 1990; HANSAMO HAMELLA, Nowadays Ethiopia is the country with one
Internal History of D’irasha (Gidole), B.A. thesis, Addis the highest rates of child and maternal deaths in
Ababa University 1983; GUNTER MINKER, Burji-Konso- Eastern Africa (in 2003, rates of child deaths in
Gidole-Dullay: Materialien zur Demographie, Land-
wirtschaft und Siedlungsstruktur eines südäthiopischen Ethiopia were recorded at 107 ‰; in Djibouti
Kulturareals, Bremen 1986 (Bremer Afrika Archiv 22). the rate was 117 ‰, in Somalia 126 ‰; Mozam-
Hermann Amborn bique leads the statistics with 201 ‰). The same
applies to protein-energy malnutrition and to
Dirree Boorana long-term development retardation of survi-
vors. Infections of respiratory organs and intes-
Diseases tines with malnutrition are the main D., besides
tropical D. (e.g. malaria; bilharziasis) which
D. can be defined as a physical and/or psycho-
lead to many deaths in Ethiopia and Eritrea.
logical state of condition in which the well-
Among the D. which were and still are com-
being of an individual is disturbed. Illness and
mon in Ethiopia and Eritrea, one can list diar-
health respectively are culturally defined. The
reahea, intestinal parasites, hepatitis, different
distinction between a D. and other kinds of
eye D., meningitis, tubercolosis, dengue, small-
misfortune is often not clearly made.
pox, cholera, typhus, dysentry, syphilis,
In traditional concepts of D. various causes
malaria and influenza. Today the human im-
for the outbreak of D., natural and supernatural,
munodefiency virus ( HIV) became one of the
are taken into consideration. D. are frequently
biggest problems in the whole region. Unique
seen as an expression of the will of God, but
diseases to Ethiopia include: relapsing fever,
also as a response to the action of ambiguous or
neurolathyrism, podoconiosis, fistula, epidemic
malevolent spirits and powers ( Buda;
fluorosis. Relapsing fever, caused by Borrelia
Possession cults; Zar) or poisonous animals.
recurrentis and transmitted by lice, is highly
For example hepatitis as well as a fungus of the
endemic in Ethiopia. It is likely that there are at
head skin are believed to be caused by a bird or
least 10,000 cases annually, more than in any
bat flying overhead. Immoral behaviour can
other country. It tends to be found in the high-
predestine a person to divine punishment or
lands from August to December.
certain spiritual affected D. In some traditional Neurolathyrism is a spastic paraparesis caused
concepts of misfortune and D., even the bad by a neurotoxin in a grass pea (lathyrus sativus),
deeds of ancestors can cause D. Traditional pa- commonly known as guaya. Epidemics have
thology includes some culture-specific D. not been reported during famine times. In the
recognized by modern medicine, e.g., qwäräñña, Gondär area of Lake ana, rates up to 3 % have
which is caused by spirit possession and includes been reported from certain villages, with an over-
symptoms like chronic stomach pain, listlessness all rate as 1.7/100,000, level also comparable to
and malaise (cp. Young 1975), moñbagañ, a India and Bangladesh.
headache with neurologic symptoms, and hono Podoconiosis is a non-filarial form of ele-
qärä, explained as a permanent pregnancy which phantiasis and can be found in highland areas
has turned to bone. But beside these spiritual with underlying basalt rock. A survey of
explanations the infectious character of some 250,000 people in the fertile highlands showed
disease is traditionally known. For modern pa- that 27.2/1000 over age 15 were affected. It is
thology e.g. s. Longe –Blanchfield 2002. possible that over 500,000 Ethiopians are af-
The Ethiopian and Eritrean population suf- fected. This is related to farming while bare-
fered in its history from a wide range of D., the foot. Ultra-fine particles of aluminum silicate
risk of affection in lowlands being higher than in the clay soil enters the skin, along with sil-
in the highlands. The dangers caused by the ica, alumina, and iron. There is no treatment,
environment were aggravated by the conse- but the use of footwear is thought to be pro-
quences of wars and instability. The population tective.
was afflicted by several epidemics, many of The rate of fistula, a consequence of ob-
which followed in the wake of famine, and in structed labour, in Ethiopia is 55/100,000 births,
some cases led to migration from the more believed to be the highest in the world. The
affected areas. In the following only a sample of Fistula Hospital in Addis Abäba operates on
physical D. is treated. over 1000 cases per year.
169
Diseases
Epidemic fluorosis is common in the Ethio- especially in Ethiopia, where raw or uncooked
pian rift system, including the Ethiopian rift beef (k tfo; Food) is eaten with some spices.
valley. 64 % of people living in Won i for over These worms are not an immediate health
20 years had physical impairments consistent threat, although they can grow large enough to
with this, including myelopathy and radicu- block the intestinal tract. It is also possible for
lopathy due to excessive fluoride in the water. tapeworms to lodge in the appendix, resulting in
Diarrhea appendicitis. In rare cases, these parasites have
Many D. are accompanied by diarrhea (Amh., also been known to infect the brain, skeletal
Tgn. H8x4 , täqma , also be!M , w at; muscles, the cerebellum, and the heart. Symp-
Oromo garaa kaasuu or gatteesuma), which is a toms of infections include fits, personality
condition characterized by frequent bowel changes, and paralysis. Cooking beef com-
movements and feces that are soft or watery, and pletely through can prevent infection.
that may contain blood, pus, or mucus. It pre- Pumpkin seeds are used locally in Eritrea as
vents the body from absorbing necessary water traditional medicine to treat tapeworm. These
and salts into the bloodstream, which may lead to seeds are said to be very rich in oil and proteins.
dehydration. D. can be acute or chronic. But the mechanism is still unknown. For all
Diarrheal D. have long been established as a worm D. kosso is used as a traditional remedy.
leading cause of morbidity and mortality. In Dracunculiasis, or guinea worm disease, is a
Ethiopia, the high mortality rate of children disabling infection caused by the nematode
under 5 years is to approximately 40 % attribut- parasite Dracunculus medinensis. People be-
able to acute childhood diarrhea. According to come infected when they drink water contain-
the 2000 Demographic and Health Survey 13 % ing tiny crustaceans, called copepods or “water
of the children having diarrhea were brought to fleas”, that act as intermediate hosts of the or-
a health provider and 44.9 % were treated by ganism and harbour infective larvae.
In Ethiopia Drancunculiasis is endemic in vil-
fluids, oral rehydration salts or homemade re-
lages of the Bume (Ña!atom) of Gambella Re-
hydration fluids and plant elixirs (e.g. kosso).
gion and the south-west region neighboured to
The survey reports that 84.5 % of the mothers
the endemic East Sudanese area. The D. typi-
in three Gondär villages believed that milk teeth
cally reappears every year during the agricul-
extraction (especially of the lower incisors;
tural season. In 1994 WHO reported 1252 cases
called g g) is useful in the treatment of diarrhea.
in Ethiopia. Eritrea is not endemic for dracun-
70 % of the children surveyed had undergone
culiasis. Mostly the females (2/3 of the preva-
this procedure.
lence) are highly affected in the age of 20–30
Intestinal parasites years. Water procured from water-holes drug in
Intestinal parasites or worm D. (Amh. YMsy dry river beds provides an ideal medium for the
(%K , yät l bäšš ta; Tgn. Bxzy =Aj , mam transmission of this worm.
asäka) are rather common both in Ethiopia The worm mostly emerges from the feet,
and Eritrea. The prevalence of A. lumbricoides causing an intensely painful oedema, a blister
infection and tapeworm infection is highest in and then an ulcer. Perforation of the skin is
the lowlands while the prevalence of Trichuris accompanied by fever, nausea and vomiting.
trichiura is equal for the highlands, temperate Infected persons frequently remain sick for
areas and lowlands. several months.
The Ascaris worm is a round worm that lives Onchocerciasis is the world’s second leading
in the small intestine. The infection, ascariasis, is infectious cause of blindness. In Africa Oncho-
the most common human worm infection. cerciasis is often called “river blindness” because
Children are infected more often than adults of its most extreme manifestation and because the
and mostly in the rural areas of both countries. blackfly vector abounds in fertile riverside areas,
Two strains of the parasitic tapeworm (ces- which frequently remain uninhabited for fear of
todes) are particularly dangerous to humans: infection. Onchocerciasis is caused by Oncho-
taenia saginatus (beef tapeworm) and taenia cerca volvulus, a parasitic worm that lives for up
solium (pork tapeworm). Cattle serve as the to 14 years in the human body. Each adult female
intermediate hosts while humans serve as the worm, thin but more than a half metre in length,
definitive host. Beef tapeworm is common, produces millions of microfilariae (microscopic
170
Diseases
larvae) that migrate throughout the body and cause for blindness is Trachoma (40 %). Another
give rise to a variety of symptoms: serious visual frequent cause is Onchocerciasis (s. above).
impairment, including blindness; rashes, lesions,
Tuberculosis
intense itching and depigmentation of the skin;
While Tuberculosis (TB) is not often reported in
lymphadenitis, which results in hanging groins
history, the 1988–90 TB (yäsamba nägärsa) sur-
and elephantiasis of the genitals; and general
debilitation. Onchocerciasis manifestations begin vey found that there was a 1.4 % annual risk of
to occur in persons one to three years after the infection. It is likely that this has increased in
injection of infective larvae. Microfilariae pro- recent years due to the prevalence of HIV.
duced in one person are carried to another by the Meningitis
blackfly, which in southwest Ethiopia belongs to Ethiopia is located at the eastern end of the
the Simulium damnosum sensu and Simulium African meningitis belt. Since 1935 outbreaks
ethiopiense species complex. The blackfly lays its of Meningitis are reported. Epidemics of the
eggs in the water of fast-flowing rivers, Gälg l bacterium Meningococcus (Neisseria menin-
Gibe and Go äb. Some seven million people are gitidis, group A) occur most frequently in
feared to be affected by the disease in western Amhara, Gambella, Somali, T gray and South-
Ethiopia, Gambella, T gray and the southern ern regions with sometimes up to thousands of
regions. In 1987 an ivermectin’s manufacturer affected people including a big number of
pledged to provide at no cost all the drug neces- fatalities. The infection is transmitted by mu-
sary for as long as necessary to overcome Oncho- cus from nose and throat affects of the fluid
cerciasis as a public health problem. and membranes covering the brain and spinal
Hepatitis cord.
Hepatitis (Y]Iy (%K , yäwäf bäšš ta, lit. ‘bird
Dengue
disease’, s. above) is very common in Ethiopia.
Dengue is the most important mosquito-borne
About 100 % have antibiotics to hepatitis A
viral disease affecting humans; its global distri-
(transmitted by fecal-oral route) by age 15.
bution is comparable to that of malaria, and an
Approximately 10–13 % of the population are
estimated 2.5 billion people live in areas at risk
carriers of the hepatitis B surface antigen. This is
for epidemic transmission. D. is primarily a dis-
felt to be due to locally acquired transmission,
ease of the tropics, and the viruses that cause it
and not mother-to-child transmission.
are maintained in a cycle that involves humans
Heart diseases and Aedes aegypti or Aedes albopictus, a domes-
Rheumatic heart disease due to consequences of tic, day-biting mosquito that prefers to feed on
rheumatic fever is the most common form of humans. Infection with D. viruses produces a
heart disease in young people and adults. Myo- spectrum of clinical illness ranging from a non-
cardial infarction is becoming more common, specific viral syndrome to severe and fatal hem-
with several admissions per week at Black Lion orrhagic disease. The acute form of D. is charac-
Hospital. terized by sudden onset of fever, headache, my-
algia, rash, nausea, and vomiting. The first re-
Eye diseases ported epidemics of dengue fever occurred in
Eye disease like Trachoma and Conjunctivitis 1779–80 in Asia, Africa, and North America.
were very frequent during history. According to There is high prevalence of dengue in the Eri-
traveller’s reports compiled by Pankhurst trean provinces Southern and Northern Red Sea,
(PankEcon 628f.) especially the north-eastern but the actual and potential distribution of Aedes
lowlands and the ana region were affected by aegypti covers both countries, Eritrea and Ethio-
eye infections while the highlands as well as the pia. Epidemic D. has increased dramatically,
Oromo areas were struck less. The living envi- especially in East Africa, since 1980.
ronment of a great number of Ethiopians still No D. vaccine is available. Recently, however,
today support eye problems. Factors are e.g. attenuated candidate vaccine viruses have been
dust, smoke and insufficient hygiene. The rate of developed in Thailand. These vaccines are safe
blindness in Ethiopia is 1.5 %. 80 % of this due and immunogenic when given in various for-
to preventable or curable D. The most frequent mulations, including a quadrivalent vaccine for
171
Diseases
all four D. virus serotypes. Mosquito control is Dita

the only way to reduce the incidence of D. D. is one of over 55 dereta (sg. dere), traditional
around the world. autonomous units of the Gamo people. The
people of D. occupy a central location in the
Venereal diseases Gamo Mountains (s. VSAe III, map 6; Bureau
UNAIDS estimates that 3 million Ethiopians 1981, maps 1–3; Olmstead 1997:23). D. was one
are infected with HIV (or AIDS), an adult rate of the many small Gamo kingdoms prior to its
of 10.6 %. This rate is no. 16 in the world, but conquest. Inhabitants of D. were in the past
the number is no. 3 in the world after South known to have been fierce mountain warriors.
Africa and India. They subjugated a number of their neighbour-
Other sexually transmitted D. are, e.g., Syphilis ing dereta and used the population of the de-
and Gonorrhea (J-4 , äb ). The latter is very feated dereta for agricultural labour.
common. It is traditionally often attributed to In D., as in other Gamo dereta, land is me-
urinating under a full moon. ticulously used. The complementarity of primary
Healers; Medicine; Leprosy and secondary homes, of pastures and fields, of
Lit.: PancEcon 615–65; RICHARD PANKHURST, An Intro- mountain and low-escarpment crop production,
duction to the Medical History of Ethiopia, Trenton – New
York 1991; ALLAN YOUNG, “Why Amhara Get Kurey- of the political and religious structures, of assem-
nya: Sickness and Possession in an Ethiopian Zar Cult”, blies and kings are, as among most of the Gamo,
American Ethnologist 2, 3, August 1975, 567–84; JULIA A. a regular feature of D. life. As in other Gamo
WALSH — KENNETH S. WARREN, “Selective Primary areas, the division of agricultural land between
Health Care: Interim Strategy for Disease Control in
Developing Countries”, New England Journal of Medicine pasture and fields is crucial. This division is sup-
301, 1979, 967–74; JOHN D. SNYDER — MICHAEL H. plemented by groves of bamboo and other hard
MERSON, “The Magnitude of the Global Problem of wood grown along valleys and between various
Acute Diarrhoeal Disease: a Review of Active Surveillance fields. Fields are owned by heads of families,
Data”, Bulletin of the World Health Organization 60,
1982, 605–13; A. ASEFFA, “Viral Diseases in Ethiopia: a and pastures communally, but with ritual and
Review”, East African Medical Journal 70–10, October administrative responsibility of people referred
1993, 624–26; MINISTRY OF HEALTH — UNICEF (eds.), to as “fathers of the pasture”. In addition to
Accelerated Child Health Development, Addis Abäba, fields and communal pastures, families maintain
July 1988; CENTRAL STATISTICAL AUTHORITY, Report on
the 1998 Health and Nutrition Survey, Addis Abäba 1999; their own meadows and groves of bamboo and
ID., Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2000, Addis other woods. D. agriculture, like that of other
Ababa May 2001; WORLD HEALTH ORGANISATION, mountain Gamo, is highly developed (VSAe III,
Dengue Haemorrhagic Fever: Diagnosis, Treatment and 382). Terraced cultivation is very widespread
Control, Geneva 1986, 12f.; F. RODHAIN, “The Situation
of Dengue in the World”, Bulletin de la Société de (Jackson 1970:16f.), as is manure cultivation, in
Pathologie Exotique 89, 2, 1996, 87–90; ETHIOPIAN D. as well as in the rest of Gamo.
MINISTRY OF HEALTH, AIDS in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa As is common among the Gamo, bamboo-craft,
November ³2000; RICHARD M. HODES, “Pattern of Heart cotton-spinning and weaving and fibre-work for
Disease in Ethiopia as seen in a Cardiology Referral
Clinic”, Cardiology 75, Basel 1988, 458–64; RICHARD M. hats and sacks and raincoats, both from fibre and
HODES – HELMUT KLOOS, “Health and Medical Care in horsetail, are the main non-agricultural skills.
Ethiopia”, New England Journal of Medicine 319, 1988, All mountain-Gamo cultures, including D., can
918–24; RICHARD M. HODES – B. SEYOUM, “The Pattern be referred to as bamboo cultures as bamboo
of Tuberculosis in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia”, East African
Medical Journal 66, 1989, 812–18; RICHARD M. HODES – plays a central role in their lives. Houses, fences,
TEFEREDEGNE B., “Traditional Beliefs and Disease Prac- barns, water-containers, containers of various
tices of Ethiopian Jews”, Israel Journal of Medical Sciences shapes, crop-measuring containers, clubs and
32, 1996, 561–67; RICHARD M. HODES, “Cross-cultural trays, are made from bamboo. Some parts of
Medicine and Diverse Health Beliefs – Ethiopians
Abroad”, Western Journal of Medicine 166, 1997, 29–36; weaving-tools are also made from bamboo.
M.B. DAGNEW – M. DAMENA, “Traditional Child Health The D., like the Bonke and Ganta Gamo to
Practices in Communities in Northwest Ethiopia”, Tropi- their south and south-east, the Gamo of Qogo,
cal Doctor 20, 1990, 40–41; HELMUT KLOOS — ZEIN Dokko, Dorze and illaše to their north
AHMED ZEIN, The Ecology of Health and Disease in
Ethiopia, ²1993; JACQUELINE L. LONGE (ed.) – DEIRDRE
and the Zalla further to the south-west, are
S. BLANCHFIELD, Gale Encyclopedia of Medicine, Detroit famous for their thick warm cotton blankets
MI ²2002. known as bulluko. The bulluko and other lesser
Biniam Gebremedhin – Richard M. Hodes – Dirk Bustorf blankets of the D. and Bonke are much in
172
Diu
In D., as in the rest of Gamo, potters, tanners

and ironsmiths make various products. These
categories of craftsmen have separate cemeteries
and do not cultivate land. Their houses are situ-
ated on the side of paths, usually with a little
land for a small garden. It is a taboo to contract
marriage and consume food with craftsmen.
As in the rest of Gamo, land and people are
linked in many ways. The landscape is dotted
with sacred groves, graveyards, sacrificial spots
and places of assembly (which form a central
sacred place). Many taboos are observed which
preserve the sacred and productive feature of
the land. Regular animal and food sacrifices on
fields, pastures and the homesteads are thought
to perpetuate social and natural harmony. The
D. are affiliated to their land through their links
to neighbourhood sacred assembly places – guta
demand in the markets of Sidamo, Gide o, dubbuša – and to the main assembly place, which
Gu iland, Arsi Nägälle and Wälaytta. During incorporates elected officials of each neighbour-
the Imperial days, such blankets of various hood who together form the dere assembly.
grades, together with a ram, were considered Their affiliation with other Gamo is effected
suitable gifts for officials in power. To this day through allegiance to religious leaders whose
they remain the preferred items for gifts and spiritual province cuts across dere units and this
bribes. These blankets are worn for prestige and is hierarchically ordered. Dere affiliation to larger
to reflect titles. Gamo is also effected through a rain province,
One can relate the D. tradition of weaving to which includes a constellation of dereta. Affilia-
the history of cotton and the development of tion of the units of a dere is also effected by an
weaving in this part of Ethiopia prior to the entitlement each family unit has to ritual and/or
19th-cent. conquest and one can understand one trading stalls it has in the market place.
of the logics behind the use of spun cotton yarn, Lit.: JACQUES BUREAU, Les Gamo d’Éthiopie: étude du
système politique, Paris 1981, maps 1–3; RICHARD
šalo, as currency together with iron bars in the THOMAS JACKSON, Land Use and Settlement in Gamu
markets covering a large area from Zala in the Gofa, Ethiopia, Occasional Paper 17, Department of
south to Borodda in the north and from Dawro Geography, Makerere University, Kampala 1970, 16f.;
across the Omo in the west to Koyra across the JUDITH VIRGINIA OLMSTEAD, Female Fertility, Social
Structure, and the Economy: a Controlled Comparison of
lakes in the east. Other Gamo speak about the Two Southern Ethiopian Communities, Ph.D. thesis,
beauty of D. women, but say that they are not Columbia University 1976, 23; EAD., Women between
good to marry because they have no skills other Two Worlds, Urbana 1997; HUGH SCOTT, “Journey to
than spinning cotton. They particularly say that the Gughé Highlands (Southern Ethiopia) 1948–49”,
Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London 163, 1950–
they are not good for carrying manure to the
51, 85–189; VSAe III, map 6, 382; TADESSE WOLDE,
fields. This cultural stereotype partly testifies to “Some Gamo and Konso Public Places and their Social
a long tradition of weaving and it is wrong to and Ritual Functions”, in: PICES 11, vol. 1, 341–58.
conclude that weaving was introduced only Wolde Gossa Tadesse
after the Conquest and that the Dorze are the
only weavers among the Gamo. This confusion
arises mainly from Addis Abäba, where all Diu
Gamo are referred to as Dorze. D. (also Dio; 62,101 inhabitants in 1991) is an
The existence of secondary homes (motsa) in island off the southern point of Gujar t, India.
the hot lowlands is linked to growing lowland Throughout the 15th cent., especially under
crops, mainly cotton. Sheepskin products and Mu"affar n, D. flourished as a major port of
thick cotton blankets are essential clothing for the Gujar ti state, with a notable fleet. From 1510
high altitudes. it became the seat of the governors of Surat and
173
Diu
under Malik Ay z a fort and harbour defences Lit.: J.B. HARRISON, “Di ”, in: EI² vol. 2, 322; MICHAEL
were built there (Harrison in EI², vol. 2, 322). In NAYLOR PEARSON, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: the
Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth Century,
1535 the viceroy Nuno da Cunha made a treaty Berkeley – Los Angeles – London 1976; MALYN DUDLEY
with Bah dur Š h, the sul n of Khambhat, for DUNN NEWITT, “East Africa and Indian Ocean Trade:
the use of the port by Portugal. Despite several 1500–1800”, in: ASHIN DAS GUPTA – MICHAEL NAYLOR
attacks by Ottomans and Arabs, the Portuguese, PEARSON (eds.), India and the Indian Ocean, 1500–1877,
Calcutta 1987, 201–23.
who by 1541 had completed their massive fort, Andreu Martínez
would remain masters of the island until 1961,
when it became a union territory with #am n.
D. enjoyed a glorious period during the 16th
cent. and part of the 17th cent., becoming one of
Diyaqon
the main sources of income for the Estado da In the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do Church
India. The Portuguese, through the system of D. (8\9# ‘Deacon’) is the first of three ranks of
cartazes or passes, dominated the formidable clergy ordained by a metropolitan. Each priest
trade that had in D. (and the nearby port of ( Qäsis) had to serve first as a D. In order to
Surat) one of its main axes, connecting ports secure the succession of enough priests, a large
such as Goa, Cochin, Malacca, Aden, Jiddah, number of boys were ordained D., since most of
Kilwa, Melinde, Mombasa, Saw kin and them, having reached puberty, became “impure”
Zayla . The major exports of D. were the and entered a layman life. Just a small number
textiles produced in the inland regions of Gu- continued their career in the Church as priests.
jar t, the port also serving as an exchange centre Thus, the D.’s service is often considered a prepa-
for products from abroad (spices, opium, silk). ration for the priesthood, especially if the father
The trade was managed by Muslims and the of a young D. is himself a priest.
Hindu cast of the Baniya (“baneanes” in the The ordination as a D. entitles the candidate
Portuguese sources; s. Banyan). to participation in the Divine Liturgy
The Ethiopian highlands, through the ports of ( Q ddase). In fact, as in all Oriental Churches,
Massawa and Zayla , were engaged in this the D. has a special position, for his presence
commerce, exporting to D. slaves, wax, butter, and participation in the service are mandatory.
civet and ivory and importing Indian textiles. A Usually at least two priests and three D. are
population of Ethiopian (“abexins”) slaves is needed for the liturgy.
reported in Portuguese sources to have lived in The D.’s clothing consists of a shoulder-collar
D. and in the neighbouring area in the early 16th made of brocade with five long strips of cloth, a
cent. ( Diaspora). One of the leading captains in qämis, cap and a crown. It is the D.’s duty to
the army of Bah dur Š h was a “Capitão Abexim bake the bread for the Eucharist and to make
chamado Juzarcão” (Couto 1947, vol. 1, 22f. et raisin wine in the betä l em hut, while praying
passim, vol. 2, 8; Correa 1864:477 et passim). special prayers. D. also accompany the proces-
Within this context, seeing D. as a convenient sion of the priests to the church, carrying the
gateway to the Ethiopian coasts, around 1600 the holy elements. In addition, the D. have to pro-
Jesuits set up a residence there (Guerreiro vide the incense and charcoal for the censer.
1611:270v.; BecRASO XI, 30, 38f.). During the liturgy they respond to the priests,
With the establishment of British and Dutch which requires some reading skills and a knowl-
trading posts in Surat in the early 17th cent. and edge of the Psalms, prayers and their melodies
the creation of the Bombay Presidency in the ( Zema) by heart.
early 19th cent., D. lost control over most of its The canonic regulations concerning the office
trade routes and its commercial importance of the D. are described in ch. 7 of the F t a
vanished. nägä t. In the Did sq l a, one finds a detailed
Src.: GASPAR CORREA, Lendas da India, vol. 4, Lisboa description of the D.’s tasks, responsibilities and
1864, 477 et passim; DIOGO DO COUTO, Decada VI, vol. 1– liturgical functions, as well as of the procedure
2, Lisboa 1947 [Lisboa ¹1614], vol. 1, 22f.; vol. 2, 8; FERNÃO of his ordination by the bishop. According to
GUERREIRO, Relaçãm annal das cousas que fizeram os the Did sq l a, it is the role of a D. to fulfil the
padres da Companhia de Iesus, … nos annos de 607 & 608,
Lisboa 1611, 270v.; ELAINE SANCEAU (ed.), Cartas de D.
bishop’s commands. He is obliged to give relief
João de Castro, Lisboa 1954; BecRASO XI, 30, 38f.; to the needy (strangers, widows, orphans as
LUDOVICO DE VARTHEMA, Itinerario [1510], Milano 1928. well as the poor and the sick), to visit catechu-
174
Dizi
mens in their houses, to prepare the dead for numerous grammatical similarities linking Diz-
burial, to search the coastline for the corpses of oid and Aroid) than to the major Ta/Ne family
the shipwrecked, and to expel the unworthy of Omotic languages: with the latter, the basic
from the services. It is the D.’s duty to add the lexical correspondence of D. is about 13 %
“Proclamation” (“Those who feel hatred against against an internal Ta/Ne average of about 41 %.
their brother shall reconcile …”, s. Harden Among the published sources for D., there
1920:70, Beylot 1984). are two grammatical sketches: Allan 1976 and
The office of the sub-D. (#I3y 8\9# , n fqä Toselli 1939, the latter being predominantly
diyaqon), although not abolished in Canon Law devoted to verbal paradigms. Conti Rossini
(see F t a nägä t, ch. 8; cp. Beylot 1984:102), is 1937 includes a brief sketch, drawing on To-
rarely found today. In practice, one of the three selli’s notes. More recent work includes Aklilu
D. acts as a sub-deacon. In the important Yilma 1994, Breeze 1989, Claudi 1985, and
churches there is still the office of the p3y Claudi and Serzisko 1985. In addition, there are
8\9!M (liqä diyaqonat, ‘archdeacon’, s. Liq; cf. a few minor articles and substantial unpublished
Kropp 1998:311), normally an ordained priest, fieldnotes from Edward Allan, M. Lionel
whose main task is to supervise the D. and priests Bender, Harold Fleming, James Keefer and
performing the liturgy. William Muldrow. Bender 2000 (ch. 6) contains
Churches; Kah nät a grammatical summary of the major categories
Src.: ROBERT BEYLOT (ed., tr.), Testamentum Domini in D. There is no known written literature in D.
Éthiopien, Louvain 1984; MANFRED KROPP, “«… der D. fits the standard Omotic syntactic type,
Welt gestorben»: ein Vertrag zwischen dem äthiopischen
Heiligen Iyyäsus-Mo’a und König Yekunno-Amlak über
having basic Subject-Object-Verb order. Pho-
Memoriae im Kloster Hayq”, AnBoll 116, 1998, 303–30, nologically, as several authors have noted (s.
here 311; IGNAZIO GUIDI (ed., tr.), Il “Fetha Negest” o Aklilu Yilma 1994 and Breeze 1989), there are
“Legislazione dei Re” codice ecclesiastico e civile di striking phonological similarities between Dizoid
Abissinia, Napoli 1897, 1899, 57–64 (text) = 81–91 (tr.); and Ben$ (Gimira); these are probably con-
JOHN MASON HARDEN, The Ethiopic Didascalia, New
York 1920, 70, s. index; abba TECLE MARIAM SEMHARAY tactual in origin. While D. is surrounded by
SELAM, De indumentis sacris ritus Aethiopici …, Roma 1930. Nilo-Saharan Surmic languages, Šeko and
Lit.: CRAVEN HORWELL WALKER, The Abyssinian at Nayi are neighbours of Gimira. The segmental
Home, London 1933, 105–09; ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT, phonemes of D. (synthesized from Aklilu Yilma
Äthiopien: Christliches Reich zwischen Gestern und
Morgen, Wiesbaden 1967, 120, 130; HARRY MIDDLETON
1994, Allan 1976, Breeze 1989) are:
HYATT, The Church of Abyssinia, London 1928, 57ff. labials: b, f, m, w velars: k, q, g
Friedrich Heyer
denti-alveolars: t, , , t ,d, s, z, n, l, r glottal: h
palatals: , , š, ž, y vowels: i, e, , a, o, u
Dizi retroflexes ( aba dialect): , ’, , doubtful: y
Dizi language The vowel /e/ is often realized as [ε]. There
A south-western Ethiopian Omotic language of are three levels of tone (high ´, low `, mid un-
the Dizoid family, also known as Ma i, so marked), rarely lexical but important grammati-
named from the principal town of the speakers. cally. Stress is usually initial. Geminate conso-
This variety was chosen as a basis for the name nants do not occur, but all vowels except may
of the family because it is the most prominent be long or short. Syllabic nasals (underlined
one of the three (v. also Nayi, Šeko). The herein) are a feature linking Dizoid and Ben$;
self-name is dizi nuu(g) ‘D. word’. The town of they are usually final, but may be initial. /f, l, r/
Ma i has nothing to do with the Swahili word do not occur word-finally.
ma i ‘water’, being derived from D. maašt ‘a Sample lexical items from Allan fieldnotes
high place’ (the town being atop a huge mesa; 1974 are:
for this and other nomenclature information s. ‘one’ qòy ‘moon’ à m
Bender 2000:143, 239 notes 1, 2). According to ‘two’ taàgn ‘sun’ ca i
Ethnologue (Grimes 1996:261), there were ‘three’ kàdú ‘blood’ yàrm
about 18,000 D. speakers in 1982. D., Šeko, and ‘fire’ àlu ‘tongue’ yàbl
Nayi are about equally distant from each other ‘water’ áí ‘tooth’ àžu
in terms of basic lexicon. The family is perhaps Grammatical formatives to follow are taken
closer to the Aroid family (Bender 2000 finds from Bender 2000 and various fieldnotes.
175
Dizi
Atti del III Congresso di Studi Coloniali, Firenze 1937,
108–16; BARBARA E. GRIMES (ed.), Ethnologue. Lan-
guages of the World, Dallas 131996, 261; GIOVANNI
TOSELLI, Elementi di lingua Magi, Torino 1939.
M. Lionel Bender
Dizi ethnography
The D. are one of the most ancient Omotic-
speaking peoples in south-west Ethiopia, lo-
cated in the rainy Ma i mountains, at ca.
2,200 m A.S.L. They are a sedentary agricultural
people numbering about 22,000, living in dis-
persed homesteads and cultivating barley,
wheat, sorghum, ef, nsät, lentils, cabbages and
coffee (cash crop). They also practise apiculture.
Until the conquest of the south-west in a e
M nil k II’s time, they were a relatively prosper-
ous peasant population, organized in local chief-
doms lead by hereditary chiefs, and then num-
The self-standing independent pronouns are: bered an estimated 80,000–90,000 people. They
sg. 1st/2nd/3rd pers. masc./3rd pers. fem. (y)ìnú/ formed an extremely complex hierarchical soci-
yètù/ízú/íží, pl. 1st/2nd/3rd pers. ínú/ íti/íší. The ety with great internal differentiation (Haberland
resemblance of some of these to Nilotic is taken 1993; Deguchi 1996), including “castes” of hunt-
up in Bender 2000 (ch. 9) along with a lengthy ers and craftsmen. Their agricultural system was
discussion of their role in the development of intensive and made use of intricate terracing of
Omotic pronouns, which appear to be quite fields. They had a ritual bond (centred on “rain
aberrant in Afrasian. Demonstratives are ‘this’ making”) with the lowland-dwelling pastoral
masc./fem. a+a/a+en, ‘that’ masc./fem. εk+e/ neighbours, the Tirmaga and % ai, who are later
εk+εn. A sample of interrogatives forms which migrants into the Ma i area and to whom they
have been recorded is: íkí ‘who?’; nákí, yir gradually lost their lowland cultivation sites.
‘what?’; irga ‘where?’; iram ‘why?’; as(i) ‘how?’; The D. chiefly families (and presumably the
ais(i) ‘how much?’. Keefer (1968 notes) says D. common people as well) have a mixed origin
has an interrogative marker +i suffixed to single from indigenous groups east and west of the
words and +ni to sentences. Copula and connec- Lower Omo River. Some of their chiefs trace
tive citations include existence/locative ist-, pos- descent from the “T gre”, perhaps T gray Or-
sessive ist-~yaf-, identity/attributive ti-~ki-~am- thodox Christians who came to the area several
(last of these = ‘become’), negative kay, copula- centuries ago. (Some old material items, like the
tive ka (‘and’). church bell, the tabot, and certain northern
Lit.: AKLILU YILMA, “A Phonological Comparison of types of horse-whip and saddle are adduced as
Bench and Two Majoid Languages”, in: PICES 12, vol. 1, evidence of this.) Another chiefly group is
1053–63; EDWARD ALLAN, “Dizi”, in: BendNonSLang linked to the Bodi ( Me en) agropastoralists
377–91; MARVIN LIONEL BENDER, Comparative Mor- east across the Omo; still another to the Šeko
phology of the Omotic Languages, München 2000 (Lin-
com Studies in African Languages 19), 143, 239, n. 1–3, ( Mo a) people to the north-west.
ch. 6,9; MARY BREEZE, “Phonological Features of The D. where incorporated into the Ethiopian
Gimira (Bencho) and Dizi”, in: MARIANNE BECH- empire in 1898 when a e M nil k’s troops un-
HAUS-GERST – FRITZ SERZISKO (eds.), Cushitic Omotic. der ras Wäldä Giyorgis Abboyyä passed
Papers from the International Symposium on Cushitic
and Omotic Languages, Cologne, Jan. 6–9, 1986, Ham-
through the area and founded the two villages
burg 1989, 475–87; ULRIKE CLAUDI, “How to Explain (kätämas) of Bero and Ma i, where northern
an Alleged, Disproved, but nevertheless Existing Gender traders and administrators came to settle. The
Distinction in Dizi”, AAP 3, 1985, 85–91; ULRIKE D. area was at the remote edge of the empire
CLAUDI – FRITZ SERZISKO, “Possession in Dizi: inalien- and became a classic frontier zone for adventur-
able or not?”, Journal of African Languages and Linguis-
tics 7, 1985, 131–54; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il popolo ers, big-game hunters, slave raiders and ivory
dei Magi nell’Etiopia meridionale e il suo linguaggio”, in: and cattle traders (including Kenyan Swahili).
176
Dizoid
Like the Ben$, the D. were seriously af- Dizoid

fected by their subjection to the feudal system The term D. was coined by Fleming (1976:300)
of the northern Ethiopian administrators and for a distinct linguistic group within the then
settlers (mainly Wällo Amhara), who dominated newly recognized Omotic family; earlier
the indigenous authority structure, made the Bender (1971) employed the equivalent term
local economy subservient to their aims “Majoid”. The group comprises three languages:
( gäbbar system) and over the years led thou- Dizi (Ma i), Šeko ( Šaka o), and Nayi
sands away as slaves. Decline in numbers and (Na o). The first two of these have three dialects
subversion of their production system led to apiece, respectively: aba, Adikas, Ma i; and
disintegration and poverty within D. society. Dorša, Bulla, and Daan. The continuity of the
last-named is reported as under threat on account
of being no longer spoken by the young genera-
tion. The 18,000 speakers of Dizi are found
around Ma i (Grimes 1996:264). Šeko speakers,
numbering 23,000 are located further to the
north-east closer to Bonga, in areas occupied
by speakers of Käfa and in proximity to
Dawro speakers. The speakers of all these lan-
guages are primarily subsistence farmers.
All too little research has been directed to-
wards the D. languages. After the earlier work
by Italians (Conti Rossini 1925, 1937; Chiomio
1941; and, most especially, Toselli 1939), we
find no substantial advance until Allan’s brief
sketch of Dizi phonology and grammar in 1976.
Subsequently, for most of the new substantive
information gained concerning the languages of
this group we are indebted to the field research-
ers of one man, Aklilu Yilma (1988a, 1988b,
1988c, 1989, 1990, 1994b), though additional
valuable – as yet unpublished – field materials
were also collected by Fleming together with
Aklilu Yilma during 1990. Ch. 7 of Bender
(2000) represents a very useful comparative
survey and summary of the present state of our
knowledge of D. morphology.
Apart from the high group-internal lexicosta-
Dizi chief Adibur i Adikyaz during the annual bergu sèli tistic score of 58 % (Grimes 1996:264), certain
ritual; photo 1992, courtesy of the author very obvious phonological features furnish a
Under the Därg government, the D. political priori convincing arguments for a distinct D.
structure and culture received the final blow entity. Thus: 1. all its members exhibit moraic
when their chiefs were dishonoured, humiliated nasals which are tone-bearing, and occur not
and robbed of cultural insignia, with their eco- only as syllable codas but both pre- and post-
nomic development lagging behind. Relations of consonantally, e.g. Dizi: tàag , ‘two’, kùbm,
the D. with their Suri ( ai and Tirma) neigh- ‘four’ (Allan in BendNonSLang 381), k š b!,
bours have deteriorated significantly in the past ‘small black ant’, ìrns, ‘green’ (Aklilu Yilma
fifteen years, leading to many violent incidents. 1988a); 2. in spite of the frequent occurrence of
Lit.: EIKE HABERLAND, Hierarchie und Kaste. Zur consonant clusters, geminate consonants, such a
Geschichte und politischen Struktur der Dizi in Südwest- salient feature of the Ethio-Eritrean language
Äthiopien, Stuttgart 1993; AKIRA DEGUCHI, “Rainbow- area, appear to be singularly rare, if not entirely
like Hierarchy: Dizi Social Organization”, in: EISEI
KURIMOTO — SHUN SATO (eds.), Essays in Northeast
lacking; 3. Šeko and Nayi, and the Dizi dialects
African Studies, Osaka 1996, 121–43. of aba and Adikas, have series of retroflex sibi-
Jon G. Abbink lant phonemes, e.g. Šeko: ùt"ú, ‘five’ q #, ‘be
177
Dizoid
strong’ (Aklilu Yilma 1988a); aba: a"u, ‘foot’, drink’ (Fleming 1990:574); 2. an interrogative
ket"’u, ‘cold’ (Fleming – Aklilu Yilma 1990); 4. item as, aas, ‘how’, e.g. Nayi: á:sé, ‘how?’ (Ak-
all three languages have a sixth short (central) lilu Yilma 1994:4), Šeko: á:z, ‘how?’ (Aklilu
vowel e.g., Šeko: n$ t , ‘husband’, w sk n, Yilma 1988a), Aari (an Aroid language): as-ní,
‘when?’ (Aklilu Yilma 1988a); 5. there are labi- ‘how?’ (Hayward 1990). The earlier classifica-
alized and palatalized consonants in syllable tion, however, also had its merits in terms of
onsets (alternatively analyzable as components explaining certain other features that appear to
of light diphthongs), e.g. Adikas: lyámt be shared only with the Ta/Ne languages. Thus:
‘spleen’, hyálù, ‘finger’, uá ù, ‘snake’, šùán, 1. an accusative marker in –n, as opposed to the
‘bald’ (Fleming – Aklilu Yilma 1990). -m accusative of Aroid; 2. a nominative marker
As far as geminate consonants (s. above 2.) are -i, which is found also in Ometo and Gimira,
concerned, sequences of heteromorphemic but is quite absent from Aroid; 3. a palatal for-
nasals with identical place specifications occur, mative in derived feminine (often [definite])
and since one or other of these is necessarily nominals, e.g., Nayi: k!i%-&, ‘the bitch’ (cf
moraic, the phonetic result simulates a gemi- k!ónù, ‘dog’), k íbn ‘the hen’ (cf k bù, ‘cock’),
nate, e.g. Nayi: k!i%-&, ‘the bitch’ (Aklilu Yilma cf. Gamo (an Ometo language): kan-íy-o, ‘the
1994b:3). Aklilu’s sketch of Nayi does, how- bitch’ (cf kan-á, ‘dog’), Käfa (a Gonga lan-
ever, also contain one or two monomorphemic guage): buš-e, ‘bitch’, (cf buš-o, ‘boy’) (Daniel
items containing geminate sonorants. Aberra 1999:25). What is certainly true is the
With the exception of 4., however, these fea- fact that D. preserves various archaic – and hence
tures, which from a general Omotic, or indeed explanatory – features within Omotic grammar.
Ethiopian, perspective are unusual, are also shared The most obvious of these is its pronominal
by Ben$non Gimira ( Ben$), another language system; cf. discussion in Bender (2000:197ff.).
of this linguistically rich corner of south-west Another feature that has been claimed to be
Ethiopia, and it has been suggested that this archaic is a -k formative marking perfect aspect
might indicate a genetic affinity (Breeze 1988, in verbs. Relics of this velar formative are found
Aklilu Yilma 1994a). Nevertheless, innovative very widely across Omotic, but only in Dizi is
morphology seen in Gimira, most notably in still a fully functional grammatical element
the shared re-analysis of its 1st pers. sg. and 2nd (Hayward 1996).
pers. sg. personal pronouns firmly establishes Lit.: AKLILU YILMA, Sheko Phonology and Grammar,
that language as a member of the Ta/Ne group mimeographed, IES, Addis Ababa University 1988a; ID.,
“Sheko Phonology and Morphophonemics”, paper pre-
of Omotic. This means that the phonological
sented at the 10th International Conference of Ethiopian
similarities can only be accounted for as an areal Studies, Paris 1988b, 3; ID., “Aspects of Sheko Morphol-
phenomenon – in the case of certain features, it ogy”, paper presented at the Second International Sympo-
is perhaps appropriate to think of an areal re- sium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Torino 1989; ID.,
tention from Ancestral Omotic. “A Phonological Comparison of Bench and Two Majoid
Languages”, in: PICES 12, 1053–63; ID., “A Sketch of the
At the time of the pioneer lexicostatistic sur- Nayi Grammar”, S.L.L.E. Linguistic Reports 16, 1994, 1–
vey and classification of Ethiopian languages (s. 20, here 4; EDWARD JAY ALLAN, “Dizi”, in: BendNon-
Bender 1971, Fleming in BendNonSLang), the SLang 377–92, here 381; MARVIN LIONEL BENDER, “The
D. group was constituted one of the primary Languages of Ethiopia: A New Lexicostatistic Classifica-
branches of North Omotic – the other branch tion and Some Problems of Diffusion”, Anthropological
Linguistics 13, 5, 1971, 165–288; ID., Comparative Mor-
comprised the so-called Ta/Ne languages. Very phology of the Omotic Languages, München 2000 (Lincom
recently, however, this position has been re- Studies in African Linguistics 19), 197ff., 230ff.; MARY
assessed by Bender (2000:230f.), who now finds BREEZE, “Phonological Features of Gimira and Dizi”, in:
D. to have a closer affinity to the Aroid lan- MARIANNE BECHHAUS-GERST – FRITZ SERZISKO (eds.),
guages – erstwhile “South-Omotic”. Possibly Cushitic – Omotic, Papers form the International Sympo-
sium on Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Cologne, Janu-
the strongest among the features that can be ary 6–9, 1986, Hamburg 1988, 475–87; GIOVANNI
considered as uniquely shared D. – Aroid inno- CHIOMIO, “I Magi nell’Etiopia del Sud-Ouvest”, RSE
vations are: 1. a conjunction ka, ke, ‘and’, e.g. 1941, 271–304; ULRIKE CLAUDI, “How to Explain an
Nayi: h :s-k n! s-k , ‘this and that’ (Aklilu Alleged, Disproved, but Neverthless Existing Gender
Distinction in Dizi”, AAP 3, 1985, 85–91; ULRIKE
Yilma 1994b:13), Dizi: y n k y!t k , ‘I and CLAUDI – FRITZ SERZISKO, “Possession in Dizi: Inalien-
you’ (Allan 1976:390), cf. Dime (an Aroid able or Not?”, Journal of African Languages and Linguis-
language): i -ub-ka wu -ub-ka, ‘I eat and I tics 7, 1985, 131–54, CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Il popolo
178
Djibouti
dei Magi nell Etiopia meridionale e il suo linguaggio”, in: streams comprise the rest of the country. In its
Atti del III Congresso di Studi Coloniali, Firenze 1937, north-eastern third, the land is a tropical desert;
108–16; DANIEL ABERRA, Linguistic Description of the the remainder is tropical steppe with a coastal
Kafa Language, ms., Department of Linguistics, Addis
Ababa University 1999, 25; HAROLD C. FLEMING, desert fringe. Grass and herbaceous plants, such
“Omotic Overview, in: BendNonSLang 299–323; ID., “A as thorn-bush, grow singly and in patches, await-
Grammatical Sketch of Dime (Dim-Af) of the Lower ing seasonal rainfall, about 51 cm annually in the
Omo”, in: RICHARD J. HAYWARD (ed.), Omotic Lan- mountain heights and 13 cm in the deserts. Only
guage Studies, London 1990, 494–583; RICHARD J.
HAYWARD, “Notes on the Aari Language”, in: ibid.,
a few mountainous heights sport continuous
425–93; ID., “The Velar Stem Alternation in Omotic”, in: vegetative cover. At the end of the briefly seasonal
CATHERINE GRIEFENOW-MEWIS – RAINER M. VOIGT flow in watercourses, herds of livestock depend
(eds.), Cushitic and Omotic Languages, Proceedings of on permanent wells. No surface rivers from the
the Third International Symposium, Berlin, March 17–19, Ethiopian highlands penetrate as far as D. The
1994, Köln 1996, 167–81; RICHARD J. HAYWARD –
AKLILU YILMA, Fieldnotes on Dizi Dialects Collected only forest in D. is the Day Forest.
during 1990, ms.; GIOVANNI TOSELLI, Elementi di
lingua Maji, Torino 1939; BARBARA F. GRIMES (ed.), II. Peoples and languages
Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Dallas 131996, 264. D. contains two indigenous ethno-linguistic
Richard J. Hayward groups, the Afar (nearly 60 % of the popula-
tion) and the Somali (ca. 30 % of the popula-
Dizu Ben$ tion). The remaining part of the population is
formed by the Arabs (ca. 11 %) and a small
Djerrahian, Elias; Djerrahian, George
French minority (ca. 2.4 %). Over one million
Armenians; Artistic Printing Press Afar live in Ethiopia, Eritrea and D., with per-
haps 200,000 in D. self. The Somali, in the main,
Djibouti belong to the Issa (Ciise) clan of the Dir
I. Geography clan-family, which covers the southern two-
D. (République de Djibouti, œMÃJŒU “ÕiÃ»¿U, thirds of D. and adjacent areas of Somalia and
Jumhuriyat Jibuti), called so after its seaport Ethiopia. Each people is united by its own links
capital, is the smallest state in the Horn of of language, culture, Islam and patrilineal kinship
Africa. Covering some 23,000 km², D. has a – reckoned through a person’s father’s line.
population of about 700,000 (in 2003; addition- Afar and Somali have separate, patrilineally
ally, there is a temporary refugee population of segmented descent groups. These are clan-
up to 300,000). The country of D. extends to families, putatively descended from a common
inland frontiers, on average 88 km, from the ancestor and each segmented into a number of
northern and southern shores of the Gulf of clans, having segmented lineages and sub-
Ta ra, a narrow inlet of the Gulf of Aden. lineages. In recent decades, the clan-families have
The region contains the western shore of the become less important than they traditionally
B b al-Mandab, a strategic 27-km-wide strait were in everyday activities, but constitute a ral-
joining the Gulf of Aden to the Red Sea, thus, lying-point for political parties and movements.
via Suez, linking the Atlantic to Indo-Pacific Whether among the Afar, Somali or Arabs,
commerce. Besides the sea, Ethiopia, So- the religion of D. is Islam. The Somali and Afar
maliland (having de-facto independence from generally follow the Sunn tradition. f broth-
Somalia) and Eritrea bound D. today. The erhoods play a prominent role. Local Muslim
country’s greatly indented Red Sea coast saint’s days associated with each of the two
stretches some 800 km from Ras Dumera in peoples are popular. Among the Somali, various
the north to Loyada in the south. devout Dervish ( Mu ammad Abdall h
Once called by Europeans “the valley of hell”, &asan) orders have their own particular obser-
D. is a land of permanent intense heat and vance, alongside universal ones, such as the
drought. The Somali call the terrain guban (burnt Prophet’s birthday. Among the Afar, remnants
land). The land consists, in part, of arid, rugged of the pre-Islamic cosmology of their sky-father
highlands, often 900 m or more in elevation, with deity Wak ( Waaqa) are evident, including days
peaks rising to 1,600 and 2,000 m (e.g., Mount for animal sacrifice and rain-making ceremonies.
Moussa Ali, 2,063 m A.S.L.). Basaltic steppe and Islam in the Horn has both orthodox and lo-
desert plains having salt lakes and normally dry calized versions, with orthodoxy emanating
179
Djibouti
males are circumcised and females undergo

excision of the clitoris (clitoridectomy) and
infibulation (excision of the labia majora and
sewing up of the vagina until marriage). Some
Djiboutians do not cut girls beyond the clitori-
dectomy (s. Circumcision).
Such multiple bonds do not prevent strife
within ethnic groups, especially among the So-
mali. Each people speaks an Eastern Cushitic
language, respectively, Afar and Somali (the
latter is generally called Issa in D.). Educated
Afar and Somali speak French. Such Somali
are thus linguistically and culturally distinct from
other Somali elites, who speak either English or
Italian, depending on their particular colonial
history. Arabic is used in religion. The Somali
language of D. belongs to the “common-dialect”
group, found in much of Somalia and used in
from the cities and towns, where the mosques radio and television. In 1972, the government
and their religious schools are located. As else introduced Latin script for the Somali language
where in the world, Islam accommodates local and made it “national language”; Afar soon
practices. For the orthodox, religious and com- followed, in both respects.
munity activities are governed by the šar a. The education in D. is carried out in the two
Pilgrimage and scheduled prayer and fasting, official languages (French and Arabic) and the
such as during Rama n, are prescribed. Islam two national ones (the first language of instruc-
does not transcend ethnicity and thus does not tion is usually Afar or Somali, the primary
impose a unity on different Muslim peoples, for school education is carried out in French, with
example, on the warring Afar and Somali. Arabic being added starting from the secondary
The Somali Issa, and their close kin to the school level). Until after World War II, French
east, the Gadabuursi clan, in their related Catholic missionaries provided the infrequent
genealogies tell of an ancestral ennoblement in formal education, outside of Qur nic schools. A
that the separate eponymous ancestor of each growing number of government schools use a
clan was a holy man from Arabia. For the Dir French-style curriculum. In 1966 all of D. had
Issa, their particular sainted ancestor, Aq l b. 5,200 pupils in government and mission schools.
Ab lib (Somali: Caqil Abuu Taalib), has Until this time, secondary schools were little
several laudatory hymns in his honour and his developed. Throughout the 1960s, much educa-
shrine is in D., where he is said to have appeared tion focused on manual training. Practical train-
miraculously. Such evolving “received histories” ing of a limited kind is given to many pastoralists,
of these two clans constitute a social charter for who frequently must supplement their livelihood
the still on-going processes of their Islamization. with seasonal working in the city or on the rail-
Islamic Arabian society is the ultimate prestig- road. In 2000, the Pôle universitaire de Djibouti,
ious reference group for Somali. Islamization a new university based on different already ex-
processes and their charters, in which Somali isting institutions of higher learning, opened.
clans trace putative patrilineal descent from Ara-
bia, and thereby outside their own ethnicity, III. History
become the foundation upon which the Somali During the past 150 years, direct and indirect
reconstruct their native culture and its encom- interventions in the Horn of Africa by outside
passing cosmology—something all the world’s countries have steadily increased the techno-
peoples continuously reconstruct. logical intensity and socio-economic conse-
As among most of the peoples of the Horn, quences of war in the region. These twin reali-
adult status for the Afar and Somali requires a ties have repercussions in the recent or current
genital operation, with or without ceremony, conflicts between Eritrea and Ethiopia, Somalia
usually in childhood. For Afar and Somali, and Ethiopia, Sudan and Eritrea, Somali factions
180
Djibouti
and, in D., Afar and Somali. Intervention in the

Horn by outside imperialist states resulted from
the Franco-British development of the Suez
Canal. Overnight, the Horn of Africa and the
B b al-Mandab changed from a world backwa-
ter to a strategic choke-point of global commer-
cial and naval traffic. The French opening of the
Suez Canal in 1869 and later British control of
this strategic artery of global transportation
changed the region’s peoples from little-
contemplated isolates to foci of Great-Power First banknote issued for Djibouti and the Franco-
Ethiopian railway (first tranche: 1 May 1909); 100
concern. The canal became the pivot for Euro- Francs, with legend in French, Amharic and Arabic
pean domination of most of Asia, the eastern
half of Africa and the Indo-Pacific seas. by France in the area (the Territoire d’Obock,
As European powers competed for strategic the protectorates of Ta ra, Gobaad, Ghoubbet-
dominance, coaling stations for steamships and el-Kharab, of the Issa and the port of D.), re-
maritime bases for warships provided competi- mained administratively separated. An Anglo-
tive advantage. Thus, European colonies became French treaty of 1888 divided the land of the Dir-
necessary. These included Italian Eritrea and Issa between French Obock and the adjacent
Italian Somaliland; British Aden, British emerging British Somaliland. The Issa around D.
Somaliland and the British coast of Sudan; and had signed a treaty with France in 1885.
French Somaliland, which countered British In 1892 France astutely abandoned its former
regional hegemony. Recently, the Soviets and centre in Afar, Obock, and transferred it south-
Americans competed through their client states wards, across the Gulf of Ta ra, to Issa D. On
of Ethiopia and Somalia for hegemony in this 20 May 1896 the different territories were united
strategic region. France continues its historical as the “Côte française des Somalis et depen-
independent global projection of power from D. dences”. By 1899, the newly prosperous port city
In 1839 Great Britain occupied Aden on the had 10,000 inhabitants, as it drained trade from
eastern shore of the B b al-Mandab, while its nearby older ports. Planning began for a French
arch-rival, France, began expeditions, from the railroad to Addis Abäba ( Railways), the new
western shore, to the interior Amhara kingdom capital of Ethiopia, recently unified and ex-
of Šäwa, culminating in a Franco–Amhara treaty panded under the Amhara. In 1894, the French
in 1842. In 1861, as France began its conquest of governor of D. colony had signed a treaty with
Indo-China, it cultivated good relations with his carefully cultivated friend, a e M nil k II,
Afar leaders around the port of Obock on the making D. city the designated port for the coun-
Gulf of Ta ra. The following year, a treaty with try’s growing foreign commerce and communi-
the Afar sul n of Ta ra, D n A mad Ab cations. In its foreign relations, the Ethiopian
Bakr, ceded to France the area of what is today government necessarily became Francophone.
northern D. (called the “Territoire d’Obock). Out of D., construction of the French railway
The first commercial concession was accorded progressed slowly. Legal trade in arms grew and
there to Denis de Revoyre in 1872, followed by illegal trade in slaves bound for the Near East
Pierre Arnoux; together they founded the Com- prospered. The works started in 1897. The rail-
pagnie franco-éthiopienne in 1880. During 1881– way entered Addis Abäba in 1917, thus elimi-
83, Frenchmen opened four trading companies at nating all remaining transport of freight by
Obock, including a coaling-station and a French camel caravans to ports other than D. Com-
settlement. Although the Obock ventures failed merce waxed in the city during the 1920s, while
commercially, France’s deepening colonial wars in the colony’s hinterland, the Afar and Issa
during the 1880s in Indo-China and Madagascar continued their fighting. By 1935, France had
required a French coaling-station and base. in ended most open fighting between the two
1883, Léonce Lagarde was nominated. He peoples and, occasionally, against French troops.
decided to move the seat of the colonial admini- France proclaimed its neutrality during the
stration to D., becoming “governor of D.” in Italian war of 1935–36, even though Laval
1884. However, the diverse territories controlled gave 20% of the shares to Italy ( Hoare-Laval
181
Djibouti
plan). From D., France sent troops to occupy became the first head-of-state in 1977. In 1981 D.
the strategic Ethiopian railway terminal at formally became a one-party state headed by a
D rre Dawa and, later, via its railway and directly elected president, the unitary party being
port, rescued Emperor aylä llase I and his the Rassemblement popolaire pour le progres
government from the advancing Italian Army. (RPP). Aptidon was re-elected in 1981 and again
From D., France had previously aided its Ethio- in 1987. The Afar minority felt excluded from
pian friends, who had defeated France’s Italian the political process. In 1991 an Afar-based
adversaries in 1896 at the battle of Adwa. armed rebellion led by the Front pour la re-
From D., the French materially aided the stauration de l’unité et de la démocracie (FRUD)
Ethiopian resistance against their Italian occupi- gained control of much of the countryside. On 4
ers and French military agents filtered into September 1992 Aptidon presented a multi-party
Ethiopia. The Italo-French armistice of April constitution, ratified by the citizenry. In 1993,
1940, however, required the demilitarization of Aptidon achieved a fourth term in D.’s first mul-
D. With D. neutralized, Italy conquered British tiparty presidential election. The Afar opposi-
Somaliland in August 1940. Thereupon, Great tion largely boycotted the election.
Britain began a naval blockade of Africa Ori- Aged 83, Aptidon resigned in 1999, and a new
entale Italiana and then Vichy-oriented D. Be- president, Ismaël Omar Guelleh, was elected as
ginning in January 1941, a British counter- the RPP candidate. Delita Mohamed Dileita has
attack with Empire forces blitzed through Ital- been the head of goverment sine 2001 (when he
ian and British Somaliland and liberated Addis replaced Barkat Gourad Hamdaou). The politi-
Abäba in April. The British considered invading cal power is thus shared by a Somali president
French Somaliland with its 8,000 veteran troops, and an Afar prime minister, with cabinet posts
but continued the effective blockade instead. roughly devided. However, it is the Issa who
Vichy-French Somaliland surrendered to British dominate the government and the ruling party.
and Free French forces on 23 December 1942. In the elections of 2003, the 65 national assem-
French Somaliland became an Overseas Terri- bly seats were taken by the four-party-block,
tory of France (Territoire française d’outremer, the Union pour la majorité présidentielle
TOM) in 1946. This made its inhabitants French (UMP), the FRUD opposition headed by A '
citizens who could elect and send their own mad D n received no representation.
members of parliament to Paris. In part because Afar- Issa fighting continues, despite a treaty
of pressures from pan-Somali nationalists, and a in 2000 to end this strife. However, so long as
bloody demonstration during President de the French military remains in D., the parti-
Gaulle’s official visit, in 1966 de Gaulle an- tioning of the country along ethnic lines re-
nounced a referendum, held in 1967, to deter- mains unlikely. D. consists of three regions
mine the future of the colony. This referendum which are divided into the following adminis-
reaffirmed the desire of the majority of the trative disticts (cercles): the City of Djibouti
population (58.3 %) to remain part of the French (Ville de Djibouti, Région de Djibouti-
Republic. The colony was renamed the Territoire Capitale), Ali Sabieh (Région de Somali-Issa),
Français des Afar et des Issa (TFAI, under the Dikhil, Obock, Ta ra and since 2000 Arta
rule of Ali Aref Bourhan). Movements for inde- (the last four forming together Région d’Afar
pendence, especially among the Somali, contin- and covering ca. 87% of the territory of the
ued, however, and, after Somalia claimed large state). Recently, a new Arta district was created.
territories of D. in 1975, a new referendum was Following the new decentralization policy,
held on 8 May 1977, this time with 98.8 % voting regional councils have been created, adminis-
for independence. Thus, the new state named tering the districts with a high degree of auton-
République de D. emerged on 27 June 1977. omy.
D. served as France’s base of operations dur-
IV. Government and political system ing the 1991 Gulf War, provides the transporta-
D. was formerly a land made politically stable by tion link to Réunion and French Polynesia, site
the French Army. Today, however, this country of France’s nuclear tests until 1996, and other-
is embroiled in the conflicts of the region. Presi- wise supports France’s status as a second-line
dent Hassan Gouled “Aptidon” (in modern power with a global reach. For France’s projec-
orthography Xasan Guleed Aptidoon), an Issa, tion of power in the Indian Ocean, D. became all
182
Djibouti
the more important after the closing of French stripes, blue and green. White represents peace,
naval and air bases at Diego-Suarez (Anstiranana) green is the colour of earth and blue is the col-
in the Malagasy Republic. Across Africa, France our of the sea and the sky. The red star in the
has about 10,000 veteran troops. Since 1964, center of the white triangle symbolizes unity.
France has intervened on average every other The coat of arms shows a shield, two hands
year in strife in Francophone Africa, which it holding swords and a spear topped by a red star
considers its post-colonial sphere of influence. D. inside of a green wreath.
is France’s most strategic African bastion. In Src.: CIA World Factbook 2002, available from internet.
2001 the USA opened a base in D. Lit.: ALI JIMALE AHMED, Daybreak is Near: Literature,
Clans, and the Nation-State in Somalia, Lawrenceville
V. Economy 1996; ALI COUBBA, Le mal djiboutien: rivalités eth-
niques et enjeux politiques, Paris 1996; E. CHÉDEVILLE,
D.’s commercial revenues come mainly from its “Djibouti”, in: EI2, vol. 2, 535–36; LEE V. CASSANELLI,
transit trade as the rail-head of the Chemin de The Shaping of Somali Society: Reconstructing the His-
fer djibouto-éthiopien (CDÉ), the railway tory of a Pastoral People, 1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982;
linking Ethiopia to some of its seaborne com- DEFENSE MAPPING AGENCY, Gazetteer of Djibouti,
Washington, D.C. 1983; JOHN DRYSDALE, The Problem
merce, and also from servicing of ships calling at
of French Somaliland, Africa Report November 1966;
its port. Until the second Ethio-Eritrean war of ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT, Country Profile:
the late 1990s, Ethiopia used Asäb as its main Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, London 1993; MARC
port. Serving as a French base generates revenue FONTRIER, Abou Bakr Ibrahim Pacha de Zeyla, mar-
outside the commercial sphere for D. The na- chand d’esclaves …, Paris 2003; FREDERICK C. GAMST,
“Conflict in the Horn of Africa”, in: MARY L. FOSTER –
tional currency is the Djibouti franc. It is tied to ROBERT A. RUBENSTEIN (ed.), Peace and War: Cross-
the United States dollar with the rate fixed since Cultural Perspectives, New Brunswick 1986, 133–51;
1973 at 177.72 Djibouti francs for US$ 1. ROBERT E. GORELOCK, “Pan-Somaliism vs. Territorial
D.’s economy is dependent on subsidies from Integrity”, Horn of Africa 3, 4, 1980–81, 31–36;
France, and most food is imported. Production FOREIGN OFFICE [Great Britain], French Somaliland,
London 1920 (Handbook no. 109); CHARLES W.
of marine salt is the only important industry. KOBURGER, Naval Strategy East of Suez: the Role of
A large camel market has long been in the city. Djibouti, New York 1992; ROBERT SAINT VERAN,
Some date palms are tended at oases. Only 10 % Djibouti: Pawn of Africa, Metuchen, NJ 1981; PETER J.
of the land is suitable for permanent grazing, SCHRÄDER, Djibouti, Santa Barbara, CA 1990;
VIRGINIA THOMPSON – RICHARD ADLOFF, Djibouti
with about 25 % of the population engaged in
and the Horn of Africa, Stanford, CA 1968; UNITED
pastoralism. Some Djiboutians practice fishing. NATIONS, Socio-Economic Aspects of Poverty. Case
A few garden farms are irrigated on the out- Study: Djibouti, New York 1981; COLETTE DUBOIS,
skirts of the city. For a few years after inde- Djibouti 1888–1967. Héritage ou frustration?, Paris 1997;
pendence, substantial foreign aid caused a spurt PHILIPPE OBERLE, Histoire de Djibouti, des origines à la
République, Paris 1985 [²1997]; LUKIAN PRIJAC, Léonce
in industrial growth, which has since declined Lagarde (d’Obock à la SDN) 1860–1936, thèse
owing in part to an overdependence on costly INALCO, Paris 2001; RÉMI LEROUX, Le réveil de
imports of materials. Industry related to food Djibouti 1968–1977. Simple outil de propagande ou
and beverages employs perhaps 80 % of the véritable reflet d’une société?, Paris – Aix en Provence
wage workforce. Apart from grazing, little eco- 1998; ALAIN ROUAUD, “Pour une histoire des Arabes de
Djibouti (1896–1977)”, Cahiers des Études Africaines 36,
nomic activity occurs outside of the city and its 2, 146, 319–48.
environs. An average Djiboutian spends 60 % of Frederick C. Gamst
per capita budget for at flewn into the city
daily from D rre Dawa. According to a 2002 Djibouti city
estimate, the gross domestic product level was D., now the capital of the Republic of Djibouti,
at $ 619,000,000. was founded on 6 March 1888 by the Governor
Léonce Lagarde. In 1896 D. officially became
VI. State symbols the main town of French Somaliland as an im-
The national anthem of D., The Flag Song, was portant port supplanting both Zayla and
adopted upon independence from France on 27 Ta ra. Today D. counts approximately
June 1977. Its lyrics (Somali) are by Aden Elmi 500,000 inhabitants, about three fourths of the
and the melody is by Abdi Robleh. The flag population of the country. In the second half,
consists of three fields, a white isosceles triangle especially in the last decades, of the 20th cent.,
based on the hoist side and two horizontal this capital accumulated all the functions (eco-
183
Djibouti
floating population makes impossible any pre-
cise census.
The old city centre, with its Yemeni-style
buildings and their arcades framing the streets,
houses the administrative, banking and commer-
cial core of D. Barges keep arriving and leaving at
the Mahmoud Harbi square (also Place Menelik),
the architectural ensemble of which is dominated
by the minaret of the Hamoudi mosque. The
economic heart of the city is the Marabout
square. It is here where the modern installations
for a deep-water port, docks and warehouses are
located. And it is here where the railway station –
the end-junction of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti
Railway – is located.
Lying on one of the world’s main maritime
routes, the port of D. became, thanks to the
railway, one of the important import/export
Djibouti Parliament; view from the old fishing port; from outlets for Ethiopia. The abundant international
Kulik 1983: 55
trade through the port also ensures the stability
nomic, banking, military, administrative) and is of the local currency, the D. franc (based on US
experiencing demographic explosion. dollars).
A paved road links D. to the heavy-duty D. is surrounded by various sceneries. The
Asäb–Addis Abäba highway, but a road into Serpent Plateau and the Peninsula of Héron are
Somaliland is no longer fully passable. A metre- covered by exquisite residences and green gar-
gauge railway operates to Addis Abäba dens. To the south lies the vast plain, which was
( Railways). D. has an international airline and in the past occupied by numerous salt-works
ship transport. Since 1949, the city has con- and in recent times has become the subject of
tained a free port. The harbour is enclosed by many urbanization programs (which resulted in
land, dredged to 40–65 feet, and accommodates appearance of the towns of Stade, Arhiba, Ein-
up to ten ships along two moles. Modern fuel- guela etc). Until the 1980s Wadi Ambouli with
ling services and a floating dry dock are facilities its gardens, farms and palm-plantations sepa-
of this strategic port. The city uses subterranean rated the urban area from the arid hills where
water sources. It has an annual average tem- nomads live. There, three dwelling zones (“les
perature of 32° C, but summer temperatures rise quartiers” or balbala 1, 2 and 3) then emerged.
beyond 43° C. These problematic districts, located between the
Beside Afar (ca. 35 % of the population) sea and the communication-axis between the
and Somali, the city has some 10,000 Arabs. capital and the rest of the country, change little
An upper class of Arabs owns much of the real by little, thanks to international assistance
estate, controls much of the commerce and now
(which allows the construction of mosques and
lives in the European quarter. Other Arabs are
educational establishments).
small traders and manual labourers. Over the
The Dubai Port Authoritiy, which now man-
years, French presence has ranged up to 10,000
ages the port of D., is planning a new deep-
persons, depending on the number of troops
water port with a container terminal in Dorale
based there. Some 1,000 Indo-Pakistanis,
(8 km north from the capital).
Greeks and others live in the city. From time to
D. has many economic problems, the central
time, large numbers of refugees from Ethiopia
being insufficient water and electricity supply,
and Somalia have burdened the government and
as well as increasing numbers of the unem-
citizens of D. Since 1977 (Ogaden war), D. has
ployed and the homeless.
accommodated, according to the rhythm of the
Lit.: COLETTE DUBOIS, Djibouti 1888–1967. Héritage
political sudden starts or the climatic accidents ou frustration?, Paris 1997 (Lit.); SERGEJ KULIK, Am
which strike the Horn of Africa, thousands of Horn von Afrika: Aethiopien, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenia,
refugees (Somali, Ethiopians and Afar). This Leipzig 1983, 55; PHILIPPE OBERLE, Histoire de
184
Dobbi
Djibouti, des origines à la République, Paris 1997; Doba a

OFFICE NATIONAL DU TOURISME ET DE L’ARTISANAT D. (<+! ) is the name of a territory on the
DE DJIBOUTI (ed.), Guide pratique de la République de
Djibouti, Djibouti 1987; JACQUES TRAMPONT, Djibouti north-eastern borders of T gray which ex-
de 1887 à 1939, Paris 1990. tended as far as the Afar-inhabited lowlands. It
Colette Dubois – Frederick C. Gamst was visited, in the early 1520s, by the Portu-
guese traveller Francisco Alvares, who reports
that the area measured five days journey in
D mt length, and possessed “very fine cows, which
D. (Da mat or Da amat, vocalization un- cannot be numbered …, and the largest that can
known) is mentioned ten times in six Sabaic be found in the world” (BeckHuntAlvar 187).
pre-Aksumite royal inscriptions, to be dated Later, in 1679, a e Yo ann s I incorporated
approximately to the 8th–7th cent. B.C.: this or another territory of the same name ad-
1) in the royal titles “N.N., the mukarrib of D.”: ministratively into T gray province.
cp. RIE 3:1 [mkr]b/d mt; RIE 9:1 m[krb/]d mt, According to the gädl of Märqorewos (Conti
and “N.N., the mukarrib of D. and SB ”: cp. RIE Rossini 1904:18 [text]) Doba (<+ ) and Wäfla
5A:1, 8:1–2, 10:4–5 mkrb / d mt / wsb ; were two lowland peoples who, headed by a
2) in the formula “when they [i.e., the king and certain Yehya, fought against the local Christian
the queen] reigned [or: “attained sovereignty”] chiefs in the days of a e Lalibäla (ca. 1186–25).
over D., its eastern and western parts”, s. RIE 5 The name D. is also used for the non-Semitic
A:2–B:1 ywm / [mlkw / d ]mt / m rqhy / wm r- group described by Henry Salt as “Negroes”,
bhy, RIE 9:3–4 ywm / mlkw / d mt / [m] rqhy / which was attacked, and defeated, by a e
wm rbhy, RIE 2:1 mlkw / d mt / m rqhy / Ba dä Maryam in a famous expedition of
th
wm rbhy; cp. also RIE 8:3–4 ywm / h dsw / … ' the 15 cent.
mlkw / rb / d mt / m [rqhy] / wm rbhy, RIE Src.: GuiIohan 31; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI (ed., tr.),
Vitae sanctorum indigenarum. I. Acta Marqor!wos,
10:7–8 ywmy / mlkw / d mt. Louvain 1904 [repr. 1955] (CSCO 33, 34 [SAe 16, 17]),
D. must have been the name of a people settling 18 (text) = 18 (tr.).
in the region of Aksum (where the inscriptions Lit.: BeckHuntAlvar 187, 579; HuntGeogr 296, index.
RIE 2, 3, 5 were found) and southern T gray, Richard Pankhurst
between Mä(älä and Addigrat (RIE 8 was dis-
covered at Addi Gälämo, RIE 9, 10 at nda
Abba Gärima, Addi Kaw ) or the name of Dobbi
this territory. The rulers of D. bear the title D. (or Dobi) is the self-designation of a
mlkn (‘the king’) and mkrb (here meaning un- Gurage ethnic group speaking the Gogot
certain), their names LMN, RB& and RD M language and often referred to as Gogot. The
appear to be of Semitic origin. Only the rulers origin of the term “D.” is uncertain. It means
bearing the title “mukarrib of D MT and SB ” ‘nettle’ in D. and is used as a metaphor for the
call themselves yg yn “he of [the tribe?] bravery of the D. warriors. D. is also the name
YG ” (RIE 5 A:1, 8:1, 10:2–4), which is obvi- of a village on the road to Buta ira.
ously of the same root as “G z”, the language Most of the D. live in an area which is called
name (cp. Ag azi). The kingdom seems to Dobbi–Säbat–Gogot. In addition, there is a
have been rather short-lived; how long it flour- small diaspora of Gogot-speakers in Addis
ished and when it broke down is unknown. Abäba (D nbäru Alämu 1994/95:42). The
Script and style of the D. inscriptions are highly Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot area stretches from the
influenced by Old South Arabian culture. Rinzaf River in the south to the Mulg mountain
Pre-Aksumite culture or the region of Wägära in the north-west. The
Src.: RIE 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 10 (Lit.). Akemu a River forms the north-eastern border.
Lit.: FRANCIS ANFRAY, Les anciens Éthiopiens. Siècles Adjacent to the D. area live the K stane
d’histoire, Paris 1990, 60f.; GIANFRANCESCO LUSINI, “A ( Soddo) in the north, the Mäsqan in the east
proposito delle iscrizioni sudarabiche d’Etiopia”, Studi and south, and the Mu r as well as the
epigrafici e linguistici 17, 2000, 95–113, here 99f.; DAVID Wälläne in the north-west and west. The
W. PHILLIPSON, Ancient Ethiopia. Aksum: its Antece-
dents and Successors, London 1998, 45–48. Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot consist of the following
Alexander Sima larger ethnic units: D., Sägännät (Mähal Amba),
185
Dobbi
Qä) n Amba, Lemamär, Gogga and Arguman. ited by most of the surrounding Gurage groups.
These units again are divided into several other There is a primary school near the market.
smaller units (ibid. 43f.). Src.: azma Bäqqälä Habtä-Maryam (80 years), abägaz
There are almost no written records on the M t ku Sima (55 years) and Getahun Q natu (50 years),
Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot. According to D nbäru village of Dobbi, 2001.
Lit.: D NBÄRU ALÄMU et al., QQMz YL=Oy -h:A-y
Alämu (1994/95:42) the region was mentioned K<ly +Ws!y <#< (Gogot. Yägurage b eräsäb tarik,
in the Chronicle of a e Zär a Ya qob for the bah l nna qwanqwa, ‘Gogot, the History, Culture and
first time. Consequently there is no information Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqi*e 1987 A.M.
on the ethnogenesis of the people. According to [1994/95 A.D.]; LA,ISO GETAHUN D LEBO, Y#M_1\y
YK+?y F? %M1y Hz?y jXKpwz (Yä ityo ya yägäbbar
oral traditions, the Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot are, like
s r at ñña mm r kappitalizm 1900–1966, ‘The System
other Gurage groups, not native to the area they of Gäbbar and the Initiated Capitalism 1900–1966’),
inhabit now. It is believed that there were several Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/91 A.D.].
migrations of people into this area which resulted Ronny Meyer
in the establishment of the Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot.
The first migration probably took place in the Dog ali, battle of
time of azma S b at, who settled in Aymälläl.
Some of his followers moved on and settled the On 25-26 January 1887 Ethiopian forces, for the
today’s area of the Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot. Later, first time, inflicted a painful defeat on European
during the time of Zär a Ya qob (r. 1434–68) imperialists at D. (<P(p , ital. Dógali). This
and A mad b. Ibr h m al- z (Grañ; ca. 1506– settlement lies some 25 km from Massawa,
43), other migrants from northern Ethiopia which the Italians had captured in February
should have entered this area as well (ibid. 44f.). 1885. Ras Alula ng da, leading the army he
It is also believed that people from other had assembled in his new capital of Asmära, tried
Gurage groups became members of the Dobbi- on the first day to storm the Italian trenches in
Säbat-Gogot, such as the Sär*o lineage of the the water source of Sahati (also known as Sa a*i),
Zay (ibid. 46) or the D n o from Wälläne. and sustained heavy losses. The next day, at D.
Furthermore, some groups from Dobbi-Säbat- Alula ambushed an Italian battalion heading
Gogot became incorporated into other Gurage towards Sa ati. Some 500 Italian soldiers, practi-
groups. Consequently, there exists a close cally the whole battalion, were killed and only 80
interethnic relationship between the D. and the wounded managed to escape. The news came as a
surrounding Gurage. However, the close rela- shock to Italy. On 5 June 1887 a monument
tionship between the K stane and the Dobbi- (originally an ancient Egyptian obelisk unearthed
Säbat-Gogot as mentioned in La+iso Getahun in Rome in 1883) was inaugurated in a main
D lebo (1990/91:190), does not exist today and square in Rome, which was then renamed Piazza
is not mentioned in the collected oral traditions. dei Cinquecento, i.e. ‘the square of the [fallen]
In former times, however, there were many five hundred’ (from this location, in front of the
quarrels and local conflicts between neigh- Termini Station, the obelisk was moved to a
bouring Gurage groups, in particular regarding garden area next to the Therms of Diocletian in
the ownership and usage of land. One means for 1925). The shock helped Francesco Crispi, an
the settlement of these and further conflicts imperialist hard-liner, to power.
became the traditional judicial practices of the The British sent an envoy, Gerald H. Portal,
region, which are called yädobbi gogot sera or to a e Yo ann s IV, blaming Alula for a brutal
yäs nano sera. Members of the yädobbi gogot massacre and demanding his removal from As-
sera are the Mäsqan and S l*i alongside the D. mära and the Märäb M llaš. Yo ann s refused
The place of the assembly of elders of these and blamed the Italians for illegally penetrating
groups is located at Färagäzañä inside the Alula’s territory. The June 1884 Hewett
Mäsqan area (D nbäru Alämu 1994/95:139). Treaty had recognized that Massawa proper was
The D. are Ethiopian Orthodox. They are supposed to be managed by the British, but
farmers who depend on nsät as their staple inland Sa ati was never mentioned.
food. In addition, they plant wheat, barley and However, as relations with the Italians soon
maize and own a few cattle. The main market deteriorated – a large Italian army landed in late
place of Dobbi-Säbat-Gogot is near the village 1887 and advanced beyond Sa ati – Yo ann s
of D. The market is held on Mondays and vis- grew angry with Alula for the D. incident. Alula’s
186
Dokko
Ras Alula, 1875–1897, Michigan – Tel Aviv 1983 [= Ras
Alula and the Scramble for Africa: a Political Biography,
Ethiopia and Eritrea 1875–1897, Lawrenceville — As-
mara ²1996] (Lit.); TADDESSE BEYENE — TADDESSE
TAMRAT — RICHARD PANKHURST (eds.), The Centen-
ary of Dogali, Addis Ababa 1988; ANGELO DEL BOCA,
Gli Italiani in Africa Orientale, Roma 1976.
Haggai Erlich
Dokko
D. (also Doko) is a local unit (dere) of the
Gamo. Its approximately 20,000 residents oc-
cupying an area of about 110 km², located a few
kilometres west of the small town of en a, at
an altitude of approximately 3,000 m A.S.L.
(Cartledge 1995:33). The majority of the people
of D. are farmers. Women carry manure to the
fields and men sow the seed and hoe the land.
Nowadays most families also include at least one
member who works as a weaver, either locally or
in one of the urban centres throughout Ethiopia.
Hidework and metalwork are carried out by a
group of marginalized minorities called degala.
D. is composed of two smaller communities,
or dere, known as D.-Mašo and D.-Gämbela,
which in turn divide into yet smaller communi-
The Dog ali obelisk for the memory of the battle; Rome, ties called Mašo, Šale, Woi o, Eleze, Gedeno,
Via delle Terme di Diocleziano; photo courtesy of En- Dambo, Yoira, ento, and Kale, Šaye, Elo,
rico Castelli
Zolo, Upper Loš, Lower Loš, ida, Dalo, Zad a
rivals at court blamed him for over-reacting to respectively. Each of these dere of D. has their
Italian encroachment. They also blamed him for own particular version of the sacrifices and
pursuing a spectacular victory after his late-1886 initiations found throughout the Gamo highlands
campaign against the Mahdist town of Kassala Sacrificers are called eqqa and the senior dere
had failed. Unable to storm the entrenched Ital- sacrificer is known as kawo. Initiates in the small-
ians, a e Yo ann s, in May 1888 decided to est scale of dere are called halaqa, while those for
evacuate eastern Eritrea and march to face the
Sudanese Mahdists. He also decided in July to
call Alula from Asmära to accompany him to the
fateful battle of Mätämma. Alula’s removal
from the capital of the Märäb M llaš led directly
to a smooth Italian occupation of Eritrea.
But while Yo ann s and his men were facing
the Italians and the Mahd , n gu M nil k of
Šäwa had an easier time. In the very same Janu-
ary 1887 he defeated the army of the am r of
Harär and his man, ras Mäkwänn n Wäldä
Mika l, established a Šäwan government over
the Ogaden. Building his power in the south,
conquering huge populations and territories,
M nil k would finally check the Italians in the
north in the second, and much more decisive,
victory of Adwa, March 1896.
Lit.: Guida 189f.; HAGGAI ERLICH, Ethiopia and Eritrea
during the Scramble for Africa: a Political Biography of
187
Dokko
either D. Mašo or D. Gämbela are called hud-

hugha, and those for the whole of D. are called
dana. The form of the halaqa initiations in the
deres of D. Mašo and D. Gämbela is signifi-
cantly different, with the D. Mašo form taking
place over two years and the initiate becoming a
symbolic ‘wife’, while in D. Gämbela the initia-
tions take place over a few months and initiate
becomes a symbolic “warrior” (Freeman 1999).
Many people in D. are nominally Orthodox
Täwa do Christians, although Orthodoxy is
not as strong as it is in other parts of the high-
lands, such as in Dorze and Ele. In recent
years the Protestant church has attracted a large
following in D.–Gämbela, but it has been less
successful in D.–Mašo.
Lit.: DANIEL CARTLEDGE, Taming the Mountain: Human
Ecology, Indigenous Knowledge and Sustainable Resource
Management in the Doko Gamo Society of Ethiopia, Ph.D.
thesis, University of Florida 1995; DENA FREEMAN, Trans- around are still under dispute between the
forming Traditions: the Dynamics of Cultural Variation in Oromo and Somali and between stock-breeders
the Gamo Highlands of Southwest Ethiopia, Ph.D. thesis, and sedentarized peoples.
University of London 1999; EAD., Initiating Change in
Highland Ethiopia, Causes and Consquences of Cultural The town is dominated in the north by the
Transformation, Cambridge 2002; OSCAR NEUMANN, formidable escarpment of the Sanetti plateau
“From the Somali Coast through North-Ethiopia to the (3,000 m–4,000 m A.S.L.), crowned by the vol-
Sudan”, The Geographic Journal 1902, 17 (ill.). canic solid masses of Mounts Batu and Tulluu-
Dena Freeman Diimtu (4,307 m A.S.L.). These mountains,
often hidden by the clouds, are crossed by the
Dolo highest road in Africa and shelter rare species of
D. (<t, after 1974 ;t, D lo) was an awra a of animals and plants, some of them protected.
the Bale province, which was re-established in The tourists who visit the national park of Bale,
1960 out of Harärge. At present it belongs to the one of the major attractions in Ethiopia, stay in
Bale zone, a subdivision of the k ll l Oromiyaa. Gobba and hardly ever venture to the south
Its capital, known today as Männa (or beyond the Wälmäl river and towards Nägäle
Mäs llo/M s llo, 1,340 m A.S.L.), is situated (Nagallee) Boräna. To the south of D. there is a
green-forested steppe used by stock-breeders.
110 km to the south of Gobba and is currently
In February–March 2000, with no rains during
the chief town of the wäräda Männa – Haränna
the short wet season, the forests of the moun-
Buluq. The site, a former stop on a caravan
tains of Bale were subject to enormous fires that
route, had in 1938 about 100 inhabitants. Later
were partially contained with South-African
on, the settlement developed into a secondary
and German co-operation.
administrative centre and a local market. In the
Src.: CSA 2000; EMAtlas.
Ethiopian Empire, the town was the capital of Lit.: JEAN GALLAIS, Les tropiques: terres de risques et
the awra a of D. and the wäräda of D lu. violences, Paris 1994, 214–18; GasEth; ALAIN GASCON,
To the north of the town, the Afro-alpine “Les ‘bastides’ d’Éthiopie. Les villes fortes de Menilek dans
lawns, the forests of koso (heeto) and the dense le sud de l’Éthiopie et l’urbanisation contemporaine”, in:
groves of podocarpus of Haränna hosted be- BENOÎT ANTHEAUME – FLORENCE PINTON (eds.),
Tropiques: lieux et liens, Paris 1989, 435–44; ID., “Les
tween 1963 and 1967 the rebellion of Waqo Somali. Nomadisme, migrations et déplacements forcés”,
Gutu. Consequently, between 1970 and 1984, in: LUC CAMBRÉZY – VÉRONIQUE LASSAILLY-JACOB
the population of the D lo awra a grew by (eds.), Populations réfugiées: de l’exil au retour, Paris 2001,
25 %, only a third of the growth rate of the 77–94; GEBRU TAREKE, Ethiopia: Power and Protest.
Peasants’ Revolts in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge
whole of Ethiopia. An increase in the density 1991; Guida; HuntGal; MesfAtlas² [showing Männa as the
noticed by 2000 was, however, only a quarter if capital of the Fasil awra a]; MesfGeogr; MHasOr.
compared to the national average. The low areas Alain Gascon
188
Dominicans
Dolo maliland”, in: YVES LACOSTE (ed.), Dictionnaire de

Géopolitique, Paris 1995, 1148, 1410–17, 1417–18; ID.,
D (<t , also <ty '< Dolo Odo, Doolow; “Les Somali. Nomadisme, migrations et déplacements
23,595 inhabitants, 221 m A.S.L.) is the name of forcés”, in: LUC CAMBRÉZY – VÉRONIQUE LASSAILLY-
a town (4° 11' N, 42° 04' E) and a wäräda in the JACOB (eds.), Populations réfugiées. De l’exil au retour,
south of the Somali k ll l, Liiban Administrative Paris 2001, 77–94; Guida 594; RICHARD HOGG,
“Changing Mandates in Ethiopian Ogaden. The Impact
Zone (earlier it belonged to Boräna awra a, of Somali ‘Refugees and Returnees’ on the UNHCR”, in:
Sidamo province). The town lies near the Somali TIM ALLEN (ed.), In Search of Cool Ground: War, Flight
border, on a small hill overlooking the conflu- and Homecoming in Northeast Africa, Trenton – Asmara
ence of the Ganaalee and the Dawa Parma 1996, 153–63; JULIUS HOLT, “Looking beyond the
where they form the Juba ( Ganaalee). On the Towns: Facts and Conjectures about Rural Returnees in
the Ogaden and ‘Somaliland’”, in: ibid., 143–52;
opposite bank of the Juba, the Somali twin-town FRANÇOIS PIGUET, Des nomades entre la ville et les
of Doolow is situated. D. is also close to the sables. La sédentarisation dans la Corne de l’Afrique,
Kenyan town of Mandera, where the borders of Paris – Genève 1998.
Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya meet. These three Alain Gascon
states share a territory that is disputed between
Somali and Oromo stock-breeders.
A small Ethiopian military station, D. was Dominicans
conquered in 1910 and populated as of 1938 by D. is the name used to designate the three or-
200 inhabitants. In October 1935, the town was ders of St. Dominic (1170–1221). Here we will
devastated by the troops of General Graziani, deal only with the first order (Friars Preachers,
who then proceeded to take over Nagallee Lat. Ordo Praedicatorum), the one with a
(the capital of Boräna) in January 1936. proper missionary vocation.
D. sheltered an important Ethiopian garrison The D. follow the three traditional monastic
during the war against the Western Somalia vows (obedience, chastity and poverty), but
Liberation Front. This city remained one of the have also clear goals of preaching and “salvation
back-bases during the Ethiopian military inter- of the souls”, as well as learning and teaching.
ventions in Somalia. In the 1980s, camps of Thus, the history of the Order includes out-
Somali refugees were placed around D., con- standing theologians (Peter Lombard, Thomas
tributing to the increase in its population. Aquinas, Tomás and Juan de Torquemada, the
latter having played an important role in the
Bull of Union with Copts and Ethiopians; s.
Florence, Council of), several saints and im-
portant missionaries.
The first contacts with the Orient and with
Christian Ethiopia came shortly after the foun-
dation of the order. Under Pope Gregory IX (r.
1227–41) an ambitious project of conversion of
the “heretics” was launched in which the D.,
together with the Franciscans, became a main
bulwark. Around 1237, the prior of the D. con-
vent in Jerusalem, Philip, was contacted by
Ignatius II, Jacobite Patriarch of Antiochia, who
out of rivalry with Alexandria named a certain
Thomas metropolitan of the Ethiopian church.
The issue, however, did not go much farther
than arousing the opposition of the D. and the
Catholic community (CerPal 62ff.; Richard
1998:56f.), eager not to provoke any discontent
Lit.: LEE VINCENT CASSANELLI, The Shaping of Somali in Egypt. By the second half of the century,
Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People,
1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982; EMAtlas; JEAN GALLAIS,
evidence seems to indicate D. having reached
Les tropiques. Terres de risques et violences, Paris 1994; Ethiopia, although never establishing perma-
ALAIN GASCON, “Ogadén/Ogaadeen”, “Somalie”, “So- nent missions (Richard 1976:325f.).
189
Dominicans
In the next century, with the pontificate of tos 1609:13–23), and the Spanish Luis de
John XXII (1316–34) and a renewed spirit of Urreta (1610) related various phantastic sto-
Crusade, a formidable expansion of mendicant ries on D. saints, convents and influence in
orders to the Far East took place. Henceforth, Ethiopia (s. Conti Rossini 1940:78–91; Van den
the attempts to contact Ethiopia became numer- Oudenrijn 1946). Although much discredited,
ous, in most of the cases through the newly- these works are testimony to the vitality of old
created D. archdiocese of Sul niyyah in Persia, D. traditions on Christian Ethiopia. They were
the jurisdiction of which extended nominally to also to play – especially Urreta’s – an important
“Ethiopia” (Bull of erection Redemptor noster, 1 role in fostering serious Jesuit historiography
April 1318). Around 1315–16 the preachers on the country, starting with Pedro Paez.
Guillaume Adam, Archbishop of Sul niyya, and Src.: Affonso DE ALBUQUERQUE, Cartas de Affonso de
Raymond Etienne reached the island of Socotra Albuquerque …, Lisboa 1884, 224; JOÃO DOS SANTOS,
(Yemen), where a Nestorian ( Nestorianism) Ethiopia Oriental e varia historia de cousas Notaveis do
Oriente, Evora 1609, 13–23, 28; JOÃO BERMUDEZ, Breve
community still existed, with the intention to relação da embaixada …, Lisboa 1875 [Lisboa 1565], 7;
visit Christian Ethiopia (Richard 1998:114, LUYS DE URRETA, Historia eclesiastica politica, natural, y
1976:328; Conti Rossini 1940:98). moral, de los grandes y remotos reynos de la Etiopia …,
Later, the D. Jordanus Catalani (fl. 1302–30), Valencia 1610; SERAFINO RAZZI, Vite dei Santi et Beati
nominated bishop of Quilon (Malabar, then a del Sacro Ordine dei Predicatori, Firenze 1596; GEORG
SCHURHAMMER, Die zeitgenössischen Quellen zur
suffragan of Sul n ya), was entrusted with a Geschichte Portugiesisch-Asiens …, Rom 1962, doc.
mission to the Ethiopian ruler, but never suc- 2880a; GIROLAMO GOLUBOVICH (ed.), Biblioteca bio-
ceeded (cp. with Golubovitch 1919:356). In his bibliografica della Terra Santa e dell’Oriente Frances-
book Mirabilia descripta (c. 1330), he made one cano, vol. 3, Firenze 1919, 356; JORDANUS CATALANI,
of the first identifications between the Prester Les Merveilles de l’Asie [c. 1330], ed. by HENRI
CORDIER, Paris 1925, 86–89.
John and the Christian Ethiopian ruler (Jourda- Lit.: JEAN RICHARD, La Papauté et les missions d’Orient
nus Catalani 1925:86–89). At the beginning of the au Moyen Age (XIIIe–XVe siècles), Rome ²1998, 56f., 114;
15th cent., another friar, John of Sul niyyah, at- ID., “Les premiers missionnaires latins en Ethiopie (XIIe–
tempted a similar trip (CerPal 207–13). From this XIVe siècles)”, in: ID., Orient et Occident au Moyen Age:
period dates also the work of the friar Pietro contacts et relations (XIIe–XVe siècles), London 1976, no.
XXIV, 323–39, here 325f., 328; RENATO LEFEVRE,
Ranzano (Palermo, ca. 1428–92), who wrote up “Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea del Medioevo e
the famous account of Pietro Rombulo’s travels. del Rinascimento”, Annali Lateranensi 9, 1945, 331–444,
(On historiographical discussion around these here 366–71; CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “Sulle missioni
medieval contacts with Christian Ethiopia, cp. domenicane in Etiopia nel secolo XIV”, Rendiconti della
Lefevre 1945:366–71 with Conti Rossini 1940:98.) Reale Accademia d’Italia ser. 7a–1, 18, 1940, 71–98, here
78–91, 98; CerPal vol. 1, 62–76, 207–13; MARC-
The last evidence of D. relating to Ethiopia ANTOINE VAN DEN OUDENRIJN, “L’évêque dominicain
goes back to the Portuguese expansion to India. Fr. Barthélemy, fondateur supposé d’un couvent dans le
Early in the 16th cent., during his trip to Mas- Tigré au 14e siècle”, RSE 5, 1946 [1947], 7–16.
sawa, the governor Albuquerque referred – Andreu Martínez
wrongly – to Ethiopian monks wearing the
habit of “sam domingos” (Albuquerque
1884:224). Later, in 1539, the Pseudo-Patriarch Donga
Bermudez was at the head of a mission to The D. constitute nine peasant associations of the
convert the “Preste”, together with Brother Ka abiira wäräda in the present zone of
Pedro Coelho and three other D. friars (Ber- Kambaata-Alaaba- imbaaro. They border the
mudez 1875:7; s. also Santos 1609:28). The friars Dubamo in the north, the imbaaro in the
never reached Ethiopia, but the project seems to west, the Wälaytta and Baadawwaa o-
have initially benefited from the support of the Hadiyya in the south and the Kambaata in
Pope (s. Paul III’s letter, in: Schurhammer 1962, the east. The D. peasants are intensive cultivators,
doc. 2880a). Finally, much turmoil was aroused mainly growing Ensete ventricosum ( nsät) as a
by two D. with their books, published whilst staple food and coffee as a cash crop. Their first
the Jesuit mission was fully active, and in part language is a dialect of Kambaata, but many of
to diminish its achievements: the Tuscan Sera- them also speak the Hadiyya language.
fino Razzi (1577), whose stories were included After the turbulence of A mad b. Ibr h m
in an important chronicle of the Orient (s. San- al- z ’s wars, a number of clans (säbat bet,
190
Donors
‘seven houses’) started establishing a federation, the fortifications are inconsiderable”. Happily,
which gained some regional importance under since 1964 an extended series of excavations at D.
the leadership of a hero called Hanagassa during by a team of Polish archaeologists promises to
the first half of the 17th cent. From the early 19th open whole new levels of understanding as their
cent. onwards, the D. were politically dominated annual discoveries build toward a synthesis and
by the Sooro-Hadiyya, invading from the north, become more widely accessible.
but they were able to maintain a royal institution Nubia
(woma) and an ethnic identity of their own. Src.: THEODOR KRUMP, Hoher und fruchtbarer Palm-
Lit.: BrKam 49, 53f., 127, 196. Baum des heiligen Evangelij, Augsburg 1710, 248;
Ulrich Braukämper WILLIAM FOSTER (ed.), The Red Sea and Adjacent Coun-
tries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century, as Described
by Joseph Daniel William Pitts and Charles Jacques Poncet,
London 1949 (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society ser. 2,
Dongola 100), 99f.
Lit.: UGO MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia della Nubia
The medieval Nubian kingdom of Makuria was chriatiana, Roma 1938 (OrChrA 118), s. index; STUART
sometimes known in neighbouring lands by the MUNRO-HAY, “Kings and Kingdoms of Ancient Nubia”,
name of its capital, D. It lies on the east bank, RSE 29, 1982-83, 87-137, here 96-115, 135ff.; WILLIAM
just below the foot of the great bend, of the YEWDALE ADAMS, Nubia: Corridor to Africa, Princeton
1977; WLODZIMIERZ GODLEWSKI, “The Fortifications of
Nile. Today it is often called Old D. to distin- Old Dongola”, Archéologie du Nil Moyen 5, 1991, 103–28;
guish it from the 19th-cent. colonial town of BEATRICE PLAYNE, St. George for Ethiopia, London 1954,
New D. on the west bank near the opposite end 73–79; JAY SPAULDING, “Medieval Nubia and the Islamic
of the district within which Dongolese Nubian World: a Reconsideration of the Baqt Treaty”, IJAHS 28,
3, 1995, 577–94; UGO MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia
is presently spoken. della Nubia cristiana, Roma 1938 (OrChrA 118), 79–95,
D. entered the historical record in 652 A.D. as 143–46, 182ff., 215–20.
the site of a major battle in which the Nubians Jay Spaulding
repulsed the invading forces of Islam. During
the same period, Makuria absorbed the northern Donkeys Animals, domestic
Nubian realm of Nobatia; for half a millennium
to follow D. was the capital of a “United King- Donors
dom of Nubia” that extended from Asw n to Representations of D., kings, queens, nobles
beyond the Fourth Cataract. After a difficult and churchmen are to be found in manuscripts,
transitional era in which Islam replaced Christi- on wall-paintings, paintings on wood, and
anity in the 14th and 15th cent., D. became the crosses. They are portrayed separately or in
seat of a line of district governors within the connection with a holy intercessor, in the first
northern province of the large Fun kingdom place St. Mary, the Crucified Christ, the Arch-
of Sinn r. The civil wars of the later 18th cent., angel Mika el, the Trinity and the saints, most
however, virtually emptied the town. often abba Täklä Haymanot and George of
D. figured prominently in the itineraries of Lydda. Only in rare instances is a portrait of a
travellers who chose to follow the Nile route D. attached to a narrative biblical scene or to an
between Egypt and Ethiopia; because the district episode from the life of a saint. As a supplicant
could not easily be avoided, the good will of its the D. is depicted in an attitude of reverence,
governor was vital. Actual contemporary de- either kneeling and bowing to the ground or
scriptions of the town, however, are rare, late and lying face down (proskynesis).
less than satisfactory. To Krump (1710:248), The way the D. approach their intercessors in
from across the river it was “a beautiful place on the pictures differs. With a few exceptions, in
a hill, built so that each house adjoins the one representations occurring up to the early 18th
higher up. I have never seen a place which, in my cent. their figures appear in two clearly distinct
opinion, could be made into a better fortress than registers: a holy protector occupies the large,
Dongola”. Poncet (s. Foster 1949:99f.) actually upper part of the composition, a D. the lower
entered D. in 1698 and reported that the “houses and narrow part. From the mid-18th cent. this
are ill built and the streets half deserted and fill’d division gradually disappears until finally both
with heaps of sand … The castle is in the very figures are shown on the same picture. Some-
centre of the town. It is large and spacious, but times the idea of protection is underlined – the
191
Donors
Equestrian saints with donors: St.

Theodore (Tewodros) with abunä
Mälkä ediq and St. Mercury (Mar-
qorewos) with Zämmäda Maryam;
miniatures from a 18th cent. Tä amm rä
Maryam, fols. 3v-4r; Maryam T nsa e,
llase church; photo 2004, courtesy
of Michael Gervers
supplicant embraces the bar of the Cross, while in the Gospel Book which belonged to his
touches the cloak of the Virgin Mary or grasps successor Kr stos Täsfanä (Addis Ababa, IES,
the garment of a saint. From the end of the 18th ms. A5, cf. Chojnacki 2000 and TadTChurch
cent. representations appear in which the D. are 158f., pl.2), the owner is portrayed together
supported by their holy intercessors, an with his three predecessors.
iconographic formula which originates from the In the Gädlä säma tat written in the middle
scene depicting Christ saving Adam and Eve of the 15th cent. for Prince Y mr annä gzi
from Hell. (monastery of Däbrä Maryam, Qwä ayn), he
Ethiopian representations of D. are never and his wife Amätä L ul, accompanied by a
portraits in the real sense, but conventional group of attendants, are represented in two
images. Deprived of individual features, they are miniatures facing each other. The governor of the
regularly accompanied by an inscription bearing northern provinces of Ethiopia at the end of the
the D.’s name. If for some reason the name is 15th cent., B len Sägäd, is portrayed as a
replaced by another – a common procedure in horseman in a Psalter which probably belonged
manuscripts – the image remains unchanged. It to him (ms. BN, d’Abbadie 105). The 15th-cent.
should also be noted that usually the portraits ms. of Tä amm rä Maryam from the monas-
depict in detail various pieces of garments, tery of G šän Maryam ( Amba G šän) con-
weapons or jewellery of the represented persons tains six miniatures which represent a e
and are thus an important source of information Dawit II adoring the Virgin Mary, this act
on everyday life in Ethiopia. being shown in several stages from standing to
In Ethiopia, as everywhere in the Christian making a deep bow.
world, a donor-portrait commemorates both The custom of including the representation of
the donation and the person responsible for it. a D. in a holy image became widespread in the
Its association with the representation of a holy second half of the 18th cent. It seems that among
intercessor emphasizes the pious nature of the Ethiopian royal persons, a e Bäkaffa and
donation, while also providing the D. with the M nt wwab ( B rhan Mogäsa) especially were
assurance of heavenly protection – an idea interested in being depicted as supplicants, cf.
which is strongly projected in Ethiopian images. e.g. the ms. London, BritLib, Or 715, fol. 133v,
The oldest known portrait of a D., from the 134r; the wall-painting in Närga llase church;
end of the 13th cent., is in the church of and the processional cross, IES, no. 4193. From
Gännätä Maryam and shows a e Y kunno the end of the 18th cent. representations of D.
Amlak on the throne, flanked by two dignitaries accompanied by several members of their fami-
(s. SerHist 291; Lepage 1975, fig. 3). In the Gos- lies, and in the case of the rulers by large courts,
pel Book of Iyäsus Mo a ( Däbrä ayq became part of the iconographic programmes
s ifanos), from the same period, the abbot is decorating the socle of the eastern wall of the
depicted on a separate miniature under an arch, mäqdäs.
192
Dorho: Mä afä dorho
Lit.: ChojPaint; STANIS AW CHOJNACKI, “A Note on who, however, also resided at other settlements,
the Costumes in 15th and Early 16th Century Paintings: among them Ayne and arr Amba.
Portraits of the Nobles and their Relation to the Images The growth of D., according to local tradi-
of Saints on Horseback”, in: STANIS AW SEGERT –
ANDRAS J.E. BODROGLIGETI (ed.), Ethiopian Studies tions, also owed much to his son mär dazma
Dedicated to Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of his 75th Abb yye, who founded the church of Mika el
Birthday, Wiesbaden 1983, 521–53; ID., “Les portraits and supplied it with a tabot stolen from his
des donateurs comme source de l’histoire politique, father’s church at Ayne. His own son,
religieuse et culturelle de l’Ethiopie du XIIe au XIXe
siècle”, NÆ 4/5, 1999, 233–59; SerHist 291. mär dazma Amm a Iyäsus, also for a time
Ill.: JEAN DORESSE; Ethiopia, London 1959, fig. 53; resided at D., which was his first capital, but
CLAUDE LEPAGE, “Peintures murales de Gannata later abandoned it in favour of Astit, and later
Maryam (rapport préliminaire)”, Documents pour servir à Ankobär, which was to remain the capital of
l’histoire de la civilisation éthiopienne 6, 1975, 59-84, here
fig. 3; JULES LEROY, Ethiopian Painting in the Late Mid-
Šäwa until the late 19th cent.
dle Ages and under the Gonder Dynasty, London 1967, fig. Lit.: PankHist I, 185ff. (Lit.); LefAbyss vol. 3, 28; Gue-
11, pls. 23, 38, 40, 49; WALTER RAUNIG (ed.), Religiöse CopMen I, 57.
Kunst Äthiopiens, Stuttgart 1973, nos. 29–31, 35, 47; Richard Pankhurst
ALESSANDRO BAUSI, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso comu-
nità monastiche dell’Eritrea”, [I], RSE 38, 1994 [1996], 13–
69, fig. 7; EWALD HEIN – BRIGITTE KLEIDT, Ethiopia –
Christian Africa: Art, Churches and Culture, Ratingen Dorho: Mä afä dorho
1999, fig. 44, 57, 199, 200, 234–38, 262, 264; STANIS AW
CHOJNACKI, Ethiopian Icons. Catalogue of the Collection
The name M.d. (ue=Dy <?X, ‘The Book of the
of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies Addis Ababa Univer- Cock’) is given to the first of nine texts bearing
sity, Milano 2000, figs. 94ff., 101, 134f., 144, 150, 177, 192, the title ;?D#y ]MzW?My r!(_|y =`?\My
203, 227, 255; MARIO DI SALVO, Churches of Ethiopia. 87D# (D rsan wät mh rt zä abäwinä awaryat
The Monastery of Narga Sellase, Milano 1999, figs. 154, q ddusan, ‘Homily and Teaching of our Fathers
172, 174, 215, 217; TadTChurch 158f., pl. 2.
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska the Holy Apostles’). All these pieces, including
the M.d., can be found in the Holy Week’s Lec-
tionary ( G brä mamat), sometimes even in
Doqaqit the Miracles of Jesus ( Tä amm rä Iyäsus), either
D. (<65M ), a mountainous locality in Y fat, together or scattered separately (s. Cowley 1985).
35 km north-east of Däbrä B rhan, was one of The M.d. is a short apocryphal passion narra-
several short-lived capitals of Šäwa. Believed tive, possibly translated into G z from an an-
to have been first occupied by abeto Näga i cient Greek original, upon which the newly dis-
Kr stos Wärädä Qal, the founder of the modern covered Arabic version is also depending via a
Šäwan dynasty, it was established by the latter’s hitherto unknown Coptic translation (Lucchesi
son mär dazma S b styanos (r. 1705–20), 2005:92). Unattested in other Oriental Churches,
the work seems to have been known to the Copts
in the 17th and 18th cent. (Thévenot 1665:502; cp.
Colombo 1996:254). Like the D rsan in which it
belongs, the M.d. does not appear in Ethiopic
manuscripts before the beginning of the 16th cent.
Its text may have been produced earlier, during
the epoch marked by the conducive literary activ-
ity of abunä Salama “the Translator” (ca. 1348–
86; Piovanelli 2003:435f., Lucchesi 2005:91f.).
The narrative focuses on the last three days of
Jesus’ life and chiefly on his betrayal by Judas:
Jesus tells his disciples that one of them will
betray him and Judas is indicated as betrayer by
“a pillar of stone”. Jesus then goes to Bethany
to the house of Simon the leper and his wife
Akrosena, who prepares a meal of roast cock
for him. Following the episode of the unction at
Bethany and the washing of the feet, the proper
193
Dorho: Mä afä dorho
story of the cock begins. Jesus announces that Dori Gugsa

he is going to spend the night on the Mount of Ras D.G. (<<y LPD ) was son and, briefly, suc-
Olives and Judas goes to inform the Jews of cessor to his father, ras Gugsa Märsa. His
Jerusalem about this. In the meanwhile, Jesus birth-date is unknown, but he ruled from Feb-
revives the cock and sends it after Judas; the ruary to May 1831, when he died. His immedi-
bird listens to the talk, returns and tells Jesus ate predecessor was ras Mar ye, another son
about the conspiracy. The mission of the cock is of Gugsa. Mar ye was killed at the battle of
completed and Jesus sends it to heaven for a Däbrä Abbay, one of the climactic battles of the
thousand years. The text closes with a long Zämänä mäsaf nt, in which the forces of the
prayer of Jesus addressed to the Father. Wärräsek ( Yä u) rulers of Däbrä Tabor,
The sources of the M.d. are to be sought in supported by armies from Go am and S men,
the four canonical Gospels – especially Mat- confronted and defeated an army led by
thew, Luke and John – and some apocryphal or dä azma Säbagadis Wäldu of T gray. D.G.
legendary traditions. Likewise, the D rsan is had been appointed by his father to rule the
closely dependent upon the canonical Gospel of Wällo districts of W ale and Wärrä Himano.
John and the Tä amm rä Iyäsus (a direct trans- His rule is reported to have been benevolent
lation from the Arabic apocryphal Gospel of (Conti Rossini 1916). Later he was appointed
John), which has in turn suggested a “Johannine over Damot. There was tension between him
inspiration” for the M.d. as well. and each of the brothers, Y mam and Mar ye,
Although a fragment of the M.d. (= 4, 1-6) who preceded him as ruler, but his choice to
published by Chaîne (1905) on the basis of one succeed Mar ye was quick and smooth. During
single manuscript has long been familiar to his brief rule he made his mark as a ruler of
scholars and in spite of the place the work en- compassion, who disciplined his army not to
joys in the Ethiopian liturgy, the antiquity of oppress the poor. He appointed Iyasu IV to
the material it preserves has only recently been the Solomonic throne.
recognized: there is now evidence to suggest Src.: SAMUEL GOBAT, Journal of a Three Years’ Resi-
that the original narrative of the M.d. is rather dence in Abyssinia in Furtherance of the Objects of the
an apocryphal text from Late Antiquity written Church Missionary Society, London 1834, 245; CARLO
th th CONTI ROSSINI, “La cronaca reale d’Abissinia dall’anno
in or around Jerusalem in the 5 or 6 cent. 1800 all’anno 1840”, RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916, 779–922,
A.D. (Piovanelli 2003, listing 25 mss.). here 803, 807, 834, 836; CRNuov ch. I, nos. 5, 14, 15, 17,
Src.: MARIUS CHAÎNE, “Le Livre du Coq («Matzhafa 23, 27, 22, 34.
Dorho»)”, RevSem 13, 1905, 276–81; WÄLDÄ MIKA EL Lit.: AbPrince 36 (Lit.).
B RHANÄ MÄSQÄL (ed.), P-:y BxxM (G brä mamat, Donald Crummey
‘Acts of the Passion’), Addis Abäba 1942 A.M. [1950/51
A.D.], repr. 1982 [1990/91 A.D.], 223b–30b; ENZO
LUCCHESI (ed., tr.), Le «Livre du Coq». Version arabe
inédite et traduction française, avec une traduction Dorn, Johannes Albrecht Bernhard
française de la version éthiopienne par GÉRARD COLIN,
Géneve (Cahiers d’Orientalisme), in preparation;
D. (in Russia known also as Boris Andreevitch
PIERLUIGI PIOVANELLI, “Le Livre du Coq à la croisée Dorn; b. 11 May 1805, Scheuerfeld, Sachsen-
des chemins”, Bulletin de l’AELAC 12, 2002, 12–16 Koburg, d. 1881, St. Petersburg), a prominent
[summary, partial tr.]; JEAN DE THÉVENOT, Relation Orientalist, finished gymnasium in 1822. He
d’un voyage fait au Levant, Paris 1665, vol. 1, 502. studied philology and theology at the Universi-
Lit.: ROGER WENMAN COWLEY, “The so-called Ethiopic
‘Book of the Cock’ – Part of an Apocryphal Passion Gos- ties of Halle and Leipzig, which implied courses
pel, ‘The Homily and Teaching of our Fathers the Holy in Hebrew and Arabic, as well as Syriac. He
Apostles’”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1985, 16– independently learned Persian, Pashto, Turkish,
22; ANGELO COLOMBO, La nascita della Chiesa Copto- Sanskrit and G z. In 1825 the University of
Cattolica nella prima metà del 1700, Roma 1996 (OrChrP
250), here 254; ENZO LUCCHESI, “La ‘Vorlage’ arabe du
Leipzig awarded him the degree of Doctor of
Livre du coq éthiopien”, Orientalia nuova ser. 74, 2005, Theology and Philosophy for his dissertation
91–92; PHILIPPE LUISIER, “De Pilate chez les coptes”, on the Ethiopic translation of the Psalter (De
OrChrP 62, 1996, 411–25; PIERLUIGI PIOVANELLI, “Ex- Psalterio aethiopico commentatio, Lipsiae 1825).
ploring the Ethiopic Book of the Cock, an Apocryphal There was a special chapter in it devoted to
Passion Gospel from Late Antiquity”, Harvard Theologi-
cal Review 96, 2003, 427–54. Ethiopic multi-radical verbs (De verbis Aethio-
Gérard Colin pum plurilitteris).
194
Dorze
Lit.: BORIS TURAIEV, Efiopskie rukopisi v Sankt-
Peterburge (‘Ethiopian Manuscripts in St.Petersburg’), St.
Petersburg 1906, introduction; G. DUGATS, Histoire des
orientalistes de l’Europe du XIIe au XIX siécle, Paris
1868, vol. 1, 72–79 (Lit.); IGNATIJ KRA KOVSKIJ,
Vvedenie v efiopskuju filologiju (‘Introduction into
Ethiopian Philology’), Leningrad 1955, 85–89; A.M.
KULIKOVA, “B.A. Dorn i universitetskoe vos-
tokovedenie v Rossii” (‘B.A. Dorn and Oriental Studies
in Russian Universities’), Narody Azii i Afriki 2, 1975,
220–28; Bolshaya sovetskaya Entsiklopediya (‘Great
Soviet Encyclopaedia’), Moscow ²1952, vol. 15, 125.
Sevir Chernetsov
Dorsa/Dorša Šeko
Dorze
Dorze language
D. belongs to the North-Ometo branch of the
Omotic language family. It is spoken by about
Johannes Albrecht Bernhard Dorn; from Kra kovskij
1955: 88
29,000 people (1994 census), of which some
6,300 live in and around en a town, which is
In 1826 Kharkov University established its considered to be the centre of the community
own chair of Oriental languages. Dorn was (CSA 1996:119). It has a larger number of
invited there as a staff professor. During his stay speakers outside the home area: about 23,000
there (1829–35), he taught Arabic, Persian, (CSA 1998:67).
Turkish, Sanskrit, Hebrew and G z. D. has 97 % and 94 % lexical correspondence
D. was the first (and throughout the 19th cent., with Malo and Gamo respectively, which,
the only) professor in Russia who taught G z. together with Dawro, Gofa, O ollo and
In 1835 he was transferred to St. Petersburg and Wälaytta, form the North-Ometo cluster.
remained there for the rest of his life. In 1836 D. In nouns, morphological distinction is made
completed the first scholarly description of for definiteness (only for masculine nouns by
Ethiopian manuscripts of the Institute of Ori- the morpheme -z-, as in na a ‘a child’ versus
ental Languages of the Ministry of Foreign naázi ‘the child/boy’, while feminine definite
Affairs and of the Imperial Public Library. D.’s and indefinite are unmarked), number, of which
scholarly and teaching activities in St. Peters- only the plural is marked by the suffix -t-, while
burg were extensive and diverse and in many of singular is unmarked, e.g. na a ‘a child’ vs. naitá
his academic undertakings he was a pioneer in ‘children’, and case. The structurally important
Russia. However, Ethiopian studies were not cases are nominative and accusative. The case
D.’s main interest, his principal achievements suffixes simultaneously express gender and
were in the field of Afghan studies. number. Thus nominative masculine and all
D. was considered by the Russians as a Russian plural nouns are marked by –í, while nomina-
scholar, and both in the pre-revolutionary Rus- tive feminine is marked by –á.
sian Brockhaus and Ephron encyclopaedias and As modifying categories, adjectives must oc-
in the Large Soviet Encyclopaedia D. was in- cur in their citation form without reflecting the
variably referred to in the way he had been gender and/or number of the noun they modify.
named by his Russian contemporaries and col- In inchoative derivations, adjectives may take
leagues: Boris Andreevitch Dorn. From 1839 he verbal inflection, while in noun phrases, where
was an adjunct fellow, from 1842 a Member the head noun is dropped, they occur with
Extraordinary of the Academy and Director of nominal inflection such as number and case.
the Asian Museum and from 1852 a full member D., like most North-Ometo languages, has a
of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Pe- rich verbal morphology. Tense-aspect (present,
tersburg. He died in St. Petersburg and was past and future), negation and mood (imperative
buried at Smolenskoye Lutheran cemetery. and optative) are marked on the verb. With the
195
Dorze
Carbondale, Ill 2003; ID., Comparative Morphology of
the Omotic Languages, Munich 2000 (Lincom Studies in
African Linguistics 19); HAILE EYESUS ENGDASHET, A
Phonetic and Phonemic Study of Dorze, B.A. thesis,
Addis Ababa University 1981.
Azeb Amha
Dorze ethnography
The D. are one of over 55 dereta (sg. dere),
traditional “autonomous units” of Gamo. It is
also the name of a settlement (6°16' N, 37°33' E)
and its constituent neighbourhoods, guta.
As understood by the Gamo people, D. is
neither a language nor an ethnonym, although
many scholars do use it as the latter (Garretson
2000). In Addis Abäba it is also popularly used as
an ethnonym denoting a person of Gamo origin,
usually making a living in the city by weaving
(there is a district of Addis Abäba is known as
exception of the future form, the verb is further Dorze Säfär). Previously, settlement and neigh-
marked with subject co-indexing morphemes. bourhood names were often erroneously used to
Independent 1st, 2nd and 3rd (masc. and fem.) sg. denote ethnic groups and languages, followed by
subject pronouns are: taáni, neéni, ízí, ízá. The government documents. This is the case with the
plural subject pronouns for 1st, 2nd and 3rd person last two censuses, where the Gamo are labelled as
are: núní, ínte, histí. The corresponding singular a sub-group of Wälaytta and the D. as an ethnic
and plural object pronouns are respectively, group (CSA 1996).
taána, neéna, íza, ízo and nuúna, íntena, hísta. There are 14 D. guta (or qomme) neighbour-
Possessive pronouns are illustrated next with the hoods, such as Bodo, Amarra, Laka, Matso,
noun na a (shortened to na in fast speech): tá na, Hol o, Maldo, D artse, Hir o, Haizo, Aira,
‘my child’, né na, ‘your child’, íza na, ‘his child’, Gimbilo, Woqate and Godiye (Olmstead –
ízi na, ‘her child’, nú na, ‘our child’, ísta na, Halperin 1976; Sperber in USCES). Each guta
‘your child’, eéta na, ‘their child’. Interrogative has its own assembly place (VSAe III), which is
pronouns include: oóni, ‘who’, oóna, ‘whom’, attended by “fathers of the land”. Three of the
aabi, ‘what (Nom.)’, ai, ‘what (Acc.)’, awde, guta assembly places, however, serve as the dere
‘when’, ainage, ‘how much’ and aizana, ‘why’. assembly places for Dorze: those of Amarra,
D. has a typical head-final syntax with Sub- Laka and Bodo. The first fire of mäsqäl (D.
ject-Object-Verb order in simple declarative máskala, VSAe III, 205), the New Year festival,
sentences, e.g. kanázi ašó míres ‘dog:DEF- was traditionally lit at the Amarra and Laka
rd
MASC-ACC meat:INDEF:ACC eat-PAST-3 :MASC- assembly places, followed by fires lit at other
PAST’). Accordingly, in phrases the modifier assembly places depending on their seniority
precedes the head (e.g. órde káfo, ‘big bird’), (cf. Sperber in PICES 5). Rituals of sofe, mark-
dependent clauses precede main clauses and the ing the end of seclusion of a bride and groom,
language uses only suffixes and no prefixes. used to be initiated in Laka and now take place
The standard ten-word list for D. is: issí/ istá, at the Bodo market. Currently, the church of
‘one’, nam á, ‘two’, heedzá, ‘three’, tama, ‘fire’, abba Täklä Haymanot occupies part of the
haats, ‘water’, agína, ‘moon’, awa, ‘sun’, suts, location. The construction of churches in sacred
‘blood’, ins ársa, ‘tongue’, a a, ‘tooth’. groves is suggestive of the “triumphalism” of the
Ometo Ethiopian Orthodox Church’s belief over the
Src.: CSA 1996; CSA 1998. traditional practices in D. and other Gamo areas.
Lit.: ALEMAYEHU ABEBE, “Ometo Dialect Survey – A The Bodo market of D. is held on Mondays
Pilot Survey Report”, S.L.L.E. Linguistic Reports 4, 1993;
CSA 1994; CSA 1998; YESIGAT ASSAYE, Dorze Verb and Thursdays. Being one of the largest markets
Morphology, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1988; of southern Ethiopia, it attracts traders from all
LIONEL M. BENDER, Omotic Lexicon and Phonology, over the Gamo highlands, Amaro, Sidamo and
196
Doum palm
from as far as Kambaata and Addis Abäba. It is journeys to help with spinning. In earlier days,
from Bodo that much home-woven cloth is the D. traded in all commodities, including
transported to markets in central and southern firearms and ammunition. Today, they partici-
Ethiopia. The Bodo market and its dubbuša pate in long-distance trade between home and
(‘public place’) assembly are central to the D. Addis Abäba and also act as members of the
The smooth running of exchange in the market network of mountain-markets in Gamo coun-
and order are observed by this assembly, which try. Their other expertise, which is shared by
is attended by “heads” (halaqa) from all over nearly all Gamo in the bamboo belt, is their
the neighbouring Gamo territories. Cases in- skilful use of bamboo for cutlery, for fences of
volving members of other dereta can only be different kinds and for the construction of
handled together in the presence of the halaqa houses (cf. Olmstead 1972:27ff., Forster 1969).
of that respective dere. Currently, however, The D. consider themselves to be “descen-
police also involve themselves in this (cf. Forster dants of Tenkele”, a man they sing about in self-
et al. 1969, Jackson et al. 1971 on the markets of praise. D. men spend much time as migrant
northern Gamo). weavers within Gamo and southern and central
An interesting fact about Bodo and some other Ethiopia (mainly Addis Abäba). Meanwhile,
Gamo markets is that the market space is owned women keep house, do farming, care for chil-
by families and is inheritable. For instance, fami- dren, travel in the mountains to other Gamo
lies and other Gamo dereta such as O ollo own markets to trade or accompany their husbands
the annual meat-slaughtering spot in Bodo mar- on their migrations (cf. Forster et al. 1969 on
ket. Families own sofe grounds and spaces for the economy of the Gamo Highlands; Burley in
stalls where women sell dana beer. Anyone who PICES 5b for the genesis of Gamo weaving in
forgets the exact location of their sofe grounds Addis Abäba). Ownership and inheritance in D.
must, for example, pay elders with a sheep for follow the patri-lineages with a bias towards the
being reminded. The market assembly place is eldest, as in all of Gamo.
another site permanently owned by the assem- Lit.: JACQUES BUREAU, “Note sur les églises du Gamo”,
bled “fathers of the land”. AE 10, 1976, 295–301; DEXTER LISBON BURLEY, “The
Despised Weavers of Addis Abeba”, in: PICES 5b, 145–
As in all of Gamo, mountain pastures, sacred
49; ANDRÉ CAQUOT, “Note on Berber Maryam”, AE 1,
groves, rivers and spaces where peace treaties 1955, 109–16; CSA 1996; PETER P. GARRETSON, A His-
have been concluded, as well as assembly places tory of Addis Abäba from its Foundation in 1886 to 1910,
and markets are administered under the patron- Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49); JOHN A. FORSTER, “Econ-
age of families that are responsible for performing omy of the Gamu Highlands”, Geographical Magazine
41, 1969, 429–37; RICHARD THOMAS JACKSON –
rituals, as well as taking care of them (cf. TIMOTHY PETER – JAMES RUSSELL et. al., Report of the
Tadesse Wolde in PICES 11). Oxford University Expedition to the Gamu Highlands of
The D. have one of the Gamo tabots of old Southern Ethiopia, 1968, Oxford 1969; RICHARD
times, known as Gergesa (devoted to St. THOMAS JACKSON, “Periodic Markets in Southern
George of Lydda), which is said to originate Ethiopia”, Transactions 3, 1971, 31–41; JUDITH
VIRGINIA OLMSTEAD, “The Dorze House: a Bamboo
from the early centuries A.D. However, re- Basket”, JES 10, 2, 1972, 27–36; RHODA HALPERIN –
searchers date Gamo churches back to the 15th JUDITH VIRGINIA OLMSTEAD, “To Catch a Feastgiver:
cent. (Bureau 1976:298, 300; Caquot 1955:109f.). Redistribution among the Dorze of Ethiopia”, Africa
The Gamo tabots are believed to have been [London] 46, 1976, 146–65; DAN SPERBER, “Paradoxes
of Seniority among the Dorze”, in: USCES 209–21; ID.,
there since ancient times. This is reflected in “The Management of Misfortune among the Dorze”, in:
deep genealogical traditions of some qeso PICES 5, 207–15; VSAe III, 148–214; TADESSE WOLDE,
(‘priest’) families that claim that their ancestors “Social and Ritual Function of Some Gamo and Konso
brought these tabots and became the keepers of Public Places”, in: PICES 11, vol. 2, 325–39.
the Christian faith, as well as in the senior posi- Wolde Gossa Tadesse
tion these families enjoy in these areas. The D.,
like other Gamo, make their living from agri-
culture, growing nsät, barley, wheat, peas etc. Doum palm
for food and bamboo and other trees for con- The D.p., or dioecious fan palm (Hyphaene
struction, from mountain pastoralism, trading thebaica), grows up to 15 m and can be recog-
and migrant weaving. Young children some- nized by dichotomy of its stem, which forms up
times accompany a kinsperson on weaving to 16 crowns. It belongs to the family of Palmae
197
Doum palm
preserve and therefore stockpiled for times of

food shortages or famines. The hard kernel is
skillfully crafted and used as a container for
antimony – a popular eye – cosmetic and an
antiseptic treatment for the eyes of newborn
babies ( Cosmetics).
In 1927 Italian colonists started to manufac-
ture buttons from the D.p. kernels for export to
Europe. The kernel is also known as a popular
children’s toy. D.p. trunks, when deposited on
river shores as drift-wood, are used for con-
structing and stabilizing river-bed and river-
bank wells. For women and men alike, espe-
Doum palms in Gaš-Setit; photo 1997, courtesy of Wol-
bert Smidt cially those from the Eritrean lowlands, the D.p.
products are an important (trading) asset and
and subfamily of Borassoideae and can be found constitute a major source of income.
throughout northern Africa (e.g. in Ethiopia, Lit.: FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF
Eritrea and the Sudan, but also in Egypt and THE UNITED NATIONS (ed.), Traditional Food Plants, a
east Tanzania) where it grows in forests along Resource Book for Promoting the Exploitation and Con-
rivers and wadis. sumption of Food Plants in Arid, Semi-arid and Sub-
humid Lands of Eastern Africa, Rome 1988 (FAO Food
Its leaves, fruits and timber are highly valued
and Nutrition Paper 42, 333–36); HANS-JÜRGEN VON
by the Eritrean and Ethiopian populations and MAYDELL, Trees and Shrubs of the Sahel. Their Charac-
exploited for commercial, ritual and personal teristics and Uses, Weikersheim 1990; MINISTRY OF
purposes. Women use its dried leaves to pleat AGRICULTURE (ed.), Indigenous Trees and Shrubs of
mats, various household utensils (baskets, con- Eritrea, Asmara 1994; TEKESTE NEGASH, Italian Colo-
nialism in Eritrea, 1882–1941, Uppsala 1987, 44, 188.
tainers for storing staples, cosmetics and valu- Kerstin Volker-Saad
ables, trays for serving food, coffee-pots and
coffee-cup holders, milking-vessels, fans for
fires, food coverings, grain containers and Drinks
chicken baskets), clothing and for decorative D. – both alcoholic and non-alcoholic – and
handicrafts (wrist-bands, bed-screens and mat- drinking are an integral part of the culture and
tress-coverings), some of which are intervowen social life of the large majority of Ethiopians
with goat-leather strips, cloth, beads, cowries from the elite to the lowest classes: meeting one
and coloured fibres. The mats play an important another without offering or taking a D. of some
role as a building material, e.g., for the tradi- sort is unthinkable.
tional dome-shaped houses of the T gre- D. in Ethiopia could be categorized in a num-
speaking people of Eritrea. They are also used as ber of ways, but here we limit ourselves to D. as
floor-coverings to sit on, as prayer-mats and for nutrition, as an item in ritual and as an aspect of
women’s ritual smoke-baths. These mats have a socializing. In this category fall most of the alco-
hole in the middle for the smoke to penetrate holic D. There is a wide divergence according to
and ritually clean or cure the woman’s body. region, religion, social standing and wealth as to
Dried D.p. leaves are also the raw material for what D. are consumed and by whom. Notable is
ropes, which are knotted into nets that serve as the fact that all traditional, non-imported D. in
carriers for, e.g., jerrycans, food and firewood. Ethiopia are prepared, served or sold by women,
A ritually tied bundle of D.p. leaves sat above including !:5 (aräqi, ‘arrack, anise liquor’) or
the entrance of a Be a house indicates the birth jJjq (katikala, ‘homemade arrack’).
of a child. The smooth, shiny orange-brown Ethiopia has indigenous D. of both the alco-
fruit, when ripe, is an important source of car- holic and non-alcoholic kind. Among the non-
bohydrates, niacin and iron. The pulp, which is alcoholic D., coffee and tea are without doubt
extremely hard and tastes like gingerbread, is the most important ones. Among other D. as part
eaten by the children as a snack and is used as of the diet one can mention (sour) milk, tea, -?w
animal fodder during the dry season. Because of (b rz, unfermented honey-mead), 8=< (q rrari,
its hard and dry texture, the D.p. fruit is easy to a weak älla-like beverage), local beer (/q ,
198
Drinks
älla and .?: , borde, especially in southern the use of alcohol, in contrast to Islam, and
Ethiopia) and increasingly also honey-wine priests join in drinking, but usually the Church
(/H, ä ). Blood is also drunk, often has pleaded for moderation in its use.
mixed with milk, especially among the southern Among the most common alcoholic beverages
pastoralists, except when they are Muslims. across the country are ä and local beer, e.g.
Non-alcoholic drinks älla and farso (in the Oromo area) or borde, a
fluid grain porridge. älla and ä are known
Coffee is a daily D. among most people in the
under various names, differing according to lan-
highlands, but is ritually used in some contexts,
guage or ethno-region; e.g. in T gray and Eritrea
such as the Wällo wäda a, and among vari-
älla is called F` (s wwa). The älla beer is made
ous southern peoples, e.g. the Boorana, Garii,
from either barley, corn, wheat, sorghum or a
and Ma a Oromo. One example is the “coffee
mixture of these. ä is the typical Ethiopian
slaughter” ceremony ( Buuna qallaa; s. Bartels
honey-wine or mead, made of water, honey (and
1983:287f.; Getachew Kassa 1990). Coffee is
occasionally sugar in the cruder blends) and a
usually freshly roasted and ground, but among
fermenting leaf ( gešo). In popular bars it was,
certain southern groups the leaves of the coffee-
and often still is, served in long-necked -?r
plant are boiled in water with spices, or the
(b r lle), old perfume bottles, a custom dating
beans are eaten with butter. The Ethiopian Or-
from the late 19th cent. The best ä is consid-
thodox Täwa do Church initially rejected the
ered to be the filtered kind. ä or daadhii (in
drinking of coffee, although not on any doctri-
Oromo) has become the most popular D. of
naire grounds.
many Ethiopians, not only in the towns but also
Tea in Ethiopia was originally an imported,
in countryside bars. In parts of southern Ethiopia
rather expensive D. which became common
there are similar indigenous types of fermented
only fairly recently; it is prepared with much
honey-wine, e.g. boke. In the early 20th cent.
sugar and a variety of spices. In addition, in the
there has been a notable expansion of bars and
fasting periods, D. made with flax, safflower,
drinking-houses in urban Ethiopia, especially
linseed and fenugreek are consumed.
Addis Abäba, and strong alcoholic beverages –
To convalescing young mothers and sick peo-
both indigenous and imported – are rapidly
ple, D. like !4wM (a mit, ‘gruel’) are given.
gaining ground as popular status D.
There exists a great variety, but ingredients – in
varying composition – are milk, fine nsät There is a large variety of local alcoholic beers
flour, barley flour, mm r-wheat flour, butter, in Ethiopia, among them: >:H (kwäräfe) in the
honey, eggs and spices such as fenugreek. Gondär area, made from barley, and !wM (amit)
There is also a large domestic market for soft in the Gurage area (lighter in alcoholic content,
D., and local factories are licensed producers of made from ef and germinated/roasted barley).
Coca Cola, Pepsi and other varieties. In the South of the country, the local beers farso
and borde are usually made from fermented
Alcoholic drinks maize, sorghum and sometimes barley (or a
Alcoholic beverages have seen a rapid expansion mixture of them), and are typical for the South-
in the 20th cent., in both their production and west. Borde is a thick, nutritious and heavy beer.
use. The use of alcohol has been known in Its alcoholic content is estimated to be around 6–
Ethiopia from time immemorial across a wide 10%. The production (and sale) of the traditional
variety of ethno-cultural groups in the country, beer is always controlled by women. Producing
especially in the form of fermented D. (local it is a laborious process, taking from eight to ten
beer) on the basis of grain. In Islamic areas the days. This borde beer is not only drunk at social
alcoholic D. are predictably less widespread. gatherings, but is also an essential element in
The stronger alcoholic D. are the distilled types. collective work-parties in rural areas in the
The distillation process, yielding strong liquor South, as is attested by many ethnographies (e.g.
like aräqi, is a recent innovation, probably im- Donham 1994:130). It is also sold in special bars
ported from abroad – or copied from resident in the provincial towns. Among several groups,
Greeks or Armenians – during a e M nil k II’s alcoholic D., especially the local beer, are used
reign. The Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa do and consumed in ceremonies such as name-
Church and its priests did not officially reject giving, the initiation of new fields and certain
199
Drinks
harvest rituals. But in contrast to coffee and milk, Eritrea to the Suri in the Ma i area. The wife (or
alcohol has not assumed major ritual functions in wives) of a man whose land is to be prepared or
the life of Ethiopian peoples. harvested, gets the job-order for preparing the
The strongest alcoholic D. are aräqi and kati- beer. Women themselves also can order work-
kala (similar, but different), home-made dis- parties, providing their own beer. In urban areas,
tilled D. originating in the highland areas of strong alcoholic beverages – both indigenous and
Ethiopia, but now spread to most rural areas as imported, especially whisky – are rapidly gaining
well. They are made on the basis of germinated ground as popular status D., and urban weddings
grains, especially maize or finger-millet, some- without whisky are not considered good.
times mixed with wheat and with added agents In most towns and villages the bars are often
like sugar and the fermenting leaf gešo the principal or only public meeting-places.
(Belachew Desta 1977). This in itself is conducive to the over-
There are also imported and local factory- consumption of alcoholic beverages. In addi-
produced varieties of aräqi, but these are not tion, the consumption of alcohol in rural set-
considered as good as the home-made ones, e.g. tings often tends to “substitute” for people’s
the variety from the town of Däbrä Sina. They (esp. males’) food intake, and alcoholism seems
are consumed in urban areas by the wealthier to be on the rise. In general, very little research
upper- and middle-class people. The range of has been done in Ethiopia on alcoholic D., their
alcoholic D. in Ethiopia has expanded rapidly, use, abuse and social context.
both by local production of gin, ouzo, wine, Ambo; Food; Water
vermouth, cognac, champagne, etc., and by Src.: KaneDic 721, 889, 895, 1134, 1148, 1334.
Lit.: JON G. ABBINK, “Competing Practices of Drinking
import. Here, whisky is the most prestigious and Power: Alcoholic “Hegemonism” in Southern Ethio-
strong beverage. There are also several large pia”, NEASt 4, 3, 1997, 7–22; BartOromo; BELACHEW
local beer-factories in Ethiopia, such as St. DESTA, “A Survey of the Alcohol Content of Traditional
George, Bäddäle, Meta and in Eritrea Zäbib and Beverages”, Ethiopian Medical Journal 15, 1977, 65–68;
DONALD LEWIS DONHAM, Work and Power in Maale,
Melotti. Most of the local factories which used
Ethiopia, New York 1994; GETACHEW KASSA, “A De-
to belong to the state have been privatized and scriptive Account of Coffee Slaughter (bun qalle) Cere-
sold to French groups. mony of the Garri of Southern Ethiopia”, in: PNCES 1,
Alcoholic D. are mostly consumed during 13–28; MARIO NASTRUCCI, “Preparazione delle levende
festive occasions such as weddings, certain re- alcooliche abissine nell’Harar”, Agricoltura coloniale 34
(1940), 408–25; RUTH SELINUS, The Traditional Foods of
ligious holidays and other ceremonies, but also the Central Ethiopian Highlands, Uppsala 1971;
on market days throughout the country. Chris- ETHIOPIAN NUTRITION INSTITUTE (ed.), Traditional
tian religious festivals, the breaking of fasts and Ethiopian Recipes, Addis Ababa 1980; RITA PANKHURST,
Saints’ days, as well as life-cycle rituals (bap- “The Coffee Ceremony and the History of Coffee Con-
tisms, weddings, funerals) are not complete sumption in Ethiopia”, in: PICES 13, vol. 2, 515–39.
Jon G. Abbink
without the consumption of (alcoholic) D., in
particular älla. Due to the recent expansion of
Evangelical Christianity in parts of the country,
notably in the South, alcoholic D. (including Drugs
borde) are getting more competition from non- D., which form part of an extensive, and well
alcoholic ones made from sugar-cane or roasted developed, local pharmacopoeia based princi-
barley. Travellers often take bässo, roast barley- pally on plants, have played a significant role in
flour, consumed after mixing with water. The Ethiopian life. The country’s two best-
local, borde-like beer made of sorghum and/or known hallucinant narcotics are derived from
maize, known under different names in various the fruit of the Datura stramonium, or Thorn
regions (esp. in the South), is not only drunk at apple, and from the leaves of the Catha edulis.
social gatherings, but is also an essential element The former, widely used in the highlands, is
in collective work-parties in rural areas, which variously known as !/G?F (a äfar s) or *ky
are based on reciprocity (exchange of labour for G?F ( ä fars, lit. ‘plant of Persia’, from which
beer, but also in the sense of “taking turns”, in country the plant is said to have originated), and
coming to work on some-one’s land and inviting !FH!P? (astänagg r, lit. ‘what helps to speak’;
others to work). These beer work-parties are Strelcyn 1968:60; 1973:147). This drug was tra-
found among many groups, from the Kunama in ditionally used by Ethiopian Church scholars,
200
Dubamo
to assist them in memorisation (Cacciapuoti acid, as well as a considerable number of balms,

1941:302; Lemordant 1959:12f.; Rodinson and antiseptic cotton (Mérab 1912:41). The first
1967:59; Strelcyn 1968:60, 1973:147). Catha edu- Addis Abäba pharmacy, “Dr Mérab’s Pharmacie
lis, locally known as at, was formerly mainly la Géorgie”, was founded in 1910, and the sec-
chewed by Muslims in the Harär area, and by ond, established by a German, Walter Zahn, in
the neighbouring Somali, but its cultivation has 1914, after which “modern” drugs and medicines
now spread to other regions, where it is also gradually spread to the principal towns, and in
widely consumed by Christians. at is today a the course of time to a number of provincial
major export to Djibouti, Yemen, and even hospitals and clinics. (Pankhurst 1965:114–60).
parts of Europe (Griaule 1930:153; Mercier Healing; Magic; Medicine;
1980/82:143–79). Possession cults
Perhaps the best known of Ethiopia’s numer- Lit.: MARCEL GRIAULE, Le livre de recettes d’un dabtara
abyssin, Paris 1930 (Université de Paris. Travaux et
ous purgative drugs is koso (Hagenia abys- mémoirs de l’institut d’ethnologie 12); RAFFAELE
sinica), which constituted the most important of CACCIAPUOTI, “Farmacoterapia vegetale indigena in
a number of medicines used in the traditional Eritrea ed Etiopia”, Archivio Italiano di Scienze mediche
treatment of tapeworm. Infestation with this coloniale di Parassitologia 22, 1941, 350–69; DENIS
parasite was common in the Ethiopian high- LEMORDANT, Les plantes éthiopiennes, Addis Ababa 1959;
MAXIME RODINSON, Magie, médicine et possession en
lands on account of the widespread practice of Éthiopie (à Gondar), Paris 1967; STEFAN STRELCYN,
eating raw meat. An extremely bitter infusion of Médecine et plantes d’Éthiopie, vol. 1: Les traité medicaux
the flowers of the kosso tree was widely em- éthiopiens, Warszawa 1968, 60; vol. 2: Enquête sur les noms
ployed to expel the worm, but usually failed to et l’emploi des plantes en Éthiopie, Napoli 1973, 147;
JACQUES MERCIER, “Un mythe éthiopien d’origine du
do so entirely, with the result that it grew again café et du kat”, Abbay 11, 1980–82 [1983], 143–79; PAUL
from the head, thus necessitating the taking of MÉRAB, Médecines et médecine en Éthiopie, Paris 1912;
kosso literally every two or so months (Pank- RICHARD PANKHURST, “The Traditional Taenicides of
hurst 1969:323–34). Ethiopia”, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied
The most widely used imported drugs were Sciences 24, 1969, 323–34; ID., “Old-time Ethiopian Cures
for Syphilis, Seventeenth to Twentieth Centuries”, ibid. 30,
traditionally those employed for the treatment of 1975, 199–216; ID., “The Beginnings of Modern Medicine
syphilis, a complaint which was not uncom- in Ethiopia”, EthObs 9, 1965, 114–60; EZEKIEL GEBISSA,
mon in many parts of the country. Such medi- Leaf of Allah. Khat & Agricultural Transformation in
cines, some of which were already used in urban Harerge, Ethiopia, 1875-1991, Oxford 2004.
centres in the 17th, 18th and early 19th cent., in- Richard Pankhurst
cluded sarsaparilla and mercury compounds,
Drums Käbäro, Musical instruments,
both of which were frequently administered in
Nägarit
association with sudorific treatment and vapour
baths, known in Amharic as ]Q+ (wäšäba).
Prominent among later 19th cent. medicines for
Nuw s Y suf As ar Ya ar
syphilis were silver nitrate and copper sulphate,
which were replaced in the early 20th cent. by Dubamo
Salvasan (Pankhurst 1973:210–15). The D. inhabit the southern part of the Sooro
“The more extensive use of foreign drugs was wäräda in the region of Hadiyya (today
popularized, and greatly facilitated, by the com- Hadiyya Zone), bordering imbaaro in the
ing of European diplomats, traders and mission- south. The centre of their settlement is the
aries, as well as Arab and Indian merchants. Im- highland area of Danta, after which they are
ported medicines were dispensed, in late 19th and sometimes named. Like the neighbouring
early 20th cent., at the Italian, British and French Donga, they were organized in a small kingship
Legations in Addis Abäba, as well as at the Rus- whose rulers claim descent from “King Solo-
sian Red Cross hospital, which latter began to moon” of Gondär, i.e. from Amharic nobility.
function in 1896. Foreign drugs were by then The D. consist of seven original clans and some
also sold at Addis Abäba’s principal French, groups which immigrated in the 18th and 19th
Indian and other foreign groceries. These han- cent. from Boša and Hadiyya. They formerly
dled a wide range of “modern” medicines, such spoke a dialect of Kambaata, but, following
as iodide of potassium, Ricord’s pills, quinine, the political domination of their area by the
castor oil, Epsom salts, laudanum, and phenic Sooro since the beginning of the 19th cent., they
201
Dubamo
to South America, where he studied the prob-

lem of labour, later publishing his findings as La
main-d’œuvre dans les Guyanes (1905).
Entrusted by the French Government with a
scientific mission in Ethiopia (geography; geol-
ogy, anthropology and zoology), D. left Djibouti
with his team (composed of Lieutenant Octave
Ernest Collat, Sergeant-Major Fontenaud, L.
Lahure, Henri Arsandaux, Goffin and Moreau)
and in 1901 reached Addis Abäba, then Lake
ana, passing through Go am, Damot and
Agäw M d r, before going back to Addis Abäba
in 1903. But D. died before he could write the
account of his mission. In his memory, his asso-
ciates used their own log-books to outline the
story of the expedition, entitled Mission en
Ethiopie (1901–1903), and published it in 1908–
09 under the name of D. The trip was described
subsequently underwent a linguistic change to by Henri Froidevaux (“Histoire du voyage”, vol.
Hadiyya. A minority still speaks Kambaata as a 1, 1–236), while Collat wrote a study on the Ethio-
first or second language. pian economy (“L’Éthiopie économique”, vol. 1,
The D. are intensive cultivators of Ensete 237–88), Arsandaux provided a geological analy-
ventricosum ( nsät) and barley and they were sis (“Contribution à l’étude des roches de l’Est
formerly famous for their horse- breeding. africain”, vol. 2, 1–100), Pierre Lesne described
Numerous relics of Orthodox Christianity the entomological collection (“Coléoptères re-
could be traced back to the time when the cueillis en Abyssinie par la mission Duchesne-
Kambaata area was part of the Ethiopian Em- Fournet”, vol. 2, 101–14), R. Verneau provided
pire before the mid-17th cent. In the syncretic an anthropological study (“Anthropologie et
religion which then evolved among the D., the ethnographie”, vol. 2, 115–356) and Charles
medium of the spirit Hawzulla gained a supra- Régismanset wrote a bibliographical review
regional importance. After M nil k II’s con- (“Bibliographie abyssine”, vol. 2, 357–88). J.
quest in the late 1880s, many D. converted to Blanchard gave a study of eight manuscripts
Orthodox Christianity and, from the 1970s
onwards, Protestantism became their primary
confession. After the introduction of the federal
system in the 1990s they increasingly developed
a consciousness of individual cultural identity
within Hadiyya Zone, resulting in the founda-
tion of a political party called “Denta, Debamo
and Kitchenchia Democratic Organization”.
Lit.: BrKam 30–34, 49, 55f., 137f., 149f., 157f., 195, 219f.,
261–69.
Ulrich Braukämper
Duchesne-Fournet, Jean
Born in the Normandy from a family involved
in national political life (his father was a sena-
tor), D. (b. 1875; d. 1904) studied in the School
of Oriental Languages ( INALCO) and politi-
cal science, and in the Colonial School in Paris.
More specifically concerned with economic
questions, he travelled to Romania, Russia and Jean Duchesne-Fournet; from Duchesne-Fournet 1909
202
Dulbahante
brought from Ethiopia and now preserved in Stücke der urchristlichen Petrusapokalypse enthaltender
the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris. Traktat der äthiopischen pseudoklementinischen Litera-
tur”, Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
He translated one of them: the Acts of Täklä 14, 1913, 65–78; ID., “Die Abessinier in Jerusalem”,
Haymanot (“Notes sur les manuscrits rapportés Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 39, 1916, 98–
d’Abyssinie”, vol. 1, 289–432; “Vie de Takla 115; ID., Epistula Apostolorum nach dem äthiopischen
Haymanot”, vol. 1, 340–431). und koptischen Texte herausgegeben, Bonn 1925; ID.,
“Mitteilung über eine äthiopische Psalmenhandschrift”,
Src.: JEAN DUCHESNE-FOURNET, Mission en Ethiopie, Theologische Literatur-Zeitung 56, 1931, col. 143; ID.,
1901–1903, 3 vols., Paris 1908–09; ID., La main-d’œuvre Der äthiopische Text der Kirchenordnung des Hippolyt.
dans les Guyanes, Paris 1905. Nach 8 Handschriften herausgegeben und übersetzt,
Lit.: CARLO CONTI ROSSINI, “I principali studi Göttingen 1946; Lockot I, index (Lit.).
pubblicati in occasione della missione Duchesne-Fournet Lit.: ERNST HAMMERSCHMIDT, Äthiopistik an deutschen
in Abissinia (manoscritti etiopici e ricerche Universitäten, Wiesbaden 1968, 47–51.
antropologiche)”, Bolletino della Società Geografica Michael Kleiner
Italiana ser. 4a, 11, 1910, 1060–71.
Marie-Laure Derat
Dufton, Henry
D. (b. Yorkshire, d. Ethiopia, 28 May 1868) was
Duensing, Hugo a British traveller who visited Ethiopia in 1862–
D. (b. 15 April 1877, Hannover, d. 1961, Goslar 63 and 1867–68. The son of a wealthy cloth-
near Göttingen) was a German Protestant theo- merchant in Leeds, he entered Ethiopia on his
logian, pastor and orientalist, who on several first visit by way of G daref, on the Sudan
occasions contributed to Ethiopian studies in the frontier, and he left via Adwa and Massawa.
fields of history and G z ecclesiastical litera- During these travels he inspected a e
ture. D. made his debut with two short but Tewodros II’s colony of European craftsmen
carefully worked historical studies. In his Ph.D. at Gafat, and in his Narrative of a Journey
thesis (1900), he assessed the historical value of through Abyssinia describes their cannon-
the S nk ssar and in 1904 he published and making (Dufton 1867:84ff.). He draws a sym-
analysed a letter of a e Gälawdewos to Pope pathetic picture of the monarch, whom he re-
Paul III. Virtually no information is available gards as a “true patriot” and “crusader”, and
about D.’s life and career between 1900 and 1926, tells of his road-making, legal and church re-
when he became a pastor in Goslar. It seems form, opposition to polygamy and the slave
most likely that at least since 1906, when he trade and concern for the poor. D. nevertheless
earned his theological licentiate, D. had already supported the British expedition to Mäqdäla.
held one or several pastoral positions elsewhere. He declared Tewodros “the first and only pa-
Such an assumption also helps to explain why triot Abyssinia ever saw, as well as the last”
D. published only three original contributions (116), and prophesized that the Emperor, “if
to Ethiopian studies between 1906 and 1926 (cf. hard pressed by us, rather than fall into our
bibl.); in addition, however, he wrote a consid- hands, … would certainly put an end to his life”
erable number of thorough reviews. In any case, (297). He joined the expedition’s intelligence
D.’s publications after 1904 testify to a shift in department. D., who had earlier supervised
his interest away from history to ecclesiastical road-building near the coast, was mortally
literature. His opus magnum in this field is the wounded on 28 May 1868 by Šohos ( S ho) in
edition of the G z version of the so-called the Kumayli pass, 20 km from the port of Zulla
“Canons of Hippolytus” (1946). Towards the (Markham 1869:80, 385f.).
end of his life D. worked on an edition of the Src.: HENRY DUFTON, Narrative of a Journey through
G z Did sq lya. He did not, however, live Abyssinia in 1862–3, with an Appendix on “The Abys-
to finish this work. His notes are kept in the sinian Captives Question”, London 1867, 84ff.
Göttingen University Library (Cod. Ms. Lit.: CLEMENTS ROBERT MARKHAM, A History of the
Abyssinian Expedition, London 1869, 80, 385f.;
Aethiop.12). TREVENEN JAMES HOLLAND – HENRY MONTAGUE
Src.: HUGO DUENSING, Liefert das äthiopische Synaxar HOZIER, Record of the Expedition to Abyssinia, London
Materialien zur Geschichte Abessiniens? Für den zweiten, 1870, vol. 2, 101.
die Monate Mag b t bis P guem n enthaltenden Teil des Richard Pankhurst
Synaxars untersucht, Göttingen 1900 (Lit.); ID., Ein Brief
des abessinischen Königs A n f Sagad (Claudius) an Papst
Paul III. aus dem Jahre 1541, Göttingen 1904; ID., “Ein Dulbahante Daarood
203
Dullay
Dullay Attribution is expressed by ordinary and ver-

bal adjectives. Most of the numerals have a D.
Dullay dialect cluster
origin. amakko follows a traditional system
The D. dialect cluster is constituted by eleven based on the human body. The tense suffixes
members: Dihina (Tihina, Dig nti), Dobase are: -i past, -a present, -na future. The nega-
( oopase, Gowäze), Lohu (Loohu), Mašolle tive/subordinate forms are respectively -a, -i
(Maš le, Mašile), Gaba (Kaapa), Gawwada and -ni. Verbal derivation is highly productive.
(Gäwwada, Kawwaa a), Gergere (Gärgärä, Nominal and verbal focus markers are k- and t-
Qärqärte), Gollango (Kollanko, Wällängo), respectively. Subject clitics are used (except in
Gorrose (Gorräse, Korrose), Harso (Harse, amakko), but not if the subject is in focus. The
Wäraze) and amakko ( amay, Kule). D. dialects are Subject-Object-Verb. Modifiers
This group represents one of the main follow their head.
branches of East Cushitic. The degree of mutual Below is a word-list of some D. dialects:
intelligibility is high. A possible sub-dialectal
Harso Dobase Gollango Gawwada amakko
grouping is between Harso-Dobase-Lohu-
‘one’ to o to o to o to o dookko
Mašolle, Gawwada-Gollango-Gergere and
‘two’ lakki lammay lakki lakki lakki
amakko-Gaba. The D. dialects are spoken in ‘three’ ezza sise izze ise ze
the highlands between Konso-Gidole and the ‘fire’ ha e ha e hatte xatte katte
plane of the Wäyto (or D.) River. amakko is ‘water’ an e an e an e an e an e
the only variety spoken in a lowland area on the ‘sun’ hallikko hallikko hallikko kallikko kallikko
west side of the Wäyto. ‘moon’ le o le o le o le ayyo le ’ ’o
Black (in BendNonSLang) shows the first ‘blood’ axte axte qeekte axte egde
data on the D. group (called Werizoid). Am- ‘tongue’ arrapko arrapko arraapko arrapko arrapko
‘teeth’ ilge ilge ilke ilqe il e
born, Minker and Sasse (1982) marked a big
progress in the knowledge of this cluster-
‘I’ ano ano ano ano ano
describing Harso, Dobase, Gollango and, to a ‘you’ aco aco ato ato ato
lesser extent, amakko and Gawwada. Hayward ‘he’ uso uso uso uso ufo
(1989) represents the best descriptive and com- ‘she’ ise ise ise ise ise
parative work on amakko. ‘we’ ino ino ine ine ine
Due to cultural contact, bilingualism in Konso ‘you’ (pl.) huno huno hune xune atunde
and Gidole is high for the varieties spoken in ‘they’ isino usuno usun e usun e ufuni
the highlands; amakko are often bilingual in ‘this’ (masc./ husi/ isi husi/ isi husi/ tisi xusi/ tisi kutta/
fem.) titta
Hamar-Banna and Arbore. Oromo and
‘that’ (masc./ hussa/ hussa/ hussa/tissa xussa/issa kussa/
Amharic are also very influential in all the D.
fem.) issa issa tissa
speaking area. No D. dialect is endangered by ‘where?’ aha aha aha aha ahaa
neighbouring languages. The Ongota (or Birale) ‘How?’ male male malá malaa mala
people speak amakko in place of their tradi- ‘who?’ ya a ya a ya a ya a yahaa
tional language. ‘what?’ mo o mo o mo o mo o Mo
Below are some characteristics of the D. dia- There is no written literature in any D. variety.
lect cluster: The description of the D. group is at a germi-
The series of glottalized sounds / /, / /, / /, nal state. Some varieties are extremely poorly
/ /, / / or / /; the pharyngeals / / and / / (pre- described or completely unknown. Due to lack
or postglottalized in amakko: [za ’ko]~[za’ ko] of comparative data, their internal sub-
‘heart’. The vowel system is the Cushitic one grouping, the degree of influence played by
based on five short and five long cardinal vow- neighbouring languages and their position in
els. Each word hosts one phonemic tone and East Cushitic are still uncertain matters.
one accent. These can fall on different syllables. Lit.: HERMANN AMBORN – GÜNTER MINKER – HANS-
Masculine and feminine nouns end in -o and -e, JÜRGEN SASSE, Das Dullay: Materialien zu einer ostku-
respectively. Singulative suffixes contain -(V)k-, schitischen Sprachgruppe, Berlin 1980 (Kölner Beiträge
zur Afrikanistik 6); PAUL BLACK, “Werizoid”, in:
-(V)t-(~-(V)c-) and/or -(V)n-, -(V)m- (ex. -ko, BendNonSLang 222–31; ID., Werizoid, ms., 1976;
-atto, -itte/-i e, -anko, -ano, -umo). The plural RICHARD J. HAYWARD, “The Qawko Languages and
noun suffixes are -e and -a e. Yaaku”, Abbay 9, 1978, 59–70; ID., “Comparative Notes
204
Dullay
on the Language of the S’aamakko”, Journal of Afroasi-

atic Languages 1, 1989, 1–53; GRAZIANO SAVÀ, Field
Material on Tsamakko, ms., 1999.
Graziano Savà
Dullay ethnography
The term D. is used to refer to the community
of D.-speakers, who are in fact a group of cul-
turally closely related ethnic entities. The D.
inhabit today the west and the south of the
Gardula Dobase mountain region in the south
of the Ethiopian Rift valley. In the course of
history these groups, mainly characterized by
acephalous social structures, underwent numer-
ous fissions and fusions. Today one can name
the following separate groups: Dihina, Dobase,
Gaba, Gawwada, Gergere, Gollango, Gor-
rose, arso and amay.
All D. are sedentary agriculturists. amako radical political changes of late 19th cent. and
are the only group to have started concentrating ended in the middle of the 20th cent., when the
on cattle-keeping instead of pure land cultiva- last of the D., Gawwada, abandoned the gaadaa
tion, during the last 80 years. The other groups system. However, even today gaadaa terminol-
proceed with their once highly developed inten- ogy is used to define a person more closely.
sive agricultural practice (with sorghum and Many of the gaadaa functions remained as well,
nsät as main crops and balanced cattle- though most of them became hereditary.
raising) – in spite of the drastic social and eco- Another socio-political order consists of ter-
nomic changes brought about by the north- ritorial units. Their main function is their effec-
Ethiopian conquest – and they still manage to tive responsibility for labour and the organiza-
maintain it successfully in modified forms under tion of working gangs. In addition, committees
modern requirements. Formerly in Gollango, are elected to regulate the internal matters of
for example, dammed-up water was channelled. such territorial units.
In order to dig out this channel, rocks had to be Agrarian intensification was only possible be-
blasted in places by local smiths. cause, concomitantly with its development, a
Nowadays, the clan system with nine exoga- division of work took place, namely the emer-
mous patrilineal clans is the most important social gence of full-time artisans (haw o and orre).
institution. The clans are subdivided into lineages. Without professional craftsmen and their prod-
The lineage regulates marriage arrangements and ucts, the agriculturists would be forced to give
in this way takes care of the continuum of the up intensified cultivation. A case in point are
living, the ancestors and the unborn. Lineages the amako, who, after some of their craftsmen-
also control the availability of land. Certain line- lineages, had died out, shifted largely to cattle-
age founders are believed to have been born in a breeding. Craftsmen constitute a socially dis-
supernatural way. Their descendants carry out tinct group (with endogamy rules, avoidance
spiritual (priestly) functions in the community. regulations etc.). This has been mostly misinter-
Some of them gain more than religious influence preted by anthropologists as scorn. The D.
and even act politically. During the imperial era example shows that such an opinion cannot be
their influence could be especially high through maintained. The division of work did not lead
their appointment as balabbats. to marginalization of craftsmen, but to the de-
The organization in generation groups (simi- velopment of mutually independent groups
lar to the gaadaa structure of the Konso) (tillers and craftsmen).
collapsed as a result of critical demographic and With the D. there is no religious ceremony of
economic changes. The process began during any communal importance without a haw o or
the famines and epidemics which followed the orre officiating. The craftsmen are mostly
205
Dullay
investigations led by Salvatore M. Puglisi in

1939 (Puglisi 1941) and then by Francis Anfray
in 1966–68 (Anfray 1968 and 1972) indicated the
existence of two ancient Aksumite structures,
including one interpreted to be a “villa” and
“castle”, dating to the 6th or rather 7th cent. A.D.
(Munro Hay 1989:30f.). In spite of these impos-
ing remains, with appendices revealed by sond-
ages north and east of the “castle”, neither the
site’s function nor its relation to other homoge-
neous areas are yet clearly understood in detail.
In local traditions D. is associated with “the
palace of the Queen of Sheba” ( Mak dda).
Dullay market, in the foreground a boy carrying a roof
attachment; photo 1999, courtesy of the author The “villa” was of typical Aksumite form,
15 m square, with nine rooms, the three central
engaged in ceremonies concerning the whole ones (east to west) containing circular column-
country, while the lineage-elders are responsible bases; in the centre of each side, in rough ma-
for ancestral duties. Only the haw o are able to sonry without corner blocks, was a recess or re-
pray directly to god (haallikko). Lineage-elders entrant and the walls were rebated on the out-
of the agriculturalists, by their genealogical links side (Munro Hay 1989:30).
with the first ancestors, represent the continuity The “castle”, in D. Addi Kilte (about 250 m
side of the society. The craftsmen with their west of the “villa”), is approximately 3,000 m³
activities introduce a special dynamic principle and is built of stones in mud-mortar, with fine
into society. In the myths, the first craftsman masonry evident in corner blocks and staircases;
was a demiurge and his descendants continue to it included a central edifice, multiple interior
be creative to this day. Through their crafts and courtyards, elaborate staircases, baked-brick
their trade connections they bring society in ovens and approximately 40 individual rooms.
contact with new and stimulating elements from Stone piers that may have served as bases for
the outside. pillars or crossbeams and the existence of stair-
Lit.: HERMANN AMBORN, “Wandlungen im sozioöko- wells suggests that it once contained no less
nomischen Gefüge der Bevölkerungsgruppen im Gar- than two stories (Anfray 1972:68ff., pls. I, II).
dulla-Dobase-Horst in Südäthiopien”, Paideuma 22,
1976, 151–61; ID., “Referenz und Abwehr. Der sprachli-
Both structures at D. may have served as élite
che Niederschlag der gesellschaftlichen Sonderstellung residences (Anfray 1981): especially the “cas-
von Lineage-Ältesten in der Burji-Konso-Gruppe”, in: tle”, similar in its general form to what is
RAINER VOSSEN — ULRIKE CLAUDI (eds.), Sprache, known of the “palaces” of Tä a!a Maryam,
Geschichte und Kultur in Afrika: Vorträge, gehalten auf nda S m on and nda Mika el documented
dem III. Afrikanistentag, Köln, 14./15. Oktober 1982,
Köln 1983, 305–29; ID., “Agricultural Intensification in at Aksum by the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition
the Burji-Konso Cluster”, Azania 14, 1989, 71–83; ID., (MHAksum 118–25; Phillippson 2001:273, 379).
Differenzierung und Integration. Vergleichende Untersu- Such multiple élite complexes were all designed
chungen zu Spezialisten und Handwerkern in südäthio- on a symmetrical plan, with blocks of square or
pischen Agrargesellschaften, München 1990; ID., “Soul
and Personality as a Communal Bound”, Anthropos 96, rectangular rooms and open courtyards sur-
2001, 41–57; HERMANN AMBORN – GUNTER MINKER – rounding a central pavilion-like structure built on
HANS-JÜRGEN SASSE, Das Dullay: Materialien zu einer a raised podium with staircases.
ostkuschitischen Sprachgruppe, Berlin 1980 (Kölner Src.: FRANCIS ANFRAY, “The Civilization of Aksum
Beiträge zur Afrikanistik 6). from the First to the Seventh Century”, in: MOHAMMED
Hermann Amborn
GAMAL EDDIN MOKHTAR (ed.), General History of
Africa, Paris 1981, vol. 2, 362–79; ID., “Aspects de
l’archéologie éthiopienne”, JAH 9, 1968, 345–66; ID.,
Dungur “L’archéologie d’Axoum en 1972”, Paideuma 18, 1972,
The archaeological site of D. (7#L?, also 60–78; SALVATORE MARIA PUGLISI, “Primi risultati
delle indagini compiute dalla Missione Archeologica di
D ngur, lit. Tgn. for ‘impassable road; path full Aksum”, Africa Italiana 8, 1941, 95–153; STUART C.
of stones’) is located on the western edge of the MUNRO-HAY, Excavations at Aksum: an Account of
city of Aksum in T gray. Archaeological Research at the Ancient Ethiopian Capital Directed in
206
Dyes
1972–74 by the Late Dr. Neville Chittick, London 1989 D. in one way or another were widely used.
(Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa 10), Harari and other Muslim men and women often
30f., s. index; MHAksum 118–25; DAVID W. PHIL- wore red or other brightly-coloured clothing,
LIPSON, Archaeology at Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993–7, Lon-
don 2000, vol. 2, 273, 379. made from either imported or locally-made
Matthew C. Curtis – Red. cloth (Johnston 1844, vol. 1, 165; HarAeth vol.
1, 364, 385; Burton 1894, vol. 1, 144; vol. 2, 17).
Christians of both sexes were garbed mainly in
Dye, William McEntyre white, but their #x (šamma), or wraps, were in
D. (b. 26 January 1831, Washington County, PN, many cases adorned with coloured woven bor-
d. November 1899, Muskegon, MI) was a US- ders. These were made from imported thread
American colonel in Egyptian service, who often unravelled from foreign cloth (Parkyns
played a leading role during the Egyptian- 1853, vol. 2, 41). Clothes were also dyed black,
Ethiopian War of 1875–76. A graduate of West frequently with earth, as a sign of mourning
Point, he had served in the US army as a Briga- (HarAeth vol. 3, 161). Monks – and pilgrims –
dier-General, and in 1868 was a witness in the often wore yellow (BeckHuntAlvar 70; BruNile,
treaty with the Sioux. In late 1873, he accepted vol. 5, 372; CecZeila, vol. 1, 293).
the offer to serve in Egypt in the “Abyssinian Some carpets made from the wool and hair of
Campaign”, like around 50 other American offi- sheep and goats were locally dyed, red and light
cers, most of whom had fought in the Civil War blue, but more owed their decoration to the
on the Unionist side. D. became the assistant chief natural colours of white, brown and black sheep
of staff of General Loring and was wounded (Valentia 1809, vol. 3, 162; Salt 1814:426). Bas-
during the battle of Gura in March 1876. kets, including uG- (mäsob) were woven from
His book Moslem Egypt and Christian Abys- brightly coloured, locally dyed straw, while the
sinia (1880) is an important source on the war. His inner roofs of some churches were similarly
harsh criticism of Loring and Mu ammad Rat b, decorated with coloured reeds (BeckHuntAlvar
the Commander-in-Chief, provoked the publica- 337; Burton 1895, vol. 2, 281; Cohen 1920:22).
tion of an account of the War by Loring himself. Some wood-work, at least by the 20th cent., was
After his return from Egypt in 1879, D. be- likewise painted in bright hews. Locally tanned,
and also imported, leather was often dyed in
came the chief of police of Washington, D.C.,
many different colours, mainly for the produc-
and in 1888, for eleven years, chief military
tion of saddle-cloths (Mérab 1927–29, vol.
advisor to the Korean government.
3:402). D. were also used as cosmetics: to beau-
Src.: WILLIAM MCE[NTYRE] DYE, Moslem Egypt and
Christian Abyssinia, or: Military Service under the Khe- tify women’s eyes and eyebrows, to brighten, or
dive, in his Provinces and Beyond their Borders, as Expe- darken, their hair, and in the tattooing of necks
rienced by the American Staff, New York 1880, ²1969; and foreheads, as well as hands and feet (Burton
WILLIAM WING LORING, A Confederate Soldier in 1895, vol. 2, 17; Mérab 1927–29, vol. 3, 388).
Egypt, New York 1884. D. employed for colouring in Ethiopia in-
Lit.: BRIGHAM JOHNSON, Iowa: its History and its Fore-
most Citizens, Des Moines, IA 1918; PIERRE CRABITÈS, cluded a wide range of vegetable substances,
Americans in the Egyptian Army, London 1938. among them charcoal and soot; crushed stones;
Wolbert Smidt and imported chemicals and colours (for recent
enumeration s. Strelcyn 1968 and 1973, and
Tournerie 1986:31–139.)
Dyes Clothing
D., both local and imported, had a notable im- Src.: GEORGE WYNN BRERETON HUNTINGFORD, The
pact on Ethiopia’s traditional material culture. Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, London 1980, 22;
The earliest references to such colours are in BeckHuntAlvar 70, 337; BruNile, vol. 5, 372.
Lit.: GEORGE ANNESLEY VISCOUNT VALENTIA, Voy-
the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. It refers to the ages and Travels to India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia
import at Adulis of lac, i.e. the Indian red insect and Egypt, 3 vols., London 1809, vol. 3, 162; HENRY
dye, perhaps used to beautify women’s nails and SALT, A Voyage to Abyssinia, London 1814, 426;
feet; and of “mallow”, or yellow, cloth (Hunt- CHARLES JOHNSTON, Travels in Southern Abyssinia …,
London 1844, vol. 1, 165; HarAeth vol. 1, 364, 385, vol.
ingford 1980:22). Imported colour, then as later, 3, 161; RICHARD FRANCIS BURTON, First Footsteps in
thus took two basically different forms: D. for East Africa …, 2 vol., London 11856, ²1894, vol. 1, 144,
local colouring, and already-coloured material. vols. 2, 17, 281; MANSFIELD PARKYNS, Life in Abyssinia
207
Dyes
…, 2 vols., London 1853, vol. 2, 41; CecZeila, vol. 1, 293; fact a continuous blood lineage from Solomon
MARCEL COHEN, Documents éthnographiques d’Abyssinie, and the Queen of Sheba to Emperor "aylä
Paris 1920, 22; PAUL MÉRAB, Impressions d’Éthiopie, Paris
1927–29, vol. 3, 388, 402; STEFAN STRELCYN, Médecine et llase I. Y kunno Amlak is therefore now
plantes d’Éthiopie …, Warszawa 1968, Napoli 21973; generally considered by scholars as the founder
PATRICIA IRWIN TOURNERIE, Colour and Dye Recipies of of an entirely new D. (TadTChurch 66ff.).
Ethiopia, London 1986, 31–139. The reigns of the post-Zagwe period are better
Richard Pankhurst
documented than those of earlier monarchs.
Most Solomonic rulers produced chronicles.
Dynasties These begin with a e Amdä yon I, and con-
tinue almost without interruption to Empress
The term is used, in Ethiopia as elsewhere, for a
Zäwditu (d. 1930). Royal descent was not al-
succession of rulers, of the same family or line,
ways from father to son, but to almost anyone
and, by extension, the historical period in which
within the “Solomonic” family, though usually,
they lived.
but not necessarily, by male descent. Only one
Traditional Ethiopian historiography, for
interruption to the ruling line is recognized: the
the empire as a whole, recognises six broad
usurper Yos os (1711–16). Several rulers, such
dynastic periods (also reflected in the traditional
as Bäkaffa, M nt wwab ( B rhan Mogäsa),
“king lists”; Genealogy):
and her son and grandson may, however, be
1) from Adam to bnä akim, or M nil k I;
considered to form a “dynasty within a dynasty”.
2) from bnä akim to Bazen, whose reign at Aksum
Though traditional Ethiopian historiography
coincided with the birth of Christ;
was primarily concerned with imperial rulers,
3) from Bazen to the brothers Abr ha and A b ha, the
first Aksumite rulers to adopt Christianity;
virtually all the polities of the region had their
4) from Abr ha and A b ha to the Zagwe rulers (of the
own D. Some were independent; others at times
late 10th cent.); appointed by the imperial state. Such D. included
5) the Zagwe rulers to a e Y kunno Amlak (1270–1285), the Walašma D., founded in Ifat, by sul n
the first of the Solomonic line; Umar b. Duny -huz, in the late 13th cent.; the
6) the Solomonic rulers, from Y kunno Amlak to mod- Adal D. established by sul n abradd n, two
ern times. centuries later (MaqIlmam); the Al b. D d
The kings from bnä akim to the Zagwe are D. of the late 17th cent., which developed within
known almost exclusively from traditional king the city of Harär (Cerulli 1942; Tedeschi in
lists, which give no details of dynastic relation- PICES 4); and the Afar D. of sul n K mil ad-
ships. Additional information on Aksumite Dank l which was already flourishing in the
rulers can, however, be gleaned from their coins early 17th cent. Other D. included those of
( Coinage) and inscriptions, but these bear Däwaro, Aräbabni, Bale, Šarka, Därha, and
virtually no resemblance to the king lists. Wälaytta, in the south; Hadiyya and nnarya, in
The Zagwe rulers are conventionally described the south-west; and, in the west, #an äro and
as a “usurping” dynasty, though three of them, Käfa, both founded in the 15th cent., as well as
Lalibäla, Y mra annä Kr stos and Nä akkw to Leqa and #imma, by Bakaree and Abbaa
Lä ab, were canonized by the Ethiopian Church. #ifaar respectively, in the early 19th cent. (Bieber
The only other rulers so honoured are Abr ha 1920–23, vol. 1, 1–120).
and A b ha. All five are the subjects of Acts Local, or subordinate, D. also existed within
( Gädl), containing much traditional information. the Christian state. One of the most remarkable,
Traditional historiography claims that that of the wag šum, or chiefs of Wag, claimed
Y kunno Amlak was a descendant of D lna od, descent and privileges, inherited from the old
the last Aksumite king, and hence a descendant Zagwe rulers of the area. Other important D.
of M nil k I, son of King Solomon and the were those of Šäwa, and Wällo/Yä u. The
Queen of Sheba. Y kunno Amlak was therefore former was founded, in the 1690s, by Näga i
considered the “restorer” of the Solomonic line. Kr stos Wärädä Qal, whose uninterrupted line
This claim is formulated in the K brä nägä t, ran directly to n gu ahlä llase of Šäwa
and affirmed in many chronicles. There is, how- (1813–47), and to his grandson, a e M nil k II
ever, no evidence that Aksumite rulers ever (LevWax 22). The Yä u D., founded by
claimed Solomonic descent, or that there was in Gwangul in the 18th cent., likewise comprised
208
Dynasties
seven rulers, ending with ras Ali Alula (d. Lit.: BudHist; SerHist; TadTChurch; DerDom; MaqIlmam;
1866), the last ruler of Bägemd r prior to a e TrIslam; LevWax; PankBord; STEPHANOS PIERRE
PÉTRIDÈS, Le livre de la dynastie salomonienne d’Ethiopie,
Tewodros II (TrIslam 110). Prominent rulers Paris 1964; ENRICO CERULLI, “Gli emiri di Harar dal
of many other areas, lived and reigned, how- secolo XVI alla conquista egiziana (1875)”, RSE 2, 1,
ever, without establishing D. This was the case 1942, 3–20 [repr. in: CerIslam 365–82]; FRIEDRICH
in T gray, for example, with such notable fig- JULIUS BIEBER, Kaffa: Ein altkuschitisches Volkstum in
Inner-Afrika, 2 vols., Münster 1920, Wien 1923;
ures as ras Mika el S ul, ras Wäldä llase, SALVATORE TEDESCHI, “L’emirato di Harar secondo un
dä azma Säbagadis Wäldu and dä azma documento inedito”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 481–500.
W be "aylä Maryam. Richard Pankhurst
209
E
Easter ÷ Fasika BAC + AÇA + BAÇ + ÇIN (with variants) should

be read basileus (choras) Abassinèn (‘king of the
Ebana [land of] Abyssinians’). The frequency of E.’s sil-
E. was an early-5th-cent. king of ÷Aksum, ver coins lies within normal limits; on the reverse
known from his ÷coinage alone. This bears, they display a characteristic central lozenge,
inscribed in Greek on the reverse: Ebana basi- partially gilded, the extremities of which form a
leus (‘King E.’). Here he appears wearing a tiara cross-crosslet with the eight letters of the legend
(obv.) or headcloth (rev.), and robes with either basileus ‘king’ interspersed in four groups of two
the curving V-neck above a round collar or the each – thus symbolizing the universal rule of the
early version of the humped style, the front part Christian empire. The contemporary copper
of the V-neck projecting forward to join the coinage was struck anonymously.
similarly projecting collar. His name, formerly Lit.: BrakKirche 78; DicEthBio 21, 53; Stuart Munro-
misread as Esbael or Anaeb (due to the blun- Hay, “Mhdys and Ebana, Kings of Aksum: some Prob-
dered impression that also results from palaeo- lems of Dating and Identity”, Azania 14, 1979, 21–30; Id.
– Bent Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995,
graphic peculiarities, certain letter forms being 166–79, ms. 71–75; Wolfgang Hahn, “Noe, Israel und
used for a variety of alphabetic characters), may andere Könige mit biblischen Namen auf axumitischen
be derived from a Semitic word designating a (sa- Münzen”, Money Trend 33, 12, 2001, 124–28; Luigi Pe-
cred) stone, yet with a Christian connotation (cf. droni, “Una collezione di monete aksumite”, Bollettino
di Numismatica, ser. 1a, 15, 1–2 [28–29], 1997 [1998, but
Mt 3:9, 1 Pet 2:5). Thanks to the large Yemenite 2000], 7–147, here 119f., nos. 250–60.
hoards buried in the time of ÷Kaleb, E. happens Wolfgang Hahn
to be the king of whom the most Aksumite-type
gold coins are known (more than 700 pieces).
However, the number of dies involved in their Ebäti ÷Dorze
minting suggests no significantly higher produc-
tion than under his immediate predecessors or Ébbénat
successors. The king’s name is written in two É. (&-!M , 38°2'N, 12°7'E, 2,120 m A.S.L.) is
halves on the left and right of his head; as on a small town located in É. wäräda, the former
the coins of his predecessor (attributed to Eon Libo awragga, in southern ÷Gondär. It is the
or Noe), on the obv. the much debated Greek + awragga capital and hosts a major regional mar-
ket for Libo and the surrounding regions. Ac-
cording to the 2000 Census, the town of É. has
a population of 12,812. With the opening of the
Addis Zämän – Däbrä Tabor road, É. has today
become much more accessible by road through-
out the year; before this, people had to walk and
use pack-animals to reach É.’s market.
Other than being a regional market centre,
very little was known about É. until 1984,
when a feeding-camp/shelter for victims of the
1984/85 Ethiopian ÷famine was established at É.
Ethiopia’s largest famine relief camp, it was sup-
ported by governmental and non-governmental
relief organizations. At the height of the drought
period, it is estimated that as many as 60,000
Gold and silver coins of Ebana; drawing; courtesy of the people fleeing Gondär, Wällo and Tégray were
author sheltered in É. The camp entered headlines after
Ébbénat
with the abbot of Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos in the

Amhara province – who bore the title ÷Ÿaqqabe
säŸat – long before Däbrä Libanos rose to power,
and did so even during the reign of Yékunno
Amlak. It therefore seems more accurate to say
that when the centre of political power moved
from Amhara to Šäwa so did the centre of church
power, with Däbrä Libanos assuming leadership
from Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos.
A lavish ceremony bestowed the abbot of
Däbrä Libanos, already titled É. (or &J, éccä),
with authority to head the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church in a lavish ceremony. The directive of
the ceremony, a copy of which we have from the
time of ase ÷Íärsä Déngél (1563–96) and which
is largely corroborated by the royal chronicles,
is detailed as follows: “When the É. is installed,
the king arrays him, at (the royal upper cham-
the incident of 28–29 April 1985 when Mälaku ber called) rasge bet, with two calico shirts, a
Täfärra, the party Secretary for the Gondär re- šabori/šobari shirt, (a pair of) white trousers, and
gion, ordered the people to be forcefully ousted a šämät (white?) turban. The king sits in a tent;
and dispsersed (reportedly by gunpoint) and the and they seat the (É.) on a throne before the king,
camp to be burnt down. The negative publicity with a carpet for his feet. The king, for his part,
of the incident created a near governmental cri- wraps a sash round the head of the É. and crowns
sis in Ethiopia. The camp was retaken in use two him (with a golden coronet). The É. blesses the
weeks later, on 11 May. king and rises up (to leave. As he is leaving,) the
Src.: Guida 328; CSA 2000. king accompanies him as far as the gate of his
Lit.: Kurt Jansson – Michael Harris – Angela palace. The É. is mounted on the king’s mule and
Penrose, The Ethiopian Famine: Revised and Updated is seen off with drum and flute, (accompanied)
Edition, London 1988, 59–64; Dawit Wolde Giorgis, by a multitude of people … If a court case is
Red Tears: War, Famine and Revolution in Ethiopia,
Trenton – New York 1989, 244–50; Washington Post 1-12
ever brought against the É. or he brings one, (the
May, 2 June 1985; Time 13, 20 May 1985. proceedings) take place while he is sitting. He is
Mulatu Wubneh daily provided at his house by the palace with
a gelded steer, mead, and bread” (Varenbergh
1915–16:20, 36; Guidi 1922:80).
Ébnä Hakim ÷Ménilék I
Once officially installed, the É. was authorized
to administer matters relating to the national
Éccäge church. It is possible that the word used to des-
É. (&JO ) is the title given to the abbot of ÷Dä- ignate the abbot was just éccä, to which the suffix
brä Libanos monastery in Šäwa. It is not clear ÷ge was then added (as it was added to ÷ase)
when and how the title first came into use; most when the abbot took on the leadership of the
probably, the title is as old as the monastery it- entire church.
self. It is important to point out that É. is also the Unlike that of the metropolitan, the office
title used to designate the administrative head of of the É. was not conferred by divine or ritual
the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox (Täwahédo) Church, ordination. The É. was a political appointee
the native Ethiopian appointed by the emperor. who could be replaced at the will of the mon-
According to tradition, the ruler gave this arch. Although conflicts between metropolitans
position to the abbot of Däbrä Libanos because (÷Abun; ÷Pappas) and É. did occur, in general
of the role Däbrä Libanos’s first abbot, abunä the two authorities worked together harmoni-
÷Täklä Haymanot, played in the establishment ously because their spheres of authority were
or restoration of the Solomonic dynasty in relatively well defined and understood. The role
1270, when ase ÷Yékunno Amlak ascended to of the metropolitan was limited to sacramental
the throne. In truth, however, this authority lay matters, such as the anointing of monarchs, the
212
Ecological zones
ordination of priests and deacons, and the con- Since 1951, the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox
secration of ÷tabots, whereas administrative re- Täwahédo Church has been an ordained native,
sponsibilities and dealing with issues such as the thus removing the primary reason the post was
settlement of disputes among the clergy, includ- originally created for.
ing theological controversies, were handled by Src.: BassÉt I 349, 361, 379, 388, 406; GuiIohan 63f.;
the É. who, because he was a native who spoke KWKDic 457; Joseph Varenbergh, “Studien zur
the language, could better understand the issues abessinischen Reichsordnung (ŠerŸata Mangešt)”, ZA 30,
1915–16, 1–45, here 20, 36; Ignazio Guidi, “Contributi
and follow the arguments. Although rare, there alla storia letteraria di Abissinia”, RRALm 31, 3–4, 1922,
have in fact been instances in which a theological 65–94 [“I. Il ‘Ser‘ata Mangest’”, 65–89, here 80].
stand of the metropolitan was questioned by the Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “Gli abbati di Dabra Libanos,
monks and the É. and ultimately rejected. capi del monachismo etiopico …”, Orientalia nuova
ser. 12, 1943, 226–53; ibid. 13, 1944, 137–82; ibid. 14,
Kidanä Wäldä Kéfle claims (KWKDic 457,
1945, 143–71; CrumMis; Ernst Hammerschmidt,
cf. “Haìege”) that the É. played the role of Äthiopien: Christliches Reich zwischen Gestern und
bishop (anointing, ordaining and consecrating) Morgen, Wiesbaden 1967, 119f.; George Wynn
in the metropolitan’s absence. However, there Brereton Huntingford, “The Lives of Saint Takla
are no historical sources, other than the Vita Haymanot”, JES 4, 2, 1966, 35–40, here 37.
Getatchew Haile
of abunä Täklä Haymanot, corroborating this
assertion even though the church was without
a metropolitan for extended periods of time (s. Éccäge Bet
÷Eppisqoppos). É.B. (&JOy ,M ) was the name given to the
The decision to place a native Ethiopian in the house of the ÷éccäge, or head of the monks, in
position of the É. may have resulted from the ÷Gondär, and by extension to the area around
fact that the metropolitan, the titular head of the it. This area, which lay west of the palace com-
Ethiopian Orthodox Church, being a Copt from pound, resembled the district known as Abunä
Egypt, rarely spoke the local language and was Bet, or area inhabited by the abun, or Metropoli-
therefore unable to communicate with the local tan (÷Abunä), in that it was under ecclesiastical
Christian community, including the clergy and control. The É.B., which was surrounded by a
the palace. Seen this way, the position of É. was high wall, thus constituted a place of ÷asylum, in
an alternative to a native metropolitan. which criminals were free from both civil juris-
It is also possible to see the Church as a state diction and military interference. “No one, even
within the Ethiopian state, requiring a ruler for if guilty of murder”, could be apprehended in
its domain – an É. – parallel to the emperor, the area, the early 19th-cent. British traveller Wil-
asege, “ruler of the land”. In fact, the two titles liam Coffin reports. This immunity from trouble
could be etymologically related as they are simi- made the quarter a desirable locality in which to
lar in significance. Because having an É. was as reside (Pierce 1831, vol. 1, 234). Wilhelm Rüppell
much a sign of autonomy as having a monarch, stated that many persons of wealth and influence
it might be expected that the head of a politically had therefore sought to live in the area (1840:76,
autonomous region would appoint a separate É. 81f.), which, by the early 19th cent., comprised
to administer the church in his/her dominion. some 200 houses, some of the finest in the city,
This is precisely what the region of ÷Lasta did with a population, we may assume, of around
in the 17th cent. 1,300 inhabitants. The immunity was, however,
The close association of the abbot (É.) of not alway respected, as Arnauld d’Abbadie not-
Däbrä Libanos with the palace, and its practical ed in the 1840s (AbbSéjour).
replacement by the ÷ŸAqqabe SäŸat, a title that Src.: AbbSéjour passim; Wilhelm Rüppell, Reise in
became purely honorary, seems to have started Abyssinien, vol. 2, Frankfurt am Main 1840, 76, 81f.;
with the movement of the state’s centre to the Nathaniel Pearce, The Life and Adventures of
Nathaniel Pearce …, London 1831, vol. 1, 234.
west (Dämoz, Énfraz and Gondär). The history Lit.: PankHist I, 247f., 255.
of the rulers of the Gondärine kingdom shows, Richard Pankhurst
furthermore, that the É “of Däbrä Libanos”
could come from any monastery and would re-
side close to the Royal Palace. Ecological zones
The secular authority associated with the of- “Ecology” has a complex and sometimes confus-
fice of É. has now been unofficially discarded. ing meaning. Today, its highest acceptance as a
213
Ecological zones
scientific term might be found in a most general From the lowest to the highest zones the mean
definition as being “the interactions of organisms temperatures differ greatly, in the Sémen Moun-
with each other, their biotic and abiotic environ- tains even snowfall being possible. Rainfall for
ments, and the outcome of these interactions” the most part is relatively high in the middle
(Dictionary of Human Geography 2000:193). and upper zones because of topographical ef-
“Ecological zones” is based rather on a geo-eco- fects. In general, the annual rainfall is higher in
logical than a bio-ecological idea of modelling southern and western than in northern Ethiopia.
the space: “zones” is used for subdivisions of a The variation of temperatures throughout the
geographical space, in which physical conditions year increases from south to north, as does the
are similar or equal (s. Leser 1997:1019). E.z. are rainfall variability. Hence, the risk of drought
primarily defined by a certain rainfall and tem- is higher in the northern than in the southern
perature regime. But locally, geological, pedo- highlands, but is generally high in the semi-arid
logical and hydrological features can modify the and arid lowlands (bäräha and qwälla). Besides
ecological conditions to a certain extent. the desert and semi-desert climates, there exists
Beyond a strictly physical definition of E.z. quite a significant difference between dry and
ecological zones, Ethiopia has a well-accepted rainy season, varying regionally from about four
model of so-called “agro-ecological zones”, cor- to eight months per annum.
responding largely with traditional concepts of Land-use can be divided mainly into two
space. Within this model the physical conditions, types: 1) agriculture, first and foremost on the
especially the climate (and altitude) of a certain basis of the “ox-plough-complex”, 2) cattle-
area, generate a typical vegetation and – depend- breeding, partly as a nomadic or semi-nomadic
ent on this – a typical or dominant land-use in system, sometimes combined with certain basic
the area. agriculture. In general, land-use is linked heavily
The broad variety of E.z. in Ethiopia specifi- to the surrounding physical environment (water
cally results from its topography, i.e. lowlands supply, temperatures, soils), but there are various
lying even under sea level up to mountains of modifications of this because of ethnic/cultural
more than 4,600 m A.S.L. There are basically six or politico-economical particularities.
(agro-)ecological zones in Ethiopia (Hurni 1995: 1) Agriculture is predominantly found be-
9): (:U , bäräha [also (: 8, bäräõa] (below 500 m tween ca. 1,000 m and 3,500 m A.S.L. (qwälla up
A.S.L.; less than 300 mm average amount of rain- to wérc). The most productive zones are wäyna
fall), ÷qwälla (500 m to 1,500 m A.S.L.; 300 mm däga and the lower parts of the däga, with two
to 1,400 mm), ÷wäyna däga (1,500 m to 2,300 m or even three harvests a year. Irrigation in general
A.S.L.; 300 to 2,200 mm), ÷däga (2,300 m to is not very common. Irrigated land often can be
3,200 m A.S.L.; 900 to 2,200 mm), b?O (wérc, found in areas with low annual rainfall and/or
lit. ‘frost’; 3,200 m to 3,700 m A.S.L.; 900 mm to high evaporation (especially qwälla and bäräha),
2,200 mm), high wérc (more than 3,700 m A.S.L.; particularly along riversides and in valleys, and
more than 1,400 mm). In Šäwa there are also the also in areas with market-orientated produc-
E.z. of meda and gwassa. Depending on the mean tion. The most important crops are: cotton,
annual rainfall and evaporation, some of these fruits, sugar-cane (irrigated bäräha and qwälla),
zones can be subdivided into two or even three sorghum, ÷téf (qwälla), maize, ÷énsät, ÷coffee,
different sub-zones (dry/moist/wet). various cereals and vegetables (wäyna däga),
Soils and natural vegetation: from bäräha barley, wheat, pulses (däga), barley (wérc).
to high wérc, soils change from yellow sandy 2) Cattle-breeding is – beyond the agricultural
(bäräha, qwälla) to red (wäyna däga), brown areas, where it is an integrating part of the system
(wäyna däga and däga) and black types (wérc, – concentrated in the less productive parts of the
high wérc). According to the variations in cli- lowlands (bäräha, qwälla) and highlands (wérc
mate, the natural vegetation varies from ÷Acacia and high wérc). In the highlands, small cattle,
bushes and trees (bäräha, qwälla, parts of wäyna especially sheep, are dominant.
däga) to cordia, ficus, ÷bamboo (wäyna däga), ÷Environment, ÷Environmental degragation
on to ÷juniper, hagenia (÷koso), podocarpus Lit.: Food and Agriculture Organization (ed.),
(däga) and on to heather, hypericum or St. Assistance to Land-Use Planning, Ethiopia. Production
Regions and Farming Systems Inventory, Rome 1984;
John’s wort (wérc) and mountain grassland (high Id. (ed.), Assistance to Land-Use Planning, Ethiopia.
wérc). Vegetation and Natural Regions and Their Significance
214
Economy
for Land-Use Planning, Rome 1984; Hans Hurni, rivers, impassable except at the height of the dry
Soil Conservation in Ethiopia. Guidelines for Develop- season. Spatial differences, notably between ar-
ment Agents, Reprint, Addis Abeba 1995; Ronald J.
Johnston – Derek Gregory – Geraldine Pratts eas of different elevation, nevertheless led to a
– Michael Watts (eds.), The Dictionary of Human certain amount of local trade, carried out largely
Geography, Oxford 42000 (Lit.); Hartmut Leser (ed.), in small local markets, usually held weekly.
Diercke-Wörterbuch: Allgemeine Geographie, München There was, in addition, a sizeable import-export
– Braunschweig 1997 (Lit.).
Alfons Ritler
trade, based on caravans plying between the inte-
rior and the coast (and the Sudan frontier). This
commerce was carried out mainly by travelling
Economy merchants, mostly Muslims (÷Gäbärti), who
Economy until 1941 organized long-distance caravans, and bought
Ethiopian civilization, throughout its recorded and sold at the country’s more important weekly
history, was essentially rural, and based on a fairs.
subsistence E. ÷Pastoralism and ÷plough agri- Many remarkably beautiful artefacts, includ-
culture emerged at an early period. The existence ing icons, crosses and illustrated manuscripts,
of pastoralism is evinced by the representation were produced for the church, as well as for a
of zebu, or hump-back and other cattle in pre- succession of emperors, who took a keen interest
historic rock paintings, while the emergence of in innovation. ÷Handicraft activity as a whole
÷agriculture is evident from the depiction of tended, however, to be limited. It was largely
sprigs of wheat or other cereals on Aksumite carried out by ÷marginalized people, mainly
÷currency (Phillipson 1998:33–49). ÷blacksmiths, ÷weavers and potters (÷pottery),
Significant urban settlements, notably at many drawn from religious minorities, among
÷Yéha, can, however, be traced to at least half them Muslims and ÷Betä Ésraýel.
a millennium B.C. The ensuing Aksumite pe- Agricultural prosperity and the growth of a
riod witnessed the issue of currency for several market economy were hampered throughout this
centuries, as well as the development of an an- period by three harmful institutions: 1) “moving
cient market E. This was based primarily on the capitals”, which militated against urbanization,
export of ÷ivory and ÷gold and the import of 2) an unpaid soldiery, which constituted a seri-
textiles and manufactured goods, as well as on ous and highly destructive burden on the coun-
the use of money, partly for local trade, but, tryside, and 3) local customs posts, which acted
more importantly perhaps, for international as an impediment to long-distance commercial
commerce, as evident from the use on the coins trade. The establishment of ÷Gondär as the
of Greek, then the principal language of Red Sea capital in 1636 led to some urbanization and the
trade (÷Coinage; MHAksum 166–95). resultant commercialization of agriculture in the
There is, however, every reason to suppose area. The advent, in the late 18th cent., of the silver
that barter predominated in the Aksumite king- ÷Maria Theresia thaler, which came in the course
dom, and the early 6th cent. Egyptian merchant of trade also to some extent facilitated commerce
and monk ÷Cosmas Indicopleustes reported the throughout most of the country. On the other
use, in the gold-producing areas to the west of hand, frequent civil wars, particularly after the
Aksum, of “primitive money”, notably bars of decline of the ÷Gondärine kingdom in the mid-
÷salt (÷Amole) and pieces of iron (÷Currency, 18th cent., were detrimental to the E., as was the
traditional). Both articles continued to circulate hostile foreign control of the coast (PankIntro;
instead of money up to the early 20th cent. (Pank- AbPrince 44–72).
Intro 16–44). Despite the great transformation in interna-
Evidence for the earlier Solomonic period, tional transport resulting from the European
embodied in the writings of the Portuguese trav- industrial revolution and some upsurge in trade,
eller Francisco Alvares and others, indicates that the Ethiopian E. remained remarkably static
Ethiopia was then largely self-sufficient, whether throughout most of the 19th cent. Progress was
regarded from the point of view of the empire as seriously hampered by internal disunity and
a whole, the province, the village, or even the in- political instability as well as by fighting against
dividual household. This was scarcely surprising external enemies: the ÷British in 1867/68, the
in view of the mountainous character of the land, ÷Egyptians in 1875/76, the ÷Mahdists in the
and the existence of several large malaria-infested late 1880s and the Italians, in 1895/96. The com-
215
Economy
ing of the Italians to ÷Massawa in 1885, and the etc. These developments were, however, materi-
establishment of the Italian colony of ÷Eritrea ally hindered by fluctuations in the world price
in 1890 led, however, to some modernization and of silver, which rendered the Maria Theresia
internationalization of the E. in the north and a thaler an unsatisfactory currency, and later by
significant growth in the Italian-dominated im- the Great Economic Depression of the 1930s
port-export trade, which extended across the (PankEcon 486ff., 696–715).
frontier into independent Ethiopia itself. Foreign Despite the above innovations, Ethiopia,
imports also increased in the east of the country, on the eve of the Italian fascist invasion, was,
where there was growing importation, much however, still an overwhelmingly agricultural
of it by Indian merchants in the Harär area, of country. Its economy was predominantly based
American and other foreign factory-produced on subsistence and characterized by barter,
textiles (÷India, relations with). Trade with the “primitive money”, weekly markets and long-
rich gold- and ivory-producing lands south of distance caravans, but with only a small, though
the Blue Nile was also expanded. This period emergent, modern sector.
was likewise noted for a considerable, and ex- The ensuing Fascist occupation, which for
panding, import of ÷fire-arms, as well as by ex- the first time brought the greater part of the
tensive hunting of wild ÷animals and the export whole Horn of Africa under one administration
of their ivory and skins. (÷Africa Orientale Italiana), was accompanied
Modernization in the country at large was by unprecedented government expenditure and
subsequently facilitated by the innovations investment. The immediate need for “pacifica-
of the ÷Ménilék II period, as well as by the tion”, as well as long-term economic considera-
foundation in 1887, and the subsequent steady tions, caused the Italian government to devote an
growth of a new capital, ÷Addis Abäba, which excessive part of its budget to road-building, on
exercised a hitherto unprecedented demand for which for a time as many as 60,000 Italian work-
foreign imports, and services. The last decades men were engaged. The basis of an empire-wide
of the century witnessed tax reform and the road network was thus established, but at the
curtailing of looting by the soldiers, as well at expense of gravely restricting most other fields
the introduction of a new, multi-denominational of economic activity. The need to cater for a
currency, postage stamps and the beginning of a growing Italian population, which exceeded
÷postal system and ÷telegraphic and telephonic 130,000, led to the construction of numerous
systems. Reforms of importance to economic life “European-type” houses in Addis Abäba and the
in the early 20th cent. included the founding of main regional capitals. ÷Urbanization was thus
the first bank, the Bank of Abyssinia (÷Banking greatly accelerated on the basis of strict racial
system), the opening of the first modern schools, segregation. Some 20,000 Ethiopian citizens of
notably the Ménilék II School, and, above all, the capital were moved to a specially designated
the establishment of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti “native quarter”; the movement of the remainder
÷railway, which gave a considerable fillip to was, however, arrested by the outbreak of the
trade (PankEcon 478–86). European war. A policy of large-scale European
Further, if limited, modernization of the settlement by Italian peasants and workers was
economy took place in the ÷Zäwditu–÷Òaylä envisaged, but was largely frustrated, in part due
Íéllase I period, which was characterized by to military opposition by the Ethiopian patriots,
more road-building, the coming of the radio and and in part on account of the Fascist adminis-
the aeroplane, and increasing numbers of cars tration’s near bankruptcy. Attempts to replace
and lorries, as well as by the curtailing of local the silver Maria Theresia thaler by Italian paper
customs posts, the limited monetarization of the money, the xenophobic expulsion of long-estab-
tax structure (÷Taxation), the development of lished Indian merchants and the establishment
some commercialized agriculture, particularly of highly bureaucratic, and corrupt, state trad-
along the railway line, and the first beginnings ing corporations led to a serious disruption of
of light industry: the establishing of a few small economic activity (Haile Mariam Larebo 1994;
brick and alcoholic-drink factories (÷Drinks), Pankhurst 1971b).
Lit.: David Phillipson, Ancient Ethiopia. Aksum:
the founding of a printing-press (÷Printing), tai- its Antecedents and Successors, London 1998, 33–49;
loring with the help of Singer sewing machines MHAksum 166–95; BeckHuntAlvar; AbPrince 44–72;
and the setting up of bakeries, hotels, restaurants Haile-Michael Mesghinna, “Salt Mining in End-
216
Economy
erta”, JES 4, 2, 1966, 127–36; Kevin O’Mahoney, “The (particularly roads, telecommunication and the
Salt Trade”, JES 8, 2, 1970, 147–74; Bairu Tafla, Ethio- ÷ŸAsäb port development) and an elaborate
pian Records of the Menilek Era: Selected Amharic Docu-
ments From the Nachlass of Alfred Ilg, Wiesbaden 2000 ten-year plan for the expansion of education. Al-
(AeF 54); Harold Golden Marcus, The Life and though Ethiopia did not get most of the resources
Times of Menelik II: Ethiopia 1844–1935, Oxford 1875; it needed to implement this plan, it nonetheless
BZHist; David Footman, Antonin Besse of Aden: the served as the first clear attempt at establishing a
Founder of St. Antony’s College, Oxford, London 1986;
long-term development strategy (subsequently a
Haile Mariam Larebo, The Building of an Empire:
Italian Land Policy and Practice in Ethiopia 1935–1941, series of 5-year-plans was elaborated).
Oxford 1994; PankIntro 916–44; PankEcon 478–88, 695– The partial implementation of some of the
715, passim (Lit.); Richard Pankhurst, “A Chapter elements of this programme, along with de-
in Ethiopia’s Commercial History: Developments during tailed policy guidelines to encourage domestic
the Fascist Occupation of Ethiopia, 1936–1941”, EthObs
14, 1971a, 46–67; Id., “Economic Verdict on the Italian and foreign private investment in all areas, the
Occupation of Ethiopia”, ibid., 1971b, 68–82. modernization of administration and the justice
Richard Pankhurst system, and other similar measures contributed
to an impressive economic performance in the
Modern economy first decade after the war. Productive activity, in-
After 1941 Ethiopia’s E. continued to be based terrupted by the war, revived both in agriculture
mainly on agriculture and in some parts of the and industry. A number of industrial enterprises
country on pastoralism. The networks of local were established, largely by foreign interests.
and regional markets stayed to become the main Partly owing to the improvements in communi-
means of distribution of trade goods. Ethio- cations and largely because of the continuation
pia’s main exports to the rest of the world were of the Second World War in other parts of the
dominated by cereals and pulses in the immedi- world, which generated a very high international
ate post-war years till they were overtaken by demand for primary products, Ethiopia’s ex-
÷coffee later. In 1944 Ethiopia exported about ports rose steadily, thereby facilitating essential
33,000 tons of cereals and pulses, which more imports and creating a generally favourable bal-
than doubled to 67,000 in 1946 and 148,000 tons ance-of-payments position. Still, broadly speak-
two years later in 1948. Cereals alone constituted ing, this period can be characterized as a period
a little less than half of this export and reached of political consolidation and economic recon-
about 10 % of total exports at its peak (cp. Addis struction. By the end of the 1940s no more than
Ababa Chamber of Commerce 1954). The diffi- 63 industrial establishments were operational,
culties of the agricultural sector in terms of sup- with an estimated total capital of 16 million
plying sufficient food for its increasing popula- Ethiopian bérr and employing a little less than
tion started to be more and more apparent in the 5,800 persons (approximate numbers; Eshetu
last decade of the imperial regime, culminating Chole 2004b:ch. 3).
in the ÷famine of 1972/73, and have been going Ten years after the implementation of this
downhill since then. Currently Ethiopia faces a first programme, the structure of production
food deficit estimated at more than 25 % of its in the country has changed very little. In 1954,
minimum requirement at the best of times, or an agriculture constituted about 75 % of Ethiopia’s
average of about 700,000 tons of food every year. Gross National Product (GNP), while industry
Shortly after the end of occupation, in 1944–45, accounted for about 6 % and services accounted
the imperial government, with technical support for the remaining 19 % of national output. The
from the “United States Technical Project Mis- combined foreign-trade sector was about 18 % of
sion in Ethiopia” elaborated a ten year “program GDP, of which exports account for about 9.2 %
of industrial development” with the aim of ac- and imports about 8.8 % of GDP. Earnings per
celerating economic growth and development in capita or the income of the average Ethiopian in
a wide area of economic activity. The programme 1954 was about 102 Ethiopian dollars per year.
included exploitation of the country’s water re- This is roughly equivalent to about 277 bérr or
sources (particularly in the Lake Tana and Blue about US$ 112 in 1980/81 constant prices. In
Nile area) to foster agricultural development and terms of employment, in 1954 about 90 % of the
the power requirements for industrialization, a Ethiopian active labour force was living in rural
five year programme for agricultural develop- areas, engaged in agricultural activity, while the
ment, a plan for improvement in infrastructure remaining 10 % lived in urban areas, engaged in
217
Economy
various non-agricultural activities, of which over was impressive, the sector’s performance was
8 % is involved in the service sector (exchange short of what was envisaged in the plan even
rate: at that time, one US-$ was slightly above though investment in the sector was much higher
two Ethiopian dollars [changed to Ethiopian than what was envisioned.
÷bérr later; ÷Currency]). The 1960s saw two more five-year plans. The
The 1950s showed a much better industrial second five-year plan (1963–67) put emphasis in
performance and can be characterized as the developing the industrial sector, including min-
origins of Ethiopian industrialization. Between ing and electricity, along with the development
1953 and 1957 alone, manufacturing production of commercial agriculture and transport. The
nearly doubled, while industrial employment in- third five-year plan, again with heavy empha-
creased by more than 40 % (Eshetu Chole 2004a: sis on agriculture, was expected to cover the
35). Gross output in manufacturing grew by an 1968–73 period, although it was later extended
impressive rate of 15.8 % per year in 1951–60 by one year and most of the plan targets revised
(CSO 1963), while the broad industry category later to a sluggish performance in the beginning
was growing by 12.5 % per year in 1954–59. This of the plan period. Overall manufacturing per-
is actually the highest growth rate registered since formance during the first half of the 1960s was
systematic data has started to be collected. Ex- quite healthy and similar to the second half the
ports at this time were also growing at a healthy 1950s. According to some estimates, manufac-
8.8 % per annum, while imports were growing turing output at current prices doubled between
at about 8.4 %, enabling the country to maintain 1960–65, while it grew by about 17 % per year in
a healthy balance-of-payments position. In ad- constant prices. Manufacturing employment also
dition to manufacturing, the trade and transport grew rather rapidly during this period, increasing
sector also registered a healthy performance dur- from about 28,000 in 1961 to more than 48,000 in
ing this time, growing at an annual average rate 1965 (s. Eshetu Chole 2004a:44). This period also
of about 11 %. The volume of domestic savings saw a promising growth in commercial agricul-
directed to productive purposes and the inflow ture, which continued to register a sharp increase
of foreign investment contributed to this healthy in the second half of the 1960s, only to be snuffed
economic performance. Total investment in the out with a change in government following the
second half of the 1950s averaged 80 million 1974 ÷Revolution (÷Provisional Military Ad-
Ethiopian bérr per year, out of which net invest- ministrative Council).
ment outside agriculture amounted to 50 million The modest achievement in economic per-
Ethiopian bérr. Overall, GDP was growing at formance during the first two plan periods, how-
about 5 % per year, while population was grow- ever, could not be sustained during the third plan
ing at a moderate rate of about 1.5 %, implying period in the second half of the 1960s and early
a per-capita output growth of about 2.5 % per 70s. Economic performance in all sectors not
annum during the second half of the 1950s. only failed to reach the plan targets by far, but
The second half of the 1950s is also significant, was significantly lower than what was achieved
for it was during this period that the First Five during the first two plan periods. In the second
Year Plan (FFYP) was prepared and launched. half of the 1960s, the growth in industrial pro-
Although the FFYP was prepared in 1954/55 duction was significantly reduced to about half
with the help of Yugoslav experts, it was offi- the level of the 1950s growing at about 8 % per
cially launched in 1957 signalizing the first seri- annum, which was further reduced to only 5.5 %
ous attempt to consciously plan the course of the in 1970–73 at the eve of the fall of the imperial
country’s economic development. The plan put regime. However, exports were actually grow-
heavy emphasis in developing the country’s in- ing at a much faster rate of 10.9 % per annum
frastructure along with investment in processing during this period mainly because of the export
industries financed by a combination of foreign boom of the early 70s. Employment creation in
capital and government direct investment. Ac- manufacturing was also reduced to a trickle of
cordingly, of the total investment planned for less than 2,000 jobs per year at a period when
1957–61, the plan allotted about 45 % for trans- larger and larger number of educated youth were
port and communications and about 11 % for joining the labor force. Still, growth in the non-
manufacturing industry. Although the growth agricultural sector, which showed a per capita
in manufacturing output during the plan period income growth of about 4.3 % per year during
218
Economy
the entire period of the 1960s and early 1970s there has not been a significant shift in the struc-
was significantly better when compared with the ture of employment. By the end of the imperial
performance of the agricultural sector. period, over 85 % of the population was still liv-
Growth in the agriculture sector slowed down ing in rural areas, engaged in agriculture, while
below the rate of growth of population in rural the remaining 15 % lived in urban areas, engaged
areas. The relatively healthy performance in ag- in non-agricultural activities, predominantly in
riculture registered during the early to mid 1960s the service sector. The spatial distribution of
following the quick expansion of commercial population between urban and rural areas has
agriculture could not compensate for the slug- remained more or less the same up until now.
gish performance of the predominantly peasant The significant increase in population during
sector, which was stifled by moribund agrarian this period from an estimated 17.5 million in
institutions that simply refused to change. Par- 1950 to about 30 million by the end of the impe-
ticularly, the unheeded calls for moderate land rial period without any meaningful urbanization
reform, which the imperial government simply has meant increasing pressure on the agricultural
failed to implement owing to pressures from the resources of the country. In addition to the soil
conservative landed aristocracy, proved to be the degradation (÷environment) resulting from tra-
main weakness of the system, that led to its vio- ditional farming practices, population pressure
lent overthrow. Average growth in agriculture on the rural E. has led to a continuous decline in
and allied activities was about 2.3 % per year the available land for cultivation. Per-capita land
in the first half and 2.2 % in the second half of holding, for example, declined from about 0.28
the 1960s. It dropped even further to 1.3 % in hectares in 1960/61 to 0.13 hectare in 1979/80.
the final three years of the imperial period from It is this absence of alternative employment for
1971 to 1973. During 1960–73, the last 13 years the growing rural population, combined with
of the imperial period, value added in agriculture the absence of meaningful modernization of the
increased by a mere 2.1 % per annum. As a con- sector that made life increasingly more difficult
sequence, earnings per capita of the agricultural for the Ethiopian peasant population and made a
population declined by about one-tenth of one growing fraction of the rural population depend-
per cent (0.1 %) per year during these 13 years. ent on food aid for its mere survival.
This sluggish performance in the various sec- The inability of the government to implement
tors of the E. combined to provide a weak macro- political and economic reforms, particularly in
economic performance during the 1960s and relation to the institutional rigidities that suf-
early 1970s compared to the 1950s. Gross do- focated the agricultural sector − culminating in
mestic product grew at an average of 3.7 % from the embarrassing famine of 1972/73 − led to the
1960–73 while the rate of growth of population overthrow of the imperial regime. The desper-
significantly increased to 2.2% per annum, pro- ate rural condition, combined with weak overall
viding rather weak earnings-per-capita growth economic performance, generated a simmering
of about 1.5% per year during the entire period. dissatisfaction among the population in general
Partly owing to the rather rapid growth in and an open revolt among the radical intelligent-
manufacturing in the 1950s and early 1960s and sia in particular. The Därg regime (÷Provisional
an appreciable expansion of the service sector, Military Administration Council), taking power
there was a small but noticeable change in the in 1974, promised faster economic growth and
structure of production in the 1960s. In 1960/61 structural transformation. Prosperity for the
agriculture’s share in the GDP was reduced to masses was to be achieved via a radical land re-
69.2 %, while industry increased its share from form and a state-led industrialization drive along
about 6.2 % in 1954 to about 10.8 %. The service the lines pursued by the Soviet Union (÷Russia,
sector accounted for the remaining 20 %. By the relations with) and the socialist Eastern Bloc.
end of the imperial period in 1972/73, agricul- Unfortunately for Ethiopia, economic growth
ture’s share in national output had declined to and structural transformation proved to be elu-
about 54.6 %, while the share of the industrial sive. The Ethiopian E. deteriorated from bad to
sector had more than doubled to 15.4 % of GDP worse in the 1970s and 80s.
and services jumped to 30 % of gross output. In the 17 years of the Därg era, economic
Despite this modest growth in the share of in- growth declined to 1.9 % per year, while popu-
dustry and services in national output, however, lation was growing at about 2.8 % per year,
219
Economy
reducing earnings per capita by 0.9 % annually. issued a broad development strategy known as
Although the radical land-reform programme Agriculture Development Led Industrialization
of the Därg provided usufruct rights to peasants (ADLI) to highlight its commitment to increase
and was expected to encourage agricultural pro- productivity in the agriculture sector as the core
duction, the associated socialist policies of fixing of its development programme. The govern-
agricultural prices at a low level to provide cheap ment, however, maintained the land policy of
food for the urban population and support “so- the Därg by keeping ownership of urban and
cialist industrialization” and the quota system rural land exclusively to the state. Instead of
that forced peasants to supply their produce to introducing institutional reforms associated
state trading agencies, proved to be more pow- with land ownership, the government sought to
erful disincentives to agricultural production. increase agricultural output and productivity by
Growth in agricultural production during the implementing a massive extension programme
entire Därg period was only 0.6 % per year, that provides modern technology (particularly
while the agrarian population was increasing at fertilizers and improved seeds) to small-holder
a very high rate of 2.8 %, leading to a decline in farmers.
rural earnings per capita of about 2.2 % per year These reforms did help in improving economic
during the entire 17 years of its rule. The embar- performance, but not significantly enough to ad-
rassing famine of 1972/73, which was used by the dress the key problem of the structural rigidity
Därg as an indictment against the imperial re- of the Ethiopian E. Agricultural output increased
gime, resurfaced with vengeance in the infamous by about 1.7 % per annum between 1991 and
1984/85 famine that killed over a million peas- 2003, which helped to slow down the rate of de-
ants. The promised structural transformation cline in per-capita agricultural output, but failed
of the E. did not materialize either. By the end to push it to a positive territory. Despite strong
of the Därg period, agriculture still dominated efforts by the government to improve the agri-
economic activity despite its weak performance. cultural sector, the growth rate in agriculture was
Although there were attempts at state-led indus- slower during this period compared with what
trialization during this period, the 3.6 % annual was achieved in the last 13 years of the imperial
growth in the value added of the industrial sector period. Per-capita output in agriculture contin-
was less than half what was obtained during the ued to decline by about 1 % per year during this
imperial period. In fact, considering almost any period. The growth in industrial production also
economic indicator, the Därg period was an un- recovered marginally to 5.6 % from the 3.6 %
mitigated disaster for the Ethiopian E. With the registered during the Därg period, although it
break-up of the Soviet Union and the collapse was significantly lower than what was achieved
of international socialism, the Därg introduced during the imperial period.
all kinds of reforms in its “mixed E.” policy in Two notable but interrelated improvements in
1990. However, these reforms were too little and investment and the foreign-trade sector can be
certainly too late to save the government from observed. The government’s ability successfully
demise in 1991. to mobilize foreign funds in the form of foreign
Economic performance improved quite a aid and loans has enabled the E. to increase its
bit with a change in government in 1991. The gross domestic investment compared with the
new government of the Ethiopian People’s previous two regimes. The foreign-trade sec-
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) tor has also expanded quite significantly dur-
implemented a number of market-friendly re- ing the EPRDF period. Gross fixed investment
forms and reversed a number of the suffocating as a percentage of GDP has increased from
policies and practices of the Därg era, including around 12.5 % during the three decades since
abolishing the quota-delivery system in agricul- the 1960s to over 16 % during the 13 years of
ture, lifting the ceiling on private investment and the EPRDF period. However, as alluded to ear-
even venturing into the privatization of some of lier, this increase in investment was not financed
the state-owned enterprises. New policies were from domestic sources. Gross domestic savings
introduced to encourage private investment decreased from over 11 % during the imperial
with a package of incentives that were broadly period to about 6.3 % during the Därg, further
similar to the incentives provided by the imperial declining to a mere 4.1 % during the EPRDF era.
government in the 1960s. The government also A combination of the ready availability of for-
220
Economy
eign finance helped the growth of imports, while Economy of the Colonia Eritrea
an adjustment in the exchange rate among other Italian colonialism in Eritrea proved to be con-
liberalization measures helped the expansion of tradictory as regards the colonizers’ attitude to-
exports. Exports as a percentage of GDP in- wards the traditional socio-economic structure
creased to about 15 % in 2001/02, while imports of the population. The pre-colonial economic
grew to an enormous 33.8 % of GDP in 2001/02, power of local chiefs and nobles, based on taxa-
compared with a high of 11 % in the early 1970s tion and land rental, was slightly reduced. On
and about 12 % by the end of the Därg period. the one hand, the colonial system of monetary
Such a huge expansion of imports without a taxation preserved the share of tributes that the
commensurate increase in exports has meant a chiefs collected from the peasantry. At the same
deterioration in the balance-of-payments posi- time, the colonial government limited the confis-
tion of the country. cation of land, especially in the plateau, because
Considering the key issue of structural change, of the fear of native rebellions, thus respecting
the Ethiopian E. has made little progress. In property rights. On the other hand, the official
1950 90 % of the estimated 17.5 million popula- abolition of slavery contributed to lessening
tion was making a difficult living in subsistence the obligations that serfs were compelled to
agriculture. Over 50 years later, in 2002, the fulfil towards their masters. However, although
population has increased to over 65 million and increased economic opportunities became avail-
85 % of this population still lives in subsistence able to serfs during Italian colonization, the
agriculture with significantly depleted natural pattern of social relationship between serfs and
resources. In real terms, with earnings per capita masters was not deeply affected.
of 273 bérr, the average Ethiopian is not better In fact, Italians tried to integrate the natives into
off than in 1954 when per capita income was 277 a superimposed capitalist colonial system, with-
bérr. More significantly, the earnings per capita out restructuring the basis of the traditional socio-
for the agricultural population in 2001/02 were economic system. The Italians imposed in Eritrea
only 133 bérr per year in 1980/81 prices or about a centralized economic system based on the ex-
12 U.S. cents per day at today’s prices. ploitation of raw materials and on commerce.
Despite numerous attempts by succeeding Until the 1930s, the colonizers devoted their
governments at structural transformation over main efforts to agriculture. But, as Eritrea proved
the past half century, the basic features of the to be a resource-poor country, both private and
economy largely remained the same. Lack of state capital investments were always lacking. The
structural change in agriculture combined with agricultural legislation, passed in 1903–09 and re-
high population growth has made a once ÷food- vised in 1926 and 1931, on the one hand, respected
surplus country into a nation that requires con- the traditional communal land-holding system
tinuous food aid for the survival of a significant (÷Land tenure; ÷Däsýa) on the plateau, but sup-
portion of its massive peasant population. pressed kinship ownership (÷Rést), thus promot-
÷Agriculture; ÷Trade ing the birth of an individual private form of land
Lit.: Befekadu Degefe – Berhanu Nega, Annual possession. On the other hand, the colonial state
Report on the Ethiopian Economy, vol. 1, Addis Ababa defined the rural areas that had to be considered
1999/2000; CSO, Statistical Abstract, Addis Ababa government lands (÷Terra demaniale) and offered
1971; CSA, Statistical Abstract, Addis Ababa 1984;
CSA, ibid., Addis Ababa 1996, CSA, ibid., Addis Ababa them in concession in order to develop capitalistic
1998; CSA, ibid., Addis Ababa 2000; Eshetu Chole, mechanized farming, especially in the eastern and
Underdevelopment in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 2004a western lowlands.
(OSSREA Publications 35, 44); Id., “Running to Keep in The Italians encouraged pre-colonial sub-
the Same Place: Industrial Activity in Ethiopia, 1941–1974”,
in: Underdevelopment in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 2004b,
sistence farming on the plateau, while they
ch. 3; Ethiopian Economic Association, Annual introduced veterinary medicine to improve the
Report on the Ethiopian Economy, vol. 2, Addis Ababa, health and productivity of livestock and tried
2000/2001; Imperial Ethiopian Government, First to encourage horticulture and fruit-growing.
Five Year Development Plan, 1957–61, Addis Ababa Land expropriations hit Eritrean peasants who
1956; Id., Second Five Year Development Plan, 1963–67,
Addis Ababa 1962; Id., Third Five-Year Development practised traditional farming, preventing them
Plan, Addis Ababa 1968; The Ethiopian Chamber of from fulfilling their fiscal duties, so that many
Commerce, Guide Book of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1963. peasants had to work as waged rural labour-
Berhanu Nega ers for Italian settlers (e.g., in the concession of
221
Economy
÷ŸEla BärŸéd). From 1926 the colonial govern- Regarding the social effects of the recruitment,
ment decided to forbid further confiscation on it appears clear – from demographic evidence
the highland and to limit the number of farming – that it determined a shortage of labour that was
concessions in the lowlands, which were meant resolved by the hiring of northern Ethiopian and
to produce new export-oriented crops, such Yemenite immigrants.
as cotton and coffee. In 1931 Eritreans were Until the beginning of the 1930s the industries
granted concessions because the colonial state in Eritrea only 56 consisted of business institu-
hoped to avoid the scantiness of Italian settlers tions, mainly connected with the processing of
and to increase the poor record of agricultural raw materials. Capitalistic industrial develop-
productivity. However, the expansion of capital- ment was limited and salt-mining in Massawa
istic agriculture, as in the Täsänäy dam (20,000 and ŸAsäb proved to be one of the few profitable
ha), was unsuccessful, restrained by the modest extractive industries. According to the protec-
contribution of Italian public capital, as well tionist economic policy, Italian private capital in-
as by the shortage of confiscated lands (from vested in Eritrea demanded concessionary rights
1907 to 1939, the lands granted in concession and was encouraged through duty exemptions.
decreased from 6,483 to 4,479 ha in the plateau, Nevertheless, concession companies invested
while the decrease in the lowlands ranged from the bulk of their capital in trade rather than in
4,569 to 1,564 ha). In 1941 the cultivated lands in production or in the exploitation of raw-material
the whole colony amounted to 53,930 ha, with resources. For a more suitable exploitation of the
a total output of 28,950 tons. In fact, despite colony’s resources, the Italians established a tele-
the livestock’s improvement, Eritrea was never communication system and built the necessary
self-sufficient, either in foodstuffs or in cotton infrastructures for a well-developed transport
textiles depending on external trade. system: telegraph, postal and telephone systems
About 60 % of the total trade of the colony and an extended rail and road network (354 km
was with Italy and was essentially based on the for a total investment of 100 million lire; ÷Rail-
exchange between Eritrean raw materials and ways). This communication network connected
Italian industrial products. The terms of trade the urban centres of Eritrea and allowed new
were unequal, as Italian products were protected forms of mobility for the population.
by the ad valorem tax. Commercial relations with These public works were spurred when Italy
the neighbouring countries involved Ethiopia, the decided to conquer Ethiopia. Thanks to the stra-
Sudan and Saudi Arabia. Italy considered north- tegic positions, Eritrea was a suitable military
ern Ethiopia as belonging to her economic sphere springboard and, from 1932, preparations for
of influence and the commercial importance of war were continuous. Besides, there had been
Eritrea consisted in draining a considerable share political manoeuvring to gain the support of
of Ethiopian import/export trades, about 25 %. northern Ethiopians since the late 1920s. After
In any case, the lack of the commercial balance of the Ethiopian conquest, Eritrea was joined to
Eritrea was striking, as exports represented 37 % Ethiopia and to ÷Italian Somaliland to form
of the terms of trade in 1925, declining to 25 % in the ÷Africa Orientale Italiana (AOI). ‘Greater
1935. Local public revenues were only sufficient Eritrea’ (including Tégray) became a centre of a
to meet in part the administrative expenses that flourishing war-economy. However, during the
were therefore covered by annual fixed subsidies following British occupation (÷British Military
from the government of Rome (about 22,5 mil- Administration) and the ÷Ethiopian-Eritrean
lion lire for the period 1929–33). Federation, Eritrean industry witnessed con-
Eritrea essentially represented for the me- tinuous decline (more cp. the article ÷Eritrea).
tropolis a reservoir of resources for the colonial Lit.: Giampaolo Calchi Novati, Il Corno d’Africa
army. Recruitment into the auxiliary troops was nella storia e nella politica, Torino 1994; Carlo Conti
voluntary, elevated ranks, high salaries and privi- Rossini, Principi di diritto consuetudinario dell’Eritrea,
Roma 1916; Angelo del Boca, Gli italiani in Africa
leges – i.e. exemption from traditional duties orientale, 4 vols., Roma 1976–84; Jordan Gebre-
and pensions – being offered. Eritrean soldiers Medhin, Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea, Trenton
were appreciated for their loyalty and skills and 1988; Luigi Goglia – Fabio Grassi, Il colonialismo
were recruited for the military pacification of italiano da Adua all’impero, Roma 1981; Federica
Guazzini, Le ragioni di un confine coloniale: Eritrea
other Italian possessions: they served in Somalia 1898–1908, Torino 1999; Stephen H. Longrigg,
from 1906 and in Libya from 1912 and 1932. A Short History of Eritrea, London 1945; Yemane
222
ŸÉdäga Hamus
Mesghenna, Italian Colonialism: a Case Study of Eritrea, Alongside these consultations, official visits
1869–1934: Motive, Praxis and Results, Lund 1988; Jean- took place: Patriarch abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot
Louis Miège, L’imperialismo coloniale italiano dal 1870
ai nostri giorni, Milano 1976; Tekeste Negash, Italian met Pope John Paul II at the Vatican in 1981, as
Colonialism in Eritrea, 1882–1941: Policies, Praxis and did Patriarch abunä Pawlos in 1993. So far no
Impact, Uppsala 1987; Redie Bereketeab, Eritrea: the official theological agreement has been achieved
Making of a Nation, 1890–1991, Uppsala 2000; Romain between the Ethiopian and the Roman Catholic
Rainero, I primi tentativi di colonizzazione agricola e
di popolamento dell’Eritrea (1890–1895), Milano 1960;
Church.
Ambaye Zekarias, Land Tenure in Eritrea (Ethiopia),
÷Christianity
Src.: Wort und Wahrheit, supplementary issues 1–5, 1972–
Addis Ababa 1966.
89 [Pro Oriente Consultations]; Paulos Gregorios
Federica Guazzini
– William H. Lazareth – Nikos Nissiotis
(eds.), Does Chalcedon Divide or Unite?, Geneva 1981
[Byzantine/Oriental Orthodox Consultations].
Ecumenical dialogue Lit.: Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthiopiens: Eine Be-
standaufnahme, Berlin – New York 1971 (Theologische
The ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Church Bibliothek Töpelmann 22), v–viii, 283–324; Dietmar
has been a full member of the World Council W. Winkler, Koptische Kirche und Reichskirche: Altes
of Churches (WCC) since its inauguration in Schisma und neuer Dialog, Innsbruck 1997 (Innsbrucker
Amsterdam in 1948. However, it has only been Theologische Studien 48) [Lit.].
active in the ecumenical movement within the Dietmar W. Winkler
family of the Oriental Orthodox Churches. Each
member of this group of independent churches ŸÉdäga Hamus
– Coptic, Armenian, Syriac, Ethiopian and Indian
The town of ŸÉ.H. (*6Ny @vF, 14º10' 60''N,
(Malankara) – is in communion with each other
39º34' 0''E) is located in the ŸAgamä region of
and has as its common theological basis the rejec-
northern Tégray approximately 20 km south-
tion of the Christological teaching of the Council
east of ŸAddigrat at an elevation of about 2,660 m
of ÷Chalcedon (451 A.D.).
A.S.L. ÷Aksumite and possible pre-Aksumite
Under the auspices of ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I,
cultural-period sites and ancient rock-cut tombs
for the first time in history the heads of these
have been documented in the immediate vicinity
churches came together in the year 1965 in Addis
of ŸÉ.H. An Aksumite building with cut stone
Abäba. This initiated a process of collaboration
architectural features underlies the church of
on all ecumenical levels.
Maryam Téhot at ŸÉ.H. In the area surrounding
In the context of the WCC, the Faith
ŸÉ.H. there is a number of important historic
and Order Commission paved the way for
÷rock-hewn churches, including, among others,
ecumenical encounter between theologians of
Énda Maryam Séyon, SaŸét Maryam, Tähaqot
the Byzantine and Oriental Churches. A series
Maryam Séyon, Lähélen Maryam Séyon and
of four unofficial conversations took place at
Aarhus (1964), Bristol (1967), Geneva (1970)
and Addis Abäba (1971). Agreed statements on
÷Christology were produced in the first three
of these meetings, while the last one dealt mainly
with the condemnation of false doctrines. In
1985 an official Joint Committee for Theological
Dialogue between the two Church families was
constituted. Its work subsequently resulted in
official Christological Agreements in 1989 and
1990. Since 1993 they have focused on practical
implications on the way towards unity.
In 1971 the Pro Oriente Foundation (÷Austria,
relations with) gathered Catholic and Oriental
Orthodox theologians for the first non-
official consultation and this led to a common
Christological formula. Further consultations
on various ecclesiological issues have been held
in Vienna in 1971, 1973, 1976, 1978 and 1988.
223
ŸÉdäga Hamus
the famous church of ÷Maryam Dängälat south- with the Yemen (Aden, Mokha, Hodeida) and
west of ŸÉ.H. were supposed to have constructed boats for
The role of the town of ŸÉ.H. in the Italian ar- these purposes (Gamaladdin – Hašim 1997:
my’s invasion of Tégray in 1895–96 is described 442). It is known that ŸÉ. was a port at least 500
by Oreste ÷Baratieri (1898). During the 1935 to 600 years before the arrival of the Portuguese
invasion, däggazmaó ÷Òaylä Íéllase Gugsa sub- in the area in the 16th cent., as the first mentions
mitted to Emilio de ÷Bono at ŸÉ.H. of the trading community there date back to the
Src.: Oreste Baratieri, Memorie d’Africa (1892-1896), 8th cent. Later, the port lost its importance and
Milano – Roma – Firenze 1898; Emilio de Bono, Anno soon disappeared from history, to be replaced
XIII: the Conquest of an Empire, London 1937. by other ŸAfar commercial centres such as the
Lit.: Jean Gire – Roger Schneider, “Études des
églises rupestres du Tigré”, Abbay 1, 1970, 73–79; Rock- Dahlak Islands, Massawa, Zula in the north and
hewn Churches of Eastern Tigray; an Account of the Rahayta, Baylul, ŸAsäb and Tagura in the south.
Oxford University Expedition to Ethiopia, 1974, Oxford According to popular ŸAfar belief, the name
1975; Eric Godet, “Répertoire des sites pré-axoumites ŸÉ. is said to be a corruption of the ŸAfar name
et axoumites du Tigré, Ethiopie”, Abbay 8, 1977, 19–58;
MHAksum; Roger Sauter, “Eglises rupestres au Ÿidde for ‘sand’, given to the port by the Portu-
Tigre”, AE 10, 1976, 157–75, here 162f.; Ruth Plant, guese when they arrived at ŸÉ. in the 16th cent.
“Greek Altar Cloth and Other Objects at Maryan Denge- – either by mistake or because the port of ŸÉ. was
leat, Edage Hamus Woreda, Agame Awraja, Tigre Prov- surrounded by lots of sands.
ince, Ethiopia”, Abba Salama 10, 1979, 157–62. The importance of the port of ŸÉ. was due
Matthew C. Curtis to its proximity to northern Ethiopia (Tégray
province) and its location on the route to the
ŸAfar hinterland. ŸÉ. was also connected to the
ŸÉdd ÷ŸAgamä region of Tégray by a caravan route
ŸÉ. (*; , or ŸIddi, ŸAfar spelling: Ciddi) is a Red- and continuously supplyed Ethiopia with differ-
Sea port, lying in the southern region of the Red ent goods, especially salt from the surrounding
Sea coast (sub-zone of central Dankali) between areas, which was vital to Ethiopia’s economy
TiŸo in the north and ÷Baylul and ÷ŸAsäb in the (AbPrince 4).
south. The political situation of the Red-Sea coast
The ancient and medieval history of the Red- from the late 18th cent., especially after the Egyp-
Sea port of ŸÉ. is unclear. It is very difficult to tian expansion, the growth of European interest,
tell when it was first settled and who its first and the revival of trade in the area, renewed ŸÉ.’s
settlers were. However, according to the oral importance. In the 1840s French agents claimed
tradition, among the oldest ŸAfar subgroups on that they had bought the port; however, the
the ŸÉ. coast and the hinterland were the ŸAdola claim was not supported. In 1862 the Turks took
and Bur Eali. They survived on fishing and trade control of ŸÉ. (RubInd 219) and the Egyptians
took it over in 1866. Finally, Italians included ŸÉ.
into their possessions in 1885. However, no de-
velopment took place beyond the appointment
of traditional chiefs as salaried colonial officials
(s. KilHDic 170). During the “Dankalia” of-
fensive in May 1991, ŸÉ. was conquered by the
forces of the ÷Eritrean People’s Liberation
Front (Fontrier 1999).
The population of the city is small and con-
sists mostly of older people, as younger people
migrated to ŸAsäb, Djibouti and the Yemen. ŸÉ.
enjoys a certain popularity among tourists.
Lit.: RubInd 219, s. index; KilHDic 170; AbPrince 4;
GamAladdIn aš-šAmI b. IbrAhIm b. ÒalIl aš-šAmI
– HAšim GamAladdIn aš-šAmI, Al−manhal fi tariò
wa−aòbar al−ŸAfar (al−Danakil), Cairo 1418 H. [1997
A.D.], 442; Marc Fontrier, La chute de la junte
militaire éthiopienne (1987–1991), Paris – Montréal 1999.
Abdulkader Saleh
224
Éddér
Éddér addition to these payments, all members have to

É. (Gurage, Amh. etc. &;?) is a term referring to attend the burial. Under certain circumstances
associations of mutual help. Originally É. were the É. also helps with man-power and material,
established to organize the ÷burial ceremonies such as kitchenware and tents for family meet-
of its members and support of the bereaved. In ings. Anyone who disrespects the regulations of
the context of urban migration É. developed into the É. is charged with a fine and in instances of
a voluntary multifunctional institution of self- repeated infringement faces other social sanc-
help and solidarity. tions or even exclusion.
The ÷Gurage and neighbouring groups, who Modern É. are registered at the municipality
already knew institutions similar to É. as elements with their written regulations. The highest body
of their ÷seera, were the first to introduce É. into of the É. is the general assembly of all members,
÷Addis Abäba society. The burial-É. probably whose decisions are conducted by the executive
acquired new functions after the Italian occupa- committee. Originally full membership was lim-
tion. É., in combination and sometimes amalga- ited to men, wives being only indirect members.
mation with other systems of mutual help, such In kin-based É., one reason for this was that the
as ÷Ÿéqqub and ÷maòbär, became an instrument wives, due to exogamy, were considered external
for integrating migrants into the multi-ethnic to the group. Today, some change can be ob-
urban society, for the establishment of neigh- served in the position of women: in many É. they
bourhood networks, and for the continuation of form their own sub-committees for addressing
ethnicity-based solidarity. their own issues, but also those on behalf of the
In the process of ÷urbanization the model of whole É., e.g. organizing food for É. events.
É. was adapted almost all over Ethiopia. The term Increasingly throughout the late 1950s and
“É.” became a very large category for a variety of 1960s, É. became associated with certain indus-
urban forms of mutual help organizations with tries or bureaucracies, such as those in private
different cultural origins. Associations of occupa- manufacturing and government ministries to
tional groups are sometimes labelled as É. as well. provide insurance, workers’ compensation and
The number of members can vary from under even strike-funds. “The solidarity created by
100 to more than 1,000 people. An É. is some- these [institutional] É.”, Killion (1985:147) con-
times ethnically or religiously heterogenous, the tends, “formed the basis for workers’ organiza-
degree of which, however, differs as well as the tions and action against their employers”, from
number of its functions. Many É. are based more which the nucleus of the leadership and member-
on vicinity than kinship, but in other cases the ship of legal labour unions developed after the
term is used for an urban “clan-like” organiza- 1960 ÷coup d’état.
tion, continuing functions of the traditional Besides manufacturing, institutional É. were
rural society and its council of elders including fairly common in government ministries and
jurisdiction and mediation, preservation of oral private firms, yet collectively they accounted
traditions and religious duties. In such a case, for only a fraction of the self-help associations
ties to the original homeland are strong and often present in Ethiopia. The others were the ethni-
include development activities in the rural area. cally defined (“tribal”) É. and community É. The
For self-development some É. even promote latter became ubiquitous in every neighborhood.
road-construction and the establishment of new During the 17 years of the Därg dictatorship,
schools and clinics. Kinship-based, religiously 1974–91, institutional and ethnically defined É.
linked, territorial and neighbourhood-based, as were not tolerated. Among the first victims of
well as occupational É. may all function as an Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam’s purges were the la-
urban pressure-group. bour unions, anything that hinted of organized
Every member has to pay a certain amount labour was routed out. Ironically, institutional
of money monthly to the É. In cases of death, É. survived and even flourished in government
sickness, house-fires, accidents and other kinds offices and in the military, which suggests how
of misfortune, the É. distributes money for the much confidence those most loyal to the regime
support of the victims, e.g., the closest relatives had in it. Ethnically defined É., or more accu-
of the deceased. In defined cases, such as death rately u:9Fy xW(? (märrädaga maòbär, ‘self-
of a member, an extra fee is collected from all help association’), were considered too threaten-
members for the arrangement of the funeral. In ing to Mängéítu. Organizations or associations
225
Éddér
Éddér meeting in Gore (Šeka);
photo by Wener Jürgen Lange,
courtesy of the Frobenius
Institut, Frankfurt am Main
(37–La 001–33)
that developed ethnic-political consciousness When donor fatigue set in ca. 1986–87, health-
were considered subversive. ier peasants returned to their communities,
The history of É. reflects two distinct changes bringing with them useful, social-mobilization
after 1984: first, its spread into the countryside, techniques that they had learned in the camps. In
second, its imitated of formal sector services such a very real sense, mutual self-help associations,
as insurance in the urban environment. Dur- which had originally developed in the coun-
ing the famine of 1984, peasants were forced to tryside as religious maòbärs and were adapted
leave their homes and migrate to food-distribu- and formalized as É. in the urban environment,
tion centres and towns; in doing so they lost the returned to the countryside only after the tradi-
network of family and community institutions tional safety-nets, perhaps including some of the
that assisted them in difficult times. So ravaging progenitors of É., were forgotten or found inad-
was the famine that traditional voluntary institu- equate to deal with changing conditions. While
tions proved inadequate because the population this example discusses the situation in northern
was either dead or displaced. In other instances Ethiopia, crisis conditions brought about by
knowledge of the same safety-nets were lost to weather, war, pandemics and population disloca-
the social memory of the population. Admitted- tion racked Ethiopia through the 1980s and 1990s,
ly, some region-specific voluntary associations causing much the same process to repeat itself in
remained, but to a large extent younger gen- different parts of the country, as the growing lit-
erations were forced to invent or adapt different erature on peasant responses clearly demonstrates
strategies. In this light, the adoption of É. took (for geographical distribution s. papers presented
place in Tégray, Wällo and parts of northern at “The Ethiopian Society of Sociologists, Social
Šäwa, where younger peasants simply adapted Workers, and Anthropologists”).
É., with which they had become familiar while in In the urban setting, É. expanded their serv-
food-distribution camps, to fit rural conditions. ices, thereby attracting additional members.
To elaborate, É. made their way into the coun- In the 1990s, the concept of assisting members
tryside from the overcrowded camps encircling encountering hardship was expanded and É.
food-distribution centres. What had been small became what was tantamount to insurance com-
towns became ever-expanding camps of tens of panies covering such items as: medical expenses,
thousands of displaced people. Although chaotic in loss of property and short-term disabilities. The
appearance to the outsider, these camps developed “Ethiopian Teachers Association Iddir [É.]” and
their own structure and organization. The camps one run by employees of the Telecommunica-
were essentially administered by Ethiopian educat- tions Authority have accrued significant capital
ed urbanites, who imposed norms with which they reserves and have bridged the gap between the
were familiar. One component of this was É. to formal and informal sectors in two ways: first,
help with burials, bereavement and the list of other by offering insurance-company-type services,
functions mentioned above (Baker 1994:152-71). and second by depositing their capital in the Na-
226
Edessa
tional Bank (in the case of the “Telecommunica- and control”. Thus, on 6 April 1941, London ap-
tions Authority Iddir [É.]” that amounted to 12 proved the establishment of the British Military
million bérr), thus tying the two sectors together Administration in Ethiopia. On 31 January 1942,
(Tirfe Mammo 1999:193-94). The Teachers’ Britain and Ethiopia concluded an Agreement
and Telecommunications’ É., which may be the and Military Convention that recognized the lat-
largest, illustrates a growing trend in 21st-cent. ter’s independence, but placed many restrictions
Ethiopia. on its sovereignty.
÷Däbo; ÷Geyz ÷Italian War 1935-36; ÷League of Nations;
Src.: interviews with elders of the éddér of the Abäke clan ÷World War II
of Sélte, Addis Abäba, May 2003; papers presented at “The Lit.: Robert Blake, “Eden, (Robert) Anthony”, in:
Ethiopian Society of Sociologists, Social Workers, and An- Id. – Christine Stephanie Nicholls (eds.), The
thropologists”, Addis Ababa, 25-26 June 1998. Dictionary of National Biography 1971–1980, Oxford
Lit.: Richard Pankhurst – Endrias Eshete, – New York 1986, 262–72
“Self-Help in Ethiopia”, EthObs 2, 1, December 1958, Thomas P. Ofcansky
358; Fekadu Gedamu, “The Social and Cultural Func-
tion of Gurage Association”, in: PICES 3, vol. 3, 1966,
203–14; Id., Urban Polyethnic Group Association and
National Integration, Addis Ababa University 1993;
Edessa
Abaynesh Merga, The Role of Gurage Iddir: a Case E. was the Greek name of a town in northern
Study of Konchcha Iddir in Addis Ababa, B.A. thesis, Mesopotamia, in native Syriac called Orhay, in
Addis Ababa, June 1999, 5, 7–10, 31, 39, 43ff.; Kibebew Arabic ar-Ruha (or ar-Ruhaý), nowadays known
Dakka, Cooperative Movements in Ethiopia, B.A. thesis,
Faculty of Law, Addis Ababa University 1978; Peter P. as Urfa in the Turkish province of Diyarbakır.
Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from its Founda- Founded (or re-founded) by the early Seleu-
tion in 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49), 76, 79, 83; cids, who gave Orhay the name of the old Mac-
ShGurage 79, 80; David C. Korten, Planned Change in edonian capital, E. later became the capital of the
a Traditional Society: Psychological Problems of Moderni-
small state of Osrhoene. In the early 3rd cent.
zation in Ethiopia, New York 1972; Thomas Killion,
Workers, Capital and the State in the Ethiopian Region, A.D. Christianity became the official religion of
Ph.D. thesis, Stanford University 1985, 145ff.; Jonathan Osrhoene. A widespread legend, known also in
Baker, “Small Urban Centers and their Role in Rural Ethiopia, claims that King ÷Abgar V Ukkama
Restructuring”, in: Abebe Zegeye – Siegfried Pause- had already exchanged letters with Jesus Christ
wang (eds.), Ethiopia in Change: Peasantry, Nationalism,
and Democracy, London 1994, 152–71; Tirfe Mammo, and acknowledged him as the Son of God, and
The Paradox of Africa’s Poverty: the Role of Indigenous that the Mandylion, a portrait of Jesus, that was
Knowledge, Traditional Practices and Local Institutions–the preserved in E., had been painted in the course
Case of Ethiopia, Lawrenceville, NJ 1999. of these events. From the 4th cent. on, E. was the
Dirk Bustorf – Charles G.H.Schaefer centre of Syriac-speaking Christianity.
In 639 E. fell to the Muslim armies. The
Mandylion was handed over to the Byzantines
Eden, Robert Anthony in 942 with the approval of Caliph Muttaqi-bil-
Sir Anthony E. (b. 12 June 1897, County Dur- lah in return for 200 Muslim prisoners. From
ham, d. 14 January 1977, Wiltshire) was a British 1098 to 1144 E. was ruled by the Crusaders as
politician and Member of Parliament. the “County of Edessa”. In 1146 the town was
E. attended Sandroyd School in Eton and destroyed by Nuraddin Zangi (Malik al-ŸAdil)
Christchurch in Oxford. In 1923, he was elected after the Crusaders tried to regain it. Only in the
to Parliament and, in June 1935, he became min- Ottoman period was the town rebuilt.
ister without portfolio for League of Nation’s The view expressed by certain scholars, e.g.,
Affairs. After Italy invaded Ethiopia, E. main- Cerulli (CerLett 209), Sergew Hable Sellassie
tained that the League should apply sanctions (SerHist 273), Witakowski (1989–90:195) and,
against Rome. During the war, he repeatedly said with some reservations, by Ferenc (1985:261),
that he would welcome the reappearance of an that E. was so dear to the Ethiopians that they
independent Ethiopia and would recognize ase named an Ethiopian town after it, i.e. Roha (later
Òaylä Íéllase’s claim to the throne. However, on renamed ÷Lalibäla), is problematic. The model
4 February 1941, E., who had become Foreign of Roha/Lalibäla was Jerusalem (van Donzel
Secretary, told Òaylä Íéllase that Ethiopia’s in- 1996, 1998), and it seems that the Abgar legend
dependence would be restored, but that Britain became known in Ethiopia only at a later date
would offer “temporary measures of guidance (but see GuiSLett 76f.). The similarity of Arabic
227
Edessa
ar-Ruha and Ethiopian Roha is probably mere 63y uwv? (däqqä mäzmur, ‘children of
coincidence. the Psalter’). They practised writing on sheep’s
Lit.: Ernst Kirsten, “Edessa”, in: Franz Joseph Döl- shoulder-blades, because parchment was too ex-
ger – Hans Lietzmann – Jan Hendrik Wasznik et pensive. These studies were completed in some
al. (eds.), Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, vol. 4,
Stuttgart 1950, 552–97; Judah Benzion Segal, Edessa‚
two or three years and crowned with a family
“The Blessed City”, Oxford 1970; Suraiya Faroqhi, celebration, in which the teacher was rewarded
“Al-Ruha”, in: EI², vol. 8, 589–93; Sebastian P. Brock, with a cow or sheep and the pupil with new
Syriac Studies. A Classified Bibliography (1960–1990), Kas- clothes (Énbaqom Qalä Wäld 1964/65:9).
lik 1996, 73–77; GuiSLett 76f.; CerLett 209; SerHist 273;
Aleksander Ferenc, “Writing and Literature in Clas-
sical Ethiopic (Giiz)”, in: Bogumil Witalis Andrze- Liturgy house
jewski – Stanislaw Pilaszewicz – Witold Tyloch Those who sought an ecclesiastic career entered
(eds.), Literatures in African Languages: Theoretical Issues the next school, the qéddase bet. Such schools
and Sample Surveys, Cambridge – New York 1985, 255– functioned at local churches, where a teacher
300, here 261; Witold Witakowski, “Syrian Influences
in Ethiopian Culture”, Orientalia Suecana 38–39, 1989–90, (usually a graduate of a zema bet, a certified spe-
191–202, here 195f.; Emeri van Donzel, “Ethiopia’s cialist in liturgy) taught the duties of deacon and
Lalibäla and the Fall of Jerusalem 1187”, Aethiopica 1, priest. The books which a student had to learn
1998, 27–49; Id., “Lalibala and Jerusalem in the Twelfth by heart were: Mäshafä ÷qéddase with 14 ÷An-
Century”, in: Krijnie Ciggaar – Adelbert Davids
– Herman Teule (eds.), East and West in the Crusader aphoras used in the Ethiopian Church, Mäshafä
States: Context, Contacts, Confrontations, Leuven 1996 ÷säŸatat, Mäshafä ÷krésténna, Mäshafä
(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 75), 73–80. ÷qändil, Mäshafä ÷génzät and some other li-
Stefan Weninger turgical works. This knowledge was supported
by everyday practice during church services. As
a rule, the entire E. in the qéddase bet was com-
Education pleted within one year and graduates were then
Traditional Christian education ready to be ordained as deacons or priests.
Traditional E. in Christian Ethiopia was the The Church also needed specialists in other
domain of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo fields: ÷däbtära for choral chanting ÷zema,
Church. As GéŸéz was a dead language that was experts in ecclesiastical poetry ÷qéne, in the
used for liturgical and literary purposes, it was ÷Calendar, in the ecclesiastical ÷Canon, in pa-
necessary to study it and to maintain an elabo- tristic studies and ÷exegesis. These were taught
rate educational system. It consisted of church at higher levels, zema bet, qéne bet and mäshaf
schools of various levels: 1. the so-called ÷nébab bet. Usually these schools were few and scat-
bet (‘House of reading’); 2. the ÷qéddase bet tered all over the country, so an aspirant had
(‘Liturgy House’); 3. the ÷zema bet (‘School of to leave home for a long time, sometimes for
chanting’); 4. the ÷qéne bet (‘School of poetry’); ever, and to become a wandering student (Y9ty
and 5. the ÷mäshaf bet (‘School of exegesis’). Hx< , yäqollo tämari, lit. ‘qollo student’). Such
students, dressed in sheep- or goat-skin, living
House of reading by begging, with qollo (fried cereals) their main
The Nébab bet was an entry-level school that food, left their native district in groups of three
existed in practically every parish near the or five and assumed new names to hide from
church. Its pupils were boys, numbering from their parents and to protect themselves from evil
10 to 30, who entered this school between the spirits (Énbaqom Qalä Wäld 1964/65:21).
ages of five and seven and attended lessons twice
a day (except Saturdays, Sundays and holidays). School of chanting
In the morning (from 8 to 12 a.m.) they studied The chanting schools were the next stage in
reading and writing, beginning with the alphabet E. The zema bet schools of ÷Bägemdér were
(÷Abugida and Hahu), and in the afternoon considered the best. They were headed by one
(from 2 to 5 p.m.) recited the most-popular teacher – ÷märigeta – who divided students
prayers and hymns, such as ÷Mälkéýa Maryam into separate groups. The first studied the
and ÷Mälkéýa Iyyäsus. The goal was the com- ÷Somä déggwa and the ÷MéŸéraf, their E. usu-
mand of reading, and the curriculum ended with ally taking three years; the second specialized in
the Psalter, which the pupils finally learned by ÷Déggwa, also for three years; the third group
heart. This is probably why they were called learnt ÷Zémmare and ÷Mäwaíéýt, which usu-
228
Education
ally took two years (Habtä Maryam Wärqénäh

1969/70:74). All students learnt the system of
notation ÷mäläkkät. Those who had mastered
÷qum zema hymns usually chose to continue
their studies and master the art of choral singing
(÷Aqwaqwam) in one of the schools in ÷Gondär.
After graduating from a school of chanting, a
student would not be referred to as a tämari any
more, but as a ;Ky !;=% (déggwa addéraš, ‘ac-
complished in déggwa’).
School of poetry
The best qéne bet schools were those in the prov-
ince of ÷Goggam; the most-famous ones some- Mädòane ŸAläm church school, Gondär: the head teacher
liqä liqawént Mänkér Makwännén (d. 1996) with students;
times attracted up to 200 students simultaneously photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
(Énbaqom Qalä Wäld 1964/65:50). Only a déggwa
addéraš could study there. It was here that the the ÷Filkésyos. A graduate from the school of
students obtained their knowledge of GéŸéz gram- exegesis enjoyed considerable authority as a
mar and vocabulary and began to understand the traditional scholar (÷Liq) and could obtain a
texts they had had to memorize at previous levels. high post, both in the ecclesiastical and the court
At first the teacher explained to his students the hierarchy. Such an opportunity was one of the
meaning of the next holy day which should be the motives for many to live half of their life (up to
theme for their verses and prescribed the neces- 30 years) as a wandering student.
sary form and melody. After a day or two they There are many positions specific to tradition-
presented their compositions and received the al church schools. A p3y L+% (liqä gubaýe) is
teacher’s criticism. To stimulate poetic inspira- in charge of teachers’ salaries and pupils’ regular
tion, some students took !-& (abšo), a powder rations, as well as other financial matters. His
of Datura stramonium seeds mixed with honey, deputy is known as uN,y T?(M (mäggabe
which had a hallucinogenic effect (Haile Gabriel íérŸat). A p3y !?;&M (liqä ardéýét) is in charge
Dagne 1971:9). It usually took some four or five of pupils, their discipline and the quality of their
years to learn all forms of religious poetry. learning. The teachers of the alphabet and the
Psalter are called, respectively, uN,y Bn!M
School of exegesis (mäggabe héìanat) and uN,y q&j# (mäggabe
Probably one-tenth of the graduates of a qéne laýékan). The teachers of the liturgy are called
bet thereafter entered a mäshaf bet, which had uN,y i;\# (mäggabe òéruyan); while those of
four faculties: 1. commenting the ÷Old Testa- zema are called uN,y F-=M (mäggabe sébhat).
ment (-o^y i9# , Béluy kidan); 2. comment- The teachers of liturgical aqwaqwam dance
ing the ÷New Testament (=8Fy i9# , Haddis are uN,y =`wy F-=M (mäggabe hawaz
kidan); 3. commenting the patristic literature sébhat); qéne teachers are called uN,y zF1?
(p6b#M , liqawént) and 4. study of monastic (mäggabe méstir); the professors of patristic and
canons and writings (u|>DM , mänäkwäsat). ascetic books are uN,y zl? (mäggabe mékr);
At the patristic-literature faculty the following the teachers of Haymanotä abäw, Qeréllos
books were studied: ÷Qeréllos; Commentary of and Fétha nägäít are called p3y x&z=#
÷John Chrysostom on Paul’s Epistle to the He- (liqä maŸémran) or uN,y x&z=# (mäggabe
brews; ÷Haymanotä abäw and ÷Fétha nägäít. maŸémran); the teachers of O.T. and N.T. books
The students of the same faculty spent half a are respectively uN,y -o^ (mäggabe béluy)
year on studying the ÷calendar and ÷compu- and uN,y =8F (mäggabe haddis). Professors
tus, using ÷Bahrä hassab and ÷Märha Ÿéwwur. who have mastered all the fields of traditional
The third book on computus, ÷Abušakér, was learning are called !=My (^# (arat Ÿayn).
seldom studied. At the monastic-canons faculty Lit.: Habtä Maryam WärqÉnäh, 4#K_y Y#M_1\y
T?(Hy MzW?M (Téntawi yäýityopya íérŸatä témhért,
three books invariably were studied and com- ‘The Ancient Order of Ethiopian Learning’), Addis
mented upon: ÷Arägawi Mänfäsawi by John Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.], 74; Kidanä Maryam
Saba, Mar Yéshaq by ÷Isaac of Nineveh and Getahun, 4#K_by Y9ty Hx< (Téntawiw yäqollo
229
Education
tämari, ‘The Wandering Student of Old Days’), Addis portance of the knowledge of the sacred text and
Abäba, 5 Térr 1954 A.M. [1961/62 A.D.]; Énbaqom its language for every Muslim (e.g., Harär: qalam
Qalä wäld, #M_1\y +Bsy nx4!My YHA(A)y
e>J,y Fny #M_1\y ,Hy l?FJ\#y MzW?N, (Ityopya
mäsbär [Leslau 1965:181f.]; Wällo: hitma [Hus-
bahél lämatnat yätäsäbässäbu séhufoóó sélä Ityopya betä sein Ahmed, in PICES 9, 99f.]). These elemen-
kréstiyan témhértoóó, ‘The Writings about the Teachings tary schools are named differently according to
of the Ethiopian Church, Collected for the Study of the the region: dugsi in Somali (Dizionario Somalo-
Ethiopian Culture’), Addis Abäba 1957 A.M. [1964/65
Italiano 1985:197; Mohamed Mohamed-Abdi
A.D.], 9, 21, 50; Girma Amare, “Aims and Purposes
of Church Education in Ethiopia”, Ethiopian Journal of 2003), qurýan gey in Harär (Abdulnasir Edris
Education 1, 1, June 1967, 1–11; Haile Gabriel Dagne, 1992; Abdurahman Garad — Wagner 1998:69; ge
“Education Magic in Traditional Ethiopia”, ibid. 4, 2, 1971, quran ge in Leslau 1965:172), tehaggi in Wällo
3–12, here 9; Id., “Non-Government Schools in Ethiopia”, (but s. Hussein Ahmed, in PICES 9, 100), megilis
in: BendLang; Friedrich Heyer, “The Teaching of
Tergum in Ethiopian Orthodox Church”, in: PICES 3, vol. Qurýan in Harär, Gimma and Arsi, šayòi in some
2, 140–50; Kay Kaufman Shelemay – Peter Jeffery, urban areas (Haile Gabriel Dagne, in BendLang
Ethiopian Christian Liturgical Chant: an Anthology, vol. 350) and halawi in Asmära (Yassin M. Aberra
2, Madison 1994, 4ff.; Roger Wenman Cowley, The 1983–84:219). All these local names correspond
Traditional Interpretation of the Apocalypse of St. John in
to the general Arabic term kuttab, which also has
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Cambridge 1983.
its local variations. A great part of the average
Sevir Chernetsov
faithful does not go any further this first step of
Islamic traditional education learning.
General remarks Those who wish or are able to continue, at-
The basic purpose of Islamic E. is the transgen- tend higher-level courses which take them into
erational transmission of its religious, moral and the mare magnum of Islamic traditional herit-
behavioural precepts, as well as the strengthening age: after hifz al-qurýan, usually Law (fiqh) is
of the knowledge and of the practice of Islamic taught. The usul al-fiqh (‘sources of the Law’),
tenets within the community. In connection with tawhid (theology), mantiq (logic), nahw (Arabic
the social dimensions of Islamic dogma, Islamic grammar), tafsir (Qurýanic exegesis) and hadit
educational activities aim at keeping alive the Is- (Prophetic sayings) are other fields of study for
lamic scale of values, the Islamic conception of lic- more advanced learning, which necessarily imply
it (halal) and illicit (haram), and the Islamic legal a sound knowledge of classical Arabic, at least to
framework (÷šariŸa) within which the everyday be able to read texts and handbooks in Ÿarabiya
relationships among the faithful are developed. fusha. Seldom, perhaps under influence of mod-
The training of the teachers and scholars who ern E., some notions of mathematics, geometry
work practically in the different sections of the and geography are added to these subjects (Ab-
educational system is another object of traditional durahman Garad — Wagner 1998:79).
Islamic E. (cp. Hussein Ahmed in PICES 9, 97). Among those who manage to deepen their
Traditional Islamic E. is generally structured in knowledge in one or more of these subjects, future
several different levels of learning. The elementary teachers will come up. “Higher Islamic schools”
level is based on the Qurýan, which is taught to to teach them can be called ilm (Arab. Ÿilm). In
children who have to learn as many verses from Harär the institution is called Kabirgar. For
the sacred text as possible: they are usually taught students coming from outside the city, there is a
the Arabic alphabet and then they start to read and higher-level school, the masgid gale (Haile Gabriel
write on their small boards (÷lawh) sections of the Dagne, in BendLang 353; Hussein Ahmed, in
Qurýan in Arabic, which they recite all together at PICES 9, 100f.; Abdulnasir Edris 1992:26–29, 31f.;
the same time, following the schoolmaster’s voice Abdurahman Garad — Wagner 1998:79–83).
and trying to memorize it (hifz al-qurýan; Haile In Ethiopia and Eritrea, the lack of a last-
Gabriel Dagne, in BendLang 349–53; Hussein ing support by a stable state and the apparent
Ahmed 1988:99; Leslau 1965:172–81; Abdurah- slightness of financial support by the indegenous
man Garad — Wagner 1998:71–78). Courses in population, which was so important in found-
Arabic writing and reading for children are held ing educational centres elsewhere in the Islamic
in local languages (Haile Gabriel Dagne 1976:351; world, especially through the ÷waqf system, re-
s. Qurýanic extracts in Mittwoch 1906). duced the possibility of a diffused flourishing of
Elementary courses in Qurýan usually finish Islamic educational institutions and limited the
with joyous ceremonies which underline the im- capability of the existing teaching-centres. In con-
230
Education
nection with this situation, one should consider in traditional Islamic syllabi. As for pastoral
the fact that Muslim teachers in Ethiopia were not groups, the form of the itinerant school (xer in
regularly paid for their work, for which they usu- Somali) can be considered as one of the early
ally received only symbolic rewards, and they had venues for the penetration of Islamic culture and
to earn their living mostly from other activities, values among nomadic tribes (Abdisalam Yassin
such as trade and agriculture (Hussein Ahmed, in Mohamed 1979–80:127:9f.).
PICES 9, 97; Leslau 1965:188f.). This was a handi- Orally transmitted traditions keep some more
cap for the implementation of a fully developed detailed information about the origin of Islamic
educational system. Centres of learning thus be- schools, linking it with the activities of saints and
came characterized by the experience and knowl- mystical brotherhoods.
edge of the main teacher who was working there For rural Wällo, Hussein Ahmed (2001:
and who, as a matter of fact, could offer advanced 91f.) suggests that Islamic E. found its original
courses only in one branch of knowledge. establishment in a multifunctional institution
As a consequence of these structural limits in called zawiya, which is the word that in other Is-
the educational organization, advanced students lamic countries refers to a holy man’s shrine. The
and learned men had to travel to find the best zawiya in Wällo was a “prayer house, a study
teacher in the field they wished to research. Dur- and meditation centre”, a venue where the faith-
ing their travels, students had to live on alms ful held religious meetings and ceremonies and a
or to look for the support of a wealthy family resting-place for travellers. These kinds of Islamic
(Hussein Ahmed, in PICES 9, 102). Some even centres of religious practice and E. were very of-
studied abroad: the madrasa in Zabid and TaŸizz ten attached to sufi centres. Chronologically they
in the Yemen were probably the easiest to attend, preceded the foundation of mosques, which were,
but students and scholars from the whole of the moreover, typical of urban Islamic life.
Horn made their way also to the Haramayn Among the Somalis of the Ogaden it is related
(Mekka and Medina), to al-Azhar University in that the famous saint ŸUmar Barhadle created a
Cairo and to the Omayyad Mosque in Damascus peculiar way to teach the Qurýan in Arabic script
(TriIslam 62, 138). This situation has only par- to Somali children (Lewis 1966; Abdisalam
tially changed in modern times. Yassin Mohamed 1979/80; Mohamed Mohamed-
Abdi 2003), using a Somali notation for the Ara-
Historical data bic short vowels.
Due to the scanty historical evidence currently at In Harär, the birth of the first Qurýanic school
our disposal, it is difficult to ascertain when and is linked with the saint aw Suf Yahya, who came
where Islamic educational institutions were first with šayò Abadir ŸUmar ar-Rida and his 405
established in Ethiopia and Eritrea. companions from Arabia in 1216 and founded
We may surmise that on the ÷Dahlak islands the first qurýan gey in a place called Aw Qurýan
and in coastal towns, as well as in other Islamic gey or Aw Suf Yahya, 10 km south-east of the
communities in the interior, Muslims organized town (Abdulnasir Edris 1992:6).
schools for their children since the very begin- As for higher E., we may suppose that the ba-
ning of their presence. sic elements of fiqh (Law) were also taught for
We may imagine that, since the earlier times older and more motivated students since a very
of the Islamic presence, sessions to teach the early time in the Islamic communities and that
Qurýan to little children were most probably some fuqahaý were able to train their disciples in
held under the guidance of a school instructor more advanced learning.
who, using the local language, exerted his efforts We do have some hints that point to the fact
making pupils read the Arabic text of Qurýan that E. was apparently quite developed in the
aloud and memorize it, as often as possible in a medieval Islamic states that ruled the southern
way that was probably not so different from that part of Ethiopia. For the ÷Maòzumi sultanate of
of contemporary Qurýanic schools of the area. Šäwa in the 13th cent., Cerulli (1941:20f.) under-
A difference between schools operating in lined the fact that the presence of a faqih Ibrahim
towns (megala) and those of the countryside ibn al-Hasan (d. 1255) bearing the title of qadi
(badiya) is supposed by Haile Gabriel Dagne al-qudat of Šäwa proves the existence of some
(in BendLang 349f.), who underlines the decisive individuals versed in the theory of Islamic Law
role of the teaching of the Arabic of the Qurýan and its juridical casuistic and also working in a
231
Education
Islamic-founded judicial organization (qadaý). As noted, it was and still is a very common pat-
Nothing is known about the personality of tern that Islamic educational centres come into
Ibrahim ibn al-Hasan and about his studies and existence thanks to the efforts made by learned
the disciples he might have trained in Šäwa. men who frequently were also active members of
It is apparent, in any case, that the Islamic brotherhoods. Pupils started gathering around the
learning-system in medieval Ethiopia was master when he was alive and then, when the saint-
not able to offer all the curriculum up to the founder passed away, they continued to attend
highest level. According to al-ŸUmari (writing courses held at his shrine by his successors as the
between 1332 and 1338), Muslims living in the head of the school. This led to the creation of many
seven Islamic sultanates of Ethiopia did not have centres of Islamic learning and E. throughout Ethi-
madrasas (TriIslam 73). The tight relationships opian Muslim regions, side by side with the shrines
not only with the learning centres in the Yemen, of their founders. A great part of these educational
but also with al-Azhar and Damascus, seems to establishments are still operating nowadays.
have filled this lack of higher educational institu- Here we may mention in Wällo (Hussein
tions. Additionally, some foreign learned men Ahmed, in PICES 9, 101f.) the centres of Gaddo
came to Ethiopia, especially from the Yemen, to in Dawway, founded by mufti Dawud b. Abi
teach Muslim communities (Cerulli 1943:288ff.). Bakr (d. 1818/19), who is said to have studied
At the same time many Ethiopian Muslims who in Zabid and to have contributed to the spread-
wished to deepen their Islamic E. went abroad. ing of the ŠafiŸi school of Law; Šonke, where
The necessity to look for higher E. seems to al-hagg Gawhar b. Haydar (d. 1935) taught;
have pushed Muslims coming from Ethiopia Gama Négus, Albukko, is linked to the famous
and the whole of the Horn towards the most- scholar šayò Muhammad Šati (d. 1806–07); at
renowned Islamic learning centres: al-Azhar in Gata in Qallu, al-hagg Bušra ay Muhammad
Cairo, where a riwaq (‘portico’) was reserved (d. 1863) was a very renowned teacher; Anna in
for them (riwaq al-gabartiyyin; ÷Gäbärti), and Rayya was the educational centre of the qadiri
the Omayyad Mosque in Damascus, where in scholar Gamaladdin Muhammad (d. 1882), while
the 14th cent. Muslims from the Horn (ZayaliŸa) Dana in Yaggu was another qadiri establish-
owned “a big separate section in the eastern part ment, where Ahmad b. Adam (d. 1903) taught.
of the mosque where a water reservoir was” In Gurageland, Qatbare, about 10 km from
(TriIslam 62; Ibn Battuta 1969:204). Wälqite, is an Islamic centre of learning, teach-
In Yemen the presence of Ethiopian students ing and religious promotion founded by šayò
and of Ethiopian fuqahaý looking for more spe- ŸIsa Hamza al-Qatbare (d. 1949), where tawhid
cialized training is a well-documented fact. Some (Islamic theology), hadiô and fiqh and also ÷îikr
of these fuqahaý came back to their country after and awrad (mystical practices) were studied.
they had completed their higher E. and started to As for the situation in Harär (÷Education:
teach and to practise as judicial experts. Islamic Education in Harar) at the end of the 19th
This was the case with the Ethiopian faqih Musa cent., Muhammed Mokhtar noticed that primary
al-Muqriý, who went to the Yemen to study Law E. was very well-developed among children, and
according to the ŠafiŸi school with šayò Ahmad that Law was also studied by adults under the
b. Musa b. ŸUgayl (d. 1291) and šayò IsmaŸil al- guidance of advanced teachers in evening special
Hadrami (d. 1298), who granted him the igaza sessions. Other European travellers of the same
(‘permission’) permitting him to teach the Kitab century were struck by the vast knowledge of Ar-
al-Tanbih and the Kitab al-Muhaîîab of al- abic and Qurýan that Ethiopian Muslims had ac-
Širazi, two very common handbooks of ŠafiŸi quired in their local schools (Bowen 1976:309f.).
fiqh (Gori 1996:60ff.). On their return to Ethiopia
they were strongly supported by šayò ÷Husayn Modern situation
of Bale, who protected them against the envy of For the Muslim communities, the evolution to-
their fellow fuqahaý of the Hanafi school and thus wards a modern organized form of E. is mainly
facilitated the spread of the ŠafiŸi maîhab. traceable in cities and towns and in higher-
The role played by šayò Husayn of Bale in level schooling, while rural centres of traditional
helping the action of the faqih, is a further wit- learning remained more or less unchanged.
ness to the tight relationship between the mysti- Protagonists of this modernist trend were sev-
cal milieux and E. eral Muslim learned men who were trained in a
232
Education
traditional way but felt the necessity of a renova- Šäwa Bärr Mosque, where 1,500 students were
tion of the educational system. Contact with the given the opportunity to study up to the sixth
contemporary evolution of E. in the Arab world grade. This Islamic school was the second to be
was sometimes decisive in pushing these person- built in Ethiopian Islamic history after Addis
ages forward on the road of change. Abäba’s Islamic Council’s school. Besides the
A common characteristic of the modern Islam- traditional religious topics, Amharic, English,
ic E. is the widening of syllabi to include subjects mathematics and geography were also taught
which were unusual in traditional E., but which there. Pupils who had achieved best results at the
became useful tools in finding one’s way in a end of their sixth year of their schooling could
quickly developing country. The challenge of be admitted directly into wäyzäro Séhén School
Government schools also forced Muslim edu- in Däse.
cators to look for a more competitive range of Lit.: Abdisalam Yassin Mohamed, “Early Muslim
subjects which had to achieve a balance between Education and its Role in Northeast Africa”, Journal of
the necessity to safeguard the traditional Islamic the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 1, 1979/80, 125–31,
heritage and that of training proficient and skil- here 127f.; Abdulnasir Edris, Traditional Islamic Cen-
tres of Learning in Harar, part of B.A. thesis, Department
ful students able to match the requests of the job of History, Addis Ababa University 1992, 6, 33, 35; Jean
market and the emergence of new professions. Donald Bowen, “Historical Background of Education
Amharic and English, besides Arabic, started to in Ethiopia”, in: BendLang, 305–23, here 309f.; Enrico
be taught. Mathematics, geometry and science Cerulli, “Il sultanato dello Scioa nel secolo XIII secondo
were also added. un nuovo documento storico”, RSE 1, 1941, 5–42, here 20f.;
Id., “L’Etiopia medievale in alcuni brani di scrittori arabi”,
In Addis Abäba the Islamic Council Conven- RSE 3, 1943, 272–94, here 288ff.; Dizionario Somalo-Italia-
tion (Yäýéslam sémémménnät maòbär) founded no, Roma 1985, 197; Abdurahman Garad – Ewald
a modern school where, in 1926 A.M., the great Wagner, Harari-Studien: Texte mit Übersetzung, gram-
Muslim scholar šayò sayyid Mähammäd Sadéq (d. matischen Skizze und Glossar, Wiesbaden 1998 (Semitica
1969 A.M.) started teaching Amharic. Viva 18), 69, 71–79, 83, 85–89; Alessandro Gori, “First
Studies on the Texts of Shaykh Husayn’s Hagiographies”,
In Harär a modern school called Gey madrasa RSO 70, 1996, 53–82, here 60ff.; Haile Gabriel Dagne,
was established (apparently as a private school) “Non Government Schools in Ethiopia”, in: BendLang,
in 1927 by kabir Kamil, who had been trained in 339–70, here 349–53; Hussein Ahmed, “Traditional
Egypt. In 1942 the school fell under government Muslim Education in Ethiopia”, in: PICES 9, vol. 3, 94–106,
control and the teachers were removed (Abdul- here 97, 99–102; Id., Islam in Nineteenth Century Wallo,
Ethiopia: Revival, Reform and Reaction, Leiden — Boston
nasir Edris 1992:33). In 1961 šayò Abu Bakr – Köln 2001, 91f.; Ibn BaTTUTa, Voyage d’Ibn Battûta:
ŸUmar opened his school, but it never gained offi- Texte arabe, accompagné d’une traduction par C. Defre-
cial recognition by the state. Subsequently, haggi mery et le Dr. B.R. Sanguinetti. Réimpression de l’édition
Ture managed to found the Abadir school, active de l’année 1854, vol. 1, Paris 1969, 204; Kebreab Wolde
in Harär, but also in Addis Abäba and among the Giorgis, “Muslim Education in Ethiopia”, Journal of the
Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 3, 1981, 75–85; Wolf
Harari communities of Dérre Dawa. The Abadir Leslau, Ethymological Dictionary of Harari, Berkeley
school was recognized by the Ministry of Educa- – Los Angeles 1963; Id., Ethiopians Speak: Studies in Cul-
tion. Their curriculum is that of the correspond- tural Background, part I: Harari, Berkeley – Los Angeles
ing classes in Government schools, in addition 1965 (Near Eastern Studies, vol. 7), 172–82, 188f.; Ioan
Myrddin Lewis, “Sharif Yusuf Barkhadle: the Blessed
Qurýan, fiqh and Arabic (Abdulnasir Edris 1992:
Saint of Somaliland”, in: PICES 3, vol. 1, 75–81; Eugen
35; Abdurahman Garad — Wagner 1998:85–89). Mittwoch, “Exzerpte aus dem Koran in amharischer
In Asmära, in 1943, the Islamic Institute Šayò Sprache”, in: Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalischen
l-Mahad was founded, its curriculum including Sprachen, 9, 2, 1906, 111–47; TrIslam 62, 73, 138; Mohamed
science, arithmetic and agriculture. In the city Mohamed-Abdi, “Retour vers les dugsi, écoles coraniques
en Somalie”, Cahiers d’Études Africaines 43, 2003, 351–69;
the awqaf Council took charge of the supervi- Yassin M. Aberra, “Muslim Institutions in Ethiopia: the
sion and the improvement of the educational Asmara Awqaf”, Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority
system with long term programmes (Yassin M. Affairs 5, 1983/84, 203–23, here 219.
Aberra 1983/84). Alessandro Gori
In Däse, in 1938 A.M., the above-mentioned
šayò sayyid Mähammäd Sadéq obtained from the Islamic education in Harär
state 10 ÷gašša märet to help Muslim pupils in In addition to standard modern government
their studies, especially young girls. He managed schools, there are modern Muslim schools in
to open a modern and organized school next to Harär today which tend to combine religious
233
Education
Islamic teachings with a modern curriculum, and presented by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
until very recently traditional ÷Qurýan schools and by Islamic traditional E.. Modern E. in
were also still functioning. Ethiopia started only in the late 19th cent. when
Boys and girls were expected to study the ase Ménilék II permitted foreign Catholic and
Qurýan, although for girls the demands were less Protestant missionaries to establish a number
stringent than for boys. A full study took up to of schools. The ÷missions, viewing E. as an ef-
ten years. Poorer families were often not able to fective means of proselytizing, frequently taught
send their children to school for the full length in local languages and sent promising students
of time, since the children had to help at home. abroad (a practice begun earlier by Ménilék).
However, most of the students had studied at Later, during the reign of ase Òaylä Íéllase I, the
least part of the Qurýan. Classes took place in mission schools were required to advance Addis
the house of the kabir, the Qurýan teacher, who Abäba’s view of national unity. In Eritrea, Cath-
was also the person who prepared the traditional olic missions and the ÷Swedish Evangelical Mis-
manuscripts and book bindings. The kabir could sion (SEM) established a number of schools. The
delegate the teaching to teachers working under SEM began an English language school in Addis
him. Abäba in 1905 and by 1924 it had established
There were two examinations: the kahfaya eight schools in Ethiopia. In 1921 the Brothers
examination after having completed the study of of Saint Gabriel founded the École Française
half of the Qurýan, and the abaqara examination in Addis Abäba. Other missionary groups that
after the study of the full Qurýan. Kahfaya refers operated schools of note in Ethiopia included the
to surat al-Kahf (ch. 38 of the Qurýan), whose Bibeltrogna Vanner (Friends of the Bible), the
study concludes the first grade of the curricu- Seventh-Day Adventist Mission and the United
lum; abaqara comes from (surat) al-Baqara (ch. Presbyterian Church of North America. The
2 of the Qurýan) which ends the course. general public’s fear and suspicion of foreigners
In addition, a bride had to undergo a Qurýan and the antagonism of Orthodox Church clergy
examination on her wedding-day. After the hindered the work of mission schools. Neverthe-
abaqara examination and the examination of the less, by the time of the Italian invasion in 1935,
bride, the writing pens were ceremonially bro- about 2,000 students were enrolled in denomina-
ken. The ceremony itself is called qalam masbar tional schools.
(s. Leslau 1965:181–88). All examinations were Following the Battle of ŸAdwa in 1896, the
connected with festivities and smaller or larger failure of the traditional E. system to meet the
presents to the kabir. needs of a modern nation in preparing people
Lit.: Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht, Die traditionellen for work in statecraft, diplomacy, commerce
Frauenvereine (Afèóa) der Harari in Marar und in Addis and industry was apparent. To address this con-
Ababa, Äthiopien, Berlin 1993 (Marburger Studien zur cern, Ménilék II set up the first modern state-
Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A: Afrika, vol. 30); Peter sponsored school in 1908 when he established
Koehn – Sidney R. Waldron, Afocha: a Link between
Community and Administration in Harar, Ethiopia, Syra-
the ÷Ménilék II School in Addis Abäba. The
cuse 1978; Wolf Leslau, Ethiopians Speak: Studies in faculty, mainly Egyptian Coptic teachers and a
Cultural Background, part I: Harari, Berkeley – Los Ange- few Ethiopians, used French as the medium of
les 1965 (Near Eastern Studies, vol. 7), 171–89; Abdurah- instruction in a curriculum that included French,
man Garad – Ewald Wagner, Harari-Studien: Texte English, Arabic, Italian, Amharic, GéŸéz, math-
mit Übersetzung, grammatischen Skizzen und Glossar,
Wiesbaden 1998 (Semitica Viva 18), 69–95; Abdunnasir
ematics, science, physical training and sports. In
Johis, Traditional Islamic Centres of Learning in Harar, 1925 Täfäri Mäkwännén, at that time the Regent,
B.A. thesis, History Department, Addis Ababa University opened the Lycée Tafari Makonnen in Addis
1992; Ewald Wagner, “Ein arabischer Text zur tradi- Abäba. The principal and teachers were French
tionellen muslimischen Erziehung in Harar”, in: Kaškul: from the Lebanon and most students were
Festschrift zum 25. Jahrestag der Wiederbegründung des
Instituts für Orientalistik an der Justus-Liebig-Universität boarders. To finance this educational initiative,
Giessen, Wiesbaden 1989, 170–85. ras Täfäri established a special E. tax of 6 % on
Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht all imports and exports, the first government E.
budget. The Regent also sent the most promising
Modern education boys abroad, most of them at his own expense.
Formal E. in Ethiopia was carried on for cen- After his coronation as Òaylä Íéllase I in 1930,
turies by a system of religious instruction the progress of public E. quickened. The Em-
234
Education
peror sought to improve E. because he thought

it directly related to the creation of a skilled civil
service and to modern and efficient government.
A central Ministry of Education and Fine Arts
was set up to co-ordinate E. and, in addition
to the E. tax, the Ministry received 2 % of the
national treasury revenue. In Addis Abäba,
Empress ÷Mänän started public E. for girls by
founding the Étege Mänän School in 1930, the
same year that the ÷Òaylä Íéllase I School was
established to provide technical and linguistic
training. In addition, several elementary schools
in Addis Abäba and the provinces were founded Missionary education in the 1920s in a “scuola per in-
between 1908 and 1935. In all, there were 21 digeni”; Missione Cattolica, Asmära; photo courtesy of
Enrico Castelli
government schools with an enrolment of 4,200
students at the time of the Italian invasion. Ethiopian and British governments, in 1946.
In Eritrea, the Italian colonists established a The Princess Zännäbä Wärq School, the English
variety of racially segregated schools: govern- School, later known as the Sandford School,
ment and missionary schools for Italian children, and the Alliance Française were private schools
traditional Christian and Muslim schools, run that opened in Addis Abäba in the early 1940s.
by the local people, and Catholic or Protestant In 1944 the first Teacher Training School was
schools for the colonial subjects. Elementary founded to prepare Ethiopians for the expanding
level “native schools” were segregated on the profession. The ÷Sudan Interior Mission built
basis of ethnicity and religion and were of lower the first secondary school outside Addis Abäba,
quality. After the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia, the Mädòanä ŸAläm Academy, in 1948. Lycée
the Fascists boasted 33 government schools for Guebre Mariam, managed by the Mission Laïque
Eritreans, although most of them had been hast- Française in Addis Abäba, was opened the same
ily organized to impress the outside world with year and became one of the most important lycée
Italy’s “civilizing mission”. in Africa. In addition, the Ministry of Education,
During the Italian occupation of Ethiopia other governmental departments or private soci-
from 1936 to 1941, the schools of Ethiopia were eties operated technical, vocational, and special
closed and all meaningful E. for the Ethiopian schools. Most notable of these were the Techni-
people was terminated. In addition, the Fascists cal School, founded in 1943; the Commercial
systematically hunted down and executed edu- School, in 1943; and the Ambo Agricultural
cated Ethiopian men and women. According to School, in 1946. E. received about 20 % of the
Sylvia Pankhurst, 75 % of the young graduates national budget during the 1940s, the second
and intellectuals were murdered. largest allocation of funds. During this era, the
After the restoration of Ethiopian independ- Ministry of Education appointed provincial E.
ence in 1941, schools reopened, but the minis- officers to promote the expansion of E. outside
try faced a shortage of teachers, textbooks and the capital. The Education Land Tax Act was
facilities. The government recruited foreign promulgated in 1947, earmarking 30 % of the
primary and secondary teachers to offset the ordinary land tax for E. in the provinces. A short
shortage. The British were a dominant force in time later, a government secondary school was
the empire’s E. in the decade following the end opened in Harär. By 1952 there were 60,000 stu-
of the Italian occupation. Heads of the schools in dents enrolled in 400 primary schools and eleven
Addis Abäba and the important advisers in the secondary schools.
Ministry of Education were British. In 1944 the After the liberation of Eritrea, the British reor-
government declared that English would be the ganized or started schools to replace the Italian
medium of instruction for all subjects taught in system of segregated E. By 1950, two years prior
schools. Two secondary schools were established to Eritrea’s federation with Ethiopia, 59 primary
in Addis Abäba in the 1940s: the Òaylä Íéllase I schools and one middle-level school had been
Secondary School in 1943 and the General Win- set up. English was the medium of instruction
gate Secondary School, a joint venture of the in upper grades, while the choice of language
235
Education
in primary schools was left to local committees structure of schools was reconfigured into six
that favoured Tégréñña in Christian areas and years of elementary school (taught in Amharic),
Arabic in Muslim ones. Between 1955 and 1961, two years of junior-secondary and four years of
during the time of the federation with Ethiopia, senior-secondary schooling (taught in English).
there were 154 Eritrean schools in operation. The curriculum was revised to provide a mix
The federal government set up the Òaylä Íéllase of academic and non-academic subjects and
I Secondary School and the Eritrean government precedence was given to establishing technical-
added a ninth grade to the Prince Makwännén training schools. By the mid-1960s the Ethiopian
School in Asmära, the first two secondary-level School-Leaving Certificate had become the only
schools operating in Eritrea. valid secondary-school diploma.
During the 1950s, the empire made a concerted Between 1961 and 1971, the government
effort to expand its system of E. The post-war expanded the public school system more than
period of reconstruction and improvisation was fourfold and declared universal primary E. a
followed by a time of consolidation and planned long-range objective. Most of the expansion in
expansion. From 1953 till 1955 American ad- buildings and equipment was financed by a series
visers under the Point Four Program worked of World Bank loans. In 1971 there were 1,300
with the Ministry of Education and encouraged primary and secondary schools and 13,000 teach-
Ethiopians to adapt the E. system to the condi- ers and enrolment had reached 600,000. During
tions and needs of the Empire. The report of the this time the U.S. ÷Peace Corps provided teach-
Long Term Planning Committee under the Vice- ers with college degrees for the general, second-
Minister of Education became the blueprint for ary, special and middle schools and increased the
a revitalized system of E. Amharic was made the ranks of instructors in those schools by 50 %.
language of instruction for the first six school By 1965, when the Peace Corps’ numbers were
years, with English used in the later grades. A highest, there were 440 Peace Corps Volunteers
new curriculum was drawn up for the second- teaching in 58 cities and towns, a significant
ary schools and textbooks began to be written factor in the quality of instruction and in the
specifically for Ethiopia. Under Ethiopia’s first opening of new schools in the provinces. Some
Five-Year Development Plan (1957–61), which 2,700 students in Ethiopian University Service, a
stressed the need for manpower planning, sev- compulsory year of national service between the
eral academic and technical-vocational profes- third and fourth years of college, also taught in
sional schools were built. Although E. plans the schools from 1964–74. After de Gaulle’s visit
were never fully funded, by 1960–61 there were to Ethiopia (1966), alternative national service
26 secondary schools, 14 of them in the prov- volunteers (Volontaires du service national actif
inces (with at least one in each of the provincial or VSNA) were sent to teach French in Ethio-
capitals), including two in Eritrea, which by then pian secondary schools, ca. 700 volunteers in the
had become a province, and 12 in the capital. In years 1967–74/75. Expenditures on E. increased
the 1960s, 310 mission and privately operated from 10 % of total government expenditures in
schools with an enrolment of 52,000 supple- 1968 to 20 % in the early 1970s, but funding
mented the nation’s public school system. remained inadequate. Educational expenditures
The gains made by Ethiopian E. were put in Ethiopia as a percentage of the gross national
in perspective, however, by the findings of the product (1.8 %) were about half that of other
1961 UNESCO Conference of African States African countries.
on the Development of Education, which was By 1974, despite efforts by the government
held in Addis Abäba. Among other things, the to improve the situation, more than 90 % of the
conference pointed out Ethiopia’s educational population remained illiterate. Primary E. was
deficits: primary and secondary E. were ranked available to only 12 % of primary school-age
at the bottom among African nations; there were children (in 3,196 schools with enrolments of
shortages of schools and teachers, a high drop- 957,300). Only 1,000,000 students were enrolled
out rate and low overall attendance rates. Chal- in all the nation’s schools. The E. system was
lenged by these findings, the Ministry of Educa- criticized for being elitist, inflexible and unre-
tion developed a new E. policy which remained sponsive to local needs. Educational opportunity
in effect until 1974 (in the form of a second and was limited to urban areas at the expense of rural
third Five-Year Development Plan). The grade areas (55 % of senior secondary schools were in
236
Eebba
Eritrea and Šäwa, including Addis Abäba) and which indicates that he was a dignitary at the
the E. system remained inadequately financed. service of the ruler (PerChron ch. 91, 245).
In the early 1970s the Ministry of Education’s In the years 1620–30, the Jesuits Almeida and
Education Sector Review addressed many of Mendes confirmed the existence of one (or two?)
these concerns and proposed far-reaching educa- É. The first wrote that this charge corresponded
tional reform and expansion. Its report was not to the “president of the azzaï” and was a “princi-
published until February 1974, however, and was pal man” (BecRASO VII, 113). Mendes, in turn,
never implemented. commented that the title was like “our president
Lit.: Teshome G. Wagaw, Education in Ethiopia. Pros- of the palace” (BecRASO XII, 489). The “adu-
pect and Retrospect, Ann Arbor 1979; Tekeste Negash, graz” or “adrugaz” of Francisco Alvares (year
The Crisis of Ethiopian Education: Some Implications for 1520) did not appear to be specifically attached
Nation-Building, Uppsala University, Department of Edu-
cation 1990; Richard Pankhurst, “The Foundations either to a bitwäddäd or to the emperor. As a
of Education, Printing, Newspapers, Book Production, spokesman of the ruler, this figure also seems to
Libraries and Literacy in Ethiopia”, EthObs 6, 2, 1962, have been in a position to replace the bitwäddäd
241–90; Tekeste Negash, Rethinking Education in of the right in leading an army (BeckHuntAlvar
Ethiopia, Uppsala 1996.
266, 385–88, 430, 434). Perhaps this “adrugaz”
Theodore M. Vestal
incorporated two different charges, to serve the
bitwäddäd and the ruler. Therefore, it can be
concluded that É.r. was at the same time a substi-
Édug ras tute of the bitwäddäd and a representative of the
É.r. (&7Py =F , also òédug ras) is the name given emperor and, as such, one of the most important
to a representative, a substitute or, according dignitaries in the court, higher than the ÷azzaï
to current definitions, a vicar (GuiIohan 347). in the hierarchy.
Thus, the title could properly be translated as the Src.: BecRASO II, 52; BecRASO VII, 113; BecRASO
representative of the ÷ras. The degree of author- XII, 489; BeckHuntAlvar 61, 266, 385–88, 430, 434; Ig-
ity of this charge is, however, not clear: was the nazio Guidi, “Contributi alla storia letteraria di Abis-
É.r. only a simple representative of the ras, like sinia: I. Il Seraýata Mangest”, RRALm 5, 31, 1922, 65–89,
here 81f., 85; GuiIohan 347; Manfred Kropp, “The
the ÷bitwäddäd, or rather a dignitary within Íerata Gebr, a Mirror View of Daily Life at the Ethiopian
the emperor’s entourage? The ÷ÍérŸatä mängéít Royal Court in the Middle Ages , NEASt 10, 1988, 51–87,
is of little help here since it only refers to a list here 66; PerChron ch. 76, 222, ch. 91, 245; Joseph Var-
of the gifts (mämalga) that the different É.r. had enbergh, “Studien zur abessinischen Reichsordnung
to give to the ruler to purchase a position (Var- (Šér‘ata Mangéšt)”, ZA 30, 1915–16, 1–45, here §25: 25,
41; §17: 21f., 37f.
enbergh 1915–16, §25, 25, 41; Guidi 1922:85).
Dimitri Toubkis
The ÍérŸatä gébr clearly refers to the É.r. as the
organizer of the royal banquet. The P= (géra)
and 33 (qäññ) É.r. (‘É.r. of the left’ or ‘of the
right’) seem to have been under the charge of the Eebba
two bitwäddäds (Kropp 1988:66). The position E. is an ÷Oromo custom that may come in the
was thus twofold, a fact confirmed by the Jesuit form of a blessing bestowed by a human interme-
Pedro Paez, who wrote that each of them re- diary, or directly received from god (Venturino
placed the bitwäddäds during their absence (Bec- – Tablino n.d.). E. may be reciprocal and is closer
RASO II, 52). It is, however, difficult to say if in meaning to the Hebrew concept of béraõa than
the position evolved like that of the bitwäddäd, it is to “blessing”. E. are uttered at almost every
which became unique in the second half of 16th occasion when the peace of men and/or of God
cent. (Varenbergh 1915–16, §17, 21f., 37f.; Guidi might be disturbed, for example, when a group
1922:81f.). In this sense, a ÷gwélt from 20 April of people meet to eat, to offer an animal or coffee
1626 made by ase ÷Susényos to his brother ras beans for sacrifice (÷buuna qallaa), to discuss a
÷SéŸélä Kréstos specifically refers to two É., of serious issue or to perform a ceremony. Sponta-
the right and of the left (BeckHuntAlvar 61, neous E. and formally structured E. are both fre-
PerChron ch. 76, 222). But it is not possible to quent and require verbal reciprocation between
identify whom they served. In addition, one of the giver or transmitter and the receiver(s). E.
the two, r(?F+As (zäbärsébahel), was also are part of that “inner consistency within the
6qy Rd (qala hase, lit. ‘voice of the emperor’), local varieties of expression” which, despite the
237
Eebba
influences from religions of the Book, forms a this latter meeting the earlier customary law was
remarkably homogenous Oromo religious cul- set forth by the bahér nägaš Gäbrit of Korba-
ture (BartOrom; Baxter 1990). The frequency rya. Gäbrit had previously participated in the
and intensity of E. are such that Oromo societies consolidation process of the region’s customary
sometimes appear “to float on a river of prayers laws, including those reformed in the times of
and blessings” (Baxter 1978:155). The most däggiyat Wébe (r. 1831–55; s. Capomazza 1909:
wide-spread E. formulas are guddadu ‘grow 93ff.). The É. were traditionally represented by
big’, gabbadu ‘be prosperous’ and baladu ‘be seven elected elders, called šum éggäla, who were
spacious’. It is the elder’s knowledge and control responsible for the preservation and amending of
of God’s E. which continues to be a bulwark of the law (Ostini 1956:5). They were thus uphold-
their power in the face of economic, cultural and ers of the duties of the ‘law-villages’ (Ÿaddi héggi,
religious changes (Aguilar 1998). the local legislative).
Src.: interviews with Borbor Bulee , age 50, of Booranaa; É. genealogies often reach back ca. 24 genera-
Kinfee Dhinsaa Utaalaa, age 70, and Abunee Warjee, age tions (as the Irob’s), which permits the conclu-
42, of Arsii. sion that they migrated to the north around the
Lit.: Mario I. Aguilar, Being Oromo in Kenya, Trenton
NJ – Asmara 1998, 179; BartOrom; Paul Trevor late 13th cent., a time seemingly marked by major
William Baxter, “Boran Age-Sets and Generation Sets: population movements (Merid Wolde Aregay
Gada, a Puzzle or a Maze?”, in: Paul Trevor William 1974:274). As early as the 15th cent. one source
Baxter – Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and mentions É., Filéppos having founded a commu-
Time: Some Features of East African Age Organisations,
nity there (LusStud 107). A (copied?) 15th-cent.
London 1978, 155; Id., “Oromo Blessings and Greetings”,
in: Anita Jacobson-Widding – Walter van Beek land-charter of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob shows that the
(eds.), The Creative Communion: African Folk Models Emperor had given the district of É. to ÷Däbrä
of Fertility and the Regeneration of Life, Uppsala 1990; Bizän (HuntLand 36). In a late-15th-cent. legend
B. Venturino – Paolo Tablino, Borana–English about qéddus Libanos, the “hagär É.” (‘land of
Dictionary, ms., n.d.
É.’) is mentioned as being led by the íéyyume
Aberra Nefa
éggäla AwŸalo, he and his army becoming
blind as a result of a miracle (Bausi 2003:181).
In the time of ase Gälawdewos, in the mid-16th
Éggäla cent., É. again appears in land-charters as one
É. (&Kq ) is the name of several interrelated kin- of the northern regions, given to Däbrä Bizän
ship groups of Tégréñña speakers in the Eritrean (HuntLand 54; HuntGeogr 120). Documents of
and Tégrayan highlands after whom districts in that period say that the ancient Aksumite king
both regions are named. The É. tend to be endo- ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl had given in ancient times the
gamic. The É. of Eritrea are said, in oral tradition, land of É. “with its valley and high plateau from
to descend from migrant groups from Tégray. the (river) Marab to Guerguer” to the monastery
The two main É. groups of Eritrea, in Akkälä of ÷Däbrä Damo (HuntLand 30). In 17th-cent.
Guzay, are the É. Hasén and the É. Hämäs. The geography É. was noted as a sub-province. It
É. Hasén are located in northern Akkälä Guzay was, together with Hamasen, Säraye, Märätta
at the border of Hamasen near Däbrä Bizän. (in Akkälä Guzay) and Bäqla (today’s Sahél)
Further south-east are the É. Hämäs, who give among others, one of the seven districts within
their name to the district É., with the town of the realm of the bahér nägaš (s. HuntGeogr 98),
÷Däqqämhare, near GuraŸ, Dégsa and Sägänäyti at that date still being much more extensive than
(to differentiate they are also called É. GuraŸ in later. The modern smaller districts seem to be
19th-cent. tax records, s. Pankhurst 1978:61). remnants of the original É.
A part of this group is also to be found living The É. are known for their musical traditions.
close to the border with Tégray and Säraye near The wata (Tgn. masinqo players and singers)
Sorona on the Hazämo plains (Eastern É.). coming to Sorona are traditionally É. from the
The É. had an ancient code of law, the Statute surrounding regions, e.g., ŸAddi Ahfärom.
of May ŸAdgi. Traditionally, the É.’s kinship- The É. of Tégray live in the districts of
group delegates, the !zy &Kq (šum éggäla), hold Bizet, Énticco (up to Sorona, called there the
their assemblies at May ŸAdgi. Established at an É. léýälay and É. tahatay) and ŸAddi ArbaŸétä
unknown date, the Statute underwent subse- (ŸAdwa awragga) on the left side of the Bäläsa
quent amendments in 1861 and in 1902. During river. They are also known as the É. Daq Azmay
238
Égwalä Séyon
(HuntGeogr 98), who seem to have been a fairly Zarýa YaŸéqob issued a decree proclaiming the
ancient subgroup of the É. When, in 1597, ase 29th of each month a holiday.
Íärsä Déngél led his army against bahér nägaš Src.: DillmZarY 21ff., 26, 29f.; PerrZarY 55–63, 75 [cp.
Yéshaq and the Turks, passing by Yéha, Yéshaq summary 88–91], 117; Kurt Wendt, Das Mashafa
Milad (Liber Nativitatis) und Mashafa Sellase (Liber
camped at É. Daq Azmay and then lost his life in Trinitatis) des Kaisers Zarýa YaŸqob, 2 vols., Louvain 1962
the battle near Énticco (HuntGeogr 145). (CSCO 221, 222 [SAe 41, 42]), 15–19 (text) = 13, 15f., 17f.
Lit.: HuntGeogr 98, 120, 145; HuntLand 30, 36, 54; (tr.); DombrChr II, 156, n. 40.
Alessandro Bausi (ed.), La «Vita» e i «Miracoli» di Li- Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, Catalogo dei nomi propri
banos, Lovanii 2003 (CSCO 595, 596 [SAe 105, 106]), 58, di luogo dell’ Etiopia, contenuti nei testi giŸiz ed amhariña
181; LusStud, 107; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il Gadla finora pubblicati, Genova 1894 (Estratto dagli Atti del primo
Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra Bizen”, RRALm Congresso Geografico Italiano, Genova 2, 1, 1892, 387–439),
5, 8, 1903, 62–126, here 120; KolTrad 2, 19, 36, 137, 278, 24; TadTChurch 261–63, 294; Andrzej Bartnicki
287; Merid Wolde Aregay, “Population Movement – Joanna Mantel-NieÚko, Geschichte Äthiopiens,
as a Possible Factor in the Christian-Muslim Conflict of von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, ed. by Renate
Medieval Ethiopia”, in: Symposium Leo Frobenius, I: Per- Richter, 2 vols., Berlin 1978, vol. 1, 55, 77; HuntGeogr
spectives des études africaines contemporaines (Yaoundé, 103, map no. 16; PankBord 116; Marie-Laure Derat,
Cameroun), Pullach 1974, 274; Richard Pankhurst “Élaboration et diffussion du récit d’une victoire militaire, la
(ed., tr.) – Germa-Selassie Asfaw (tr.), Tax Records bataille de Gomit, décembre 1445”, OrChr 86, 2002, 87–102,
and Inventories of Emperor Téwodros of Ethiopia (1855– here 89f.
1868), London 1978, 10, 61; Ilario Capomazza, Il Franz-Christoph Muth
diritto consuetudinario dell’Acchele’-Guzai, Asmara 1909,
93–127 [“Legge detta di Mai-Adghi”]; Felice Ostini,
Trattato di diritto consuetudinario dell’Eritrea, Asmara
1956, 5.
Égwalä Séyon
Tsegay Berhe – Wolbert Smidt É.S. (&Kny e_# , r. 1801–18), commonly known
as Gwalu, was one of the shadow rulers of
the ÷Zämänä mäsafént. He was a son of ase
Égubba ÷Hézqéyas and brother of ase ÷Iyoýas II, who
É. (&L+, also &J+, Égwéba), a locality in Tägulät ruled after him. É.S. was on the throne under
in northern Šäwa, was at times used by ase the aegis of ras ÷Gugsa Märsa, although, like
÷Zärýa YaŸéqob as a royal residence. According other rulers of the period, he did suffer a brief
to his chronicle, in the seventh year of his dethronement.
reign he celebrated the ceremony of baptism
there during the feast of Témqat. The Emperor
apparently liked the local landscape so much that
he and his court spent a long time there.
During his stay he was informed by a letter
from Patriarch John XI (1428–53) that in Egypt
the baptismal monastery al-Maëtas had been
burnt down by the Muslims. Subsequently, Zärýa
YaŸéqob ordered a church to be built in honour
of the Virgin Mary, to which he gave the name of
÷Däbrä Métmaq.
It was also while Zärýa YaŸéqob was in É. that
he heard about the campaign of ÷Ahmad Badlay.
With a small army and assuming the name Hasab
Bä-Wäsän (which neither belonged to any
specific troop-commander nor to a separate unit,
as has often been assumed, cp. DillmZarY 21f.;
PerrZarY 58, 62; PankBord 116), the Emperor
set out for ÷Däwaro. There, in the battle fought
at Gomit, he defeated Ahmad Badlay and his
brother Òayraddin, on Ethiopian Christmas
Saturday, 29 Taòíaí 1437 A.M. [26 December Égwalä Séyon bowing at the foot of the Cross; cloth mural
1445 A.D.]. In commemoration of both the ca. 1820; Gondär, Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase Church, eastern
Nativity and the victory over Ahmad Badlay, wall; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
239
Égwalä Séyon
É.S. was prototypical of the Solomonic dynasty of the Ptolemies, a complete system of ports was
during this period. His chronicler described created along the western coast of the Red Sea,
him as “doing nothing”, because power lay thus fostering trade all the way to ÷India for
with ras Gugsa Märsa, and mentioned that an the subsequent centuries. Within this Hellenistic
upstart accosted him in the streets of Gondär. framework, also characteristic of Roman and
Nevertheless, the margins of several manuscripts Byzantine E., ÷Aksum was soon to assert its
in the British Library (BritLib Orient. 604, 777) own civilization, with a strong impact of Greek
record that he made over twenty grants of land to cultural features – including the language – osten-
individuals, many of the lands being tributary to sibly reflected in the Ptolemaic overtones of such
the church of ÷Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase in Gondär. documents as the ÷Monumentum Adulitanum.
É.S. was buried at the church of Adäbabay As witnessed by the anonymous ÷Periplus of the
Täklä Haymanot in Gondär, as had been his Erythraean See and ÷Pliny, and then by ÷Pro-
father before him. He has received little attention copius and ÷Cosmas Indicopleustes, E.’s rel-
from modern historians. evance to Ethiopia’s history became central since
Src.: BlunChr 187–92, 194 (text) = 469, 471, 473f., 476ff. the beginnings of the Aksumite state, and even
(tr.); Carlo Conti Rossini, “La cronaca reale abissina more so since the spread of ÷Christianity into
dall’anno 1800 all’anno 1840”, RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916, the latter in the first half of the 4th cent. Abunä
779–923; CRNuov; WrBriMus 143ff., 255, mss. 216, 350
[Orient. 604, 777]. ÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan (Frumentius) was sent
Donald Crummey there as bishop ca. 334 A.D.; his appointment by
÷Athanasius of Alexandria established the tradi-
tion of Ethiopia’s dependency upon the See of St.
Egypt, relations with Mark as a source of patriarchal legitimacy for the
Cultural and political relations in early times local metropolitanate. The ÷Ethiopian Ortho-
Pre-Aksumite polities had most probably long- dox (Täwahédo) Church remained a bishopric
standing contacts with Pharaonic E. Modern of the ÷Coptic Church until 1959; its head, the
authors have been speculating as to whether metropolitan (÷Abun; ÷Pappas) was an Egyp-
Tégray or the Ethiopian–Sudanese borderlands tian monk from the 4th cent. until 1950.
may have been the mythical “God’s Land” lo- In Ethiopic, E. was referred to as P-e (Gébs,
cated by the ancient Egyptians somewhere along from Gr. Ai[gupto"/Aijguvptio", cp. Arab. Qibt,
the Red Sea – the celebrated land of ÷Punt, ‘Copt’) and later zF? (Mésr, from Arab. Misr
producer of incense and other exotic treasures ‘Egypt, Cairo’); the older term, also in the adjec-
to which the pharaos had sent their ships since tive form Gébsawi(yan), applied to ‘Egyptian(s)’
Old Kingdom times, in the 3rd millennium B.C. as well, but acquired soon the wider meanings of
The best-known memories of such foreign trad- ‘Arabic-speaking Christian’ and, then, ‘man of
ing expeditions are linked with the name of white race’ (Amh. Qébt etc., s. Ricci 1955-58:96
Queen Hatshepsut in the 15th cent. B.C., and n. 112, 98 n. 138; cp. ÷Färäng).
the detailed reliefs of them she had carved on the Most of Ethiopia’s medieval Christian culture
walls of her funerary temple at Dayr al-Bahri, developed out of fairly continuous intercourses
next to her capital, Thebes. Trade was carried with E., which are responsible for its essential
out between the two sides for a long time, and components: translations of literature (from
developed along the Nile Valley too. Occasional Greek and Arabic, almost no traces being known
finds of Egyptian goods – pottery, glass, scarabs, for Coptic), i.e. canonical and apocryphal scrip-
metals – in northern Ethiopia confirm that this tures, as well as liturgical and hagiographical
area of the ÷Red Sea was included in Egypt’s texts (÷GéŸéz literature; ÷Hagiography); the
southward trade. Nor was the commerce exclu- spread of ÷monasticism; the establishment of an
sively Egyptian-carried, for the local people were ecclesiastical hierarchy and a standard of Ortho-
already seafaring – eager both to trade the prod- doxy; the introduction of the ÷calendar (s. the
uct of their land and to convey goods by water names of the months); a certain religious imagery
for themselves. and iconography, showing both in painting and
From as early as the 7th cent. B.C., Egyptians in carved decoration (especially from the period
and Greeks from Egypt played a major role of the ÷Zagwe dynasty); a few elements of civil
in Red Sea navigation, centring on the port of administration and military technology. Con-
÷Adulis as their base of operation. By the time tacts with E. were chiefly granted through the
240
Egypt, relations with
metropolitans and the learned members of their its help in facing the cultural siege imposed by
retinues (as is attested by such an outstanding Islam. However, this dependency was balanced
Egyptian document as the History of the Patri- by E.’s relying upon Ethiopia for the waters of
archs of Alexandria), who acted more often as in- the ÷Nile. The fact that Ethiopia’s ÷Abbay and
termediaries to and from E. – via ÷Nubia or the other Nile tributaries provide 86 % of the waters
Red Sea – and thither to Palestine and Europe. reaching E. was only established in the 1920s, but
On the route to ÷Jerusalem, where an Ethiopian the notion that Ethiopia was the source of E.’s life
community has been residing since the Aksumite is ancient (÷Carthography; ÷Gihon). This mu-
age (later, alongside the Copts), a series of “Ab- tual dependency was further complicated by the
yssinian” monastic settlements formed in E. that fact that Ethiopian monarchs often considered
are also important for the transmission of the themselves protectors of E.’s Christians, while
Mediterranean cultural heritage to the Ethiopian their Egyptian counterparts acted as the patrons
highlands (s. below: Monks in Egypt). of Islam in the Horn of Africa and Ethiopia. The
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Egitto ed Etiopia nei tempi complexity of such mutuality, extending into the
antichi e nell’età di mezzo”, Aegyptus 3, 1922, 3–18; Id., very heart of both countries’ lives and identities,
“Aethiopica”, RSO 9, 1923, 365–468, here 375ff. [§9],
467 [§26]; Id., “Aethiopica (iia serie)”, ibid. 10, 1923, operated amidst a background of meaningful,
481–520, here 495f. [§33]; Id., “Pubblicazioni etiopistiche continuous relations.
dal 1936 al 1945”, RSE 4, 1944–45 [1946], 1–132, here 38f.; While Ethiopia’s interest in E., which centred
CRStoria 39–64; Ugo Monneret de Villard, “Note on the abun institution, remained constant, the
sulle influenze asiatiche nell’Africa Orientale”, RSO 17,
1938, 303–49, here 306–09, 321–31; Id., “Su una possibile reciprocal Egyptian interest fluctuated. In peri-
origine delle danze liturgiche nella Chiesa abissina”, ods when E. was ruled by local dynasties – and
Oriente Moderno 22, 1942, 389–91; Id., “Perché la Chiesa later by Egyptian nationalists – the Nile depend-
abissina dipendeva dal Patriarcato di Alessandria”, ibid. 23, ency raised Ethiopia’s importance. When ruled
1943, 308–11; Lanfranco Ricci, “Le Vite di &nbaqom e
di Yohann<s, abbati di Dabra Libanos di Scioa”, [ii],
by non-local governments, such as the Ottomans
RSE 14, 1955-58 [1959], 59–107, here 96 n. 112, 98 n. (1517–1805) and the British (1882–1956), Egyp-
138; Salvatore Tedeschi, “L’Etiopia nella Storia dei tian involvement in the upper Nile and Ethiopia
patriarchi alessandrini”, RSE 23, 1967–68 [1969], 232–71; became more indirect.
SaŸId ŸASUr, “al-ŸAlaqat bayna Misr wal-Habaša fi l-Ÿusur Egyptian relevance culminated during the
al-wusta” (‘The Relations between Egypt and Ethiopia in
the Middle Ages’), al-Magalla at-Taýriòiya al-Misriya 14, ÷Mamluk dynasties (1250–1517), which coin-
1968, 1–43; ZAhir RiyAD, Misr wa-Ifriqiya (‘Egypt and cided with the efflorescence of Ethiopia under
Africa’), Cairo 1976; Jean Doresse, “Nouvelles recherches the ÷Solomonic dynasty (1270–1529). The
sur les relations entre l’Égypte copte et l’Éthiopie: xiie–xiiie Mamluk Sultans supported the Muslims of Ifat
siècles”, Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et
Belles-lettres 1979, 557–66; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, and ŸAdal, traded with ZaylaŸ, and established a
“Per una nuova iscrizione etiopica da Aksum”, Egitto e wing – the Riwaq al-Gabartiya – in the al-Azhar
Vicino Oriente 4, 1981, 357–67; Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ mosque which hosted young Muslim students
(DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo from the Horn of Africa (÷Gäbärti). They were
aksumita”, La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57
(Lit.); MHAlex [I], II (Lit.); Haggai Erlich, Ethiopia also in continual communication with Ethiopia’s
and the Middle East, Boulder, CO 1994; Id., The Cross emperors, occasionally threatening to retain a
and the River – Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Nile, Boulder, CO new abun. Egyptian scholars from that period,
2002; Ugo Zanetti, “Les chrétiens du Nil: Basse et Haute notably Ahmad al-÷Maqrizi and Galaladdin
Égypte, Nubie, Éthiopie”, in: Robert F. Taft (ed.), The
Christian East, its Institutions and its Thought: a Critical
as-÷Suyuti, wrote about Ethiopia, wavering
Reflection. Papers of the International Scholarly Congress between its positive and negative Islamic images.
for the 75th Anniversary of the Pontifical Oriental Institute Ethiopian emperors for their part continued im-
(Rome, 30 May–5 June 1993), Rome 1996 (OrChrA 251), porting knowledge from E. For example, abunä
181-216, here 206–14; Federico De Romanis, Cassia,
cinnamomo, ossidiana. Uomini e merci tra oceano Indi-
÷Sälama “the Translator” (1348–88) was much in
ano e Mediterranneo, Roma 1996 (Saggi di storia antica favour of rendering many texts into GéŸéz. The
9), passim; Alessandro Bausi, “New Egyptian Texts in Ethiopians also expressed an active interest in
Ethiopia”, Adamantius 8, 2002, 146–51. the whereabouts of the Copts, and occasionally
Haggai Erlich – Gianfranco Fiaccadori threatened to block the Nile.
In modern times, Egyptian interest in the
Modern Egyptian-Ethiopian relations Nile Valley and Ethiopia was renewed when
Nearly all Ethiopian rulers continued to cul- ÷Muhammad ŸAli baša (r. 1805–49) established
tivate the Egyptian–Coptic link, appreciating an independent dynasty in Cairo. He annexed the
241
Sudan to E. (1821), but soon diverted his atten- by veterans of GuraŸ (notably by the army of-
tion from the Nile to the core areas of the Middle ficer Ahmad ŸUrabi).
East. Nevertheless, there was Egyptian presence While the British took control of all-Nile af-
in Ethiopia from the west that culminated in two fairs, Egyptian nationalists developed new mod-
memorable clashes – the battle of Wad Kaltabu ern concepts of Ethiopia. Coptic schoolmasters
in 1837, in which the Ethiopian lord däggazmaó were sent (in 1906) to help establish modern edu-
÷Kénfu scored the victory, and the battle of cation in Addis Abäba. From the 1920s onwards,
Dabarki in 1848, in which Kaía Òaylu (future young Ethiopians, mainly graduates of the Egyp-
÷Tewodros II) was defeated (RubInd 69, 208). tian-run Ménilék II Elementary School, were
Muhammad ŸAli’s grandson òidiw ÷IsmaŸil sent to E. for their secondary education, en route
focused entirely on the Nile. He strove to es- to higher learning in Europe. In 1935–36 most
tablish an Egyptian “African Empire” connect- Egyptian public opinion-makers denounced
ing the Red Sea to the Sudan. His ambition led Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia, and a popular
him into a conflict with Ethiopia, then under movement of support sent three medical units to
ase ÷Yohannés IV. In March 1876 the Egyptian her aid. Other Egyptian nationalists, however,
army was – for the second time, after ÷Gundät those from the more militant wing, refused to
– defeated by the Ethiopians at ÷GuraŸ. After forgive Ethiopia for GuraŸ and for its part in de-
this the whole African imperial enterprise of nying the modern dream to unite the Nile Valley
IsmaŸil began to collapse. In Egyptian history under Cairo. On the whole, relations between
the GuraŸ defeat heralded the demise of IsmaŸil, ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I and the royal-parliamen-
the ensuing fall of E. into British hands (1882), tarian system of E. remained good. By 1948 the
and the beginning of modern nationalism – the Egyptian government helped to renew the abun
first nationalist slogans and action were initiated agreement between the Coptic and Ethiopian
242
Church. It was agreed that the next abun would Taýriòiya al-Misriya 14, 1968, 1–43; Haggai Erlich,
be an Ethiopian chosen by the Ethiopians and The Cross and the River – Egypt, Ethiopia, and the
Nile, Boulder, CO 2002; Id., Ethiopia and the Middle
anointed by the Coptic Patriarch. East, Boulder, CO 1994; MHAlex II (Lit.); Heribert
The Egyptian revolution of 1952 changed this Horst, “Berichte frühmamlukischer Historiker über
pattern. Under Gamal ŸAbdannasir, E. began Äthiopien”, in: Brigitte Benzing – Otto Böcker
to redefine herself as Arab. Abandoning the – Günter Mayer (eds.), Wort und Wirklichkeit: Stu-
Egyptian concept of unity with the Sudan, it dien zur Afrikanistik und Äthiopistik. Eugen Ludwig
Rapp zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Meisenheim 1976,
began building the Aswan High Dam, ignoring 170–85; ZAhir RiyAD, Misr wa-Ifriqiya (‘Egypt and
Ethiopia’s rights to any share in the Nile waters. Africa’), Cairo 1976; Virginia Vacca, “Le relazioni
The new regime in Cairo started considering the dell’Abissinia con l’Egitto nel secolo XV secondo lo
Muslims of the Horn and Ethiopia – especially storico egiziano Ibn Taghri Birdi”, in: Atti del Terzo
the young generation of Eritreans – as both Ar- Congresso di Studi Coloniali, Firenze – Roma 12–17
aprile 1937, Roma 1937, vol. 6, 218-23; Gaston
abs and revolutionaries. In 1959 as E. (now Wiet, “Les Relations égypto-abyssines sous les sultans
renamed the United Arab Republic, 1958–71) mamlouks”, Bulletin de la Société d’Archéologie Copte 4,
signed a water agreement with Sudan that totally 1938, 115–40.
ignored Ethiopia, and as the ÷Eritrean Libera- Haggai Erlich
tion Front was born in al-Azhar, Òaylä Íéllase
drew closer to ÷Israel and also acted to discon- Ethiopian monks in Egypt
nect the Ethiopian Church’s ancient Christian In keeping with the Alexandrian origins of
link to E., thus, declaring it autocephalous. their Christendom, to the Ethiopians Egyptian
There only remained good relations with E. in monasticism and asceticism was ever since an
the “all-African” context, and in 1963, when the outstanding example and a prestigious source
÷Organization of African Unity was inaugurat- of inspiration. Most Ethiopian monastic gene-
ed in Addis Abäba, ŸAbdannasir and ase Òaylä alogies (÷Genealogy) claim more or less remote
Íéllase demonstrated their friendship. By 1973 Egyptian origins – not always legendary, espe-
Anwar as-Sadat (who succeeded ŸAbdannasir in cially for the Aksumite period.
1970 and restored the name of E. a year later) had E. was soon crossed by Ethiopian pilgrims
made such an influence on the Emperor that he passing along the Nile Valley on their way to
managed to persuade him to break relations with Jerusalem and the Holy Land. This traditional
Israel during the October War. relais and the institutional contacts with the
Relations deteriorated quickly following the Coptic Church account for the religious and
Ethiopian ÷Revolution in 1974 and the emer- cultural exchanges fostering Ethiopian culture
gence of Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam. The more the throughout the centuries – as well as, conversely,
latter leaned towards the former Soviet Union for the presence of a few Ethiopian relics, chiefly
the more he alienated the now pro-American as- icons and crosses, in Egyptian ecclesiastic insti-
Sadat. The two leaders exchanged threats and the tutions and collections from Alexandria to Cairo
Ethiopian began airing the old myth of block- and the Red Sea.
ing the Nile. Tension mounted following the The earliest positive attestation to that is a
÷Ogaden War and as-Sadat’s peace agreement lost GéŸéz inscription from Dayr al-Abyad (the
with Israel, when he promised to irrigate Sinai “White Monastery” near Suhag), recording the
with more Nile waters. However, the Egyptian passing by of pilgrims from Goggam, namely
premise that the Aswan High Dam enabled them “Néwayä Maryam, monk of Sélalo, and Särìä
to ignore Ethiopia was shattered in 1988. After Yohannés, of ÷Däbrä Wärq”, heading to the
four years of drought in Ethiopia, E., in spite Holy Places on 8 Säne 222 A.M., i.e. on 2 June
of the Dam, was facing a catastrophe. It became 1038 or 1114. At the end of the 12th cent. an
apparent to both President Muhammad Husni Ethiopian community was possibly established
Mubarak of E. and the new Ethiopian regime at Scetis (Wadi n-Natrun, near Wadi Habib) in
(as of 1991) that they should turn to the posi- the cell of Bähat (Copt.: Pehèout; Ar.: Bahut)
tive messages of their common history in order attached to the lavra of St. John “the Short”
to reconstruct a vital dialogue concerning water (Colobus). This community became the nucleus
and culture. of the Abyssinian monastery of St. Elija (Dayr
Lit.: RubInd; SaŸId ŸASUr, “al-ŸAlaqat bayna Misr
wal-Habaša fi l-Ÿusur al-wusta” (‘The Relations between Ilyas), two miles south of the Coptic settlement
Egypt and Ethiopia in the Middle Ages’), al-Magalla at- of St. Bishoi (Dayr Anba Bišuy). According to
243
the History of the Patriarchs, in 1088, during the Ethiopic manuscripts (Meinardus 1965:33f.).
visit of the Armenian ex-Catholicus Gregory II In the middle of the 19th cent., a significant
to the Coptic Patriarch Cyril II in Misr (Cairo), community of Ethiopian monks resided in the
“news was spread abroad of the agreement of south-eastern corner of the celebrated “monas-
the Copts, Armenians, Syrians, Abyssinians tery of the Syrians” (÷Dayr as-Suryan) where
and Nubians touching the orthodox faith”, i.e. they had an extensive library. In 1920, seven
their Christological confession (Evelyn White Ethiopian monks still lived at Dayr al-Baramus.
1932:365). Yet, such a pious statement, so often From 1935 to 1975 an Ethiopian hermit known
called upon, is not enough to suggest that Ethio- as abun ŸAbd al-Masih (Gäbrä Kréstos?) al-
pian monks were already living in E., at Scetis, Habaši occupied a cave in the vicinity of this
together with the representative of the other monastery. His strict asceticism inspired such
Monophysite nations. It rather features a more prominent Coptic ecclesiastics as Patriarchs
general wish – if not a serious allegation – of dog- Cyril VI (1959–71), Shenuda III (1971–) and
matic consensus among those nations. Matta al-Miskin of Dayr Anba Maqar (b. 1913).
Several Ethiopian Saints – e.g., the famous The monastery of the Holy Virgin at ÷Dayr
abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot of Däbrä Libanos and, al-Muharraq, 60 km north of Asyut, was inhab-
on more positive grounds, abunä ÷Ewostatewos ited by Ethiopian monks from the 14th to the 20th
of ÷Däbrä Särabi and his disciple ÷Marqorewos cent. In the 14th cent. they possessed their own
of ÷Däbrä Démah – are believed to have visited monastery of the Holy Apostles near Dayr al-
Scetis and the Ethiopian monks there. A series Muharraq. Because of the traditions linking the
of famous books, like the 14th-cent. pentaglott Holy Family with this monastery, the Ethiopians
Psalter of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, shared a special affinity to this Upper-Egyptian
ms. Barberin. or. 2, from of the monastery of holy place and referred to it as Däbrä Qwésqwam
St. Macarius (Dayr Anba Maqar), includes the (Ar.: Dayr Qusqam). In the 18th cent. étege
GéŸéz alongside with the Syriac, Coptic, Arabic Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa) built ÷Däbrä
and Armenian texts (GrebTissVat I, 859ff.). In Sähay Qwésqwam (Gondär) using sand from
the “cosmopolitan” milieu of Scetis, Ethiopian Dayr al-Muharraq.
monks were then joining liturgical service with In the beginning of the 20th cent., a quarter of
other monastic communities; and during the visit the monks at Dayr al-Muharraq were Ethiopi-
of the Coptic Patriarch Benjamin II, in 1330, ans, but in 1970 only two Ethiopian monks lived
Egyptian and Ethiopian monks welcomed him there. During the middle of the 20th cent., Ethio-
to the Eastern Desert. pian monks also inhabited periodically the mon-
At the beginning of the 15th cent., when an astery of St. Samuel (Dayr Anba Samuýil) in the
Ethiopian community is known at Hara Zu- Qalamun desert. Following the restoration of
wayla (a suburb of Cairo), with a church of St. the monastery of St. Anthony (Dayr Anba An-
George, the Abyssinian kept dwelling on their tuniyus) in the Eastern Desert (16th cent.), Ethio-
Bähat premises (CerPal 384f., 388f., nos. 10, 20). pian monks visited this historical site where the
A few years later, they withdrew to the mon- founder of monasticism had lived. Here at least
astery of the Virgin (Dayr Sayyida) of St. John two “late-Byzantine” icons of Ethiopian re-
“the Short”, since theirs had fallen into ruin; and levance, both gifts to the monastery, are kept: the
then to the nearby monastery of St. Minas (Dayr one (33 x 46 cm) shows a Virgin Eleousa (“Com-
Abu Mina). They still continued to be present passionate”) of the so-called Vladimir type, with
at Scetis, for in 1517 “the monk and ascetic, the an Ethiopic inscription; the other (6 x 53 cm),
venerable priest Takla al-Habaši”, i.e. ‘Takl(a) the the Virgin, John the Evangelist, several eques-
Abyssinian’, decorated the walls of the Chapel of trian saints, and two additional figures labelled
the Wanderers in the keep of the monastery of St. in GéŸéz as ase ÷Lébnä Déngel and his consort
Macarius with figures of desert fathers somehow étege ÷Säblä Wängel. At St. Anthony’s, an Ethi-
copied from paintings and relieves of ÷Lalibäla opian monk “son of Täklä Haymanot” wrote a
(Fiaccadori 1989:149 [and n. 16], 160). In the book on penance in 1561 (CerPal vol. 2, 419).
Coptic monasteries of Wadi n-Natrun, Western According to Wansleben, still in 1672 Ethiopian
bibliophiles of the 17th to the 19th cent. – from monks kept their own monastery within Dayr
Johann Michael ÷Wansleben to Lord Curzon Anba Antuniyus, which had been destroyed,
– discovered numerous entire or fragmentary however, since the end of the 15th cent.
244
Egyptian-Ethiopian war
Lit.: CerMir 206–10; CerPal vol. 2, 353–432, esp. 353ff., highlands (hadbat an-Nil). However, the Red
370–76, 384ff., 393ff., 400, 403f., 406, 419; Carlo Conti Sea–Sudan connection necessitated the occupa-
Rossini, “Aethiopica”, RSO 9, 1923, 365–468, here 461f.
[§20]; Id., “Aethiopica (iia serie)”, ibid. 10, 1923, 481–520, tion of the future Eritrea. (It was in fact this
here 511ff. [§43], 516ff. [§46]; Hugh G. Evelyn White, Egyptian design which first conceived Eritrea as
The Monasteries of Wâdi ’n Natrûn, II. The History of an integral entity.) But, since the centre of grav-
the Monasteries of Nitria and of Scetis, New York 1932, ity of Ethiopia shifted now, under the Tégrayan
365–409; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Etiopia, Cipro e
Emperor ÷Yohannés IV starting from 1872, to
Armenia: la «Vita» di ýÊwostýâtêwos, santo abissino del
secolo XIV” (i), Corsi di cultura sull’arte ravennate e bi- Tégray and the north, the collision was inevita-
zantina 32, 1985, 73–78, here 77, and (ii), Felix Ravenna ble. Yohannés’s power-base stretched over areas
127–28, 1984–85, 217–39, here 234f. (Lit.); Id., “Aethio- immediately adjacent to this very territorial strip
pica minima”, Quaderni utinensi 7 [13-14], 1989 [1993], and included Hamasen in the ÷Märäb Méllaš,
145–64, here 148f. [and nn. 12–16], 159f. (Lit.); GrébTis-
sVat I, 859ff.; Jules Leroy, “L’Icône ex-voto du Négus which the Egyptians desired. Encouraged by
Lebna Dengel au Monastère de Saint-Antoine du Désert Munzinger and the governor of Massawa,
(Egypte)”, JES 9, 1, 1971, 35–45; Otto Meinardus, “Ec- ÷Arakel bey, IsmaŸil planned an invasion deep
clesiastica Aethiopica in Aegypto”, JES 3, 1, 1965, 23–35 into Ethiopia for July 1875. It aimed at ensuring
(Lit.); Id., “Ethiopian Monks in Egypt”, Publications de
Egyptian control of the Märäb Méllaš, toppling
l’Institut d’Études Orientales de la Bibliothèque Patriar-
cale d’Aléxandrie 11, 1962, 61–70; Id., “A Vladimirskaja Yohannés and causing Ethiopia to close its fron-
with Ge’ez Text”, AE 10, 1976, 211–14; Id., “Aethiopica tiers in the south.
im Paulus-Kloster?”, Armant 14, 1976, 49–52. The first stage of the war took the form of
Otto Meinardus – Red. head-on collisions which ended in Egyptian de-
feats. An Egyptian invasion force of some 3,000
riflemen under the Dane Arendrup, was nearly
Egyptian-Ethiopian war wiped out in ÷Gundät, 14–16 November 1875.
The war between ÷Egypt and Ethiopia, which A 15,000-man Egyptian force under the com-
lasted from 1875 to 1884, was arguably the mand of Ratib baša, along with a team of merce-
most important chapter in the history of these naries headed by the American general ÷Loring,
countries’ modern relations. It had far-reaching met a similar fate in ÷GuraŸ, 7–9 March 1876
consequences for both. (a modern Egyptian researcher estimated the
The Egyptians were the initiating party. After number of Egyptians killed in both battles at
the inauguration of the Suez canal in 1869, òidiw around 8,500; Bayumi n.d.:147). The simultane-
÷IsmaŸil began a campaign aimed at occupying ous Egyptiandiplomatic effort to isolate Yohan-
the whole Red Sea coast. By subsequent annexa- nés in Ethiopia was only partially successful. In
tions, the Egyptians connected the Red Sea by November 1875 Munzinger was sent to mobilize
land to the Sudan. The Red Sea coast, down to ÷Ménilék of Šäwa, but was killed in the ŸAfar
Cape ÷Gardafui, was captured and encroach- area (Awsa sultanate) en route to Šäwa. Though
ment inland ensued. ÷Harär was captured in Ménilék and ras Adal avoided helping Yohan-
1875. But though this ancient capital of Islam nés till 1877, the Emperor’s units proved strong
became a major centre of the envisioned Egyp- enough to stem the Egyptian invasion.
tian “African Empire”, the main strategic effort The second stage of the conflict lasted till
had to be made elsewhere. The flatland of the 1884 and took the form of a war of attrition.
Massawa–Khartoum line was the natural Egypt- The Egyptians fortified themselves along
Red Sea-Sudan connection. In 1871 the French the Massawa–Kassala-lowlands line, relying
Vice-Consul ÷Munzinger was sent to ensure mainly on their fortress Kärän (Sänhit) in Bogos
control over this strip. He captured ÷Kärän in (÷Bilin). In December 1881 they proclaimed this
1872, and cultivated relations with neighbouring strip as “the Ethiopian Border Province”. They
tribes, some already under the influence of the also subsidized and backed Ethiopian šiftas who
Mirëaniya – an Egyptian-supported popular ÷Is- undermined Ethiopian control over the Märäb
lamic brotherhood based in ÷Kassala. In 1873 the Méllaš highlands. These included balambaras
Egyptians from Khartoum captured ÷Mätämma. Kéflä Iyyäsus in the Kärän area, fitawrari
The Egyptian vision of a Nile–African empire ÷Däbbäb Arýaya in the Massawa–Asawérta
did not include direct occupation of Christian area and däggazmaó ÷Bahta Hagos in Akkälä
Ethiopia. It rather followed the concept of Guzay. The most important figure who col-
the “Nile Valley” (wadi an-Nil), not the Nile laborated temporarily with the Egyptians was
245
Egyptian-Ethiopian war
the hereditary ruler of Hamasen, ÷Wäldä Mikaýel the economic collapse of the over-ambitious en-
Sälomon. Though he helped Yohannés in the bat- terprise of IsmaŸil – a collapse quickened signifi-
tle of Gundät, he was not trusted and had to give cantly by the GuraŸ defeat and its strategic con-
his captured Egyptian rifles to Yohannés’s devo- sequences – which led to the Egyptian demise.
tee, šaläqa ÷Alula Éngéda. Embittered, Wäldä Three years after GuraŸ, in 1879, the bankrupted
Mikaýel crossed the line to the Egyptians and be- IsmaŸil was deposed by the Europeans and in
fore the battle of GuraŸ was given by them a rank September 1882 Egypt itself was occupied by the
equivalent to ras. After GuraŸ Yohannés promoted British. Symbolically, a few weeks later, in Octo-
Alula to ras and appointed him over Hamasen. In ber 1882, Yohannés managed to seal the unity of
December 1879 ras Alula manipulated ras Wäldä Ethiopia under his sovereignty.
Mikaýel to surrender and to be imprisoned by The Ethiopian victory had its prize. Yohannés,
Yohannés. This episode, a by-product of the war, previously keen on a fruitful dialogue with Eu-
would mar inner-Tégrayan relations on both sides rope and similarly flexible towards Ethiopia’s
of the ÷Märäb for decades. Muslims, changed his attitudes. His coercive
The Ethiopians, for their part, led by Alula in his Christianization of Muslims at home and his rig-
Hamasen headquarters, retaliated all throughout id diplomacy towards Britain, France and Italy
1877–84 with seasonal raids beyond the Egyptians would be among the causes leading to his down-
lines and with punitive missions against tribes col- fall. The Egyptian defeat also had its blessings.
laborating with the Egyptians. Diplomatic efforts Out of the GuraŸ calamity there emerged a group
to ease the tension and reach some understand- of officers who would herald the emergence of
ing – conducted mainly by the British Colonel modern nationalism in British-occupied Egypt.
÷Gordon baša, the Egyptian governor of the Src.: ZewYohan s. index.
Sudan (in 1877 and again in 1879) – proved fruit- Lit.: ŸAbdallAh BayUmI, MawsuŸat at-taýriò al-Ÿaskari
less. In November 1881 the Egyptian government al-misri (‘Encyclopaedia of Egyptian Military History’),
vol. 3: al-Gayš al-misri fi Ÿasr òulafaý Muhammad ŸAli
enabled the appointment by the Coptic Church of (‘The Egyptian Army in the Era of Caliph Muhammad
four bishops for Ethiopia (abunä Atnatewos had ŸAli ’), Cairo, n. d., 147; Georges Douin, Histoire du
been suspected by Yohannés of collaborating with Règne du Khédive Ismaïl, Cairo 1933–41, vol. 3; Wil-
the Egyptians during the GuraŸ campaign and was liam McEntyre Dye, Muslim Egypt and Christian Ab-
yssinia, New York 1880; Haggai Erlich, Ras Alula and
eliminated soon afterwards). Though this was an the Scramble for Africa, East Lansing, MI 1982 [repr. New
Egyptian gesture of unprecedented flexibility, the Jersey 1995], ch. 1–5; Id., Ethiopia and the Middle East,
situation along the border did not improve. In late Boulder, CO 1994, ch. 5; Id., The Cross and the River,
October 1883 the conflict escalated when Alula Ethiopia, Egypt and the Nile, Boulder, CO 2002, ch. 4;
annihilated an Egyptian company entrenched in Täklä SadÉq MäkwÉriya, %oy Lc;@F!y Y#M_1\y
!#;|M (ŸAìe Tewodrosénna yäýityopya andénnät, ‘Ase
Sahati. By that time, however, Egypt was in no Tewodros and Ethiopian Unity’), Addis Abäba 1981 A.M.
position to respond. In 1881 there had erupted [1988/89 A.D.]; MuHammad RifŸat Bek, Gabr al-kasr
in the Sudan the revolt of the ÷Mahdists and in fi l-òalas min al-asr (‘Recovery from a Disruption for the
September 1882 Egypt itself was occupied by the Liberation from the Age’), Cairo 1896; RubInd 288–406.
Haggai Erlich
British. In late 1883 the British undertook to dis-
member the falling “African Empire” of Egypt.
In April–June 1884 their “Anglo-Egyptian” dip- Egyptus Novelo
lomatic mission headed by Rear-Admiral Hewett The name of E.N. designates an important map
negotiated with Yohannés the end of the war. By of the ÷Nile basin that was possibly drawn
the ŸAdwa Treaty of 3 June 1884, it was agreed in Florence around 1454, or rather some time
that in return for Ethiopia helping to rescue the before 1469 (Hirsch 1986–87:98) It comprises
Egyptians besieged by the Mahdists, the country ÷Egypt and ÷Ethiopia, the latter including
of Bogos would come under Yohannés. While (Upper) ÷Nubia and being shown as somehow
the Ethiopians fulfilled their part of the deal, concealing the source of the former’s life.
they found themselves in 1885 confronting two The map is chiefly known from three copies
stronger enemies – the Italians and the Mahdists. appended as Tabulae modernae, with different
The war was not determined militarily. Though titles, to as many 15th-cent. testimonia of the
the Ethiopians defeated the invading forces, they Latin translation of ÷Ptolemy’s Geography:
could not uproot the Egyptians entrenched in Paris, BN, ms. Lat. 4802, fols. 130v–31r, “Egyp-
the Massawa lowland and Bogos. It was mainly tus Novelo”, in which the arms of the later king
246
Égziýabéher
of Naples ÷Alfonso V of Aragon, then duke Égziý Kébra

of Calabria (1458–94), have been eventually É.K. (&Pt&y l-= ) was a 14th-15th-cent. queen.
identified (s. Hirsch 1986–87:96); VatLib, mss. She was a spouse of ase ÷Dawit II (Conti Ross-
Vat. Lat. 5699 (dated to 1469 A.D.), fol. 125r, ini 1900:118) − who also had at least two other
“Egyptus cum Ethiopia moderna”, and Urb. wives, Déngél Mogäsa and ÷Séyon Mogäsa −
Lat. 277 (1472 A.D.), fols. 128v–129r, “De- and the mother of ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob.
scriptio Egypti nova”. Besides these exemplars, According to the ÷Täýammérä Maryam, É.K.
produced in Florence by the French scribe and lost her first son and, having been sick during
illuminator Hughes Comminau de Mézières and her second pregnancy, prayed fervently the
the local painter Piero del Massaio, a fourth one Virgin Mary to keep her new child alive. Her
is reported to be in the Escurial Library (Man- prayers were answered and she gave birth to
noni 1932:10f.). The first and eponymous copy Zärýa YaŸéqob, who was to be especially devoted
was published by Mannoni (1932) and partially to the Virgin Mary, and to have this miracle re-
redrawn and re-plotted on a modern basis by corded in the Täýammérä Maryam (Cerulli 1933:
Crawford (CrawItin 14f., figs. 1–2). 82f.). Later, he also kept a site for É.K. in his dy-
E.N. is a rectangular “modern” map with east nastic mausoleum, ÷Däbrä Nägwädgwad, where,
to the top; its northern portion is based to a according to his chronicle, he was then buried
greater extent on Ptolemy, whereas its southern aside his mother and father, É.K. and Dawit II
portion, describing Ethiopia from the Maria pla- (PerrZarY 86f.).
teau down the Šäwan region (÷Šäwa), embodies Src.: Enrico Cerulli, “L’Etiopia del secolo XV in nuo-
an extraordinary amount of first-hand infor- vi documenti storici”, Africa Italiana 5, 1933, 57–112, here
mation in terms of toponyms and additional 82f. (text) = 90f. (tr.); Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il Gadla
indications: e.g., Damot aurj (‘Auriferous/Gold Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra Bizan”, MRALm, ser.
5a, 8, 1900 [1901], 61–170, here 118; PerrZarY 86f.
÷Damot’, cp. Fiaccadori 1989:155 n. 21). Such Lit.: Taddesse Tamrat, “Problems of Royal Succes-
a wealth of information, both new and reliable, sion in Fifteenth Century Ethiopia: a Presentation of the
was supplied to the compiler(s) by someone – Documents”, in: PICES 4, 501–35, here 518; TadTChurch
well acquainted with that country – who should 220 and n. 2 (Lit.).
be ultimately sought among the members of the Marie-Laure Derat
Ethiopian delegation at the Council of ÷Flor-
ence. This accounts for the differences in content Égziýabéher
between E.N. and the more or less contemporay É. (&Pt!-A?, also &Pt!y -A? ) is the stand-
map of ÷Fra Mauro, the two works reflecting ard GéŸéz term for “the Lord”. It could have
geographical knowledge current in Florence been adopted soon after the introduction of
and in Venice respectively (Hirsch 1986–87:98). ÷Christianity into Aksum during the reign of
Already evident in the 16th cent., the exact influ- ÷ŸEzana (ca. 340 A.D.), since it appears in his
ence of E.N. on subsequent ÷cartography is still royal inscriptions. The term is composed of the
to be assessed. two GéŸéz words: égziý, ‘lord’ (cp. égziýo!, ‘oh
Src.: BN, ms. Lat. 4802; VatLib, mss. Vat. Lat. 5699 and
Urb. Lat. 277; Laura Mannoni, Una carta italiana del
my lord!’ or égziýénä, ‘our Lord [Jesus Christ]’)
bacino del Nilo e dell’Etiopia del secolo XV, Roma 1932 and béher, ‘land, earth’, conjoined by means of
(Pubblicazioni dell’Istituto di Geografia dell’Università di the status constructus. While in ŸEzana’s pre-
Roma, ser. b, 1), esp. 11f.; W. G. L. Randles, “South-East Christian inscriptions the names of the deities
Africa as Shown on Selected Printed Maps of the Sixteenth
are applied, in the celebrated inscription DAE
Century”, Imago Mundi 13, 1956, 69–88, here 69.
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Bibliografia etiopica (1927 no. 11 (RIE no. 189) there is an obvious attempt
– giugno 1936)”, Aevum 10, 1936, 467–586, here 550, no. to invent a new terminology for rendering the
x.567; Dana Bennet Durand, The Vienna-Klosterneuburg basic ideas of the Christian religion. So God the
Map Corpus of the Fifteeenth Century: a Study in the Tran- Creator is described in it by three terms: égziýa
sition from Medieval to Modern Science, Leiden 1952, 27ff.;
CrawItin 13–16, figs. 1–2; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Ae- sämay, ‘Lord of Heaven’ (used seven times),
thiopica minima”, Quaderni utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], égziýa kwéllu, ‘Lord of All’ (used twice) and
145–64, here 155 n. 21; Bertrand Hirsch, “Cartographie égziýa béher, ‘Lord of the Land/Earth’ (once). In
et itinéraires: figures occidentales du nord de l’Éthiopie aux the “pseudo-Sabaean” version of the inscription,
XVe et XVIe siècles”, Abbay 13, 1986–87 [1988], 91–122,
here 94ff. [figs. 2f.], 98, 108, 115ff. [abridged version in: PI- only the word É. can be read (with ý in the mid-
CES 9, vol. 5, 58–74, here 60ff., 65, 67, 70ff.] (Lit.). dle omitted; s. RIE no. 190.8, 9). The Greek ver-
Gianfranco Fiaccadori sion of the same inscription has more developed
247
Égziýabéher
Christian terminology: both oJ Kuvrio¿, ‘Lord’ and As Getatchew Haile (1983) demonstrated,
qeov¿, ‘God’ and also the Trinitarian formula are there are at least three major collections bearing
used and the name of Christ is mentioned (RIE this title. They have only some features in com-
no. 271; Anfray – Caquot – Nautin 1970). mon; one should not attempt to distinguish them
The term soon prevailed and was subsequently solely by the way they begin or end.
used in the Bible for Gr. oJ Kuvrio¿. It is not cer- 1) The first type of the É.n. collection (NG,
tain from what time the word for “God” (later following Getatchew Haile 1983) is the one at-
rendered as amlak) came into use (cp., however, tributed to abba Giyorgis of Gasécca (d. 1426).
verses from Ps. 19 quoted in Kaleb’s inscription, It contains, among others, at least eight hymns in
RIE no. 195, II, 26-29). In later sources (some honour of Giyorgis himself. Besides, for every
epigraphic monuments; early translation of the month there is more than one hymn in honour
÷Bible) a number of derived terms can be found: of the Apostles Peter and Paul. Getatchew Haile
e.g., wäldä égziýabéher (‘the Son of the Lord’), (1983:56ff.) argues that in some hymns the See of
rédýetä égziýabéher (‘the help of the Lord’) etc. St. Peter in Rome is referred to;
In later GéŸéz texts É. can still sometimes be 2) the second type of the collection (NZ) is
written in two separate words, as in the inscrip- considered to have been the work of ase Zärýa
tions. In the ÷Ethio-Semitic languages spoken YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68) or composed under his di-
by the Christian population of Ethiopia, the rection. The authorship of the Emperor appears
term (attested in different phonetic variants) is an probable since the hymns are extensive invest-
important element of the lexicon and provides a ment issues of the devotion of the Virgin Mary
substantial part of the inventory of personal and praise both the Sabbath and Sunday (÷Sab-
÷names; cp. also ÷Tégre, a language now spo- bath); a lot is said on the issues of Trinitarian the-
ken mostly by Muslims, which has three words ology. Some of the hymns in honour of saints ap-
for ‘God’: ilahi, rabbi and égzaher. pear to have been taken over into the Sénkéssar
Src.: DillmLex 1192; Enno Littmann – Maria from this collection, but many of the saints men-
Höfner, Wörterbuch der Tigre-Sprache, Wiesbaden tioned in it do not appear in the Sénkéssar at all.
1962, 349, 387; Francis Anfray – André Caquot
– Pierre Nautin, “Une nouvelle inscription grecque The oldest representative of this work seems to
d’Ezana, roi d’Axoum”, Journal des Savants 1970, 260–74, be ms. EMML 3128 (late 15th cent.);
esp. 271ff.; DTWDic 79; DAE IV, no. 11; RIE nos. 189, 3) the third type of the É.n. collection (MF) is
190, 195, 202, 228, 266, 271; Roger Schneider, “Trois often designated as uwv:y IP@#y ]`tHy
nouvelles inscriptions royales d’Axoum”, in: PICES 4, Mhu# (Mäzmurä féííuhan wäsälotä tékkuzan,
vol. 1, 767–86.
Lit.: Francis Anfray, Les anciens éthiopiens: siècles ‘Psalter of the Jubilant and Prayer of the Dis-
d’histoire, Paris 1990; CRStor 148, 164, 270, 274; Jean tressed’). This is most probably the rearrange-
Doresse, L’empire du Prêtre-Jean, 2 vols. Paris, 1957; ment and enlargement of a previous setting called
BrakKirche 70f. (Lit.); Yuri Kobishchanov, Axum, Égziýabéher nägíä zäŸarke (NA), after the name
tr. by Lorraine T. Kapitanoff, Philadelphia, PA
1979; MHAksum (Lit.); SerHist 277; Enno Littmann,
of its author (s. EMML 1601 and 2081; s. also
“Äthiopische Inschriften”, in: Miscellanea academica ÷ŸArkä Íéllus; ÷ŸArke). The name b9Ey Ax\
Berolinensia, Berlin 1950, 97–127, here 114–27. b\#y ]z;=b\# (s. ÷Wéddase sämayawéyan
Merid Wolde Aregay wämédrawéyan), which sometimes appears in
manuscripts, is not a title of its own, but merely
an explanation to MF (s. EMML 2706). The
Égziýabéher nägíä MF hymns seem to have been included into the
É.n. (&Pt!-A?y |PO , also called |PT , nägí) Sénkéssar, regardless of whether the story of the
or salutation hymns (sälam/sälamat) is the title saint, as told in a MF hymn, agrees with what the
of a large collection of hymns in honour of the corresponding Sénkéssar entry reports or not. In
÷Saints, Virgin ÷Mary, ÷Trinity etc. The full fact, all É.n. collections are important sources of
title is &Pt!-A?y |POy F-=JSy n-A hagiographic information on saints who are not
(Égziýabéher nägíä sébhatihu läbsä, ‘The Lord mentioned in the Sénkéssar or elsewhere and
reigns, He is robed in His glory’), i.e. the open- they are worthy of further profound research.
ing lines of Ps 92 (93). The hymns are supposed The nägí-hymns represent a particular genre
to be read on the respective commemoration of the Ethiopian liturgical hagiographic litera-
days of the saints as established by the Ethiopian ture. NG hymns usually consist of five (or four)
church calendar (÷Sénkéssar). short lines, not necessarily all rhyming, one line
248
Éòétä Kréstos
being made up of a pair of rhyming phrases. and how it should happen … The sprinkling of
There are also hymns with more than four lines, catechumens (is conducted) in order that those
some of them do not rhyme. Many, but not all in whom is a strange spirit may be identified’
the hymns from É.n. collections are sälamat, e.g., (EMML 2358, fol. 33ab).
begin with the words sälam lä … (‘Salutation to É.z. received its name from the incipit of the
…’), or sälam ébl lä … (‘I say salute to …’). actual prayer, which is taken from the Testament
NZ and MF collections can easily be confused of Our Lord Jesus Christ (÷Kidan zäýégziýénä
because the hymns in both sometimes begin in wämädòaninä Iyyäsus Kréstos). Although É.z.
the same way. NZ hymns are of so varied types is not an Eucharistic prayer, an abbreviated
that it is practically impossible to find a single text, with alteration to fit the purpose, has been
hypothetical archetype. MF and NA hymns are incorporated in the Anaphora of Epiphanius
composed of five rhyming metrical lines; some of (÷Anaphoras), indicating that this anaphora was
the lines may consist of a pair of rhyming phrases. a local composition. The prayer is usually copied
They have different introductions but similar with other prayers. However, copying it with
contents. NZ and MF must have been competing prayers that would constitute the so-called A+Iy
works; they are well represented in the manu- i9!M (Säbattu kidanat, ‘The Seven Covenants’),
script collections outside Ethiopia, whereas the in the form published in Addis Abäba in 1959 A.M.
NG collection is by far less well known. [1966/67 A.D.], must be a recent development or
The É.n. hymns are sung during the celebration the publisher’s own innovation because they
of T?(Hy xirM (ÍérŸatä maòlet, ‘The Order are hardly ever found copied together in other
of the Chanting’), the morning praise of the en- manuscripts in this manner.
tire liturgical year (÷Qéddase), and also during Euringer translated this abbreviated and
the liturgy before the hymns of the ÷Déggwa. widely copied version into German in his edition
Src.: EMML 56, 204, 1601, 2081, 2706, 3128; HamSix of the Anaphora of Epiphanius (1926/28), while
1989, 84–87, no. 50; HamSixBerl 233, no. 1006; liqä Marcos Daoud and Mersie Hazen translated it
mäzämran Mogäs ÉqwÉbä Giyorgis (ed.), u;(sy
rxirM (Mädbäl zämaòélet, ‘Collection of the Hymns’),
into English (1954).
Asmära 1958 A.M. [1965/66 A.D.], 12–26, 33–38; Id. Src.: EMML 2358, fol. 33–34b; A+Iy i9!M| 89Ey x?\
(ed.), ue=Dy A(KM (Mäshafä säŸatat, ‘The Book of z| usl!y L+% (Säbattu kidanat. Qéddase Maryam.
the Hours’), Aímära 1969 A.M. [1976/77 A.D.], 208–23; Mälkéýa gubaýe, The Seven Covenants. The Anaphora
SixTana 3, 206, no. 163 (Lit.); KWKDic 625. of Mary. The Collection of Images’), Addis Abäba 1959
Lit.: CerLet 112; RicLett 827f.; Carlo Conti Rossini, A.M. [1966/67 A.D.], 38ff.; ue=Dy 89E (Mäshafä
“Note per la storia letteraria abissina”, RRALm 8, Qéddase, ‘The Book of Liturgy’), Addis Abäba 1951 A.M.
1899, 197–220, 263–85, here 268; Getatchew Haile, [1958/59 A.D.], 199ff.; SixDeu 72, no. 7 [29/5 St.Augustin],
The Different Collections of Nagí Hymns in Ethiopic fol 49v−52v (Lit.); HamSixBerl 56, no. 6 [Ms. orient. oct.
Literature and their Contributions, Erlangen 1983 990], 34v−38r (Lit.).
(Oikonomia. Quellen und Studien zur orthodoxen Lit.: Marius Chaîne, “Répertoire des Salam et Malkeýe
Theologie 19), 56ff.; GuiSLett 65; liqä séltanat Habtä contenus dans les manuscrits éthiopiens des bibliothèques
Maryam WärqÉnäh, 4#K_y Y#M_1\y T?(Hy d’Europe”, ROC 18, 1913, 183–203, 337–57, here 349, no.
MzW?M (Téntawi yäýityopya íérŸatä témhért, ‘The Old 363; Sebastian Euringer, “Die äthiopische Anaphora
Order of Ethiopian Learning’), Addis Abäba 1969 A.M. des Hl. Epiphanius, Bischofs der Insel Cypern, nach zwei
[1976/77 A.D.], 114f.; HabUff; abba Tito Lepisa, The Berliner Handschriften herausgegeben und übersetzt”,
Cult of Saints in the Ethiopian Church, Roma 1963. OrChr 23, 1926/27, 98–142, 126ff.; Marcos Daoud
Habtemichael Kidane – Maija Priess
– Marsie Hazen, The Liturgy of the Ethiopian Church,
Addis Ababa 1954, 194.
Getatchew Haile
Égziýabéher zäbérhanat
É.z. (&Pt!-A?y r-?U!M ‘God of lights’) was
originally a prayer used whilst sprinkling water Éòétä Kréstos
over the catechumen (néýusä kréstiyan). Through É.K. (&iHy l?FNF, lit. ‘Sister of Christ’; fl. 17th
this practice the catechumens are meant to be cent.) was an Ethiopian saintly nun. É.K.’s vita is
accepted by God and not rejected with their known from a ÷Sénkéssar reading found in ms.
sins. The introduction runs as follows: (&#Hy VatLib, Vat. aeth. 112, fol. 27rc-28ra (s. Nollet
ruIMby (?oy ug=y ^M]gIcvy n#"Ay 1930) and ms. Oxford, Aeth. 22 (but not found
l?FJ\#y … guy ^M%]4y &ny .vy u#DFy in any of the printed synaxaries). According
|i? … ‘Regarding the necessity that they should to this source, she was born to a noble family;
receive the catechumens with all (due) testing she married and bore a son, Térasya. Some
249
Éòétä Kréstos
years later, she became a hermit at the church

of Fura, where her sister was already staying.
In the vita of Wälättä Petros, Fura appears as
Fure, Fare, and this may be identified with Furi
Maryam, today a small church south of the Zage
peninsula (s. Bosc-Tiessé 2000:211, 247f.; yet in
the Sénkéssar, Fura is identified with ÷Däbrä
Sina on the northern coast of the lake).
At the insistence of abba Sége Haymanot, É.K.
joined ÷Wälättä Petros and became her faithful
companion and disciple. Both opposed ase
÷Susényos, who had converted to Catholicism,
and were repeatedly exiled. After the Emperor’s
abdication and the country’s return to
Orthodoxy, Wälättä Petros founded a monastery
at Lake Tana and took up residence there (Rema,
with an extension at Afär Färäs). É.K. acted as
her assistant and, after, Wälättä Petros’s death in
1644, she succeeded her as abbess, a post she held
for 26 years until her own death ca. 1670, on 26 This small halt along the Imi-Dolo road owes
Mäggabit (2 April). its growth to its promotion in 1984 to capital of
The ÷mälkéý in honour of É.K. was published the E.K. awragga. In addition to a market, it
by Conti Rossini (1912) and translated by Ricci boasts local administrative services and a small
(1970). A Gädlä Éòétä Kréstos is reportedl to be garrison, which has profited from such a strate-
preserved in one manuscript in Kämkäm (Libo, gic location.
Bägemdér). Since the establishment of the federalist policy
Src.: DillmBodl 54-61, no. 24 [Aeth. 22, part 3], here
in 1991, E. became the chief town of the wäräda
56; GreTisVat 428-36, ms. Vat. éth. 112, here 429; of the same name (38,752 inhabitants; CSA
Geneviève Nollet, “La légende de ýEòta-Krestos 2004), a subdivision of the Afder zone, which
d’après le ms. du Synaxaire Vat. éth. n° 112“, Aethiops 4, is itself part of kéllél Somali. The territory of
1930, 51–53; Carlo Conti Rossini – Carl Jaeger, Afder (423,683 inhabitants) corresponds ap-
Vitae sanctorum indigenarum. I. Acta S. Walatta Petros.
II. Miracula S. Zara-Buruk, Louvain 1912 (CSCO 68 proximately to that of the old awragga of E.K.,
[SAe 30]), 139–44; Lanfranco Ricci, Vita di Walatta which had 138,000 inhabitants in 1970 (density
Petros, Louvain 1970 (CSCO 316 [SAe 61]), xi, no. 11, 2.4 inhabitants/km²) and 197,800 in 1984 (den-
137–43, s. index. sity 3.5 inhabitants/km²). E.K. has thus enjoyed
Lit.: Claire Bosc-Tiessé, “L’histoire et l’art des
églises du lac Tana“, AE 16, 2000, 207-70, here 211, 247f.;
an important increase in its population, larger
Osvaldo Raineri, “Eòeta Krestos“, in: EncSan, vol. 1, than the national average; the twofold increase
col. 739f.; KinBibl 68, no. 40. was mainly due to the arrival of refugees fleeing
Ugo Zanetti unrest and drought in neighbouring Somalia.
Lit.: EMAtlas; Guida; CSA 1984; CSA 1998; CSA 2000;
CSA 2004.
El Käre Alain Gascon
E.K. is the capital of the awragga of the same

name in south-eastern Ethiopia. It is a small
town located at 1,000 m A.S.L., at the far end ŸÉla BärŸéd
of the sedimentary plates of Bale mountains, ŸÉ.B. (*qy (?*; , Tgr. ‘cold-water well’; also
inhabited by sedentary ÷Oromo, between the ŸÉla BärŸidi in Tgn. pronunciation) is an area
Wabi Šäbälle and the Weyb valleys. Its present and settlement on the road joining Asmära with
population is estimated at 1,394 inhabitants Kärän, ca. 78 km north-west of Asmära. It is
(CSA 2004). E.K. emerged around a water-point situated in the former province of Sänhit, now in
(Ÿeel [Somali: ceel] means “well”) used by the zoba ŸAnsäba, Eritrea, and belongs to territories
Somali stockbreeders who feed their cattle in the historically inhabited by ÷Bilin speakers. It is
surrounding clear scrub. primarily known for its large fruit plantations,
250
ŸÉla BärŸéd
founded in the colonial period, which are irri-

gated by the ÷ŸAnsäba.
The historical Bilin settlement of Céndéq
was located here, close to ÷Däbrä Sina. Oral
historiography claims that this was the first area
reached by the migrating Agäw forefathers of
the Bet Tarqe, the oldest Bilin group. Here they
met the legendary “Rom”, allegedly the original
Bega inhabitants. Legend reports that, when the
Tarqe brothers decided to leave Céndéq due to
their rising number, the brothers Bigäday and
Lamaóalli stayed between Céndéq and Mägaréh
(Kärän). Later, the two lineages tracing descent
to these forefathers were invaded by the Hada
lineage from Barka, who subsequently became
their masters (Ghaber 1993:7). The legend re-
flects movements and conflicts of different Bilin
lineages over the fertile soil in ŸÉ.B. After the rise
of the Adkämä Mélgaý and the Däqqi Täššim
he developed ŸÉ.B. considerably from 1958 to
further south, Céndéq became the southern-
1975. It then became the most important agro-
most limit of the Bilin territories. During the ex-
industrial concession of post-war Eritrea (with
pansion of däggazmaó Wébe Òaylä Maryam, the
ca. 1,500 ha). The rapid rise in production, espe-
Bilin, led by sim Hakin Mädén, were defeated
cially of citrus fruits, but also of vegetables, was
at the battle of Céndéq in 1844 or 1849, which
due to mechanization (e.g., a tomato-canning
opened the way to raids in the territories further
plant) and, more importantly, new methods of
north (KolTrad 2, 120; Ghaber 1993:14, 27). Be-
irrigation. Milk was also produced extensively.
cause of later Tégre (Bet Guk) domination of the
The Därg nationalized the territory in 1975.
area, it received a Tégre name.
In 1977 ŸÉ.B., together with Kärän, AfŸabet and
In colonial times, the Italian “concessione agro-
Qarora, was taken over by the ÷Eritrean Peo-
industriale di Elaberet” was founded there in 1904
ple’s Liberation Front (“battle of ŸÉ.B.”). During
by the Istituto Agronomico, at first, due to scarci-
the Ethiopian central government’s offensive of
ty of water, only with plantations of sisal. In 1906
1978, ŸÉ.B. was retaken by Ethiopian troops and
it was taken over by a private consortium, from subsequently lost again in 1988. In 1993 the “Ela-
1908 led by Pietro Casciani (1869–1942), followed bered Estate” was an agro-industrial complex of
by his sons (s. ErDizBio 73f.). The “azienda”, 1,200 ha, with 520 ha equipped, but only irri-
with ca. 1,000 ha in 1908, rapidly became one of gated over 135 ha. Administratively ŸÉ.B. forms
the most important Eritrean enterprises. The last a sub-zone (néýus zoba) of zoba ŸAnsäba.
concessionary was the fruit-merchant Guido De
Lit.: Werner Munzinger, Ueber die Sitten und das
Nadai. Originally a member of this consortium, Recht der Bogos, Winterthur 1859, 11; KolTrad II, 120,
240; Guida 212; ErDizBio 73f.; Michael Ghaber,
The Blin of Bogos, Baghdad 1993, 7, 14, 27; FAO, Eritrea
– Agricultural Sector Review and Project Identification:
Report Prepared by FAO/IC under Technical Cooperation
Programme Project TCP/ERI/2353, 3 vols., Roma 1994;
Marco Piovesan, La concessione di Elaberet prima
del Derg (1905–1975), paper presented at the Séminaire
Européen de Géographie de l’Eau, Saint Victor sur Loire,
10–16 September 1995; KilHDic 178ff.; Youssef Ab-
dul-Haggag, A Contribution to the Physiography of
Northern Ethiopia, London 1961; Marco G. Marchi,
“Il lavoro italiano fiorische sempre in Etiopia”, Etiopia il-
lustrata. Rassegna politica culturale economica 7, Dicembre
1967, 31–34; Alberto Pasolini Zanelli, “Il miracolo
di Elaberet, è opera di un italiano che ha sempre creduto
Dam in ŸÉla BärŸéd; photo 2002, courtesy of Martin nell’Etiopia”, ibid. 5, Dicembre 1966, 73–80; “Guido
Zimmermann de Nadai, cavaliere del lavoro”, Sestante. Documentario
251
ŸÉla BärŸéd
semestrale illustrato della vita politica economica sociale Omar from Dédér, daughter of an Oromo
dell’Etiopia 8, 1, 1972, 65; Chris Kutschera, Érythrée. mother and a Yemeni father (Taha Ali Abdi,
Eritrea, Paris 1994, 98f. (ill.).
personal communication 2003). By 1966, E.Q.
Wolbert Smidt
was a successful businessman, who attracted the
Élýatqärfa: Mäshafä élýatqärfa ÷Täýammérä attention of the Ethiopian Consulate officials in
Iyäsus Aden. In the same year, a Harari merchant who
was on a visit to Aden from Addis Abäba bor-
Eldad Ha-Dani rowed large quantities of goods from E.Q. with
E. was a mysterious Jewish traveller of the late 9th the promise to pay him back if he came to Addis
cent. Although his true origins remain uncertain, Abäba. Soon after E.Q.’s arrival in Addis Abäba
he claimed to descend from the lost Israelite tribe in early 1967, he was, however, arrested under the
of ÷Dan (whence his name). E. held that the Dan- pretext of involvement in anti-Ethiopian govern-
ites and three other tribes lived in an independ- ment activities. By the time of his release, E.Q.
ent kingdom. He also spoke of the impassable was a convinced Oromo nationalist.
Sambatyn river which stopped its flow on the In early 1968 E.Q. secretly went to Mogadishu.
Sabbath and of other wonders. Several modern There he met with other Oromo nationalists, who
authorities believe E.’s narrative is composed of entrusted him with the task of promoting the
legends which elaborate upon a small kernel of Oromo cause in the Arab world. Back in Aden,
truth concerning Jewish groups in distant lands. E.Q. formed an Oromo association and served as
While some scholars (i.e. Baron 1983, Conti Ross- its chairman. He managed to convince the gov-
ini 1925) think that E.’s work contains the earliest ernment of Aden to allow him to open a political
known references to the ÷Betä Ésraýel, others office. He organized Oromo nationalists in the
(Ullendorff – Beckingham 1982; Morag 1997) are Middle East and sought support for the Oromo
more sceptical, arguing that it reveals little first- cause from the governments of Aden, Syria and
hand knowledge of Ethiopia and its languages. Iraq, the Palestinian Liberation Organization
Many of the motifs found in his work recur in the and the Eritrean Liberation Front (E.L.F.). With
stories concerning ÷Prester John. support from the Iraqi Government, he was
Src.: Max Schloessinger (ed.), The Ritual of Eldad able to provide a seven-month military training
ha-Dani, Leipzig – New York 1908; Nathan Adler, programme and fully equipped the first Oromo
Jewish Travellers, London 1930, 1–21. guerrilla groups, which E.Q. in 1969 dispatched
Lit.: Edward Ullendorff – Charles Fraser Beck-
ingham, The Hebrew Letters of Prester John, London to Harärge under the command of ŸAbdalkarim
1982, 153–59; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Leggende Haggi Ibrahim, popularly known as Garra Ab-
geografiche giudaiche del IX secolo (Sepher Eldad)”, baa Gadaa. While in transit through northern
Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica Italiana 6, 2, Somalia, this first trained guerrilla Oromo army
1925, 162–76; Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and
Religious History of the Jewish People, New York 1983,
– with which E.Q. aspired to launch an armed
vol. 18, 373; Shelomo Morag, “Eldad Haddani’s struggle in Harärge – was, however, forced to
Hebrew and the Problem of the Provenance”, Tarbiz 66, give in by Somali government forces (Taha Ali
1997, 2, vii; Steven Kaplan, The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Abdi, ibid.). All 38 surviving members of the
Ethiopia, New York 1992, 43f.
Steven Kaplan
Elemo Qilituu
E.Q. (Elemo Qilixuu, birth name Hasan
Ibrahim; b. 1936, Garsa, Harärge region, d.
August 1974, Óäróär, Harärge) was a prominent
member of the Oromo nationalist movement.
After pursuing a traditional Islamic education
for some years, he settled in the city of Dérre
Dawa. There he worked for a wealthy Arab mer-
chant, who took him to Aden in 1956, where,
some time in the 1960s, Hasan adopted his new
name of E.Q. After some years E.Q. started his Elemo Qilituu; photo
own business in Aden and married Ammune courtesy of the author
252
Éleni
unit were imprisoned. E.Q. started smuggling concerned with the life of the Ethiopian royal
weapons through the ŸAfar desert to Wällo with court and state. She was childless and could not
the help of the E.L.F. therefore hope for a prominent position at court
Early in 1973, a meeting in Addis Abäba after the death of her husband. The praises to her
brought together militant underground mem- in the Chronicle of ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam I, the
bers of the Mäcca and Tulama Association son and successor of Zärýa YaŸéqob, are certainly
and Oromo nationalists from the Middle East, a later interpolation made in the reign of ase
including E.Q. After that, instead of returning ÷Lébnä Déngél at the time of É.’s regency, when
home to Aden, E.Q. left for the Cärcär Moun- chronicles of Zärýa YaŸéqob, Bäýédä Maryam I,
tains in Harärge, where he started an organized Éskéndér, NaŸod and Lébnä Déngél were col-
armed struggle. In the process he became an or- lected in one large historiographic piece.
ganizational expression of Oromo nationalism. It was precisely her being barren, which de-
He created a military unit, which some people prived her of any political future, that gave her
called an ÷Oromo Liberation Front (O.L.F.) a chance to survive during the stormy events of
guerrilla unit (Ibsaa Guutama 2003:130). four subsequent reigns, when, as an Ethiopian
E.Q. and his comrades were killed by Ethio- hagiographer puts it, “the notables of Ethiopia
pian government soldiers in August 1974 (s. consumed one another like the fish of the sea,
Mohammed Hassen 1998:214). Today he fig- and they became like wild beasts that have not
ures in several poems by šayò ÷Bakrii Sapaloo shelter” (Tadesse Tamrat in PICES 4, vol. 1, 530).
and Oromo nationalist songs. E.Q.’s name has Finally, her isolation made her quite an accept-
become symbolic for many Oromo and has pro- able figure at the court to be selected in 1508 as a
pelled millions into organized motion. regent to the young Lébnä Déngél. At the same
Src.: interviews with: Mohammed Omar, age 52, Jed- time, her detachment from petty court intrigue
dah, 12 and 22 June 1982; Adem Tukale [Muslis Abbaa permitted this Muslim-born lady, old and wise,
Gadaa], age 37, Jeddah, 17 June 1982; Abdullahi Mumad to have a wider vision of the current situation
Bili [Lungo], age 56, Jeddah, 20 June 1982; Yusuf Abdullahi
[Gole], age 29, Cairo, 25 October 1983; Ahmed Buna, age
and to appreciate the growing danger of local
43, Khartoum, 17 November 1983; Taha Ali Abdi, age 38, gihad when, in the words of another Ethiopian
Khartoum, 7 March 1984, November 2003; Muktar Qamar, historian, “the dignitaries did not know of the
age 30, Cairo, 18 March 1984; Ahmed Mohammed Musa, devastation of their country and their submis-
age 25, Cairo, 19 March 1984; Yohannes Letta [Leenco], age sion to Moslems, but they were amusing them-
42, London, 10 August 1984; Mojeedu Mohammadu, age
53, Abu Dhabi, 5–7 March 2003. selves chatting in Arabic and Amharic” (Sergew
Lit.: Ibsaa Guutama, Prison of Conscience Upper Hable-Selassie in PICES 4, 552).
Compound Maaikalawii Ethiopian Terror Prison and Therefore she was able to look for possible allies
Tradition, New York 2003; Mohammed Hassen, “The and initiated diplomatic relations with Christian
Macha-Tulama Association 1963-1967 and the Develop-
ment of Oromo Nationalism”, in: Asafa Jalata (ed.),
Europe. É. dispatched an Armenian, ÷Mateus,
Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse: the with a mission to Portugal, where he arrived in
Search for Freedom and Democracy, Lawrenceville, NJ 1519. She died and saw neither the realization of
1998, 183–221, here 214. the Muslim integration, nor the results of Mateus’s
Mohammed Hassen mission, but in Ethiopian history she remained the
person who, for good or bad, established continu-
Éleni ous relations between Ethiopia and Europe.
É. (&r~ , b. ca. 1431, d. ca. 1522, royal name According to a piece of information tracing
Admas Mogäsa) was probably the most famous back to ÷Damiao de Góis, who reports the
female Ethiopian ruler of the early medieval pe- words of ÷Sägga Zäýab, É. wrote two hym-
riod. She was a daughter of a hereditary ruler of nological collections in GéŸéz, the ÷Òoòétä
÷Hadiyya, Mähmad (or, according to Hadiyya Bérhan and the ÷Énzirä Säbhat, an outstanding
oral tradition, of his brother Boyamo). achievement for a woman in medieval Ethiopia.
About 1443 she was given in marriage to ase The tradition has it that she was the founder of
÷Zärýa YaŸéqob to confirm the vassalage of both, the monastery of ÷Märtulä Maryam.
the Hadiyya country and its ruler. Her marriage Src.: Marcus van den Oudenrijn, Helenae Aethiopum
reginae quae feruntur preces et carmina, Louvain 1961
and inevitable conversion to Christianity severed (CSCO 208, 211 [SAe 39, 40]); Damião de Góis, Crónica
all the ties between É. and her Muslim kinsmen do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel, Lisboa 11566–67, ²1619,
in Hadiyya, and since then all her interests were Coimbra 1926, part 2, ch. 61; BeckHuntAlvar.
253
Éleni
Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, “The Correlation of Oral Elephants
Traditions and Historical Records in Southern Ethiopia:
a Case Study of the Hadiya/Sidamo Past”, JES 11, 1973, General overview
44f.; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Aethiopica (I serie)”, RSO Surviving E. are classified in the order Probos-
9, 1923, 365–468, here 460; TadTChurch 287ff.; Taddesse cidea, family Elephantidae. Three surviving spe-
Tamrat, “Problems of Royal Succession in Fifteenth cies are recognized today: two in Africa (forest
Century Ethiopia: a Presentation of the Documents”,
in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 501–35, here 530; Sergew Hable-
African E., Loxodonta cyclotis and bush African
Sellasie, “The Geýez Letters of Queen Eleni and Libne E., Loxodonta Africana) and one in Asia (Elephas
Dingil to John, King of Portugal”, ibid., 547–66, here maximus). Fossil evidence from the Proboscidea
552; Richard Pankhurst, “The History of Ethiopian- dates to the early Eocene epoch (about 55 mil-
Armenian Relations”, Revue des Études arméniennes 12, lion years ago) in northern Africa. Since then, re-
1977, 279–89.
Sevir Chernetsov
mains of extinct proboscideans have been found
in all continents, except Australia, Antarctica and
some ocean islands. Their geographical distribu-
Éleni tion ranged from austral to boreal latitudes and
E. (&r~ , d. January 1708) was a daughter of ase from sea level to elevated mountains. Probosci-
÷Yohannés I and a sister of ase ÷Iyasu I. She deans have been highly diversified and extremely
was a remarkable figure in Ethiopian political adaptable to varied environmental conditions,
life during the last quarter of the 17th cent. É. was including swamps, rivers, shallow lake edges,
brought to prominence by Iyasu, who immedi- savannahs, forests, tundras and extreme desert
ately after his coronation in 1682 granted her the habitats. Today, only about one half (175) of the
title of governor of ÷Sémen, the traditional title 352 species and subspecies of proboscideans that
of the heir apparent, probably to give no chances were once recognized are considered valid. The
to any male (and therefore dangerous) candidate earliest member of this order (Phosphatherium
for this prestigious office. Such an appointment escuilliei) was a dog-size, later taxa reached a gi-
is a clear evidence for the growing importance of gantic size of 4.5 m at the shoulder and weighed
female royalties at the court. On the other hand, over 10 tons, e.g. Mammuthus trogontherii. The
this post was not granted to her forever, and in African E. is the largest living terrestrial mam-
1685 it was given to the more prominent figure mal, reaching 4 m at the shoulder and 7 tons in
of ras ÷Anästasyos. É. remained an important weight; it is considered a keystone species (Os-
person and in the Ethiopian “short chronicles” born 1936, 1942; Shoshani 1998, 2000; Shoshani
both her husband and her son are always men- – Tassy 1996). Extinct proboscideans have been
tioned with the name of their important relation: found in Djibouti (Chavaillon – Berthelet 2001),
“a husband[/son] of wäyzäro É.”. Eritrea (Ferretti et al. 2003) and Ethiopia (Kalb
After 1685 she held no official post at the court 2001). In historical times the African E. ranged
and led the usual life of Ethiopian women of all over Africa, except perhaps in the hottest
royal blood, with one important exception: É. inhospitable areas like the Sahara. The extant E.
actively interfered in religious disputes which population in the ÷Horn of Africa is found in
rendered the Ethiopian Church an ardent adher- Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia.
ent of the ÷Qébat doctrine. This adherance went The varied topography of the Horn of Africa
smoothly during the reign of her brother Iyasu, and its wildlife habitats is directly associated with
who himself seemed sympathetic to the doctrine, its diverse geography and climatic conditions
but when his son ase ÷Täklä Haymanot refused and includes fauna and flora globally unique.
to proclaim the Qébat faith as state doctrine, É. Elevation in the Ethiopian highland reaches
with her nephew-in-law däggazmaó Tulluu start- over 4,600 m A.S.L. (in the Sémen Mountains)
ed a conspiracy in 1706. The result was fatal for and dips to about 120 m B.S.L. in the ÷ŸAfar
them: däggazmaó Tulluu was blinded and exiled Depression. From west to east, some of the veg-
to Tégray and É. was exiled to Tänkäl (BégCron etation types of the Horn include moist western
85), where she died (DombrChr 246). forests, sub-Afro-Alpine, Afro-Alpine, juniper
Src.: GuiIohan 62; BassÉt I, 311, 372; BégCron 73, 81, forest, deciduous woodland, acacia woodland,
84f.; DombrChr 212, 227, 246. semidesert, desert, coastal and mangroves. This
Lit.: LaVerle B. Berry, “Ras Fares and the Tewahido
Coalition in Late Seventeenth Century Gondar”, in:
diverse topography is the basis for the three
OrbAethChoj 76. phytogeographic zones in the Horn of Africa:
Sevir Chernetsov the Somalia-Masai (the eastern lowland), the
254
Elephants
African elephants
in the dry riverbed
of the Gaš River,
zoba Gaš-Barka;
photo 2003, cour-
tesy of Jeheskel
Shoshani
Afro-montane (the highland) and the Sudanic (221–04 B.C.) continued these activities. It was
(the western lowland). Two major climatic pat- originally assumed that African E. were not do-
terns occur in the Horn: the long summer rains mesticable, until the Ptolemies managed to use the
from about June to September and the short smaller subspecies present in northern and north-
winter rainy season from around March to eastern Africa (Loxodonta cyclotis) as war-E. Pos-
April. Watersheds in the Horn are composed sibly the Greeks introduced E. domestication first
mostly of seasonal rivers (wadis) that collect wa- in ÷Meroë (Krebs 1968; Desanges 1978:272–77).
ter during the rainy season. Exceptions include E. were caught all along the Red Sea coast down
the permanent Blue Nile River in Ethiopia and to Cape Gardafuy, but the port of shipment to
the ÷Täkkäze (Setit) River, the natural border Egypt was ÷Adulis. The military training of the
between Ethiopia and Eritrea and a part of the E. was more often done by Indian specialists.
E. habitat in zoba ÷Gaš-Barka. In Ethiopia E. Throughout antiquity, ancient authors (such
habitat consists of mixed vegetation. In Eritrea, as ÷Herodotos) used the presence of E. both
aside from the permanent Setit River, much of in ÷“Aithiopía” and India far in the south as a
the E. habitat is xeric (dry); vast portions are dry crucial argument for the supposed geographical
for most of the year. The floodplains of the Gaš link between the two countries (the Ethiopian
and Setit rivers are composed of riverine forest region being regularly called one of the countries
and include the impressive doum palms. of ÷“India” until the 16th cent.; cp. Fiaccadori
1992:12ff., n. 33; 46f., n. 12; Schneider 2004). In-
Cultural history dependent of this misinterpretation, the assump-
÷Punt was the most important E.-hunting tion of an early presence of Indian E. and/or
ground for ancient Egypt (cp. Phillips 1997: E.-related knowledge from India in Ethiopia is
445f.). During the 3rd cent. B.C. the Ptolemies supported by the etymology, tracing the GéŸéz
deliberately sought their own source of war-E. word |O (näge, ‘elephant’, pl. nägeyat) to San-
to counter the Seleucids, who got theirs from skrit naga (DillmLex 685; s. Fiaccadori 1992:
their Indian allies. A catching-base was estab- 54f., n. 26).
lished by Ptolemy II (280–46 B.C.) at Ptolemais According to a hypothesis of Dillmann and
of the Hunts, on the ÷Barka River. His succes- later Altheim – Stiehl (1971:423f.), the 4th-cent.
sors, Ptolemy III (245–21 B.C.) and Ptolemy IV Aksumite ruler ÷ŸEzana had a special military
255
Elephants
Wall-painting; Gännätä Maryam Church near Lalibäla, south aisle; end of the 13th cent.; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael
Gervers
unit mounted on E. which was called sarwe It includes at least one petroglyph of an African
dakwen or sarwe daken (lit. ‘E. [mounted] E. from ŸAddi ŸAläwti, deemed to have been en-
troops’?), a term possibly connected with Saho graved in ca. 200 B.C. (Hagos et al. 2003:16, with
dakano (‘elephant’). details), but dated by the relevant graffito (DAE
The potential supply of E. was huge. In the no. 68 = RIE no. 255) to the Christian Aksumite
6th cent. Nonnosus, the envoy of the Byzantine period (Fiaccadori 2004:155).
Emperor Justinian, reports that he saw at Aue, Hillmann and Hillmann (1998) propose that
midway between Aksum and Adulis, up to 5,000 when the Aksumite ruler ÷Abraha started his
E. feeding in a large plain, probably the Hazamo campaign against Mecca in 547 A.D., war-E.
plain (Photius, Bibliotheca, cod. iii, ed. Henry were shipped from Ethiopia via Adulis to South
1959, 6; s. Fiaccadori 2004:128f.). ÷Cosmas Arabia. In sura 105 of the Qurýan, al-Fil (Arab.
Indicopleustes reports an extensive trade in Ethi- ‘[Of] the E.’), Abraha’s failure to conquer the Sa-
opian E.-tusk to India, Persia, South Arabia and cred City is partly attributed to his E.’s kneeling
the Roman Empire (Topographia Christiana, XI, down in awe at the Meccan boundary. Accord-
23, ed. Wolska-Conus 1973:355). According to ing to Altheim and Stiehl (1971:475f.), the event,
the ÷Monumentum Adulitanum, Ptolemaios III which took place in what has since been called
employed in the third Syrian war E. of Ethiopian the “Year of the Elephant”, is introduced in a
and “Trog(l)odite” origin – the latter coming mural painting in the Church of ÷Däbrä Salam
from the hinterland of the Red Sea coast and at Asbi (Gerster 1972, ill. 156), but this represen-
from Meroë (cp. Desanges 1978:276f.). tation can be rather interpreted with reference to
The importance of E. for the Aksumite king- St. Thomas (Fiaccadori 1992:55 n. 26).
dom was sometimes unduly emphasized by Beside their role in warfare and as providers
drawing on Hellenistic sources (PankIntro 12, of ivory and skin, E. had an outstanding sym-
37, 41). Yet, E. were then regularly coming to bolic meaning in different Ethiopian cultures.
places with wells and small torrents in the low- The E., like the ÷lion, was related to kingship.
lands near the coast. According to local tradition, E.-hunting was, in theory, a privilege of the
the village of Dähono – a name also related to Ethiopian emperor and E.-tusks were seen as
Saho dakano – is one of such places (Fiaccadori his possession. Also rulers of southern states and
2004:129), the surrounding area in those times regions expected tribute in E. tusks and organ-
being also known for E.-hunting (÷Hérgigo). ized hunting campaigns (e.g., in the Gibe states
Archeological evidence of E.-trade can be and Qabeena, s. CecZeila). The form of address
found at the archeological site of ÷Qohayto, for the emperor, ganhoy or ÷ïanhoy (‘majesty’),
which is said to have been an ÷ivory-trade post. seems to be connected with the Amharic word
256
Elephants
wX# zéhon, ‘elephant’ (cp. Yäm/Gängäro E. stayed on a high level. Proof for this is given
zakno, Sidaama danióóo etc.). Haberland (1965: by both historical documents on royal hunts and
130f.) rather derives the word gan from the observations of travellers. E., like other wild
Cushitic dan, don or donzo for ‘judge, elder, ÷animals, were plentiful wherever they found
chief’ (but cp. GéŸéz danäya; ÷dañña). suitable ecological circumstances, especially in
In the southern parts of Ethiopia, the hunting the ÷qwälla (cp. PankEcon 248–52; PankSoc
of E. was culturally important in connection 288–92). An index of the formerly wide distribu-
with the killing-complex (÷Meritorious com- tion of E. can also be seen in the high number of
plex). The E. was one of the animals most pres- place names linked with E. all over Eritrea and
tigious to kill. An Oromo who killed an E. was Ethiopia.
anointed with butter and entitled to wear the os- While the African E. was mainly for hunt-
trich feather and the bracelet of a killer (irboore), ing, Indian E. occasionally served in war and
which was in some cases made of ivory. Among as beasts of burden. One of the most noteable
the ÷Dorze the killing of an E. was worth the imports of Indian E. into Ethiopia resulted from
killing of 40 men (VSAe II, 53, 209, 283, 395f., the ÷Napier expedition. In 1867 the British
402, 468f.; VSAe III, 202). Among the Ethiopian General Sir Robert Napier brought “45” E.
nobility too the killing of E. was a source of pres- from Bombay, along with many horses, mules,
tige and the hunter was entitled to wear earrings. donkeys, camels and bullocks, to fight ase
The killing of an E. could be celebrated by songs ÷Tewodros II at Mäqdäla. Oral tradition says
of praise and gifts to the successful hunter (Pank- that an unspecified number of the Asian E. used
Soc 168, 262). In the north, E.-hunting was like- by him (Elephas maximus) were released or es-
wise bound to the killing-complex. A successful caped from his camp and mated with the native
killer of an E. received the title of hanta. One E. African E., thus giving origin to hybrid E. in the
equalled ten slain enemies, as documented, e.g., Horn (Denison – Paice 2003). According to Brit-
still in late-19th-cent. eastern Tégray, heroic deeds ish sources 39 Asian E. survived and were taken
being conditional for becoming an accepted back to India (Kodolitsch 1869: ch. 3, 45, ch. 8,
member of society (cp. ÷gaz). Such a hero had 202, ch. 5, 322). Yet, morphologically, all the E.
a privileged access to resources; songs would be observed in Gaš-Barka were typically African E.
composed to honour him. The same connotation (Loxodanta Africana), not hybrids.
was also applied in name-giving: the Tgn. term E. were hunted mainly for their tusks (ivory)
for E., @?xw (harmaz), may even function as a and hides (e.g., for shields and for export), to
personal name, almost synonymous with “hero” diminish their numbers in order to save the field
(as earlier, perhaps, in the graffito of the afore- crops and to gain heroic prestige. Tails were
mentioned petroglyph from ŸAddi ŸAläwti). regularly cut off and displayed as proof of the
Other symbolic characteristics of E. were also heroic deed. The consumption of E. flesh was
known. The Amado Oromo considered them- ritually restricted in many societies and often
selves relatives of the E., said to be descended only allowed for ÷marginalized groups.
from a group of Amado children who were trans- A traditional method of E.-hunting among the
formed into them. A very similar story was told ÷Arsi was to follow the fleeing E. on horses and
by the Gidenióó in ÷Meýen (VSAe I, 380f., 414; then to cut the tendon of their hind legs. The
for legends related to E. s. also VSAe II 632). In Kunama used the same method. The ÷Hamran
the myth of the Šeko of ÷Gimira, the first hu- hunted E. with swords in a similar way. The
man couple gave birth to a boy and an E. After Mekan (Gimirra), famous E.-hunters, built
a dispute over food, the E. had to flee into the platforms on treetops and threw spears into the
forest. There he gave birth to stars, wind, rain and mouth of the E. who tried to eat the leaves of
fire. For the Šeko, the E. was also connected with the trees (VSAe III, 18). Another method is re-
the introduction of jams (VSAe III, 62). In Baka ported from the Gidenióó hunters in Meýen: they
(÷Aari) culture, a man of the Garšima clan with rubbed themselves with E. dung to imitate their
the ritual office of dongur goodimi was considered smell and crept near to the animals overnight.
the master of the E. He was said to have the ability They killed them with a kind of harpoon with a
to order the E. to leave the fields (VSAe I, 47). powerful iron blade (VSAe I, 416). From Geeraa
Till the intensification of the ÷ivory trade a method is documented in which a single hunter
from the 18th cent. onwards the distribution of approached an E. up to a certain distance in or-
257
Elephants
der to wound the heart of the animal with the ca. tional Parks), Tama Wildlife Reserve, Gambella
60-cm-long blade of his lance. The hunter had to National Park, Mizan Täfäri Controlled Hunt-
leave the place immediately and stay away until ing Area (all in the south-west), Baabbillee
the E. bled to death (CecZeila vol. 3, 300f.). Elephant Sanctuary (central east), Dabus Valley
For those few who could obtain firearms, E.- Controlled Hunting Area (central east, near the
hunting was less complicated. Since the period Blue Nile) and Gaš-Setit (in the north-west, mi-
of the ÷Gondärine kingdom, E. were hunted grating from Eritrea). In Eritrea, E. are confined
by the Christian rulers with their courtiers. Ase to Gaš-Barka in the south-west; their number is
Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706) did the first documented close to 100 (Hagos et al. 2003; Nicholson-Lord
royal hunt with rifles. During an expedition into 2003). These E. migrate back and forth between
the country of the “Šanqélla”, some 200 E. were Eritrea and Ethiopia, entering the Täkkäze valley
killed. In the following years royal hunts are re- and the nearby Ethiopian Šire Protected Area.
ported with the Emperor himself killing many E. However, they do not intermingle with E. in
on his own. Most of his successors were also E.- Ethiopia, since the closest E. population is in the
hunters, or at least took part in royal hunts. Dabus Valley Controlled Hunting Area, about
In the 18th and 19th cent., the increasing spread 500 km to the south (Barnes et al. 1999).
of firearms resulted in the expansion of E.-hunt- Current E. distribution in the Horn of Africa
ing. It was chiefly practiced to accumulate large is restricted to a small fraction of their historical
quantities of ivory for export (PankSoc 291f.). sites. They are confined to island populations.
Ivory became one of the most important means Explanations for the reasons behind the shrink-
for regional rulers to finance their military and ing E. habitat in the Horn vary from human set-
political ambitions. E.g., between 1889 and 1913, tlements to hunting and lack of water resources.
ase Ménilék of Šäwa (later ase ÷Ménilék II) ex- Conservation measures to protect this keystone
changed ivory for firearms and used firearms to species are urgently needed in the Horn of Af-
acquire more ivory. rica. Especially vulnerable are the E. in Eritrea,
E.-hunting gradually became a profession. for they might become geographically and ge-
E.-hunting expeditions were encouraged by the netically isolated from other populations in East
merchants, who sometimes also financed them in Africa, even though they migrate in and out of
advance. Such activities started in the first half of Ethiopia.
the 19th cent. in the north, especially in Wälqayt,
Šire, Wäggärat, Säraye, Téltäl, Ras al-Fil and then
south of the Abbay river, later extending further
south. The local rulers who had to permit such
hunts received tribute in ivory. Under Ménilék II
taxes on E.-hunting had to be paid. The first tusk
to touch the ground when an E. was killed had
to be for the Emperor (PankEcon 509). The new
hunting methods and the greed for ivory and
firearms became the main reason for the decline
of E. population of the whole Horn of Africa
and of their total extinction in large areas of it.
In the 20th cent. the decrease of E. in Ethiopia
entailed a regression of ivory exports (PankEcon
248f., 420, 509; PankSoc 291ff.).
Elephant distribution in Ethiopia in the year 2002; from
Blanc et al. 2003
Current distribution of elephants
Based on data presented by Barnes et al. (1999), Src.: DAE IV, 70; René Henry (ed., tr.), Photius: Biblio-
thèque, vol. 1, Paris 1959, 6; Wanda Wolska-Conus
in Somalia E. (about 130) are restricted along the (ed., tr.), Cosmas Indicopleustès, Topographie chréti-
coast to the south-east, there being a possibility enne, vol. 3, Paris 1973 (Sources chrétiennes 197), 354f.;
that they migrate into and out of Kenya. The CecZeila vol. 3, 300f.; Julian J. Blanc et al., African
number of E. in Ethiopia ranges between 321 Elephant Status Report 2002: an Update from the African
Elephant Database, Gland 2003; DillmLex 685.
(definite) and 985 (speculative); they are found in Lit.: Franz Altheim – Ruth Stiehl, Christentum am
six places: Mago and Omo National Park (÷Na- Roten Meer, Berlin 1971, vol. 1, 423f., 475f.; Richard
258
Éllä ŸAmida
F.W. Barnes et al., African Elephant Database 1998, (÷Gébbi) in Šäwa. His duty was “the protection of
Nairobi 1999 (Occasional Papers of the IUCN Species the imperial inner-chamber against undesirable and
Survival Commission 22); Jean Chavaillon – Arlette
Berthelet, “The Elephas Recki Site of Haïdalo (Repub- uninvited visitors as well as the strict observation
lic of Djibouti)”, in: Giuseppe Cavarretta et al. (eds.), of etiquette and protocol in seating, presentation to
Proceedings of the 1st International Congress of “La Terra royal audience, neatness of the chambers and the
degli Elefanti”, The World of Elephants, Roma 2001, maintenance of general order” (Bairu Tafla in: PIC-
191ff.; Jean Desanges, Recherches sur l’activité des médi-
terranéens aux confins de l’Afrique (VIe siècle avant J.-C.
ES 4, 602). These duties are similar to those of the
– IVe siècle après J.-C.), Rome 1978 (Collection de l’Ecole täqaqän ÷blatten geta at the court of ÷Gondär.
Française de Rome 38), 272–77 (Lit.); Francisco Maria In the ÷Goggam regional court during the
Esteves Pereira, O elephante em Ethiopia, Lisboa 1898; Zämänä mäsafént, É.a. was the lieutenant of the
M.P. Ferretti et al., “Fossil Elephant from Buia (North-
ern Afar Depression, Eritrea) …”, Journal of Vertebrate
mulu-bet ÷aggafari. His job was to stand at the
Paleontology 23, 1, 2003, 244–57; Gianfranco Fiacca- door of the élféñ during meals or when councils
dori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992, 12ff., n. 33, 46f., n. were being held, or when the lord gave audience
12, 54f., n. 26 (Lit.); Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 to his subjects. Nobody could enter without
= RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, É.a.’s permission. He also acted for the mulu-bet
La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103-57, here 128f.,
155 (Lit.); Georg Gerster, Kirchen im Fels, Entdeckun- aggafari in the latter’s absence and had a contin-
gen in Äthiopien, Zürich 21972, 156 (ill.); Girma Fesseha, gent of 80 to 100 soldiers under his command.
“Under the Gun: Elephants in Ethiopian Paintings”, in: He was selected for this charge from the best
Doran H. Ross (ed.), Elephant: The Animal and Its Ivory horsemen of the region (AbbSéjour vol. 1, 344).
in African Culture, Los Angeles, CA 1992, 331–43; Wil-
liam Gowers, “African Elephants and Ancient Authors”, At the time of ÷Ménilék II, not only the mon-
African Affairs 47, 1948, 173–80; HabKön 130; Walter arch, but also étege ÷Taytu – who also had her
Krebs, “Die Kriegselephanten der Ptolemäer und Äthio- own court – had an É.a. of her own. In the later
per”, Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Rostock years of Ménilék’s reign, É.a. was, like the other
17, Gesellschaftliche und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe 4,
1968, 427–34; Yohannes Hagos et al., “The Elephants institutions of the imperial court, regularized. An
(Loxodonta africana) of Zoba Gash-Barka …”, Pachyderm elaborate definition of the tasks of an É.a. was is-
34, 2003, 13–23, here 16; C. Hillman – S. Hillman, “The sued (MahZekr 64ff.). It was further modernized
Gulf of Zula: Cradle of History”, Eritrea Horizons 2, 1, in the reign of ÷Òaylä Íéllase I. A military of-
1998, 36–41; Jon E. Kalb, Adventures in the Bone Trade:
the Race to Discover Human Ancestors in Ethiopia’s Afar
ficer with the rank of general was appointed for
Depression, New York 2001; Alphons von Kodolitsch, the post of É.a. This office continued up to the
Die englische Armee in Abyssinien im Feldzuge 1867–1868, Revolution of 1974 when the Därg abolished it
Wien 1869, ch. III, 45, ch. XIII, 202, ch. V, 322; David Ni- together with other institutions of the monarchy.
cholson-Lord, “Elephantine Miracle”, BBC Wildlife, The last É.a. was executed together with other
July 2003, 60f.; Henry Fairfield Osborn, Proboscidea:
a Monograph on the Discovery, Evolution, Migration and high-ranking dignitaries of the empire in No-
Extinction of the Mastodonts and Elephants of the World, vember of the same year.
2 vols., New York 1936, 1942; PankSoc 228–92; PankIntro Src.: AbbSéjour vol. 1, 344; KaneDic 1117; GuiVoc col.
12, 37, 41; PankEcon 248–52, 420, 509; Jack Phillips, 418; BaetDic col. 650.
“Punt and Aksum: Egypt and the Horn of Africa”, JAH Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Civil Titles and Offices in the Reign
38, 1997, 423–57, here 445f.; Jeheskel Shoshani (ed.), of Emperor Menilek II, 1889–1913”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1,
Elephants, New York ²2000; Id., “Understanding Probos- 597–612, here 602; MahZekr 19ff., 64ff.
cidean Evolution: a Formidable Task”, Trends in Ecology Sevir Chernetsov
and Evolution 13, 12, 1998, 480–87; Id. – Pascal Tassy
(eds.), The Proboscidea: Evolution and Palaeoecology of
Elephants and their Relatives, Oxford – New York 1996 Élféñ Giyorgis ÷Gondär
(Lit.); Pierre Schneider, L’Ethiopie et l’Inde, Inter-
férences et confusions aux extrémités du monde antique …, Éllä ŸAmida
Rome 2004, 153–59; VSAe I, 47, 380f., 414, 416; VSAe II, By the name É.ŸA. (&ny (w9 , ‘Lord of the
53, 209, 283, 395f., 402, 468f., 632; VSAe III, 18, 202.
Steles/Columns’; ‘Guardian of the Columns’
Jeheskel Shoshani – Yohannes Hagos – Lothar Störk –
Dirk Bustorf – Wolbert Smidt for Lusini in StAeth 61 and n. 23), two different
kings of ÷Aksum (I and II), belonging to the
Élféñ ÷Gébbi early 4th and 5th/6th cent. respectively, are known
in Ethiopian documents.
Élféñ askälkay The first one – groundlessly identified with
É.a. (&sI3y !Fgsj^ , lit. ‘protector of the in- ÷Sembrouthes (Altheim – Stiehl 1968:334
ner chamber [élféñ]’ or ‘chamberlain’) was an and 1969:170f., 245; Hahn 1983:123ff. and in
Amharic title of a special official at the royal court PICES 8, vol. 2, 11f.), in his turn equated to
259
Éllä ŸAmida
Gold coin of Éllä Amida, di- rightwards, draped, and crowned with a triple-
ameter ca. 18 mm; drawing element tiara or a head cloth respectively, and
courtesy of Wolfgang Hahn
framed by two wheat stalks; on the obv., his arm
shows two bracelets, his hand possibly holding a
short stick (Type 115–16 in Munro-Hay – Juel-
Jensen 1995:212f.). Since ÷Kaleb’s and É.ŸA.’s
coins are die-linked (MHAksum 156), the latter
has been chronologically related to the former, as
either his predecessor or his successor. Accord-
ing to Ethiopic hagiographic traditions, É.ŸA.
(II) is in fact the monarch during whose tenure
– late 5th/early 6th cent. – some of the ÷Nine
Saints and the whole group of the “Righteous
Ones” (÷Sadqan) arrived into the kingdom of
Aksum (but cp. the hagiography of ÷Gärima).
As AlŸamida/Al(Ÿa)meda, he appears, e.g., in the
the Himyarite king ŠMR YHRŸS (Drewes 1962: Vitas of abba ÷Päntälewon and ÷Zämikaýel
106f.) – is positively the father of King ÷ŸEzana, Arägawi, where he is “son of Säýaldoba/
called walda Éllä ŸAmida (‘son of É.ŸA.’) in two SälŸadoba” and predecessor of ÷Tazena “father
of his GéŸéz monumental inscriptions from Ak- of Kaleb” (Conti Rossini 1904:44 and, respec-
sum (RIE nos. 188.1, 189.2; cp. RIE no. 271.9f., tively, Guidi 1894:61f.); as ŸAlmed, in the Vita
in Gr: uiJo;" tou÷ !Elleamid≥a≥, i.e. hyiòs toû El- of the ÷Sadqan, with the omission of Tazena
leamida, ‘son of É.ŸA.’). The same patronymic, (Conti Rossini 1903:9, 13; cp. the Sénkéssar en-
[w]ldm ýelm Ÿmdm, applies to the anonymous king try for Päntälewon, 6 Téqémt, in ColSyn VII,
– therefore, ŸEzana’s (elder) brother – responsible 22ff.). Yet, it is not to be excluded that, due to
for a similar Aksumite inscription in South Ara- confusion of traditions, great religious events
bic characters (RIE no. 186.1). The clan-name he of the 6th cent. – witnessing Kaleb’s successful
bears here can be read býs[ym g]šnm, as suggested struggle for Christianity in South ÷Arabia – be-
by BIÇI GIÇENE, i.e. bisi Gisene (‘man of Géšän’, come muddled with older accounts of Ethiopia’s
cp. ÷Amba Géšän?), found in Greek legends on conversion under ŸEzana, as in the connected
coins – indeed predating those of ŸEzana – issued case of ÷Abréha and Asbéha (CRStoria 153f.,
by King ÷Ousanas (*WZN?), thereby identi- 258f.; MHAksum 205f.). In this respect, it may
cal with ŸEzana’s brother (Schneider 1987:614f.; be worth noting that the form Éllä Aläda, limited
s. Fiaccadori 2004:109f.). É.ŸA. (I) is clearly one to the Homily in honour of Frumentius (and to
and the same as Éllä Aläda who in the Homily in the relevant passage of the Sénkéssar), may be
honour of Frumentius (÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan), ultimately explained by such Greek spellings as
preserved in the 14th-cent. mss. EMML 1763 and ALLALAIDAÇ in coin legends. A Éllä Ameda
8508 (s. Fiaccadori 1989:150 [and n. 3], 161f., ill), (vars.: Zaýélla Ameda, etc.), i.e. É.ŸA. (II), with
possibly drawing on Greek sources, is the father 16 years of reign, is actually placed between the
of ÷Éllä Azgwagwa (i.e. ŸEzana) and the sovereign two famous “brothers” in one of the traditional
under whom Frumentius himself came to Aksum “king lists” (CRList 293: list C, no. 67) – long af-
(Getatchew Haile 1979:314; hence the Sénkéssar ter another AlŸameda (vars.: ZaýalléŸamida, etc.),
commemoration on 26 Hamle, in GuiSyn II, i.e. É.ŸA. (I), with 30 years and 8 months (ibid.
428.; var.: Éllä Aýéda). 292, no. 57).
The name of the second É.ŸA. occurs in The full sequence of kings, preventing the
Greek, ALLAMIDAÇ, i.e. Alla (A)mida (vars.: identification of É.ŸA. (II) with Tazena himself
ALLALAIDAÇ, Alla (A)laidas; ALLAMIRUIÇ, (tentatively proposed by Pedroni 1997:67, 75,
Alla (A)miryis = ALLAMIDIÇ, Alla (A)midis?), 80), is actually repeated in the most authorita-
on the obv. of scarce gold coins in which the tive of those lists: here too, AlŸamida/Alýameda
legend runs all round between the inner circle (with usual vars.), followed by Täzena/Tazena
and the outer border; on the rev.: BAÇILEUÇ, and Kaleb, is sometimes ranking after Sälýadoba/
i.e. basileus (‘king’, with vars.). Both sides of SäŸaldoba (CRList 272: list A, no. 22; 281: B, no.
coins display the image of a king half-length bust 43; 298: D, no. 45; cp. 292f.: C, no. 83).
260
Éllä Azgwagwa
Src.: Arturo Anzani, “Numismatica axumita”, Rivista (÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan) arrived in Ethiopia. In
Italiana di Numismatica ser. 3a, 3 [39], 1926, 5–110, his turn, É.A. would have been followed by the
here 38, 82, no. 194; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Monete
aksumite”, Africa Italiana 1, 1927, 179–212, here 191,
famous brother-kings ÷Abréha and Asbéha.
199 [§§6, 18]; Id. (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum antiquio- The tradition about É.A. proves to be of con-
rum, I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Lovanii 1904 (CSCO siderable age, for it appears in the anonymous
26, 27 [SAe 9,10]), 44 (text) = 40 (tr.); Id., Ricordi di un homily in honour of Frumentius, transmitted
soggiorno in Eritrea, 1, Asmara 1903, 9–22 [ii. “Il Gadla in a manuscript from ÷Dabrä Hayq Éstifanos
Sâdqân”], here 9; Stuart C. Munro-Hay – Bent Juel-
Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, 212f.; RIE dated to 1336–40 A.D. (EMML 1763), as well as
nos. 186, 188, 189, 271; Ignazio Guidi (ed.), “Il «Gadla in its almost contemporary pendant from ÷Tana
’Aragâwî»”, MRALm ser. 5a, 2, 1894, 54–96, here 61f.; Qirqos (EMML 8509, s. Fiaccadori 1989:150
Marc-Antoine van den Oudenrijn (tr.), La Vie de [and n. 3], 161f., ill.). Here É.A. is the name of a
Saint Za Mikaýêl ’Aragawi, Fribourg (Suisse) 1939, 44 single person: wänägíä Éllä Azgwagwa (‘and É.A.
(cp. 14ff.); Getatchew Haile, “The Homily in Honour
of St. Frumentius Bishop of Axum (EMML 1763 ff. 84v- became king’, Getatchew Haile 1979:314). Yet, in
86r)”, ABoll 97, 1979, 309-18; Osvaldo Raineri, “«Gadla the 16th-cent. Sénkéssar commemoration of Fru-
Sadqan» o «Vita dei Giusti». Missionari dell’Etiopia nel mentius (Hamle 26, in GuiSyn II, 428), it seems
sesto secolo”, Nicolaus 6, 1978, 143–63, here 145 (and n. to refer to more than one person: wänägíu Éllä
16), 151; GuiSyn II, 427ff.; ColSyn VII, 22ff.; BudSaint
116f., 1164f.; CRList 272, 281, 292f.
Azgwagwa (‘and É.A. became kings’), such read-
Lit.: DAE I, 47; CRStoria 130ff., 148, 151, 216; Abraham ing being possibly entailed by the understanding
Johannes Drewes, Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique, of éllä as the (majestatic) plural of the GéŸéz
Leiden 1962, 106f.; Franz Altheim – Ruth Stiehl, relative pronoun zä, as well as by the annexed
Die Araber in der alten Welt, vol. 5, 1, Berlin 1968, 334, name’s similarity to the pattern of GéŸéz “broken
and vol. 5, 2, 1969, 170f., 245; Iid., Christentum am Ro-
ten Meer, vol. 1, Berlin 1974, 410; SerHist 91ff., 103ff.,
plural”. In the “king lists” (C: Zäýélläsgwagwa,
112, 116, 126; François Thelamon, Païens et chrétiens Zäýélläsgwagw, Azgwag), É.A. is ruling for 77 years
au IVe siècle. L’apport de l’«Histoire ecclésiastique» de as the 43rd king, while AlŸameda (= Éllä ŸAmida)
Rufin d’Aquilée, Paris 1981, 42f., 70, 77f., 80; Arthur stands at 57th place, before Éllä Ahyäwa (÷Eon).
K. Irvine – Belaynesh Michael, “ýEllä-ŸAméda I”, The long reign and the resemblance of the
in: DictEthBio 55f.; Arthur K. Irvine, “ýEllä-ŸAméda
II”, ibid. 56; Wolfgang Hahn, “Die Münzprägung names led to Dillmann’s interpretation (1880:19)
des Axumitischen Reiches (Mit Katalog, metallurg. u. of É.A. as reminiscent of the ÷Zagwe dynasty.
theolog. Anhang)”, Litterae Numismaticae Vindobon- Conti Rossini (1922:17f.) suggested instead a deri-
enses 2, 1983, 113–80, here 123ff., 172f., no. 44; Id., “A vation of É.A. from subsequent corruptions of the
Numismatic Contribution to the Dating of the Aksumite
King Sembrouthes”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, 11–13; Eric
Gr. *ELLA AIZANA, i.e. Ella Aizana [Ezana],
Godet, “Bilan de recherches récentes en numismatique a form of ÷ŸEzana’s name otherwise unattested
axoumite”, Revue numismatique 6e sér., 28, 1986, 174–209 but not unlikely in terms of what is known about
(pl. viii), here 180, 187, 191; Roger Schneider, “Notes Aksumite royal onomastics – be it a personal or a
sur les inscriptions royales aksumites”, BiOr 44, 5–6, throne name (s. Fiaccadori 2004:110).
1987, 599–616, here 614f.; MHAksum 77, 84, 156, 205f.,
223; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Aethiopica minima”, Src.: EMML mss. 1763, 8509; GuiSyn II, 428; BudSaint
Quaderni utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 145–64, here 1164f.; Getatchew Haile, “The Homily in Honour
150 and n. 3, 161f., (Ill., Lit.); Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ of St. Frumentius, Bishop of Axum (EMML 1763, ff.
(DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo 84v–86v)”, ABoll 97, 1979, 309–18, here 311, 314, 317;
aksumita”, La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, CRList 291.
here 109f. (Lit.); BrakKirche 64f., 108; Luigi Pedroni, Lit.: Belaynesh Micael, “Zä-ýEllä-ýAzgwagwa”, in:
“Una collezione di monete aksumite”, Bollettino di DicEthBio 196f.; Carlo Conti Rossini, “A propos
Numismatica, ser. 1a, 15, i–ii [28–29], 1997 [1998, but des textes éthiopiens concernant Salama (Frumentius)
2000], 7–147, here 66f., 75, 80; Gianfrancesco Lusini, (Fin)”, Aethiops 1, 2, 1922, 17f.; CRStor 154; August
“Note linguistiche per la storia dell’Etiopia antica”, in: Dillmann, “Zur Geschichte des Axumitischen Reichs
StudAeth 67–78, here, 61 and n. 23. im vierten bis sechsten Jahrhundert”, Abhandlungen der
Königlichen Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften
Gianfranco Fiaccadori zu Berlin, Philos.-histor. Kl., 1880, 1–51, here 19, n. 4;
Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Aethiopica minima”,
Éllä Asbéha ÷Abréha and Asbéha; ÷Kaleb Quaderni utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 145–64, here
150 [and n. 3], 161f., ill. (Lit.); Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’
(DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo
Éllä Azgwagwa aksumita”, La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57,
here 110; SerHist 92f., 99; François Thelamon, Païens
É.A. (&ny !wKK ) is the name of the ruler(s) et chrétiens au IVe siècle. L’apport de l’«Histoire ecclésias-
of Aksum who succeeded King Éllä Alada, i.e. tique» de Rufin d’Aquilée, Paris 1981, 42f.
÷Éllä ŸAmida, during whose reign Frumentius Stuart Munro-Hay – Red.
261
Éllä Gäbäz
Éllä Gäbäz to ibn Al(l)a/-a Gabaz (‘son of É.G.’) by Hart-

The name É.G. (&ny K(w ), connected by Conti mann (1895:299f., amended by BassHist vol. 2:
Rossini (1922:374f.) with South Arabian gbî/ 419f., n. 2). Yet, the same segment can better be
gbz ‘devastate, plunder, sack’ (but cp. Ar. gabaza interpreted as ibn *Al(l)a Hataz(a) or ibn *al-
‘cut, set aside’: here in the sense of ‘[tax-]collect- Hataz(a), i.e. son of (Éllä) Hetaza (s. ÷Hataz).
ing’, É.G. being ‘[tax-]collector’?), is likely to The two historical personalities – the successor
designate two different Aksumite kings of the of ÷Kaleb, sometimes arbitrarily identified with
6th and the 6th/7th cent. respectively. The one, ÷Wazebas (e.g., by Pedroni 1997:67, 75, 80), and
also called Zägäbäzä Aksum (a later variant his later namesake – seem to have been conflated
possibly referring to ÷Aksum Séyon cathedral, into É.G./Zagäbäz of the traditional “king lists”
s. ÷Gäbäz), is introduced as an immediate pred- (CRList 294: C, no. 80, with 21 or 24 years of
ecessor of ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl in the 14th/15th-cent. reign).
Life and Miracles of abba ÷Libanos or Mät(t)a Src.: DAE I, 53, 55; Alessandro Bausi (ed., tr.), La
«Vita» e i «Miracoli» di Libanos, Lovanii 2003 (CSCO
(ed. Bausi 2003, §§33, 36, 413). The other is 595, 596 [SAe 105, 106]), 15f., 162 (text) = 12f., 93 (tr.);
known from scarce late 6th- or early 7th-cent. Carlo Conti Rossini, “Monete aksumite”, Africa Ital-
gold coins where he appears on both sides, half- iana 1, 1927, 179–212, here 207 [§31]; Arturo Anzani,
length bust rightwards, wearing a tiara or a head “Numismatica axumita”, Rivista Italiana di Numismatica
ser. 3a 3 [39], 1926, 5–110, here 82f., nos. 195–96; Id., “Nu-
cloth respectively; his figure is framed by two mismatica e storia d’Etiopia. Note bibliografiche e nuove
wheat stalks, one of which the king is holding osservazioni di numismatica axumita”, ibid. ser. 3a, 5–6
in his hand, and enclosed in an inner beaded [41–42], 1928–29, 5–49, here 38ff.; Stuart C. Munro-
circle with crosses and Gr. legends (Type 124 in Hay, Catalogue of the Aksumite Coins in the British
Museum, London 1999, 42, no. 438, pl. 42; Id. – Bent
Munro-Hay – Juel-Jensen 1995:222f.). The obv. Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, 222f.;
is inscribed: ALLA/ELLA GABAZHÇ or, less AbU GaŸfar MuHammad b. GarIr aT-TabaRI, Annales
probably, GABAZ NG, i.e. Alla/Ella Gabazes or (Taýriò ar-rusul waýl-muluk), ed. by Michael Jan de
Gabaz n(e)g(us) = néguí (‘king’, s. Fiaccadori Goeje et al., ser. i, vol. 3, Lugduni Batavorum 1881–82,
1569ff.; Michael Fishbein (tr.), The History of al-Tabari,
2004:110, against Lusini in StudAeth 71 n. 21); VIII. The Victory of Islam, Los Angeles, CA 1997, 108f.;
on the rev.: BASILEU(Ç), i.e. basileu(s) (‘king’). CRList 294.
According to his negative characterization in Lit.: Martin Hartmann, “Der Nagaši Ashama und
the hagiography of abba Libanos, the first É.G. sein Sohn Arma”, ZDMG 49, 1895, 299–300; BassHist
vol. 2, 419f., n. 2; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Aethiopica”,
should be rather identified with King ÷Ésraýel, RSO 9, 1923, 365–81, here 374f.; Id., [review of Anzani
in terms of royal vs. Christian names. As to the 1926], Oriente moderno 8, 1928, 137–41, here 140; CR-
second É.G., he has long been deemed to lie Stor 158, 210f., 216; Arthur K. Irvine, “ýEllä-Gäbäz”,
behind the patronymic of ÷Élla Saham, king of in: DicEthBio 56; Eric Godet, “Bilan de recherches ré-
centes en numismatique axoumite”, Revue numismatique
÷Aksum at the time of the Prophet Muhammad, 6e sér. 28, 1986, 174–209 (pl. viii), here 194; Wolfgang
that occurs twice in the Annals of at-÷Tabari Hahn, “Die Münzprägung des Axumitischen Reiches
(ed. de Goeje 1881–82:1569f.): ýbn ýbgr, restored (Mit Katalog, metallurg. u. theolog. Anhang)”, Litterae
Numismaticae Vindobonenses 2, 1983, 113–80, here 117,
119, 173, no. 45; Luigi Pedroni, “Una collezione di
monete aksumite”, Bollettino di Numismatica, ser. 1a, 15,
i–ii [28–29], 1997 [1998, but 2000], 7–147, here 67, 75, 80;
Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Note linguistiche per la storia
dell’Etiopia antica”, in: StudAeth 67–78, here 68 n. 8, 71
n. 21; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’
(DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo
aksumita”, La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57,
here 110, 138.
Gianfranco Fiaccadori
Éllä Säham
The name of É.S. (&ny `=z , also Éllä Ìäham)
occurs with variants (Zäýéllä Ìahém, Zäìäham,
Ìäham etc.) in at least one of the traditional
Gold and silver coins of Éllä Gäbäz, diameter ca. 18 and Ethiopian “king lists”, where he is first assigned
16 mm; drawing; courtesy of Wolfgang Hahn a reign of nine years, then of 28 years, and finally
262
Éllä Íahél
of 15 years (CRList 292, 294: “List C”, nos. 54, Éllä Íahél
75, 79). É.Í. (&ny RWs , vars. Zä Éllä Íahäl and others) is
As a matter of fact, É.S. is the Christian king a ruler name appearing in some of the Ethiopian
of ÷Aksum whose death was lamented over by “king lists”. In the type C lists (s. CRList 283ff.,
the Prophet ÷Muhammad in 630 A.D., for he 293f.) this name is mentioned in the 62nd place
must be identified with the nagaši (al-)Asham(a) (separated from ÷Abréha and Asbéha by only
known from the Arabic chronicles as the one one name) with a reign of 14 years, and again in
who received the Muslim emigrants in 615/6 the 69th place with a reign of 2–6 months, and in
A.D. (÷Ashama b. Abgar, with other indications; the 77th place with a reign of two years.
for vars. of the name, al-Makki, II, 1, in Weis- According to the Vita of abba ÷Päntälewon, this
weiler 1924:49). In one of the most important of saint died during the reign of King ÷Kaleb’s suc-
these sources, the Annals of at-Tabari (de Goeje cessor Íahél, in the year 246 of the Era of Dio-
1881-82:1568ff.), he appears thrice, as (an-nagaši) cletian (530 A.D.). Yet, this passage is missing in
al-Asham or Al(la) Asham (‘[the néguí] Éllä an earlier copy of the Vita (ms. EMML 1479, fol.
Saham’). The first time he is also called malik 72va).
al-Habaša (‘king of Ethiopia’); the second time is The words éllä íähél (i.e., íahél) also appear
given the patronymic “ibn Abgar”; the third time in a late-Aksumite or fully medieval inscrip-
is mentioned in connection with his son ÷Ar- tion: the epitaph of a certain Giho, “daughter
mah: Arha [< *Arma < *Armà < *Armah] ibn of Mängäía” (RIE no. 232). In some of the pro-
al-Asham ibn Abgar. The latter patronymic has posed interpretations, they were understood as
been restored to ibn Al(l)a/-a Gabaz (‘son of Éllä a genuine royal name (e.g., Conti Rossini 1939,
Gäbäz’) by Hartmann (1895:299f., cp. BassHist CerLett 18f.), though in an uncertain context.
419f., n. 2), but it can be better interpreted as ibn Among the recent re-evaluations of the in-
Al(l)a Hataz or ibn *al-Hataza (‘son of [Éllä] scription there are suggestions to consider the
Hataz’: s. for details ÷Éllä Gäbäz, ÷Hataz). In words éllä íähél either as a genitive of abstrac-
fact, the whole sequence retrieved, *Armah ibn tion (‘those of mercy/compassion’, s. Fiaccadori
Alla Saham ibn Alla Hataz, makes it clear that 1990: 10th/11th or 11th/12th cent.) or as a part of
É.S. was the father of néguí Armah and the son another – otherwise unknown – designation for
of néguí Hataz – thus contributing to the recon- the Era of Diocletian (s. Kropp 1999, where a
struction of a lesser known part of the king series precise, though unconvincing, date of Giho’s
and of the relevant chronology (in keeping with death is also offered: 27 Taòíaí 590 Era of the
the Islamic source lying behind the Chinese text Martyrs [23 December 873 A.D.]).
hinted at in MHAksum 92f.). Both the interpretation of the segment under
According to a tradition already known in scrutiny as a ruler’s name, É.Í., and the latter’s oc-
the 16th-cent. ÷Futuh al-Habaša (BassHist 318 casional inclusion into the “king lists” (s. ÷Chro-
[text]), the tomb (qabr) of Ashamat an-nagaši nology) can be plausibly explained by the fact that
was revered at ÷Wéqro (Éndärta, s. Guida 300; Giho’s gravestone had long been laying embedded
TTChurch 34f. and Lusini 1993–97:252). in the wall of the old church of ÷Däbrä Libanos
Src.: CRList 292, 294; AbU GaŸfar MuHammad b. GarIr of Šémäzana (in ÷Ham). Being so visible, the
aT-TabaRI, Annales (Taýriò ar-rusul waýl-muluk), ed. by well-preserved inscription might have attracted
Michael Jan de Goeje et al., ser. i, vol. 3, Lugduni Bata- the attention of local traditional scholars.
vorum 1881-82, 1568ff.; Guida 300; Michael Fishbein Src.: CRList 283–95; Carlo Conti Rossini (ed.), Vitae
(tr.), The History of al-Tabari, VIII. The Victory of Islam, sanctorum antiquiorum, I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon,
Los Angeles, CA 1997, 108f.; Max Weisweiler (tr.), Bun- Roma 1904 (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9, 10]), 60 (text); RIE no.
tes Prachtgewand: über die guten Eigenschaften der Abessi- 232 (Lit.).
nier, von Muhammad ibn ŸAbdalbâqî al Buòârî al Makkî, 1. Lit.: CerLett 18f.; Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’iscrizione
Teil, Hannover 1924, 41, 49; BassHist 318 (text), 419f. (tr.). etiopica di Ham”, Atti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei
Lit.: Martin Hartmann, “Der Nagaši Ashama und ser. 7a, 1, 1939, 1–14; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Epi-
sein Sohn Arma”, ZDMG 49, 1895, 299–300; CRStor graphica Aethiopica”, Quaderni utinensi 8 [15–16], 1990
210f., 263; Belaynesh Michael, “Zä-Ellä-Säham”, in: [1996], 325–33, here 325ff., 328–31 (i. “Sull’iscrizione di
DicEthBio 198; TadTChurch 34f.; MHAksum 92f., 261f.; Ham”; Lit.); Manfred Kropp, “‘Glücklich, wer vom
Emeri van Donzel, “al-Najashi”, in: EI² vol. 7, 1992, Weib geboren, dessen Tage doch kurzbemessen …!’ Die
862ff., here 862; Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Christians altäthiopische Grabinschrift von Ham, datiert auf den 23.
and Moslems in Eastern Tigray up to the XIVth C.”, Studi Dezember 873 n. Chr.”, OrChr 83, 1999, 162–76 (Lit.);
magrebini 15, 1993–97 [2002], 245–52, here 252. MHAksum 247f.
Gianfranco Fiaccadori Stuart Munro-Hay
263
Éllä ŸUzena
Éllä ŸUzena Seltan” (KolTrad I), while Yéshaq Yosef (1999)

The name É.ŸU. is one of the possible readings uses both names alternately. All sources agree that
of a word appearing in a difficult passage at the she was extraordinarily intelligent, a persuasive
beginning of the Marib dam inscription set up by speaker, an astute politician and a valorous leader.
the South-Arabian king ÷Abraha in 543 A.D. ýn She is said to have commanded the men in combat
ýbrh Ÿzl/y mlkn ýgŸzyn rmhí zbymn (CIH 541, personally and fought herself like one of them.
4f., s. illustration for Abraha). Leaving aside the É. entered politics, not by choice, but rather by
discussions on Ÿzly, rmhí and zbymn, one of the exigencies of the time. She was given in mar-
several suggestions regarding ýgŸzyn (e.g., ‘of riage to ayte Sälomon (the eldest son of käntiba
GéŸéz kin’, s. CRStor 188; s. ÷AgŸazi) was to ÷Zärýay of Hazzäga, who ruled the greater part
read it as ýlŸzyn and translate the whole passage of Hamasen for over 40 years), by whom she
as “I, Abraha, viceroy (?) of king ýLŸZYN”, i.e. had a daughter, Tämärsa, and two sons: Wäldä
É.ŸU. Éllä- is frequently a part of king ÷names; Mikaýel and MärŸéd. Apparently, her husband was
the tentative vocalization Éllä ŸUzena was sug- neither popular within and outside the family nor
gested by Ryckmans (1953:6, n. 26) with refer- powerful enough to dominate the political arena.
ence to King ÷Ousanas as distinguished from It also appears that his health was scarcely robust.
÷Wazena (WZN), both known from Aksumite Käntiba Zärýay was said to have wished to nomi-
÷coinage. In the case of Wazena, ŸZYN would in nate Gäbray Habtäséyon, a grandson, to be his
fact represent quite an odd rendering − the initial heir in his stead, had tradition not hampered him.
Ÿ standing for w − of the name of this possible He did, however, bequeath much of his wealth to
successor of ÷Kaleb Éllä ŸAsbéha (s., though, Gäbray, while Sälomon received the hereditary
÷Éllä ŸAmida, ÷Ésraýel, ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl). How- office. From this circumstance developed a bitter
ever, even the learned identification of *Éllä rivalry within the ruling family, accompanied by
ŸUzena with Ousanas seems to be far-fetched. incessant intrigues, with which É. had to cope for
Src.: CIH 541, esp. line 5. many years, both during her husband’s lifetime
Lit.: CRStor 166; BrakKirche 108f. (Lit.); Abraham and after his death around 1837, primarily to pre-
Johannes Drewes, Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique, serve her children’s right to the governance.
Leiden 1962, 108–11 (Lit.); Manfred Kropp, “Abreha’s Sometime after his accession to the office in
Names and Titles: CIH 541,4 Reconsidered”, Seminar for
Arabian Studies 1991 [Proceedings of the 24th Seminar for
the mid-1820s, Sälomon attacked the neighbour-
Arabian Studies held at Oxford on 24th-26th July 1990], 135– ing district and rival centre of Säýazzäga for some
45, esp. 140, n. 9; MHAksum 90; Jacques Ryckmans, obscure reason; but his men were quickly routed
La persécution des Chrétiens himyarites au sixième siècle, by the defenders and he fled to GuraŸ, Akkälä
Istanbul 1956 (Publications de l’Institut Historique-
Archéologique Néerlandais de Stamboul 1); Roger
Guzay, his mother’s home region. This uninsti-
Schneider, [review of Yuri M. Kobishchanov, gated attack revived the old conflict between the
Axum], JES 17, 1984, 148–74, here 162ff. two centres of Säýazzäga and Hazzäga, which
Stuart Munro-Hay − Red. continued unabated until the Italians arrived in
the region in 1889.
É. mobilized the remaining men of Hazzäga
Éllen and her relations in Karnäšém and attempted
Émbet É. ( &r# , also Élän, Éleni; b. ca. 1801, twice to avenge the defeat of her husband, but
Zagér/Karnäšém, d. 1851, ŸAd Täkälezan) was in vain. Fighting two fronts – Säýazzäga, on the
a lady of high birth who played a distinguished one hand, and Gäbray (who split her base), on
political role during the ÷Zämänä mäsafént and the other – was too much for her. She then looked
won the respect of her contemporaries. Her fame beyond the Märäb for help. She allied with šum
is underlined in 19th-cent. sources by the unusual Ÿagame Säbagadis, who, having subdued ÷Märäb
reference to raýéssi Wäldä Mikaýel as the “son of Méllaš, appointed É. over the whole of Hamasen.
É.” without any connotation of disparagement. After the death of Säbagadis in 1831, the old rival-
Hardly anything has been preserved about her ries of Märäb Méllaš broke out anew and É. had
upbringing and formal education, if any. Even the to look to other quarters for support. Again she
name of her father is not given with certainty. Kil- succeeded in winning ÷Wébe Òaylä Maryam to
lion calls him “aite Hagos, Kantibai of Zagher” her side and she was confirmed in her office.
(KilHDic 258f.) and the informants of Kolmodin Her administration was said to have been by
refer to him as “Ayte Fésséha, the son of Ayte and large fair, though at times she tended to treat
264
Ellena, Giuseppe
her enemies harshly. Consequently, ayte Gäbray Artillery officer. He fought in the Austro-Italian
refused to submit to her rule and lived as a rebel war of 1866 and held a teaching position in the
in the heavily forested ŸAnsäba region for many Artillery and Engineering School of Turin. In
years, a situation which made her all the more 1887 was in charge of the 7th Artillery Regiment.
uneasy and vigilant. She was generally regarded He was Major General in 1893.
as excessively revengeful, an attribute which not On 29 January 1896 E. moved to Eritrea where
only terrorized opponents, but also brought he was one of four Italian infantry brigade com-
about her untimely death. manders who fought at the Battle of ÷ŸAdwa.
In the late 1840s, she felt it was time for her to His 3rd Africa Infantry Brigade, which included
give up her regency in favour of her elder son, 4,150 rifles and 12 cannons, was organized into
Wäldä Mikaýel, who was then in his mid-20s. the 4th Infantry Regiment, 5th Infantry Regiment,
Probably she was also tired of the ceaseless con- 3rd Native Battalion, Artillery Brigade and 1st
flicts she had to deal with. She did in any case re- Engineers Company.
tire to the St. Mary church of Hazzäga as a nun. It Confusion and disorganization characterized
was here, incidentally, that käntiba Wäldä Gabér the Italian campaign at ŸAdwa. Initially, General
of ŸAd Täkälezan visited her on his way back Oreste ÷Baratieri, Governor of Eritrea and com-
home. She received him cordially, in spite of the mander-in-chief, held E.’s brigade at Räbbi Ariänni.
fact that they were enemies for a dozen years. However, within hours after the Italians started
Ayte Sälomon had allegedly entrusted to him moving against the Ethiopians, Baratieri divided
40 rifles on behalf of his young children. When E.’s brigade, thus ensuring its near destruction.
Wäldä Mikaýel and MärŸéd requested him to The 4th Infantry Regiment remained at Räbbi
hand them over some years later, Wäldä Gabér Ariänni and tried to cover the Italian retreat
denied having received any rifles from their but suffered heavy losses. The 3rd Native Bat-
deceased father. Besides, he mistreated and dis- talion, the Artillery Brigade, and two companies
missed his wife, the daughter of É. Hence, É. of the 5th Infantry Regiment’s Alpine Battalion
fought and defeated him some years earlier. Now reinforced Brigadier General Giuseppe Edoardo
Wäldä Gabér was murdered after his departure ÷Arimondi, commander of the 1st Africa In-
from É.’s friendly reception, a tragedy which the fantry Brigade, who led the Central Column of
people of ŸAd Täkälezan attributed to the sinister the advance and lost his life during the retreat.
scheme of É. As a consequence, Wäldä Gabér’s The 5th Infantry Regiment’s 15th Africa Infantry
relations attacked Hazzäga and took captive É. Battalion deployed to Mount Bälah to reinforce
and two of her small grandchildren, whom they Arimondi’s 1st Bersaglieri Battalion (1st Infantry
eventually tortured to death. This event became Regiment) but arrived too late and was cut off and
one of the underlying causes for Wäldä Mikaýel’s overwhelmed by the Ethiopians. The 5th Infantry
contemptuous and rancorous attitude towards Regiment’s 16th Battalion and two companies of
Hamasen for the next 30 years. the 5th Infantry Regiment’s Alpine Battalion also
Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Epistolario del Debterà suffered heavy losses in a desperate attempt to
Aseggachègn di Uadlà”, RRALm ser. 6a, 1, 1925, 449–90, halt the Ethiopian onslaught in the Mount Bälah.
here 464; KolTrad I, 143–51, 166-70; RubActa II, 369. E. then made the mistake of moving his 1st and
Lit.: YÉsHaQ Yosef, &z*y \ny ]s7y – Qw9y K<:y
=&Cy ]s6y wj%s (Émbi yalä Wäldu – Gomida: tariõ
2nd Quick Fire Batteries into the Mémsah pass,
raýéssi Wäldä Mikaýel, ‘Wäldu Refused – the Severer: a Biog- thereby helping to block the road and hinder the
raphy of Raýési Wäldä Mikaýel’), Asmära 1999, 41–67, 251f.; Italian retreat. E. survived the Battle of ŸAdwa
Id., #PF|My UK:y z;<y +B<y (%?M=y), K<:y 6M\My and was repatriated on 14 March 1896.
Uôy «$+y Nqy» (Négsénnät hagärä Médri Bahéri [Ertéra],
Src.: Giuseppe Ellena, Nozioni sul materiale
tariõ däggiyat Haylu «abba Galla», ‘The Narrative of the
d’artiglieria ad uso delle Scuole Reggimentali dell’Arma,
Land of the Sea [Eritrea], the History of Däggiyat Haylu
con atlante e nomenclatura dei vari oggetti, Torino 1870,
«Abba Galla»’), Asmära 2000, 129, 146f.; KilHDic 258f.
Id., Nozioni sulle polveri, sulle munizioni e sugli artifizi da
Bairu Tafla guerra, Torino 1873; Id., Corso di materiale d’artiglieria.
Parte teorico-sperimentale, Torino 1874; Id., Corso di ma-
teriale d’artiglieria, 3 vols., Torino 1872, 1877, 1884.
Ellena, Giuseppe Lit.: George Fitz-Hardinge Berkeley, The Cam-
paign of Adowa and the Rise of Menelik, London 21935,
E. (b. 29 March 1839, Saluzzo [Cuneo], d. 1918, 259, 263f., 303, 306; Augustus Blandy Wylde, Mod-
Florence) entered the Italian Army after obtain- ern Abyssinia, London 1901, 209, 219.
ing a degree in Engineering and in 1859 became Thomas P. Ofcansky
265
Ellero, Giovanni Battista
Ellero, Giovanni Battista nial problems: customary law, traditional land

E. (b. 17 July 1910, Tricesimo, Udine, d. 28 rights and land resources, genealogies, and
November 1942) was an Italian civil servant in pastoral taxonomy (for his ethnographical role
Ethiopia who made important contributions to s. Dore 1993:37–40). He was in assiduous cor-
the ethnography and history of Tégray. respondence with Carlo ÷Conti Rossini. From
Between 1931 and 1935 E. completed degrees his research he published six articles between
in Law, Philosophy (Bologna) and Political and 1939–48 (republished in EllLusAnt), where he
Labour Sciences (Ferrara); in view of a career in skilfully combined – and this is probably the
the colonial administration, he studied Tégréñña most interesting aspect of his research – different
and Amharic. On 15 May 1936 he joined the methodologies: use of oral traditions and written
Ministero dell’Africa Italiana (÷Africa Orientale sources, participant observation and cartography
Italiana), serving in several posts in Tégray (po- (Dore 1993:40–43). E. offered there insights into
litical office in ŸAddigrat, Commissioner office the history and the secular and monastic life
of Akkälä Guzay, Énda Íéllase, ŸAddi DaŸaro, – with some of the first serious censuses of its
Mäqälä, ŸOm Hagär and ŸAddi Remoz). When in monasteries – of Šire and Éndärta, into ÷Tuqrir
1941 the Italian colonial empire collapsed, E. was groups and Wälqayt, the later being the subject
left in charge under the British Military Admin- of a larger unpublished monograph.
istration in ŸAddi Qayyéh and collaborated with E. additionally collected several colonial
the anthropologist Siegfried ÷Nadel (s. Dore documents, mostly letters from Tégrayans and
2004). In June 1942, he was made prisoner by the Italian officers, spanning from the 1880s to the
British troops and sent to South Africa. He died 1930s. These, along with other studies on Akkälä
as the ship that transported him was sunk by the Guzay, Waldébba, Éndärta, and the Saho and
German navy. Asaorta (ŸAsawérta) groups, are kept at the De-
During his six years in Tégray, whenever he partment of Discipline Storiche of the University
was off duty, E. carried out field work in dif- of Bologna and have been (partially) published
ferent areas and on various topics, but with a (e.g., Uoldelul Chelati Dirar – Gori – Taddia
focus, apparent in his writings, on main colo- 1997; Uoldelul Chelati Dirar – Dore 2000).
Src.: EllLusAnt; Uoldelul Chelati Dirar – Alessandro
Gori – Irma Taddia, Lettere tigrine. I documenti etiopici
del fondo Ellero, Torino 1997; Uoldelul Chelati Dirar
– Gianni Dore, Carte coloniali. I documenti italiani del
fondo Ellero, Torino 2000; Gianni Dore, Scritture di
colonia. Lettere di Maria Pia Pezzoli dall’Africa Orientale
a Bologna (1936–1943), Bologna 2004; Gianni Dore
– Irma Taddia (eds.), Welqa qerreó: I Quaderni inediti sul
Wälqayt di Giovanni Ellero, Torino 2004.
Lit.: Gianni Dore, “Etnologia e storia nella ricerca di
Giovanni Ellero”, Africa [Roma] 48, 1993, 35–46, here
37–43; Id., “Amministrare l’esotico. Un caso di etnologia
applicata nell’Africa Orientale Italiana (1936–1941)”, in:
Alessandro Triulzi (ed.), La Colonia: Italiani in Eritrea,
Roma 2002 (= Quaderni storici 109, 1), 189–220; Id.,
“Giovanni Ellero: un funzionario nell’Impero d’A.O.I.
Amministrare e conoscere nell’Eritrea e nell’Etiopia d’età
coloniale”, in: Uoldelul Chelati Dirar – Gianni
Dore, Carte coloniali. I documenti italiani del fondo
Ellero, Torino 2000, 3–25; Irma Taddia, “Un funzionario
tra ricerca scientifica e colonialismo: Giovanni Ellero”,
Africa [Roma] 48, 1993, 25–34; Ead., “Land and Society
in Wälqayt (Ethiopia)”, in: Alain Rouaud (ed.), Les ori-
entalistes sont des aventuriers. Guirlande offerte à Joseph
Tubiana par ses élèves et ses amis, Paris 1999, 151–56.
Andreu Martínez
ElsaŸ
Giovanni Battista Ellero; photo courtesy of Giovanni E. (%sD* , Elisha) was the second head of the
Dore monastery of Däbrä ŸAsbo (later known as
266
Elyas
÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa) after abba ÷Täklä to Däbrä Libanos Hagiographic Tradition”, in: StudAeth
Haymanot, the celebrated saint. According to 29–35; DerDom, s. index; KapMon 52 (Lit.); TadTChurch
174.
the early 16th cent. Acts of Täklä Haymanot,
Denis Nosnitsin
the saint appointed E. shortly before his death
(Budge 1906, ch. 110). Another more ancient
(so-called Waldébban) recension of Täklä
Haymanot’s Acts has it that it was E. whom Elyas
Täklä Haymanot ordered to take his leg, severed Abba E. (%s\F ; 15th cent.) was a nephew of ase
after many years of standing; E. hid the leg under ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, the son of the Emperor’s sister
the community’s ÷tabot and was appointed ÷Éleni and an important church singer, Bakimos.
head of the monastery soon thereafter (s. Conti He lived during the reigns of Zärýa YaŸéqob, ase
Rossini 1895:119ff.); the monks, however, might Bäýédä Maryam, ase Éskéndér and ase NaŸod.
have preferred another candidate (e.g., abba Despite his connections to the royal family, E.
÷Anorewos the “Elder”). did not exploit his position for personal gain and
E. held office for three months only before refused offers of prestigious monastic seats, such
he died. His death was predicted by a certain as ÷Däbrä Libanos, Däbrä Wägäg and Däbrä
deacon, who miraculously returned from the Halleluya. He is said to have clashed with the
dead only in order to bring the message of Täklä ÷Stephanite clergy and to have been persecuted
Haymanot to his disciples: E. was doomed to die by their supporters.
and be substituted by ÷Filéppos. The prophecy Src.: EMML V, 32, no. 1126, 23b–61a.
was fulfilled three days later (s. Budge 1905, chs. Lit.: KinBibl 69, no. 42.
111–12; for a somewhat different chronology s. Steven Kaplan
Conti Rossini 1895:122).
In the tradition of Däbrä Libanos E. is com-
memorated on 11 Òédar. He is praised for his Elyas
piety but otherwise almost nothing is known E. (%s\F , d. 1 January 1733?) was an official
about him. However, the persistent repetition of at ase ÷Bäkaffa’s court. The end of ase Bäkaffa’s
“the arisen monk’s” story in a number of sources reign was marked by a series of sudden promo-
suggests that the transferring of the office from tions at the court. Thus, on 14 July 1729 a certain
E. to Filéppos was an important and possibly E. was promoted from the rank of ÷bašša (14th
turbulent event, the original purpose of the story place in the court hierarchy) to that of ÷ras (2nd
being seemingly to legitimate Filéppos’s abbot- place). However, Bäkaffa died on 19 September
ship. 1730 and E., anxious to safeguard his position,
E. may be identical to a certain abba E. ap- took sides with ase ÷Iyasu II, the seven years-
pearing in the list of Täklä Haymanot’s principal old son of Bäkaffa and Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan
followers (cp. ms. EMML 1834, fol. 102a; Budge Mogäsa). It was as ras that he was among those
1906, ch. 103). Notwithstanding his short tenure, who proclaimed ase Iyasu II emperor and was
E. is well remembered in the monastic tradition, immediately rewarded with the hand of Bäkaf-
chiefly in Šäwa, and is usually included amongst fa’s daughter Wälättä Täklä Haymanot, who was
the heads of Däbrä Libanos (for a rare exception given to him in marriage on 28 September 1730.
s. ms. EMML 3255, fol. 2b; cp. ÷Éccäge). At It was the only reward E. received, for he was
least two images of E. are known (s. ms. EMML soon returned to his previous position of bašša,
2999, fol. 88b; 4026, fol. 142a). the commander of the royal guards armed with
Src.: BudSaint 231; EMML nos. 1834, 2999, 3255, 4026; match-locks. It was not the previous courtiers,
Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il ‘Gadla Takla Haymanot’, but Méntéwwab’s relatives, natives of ÷Qwara,
secondo la redazione Waldebbana”, MRALm ser. 5a, who were then promoted at the court: in July
2–1, 1895, 97–143, here 119–22; Ernest Alfred Wal-
lis Budge, The Life and Miracles of Tâklâ Hâymânôt in 1731 Niqolawos, the elder of the Qwara clan, was
the Version of Dabra Libânôs …, London 1906, ch. 103, appointed ras in place of E.; and on 19 July 1732
110–12. the same Niqolawos was additionally granted
Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “Gli abbati di Dabra Libanos, capi the title of ÷bitwäddäd. Subsequently, a party
del monachismo etiopico, secondo la ‘lista rimata’ (sec. of malcontents, unhappy with the rise of Qwara
XIV–XVIII)”, Orientalia nuova ser. 12, 1943, 226–53,
here 232; Sevir Chernetsov, “Life and Death of ElsaŸé, upstarts, arose at the court. Among them were
the Second Abbot of Däbrä Asbo Monastery, According such prominent figures as the President of the
267
Elyas
Supreme Council Ténsaýe Mammo and ex-bit- E.Ò.’s paintings include illustrations for a copy
wäddäd Lafto. When old Niqolawos died on 18 of ÷Täýammérä Maryam (now in Addis Abäba’s
December 1732, they entered ÷Gondär under ÷Qéddést Íéllase church; mf. EMML 1180).
the pretext of mourning and proclaimed a new E.Ò. also decorated many churches, including
ruler, ase ÷Hézqéyas, whom they had released one in Mota, as well as in Mädòane ŸAläm in An-
from Wähni Amba, a place of detention for male kobär, and Uraýel, Yäkka Mikaýel, and one at ase
royalties. E. immediately joined them with his Ménilék II’s palace, in Addis Abäba.
musketeers and they besieged and stormed the Since his work was unsigned, and there
palace compound for several days, so that the has been much over-painting in Addis Abäba
Qwara clique was rescued only by provincial rul- churches, where historical memory of painters
ers who hurried with their troops to rescue them. is often blurred, it is impossible to identify these
On 1 January 1733, the decisive battle took place paintings. His icons of ÷Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus
at Fäntar, where the rebels were defeated and and ÷Täklä Haymanot are, however, reproduced
Hézqéyas captured. E. probably lost his life on in Rosen (1907).
the same day. E.Ò. was one of the first Ethiopian artists to
The triumph of Iyasu II and his mother depict ase Ménilék II’s victory at the battle of
Méntéwwab revealed the growing might of the ÷ŸAdwa and, claims family tradition, painted
provincial rulers – a tendency which later proved one which the monarch inspected on his trium-
fatal for the Gondärine dynasty. phal return to his capital. One such work is re-
Src.: GuiIyas 28–32, 41ff.; BégCron 120; DombrChr 278, produced by Felix Rosen, who notes that it was
288. unusual in indicating the different pigmentation
Lit.: Vyacheslav A. Platonov, “Kratkaja hronika of the Ethiopian and Italian armies. Two ŸAdwa
alaki Lemlema po rukopisi LO INA Ef. 30”(‘A “Short battle paintings by abba [sic] E.Ò., probably the
Chronicle” by Aläqa Lemlem According to the Ms.
LO INA Ef. 30’), Africana 7. Trudy instituta etnografii
said aläqa, are in the Alfred ÷Ilg collection in
im. Mikluho-Maklaya, new ser. 90, 36–51; LaVerle B. Zürich.
Berry, “Factions and Coalitions during the Gondar Aläqa E.Ò., like many other artists, was also
Period, 1630–1755”, in: PICES 5b, 431–41; Id., “Coali- a poet. One of his poems was reproduced by his
tion Politics and the Royal Office in mid-18th Century son, ÷Gäbrä Égziýabéher Elyas, in the chronicle
Gondar”, in: PICES 10, 219–24.
of lég Iyasu and négéítä nägäítat Zäwditu (s.
Sevir Chernetsov
GebMolIyas).
Src.: EMML vol. 4 [EMML 1180].
Lit.: Felix Rosen, Eine deutsche Gesandtschaft in
Elyas Òaylu Abessinien, Leipzig 1907; Girma Fisseha – Walter
Raunig, Mensch und Geschichte in Äthiopiens Volksma-
Aläqa E.Ò. (%s\Fy gô; b. 1861, Mota, lerei, Innsbruck – Frankfurt/Main 1985, 63, 154f., fig. 35;
Goggam, d. early 20th cent.) was one of Ethio- Richard Pankhurst, “The Battle of Adwa (1896) as
pia’s most prominent artists in ase Ménilék II’s Depicted by Traditional Ethiopian Artists”, in: Proceed-
ings of the First International Conference on the History
time. From Mota he moved to Šäwa, where he
of Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 81–83, figs. 130–32; Geb-
entered ase Ménilék II’s service, and, according MolIyas, s. index.
to family tradition, was one of the first Ethiopi- Richard Pankhurst
ans to go abroad to study painting, in France.
Émäýalaf Òéruy
É.Ò. (&u!qIy i;^; b. 1908, Dima, d. 1972)
was a traditional Ethiopian artist active during
the Òaylä Íéllase period. One of three sons of
the church artist aläqa ÷Òéruy Wäldä Giyorgis
of Dima in Goggam, decorator, inter alia, of the
churches of ÷Éntotto Maryam and ÷Gännätä
Giyorgis in Addis Ababa, É.Ò. was brought
up and trained by his father. Making his way to
Addis Ababa during the ÷Zäwditu period, he
Battle of ŸAdwa; painting by Elyas Òaylu (detail); from obtained employment as a book illustrator in
Rosen 1907 the then newly established ÷Bérhanénna Sälam
268
Émäkina
Printing Press and also produced several paint- “pretender Mälkéýa Kréstos of É.” É. remained
ings of royal personages for the Parliament build- difficult and impregnable to the royal forces
ing. After the Italian invasion he and his elder throughout the period of the Catholic episode.
brother Néqaýe Òéywät Òéruy decided to join Another mention of É. occurs in the period of
the Resistance. On receiving blessing and sup- ase Bäkaffa. There the pretender ÷Gubala had
plies from their father, the two brothers joined established his centre until he made peace with
the Patriot leader ÷Òaylä Maryam Mammo the Emperor in 1726. The mountain also served
and, after his death in battle, continued to fight as a royal prison when ras ÷Aligaz, the Yäggu
beside their fellow Patriots. Néqaýe Òéywät was Oromo king-maker, deposed and imprisoned
killed in action two years later. É.Ò. joined ras ase ÷Täklä Giyorgis I in 1789; he remained
÷Abbäbä Arägay’s Patriots. During this time he there until his release by his Lastan supporters
produced one or more seals for his comrades and in 1791/92.
also helped them by making bullets. Src.: BassÉt I, II; BlunChr; PerChron.
After the Liberation, É.Ò. was appointed by Lit.: BTafA 449, 908, 924; Carlo Conti Rossini, Ca-
talogo dei nomi propri di luogo dell’Etiopia contenuti nei
Mäkwännén Habtäwäld to head the Handicraft
testi giŸiz ed amhariña finora publicati, Genova 1894, 25;
School, then located in the Kolfe area of Addis Getatchew Haile, “Who is Who in Ethiopia’s Past,
Abäba, and was subsequently attached to the Part II: the Zagwe Royal Family after Zagwe”, NEASt
National Library of Ethiopia. He was one of a 7, 3, 1985, 41–48; Wudu Tafete, A Political History of
select group of artists employed at the Palace to Wag and Lasta, c. 1543–1919, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa
University 1995.
design the new Ethiopian bank-notes, and he lat-
Wudu Tafete
er produced a series of paintings of käntibas, or
Lord Mayors, for the Addis Abäba Municipality,
Émäkina churches
as well as a portrait of the Òaylä Íéllase’s daugh-
Two churches of É., both constructed in a cave,
ter Princess Ìähay for the Íéllase church in Addis
belong to the type represented by ÷Däbrä Damo,
Abäba. His most important work was, however,
÷Yémréhannä Kréstos, ÷Zaräma Giyorgis and
the decoration of the ÷Gännätä Sége Giyorgis
÷Ïämmädu Maryam. The bigger one, situated
Cathedral, together with Afäwärq Täkle. Its
on the east slope of the mountain, is dedicated to
original paintings, which included a representa-
the “Redeemer of the World” (Mädòane ŸAläm).
tion of the Battle of ŸAdwa, had been destroyed
It is sheltered by an irregular stonewall that
at the time of the Graziani Massacre in 1937 and
closes the opening of the cave. An oriented ba-
were replaced only after the Liberation.
silica (8.7 m x 6.5 m x 5.2 m), it is constructed of
Src.: information from Émäýalaf Òéruy’s nephew Aläfäl-
lägä Sälam, himself an artist. small stone pieces and red tufa rubble layered in
Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, “Some Notes for a History alternate shifts. The interior is divided into three
of Ethiopian Secular Art”, EthObs 10, 1966, 5–80, here 18, naves by two squared pillars. A transversal wall
22. screens the sanctuary. Two wooden architraves
Richard Pankhurst
along the whole church support the clerestory
wall decorated with friezes of wooden panels
Émäkina and pierced by six wooden framed windows. A
flat wooden ceiling covers the aisles, while the
É. (&ui! ) is a mountain fortress overlooking
central nave has an open-rafted saddle-back roof.
the Täkkäze valley in eastern ÷Bugna in Lasta.
There are two ancient churches on the moun-
tain top, Émäkina Lédäta and Émäkina Mädòane
ŸAläm. They are believed to have been built
during the reign of ase ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl in the
6th cent. On the eastern foothills of É. there is a
rock-hewn church of ÷Gännätä Maryam deco-
rated with paintings under ase Yékunno Amlak.
É. is a highly inaccessible mountain stronghold
from where ÷Mälkéýa Kréstos, a descendant of
ase Dawit II, waged an anti-Catholic struggle St. Mamas riding a lion; wall-painting; Émäkina Mädòane
and then a dynastic power contest against ase ŸAläm, western wall; end of the 13th cent.; photo 2002,
÷Susényos; the royal chronicler refers to him as courtesy of Michael Gervers
269
Émäkina
The church is decorated by paintings difficult

to date. The roof and the ceilings are covered with
geometric patterns. On the walls the figures of
saints, angels and different animals appear. These
highly stylized representations resemble the
drawings in the Coptic magical scrolls.
Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “The Wall-Paintings
in the Church of Mädhane Aläm near Lalibäla”, Africana
Bulletin 52, 2004, 9–29; Georg Gerster, Churches in
the Rock: early Christian Art in Ethiopia, London ²1972,
109–14; Otto Jäger – Ivy Pearce, Antiquities of North-
ern Ethiopia, Stuttgart ²1974, 139f; André Miquel, “Re-
connaissance dans le Lasta (décembre 1955)”, AE 3, 1959,
Lédätä Maryam Church, west facade; 13th cent. (?); photo 132–55, here 146f.; Ivy Pearce, “An Andrews Adventure
2002, courtesy of Michael Gervers and Pearce’s Pilgrimage to the Cave and Rock Churches of
Lasta”, EthObs 13, 3, 1969, 142–63, here 145–50; Beatrice
The central part of the sanctuary, with a wooden Playne, St. George for Ethiopia, London 1954, 161–76;
dome, opens into the nave through a wooden Roger Sauter, “Où en est notre connaissance des églises
rupestres d’Éthiopie”, AE 5, 1963, 235–92, here 270, nos.
arch. The western, northern and southern doors 56, 57; Tsegaye Gabre-Medhin – Alberto Tessore,
are of a massive wood. Ethiopia: Footprint of Time, Udine 1984, nos. 32, 45.
The church is extensively decorated with Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
relatively well-preserved paintings. Geometric
and vegetal patterns cover almost all wooden Émba Dérho
architectonic details. Zoomorphic motifs, as well
as crosses and angelic faces – with a clear apo- É.D. (&z+y ;?X ) is a long-standing small
tropaic purpose – appear in several places. Fig- town located 12 km north of ÷Asmära, in the
ural representations – scenes from the O.T. and heart of the Eritrean plateau. In one of the early
N.T., saints, monks, archangels and two donors 16th-cent. “itineraries” collected by Alessandro
– are to be found by the door, along the walls of ÷Zorzi it is referred to as “Embandero, a royal
the aisles, on all sides of the pillars, on the upper city”: namely, the city “of the king of Masen” or
wall of the nave and in the sanctuary. The dome ÷Hamasen (CrawItin 124f.:I, 4). A land charter
of the church is decorated with a large Maiestas of ase ÷Lébnä Déngél grants É.D. to Dafla, the
Domini. The iconographical programme and the well-known ÷kantiba of Hamasen, “for his pil-
style of murals show a close relationship with grimage to Jerusalem, and for his children and
the paintings in the nearby church of ÷Gännätä his children’s children” (CRAxum 35 [text] = 38
Maryam, which should be ascribed to the same [tr.], no. 38; HunLand 47, no. 37). The priests of
workshop and dated to the same period, i.e. to the local church of Énda Iyäsus report a tradi-
the second half of the 13th cent.
The second church, on the west slope of the
mountain, is devoted to the Nativity of St. Mary
(Lédätä Maryam). It lies behind a high and large
wall pierced by a door opening with carved
wooden frames and by windows with finely
insculped traceries. The oriented church is cubi-
cal and very small (7.5 m x 7.4 m x 2.9 m). The
exterior is entirely covered by white plaster. The
windows are irregularly disposed. A saddle-roof
supported by two monolith pillars rises above
the central nave, while flat wooden ceilings cover
the aisles and the sanctuary, at the entry of which
two wooden columns are found, probably the
remains of an old chancel. However, accord-
ing to the local priest, who ascribe to them a
symbolic significance, they were brought from
Jerusalem.
270
Émbabo
÷Archaeology
Src.: CRAxum 35 (text) = 38 (tr.), no. 38; HuntLand 47,
no. 37; CrawItin 124f.; Marilyn Heldman, field notes
of a visit to Émba Derho, January 16, 1974.
Lit.: Michael L. Blakey et al., “Frequency and Chrono-
logical Distribution of Dental Enamel Hypoplasias in En-
slaved African Americans: a Test of the Weaning Hypoth-
esis”, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 95, 1994,
371–83; S. Krishna Rao – Yosief Libsekal, “A Mega-
lithic Circle from Émba Dérho: Some Significant Aspects of
Culture”, Aethiopica 7, 2004, 13–27; R.H. MacDonald,
“Teeth in Palaeodietary Reconstruction: Pastoralists versus
Agriculturists”, in: Gilbert Pwiti – Robert Soper
Grid excavations of Émba Dérho near Asmära showing a (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology, Harare 1996, 477–
megalithic circle; photo courtesy of Krishna Rao 85; Merric Posmansky, “Cairns in the Southern Part of
the Kenya Rift Valley”, Azania 3, 1968, 181–87.
tion about the latter’s founding in 367 of the S. Krishna Rao – Yosief Libsekal – [Red.]
“Ethiopian Calendar” (Heldman 1974): i.e., in
374/75 or 1250/51 A.D. according to whether
the era “of the Incarnation” or that “of Martyrs” Émbabo
is meant hereby. Although that tradition cannot É. (&z+. , also Imbaaboo) is a place in Horo
be verified, it is possibly safe to assume that Énda Guduru, the former Wälläga province. It en-
Iyäsus had been established by the end of the 14th tered the history books subsequent to the battle
cent. The low circular stone wall that encloses fought between néguí Ménilék of Šäwa (later
the church compound is decorated with interest- ÷Ménilék II) and néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot of
ing cross-finals of stone (Heldman 1974). Goggam on 6 June 1882. This was preceded by
On a hillock 500 m north-west of the main set- armed confrontation between their two gener-
tlement, there is an archaeological site, with two als, ras Däräso Tabo of Goggam and ras Gobäna
megalithic stone circles side by side on the hillock. Daci of Šäwa, in their bid to establish control
Adjacent to the site a microlith-bearing site stands over the resource-rich Oromo principalities of
where redware pottery-worked stones are seen south-western Ethiopia, when Gobäna report-
spread on the surface. One of the stone circles on edly forced Däräso to flee, leaving behind the
the west was excavated in 2000 by the Department ivory and other goods that he had collected from
of Archaeology of the University of Asmära. the Oromo lands. An exchange of derogatory
The stone circle consists of a cairn of stones correspondence between their two lords set the
surrounded by a circle of 22 large boulders tone of the impending clash of arms. The day-
which sealed undisturbed burial deposits. The long battle, which was marked by exceptional
underground chamber might have been prepared ferocity, ended with the defeat and capture of
by scooping out the soft basaltic rock. There is an Täklä Haymanot. One-fifth of the Goggam
entrance on the west to this cavern-like chamber, forces are said to have died on the battlefield.
formed of four upright stone slabs. Five small An enraged ase Yohannés chastened his vassals
stone boulders on the inside support these verti- for going to war without his consent by taking
cally arranged slabs. The height and width of the away Agäw Médér from Täklä Haymanot and
entrance are 78 cm and 65 cm respectively. This Wällo from Ménilék II, as well as forcing the
gate-like entrance protects the burial goods. latter to surrender the arms he had captured at
Excavation was carried to the depth of 160 cm the battlefield. But the ultimate historical signifi-
in different levels. Varieties of cultural materials cance of the battle remains that Šäwan hegemony
were recovered. They included 24 pottery vessels, over the Oromo principalities was assured and
a small glass bowl, beads of stone, glass and cop- Ménilék’s succession to the imperial throne
per, 10 cowry shells of white colour, a copper hair thereafter became only a matter of time. The
pin, two pairs of bracelets and a pair of gold ear- ferocity of the battle notwithstanding, Ménilék
rings. Five human molar teeth were also collected. and Täklä Haymanot maintained an amicable
These ornamental objects and the teeth appear to relationship until the latter’s death in 1901.
be related to an adolescent girl with an age prob- Src.: GSMen 102–07;
ably below 15. She may have belonged to a no- Lit.: BZHist 61f.; Richard Caulk, “Territorial Competi-
madic pastoral community of Aksumite times. tion and the Battle of Embabo, 1882”, JES 13, 1, 65–88;
271
Émbabo
aläqa Täklä Iyäsus, K<gy |KTM (Tarikä nägäít, ‘The cent. (Douin 1936:255). Around the turn of the
History of the Kings’), IES ms. 254, 87–90. 20th cent. there were ca. 1,000 people living in the
Bahru Zewde village, mostly by grazing herds and agriculture.
Under Italian colonial rule irrigated plantations
Émbärämi were developed along the Dässet river and on the
É. (&z(:w) is a village in Eritrea located ca. coastal plain towards Wäqiro in the north and
19 km north of ÷Massawa on the northern bank Massawa, south of the village.
of the Dässet river, ca. 1 km from the sea. The last decades of the 20th cent. were hard for
According to local traditions the settlement many inhabitants of É. Following the nation-
was founded by elements of the Tégre-speaking alization of their lands and oppression by the
group Mäshalit. It is believed that while grazing forces of the Därg, many fled in the mid-1970s
in the area, a widow of the ŸAd BaŸadinge clan to Saudi Arabia and Port Sudan. Today É. has
gave birth to a girl, who was named Baryam. The a small population. The village still hosts the
mother, Um Baryam (‘mother of Baryam’), set- yearly ziyara by numerous followers from the
tled there and the village that developed around Eritrean lowlands and is visited by the highest
the spot gradually came to be known as É. (Sal- Muslim authorities in the country.
vadei 1913:1833; Odorizzi 1911:171f.). Src.: KillHDic 180; Georges Douin, Histoire du règne du
However, É. derives its importance from being Khédive Ismail, III, part 1, Cairo 1936, 255; Guillaume
the centre of the influential ÷ŸAd Šek holy family Lejean, Voyage aux deux Nils, Paris 1865, 142; Dante
Odorizzi, Il Commissariato Regionale di Massaua al 1°
and the site of a region-wide ziyara (pilgrimage) Gennaio 1910, Asmara 1911, 171–74; Giovanni Salvadei,
to the sacred shrines of the family’s venerated “Massaua (Allegato 110)”, in: Camera dei Deputati,
saints, performed annually on 13 Safar. ŸAd Šek Allegati alla Relazione sulla Colonia Eritrea, 1902–1907,
traditions date the arrival of šayò Muhammad b. Roma 1913 (Atti Parlamentari, Legislazione 23, sessione
ŸAli b. al-Amin (ca. 1808–77) in É. to ca. 1840. 1909–13), 1833; Guida 184.
Lit.: Haile Woldu Emmanuel, “Concession Agricul-
Šayò Muhammad had gained such widespread ture in Eritrea”, Ethiopian Geographical Journal 2, 1,
success in attracting followers and establishing his 1964, 35–44.
reputation as a holy man that in the early 1860s Jonathan Miran
Guillaume Lejean (1865:142) described É. as “une
Mecque au petit pied”. É. became an important
centre of Islamic propagation in the region. Émbayyä Habte
With time other Tégre- and ÷Saho-speaking Däggazmaó É.H. (&z+Yy U-L , b. 1910, Kärän,
groups of ÷Sämhar settled in É. under the aus- d. 22 April 1988, Asmära) was an official who
pices of the ŸAd Šek family. Due to its position on served for more than 30 years as a provincial
the coast, É. was also associated with contraband governor and political counsellor in Eritrea. His
and illegal slave-trading in the last third of the 19th father, ayte Habte Mällak (who governed the
lower ŸAnsäba-Bogos region in 1931–34) and his
mother, wäyzäro Gämmär Bäyyan, were from the
ŸAddi Dékkél group of the Bilin. É.H. received
his education in the Italian schools for natives in
Kärän and Asmära and attended the Salvago Raggi
vocational school in Kärän in 1926.
É.H. began his career as a clerk in the de-
salination enterprise in Massawa in 1927. Two
years later, he moved to Somalia, where he
worked with an Italian concessionary planta-
tion company until 1935, when he returned to
his home region. An Ethiopian source (Tatäq
for 27 Miyazya 1980) alleges that he was kept
in confinement in Kärän, as he was suspected of
associating himself with a pro-Ethiopian group
of young persons. Other sources indicate, how-
ever, that he worked with a transport enterprise
in Kärän until 1938, when he again changed his
272
Émbilta
post to the office of the Governor of Eritrea, to of about 3 cm. Materials of construction vary
which he was attached as a clerk and interpreter and include hollow reeds or bamboo of an ap-
until 1941. After the defeat of the Italians, he propriate diameter or, where bamboo is scarce, a
was employed by the rich businessman El-Giak thin-walled metal tubing having from 2.5 to 3 cm
Ihemir, with whom he stayed until 1945, when of inside diameter. Three sizes of É. commonly
he devoted more time to politics. constitute one set (Kimberlin 1980:239; Tesfaye
É.H. is said to have been one of the founders Lemma 1975:17). ^x (yéma) is the longest flute
of the ÷Mahbär Féqri Hagär Erétra in 1941 and with no finger holes, being identified by a small
he became secretary for its branch in the western slot on the underside close to the distal end.
region from September 1941 to September 1942. ;I# (défén), the middle size, has no finger hole
Again he reorganized and led the restructured or slot. $b= (awra), the designated leader of the
pro-Ethiopian movement in the western low- ensemble, is the shortest length flute with the
lands in 1946–47. In the late 1940s, he became a smallest opening from the shortest diameter; the
judge in the Kärän court of justice, while at the flute has one underside hole and a U-shaped slot
same time acting as a member of the town coun- on the underside close to the distal end.
cil and the educational commission. According to Ashenafi Kebede (1971) and
In January 1950, he went to Addis Abäba as a Tesfaye Lemma (1975) the awra produces three
member of a delegation and was awarded a gold pitches; the other two share the same two pitches,
medal by the Sovereign, an indication of his close sounding an octave apart. However, field record-
connections with the Ethiopian government. In ings made in 1972 and 1996 illustrate melodies
1952 he was elected to the ÷Eritrean Assembly. made up of four, five and even six pitches. Yared
During the periods of the British Administra- Marässa, an É. and ÷wašént maker and player,
tion, the Federation and the provincial status of was commissioned to make a set of three É.
Eritrea, he held the position of governor of the from metal tubing purchased from the Märkato
districts of Kärän, Hamasen and Aqordät, re- (÷Addis Kätäma) in Addis Abäba.
spectively, with the title of ÷fitawrari. In the late
Cultural Context
1960s he was appointed vice-director of the pro-
According to tradition, É. players, like other
vincial administration of Eritrea, and eventually
wind instrument players, were slaves who lived
provincial counsellor of Eritrea with the title of
and worked for the nobility, some having been
÷däggazmaó and the rank of vice-minister, a posi-
captured along the Sudanese border. The main
tion which he held until his retirement in 1975.
reason for this tradition, a belief and attitude
In recognition of his services, he was awarded
which persists even today, is that the act of
the order of the Ethiopian Star. In the 1980s, he
blowing hard on wind instruments like the É.
acted as President of the Eritrean Patriotic Asso-
and ÷mäläkkät causes incurable and painful
ciation and representative of the people of Kärän
haemorrhoids, 4;z+y u#GMy >-y ^Kn-2s
in the National Šängo. He was buried at Säsärat,
(Térumba mänfat reb yégäläbtal). Thus, any ac-
Asmära.
tivity requiring physical exertion or threatening
Src.: Nägarit gazeta, July 1969, no. 29, and August 1969,
no. 390. one’s health was left for slaves to perform (Ashe-
Lit.: Giuseppe Puglisi, Chi è? dell’Eritrea 1952: fani Kebede 1971:163ff.).
Dizionario biografico con una cronologia, Asmära 1952, Today, É. can be found among the Amharic-
118; Tatäq, 27 Miyazya 1980 A.M. [5 May 1988 A.D.]; and Tégréñña-speaking people of central and
Shumet Sishagne, Discord and Fragmentation in
Eritrean Politics, 1941–1981, Ph.D. thesis, University of
northern Ethiopia, for ceremonial use in Lalibäla
Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1992, 244, 252, 348. and Gondär, in the Wällo region, and among the
Bairu Tafla Berta people of the Beni Šangul region in the
south-east. There is historical evidence of use of
É. in Aksum in the church ceremonial functions
Émbilta held outdoors.
Morphology Function
É. is an end-blown flute not played solo but as Although the É. is used for social functions and
part of an ensemble consisting of three, four, celebrations, it has been essentially a ceremonial
or five flutes of differing lengths, ranging from instrument played during royal processions or to
75 cm to 1.5 m, with an average inside diameter accompany troops marching for battle. A collec-
273
Émbilta
tion of É. from Tesfaye Lemma (1975) was used ordinate their melodic components with regard to
in Šäwa and may have also been used during the timing, giving continuity to a seemingly disjunc-
battle of ÷ŸAdwa. Historically the É., along with tive manner of executing sounds.
the mäläkkät and the ÷nägarit, represented cer- A traditional composition performed with the
emonial instruments or ‘insignia of royalty’; they É. is known as ##3M (šanqät), an invocation to
were used to herald the approach of the king or God at the beginning of the performance. Over-
other officers of authority during ceremonial state tones are prominent. At the end of the piece, in
functions. These three instruments are most of the “coda” section the ensemble does not end
the times used as a trio; even for proclamations playing simultaneously; rather, each É. player in
the instruments feature as an ensemble. When a turn ceases playing.
new Emperor ascended to the throne and when Lit.: Ashenafi Kebede, The Music of Ethiopia: its De-
proclamations of national concern were made, the velopment and Cultural Setting, Michigan 1971;, 163ff.
nägarit sounded and the mäläkkät and the É. her- Cynthia Tse Kimberlin, “The Music of Ethiopia”,
alded the news. Today, É. are used, for instance, to in: Elizabeth E. May (ed.), Musics of Many Cultures,
Berkeley 1980, 1983, 239; Ead., Unpublished field notes,
greet state and foreign dignitaries at Bole Airport. 1996; Ethiopian Government Publications (eds.),
Patterns of Progress: Music, Dance and Drama, vol. 9,
Pitch Addis Ababa 1968; Tesfaye Lemma, Ethiopian Musical
Harmonic overtones can be heard, and these Instruments, Addis Ababa 1975, 17.
also contribute to the unique tonal quality and Cynthia Tse Kimberlin
texture, from a soft, deep, mellow sound having
a “breathy” quality to the lighter or louder, more Emirates ÷Amir
strident sound. It is the overtones and the act
of over-blowing that enables the É. to produce Émkullu
the overtones or harmonics more loudly than
É. (&zho, also Ménkullu, in European sources
the fundamental pitches. Usually these “extra
“Moncullo”, “M’Kullo”) is a Tégre settlement
sounds” are ornaments and embellishments,
on the road from Massawa further inland, im-
giving the melody a particular character arising
mediately after Hétumlu, on the dry river-bed of
from the skill of the player. Two É. play two
the Wissa. In 19th-cent. sources it shows a certain
pitches an octave apart from each other. The
prominence, as most Europeans settling in the
third can play three pitches of which two pitches
Ottoman Massawa Province had a residence
are an octave apart. Collectively, intervals heard
and garden in É. and the ÷Swedish Evangelical
are approximately a perfect or diminished fourth
Mission established their centre here, between
and/or fifth interval. Sometimes when four or
É. and Hétumlu. The French and British vice-
five musicians perform together on the three
consuls to the Ottoman (later Egyptian) ÷Habeš
instruments, one or two instruments may be
province had their private residences in É. The
duplicated in performance.
Imperial Austrian vice-consul Gerhard received
Music the expedition of Duke Ernst II of Saxe-Coburg-
The player holds the É. at a downward angle Gotha here in his house in 1862 and many other
away from the body, towards the player’s right. ÷expeditions started there.
The players may also dance, accompanying each After the Swedish mission had to give up their
other on the É. When an É. ensemble performs, it missionary centre for Hamasen at SéŸazzäga fol-
typically plays in hocket, where a single melody lowing the turmoils of the year 1876, they were
is produced by a set of three to five É. players virtually confined to the coastal areas. In 1877
playing pitches or short motifs in alternation they received their grounds at É. as a gift from the
with some overlapping of parts. In the 1996 field Governor-General of the Egyptian Sudan during
recordings, there are ensembles three or four É. a tour through his territories (Smidt 2003:52f.).
players where the owra is duplicated. In addi- Starting from the 1870s, local children, including
tion, É. performers are also dancers and acrobats. a few freed Oromo, were taught (in Amharic) at
A stylistic trait is that of the players doing vari- the Swedish school at É. In the hot seasons they
ous dance step patterns in a circle formation, so migrated to the higher, and thus fresher, settle-
that the É. sounds fluctuate, alternating between ment and missionary station of Gäläb (ArEvang
“coming closer” and “going further away”. To 227). A clinic and a guesthouse for pilgrims and
play one melody, the three performers must co- travellers were established in the mid-1880s. É.
274
Émmä Méhrät
Émkullu around 1906
(note the Italian fort on the
hill); photo print from the
collection of the author
appears also as the place of publication of quite map of 1888). Today É. is part of the greater city
a few “incunabula” in Tégréñña and other lan- of Massawa.
guages, such as Oromo (the first one printed in Src.: Istituto geografico militare, Massaua e
1885; s. Wright 1967:70ff.; ArEvang 302), until dintorni, 1:25,000, map drawn in 1888 (collection of Gi-
ancarlo Stella, Fusignano).
the printing-press moved to Asmära in the early Lit.: ArEvang 227ff., 249ff., 268f., 273ff., 280f., 291–98,
20th cent. In 1891 the É. mission headquarters 302f., 315f., 319, 322–25, 332; Wolbert Smidt, “The
– popularly known as Mädòane ŸAläm – were St. Chrischona Pilgrim-Mission’s Private Archives as a
moved from É. to SéŸazzäga (ArEvang 315, 322). Source for Eritrean History: from a Romantic Quest for
Shortly after the Italians had established their ‘Ormania’ to the Establishment at the Erythraean Coast”,
Eritrean Studies Journal 2, 1/2, May-December 2003, 39–
protettorato over the Egyptian Massawa Province 58, here 52f.; Stephen Wright, Ethiopian Incunabula,
in 1885, they built a fort at É. with a telegraph, Addis Ababa 1967, 70ff.
in front of the settlement at the other side of the Wolbert Smidt
river Wissa. Two other forts were erected in the
vicinity – a smaller one at Hétumlu and the Forte Émmä Méhrät
Principe Vittorio Emanuele on the hill above É.
É.M. (&uy zB:M, lit. ‘Mother of Grace’) is a
Later, a railway line, joining the Penisola Abd-
mountain range in the centre of north-east Šäwa
el-Kader with the station Sahati in the moun- next to the town of ÷Ankobär, rising to ca.
tains, was constructed, following the Wissa, with 3,100 m A.S.L. According to a local oral tradi-
a station at É. In addition, a Decauville-tramway tion, it used to be higher in the past. E.M. is a
led from É. to the port of the Penisola Gherar (s. part of a long chain of mountains stretching from
the Bulga province in north-east Šäwa through
Ankobär and Mänz to Wällo. A fortified 19th-
cent. village of ÷Féqre Gémb was also situated
on this mountain range.
A pretender, who attempted to gain rule over
Šäwa in the early 17th cent. under the name of
Tewodros Ìähay, once fled to E.M. from the
troops of ase ÷Susényos’s warrior brother ras
÷ÍéŸélä Kréstos. From there, Tewodros Ìähay
fled to Méngar, where he was finally killed by
the local Oromo.
The peak of É.M. is always hidden in clouds,
even when at the feet of the mountains the sun is
shining. The range is covered with dense juniper
forests. É.M.’s elevation and relative inacces-
sibility made it suitable to be used as a prison
and a treasury for the Šäwan dynasty rulers, at
least since the late 18th cent. Moreover, ÷Òaylä
275
Émmä Méhrät
Mäläkot, the 8th in the line of the Šäwan dynasty the time of the Italian invasion of 1935, as well
(1847–55), stayed there while heir apparent to as a prominent statesman revered in progressive
his father, néguí Íahlä Íéllase. It is reported that Ethiopian circles. A great-great-grandson of
Òaylä Mäläkot completed his church education néguí ÷Íahlä Íéllase of Šäwa, É. was the son of
in a monastery at Loza, a locality within the É.M. däggazmaó Òaylä Íéllase, a church-educated no-
range. While the peak of É.M. is partly used as bleman attached to Ménilék II’s court, and later
a monastery and another part of it as a prison to that of ras ÷Mäkwännén Wäldä Mikaýel. É.
and royal depot, the forested slopes at and be- and Mäkwännén’s son Täfari (the future Emperor
low Däns used to serve as hunting grounds for ÷Òaylä Íéllase I) were brought up “like twins”
the rulers of Šäwa. In 1841, the British traveller (HSLife I, 15). They began their education, in
Harris noted rural communities in parts of É.M. Amharic and French, at Mäkwännén’s court.
who were engaged in metalwork, pottery manu- After the latter’s death in 1906, they were sum-
facture and woodwork. Descendants of these moned to Addis Abäba, where they witnessed
people still inhabited the area throughout the proceedings at the imperial court before being
greater part of the 20th cent. enrolled in the newly established ÷Ménilék II
Src.: AbbGeogr 276; BTafA 64, 391, 401, 874, 908, 914, Secondary School. On Täfäri’s appointment as
937; James D. Barker, Narratives of a Journey to Governor of Harär in 1910, É. became governor
Shoa and an Attempt to Visit Harar, Bombay 1841, 59;
Charles-François Xavier Rochet d’Hericourt,
of Gaarso district. After the overthrow of lég
“Considérations géographiques et commerciales sur le Iyasu in 1916, É. was imprisoned by the latter’s
golfe arabique, le pays d’Adel et le Royaume de Choa supporters, but escaped (HSLife I, 50; Perham
(Abyssinie meridionale)”, Bulletin de la Société de Géog- 1969:83). In 1916 he married wäyzäro Sége
raphie de Paris 2e ser. 15, Mai 1841, 284–85; Gustavo Maryam, grand-daughter of ras Gobäna Daci:
Bianchi, In Abyssinia: alla terra dei Galla. Narrazione
della spedizione Bianchi in Africa, Milano 1896, 242; throughout his life she was his only wife. Ap-
HarAeth vol. 2, 265ff.; vol. 3, 367. pointed däggazmaó in 1918, he became éndärase
Ahmed Hassen Omer of Harärge (Forbes 1925:364, index). In the elev-
en years which followed he attempted to central-
Émmä ménet ÷ Monasteries ise and rationalise the administration, establish a
juster system of taxation, and encourage modern
Émmäbet education. He also welcomed the development
É. (&u,M , also émmet, émmät, émyat, ‘mother of Cärcär as a model province (MolLit 103f.).
of the house’) was the titular epithet of a mother Later, in 1929, he was made governor of Wällo,
of a ruler’s children, usually applied to the un- where he again sought to reform the administra-
crowned spouses of a ruler and his concubines. tion, taxation and justice, and assisted the found-
Thus, the crowned spouse of ase Íärsä Déngél, ing of modern schools. He also built roads, and
÷Maryam Séna in Ethiopian chronicles, is called curtailed rebellion by the Rayya Oromo (MolLit
as ÷étege, while his concubine Harago, who 106). On leaving his governorate he adopted the
bore him his son ase ÷YaŸéqob, is referred to novel practice of leaving behind his administra-
as É. As this name was not a title, but merely tion, thus laying the foundation of a permanent
an epithet, it was used rather freely, and ÷Asmä civil service (Greenfield 1965:173).
Giyorgis Gäbrä Masih in his chronicle History After Òaylä Íéllase’s accession as Emperor,
of the Galla and the Kingdom of Šäwa (BTafA) É. served on the commission drafting the 1931
referred to the first, uncrowned spouse of ase ÷Constitution, and, as the Emperor recognised,
Ménilék II wäyzäro ÷Bafäna as émyat, though was the only noble who supported curtailing
her numerous children were not progeny of the the hereditary rights of the regional dynasties
Emperor. Sometimes this epithet was applied to (HSLife I, 179f.). Falling ill in 1932 he was one
the crowned queens as well. of the first Ethiopians to travel abroad for medi-
Lit.: BTafA 908; DombrChron 301; KaneDic vol. 2, 1130. cal treatment (MolLit 107). Returning that year
Sevir Chernetsov
he was appointed governor of Goggam, with
the title of ras. He attempted to modernise the
Émméru Òaylä Íéllase province’s administration, abolish tolls, and im-
Ras É. (&z;y g^ny TqE; b. 1892, Gursum, prove the peasantry’s position. He encountered
Harärge, d. 1980) was one of the four principal opposition, however, from traditionalists accus-
Ethiopian commanders of the northern front at tomed to rule by local governors, and his rule,
276
Émméru Òaylä Íéllase
interrupted by the Italian Fascist invasion, was

too short to achieve major reforms. He neverthe-
less introduced electricity and a radio transmitter
at the Goggam capital, ÷Däbrä Marqos (Perham
1969:297; MolLit 107f.).
As governor of Goggam, É. played a major
role in resisting the Italian fascist invasion.
Mobilising his forces in mid-September 1935
he marched north with 40,000 troops (Badoglio
1937:19). Early in December he threatened the
Italian position in Šire, captured “more than a
hundred machine-guns” (HSLife 267), and later
in the month defeated the invaders at Säläqläqa,
before advancing towards the Eritrean frontier.
The Italian commander Pietro ÷Badoglio re-
sponded by attacking with poison-gas from the
air (Mockler 1984:81, 86). É. recalled: “A hun-
dred or so of my men who had been splashed by
the mysterious fluid began to scream in agony as Émméru Òaylä Íéllase during a meeting with India’s
blisters broke out on their bare feet, their hands, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in the 1950’s in New
their faces. Some who rushed to the river and Delhi; photo courtesy of the IES (no. 43 E4)
took great gulps of water fell contorted on the military academy, foreign educated intellectuals,
banks and writhed in agony which lasted for and Eritrean defectors from the Italian army who
hours before they died” (Del Boca 1965:79). Un- between them constituted the ÷Téqur Anbäsa
able to resist the enemy’s aerial onslaught (Ba- group. É. and the Téqur Anbäsa, seeking to join
doglio 1937:44), É. had to retreat. He neverthe- with other resistance forces, marched eastwards
less reorganised his forces, and early in February across Wälläga (Tadässä Meóa 1951; Greenfield
1936 again advanced, but was defeated, after 1965:231ff.; Bahru Zewde 2002:86, 204). The en-
fierce hand to hand fighting, at the battle of Sire, emy had however by then gained control of Wäl-
where his men suffered heavy losses - and, as he läga. Its governor, däggazmaó ÷Habtä Maryam
admitted to the Emperor, many of his men began Gäbrä Égziýabéher, was a virtual prisoner, and the
to desert (Badoglio 1937:139; also 142f.). Badog- Italians had fortified the crossings of the Didessa
lio suppresses any reference to gas in his mem- river to prevent É. and his army from crossing
oirs, but its use is well documented in Del Boca it. They nevertheless seized the offensive, and
(1996). The last of the great Ethiopian chiefs to inflicted heavy casualties on the Italians and their
be defeated, É. then withdrew to Däbrä Marqos, collaborators in fierce hand-to-hand fighting.
“with those of his men who had survived the Ras É. and his political advisers decided, how-
bombs, gas and mustard poison” (HSLife 270). ever, that the capture of the river crossings would
Däbrä Marqos finally fell to the Italians on 20 involve unnecessarily heavy bloodshed, and
May, 15 days after Addis Abäba. leaving the highlands would entail serious risk
Ras É. and his seasoned army meanwhile of malaria. It was therefore decided instead to
marched south to Gore, whither the Emperor, march southwards via Bädäle, Agaro and Limmu,
before leaving the country, had transferred the and thence though the Botor pass into Šäwa. On
seat of government, placing it under the elderly reaching Agaro, however, É. learnt that the Ital-
bitwäddäd ÷Wäldä Sadéq, president of the Sen- ians had occupied Gémma, on 15 November, that
ate and step-father of ras ÷Kaía Òaylu. From the local ruler, ÷Abbaa Goobir, had become a
Gore, É. made contact with the Emperor in Lon- collaborator, and that a flood of refugees from
don, who despatched his principal aide-de-camp, Gémma were pouring into Agaro. This posed a
Bälhu Dägäfu, to the town with orders confirm- serious moral problem for É. The refugees, who
ing Wäldä Sadéq as head of the government, and were pleading for his help, tied down his army,
É. as head of the armed forces. (HSLife II, 7–10, and reduced its mobility, but could not be left to
12f., 19f.; Mockler 1984:136). At the end of the perish. He and his advisers accordingly decided
rains É. was joined by graduates of the Holota to make their way to Bonga, capital of Käfa, to
277
Émméru Òaylä Íéllase
place the refugees in the custody of däggazmaó and was later called as a defence witness (Green-
Tayyä Gulälat. The refugees were duly sent on field 1965:401, 408, 443; MolLit 120). Thereafter
ahead, with É.’s troops protecting their rear. A he held no official post in Ethiopian government,
fierce battle was fought with a pursuing enemy but continued to give advice. He was present at
force at Geeraa, after which É.’s men proceeded to the Jubilee Palace when Emperor Òaylä Íéllase
the Gogäb river, the frontier of Käfa. There they was deposed in 1974 (Del Boca 1995:332f.). His
learnt to their dismay that däggazmaó Tayyä and only son, Mikaýel Émméru, later served as Prime
bitwäddäd ÷Wäldä Sadéq had both given up the Minister in 1974. He died in August 1980 and
struggle without firing a single shot. The result was given a state funeral by the Därg.
was that É. and his men, surrounded by what Ras É. was a notable author. His principal writ-
Del Boca terms “a ring of iron”, were obliged to ings include FKb=<y (q^ (Fitawrari Bälay,
surrender at the end of December 1936 (Del Boca 1948 A.M. [1955/56 A.D.; English tr. in EthObs
1965:216f.; MolLit 114f.). He was then taken to 5, 1962, 342–60]); Ab!y &b3M (Säwénna
Italy, and imprisoned first on the island of Ponza, éwqät, ‘Man and Knowledge’, 1952 A.M. [1959/
where he met Italian and other Anti-Fascist de- 60 A.D.]); and (nx_y MPs (ŸAlämawi tégél,
tainees, then to Lipari, and finally to Lungo Buco, ‘Worldly Struggle’, 1967 A.M. [1974/75 A.D.]).
on the Italian mainland. An appeal to the League An autobiographical account of his early years,
of Nations for his release proved fruitless (New 1892–1936, is deposited in the IES Library.
Times and Ethiopia News, 3 April 1937). He was Src.: HSLife I 15, 50, 270, II 7–10, 12f., 19f.
later offered the return of his lands if he would Lit.: Rosita Forbes, From Red Sea to Blue Nile, Ab-
yssinian Adventures, London 1925, index; Margery
only recognise the Italian conquest, but he replied Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, London 1969,
that estates meant nothing to him so long as he was index; Pietro Badoglio, The War in Abyssinia, Lon-
deprived of his country (Haddis ŸAlämayyähu don 1937, index; Anthony Mockler, Haile Selassie’s
1992/93:215-29). He was subsequently liberated War, Oxford 1984, 19f., 77f., 80ff., 77–86, 113f., 136, 392f.;
Tadässä MeÓa, 44?y !#(D (Téqur Anbäsa, ‘Black
by the British late in 1943 after their occupation Lion’), Asmära 1943 A.M. [1951/52 A.D.]; Angelo Del
of southern Italy (Mosley 1964:283). He then re- Boca, The Ethiopian War, 1935–1941, Chicago 1965, 78f.,
joined his family in Addis Abäba, who had spent 156f., 216f.; Id., Il gas di Mussolini, Roma 1996; Id., Il Ne-
their exile in Jerusalem (MolLit 115f.). gus. Vita e morte dell’ultimo re dei re, Roma 1995, index;
New Times and Ethiopia News, 3 April 1937; Leonard
After his return to Ethiopia, ras É. was appoint- Mosley, Haile Selassie, The Conquering Lion, London
ed Governor of Bägemdér. An advocate of social 1964, index; Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia. A New
justice he urged the Emperor and the Council of Political History, London 1965, index; ClapHS 124f., 195;
Ministers to embark on land, judicial and admin- Abbebe Kifleyesus, The Career of Liul Ras Imru Hayla
Sillase, B.A. thesis, Haile Sellassie I University, History
istrative reforms. His proposals, however, were Department 1973; John Hathaway Spencer, Ethiopia
not accepted. In 1947 he was appointed Ambas- at Bay: a Personal Account of the Haile Sellassie Years,
sador to the United States, where he attended the New York 1984, index; Haddis ŸAlämayyähu, MwK
United Nations Assembly (Spencer 1984:218). (Tézzéta, ‘Remembrance’), Addis Abäba 1985 A.M. [1992/
His liberal opinions won the support of the Ethi- 93 A.D.], 215–29; MolLit 95–131; Bahru Zewde, Pio-
neers of Change in Ethiopia, Oxford 2002, 86, 171, 204.
opian student movement in America (Greenfield
Richard Pankhurst
1965:338f.). On returning home he insisted that
his share of the lands awarded to him in Arsi be al- EMML ÷Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm
located to the veterans who had fought under his Library
command (MolLit 118). He was elevated to the
title of léŸul ras. In 1954 he was made ambassador Émnätu
to India, a post he occupied until 1959. These two Abba É. (&z|I, full name Émnätä Maryam
appointments kept him out of Ethiopia for much Gébrätu, b. ca. 1815 [?] Énda Abba Gärima,
of the post-war period. A third ambassadorial ap- ÷Tégray, d. early 1870s Massawa) was a Catho-
pointment, to the Soviet Union, was announced lic priest close to the courts of Tégrayan rulers,
in 1960, but failed to materialise on account of from “Agäw” ÷Néguíe to ase ÷Yohannés IV,
that year’s abortive ÷Coup d’état. His liberal and frequently acted as a diplomatic envoy. In
reputation was apparent at that time, when, the 1847 he was converted to ÷Catholicism and
plotters, without consulting him, announced his ordained priest by Giustino de ÷Jacobis. É., be-
appointment as Prime Minister. He attempted to coming a key-person in Tégrayan foreign poli-
prevent bloodshed between the armed factions, tics, related himself to Europeans in many ways.
278
Énär
A relative, Mérsit, was married to the Catholic During that period É. became involved in a
convert Wilhelm ÷Schimper. local power struggle. He sided with Giovanni
In the 1850s É. was deeply involved in the en- ÷Stella, wishing to become governor of Bogos,
terprise to establish a Tégrayan-French alliance. in his conflict with the French Vice-Consul at
At that time É. visited Paris and Rome, and was Massawa, ÷Munzinger. On 28 September 1869
especially impressed by both the Paris opera and one of É.’s followers, Yohannés Täklähannés,
the Catholic church services (de Rivoyre 1885: committed an assassination attempt on
182). In October 1858 “Agäw” Néguíe sent him Munzinger,’s life while the latter was travelling
on a mission (led by his cousin Täqäye) to the in an area close to Kärän. When it became clear,
Emperor Napoléon III. É. was de-facto taking that É. was behind it, he was arrested. Several
lead of the delegation and was given audience members of Kaía Mérca’s court used this oc-
by the Emperor. Additionally a letter was sent casion to ask for a more severe policy against
to the Pope with the aim of gaining his support European influence, and É. was liberated. How-
for Néguíe (RubActa 2:60; Rubenson 1998:64). ever, following protests of the surviving Vice-
The mission to ÷France led to the conclusion of Consul and warnings from the pro-European
a treaty on 29 December 1859, which still played party led by Kaía’s counsellor aläqa ÷Bérru
some role on the international scene in the 1880s, Wäldä Giyorgis, É. was arrested again together
even if never put into force. At É.’s meeting with with the assassin in early 1870 and was con-
the French representative Count Stanislas Russel demned to death for the “crime against the good
on board of the frigate Yemen near ÷Zula, it was relations with foreign kingdoms”. Several local
agreed in Néguíe’s name to cede the port of Zula princes asked for pardon, and on 8 March the
and islands to France, and to erect a French pro- two prisoners were transferred to the Vice-Con-
tectorate over the remaining coastal lands. This sulate at Massawa. According to de Rivoyre, É.
was followed by another treaty of 9 January 1860 was “murdered in the streets of Massawa” by an
concerning French artisans, concluded at ÷Halay unknown person.
(treaties s. RubActa II, 94–97). Néguíe, who did Src.: Denis de Rivoyre, Aux pays du Soudan, Bogos,
not control the coast, in exchange expected French Mensah, Souakim, Paris 1885, 182f., 186; RubActa II-III,
index; Reports from the Vice-Consulat de Massouah,
recognition for his claim to the throne, but lost his Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Paris.
life before any of the stipulations of the treaties Lit.: ZewYohan, s. index; RubInd, s. index; Georges
(kept strictly secret) could be realized. Douin, Histoire du règne du Khédive Ismaïl, vol. 3:
After de Jacobis died in 1860, É. became one L’Empire africaine, part 1, Le Caire 1939, 375; Sven
of the leaders of the opposition against Bishop Rubenson, “The Missionary Factor in Ethiopia:
Consequences of a Colonial Context”, in: Getatchew
Biancheri as his successor, as his letters to the Haile – Aalsulv Lande – Sven Rubenson (eds.), The
d’÷Abbadies and others show. In the period Missionary Factor in Ethiopia …, Frankfurt am Main et al
of political unrest before ÷Tewodros II’s fall, 1998, 57–70, here 63f.; OMahPh, s. index.
abba É. was again employed as an envoy in 1867. Wolbert Smidt
Däggazmaó ÷Òaylu Täwäldä Mädòén, the gover-
nor of Hamasen, was under pressure to join Kaía Énär
Mérca, the new rebellious leader of Tégray; instead, É. (&|?, also Enär) is a small group of énsät cul-
he tried to look for new alliances and therefore sent tivators and mixed agriculturists linked to the
É. to the Egyptian Vice-King, bearing presents and Säbat Bet ÷Gurage (‘Seven Houses of Gurage’)
a letter asking for some sort of military assistance. confederation. Their language is classified by lin-
However, the mission did not lead to any results, as guists as a dialect of (Peripheral) Western Gur-
Òaylu submitted to Kaía before the end of 1867. age. It is very similar to, or even a slight variant
A very learned man, É. was in excellent terms of, ÷Éndägañ (s. Hetzron 1972:61; 1977:4). The
with local leaders, but also foreigners, favoring settlement area of the É. is bordered in the north
projects of French-Ethiopian friendship. Around by the ÷Énnämor, in the east by the Éndägañ
the same time he received a mission from France and in the south and west by the territory of the
(de Rivoyre 1885:182), which had been sent ÷Hadiyya subgroup of Leemo (s. map under
to protect the Catholic missionary station at Gurage). In their history the É. had changing al-
÷Kärän. He was then acting as the local tenant of liances with all these neighbouring groups.
the mission and in this function received funds to Their main centre is the small market town
be distributed in Bogos (÷Bilin). of Qose, which was part of the former Kontäb
279
Énär
wäräda of the Hadiyya zone. Today É. country is ceived. After the death of the Emperor in 1494 he
under the administration of the Énär and Énnämor fled the disturbances at the court around the suc-
[or Gunóure] wäräda of the Gurage zone. cession to the throne and went with his former
The É. are mainly Orthodox Christians. Like servant to Märhabete, the latter’s native region.
the ÷Mäsmäs and Éndägañ, to whom they are The crisis of faith he was going through
culturally closely related. They claim to own a brought him to Däbrä Libanos, where he was
tabot, brought during the migration of the Gurage received by éccäge ÷Petros and by the pious
in the first half of the 17th cent. and said to be pre- and prophetic ÷Habtä Maryam. After instruc-
served at the church of Énär Ammanuýel near tion in the Christian faith, he was baptized by
Qose. Before the conquest by Wäldä Aššagari in abunä Petros or, according to ÷Alvares, by the
1889, the É. followed a syncretistic folk-religion Metropolitan abunä ÷Marqos, who had arrived
with Christian elements and cults like that of the in Ethiopia in 1481 (s. BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1,
spirit Saýamar (s. article on Éndägañ). An impor- 13–16). At his baptism Abu l-Fath received the
tant spirit medium was the Qosi dam. Christian name ŸÉ. (Habakkuk). He entered the
Src.: interviews with Babore Kaýisso, Sasgita, from É. clan noviciate, took the monk’s habit and, probably
of Amborro, January–February 2000. around 1500, was ordained deacon and priest.
Lit.: Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in He became the Metropolitan’s most important
Classification, Manchester 1972, 61–79; Id., The Gun-
nän-Gurage Languages, Napoli 1977, 4; BrHad 262, 278; assistant. When éccäge Petros called him back to
William A. Shack – Habte Mariam Marcos, Oral Däbrä Libanos, a serious conflict arose between
Traditions of the Gurage of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974, 55, the Abbot and the Metropolitan. At a court
90f.; DÉnbäru Alämu et al., QQMz YL=Oy -h:A-y council, convened at the order of ase ÷Lébnä
K<ly +Ws!y <#< (Gogot. Yägurage béòeräsäb tarik,
baòélénna qwanqwa, ‘Gogot, the History, Culture and
Déngél, it was decided that ŸÉ. should return to
Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 A.M. Däbrä Libanos, which he did in or after 1508. His
[1994/95 A.D.], 96ff., 102ff. activities brought him to various places, but he
Dirk Bustorf remained under the jurisdiction of Abbot Petros.
After the latter’s death, probably in October
1523, ŸÉ. was elected Abbot of Däbrä Libanos in
ŸÉnbaqom November of the same year (Ricci 1967–68:116,
Éccäge ŸÉ. (*#+9z , b. ca. 1470, d. ca. 1560) was 122). He has been the only non-Ethiopian to be
the eleventh abbot of ÷Däbrä Libanos, author elevated to the dignity of ÷éccäge.
and translator, commemorated in the Sénkéssar Some three or four years later, ca. 1527–28,
on 21 Miyazya (BudSaint 817f.). ŸÉ. was accused of lèse-majesté and sentenced to
According to his hagiography (Gädlä ŸÉnba- death by the above-mentioned group of dignitar-
qom, Ricci 1954ff.), he was born in Yemen from ies, possibly at the instigation of the ÷Ÿaqqabe
a Jewish mother, belonged to a princely family säŸat. At the intercession of the sisters of the
and is said to have been named Abu l-Fath before Emperor, the sentence was commuted to exile to
being converted to Christianity. As a youth, he Gunc (or Gunci). This area, inhabited by Muslims
discussed the Qurýan with a Muslim qadi al- (Ricci 1967–68:133, 137), was one of the common
qudat (‘the judge of judges’), in particular sura 3: places of exile (s. PerChron 129) and possibly to
48, in which “those who have disbelieved” were be located on the southern shore of Lake Tana.
for him the Muslims. This type of exegesis, i.e. This must have taken place before 1532, for when
turning around words or phrases of the Qurýan Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (Grañ) destroyed
in order to refute it, he was to use profusely in Däbrä Libanos on 14 July of that year, ŸÉ.’s suc-
the ÷Anqäsä amin. cessor YaŸéqob was abbot of the monastery.
Around 1489, between 16 and 25 years of age, About one year after ŸÉ. went into exile, Lébnä
he left his native country and went to Ethiopia Déngél, at the urgent request of monks and her-
accompanied by a servant, a former Ethiopian mits, called him back, but he refused categorically
army officer who had been taken prisoner by to return to his former post. He retired to the soli-
the Muslims of ÷ŸAdal during the reign of ase tude of Wäräb in the Éndägäbtan district, located
Éskéndér (r. 1478–94) and had been sold as slave in the basin of the Gudär river (TadTChurch 177,
to a Yemenite. ŸÉ. stayed for three years with note 8; cp. Ricci 1966:86). When Grañ invaded that
the bahér nägaš Zäkaryas and in 1492 went to region some years later (ca. 1535–36), ŸÉ. with-
the court of Éskéndér, by whom he was well re- drew among the ÷Gafat, in those days described
280
ŸÉnbaqom
as pagans (TadTChurch 237, n. 4). From there he Šakir b. Abi l-Karam Butrus (÷Abušakér; s.
withdrew even further to ÷Bizamo, where his life GrafLit, vol. 2, 428–34, esp. 433). The text was
was threatened by the local population. In 1540 translated by Salik with the assistance of ŸÉ.
he addressed from here to Grañ the Anqäsä amin (Ricci 1967–68:166).
as we know it, or perhaps a summary of it. In the At an unknown date ŸÉ. also translated the
same year Lébnä Déngél died and was succeeded ÷Revelation of St. John and a collection of sacred
by his son ase ÷Gälawdewos. The new Emperor texts. According to the colophon of two mss. (BN
asked ŸÉ.’s forgiveness for the way his father had Abbadie 9, 164), the Revelation was translated
treated him and kept him at the court, in particu- from Arabic into Coptic; and from Coptic into
lar as counsellor for the war against Grañ. During GéŸéz by ŸÉ., zFi# (méskin, ‘poor’) and uzW?
this time he translated sacred books from Arabic (mämhér, i.e. superior) of Däbrä Libanos. The
into GéŸéz. In the end, perhaps around 1559, at colophon was probably written by ŸÉ. himself,
the advanced age of almost 90, he felt tired and because, as Ricci remarks (1955–58:100), méskin
withdrew with his followers to the property at a certain point was part of the titles the éccäges
Gälawdewos had given him. In 1559 the Emperor gave themselves at the beginning of letters and
was killed in battle against the Muslims and because the Gädl too gives ŸÉ. the title mäm-
was succeeded by ase ÷Minas, who nourished hér. The Revelation may have been translated
a great friendship for ŸÉ. By royal appointment into Coptic for the benefit of the Metropolitan
ŸÉ. became for the second time Abbot of Däbrä because, as the Gädl remarks, the Copts are not
Libanos; he died on 21 Miyazya [16 April 1560 permitted to celebrate their liturgy in another
or 1561 A.D.], some 90 years old (Ricci 1969–70: language. If this translation can be brought in
135). According to his Gädl he died at the age of relation with abunä Marqos, it must be dated
137 (on the colophon in ms. BritLib 812, from between 1523, when ŸÉ. was elected Abbot of
which it was concluded that ŸÉ. was still alive in Däbrä Libanos, and 1530, the year in which Mar-
1563, s. Ricci 1967–68:161–76, n. 261). qos died. According to Alvares, ŸÉ. copied the
ŸÉ.’s contribution to Ethiopic literature was re- Gospel of St. John (BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 262).
markable. The Anqäsä amin, written in 1540, is If the Portuguese priest wrote “Gospel” instead
considered to be his most brilliant composition. of “Apocalypse”, it would not be his first inaccu-
Some of ŸÉ.’s works carry a date, others are un- racy; the translation was made between 1523 and
dated. In 1523, at about the time he was elected 1526, the year in which Alvares left Ethiopia.
Abbot of Däbrä Libanos and was in contact The 17th-cent. ms. BritLib Orient. 743 contains
with Alvares, with whom he became befriended, a collection of sacred texts. A note says that the
he translated into GéŸéz the Arabic version of collection was translated from Arabic into GéŸéz
÷John Chrysostom’s commentary on St. Paul’s by “our father” (abunä) ŸÉ., who gave it to his
Epistle to the Hebrews (BritLib: Add. 16, 197, (spiritual) son Habtä Iyäsus. According to Wright,
Orient. 737, 739; BN Éth. 120; Abbadie 67). He this note does not belong to the manuscript. Ricci
was assisted by “Michael the Egyptian” (s. Conti argues (1955–58:101) that the note originates not
Rossini 1946:7–17). The Arabic text is perhaps from ŸÉ. himself, but from Habtä Iyäsus; he used
one of the 34 homilies of John Chrysostom on the term abun in the sense of “our father” to in-
that Epistle (translated from Greek into Arabic dicate a respected priest. In this way Habtä Iyäsus
by the Melkite Abu l-Fath ŸAbdallah b. al-Fadl, referred to ŸÉ. in a similar note, which adds “Dä-
s. GrafLit, vol. 2, 53). brä Libanos” to the word “superior” (mämhér),
In 1553, at the order of Gälawdewos, ŸÉ. in ms. BN Abbadie 9, containing more or less the
translated into GéŸéz the Arabic version of the same texts as those of Orient. 743.
famous ÷Bärälam wäyéwaséf. In the colophon ŸÉ. probably also translated, at the order of
of the mss. BritLib Orient. 699 and 753, ŸÉ. asks Lébnä Déngél, the ÷Arägawi mänfäsawi from
the reader to pray for the translator who does Arabic into GéŸéz (DillmBerl 43f.; GuiSLett
not know the language, i.e. GéŸéz (s. Budge 1923, 68; GrafLit, vol. 1, 434ff.), in collaboration with
cp. CerSLett 192f.; GrafLit, vol. 1, 547). Metropolitan Marqos and Michael the Egyptian.
The ms. BritLib 812 (cp. Add. 16, 252; Berlin, ŸÉ.’s knowledge of languages is quite remark-
Staatsbibliothek Ms. or. oct. 83 [3]; BritLib Ori- able. In addition to a thorough knowledge of
ent. 812; BN Abbadie 130) contains the Ethiopic Arabic, and of GéŸéz, which he mastered during
translation of the Arabic chronology of Abu his long-standing contact with other learned
281
Énbaqom
men in Ethiopia, he studied Coptic with the ditional scholar, received his church ÷education
Metropolitan and Portuguese with Alvares in ÷Goggam. In the course of ca. 24 years, from
(BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 13). ŸÉ. may also have 1927 to 1951, he passed through all the grades of
practised his Portuguese with Pero da ÷Covil- traditional learning: nébab bet, zema bet, qéne
hão. Alvares also relates that “YaŸéqob” (confus- bet, as well as the school of traditional exegesis
ing ŸÉ. with his successor as abbot) wrote in “his mäshaf bet, and specialised in ÷qéne-poetry.
own writing” (that is, in Ethiopic characters) the In 1952-63, he taught qéne at the ÷Holy Trin-
Gloria of Holy Mass, the Credo, the Pater, the ity Theological College in Addis Abäba. Later
Ave Maria, the Creed of the Apostles and the he joined the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies,
Salve Regina, and that he knew them in Latin where he, together with other traditional schol-
(BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 262f.). According to the ars, participated in recording qéne for the series
Gädl (Ricci 1955–58:100, n. 143), ŸÉ. also knew Qené Collections, contributing, in particular, for
some Armenian. The ms. BritLib Orient. 743 issues 3, 21, 22, 27, 29 and 31.
says that ŸÉ. knew “a Romance dialect”, which ŸÉ.Q. also wrote a treatise in Amharic on tra-
is almost certainly an Italian, perhaps Venetian, ditional church learning, describing mainly his
dialect (ibid. 106f.): Giovanni Battista da ÷Imola own experience. This valuable piece of evidence
met in 1482 at the court of the king at ÷Bärara offered by a person who had grown up within
the Venetians Hieronimo ÷Bicini and Nicolò the tradition was mimeographed by the IES in
÷Brancaleone (s. Suriano 1900:80, 86; CrawItin 1965 and translated into English by ÷Mängéítu
44). From mss. BritLib Orient. 737 and BN Lämma in 1970, thus bringing ŸÉ.Q. wider rec-
Abbadie 211 one can suggest that ŸÉ. probably ognition and attracting new attention to the
knew some Hebrew (but cp. Ricci 1955–58:106). Ethiopian traditional church education.
Finally, the Gädl (ibid. 82, 106) says that the Src.: aläqa Énbaqom Qalä Wäld, Y#M_1\y +Bsy
Metropolitan taught ŸÉ. the Syriac letters. This nx4!My YHA(A)y e>J,| Fny #M_1\y ,Hy l?FJ\
#y MzW?N, (Yäýityopya bahél lämatnat yätäsäbässäbu
knowledge he may have widened with the help
séhufoóó. Sélä Ityopya betä kréstiyan témhértoóó, ‘The Writ-
of Syrian merchants, who found themselves at ings Collected for the Study of Ethiopian Culture. About
the court in Bärara (BassÉt 149, 235). the Teachings of the Ethiopian Church’), IES, Addis Abäba
Src.: BassÉt 149, 235; BeckHuntAlvar, vol. 1, 13–16, 1965 [mimeogr.]; Id. “Fny 8"y MzW?M! y48v (Sélä qéne
262f.; BudSaint 817f.; Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge témhérténna téqmu, ‘On qéne Education and its Useful-
(tr.), Baralâm and Y{wâs{f, Being the Ethiopic Version of ness’)”, in: PICES 2, vol. 2, 117-32; Id. [Alaka Imbakom
a Christianized Recension of the Buddhist Legend of the Kalewold], Traditional Ethiopian Church Education,
Buddha and the Bodhisatva, Cambridge 1923; DillmBerl ed., tr. by Menghestu Lemma, New York 1970; Insti-
42ff., no. 49 [Ms. or. qu. 491]; 72, no. 82 [Ms. or. oct. 238]; tute of Ethiopian Studies (ed.), Y#M_1\y +Wsy
DillmLond 9, no. 10 [Add. 16, 197], 41–45, no. 36 [16,252]; nx4!My YHA(A)y e>J, y YP*w y Y8"c, . Collec-
PerrZarY; Lanfranco Ricci, “Le Vite di &nbaqom e di tion of Sources for the Study of Ethiopian Culture. Qené
Yohann<s, abbati di Dabra Libanos di Scioa”, RSE 13, Collections, nos. 1-33, Addis Ababa 1964–67 [mimeogr.].
1954, 91–120; ibid. 14, 1955–58, 69–107, here 82, 100, Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, “The Foundation of Educa-
106f.; ibid. 22, 1966, 75–102, here 86; ibid. 23, 1967–68, tion, Printing, Newspapers, Book Production, Libraries
79–219, here 116, 122, 133, 137, 161–76; ibid. 24, 1969–70, and Literacy in Ethiopia”, EthObs 6, 3, 1962, 241–90.
134–232, here 135; TadTChurch 177, 217; WrBriMus 183, Galina Balashova
no. 275 [Orient. 699]; 204, no. 313 [Orient. 737]; 205, no.
315 [Orient. 739]; 209f., no. 319 [Orient. 743]; 216, no. 322
[Orient. 753]; 290f., no. 384 [Orient. 812]; CRAbb 59f.,
no. 31 [Abbadie 164]; 60f. no. 32 [Abbadie 9]; CrawItin Éncät Kab
44; 109, no. 67 [Abbadie 20]; 211, no. 212 [Abbadie 242]; É.K. (&#JMy j- ) is a strategically situated
ZotBNat 73f., no. 66 [Éth. 120]; PerChron 129. settlement in ÷Sémen (13°06' N, 38°09' E). In
Lit.: CerSLett 192f.; GuiSLett 68; Carlo Conti Rossini,
“Sul metropolita Yeshaq d’Etiopia (secolo xv–xvi)”, the early 19th cent. it was the capital of the local
RRALm ser. 8a, 1, 1946; GrafLit, vol. 1, 547, vol. 2, 53, ruler, ras ÷Gäbre Täsfa. His palace, according to
428–36; Francesco Suriano, Il Trattato di Terra Santa Nathaniel ÷Pearce (1831), comprised “the most
e dell’Oriente, ed. by Girolamo Golubovich, Milano extensive buildings” of any governor in Ethio-
1900, 80, 86; TadTChurch 177, no. 8, 237 no. 4.
pia. The buildings were, however, subsequently
Emeri van Donzel
destroyed by ras ÷Wäldä Íéllase of Tégray,
whose soldiers set fire to the town.
Énbaqom Qalä Wäld É.K. later became the headquarters of two
Aläqa ŸÉ.Q. (&#+9zy 6ny ]s; , b. 1917, Šäwa, successive rulers of Sémen, däggazmaó ÷Òaylä
d. 1970s, Addis Abäba), an ecclesiastic and tra- Maryam and his son däggazmaó ÷Wébe. A major
282
Énda
a defined part of the inherited village land (résti).

This right applies to male descendants only. In a
few cases, also a woman, if living alone, may ob-
tain from the ÷bayto Ÿaddi (‘local assembly’) the
right to her own share of the land of the É.; she
would then also be mentioned in the genealogical
tree of the É. (÷Genealogy). The term for ‘pa-
ternal kinship group’ is éndabbo (from É. abbo,
‘the group [clan] of the father’; cp. É. adda for the
paternal kinship group of the mother). The term
énda gwal (‘the girl’s house’) appears in the context
of marriage; after the first ceremony in the house
of the groom’s parents, the revels continue in the
house (village) of the bride. The idea that not only
the territory, but also the legal traditions and cus-
toms come from the forefathers is expressed in the
term éndabba (‘customs’, from É. abbaw), as in
héggi éndabba (‘customary law’, ÷Héggi).
Also the use of the word É. as a term for reli-
battle was fought in this area in June 1830 between
gious places in Tégréñña seems to be old. “É.”
däggazmaó Wébe and ras ÷Maréye Gugsa (the
followed by the name of a saint (the saint of the
latter was victorious; s. Shiferaw Bekele 1990:36).
tabot) or a venerated religious founder means
The permanent population during the 1830s
a religious establishment – a monastery or a
reached, according to Eduard Rüppell (1838),
church – together with the territories given to it
only about 800 inhabitants.
(e.g., the monastery Énda Abba Gärima; the old
Src.: Nathaniel Pearce, The Life and Adventures of
Nathaniel Pearce, Written by himself during a Residence Asmära church Énda Maryam; Énda Íéllase and
in Abyssinia, from the Years 1810 to 1819, London 1831, Énda Abranyos (Énda Abbona) as alternative
vol. 1, 246; Eduard Rüppell, Reise in Abyssinien, vol. designations for Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase of ŸAdwa
1, Frankfurt am Main 1838, 422f. and, respectively, Däbrä Abunä Abranyos or
Lit.: BTafA 908; PankHist II, 354; Shiferaw Bekele,
“The State in the Zamana Masafent: an Essay in Reinter- Däbrä Téllul south of Débarwa; or Énda MikaŸel
pretation”, in: Taddesse Beyene – Richard Pankhurst for St. Michael’s church of Däbrä Sälam). Such
– Shiferaw Bekele (eds.), Kasa and Kasa, Addis Ababa a name of a church or monastery may later be
1990, 25–68, here 36. adopted as the name of the local settlement (e.g.,
Richard Pankhurst
the Tégrayan town Énda Íéllase).
By extension the term is often used today for
Énda city quarters, areas with new settlements, locali-
É. (&#9 , variant &9 édda) is a Tégréñña term ties of a specific historical importance etc. E.g.,
with a territorial and/or genealogical reference. the area including the legendary “tombs” of the
Today, it is much used in the general sense of ancient King ÷Kaleb Éllä Asbéha near Aksum is
‘place of …’. More precisely, it means house, called Énda Kaleb; a house where suwwa (‘beer’)
dwelling, habitation or, in genealogical context, can be purchased, is known as É. suwwa; an au-
lineage, clan, kinship group (s. Kane 2000:1491). tobus station appears as É. awtobus; the modern
The territory of a village (Ÿaddi, ‘land’) in housing area on the outskirts of ÷Asmära, Säm-
Tégréñña tradition is conceived of as originally bäl, is often referred to locally as Énda Koréya,
belonging to a founder-ancestor of the village as it was built by Koreans; the deserted copper-
population. Consequently, the distribution of mining area close to Débarwa is named Énda
land (÷land tenure) is based on descent from one Gapan, for it was in the hands of a Japanese firm
of the different lineages (É.) related to this apical until the 1960s.
ancestor – one lineage calling itself, e.g., É. Hayät Src.: Thomas Leiper Kane, Tigrinya – English Diction-
(‘House of Hayät’) after an ancestor Hayät, who ary, vol. 2, Springfield, VA 2000, 1491f., 1494; interview
with Maharänna Íéyyum, Asmära and ŸAddi Õuta,
lived in a historically relatively recent past, around Akkälä Guzay, September 1993.
five to seven generations earlier. The members of Lit.: NadEr 74; KilHDic 180f.; Kjetil Tronvoll, Mai
such an É., even if living abroad, have the right to Weini: a Highland Village in Eritrea: a Study of the
283
Énda
People, their Livelihood, and Land Tenure during Times The hagiography of Gärima as told in the Hom-
of Turbulence, Lawrenceville, NJ – Asmara 1998, 95, ily attributed to Yohannes, Bishop of Aksum
101f., index; TäkkÉýä Täsfay, ru!_y uwK(y 6qMy
MP?1 (Zämänawi mäzgäbä qalat Tégréñña, ‘A Modern
(possibly written in the 15th cent.), presents
Tégréñña Dictionary’), Asmära 1999, 594f.; Alessandro É.A.G. of Mädära as the main place of his activ-
Bausi – Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Appunti in margine ity (CRStor 160, 167f.). According to the Hom-
a una nuova ricerca sui conventi eritrei”, RSE 36, 1992 ily, ase ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl, after visiting Gärima in
[1994], 5-36, here 9; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Saggio
Mädära at Betä Mäsqäl, founded a new church
sull’onomastica dell’Eritrea tigrina”, Bolletino della
Società Geografica Italiana ser. 7a, 3, 1938, 785–816, here there and gave lands (Tafa, ŸAdwa, Mésah, SébŸeto
787ff. or BéŸito, and Mayä Léhékwét) for the service of
Wolbert Smidt commemoration (÷Täzkar) of the saint, adding
later other lands (Atäret, Gibat and seven villages)
for the saint’s and his own commemoration. The
Énda Abba Gärima substitution of ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi for Libanos
The monastery of É.A.G. (&#9y !+y K<x ), or (or MätaŸ) in the list of the Nine Saints offered in
Betä Abba Gärima (,Hy !+y K<x ), also known the Homily has been considered a reflection of
as Däbrä Mädära (6-:y u6= ), is located on an anti-Däbrä Damo attitude in the 14-15th cent.,
the eastern slopes of Amba Abba Gärima, ca. which may have involved É.A.G., too (cf. CRStor
6 km east of ŸAdwa, in the heartlands of Tégray. 160; Conti Rossini 1940:54f.).
It is to its immediate north that the Battle of É.A.G. was one of the most important reli-
÷ŸAdwa took place. It is one of the oldest sites gious centres in the Aksumite time. It still pre-
of Christianization, if not also one of the earliest serves three manuscripts of the Gospels (Abba
settlements, in the region. Its foundation prob- Garima I, II and III) which are considered to
ably dates back to the 5/6th cent. and is attributed be the oldest Ethiopian manuscripts ever found
to ÷Gärima (known also as Yéshaq, one of the (cf. UhPal 831). Of exceptional importance for
÷Nine Saints), to whom the church of the mon- Ethiopian palaeography and New Testament text
astery is dedicated. Another important church criticism, they were first made partially known
dedicated to the saint (Abunä Gärima, !)|y by Leroy’s (1960; 1968) studies on the iconog-
K<x ) is located in ŸAddi Käwéh, in the nearby raphy of Evangelists and, particularly, ÷Canon
Wéqro, Tégray (cf. Godet 1977:35), where two tables. Later fully microfilmed by Donald Dav-
altars with South Arabian inscriptions are pre- ies and described by Macomber (1979:1–11),
served (cf. RIÉ nos. 8-9). É.A.G. is also the name they have been used by Zuurmond (1989; 2001)
of a small cave-chapel at ŸAddi MäŸarda, near to in his critical editions of the ÷Gospels of Mark
Mändäfära, Säraye, Eritrea; an annual pilgrimage and Matthew. Their dating is still uncertain and a
site, it is especially noteworthy for its rock-paint- matter of discussion; Heldman’s (AfrZion 129f.,
ings (cf. Franchini in: PICES 1, 285f.). nos. 52, 53) stylistic analysis and Mercier’s (2000:
Illuminated Canon tables; Gospel

Book of Abba Gärima Monastery;
photo courtesy of Michael Gervers
284
Énda Abba Gärima
36–45) contribution, taking into account also ra-

diocarbon chronology, tend to date the illumina-
tions back into the 7th or even 6th cent. This leaves
essentially open the question of the dating of the
texts, probably a genuine product of the É.A.G.
scriptorium, as opposed to the illuminations, that
could be of foreign origin.
A number of still-unpublished documents
bound inside these manuscripts (cf. Macomber
1979:2f.) testify to the importance of the monas-
tery throughout the centuries, from the alleged
foundation of the church by Gäbrä Mäsqäl (6th
cent.) and from the probably historical endow-
ment by ase ÷Säyfä ArŸad (14th cent.), up to the
18th cent. at least. In ms. Abba Gärima II (now
misplaced in Abba Gärima I) there is a dona-
tion of lands by Gäbrä Mäsqäl in a 17th-cent.
hand (fol. 2r); a donation of religious objects
by [Säyfä] ArŸad (fol. 2v); an obscure document
(ibid. 45f. [text] = 55 [tr.], no. 57) renews the gwélt
concerning the building of three churches and
in favour of Mädära and settles disputes concern-
the establishing of privileges to the benefit of the
ing the right of appointing scribes (sähaft) by
monastery by King Armäho, possibly ÷Armah
confirming abbot (mämhér) Täsäbkä Mädòén
(fol. 3r; on this document cf. Schneider 1990:152;
in his charge (the King agrees that he can only
Kropp 1992:264f. [but two words are misspelled,
appoint as abbot one of the monks of the mon-
cf. Davies 1987:303, fig. 6]); a donation of land
astery chosen by the monks themselves); finally
by däggazmaó Kéflä Iyäsus in 1707/08 (fol. 3r);
(ibid. 74 [text] = 88 [tr.], no. 6), abbot Täníéýä
and a further one by a certain Zäýamanuýel in a
Kréstos of Betä Abba Gärima is mentioned as
15th-cent. hand. In ms. Abba Gärima III (now
having taken part, with others, in the excommu-
misplaced in Abba Gärima I) there is a record of
nication of the Édda Degäna during the reign of
the construction of the monastery by ase Gäbrä
ase Íärìä Déngél in 1578.
Mäsqäl, along with donations, copied in a 14/
In the third decade of the 16th cent., É.A.G. was
15th-cent. hand followed by the record of the vis-
visited by Francisco Alvares, who remembers it
it and benefactions by ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam (fol.
as a relatively small monastery, but a pilgrimage
1v); and a benefaction by ase Íärìä Déngél (fol.
site renowned for a cave, once the dwelling-place
4v). Much less important, but still remarkable
of abba Gärima, the earth of which was credited
as a product of the scriptorium of É.A.G., is ms.
with curative properties (BeckHuntAlvar 165ff.).
Paris, BN Éth. 131, which is a Gädlä sämaŸétat
A century later, in the dramatic circumstances of
dating to the 13/14th cent. (cf. Bausi 2002:4, n.
the forced conversion to ÷Catholicism of the
8), written by order of néburä éd SémŸon and
monks, the monastery was visited and described
later sold to the Ethiopian community in Harah
in detail by Manoel ÷Barradas (cf. BecRASO IV,
Zuwaylah, Egypt, as we are informed by a note
1906:236–43; Barradas 1996:126–31).
on fol. 180v (cf. ZotBNat 198; CerPal vol. 2, 409,
Src.: BecRASO IV, 236–43; Manoel Barradas,
document no. 38, of the 16th cent.). Tractatus Tres Historico-Geographici (1634): a Seven-
The Mäshafä ÷Aksum also records documents teenth Century Historical and Geographical Account
concerning É.A.G. In one feudal act some of the of Tigray, Ethiopia, tr. by Elizabet Filleul, ed. by
lands are mentioned which are referred to in Richard Pankhurst, Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF 43); Beck-
HuntAlvar 165ff.; Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’omilia di
the Homily by Yohannés as those of the gwélt Yohannes, vescovo d’Aksum, in onore di Garimâ”, in:
given by ase Gäbrä Mäsqäl (CRAxum 19 [text] Actes du Onzième Congrès International des Orientalis-
= 21 [tr.], no. 3); a second act (ibid. 32f. [text] tes, 4ème section, Paris 1897, 139–77; CRAxum; William
= 37f. [tr.], no. 31), dating to 1526/27, confirms F. Macomber, Catalogue of Ethiopian Manuscripts from
Abba Garima …, Collegeville, MI 1979; RIÉ vol. 1, 78–80
the donations by ase Lébnä Déngél at the time (nos. 8–9); ZotBNat 198.
of néburä éd Abba Efrem and dañña ŸÉnqwä Lit.: Alessandro Bausi, La versione etiopica degli Acta
Maryam of Mädära; a third one by Íärìä Déngél Phileae nel Gadla samaŸtat, Napoli 2002 (Annali IUO,
285
Énda Abba Gärima
Supplemento 92); CerPal; CRStor 160, 167f.; Carlo only be reached through a 30 m-high rock shaft
Conti Rossini, “I. Pergamene di Debra Dammò. II. (“chimney”) by pulling a rope. The monastery is
I Galla Raia. III. Il libro della rivelazione dei misteri
attribuito a Tolomeo”, RSO 19, 1940, 45–80; Donald M.
said to be a foundation of abba ÷Sälama Käíate
Davies, “The Dating of Ethiopic Manuscripts”, Journal Bérhan, the first bishop of Ethiopia, consecrated
of Near Eastern Studies 46, 4, 1987, 287–307; Vincenzo by ÷Athanasius of Alexandria in the first half of
Franchini, “Notizie su alcune pitture ed incisioni the 4th cent. According to abba Sälama’s hagiog-
rupestri recentemente ritrovate in Eritrea”, in: PICES 1, raphy, which is preserved at É.A.S., the mount
285–89, here 285f.; Eric Godet, “Repertoire de sites pré-
axoumites et axoumites du Tigré (Éthiopie)”, Abbay 8, was previously also called Däbrä Méstir or Dä-
1977, 19–58, here 35; Guida 243; AfrZion 129f.; Manfred brä Mädòanit (Schneider 1987:155, 157f.).
Kropp, [review of UhPal], OrChr 76, 1992, 260–66; Jules An old church, hewn into the slope right below
Leroy, “L’Évangéliaire éthiopien du Couvent d’Abba the rim of the cliff, is a simple construction of the
Garima et ses attaches avec l’ancien art chrétien de Syrie”, basilica pattern, with two rows of columns sepa-
Cahiers archéologiques 11, 1960, 131–43; Id., “Un nouvel
évangéliaire éthiopien illustré du monastère d’Abba Ga- rating two aisles from the nave. The simplicity
rima”, in: André Grabar et al. (eds.), Synthronon. Art and lack of any ornamentation (as compared, e.g.,
et archéologie de la fin de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age to the rock-churches of ÷GärŸalta), might point
…, Paris 1968 (Bibliothèque des Cahiers archéologiques to the great age, but may be conditioned also by
2), 75–87; Jacques Mercier, “La peinture éthiopienne à
the quality of the friable reddish sandstone (Plant
l’époque axoumite et au XVIIIe siècle”, Académie des Ins-
criptions & Belles Lettres. Comptes Rendues 2000, 35–71; 1973:49). The newly erected church (the old one
Roger Schneider, [review of UhPal], AE 15, 1990, has been abandoned), monastic settlement and
149–53; UhPal 831; Rochus Zuurmond, Novum Testa- three large water reservoirs are located on the flat
mentum Aethiopice: the Synoptic Gospels, vol. 1: General top of the mountain. É.A.S. claims to preserve
introduction, vol. 2: Edition of the Gospel of Mark, Stutt-
gart 1989 (AeF 27); Id., Novum Testamentum Aethiopice.
the relics of abba Sälama Käíate Bérhan, as well
The Gospel of St. Matthew, Wiesbaden 2001 (AeF 55). as his two ceremonial crosses.
Alessandro Bausi Because of its inaccessibility, the amba, as the
most secure place throughout the ages, has been
used as prison for rebels and other dangerous
persons. It was also used as a treasury for the
Énda Abba Sälama most cherished relics and items of cultural her-
É.A.S. (&#9y !+y Aqx , also Énda Abunä Säla- itage. During the reign of ase ŸAmdä Séyon I,
ma, Énda Sälama) is located in the Täõli wäräda, bishop abunä ÷YaŸéqob is said to have been
÷Tämben (Tégray province), to the east of detained at É.A.S. More recently it was the place
ŸAbbiy ŸAddi, near the bank of the Ruba Wayni, of detention of ase ÷Täklä Giyorgis II, after he
which is a tributary of the Wärýi river. É.A.S. lies was defeated by däggazmaó Kaía Méróa (later ase
on a flat-topped mountain (÷Amba), which is in- Yohannés IV) at a battle near ŸAdwa in July 1871.
accessible except for its southern side. The top can The thickly wooded valley, which surrounds
the amba and provides natural protection from
an air raid, was found suitable to hold the
fourth general meeting of the Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Democratic Front in 1990, before
launching their final attack on the Därg.
Lit.: Francis Anfray, “Des églises et des grottes ru-
pestres”, AE 13, 1985, 7–34, map 2; Roger Schneider,
“Les Actes d’Abuna Salama”, ibid. 14, 1987, 153–64,
here 155, 157f.; Teweldemedhin Josief, The Mono-
lithic Churches of Tigray, Addis Ababa 1970, 55; David
Roden Buxton, The Rock-Hewn and Other Medieval
Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia, Oxford 1971, 67;
Georg Gerster, “Searching out Medieval Churches in
Ethiopia’s Wild”, National Geographic 138, 6, December
1970, 856–84, esp. 856–65; Id., Kirchen im Fels, Stuttgart
1968, 155–58, figs. 133–38; Ruth Plant, “Notes on
Seventeen Newly-Discovered Rock-hewn Churches of
Tigre (Ethiopia)”, EthObs 16, 1, 1973, 36–53, here 49;
Ead., Architecture of the Tigre, Ethiopia, Avon 1985, 163;
ZewYohan 33.
Zewde Gabre-Sellassie
286
Énda Kaleb
Énda Gäbréýel
É.G. (&#9y K-?%s ), one of the main churches
of ÷ŸAdwa, was constructed on the order of
däggazmaó Wäldä Gäbréýel, son of ras ÷Mikaýel
Séhul, who rose to the ruler of the entire Tégray
after his father in 1767 overtook an active politi-
cal role in Gondär (marking thus the beginning
of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént epoch). A land charter
issued by ase ÷Täklä Giyorgis probably in 1795
(that is, years after Wäldä Gäbréýel was killed by
ras ÷Aligaz in ca. 1787) gave to É.G. “six lands”
as ÷gwélt-possessions. As follows from another
charter, É.G. was once endowed by däggazmaó
÷Säbagadis Wäldu, during his heyday as the ruler Ancient sarcophagi inside the southern tomb at Énda
of Tégray some time in the 1820s (he also granted Kaleb, attributed to Gäbrä Mäsqäl; photo 2005, courtesy
land to the church of Mädòane ŸAläm of ŸAdwa). of Wolbert Smidt
Src.: CRAxum nos. 69, 83; Guida 240–43 (map). sarcophagi are preserved. The upper structure of
Lit.: Edmond Combes – Maurice Tamisier, Voyage en É.K. comprises a central raised courtyard reached
Abyssinie, dans le pays des Galla, de Choa et d’Ifat, 4 vols., by six large steps and situated between two iden-
Paris 1838, vol. 1, 204; Mansfield Parkins, Life in Abys-
sinia: Being Notes Collected During Three Year’s Resi-
tical room wings or large halls, each containing
dence and Travels in that Country, New York 1854, repr. three aisles with two rows of four free-standing
London 1966, vol. 2, 69, 72; Albo von Katte, Reise in pillars and rectangular apse-like features with
Abyssinien im Jahre 1836, Stuttgart – Tübingen 1838, 75f.; side rooms (s. DAE II, 127–34; Munro Hay et al.
Achille Raffray, Afrique Orientale: Abyssinie, Paris 1989:42–47). The appearance of the upper struc-
1876, 105; Id., “Voyage en Abyssinie, à Zanzibar et aux
pays de Ouanika”, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie ture, and the complex’s underground passages
de Paris 10, 1875, 291–313; Alexandre Girard, Souvenir in particular, might have fostered legends about
d’un voyage en Abyssinie (1868–69), Cairo 1873; Emilius the connection with ÷Mätära or the miraculous
Albert de Cosson, The Cradle of the Blue Nile: a Visit “splitting of the earth” in the hagiographies of
to the Court of King John of Ethiopia, 2 vols., London
1877, vol. 1, 114; Augustus Blandy Wylde, ‘83 to ‘87 in
Kaleb, ÷Pantalewon and ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi
the Soudan. With an Account of Sir William Hewett’s Mis- (s., e.g., Esteves Pereira 1899).
sion to King John of Abyssinia, 2 vols., London 1888 [repr. The tombs (“houses”) of Kaleb and Gäbrä
1970], vol. 1, 265f. Mäsqäl are mentioned in the Liber Axumae
Red. (Mäshafä ÷Aksum), where they are said to be
full of treasures (CRAxum 6). The site was de-
Énda Kaleb scribed by various foreign travellers to Aksum,
É.K. (&#9y jr-) is an archaeological site of the among others, Francisco Alvares in the 1520s,
Aksumite culture period located on the west Henry Salt, accompanied by Nataniel Pearce,
side of the Abba Liqanos plateau, approximately in the early 19th cent. and Gerhard Rohlfs in
2 km north of the centre of the city of ÷Aksum. 1881. É.K. is in fact one of the candidates for
Numerous written and oral traditions from the original location of a lost Greek inscription
Aksum attribute the origins of the site to the copied by Pearce himself “in a very dark place”
6th-cent. Aksumite king ÷Kaleb and his son and (possibly a tomb) before September 1815. In this
successor ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl. The site of É.K. context (RIE 274), almost completely weathered
sists of two covered monumental tombs made of and not easily retrievable, the initial part of the
individually worked and dressed granite blocks title preceding Ps 87 (or 47) in the Septuagint has
with ashlar masonry and an overlying structure been recently recognized (Fiaccadori 2003, with
with features suggestive of an ecclesiastical form dating towards the end of the 4th cent.). From
and function. The northern tomb, traditionally the same site of “Dachel ebn Negus” (i.e. Énda
attributed to Kaleb, consists of a stepped adit, a Kaleb néguí), another lost inscription certainly
central longitudinal chamber and three rooms. comes that was reproduced as undecipherable in
The southern tomb, attributed to Gäbrä Mäsqäl, a Latin-character facsimile by Rohlfs (RIE 273).
also has a stepped adit, a central longitudinal It was then read as an Ethiopic text (Fiaccadori
chamber and five rooms, in one of which three 1981); refering to “the Egyptian” (gébsawi), it
287
Énda Kaleb
could indicate (similar to another inscription, ÷Éndärta (Ellero 1941:161). Historical sources
RIE 202) the presence of an Egyptian ecclesi- record it mainly as a battlefield and a centre
astic in the train of one of the metropolitans (s. of rebellions and upheavals against the royal
MHAlex 69f.). authority, but do not allow any explicit con-
Some additional findings at É.K. followed in nection between the place-name (meaning in
later times, since archaeological investigations Tégréñña ‘house’ or ‘family’ or ‘seat’ etc. ‘of the
by the ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedition in 1906 mäkwännén’ – ‘governor, prince or aristocrat’)
focused on the architectural elements of the site, and the ÷tégre mäkwännén, i.e. the dignitary
providing a comprehensive plan of the tombs par excellence endowed with that title. The royal
and the surrounding upper structures. Further chronicles relate that in 1562 the troops of ase
excavations were conducted by the British In- ÷Minas were defeated at É.M. by the coali-
stitute in Eastern Africa in 1972–74 under the tion of bahér nägaš ÷Yéshaq, ÷Özdemir paša
direction of Neville Chittick, offering additional and some Portuguese led by Francisco Jacome
insight into the local stone architecture and lim- (Conti Rossini 1921–22:690; Kropp 1988:60f.),
ited information on the site’s chronology. Now it and that in 1588 it was again occupied by Turk-
is assumed that the É.K. complex – an outstand- ish troops before ase ÷Íärìä Déngél defeated
ing example of the Aksumite elite’s sepulchre them on a punitive expedition (CRHist 129;
culture (÷Graves) – was constructed in several HuntGeogr 148). In 1678 É.M. took part in a
phases some time in the late 4th or early 5th cent., general upheaval in the districts of, and around,
but was abandoned already in the mid or late 6th Éndärta against ase ÷Yohannés I (GuiIohan 25;
cent. DombrChr 210, n. 417; HuntGeogr 234). In the
After the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition’s work, Liber Axumae (Mäshafä ÷Aksum) É.M. appears
the preservation of É.K.’s archaeological area has among the districts traditionally due to paying
been negatively affected by both stone removal tribute to the cathedral ÷Aksum Séyon: here, as
for re-use and transport of architectural elements in the case of NaŸder, for the building of the qésr
to the so-called ŸEzana Garden. gädamawi, ‘the outer enclosure’ of the cathedral
Src.: CRAxum 6 (text) = 6f. (tr.); Francisco Maria Es- itself (CRAxum 11).
teves Pereira, Historia dos Martyres de Nagran. Versão ÷Énda
ethiopica, Lisboa 1899, liii; BeckHuntAlvar 158f., pl. iv;
Eduard Rüppell, Reise in Abyssinien, vol. 2, Frankfurt
1840, 276, 431; LefAbyss, vol. 3, 433; George Annes-
ley, Voyages dans l’Hindoustan, à Ceylan, sur les deux
côtes de la Mer-Rouge, en Abyssinie et en Égypte durant
les années 1802, 1803, 1804, 1805 et 1806, Paris 1813, vol.
3, 80–83, 201; Ugo Monneret de Villard, Aksum.
Ricerche di topografia generale, Roma 1938, 36f., s. index;
RIE 202, 273, 274.
Lit.: James Theodore Bent, The Sacred City of the
Ethiopians, London 1893, 194; DAE II, 127–34; Stuart
C. Munro-Hay et al., Excavations at Aksum: an Account
of Research at the Ancient Ethiopian Capital Directed in
1972–74 by the Late Dr Neville Chittick, London 1989,
42–47, 157–64, 331, s. index; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
“Per una nuova iscrizione etiopica da Aksum”, Egitto e
Vicino Oriente 4, 1981, 357-67; Id., “Un’epigrafe greca
aksumita (RIÉth 274)”, in: Vincenzo Poggi – Luca
Pieralli (eds.), Eujkosmiva. Studi miscellanei per il 75° di
Vincenzo Poggi S.J., Soveria Mannelli (cs) 2003, 243-55:
246 n. 12 (Lit.); MHAlex 69f.; David W. Phillipson,
The Monuments of Aksum: an Illustrated Account, Addis
Ababa 1997, 73–88.
Matthew C. Curtis – Red. Src.: CRAxum 11 (text) = 12 (tr.), no. 5; CRHist 129 (text)
= 146 (tr.); GuiIohan 25 (text) = 26 (tr.); DombrChr 210,
n. 417 (tr.); Manfred Kropp, Die Geschichte des Lebna-
Énda Mäkwännén Dengel, Claudius und Minas, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503,
504 [SAe 83, 84]), 60f. (text) = 60 (tr.).
É.M. (&#9y u>## ; also Édda Mäkwännén, Énda Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “La guerra turco-abissina
Mäkwänni, Mäõonni, Mähoni or Mohoni) is a del 1578”, Oriente Moderno 1, 1921–22, 634–36, 684–91,
district in ÷Tégray immediately to the south of here 690; ibid. 2, 1922–23, 48–57; Giovanni Ellero,
288
Énda Maryam
“Note sull’Endertà”, RSE 1, 1941, 146–72, here 149, 155, ÷Barradas in 1626: “It is square and not very
no. 1, 161f., 164, 169 [repr. in: EllLusAnt 65–92, cf. index]; large, but has three naves with twelve columns
Guida map 6 after p. 304; HuntGeogr 148, 234.
Alessandro Bausi that are very thick through the middle, six
on either side, which are plastered with lime.
They say that there are twelve in honour of the
Énda Maryam Twelve Apostles of Christ” (Tractatus, II, 42, s.
É.M. (&#9y x?\z ), a site in the north-eastern BecRASO IV, 268; Barradas 1996:149). The old-
part of ÷Asmära, is so named after the local est church of É.M. was eventually demolished
Orthodox cathedral devoted to the Virgin Mary. or allowed to be demolished by the Italians
The present building, with two bell-towers and and replaced by the new one in 1919, just a few
a colourful mosaic by Nenne Poggi Sanguineti years after the detailed survey of the ÷Deutsche
in the façade, was erected in 1938 by engineer Aksum-Expedition (1906) had appeared in print
Odoardo Cavagnari in place of an earlier one, (1914), where the similarities between this pre-
designed by architect Ernesto Gallo as a “pic- cious relic of Aksumite building and the more
turesque Italian interpretation of the Abyssinian famous Énda Abunä Arägawi of ÷Däbrä Damo
liturgy and style” (Guida 203). Completed in are first noticed.
1920, this basilican church with raised nave was The earliest architecture of É.M. (following in
flanked by two squared towers with the function some respects the “archaic scheme” of Buxton
of a sacristy or storage space (÷ŸÉqa bet). It was 1947:38ff.) must have been oriented on a rectan-
in turn raised in the place of a late Aksumite gular plan (ca. 20 m × 8 m), with projecting cor-
basilica to which a porched dägg(i) sälam (lit. ners and recessing or indented walls. It displayed
‘threshold/gate of peace’, an atrium chapel) had both the characteristic podium and the usual Ak-
been added to the south-west as a separate struc- sumite construction technique, which alternates
ture, in 1917. Later the seat of the St. Mary’s El- horizontal timbers and courses of squared stone
ementary School, the dägg(i) sälam is still extant or stone set in earth mortar, and is strengthened
to the south of the main entrance of É.M. by short round logs known as réýésä hébay (lit.
The original church, built between the 6th/7th ‘monkey-head[s]’). The interior had a narthex or
and the 8th/9th cent. and since dedicated to the vestibule-like space, a nave and two lower aisles
Holy Virgin, was extensively altered and dam- separated by twelve squat round piers in wood
aged throughout the subsequent ages. Accord- and masonry, and a sanctuary zone between two
ing to tradition, it was burned twice: by Queen squared chambers. It included a series of finely
÷Ésato in the 10th cent., then by ÷Ahmad b. carved wooden parts: a triumphal arch and door
Ibrahim al-Ëazi (Grañ) in the 16th cent. Major lintels with geometrical patterns; brackets and
restorations were undertaken under ase ÷Gäbrä capitals with leaves and crosses (drawn from the
Mäsqäl, possibly identical with ÷Lalibäla (r. ca. palaeochristian and early-Byzantine repertoires);
1185–25) or rather ÷ŸAmdä SéyonI (r. 1314–44), a number of panels with animals or geometrical
and again after Grañ’s defeat in 1543. The build- designs from a trabeation frieze round the nave
ing is described as follows by the Jesuite Manoel and, most probably, the sanctuary itself.
Énda Maryam church (Asmära),

rebuilt in the Aksumite style
(1920); later superseded by the
new Cathedral (1936); postcard
from the collection of Wolbert
Smidt
289
Énda Maryam
About 40 such panels survive, either as entire Énda Maryam Mägdälawit
pieces or as fragments. Apart from a few re-em- The archaeological site of É.M.M. (&#9y x?\
ployed in the dägg(i) sälam, most of them have zy uP6q_M) is located on the northern edge
been removed to the National Archaeological of the Hasabo plain north-east of ÷Aksum.0
Museum in Asmära. They find exact compari- The only excavation of the site was conducted
sons in the wooden ornament of Énda Abunä by the Missione Archeologica Italiana directed
Arägawi, as well as of the no longer extant Ak- by Salvatore Puglisi, in 1939. At that time, sub-
sumite churches of ÷Yéha (Tégray) and Aramo stantial architectural ruins and pottery were re-
(Eritrea). According to a recent hypothesis (Fi- vealed, suggesting that the site dates to the (late)
accadori 2005), the carved reliefs with animals ÷Aksumite culture period. The name É.M.M.
of both É.M. and Énda Abunä Arägawi are – as hints at the possible existence, in the past,
well as the similar representations in later Ethio- of a church foundation dedicated to ÷Mary
pian murals – but a visual rendering of moral Magdalene, the traces of which, howerer, were
characters featured by real or fantastic animals not recorded. The site, obviously an ancient
in the Physiologus, a Christian book composed residential center, needs futher investigation.
in Greek at Alexandria between the 2nd and the Lit.: Salvatore M. Puglisi, “Primi risultati delle indagini
3rd cent. A.D. and translated into Géýéz in the compiute dalla Missione Archeologica di Aksum”, Af-
Aksumite age (÷Fisalgos). If so, those reliefs rica Italiana 8, 1941, 95–153, here 151ff., figs. 48ff.; Eric
could be a reflection of the Ethiopian fortunes Godet, “Répertoire des sites pré-axoumites et axoumites
du Tigré (Éthiopie)”, Abbay 8, 1977 [1978], 19–58, here 46.
of the Greek text, as well as an indirect witness
Matthew C. Curtis
to the early local circulation of at least one copy
of the relevant cycle of Byzantine illuminations
(÷Byzantine Empire). Énda Mikaýel
Src.: BecRASO IV, 268; Manoel Barradas, Tractatus É.M. (&#9y wj%s ) is an archaeological site of
Tres Historico-Geographici (1634): a Seventeenth-Cen- the Aksumite period located in ŸAddi Kéléttä,
tury Historical Account of Tigray, Ethiopia, tr. by Eliza-
beth Filleul, ed. by Richard Pankhurst, Wiesbaden
in the western part of the city of ÷Aksum. In
1996 (AeF 43), 149; Pippo Vigoni, Abissinia. Giornale 1906 the ÷Deutsche Aksum Expedition (DAE)
di un viaggio, Milano 1881, 72. conducted excavations at É.M., revealing a
Lit.: Theodore Bent, The Sacred City of the Ethiopians, 27 m x 27 m dry-stone masonry square-planned
London ²1896, 20, 38, 42f. (ill.); Victor Buchs, “Voyages structure built upon a large stepped podium and
en Abyssinie 1889–1895 [ie partie]”, Bulletin de la Société
Neuchâteloise de Géographie 9, 1896–97, 32–56, here 53 possessing massive dressed-stone corner blocks.
(ill.), DAE II, 195–98 [“Die alte Kirche zu Asmara”], pl. This structure, believed to be the central pavil-
xxvi; 56; Ernesto Gallo, “La vecchia Chiesa Copta in ion of an elite Aksumite residence or “palace”,
Asmara”, Erythraea 1, 2, 1920, 28–31; Guida d’Italia contained four corner towers and ten rooms with
del T.C.I. – Possedimenti e Colonie, Milano 1929, 625f.; emplacements for multiple columns. Although
Guida 203; David Richard Buxton, “The Christian An-
tiquities of Northern Ethiopia”, Archaeologia 92, 1947, information concerning the functions and roles
1–42, here 14 and n. 2, 38ff.; François Anfray, “Le mu- played by the central pavilion at É.M. during
sée archéologique d’Asmara”, RSE 21, 1965 [1966], 5–15, the Aksumite period are limited, the structure is
here 13f., pls. vii, figs. 14–16; Roger Sauter, “L’arc et les generally similar in plan to elite Aksumite build-
panneaux sculptés de la vieille église d’Asmara”, ibid. 23,
ings documented at ÷Énda SémŸon (ca. 250m
1967–68 [1969], 220–31; Jules Leroy, L’Éthiopie. Archéo-
logie et culture, Paris 1973, 98, 115, 118f., figs. 53–55; Eric north-east from É.M.), Täýaõa Maryam and
Godet, “Répertoire des sites pré-axoumites et axoumites ÷Dungur in the Aksum area.
d’Éthiopie du Nord. IIème partie: Érythrée”, Abbay 11, The ruins of É.M. may have inspired legends
1980–82 [1983], 73–113, here 83; Lanfranco Ricci, about an old Mikaýel church, told to the DAE.
Museo archeologico di Asmara. Itinerario descrittivo,
Roma 1983 (Collezione di studi africani 7), 36f., nos.
Yet the name can also derive from a church struc-
xiiibis–xvi; Carlo Franchini, Eritrea: cose viste, Roma ture that may have stood on or near the site some
1996, 24, 28, 30f., 162, figs. 17, 20–21, 26; Mario Di time prior to the 20th cent.: the Mäshafä ÷Aksum
Salvo, Churches of Ethiopia. The Monastery of Narga mentions Mikaýel ŸOfay church in the district
Íellase, Milano 1999, 73ff.; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, of Mälake Aksum, which may be identical to
“Die alte Kirche in Asmara”, in: Steffen Wenig (ed.),
In Kaiserlichem Auftrag: die Deutsche Aksum-Expedition
É.M. In any case, the remains of the building
1906 unter Enno Littmann, vol. 1: Eritrea, in preparation seen by the DAE indicated that the “palace” had
(Lit.). been destroyed long time before. During the 20th
Gianfranco Fiaccadori cent., the preservation of the site of É.M. suffered
290
Énda Íéllase
greatly through building and road-construction

activity. Today, little physical evidence remains
of the É.M. archaeological site’s existence.
Src.: CRAxum 3 (text) = 3 (tr.); Ugo Monneret de
Villard, Aksum. Ricerche di topografia generale, Roma
1938, 5, 14, 40.
Lit.: DAE II, 107–10, pl. xvii, xxvii, s. index; DAE III,
87; Hubert Neville Chittick, “Excavations at Ak-
sum 1973–74: a Preliminary Report”, Azania 9, 1974,
159–205; Stuart C. Munro-Hay et al., Excavations
at Aksum: an Account of Research at the Ancient Ethio-
pian Capital Directed in 1972–74 by the Late Dr. Neville
Chittick, London 1989, s. index; David W. Phillip-
son, The Monuments of Aksum: an Illustrated Account,
Addis Ababa 1997, 94–97; Id. (ed.), Archaeology at
Aksum, Ethiopia, 1993–97, London 2000, vol. 2, s. index;
Rodolfo Fattovich et al., The Aksum Archaeological
Area: a Preliminary Assessment, Napoli 2000, 34, 66.
Matthew C. Curtis
Énda Íéllase
Aksumite-era foundations; rock-cut steps, stelae
É.Í. (&#9y TqE ), the capital of Tahtay Qorare and miscellaneous artefacts have been reported
wäräda and of ÷Šire awragga (Tégray), is a town to exist there. Hirétay, 1 km south of Wéblä
located in the old district of Qwäraro, ca. 50 km Maryam church, has been described as a possible
to the west of Aksum, at an altitude of 1,900 m early/middle Aksumite-period cemetery and
A.S.L. Its population exceeded 25,000 in 1994 settlement site; it was partially excavated by the
(CSA 1995) and amounted to 33,515 inhabitants late Gäbrä Kidan Wäldä Hawaryat in 1994 (the
in 2000 (CSA 2000). results remain unpublished).
The site of ŸAddi Wänféto, situated 1km to the Since 1989 the area of É.Í. was the issue of
south of the contemporary É.Í., seems to be its disputes between the Tégray People Liberation
precursor. According to the oral traditions, the Front and the Ethiopian army (Fontrier 1999:
Italians, who occupied the area in the 1930s, 141ff., 159–64). In 2000 a war-damage survey
found the place inconvenient. Its population was was conducted by the Ethiopian archaeologists
moved away and ŸAddi Wänféto declined, but a Asäméräw Däse and Täklä Hagos (the results of
new settlement, É.Í., with the seat of residenza this survey are unpublished).
and a flourishing market (due to the favourable In 2001 an international archaeological survey
position of É.Í. on the Gondär–Asmära road), team under the direction of the author expanded
was developed nearby. upon the previous results. Prehistoric stone-age
The area of Šire, centred upon the town of remains are widely noted within the region, in-
É.Í., is rich in archaeological potential, showing dicating the great antiquity of human settlement
an almost unbroken line of human habitation in the area; the sites comprise dense, open and
over perhaps half a million years; it is of great rock-shelter locations yielding material showing
importance for understanding the nature of links affinities to Early Stone Age, Middle Stone Age
between the Ethiopian highlands and the Sudanic and Late Stone Age industries found elsewhere
steppes to the west. Until 2000, little archaeolog- in the highlands.
ical attention had been given to this area and only Of special note is the extensive site of May
a few sites were known from earlier work. ŸAddi Adraša located some ten km to the east of É.Í.;
Adòano is a site 5 km to the north of É.Í., where its size would suggest that it is a fairly large urban
a possible standing Aksumite stela was noted settlement of Aksumite date, which may date to
(Puglisi 1941:100–03; Godet 1977:35). Säläkleõa, at least proto-Aksumite times (last millennium
a probable proto-Aksumite cemetery complex, is B.C.) on the basis of material noted in 2003. The
located 15 km to the east of É.Í., where ceramic recent survey work has identified a number of
and bronze objects were recovered (Cossar other pre-Aksumite and Aksumite sites in the
1945). The church of Wéblä Maryam at Sémema, vicinity, which merit detailed archaeological in-
a village 17 km north-east of É.Í., is held to have vestigation (s. Finneran et al. 2003).
291
Énda Íéllase
Reconstruction of the palace of Énda Mikaýel; from DAE II, 107

Little is known about the archaeology of the Src.: Guida 250; Central Statistical Authority
(ed.), The 1994 Population and Housing Census of Ethio-
É.Í. area after the collapse of the Aksumite pol- pia: Results for Tigray Region, vol. I: Statistical Report,
ity, but extensive monastic building in the early Addis Ababa 1995, 11; CSA 2000.
15th cent. attests to the re-Christianization of Lit.: B. Cossar, “Necropoli precristiana di Seleclaca”, in:
the area under ase ÷Dawit II (s. Ellero 1939). Carlo Conti Rossini (ed.), Studi etiopici, Roma 1945,
7–16; Eric Godet, “Répertoire de sites pré-Axoumi-
Of special interest is the large monastic com- tes et Axoumites du Tigré (Éthiopie)”, Abbay 8, 1977,
munity of Énda Giyorgis, located two km to 19–58; Giovanni Ellero, “I conventi dello Scirè e le loro
the north-east of É.Í. on Laqamba. The records leggende”, Bolletino della R. Società Geografica Italiana
in the monastery’s “Golden Gospels” list gifts, ser. 7a, 4 [76], 1939, 835–52 [repr. in: EllLusAnt 5–26]; Id.,
“Una regione etiopica: lo Scirè”, ibid. ser. 7a, 6 [78], 1941,
including extensive ÷gwélt landholdings, from 90–109 [repr. ibid., 29–52]; Salvatore Maria Puglisi,
the time of Däwit II. Other smaller Dawit-era “Primi risultati delle indagini compiute della missione
monastic communities remain, although much archeaologica di Aksum”, Africa Italiana 8, 1941, 95–153;
Niall Finneran, “The Monasteries of Shire, northern
altered and rebuilt. The town of É.Í. might have
Ethiopia”, Ecclesiology Today 30, January 2003, 3–10; Id.
been named after the small monastery at ŸAddi et al., “The Shire Region Archaeological Landscape Sur-
Wänféto founded, presumably, by ase ÷Iyasu I vey 2001: a Preliminary Report”, Azania 2003, 139–47;
in 1692 (s. Ellero 1939, 1941; this monastery Marc Fontrier, La chute de la junte militaire éthiopi-
enne (1987–1991), Paris 1999, 141ff., 159–64.
should not be confused with another one by the
Niall Finneran
same name [known also as Däbrä Erar or Däbrä
Sége] in ÷SäŸada Émba, Hamasen, Eritrea). Énda Íéllase ÷ Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase
292
Éndägäbtän
Énda SémŸon Mugär (covering the area around the source of the
É.S. (&#9y Fz+# ) is a site of the Aksumite cul- ÷Awaš, cp. Ricci 1966:85). Being on the southern
ture period located in the Kuduku quarter of fringe of the kingdom, it might already have been
the city of ÷Aksum. Local traditions suggest under the sway of the Christian monarchs in the
that the É.S. area once contained a royal palace. 14th cent.; ÷Sabraddin b. Dalhuy b. Mansur of Ifat
During 1906 the ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedi- wanted to contest ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon’s authority
tion (DAE) conducted excavations at É.S. in over É. and to install his officer there.
the attempt to delineate the plan of an Aksumite From the 14th cent., however, É. gradually be-
elite building. However, due to the presence of came one of the central provinces of the Ethiopian
overlying standing buildings and house rub- empire. A number of sources report attempts to
ble, only the south-eastern portion of the elite Christianize the region (co-ordinated most
building at É.S. was revealed and mapped by probably from ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa) and
the DAE. Based on the plan of the excavated eliminate magical practices and non-Christian
area and above-ground surface evidence docu- traditional beliefs (e.g., ÷däsk-cult), which were
mented in 1906, the elite building at É.S. seems deeply rooted in É., at that time the domain of
to have occupied an area of 34 m² and consisted the Semitic-speaking ÷Gafat people (cp. Tad-
of a square-planned structure built upon a large desse Tamrat 1988:145). The Vita of ÷Samuýel
stepped podium. The building contained a cen- of Däbrä Wägäg reports that he was appointed
tral row of three rooms, two large wings or halls, “bäträ yarek [the major spiritual supervisor?] in
each with 28 column emplacements, and corner the land of É.” by ase ÷Däwit II. Other saintly
rooms. Like the building at ÷Énda Mikaýel, the monks preached in É., namely ÷Bäsälotä Mikaýel
structure documented at É.S. may represent the and, in particular, ÷Anorewos “the Elder”, who
central pavilion of an elite residence. founded the monastery of Däbrä Ségagga in
Five exploratory trenches were excavated near the neighbouring region of Wäräb. A certain
the É.S. site during the 1972–74 British Institute mämhér Abuqir “of É.” was obviously a close
in Eastern Africa’s archaeological project at associate or a favourite of ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam
Aksum. The excavations revealed the walls of at (PerrZarY 107, 133). Abba Täklä Maryam (also
least one elite residence similar to É.S., suggest- known as ÷Mäbéýa Séyon) a contemporary of
ing that É.S. and the surrounding area were part ase Zärýa YaŸéqob, was appointed ÷néburä éd of
of an elite residential district within the ancient É. (e.g., ms. EMML 1779, no. 3; 2860, no. 2).
settlement of Aksum. GéŸéz inscriptions found At least from the beginning of the 16th cent.
in the É.S. area (s. Schneider in PICES 4) and É. was a part of Šäwa. Éccäge ÷ŸÉnbaqom was
coins uncovered during the British Institute in granted a land-estate in É., in the locality of Tiqo,
Eastern Africa’s excavations suggest that elite the “hereditary possession” of the Ethiopian
residences in this area of Aksum were probably metropolitan himself (Ricci 1966:75). During
occupied during the 4th to 6th cent. A.D.
Lit.: Hubert Neville Chittick, “Excavations at
Aksum 1973–74: a Preliminary Report”, Azania 9, 1974,
159–205; Id., “Radiocarbon Dates from Aksum”, ibid. 11,
1976, 179–81; DAE I, 110–12; Stuart Munro-Hay,
Excavations at Aksum: an Account of Research at the An-
cient Ethiopian Capital Directed in 1972–74 by the Late
Dr. Neville Chittick, London 1989, 121–35; David W.
Phillipson, The Monuments of Aksum: an Illustrated
Account, Addis Ababa 1997, 98–102; Roger Schnei-
der, “Trois nouvelles inscriptions royales d’Axoum”, in:
PICES 4, vol. 1, 767–86.
Matthew C. Curtis
Éndägäbtän
É. (&#6K-/# , also Éndä Gäbtän, Anda Gabtän,
Éndägäbton), an old historical region, was situated
to the north-west of Fätägar and Wäräb, north-east
of Damot, between the rivers Gudär, Abbay and
293
Éndägäbtän
the gihad, imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi glottalized q, t, c) is found which is lost in most
(Grañ) dispatched a troop of cavalry under the other Gurage idioms, intervocalically or forming
command of ŸAbdannasir to invade É. and “to a cluster with nasals, liquids and semivowels, e.g.
burn down the church of the ancient kings” annäýä, impf. aaréý, juss. ääräý ‘be ended’ (cf.
(BassHist 243f.). In the second half of the 16th Óaha anäqä, Amh. alläqä – GéŸéz òalqä). *mý
cent. ase ÷Íärsä Déngél still used Alata, a locality and *ný but not rý underwent metathesis: säýma
in É., as his rainy-season camp, having complete- ‘hear’ (cf. Énnämor sämýa, Amh. sämma – GéŸéz
ly subdued the local Gafat people. At the same sämŸa), säýna ‘arrive’ (cf. Énnämor säýna, Óaha
time, É. was the scene of the political ambitions säna, Muher, Soddo sälla), but burýä ‘voracious’
and rebellions of ras ÷Hamälmal and abetohun (cf. Óaha bura – GéŸéz blŸ ‘eat’).
Fasilo. However, with the advance of the Oromo Among the western Gurage idioms only É.
(Afre confederation, Sädäóa, Tuulama), the maintains an initial h going back to Semitic
Gafat were driven out into Goggam, beyond pharyngeals and glottals, e.g. himbä ‘tear’ (cf.
the Abbay (so was the population of Damot). Óaha émba – GéŸéz ýanbéŸ), (h)iýinä ‘ache’ (from
Consequently the effective political control of the verb eýä-, Óaha aqyä-, Sélti ance ‘be sick’, cp.
the Ethiopian monarchs over É. came to an end, GéŸéz hqy ‘gnash the teeth’). In verbal roots the
even though later emperors and rulers of Gog- first radical ý is attested instead, e.g. anäqä, impf.
gam made incursions into the region. which aýanq, juss. äýänq ‘strangle’ (cp. GéŸéz òanäqä).
was incorporated only in the late 19th and early With some triradical verbs a glottal stop (going
20th cent. The territory of the historical É. was back to ý or Ÿ) appears as second radical, e.g. waýarä,
stored to the Ethiopian empire in modern times; impf. éwäýär, juss. äwaýar (cp. GéŸéz wäŸalä), as
it is divided between three former awraggas well as third radical, e.g. gwäddaýa, impf. égwädä,
of Šäwa province (Cäbo–Gurage, Männagäša, juss. ägwdä ‘harm’ (cp. GéŸéz gwädéýa).
Gibat–Mäcca). A special development has taken place with
Src.: BassHist 243f. (tr.); EMML mss. 1779, (3); 1882, fol. verbs with a nasal as second and ý as third radical
110b; 2134, fol. 148b; 2706, fol. 138b.; 2860, (2); 3938, fol. where second and third radical change places, e.g.
64a; PerrZarY 107, 133; Carlo Conti Rossini (ed., tr.),
Vitae Sanctorum Indigenarum I. Acta S. Basalota Mikaýel
häýna, impf. éhärýä, juss. ähérýä ‘forbid, hinder’,
et S.Anorewos (seu Acta Sancti Honorii), Louvain 1905 cf. Énnämor òänýa (with the original sequence
(CSCO 28, 29 [SAe 11, 12]), 76, 78, 90; CRRicBerhan part of nasal and glottal stop), Amh. källa – GéŸéz
II, 51 (text) = 29 (tr.); Stanislas Kur (ed., tr.), Actes de käléýa.
Samuel de Dabra Wagag, Louvain 1968 (CSCO 287, 288 Within Gurage a similar behaviour of ý in root
[SAe 57, 58]), 15f., s. index; PerChron 32 (text).
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, Catalogo dei nomi propri di forms can only be observed in Énnämor.
luogo dell’Etiopia contenuti dei testi gi‘iz ed amhariña, Gen- The elementary ten word list: att ‘one’, hurýet
ova 1894, 25; Lanfranco Ricci, “Le Vite di &nbaqom e ‘two’, soýost ‘three’, ésaad ‘fire’, éhä, éòä ‘water’,
di Yohann<s abbati di Dabra Libanos di Scioa”, RSE 22, ũwããyä, ayääd ‘sun’, bäññä ‘moon’, šén ‘tooth’,
1966 [1968], 75–102, here 75, 85–89; Taddesse Tamrat,
“Ethnic Interaction and Integration in Ethiopian History: däm ‘blood’, anääd ‘tongue’.
the Case of Gafat”, JES 21, 1988, 121–54. Leslau has published some É. texts (1982) as
Denis Nosnitsin well as a dictionary (1979, I, 139–256, 1240), an
English–É. index (1979, II) and an etymological
dictionary (1979, III). As to Gurage dialects/lan-
Éndägañ guages, s. in general Leslau (1992).
Éndägañ language Lit.: Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in
É. ( &#6N3 ) is one of the ÷Gurage languages in Classification, Manchester 1972; Id., The Gunnän-Gurage
the most western part of the Gurage speaking area Languages, Napoli 1977; Wolf Leslau, Gurage Folklore,
Wiesbaden 1982; Id., Chaha-Ennemor, Wiesbaden 1983
(s. map under Gurage), called Éndägañä by the (Ethiopians speak: Studies in cultural background 5); Id.,
speakers themselves. Together with ÷Geto and Etymological Dictionary of Gurage, vols. 1–3, Wiesbaden,
÷Énnämor it belongs to the Peripheral Western 1979; Id., Gurage Studies: Collected articles, Wiesbaden
Gurage group (Hetzron 1972:6). É. is more closely 1992.
related to Énnämor than to Geto. A dialect of É. is Rainer Voigt
÷Énär. Another dialect, the only outlying Gurage
group, is called ÷Mäsmäs (Hetzron 1977:4). Éndägañ ethnography
In the Peripheral Western Gurage group a The É. (also Šadgär) are a member-group of the
glottal stop (going back either to ý and Ÿ or to a Säbat Bet ÷Gurage confederation. Their settle-
294
Éndägäñ
Éndägañ landscape, view of the historical market on the hill of Šorko with the three intertwined holy trees (centre right)
where the nugs is enthroned, the Gibe valley and the Gangäro mountains in the background; photo 2000, courtesy of
Dirk Bustorf
ment area is situated in the southern part of to- groups. Since the beginning of the 17th cent., the
day’s “Énnämor and Énär [or Gunóure] wäräda” Sooro subgroup of Hadiyya was the dominant
of Gurage zone. It is bordered by the ÷Énär in power in the area, which according to historical
the west, the ÷Énnämor and ÷Geto in the north memory “suppressed” the É. by raids and collec-
and the Azärnät-Bärbäre (÷Sélti; ÷Énnäqor) in tion of irregular tributes. After the Leemo reached
the east. In the south the neighbours of the É. Énnäqor at the end of the 18th cent., an alliance of
are the Leemo ÷Hadiyya. Until the 1990s most Leemo and É. was established. The alliance was
of the É. territory was part of the “Kontäb [to- based on strong ties of intermarriage and mutual
day Miišaa] wäräda” of Hadiyya zone and even military aid. The Sooro were pushed to the south
before the É. were affiliated with Leemo in one of today’s ÷Hossäyna until the second half of the
awragga. Small groups of É. are to be found in 19th cent. and the Leemo became protecting part-
Hadiyya, ÷Sélti and ÷Kambaata territories. ners of the É. Leemo and É. continued their alli-
The É. conduct a mixed farming system with a ance in the many conflicts they had with different
significant importance accorded to ÷énsät. For Gurage neighbours, the Azärnät-Bärbäre, and in
generations many É. have left their lands for sea- the fight against Ménilék II’s troops.
sonal or constant labour migration, and nearly The tradition counts twelve houses of É., but
every family has relatives outside É. country. the real number of subdivisions (téw) is much
The oral traditions of the É. say that they higher. The social system resembles that of the
migrated from GuraŸ (in Akkälä Guzay) to the other Säbat Bet Gurage (cp. ShGurage ch. 4, 5).
south with azmaó Sébhat in the early 14th cent. The highest traditional office is that of the
(cp. BeckHuntAlm lxvi, lxix). The ancestors nugs (lit. ‘king’), which was changed into that of
Éndägañ (also Bädägañ) and his “grandson” ÷azmaó after Ménilék’s conquest. The nugs is
Šadgär are said to have led their people into the enthroned and anointed with butter and honey in
area. The É. claim to have brought the tabot of a ceremony lasting several days under three inter-
Maryam from the north. Its sanctuary was at twined holy trees at the (former) market of Šorko.
the early É. settlement of Bušurro on the slopes The É. claim to have been Orthodox Christians
of the Mugo massive. The tabot itself is said to at least since the mission to the Gurage of abunä
have been hidden in a cave while the church was ÷Zena Marqos and abba Täklä Haymanot (late
destroyed during the war of Ahmad b. Ibrahim 13th/early 14th cent.). The last is reported to have
al-Ëazi (Grañ) in the 16th cent. built a church “with wood from the devil’s tree”
As a relatively small group, the É. for the most in “Yätäybar”, in an area called “Éndegén” (ms.
part of their history were dominated by other BN Éth. 342/Griaule 38), probably linked with
295
Éndägäñ
the É. ancestors. In the syncretistic folk-religion, ceived a quality education, first at Òaylä Íéllase I
a local branch of the traditional Gurage religious Secondary School in Addis Abäba and then at
system, which the É. developed after Grañ, some Oxford University in the United Kingdom.
Christian elements were preserved, e.g., a modi- After returning home, É.M. started his career
fied fasting system and the veneration of Bušurro as a diplomat in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Maryam, which became a cult predominantly (1955–57). He then worked in high governmen-
carried out by females. tal and ambassadorial positions. Among the
The high-priest of the É. folk-religion is the major internal posts he held are: Vice Minister
Saýamär dam, a spirit-medium representing of Education (1958–59), Minister of Commerce
Saýamär (also Awaqa), the ÷Waq of É., who and Industry (1961–66), Minister of Posts and
was syncretized with Archangel Gabréýel. The Communication (1968–74) and Prime Minister
Saýamär dam has some significance for the cult of (February–July 1974). He also held the follow-
the ÷Boïïä spirit in other areas of the Säbat Bet ing positions abroad: Ethiopian Ambassador in
Gurage country as well. He also had some au- London (1959–61) and Permanent Representa-
thority among the Leemo, ÷Mäsmäs and Énär. tive at the United Nations (1966–68).
The É. folk-religion lost its influence after Until the 1970s É.M. was better known as a
Ménilék’s conquest. Today a great majority of diplomat than as a minister. He was Ethiopia’s
the É. are Orthodox Christians and the memory delegate at the Bandung Conference (1955) and
of the old cults has faded. The recent Saýamär the Suez Conference (1956). At the UN he was
dam Gärammo defines himself as an Orthodox not only Ethiopia’s representative on the Secu-
Christian who blesses his people and prays for rity Council, but also served as its president.
the well-being of the country. He chaired a series of international crises in the
Src.: ms. BN Éth. 342/Griaule 38; BeckHuntAlm lxvi, Middle East, Cyprus, Rhodesia, Namibia and
lxix. Czechoslovakia. Moreover, he was one of the
Lit.: BrHad 201–04; ShGurage ch. 4, 5; Dirk Bustorf,
Leemo-Hadiyya und Indagayn-Gurage: Zur Geschichte
advocates for disarmament and the non-pro-
und Gegenwart ihrer interethnischen Beziehungen, M.A. liferation of nuclear weapons. These and other
thesis, Georg August-Universität Göttingen 2002, pas- activities in the UN caused them to honour É.M.
sim; Id., “Oral Traditions on the Inter-ethnic Relations as a “remarkable diplomat”. He was also once
of the Leemo-Hadiyya and Éndägañ-Gurage”, in: PICES suggested as a possible candidate for the post of
15, in preparation; Id., “Some Notes on the Traditional
Religious System of the Éndägäñ Gurage”, in: Basil UN Secretary General.
Lourié et. al. (eds.), Varia Aethiopica, St. Petersburg, in É.M.’s career ended tragically. With the resig-
preparation; Getahun Watumo, Land Tenure System nation of ÷Aklilu Habtäwäld’s cabinet in Febru-
in Konteb Warada (Shoa) 1893–1975. B.A. thesis, Depart-
ment of History, Addis Ababa University 1988; Bedru
Ahmed, The Relationship between the Western Gurage
and the Konteb ca. 1850–1973, B.A. thesis, Department of
History, Addis Ababa University 1984; Worku Nida,
The Revitalist Movement of Hassen Enjaamo, B.A. thesis,
Department of History, Addis Ababa University 1984;
Jean-François Prunet – Berhanu Chamora,
“A Sky-god Cult of Gurage”, in: PICES 13, vol. 2,
559–64; DÉnbäru Alämu et al., QQMz YL=Oy -h:
A-y K<ly +Ws!y <#< (Gogot. Yägurage béòeräsäb
tarik, bahélénna qwanqwa, ‘Gogot, the History, Culture
and Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 A.M.
[1994/95 A.D.], 105–07.
Dirk Bustorf
Éndalkaóóäw Mäkwännén
Lég É.M. (&#9sj'by u>## , b. 1926, d. 1974)
was a Šäwan nobleman, son of former Prime Min-
ister ÷Mäkwännén Éndalkaóóäw and grandson
(through his mother) of ras ÷Mängäša Atikam of
Goggam. He belonged to an aristocratic family
related to the ruling house of ÷Šäwa. M.É. re- Éndälkaóóäw Mäkwännén; from Sestante 7, 1971: 35
296
Éndärta
ary 1974, É.M. was appointed Prime Minister. (balä mulu íéltan éndärase, ‘representative pleni-
He envisaged a constitutional monarchy and a potentiary’), which was created specifically to
cabinet accountable to a democratically elected describe his position at the court. It was a nov-
parliament as stated in his white paper presented elty much needed in the circumstances and the
to the parliament. However, as mass movements same title was used for the Heir to the Throne
increased and the military exploited the people’s ras Täfäri Mäkwännén (later ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I)
discontent, É.M. lost popular support. He was during the reign of négéítä négéítat ÷Zäwditu.
put in custody and then became a victim of the According to Òaylä Íéllase’s autobiography
Därg’s summary execution of officials in No- (HSLife) and some other Ethiopian sources,
vember 1974. Täfäri Mäkwännén received the title of É. to-
Lit.: Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: a New Political gether with that of Heir to the Throne in 1916
History, London 1965; EthObs 13, 2, 1968; ClapHS, s. in- (e.g., TSTarik); but according to other Ethiopian
dex; Andargachew Tiruneh et al., The Ethiopian Revo-
sources and historians, he received the title later.
lution 1974–1987: a Transformation from an Aristocratic
to a Totalitarian Autocracy, Cambridge 1993; Sestante 7, Gäbrä Égziýabher Elyas describes the ceremony
no. 1/2 [Asmara], Gennaio/Dicembre 1971, 35 [ill.]. which took place on the 19 December 1922 when
Seltene Seyoum Zäwditu nominated Täfäri É.
Thus, under these rather exceptional circum-
Éndärase stances, É. indeed became a title for a while.
É. (&#6=E , lit., in the Šäwan dialect of Amh., ‘as Täfäri Mäkwännén retained the governorship
myself’) means a deputy, or, more precise, rep- of Harär after he moved to Addis in 1916. He
resentative plenipotentiary. Ethiopian traditional appointed a series of governors with the title of
emperors, who had always both their court and É. to govern the province on his behalf.
army with them at their camp, needed no depu- With the enthronement of Òaylä Íéllase I in
ties whatsoever and there existed none. Howev- 1930, it lost its exceptional significance, and after
er, with the establishment of a permanent capital 1941 all provincial governments became É. until
city at ÷Gondär (1636), Gondärine emperors tite title was abolished by the Därg. The word
soon felt a need for a special dignitary with a remained as an Amh. word meaning ‘deputy’.
Src.: B. Gankin, Amharsko-russkiy slovar, Moscow
high level of authority to whom the capital city
1969, 544; KaneDic 1239; GebMolIyas 17f.; 127, 312f.,
could be entrusted during the annual campaigns, 425; HSLife 57; TSTarik 4, 108.
traditionally headed by the emperor himself. In Lit.: Peter Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from its
the Gondärine kingdom, such an official was Foundation in 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49), 24.
called ras ÷bitwäddäd. Hanna Rubinkowska
In Šäwa this need emerged only during ase
÷Ménilék II’s time, after the foundation of
÷Addis Abäba, and the corresponding official Éndärta
was called É., which was not a title, but a tempo- É. (&#6?K , also Éntärta, Andärta) is a region
rary office, or, probably, function. The sovereign in south-eastern ÷Tégray that lies to the east of
appointed an É. to represent him during his ab- ÷GärŸalta, to the north-east of ÷Säläwa and to
sence from the capital. The É. was a well-trusted the north-west of ÷Wäggärat. In the provincial
noble, usually an army commander of high rank. administration É. constituted an awragga (with
His main duty was to maintain the security in the capital ÷Antalo).
the capital and, in order to achieve this aim, the From the Aksumite era onwards, É. was
É. had full power to execute the law on behalf of an important staging-post on the trade route
the sovereign. Another duty of the É. was to be a from ÷Aksum to the hinterlands. In the 13th
guardian of an heir to the throne. cent., its governor had two titles of Aksumite
When in 1909 ase Ménilék II’s health dete- origin, ÷hasgwa and Ÿaqqabe sänsän ((6,y
riorated seriously, there appeared the need for `#`# , s. TadTChurch 73, later abbreviated into
a permanent deputy for him, a kind of regent. ÷Ÿaqasen). During the reign of ase ÷Yékunno
Ras ÷Täsämma Nadäw was nominated to be Amlak, the governor of É. (íéyyumä Éndärta)
a guardian to lég ÷Iyasu, with the title of ras was Éngéda Égziý (CRDLib no. 10); in the 14th,
bitwäddäd. But this ancient title did not cor- ÷YaŸébikä Égziý, another governor, was power-
respond precisely to regent and so ras Täsämma ful enough to rebel against ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I.
was also called +ny voy Ts2#y &#6=E In his land charter (ibid. 17), YaŸébikä Égziý
297
Éndärta
E. always maintained its importance as a place

where salt-caravans were accepted and organized
to travel to the salt-mining places in the Dankali
desert; the governors of É., who were granted the
title of ÷balgäda, were responsible for the ÷salt
trade and taxation (÷Amole). There was a tradi-
tion of the movement of ÷Ewostateans in the
region, though the churches and monasteries of
É. became numerous mostly due to Yohannés IV.
The most known are, e.g., Énda Mäsqäl, linked
to abunä ÷Absadi, and Énda Kidanä Méhrät,
reportedly founded by abunä Abréham in the
14th cent. Among the rock-hewn churches, Iyä-
sus Arhénýo near Gibget deserves attention, once
a flourishing monastic establishment, recorded
already by ÷Tellez.
Src.: BassHist 418f. [tr.] (Lit.); AbbGeogr 67, 238f.; CR-
DLib nos. 10, 11, 17; Guida 302f.; BTafA 909; GuiIohan
24-35 (text) = 25–35 (tr.); PerChron I, 269, II, 229; CRA-
does not mention the King; the colophon of xum 30f. (text) = 36 (tr.), no. 29.
the ÷Kébrä nägäít reveals that, in fact, he was Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Studi su popolazioni
the ruler who committed the creation of this dell’Etiopia”, RSO 3, 1914, 849–900, here 859f.; Id.,
“Necropoli musulmana ed antica chiesa christiana presso
work, which later became “the national saga” of Uogrì Haribà nel’Enderta”, ibid. 17, 1938, 398–408;
Ethiopia. However, ŸAmdä Séyon successfully HuntGeogr 234–38, s. index; Madelene Schneider,
suppressed the revolt (CRAxum no. 29). There “Stéles funéraires arabes de Quiha”, AE 7, 1967, 107–18;
is no further information concerning the line of TadTChurch 72ff., s. index; Sevir Chernetsov, “Riches
and Honor of Ethiopian Kings“, Hristianskiy Vostok
YaŸébikä Égziý, whereas the local tradition places
new ser. 2 [8], 2001, 35–55, here 46–49; Giovanni El-
ŸAmdä Séyon’s residence in Nazrä Maryam (near lero, “Note sull’Endertà”, RSE 1, 1941, 146–72 (Lit.)
÷Kwiha) and his grave in Abba Nob church in [= EllLusAnt 65-92]; Haile Michael Meshinna, “Salt
Addi Qäläbäs, near Antalo. In the 16th cent., the Mining in Enderta”, JES 4, 2, 1966, 127–35; Mordechai
province was ravaged by the army of ÷Ahmad Abir, “Salt, Trade and Politics in Ethiopia in the ‘Zämänä
Mäsafent’”, ibid. 1–10; PankEcon 240ff. (Lit.); Ruth
b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi, who wanted, among others, Plant, Architecture of Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester 1985,
to visit the grave of nägaíi Ashama (BassHist 419 81–90, 198.
[tr.]; ÷Asham b. Abgar; ÷Éllä Säham). Muslim Sevir Chernetsov
communities were recorded in É. in the late 17th
cent., but later disappeared (their traces are still
found in É.: gravestones at Kwiha and Wägér Éndih näw
Haribo, a mosque at Addi Abunä Nazrä[t]). É.N. (&#8Wy |b , ‘It is so’) was an annual yearly
In 1628, É. saw the rebellion of bahér nägaš literary journal of the University College of
÷Täklä Giyorgis, governor of Tégray, against ÷Addis Abäba University, but only two issues
ase ÷Susényos. In the time of ÷Yohannés I, the appeared, one in Térr 1957 A.M. [January 1965
people of É. joined the big rebellion lead by ras A.D.] and the second in 1958 A.M. [1966 A.D.].
÷Fares, the follower of ÷Täwahédo-doctrine, É.N. was not the first literary journal – the Liter-
but were beaten by ÷Délbä Iyäsus. ary Journal of University College, Òaylä Íéllase
The local tradition of É. refers to Endor, who I University and the literary magazine Some-
came from ŸAgamä in the time of ÷Abréha and thing had appeared earlier, respectively four and
Asbéha; he was the apical ancestor of the “seven two years previously – but the É.N. was the first
(lineages) of E.”. Also it tells about brothers of its kind in Amharic.
Baylesen and Béggédisen; the son of the latter, É.N. was conceived as a forum for literary
Asbärom (a contemporary of ase ÷Fasilädäs), discussion or talented students enable them to
was the ancestor of ras ÷Wäldä Íéllase (whose exchange views in their native language and us-
power basis was in É., in particular in ÷Cäläqot ing their native Ethiopic script. According to the
and Antalo) and ase ÷Yohannés IV, who resided editorial, the aims of the publication were to en-
in ÷Mäqälä. sure that the university students and professors
298
Éndod
could present and exchange their literary pieces,

while the general public could provide them with
feedback, support and financial assistance.
The chief editor of the first issue was
÷Bérhanä Mäsqäl Rädda, a student activist and
leader who later became one of the founders of
the ÷Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Party.
The vice-editor was Bäýémnät Gäbrä Amlak,
at that time working in the University Library
(later he became lecturer in the Department of
Ethiopian Languages and Literature and was the
author of the novel sH|M [Légénnät, ‘Child-
hood’]). The Chairman of the Managing Board
was Abbäbä Wärqe; Yonas Admasu was its Sec-
retary. The Literary Board had Getatchew Haile
as its Honorary Chairman and Bérhanä Mäsqäl
Rädda as its Chairman. Among its members
were Amsalu Aklilu and ÷Daññaóóäw Wärqu.
In all, 15 persons held various appointments in
the maiden issue of É.N., which ran to 37 pages
and contained an editorial, ten poems, one story,
two essays, a travel report, a play let and about a
dozen advertisements.
The second issue of É.N. kept the main title,
but was affiliated to the Arts Faculty, and Bäýém-
nät Gäbrä Amlak became its editor-in-chief. In
this 24-page issue an editorial, five poems, eight
couplets reflecting on various issues, four prov- Éndod plant (detail); photo courtesy of the Endod
Development Project, Ethio-Coffee and Tea Plantation
erbs, a travel report, three essays, a book review and Marketing (ECTPM), Pvt. Ltd. Co., Addis Abäba
and six advertisements appeared.
Src.: issues of the Éndih näw. January and July. Many É. bushes were cut down
Fekade Azeze during the droughts of 1973–74 and 1984–85.
People of all ages are familiar with the plant
and its various uses. É. berries are used as soap,
Éndod but very little is traded at markets due to the low
É. (&#<; , Tgn. )-J , óibti; also known as social status of É.’s soap. Commonly, it is used
Phytolacca dodecandra, Phytolacca abyssinica, by poor people in rural areas. In areas where the
Pircunia abyssinica) is a member of the Phytol- evapotranspiration is very high, partial shade
accaceae, also known as soapberry. This plant is by other bushes or trees is necessary to avoid
found in Africa and in parts of Latin America sunburn. Unfortunately, wilting of leaves is the
and Asia. É. has small berries which, when dried, main obstacle for the cultivation of É. at lower
powdered and mixed with water, yield a foaming elevations (below 1,600 m A.S.L.), where ÷bil-
detergent solution. harziasis is endemic.
In Ethiopia É. exists in two main varieties, Common traditional medicinal uses of the plant
arabe with pinkish, and ahéyo with greyish ber- are the treatment of skin itching (ringworm),
ries. Arabe (possibly meaning ‘from Arabia’) has abortion, gonorrhoea, leeches, intestinal worms,
more powerful detergent properties than ahéyo anthrax and rabies. The molluscicidal proper-
(meaning ‘donkey’ and implying that it is less ac- ties of É. were discovered in northern Ethiopia
tive than the other type). The plant is a climber (ŸAdwa) in 1964 by ÷Aklilu Lämma. He also
with hanging branches; it grows very rapidly conducted research on É.’s larvicidal, fungicidal,
under direct sunlight and in its natural habitat spermicidal and other medical properties.
reaches a height of up to 10 m, the average be- Lit.: Aklilu Lämma, “Laboratory and Field Evaluation of
ing 2–3 m. Under favourable climatic conditions, the Molluscicidal Properties of Phytolacca dodecandra”,
the plant in Ethiopia bears fruit twice a year, in Bulletin of the World Health Organization 42, 1970, 597–
299
Éndod
12; Svein Gunnar Gundersen – Kjell B. Esser, Control step by Zärýa YaŸéqob was to place new churches
of Schistosomiasis Using Berries from Phytolacca Dodecan- and monasteries under the administration of
dra, Oslo 1999 (Noragric Brief 99/8, January 1999).
Däbrä Libanos, among these ÷Däbrä Bérhan,
Biniam Gebremedhin
÷Däbrä Métmaq and ÷Däbrä Nägwadgwad. Two
representatives of Däbrä Libanos were asked to
Éndréyas stay permanently at Zärýa YaŸéqob’s camp, in the
Ase É. (&#;?\F , r. 1429–30, regnal name vicinity of the Emperor.
Éskéndér), son of ase ÷Yéshaq, succeeded his The source of the subsequent conflict may have
father when he was very young. According to lain in the expense of the centralizing politics and
al-Maqrizi (MaqIlmam 9, 39), his reign lasted for personal qualities of Zärýa YaŸéqob, on the one
four months, whereas the “short chronicles” gave hand, and the concentration of authority in the
him a period of reign of six months (BassÉt 101f.; hands of É. coupled with the growing independ-
DombrChr 155). His uncle, Hézbä Nañ (÷Täklä ence of Däbrä Libanos, on the other. The Acts
Maryam), reigned after him. This period is com- of É.’s successor ÷Yémrähannä (Märha) Krestos
pletely unknown because of the lack of sources. relate that the aged É., who sought to complete
Src.: BassÉt 1882, 101f.; DombrChr 155; MaqIlmam 9, 39.
his life as a martyr, was occasionally summoned
Lit.: Taddesse Tamrat, “Problems of Royal Succes- by the Emperor, put into custody and after-
sion in Fifteenth Century Ethiopia: a Presentation of the wards died in prison. As the Chronicle of Zärýa
Documents”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 501–35, here 512. YaŸéqob states, at court É. was falsely accused by
Marie-Laure Derat a certain Zärýa Séyon. Only after almost a year
did Yémrähannä Kréstos manage to convince the
Éndréyas Emperor to allow É.’s remains to be returned to
É. (&#;?\F ; 15th cent.) was the eighth head Däbrä Libanos. In fact, the disfavour of É. might
(÷Éccäge) of the monastery of Däbrä ŸAsbo have been politically motivated and linked to
(÷Däbrä Libanos) of Šäwa, the successor of the persecution of abba ÷Täklä Hawaryat (cp.
÷Yohannés Käma and a contemporary of ase Kur 1972:42). The latter seems to have been an
÷Zärýa YaŸéqob. associate of Gälawdewos, the Emperor’s son,
The first part of É.’s tenure appears to have been punished by his father for his participation in
a success. According to the Chronicle of Zärýa a plot (there are hints that Gälawdewos and ase
YaŸéqob, the monks of Däbrä ŸAsbo were the first ÷BäŸédä Maryam may be the same person, cp.
to congratulate the Emperor on his brilliant vic- Taddesse Tamrat, in PICES 4; Getatchew Haile
tory over ÷Ahmad Badlay, which took place on 1994:107). Another possible cause of É.’s perse-
26 December 1445 at Agbära. For this expression cution could be disagreement with the Emperor
of loyalty the monastery was endowed with rich on the issue of the ÷Sabbath. In any case, the ar-
gifts. The Emperor visited the community and rest of É. may have taken place some time around
concluded an unprecedented “covenant” (÷Ki- 1455, and then he died (TadChurch 242, n. 3: in
dan) with the monks: the monastery was to obtain 1462). After this, the office of the head of Däbrä
land possessions for the commemoration of “the Libanos was possibly vacant for some years, as
Feast of our Lord Jesus Christ” on the 29th day follows from the Chronicle of ase Bäýédä Mar-
of every month, which would be accompanied yam (contrary to what the Acts of Yémrähannä
by the commemoration of the Emperor’s vic- Kréstos report). The Däbrä Libanos tradition
tory. In addition, the name of the monastery was venerates É. as a martyr; in the ÷Sénkéssar he is
changed from Däbrä ŸAsbo (cp. ÷däbr; ŸAsbo is commemorated on 17 Hamle.
supposed to be a place name, but it is also a GéŸéz Src.: Getatchew Haile, “Martyrdom of Abunä Täklä
word meaning ‘price, reward’) to Däbrä Libanos. Hawaréyat of Shoa and the Translation of his Relics”, in:
EtRicci, 93–113, esp. 107; LesDic 72; PerrZarY 90, 100,
This can be translated as ‘Mount of Lebanon’, 117, s. index; Stanislas Kur, Actes de Marha Krestos,
but it seems to have been named after the famous Louvain, 1972 (CSCO 330, 331 [SAe 62, 63]), 42–45 (s.
monastery of ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šimäzana, index); BudSaint 1125; GuiSyn II, 346; BecRASO V, 240.
the foundation of abba MättaŸ (also known as Lit.: AmhChurchD vol. 5, 122–28; Enrico Cerulli,
÷Libanos). The transference of the name may “Gli abbati di Dabra Libanos capi del monachismo
etiopico, secondo la «lista rimata» (sec. XIV–XVIII)”,
reflect an attempt to create in Šäwa a new re- Orientalia nuova ser. 13, 1944, 137–82, here 143ff.;
ligious centre by the model of the by far more TadChurch 242, 284; Taddesse Tamrat, “Problems of
celebrated Däbrä Libanos in the north. The next Royal Succession in Fifteenth Century Ethiopia: a Pres-
300
Énfraz
entation of the Documents”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 511–15,
here 519–25.
Denis Nosnitsin
Éndréyas of Säfféýa
É. (&#;?\F ), a saintly monk, lived during the
reign of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob (1434–68). He was a
son of Zäýamanuýel and Amätä Mänfäs Qéddus
and at Däbrä Säloda became a disciple of Gäbrä
Kréstos, who vested him in the monastic habit. Coin of Endybis; drawing; courtesy of Wolfgang Hahn
É. spent most of his life in ÷Bogos, where he met
with the pilgrims heading for the Holy Land. known, show the same iconography and legends,
One of these pilgrims, Täýamnä Égziý, decided but without wheat stalks. The frequency of E.’s
to stay and live with him. Reminiscences of É.’s gold and silver coins is due to hoarding, does not
apostolic activities are found at Araza, as well as necessarily suggest a long reign. The initiative of
in other places of Eritrea. starting the production of coins might originate
His feast day is celebrated on 1 Yäkkatit within the framework of international trading on
(8/9 February). His hagiography, which is still the Indian route, as also proved by the interest-
unpublished, was written “at the behest of the ing synchronism with the end of South Arabian
Holy Spirit” and a certain Melchisedek passed it coinage (Fiaccadori 2004: 143).
on to Gäbrä Íéllase, a monk, who than asked a ÷Coinage
confrere, Sägga Haymanot, to edit it. Src.: Stuart Munro-Hay – Bent Juel-Jensen, Aksumite
Lit.: KinBibl 69; StrANL 216f., ms. 84 I; Osvaldo Coinage, London 1995, 79–84 (types 1–3); Luigi Pedro-
Raineri, “Andrea di Saffe‘à”, in: EncSan vol. 1, 174f. ni, “Una collezione di monete aksumite”, Bollettino di
Osvaldo Raineri Numismatica ser. 1a, 15, i–ii [28-29], 1997 [1998, but 2000],
7–147, here 18, 20ff., 87ff., nos. 1-17, pls. 1–4.
Lit.: DAE I, 47; CRStor 129f., 216; Arthur K. Irvine,
“Endybis“, in: DicEthBio 58 (ill.); Wolfgang Hahn,
Endybis “Statistisches zur Goldprägung des Endubis“, Mittei-
E. (Gr. ENDUBIÇ) was a late-3rd-cent. Aksumite lungsblatt des Instituts für Numismatik der Univer-
(÷Aksum) ruler, the first to issue currency – to sität Wien 17, 1998, 5–10; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
date the only evidence for his life. Nor can any “Sembrouthes ‘Gran Re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la
storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del Pas-
of the names transmitted in the “kings lists” be sato 59, 2004 [2005], 103-57, here 143.
reasonably traced to E., occasionally identified Wolfgang Hahn – Red.
with king ÷Sembrouthes of the ÷Däqqämhare
inscription.
On the obv. of his coins – gold, silver and cop- Énfraz
per issues – E. appears head-and-shoulders pro- É. (&#I=w, also Émfraz) is a district in
file bust rightward, framed by two wheat stalks ÷Bägemdér 60 km south-southeast of ÷Gondär.
and draped in a garment with folds; he wears a It borders Lake ÷Tana on the west, Dämbéya on
headcloth, an earring and a round collar or neck- the north, and Foggära on the south. The land
lace, the pre-Christian symbol of the moon god rises from flat plains beside Tana through low
appearing over his head. A Greek legend goes hills to the high plateau of Bägemdér on the east.
round: Endybis basileus ‘Endybis king’, and con- It is one segment of a north-south transportation
tinues on the obv., with the same design as the rev.: route down the east side of Tana long used by
Axèmitè[n] bisi Dachy ‘of the Aksumites, man of traders and travellers alike.
Dachy [Dachi]’, which includes his bisi- or clan- Its original inhabitants were ÷Agäw; but
name (BIÇI DACU), possibly connected to the sar- by the early 14th cent., É. was populated by
we dakwen or sarwe daken (‘elephant [mounted] the Fälaša (÷Betä Israýel), who were gradually
troops’?) of king ÷ŸEzana (÷Elephants). evangelized and made subjects to the authority
E.’s dating can only be approximately defined of the Christian emperors. Early in his reign,
with the help of the metrological clue provided by ase ÷ŸAmda Séyon I sent his armies against É.
his gold coins as compared with the contemporary and neighbouring lands, bringing the area under
Roman system. Silver and copper coins, much less his control and introducing Christianity to the
301
Énfraz
ran from the Red Sea via Tégray and Tana to the
southern highlands. Indeed, the desire to secure
this route and to levy tolls on the caravans (as
well as the growing pressure from the ÷Oromo
in the south) were probably the major reasons
that drew Íärsä Déngél to É. After arrival of the
royal court and army, the original settlement
grew into a town or city of up to 15,000 inhabit-
ants, according to the report of the Jesuit father,
Pedro ÷Paez (BecRASO II, 203f.). É. retained
its commercial importance even after the found-
ing of Gondär. In 1700 the French physician,
Charles ÷Poncet, reported that it was inhabited
by Christians and Muslims and famed for its
trade in ÷zibeth and slaves. 70 years later, James
÷Bruce found a town of some 300 houses on the
slope below the castle and Muslim merchants
trading in cloth, frankincense, myrrh, and salt;
inhabitants. In the middle of the 16th cent., É. some were the royal tent-makers.
was one of the very few areas to escape devasta- With the rise of ÷Šäwa during the 19th cent., É.
tion during the gihad by ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim declined in importance, along with Gondär and
al-Ëazi (who, however, was killed at Zantära in Bägemdér. Today, the Bahér Dar–Gondär road,
É., ÷Wäyna Däga). This fact had two important successor to the former caravan route, traverses
consequences. First, the churches and monaster- É. and passes through the small village that bears
ies of É. remained intact and served as an educa- the name. Nearby ruins testify to É.’s promi-
tional and literary foundation for the later revival nence in the past.
of Christian culture in the country. Second, for Src.: BecRASO II, 203f.; Francisco Maria Esteves
Pereira, v!y w!F| Historia de Minás‚ Además Sagad,
security reasons, ase Minas (1559–63) chose É. as rei de Ethiopia, Lisboa 1888 (Extrahido do Boletim de
a place of refuge and as a rainy season residence, Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa 12, 7), 28, 32 (text), 46
where there was already a settlement, probably [and n. 98], 49 (tr.); CRHist 43, 83ff., 100, 143, 158 (text);
a way station for Muslim traders. In the mid- PerChron 20, 38, 59, 95, 97 (text); GuiIohan 16, 18, 64
1570s, his son, ase Íärsä Déngél (1563–97), estab- (text); BassÉt I, 328, 377; II, 328; BruNile II, 481; III, 380,
386; V, 31; William Foster (ed.), The Red Sea and Ad-
lished his camp at ÷Gubaýe (Guzara), “chosen
jacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century
among all the monasteries of Emfraz” according as Described by Joseph Pitts, William Daniel and Charles
to the royal chronicle (CRHist 83 [text]). There Jacques Poncet, London 1949 (Publications of the Hak-
he constructed a stone castle on a hill overlook- luyt Society, 2nd series, part 2, no. 100), Millwood, NY,
ing Lake Tana, seemingly the first example of ²1990, 136f., 142ff.; TadTChurch 190–93, 197-201.
Gondär-style architecture in the kingdom. In Lit.: BeckHuntAlm 228; PankHist I, 94–100 (Lit.); BTafA
909; HuntGeogr, s. index; Guy Annequin, “Chronique
all probability, the stone bridge over the Garno archéologique (1960–1964)”, AE 6, 1965, 3–26, here
River below the castle also dates to his reign. 22–25 [“4. Château de Gouzara (pl. XIX–XXI)”] (Lit.);
É. remained the capital of the Kingdom until LaVerle Berry, “The Castle of Guzara and the Intro-
1589. Thereafter, it served as a temporary resi- duction of Gondar-Style Architecture in Ethiopia”, in:
dence for a succession of emperors, who resided Rita Pankhurst (ed.), Ethiopian Art and Architecture,
Trenton, NJ, 2005, 169-77; Hervé Pennec, les Jésuites au
at Gubaýe (Guzara) or at Qoga, just to the south, royaume du Prêtre Jean (Éthiopie): stratégies, rencontres
and it was one of the regular stages on the impe- et tentatives d’implantation 1495–1633, Paris 2003, 180f.,
rial line of march from Gondär to ÷Goggam and 232; James Quirin, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews:
adjacent lands. In the early 17th cent., the ÷Jesu- a History of the Beta Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia
its proselytized heavily in E. and located the seat 1992, 50ff.; Merid Wolde Aregay, “Gondar and Adwa:
a Tale of Two Cities”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, 57–76, here
of their patriarch at Däbsan (÷Däbrä San), close 57–60; Alessandro Augusto Monti Della Corte, I
to the Guzara castle. In 1708 ase ÷Tewoflos was castelli di Gondar, Roma 1938, 105–11.
crowned in É. Sevir Chernetsov – LaVerle Berry
Long before it became a political center, É. was
a stage on the long-distance ÷trade route that Éngära ÷ Bread
302
Éngéda Wärq
Éngéda Éngéda
Ras É. (&#P9 ; b. ca. 1820, d. 1868, Mäqdäla) was Aläqa É. (&#P9 ; 19th cent.) flourished during
a balabbat of Qwara and Agäw Médér and one the reign of ase ÷Tewodros II. He was later also
of the influential officials of ase ÷Tewodros II. employed by ase Yohannés IV and néguí Täklä
Hardly anything is known about his back- Haymanot and was still active in the early years
ground, upbringing and education, apart from of ase Ménilék II’s reign. He was born on Zäge
the fact that he came from a wealthy family. island in Lake Tana and many of his signed wall-
From all indications he was an acquaintance of paintings can still be seen in the local church
lég Kaía Òaylu (Tewodros) in his youth and one of ÷Ura Kidanä Méhrät. Other paintings by
of his earliest companions; he was said to have É. decorate the churches ÷Däbrä Marqos and
participated in practically every battle Tewodros ÷Béóäna Giyorgis. The Staatliches Museum
fought. für Völkerkunde in Munich acquired one of
When Tewodros conquered Šäwa in 1855, É. his paintings, a large canvas of the Crucifixion,
was sent at the head of an army to pursue the showing the painter’s self-portrait at the foot of
mäkwanént of Òaylä Mäläkot, who had taken the cross (no. 81–301465).
young Ménilék with them and retreated to the É. belonged to the Ethiopian “transition pe-
eastern lowlands. With bitwäddäd Bérru and riod”, i.e. a period in the Ethiopian painting of
bitwäddäd Wébe on his side, É. defeated them the 20th cent. when secular paintings became
at the battle of Bäräkät (Méngar) on 30 Òédar more and more common and the first European
(9 December) and took Ménilék captive (ZanLit- ÷colours were being imported. His paintings
Theod 4, 24ff.; MonVidTheo 11f.). represent an excellent record of the fashion in
When returning from Šäwa, Tewodros paci- clothes and jewellery at that time.
fied Goggam by punishing the remaining rebels É.’s paintings in the church of Ura Kidanä
and, after É. defeated ÷Tädla Gwalu in August Méhrät show the arrival of ase Yohannés at Lake
of the next year (ZanLitTheod 26f.), appointed Tana, néguí Täklä Haymanot’s reception by
the former governor of the region. Apparently, priests as he arrives at Lake Tana and an aristo-
É. did not retain the office for long, for he had cratic lady with her female servants who commis-
to act as a counsellor and “prime minister” to his sioned him to paint her portrait. Apart from the
royal master. secular themes, É. also painted religious scenes.
He fell out of royal favour for some time in Among these, his well known Flight of the Holy
the mid-1860s and suffered imprisonment for a Family to Egypt from the Nägärä Maryam cycle
short time at ÷Amba Géšän (where he was kept in Ura Kidanä Méhrät can be mentioned.
together with “Agäw” ÷Néguíe Wäldä Mikaýel Lit.: Girma Fisseha – Walter Raunig, Mensch und
and baša Gäbrä Mikaýel, s. ZanLitTheod 29f.), but Geschichte in Äthiopiens Volksmalerei, Innsbruck 1985,
90, 176, fig. 65; Richard Pankhurst, “Some Notes for
he was reinstated and later killed at the Battle of a History of Ethiopian Secular Art”, EthObs 10, 1, 1966,
÷Mäqdäla on the side of Tewodros, together with 5–80, here 18; StanisLaw Chojnacki, “Notes on the
his brother, azzaï Fanta. Rassam, who knew him Ethiopian Traditional Art: the Last Phase”, Ethnologische
well, states that É. was “a man of most gentleman- Zeitschrift 2, 1978, 65–66.
ly bearing, of strict integrity, and of an eminently Girma Fisseha
humane disposition” (RasTheo vol. 1, 255).
Src.: RasTheo vol. 1, 255–58; ZanLitTheod 4, 24-27, 29f.,
35; MonVidTheo 11f., 16 (text) = 14f., 20 (tr.); FusTeo 42, 29 Éngéda Wärq
(text) = 111, 118 (tr.); Clements R. Markham, A History É.W. (&#P9y ]?8 ; d. 1868, Mäqdäla) was the
of the Abyssinian Expedition, London 1869, 105, 107, 351. chief secretary of ase ÷Tewodros II and perhaps
Lit.: GSCopMen 86; Gärima Taffärä, !+y K/8y
jDy Y<=by !#(D (Abba Tatäq Kasa yäQwaraw an-
the only one to bear the title of ÷sähafe téýézaz
bässa, ‘Abba Tatäq Kasa, the Lion from Qwara’), Addis during the reign of the same monarch. The
Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.], 243; Täklä SadÉq sources refer to him mostly as “aläqa Éngéda”,
MäkwÉriya, %oy Lc;@F!y Y#M_1\y !#;|M (ŸAìe an indication of his clerical learning, but no ref-
Tewodrosénna yäýityopya andénnät, ‘Ase Tewodros and erence is made to his native region. Täklä Sadéq
the Ethiopian Unity’), Addis Abäba 1981 A.M. [1988/89
A.D.], 169, 503; Pawlos Ñoñño, !dy Lc;@F (Ase
Mäkwériya mentions that he was the successor of
Tewodros), Addis Abäba Génbot 1985 A.M. [May–June däbtära ÷Zännäb in the office, though there is
1993 A.D.], 82, 301. no evidence that the latter ever reached the rank
Bairu Tafla of sähafe téýézaz.
303
Éngéda Wärq
Hardly anything is known about his life and clearly pronounced in English (De Cosson 1877,
activities before and, to a great extent, during vol. 1, 302).
Tewodros’s reign, apart from the usual task of Though modern education in Ethiopia, es-
taking care of the royal seal and correspond- tablished in the few decades prior to the Italian
ence. The sovereign sent him once on a mission Fascist invasion of 1935–36, was primarily in
to Aden and the neighbouring region, where he French, some education was also given in Eng-
claimed to have been mistreated. He is said to lish. The ÷Ménilék II Secretary School, founded
have complained about it to the monarch, who, in Addis Abäba in 1908, taught English, while
in turn, accused him of bringing Europeans into the Täfäri Mäkwännén school, established in
the country. He was thus suspected by the Euro- 1925, held classes in that language. English was
peans in Ethiopia of inciting anti-European sen- also taught in the city’s American school, set
timents in the sovereign, while, at the same time, up in 1934, as well as in nine pre-war provincial
his master mistrusted him. Towards the end of schools: in Dérre Dawa, Giggiga, Asbä Täfäri,
1867 or in early 1868, he was arrested under the Gore, Neqemte, Däbrä Marqos, Gondär, ŸAdwa
pretext of a lost royal rifle for which he allegedly and Mäqälä (ZerEth 224, 226; Pankhurst 1955:
could not pay the high price set by the sovereign, 536f., 588ff.). Ras Täfäri Mäkwännén’s bodyguard
and was consequently put in chains and kept on was also partially trained by English-speaking
mount Mäqdäla, where he was executed along non-commissioned officers of the King’s African
with other prisoners in April 1868. No chronicle Rifles, a British African force based in British
is so far attributed to his composition. East Africa (Rey 1923:175f.).
Src.: RasTheo vol. 2, 66, 150, 315; RubActa 267, 283, 289, In Ethiopia, as in other parts of the Middle East,
297, 351f. World War II led to a major, almost accidental
Lit.: Gärima Taffärä, !+y K/8y jDy Y<=by !#(D
(Abba Tatäq Kasa yäqwaraw anbässa, ‘Abba Tatäq Kasa,
shift in educational language policy and practice.
the Lion from Qwara’), Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 Ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I spent his exile (1936–40)
A.D.]), 243; Täklä SadÉq MäkwÉriya, %oy Lc;@F!y in Britain, where his family and courtiers learnt
Y#M_1\y !#;|M (ŸAìe Tewodrosénna yäýityopya andén- English. Ethiopia was liberated in 1941, largely
nät, ‘Ase Tewodros and the Ethiopian Unity’), Addis by British troops, who remained in occupation
Abäba 1981 A.M. [1988/89 A.D.], 49, 507.
of much of the country for the next three years
Bairu Tafla
(Spencer 1984:139–58). France, by contrast, was
then under Nazi German occupation. Ethiopian
Éngédašät Šémbér ÷ Schimper, Wilhelm
primary education, re-established in 1942, and
secondary education, in 1944, thus came into
English language in Ethiopia existence at a time of British supremacy. The
Foreign contacts in the early- and mid-19th cent. resultant paramountcy of the English language
caused a handful of Ethiopians to acquire a good in education was reinforced by the availability of
knowledge of English. Such English speakers English-speaking teachers from Sweden, promi-
included ÷Maòdärä Qal from Tégre, who had nent in the important ÷Òaylä Íéllase I Second-
studied partly in Malta; ÷Méróa Wärqe, a man ary School, from India, many of them employed
of partial Armenian descent, who had gone to in the provinces, and later from the United States,
school in Bombay; Emperor Tewodros’s son on the Point IV programme, as well as subse-
÷ŸAlämayyähu, who attended the British mili- quently the Peace Corps. The language was also
tary academy at Sandhurst; and hakim ÷Wär- promoted by the British Council, which operated
qénäh Éšäte also known as Dr. Martin, whose a fine library in English. A large proportion of
studies in India and Scotland led to his becom- Ethiopian students sent abroad for education
ing his country’s first foreign-trained physician likewise went to Britain, North America or India:
(BZHist s. index). On the military side, mean- all of them English-speaking areas.
while, a British sergeant, J.C. Kirkham, who had English thus became, virtually by default,
participated in the Mäqdäla campaign, seems Ethiopia’s main foreign language. The coun-
to have instructed some of ase Yohannés IV’s try’s principal foreign advisers were at first all
troops in English: the British traveller De Cos- English-speaking. The English language was
son reports that he was “not a little surprised” used, with Amharic, in the ÷Nägarit Gazeta,
to hear commands, such as “Present arms”, or official gazette, established in 1942, and the
“Shoulder arms”, and “Right and left turn”, Penal Code, promulgated in 1952, as well as in
304
Éngwérgwérro
all subsequent codes. English was also employed economic life and its general aloofness from the
in several initially largely British- or American- indigenous population. The British community
run institutions, most notably the State Bank of thus had markedly less linguistic significance
Ethiopia, Ethiopian Airlines and the Imperial than that of the Italians, whose loan-words were
Highway Authority, as well as by British and, so significant in relation to motor vehicles and
later, American experts and advisers. In 1944 virtually all their parts. Several English loan-
the government made English the language of words nevertheless came into use in Amharic,
instruction of most primary and secondary e.g, béruš, for a brush, kot, for a coat, and libstik,
schools, as well all institutions of higher learning. for lipstick (Bemnet Gabre Amlak 1958:121ff.).
The principal Ethiopian Government foreign- Amharic-speaking Ethiopians with a knowledge
language newspaper was in English: the ÷Ethio- of English would likewise often pepper their
pian Herald. Most of the books and periodicals sentences with the occasional English word or
in the National Library were in English, while phrase and would almost invariably do so in
the majority of its public lectures were delivered preference to those of other foreign tongues.
in that language (Bahru Zewde 2002:108). ÷Education; ÷Italian language; ÷French lan-
The advance of English likewise found expres- guage; ÷United Kingdom of Great Britain and
sion in the fact that most of the country’s schol- Northern Ireland
arly periodicals, among them the Ethnological Lit.: BZHist index; Bahru Zewde, Pioneers of Change in
Bulletin of the University College of Addis Ethiopia. The Reformist Intellectuals of the Early Twenti-
eth Century, Oxford 2002, 108; Emilius Albert de Cos-
Abäba, the ÷Journal of Ethiopian Studies, the
son, The Cradle of the Blue Nile, London 1877, vol. 1, 302;
Ethiopian Medical Journal and the Ethiopian ClapHS; Charles Fernand Rey, Unconquered Abyssinia
Geographical Journal, were published largely as it is To-day, London 1923, 175; Atnafu Makonnen,
or wholly in that language. An exception were Ethiopia To-day, Tokyo 1952; Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst,
the Annales d’Éthiopie, which appeared mainly Ethiopia. A Cultural History, Woodford Green, Essex 1955,
536f., 588ff.; Richard Pankhurst, Britain in Ethiopia. The
in French. Several pieces of creative writing Centenary 1896–1996, Addis Ababa 1996; Id., “Menghestu
by Ethiopian authors of the post-Fascist oc- Lemma”, JES 21, 1988, 199–203; Id.; “Education, Lan-
cupation likewise appeared in English. These guage and History: A Historical Background of Post-war
included Säggaye Gäbrä Mädòén’s Odo Oak Ethiopia”, Ethiopian Journal of Education 2, 1, 1972, 75–97;
Aleme Eshete, “The Pre-war Attempt to Promote the Use
Oracle (London 1965), Daññaóóäw Wärqu’s The
of English in the Educational System of Ethiopia in Place of
Thirteenth Sun (London 1973) and Íahlä Íéllase French”, ibid. 6, 2, 1979, 65–84; Daniel Abera, “English in
Bérhanä Maryam’s Warrior King (London 1974), the Ethiopian Modern Education (1900-1974)”, Ethiopian
as well as English short stories and/or poems Journal of Language and Literature 8, 1998, 113–46; Mar-
by such writers as Sébhat Gäbrä Égziýabéher, gery Perham, The Government of Ethiopia, London 1969;
John Hathaway Spencer, Ethiopia at Bay. A Personal Ac-
Ašänafi Käbbädä, and Solomon Därässa (Lockot count of the Haile Sellassie Years, New York 1984, 139–58;
II, 391–95). This practice was, however. vigor- Teshome Gabre Mikael Wagaw, Education in Ethiopia.
ously condemned by the poet and playwright Prospect and Retrospect, Ann Arbor, MI 1979; ZerEth 224,
Mängéítu Lämma, who argued that Ethiopian 226; Lockot II, 391–95; Bemnet Gabre Amlak, “Foreign
Borrowings in Amharic”, EthObs 2, 1958, 121–23.
authors “should express themselves in their own
Richard Pankhurst
native language … the tongue with which their
mother dandled them on her knees” (Pankhurst
1988:204). Amharic in fact remained the main Éngwérgwérro
language of Ethiopian literature. É. (&#J?J@ , lit. ‘muttering, grumbling, lamen-
The penetration of English was restricted by tation’) is the expression of personal emotions,
the fact that the language entered at a relatively deep feelings of sorrow, grievances, depression
late stage of Ethiopia’s modernization, when and the like in poetry, resulting from the loss of
Amharic had already imported the more imme- parents, close relatives or friends due to death,
diately necessary load-words from either French, loneliness, dissatisfaction with life, impoverish-
during the Ménilék era, or from Italian, during ment, during tragic events, etc.
the Fascist occupation: e.g. adopting qN? (from Among the Amharic-speaking people of Ethio-
French la gare, ‘the railway’) or Qx (from Italian pia, É. is usually composed and recited orally by
gomma, ‘tyre’). The expansion of English was younger adults and elderly people at times of
likewise limited by the relatively small size of the deep grief or mourning (some singers and recit-
British community, its limited role in Ethiopian ers may accompany their É. with the ÷bägäna
305
Éngwérgwérro
or ÷kérar). Through É. both men and women Ethiopian authors, such as Täklä Sadéq
would reflect their deep feelings or personal emo- Mäkwériya (TSTarik), Pawlos Ñoñño (1985),
tions at ÷funerals and afterwards with low voices sähafe téýézaz Gäbrä Íéllase (GSMen) and others
in memory of the dead person. However, É. can attempted to document a number of É. and fu-
also be recited during solitary agricultural ac- neral poems referring to major historical events
tivities such as weeding, harvesting, grinding and and prominent personalities.
other rhythmic home duties. The people also use ÷Burial
this form of poetry to communicate with God Src.: KWK 773; KaneDic 1948; GSMen 53, 324; TSTarik
and to share their grievances with Him in the IV, 19; Pawlos Ñoñño, !3y Lc;@F (Ate Tewodros),
Addis Abäba 1985 A.M. [1992/93 A.D.], 39, 61.
hope of obtaining assistance, solutions or strength
Lit.: Getie Gelaye, Peasants and the Ethiopian State:
from Him. In the rural areas, the peasants use this Agricultural Producers’ Cooperatives and their Reflections
form of poetry to express their protest against the in Amharic Oral Poetry, a Case Study in Yetnora, East Goj-
injustices and discriminations imposed on them jam, 1975–1991, Hamburg – Münster – London 2000 (For-
by local officials and administrators. schungen zu Sprachen und Kulturen Afrikas 7); Michael
Powne, Ethiopian Music: an Introduction, London 1968.
Funeral ceremonies are particularly the focal
Getie Gelaye
point of lamentation and the recitation of fu-
neral poems. In an É., the dead person may be
addressed and praised and his (or her) individual Énkoyye
qualities, behaviour, accomplishments etc. are É. (&#m] , Christian name Wälätta Qéddusan, d.
described so as to make the public mourn, grieve 1 October 1757) was a daughter of abeto Waksos
and burst into tears. The dead person’s clothing from Bula and Fätägar and of wäyzäro ÷Yoly-
and material objects may be brought to the fu- ana. She married däggazmaó Mänbär of Qwara
neral ceremony by his/her close relatives; they and gave birth to a daughter, ÷Bérhan Mogäsa
are also displayed during his memorial services (Méntéwwab), and a son, ÷Wäldä LéŸul.
(÷Täzkar) and for a certain period thereafter. Ase ÷Bäkaffa, during his short sojourn in Qwara,
The mourners refer to them while lamenting and entered into a transient union with Méntéwwab.
reciting É. Besides, there are professional dirge- In 1727 their son was born and called Iyasu (later
singers known as !s6% (alqaš) who compose ase ÷Iyasu II) in commemoration of ase Bäkaffa’s
and recite heart-touching funeral poems. father. In June 1730 Bäkaffa, in spite of the rainy
In some Amharic historical books and chroni- season, suddenly and urgently summoned to
cles, it is mentioned that the Ethiopian emperors, Gondär both Iyasu and Méntéwwab, with her
kings and nobles used to compose and recite É. mother É. There they enjoyed the protection of
when members of their families and close rela- É.’s uncle Niqolawos, to whom ase Bäkaffa had
tives died, to express their grief and deep sorrow. just recently granted a title of grazmaó.
The common formula by which the authors What plans ase Bäkaffa had connected with
introduce an É. is: [XY] C{My [XY]y &#8Wy this Qwara clan remains obscure, because he sud-
-ty !#H=H: … ([XY] simot [XY] éndih bélo denly fell ill and died in September 1730. Niqola-
angwäraggwärä …, ‘when [XY] died, [XY] la- wos did his best to enthrone his great-nephew
mented, having said …’); or [XY] C{My !s6%y Iyasu, from whom he immediately received
&#8Wy -qy K/u, … ([XY] simot alqaš éndih the prestigious title of ÷däggazmaó of Sémen,
béla gättämäóó, ‘when [XY] died, the funeral- which was usually granted to the crown-prince.
singer [fem.] composed [an É.], saying …’). Niqolawos remained the leader of this Qwara
The following É. is known to have been com- clan until his death on 8 December 1732. Then
posed and recited by ase ÷Tewodros II after its military defender became young Wäldä LéŸul,
the death of his beloved wife étege Täwabäóó and its moral leader and clan’s elder − his eld-
(TSTarik IV, 19): erly mother É. Formally, this was manifested in
&FJy /^4s3y ?6y DMV;y her indispensable presence at every ceremonial
&LOy H`(,y wFMy !My K:;| royal entrance of ase Iyasu II. This position she
held until her death. Her son Wäldä LéŸul was
Ésti täyyéqulléññ réqa sattéhedé
absent at the time of her death on a campaign,
Étege Täwabäóó mist nat gärädé.
and therefore her burial in Gondär was headed
‘Ask on my behalf before she goes far away: by däggazmaó ÷Òaylä Mikaýel Éšäte, next by
Was [lit. ‘is’] étege Täwabäóó wife or maid?’ seniority among the clansmen.
306
Énnämor
Src.: GuiIyas 2–8 (text). as third radical in verbal forms: baýasä, impf.
Lit.: LaVerle B. Berry, “Factions and Coalitions During yébäýäs, juss. äbaýas, ‘be bad’ (cf. Óaha, Amh.
the Gondar Period, 1630–1755”, in: PICES 5b, 431–41;
Id., “Coalition Politics and the Royal Office in mid-18th basä - GéŸéz béýésä), bänýa, impf. yébärýa, juss.
Century Gondar”, in: PICES 10, 219–24. äbrýa, ‘eat’ (cf. Óaha bäna, Amh. bälla − GéŸéz
Sevir Chernetsov bälŸa).
Gemination is very rare (but s. énné [cp. Amh.
hullu] ‘all’); original lengthened voiced conso-
Énnämor nants are devoiced, e.g. *näbbärä (as in Amharic)
Énnämor language > näpärä, ‘he was’. These morphophonological
É. (self-definition Énor, Énèr, Inèr; Amh. also processes have led to various root consonant
%"{?, Ennemor) is one of the ÷Gurage lan- alternations; thus the present form yéßärýa, ‘he
guages in the most western part of the Gurage eats’ belongs to the perfect form bänýa (cp. Amh.
speaking area (s. map under Gurage; there are bälla and Tgn. bälŸa, ‘he eats’), and *yérähéß, ‘he
also É.-speakers in Addis Abäba, which are said finds’ to näkäßä (cp. Amh. räkkäbä).
to be woodsellers and shoe-shiners). Together Several stories have been published by Hetzron
with ÷Geto, ÷Éndägäñ (including ÷Énär) it (1977), Prunet – Chamora (1995) and by Leslau
belongs to the Peripheral Western Gurage group (1982), who published a short grammatical out-
(Hetzron 1972:6). É. is more closely related to line (1983) as well as a dictionary (1979, vol. 1,
Éndägäñ than to Geto. 257–390, 1241f.), an English-É. index (1979, vol.
In contrast to most Ethiosemitic languages É. 2) and an etymological dictionary (1979, vol. 3; s.
has long or “double” vowels which are in oppo- also the grammar of É. by Chamora – Hetzron
sition to short vowels, e.g. ãfw ‘mouth’ (cp. Amh. 2000). A subdialect of É., Mägär, is not well-
af) : ããfw ‘bird’ (Amh. wof). known, but a story is documented in Hetzron
In addition to the usual set of consonants com- (1977:249–55).
mon in Ethio-Semitic languages É. has a set of The ten word list: at, ‘one’, wérýét, ‘two’,
nasalized consonants, labialized consonants and soýost, ‘three’, ésaad, ‘fire’, éòa, ‘water’, é̃wããyä,
palatalized consonants. The suprasegmental na- ayäd, ‘sun’, bäñä, ‘moon’, šén, ‘tooth’, däm,
salization is triggered by the primarily nasalized ‘blood’, anäbäd, ‘tongue’.
consonants m-, r- and w-. The present tense of Lit.: Berhanu Chamora – Robert Hetzron, Inor,
München 2000; Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic:
näpärä ‘he was’ (cp. Amh. näbbärä) is *yéräßér
Studies in Classification, Manchester 1972, 6; Id., The
(cp. Amh. yénäbr) with its surface form yérämér. Gunnän-Gurage Languages, Napoli 1977, 249–55;
Internal labialization which goes back histori- Wolf Leslau, Gurage Folklore, Wiesbaden 1982; Id.,
cally to a -u suffix affects the last non-coronal Ethiopians Speak. Studies in Cultural Backround, Part
consonant of a verbal form, e.g. *yécäkér-u > 5: Chaha-Ennemor, Wiesbaden 1983 (AeF 16), 136–204;
Id., Etymological Dictionary of Gurage, vol. 1: Individual
yécäkwér ‘one cooks’ (impersonal). Internal labi- Dictionaries, vol. 2: English–Gurage Index, vol. 3: Ety-
alization is sometimes accompanied by internal mological Section, Wiesbaden 1979; Id., Gurage Studies:
palatalization. This process which affects in Collected Articles, Wiesbaden 1992; Id., “Traces of laryn-
Amharic only the last alveolar root consonant is geals in Ennemor”, Orientalia 28, 1959, 257–70; Jean-
Francois Prunet – Berhanu Chamora, “A History of
extended in É. to the velars (gy, ky, qy, hy) and to r
the Thunder-God Cult in Central Ethiopia, with a Text
(*ry > y). Palatalization occurs e.g. in the B-type Analysis”, in: Langues Orientales Anciennes Philologie et
(‘geminating’) verb class. Here original gemina- Linguistique, 5–6, Louvain – Paris 1995, 53–77.
tion – apart from concomitant degemination and Rainer Voigt
devoicing – led to the development of a palatal
element, e.g. *zäbbärä > *zyäpärä > ïäpärä ‘he Énnämor ethnography
returned, gave back’; the original unpalatalized z The É. (self-designation Énor) are one of the
reappears in the jussive (äzäpér). ÷Gurage groups belonging to the confederation
The glottal stop can be a reflex of glottalized of Säbat Bet Gurage (‘Seven Houses of Gurage’).
phonemes (q, s/ì, t, c), as in sã ýãrä, ‘hang up’ (cf. Before its formation they were also members of
Éndägäñ säýänä, Óaha säqärä – GéŸéz säqälä), the Ammést Bet Gurage (‘Five Houses of Gur-
waýä, ‘swallow’ (cf. Óaha, Amh. watä - GéŸéz age’) confederation. The territory of É. is bor-
wäòatä). dered by the ÷Óaha in the north, the ÷Gumär
As a reflex of GéŸéz ý and Ÿ the glottal stop oc- and ÷Geto in the east, the ÷Énär in the south
curs mainly as second radical and more rarely and the Gibe valley, which in the west marks the
307
Énnämor
border with Gangäro (÷Yäm). Geographically In their defence against the northern troops,
É. is divided into a highland (ägér) and a lowland the É. affiliated to the gihad of imam ÷Hasän
(angät) part (BrHad 262 [map.]; Shack – Habte- Éngamo, not all of them without being forced.
Mariam Marcos 1974:125). Today the É. are part After the defeat of the imam in 1889, the É.
of the population of Énnämor and Énär wäräda territory came under Ménilék’s control. In
(or Gunóure wäräda). the following period native leaders were inte-
According to oral traditions the people of É. grated into the new governance-system (Shack
descend from different migrant groups from the – Habte-Mariam Marcos 1974:124ff.; Leslau
north, some of them having arrived under their 1980:140f.).
leader azmaó Sébhat in the first half of the 17th Islam, which started to prosper during the
cent. Leslau (1983:136f.) documents the tradi- time of Hasän Éngamo (Leslau 1983:143), today
tion that the original number of these groups has, according to the 1994 Census, the largest
was the symbolic 99. The dynamics of migration number (106,124) of followers in É. and Énär
within the Gurage region can in some cases be wäräda (population in total 196,455). With
traced from the endings of clan-names: names Ménilék’s occupation, the Orthodox mission
with the ending of ïära sometimes refer to the started. The first church was Mädòane ŸAläm,
earliest settlers from the north, those with téb built by the native balabbat Wérgasä (Leslau
(Gurage ‘clan, lineage’) at the end are said to 1980:140f.). The number of followers today is
refer to a second wave of migrants. There are 82,364. The Catholic mission, which was es-
also clans who claim descent from the Muslim tablished with a Capuchin school in the 1930s
leaders haggi Aliyye Umär (s. ÷Sélti) and imam (PankEcon 683) today has 2,226 members, be-
÷Sidi Mohammed. Around Mafäd there are also ing outnumbered by the Protestants with 4,744
settlers with ÷Alaaba ancestors and a clan with members. The number of 489 people in the same
ancestors from Gangäro is documented as well. Census identified themselves as followers of the
An early mention of É. lists it in a group of Gurage folk-religion. The name of the protecting
tributary districts who had to pay tribute in spirit of the É. is Gäbär (÷Waq). He is repre-
horses to ase ÷Yéshaq (r. 1414–29; HuntGeogr sented by the high-priest Gäbär dam (Gabreye-
92ff.). sus Hailemariam 1991:138).
According to the Chronicle of Susényos, the Src.: BTafA 211ff., 251ff., 273, 899, 909; PerChron 26ff.,
É. were enemies of abetohun Susényos (later ase 37f., 304; CSA 1996.
Susényos, r. 1607–32). After supporting him at Lit.: BrHad 260ff.; ShGurage 103f.; PankEcon 683;
HuntGeogr 92ff.; Wolf Leslau, Ethiopians Speak.
first, they affiliated to the coalition of Sidi Mo- Studies in Cultural Backround, Part 5: Chaha-Ennemor,
hammed. The É. were thus a military threat to Wiesbaden 1983 (AeF 16), 136–204; William A. Shack
Susényos’s troops, who had suffered casualties – Habte-Mariam Marcos, Gods and Heroes. Oral
and had to fight for two days until they could Traditions of the Gurage of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974, 18,
120–33, 142; Gabreyesus Hailemariam, The Gur-
overrun the ÷amba of the É. (PerChron 26ff., agué and their Culture, New York 1991, 5f., 14f., 138;
37f., cp. BTafA 211ff., 251ff.). DÉnbäru ŸAlämu et al., QQMz YL=Oy -h:A-y K<ly
Despite strong ties of intermarriage with the +Ws!y <#< (Gogot; yägurage béòeräsäb tarik bahélénna
co-members of the Ammést Bet and later Säbat qwanqwa, ‘Gogot; the History, Culture and Language of
Bet, the É. were constantly in a warlike relation- the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 A.M. [1994/95 A.D.],
96–105; Dirk Bustorf, Leemo-Hadiyya und Indagayn-
ship with their neighbours. The É., being nearly Gurage: Zur Geschichte und Gegenwart ihrer interethni-
a military coequal, refused to pay any tribute schen Beziehungen, M.A. thesis, Universität Göttingen
to the Óaha, who held a dominant position in 2001, 52ff., 107.
Gurage-land. The opposition against Óaha led Dirk Bustorf
to several wars in the 1840s. The É. fought in
coalitions with other Gurage groups, e.g., with
the Gumär. Even under the pressure of the Énnamora
expansion of ase Ménilék II, the conflicts with The mountains of É. (&!{= ; 2,500 m A.S.L.)
other Gurage continued, e.g., with the Geto stand over a marshy valley during the rainy sea-
and Éndägañ, as well as Leemo (÷Hadiyya; son to the north-east of the town of Dämbäca
Shack – Habte-Mariam Marcos 1974:18, 124ff.; (2,130 m A.S.L.). To the east, large volcanic but-
Gabreyesus Hailemariam 1991:5f., 14f.; Bustorf tresses rise to more than 4,000 m A.S.L. This
2001:52ff., 107). small region is part of the Dämbäca wäräda,
308
Énnäqor
the market even today attracts thousands of visi-

tors from all surrounding districts. The area west
of Duna is known for its rich water-resources
and lush grazing-grounds. There, on the road
from Éndébér to Hossäyna, during the rule of
the Därg the small town of Lera was founded.
Today it is the administrative centre of Azärnät-
Bärbäre wäräda.
The first Muslim migration into É. started
probably in the 16th cent. Sidi Mohammed, said to
be the nephew of the Sélte ancestor haggi Aliyye,
led a fraction of the gihad movement of ÷Nur
b. Mugahid to É. (BrHad 123). Sidi’s people dis-
persed to Éïa, Gumär, Óaha and ÷Alaaba.
With its situation on the edge of the fertile
highland grazing-grounds, É. was frequently a
place of military contention. In the second half
of the 18th cent. the Leemo used É. and Mugo
which until 1991 belong to the Damot awragga. as a “gate” to the highland. From here they
Today this wäräda is a subdivision of the West penetrated the territory of the Éndägañ, who
Goggam zone in the Amhara kéllél. became their allies, and started to push the Sooro
Lit.: Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Carta
(Hadiyya), who controlled the area in the first
dell’Africa Orientale Italiana (scala 1:1,000,000), Milano half of the 18th cent., out of the later Leemo ter-
1938; CSA 2000. ritories.
Alain Gascon The movement of the Bärbäre from north of
Mount Midaóóa into É. started probably at the
end of the 18th cent. The migration was a result
Énnäqor of population growth and military pressure from
É. is an area in the highland part of today’s Sélte the Gurage neighbours, especially ÷Gumär,
(÷Sélti) zone. Linguists use the term É. also for ÷Geto and ÷Énnämor. In the middle of the cen-
a slight variant of the Azärnät-Bärbäre variant of tury the Azärnät-Bärbäre were made tributary
the Sélti language (East ÷Gurage) spoken in that to abagaz Hamdéno from Geto. They also had
area (Hetzron 1972:119; s. also Gutt 1976–79:73; to face harsh military challenges by the Leemo-
Drewes 1996:73). Éndägañ alliance.
To the west and south É. borders on the The Azärnät-Bärbäre were united under one
÷Hadiyya wärädas of Kontäb (today Miišaa) leadership by imam Gumfamo. Under him, in the
and Leemo and to the north-west on the country 1870s they joined the gihad of ÷Hasän Éngamo.
of the ÷Éndägañ (s. map under Gurage). Till the After the defeat of Hasän Éngamo (1889) the
formation of Sélte zone it was part of Hadiyya troops of ase Ménilék II, led by ras Wäldä
zone. While the 14 giióóo (‘clans’) of Azärnät live Aššagari, entered into the Azärnät-Bärbäre terri-
east of É. in the lowland of Azärnät, the 17 giióóo tories and finally camped in É. Imam Gumfamo
of Bärbäre settle in É. as well as on the slopes of submitted and later became balabbat.
the Mugo massive (Mount Midaóóa). Azärnät Src.: author’s own field data.
and Bärbäre also can be found in the areas of Lit.: Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic: Studies
÷Wélbaräg and Sankura in the lowlands of Sélte in Classification, Manchester 1972, 43, 119; LesDic xi;
zone. Ernst-August Gutt, “Intelligibility and Interlingual
Comprehension among Selected Gurage Speech Varia-
É. is mainly characterized by intensive énsät ties”, JES 14, 1976, 57–85, here 73; Abraham Johan-
cultivation, while the formerly important role nes Drewes, “The Story of Joseph in Siltýi Gurage”, in:
of cattle-breeding is considerably weakened. Grover Hudson (ed.), Essays on Gurage Language
The old centre of É. is the small market town and Culture: Dedicated to Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of
his 90th Birthday, November 14th, 1996, Wiesbaden 1996,
of Duna, which had been founded already in the
69–92, here 69–73; BrHad 123, 186, 201 (map), 210 (map),
time of ase Ménilék II by the order of balabbat 261, 316f.; Rahmeto Hussein, The History of Azernet-
Hemaóo Seqeto. Situated on an old trade route, Berbere until the Expansion of Shoa during Menelik II,
309
Énnäqor
Senior Essay, Department of History, Addis Ababa King ÷Bädanóo in 1588. É. was also mentioned
University 1984, 1, 5, 7f., 21, 35f., 44, 48; Dirk Bustorf, in the famous 15th-cent. praise song dedicated to
Leemo-Hadiyya und Indagayn-Gurage: Zur Geschichte
und Gegenwart ihrer interethnischen Beziehungen, M.A. ase Yéshaq (r. 1414–29); it appeared as one of the
thesis, Universität Göttingen 2001, 23, 53, 55. areas that paid him tribute (probably gold, slaves
Dirk Bustorf and cattle). É. also sent soldiers to fight along with
the imperial troops led by Wäsän Sägäd against
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (”Grañ”) in 1530–
Énnarya 31. Bieber (1920:77) reported that in the 17th cent.
É. was an important kingdom in the area of two Portuguese military men (Sapero and Sigaro),
the later ÷Gibe states. It was called Hinnaryo after being chased out by ase Gälawdewos, suc-
(the correct self-name) by the Omotic-speak- ceeded in building a power base in É. and mingled
ing ÷Gonga people, who had established it in with the É. royal family.
the 13th cent. GéŸéz sources render the name É. was a comparatively wealthy state and it
as &!?\ (É.), in European literature it appears became a rich source of slaves and ÷gold for
as Enarea, Hinnaro or Ennareya. The 16th- and the northern Ethiopian traders after 1270. É.’s
17th-cent. Portuguese travellers referred to it as mooti Lami (÷Motälämi) may have been an ally
Narea. In the early 18th cent. it succumbed to of ase ÷Yékunno Amlak (Lange 1982:25). Con-
the Oromo expansion and was partially incor- tacts between the Amhara-dominated northern
porated into the ÷Limmu Énnarya territory (É. Ethiopian state and É. were always significant.
becoming a shortened form of the name of this Some assert that É. was at some time even a part
÷Gibe state). of the Ethiopian highland state. Six of its kings
É. comprised most of the regions of Geeraa, were allegedly of northern descent and known
Limmu, Buno, Guummaa, Illuu and Bure and as the “Amaroci” (cp. ÷Amaaro). É.’s resources
probably was the first Gonga state with its royal (s. above) were later a primary attraction for its
court at Óula Baóói. It was a hierarchical, hetero- conquest by the Oromo (regional politics also
geneous state whose political elite were of “for- played an important role). From the late 16th to
eign” origin: the Hinnaro-Bušašo, ÷Damot and the 18th cent., the É. leaders, backed by military
÷Käfa. The Käfa and Šeka states were initially force and good frontier defences, tried to appease
vassals of É. The Christianized Hinnaro also ap- the Christian Amhara rulers and the encroaching
pear as an important clan within the Käfa state, Oromo in order to maintain É.’s independence.
claiming descent from É. But the Oromo, in particular the Sadaóa federa-
The country, at least its elite, was allegedly tion, gained the military advantage, settled in the
first Christianized by abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot country and forcibly took control of the land (ca.
in the early 14th cent. and then again under ase 1710); the growing internal division in É. aided
÷Íärsä Déngél (late 16th cent.), who converted this process. The last of the É. kings, Šisafoci,
fled to Šeka.
Lit.: AbPrince; MHasOr; PankBord; Friedrich Julius
Bieber, Kaffa, Münster 1920; Werner Jürgen Lange,
History of the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia),
Wiesbaden 1982 (SKK 61), 17–49.
Jon Abbink
Énnäwari
É. (&|`< ) in the district of Morät, 40 km north-
west of Däbrä Bérhan, was the site of a fortress
established in 1870 by Ménilék, néguí of Šäwa
(later ase ÷Ménilék II).
Described by the French traveller Arnoux, in
1873, as “a fortified place situated on an abrupt
height” it stood on a high mountain ridge some
10 km long by 6 km wide, largely surrounded by
unscalable precipices. The only natural place of
access was protected by a huge stone wall with
310
Enoch, Book of
books with Enoch as the principal figure, which

were collected and brought together under the
common title.
The Aramaic fragments were found only for a
small part of the text (ca. eight per cent). Among
the Qumran discoveries, fragments of the fol-
lowing independent tracts were found: The Book
of the Watchers (chs. 1–36 of the GéŸéz version),
The Book of Giants, The Book of the Luminar-
ies (chs. 72–82), The Book of the Dream Visions
(chs. 83–91) and The Book of the Epistle (chs. 92–
108). The Book of Parables (chs. 37–71), which
emerged in the late 1st cent. B.C., is missing. This
has lead to the assumption that The Book of Gi-
ants was substituted in the early centuries A.D.
by The Book of Parables (s. Milik 1976:91–98).
One quarter of the work is attested through
four Greek fragments, which came into existence
between the 4th and 11th cent. A.D. (Black 1970:5–
a wide and deep adjacent ditch, impossible for 44). The Greek version was used by the Ethiopian
cavalry to cross. translator as a Vorlage, although some features of
The settlement emerged as the site of one of the translation can only be explained by the pres-
Ménilék’s principal treasuries, with “enormous ence of a Semitic Vorlage (Ullendorff 1960).
stocks” of provisions, including tef, wheat,
The Bible canon and Enoch’s reception history
barley, and over 500,000 kilos of butter, reput-
E. was widespread in the Orient and was con-
edly “sufficient to supply a large army for over
sidered to be a biblical text, as the writings of
a year”. The mountain fortress also served as a
Origen and Tertullian indicate. It is quoted in
state prison. Perhaps the most important figure
the N.T. (Jude 14–15) and referred to in many
incarcerated was néguí ÷Òaylä Mäläkot Íahlä
works of early Christianity (s. Nickelsburg
Íéllase’s nephew däggazmaó ÷Mäšäša Säyfu.
2001:82–95). A knowledge of E. is also attested
With the subsequent rebuilding of ÷Ankobär,
in some of the ÷Pseudepigrapha.
in the late 1870s, É. lost its importance, but later
The book shared the fate of other apocalyptic
became an administrative centre of the area.
works. As the apocalyptic positions subsided, in
Lit.: Lucien Louis-Lande, “Un voyageur français
dans l’Éthiopie méridionale», Revue des Deux Mondes the 4th and 5th cent. E. was criticized for not being
30, 1878, 877–903, here 898f.; PankHist II 159ff., 164, 167, a genuine biblical work and for propagating her-
356; BTafA 910 (Lit.). etic views. Nevertheless, outside the hegemony
Richard Pankhurst of the Byzantine Church, the work continued to
be used, and the Ethiopian culture contributed
to its preservation.
Enoch, Book of In Ethiopian manuscripts containing the O.T.,
E. occupies a prominent position and often fol-
Origin and Vorlage
lows after the four Books of Kings (Baumstark
E. (ue=Dy V$l , Mäshafä Henok, also “Ethi- 1905:170). Conversely, it is regularly missing in
opic Book of E.” or 1 E.) is a Jewish apocalypse, the canonical lists provided by the Byzantine tra-
which emerged between the 4th cent. B.C. and the dition (Brandt 2000). Ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob defend-
1st cent. A.D. (s. Milik 1976, passim). The entire ed E.’s canonicity in the reformist work Mäshafä
work (except for the so-called Book of Giants) ÷milad (which hints at theological controversies
is preserved only in a GéŸéz version. It was not around E.), and gives E. the same rank as that held
known in Europe until James ÷Bruce brought by the Book of Daniel (Uhlig 1984:470f.).
the manuscripts of E. from Ethiopia to England
in 1773. Manuscripts
The original language of the work seems to About 80 Ethiopian manuscripts with E. are
have been Aramaic. Initially there were separate known (for 45 mss. s. Uhlig 1984:473–76). The
311
Enoch, Book of
Enoch “the Writer”; 38–44; 45–57; 58–71), which describe the Judge-
miniature from a ment on sin. It also deals with archangels and
Gospel book (de-
tail); Gundä Gunde astronomic mysteries (1st Speech, chs. 38–44),
Monastery; fol. 18r; the “Head of the Days” and the “Son of Man”,
early 16th cent.; pho- the Resurrection and the separation in the Last
to 2002, courtesy of Judgement and the different types of judgement
Michael Gervers
(2nd Speech, chs. 45–47), as well as the Judgement
of the Righteous, the Judgement upon the Fallen
Angels, E.’s ascent to Paradise and his cosmic
journey (3rd Speech, chs. 48–71).
3) The Book of the Luminaries (chs. 72–82)
describes the relation between solar and lunar
years, the “wind rose” and the importance of
the hierarchy of the stars for the cosmic order.
However, in itself it is not an astronomical or
mathematical treatise: instead it documents the
divine laws that bring order to the cosmos.
4) The Book of the Dream Visions (chs. 83–91)
contains a survey of the “history of salvation” in
two series of visions, the Great Flood (chs. 83–
84) and the Vision of the Animals (chs. 86–90),
both ending with extermination of the sinners
and salvation of the righteous.
5) The Book of the Epistle (chs. 92–105 [106–08])
contains an exhortation to the dweller upon
earth, consisting of three parts: the Ten-Weeks
Apocalypse (chs. 92:1–5, 93:1–10, 91:11–17), the
lamentations and the admonitions (chs. 94–105).
This is followed by two separate parts, which
today are usually represented as appendices: one
narrative on the birth of Noah (chs. 106–07) and
“another Book of Enoch” (ch. 108).
most important is the 15th-cent. ms. Tanasee 9.
Eight manuscripts date back to the period up Religious conception
to the 16th cent. The texts of later manuscripts ÷Eschatology is the central topos of the work.
(17th–18th cent.) show traces of revisions and at- History will be consummated by war and total
tempts to standardize the tradition and to create destruction, in which Satan, the fallen angels and
a uniform text (÷Bible). the sinners will be destroyed. In a scenario of the
Judgement (throne council, divine Judge, “Book
Content of Deeds”) the divine Sovereign announces an ir-
1) The Book of the Watchers (chs. 1–36) deals reversible decision: eternal extermination of the
with the fall of the angels, the “Sons of God” sinners on the one side and eternal salvation of
(Gen 6:14). Having mated with mortal women the faithful on the other. The apocalyptic expla-
and revealed forbidden secrets, they brought nation of history is formative. E. gives an outline
evil to the world, which brought about God’s for the history of salvation beginning from the
judgement – the deluge and the destruction of Creation till the coming Aeon. It divides history
mankind. Being the prophet and the proclaimer into epochs, in a way similar to the Book of ÷Ju-
of the Last Judgement, E. undertakes cosmic bilees and to Daniel. Another feature of the work
journeys and describes Paradise and the under- is the dualism between God and Evil, which is
world, as well as the fate of the righteous and the not solved until the Judgement.
sinners. E. as “writer of justice”, expert in the secrets of
2) The Book of Parables (chs. 37–71) bears its ti- history and cosmic principles, is the prototype of
tle because of the three parables (= speeches; chs. the wise man; he conveys the divine knowledge
312
Énqoqélléš
to the pious, giving them understanding of the Énor ÷ Énnämor

world and history.
Énqollo coqqe ÷ Coqqe
Other Enoch writings
Other E. works are to a large extent dependent Énqoqélléš
on E. They were developed in different civiliza-
É. (&#98s% , Amh. lit. ‘you [sg. fem.] know
tions: examples are the Slavonic E. (or: 2 Enoch),
what I know’) is a question-answer game
written in early Christian times; the Hebrew E.
(÷games) performed between a challenger and
(or: 3 Enoch), which emerged in the early Middle
a respondent. Grammatically, É. is addressed in
Ages; a Coptic Enoch Apocryphon seems to have
the 3rd pers. sg. feminine, the masculine being
been composed in the 5th cent. In the Armenian
&#98sW (énqoqélléh). This may suggest a pos-
version of E., a Vision of the Righteous Enoch is
sible feminine character in the origin of the game.
to be found, which is supposedly to be dated to
It belongs to the broad category of oral literature
the 8th cent. (for further works s. Uhlig 1984:
involving short and fixed forms that are ex-
466ff.; Nickelsburg 2001:82–95).
pressed briefly and concisely (e.g., ÷Proverbs).
Src.: August Dillmann, Das Buch Henoch, Leipzig
1853; Robert Henry Charles, The Book of Enoch: É. requires at least two players, the challenger
Translated from Professor Dillmann’s Ethiopic Text, and the respondent. Children take turns in ask-
Oxford 1893, 21912; Id., The Ethiopic Version of the Book ing and answering, usually in the evening or,
of Enoch, Oxford 1906; Campbell Bonner, The Last in the rural areas, while looking after the cattle
Chapters of Enoch in Greek, London 1937 (Studies and or watching the harvest from birds and wild
Documents 8) [repr. Darmstadt 1968]; Matthew Black,
Apocalypsis Henochi Graece, Leiden 1970 (Pseudepigrap- animals. The riddling session begins with an
ha Veteris Testamenti Graece 3), 5–44; Luigi Fusella, opening formula &#98s% ?/&#98sW ? mean-
“Libro dei Giubilei, Libro di Enoc”, in: Paolo Sacchi ing ‘I challenge you’ or ‘I know what I know’.
(ed.), Apocrifi dell’Antico Testamento, vol. 1, Torino 1981, The respondent says, z#y !b8s%?/!b8sW ?
413–667; Michael Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, (mén awqélléš? / awqélléh? [fem./masc.]) mean-
2 vols., Oxford 1978 (Lit.); Ephraim Isaac, “1 [Ethiopic
Apocalypse of] Enoch”, in: James H. Charlesworth, ing ‘what shall I know for you?’ The respondent
The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, Garden is expected to provide the answer promptly, for
City, N.Y. 1983, 5–89; Jazef T. Milik, The Books of otherwise he/she will be confronted with insult-
Enoch. Aramaic Fragments of Qumrân Cave 4, Oxford ing words such as `n-W{ !6:-W (waläbbéh,
1976, 91–98; Klaus Beyer, Die aramäischen Texte vom
addäräbbéh, ‘the [riddle] remained unanswered
Toten Meer, Göttingen 1984, 225–68; Siegbert Uhlig,
Das äthiopische Henochbuch, Gütersloh 1984 (Jüdische daylong and nightlong against you’). If the re-
Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit 5, 6), 466ff., spondent answers correctly, it will be his/her
470f., 473–76; Sabino Chiala, Libro delle parabole di turn to play. If the respondent cannot provide
Enoc, Brescia 1997; George W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch the solution at all, the challenger boasts and de-
1. A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Minneapolis
mands a reward, usually in the form !K?y F/3
2001, chs. 1–36, 81–108 (Lit.).
Lit.: Anton Baumstark, “Der äthiopische Bibelkanon. (agär sétäñ, ‘give me a country’) and he/she can
Ein Exemplar desselben mit einleitenden Bemerkungen choose whichever country or city he/she wishes.
vorgelegt”, OrChr 5, 1905, 162–73, here 170; Peter He/she has the right to reject such proposals for
Brandt, “Geflecht aus 81 Büchern. Zur variantenreichen any reason he/she might imagine. The challenger
Gestalt des äthiopischen Bibelkanons”, Aethiopica 3, 2000,
will give the answer or solution only after he/she
79–115; Francis I. Andersen, “2 [Slavonic Apocalypse
of] Enoch”, in: James H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old agrees to accept the name of a country or city
Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, Garden City, NY 1983, that he wishes. Once the proposed country/city
91–221; Philip Alexander, “3 [Hebrew Apocalypse of] is accepted, the challenger will boast of his/her
Enoch”, ibid. 223–315; Sebastian P. Brock, “A Frag- victory and belittle, insult or even curse his/her
ment of Enoch in Syriac”, Journal of Theological Studies
opponent. Here are two examples of É.:
19, 1968, 626–31; Briger A. Pearson, “The Pierpont
Morgan Fragments of a Coptic Enoch Apocryphon”, in: Challenger: &#98s%?
George E.W. Nickelsburg (ed.), Studies on the Testa- Respondent: z#y !b8s%?
ment of Abraham, Missoula, MT 1976, 227–83; Edward Challenger: !Iy YqMy M!K=n,{ &P?y YqMy
Ullendorff, “An Aramaic ‘Vorlage’ of the Ethiopic Text M@2n,| (Af yällat ténnaggäralläó, égér yällat térotal-
of Enoch?”, in: PICES 1, 259–67; Pierluigi Piovanelli, läó, ‘Mouth it [she] has not, yet it [she] speaks; foot it
“Sulla Vorlage aramaica dell’Enoch etiopico”, Studi clas- [she] has not, yet it runs.’)
sici e orientali 37, 1987, 545–94. Respondent: A(M (SäŸat, ‘watch’)
Siegbert Uhlig Challenger: &#98s% ?
313
Énqoqélléš
Respondent: z#y !b8s% ? Lit.: Irvin Eldie Siegenthaler, Useful Plants of Ethio-
Challenger: CH1y &#6y >D{ C|Dy &#6y !#(D| (Sitäñña pia, Alemaya 1962/63 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.] (Imperial
éndä resa sinnässa éndä ýanbässa, ‘When it [he] sleeps it Ethiopian College of Agriculture and Mechanical Arts,
[he] is like a corpse, when it [he] rises it is like a lion.’) Jima Experiment Station – Oklahoma State Univer-
Respondent: /u#F (Tämänga, ‘gun or rifle’). sity, Bulletin 14–1), 31; Gelahun Abate, Etse Debdabe
In Tgn. the game is called B#8B#8pH^ , (Ethiopian Traditional Medicine), Ph.D. thesis, Biology
Department, Addis Ababa University 1989; Paulos Cor-
Hénqéhénqéllitäy. nelis Maria Jansen, Spices, Condiments and Medicinal
Src.: KaneDic 1217, DTWDic 125. Plants in Ethiopia, their Taxonomy and Agricultural Sig-
Lit.: Ruth Finnegan, Oral Literature in Africa, Nai- nificance, Wageningen 1981, 187–94.
robi 1970; Leteipa O. Sunkuli, A Dictionary of Oral
Literature, Nairobi 1990; Seifu Metaferia, “Oral Zemede Asfaw
Literature of Ethiopia as Source Material for Children’s
Books: a Sample Study”, Rassegna di Pedagogia 1, 2, 1984,
45–72. Énqulal bet
Getie Gelaye
É.b. (&#4qsy,M , ‘egg house’) was the Am-
haric name given to one of the buildings in ase
Ménilék II’s palace compound in Addis Abäba
Énqoqqo
(÷Gébbi).
É. (&#99 ) is the Amharic term for the common The compound, like those of other Ethiopian
indigenous climbing shrub known as Embelia royal palaces, comprised two main parts: the one
schimperi. The scientific epithet of this species centred around élféñ, or private quarters of the
makes reference to Wilhelm ÷Schimper, the monarch, and another one around addaraš, or
German traveller and plant-collector who stayed reception hall, where banquets were held. The
in Ethiopia from 1837 onwards. The term É. is main élféñ-building was constructed between
so popular that it is almost synonymous with November 1892 (GueCopMen 325, n. 4) and
medicine/remedy. Its potent medicinal value is January 1894 (Vanderheym 1896:63f.). Shortly
revealed in sayings, poems and aphorisms that later, a fine three-storey pavilion was built near-
underpin its frequent use as a remedy. The É. by, linked to the élféñ by an esplanade (GueCop-
plant is widely distributed in Ethiopia, being Men 530, n. 3).
recorded in all the regions. This woody climber The new building was popularly called É.b. (or
grows along the margins of forests and hilly ar- énqulal sägännät ‘egg tower’) for its egg-shape
eas and is also known from eastern, western and dome (a reflection of the old Gondärine tradi-
southern Africa. tion of ÷énqulal gémb-structures?); at its sides,
In Ethiopia, the fruits of the É. are gathered a post of élféñ-guards was established. É.b. soon
from the bushes and sold in the market, they became one of the palace’s symbolical features.
have familiar medicinal prescriptions in tradi- Higher than the surrounding structures, it gave
tional therapeutics. Varied preparation methods the Emperor a distant view; due to the same
and dosages are used in different parts and reason, it was frequently noticed and photo-
among different socio-cultural groups in Ethio- graphed by Europeans (e.g., s. Kulmer 1919:
pia. The use of the fruits to expel tapeworm and xxvii, xxviii; GueCopMen, pl. 54; Rikli 1935:
different round-worms is common. The dry 22). An attractive sketch by the artist ÷Afäwärq
fruits can be chewed and the juice swallowed, Täkle appeared on the cover of the 1957 Ethiopia
or they could be powdered and the concoction Observer issue.
drunk to expel tapeworm. Traditional drugs Src.: GueCopMen 325 n. 4, 457ff., 530 n. 3, pl. 54; Kane-
made from É. are also known to have anti-ma- Dic 1215; MahZekr 2–18, esp. 12-15; Friedrich Wil-
larial properties. Other reports by traditional helm Edmund Maria von Kulmer, Im Reiche Kaiser
healers assert that the root and fruits of É. are Meneliks: Tagebuch einer Abessinischen Reise, Leipzig
1919, xxviif.; EthObs 1, 2, 1957 [cover]; Martin Rikli,
useful in treating tapeworm, asthma and blood- Wie ich Abessinien sah, Berlin 1935, 22; Jerome Gaston
pressure disorders (s. Gelahun Abate 1989:181). Vanderheym, Une expédition avec le négous Ménélik
Preparation from the root is also used as a purga- (vingt mois en Abyssinie), Paris 1896, 63f.
tive and a vermifuge in East Africa and Uganda. Lit.: Bertrand Hirsch, “Les photographies du gebbi
Leaves of this species are reported to be edible. de Ménélik à Addis Ababa; une première approche”, in:
Alessandro Triulzi (ed.), Fotografia e storia dell’Africa.
As an anti-helminthic, the fruits of É. are taken Atti del Convegno Internazionale Napoli–Roma 9–11
mixed with ÷kosso pumpkin-seeds, barley grains settembre 1992, Napoli 1995, 37–49, here 41, 45.
or, with the pulp of edible fruits. Richard Pankhurst
314
Énsaro
Énqulal gémb Énsaro

É.g. (&#4qsy Pz- , lit. ‘egg building’) is a É. (&#D@ ) is a small district (wäräda up to 1999)
popular name of various structures (÷Gémb) within the former awragga of ÷Sälale (Šäwa),
or parts of structures voulted with peculiarly bordered by the rivers Zega Wädäb and Bärsäna.
“egg-shaped” domes, that were erected in the The area is situated at the altitude 2,700 m A.S.L.
late 16th–18th cent. in the then Ethiopian capital and characterized by numerous flat-top moun-
÷Gondär and around Lake Tana, the core of the tains (÷Amba). Its proximity to the ÷Däbrä
÷Gondärine kingdom, or even later, by imita- Libanos monastery (situated on the other side
tion, in other parts of the country. In order to of the Zega Wädäb) gave the region some im-
put up this type of covering, beams were inserted portance within the local monastic tradition.
into the upper edge of the wall (the scaffolding Occasionally, É. appears in monastic ÷genealo-
holes are still visible) and then the dome con- gies as a locality where a certain Dawit, one of
structed with bricks and mortar lime. the spiritual pupils of abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot,
The remains of “egg-shaped” roofs can be seen used to preach. The monastery of Gär Íéllase,
on the top of two 12-m towers belonging to the founded by abba ÷Iyasu, is located in É., as
possibly late 16th-cent. royal residence at Guzära well as at least one rock-hewn church Qet Abbo
(÷Gubaýe). The existence of such roofs (today (Sauter 1963, nos. 98f.). According to the ÷Dér-
partly or fully collapsed) can be further sug- sanä ŸUraýel, the old historical district of Séhga
gested for the buildings of the royal residences was located in É.
at ÷Yébaba (Anfray 1980-81:12ff., pl. 13), Gémb In the course of the 16th-17th cent. ÷Oromo
Giyorgis (ibid., 14f., pl. 17) and ÷Azäzo (Anfray migrations, the Wabarii, or Oborra- (s. ÷Qottu)
in PICES 8, vol. 1, 13, 33, pl. via). Gondär’s pos- and Wagguu-Oromo settled in É., but soon
sibly oldest É.g., now a ruin north of ase Iyasu I’s ÷Amhara from neighbouring Morät regained
palace, was reportedly the first Gondärine the area, thus re-establishing the connection be-
residence of ase ÷Fasilädäs prior to the erection tween the Amharic-speaking enclave of central
of his main castle or “house”, in turn provided Šäwa and Däbrä Libanos. In the early 19th cent.,
with three towers by the “egg-shaped” roof. The É. was under the sway of märéd azmaó ÷Wäsän
entire palace complex counts several É.g.-type Sägäd. Somewhat later it appears as one of the
constructions. From one of them, Méntäwwab regions where néguí ÷Íahlä Íéllase consolidated
(÷Bérhan Mogäsa) and ase Iyasu II inspected the his power at the beginning of his reign. When
royal troops in 1741 (GuiIyas 108). around 1910 ase ÷Ménilék II tried to reform and
There is a number of examples of the same ar- unify the judiciary system, É. was placed under
chitectonic feature in such religious buildings as, the jurisdiction of the first of the six wämbär-
e.g., the churches of ÷Bahréy Gémb, Waybela judges. In Ménilék’s time the governor of É. had
Maryam (Anfray 1965:15, pl. xvif.) and Lédäta
Maryam (Anfray in PICES 8, vol. 1, pl. ivb). The
“egg-shaped” dome of these churches, topping
the ÷mäqdäs, was usually more spacious and
bigger in size than that of the residential build-
ings, thereby requiring stronger and more dura-
ble construction.
Src.: GuiIyas 107 (text) = 117 (tr.); KaneDic 215f.; Percy
Horace Gordon Powell-Cotton, A Sporting Trip
through Abyssinia: a Narrative of a Nine Months Journey
from the Plains of the Hawash to the Snows of Simien...,
London 1902, 94; PankHist I, 123, 153 (Lit.); THMDic
850.
Lit.: Francis Anfray, “Vestiges gondariens”, RSE 28,
1980–81, 5–22, here 12–15; Id., “Les monuments gond-
ariens des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: une vue d’ensemble”,
in: PICES, 8, vol. 1, 9–45; Id., “Chronique archologique
(1960–1964),” AE 6, 1965, 17–58; Alessandro Augusto
Monti Della Corte, I castelli di Gondar, Rome 1938,
25.
Richard Pankhurst – Red.
315
Énsaro
the rank of qäññazmaó, but later it was lowered hailstorms and even occasional frosts. For É. is a
to grazmaó (÷Azmaó). perennial plant, it protects the soil against erosion.
Yätnora, the bigger sub-district of É. (mékéttél Since the plant is drought-resistant and can be
wäräda; the second one is Wabari), is remarkable harvested at almost any time of the year, É. plays
for its large number of churches (41 churches on a particularly important role as a “famine food” in
only 450 km² in 1974), which points to the old years of drought when other crops fail.
Christian tradition of the area. The fact that there Today more than fifteen million people de-
is a wäräda with the same name (Yätnora) in east pend to a greater or lesser extent on the cultiva-
Goggam may reflect early Amhara migrations tion of É., some 20 % of the total population of
into Goggam across the Abbay. Ethiopia. The cultivation area is restricted to the
Src.: EMML 1942; André Caquot, “L’homélie de southern and south-western part of the Ethio-
l’archange Ouriel (Dersana Ura’el)”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88, pian highlands, with inhabitants belonging to
here 75, 86; Antonio Cecchi, Fünf Jahre in Ostafrika, many different ethnic groups, among them the
Leipzig 1888 [German tr. of CecZeila], map; Edmond
Combes – Maurice Tamisier, Voyage en Abyssinie, ÷Gurage, ÷Hadiyya, ÷Kambaata, ÷Wälaytta,
dans le pays des Galla, de Choa et d’Ifat, précédé d’une ÷Sidaama, ÷Aari, ÷Käfa and the peoples of the
excursion dans l’Arabie heureuse (1835–1837), vol. 3, Paris Gamo Highlands. The intensity of É. cultivation
1895, 214; Getatchew Haile, “A Fragment on the varies widely among the different ethnic groups.
Monastic Fathers of the Ethiopian Church”, in: OrbA-
ethChoj 231–37, here 236f.; ZotBNat 205, no. 137 [Éth.
Some grow É. merely as a security food plant,
139], fol. 102; AWTarik 104, map; Stanislas Kur, Actes while their main subsistence is based on cereals or
de Marha Krestos, Louvain 1972 (CSCO 330, 331 [SAe 62, tuber crops (e.g., ÷Šeko). Others rely on É. and
63]), 99 (text); MahZekr, s. index; CSA 2000. cereals and/or tuber crops in equal measure (e.g.
Lit.: Roger Sauter, “Où en est notre connaissance des Hadiyya, Wälaytta). Still others depend heav-
églises rupestres d’Éthiopie”, AE 5, 1963, 235-92, here
277, nos. 98f.; Volker Stitz, “Distribution and Foun- ily on E. as their staple food and main crop (e.g.
dation of Churches in Ethiopia”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 11–36, Sidama, Gurage). In other parts of Ethiopia the
esp. 23; StStud 46f., 85, 112. use of É. for food is not usual or even known. The
Denis Nosnitsin plants found in these areas are used for their fibres
and leaves or just for decorative purposes.
The geographical diffusion of É. has varied
Énsät over the centuries. In the 17th and 18th cent. É.
É. (&#AM , Ensete ventricosum [domesticated gardens could be found in the regions of Lake
species], local names, e.g. in Gurage: ässät, in Tana, the Sémen mountains and Gondär. Nowa-
Hadiyya: weesa) is a staple food crop in Ethio- days, the largest extension of É. cultivation can
pia’s southern and south-western highlands. The be observed mainly in the border regions of two
É. plant resembles the banana (genus Musa) and ethnic groups, one growing É., the other having a
belongs to the same family (Musaceae), but has different system of subsistence (e.g., Sidama and
its own genus, Ensete. Because it does not pro- ÷Arsi). The usual way to transmit the knowl-
duce edible fruits, the term “false banana” is en- edge of its cultivation is by inter-marriage, as the
countered quite often in the literature. Although women who are mainly concerned with the cul-
other species of Ensete are distributed over parts tivation of É. are the ones moving to new places.
of Asia and wild plants of Ensete ventricosum The place of origin of the É. plant has not
are to be found in parts of sub-Saharan Africa, yet been determined. Two competing theories
it is only in Ethiopia that the É. plant has been are still to be either verified or disproved. One
domesticated and is used as a food crop. É.-cul- theory says that the origin of É. lies in Asia, be-
tivating groups differentiate more than 60 local cause all other species of Ensete are located there.
varieties of the genus Ensete. It is not yet clear if Furthermore, there are indications that the plant
it is possible to identify them botanically, too. was known in ancient Egypt. The other theory
É. is grown at altitudes ranging from 1,200 m to sees the appearance of so many different varieties
3,100 m A.S.L. with an average temperature be- of É. in southern Ethiopia and the sophisticated
tween 10˚ C and 21˚ C and in areas which receive systems of planting and processing in the same
annual rainfall of about 1,000 mm to 2,000 mm. area as indications that É. must be endemic to
É., once established, can tolerate occasional years Ethiopia.
of low rainfall and short or delayed rainy seasons. É. is usually cultivated in gardens which are
Moreover, É. can cope with heavy rainfall or situated next to the houses of individual families.
316
Énsät
Sometimes the É. plants stand in rows according

to their age and/or type, sometimes mixed. In
some areas É. is inter-cropped with vegetables,
coffee-bushes or the like. Usually the gardens
are enclosed to protect the plants against damage
from livestock and wild animals such as porcu-
pines. Protection against bacterial wilt (caused
by the bacterium Xanthomonas musacearum)
is much more difficult. The desease spreads
quickly by means of contaminated knives or
through the dung of livestock that have been fed
with infected plants. The only means of preven-
tion seem to be to control and restrict the use of
farming and processing tools and to uproot and
bury or burn the infected plants as soon as the
disease is identified.
Unlike wild É., the domesticated É. form is
propagated as a vegetable by burying the corm
of a ca. three-year-old plant after having removed
the roots and cut out the apical bud. Some ethnic
groups cut the corm into two or four pieces. Three
to four months later, numerous suckers sprout.
All É. plants have to be manured so that they de-
velop an enormous pseudo-stem and store large
amounts of starch. In nearly all cases, the dung of
livestock is used or at least preferred. But due to Énsät mousse being prepared in an énsät growth behind a
house in Hadiyya; photo 2002, courtesy Alke Dohrmann
increasing population size, the grazing grounds
become scarce and the need for inorganic fertilizer end. The working woman either stands in front
grows. É. is transplanted one to four times during of the plank or sits with one leg stretched up to
its life cycle at ever wider spacing according to the hold the leaf-sheath in place. The É. corm is grated
tradition of the ethnic group concerned. onto a workplace neatly covered with É. leaves.
The É. plant produces large quantities of starch The pulp and the grated corm are mixed and
in its underground stem rhizome (corm) and in poured into a fermentation pit lined with É. leaves
its pseudo-stem, that can reach a height of up or into a special bin made out of bamboo. Some
to eight meters. Consequently, an É. garden of ethnic groups use a starter to facilitate the fermen-
about a quarter of a hectare is sufficient to feed tation process. It is usually prepared of pieces of
one family. Especially in densely populated the leaf-sheaths and the corm together with local
regions, É. is of great importance to secure nu- herbs. In the first two weeks of fermentation the
trition. É. food has a high content of carbohy- mixture is regularly turned, kneaded and mixed.
drates, calcium and iron, but it is low in protein After two weeks to one month the mixture is fully
and vitamins, so that it has to be supplemented fermented and can be used to prepare food. The
by other products of animal or vegetable origin. product – 9P (qocco) – can be stored for about
In most É.-cultivating regions the plants are four months. If it is to be stored for a longer
harvested shortly before or upon maturity, i.e. period of time or even years, every four to five
when the plant flowers. In times of food shortage months the lining of the pit has to be renewed and
younger plants are harvested, too. The harvesting the qocco mixed with the fresh pulp of a newly
is done in a similar way in most areas: Leaves are harvested plant. Otherwise it will rot.
cut off, leaf-sheaths are removed and corm is dug The major food products obtained from É. are
out. The inner skin of the leaf-sheaths is stripped qocco, )q (bulla) and !z- (amméóóo), as they
and the pulp scraped off with a split piece of bam- are called in Amharic. Qocco is the fermented
boo or a metal scraper. To do this, a strip of one mixture of the stripped leaf-sheaths and grated
leaf-sheath is laid on a wooden plank leaning on corms, as described above. To produce a kind of
an É. plant or a house and is fixed at the upper “É. bread” (÷Bread), a portion of qocco is taken
317
Énsät
out of the pit and squeezed. The dry substance is summary), Münster 2004; Stefan Strelcyn, Médecine et
cut over and over again, because it still contains plantes d’Éthiopie, II: Enquête sur les nomes et l’emploi
des plantes en Éthiopie, Napoli 1973; Alain Gascon, “Le
small pieces of fibre. The meal is mixed with miracle de’ensät – Géographie d’une plante peuplante”,
water and the dough roasted on a baking-plate in: PICES 11, vol. 1, 81–89; H.P. Huffnagel, Agriculture
wrapped in É. leaves. With other methods of in Ethiopia, Rome 1960; Stanislaw Stanley, “Ensete
preparation, all fibres are removed. Bulla is the in the Ethiopian Economy”, Ethiopian Geographical
Journal 4, 1, 1966 (with map); Frederick Jean Simoons,
best-quality É. food and used to prepare pan-
Northwest Ethiopia, Peoples and Economy, Madison, WI
cakes, porridges, or dumplings. It is pure starch, 1960; Id., “Some Questions on the Economic Prehistory
which is obtained by washing and squeezing of Ethiopia”, JAH 6, 1, 1965; ShGurage.
the pulp and grated corm before processing it Alke Dohrmann – Manfred Metz
as qocco. Amméóóo is the boiled corm. In some
areas young plants are harvested to use the corm,
Éntälam
in other areas only the corms of mature plants of
special varieties are taken. É. (&#Hqz , also nétäläm) was a traditional
É. is not only grown for nutritional reasons. Ethiopian unit of capacity. Found already in
It also provides fibre as a by-product when the medieval GéŸéz texts (s. Pankhurst 1969:117,
leaf sheaths are stripped. The fibre is very strong n. 84), it was used mainly for the measuring of
and used to make sacks, bags, ropes, cords, mats grain, often in connection with ÷taxation, but
and building material. The leaves and dried leaf- occasionally also of ÷tägg.
sheaths are used as packing material, plates, or The É., like other Ethiopian measurements,
as fuel. Even the dried midribs are so strong that varied significantly from place to place and time
they are suitable as binding-material, especially to time. It thus tended to be larger in times of
in the construction of roofs. In times of drought plenty, and smaller in those of scarcity. It was of-
the plants are given to the livestock as fodder. ten considered the equivalent of one camel load,
These are only some examples of the manifold or the capacity of some 250 “Ménilék cups”, and
uses of É. products. There is no part of the plant can be taken as equal to anything between 170
which cannot be used in one way or the other. and 400 litres.
The É. plant is important as a food crop and a Lit.: LesDic 33; Richard Pankhurst, “A Preliminary
History of Ethiopian Measures, Weights and Values”, part
means to prevent hunger in times of food short- ii, JES 2, 7, 1969, 99–164 (Lit.), here 117, n. 84.
age. Special varieties are used for medical cures Richard Pankhurst
for broken bones and birth problems. Further-
more, one should not overlook the fact that É.
is an important market commodity. Women sell Énticco
processed food products, fibres and leaves in or- É. (&#JP, also Énticäw, Éntécco, GéŸéz Éntä
der to buy other food products, clothes, school sew, i.e. ‘[settlement] near salt’) is the name of a
materials and the like. Especially in the time be-
fore the next harvest, when all the grain is sold,
É. is of great value to obtain cash.
For those ethnic groups who grow it exten-
sively, É. is a plant of high cultural importance.
A man’s or a woman’s status and prestige are to a
large extent defined according to the number and
size of the É. plants in their garden or the size of
the garden as a whole. Sometimes the cultivation
of É. is connected with ritual performances or
parts of É. are used for ritual reasons, especially
in funeral ceremonies.
Lit.: Tsedeke Abate et al. (eds.), Enset-Based Sustain-
able Agriculture in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1996; Steven
Andrew Brandt et al., The “Tree Against Hunger”,
Enset-Based Agricultural Systems in Ethiopia, Washing-
ton DC 1997, 3, plate 2.1 (ill.); Alke Dohrmann, Die
Ensete-Gärten der Hadiyya in Süd-Äthiopien, Kulturelle
Bedeutungen einer Nahrungspflanze (with an English
318
Éntonés
settlement and of a historic province in Tégray. The leading from ŸAdwa via Yéha and É. to eastern
village became the site of a confrontation between Tégray, was renewed under the direction of the
ase ÷Íärsä Déngél and bahér nägaš ÷Yéshaq. In local governor blatta Éngéda Òaylu, who pos-
November 1578 Íärsä Déngél came to Tégray to sessed the gwélti between Yéha and É. (as the
subjugate Yéshaq. His strategy was not to storm husband of the half-cast Giovanna “Gämbär”
Yéshaq’s well-fortified capital of ÷Débarwa, with Dumas from Näfasit, a granddaughter of the
its Turkish garrison, but to make Tégray soldiers former governor Kidanu, owner of this gwélti).
of Yéshaq desert him by endangering their native The place additionally emerges in the historical
villages, and É. was one of them. Yéshaq had to sources when one of the invading Italian columns
defend the lands and interests of his soldiers, and marched to ŸAdwa through it. Finally, in 1987
at É. he and Íärsä Déngél clashed. Their con- the town was bombed by the Därg, which led to
frontation there lasted from 10 November to 26 many casualties. The day of the bombing has been
December 1578. On 13 November Yéshaq with celebrated in Tégray as the day of martyrdom.
his Turks put the royal army to flight, but Íärsä Today É. is part of the wärädä Ahfärom. É. is
Déngél did not retreat from É. On 17 November a traditional market place, which is known for its
there was another battle, which brought victory salt (cäw) and gešo (leaves used for séwa or mez),
to nobody, but Íärsä Déngél’s stratagem worked and also flax seed and fruits, produced in the area.
and Yéshaq’s vassals and allies began to go over It is also a traditional centre of Tégréñña-speak-
to the Emperor. The final battle took place on 26 ing Muslims (÷Gäbärti), as nearby Mäsähäl-
December. Yéshaq’s army was routed, he himself Débdébo, who even own résti there.
fled, but was wounded and returned back to die Src.: CRHist 67ff.; Guida 270; interview with céqa sum
in battle. The Turkish paša was also killed in the Kämal Saýid Saléh, Énticco, July 2004; oral communica-
tion of Bérhane Gäbrä Maryam Éngéda, Hamburg, Au-
same battle (CRHist 67ff.).
gust 2004.
É. was also the name of a governorate (com-
Sevir Chernetsov – Wolbert Smidt
prising, among others, Yéha area), with É. as its
centre. Tradition says, that the 17th-cent. governor
of Tégray, ÷Kéflä Wahid (whose wife was related Éntonés
to ase Lébnä Déngél according to É. tradition) É. (&#5#F ; fl. 14th cent.) is the monastic name of
was also the governor of É. At least since his Amänku Égziý, the son of Téritä Égziý and Mék-
times, the gwélti of É. had acquired a considerable beyu, a native of Gébäle in ÷Säraye. There are
prominence, regularly being accorded to highest no hagiographic documents on him other than
officials of Tégray. In the 19th cent., däggazmaó his Acts (÷Gädl). According to this text, he was
Wébe Òaylä Maryam gave the governorate with ordained deacon by abunä ÷YaŸéqob (1338–45)
the gwélti to his foreign advisor, Wilhelm ÷Schim- immediately after his arrival in Ethiopia. He
per. Due to his presence, foreign travellers visited married but, after his wife was abducted, he took
É., inquiring into trade possibilities of the gover- the monastic habit from abba Iyésänano Égziý (s.
norate. Schimper reformed the local agriculture, Conti Rossini 1943:339). He was ordained priest
e.g., by introducing the first potatoes from Ger- and helped his spiritual father until the latter’s
many, and also built a church and stone houses. death. He founded monasteries for men and
After the rise of the future ase ÷Tewodros II in convents for women, first at ŸAsém and later at
1855, the gwélti was taken away from him, and Damba Tänbuk.
later was owned by the family of ase Yohan- É. was a miracle-worker. He refused the king’s
nés IV. The Italians, however, expropriated invitation to live at court, remaining in his own
Gäbrä Íéllase, the governor of Tégray, who had monastery until he became ill and refused to take
half of the gwélti (ŸAddi Hédur, Mänadéq), and food for 4 months and 22 days. He appointed his
raýés Íéyyum Mängäša, who had the other half own successor, ÷Samuýel of Däbrä Halleluya,
(Tukuz, ŸAddi Hasama). Later it was restored whom he had initiated into monastic life at his
by the British to the families, e.g. to däggazmaó own monastery. It was there that É. died, prob-
Zäwde Gäbrä Íéllase (possessing it until the ably on 3 Taòíaí (the day on which his hagiogra-
Därg’s land reform). phy is read), and was buried during the reign of
In the Italian period É. was changing its rural ase ÷Säyfä ArŸad.
shape into a small street city and administrative Src.: KinBibl 69; Osvaldo Raineri, “Atti di abba
centre (seat of a residenza). The ancient street Antonio (ms. etiopico Conti Rossini 11, 5)”, OrChrP 62,
319
Éntonés
1996, 373–91; Id., “Antonio”, in: EncSan I, col. 198–200. béläne) on the island (DombrChr 75, 237ff.), for
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Bibliografia”, RSE 3, there is no mention of them before his reign. This
1943, 335–40, here 339.
Osvaldo Raineri
building in Gondärine masonry is located on the
south-eastern part of the island and is today in
a relatively good state of preservation (s. map,
Éntonés sections and pictures in Bosc-Tiessé 2000:245f.).
The little islet of É. (&#5#F ), covered by forest, Today, monks are living on the island again and a
is located in the southern part of Lake Tana, near new church has been built.
÷Kébran island (s. the map in Bosc-Tiessé 2000: Src.: Madeleine Schneider, Actes de Za-Yohannes de
211). It is the place of a monastic establishment Kebran, Louvain 1972 (CSCO 333 [SAe 65]), 18; Ernst
Hammerschmidt – Otto Arnold Jäger, Illuminierte
whose history is closely linked to that of Kébran. äthiopische Handschriften, Wiesbaden 1968, plates 21, 24;
According to the Acts of ÷Zäyohännés, the HamTana 1, 198 [Tanasee 50, fol. 290r], 212 [Tanasee 57,
founder of the Kébran monastery during ŸAmdä fol. 1r, 87rc]; DombrChr 75, 237ff.; BecRASO II, 279.
Séyon’s reign, the two fishermen who took the Lit.: Claire Bosc-Tiessé, “Notes sur l’histoire et l’art
des églises du lac Tana. Rapport de mission», AE 16, 2000,
holy monk to Kébran subsequently settled on É. 207–70, here 211, 245f.
The place would later be occupied by a female Claire Bosc-Tiessé
community (Schneider 1972:18).
Éntotto
É. (&#55 ) is the name of a mountain range to the
north of ÷Addis Abäba with the elevation rang-
ing from 2,600 to 3,200 m A.S.L., and of a town
lying in the É. mountains (09º06' N, 38º42' E). In
the early years of the Amhara conquest of É., the
mountains were covered with forest, but after
the foundation of the city most was cut down
for fuel and building purposes. Now the area is
being reforested by ÷eucalyptus.
Two different locations of the town of É. were
identified before the present site, the first east
of Wäcäca (1879–81) and the second at Dildila.
In 1881, néguí Ménilék (later ase ÷Ménilék II)
moved with his court and founded a new
÷kätäma with the name É, which replaced also
Dildila as the name for the mountain.
The town, which may also have been the site
In the beginning of the 17th cent., the mon- of an encampment of ase ÷Lébna Déngél, had a
astery seems to have been well-known, as it is
mentioned by Pedro Paez (BecRASO II, 279).
It was at that time a male community. During
ase Iyasu I’s reign (1682–1708), the church was
devoted to Christ (É. Iyäsus). It was burnt down
afterwards at an unknown date, but some paint-
ings on canvas in the first Gondärine style and
books kept in the Kébran Gäbréýel church were
said to come from this church (Hammerschmidt
– Jäger 1968, plates 21, 24). However, it is certain
only for those manuscripts which contain notes
concerning É. (ms. Tanasee 50, s. fol. 290r; ms.
Tanasee 57, fol. 1r, 87rc). Iyasu I greatly appreci-
ated the site, where he often came at the end of his
life for health reasons. It seems that he ordered One of the buildings of ase Ménilék’s compound at
the building of thermal baths (,Hy -n", betä Éntotto; photo 2004, courtesy of Michael Gervers
320
Éntotto Maryam
÷Addis Abäba, that is ase ÷Ménilék II, négéítä

nägäítat ÷Zäwditu and ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I.
After two years of construction (1885–87), the
feast to bless the new foundation was held in
1887. Some of the measurements of the church
were taken from those in the Bible of the tem-
ple of Solomon (cp. 1 Kgs 6; GueCopMen 212,
n. 4). Carpenters came from ÷Gondär and the
wood from the forest of ÷Männagäšä, just west
of Addis Abäba. The foundation and consecra-
tion of É.M. make up a substantial portion of the
longest chapter in Gäbrä Íéllase’s chronicle of
ase Ménilék II’s reign. The banquette (÷Gébér),
which followed the consecration had over 20,000
guests, and the feasting lasted for many days.
Thousands of cattle were consumed and there
was no shortage because the dedication took
place before the famine and rinderpest epidemic
predominantly military function. Soon it became of 1889. In 1905 É.M. was rebuilt with stone with
the capital of Šäwa. The coronation of Ménilék II an encircling balcony. Some foreign expertise
and étege Taytu Bétul was held in É. (and not was used in the renovation.
in Aksum) in November 1889. From 1886 to É.M. remained the most prestigious church
1887, the capital moved to the plains below the foundation in the name of Mary in the Addis
É. hills, around what were then the hot springs Abäba area and special services were held there on
of ÷Finfinnee. Addis Abäba replaced É. because the monthly feast of St. Mary on the 21th day of
there was more wood for fuel and construction each month as well as on 20 Mäskäräm. The im-
and because of the warmer milder climate. É. was perial courts of Ménilék II, lég ÷Iyasu, Zäwditu
windier, colder and more prone to lightening and and Òaylä Íéllase I would regularly celebrate the
thunder storms. Tradition has it that Taytu pre- most important days of the year dedicated to
ferred the plains below and persuaded Ménilék Mary at É.M. Zäwditu also organized the täzkär,
to move. After her husband’s death she was ex- or memorial service, for étege Taytu at É.M.
iled there and stayed in É. until her own death. There is now a museum of ase Ménilék II there.
There are two significant churches still in use The architecture of É.M. is that of a traditional
on É., ÷Éntotto Maryam and ÷Éntotto Raguýel round Ethiopian church with a thatched roof
and nearby are the remains of an early rock and circular ornament at the peak. Later étege
church ÷Yäkka Mikaýel. Taytu added a silvered and guilded dome. The
Src.: GueCopMen 162f., 170–75, 209–32, 240f., 264–73; church is encircled by a gallery, upheld by a se-
Guida. ries of rounded pillars.
Lit.: Peter P. Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba Among the murals inside É.M. there is a paint-
from its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000
(AeF 49), 4–8, 10; PankHist II, 174ff., 357; Akalu Wäldä ing of of Ménilék II and Taytu represented as the
Mikael, “Urban Development in Ethiopia (1875-1899)”, Queen of Sheba and her son Ménilék I, a portrait
JES 11, 1, 1–16 (map); Edouard Berlan, Addis Abeba la of St. Mark and The Last Supper. Some of the
plus haute ville d’Afrique, Grenoble 1963. murals were painted by aläqa Òéruy, his son
Peter Garretson ÷Émäýalaf and ÷Afäwärq Gäbrä Iyäsus.
Src.: GueCopMen 170, 203 (ill.), 209–12, 217, 520f.;
Guida 494.
Éntotto Maryam Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “The Iconography of
The church of É.M. (&#55y x?\z) was founded the Deposition in Ethiopian Painting”, in: Proceedings
by étege ÷Taytu Bétul and became a significant of the First International Conference on the History of
Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 14–22, here 21, fig. 45; Jules
centre of religious and intellectual life, as well as Borelli, Éthiopie méridionale, Paris 1890, 120f., 253–56;
the major church to which the imperial court Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu and Menilek II: Ethiopia,
went for the veneration of St. Mary during 1883–1910, London 1986, 43ff., 53, 65ff., 100, 258.
the reigns of the imperial monarchs resident in Peter Garretson
321
Éntotto Raguýel
Éntotto Raguýel ÷sähafe téýézaz. The first ÷gäbäz of the church

The church of É.R. (&#55y =L%s ) was built was däggazmac ÷Mäšäša Wärqe, a secretary
in the compound of ase ÷Ménilék II’s palace at and interpreter in the court of ase Yohannés IV
÷Éntotto, north of Addis Abäba. Its construc- and later an influential official in Ménilék’s court.
tion began in February 1885 and the church The next gäbäz was ras Mikaýel Ali of Wällo (r.
was inaugurated on 5 November 1889. There 1891–1909) and his successors, his daughter
are different traditions as to where the ÷tabot wäyzäro Séhin (1910–27) and her daughter
of Raguýel was obtained. The problem is all the étege ÷Mänän Asfaw, also held the office. The
more complex because of the presence of two traditional school of É.R. was opened soon after
tabots of Raguýel. Some informants believe that its establishment and large number of students
a monk by the name of abba Bälaynäh carved who received their schooling there later gained
the tabot. There is much difference of opinion on prominence in the Imperial court.
the second tabot. Some say that it was brought Another Raguýel church was built by étege
from Jerusalem by ase ÷Yohannés IV, who gave Mänän in 1955 at ÷Addis Kätäma (s. ÷Däbrä
it to Ménilék at the ÷Léóóe Agreement of 1878. Òayl Qéddus Raguýel), since she had vowed to
Others believe that Ménilék brought it from build another church if St. Raguel’s help would
Jerusalem. bring back her consort to power after the Ital-
Arab and Indian artisans were employed in ian invasion of 1935–36. After the liberation of
the construction of the church. The main arti- 1941, she wanted to move the Éntotto church
san was haggi Kawas, an Indian from Peshawar, to Addis Abäba where a large parish would be
who also participated in the construction of the founded. She was strongly opposed by the clergy
churches of St. Gabriel in Addis Abäba, St. Mary at Éntotto, but with the intercession of abunä
at Addis ŸAläm and Ménilék’s palace in Addis ÷Basélyos, and promises of generous rewards,
Abäba. There were also several masons from some of the clergy reluctantly accepted the trans-
Gondär and Ankobär, timber was brought from fer. When the new Raguýel church was built, the
Männagäša. The church is octagonal and has two church of É.R. was renamed as Éntotto Elyas to
floors. The walls of the mäqdäs are decorated suppress the association of Raguýel with the old
by religious and secular paintings executed by site and thus enhance the Addis Abäba Raguýel
eminent artists, such as aläqa Zäyohannés from church. The tabot of Elyas was available there,
÷Maòdärä Maryam, aläqa ÷Luqas and his since the Elyas church used to be the third one
son aläqa Íahlu, aläqa ÷Mäzmur Zädawit and at Éntotto, but its clergy died during the Great
näggadras ÷Afäwärq Gäbrä Iyäsus. European Famine of 1882–92 (÷Kéfu qän) and Ménilék
travellers were full of admiration for the build- ordered it to be moved to É.R.
ing (e.g., Powell-Cotton 1902:169). Although priests were assigned to Éntotto
É.R. is a ÷däbr church; in 1890–91 a total of Elyas to provide religious services on Sundays,
193 gašša of land was granted for support of on days of important festivals, to hold serv-
its clergy. É.R.’s heads were among the most ices for the dead and to officiate at baptisms, the
influential clerics of the period, with ÷Gäbrä people of Éntotto did not get regular religious
Íéllase, who was Ménilék’s chronicler and services. Because of financial problems and con-
tinued controversy between the two churches,
religious services at Éntotto stopped completely
in September 1976. A patriarchal committee was
set up to revive É.R. church. With the financial
support from the monthly salary of the Patriarch
abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot for two priests, the
church was opened in May 1979. The Ministry
of Culture restored the old building of É.R. in
1982–84, but the final attempt to return the tabot
of Raguýel, along with some historical and eccle-
siastical objects, from Addis Kätäma to Éntotto
ended in a tragedy and some deaths when a large
Éntotto Raguýel on an early 20th cent. photograph; after
renovation, during which an additional small storey was angry crowd opposed the removal, believing that
added to the top; from the collection of Wolbert Smidt the military government wanted to make it a mu-
322
Environment
seum, attacked the people who came to carry out

the order of transfer on 10 May 1985.
Src.: GSMen 97, 100, 123f., 166ff., 198f., 326–33.
Lit.: Ethiopian Orthodox Church Ecclesias-
tical Office (ed.), 9Px_y z~sl!y Y!8Fy !(+y
!;+=My Yu5y (uKMy KeK (Dagmawi Ménilékénna
yäýaddis abäba adbarat: yämäto Ÿamätat gässéta, ‘Ménilék
II and Addis Abäba Cathedrals: the 100 Years Overlook’),
Démsa täwahédo, 15 Tér 1978 A.M. [1985/86 A.D.];
Id. (ed.), Y6-:y g^ry 87Fy =L%sy ,Hy l?FJ\#
(Yädäbrä Òayle Qéddus Raguýel betä kréstiyan, ‘The
Church of Däbrä Òayle Qéddus Raguýel’), ibid., 15
Mäggabit 1980 A.M. [1987/88 A.D.]; Haile Gabriel
Dagne, “The Establishment of Churches in Addis
Ababa”, in: CentAddis 57–78, here 57, 62; Richard
Soil erosion in the Ethiopian highlands; photo 1998,
Pankhurst, “Menelik and the Utilization of Foreign
courtesy of Manfred Müller
Skills”, JES 5, 1, 1967, 29–86, here 30, 35, 37f., 41, 50f.;
Id., “Some Notes for a History of Ethiopian Secular lennia by the earth’s own geological and climatic
Art”, EthObs 10, 1, 1966, 18–20; Wudu Tafete, The evolution. In more recent times, however, these
Twin Churches of Raguel, 1889–1985, B.A. thesis, Ad-
changes have been dramatic, especially those di-
dis Ababa University 1989; Percy Horace Gordon
Powell-Cotton, A Sporting Trip through Abyssinia. A rectly caused by humans.
Narrative of Nine Months Journey from the Plains of the Domestication of important agricultural crops,
Hawash to the Snows of Simien …, London 1902, 169. such as ÷tef and finger millet, is believed to have
Wudu Tafete Kassu started about 7,000 years before present (B.P.).
The ÷Aksumite culture selected and propagated
specially adapted germ plasm and subspecies,
Environment thus becoming a primary centre for the diffusion
On the whole, two different groups of concepts of several cereals, pulses and oil-seed crops. The
of E. can be identified: (1) based on natural development of the ox-÷plough (ca. 1,000–500
science, and (2) integrating social and natural B.C.) was a crucial stage in E. history; open space
sciences, in which society, with its patterns and for ox-ploughing and for the various crops and
processes, is an active part of a whole system (s. pastures for the oxen was needed, one reason
Leser 1997:922f.). why long-term change of the vegetation struc-
The term “degradation” of the E. originates ture has been severe (McCann 1999).
in soil science, meaning all processes changing Bonnefille and Hamilton (1986), on the basis of
the soil structure (s. Leser 1997:133), including palynological studies in Arsi and Bale, believe that
especially those which deteriorate soil fertility, there was wide-spread forest destruction around
such as soil erosion, change of biotic or/and abi- 1,850 years ago. From the presence of the pollen
otic structures of soils etc. Environmental deg- of plants usually associated with human habita-
radation in most cases is used as a – not clearly tion, the destruction in this period is believed
defined – term for all processes deteriorating and to have been caused by man. There has been a
devaluating such natural resources as soils, veg- decline in Podocarpus forest and a rise in places
etation cover, water, biodiversity etc. of ÷juniper forest following the opening up and
The great famines of the 1970s and 1980s re- burning of montane forests and a wide-spread
sulted in an increased interest in the environmen- presence of secondary forest and scrub vegetation
tal processes of the Horn of Africa. E. degrada- (Dodonaea and Celtis-type vegetation).
tion is seen as one of the most acute problems in The well-known and still often-repeated
Ethiopia and the surrounding countries, because reports about heavy destruction of forests and
of its effects on agriculture, which is the eco- woodlands since 1900 (e.g., Huffnagel 1961,
nomic base of the country. von Breitenbach 1961) are criticized by McCann
(1997; 1999) as being “narratives”. Several region-
Environmental history al studies (McCann 1999; Ritler 1997 and 2003)
Most of the important developments in the his- show that forest dynamics is a complex and non-
tory of E. in Ethiopa and Eritrea preceded the linear process and that the deforestation (and
advent of man. The greatest changes in the ÷geo- degradation) is much older than reported yet,
morphology of the area were shaped over mil- especially in the central and northern highlands.
323
Environment
Obviously, in western and southern Ethiopia a crops being replaced by other imported species
broad deforestation recurred in the 20th cent., but and of the extension of land-use in formerly
studies fully covering these areas, or at least the low or uncultivated areas because of population
larger of them, do not exist to date. growth (s. Eshetu Yirdaw 2002).
The “narrative” about heavy deforestation is ÷Wood is a basic and multi-functional re-
based on figures which have never been proved source of an agricultural society with almost
(also because there do not exist any reliable fig- no fossil resource reserves. In the central and
ures about vegetation cover up to about 1960). northern highlands, wood deficit was a major
Indeed, several researchers and institutions pre- problem already in the 19th cent. Since the 1890s
sented figures indicating an over-all deforestation ÷Eucalyptus as an imported species has been
since the 1950s (Wøien 1995). Being basically helping particularly to solve the energy problem
correct, the non-uniform use of terms like forest, in many places, but the high demand for water
woodland and bush leads to confusing figures by this plant is provoking soil erosion, according
and sometimes inaccurate conclusions. to some scholars.
Melaku Bekele (1998), basing on reports of The major reasons for deforestation and degra-
travellers, states that the “Green Age” should be dation of forest resources are clearing of forests
set before or immediately after the introduction and woodlands for cultivating crops and cutting
of agriculture into Ethiopia at least 4,000 years of trees and shrubs, e.g., for fuel-wood, charcoal,
B.P. There is evidence indicating that the Aksum- construction material, etc. Plantation forestry
ite civilization was worn out by soil erosion and has been far from meeting the demand for wood,
an associated decline in agricultural productivity. so that deforestation is inevitable. The causes of
Several travellers wrote in the 16th–18th cent. of deforestation are, however, closely linked with
landscapes that were barely or not at all covered a vicious cycle of mutually reinforcing factors,
by trees. In the north-central part of Ethiopia, i.e., poverty, population growth, poor economic
forested areas are reported to have been restricted growth and the state of the environment. In 1994
to the vicinity of churches and monasteries. Trav- it was estimated that high forests covered less
ellers in the 19th and early 20th cent. wrote about than 2.7 % of the country and the process of de-
the lack of forests in the central highlands of Šäwa forestation still continues (EFAP 1994).
(McCann 1999; Ritler 1997 and 2003). The degradation of soils is clearly linked
But there is also the record of full forest recov- to rainfall patterns (sum, intensity of rains,
ery in areas previously known as open land, as seasons), topography and vegetation cover or
was the case with Geeraa forest (McCann 1999). land-use, respectively. Soil erosion is a very old
According to Massaja, in 1859 the highlands of phenomenon: the fertility of the ÷Nile waters
Geeraa were open land bordered with forest. The in Egypt since ancient times is mainly the effect
status of the surrounding forest was described as of soil loss in Ethiopia. Hurni (1990:57) suggests
already retreating due to agricultural expansion for Ethiopia about 1.5 billion tons of soil loss per
when Cecchi visited the area in the 1880s. When year, the highest rates per hectare coming from
Geeraa came under the rule of ase MénilékII in cropland and currently unproductive land. Tests
1881, a mass exodus of the population of the re- of soil loss in several intensively used areas of the
gion to other areas appears to have occurred. As ÷wäyna däga show a great range, from very low
a result, when Cerulli visited the area in 1928, the (1 ton per ha) up to very high (212 tons per ha)
entire area was covered by a dense broad-leafed rates per year (Herweg – Stillhardt 1999:16). A
forest. major problem for the farmers is that in several
places soil depth will gain a critical level for ag-
Degradation of resources riculture in the next few decades, if it is not pos-
Resources are all those requirements of an or- sible to slow down or even to stop this process
ganism, population or an ecosystem, which help with conservation measures.
the accumulation of energy by their increased Land degradation involves both soil erosion
availability. They are divided into two as: (i) bio- and loss of soil fertility. While the soils in the
logical (renewable) resources; and (ii) physical highlands have a high inherent fertility, the con-
(non-renewable) resources. tinuous removal of nutrients without replace-
Biodiversity is under pressure in many places ment, as well as the steep and dessicated terrain
because of deforestation, indigenous trees and with extensive areas of slopes, coupled with the
324
Environment
high intensity of rainfall have led to accelerated average annual rainfall above 600 mm) is severely
soil erosion, reaching up to 400 tons/hectares/ limited by inadequate watering facilities and by
annum (EPA 1997). In 1986 half of the arable a consequent inefficient utilization of vegeta-
land in the highlands was estimated to be mod- tion. The cutting of fodder instead of letting the
erately to seriously eroded (FAO 1986; EFAP animals range freely could be an improvement
1994). Due to the scarcity of wood for fuel, in order to reduce overgrazing and to increase
animal dung and crop residues are used as fuel biomass productivity.
instead of their normal use as fertilizers which Due to the expansion in irrigated crop culti-
increases fertility loss. The impact of soil erosion vation in some of the traditional pastoral areas,
on crop yields is estimated to be a reduction of some grazing lands have been lost. The pastoral-
between 1 % to 2 % per year. The biological ists most affected are the ŸAfar and Karrayyuu,
degradation due to the decline in organic matter who have lost close to 35,000 and 22,000 hectares
causes a further loss of 1 %. of their best dry-season grazing areas, respec-
÷Water, in terms of its availability and quality tively. Grazing areas have been reduced for parks
in general, its discharge patterns and the seasonal (19,767 km²; ÷National Parks), wildlife reserves
variation of rainfall, plays an integrating part in (28,100 km²) and sanctuaries (9,536 km²). This
the system of environmental processes. Degra- situation has led to conflicts between pastoralists
dation of water resources involves both siltation and animosities towards government organiza-
and sedimentation, leading to changes in the tions. The pastoralists have been forced to live
physical, chemical and biological condition of in and utilize the marginal areas for livestock
the resources. Deforestation, poor agricultural production and have, therefore, become more
practices and soil erosion increase surface run- vulnerable to drought.
off and reduce the amount of rainfall infiltrating The continuing succession of droughts has
the soil and eventually percolating into ground- affected livestock populations as well as the abil-
water aquifers. About 74 % of the annual run-off ity of highland farmers to produce crops. It has
of more than 110 billion m³ goes into the rivers also led to catastrophic livestock losses, as well
that flow into Sudan, Egypt, Somalia and Kenya. as deterioration in rangelands (Gedion Getahun
Lower levels of infiltration and water storage in 1999). The other climatic extreme, i.e. too much
soils also affects the availability of water for hu- precipitation and the subsequent flooding, has
man use. This, in turn, leads to higher peak flows also been a problem in many parts of the country
in streams and rivers causing greater flood dam- (÷Climate).
age. Where soils are better at retaining moisture,
spring- and river-flows are extended and evened Pollution
out. This is important for irrigation development. Pollution may be defined as any undesirable
Soil erosion also leads to a reduced life for storage change in the physico-chemical and biological
dams due to siltation and may change the condi- properties of air, water and soils, which may
tions for transport and hydropower production. cause harm to humans and other organisms, or
Reduced vegetation cover and the associated to cultural and natural elements of the human
impact on land degradation threaten ecosystems. environment (Gupta — Bhardwaj 1979).
Decline or loss of vegetation cover reduces the Air pollution is caused mainly by the addition
amount of carbon that can be sequestered from of poisonous gases and particulate matter. Most
the atmosphere, contributing to global warming. of the gases are the product of combustion of
The introduction of exotic species may cause fossil fuels in automobiles, industry and domes-
several unforeseen risks, such as their becoming tic use. These gases include a mixture of carbon
notorious competitive weeds (e.g., Argemone and nitrogen oxides and hydrocarbons. Large
mexicana, Parthenium hysterophorous, Prosopis quantities of highly poisonous carbon monoxide
juliflora, water hyacinth, etc.), thereby reducing particles and lead are also produced during com-
crop yield and replacing local flora, causing ad- bustion. Urbanization and industrialization have
verse effects on the E. (biotic and abiotic compo- resulted in areas of excessive pollution.
nents) and the introduction of or susceptibility Ozone is highly oxidizing and can damage the
to disease. leaves of crops. Being acidic in nature when com-
The carrying capacity of the rangelands, 42% bined with moisture, gases like sulphur dioxide
of the country’s total area (above 1,700 m A.S.L.; and hydrogen sulphide affect metals, textiles and
325
Environment
animals. Nitrogen oxides can kill organisms, but enter into the food chain and become gradually
their greater role is in the formation of smog in concentrated in the tissues of the organisms at a
cold and humid conditions. The various hydro- higher trophic level, resulting in death or impair-
carbons and nitrogen oxides react together in the ment of life-activities of animals and man.
presence of light, producing peroxyacetyl nitrate The process of removal of soda ash from Lake
and similar compounds. On foggy days, these ÷Abyata provides a good example of mining as-
chemical substances remain suspended in the sociated with great risks of pollution for a water
atmosphere, adsorbed around particulate matter, body known to have very rich fish and bird life.
and, e.g., cause irritation to the eyes and bron- Mercury compounds, another important pol-
chial disorders. Another gaseous substance, fluo- lutant of water, are produced as waste by paper
rides, is produced from the aluminium industry. mills, the chloralkali industry, mercury vapour
It causes serious damage to young leaves and lamps and plant-protection compounds. The
fruit orchards, though some plants like onions, inorganic salts of mercury are reduced under
cotton, tobacco and citrus are highly resistant. anaerobic conditions and in the presence of hy-
The particulate matter arises from various in- drocarbons into dimethyl mercury, which enters
dustrial operations: mining, quarrying, grinding into the food chain.
and polishing, saw-mills, textiles and burning of Pollution of soils results from the excessive use
fuels. During cold or humid periods the smaller of fertilizers, pesticides and herbicides, adversely
particles serve as nuclei for condensation of wa- affecting the physical, chemical and biological
ter vapour and produce fog. The particles, when properties of the soil, which in turn affects plant
deposited on the leaves, or even when suspended growth. Mining, excavating soil for brick mak-
as part of fog, reduce light intensity, considerably ing and building and road construction etc. also
affecting photosynthesis. If they are inhaled, they reduce soil resources. Another source of soil pol-
can cause numerous respiratory diseases and al- lution is dumping of solid wastes. Other sources
lergies. The particulate matter may also consist of pollution include ionizing radiation. Many of
of various chemicals, pesticides and poisonous the radioactive substances enter into the food
substances, such as organic compounds of tin, chain and become concentrated, causing harmful
lead and cadmium, which may cause tuberculosis effects.
and carcinomas. ÷Agriculture; ÷Deserts and Desertification;
During recent years fresh-water streams in ÷Ecological zones; ÷Forests
Ethiopia have turned into open sewers. The ad- Lit.: Hartmut Leser (ed.), Diercke−Wörterbuch Allge-
dition of domestic sewage, agricultural waste and meine Geographie, München – Braunschweig 1997 (Lit.),
133, 922f.; Demel Teketay et al., State of the Environ-
industrial effluents reduces the oxygen content
ment in Ethiopia: Past, Present and Future Prospects, Ad-
of the water body on which most of the aquatic dis Ababa 2003; Environmental Protection Author-
life depends. The organic matter is not readily ity [EPA] (ed.), Conservation Strategy of Ethiopia, Addis
mineralized and the anaerobic conditions pro- Ababa 1997; Desalegne Rahmato (ed.), Environmental
duce foul smell due to the production of ammo- Change and State Policy in Ethiopia: Lessons from Past
Experience, Addis Ababa 2001; Sue Edwards et al.,
nia and hydrogen sulphide. The additional input Flora of Ethiopia and Eritrea, 7 vols., Uppsala 1995–2000;
of materials leads to rapid growth of certain or- Ethiopian Forestry Action Program [EFAP], Ethio-
ganisms, particularly the phytoplankton, which pian Forestry Action Program, Addis Ababa 1994; FAO,
further add more organic matter. Many poisons Ethiopian Highland Reclamation Study, Rome 1986;
Gebre Markos Gebre Selassie, “The Forest Resources
are brought with the effluent and the pathogens of Ethiopia: Past and Present”, Walia 19, 1998, 10–28;
make the water unfit for use. Gedion Asfaw, “Environment Defined”, Tefetro 1, 8,
The process in which the primary and sec- 1999, 3–6; James McCann, “The Plow and the Forest,
ondary production of the water body increases Narratives of Deforestation in Ethiopia, 1840–1992”,
rapidly is called eutrophication. The addition Environmental History 2, 1997, 138–59 [Lit.]; Id., Green
Land, Brown Land, Black Land: an Environmental His-
of detergents brings in large quantities of phos- tory of Africa, 1800–1990, London 1999; Melaku Bekele,
phates, which can be utilized only in certain “The Ethiopian Forest from Ancient Times to 1900: a
groups of organisms, the blue-green algae, tak- Brief Account (The Case of Northern Ethiopia)”, Walia
ing advantage of their nitrogen-fixing ability, and 18, 1998, 3–9; Glen W. Russ , Reports on Ethiopian For-
ests 1940–1947, Addis Ababa 1979; Tewolde Berhan
this is again the beginning of eutrophication. The Gebre Egziabher, “Ethiopian Vegetation: Past, Present
agricultural run-off also brings with it several and Future Trends”, SINET: Ethiopian Journal of Science
organic compounds as pesticides, which soon 9 (supplement), 1986, 3–13; Fried von Breitenbach,
326
Énzata
“Forests and Woodlands of Ethiopia, a Geobotanical
Contribution to the Knowledge of the Principal Com-
munities of Ethiopia, with Special Regard to Forestry”,
Forestry Review 1, 1961, 5–16; H.L. Eshetu Yirdaw,
Restoration of the Native Woody-species Diversity, Using
Plantation Species as Foster Trees, in the Degraded High-
lands of Ethiopia, Ph.D. thesis, University of Helsinki
2002 (Tropical Forestry Report 24) [Lit.]; Karl Herweg
– Brigitta Stillhardt, The Variability of Soil Erosion
in the Highlands of Ethiopia and Eritrea. Average and
Extreme Erosion Patterns, Berne 1999 (Soil Conserva-
tion Research Programme, Ethiopia, Research Report 42)
(Lit.), 16; Hans Hurni, “Degradation and Conservation
of Soil Resources in the Ethiopian Highlands”, in: Bruno
Messerli – Hans Hurni (eds.), African Mountains and
Highlands. Problems and Perspectives, Berne 1990, 51–63
(Lit.); Alfons Ritler, Land Use, Forests and the Land-
scape of Ethiopia, 1699–1865, Berne 1997 (Soil Conserva-
tion Research Programme, Research Report 38) [Lit.]; Id.,
Forest, Land Use and Landscape of Central and Northern
Ethiopia, 1865–1930, Bern 2003 (African Studies Series 19)
[Lit.]; Halvor Wøien, “Deforestation, Information and
Citations, a Comment on Environmental Degradation in
Highland Ethiopia”, GeoJournal, 37, 1995, 501–11 [Lit.];
Mesfin Woldemariam, Suffering under God’s Environ-
ment. A Vertical Study of the Predicament of Peasants in
North-Central Ethiopia, Berne 1991; Alain Gascon,
“La forêt perdue d’Éthiopie, un mythe contemporain”,
in: Monique Chastonet (ed.), Plantes et paysages Énzata musicians; Gondär; photo July 2004, courtesy of
d’Afrique. Une histoire à explorer, Paris 1998, 383-409. Wolbert Smidt
Alfons Ritler – Demel Teketay figures, including Yérga Dubbale and Tädla Fante
in the modern Ethiopian popular-music scene, are
members of the É. descent group.
Énzata Someone descending from a bugga family can
É. is an Amhara descent-group from the Gondär be accepted by the group as an É. when he is a
region, most of whom are musicians, called musician in at least the second generation and
÷azmari in Amharic. Today, non-azmari use the living within the É. group’s networks.
term azmari mainly in reference to professional The settlement pattern of É. is both to concen-
÷masinqo players and the female singers accom- trate in the villages of origin and in urban areas,
panying them. É., in contrast, is a self-designa- where they engage in extended musical activities.
tion relying on ancient genealogical links, which One can also find seasonal singers who normally
strictly distinguishes the in-group. Anyone who live in the villages as farmers, but who go travel-
does not belong to this group is called bugga and ling for musical activities after the harvest season.
is excluded from the É. group precisely because É. therefore can be found in all major settlements
he/she does not share genealogical ties. É., also of Ethiopia.
call themselves liqä mäqwas, which used to be In addition to the system of in-group marriage,
the title given by nobles to significant musicians communication through the secret argot/slang of
serving for the court. É. allows the group to share a sense of community
The complex network based on in-group mar- and exclusivity. Moreover, it helps as a means of
riage in areas with a high population density of exchanging information they do not want outsid-
É., such as Dämbéya, Énfraz, Bäläsa and Wägära ers (bugga) to know. Because of this and due to the
in Gondär, underlines their strong genealogical high degree of non-intelligibility with Amharic it
relations. The village of Bulboks near Gondär is is often considered by the É. as a “language” on its
exclusively inhabited by É., and nearby ÷Bahér own, called Énzatéñña or Énzatlanqwa by them.
Gémb has a significant minority. Takuritu Éngéda, Communication by the É. argot can take place
who was linked with the Gondärine court acting most advantageously when used during perform-
as azmari, is the common ancestor to large num- ances in front of an audience of bugga. It is strictly
bers of É. in both villages. Quite a few prominent taboo to share the argot with outsiders.
327
Énzata
The argot is formed on the basis of Amharic beautiful devotional works of the Ethiopian
and can vary slightly according to generation Mariological hymnology. Through praises and
and place. Several viewpoints can be put forward invocations, it stresses the holiness and mother-
in tracing the origin of the argot. Leslau (1964) hood of Mary. It witnesses the perfect veneration
indicates that the great majority of its vocabu- the Ethiopians have for Mary, always in the right
lary is a deformation of Amharic words and it measure and with no danger of Mariolatry.
also borrows vocabulary from other languages The hymns of the ŸÉ.s. are distributed accord-
such as Agäw, Sidaama and Oromiffa. Ten ba- ing to the days of the week for a daily liturgical
sic words from the É. argot are the following: private recitation. The whole composition is in
andékä (‘one’), git (‘two’), sälést (‘three’), éffénéó fact called *#t=y F-=My rA-(Iy *nKM
(‘fire’), waco (‘water’), cäbärä (‘sun’), cäléqléq (ŸÉnzira sébhat zäsäbŸattu Ÿélätat, ‘The Lyre of
(‘moon’), béran (‘blood’), mélasméc (‘tongue’), Praise of Seven Days’).
mamwaca (‘tooth’). The ŸÉ.s was probably intended for edification
In relation to the argot of É., it is worth noting of pious Christians rather than as an apologetical
a fundamental difference from the yäwäf qwan- work or a rejoinder to Mary’s enemies. Sources
qwa (Amh. ‘bird’s language’), different codes of for the ŸÉ.s. are mainly the biblical books. Apoc-
words used by young children and adolescents. ryphal books are also quoted everywhere in the
Different from Énzatéñña, these codes are work. Although the ŸÉ.s. is traditionally attrib-
formed spontaneously while speaking, following uted to ÷Éleni, ase Zärýa YaŸéqob’s wife, internal
fixed rules of deformation. Énzatéñña, however, evidence suggests that the most likely candidate
is learnt by children as a second “mother tongue” for its authorship must have lived between the
besides Amharic, by listening to parents. Most 16th and the 17th cent.
of the vocabulary, therefore, would not be ÷Hymns
constructed while speaking; some É. even deny Src.: LesCDic 65; Marcus Antonius van den Ouden-
that they construct the words at all. However, a rijn (ed.), Helenae Aethiopium reginae quae feruntur
preces et carmina, Louvain 1960–61 (CSCO 208, 211 [SAe
part of the vocabulary is associated with “bird’s 39, 40]), 1–93 (text) = 1–84 (tr.); Osvaldo Raineri, La
language”. Both follow similar rules of redu- spiritualità etiopica, Roma 1996 (La Spiritualità Cristiana
plication of the root with a consonant inserted Orientale 1), 221–346; HamTana II, 94.
between the reduplicates (cp. cäléqléq). Also, the Lit.: liqä täbäbt Aklilä BÉrhan Wäldä Qirqos, u?=y
s)! (Märha lébbuna, ‘The Guide of Prudence’), Addis
argot of ÷lalibeloóó, the dawn-singers coming
Abäba 1945 A.M. [1952/53 A.D.], 83; Osvaldo Raineri,
from Goggam, northern Šäwa and Wällo, shares “L’effigie di Maria ‘Patto di Misericordia’. Note per un
many common words with the argot of É. (cp., ‘Mariale Aethiopicum’”, Ephemerides Liturgicae 103,
e.g., the words for ‘two’ and ‘water’). 1989, 92–109, here 106; Geneviève Nollet, “Le culte de
Lit.: Anne Bolay, “The Burlesque Middleman of Ethio- Marie en Éthiopie”, in: Hubert Du Manoir de Juaye
pian Society”, in: IES Ethnographic Museum 1999, 16–17; (ed.), Maria, études sur la Sainte Vierge, vol. 1, Paris 1949,
Wolf Leslau, Ethiopian Argots, The Hague 1964, 52–65. 395–413; RicLett 828.
Habtemichael Kidane
Itsushi Kawase
Eon
ŸÉnzira sébhat E. was a Christian king of ÷Aksum in the late
The ŸÉ.s. (*#t=y F-=M , usually rendered as 4th or early 5th cent.; his more precise dating to
‘The Lyre of Praise’), which is also sometimes “420–ca. 431” (Pedroni 1997:59–62, 80) is based
called Arganonä wéddase, is a long hymnologi- on a few erroneous assumptions. Indeed, one of
cal composition in GéŸéz glorifying ÷Mary the the first successors of ÷ŸEzana and an immedi-
Mother of God. The GéŸéz term Ÿénzira (cp. ate predecessor of ÷Ebana, he is actually known
LesCDic 65) assumed different meanings over from his gold coins alone (÷Coinage), where he is
the centuries: sometimes it designated a stringed portrayed on both sides, head and shoulders pro-
instrument (“instrumentum chordarum”), some- file bust right, wearing a crown or a head cloth,
times it was also used to indicate wind instru- with Christian crosses and Greek legends all-
ments, a kind of flute (“instrumentum flatus”). It round. His coins have also been found in South
is alphabetically structured; the author composed ÷Arabia, where the hoard of al-Madariba (some
a verse (of different length) for each syllable of 70 km west of Aden) has greatly increased our
the GéŸéz syllabary. The ŸÉ.s. is one of the most knowledge of this matter (Munro-Hay 1989:90ff.,
328
Ephesus, Councils of
sent to South Arabia by Kaleb himself in 518 or

523 (Moberg 1924:xc: “the name is probably dis-
figured”; Hahn 1983:135; MHAksum, 84f., 230).
Nor can a relationship of Eèn to the Ethiopic
root ýyn (cp. LesCDic 50: ýayyänä, täýayyänä
‘live well and comfortably’) be easily excluded:
e.g., in terms of a participial form *ýÉy(y)un, in
Gr. garb, *!Ewvn (< *Aijwvn?).
Src.: Arturo Anzani, “Numismatica axumita”, Rivista
Italiana di Numismatica ser. 3a 3 [39], 1926, 5–110, here
34f., 64ff., nos. 85–93; Id., “Le Monete dei Re di Aksum.
Studi supplementari”, ii, ibid. ser. 4a 1 [43], 1941, 81–99,
here 59; DAE I, 55; Bent Juel-Jensen, “Two Gold
Coins of King Eon of Aksum Struck from Unpublished
Dies”, Spink Numismatic Circular 97, 2, 1999, 44–45; Axel
Moberg (ed., tr.), The Book of the Himyarites. Fragments
of a Hitherto Unknown Syriac Work, Lund 1924, 3b, xc, ci;
Stuart C. Munro-Hay, “The al-Madhariba Hoard of
Coins of Eon; drawing courtesy of Wolfgang Hahn
Gold Aksumite and Late Roman Coins”, The Numismatic
pls. 23ff.). They display four varieties (Types 59– Chronicle 149, 1989, 83–100, pls. 22–29, here 90ff., pls.
23ff.; Id., Catalogue of the Aksumite Coins in the British
60 and 61–62, in Munro-Hay – Juel-Jensen 1995:
Museum, London 1999, 35, nos. 290–91, pl. 27; Id. – Bent
152–56), all written with reversed or incomplete Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, 152–56;
letters. The obv. is possibly inscribed basileus Luigi Pedroni, “Una collezione di monete aksumite”,
basileèn “king of kings” (Browne 1992:295f.), but Bollettino di Numismatica ser. 1a, 15, i–ii [28–29], 1997
the interpretation of the legend (+ BAC + AÇA + [1998, but 2000], 7–147, here 59–62; RIE no. 191.
Lit.: Gerald M. Browne, “Some Remarks on Axumite
BAÇ + ÇIN and variants) remains uncertain. On Coin Legends”, in: OrbAethChoj vol. 2, 293-96; CRList
the rev. legend reads Eèn Bisi Anaaph, but with 299; CRStor 167, 216; Abraham Johannes Drewes,
such odd spelling vars. as to prompt the false “Kaleb and Himyar: Another Reference to HYWNý?”,
reading Bisi Anièskal (dismissed by Munro-Hay Raydan 1, 1978, 27–31; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
“Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per
1980–81). The clan or tribal name Bisi Anaaph la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del
(‘Man of Anaaf’), also restored as Bis(i) Ianaaph, Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, here 110; Wolfgang
has been traced to the South Arabian personal Hahn, “Die Münzprägung des Axumitischen Reiches
name Y(a)n(a)f (Manzo 1995:74–77). (Mit Katalog, metallurg. u. theolog. Anhang)”, Litterae
Numismaticae Vindobonenses 2, 1983, 113–80; Id., “Noe,
Whatever the general implications of such an Israel und andere Könige mit biblischen Namen auf axu-
intriguing connection (Fiaccadori 2004:110), E. mitischen Münzen. Der Gottesbund als Legitimation der
cannot be satisfactorily identified with any of christlichen Königsherrschaft im alten Äthiopien”, Money
the rulers mentioned in the Ethiopian traditional Trend 33, 12, 2001, 124–28; Arthur Irvine – Richard
Pankhurst, “Eôn”, in: DicEthBio 58f. (Lit.); LesCDic
“king lists”, although a loose similarity of his 50; Andrea Manzo, “Su alcuni recenti rinvenimenti
name to that of Éllä Ahyäwa (CRList 292, list C, a Ona Nagast (Bieta Giyorgis)”, RSE 39, 1995 [1998],
no. 58) has been noticed (Hahn 1983:135). Nor 71–79; Stuart C. Munro-Hay, “Aksumite Addenda
can Eèn (EwN) be turned into Nèe (NwE), i.e. – The Existence of ‘Bisi Anièskal’”, RSE 28, 1980–81,
‘Noah’ (DAE I, 55; followed by Anzani 1941: 57–60; MHAksum 82, 84f., 160, 230.
88 and Hahn 2001:125, fig. 1), merely to achieve
conformity with the (later) Aksumite kings who
used a biblical name – and yet against the natural Ephesus, Councils of
reading direction of the whole legend. The much E. (Gr. #Efeso", GéŸéz %HG# , Efeson), a seaport
more suitable Eèn (tentatively reconstructed as in Asia Minor near the modern Selçuk, is famous
ŸAwn or ŸEw(u)n in CRStor 167, 216) should for having hosted two important ecumenical
be rather compared, with no direct relationship Councils in 431 and 449. Against the background
whatsoever, to Hyn in the Ethiopic inscription of of the conflict for primacy between the patriar-
÷Kaleb Élla Asbéha (RIE no. 191.34f.), possibly chal sees of Alexandria and Antioch, the third
one and the same as Hywný (Drewes 1978) men- ecumenical Council of 431, summoned by the
tioned in the contents of the fragmentary Syriac Byzantine Emperor Theodosios II, was aimed at
Book of the ÷Himyarites (heading of ch. 5) as settling the Christological controversy triggered
the name of the leader of the military expedition by the Patriarch of Constantinople, ÷Nestorius,
329
Ephesus, Councils of
had only one nature after the Incarnation and

his flesh was not consubstantial with the human
flesh. After a quarrel with Flavian of Constanti-
nople (March 449), the Emperor summoned the
Council, giving the chair to the powerful Dios-
corus, Patriarch of Alexandria, a partisan of Eu-
tyches. Leo I sent the short but important theo-
logical treatise Tomus ad Flavianum, but failed to
settle the dispute (June 449), and his envoys were
not even allowed to speak in the assembly. Dio-
scorus led the proceedings in a climate of grow-
ing violence and arbitrariness, with the support
of the turbulent followers of the Syrian monk
Barsauma, and succeeded in forcing the delegates
to accept his thesis completely. A huge amount
of original documents is extant on the Council of
449 (full list in CPG IV, nos. 8910–41), partially
included in the Acts of the following ecumenical
Council of ÷Chalcedon (451).
“The Council of Ephesus”; wall-painting, Mädòane The first Council of E. is the last of the so-
ŸAläm, Gondär; 20th cent.; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael called “ecumenical councils”, the deliberations
Gervers
of which were and still are accepted by the
stating that Mary was not Qeovtoko" (Theotokos, Ethiopian Orthodox Church, while those of
‘God-bearer’), but merely the mother of Christ- the following Council of Chalcedon (451) were
the-Man. The Patriarch of Alexandria, ÷Cyril, not. The very existence in Ethiopia of the col-
opened the Council (22 June) before the ar- lection known as ÷Qeréllos, i.e. the ‘Cyril [of
rival of the Antiochene delegation, favourable Alexandria]’ (cf. Weischer 1979:11–24; Brak-
to Nestorius, easily succeeding in having him Kirche 164ff.), the real winner of the Council of
condemned and deposed immediately. Pelagius’s E., is probably due to a pro-Monophysite (and
belief in the primacy of free will over grace and anti-Chalcedonian) interpretation of writings
ecclesiastical institutions for the salvation of man originally intended mainly as anti-Nestorian
was condemned as well. On his arrival, some (GuiSLett 18f.). The GéŸéz version, probably
days later, the Patriarch of Antioch John I sum- from Greek, of a fragment from the so-called
moned a separate council that in turn deposed “Acts on the bishops of Cyprus” (Gesta de epi-
Cyril. After a prolonged crisis and a hard con- scopis Cypriis, CPG IV, no. 8744; Greek text in
frontation, the controversy temporarily ended Schwartz 1929:122, ll. 1–22; for the Coptic trans-
with a theological formula agreed upon by Cyril lation cf. Coquin 1981:43f., n. 13) is a recently
and John in 433 and with the substantial victory discovered original document from the Council
of the Alexandrian position. The Council of E. of E. of 431 (cf. Bausi 2002:148).
was in fact responsible for the birth of an inde- Ethiopian theological thought has indissolubly
pendent Nestorian Church (÷Nestorius) in the linked the name of the third ecumenical Council
decades immediately to come. It is the first of the (431) with the condemnation of Nestorius (cf.,
great ecumenical councils of which the original e.g., the Mäshafä ÷senodos, Bausi 1995:5 [text]
acts are preserved (full list of the extant texts in = 2 [tr.] and the long chapter on Nestorius in the
CPG IV, nos. 8620–8867). Mäshafä ÷méstir by Giyorgis of Sägla: YaqMist
The second Council of E. (known also as La- I, 72–104 [text] = 44–62 [tr.]). The theological
trocinium, ‘Robbery’, so named by Pope Leo I) struggle of the first Council of E. was to be
was summoned by Theodosios II in 449 to settle resumed as a consequence of the increasing
the conflict originating from the condemnation theological disputations with the Catholic mis-
of the monastic leader ÷Eutyches by a synod of sionaries (÷Jesuits). In this connection, the
bishops held the year before in Constantinople Treasure of the Faith (÷Mäzgäbä haymanot),
(at the initiative of the Patriarch Flavian, without or History of the Four Monophysite Councils,
consulting Leo I), since he maintained that Christ composed between 1555 and 1559 at the bequest
330
Ephrem
of ase ÷Gälawdewos (Cerulli 1960:1–33, esp.

8–11 [text], 67–100, esp. 74–76 [tr.], from five
mss., cf. ibid. viii, to which at least mss. Tanasee
52 [incomplete] and 65, EMML 1202, 1568, 2082,
4003, 4875 are now to be added; cf. also Wion in
PICES 14, 288f.), ranks among the most impor-
tant literary witnesses.
Src.: Alessandro Bausi, Il Senodos etiopico. Canoni
pseudoapostolici: Canoni dopo l’Ascensione, Canoni di
Simone Cananeo, Canoni Apostolici, Lettera di Pietro,
Lovanii 1995 (CSCO 552, 553 [SAe 101, 102]), 5 [t.], 2
[tr.]; Id., “New Egyptian Texts in Ethiopia”, Adaman-
tius 8, 2002, 146–51, here 148; Enrico Cerulli, Scritti
teologici etiopici dei secoli XVI–XVII, ii: La Storia dei
Quattro Concili ed altri opuscoli monofisiti, Città del
Vaticano 1960 (Studi e testi 204), 1–33 [t.], 67–100 [tr.];
René-Georges Coquin (tr.), “Le Corpus Canonum
copte. Un nouveau complément: le ms. I.F.A.O., Copte
6”, Orientalia nuova ser. 50, 1981, 40–86, here 43f., n. 13;
EMML IV, 164f.; V, 69; VI, 151; X, 4, 345; HamTana I,
202; HamTana II, 62; Eduard Schwartz (ed.), Concilium
Universale Ephesinum, Volumen primum: Acta Graeca,
Pars septima: Collectio Seguierana. Collectio Atheniensis.
Collectiones minores, Berolini – Lipsiae 1929 (Acta Con-
ciliorum Oecumenicorum 1, 1, 7), 122; YaqMist I, 122, II,
1–22.
Lit.: BrakKirche 164ff.; CPG IV; GuiSLett 18f.; Wilhelm
de Vries, “Das Konzil von Ephesus 449, eine ‘Räuber-Sy-
node’?”, OrChrP 41, 1975, 357–98; Bernd Manuel Wei-
scher, Qerellos IV, 1: Homilien und Briefe zum Konzil
von Ephesos, Wiesbaden 1979 (AeF 4), 11–24; Anaïs
Wion, “The Manuscripts Library of Qoma Fasilädäs Mo- Ephrem in front of St. Mary; cloth mural by abba Dästa
nastery”, in: PICES 14, vol. 1, 275–300, here 288. of Goggam, painted in 1909; Adil Badil, Church of Däbrä
Alessandro Bausi Samuýel; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
E. is also venerated in the Ethiopian Orthodox

Ephrem Church. He is commemorated in the ÷Sénkéssar
E. (Ephrem the Syrian, Lat. Ephraem Syrus; on 15 Hamle (GuiSyn II, 330–33, BudSaint
Syriac Ap-rem, GéŸéz x?y %I>zy G?\_, mar 1116ff.). His biography as given there has only
Efrem Soryawi, ‘mar Ephrem the Syrian’, b. slight correspondence with historical facts. E.
ca. 306, d. 373) is a major saint of all Christian appears also as a motif in Ethiopian book-paint-
Churches. He was one of the most produc- ings: E. together with Simeon of Amid (SémŸon
tive spiritual writers of his time. Born in upper ZäŸaméd) asking their teacher Jacob of Nisibis
Mesopotamia at or in the vicinity of Nisibis (to- (YaŸéqob Zänésébin) questions (cf. Hammer-
day Nusaybin), where he lived as ascete, deacon schmidt – Jäger 1968:101; Hammerschmidt
and teacher, he wrote on and taught exegesis and 1977:34), E. in praise of Mary (cf. Hammer-
dogmatics and wrote numerous hymns in his na- schmidt – Jäger 1968:103ff.; Hammerschmidt
tive Syriac. He was the main protagonist of his 1977:34–38; SixDeu 107), E. being blessed by
time in the struggle against the dualistic concepts Mary (mss. EMML 1400, fol. 163 b; 4938, fol.
of Marcionism and Manichaeism. When Nisibis 27a), E. together with Mary, the Holy Child and
was surrendered to the Persians in 363, E. fled angels (cf. HamTana 1, 193); Mary ascending to
to ÷Edessa, where he continued his teaching Heaven after appearing to E. (e.g., ms. EMML
and writing until his death. The greater part of 1762, fol. 136v). A feast for “the Virgin Mary and
his original works are preserved in Syriac, some E. the Syrian” is mentioned in the ÷Mäwaíéýt (cf.
only in translations. Translations of his works, HamTana 2, 98). E. is even used in a magical con-
together with countless spurious works, can be text (ms. EMML 628/2).
found in most languages of ancient and medieval Ethiopian tradition attributes to E’s. author-
Christianity. ship of the ÷Wéddase Maryam; this is why he is
331
Ephrem
usually depicted standing at the foot of enthroned – sayings cited in the Gännätä mänäkosat, e.g.,
St. Mary. This is stated, e.g., in the ÷andémta EMML 19;
commentaries (Cowley 1980:43f.) or in the – sayings (nägärä mädòanit), Vatican, cod. vat.
÷Täýammérä Maryam (CerMaria 295ff.). In this aeth. 18, fol. 253–57 (GreTisVat 80).
context E. is called “the Potter” (n-@_ , läbhawi) A story of the prophet Eliah, ascribed to E.
or the “the Syrian Potter”. This attribute is prob- in the Arabic tradition, but probably spurious
ably due to a confusion with Simeon the P otter (GrafLit I, 426), is extant as an anonymous text
(Syr. quqaya) of Gešir (cf. Euringer 1911; Baum- in Ethiopic translation (Paris, BN, éth. 133/1,
stark 1920:42f.; Grohmann 1919:11–18; VelMe fol. 1–31, cf. ZotBNat 150).
270; Böll 1998:92f.). In this context also an unhis- The authenticity, provenance and transmission
torical meeting between ÷Yared and ÷Cyriacus of these texts remain to be investigated.
of Behnesa in Ethiopia is related (ms. EMML Src.: Victor Arras (ed.), Collectio monastica, Louvain
1942, fol. 68v). Other texts under the name of E. 1963 (CSCO 238, 239 [SAe 45, 46]); Verena Böll, Un-
in Ethiopic, attested in the mss., are: sere Herrin Maria. Die traditionelle äthiopische Exegese der
Marienanaphora des Cyriacus von Behnesa, Wiesbaden
– the prayers for Tuesday and Wednesday in the 1998 (AeF 48); BudSaint 116ff.; CerMaria; GrebTisVat
÷Wéddase Amlak, cf. e.g. SixDeu 199; 80; GuiSyn II; EMML; Ernst Hammerschmidt (ed.),
– a homily on the second Sunday in Lent, Codices aethiopici, 1: Illuminierte Handschriften der
EMML 1763 (42), fol. 148v–152v; Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz und Handschrif-
ten vom Tanasee, Graz 1977; Ernst Hammerschmidt
– a homily on Maundy Thursday, included in
– Otto A. Jäger, Illuminierte äthiopische Handschriften,
the ÷Gébrä hémamat, e.g. EMML 2140, fol. Wiesbaden 1968 (VOHD 15); HamTana 2; SixBay; SixDeu;
66bff.; also separately in EMML 1763 (58), fol. Stefan Strelcyn, Catalogue of Ethiopic Manuscripts in
184v–187r; the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, Man-
– a homily on the Passion of Our Lord and on chester 1974; VelMe I, II; ZotBNat 150.
Lit.: Anton Baumstark, “Ein frühchristliches Theotokion
the Thief on the right hand in other versions in mehrsprachiger Überlieferung”, OrChr 9, 1920, 36–61;
of the Gébrä hémamat, e.g., EMML 2868, fol. Sebastian Brock, Syriac Studies. A Classified Bibliography
161aff. or Manchester, Rylands University 18, (1960–1990), Kaslik 1996, 78–94 (Lit.); André Caquot,
III, 3 (as an appendix (cf. Strelcyn 1974:52); “Une homélie éthiopienne attribuée à Saint Mar Éphrem
sur le séjour d’Abraham et Sara in Égypte”, in: Mélanges
– a homily on Easter Eve, e.g., London, BritLib,
Antoine Guillaumont: contributions à l’étude des christianis-
Orient. 8192 / 15 (cf. Strelcyn 1978, no. 56); mes orientaux …, Genève 1988 (Cahiers d’Orientalisme 20),
– a homily on Satan and death in a version of 137–85; Roger W. Cowley, “Patristic Introduction in the
the Gébrä hémamat, e.g., EMML 2868, fol. Ethiopian ‘Andémta’ Commentary Tradition”, Ostkirchliche
158rff.; Studien 29, 1980, 39–49; Sebastian Euringer, “Der mut-
maßliche Verfasser der koptischen Theotokien”, OrChr 1,
– several homilies in Mäshafä mänäkosat (÷Mo- 1911, 215–26; Michel van Esbroeck, “Ephraem Syrus,
nastic literature), ed. Arras 1963, nos. 5, 22f.; Saint”, in: CE vol. 3, 963–64; GrafLit I, 421–33; Adolf
no. 22 also in Paris, BN, éth. 125, 3 (ZotBNat Grohmann, Aethiopische Marienhymnen, Leipzig 1919
150); (Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der
Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 33, 4).
– extracts from homilies on the Virgin Mary and
Stefan Weninger
on the Precious Parl as no. 20 of the ÷Hay-
manotä abäw, e.g., Paris, BN, éth. 111, fol. 27f.
(cf. ZotBNat 113) or München, cod. aeth. 35,
fol. 40f. (cf. SixBay 59), on its source cf. Groh- Epidemics
mann 1919:378; Over the centuries Ethiopia has frequently suf-
– a homily on fasting, repentance and prayer, fered from E., which have usually been the result
Paris, BN, d’Abbadie 243, I , fol. 1–2; of ÷famines. The most serious E. to affect Ethio-
– a homily on the Transfiguration, EMML pia were: smallpox and typhus, both endemic to
1939–1(4); Ethiopia; cholera (÷Diseases), which came in
– four homilies on the last judgement and on from the East; and influenza, which killed a large
repentance, EMML 1840 (10); number of people in 1918.
– an evening prayer, Vatican, cod. vat. aeth 21, The earliest recorded E. in Ethiopia cannot be
fol. 73–76; identified. Two E., in the 9th and 12th cent., are
– a prayer for learning, e.g., EMML 2116 – (v)1; recorded in the ÷Sénkéssar. A third, in the Harär
– excerpts “on the spiritual life”, EMML 930, area, was reported in a local chronicle, in 660 H.
fol. 132ff.; [1261/62 A.D.]. Other unidentified E. are men-
332
Epigraphic South Arabian
tioned in Christian hagiographical writings from The diffusion of all four epidemic diseases after
the 12th to 14th cent., and also in the chronicles World War II was significantly curtailed, largely
of Emperors Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68), Íärsä by the advance of modern medicine. No major
Déngél (r. 1563–97) and Susényos (r. 1607–32). post-war epidemics have been reported; and
Reports of mainly unidentifiable E. are also smallpox in particular is believed to have been
reported by Francisco Alvares in the 16th cent. eradicated in Ethiopia as in the rest of the world.
and the Jesuits in the 17th cent. (Pankhurst 1972, Lit.: Paul Mérab, Médecins et médicine en Éthiopie, Paris
1973). 1912; Karl Friedrich Schaller – Wolfgang Kuls,
Äthiopien: Eine geographisch-medizinische Landeskunde,
The first suspected reference to smallpox in Heidelberg 1972 (Medizinische Länderkunde 3), 105,
Ethiopia appears in the tradition that the disease 116, 119; Richard Pankhurst, “The Earliest History of
was introduced into Arabia by Aksumite troops Famine and Pestilence in Traditional Ethiopia”, Ethiopian
ca. 370 A.D., and perhaps again in 570/71 A.D. Medical Journal 11, 1966, 31–70; Id., “The History of
Reliable identification of smallpox in Ethiopia Famine and Pestilence in Ethiopia prior to the Founding
of Gondär”, JES 10, 2, 1972, 37–64; Id., “The History and
was, however, not available until more than a Traditional Treatment of Smallpox in Ethiopia”, Medical
thousand years after these events. The disease is History 9, 1965, 343–55; Id., “The History of Cholera in
listed as kufañ in Hiob Ludolf’s Amharic-Latin Ethiopia”, ibid. 12, 1968, 262–69; Id., “A Historical Note
dictionary of 1698, and E. of kufañ are later menon Influenza in Ethiopia”, ibid. 21, 1977, 195–200; Id.,
“The Hedar Bäšeta of 1918”, JES 13, 2, 1975, 103–31; Id.,
tioned in the royal chronicles for 1718 and 1768. The History of Famine and Epidemics in Ethiopia Prior
The first European accounts of the disease in to the Twentieth Century, Addis Ababa 1985; Id., An
Ethiopia were written by James Bruce, who de- Introduction to the Medical History of Ethiopia, Trenton
scribes an outbreak in 1769/70, which he claims – New Jersey 1990; Richard Hodes (ed.), Where There
to have treated; and by Nathaniel Pearce in 1811/ is No Doctor, Addis Ababa 2001.
12. Later E., accompanied by high mortality, Richard Pankhurst
were reported in 1838/39, 1854, 1878, 1886 and
1889/90 (Schaller – Kuls 1972:116, Pankhurst
1965). Epigraphic South Arabian
Cholera, another killer disease, differed from Historical and geographical context
smallpox because it was not native to Ethiopia, The E.S.A. (also Ancient South Arabian) lan-
but spread in E. originating in the East. The dis- guage belongs to the south-western branch of
ease, known in GéŸéz as fängél, is first mentioned the ÷Semitic language family. Its four main dia-
by that name in an Ethiopian chronicle for 1634/ lects are Sabaic, Minaic, Qatabanic and Hadra-
35, during the reign of ase Fasilädäs. Subsequent mitic, named after the major South Arabian
outbreaks were reported by European travellers, ethnic groups of the 1st millennium B.C. Among
notably in the late 1830s, 1856, 1865 and 1889–91 these, Sabaic is the dialect known to have existed
(Schaller – Kuls 1972:108; Pankhurst 1968). for the longest period of time and is attested
Typhus, known in Amharic as nédad, has long in the largest number of inscriptions. Its core
been prevalent in the country, and tended to be region was the area of Marib and Sirwah. Over
associated with dense concentrations of people, time, however, it spread over to the greater part
in military camps and crowded towns, and in of the highlands. The earliest Sabaic inscriptions
certain instances, prisons. The disease was reappear some time in the 8th cent. B.C., while the
ported in ase Tewodros’s army in 1866, among first (longer) written documents in Sabaic that
Egyptian troops in northern Ethiopia in 1876, can be dated reliably on the basis of synchrony
and debilitating Ménilék’s forces in 1888/89 and with Assyrian sources go back to the beginning
1897. Minor E. of typhus, then generally known of the 7th cent. B.C. The latest dated inscription
in Amharic as tasbo, were reported later in 1920, is from the year 559 A.D. Sabaic is roughly clas-
1927 and 1933. (Schaller – Kuls 1972:105; Pan- sified into three periods – Old Sabaic (8th to 3rd
khurst 1976). cent. B.C.), Middle Sabaic (1st cent. B.C. to the
Influenza has been traditionally common in end of the 4th cent. A.D.) and Late Sabaic (end
Ethiopia. Only one serious E., however, has of the 4th to the 6th cent. A.D.). Most inscriptions
been recorded; in 1918, when it formed part of found so far contain texts in Middle Sabaic from
the world wide E. known in Europe at the time the areas of Marib and the central Yemenite high-
as the “Spanish flu” (Schaller – Kuls 1972:119; lands. This is considered the standard dialect. Its
Pankhurst 1975, 1977). linguistic properties distinguish it clearly both
333
of the language of ÷Himyar in the southern high-

lands. They are mainly represented by the body of
inscriptions from the Late Sabaic period.
Epigraphic documentation of Minaic, Qata-
banic and Hadramitic spreads from the middle
of the 1st millennium B.C., when the Sabaean
people were no longer prevailing in South Ara-
bia. The first Minaic inscriptions appear, even
though in small numbers, of the same time as the
first Sabaic texts, and come from ancient cities
along the Wadi Maîab, north-west of Marib. Mi-
naic inscriptions are equally found beyond the
borders of South Arabia, for example, in ancient
Dedan, today the city of al-ŸUla in Saudi Arabia,
but also outside the peninsula as a whole: e.g.,
on the island of Delos and in Egypt – as a result
of activities of Minaic merchants far away in the
north. The Minaic dialect disappeared towards
the end of the 2nd cent. B.C. The Qatabanic dia-
lect spread as far as to the south-west and ÷Bab
al-Mandab in the 4th cent. B.C. With the political
end of Qataban, triggered by the expansion of
Sabaý and ÷Hadramawt at the end of the 2nd cent.
A.D., epigraphic documents in Qatabanic ceased
to appear. Hadramitic inscriptions are mainly
documented in the ancient sites along the Wadi
Hadramawt and its tributaries and in the capital
city of Šabwat, the starting point of the incense
route. Hadramitic inscriptions are also found
several hundred kilometres to the east of Šabwat
in Samarum, what today is Òawr Ruri near
Salala on the Indian Ocean. At the beginning of
the 4th cent. A.D., Hadramawt was incorporated
into Himyar, marking the end of Hadramitic
epigraphy.
In the Horn of Africa, E.S.A. inscriptions
can be found in the Tégray highlands north
and south-west of Aksum (÷Yéha, ÷Hawélti,
÷Mätära). They prove the presence of Sabaic
emigrants on the African shore of Bab al-Man-
dab in the early 7th cent. B.C. (÷DŸMT). The
language of the few reliable sources is typical for
Inscription on side A of the new ÷Abraha-Stele found in the Old Sabaic period, with some influence from
2002 at Marib dam, Jemen (s. Nebes 2004); photo courtesy the Ethiopic adstrate.
of Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin
from the idioms of the Old Sabaic and, even if less Script and texts
significantly, from that of the Late Sabaic periods. The E.S.A. script consists of 29 graphemes ap-
There also exist dialectal differences among the in- pearing in inscriptions on rock and stone, as
scriptions from the Middle Sabaic period. For ex- well as on metal surfaces. It was used for all the
ample, Harami inscriptions show a strong North E.S.A. dialects. As a rule, the direction was from
Arabic influence, while the texts found in the area right to left; however, bustrophedon (writing
of ancient Radman bear traces of a Qatabanic direction changing from line to line) is charac-
substrate. Dialectal features are also characteristic teristic of Old Sabaic. A typical feature of the
334
Late Sabaic/monotheistic period is characters in the 1st pers. sg. is also -k.
relief. The public character of the inscriptions is 5. Sabaic is characterized by two types of prefix
responsible for the form and content of the texts. conjugation, the simple or short form yqtl and
Dedications are the most wide-spread text type, the extended form yqtln. Defective imperfect
in some they contain complete descriptions of graphs of a number of weak roots allow us to
military campaigns. Besides, one can come across reconstruct /qtVl/ as the basic stem 01 of the pre-
construction reports, various legal documents, fix conjugation for Sabaic and the other E.S.A.
epitaphs, so-called atonement texts, as well as dialects.
many inscriptions and graffiti containing only 6. Contrary to other E.S.A. dialects, Sabaic uses
personal names. both types of prefix conjugation in the past main
In the early 1970s the first inscriptions on clause to represent narrative or progressive ac-
wooden sticks were discovered in the Yemen, tion: e.g., w-bnhw f-ytýwlnn Ÿdy hgrn nŸd … w-
where an unknown minuscule script was appear- yhsr mlkn … (‘From there they returned to the
ing. The ca. three dozen of published documents city of NaŸd … Then the king went …’).
show that this script, developed from the monu- 7. All E.S.A. dialects employ the infinitive as a
mental epigraphic, was used for everyday legal paratactic continuation of a finite verb form, e.g.,
and economic matters. Sabaic brýw w-hwôrn w-hšqrn bythmw, ‘they
built, founded and completed their house’.
Central features
1. The E.S.A. alphabet with its 29 letters disposes Similarities and differences between E.S.A. and
of the largest grapheme set among the Semitic GéŸéz
alphabet scripts. The graphemes are mostly, 1. In the basic stem 01 of the suffix conjugation
though not exclusively, used to represent conso- of the verbs with the second radical w (and y)
nants. The graphemes for w and y are sometimes the Sabaic writings kwn and kn and, respectively,
used for /u/ and /i/; /a/, which can be expressed šym and sm, indicate vocalism with /o/ or /e/,
by h as its mater lectionis in Hadramitic, is never similarly to GéŸéz konä ‘be’ and íemä ‘set’.
written in Sabaic. Along with the laryngals and 2. The initial -k of the personal suffix of the 2nd
pharyngals (ý, h and h, Ÿ), the “emphatic” con- pers. sg./pl. and the 1st pers. sg. in suffix conjuga-
sonants d, t, s and z are fully represented. Their tion is in direct correspondence with GéŸéz.
phonetic realization, however, has not been fully 3. The base of the 01 stem in both prefix conjuga-
clarified. Besides, E.S.A. possesses three sibilants tion types yqtl and yqtln can be defined in Sabaic
– s1, s² and s³ – that etymologically correspond to (and also in other E.S.A. dialects) as /qtVl/ and
the proto-Semitic š, í and s. not /qättél/ according to the GéŸéz paradigm.
2. The formation of the causative, which cor- 4. The main functions of the prefix conjugation
responds to the fourth verbal stem in Arabic, is in Sabaic are relative temporal ones (simultane-
dialect-specific. In Sabaic the causative is formed ous [“gleichzeitig”] and posterior [“nachzeitig”]
by prefixing an h-element, in Minaic, Qatabanic action). Unlike Ethiopic yéqättél, Sabaic yqtl and
and Hadramitic by the prefix s1- (cp. Sabaic h- yqtln are more often used to express posterior
qny vs., e.g., Qatabanic s1-qny ‘he dedicated’). action (including modal usage). Simultaneity,
Corresponding to this are the differences in the as in the GéŸéz phrase énzä yéqättél, has not
resumptive personal pronouns that in Sabaic yet been found in E.S.A. At the same time, the
begin with h- (e.g., hwý, ‘he’) and in the other prefix conjugation is never used in GéŸéz to in-
dialects with s1- (e.g., Qatabanic s 1ww). dicate progressive or narrative action (s. Central
3. Unlike in Arabic, the definite article in E.S.A. features no. 6).
appears in postposition to the noun and has the
form -n or, in Hadramitic -hn (cp. Sabaic hqnyt- The position of E.S.A. within Semitic languages
n, ‘the dedication’). The indefinite article -m is Along with Akkadian, Canaanaite, Aramaic,
also attached to the noun in postposition, as in North Arabic and Ethiopic, E.S.A. constitutes
hqnyt-m, ‘a dedication’. a separate language branch within the Semitic
4. The wooden-sticks inscriptions allow us to group. E.S.A. can neither be considered a his-
restore the paradigm of the suffix conjugation torical forerunner of classical Arabic in the
for the second person; the suffix is -k for the north, nor has it a close relationship with the
singular and -kmw for the plural. The suffix of Modern South Arabian. The identical structure
335
of the imperfective base in stem 01, together with a prominent church author. As a young man he
some other shared morphological features allows spent a couple of years in an Egyptian monas-
grouping of E.S.A. together with North Arabic tery and, having returned home, founded ca. 335
and North-west Semitic into the “Central Se- a monastery near Eleutheropolis, where he was
mitic” language group (s. Voigt 1987). Specific subsequently archimandrite for ca. 30 years. In
morphological and syntactical similarities inside 367 he was elected Metropolitan of Cyprus in
this group reveal closer relationships between the seat of Constantia (the ancient Salamis, mod-
Sabaic and Canaanaite. ern Famagusta, 365–403). He became known as a
Lit.: Alfred Felix Landon Beeston, Sabaic Grammar, prosecutor of heresies, especially of the teaching
Manchester 1986 (JSS Monograph 6); Id. – M.A. Ghul of ÷Origen.
– Walter W. Müller – Jacques Ryckmans, Sabaic
Dictionary (English-French-Arabic), Louvain-la-Neuve
His energy pushed him into conflicts with
– Beyrouth 1982; RIE nos. 1–179; Norbert Nebes, “Zur high officials in other church provinces, as, for
Form der Imperfektbasis des unvermehrten Grundstam- instance, with the Patriarch of Antioch Meletius
mes im Altsüdarabischen”, in: Wolfhart Heinrichs (374), or with the Patriarch of Jerusalem John
– Gregor Schoeler (eds.), Festschrift Ewald Wagner
zum 65. Geburtstag, Band 1: Semitische Studien unter be-
(394). In 399 he influenced Theophilus, the Pa-
sonderer Berücksichtigung der Südsemitistik, Beirut 1994 triarch of Alexandria, to condemn Origenism
(Beiruter Texte und Studien 54), 59–81; Id., “Verwendung and in 402, on the latter’s behalf, he even went to
und Funktion der Präfixkonjugation im Sabäischen”, in: Constantinople to argue against some Origenist
Id. (ed.), Arabia Felix: Beiträge zur Sprache und Kultur monks from Egypt. With no results, he headed
des vorislamischen Arabien. Festschrift Walter W. Müller
zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, Wiesbaden 1994, 191–211; back to Cyprus but died at sea in 403. His feast is
Id. – Peter Stein, “Ancient South Arabian”, in: Roger on 12 May, in Ethiopia 17 Génbot (= 22 May, in
D. Woodard (ed.), The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of the accordance with the ÷Sénkéssar).
World’s Ancient Languages, Cambridge 2004, 454–87; His writings are mostly polemical, in defence
Jacques Ryckmans – Walter W. Müller – Yusuf M.
Abdallah, Textes du Yémen antique inscrits sur bois. of what he regarded to be orthodoxy. This can
Avant-Propos de Jean-François Breton, Louvain-la- be seen already in the Ancoratus (!Agkurwtov",
Neuve 1994 (Publications de l’Institut Orientaliste de ca. 374). His most famous work is The Medi-
Louvain 43); Gianfrancesco Lusini, “A proposito cine Chest (Panavrion, 374–77), the main ancient
delle iscrizioni sudarabiche d’Etiopia”, Studi epigrafici e
linguistici sul Vicino Oriente antico 17, 2000, 95–103 (Lit.);
heresiological treatise, in which he describes 80
Paolo Marrassini, “The Semites of Abyssinia: Onomas- heresies known to him, including pre-Christian
tic and Lexicographic Notes”, in: Leonid Kogan (ed.), philosophical schools and Jewish groups. On
~
Studia Semitica, Moscow 2003 (Orientalia: Papers of the Measures and Weights (Peri; mevtrwn kai; stavqmw n,
Oriental Institute 3), 141–51; Id., “Some Observation on 382 or 392), preserved only in Syriac, is a learned
South Semitic”, in: Alan S. Kaye (ed.), Semitic Studies in
Honour of Wolf Leslau: on the Occasion of his Eighty-fifth manual of biblical studies and deals with the
Birthday November 14th, 1991, Wiesbaden 1991, vol. 2, measures and weights used in the Bible, the ge-
1016–23; Norbert Nebes, “A New Abraha Inscrip- ography of Palestine and the versions of the Old
tion from the Great Dam of Marib”, Proceedings of the Testament. In the treatise On the Twelve Gems
Seminar for Arabian Studies 34, 2004, 221–30; Peter
Stein, Untersuchungen zur Phonologie und Morphologie
(Peri; tw'n dwvdeka livqwn), preserved in full only
des Sabäischen, Rahden/Westfalen 2003 (Epigraphische in Georgian, E. provides an allegorical explana-
Forschungen auf der Arabischen Halbinsel 3); Rainer tion of the jewels. He also left Letters, preserved
Voigt, “The Classification of Central Semitic”, JSS 32, among those of Jerome, e.g. Epistle 51, in which
1987, 1–27; Stefan Weninger, Das Verbalsystem des E. attacked the pictorial representations in the
Altäthiopischen: Eine Untersuchung seiner Verwendung
und Funktion unter Berücksichtigung des Interferenzpro- church. In the Byzantine tradition, several other
blems, Wiesbaden 2001 (Veröffentlichungen der Orienta- writings are attributed to him, e.g. the Physiolo-
lischen Kommission 47). gus (÷Fisalgos).
Norbert Nebes In Ethiopic there are many writings attributed
to E., but only few of them are authentic. To this
Epigraphy, Epigraphical documents ÷In- category belongs the translation of the Ancoratus
scriptions (Mäshafä ÷ankäritos, unpublished). The collec-
tion of The Faith of the Fathers (÷Haymanotä
Epiphanios of Salamis abäw), translated from Arabic, contains 13 quo-
E. (also E. of Cyprus, GéŸéz: %.G~F Epifanis, tations of which nos. 1–11 and 13 are taken from
%.G#_F Epifanyos or *G#_F Bifanyos; b. ca. the Ancoratus (us= [ B ] 8 , Mälha[h]éq), where-
315, near Eleutheropolis in Judaea, d. 403) was as no. 12 comes from the treatise On the 12 Gems
336
Epiphanios of Salamis
(ue=Iy (&#Hy Z]Ry !&+# , Mäshafä bäýéntä St. Epiphanios of

12 aýéban; ed. Weischer 1979a). Two homilies of Salamis: miniature
in a Gospel Book
E. are included in the ÷Qeréllos (IV:2, Weischer from Sawne (detail),
1979a:27–47): On the Faith (;?D#y … (&#Hy church of St. Mary;
U^x$M , Dérsan … bäýéntä haymanot) which fol. 97r; photo 2004,
can also be found outside the Qeréllos (e.g. in courtesy of Michael
Gervers
EMML 1763, fol. 209r–12v, 14th cent.); and On
the Trinity (;?D#y … (&#Hy TqEy Il> ,
Dérsan … bäýéntä íéllase fékre), actually a creed
(ed. Weischer 1979a:52–63).
E.’s best-known composition in Ethio-
pia is the Anaphora (no. 9; !>LHy :?+#y
r87Fy %.G#_F , Akwätetä qwérban zäqéddus
Epifanyos; s. ÷Anaphoras; ÷Eucharist) attrib-
uted to him. Other attributions are the ÷Aksi-
maros and, as a consequence, also the Beginning
of the Faith (4#Hy U^x$My rDg:y !-y x?y
%.G~F , Téntä haymanot zäfäkärä ab mar
Epifanis), since it is regarded as a commentary
on the Aksimaros, (e.g. in ms. BritLib Orient.
818, fol. 145r–60r).
Another, and anachronistic, attribution is
the first anathematism in the Decree of the 12
Orthodox Bishops after the Deposition of Nesto-
rius (431), e.g. in ms. BritLib Orient. 744, fol.
166v–68r, furthermore the Life of Askänafer
(!Fg!I? ), the judge of Rome, and the 13 thieves,
which is inserted in the ÷Gädlä sämaŸétat collec-
tion. The author’s name is given here in the form
“Bifanyos Bishop of Cyprus”, as in ms. BritLib
Orient. 686, fol. 58r–59v, which reveals that the
Vorlage of the gädl was probably in Arabic.
Yet another text attributed to E. is a pan-
egyrical homily on the Archangel Michael and
king Abraset, which is sometimes part of the
÷Dérsanä Gäbréýel, e.g. in ms. Kebran 3, ff.
42va–48va; sometimes of the ÷Dérsanä Mikaýel,
as in ms. BN 139. The day on which the hom- IV, 1315, fol. 153r–56r), composed on the basis of
ily should be read changes from 12 Térr to 19 works extant in Ethiopic, such as the Sénkéssar,
Yäkkatit or 19 Miyazya. the Mäshafä hawi and the Universal History by
E. is also quoted in the (Catena) Commentary ÷Giyorgis Wäldä Amid.
on the Gospels, based mostly on ÷John Chrysos- Src.: CPG II, 324–41, nos. 3744–807; Greek: Epiphanius,
Ancoratus und Panarion, 3 vols., ed. by Karl Holl,
tom, e.g. ms. EMML 630 (E.’s name is given here Leipzig 1915–33 (Die griechischen christlichen Schrift-
as Awfanyos), in the Commentary on Matthew steller der ersten drei Jahrhunderten 25, 31, 37) [new
(M?Kyy ]#Os , Térgwame wängel; e.g., ms. ed. of vols. 2–3 by Jürgen Dummer, Berlin 1980–85
BritLib Orient. 736); in an anonymous treatise (same series)]; Engl. tr.: Id. The Panarion of Epiphanius
of Salamis: Book I (Sects 1–46), tr. by Frank Williams,
in Amharic without title, called by Sergew Hable Leiden 1987 (Nag Hammadi Studies 35); Id., De Gem-
Sellasse The Mystery of the Trinity (ms. EMML mis, [ed.] by Robert P. Blake – Henri De Vis, London
635); and in the Mäshafä ÷Hawi (e.g., in ms. 1934 (Studies and Documents II); Epiphanius’ Treatise on
BritLib Orient. 778). Weights and Measures: the Syriac version, ed. [& tr.] by
James Elmer Dean, Chicago 1935 (The Oriental Institute
The importance of E. is corroborated by the of the University of Chicago: Studies in Ancient Oriental
existence of the Life of E., e.g. in ms. EMML 345, Civilization 11); Eth.: mss. BN 139; BritLib Orient. 686,
fol. 10r–12v (and in Amharic, e.g., in ms. EMML 736, 744, 818; EMML 345, 630, 635, 1315, 1763; Bernd
337
Epiphanios of Salamis
Manuel Weischer (ed., tr.), Qerellos IV 2: Traktate des inspiration to Ethiopian literary productions
Epiphanios von Zypern und des Proklos von Kyzikos, reveals two distinct areas of influence, namely,
Wiesbaden 1979 (AeF 6); Id., “Die Glaubenssymbole des
Epiphanios von Salamis und des Gregorios Thaumaturgos Liturgy (÷Qéddase) and ÷Theology. As just
in Qerellos”, OrChr 61, 1977, 20–40; Id., “Ein arabisches mentioned, the liturgical norms prescribe that
und äthiopisches Fragment der Schrift ‘De XII gemmis’ there be a reading from Paul at every Eucharistic
des Epiphanios von Salamis”, OrChr 63, 1979, 103–07; gathering. Of the four lections from the N.T. to
August Haffner, “Eine äthiopische Handschrift der k.
be read during the Liturgy of the Word, Paul is
k. Hofbibliothek in Wien zu den pseudo-epiphanischen
Werken”, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgen- always the first to be proclaimed. The Mäshafä
landes 26, 1912, 363-87. ÷géssawe clearly shows that there are passages
Lit.: Roger Tandonnet – Jean Kirchmeyer, “1. Épi- taken from the 14 Letters “of Paul”. Lections
phane (saint) de Constantia (Salamine) en Chypre, † 403”, from P.E. form part of the administration of
in: André Derville et al. (eds.), Dictionnaire de Spiri-
tualité, vol. 4, Paris 1960, col. 854–62 (on Pseudo-Épiph. the Sacraments of Initiation and of Marriage.
col. 861–62); Pierre Nautin, “10. Épiphane (Saint) There is a surprising number of readings in the
de Salamine”, in: Roger Aubert (ed.), Dictionnaire Sacrament of the Anointing of the Sick (÷Unc-
d’Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, vol. 15, Paris tion), namely, Rm 15:1–7; 1 Co 12:28–13:8; Rm
1963, col. 617–31; Sebastian Euringer, “Die äthiopische
8:14–21; Ga 2:16–20; Col 3:12–17; Ep 6:1–18.
Anaphora des hl. Epiphanius, Bischofs der Insel Cypern
…”, OrChr 23, 1926, 98–124; Delio Vania Proverbio, However, in the Gébrä ÷hémamat, a bulky
“Introduzione alle versioni orientali dell’Ancoratus di 14th cent. book containing readings for the Holy
Epifanio. La recensione etiopica”, in: Id. (ed.), Studi Week, Paul is almost nowhere to be seen. Even
orientalistici in memoria di Emilio Teza, Roma 1998 though quotations from and allusions to Paul
[print. 1999] (Miscellanea Marciana 12), 67–91; Enrico
Cerulli, “Gli imperatori Onorio ed Arcadio nella are considerably present through many Patristic
tradizione etiopica”, in: PICES 4, 15–54, here 42f. writings (e.g. of ÷John Chrysostom), readings
Witold Witakowski from Paul proper in the Gébrä hémamat can be
counted on the fingers of one hand. There are
Epiphany ÷Témqät portions from 1 Tm 4:9–5:10; 1 Co 11:23–34 as
Maundy Thursday readings; Ga 6:14–17; Ph 2:
Epistles 5–12 for Good Friday; 1 Co 5:6–13; 15:1–23 for
The Pauline Epistles Holy Saturday. There are a few readings from
The place of the Pauline Corpus (collective title Paul in the Mäshafä ÷génzät (s., e.g., the edi-
in GéŸéz: Y87Fy /btFy ue=I , Yäqéddus tion of Asmära 1962 A.D.) to be used in the long
Pawlos mäshaf, ‘Epistles of St. Paul’), as “in- funeral services.
spired Word of God” is firmly established in As to the ÷Déggwa, the liturgical book of
Ethiopian Christian tradition by the fact that hymns attributed to ÷Yared, the very first im-
the Pauline E. are part and parcel of the Liturgy pact with it will give the feeling that the Bible is
of the Word. They were translated into GéŸéz its primary source. Among the N.T. books, the
from a Greek Vorlage during the 5th and early 6th ÷Gospels are the major supplier of concepts
cent. (÷Bible translation). There must be a read- and vocabulary, but there is a heavy presence
ing from Paul at every Eucharistic celebration. of material adopted from the Pauline Corpus
The list of the canonical books of the Ethiopian as well. Some of the figures and language of the
Church, as it appears in the Mäshafä ÷senodos Pauline E. to Hebrews, especially from chs. 9
and in the ÷Fétha nägäít, attributes to Paul 14 and 10, recur very frequently and they are read
letters (Paulos Tzadua 1968:13). Paul’s author- in a Christological and Mariological light. The
ship of these writings is vehemently defended. following thematically selected passages are
On various occasions, introductions and com- examples drawn from the Mäshafä ÷ziq (a col-
mentaries on Paul try to quell doubts about lection of hymns from various sources including
Pauline authorship. Déggwa) showing how widespread the influence
Some important works, translated into GéŸéz of the Pauline E. is:
in different periods, draw abundantly from Paul, – Christ: “holds everything in his hands” 64, Col 1:
as ÷Ankäritos of Epiphanius of Salamis (translat- 17. “Jesus Christ is the sign of peace among men”
ed most probably during the Aksumite time), the 104, Ep 2:14. “You are the strength of Your Father,
his Firstborn, his Son and his Word” 104, a language
÷Haymanotä abäw or the Dérsan of ÷Severus which reflects that of Heb 1. Christ is “the Angel of his
of Ashmunayn (17th cent.?). An assessment of Counsel” 104: “angel” referred to Christ is based on
the extent to which Paul has been a source of the Ethiopic version of Heb 12:2. “At the close of the
338
Epistles
age You (God) sent to us Your Son” 105, Ga 4:4; Heb especially when it comes to upholding the tenets
1:2. “He was nailed on the cross, we were saved by his related to the Humanity, Divinity and Unity of
cross” 128, Ga 3:14. “He was crucified and suffered for
our sake, because of his love for us” 160, Rm 5:6–10. Jesus Christ. The Mäshafä ÷méstir (14th cent.),
“He became the Firstborn from among the dead” 160, the Fékkare mäläkot, Hamärä näfs and Märs
Col 1:18. amin, three writings belonging to the 16th-17th
– Mary: “You are the Ark, Ark covered with gold which cent., report verses from Paul that had become
contains the Torah; You are the golden lampstand” 73,
items of fierce theological strife. The verses of
Heb 9:2–4.
– Saints: “they completed the race they set for themselves Rm 8:34 and of Heb 7:25 which speak of “the
and pursued” 59, 2 Tm 4:7. “They found the vision of glorified Christ who intercedes on behalf of
the heavenly kingdom which was built for them” 59, mankind”, are some of the Pauline passages that
based on Heb 11:10. “They faced cold and nakedness; have fuelled violent debates. The controversy
sweat and labour was the price they paid to defeat the
devil. They wandered in desert places” 64: reminiscent about Christ’s intercession after his enthrone-
of Heb 11:34–40. “They are the congregation of the ment at the right hand of his Father, as indicated
firstborn” 64, Heb 12:23. “Columns of the earth” 64: by the above Pauline texts, still drags on (for
allusion to Ga 2:9. the latest instance s. abba Gäbréýel 1990). The
– Church: “Formerly You were not a people, now You
andémta-commentary on Heb 7:25 goes as far
are” 160, Rm 9:25. “He acquired his church with his
blood” 64, Heb 13:12; “and sealed her with his cross” as emending the text in order to adjust it to the
64, allusion to Heb 13:20. theological position which rejects the notion of
There is a big number of Pauline quotations in Christ interceding on behalf of humans after
the ÷Somä déggwa, a section of the Déggwa used his glorification. It changes the present form of
during the Lenten season. They are: the verb “He intercedes” into the past “He in-
Rm 12:9; Rm 14:10; Rm 6:22; Rm 8:39; Rm 9:23; I Co 16: terceded”, claiming that it would be insulting to
13; I Co 7:29; I Co 7:29; II Co 8:1–2; II Cor 4:2; Col 1: Christ’s present status of glory to maintain that
23; Col 1:27; Col 3:1; Col 3:2; Ga 5:22–23; Ep 1:18; Ep 3: he is still “ministering”. The theological convic-
16; Ep 3:8; Ep 4:29; Ep 5:19; Ep 6:17; I Th 2:2; I Th 5:17;
I Th 5:23; I Tm 1:15; I Tm 4:7; I Tm 6:11; Heb 12:6; Heb
tion is that his salvific work was fully accom-
4:13; Heb 9:11. plished on the Cross. His prayer “Father, forgive
There are references to the Pauline Corpus in them; for they know not what they do !” (Lk
other liturgical texts like the Mäshafä qéddase 23:34) has, according to interpreters, an eternal
and in the various mälké‘-hymns. In the Ana- value and makes any need for fresh intercessions
phora of Our Lady ascribed to Cyriacus of Beh- by Christ not only pointless but offensive.
nesa (÷Anaphoras), we read: “Jesus Christ … Various passages from the Pauline Corpus
became man, fulfilled all the law of man except have been employed in some of the most acri-
sin …”; “though He was rich in everything yet monious Christological debates in the aftermath
He became poor in everything”; “… now this di- of the Jesuit Mission in the 17th cent. Rm 1:3–4;
vine bread has been broken and this banquet has 8:29; Col 1:15–17; Heb 1:3; 1:6; 6:20; 2 Co 8:9;
been prepared. Let Him who desires come, but Ph 2:7 are some of the most common verses used
first examine yourselves and purify your heart as argumentative weapons by the various fac-
and flesh” (Mäshafä qéddase 1945:80, 82). These tions. Besides, the Pauline Corpus and Hebrews
expressions are culled from Ga 4:4–5; Heb 4:15; in particular have much influenced the violent
1 Co 11:28. The Anaphora attributed to St. John discussion on the Unction and Union of Christ
Chrysostom falls back on Rm 8:29–30 when it (s. the biblical index, Yaqob Beyene 1981:311,
says: “The ones He chose he called; those He Getatchew Haile 1990:34). Often the parties ap-
called He loved; those He loved He honoured; peal to the same passage, each trying to stretch it
whom He honoured He justified and the ones one’s own side.
He justified them He glorified to be an adorn- There are passages in the Ethiopic Version
ment for his Son” (Mäshafä qéddase 1945:182). of the Pauline Corpus which are peculiar to
Paul’s influence was particularly felt in theologi- Ethiopic textual tradition. One example is Rm
cal works and debates. 9:22–23, which is used in the theological issues
In theology, the Pauline E. were mainly used dealing with ÷angels. Pauline E. are employed
in apologetic way. They were seen as a quarry in the form of quotations and allusions, in hagi-
providing testimonia to defend traditional posi- ographical writings and in literature of a more
tions, especially in the field of ÷Christology. secular character like the ÷Kébrä nägäít, or
References are frequently made to classical topoi, in the royal chronicles (cf., e.g., BlunChr 347,
339
Epistles
354, 355, 358, 376). In summary, the influence olic E. are the two of Peter, the three of John and
of Paul’s personality and writings on Ethiopian those of James and Jude.
tradition has been an important one. A passage from the Epistle of John (us&lHy
Src.: P-:y BxxM (Gébrä Hémamat ‘Acts of the Pas- _=#Fy =`?\, Mälýéktä Yohannés hawarya),
sions’), Addis Abäba 1972 A.M. [1979/80 A.D.]; liqä 1 Jn 1:1–7, is commonly memorized by those
liqawént Mähari TÉrfe (ed.), Y87Fy /btFy ue=I who begin to learn reading after mastery of the
(Yäqéddus Pawlos mäshaf, ‘Epistles of St. Paul’), Addis
Abäba 1948 A.M. [1955/56 A.D.]; ue=Dy ;K (‘Mäshafä ÷Abugida and Hahu syllabaries, these being the
déggwa, ‘The Book of the Déggwa’), Addis Abäba 1959 first steps in the traditional church ÷education.
A.M. [1966/67 A.D.]; ue=Dy P#rM (Mäshafä génzät, In doctrinal works, in devotional material and
‘The Book of the Dead’s Wrapping’), Asmära 1963 in the liturgical texts there is a very clear ten-
A.M. [1970/71 A.D.]; ue=Dy Pca (Mäshafä géssawe,
‘The Book of the Exposition), Addis Abäba 21958 A.M.
dency to concentrate quotations and readings on
[1965/66]; ue=Dy 87E (Mäshafä qéddase, ‘Book of the Epistles of Peter (related to discussions of or
the Liturgy’), Città del Vaticano 1945; ue=Dy 3#8sy expositions on the Passion of Christ and Atone-
]#F=y ( }uv ) ]T?(Hy ]T.Hy ;?+#y nBvx# ment) and John (Christological issues). In fact,
(Mäshafä qändil wänésséha (nuzaze) wäíérŸatä wähibotä the compendium of doctrinal tracts, ÷Hayman-
qwérban lähémuman, ‘Book of the Anointment of the Sick
and of Penitence [Confession], and the Order for giving otä abäw, abounds in numerous references (later
Communion to the Sick’), Rome 1967 A.M. [1975 A.D.]; insertions?) to the E. of Peter and John.
ue=Dy t8 (Mäshafä ziq, ‘The Book of ziq-Hymns), In the readings for the Week of Passions
Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1986/87 A.D.]; VelSoDe I–II; (÷Gébrä hémamat), one finds readings from 1
Enrico Cerulli, Scritti teologici etiopici del secoli XVI-
XVII, Città del Vaticano 1958.
Pet for the eve of Palm Sunday, Palm Sunday
Lit.: BlunChr; Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge (tr.), The itself, for Saturday in the Passion Week and for
Queen of Sheba and her only Son Menelik, London 1922; the night towards Sunday. In the Horologium
CerLett; Emmanuel Fritsch, The Liturgical Year of the (÷SäŸatat), there are readings from 1 Pet for
Ethiopian Church, I. The Temporal: Seasons and Sundays, Monday and Tuesday, from 2 Pet for Wednesday,
Addis Abäba 2001 (Ethiopian Review of Cultures, 9–10:
Special issue); abuna GäbrÉýel, l-:y 8;D# (Kébrä qéd- from 1 Pet for Thursday and Friday and from 1
dusan, ‘Glory of the Saints’), Addis Abäba 1990 A.D. Jn for Sunday. The references to the E. of Jude
[1997/98 A.D.]; Getatchew Haile, The Faith of the seem to be the rarest.
Unctionists in the Ethiopian Church, Louvain 1990 (CSCO Src.: Josef Hofmann – Siegbert Uhlig, Novum Te-
517, 518, [SAe 91, 92]), 39; GuiSLett; abba Paulos Tza- stamentum Aethiopice: die katholischen Briefe, Stuttgart
dua (tr.), The Fetha Nagast: The Law of the Kings, Addis 1993 (AeF 29), 13f., 32; liqä liqawént Mähari TÉrfe
Ababa 1968; Tedros Abraha, La Lettera ai Romani. Testo (ed.), (O?Iy ucBIIy =8DMz #+-y g|M?Kyb
e commentari della versione etiopica, Wiesbaden 2001 (AeF (ŸAííärtu mäsahéftu haddisat, nébab kännätérgwamew,
57); Yaqob Beyene, L’Unzione di Cristo nella teologia ‘Ten New Books, Reading and Commentary’), Addis
etiopica.Contributo di ricerca sui nuovi documenti etiopici Abäba 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.], here 195–346; .
inediti, Roma 1981 (OrChrA 215), 311. Lit.: UllBibl 49f., 60; Enrico Galbiati, “I manoscritti
Tedros Abraha etiopici dell’Ambrosiana di Milano (breve inventario)”,
in: Studi in onore di mons. Carlo Castiglioni, Milano 1957,
339–53, here 340; Tedros Abraha, La lettera ai Romani.
The Catholic Epistles Testo e commentari della versione etiopica, Wiesbaden
The seven Catholic E. (GéŸéz A+*Iy us&lKM, 2001 (AeF 57); Siegbert Uhlig – Helge Maehlum ,
Novum Testamentum Aethiopice: die Gefangenschafts-
säbaŸétu mälýéktat), i.e. letters of apostles James, briefe, Stuttgart 1993, 52.
first and second Peter, first, second and third
Ezra Gebremedhin
John and Jude, were translated into GéŸéz in
the 5th-6th cent., from a Greek Vorlage that be-
longed to the Alexandrian recension. A revision Epistolography
was carried out some time in the 14th–15th cent. The deplorable state of Ethiopian archives, prac-
on the basis of an Arabic text that was in use in tically non-existent until the 20th cent., prohibits
the Coptic Church (Hofmann – Uhlig 1993:32; a thorough study of Ethiopian E. and limits a
Uhlig – Maehlum 1993:52). The oldest available student of it to scarce evidence found in some
witness of the Catholic E. is the celebrated 14th- chronicles and elsewhere. No doubt, E. must
cent. ms. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, B 20 inf. have existed for many centuries in a country with
(Galbiati 1957:340; Hofmann – Uhlig 1993:13f.). an ancient statehood, which certainly carried on
The unique manuscript contains the N.T. texts an international and domestic correspondence.
(except the Gospels) in five languages (Geez, The development of Ethiopian E. depended
Syriac, Coptic, Arabic and Armenian); the Cath- heavily upon the historical and cultural situation
340
Epistolography
of the country. In Christian Ethiopia, until at royal authority. It is remarkable that in this letter
least the middle of the 19th cent., the only written Susényos (or his secretary, to be precise) dis-
language was ÷GéŸéz. The Ethiopians also knew tinguishes the literary manner of letter-writing
well E. as a N.T. literary genre, as is evidenced from the businesslike and reprimands the sol-
in the ÷Epistles. This pattern, however, hardly diers: “This letter of yours is not good, and there
suited any practical needs of secular correspond- are no words that are beautiful and ornamental”
ence. In fact, correspondence was not an every- (PerChron 87 [text]).
day matter even for Ethiopian monarchs, who The “Era of the Princes” (÷Zämänä mäsafént)
wrote letters on relatively few occasions. In in- of 1755–1855 brought drastic changes. This
ternational correspondence (mainly with Patri- period reveals an obvious and rapid decay in
archs of Alexandria and Sultans of Egypt) they the mighty Christian feudal monarchy with
used ÷Arabic and the writing of these letters its culture, including classical GéŸéz literature.
was usually entrusted either to Egyptian clerics However, it was a period of new dynamic
from the entourage of the Coptic Metropolitan developments, marked by the growing use and
of Ethiopia, or to some local Muslim qadi. This importance of the Amharic language as a means
correspondence followed the norms of Arabic E. of written communication for quite practical
of the time, including the use of ÷seals. reasons. The number of independent and semi-
It seems that it was precisely the needs of independent rulers in the country increased
foreign correspondence that were conducive to considerably, and so did their correspondence,
the appearance of Ethiopian royal seals, because both local and even foreign. As for the latter, it
foreign correspondents used their seals instead of was carried out as usual in Arabic, but in domestic
a signature. Later, GéŸéz inscriptions were also matters Amharic proved to be more practical; it
introduced into Ethiopian royal seals for the was preferred also by those correspondents
needs of domestic correspondence, where such whose mother-tongue was another Ethiopian
seals proved to be fairly practical. Domestic cor- language, e.g., Tégréñña.
respondence mainly consisted of a king’s orders Thanks to the efforts of Rubenson, rich
to his war-lords and governors, sent with special epistolographic material has been published in
messengers (÷Postal system). Here the vernacu- the series of Acta Æthiopica (s. RubActa), which
lar ÷Amharic was more convenient, at least for refers to the Zämänä mäsafént and later periods.
the purpose of precise understanding of these or- There we may see the process of gradual
ders by addressees, and the message was probably Amharization of Ethiopian correspondence,
articulated in Amharic both to the messenger and where Amharic letters were written according to
by the messenger to the correspondent. However, the new pattern based mainly on norms of oral
the messenger was supplied with a piece of parch- conversational etiquette. Finally, this Amharic
ment with an impression of the royal seal on it. trend in Ethiopian E. led to the emergence of
This assured both confidence in his mission and genuine Amharic literary works, which in fact
the necessary provisions (÷Dérgo) for him en had already appeared during the times of ase
route. Thus, immediately after the enthronement Tewodros II (1855–67), but their emergence
of ase IyasuI (1682–1707), the royal chancellors had been prepared by the epistolographic
“sent a messenger with a seal to every province” developments of the Zämänä mäsafént.
(GuidiIohan 62 [text]). The next period (the times of ase Tewodros II,
In contrast to the business-like and laconic Yohannés IV [1872–89] and Ménilék II [1889–
orders and messages, some other royal letters, 1913]) was important for the development of
which may be better called epistles, were not Ethiopian E. The process of the “Amharization”
only verbose, but written with elegance and of correspondence progressed; Amharic, not
literary taste in excellent GéŸéz. Usually they GéŸéz, became the language usually used in the
were filled with religious rhetoric, but pursued incipits of the letters, e.g. Amh. YHqgy g … ^;:
quite mundane political and propagandistic Fy ]6/g … yätälakä kä … yédräs wädä/kä …,
ends. Such was an epistle written by ase Íärsä instead of previously typical GéŸéz uJy 5u?/
Déngél (1563–97) to the rebellious bahér nägaš us&lMy rHD|]My &zd( … M-cBy d( …
Yéshaq (CRHist 57 [text]) and an answer sent zatti tomär/mälýékt zätäfännäwät émòabä …
by ase Susényos (1604–32) to the letter of the tébsah òabä … for ‘may [this letter] sent from …
Qurban regiment which did not recognize his reach …’. This period is also partly represented in
341
Epistolography
Acta Æthiopica, but these particular letters have ÷Coptic church) and metropolitan or archbish-
been taken mainly from the archives of European op (pappas). A wide range of books of ecclesi-
foreign offices and therefore deal mostly with astical law, translated into GéŸéz (÷Qäleméntos,
foreign correspondence. For the samples of ÷Kidan zäýégziýénä Iyäsus Kréstos, chs. 11, 54f.;
correspondence with European leaders s., the so-called “Church Order of Hippolytus”, ch.
e.g. Bairu Tafla (2000), where structures of E. 1, and particularly ÷Fétha nägäít, ch. 5) expose
are well documented. Meanwhile, during this the idea of the apostolic origin of the episcopal
period, a new type of correspondent appeared in office, the position of the E. within the ecclesi-
Ethiopian E.: this was the missionary-educated astical hierarchy and his responsibilities towards
Ethiopian who wrote to his teachers. Up to the Church and the faithful. The episcopal of-
now these letters had not attracted any scholarly fice, however, was established and incorporated
attention, though they are available in various into the hierarchy of the Ethiopian Orthodox
missionary archives (both private and official) Täwahédo Church only in the 20th cent.
and offer important insights not only into the It is assumed, that up to modern times Ethio-
history of various missions in Ethiopia, but also pia was never properly divided into smaller ec-
into the course of the emergence of modern social clesiastical provinces, or dioceses. Usually no
thought and the development of westernization other bishops were installed, who would have
in the country. Unfortunately, the later periods been the suffragans of the ÷abun, making him
of Ethiopian E., important as they are, remain metropolitan, or archbishop in the proper sense
unstudied, with the lack of available sources of the word. Since its foundation, the Ethiopian
being the main hindrance. The majority of these Church was formally under the jurisdiction of
letters, available in various archives, are neither the Coptic Patriarchate, and the exclusive right
described nor mentioned in catalogues (Platonov of the Egyptian Patriarch to consecrate the abun,
1996 being a rare exception), let alone published. chosen from Coptic monks, was recognized by
And letters still exist in non-governmental the Ethiopians themselves. The absence of local
archives both in Ethiopia and elsewhere and bishops was one of the main formal obstacles
potentially offer a vast field of research. to the autocephaly, for a patriarch could be or-
Src.: CRHist 57 [text]; PerChron 62 [text]; GuiIohan dained by a sufficient number of bishops only.
54 [text]; Bairu Tafla (ed., tr.), Ethiopian Records of There is some vague and scattered evidence
the Menilek Era: Selected Amharic Documents from the
Nachlaß of Alfred Ilg, 1884–1900, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF
that before the 14th cent. the organization of the
54); Osvaldo Raineri, Lettere tra i pontefici romani e i Ethiopian Church might have been different.
principi etiopici (sec. XII–XX), Città del Vaticano 2003 One difficulty is that the antique sources speak
(Studi e testi 412); Id., Lettere tra i pontefici romani e i sometimes indiscriminately of “bishops” with
principi etiopici (sec. XII–XX). Versioni e integrazioni, reference to Aksum. Leaving aside the clay lamp
Città del Vaticano 2005 (Collecta nea Archivi Vaticani
55); RubActa I, II, III (Lit.); [Vyacheslav Platonov], with the inscription #Abb[a !Iwsh;]f ejpivsko(po")
Efiopskie rukopisi v sobraniyah Sankt-Peterburga. Kata- (RIÉ 282), found at ÷Adulis but clearly im-
log (‘Ethiopian Manuscripts in St. Petersburg Collections. ported from Egypt, Pseudo-Palladius tells about
A Catalogue’), St. Petersburg 1996, 46–56; David L. Ap- a certain Moses, Bishop of Adulis (s. Monneret
pleyard – Arthus K. Irvine (tr.), Letters from Ethiopian de Villard 1947). An old Coptic tradition knows
Rulers, New York – Oxford 1985.
Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, “Letter Writing and the Use “four bishoprics” in the ecclesiastical province of
of Royal and Imperial Seals in Ethiopia prior to the Twen- Nieksamitis (“the Aksumites”, s. Conti Rossini
tieth Century”, JES 11, 1, 1973, 179–208. 1913:394), but their names can hardly be identi-
Sevir Chernetsov fied. According to the History of the Patriarchs,
during the tenures of the Coptic Patriarch
Eppisqoppos Gabriel II (1131–46) and abunä Mikaýel, an (un-
The term E. (%.F92F , also %.Fy 92F , ‘bishop’, named) Ethiopian king requested the Patriarch
from Greek ejpivskopo", ‘overseer, bishop’) was and the Caliph al-Hafiz consecrate more bishops
always clear in the Ethiopic context, even though for his kingdom, but his request was refused; the
it was sometimes interchanged or confused with text specifies that there could be not more than
the term ÷pappas, ‘bishop, metropolitan [as seven bishops in both Nubia and Ethiopia.
head of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo The Ethiopian sources report of other person-
Church]’. E. ranked after the patriarch (liqä alities (at least some of them definitely Ethiopi-
pappasat, in the case of Ethiopia – the head of the ans) bearing the title of E. The E. ŸÉzra, Yérdaý
342
Eppisqoppos
Mikaýel and Samuýel are mentioned after pappas have acted with the same authority as the abun,
abba Mikaýel; E. Òaräyo is mentioned after pap- at least ordaining priests (cp., e.g., CRRicBerhan
pas abba Giyorgis in two land charters granted II, 19f., 154).
by néguí Lalibäla to the monastery of ÷Däbrä Some Ethiopian ecclesiastic circles cherished
Libanos of Šémäzana (s. CRDLib 13, 16). Of the idea of independence from the Coptic Pa-
special interest are authors of the homilies listed triarchate, a constituent part of which being the
in the 14th cent. ms. EMML 1763 (and the rel- division of the immense bishopric of Ethiopia
evant group of homiliaries): “blessed and saintly into dioceses, with the episcopal offices occupied
Minas, E. of Aksum”, “Tewoflos, E. of Aksum”, by Ethiopians. The vision of the country divided
Élyas, Luléyanos (cp. ibid., abba Yohannés into two dioceses, one under the abun-metro-
pappas zäýityopya), for they are indeed metropolitan, another under the administration of an
politans, none of whom, however, are attested in Ethiopian E., with the right to consecrate priests
other sources (cp. BrakKirche 124). and ÷tabots is described in the early-16th-cent.
By the 15th cent., the pattern of the E. office in Vita of abba ÷Täklä Haymanot (s. Budge 1905,
Ethiopia gets clearer. We know of E. Mikaýel in a ch. 96). This, however, had not become a reality
land charter of ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos granted even as late as in the 19th cent., for after the death
by ase Zärýa YaŸéqob (Taddesse Tamrat 1970:106, of abunä Atnatewos ase ÷Yohannés IV managed
n. 101). Among the E. who came from Egypt, ac- to bring to the country four Egyptian bishops
companying new metropolitans the best known in 1881: metropolitan (liqä pappasat) abunä
is abba Yohannés. He arrived together with ÷Petros and coadjutor bishops (called pappas
metropolitans ÷Gäbréýel and Mikaýel about in the Chronicle of Yohannés, s. BTafY 153)
1440 (CerMaria 117), he was the author of the Matewos (to be the bishop of Šäwa), Marqos
Homily in honour of abba ÷Gärima (s. Conti (Bägemdér and Sémen), Luqas (Goggam). They
Rossini 1898:141f.) and, most probably, of some were not entitled to consecrate other bishops.
other works. Later, in 1480/81, ase ÷Éskéndér After Marqos died in 1882 and Luqas in 1901,
dispatched a mission to Egypt: according to their episcopacies remained vacant, and, as in the
local Ethiopian sources, it brought back two past, the consecration of clergy for the numerous
metropolitans, ÷Yéshaq and ÷Marqos, and two churches of the vast country was invested in the
E., Mikaýel and Yohannés (Kur 1972:88), both hands of only two persons.
deemed to be “coadjutor bishops” (s. Tedeschi The situation improved only in 1928, when
in: CE, 1015), that is, in principle, without the ras Täfäri Mäkwännén (later ÷Òaylä Íéllasse
right of succession; later they were followed by I) undertook energetic efforts and agreed with
a few other ecclesiastics. A recent enquiry into the Coptic Patriarchate that, apart from the
contemporary Arabic documents of the Coptic metropolitan, who would be a Copt according
Patriarchate has provided important evidence to old tradition, five Ethiopians (including éc-
that, when Yéshaq died before 1497, he was for- cäge Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus, s. ÷Säwiros) would
mally succeeded by YaŸéqob, his auxiliary met- be consecrated bishops. After fulfilment of this
ropolitan, and only later by E. Marqos, who had agreement in 1929, the consecration of Gäbrä
meanwhile become the auxiliary to YaŸéqob (on Mänfäs Qéddus took place not in Egypt, but in
this rather complicated but exemplary dossier s. Ethiopia, in January 1930. In January 1931 the re-
Fiaccadori 2004). sponsibilities of the bishops (Säwiros, Abréham,
It seems that the most important function of Petros, Mikaýel, Yéshaq) and the limits of their
the E. was to assume the responsibilities of the dioceses were established (Shenk 1972:74). The
abun, e.g., in case of his sudden death or grave reshaping of the Church administration was
illness. Being formally next in rank to the acting interrupted in 1935 by the Italian occupation.
metropolitan, the E. was a highly esteemed eccle- However, in 1937 a synod, summoned under
siastic, but, unless he was asked to substitute the the auspices of the Italians in the absence of
abun, it is not quite clear what his exact rôle in abunä Qeréllos, proclaimed Abréham, bishop of
church life was. In most cases E. appears to have Gondär, archbishop (pappas) and nominated six
been a titular bishop, having no real power or ju- new bishops (during the short office of Abréham
risdiction. Otherwise an E. could be an assistant a total of 12 bishops were consecrated). In 1939,
of the officiating metropolitan. However, there as éccäge Yohannés substituted for the deceased
are clues that at least in some cases an E. might Abréham (Shenk 1972:148), other new bishops
343
Eppisqoppos
were ordained: Filéppos, secretary to Yohannés, ibid. 1040; Calvin E. Shenk, The Development of the
Gorgoryos for Wällo, Atnatewos for Goggam, Ethiopian Orthodox Church and its Relationship with the
Ethiopian Government from 1930 to 1970, Ph.D. thesis,
Matewos for Šäwa, suffragan bishop Qeréllos for New York University 1972, 74, 148, 191, 205f.; SerHist
Eritrea; in January 1940 suffragan bishop Zäkar- 266, 268; Ugo Monneret de Villard, “Mosè, vescovo
yas was ordained for Jerusalem. After the end of di Adulis”, OrChrP 13, 1947, 613–23; MHAlex, s. index;
the Italian regime, only Filéppos, Matewos, Mar- Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Sul ms. Parigi, B.n.F., d’Abb.
78 (C.R. 38) e i metropoliti Yeshaq, YaŸqob e Marqos
qos and Qeréllos received ordination again and
d’Etiopia (sec. XV–XVI)”, RANLmor ser. 9a, vol. 15, 2004
remained in the Church (Shenk 1972:191). [2005], 679-90, here 687ff.
Consecrations of the further E.-bishops co- Denis Nosnitsin
incided with the drive of the Ethiopian Church
to full independence and took place in July 1948
(÷Basélyos was ordained for Šäwa, Mikaýel for
Gondär, Tewoflos for Harär, YaŸéqob for Wäl- ŸÉqa bet
läga, Timotewos for Sidamo). Having become The ŸÉ.b. (*6y ,M , lit. ‘storehouse, store-
the first Ethiopian archbishop, on 2 September room’, from Amharic Ÿéqa, ‘thing, object’ and
1951 Basélyos consecrated five further bishops: bet, ‘house’) was a separate hut in a nobleman’s
Marqos for Eritrea, Filéppos for Jerusalem, Gor- household where his ceremonial clothes and val-
goryos for Käfa, Tadewos for Illubabor, Gäbréýel uable domestic utensils were kept under the su-
for Wällo. With the consecration of three more pervision of a chamberlain (&sI3y !uA , élféñ
bishops (Säwiros for Gämu Gofa, Marqos for azzaï). In poorer households all this was kept
Goggam, Luqas for Arusi) on 23 May 1953 and simply in chests which were in charge of the same
bishop Yohannés to replace the deceased Yéshaq, chamberlain. This way of keeping things was
bishop of Tégray, on 27 July 1956 (Shenk 1972: quite practical for everyday noblemen’s camp life,
205f.), the number of bishops increased to 14 (in- which limited the bulk of personal property.
cluding one for the monastery of ÷Dayr as-Sul- In churches and monasteries the room with
tan in Jerusalem and one for Eritrea) – according the same function, i.e. the sacristy, is also called
to the number of the provinces. On 28 June, ŸÉ.b. In it those ecclesiastic items (# `Yy 8;D M,
1959, as Basélyos became the first Ethiopian néwayä qéddésat) are kept which are only used
patriarch (patriark or réýésä liqanä pappasat), he during church services, such as sacred ves-
ordained further bishops (all of them being ele- sels, liturgical garments (÷Clothes), umbrellas
vated to archbishops). The establishment of dio- (÷Débab), ÷crosses, ÷manuscripts and icons.
ceses more or less coinciding with administrative The É.b. is an important part of every Ethiopian
limits of the provinces completed the delineation church. In the early churches, chambers attached
of the territorial administration of the Ethiopian to one of the sanctuary’s side rooms might have
Orthodox Täwahédo Church. had the function similar to that of the ŸÉ.b. Ap-
Src.: CRRicBerhan II, 19f., 154; BTafY 153; Ernest proximately beginning with the 17th cent., the
Alfred Wallis Budge, The Life and Miracles of Tâklâ ŸÉ.b. is separated from the main church build-
Hâymânôt in the Version of Dabra Libânôs …, Lon-
ing and located north-east of it. In northern
don 1906, ch. 96; Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’Omilia
di Yohannes, vescovo d’Aksum, in onore di Garimâ”, Ethiopia the ŸÉ.b. may be a solid one- to three-
in: Actes du onzième congrès international des oriental-
istes Paris–1897, 4ème section, Paris 1898, 139–77, here
141f.; CRDLib 13, 16; EMML 1763; CerMaria 116–19;
SawHist² vol. 3 [Mark III – John V (A.D. 1102–1167)],
part 3, 56f.; Stanislas Kur, Actes de Marha Krestos,
Louvain 1972 (CSCO 330, 331 [62, 63]), 88 (text); RIÉ
282; KÉnfä GabrÉýel Altayyä, T?(Hy ,Hy l?FJ\#
(ÍérŸatä betä kréstiyan, ‘The Order of the Church’),
Addis Abäba 1992 A.M. [1999/2000 A.D.], 71–82.
Lit.: BrakKirche 117–25 (Lit.); DicEthBio 62 [“’Ézra”],
144 [“Samuýél”], 184f. [“Yerdaý Mikaýél”]; Carlo Conti
Rossini, “Studi su popolazioni dell’Etiopia. III–IV”,
RSO 6, 1913, 365–425, here 393ff.; Taddesse Tamrat,
“The Abbots of Däbrä Hayq 1248–1535”, JES 8, 1, 1970,
87–117, here 106; Salvatore Tedeschi, “Mikaýel I”, in:
CE vol. 4, 1006f., “Mikaýel II”, ibid. 1007f., “Mikaýel III”, Interior of Ÿéqa bet; Yéha, Énda Abba Afse Church; photo
“Gäbréýel”, “Yéshaq II”, ibid. 1013–16, “Qeréllos III”, 2000, courtesy of Michael Gervers
344
ŸÉqäbänni
storied stone tower, round (as in the church of

Énda Íéllase, ÷ŸAdwa) or rectangular (Mädòane
ŸAläm, ŸAdwa). This ŸÉ.b. usually stands within
the church precinct, like in the ArbaŸéttu Énsésa
church of ÷Aksum, or it is sometimes built as
part of the churchyard wall, as in Abba Liqanos,
near Aksum (remains of the same type of ŸÉ.b.
are typical for the Tana region, e.g., the 17th-
cent. ÷Narga Íéllase church). Elsewhere the
ŸÉ.b. is a simple round or rectangular hut; it is
less solid than the church building and needs
frequent reparation, but can be easily rebuilt (cp.
Tana Qirqos, Daga Éstifanos). Large churches Page of text and miniature depicting the Raising of
may have more than one ŸÉ.b. (cp. ÷Aksum the Cross; ms. ŸÉqäbänni; Aksum, treasury of the old
cathedral; fol. 3r; late 18th cent.; photo 2000, courtesy of
Séyon). Being the main treasury of the church or Michael Gervers
monastery, the ŸÉ.b. is carefully guarded by the
sacristan; all non-authorised entries are strictly sake of certain New Testament characters (the
forbidden. Magi, the people who gathered to hear Christ’s
A sacristan of a church is called qesä gäbäz (lit. preaching etc.) and events from Christ’s life
‘priest [in charge] of the treasure’, cp. ÷Gäbäz), (ranging from the Nativity to the Resurrection).
and that of a monastery, which usually possess The prayer ŸÉ. draws its inspiration from
much more property and many more items, is the irresistible prayer of St. Mary in the “Cov-
called ÷mäggabi (‘steward’, ‘administrator’). enant of Mercy” (s. Sénkéssar on 16 Yäkkatit; s.
Src.: KaneDic II, 1183; DAE III, 46f., 57–61, 67f., Tafel ÷Kidanä méhrät) stipulated with her son Jesus
VI; PerChron ch. 49, 186 (text); BeckHuntAlvar 323f. for her devotees, which runs: “I beg you for my
Lit.: Claire Bosc-Tiessé, “L’histoire et l’art des églises breast which you suckled […] for my womb
du lac Tana”, AE 16, 2000, 207–70, here 212, 256f.; which carried you during nine months and five
HamTana 1, s. index; Jean Doresse, La vie quotidienne
des Ethiopiens chrétiens (aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles), days […], for my lap on which I held you […],
Paris 1972, s. index; Richard Pankhurst, “A Glimpse for my lips which have kissed you […], for my
of Ethiopia’s First Public Library”, The Ethiopian Journal hand which embraced you […], to remunerate
of Education 3–1, 1975; 33–42; Sergew Hable-Sellasie, with the great prize that you have and that ‘no
“The Monastic Library of Dabra Hayq”, in: OrbAeth-
Choj 243–58; Eric Godet, “Peut-on parler d’icônes en
one ever saw or heard, no one ever thought could
Ethiopie?”, Bulletin de la Maison des études éthiopiennes happen’ those who give to the needy alms, to the
11, 1997, 9. afflicted comfort and make commemoration of
Sevir Chernetsov me and build churches in my honour”.
Some manuscripts are extensively illustrated
by full-size miniatures which depict the events
ŸÉqäbänni of Christ’s passion. All presently known exam-
ŸÉ. (*3(~ , lit. ‘protect me’) is the name of a long ples were exectued after 1850 and represent the
litany addressed to Jesus, in which every peti- so-called second Gondärine style.
Src.: ZotBNat 76f., no. 68 [Éth. 54]; 78f., no. 70 [Éth. 132];
tion begins with the words: 'y &Pt&Yy #YBFy
98f., no. 107 [Éth. 73]; SixDeu 433f., nos. 195, 196; EMML
l?FNFy *3(~y (&#H … (O égziýéyä Iyäsus 1169, 4001; WrBriMus 107, no. 158 [Orient. 595]; Addis
Kréstos Ÿéqäbänni bäýéntä …, ‘Oh my Lord Jesus Abäba, the Library of the Patriarchate of the Ethiopian
Christ, protect me, for the sake of …’; Grébaut Orthodox Täwahédo Church, ms. no. 113, fol. 73–96.
1935:427) or similar formula. The text is found Lit.: Marius Chaîne “Repertoire des salam et malke’e”,
ROC 18, 1913, 183–57, here 350, no. 371; Sylvain
in several magic scrolls (SixDeu 433f.) and a Grébaut, “La prière ‘Eqabani’ ou les litanies du Christ”,
number of miscellaneous manuscripts contain- Orientalia nuova ser., 4, 1935, 427–35; abba Ayele
ing anaphoras, prayers, mälkéý-hymns etc. The Teklehaymanot [Mario da Abiy-Addi], “Il culto
earliest of them (ms. Paris, BN Éth. 54) can be mariano nella chiesa etiopica”, Marianum 19, 1957,
dated back to the 16th cent. 256–57; Enrico Cerulli, “La festa etiopica del Patto
di Misericordia e le sue fonti …”, in: ‘Silloge Bizantina’
In the prayer Jesus Christ is beseeched to give in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati, Roma 1957 (Studi
the faithful his protection, first for the sake of the Bizantini e Neoellenici 9), 53–71.
Holy Virgin Mary and Her love, and then for the Ayele Teklehaymanot – Denis Nosnitsin
345
Eqo
Eqo (Southwestern Ethiopia), Wiesbaden 1982; Friedrich

Bieber, Kaffa: ein Altkuschitisches Volkstum in Inner-
E. (also Heqo or Eeqoo) was an element of the Afrika, Münster 1920, 158, 327.
÷Käfa traditional religion during the time of Amanuel Karlo Gano
the kingdom which continues to be followed by
a segment of the Käfa population today. Many
traditions link the origin of E. to that of the Käfa
kingdom itself. ŸÉqqub
ŸÉ. (*4- ) is a popular traditional credit associa-
tion, which is widely spread, mainly in the urban
and to a certain extent in the rural areas. It has a
strong social and economic value since it brings
people of common interest together for the main
purpose of saving money without going into
the ÷banking system. There is disagreement
about the origins of ŸÉ., though functionally it
is similar to rotating credit associations found in
India, South East Asia and elsewhere in Africa,
which supports the theory that it was brought
to Ethiopia by Indian merchants in the late 19th
cent. In contrast, a more frequently quoted theo-
ry argues that ŸÉ. developed out of the ÷Gurage
“milk–Ÿéqqub”, an association of neighbouring
women. Milk is given weekly by all members
and accumulated by one member in turn.
ŸÉ. comprise of a specified number of per-
The ground plan of a classical Eqo sanctuary; from Bieber
sons (*4-H4, , Ÿéqqubtäññoó) depending on
1920 whether the contributions are made monthly,
bi-weekly, or weekly. In practice, however, these
E. is a spirit that dwells in a person belong- individuals represent shares whereby two or
ing to a certain clan. The spirit is passed from more people can pool their resources to make
generation to generation in that particular clan. up a full share. This fact allows people from dif-
The person in whom the E. dwells is known ferent income brackets to participate. Because of
as allamo (a kind of priest or spirit medium). the elasticity in defining a share, the recruitment
There is also a supreme E., referred to as dooói, profile of an ŸÉ. is rather open and unrestricted.
which ranks above all E., and a supreme allamo, Not only can people from different income
the ibeda godo. To be accepted as legitimate, all brackets participate, but most ŸÉ. are open to
lower allamo have to be confirmed and then women, young and old alike, workers from di-
blessed by the supreme allamo. All E., including verse occupations and people from different eth-
dooói, are believed to be spirits in the service of nic groups and religions. On the other hand, there
the high god Yeri. The name Yeri is today used are ŸÉ. which are highly restricted.
by Christians as the name of their god. ŸÉ. payments are made to a chairperson called
The temple of the supreme E. is located close a ÷dañña (lit. ‘judge’) and ŸÉ. is administered by
to the palace where the ibeda godo serves the king a secretary, both elected from the members of ŸÉ.
(÷Tato). Guided by the supreme E., the supreme due to their high integrity, commanding respect
allamo counsels, consults with and guides the king and trust of all members. Then they orchestrate
in important matters, including wars. the lottery and disperse the fund to the lucky
Like several other peoples of Käfa origin, in- winner. The essential principle involves rotating
habitants of the historic ÷Anfillo kingdom also access to a continually reconstituted fund. The
worshipped E. (Bieber 1920:158). person who receives the fund becomes indebted
÷Addiya to all the other members until each participant
Lit.: Werner Jürgen Lange, Dialectics of Divine
has received his share. Three additional details
“Kingship” in the Kafa Highlands, Los Angeles 1976
(Occasional Paper Series, Monograph 8, African Stud- are noteworthy. First, highly effective methods
ies Center UCLA); Id., History of the Southern Gonga evolved to prevent an early recipient abscond-
346
Equestrian Saints
ing with the money and thus failing to repay Equestrian saints
the other participants. By the 1960s the proto- In Ethiopian pictorial tradition, the warrior
cols of ŸÉ. were sufficiently formalized for the or military saints are invariably represented as
default rate to become exceedingly low. Part mounted knights, or E.s. In the Christian East,
of their success was their ubiquitous presence the cult of the warrior saints was spread, as it
and the growing realization that to default in seems, even independently from that of their
one ŸÉ. would severely restrict one’s access to relics. They were conceived as milites Christi or
another. Second, once all participants received milites Dei and caelestis militia. This status grant-
their share, the ŸÉ. was informally dissolved and ed them an important apotropaic function, since
a new rotating credit association was initiated. they were invoked mainly as protectors against
A few large ones have operated in this perpetual diabolical and human enemies. In Ethiopia, their
state of reconstitution for upwards of 50 years. cult developed under longstanding religious and
Third, exceptionally complex credit-extension cultural influence of the ÷Coptic Church, but
mechanisms developed so that an early recipi- their special popularity may be accounted for
ent, who did not immediately require the extra the political situation of the Christian monarchy,
money, could lend it out to others at interest. In constantly involved in military conflicts with its
other words, the luck of the draw enabled an Muslim neighbours. The introduction to Ethio-
early recipient to become a small-time money pia in the 14th cent. of the ÷Gädla sämaŸétat may
lender or facilitated other modes of capital crea- have also played an important role.
tion. The iconography of the E.s. developed in the
Ethiopians’ attitudes towards savings accounts ÷Byzantine Empire and in the Christian Orient
changed little between the 1920s and the 1970s. was more or less directly relying upon antique
Ethiopians preferred the informal savings and triumphal imagery. The saints were depicted on
credit opportunities of ŸÉ. over formal bank- horseback, but not necessarily wearing military
ing. Gradually, as the formal sector expanded, dress. They were armed with sword, shield, spear
ŸÉ. were no longer viewed as an alternative, but or lance. A surmounting cross transformed the
as a complement to formal financial institutions. spear or lance from simple weapons into glori-
Since the ÷Revolution ŸÉ. have spread into all ous vexilla Christi. Another attribute of the E.s.,
areas of economic life. The Marxist slogan dur- connected with triumphal iconography, was a
ing the Därg regime, “man became man due to crown or a wreath, also recalling the martyrdom
work”, was popularly converted to “man be- of their bearers. The crown could be presented by
came man due to ŸÉ.”. a divine or angelic hand turning up out of the sky.
Nowadays ŸÉ. are ubiquitous throughout the E.s. were often portrayed in the symbolic scene
rural countryside from border to border; they representing the victory of Good over Evil: i.e., as
span the social ladder from poor shoeshine boys involved in conflict with a real or fabulous vicious
to the wealthiest import-exporters; they have creature or with a wicked person, usually depict-
been recognized as viable capital-generating ed as a misshapen figure with bestial features.
mechanisms by both government and NGOs; Generally, the Ethiopian artists followed this
and they are so much a part of the salaried iconography of E.s. (in particular, the formulas
workplace that they have begun to institutional- developed in 13th–14th cent. in Coptic Egypt)
ize themselves as workers’ credit and insurance but many of peculiar local features can also be
agencies. observed. For instance, from the end of the 15th
÷Éddér; ÷Maòbär cent. their richly ornamented horse trappings,
Lit.: Dejene Aredo, “The Iqqub: a Potential Means for weapons and clothes reflect the garments and
the Mobilization of Domestic Resources for Capital For-
accessories of Ethiopian nobility. Moreover, the
mation in Ethiopia”, in: PICES 11, vol. 2. 449–61 (Lit.);
Girma Begashaw, The Economic Role of Traditional iconographic type of each saint was not strictly
Savings and Credit Institutions in Ethiopia, Ohio State defined. The physical features (age, colour of
University 1978 (Economics and Sociology Occasional hair) and attributes (garments, weapon, horse’s
Papers 456); Charles G.H. Schaefer, “Embodying colour, defeated enemy) were not consistently
Adaptability and Sustainability: the History of Idir,
Meredaja Mahaber, and Equb in Ethiopia”, in: Endre
applied by Ethiopian artists. Consequently, it is
Stiansen (ed.), More than Money Matters: African Finan- not always possible to recognize the saint if he is
cial Institution in Political Perspective, Bergen 2001. not depicted in a narrative scene or accompanied
Charles G.H. Schaefer – Amsalu Aklilu by an inscribed caption.
347
Equestrian Saints
The Saints George, Victor, Mercury, Claudius, Theodore, Aboli, Mar Béhnam; miniatures from a 15th/16th-cent. Gospel
Book; Säwne in Tégray, Church of St. Mary; fol. 32r, 59r; photo 2004, courtesy of Michael Gervers
The apotropaic function of the representa- his horse; 2) saint spearing an enemy; 3) saint
tions of E.s. is particularly striking in Ethiopia. according to one of the aforementioned types
Their portraits are placed near the entrances to a placed in a narrative scene. All these formulas
church and close to the sanctuaries (÷Mäqdäs). were applied throughout the centuries until
From the 17th cent. long suites of E.s. appear modern times; very generally, it can be said that
on the north exterior wall of the mäqdäs, i.e., the narrative scenes appear mostly in old paint-
facing the direction considered to be the abode ings (12th–14th cent.), while the simple portrait
of evil powers. E.s. also entered the pictorial was particularly popular in the 16th cent. and the
repertory of ÷magic scrolls (e.g., ms. London, saints fighting with Evil were favoured from the
BritLib Orient. 12,859, 18th cent.: out of seven 17th cent.
figures, only George can be identified, thanks The oldest known Ethiopian representations
to the inscription). The folded parchments in of E.s. (four anonymous figures) are preserved
which each section is decorated with a portrait in the church of ÷Yémréhannä Kréstos in Lasta
of a holy rider (e.g., ms. IES 3554, 17th cent.: and date to the end of the 12th cent. From the
÷George [Giyorgis] of Lydda, Theodore [Te- late 13th cent. the E.s. are known from ÷Gännätä
wodros], Mercury [÷Märqorewos], Victor Maryam: George rescuing the captured youth,
[Fiqtor], Mar Béhnam, Basilides [Fasilädäs], and Mercury, accompanied by the cynocephalos,
Justus [Yustos], Eusebius [Awsébyos], Claudius spearing Julian the Apostate; ÷Waša Mikaýel near
[÷Gälawdewos], Menas [Minas], Abadir) were Gašäna, Wällo: George punishing the destroyer
not only devotional but also apotropaic objects. of his shrine, and Cyriacus (÷Qirqos); Émäkina
Among the pictures of Ethiopian E.s. three Mädòane ŸAläm: George punishing the destroy-
main representational categories can be distin- er of his shrine, Theodore and snake, Victor, and
guished: 1) simple portrait of the saint armed Mar Béhnam; Betä Maryam in ÷Lalibäla: relief
with a lance or spear and holding the reins of on the façade with two confronting, anonymous
348
Equestrian Saints
riders. From the 14th cent. remarkable are the figure identified by the inscription as the “king
paintings in the churches in ÷GärŸalta: Harägwa of Qwéz” (triptych IES 4792), probably the illus-
Mikaýel (recently destroyed): George rescu- tration of a legend about Theodore the Oriental
ing the youth, Theodore and Mercury; Bilbalä and his victory over a Persian commander.
Qirqos: Cyriacus; Qorqor Maryam: Theodore The age and appearance of Mercury (com-
and snake. A 14th cent. Gädla sämaŸétat in Astit memorated on 18 Mäskäram) are not strictly
Kidanä Méhrät, Ankobär (ms. EMML 2514) has defined, but he usually rides a dark or black
remarkable miniatures of Mercury and George. horse and is armed with a sword. If he receives
From the 15th cent.: in GärŸalta, Qwärqwär the sword from an angel, the image portrayed is
Danéýel: Mercury, Theodore the Oriental and the vision experienced by his fellow soldier (e.g.,
snake, George; the monastery of ÷Däbrä Séyon: Aksum, Énda Iyäsus). Märqorewos is most often
Claudius; George and snake, Mercury and Julian depicted slaying Julian the Apostate – a scene
the Apostate. Psalters, ms. Paris, BN, d’Abbadie which refers to his best-known posthumous
105: George rescuing the youth, Theodor and miracle and may be complemented by the fig-
snake (CRAbb 47f.). Paris, private collection: ures of saints Basil and Liberius who, according
Mar Béhnam, Theodore; London, collection of to some versions of the story, were witness to
R. McCarthy: Theodore, George; two Gädla the event. The topic about the cynocephali, who
sämaŸétat, ÷Däbrä Maryam Qwähayn, Säraye: became Christians, and Theodore’s attendants is
George; ÷Gäbrä Kréstos and Theodore, Mar sometimes also illustrated (e.g., Gännätä Mar-
Béhnam. A manuscript with ÷Täýammérä yam church; ms. Genève, Eth. Mus. no. 21,051).
Maryam, Oslo/London, the Schøyen collection: Ten E.s. forming the so-called Basilides’s fam-
Claudius, George, Theodore the Oriental. Pro- ily, were all acquaintances of general Basilides
cessional cross, Addis Ababa, ms. IES no. 6038: (Fasiladäs; 11 Mäskäräm), brother-in-law of the
George; painting on wood, Addis Abäba, ms. Roman Emperor Numerianos, and all died as
IES no. 4053: Theodore the Oriental; Basilides; martyrs under Diocletian. The iconography of
Mercury, Aboli; George; Claudius, Lalibäla. these saints, with a few exceptions, does not fol-
Fragment of a manuscript, Munich, Staatliches low clearly defined rules. They bear the standard
Museum für Völkerkunde, no. 86–307643: attributes of the warriors and their defeated en-
George, Theodore, Victor, Claudius (Mercier emy is haphazardly chosen. If these adversaries
2000:88). are humans they are represented on the ground,
The popularity of each E.s., measured by brandishing swords or spears and protecting
the number of times they are represented, is themselves behind a shield. They sometimes
variable. Most frequently depicted are George, wear Muslim turbans. The representatives of this
Theodore and Mercury. These three are also group usually appear in long suites, which from
described in the Apparition of the Virgin Mary at the 17th cent. decorate the northern exterior wall
Däbrä Métmaq (s. the Sénkéssar on 21 Génbot, of the mäqdäs in almost every church. We find
BudSaint 917f.) and it is possible that this text there Basilides’s two sons Eusebius (23 Yäkkatit),
influenced their iconography. Macarius (Mäqarés; 14 Mäskäräm) and two sons
Since three warrior saints bear the name of of Basilides’s second sister: Justus (25 Hamle) and
Theodore (Tewodros) it is not always clear which Abadir (28 Mäskäräm). Her third son, Claudius
of them is referred to: Theodore of Rome called (11 Sane), is one of the most popular Ethiopian
Tiron or the Recruit (28 Yäkkatit), Theodore the saints. He is depicted either without distinctive
Oriental, called Bänadélyos or Méíraqawi (12 attributes or spearing a centaur, that probably
Térr), or Theodore the Stratelates (20 Hamle). represents a member of the tribe defeated by the
Theodore, whoever he may be, is usually rep- saint (legendary Qwéz or Begga), or the idol to
resented as a mature, bearded man on a brown which C. refused to sacrifice.
horse slaying a snake. The scene recalls one of Claudius’s friend Victor (27 Miyazya), son of
Theodore Tiron’s miracles: the saint with divine the emperor Numerianus and Basilides’s sister,
help rescued a woman attacked by a snake when was also popular. He is usually depicted on a
she was drawing water from a spring. In another dun horse. In some early representations he re-
version of the story, the snake was a local menace ceives the crown of martyrdom from an angel.
blocking the road to the saint’s place of birth The illustration refers to the vision of a maiden
– Euchaïta. Some paintings show T. spearing a mentioned in Victor’s Vita. Sometimes a build-
349
Equestrian Saints
ing is included in the scene, typifying either the revenge on the king, either spearing him or be-
shrine of the saint or the bathhouse where he was heading him.
once tortured. Justus’s son Aboli (1 Nähase), Ba- Philoteos (Filatäwos; 16 Térr), is represented
silides’s brother Stephen protomartyr (Éstifanos; killing the bull called Maragäd, an idol worshi-
9 Téqémt) and Theodore the Oriental (the son of ped in Antioch.
Basilides’s sister) also belong to this group. Seldom represented are: the holy physicians
The remaining eleven E.s. can be divided into Sergius (Särgyus; 10 Tékémt) and Bacchus
two groups – the saints with relatively well- (Bakos; 4 Tékémt), Sebastian (Sébästyanos; 25
known legends that influenced their iconog- Térr) and Gäbrä Kréstos (“the man of God”, i.e.
raphy, and a few minor personalities who, as Alexis, 14 Tékémt; thus, in the pictures he may
standardised figures, are only appearing in the be given the status of knight).
extensive suites of E.s. Also represented as E.s. are the four kings
Cyriacus, or better Quiricus (15 Tér), joined of the ÷Zagwe dynasty, recognised as saints by
the E.s. at an early stage, but his iconography the Ethiopian Orthodox Church: ÷Lalibäla,
seems not to have a textual foundation, since, ÷Yémréhannä Kréstos, ÷Näýakwéto Läýab and
according to the legend, he died the martyr’s Harbe or Harbay (e.g., ÷Wuqro Mäsqäl, Säqota).
death as a three years old child, together with his It is also the Archangel Michael, depicted as ar-
mother St. Julitta (Iyäluta). They are also often chistratigós or the commander of the heavenly
represented together, from the 17th cent., in a host: so he appears in the frontispiece miniatures
scene of torture on a fiery gridiron. of ÷Dérsanä Mikaýel. Finally, ÷Alexander the
Menas (15 Òédar) was a soldier in Phrygia. Great in the guise of a pious king and warrior
His body was taken to Egypt and buried in Mar- fighting against supernatural powers and strange
eotis near Alexandria. His common portrayal people is portrayed as the holy rider, usually as-
as an adolescent orans flanked by two camels is cending to heaven while mounted on his horse
unknown in Ethiopia, where he is always repre- Bucephalus. Besides manuscripts, he is repre-
sented as a middle-aged warrior. This iconogra- sented likewise in magical scrolls (e.g., Paris,
phy is probably influenced by the descriptions of Musée des arts d’Afrique et d’Oceanie, ms. no.
his frequent apparitions at the shrine, conveyed 82) and in church murals (e.g., Emmanuel church
in the collection of his miracles well known in in Balci).
Ethiopia. A building is sometimes added to early Src.: René Basset, Les Apocryphes éthiopiens, IV. Les
representations of Minas, symbolising his church légendes de Saint Tertag et Saint Sousnyos, Paris 1894;
Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, Legends of our Lady,
in Mareotis.
the Perpetual Virgin, and her Mother Hannâ, London
Mar Behnam (also Märbéhnam/Marméhnam; 1922, 202–05; BudSaint; CRAbb 45–48, no. 19 [Abbadie
14 Taòíaí) is a Syrian saint converted by the 105]; Paul Devos, “Un récit des miracles de S. Ménas en
anchorite Matthew; he was tortured and put to copte et en éthiopien”, ABol 77, 1959, 451–63, 78; ibid. 78,
death together with his sister Sara and 40 attend- 1960, 154–60; EMML 2514; Francisco Maria Esteves
Pereira, Acta Martyrum, Romae 1907 [repr. Louvain
ants. When he is represented spearing a monster,
1962] (CSCO 37, 38 [SAe 20, 21]); E. Galtier, “Les actes
this probably reflects his Vita, which recounts that de Victor, fils de Romanos”, Bulletin de l’Institut français
his conversion took place during a wild beast hunt d’archéologie orientale 4, 1905, 127–40; Geneviève Nol-
or refers to his power to chase the evil spirits. let, “Les miracles de Saint Mercure Philopater”, Aethiops
Sisinios (÷Susényos; 26 Miyazya) is venerated 4, 2, 1931, 20–24; Lanfranco Ricci, “La leggenda della
Vergine al Libano e del Santo Gigar”, RSE 8, 1949, 83–88.
as the protector of newly-born children stran- Lit.: Guiseppe Balestri, “Il martiro di S. Teodoro
gled by a female demon – his sister Wérzélya in l’Orientale e de’ suoi compagni Leonzio l’Arabo e
Ethiopian tradition. Susényos is usually depicted Panegiris il Persiano”, Bessarione ser. 2a, 10, 1906, 151–68;
spearing her with his lance. This picture appears ibid., ser. 3a, 2, 1907, 34–45; Alessandro Bausi, [Review
frequently in magical scrolls. of Bogdan Burtea, Zwei äthiopische Zauberrollen, Aachen
2001], Annali IUO 60–61, 2000–01, 591–93 (Lit.); Robert
Gigar (16 Nähase) is known from the legends Beylot, “Sur la légende éthiopienne de Saint Mercure et
of the Virgin Mary describing the Flight of the le thème des cynocéphales”, Semitica 36, 1986, 105–24;
Holy Family to Mount Lebanon. According to StanisLaw Chojnacki, “Note on the Early Iconography
this story, Gigar, the governor or judge in Syria of St. George and Related Equestrian Saints”, JES 13, 2,
1974, 39–55; Sylvain Grébaut, “La légende de Sousneyos
was protector of the Holy Family, and on ac- et de Werzelyâ d’après le ms. éthiop. Griaule no. 297”,
count of this he was tortured by order of Herod Orientalia 6, 1937, 177–83; Willy Hangstenberg, “Der
and finally beheaded. Gigar is depicted taking Drachenkampf des heiligen Theodore”, OrChr 2, 1912,
350
ŸÉräfta
78–106, 241–80; Jacques Mercier, “Sousneyos, ou la
protection des nouveau-nés”, in: Id., Le roi Salomon et les
maîtres du regard. Art et médicine en Ethiopie, Paris 1992,
168f.; Id., L’arche Éthiopienne: art chrétienne d’Ethiopie,
Paris 2000, 56, 88; Osvaldo Raineri, intr. by StanisLaw
Chojnacki, Santi guerrieri a cavallo. Tele etiopiche di
Qes Adamu Tesfaw. Warrior Saints on Horseback. Ethio-
pian Paintings by Qes Adamu Tesfaw, Clusone (bg) 1996;
Christopher Walter, The Warrior Saints in Byzantine
Art and Tradition, Aldershot 2003; Id., “Theodore, Ar-
chetype of the Warrior Saint”, Revue des études byzan-
tines 57, 1999, 163–210; George Sandwith, “Der heilige
Mercurius und die Hundeköpfe. Ein Beispiel Visionärer
Kunst aus Äthiopien”, Antaios 4, 1963, 251–60.
ŸÉräfta
ŸÉ. (*:IK , lit. ‘Her falling asleep’), the feast of
the Dormition of ÷Mary, is celebrated by the
÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Church on
21 Térr [29 January], whereas the feast of the
Assumption of Mary’s body to Heaven takes
place on 16 Nähase [22 August] (÷Félsäta). The Burial of St. Mary; miniature; ms. Lahä Déngél; 18th cent.;
commemoration of both as unmoveable ÷feasts church in Énda Abba Hadära, Tämben; fol. 144r; photo
2002, courtesy of Michael Gervers
was enforced by ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, the 15th-
cent. patron of the veneration and cult of Mary; the feast of Mary’s Dormition is commemorated
accordingly, the celebrations must already have on the 21st day of each month.
been established by the time he announced the Both the Dormition and the Assumption are
32/33 annual feasts to be included in the liturgical important themes in Ethiopian iconography.
cycle (÷Calendar) and gave orders to translate The depictions of the Ascension, rare before
the Introductory Rite (Mäshafä íérŸat, ‘Book of the 17th cent., show Mary surrounded by the
the Rules’) of the Miracles of Mary from Arabic twelve Apostles (Chojnacki 2000:193) or by the
into GéŸéz in 1441 (Getatchew Haile 1992; Held- angels (Assunta type). Ethiopian painters were
man 1994:163ff.). The feasts of the Dormition mostly influenced by the narratives for both
(ŸÉ.) and Assumption (Félsäta) are part of the five feasts given in the Sénkéssar (21 Térr and 16
main commemorations of Mary (alongside the Nähase). A triptych of the Dormition ascribed
Kidanä Méhrät, ÷Lédäta and Qéddase Beta). to Nicolò ÷Brancaleone (in the collection of the
The celebration of the Dormition and As- IES, Addis Abäba, previously at the monastery
sumption as two different feasts is related to the of ÷Getesemane Maryam, Goggam), which
tradition of the ÷Coptic Church, celebrating the could have influenced Ethiopian iconography
Dormition on the 21 Tuba [29 January] and the of the scene, has a legend that reads: “How the
Assumption of Mary and apparition of her body Apostles gathered together on the clouds of the
to the Apostles on the 16 Misra [22 August]. It sky with the angels when Our Lady Mary went
dates back to the 6th cent. and originated from a to Heaven” (ChojPaint 293). The scenes of Dor-
Gnostic legend of St. Mary’s death (Daley 2001: mition and Assumption depicting the figure of
81). Between the Dormition and the Assump- Christ (the model originating from Byzantine
tion there is a time-span of seven months (206 iconography) appear first at the end of the 19th
days); the Assumption is the last celebration of cent.
the liturgical year of the Ethiopian Orthodox St. Mary’s grave in Gethsemani, at the church
Church. As the Sénkéssar reading for 16 Nähase of the Tomb of the Virgin Mary (or: of the As-
has it (GuiSyn III, 335–39; BudSaint 1222ff.), sumption) in ÷Jerusalem, is highly venerated by
the Apostles had to wait fasting for two weeks Ethiopians and is still today a place for pilgrim-
before Mary appeared in front of them; as a me- age to them. A small Ethiopian community has
morial of that, the believers fast for two weeks been established in this church, with its own al-
before the feast of the Assumption. In addition, tar at which they celebrate their liturgy, since the
351
ŸÉräfta
15th cent. (CerPal vol. 1, 307–11). There is still an from the 15th cent. at least (the earliest one being
Ethiopian property near the Tomb of Our Lady ms. Vat. Aeth. 268, van Lantschoot 1962:470, and
(Stoffregen-Pedersen 1983:9). Arras 1973:v [text]), a clue for the more ancient
Src.: Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge (ed., tr.), The His- circulation of the text is provided by the homily
tory of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the History of the on the Dormition, 16 Nähase (ms. EMML 2375,
Likeness of Christ, London 1899; Id., Miscellaneous fol. 109a–122a) of ÷RétuŸa Haymanot, who lived
Coptic Texts, 1915, 642; BudSaint 523–27, 1222ff.; GuiSyn
III, 335–40; ColSyn IX, 150–57; Getatchew Haile, The before 1424 (Getatchew Haile 1981). In addition
Mariology of Emperor Zärýa YaŸéqob of Ethiopia, Roma to the M.Ÿé., the Ethiopian Transitus Mariae lit-
1992 (OrChrA 242). erature is represented by a substantial number of
Lit.: CerMaria 137ff.; CerPal vol. 1, 307–11; Enrico other Dormition accounts, mostly homilies (cp.
Cerulli, “La festa etiopica del Patto di Misericordia e le
sue fonti nel greco ‘Liber de Transitu’ e nel racconto latino ÷Dérsan), but also ÷malkéý.
dei Cinque Dolori di Maria”, in: Silloge Bizantina in onore The M.Ÿé. is closely connected with the tra-
di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati, Roma 1957 (= Studi Bizantini dition of the “Book of the Assumption” of St.
e Neoellenici 9), 53–71; StanisLaw Chojnacki, Ethiopian Mary (s. Mäshafä ÷Ÿérgäta lämaryam). The
Icons: Catalogue of the Collection of the Institute of origin of the Greek, Arabic and Coptic sources
Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, Milano 2000,
193, no. 182, s. index; ChojPaint 293, s. index; Brian J. of the literature about the Dormition and the As-
Daley, “‘At the Hour of our Death’: Mary’s Dormition sumption of Mary may be connected with the re-
and Christian Dying in Late Patristic and Early Byzantine jection of the Christological formulations of the
Literature”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55, 2001 [2002], 71– Council of Chalcedon. The rejection of the two-
89; DillmZarY; Emmanuel Fritsch, “The Liturgical Year
of the Ethiopian Church”, Ethiopian Review of Cultures nature, one-hypostatis structure of Jesus Christ
[special issue] 9–10, 2001, 321–27; Marilyn E. Heldman, by the non-Chalcedonians was beneficial to the
The Marian Icons of the Painter Fre Seyon: a Study in cult and veneration of Mary, the Mother of God
Fifteenth-Century Ethiopian Art, Patronage and Spiritu- (Daley 2001:72). There is a story of Mary’s Dor-
ality, Wiesbaden 1994 (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 6), mition called Astäréýéyo Maryam (r!FH?&_y
163ff.; Bishop Gregorius, “Theotokos, Feast of the”, in:
CE vol. 7, 2256; Giovanni Migliorati, “Il culto di Maria r^M|(-y !uy []Qn4?, ‘Of the [Feast of]
in Etiopia”, in: MiscAethKur 181–202, here 192–95 (Lit.); the Apparition, [to be read] on 21 Térr’;
Kirsten Stoffregen-Pedersen, The History of the Arras 1973:85–100; Budge 1933:152–67), which
Ethiopian Community in the Holy Land from the Time of is also given in the reading for 21 Térr in the
Emperor Tewodros II till 1974, Jerusalem 1983, 9.
Verena Böll ÷Sénkéssar, where John the Evangelist, who was
taken “in the spirit” by the cloud from Ephesus,
informs the Virgin Mary of her incumbent pass-
ŸÉräfta lämaryam: Mäshafä Ÿéräfta lämaryam ing away (CANT no. 151). All Apostles, virgins
M.Ÿé. (ue=Dy *:IKy nx?\z , ‘The Book and angels, and Jesus Christ himself surrounded
of Mary’s Dormition’) is a work describing the her at once; and immediately a large number of
circumstances of the death, or more precisely the miracles happened. Mary’s soul was taken up
“falling asleep” (GéŸéz Ÿéräft, Gr. koivmhsi¿, Lat. into Heaven, wrapped in a cloth of light. The
dormitio) of the Virgin ÷Mary in Jerusalem. The Apostles buried her body in Gethsemane, where
work (Liber Requiei) is divided into five chapters it remained for three days. Mary asked her Son
(”books”; Arras 1973:1–84). The first tells how that all those who commemorate her and pray
Mary receives a book from the hand of a “great in her name should find mercy (cp. Mäshafä
angel”, who informs Mary of her early departure ÷kidanä méhrät). Mary was then 60 years old
from the earthly life; the second reports how (ColSyn IX, 150–57; BudSaint 523–27).
she went to the Mount of Olives (Däbrä Zäyt), In the homiliary of the Virgin entitled Dérsanä
there conversing with her son Jesus Christ; the Maryam, some different Dormition/Assumption
third describes how the Apostles assembled at accounts can be found, e.g., in ms. EMML 3873,
her grave; the fourth recounts how the Saviour fol. 35a–40a, homily by a certain pappas Yohannés
appears in front of the Apostles and how Mary for the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin; fol.
fell asleep, looking forward to being together 40a–43b (Arras 1974:56–61), anonymous hom-
again with him; the fifth speaks of the events ily on the Assumption, based on the account by
after the Assumption. John the Evangelist for 16 Nähase; fol. 46a–58a
The M.Ÿé. is likely to have been translated (Chaîne 1909:23–49), anonymous homily on the
from Greek in the Aksumite age (Fiaccadori Assumption for 18 Nähase; fol. 58a–66b, homily
2003:204). Although the extant manuscripts date of ÷Cyril of Jerusalem on the Assumption for
352
Erär
19 Nähase (Budge 1915:642, Arras 1974:1–33); Alfred Wallis Budge, Miscellaneous Coptic Texts, 1915,
fol. 66b–76a, homily (by RétuŸa Haymanot?) 642; BudSaint 523–27; Melito of Sardes, “De transitu
B.V.», in: Jacques-Paul Migne (ed.), Patrologia Graeca,
on the Assumption for 20 Nähase; fol. 76a–101a, vol. 5, 1233–34; Gelasius, “Epistle 42”, in: Jacques-Paul
the Book of the Assumption for 21 Nähase; fol. Migne (ed.), Patrologia Latina, vol. 59, 162; Andreas
108b–109b, homily by ÷Minas, Bishop of Ak- Cretensis, “In dormitionem S.M. III», ibid., vol. 97,
sum, on the Dormition (and Assumption) of the 1100; CANT nos. 150–56; GuiSyn III, 335–40; ColSyn
IX, 150–57.
Blessed Virgin for 21 Térr (cp. mss. EMML 1763, Lit.: Monika Haibach-Reinisch, Ein neuer ‘Transitus
2044, 2461, 3998, 4279, 4355). Among the pos- Mariae’ des Pseudo-Melito, Roma 1962; Brian E. Daley,
sible sources – albeit indirectly – was the homily On the Dormition of Mary: Early Patristic Homilies,
written around 489 by ÷Jacob of Serug, which Crestwood, NY 1998; Id., “‘At the Hour of our Death’:
Mary’s Dormition and Christian Dying in Late Patristic
describes the holy death of Mary and her glorious
and Early Byzantine Literature», Dumbarton Oaks Pa-
entry into Heaven, and other similar Syriac texts pers 55, 2001 [2002], 71–89; CerMaria; Chrisostome
of the 5th cent. (Daley 2001:80). Further sources Hay oz, Portrait de Marie: complainte de la Vierge, Fri-
could be apocryphal works or early Greek patris- bourg 1958; Martin Jugie, La mort et l’assomption de la
tic writings about Mary’s death and bodily ascen- Sainte Vierge, étude historico-doctrinale, Città del Vati-
cano 1944; L. Leroy, “La Dormition de la Vierge», ROC
sion, such as those of John of Thessalonike or of 15, 1910, 162–72; Michel van Esbroeck, “Les textes
Pseudo-John the Evangelist or of Pseudo-Melito littéraires sur l’Assomption avant le Xe siècle», in: Fran-
of Sardis (Liber Transitus Virginis Mariae), com- çois Bovon et al. (ed.), Les Actes apocryphes des Apôtres:
posed prior to the 4th cent. The oldest text nar- Christianisme et monde païen, Genève 1981, 265–88
[repr. in: Iid., Aux origines de la Dormition de la Vierge.
rating the legend of the Dormition/Assumption Etudes historiques sur les traditions orientales, Aldershot
seems to be the pseudo-Gospel of Bartholomew, (Hampshire) 1995, no. i]; Getatchew Haile, “Religious
probably of the 3rd cent. The Liber Transitus Vir- Controversies and the Growth of Ethiopic Literature in
ginis Mariae was condemned, along with several the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries», OrChr 65, 1981,
102–36; Friedrich Erich Dobberahn, “Der äthiopische
other apocryphal works, in the decree attributed Begräbnisritus”, in: Hansjakob Becker – Hermann
to Pope Gelasius, actually of the 5th/6th cent. for Ühlein, Liturgie im Angesichts des Todes: Judentum und
that part (Decretum de libris canonicis ecclesiasti- Ostkirchen, Sankt Ottilien 1997, vol. 1, 657–84, vol. 2,
cis et apocryphis, [Pope Gelasius 1, Epistle 42], in: 859–1036, here 882–86; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “prov-
Patrologia Latina, vol. 59, 162). soyi¿ non provoyi¿. Efeso, Gerusalemme, Aquileia (Nota
a IEph 495, 1 s.)”, La Parola del Passato 58, 2003 [2004],
The liturgical celebration of the Dormition is 182–249, here 204.
integrated in the Ethiopian Orthodox calendar Verena Böll
(cp. ÷ŸÉräfta). The liturgy for death and burial,
here of Coptic origin, retells the legend of Mary’s
death in a long prayer for the burial-cloth of the
Erär
corpse. The prayer includes a few details of a
Homily on Mary’s Dormition by Theodosius, E. (%:? , or %:?y QK Erär-Gota, from ŸAfar
Patriarch of Alexandria, from the year 566 (Do- errer, ‘change of camels’) is a town located at
bberahn 1997:882–86). 1,201 m A.S.L. It lies in an oasis at the foot of
Src.: Victor Arras, De Transitu Mariae. Apocrypha Ae- the Amhar mountains, on a crossing over the
thiopice, I, Louvain 1973 (CSCO 342, 343 [SAe 66, 67]), alluvial cone of the Erär stream. Originally a
1–84 (text) = 1–54 (tr.); II, Louvain 1974 (CSCO 351, 352 railway station of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti
[SAe 68, 69]), 1–33 (text) = 1–25 (tr.), 56–61 (text) = 43–46 ÷railway (60 km from Dérre Dawa), E. is now a
(tr.); Marius Chaîne, Apocrypha de B. Maria Virgine, II,
fast-growing town (3,429 inhabitants in 1984 vs.
Roma 1909 [repr. Louvain 1955] (CSCO 39, 40 [SAe 22,
23]), 23–49 (text) = 19–42 (tr.); Id., “Sermon de Théodose, 5,705 in 2000).
patriarche d’Alexandrie, sur la dormition et l’assomption In 1886, while travelling from Tagura, the
de la Vierge”, ROC 29, 1933/34, 276–314; EMML 1763, French traveller Jules ÷Borelli stopped by the
2044, 2375, 2461, 3873, 3998, 4279, 4355; Arnold van well at E. He described the village, located at the
Lantschoot, “Inventaire sommaire des mss. vaticans
éthiopiens 251–99», in: Collectanea Vaticana in hono- crossroads of routes from Tagura and ZaylaŸ to
rem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda, Città del Vaticano Šäwa, as “neutral ground” where ŸAfar, Oromo
1962 (Studi e testi 219), 454––512, here 470; Adolph and ŸIssa met.
Grohmann, Äthiopische Marienhymnen, Leipzig 1919, Ras Täfäri Mäkwännén (÷Òaylä Íéllase I),
258–63; Constantinus Tischendorf (ed.), Apocalypses
apocryphae Mosis, Esdrae, Pauli, Johannis, item Mariae
whilst governor of ÷Harär, had handed over
dormitio, additis evangeliorum et actuum apocryphorum concessions along the railroad to Europeans
supplementis, Lipsiae 1866, xxxiv–xli, 95–136; Ernest (among them the writer-adventurer Henry de
353
Erär
tive region of Dérre Dawa decreased the tensions

in the population, but the kéllél Somali and ŸAfar
continue today to dispute the southern banks of
the Awaš as the disturbances from spring 2002
showed.
Src.: CSA 1984; CSA 1998; CSA 2000; Ethiopian
Chamber of Commerce, Directory of Agriculture,
Addis Ababa 1973; EMAtlas; Jules Borelli, Éthiopie
méridionale; journal de mon voyage aux pays Amhara,
Oromo et Sidama septembre 1885 à novembre 1888, Paris
1890, 77.
Lit.: Akalou Wolde-Michael, “Urban Development
in Ethiopia (1899–1925): Early Phase”, JES 11, 1, 1973,
1–16; Marc Fontrier, Abou-Bakr Ibrahim, pacha de
Zeyla, marchand d’esclaves. Commerce et diplomatie
dans le Golfe de Tadjoura 1840-1885, Paris 2003; GasEth;
Guida 420; ZerEth.
Alain Gascon
ŸÉrgätä Isayyas ÷Isaiah, Ascention of

÷Monfreid). Under the Italian occupation, E.
sheltered a hundred peasants who worked at the ŸÉrgäta lämaryam: Mäshafä Ÿérgäta
plantations of papaw, banana and citrus fruits, lämaryam
the largest of which had belonged to Òaylä M.Ÿé. (ue=Dy *?KKy nx?\z, ‘The Book of
Íéllase I. The Italians had transformed the Em- Mary’s Ascension’) is a work containing the story
peror’s palace in the vicinity of thermal springs of the Ascension of the body of St. ÷Mary (after
into a hotel, which was frequented till the very her Assumption on 16 Nähase, ÷Félsäta; s. also
eve of the ÷Revolution by the European and ÷ŸÉräfta) into Heaven, where she prays until
Ethiopian middle classes of Dérre Dawa. the Last Judgement. The book is in the name of
The most important projects in E. belonged Prochorus (GéŸéz: !-@m@F, Abrokoros), the dis-
(till the Revolution) to Òaylä Íéllase I and were ciple of John the Evangelist, and reports that the
managed by the Òaylä Íéllase Prize Trust. The Apostles gathered from all over to be with Mary
Revolution nationalized the plantations and in- at her death. Jesus came to receive her soul; she
tegrated them into the para-governmental Cor- was buried and three days later, while the earth
poration for Fruit Sales and Commerce Ethfruit. was trembling, her body was taken from her tomb
The new government has announced its inten- into heaven and translated to Paradise. Further-
tions to privatize it. more, the M.Ÿé. describes the reception of Mary’s
The markets of Dérre Dawa, well connected to body by her Son, who praises it since he dwelled
E. by a passable road laid over the remains of an for nine months within it (Arras 1973:85–100).
old Italian one, and those of Harär offer a signifi- The sources of the Ethiopic version should
cant outlet for E. fruit production. be sought for in early Greek (and Coptic) pa-
The small borough which had grown around tristic writings and apocryphal literature avail-
the small neighbouring railway stop of Gota (7 able in Arabic translation. A homily about the
km from E.) has been gradually absorbed by E. ŸÉrgäta, the corporeal assumption of Mary, is
At the beginning of the 1970s, E. was the capi- said to be by ÷Cyriacus of Behnesa (ŸÉrgäta
tal of the ŸAdal – ŸIssa (Ciise) – Gara Guraóóa for 16 Nähase; Arras 1974:34–55), who wrote
awragga, where ŸAfar and Somali lived, most of several homilies on Mary; his ÷Laha Maryam
them nomadizing between the foot of Mount was translated from Arabic into GéŸéz in the
Amhar and the ÷Awaš. In 1984 E. was included 14th cent. by abba ÷Sälama “the Translator”.
into Dérre Dawa – ŸAdal and Gurgura awragga Another frequently quoted homily about Mary’s
but continued to belong to the region of Harär. Ascension is one by ÷Cyril of Jerusalem (Zena
In 1987 it belonged to the region of Dérre Dawa, Ÿérgäta, ‘Narrative of her Ascension’, also for 16
one of the two Somali autonomous regions. Since Nähase; Arras 1974:1–33).
1991 the wäräda has joined the zone of Šénéle in The best-known Ethiopic Ascension story is
Somali kéllél. The separation of the administra- included in the ÷Sénkéssar for 16 Nähase, and
354
Eritrea
is to be treated along with the Mäshafä ÷Ÿéräfta racconto latino dei Cinque Dolori di Maria», in : Silloge
lämaryam. In both accounts John the Evangelist Bizantina in onore di Silvio Giuseppe Mercati, Roma 1957
(= Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici 9), 53–71; CerMaria 310;
plays a major role, being the one who has the Getatchew Haile, “Builders of Churches and Authors
vision of St. Mary’s death and Ascension from of Hymns: Makers of History in the Ethiopian Church”,
Bethlehem into Heaven, as angels and archangels in: PICES 10, vol. 1, 369–75, here 373; Paulos Yohannes,
accompanied her. In the Sénkéssar account of Filsata: the Feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary
and the Mariological Tradition of the Ethiopian Orthodox
the Ascension for 16 Nähase (”On this day took Tewahedo Church, Ph.D. thesis, Princeton 1988; Osvaldo
place the Ascension of the body [*?KHy TN ] Raineri, “L’Effigie di Maria ‘Patto di Misericordia’: note
of our pure and holy and honourable Lady the per un ‘Mariale Aethiopicum’”, Ephemerides Liturgicae
Virgin Mary …”), she appears sitting on the right 103, 1989, 92–109, here 107; Michel van Esbroeck, “Les
hand of her Son or, later, upon the Chariot of the textes littéraires sur l’Assomption avant le Xe siècle», in:
François Bovon et al. (eds.), Les Actes apocryphes des
Cherubim. The apostle Thomas, not present at Apôtres: Christianisme et monde païen, Genève 1981,
the time of her death, was the first one who saw 265–88; Arnold van Lantschoot, “L’Assumption de
her body out of the grave carried to heaven by the la S. Vierge chez les Coptes”, Gregorianum 27, 1946,
angels. According to the Sénkéssar, the Apostles 493–526.
had to wait fasting for two weeks before Mary Verena Böll
appeared in front of them: this is supposed to be
the origin of the two-week fasting before the As- Eritrea
cension (ŸÉrgäta for 21 Térr; BudSaints 523–27; I. Geography
GuiSyn IX, 150–57). E. (%?M=, Ertra) is situated in the ÷Horn of
In several homilies the Dormition and the Africa. It is bordered to the north-east and
Assumption are treated together: e.g., in the east by the ÷Red Sea (Lat. Mare Erythraeum,
Homily by ÷Minas, Bishop of Aksum, “on whence the name “[Colonia] Eritrea”, coined by
the Dormition (and Assumption) of the Blessed the Italians in 1890 upon the declaraion of their
Virgin” for 21 Térr (cp. mss. EMML 1763, 2044, new colony; cp. also ÷Erythraea), to the west
2461, 3998, 4279, 4355). Likewise, a book called and north-west by the ÷Sudan, to the south by
ue=Dy *:IKy ]IsAK (Mäshafä Ÿéräfta ÷Ethiopia and to the south-east by ÷Djibouti
wäfélsäta, ‘Book of the Dormition and As- (÷Boundaries). It covers an area of ca. 124,000
sumption’) is mentioned in some manuscripts km² (including the ÷Dahlak archipelago and the
(CerMaria 310); the Mashafä félsäta lämaryam ÷Haniš islands). The capital of E. is ÷Asmära.
shares a large amount of material with the M.Ÿé. The largest part of the country is a high pla-
(Chaîne 1962:37). The Zena lämaryam wäfélsäta teau with elevations between 1,800 and 3,000 m
(‘Story of Mary and her Assumption’) contains A.S.L. (÷Geography). The highest point is
various traditions on Mary and her Ascension ÷Amba Soyra (3,018 m A.S.L.). The lowland
(ms. BritLib Orient. 604, fol. 53). strip along the Red Sea coast enjoys a hot
Like the Dormition, Mary’s Assumption is not ÷desert climate. The lowest point is Lake Kul-
only the subject of a number of homilies, but lul in the north of the ÷ŸAfar Depression (75 m
also of ÷malkéý and other ÷hymns. The Mälkéýa B.S.L.). The rivers of E. are mainly seasonal, the
félsäta (‘Images of the Assumption’), ascribed to principal ones being the ÷Gaš, the ÷Barka and
ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob (Getatchew Haile in PICES the Setit (÷Täkkäze).
10, vol. 1, 373), presents a detailed description of
the event (Raineri 1989:107). II. Peoples and languages
Src.: Victor Arras, De Transitu Mariae. Apocrypha E. has ca. 4,400,000 inhabitants (2004 estimate).
Aethiopice, I, Louvain 1973 (CSCO 342, 343 [SAe 66, The two most widely spread languages are
67]), 85–100 (text) = 55–66 (tr.); II, 1974 (CSCO 351, 352 ÷Tégréñña (mother tongue for ca. 50 % of the
[SAe 68, 69]), 34–55 (text) = 26–42 (tr.); BudSaint 523–27, population) and ÷Tégre (31 %). Other lan-
1222–25; CANT; ColSyn IX, 150–57; EMML 1763, 2044,
2461, 3998, 4279, 4355; Marius Chaîne, Apocrypha de guages are ÷Saho, ÷ŸAfar, ÷Bega, ÷Kunama,
B. Maria Virgine, II. Liber de Transitu Virginis Mariae, ÷Nara, ÷Bilin. Of these, Kunama and Nara
Roma 1909 [repr. Louvain 1955] (CSCO 39, 40 [SAe 22, belong to the ÷Nilo-Saharan phylum. The
23]), 21–49 (text) = 19–42 (tr.); Constantinus Tischen- other languages are ÷Afro-Asiatic, Tégréñña
dorf, Apocalypses apocryphae …, Lipsiae 1866; WrBri- and Tégre being ÷Semitic (÷Ethio-Semitic), the
Mus 143ff., no. 217 [Orient. 604].
Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “La festa etiopica del Patto di Mi- rest (Saho, ŸAfar, Bega, Bilin) ÷Cushitic. In ad-
sericordia e le sue fonti nel greco ‘Liber de Transitu’ e nel dition, a Higazi dialect of ÷Arabic is spoken by
355
356
Eritrea
Map of the Colonia Eritrea as shown on a 1920s’ Italian postcard; from the estate of Lorenz Jensen
Eritrea
the ÷Rašaýida. Some native speakers of ÷Italian members), the executive (the president and
are also present. The national languages of E. are the cabinet, with 16 ministers) and the judicial
Tégréñña, Standard Arabic and ÷English, used (Supreme Court, provincial and district courts)
for secondary and University education (÷Lan- branches. The constitution was ratified by the
guages and peoples). Constitutional Assembly on 23 May 1997, but
Officially, E. has nine ethnic groups, some of most of its provisions have not yet (2005) come
these composed of subgroups which in the past into effect.
had considered themselves independent from The country is divided into six zones (zoba)
each other (e.g., ÷Mänsaý, ÷Marya). which are in turn subdivided into sub-zones
Most Eritreans confess ÷Christianity (chiefly (néýus zoba; s. the sub-article on E.’s administra-
Orthodox; also Catholic, Protestant) or ÷Islam tive division).
(predominantly Sunni Muslims). Since 1994, the
V. Economy
Eritrean Orthodox Church has been independ-
The economy of E. is largely based on subsistence
ent from the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo
÷agriculture. Traditionally, the inhabitants of the
Church. The first Patriarch, late abunä Filéppos,
highlands were mostly involved in crop-farming,
was anointed in 1998.
whereas the pastoral peoples of the lowlands bred
III. History cattle. Such a division is still valid. Today, ca. 80 %
E. started taking its modern shape during the of the population is involved in agriculture. Lack
colonial period in the late 19th cent., in particu- of a dependable water-supply, aggravated by
lar through colonization by ÷Italy in the 1880s ÷environmental degradation, hampers develop-
(occupation of Massawa 1885, of Asmära 1889). ment of agriculture, which is only responsible
Until that time, the highland was largely within for ca. 20 % of the gross domestic product (GDP
the influence-domain of the Ethiopian monar- purchasing power parity US-$ 1,030 per capita in
chy (÷Bahér nägaš; ÷Märäb Méllaš; ÷Tégre mä- 2003). Military conflicts of the past decade have
kwännén). The coastal areas were partially under contributed to the low growth rate.
Ottoman control after the fall of the ÷Dahlak E. exports ÷coffee, ÷cotton, fruit, hides and
sultanate (esp. ÷Massawa), partially under inde- meat and imports machinery, petroleum prod-
pendent local šayòs (near Massawa, often being ucts, food and manufactured goods. The import
vassals of Ethiopian leaders), whereas the south volumes (US-$ 500 million in 2001) exceed by far
was in the hands of smaller ŸAfar principalities export volumes (US-$ 20 million in 2001). The
(÷Rahayta, ÷Dankali, ÷Áwsa) and the western national currency of E. is the naqfa (since 1997;
lowlands were controlled by ÷Beni ŸAmér clans before that E. shared the same currency [÷bérr]
and Šémagille groups of the Tégre (s. the sub-ar- with Ethiopia).
ticle on E.’s pre-colonial history). The road network stretches for ca. 4,000 km
The history of E. since the formation of the (of which 874 km are paved). A (partially re-
entity under the Italians can be roughly divided constructed) railway connected ÷Aqordät and
into five phases: (1) the time of Colonia Eritrea Asmära with ÷Massawa, the main E. seaport
(1890–1941, s. the sub-article on E.’s colonial his- (the other one being ÷Asäb).
tory; s. also ÷Africa Orientale Italiana); (2) the
VI. State symbols
period of the ÷British Military Administration
The flag of E. was adopted in December 1995, re-
(1941–52); (3) the years of the ÷Ethiopian-Eri-
placing the UN-created flag of 1952, used by the
trean Federation (1952–62); (4) the time as Ethi-
Provisional Government of E. It consists of three
opia’s 14th province (s. the sub-article on Eritrea
triangles: a red isosceles triangle based on the hoist
in the years 1962–91); (5) E.’s independence.
side, an upper green triangle and a lower blue one.
IV. Government and political system A gold wreath around a gold olive branch is lo-
E. (official denominations UK:y %?M=, Hagärä cated inside the red triangle.
Ertéra; BÕjMiA “ªÀe, Dawlat Iritriya; State of E.) has The coat of arms was designed in 1993.
been an independent state since 1993 (referen- It shows a camel inside a gold wreath, with
dum and acknowledgement of independence the words “The State of Eritrea” in English,
from Ethiopia). The present government consists Tégréñña and Arabic at the bottom.
of the legislative (the National Assembly, with 75 The national anthem of E., “Ertéra, Ertéra,
members of the PFDJ and 75 popularly elected Ertéra” by Sälomon Ìähaye Bäraõi (text in
357
Eritrea
Tégréñña), Yéshaq Abréham Mäharézgi and Aron to convert the Beni ŸAmér to Islam; this family
Täklä Täsfaséyon (music) was adopted in 1993. was based in the new Sufi headquarters of the
Red. Òatmiya in Kassala. The coastal area had entirely
different linguistic-ethnic settings and regional
Pre-Colonial Eritrea orientations. Initially an integral part of Aksum-
The name E. – after Mare Eritreum, the Latin ite Ethiopia (with the port of ÷Adulis, today’s
name of the Red Sea, which was in its turn a Zula, as Aksum’s commercial centre), the coastal
translation of the Gr. !Eruqra; qavlatta (Ionic: region was occasionally restored as +B?y z;?
!Eruqrh; qavlassa) – was coined by the Italian im- (Bahér médér; cp. ÷Bahér nägaš), Ethiopia’s
perialists in January 1890 upon the declaration ‘land of the Sea’; one such restoration occurred
of their new colony. The concept of this entity, during the reign of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68).
a strip of land stretching from the Red Sea coast However, as of the 8th cent. it was predominantly
through the core mountains of the northern associated with the history of Islam in the Red
Ethiopian plateau and down to eastern Sudan, Sea (s. the Sultanate of ÷Dahlak). Its main centre
was somewhat older. The term “Erythräa” was was the town of Massawa, which, with a local
used in German geographical literature of the Arab nucleus, was part of the Islamic urban pres-
1870s (cp. Bairu Tafla in PICES 12, 511). In a ence along the eastern coast of the whole Horn.
political sense, it was already used by the early Massawa’s long history cannot be presented here,
modern rulers of Egypt, notably by khedive but one episode exemplifying its connection to
÷IsmaŸil bašša (r. 1863–79), who attempted to the greater Islamic world was its conquest by the
establish an all-Nile Egyptian empire with its Ottomans (÷Ottoman Empire) during 1557–78.
centre at Khartoum. During the 1860s and early The Ottomans (like their later successors, the
1870s, he renewed Egyptian rule in the Sudan modern Egyptians and the Italians) attempted
(1865) and occupied the African Red Sea coast to annex the coastal area to their “Province of
and beyond into the Indian Ocean and Harär. Habeš” (÷Habeš eyaleti), along with parts of the
At that time the only route between these two Ethiopian highlands, but were defeated. Though
spheres of the Egyptian empire passed through they abandoned this enterprise, the Ottomans
÷Massawa, ÷Kärän, ÷Kassala and Khartoum. still considered the western coast of the Red Sea
Moreover, it was only through this route that as part of their Islamic empire.
a modern railway (planned by Egypt since the The coastal area was the home of various au-
1870s) could ensure good communications with tonomous groups exposed to Islamic influences.
the Sudan. By 1872 the Egyptians had captured The inner desert between Massawa and ÷Dji-
this strip and began colonizing it, building a bouti was inhabited by the ŸAfar nomadic and
chain of forts and even encouraging European independent clansmen, who by the 16th cent. had
missionaries to settle and develop agriculture adopted Islamic rituals. In between these two
there. Safeguarding this vital route, however, also spheres lay the mountainous areas – ÷Hamasen,
necessitated the conquest of the core highlands ÷Säraye and ÷Akkälä Guzay – inhabited by
of northern Ethiopia, then under the Tégrayan Tégréñña-speaking Christians who were, from
emperor ÷Yohannés IV (r. 1872–89), who was their incipience, an integral part of the Ethiopian
centred in the north. world.
Prior to this Egyptian enterprise, the ter- This highland territory was part of the heart-
ritories united by this new concept had little land of ancient Aksum and the cradle of Ethio-
history in common. They were three independ- pian Christianity and monasticism. It was later
ent cultural entities with dissimilar historical the core of Bahér médér and a part of Tégray-
orientations. The western lowlands, from Bogos Tégréñ, the term describing the lands inhabited
to Kassala (÷Barka), was the home of various by all Tégréñña speakers. Separated by the River
ethnic groups led by the Tégre-speaking ÷Beni Märäb from the rest of the empire, the region
ŸAmér clans. Though occasionally raided and was often called ÷Märäb Méllaš (‘beyond the
taxed by the Christian Tégrayans of the high- Märäb’). Just like practically every other part of
lands, they were no less associated with Sudanese Ethiopia, the history of the Märäb Méllaš also
history. As of the 1820s, the Sudanese orientation revolved around tensions between the central
of the Beni ŸAmér was solidified by the Mirëani Ethiopian imperial authority and the local elite,
family (÷Mirëaniya), who successfully worked who in turn were torn by internal divisions and
358
Eritrea
rivalries. The core region of the Märäb Méllaš, ian strength and to the war with the Mahdists.
Hamasen, was for centuries led mostly by two In 1888 the Ethiopian army retreated over the
rival families from the villages of ÷Hazzäga and Märäb and in 1889 the Italians entered ÷Asmära
÷SäŸazzäga. The local elite groups enjoyed rela- without any fighting.
tive independence because they were sheltered The fall of the Märäb Méllaš was perhaps
by the Märäb and at times were able to obtain Ethiopia’s only loss during its conflicts with late
power from external forces, as well as from the 19th-cent. Western imperialism. This loss had far-
frequent raiding and taxing of local lands. It was reaching implications for her 20th cent. develop-
all, however, within the rules of Ethiopian cul- ments. The process summarized above has also
ture and tradition. left enduring legacies for the Eritreans. The links
The 19th-cent. Egyptian attempt to unify these established at this time – between the Muslims of
regions and separate them from Ethiopia initi- western E., Sudan and Egypt; and between the
ated a “pre-colonial modern history of E.” (we Muslims of Massawa, the coast and the core of
shall use here the Ethiopian term Märäb Méllaš the Middle East – survived the colonial period.
to describe events up until 1890). Between 1875 They formed the background for the establish-
and 1890 four states competed over the territory ment of the ÷Eritrean Liberation Front in the
and left enduring legacies for the various local late 1950s, with its ideology of E.’s revolution-
factions. ary Arabism. Moreover, the resentment of the
First there was an Ethiopian–Egyptian struggle Hamasen local Tégrayan Christian elite against
between 1875 and 1884. It began with an Egyp- Alula’s centralization in the name of Ethiopian
tian attempt to invade the Christian highlands Imperial authority survived and was integrated
which led to their double defeat by the army into the nationalistic ethos of the ÷Eritrean Peo-
of Yohannés in ÷Gundät, 16 November 1875, ple’s Liberation Front.
and more disastrously at ÷GuraŸ, 7–9 March Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Interdependence through Independ-
1876. Having failed, the Egyptians nevertheless ence: the Challenges of Eritrean Historiography”, in:
PICES 12, 497–514; Carlo Conti Rossini, Italia
remained in the lowlands and Bogos (÷Bilin),
ed Etiopia, Roma 1935; Haggai Erlich, A Political
entrenched on the Massawa–Kärän–Kassala Biography of Ras Alula, Michigan 1983 [= Ras Alula and
route and engaged in a war of attrition against the Scramble for Africa, Ethiopia and Eritrea 1875 – 1897,
the Ethiopians. The Ethiopian Emperor, for his New Jersey—Asmara, 21996] (Lit.); Id., Ethiopia and the
part, was now determined to solidify his hold on Middle East, Boulder 1994; ZewYohan; Peter Mal-
colm Holt, The Mahdist State in the Sudan 1881–1898.
the mountainous core of Hamasen, Säraye and A Study of Its Origins, Development and Overthrow,
Akkälä Guzay. Oxford 1970; KolTrad 2; Tekeste Negash, Italian
In 1876 ase Yohannés appointed his general ras Colonialism in Eritrea, 1882 – 1941, Uppsala 1987 (Acta
Alula Éngéda, an outsider to the region, as gover- Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Historica Upsaliensia
148); PankHist I; RubInd.
nor of the Märäb Méllaš. Temporarily the former
governor raýési ÷Wäldä Mikaýel, with Egyptian Haggai Erlich
backing, regained control of Hamasen, until he
was imprisoned in 1879. Alula then widened his Colonial history of Eritrea
offensive politics against the Egyptians, raiding Expansion of Italian dominion
their military posts and Bogos. This was ended In March 1882, the Italian government acquired
by the 1884 ÷Hewett Treaty, when the Ethio- legal rights along the south-western Red Sea
pians agreed to help the evacuation of Egyptian coast from a shipping company and purchased
garrisons, threatened by the Mahdi, from the Su- lands in the surroundings of the harbour of
dan, in exchange with Bogos. However, shortly ÷ŸAsäb and in the nearby islands by concluding
after, in February 1885, the Italians landed in agreements with local rulers. In July, ŸAsäb was
Massawa and started their encroachment inland. declared an Italian colony (÷Colonia di Assab).
In September 1885 Alula collided with the Mah- In February 1885, thanks to British consent, the
dists at the victorious battle of ÷Kufit, but his Italians occupied the port of ÷Massawa, which
plans to occupy Kassala were made impossible was under Egyptian control. Following this,
due to the threat posed by the Italians. Even the Italians took over the north-western areas
if Alula massacred a battalion at ÷DogŸali in of Sämhar and Sahél through peaceful means,
1887, followed by a skirmish at SaŸati in 1888, signing protectorate treaties with the local
the expansion could not be stopped, due to Ital- chiefs. Meanwhile, they expanded southwards
359
Eritrea
by a “divide and conquer” policy, as well as the invaders at ÷Ambalage in December 1895,
through armed expansion. They were able to and later at ŸAdwa (÷ŸAdwa, battle of) in March
conquer Hamasen, Säraye, and Akkälä Guzay, 1896. This impressive event – the biggest defeat
availing themselves of the struggle between the of an European army in Africa – left profound
÷Mahdists and Ethiopia and of the rivalries traces in Italian colonialism. The wartime policy
within the Ethiopian empire. Helping ase Ménilék of wasting money adopted by the military gov-
of Šäwa (the future ÷Ménilék II) to succeed ernors in E. (up to 1896, Italy had spent around
Yohannés on the imperial throne in exchange for 500 million lire and lost about 10,000 men) was
his acceptance of Italian sovereignty over the Red then relinquished in favour of peaceful-neigh-
Sea possessions (the ÷Italo-Ethiopia Convention bour relations with Ethiopia.
[Wécale Treaty] of May 1889), the Italians seized
the northern edge of the Abyssinian plateau and Consolidation of the colony
extended their possession in Akkälä Guzay up to Following the peace treaty of October 1896,
the Märäb River, against the conditions in Article Italy recognized Ethiopia’s sovereignity and
3 which restricted the Italians to the eastern edge kept its own colony, trying to define its inter-
of the plateau (RubInd 399ff.). In 1890, they gave national frontiers and consolidate the territorial
this colony the name of “E.”, from the ancient possession. Member of Parliament Ferdinando
Greek name for the Red Sea. ÷Martini was appointed civil governor in De-
Besides the Christian Tégréñña-speaking set- cember 1897 and succeeded in establishing a
tled agriculturalists in the highland plateau, the stable colonial administration, despite the scanty
northern highland and the western lowlands budget. He reduced the influence of the army and
were mainly inhabited by semi-nomadic Muslim shelved the policy of white settlement. Between
ethno-linguistic groups: the Beni ŸAmér, ÷Bilin, 1897 and 1908 E. was internally organized in
÷Habab, ÷MänsaŸ and ÷Marya, as well as by administrative divisions and sub-divisions that
the agro-pastoralists ÷Kunama and ÷Nara; the were meant to respect the ethno-cultural vari-
÷ŸAfar and the Saho pastoral communities in- ety of the communities. The ÷Dahlak islands,
habited the southern coastal strip and the eastern the ÷ŸAfar and the ÷Sämhar areas were united
escarpments of E. The 1893 census roughly esti- to form the Eastern Division, with Massawa as
mated the whole population at 191,127. the provincial capital. The Western Division, ad-
The Italians set up a bureaucratic colonial ministered by ÷Aqordat, was composed of Beni
administration ruled by military governors and ŸAmér, Nara and Kunama lands. The northern
centred in the capital city of Massawa. In 1890/ edge of Hamasen, inhabited by Muslim groups,
91 they adopted a policy of harsh treatment was joined to ÷Bet Asgäde and ÷ŸAd Šek lands
towards the local élite; 12 rebel chiefs and 800 and ruled from the town of ÷Kärän. The rest of
followers were either executed or deported to ÷Hamasen and ÷Säraye, with Asmära and ŸAddi
the prison island of Nokra. This violent repres- Wégri (Mändäfära) as their respective capitals,
sion, which was condemned by a Commission kept their administrative features, while the Saho
of Enquiry, broke down any further attempt at area was united to Akkälä Guzay and centred in
mass resistance until the first half of the 1890s, ÷ŸAddi Qäyyéh (for more details s. the subarticle
when the colonizers began a policy of settlement below). A hierarchical structure of Italian of-
in the temperate plateau, alienating 314,792 hec- ficials administered each division. The village of
tares of common native land for landless Italian ÷Asmära became the new capital of E. in 1898,
peasants, following Leopoldo Franchetti’s plan. replacing Massawa that had served as main town
This plan failed because of the native opposition since 1885. While the bureaucratic administration
to extensive dispossessions. In December 1894, was put on a sound basis of territorial centraliza-
the uprising, led by däggazmaó ÷Bahta Hagos, tion, the internal administration underwent only
opened the way to an Italian attempt to conquer slight changes: the districts were reduced to five
further areas in Tégray. In October 1895 this in 1931. International treaties and conventions
determined the outbreak of an offensive war with the neighbouring countries – Ethiopia, the
against Ethiopia, which Italy claimed to be un- Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Djibouti – delineated
der its protection according to a misinterpreta- the external frontiers of E. between 1898 and
tion of article XVII of the Wécale Treaty. Under 1908. It took three years of diplomatic negotia-
Ménilék’s guidance, the Ethiopian army defeated tions and a financial compensation of 5 million
360
Eritrea
lire to convince, in May 1900, the Ethiopian gov- Although the colonial government was offi-
ernment to accept a common boundary running cially committed to respecting religious liberty
along the rivers Märäb, Bäläsa and Muna. The in E., a Catholic Mission challenged the religious
highlanders who shared the same language, faith authority of the Orthodox Church, even if with
and multiple elements of material culture were little success (÷Catholicism). The Apostolic Pre-
now officially split between southern E. and fecture of Erythraea was established in 1894–95,
northern Ethiopia. granted to the ÷Capuchins, and became a Vicari-
ate in 1911. They replaced the French ÷Lazarists
Administration of the colony
(÷Vicariate Apostolic of Abyssinia), who had
From 1898, the Italians adopted an indigenous
arrived in the region already in the 1850s and
policy that promoted collaboration, awarding
were suspected of lacking loyalty. But Eritrean
privileges to members of the traditional ruling
Orthodox conversions remained few, for two
élite. The colonizers introduced a hierarchical
main reasons. First, the Italians actively encour-
system of appointed salaried chiefs, supervised
by colonial officers, to administer the indigenous aged the spread of Islam in E. in order to achieve
populations. These chiefs collected tribute in the support of their Muslim subjects and to set
their districts, maintained law and order through them against the Orthodox. Secondly, although
their armed followers and detained the judicial the Orthodox Church was no longer an econom-
power to settle “collective disputes” regarding ic power in Märäb Méllaš since the Italians con-
civil matters between natives. The Italians did fiscated its lands, the social importance of mon-
not in fact resort to a uniform jurisdictional or- asteries never faded. In fact, the influence of the
der in E. While Italian laws were applied to the Orthodox Church remained strong owing to the
colonizers, traditional laws – both Islamic laws proximity of co-religionist Ethiopia, where the
and customary rules (÷Héggi) – were preserved Church represented a pillar of the State and the
for the natives, although customary rules in penal most powerful ideological institution. Tégréñña
matters underwent a deep transformation: many speakers from E. and Ethiopians shared the same
traditional forms of punishment were forbidden faith and cultural values and, from the 1920s, the
because unfitted to the new social reality shaped Eritrean Orthodox clergy encouraged the spread
by colonialism. The administration of justice had of irredentism. In 1929, to counteract this poten-
four court instances, from native courts up to the tially dangerous influence, the Italians abolished
governor. The freezing of these bodies of law the Ethiopian ecclesiastical jurisdiction over E.,
signified the recognition of the mixed social tex- but this step did not break down the under-
ture of Eritrean society. The collaboration of the ground links with the empire.
traditional élite was politically successful because The educational policy for Eritreans was most-
it minimized the risks of extensive organized ly delegated to missionaries, both Catholic and
resistance and anti-colonial consciousness, so Protestant. The Italians limited the school-system
that only isolated acts of resistance took place in order to avoid native enlightenment that could
throughout Italian colonization. The few leaders, jeopardize their rule. Martini denied native access
such as däggazmaó ÷Abärra Gézaw, Muhammad to ÷education and only in 1911 were Eritreans
Nuri and Gäbrä Mädòén Hagos, who sought to allowed to attend lower elementary education in
prolong resistance, were forced to flee to Ethio- the few state schools that were meant to produce
pia and never represented a serious menace to educated workers for the colonial services. From
colonial rule. Collaboration was easily gained by 1923, government schools were handed over to
the non-Tégréñña speakers who, in pre-colonial the Catholic Mission, which became responsible
times, were raided and pillaged by the highland- for colonial teaching and for the propagation of
ers. Colonial pacification, based on a “law and or- Italian culture. The ÷Swedish Evangelical Mis-
der” policy, instead put an end to these raids and sion promoted the spread of written literature in
to inter-ethnic hostilities among the various com- vernacular languages and provided pupils with a
munities. The Italians were mainly committed wider school programme. But in 1932 the colo-
to maintaining political stability and constantly nial government expelled the Swedish missionar-
feared the possibility of an all-Tégréñña uprising; ies because their educational work fostered pro-
they therefore tried to break the social ties be- Ethiopian political and civic loyalty. Though the
tween the Christian Tégréñña-speaking groups, reliability of the official figures can only be rela-
using every means at their disposal. tive, it can be assumed that the Italians prevented
361
Eritrea
the birth of an Eritrean intelligentsia, as no more self-reliance because they preferred to encour-
than 2 % of the total school-age population age imports instead of producing the needed
gained access to education. goods locally. E. had always been economi-
cally dependent on the colonial power (for more
Italian colonists and indigenous populations details on Eritrean economic development s.
The Italian community in E. had slowly in- ÷Economy).
creased until the 1930s. In 1934 there were 4,500 During Italian rule, the colonial economic
Italians (representing 0.76% of the total inhab- policy determined the first labour divisions
itants); that number grew to nearly 75,000 in between the rural and urban sectors. A limited
1939. E. became a colony of settlement. Among native working class had emerged, between those
the new colonialist settlers there were factory employed in colonial-infrastructure projects, in
owners and farmers, but the vast majority of farming state lands and in industrial plants.
the newcomers decided to settle in fast-growing Between 10 and 15% of the able-bodied male
towns like Asmära and Massawa, two modern population (between 4,000 and 5,000 Eritreans)
European-style cities. Therefore, the Italians worked as salaried employees in the produc-
promoted a similar drift for those Eritreans who tive sector of the economy. Besides the natives
were looking for employment. At the end of the employed in the lower positions of the bureau-
1930s, ca. 20 % of the natives lived in urban cen- cratic administration – i.e. clerks, interpreters
tres. They earned low wages and could only aim – and those who worked as domestic servants
at subordinate posts in the colonial administra- in Italian houses, the largest employer was still
tion. Compelled to live in “native quarters”, they the colonial army. From 1936 to 1941, 60,000
were not allowed to obtain Italian citizenship, to Eritrean soldiers served in the whole AOI, about
express political views or attend to public mat- 40% of the male adults. Although some of them
ters. Although Eritrean subjects were never deserted during the Ethiopian campaign and
treated as equals – as the defence of Italian “pres- participated in the anti-Italian resistance, Eritre-
tige” vis-à-vis the native corresponded to one of ans contributed to the colonization of Ethiopia.
the pillars of the ideology of colonialism – their As a reward, the Italians placed them on top of
situation worsened in the Fascist era, when active the colonial hierarchical order and granted them
discrimination was practised. In the late 1930s, a economic privileges.
racist campaign produced the discriminatory The collaboration of Eritreans with the colo-
legislation that prohibited intermarriages and nial system has been explained in terms of the
inter-racial cohabitation between Europeans and long-lasting political stability. Different com-
natives, which had been widespread since the munities inhabited the colony, living peacefully
very beginnings of the colonial period because side-by-side in a stable administrative framework
of the demographic imbalance of the Italians in that did not cancel but subdued the life-style dif-
E., who were mainly single men. Thereafter, the ferences between the ethno-linguistic groups,
colonial government implemented a policy of favouring their coexistence. During Italian colo-
separation of races along “apartheid” lines. In nization, the improvement of health conditions,
1940, the half-castes lost their rights to citizen- the growth in consumption of goods, the spread-
ship and to education because they were declared ing of the market economy and the vanishing of
subjects. The fascist civil police fostered the re- the threat of drought improved the welfare of the
pressive attitude shown by the colonial adminis- natives. A telling consequence was the noticeable
tration towards the subjects. demographic growth of the Eritrean population:
After 1936, E. experienced a positive economic from 275,000 inhabitants in 1905 to 614,000 in
trend. There was a sudden growth of industrial 1935. The Tégréñña speakers became the largest
enterprises linked to the exploitation of the em- ethno-linguistic group, constituting 54 % of the
pire, especially in the fields of transport, mining, total population. Their better socio-economic
construction and food supplies. The colonial ad- living standards explained the spread of a feel-
ministration fostered this boom, granting credit ing of identity distinct from the neighbouring
facilities and licenses to Europeans to promote Ethiopians.
their investments. At the end of the 1930s, there A historiographic debate concerning the depth
were 2,198 industrial firms in E. But even in this of the economic and political transformation of
period the Italians did not secure the colony’s E. during Italian colonization, fuelled by the en-
362
Eritrea
suing events that set Eritrean nationalists against ing the levels and the number of schools (up to
Ethiopia, has been unfolding for years and is still over 100), where the pupils were taught in Arabic
of burning political relevance (s. Taddia 1986; and Tégréñña. The diffusion of written literature
Ruth Iyob 1995; Tesfatsion Medhanie 1986; in those two languages began to flourish.
Markakis 1987; Jordan Gebre-Medhin 1988). The wartime economic trend allowed E. to
Looking from a different angle, a parallel debate become almost self-sufficient, with a fairly sat-
stressing the overall importance of colonialism in isfactory balance of payments. Agricultural pro-
the transformation of traditional society has also duction rose, because the British increased land
developed (s. Tekeste Negash 1987; Haggai Er- concessions up to 256,000 of cultivated hectares
lich 1982). From the 80s, the Eritrean literature for an output of 59,000 tons. Industry gave the
of militancy began to assign to Italian colonial- most impressive results: the already existing
ism the foundations of the rise of a territorially concerns were developed and many more were
based civic nationalism, in order to challenge the set up to comply with the new – mainly military
Ethiopian national historiography, which main- – requirements. Both skilled Italian manpower
tained that E. was historically an integral part of and Eritrean labourers were employed and for
the Ethiopian empire. the very first time the natives were allowed to
form trade unions. Meanwhile, the British began
Situation after World War II
After Italian involvement in World War II, Brit- to dismantle a large part of the infrastructure
ish forces entered E. from the Anglo-Egyptian built during Italian colonization, in order to gain
Sudan in January 1941 and by April had occupied profits. However, after the post-war crumbling of
it (battle of ÷Kärän). The Italian East African demand, that boom proved to be short-lived. E.’s
Empire was then dismantled and a ÷British Mili- agricultural and industrial output was not guard-
tary Administration (BMA) took over the colony. ed against foreign competition and soon could
The main concern of the British was to preserve not compete with it. Another important factor in
the situation in E. in view of post-war decisions this decline was the detailed restrictions imposed
about the future of the country. In the 1947 by the BMA on manufacturers, business loans,
Peace Treaty Italy ceded E. to the four powers, it banks’ foreign-currency dealings and working li-
therefore ceased to be an Italian colony. Thus the cences. The industrial shutdown was followed by
“Occupied Enemy Territory Administration” large-scale unemployment. Around 10,000 Eritre-
(OETA) was formally replaced by a mandatory ans were jobless in 1948, angered by the economic
administration. A Chief Administrator led the hardship and by the strong increase in the cost of
BMA from 1943 to 1949. From 1949 until 1952 E. living. They began to protest with public demon-
came under the British Foreign Office’s sphere of strations, asking for the “Eritreanization” of the
competence, working together with the ÷United economy and of the administration.
Nations’ Commission for E. (1950–52). Following the BMA policies, Eritreans be-
In accordance with the British aim to keep law gan to acquire some knowledge of public af-
and order in E., between 1944 and 1947 the coun- fairs. Since 1941, representatives of the whole
try was internally re-arranged along ethnic lines Eritrean society set up an anti-colonial patriotic
into 5 divisions, due to the fusion of the Kärän association, ÷Mahbär féqri hagär, to commu-
and Aqordät districts into the new Western Prov- nicate their needs to the BMA. Shortly after,
ince, as well as to the unification of Massawa and Tégréñña-speaking urban notables and younger
ŸAsäb into the Red Sea Division. The British did intelligentsia, supported by Ethiopia, began to
not alter the Italian colonial administrative system advocate pro-Ethiopian irredentist feelings and
and relied on the same local chiefs, leaving them to dominate the association. In 1943, several
their fiscal and judicial tasks, while Italian laws Muslims and some Christians who inhabited the
were kept in force. In fact, the British, who were Eritrean southern and central highland districts
understaffed, did not immediately dismiss the Ital- left the Mahbär and formed a Separatist Move-
ian colonial staff and slowly began to induct native ment to counteract pro-Ethiopian irredentism.
clerks into the administration. The British repealed The Eritreans mistrusted the British, feeling a
the discriminative legislation towards Eritreans deeply rooted embitterment towards the former
and provided services for them ranging from pub- colonizers. In summer 1946, the bloody inci-
lic health to employment and freedom of the press. dents in Asmära between pro-Unionists and
Successful efforts were made in education, widen- the Sudan Defence Force, stationed in E. under
363
Eritrea
the BMA’s command, fostered the growth of its rights over the territory – based on historical,
political tension; it also set the start for the at- geographical, ethnic and economic reasons – and
tacks against Italian residents by pro-Unionists. of strategic issues, such as an outlet to the sea for
In October 1946, the British lifted the ban on the land-locked empire. According to imperial
political parties. propaganda, E. and Ethiopia were politically in-
After the 1947 Peace Treaty with Italy, which distinguishable. After Òaylä Íéllase’s promise to
stated that the Allies should settle the future return the Eritrean lands confiscated by the colo-
status of its pre-fascist African colonies – E., So- nizers to its owners, Eritrean Orthodox clergy
malia and Libya – the four allied powers decided became openly involved with the Unionist Party.
to send a Commission of Enquiry to E. with the The ÷Four Power Commission of Enquiry
task of acquainting themselves with the wishes of visited E. from November 1947 to January 1948.
the inhabitants. Although the relative strength The Commission received the platform of politi-
of the political organizations was difficult to cal parties and written petitions and interviewed
ascertain and the system adopted debatable, the traditional élites, but failed to reach agreement
following proved to be the most representative over a unified report. As the Allies were not able
Eritrean parties: 1) the Unionist Party, officially to come to an agreement concerning the disposal
registered in February 1947, which came after of E., the question was submitted to the inter-
the Mahbär and was mainly supported by the national forum of the UN in 1948. An Anglo-
Tégréñña speakers of the Hamasen region, but Italian attempt – known as the ÷Bevin-Sforza
also by Muslim aristocrats who counteracted the Plan – to partition E. between Ethiopia and
serf-emancipation movement promoted by the the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and grant a special
÷Muslim League (ML); it stood for uncondition- status to the densely populated Italian coastal
al union with Ethiopia and was the largest single towns of Massawa and ŸAsäb was rejected by
party in the country (48 % of supporters); 2) the the UN General Assembly in May 1949. After
ML was the second largest party of E. (30 %); it that, E. endured a period of political turmoil. To
mobilized the Muslim communities and demand- promote the birth of a sovereign nation state, the
ed independence or, at least, a UN trusteeship; 3) ML promoted the formation of an Independence
the ÷Liberal Progressive Party, which derived Bloc, rallying other parties, such as the Liberal
from the Separatist Movement and was com- Progressive Party and the New Eritrea Pro-Italy
posed of Christian highlanders, was sponsored Party. But, despite its numerical majority, the
by the BMA to favour the independence of E. coalition was weakened by its own socio-politi-
together with the Tégréñña districts of Ethiopia; cal heterogeneity. Both the fear of the return of
4) the Pro-Italy Party, composed of Italians, half- Italy and the Ethiopian assurance concerning
castes and natives who obtained privileges during respect for Islamic identity (Muslim discrimina-
colonialism (i.e. the members of the Eritrean War tion in the Empire was well-known) drove many
Veterans Association) sought the maintenance of adherents to accept the idea of conditional union
Italian political rule in the country. with Ethiopia. Meanwhile, economic reasons de-
The interests of the powers – Great Britain, termined the outbreak of social tension between
Italy and Ethiopia – involved in E.’s future fur- Muslims and Christians and cleavages among the
ther complicated the situation. Great Britain, ethno-linguistic groups of the country. Muslim
the occupying power, believed that E. could aristocracy, threatened by the ML’s policy for the
not constitute a viable independent State and, abolition of serfdom, allied with the Christian
from 1943, was inclined to split the country, nobles to support unionism.
assigning the western Muslim-inhabited low- Political propaganda from all sides resulted in
land to the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and leaving plotting and bribery. These reached their climax
the Christian Tégréñña-speaking inhabited in 1950, when the UN fact-finding Commission
plateau to Ethiopia. Italy, the former colonial of Enquiry visited E. between February and
power, tried to prolong her control over E. by April. The Commission had to investigate the
the award of a UN trusteeship or calling for the wishes of the inhabitants and their political matu-
independence of the country; the Italians still liv- rity for self-government in order to satisfy their
ing in E. worked to safeguard their interests and welfare. A parallel task was also to envisage broad
privileges, looking for the support of half-castes international interests connected to Ethiopia’s
and veterans. Ethiopia claimed E. by virtue of political demands. A terrorist campaign, led by
364
Eritrea
organized gangs (÷Šéfta), provoked many casual- Mesghenna, Italian Colonialism: a Case Study of Eritrea,
ties amongst anti-Unionists – both Eritreans and 1869–1934: Motive, Praxis and Results, Lund 1988; Jean-
Louis Miège, L’imperialismo coloniale italiano dal 1870
Italians – affecting social equilibrium. The UN ai nostri giorni, Milano 1976; Tekeste Negash, Italian
Commission’s hearings and investigations led Colonialism in Eritrea, 1882–1941: Policies, Praxis and
by ÷Anze Matienzo were not able to shed much Impact, Uppsala 1987; Id., No Medicine for the Bite of
light on the Eritreans’ political self-conscious- a White Snake: Notes on Nationalism and Resistance in
ness. The representatives of South Africa and Eritrea, 1890–1940, Uppsala 1986; Estelle Sylvia Pan-
khurst – Richard Pankhurst, Ethiopia and Eritrea: the
Burma recommended the federation of E. with Last Phase of the Reunion Struggle 1941–1952, London
Ethiopia, the Norwegian delegate opted for the 1953; Richard Pankhurst, “Italian Settlement Policy
annexation to Ethiopia, while those of Pakistan in Eritrea and its Repercussions 1889–1896”, Boston
and Guatemala proposed a ten-year UN trustee- University Papers on Africa 1, 1964, 119–56; Redie Be-
ship to pave the way for E.’s future independ- reketeab, Eritrea: the Making of a Nation, 1890–1991,
Uppsala 2000; Romain Rainero, I primi tentativi di
ence. All of them also rejected the hypothesis colonizzazione agricola e di popolamento dell’Eritrea
of immediate independence for socio-economic (1890–1895), Milano 1960; Gianluigi Rossi, L’Africa
reasons, such as the non-viability of E. and the italiana verso l’indipendenza (1941–1949), Milano 1980;
absence of a cohesive national entity ready for RubInd; Marco Scardigli, Il braccio indigeno: ascari,
irregolari e bande nella conquista dell’Eritrea: 1885–1911,
self-government, as the inhabitants were consid- Milano 1996; Barbara Sòrgoni, Parole e corpi. Antro-
ered politically backward. After lengthy debates pologia, discorso giuridico e politiche sessuali interraziali
and long diplomatic interplay between the pow- nella colonia Eritrea (1890–1941), Napoli 1998; Taddesse
ers involved, in December 1950 the UN General Beyene – Taddesse Tamrat – Richard Pankhurst
Assembly voted the Resolution 390 A (V) to fed- (eds.), The Centenary of Dogaly, Addis Ababa 1988;
Irma Taddia, L’Eritrea-colonia, 1890–1952: personaggi,
erate E. with Ethiopia as an autonomous entity strutture, uomini del colonialismo, Milano 1986; Ead., La
under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown. memoria dell’impero. Autobiografie d’Africa Orientale,
Geopolitical international considerations and Manduria 1988; Tesfatzion Medhanie, Eritrea: the
the USA taking a pro-Ethiopian stand settled Dynamic of a National Question, Amsterdam 1986; Ger-
the question. After a transitional period, the ald Kennedy – Nicholas Trevaskis, Eritrea: a Colony
in Transition 1941–52, London – New York – Toronto
Federation was put in force in September 1952 1960.
(÷Eritrean-Ethiopian Federation). Federica Guazzini
Lit.: BZHist; Cahsai Berhane – Elisabeth Cahsai-
Williamson, Erythrée: un peuple en marche (19°–20°
siècles), Paris 1985; Gianpaolo Calchi Novati, Il
Eritrea from 1962 to 1991
Corno d’Africa nella storia e nella politica, Torino 1994; After the annexation that put an end to the
Id., Fra Mediterraneo e Mar Rosso. Momenti di politica ÷Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation, E. became
italiana in Africa attraverso il colonialismo, Roma 1992; Ethiopia’s 14th province and remained legally
Carlo Conti Rossini, Principî di diritto consuetudi-
nario dell’Eritrea, Roma 1916; Basil Davidson – Lionel in this capacity till May 1991. In practice, how-
Cliffe – Bereket Habte-Selasse (eds.), Behind the War ever, Eritrean society, which had enjoyed insti-
in Eritrea, Nottingham 1980; Angelo del Boca, Gli ital- tutions of representative politics, was reluctant
iani in Africa orientale, 4 vols., Roma 1976–84; Id., (ed.), to integrate with Imperial Ethiopia. Parts of its
Adua. Le ragioni di una sconfitta, Roma 1996; Lloyd El-
lingson, “The Emergence of Political Parties in Eritrea, leadership had long rejected any affiliation with
1941–1950”, JAH 18, 2, 1977, 261–82; ErDizBio; Eyasu Ethiopia and others grew resentful of its absolut-
Gayim, The Eritrean Question: the Conflict between ist system. The whole new period was marked by
the Right of Self-Determination and the Interests of the an active struggle for independence, led first by
States, Uppsala 1993; Jordan Gebre-Medhin, Peasants local Muslim separatists and later by a compre-
and Nationalism in Eritrea, Trenton 1988; Federica
Guazzini, Le ragioni di un confine coloniale. Eritrea hensive, modern all-Eritrean nationalist move-
1898–1908, Torino 1999; Habtu Gebre-Ab, Ethiopia and ment. The history of this struggle can be divided
Eritrea: a Documentary Study, Trenton NJ 1983; Ruth into two chapters: ÷Òaylä Íéllase I years up to
Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for Independence. Domina- 1974 and the time of Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam.
tion, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941–1993, Cambridge,
MA 1995; KilHDic; Nicola Labanca, In marcia verso
The 1962–74 period was marked by dualities
Adua, Torino 1993; Marco Lenci, Eritrea e Yemen. Ten- in both the Imperial Ethiopian approach, and the
sioni italo-turche nel Mar Rosso 1885–1911, Milano 1990; local Eritrean public. In trying to absorb E. into
NadEr; Stephen H. Longrigg, A Short History of his authoritarian regime, Òaylä Íéllase wavered
Eritrea, London 1945; Pier Giacomo Magri, La politica between a policy of full centralization advocated
estera etiopica e le questioni eritrea e somala (1941–1960),
Milano 1980; John Markakis, National and Class Con- by the Prime Minister ÷Aklilu Habtäwäld and a
flict in the Horn of Africa, Cambridge 1987; Yemane policy of some administrative flexibility aimed at
365
Eritrea
allowing the continuation of local Eritrean iden- ÷Aman Mikaýel Andom, himself an Eritrean,
tity within Imperial Ethiopia. This latter policy initiated a plan to revive E.’s political identity
was pursued by the 1964–70 provincial gover- within a new, pluralist Ethiopia. He was, how-
nor, ras ÷ŸAíratä Kaía. ŸAíratä’s premise was ever, soon defeated by his younger army officers,
that most Eritrean Christians would continue headed by Major Mängéítu. After their killing
to identify with Ethiopia and that general de- of Aman, on 23 November 1974, revolution-
centralization of the entire Empire would better ary Ethiopia’s policy in E. would not change
enable the survival of the Imperial system. On till 1991. It went on pursuing a military vic-
the part of the Eritrean public, indeed, most of tory over the local movements. The latter, for
the Christian elite, as long as ŸAíratä was in of- their part, were revived and strengthened due
fice, remained at least passively oriented towards to the massive recruiting of young Christians,
Ethiopia. Many Eritrean Christians continued now totally disillusioned of their Ethiopian-
to emigrate to the capital and join the somewhat ness. Consequently, as of the second half of the
prosperous Eritrean community in the centre. 1970s, the Eritrean movements could claim to be
Quite a number of those Eritreans reached launching a fully-fledged all-Eritrean nationalist
leading positions in the Imperial establishment. struggle, and to be building in the process vari-
On the other hand, already in the 1960s, a good ous compatible infrastructures. Yet, in spite of
number of Christian youngsters and some vet- the common war against the Ethiopian army and
erans of the ÷British Military Administration in spite of some growing similarities between the
and of the autonomy periods gave up on this rival fronts in social terminology, no Eritrean
kind of Ethiopianness. Most Muslims never ac- unity was achieved. After the massive joining of
cepted it. Many young members of the Muslim the Christians, the more Marxist E.P.L.F. gradu-
communities, mainly in western E., but also on ally got stronger than the previously pan-Arab
the coast, joined the ÷Eritrean Liberation Front oriented E.L.F. Following futile negotiations
(E.L.F.), which had been established in 1960 in and fratricidal battles throughout 1981–84, the
Cairo. E.’s Muslim rebels implemented guer- E.L.F. was beaten and the E.P.L.F. remained to
rilla methods borrowed from the Arab world dominate the Eritreans’ revolt. In the second half
and adopted Arab revolutionary identity. “The of the 1980s, as the anti-Mängéítu struggle in
Arabism of the Eritrean people” turned into a the rest of Ethiopia by other ÷liberation fronts
slogan reflecting a multi-dimensional connec- also gained momentum (and after Mängéítu in
tion between the Eritrean struggle in the 1960s early 1987 reached a dead-end, even with the
and the pan-Arab movements of Nasserism and Soviets), the E.P.L.F. scored repeated victories.
BaŸthism in the Middle East. By the end of the They culminated in a strategic beating of the
decade, however, the Eritreans began splitting. Ethiopian army in ÷AfŸabät in March 1988.
Young Christians could hardly join the pan- Under the growing authoritarian leadership of
Arab cause and Muslims of the coastal zones Isayyas Afäwärqi, the E.P.L.F. went on to ensure
felt alienated by the western Eritrean-dominated E.’s independence following the final collapse of
E.L.F. Pan-Arabism lost its momentum and Mängéítu’s regime in May 1991.
deepening inter-Arab rivalries further fuelled The Eritrean struggle with all of its vicissi-
Eritrean disunity. With the establishment of the tudes, not only paved the way for the emergence
Christian dominated ÷Eritrean People’s Libera- of E. as an independent state (officially declared
tion Front (E.P.L.F), the splitting of the Eritrean in 1993). It also made a tremendous impact on
movement was institutionalized, and in 1972–74 the general development of Ethiopia. One major
it seemed to reach a dead end. By late 1970, how- aspect was its contribution to the modernization
ever, the constant warfare in the province also of Ethiopian politics. As mentioned, twice dur-
undermined ras ŸAíratä’s policy. Following his ing the said years the forces in Ethiopia, striving
removal in November 1970, the Ethiopian army for centralized absolutism, defeated those who,
was given a free hand by the Emperor to deal through the Eritrean issue, tried to render the
with the issue the army’s way. political sphere more flexible and open. E., from
1974, the year of the Ethiopian ÷revolution, this perspective, was a dynamic laboratory of
saw another round of Ethiopian duality. The political transformations for the whole region.
Därg’s (÷Provisional Military Administrative The adoption from the Arab world and imple-
Council) first chairman, Lieutenant-General mentation in E. of the “liberation front”, as a
366
Eritrea
concept and as a framework for modern guerrilla lowing local usage, in some cases further divided
and modern institutionalized politics, spread, into circondari (Camera dei Deputati 1895:
to be followed by most anti-Mängéítu forces 134ff.). After the battle of ŸAdwa, however, both
in Ethiopia, where during 1975–91 various lib- zones had to be given up.
eration fronts introduced the first dimensions On 29 June 1898 the Governor ÷Martini is-
of modern representative structures in societies sued a decree dividing the Colonia Eritrea into
hitherto mostly subject to authoritarianism. four provinces (commissariati regionali), districts
Lit.: Bereket Habte-Selassie, Conflict and Intervention (residenze) and sub-districts (vice residenze).
in the Horn of Africa, New York 1980; Haggai Erlich, The commissario, heading the commissariato,
The Struggle over Eritrea, 1962–1978, Stanford, CA
had a military unit under his command; in the
1983; Id., Ethiopia and the Challenge of Independence,
Boulder, CO 1986; Id., Ethiopia and the Middle East, administration he was assisted by the Eritrean
Boulder 1994; Id., The Cross and the River. Ethiopia, assistente amministrativo and local interpreters.
Egypt and the Nile, Boulder, CO 2002; Ruth Iyob, Eritrean traditional or newly appointed chiefs
The Eritrean Struggle for Independence. Domination, were responsible to the residenza or, if existing,
Resistance and Nationalism, 1941–1993, Cambridge, MA
1995; Tahir IbrahIm Fadab, Harakat tahrir iritriya wa- the vice residenza, and received salaries from
masiratuha al-taýriòiyya (‘Freedom Movements of Eritrea them. The first four commissariati were Ha-
and their Progression’), Cairo 1994; ŸAbdallAh IdrIs, masien (also Amasen), Serae, Oculè-Cusai and
Iritriya wa-masýuliyyat ma-baŸd al-istiqlal (‘Eritrea and Massaua (Martini 1913:51–53). In 1903 three
those Responsible for her Independence’), Cairo 1993;
provinces were added, Sahel, Assab and Barca,
Jordan Gebre Medhin, Peasants and Nationalism in
Eritrea, Trenton, NJ 1989; Tekeste Negash, Eritrea and and later in 1909 Gasc-Setit as an eighth com-
Ethiopia: the Federal Experience, New Brunswick, NJ missariato.
– Uppsala 1997; Medhane Tadesse, The Eritrean–Ethio- Names and boundaries of the commissariati
pian War: Retrospect and Prospect, Addis Ababa 1999; sometimes changed, responding to local needs
Amare Tekle (ed.), Eritrea and Ethiopia, from Conflict
to Cooperation, Trenton, NJ 1994; Niaz Murtaza, The and to the Italians’ moving further inland. On
Pillage of Sustainability in Eritrea, London 1998; ŸUÔmAn 4 August 1902 the region Sahel, under the com-
SAlih SabI, Taýriò iritriya (‘A History of Eritrea’), Beirut missariato regionale of Massaua, was established
1974; Pliny the Middle Aged, “Eclectic Notes on the as a separate residenza, with its capital Nacfa
Eritrean Liberation Movement”, Ethiopianist Notes 2,
(with jurisdiction over the ŸAd Témariam, ŸAd
1978, 37–46.
Tawra, ŸAd MuŸallim, ŸAd Šayû, Habab, ŸAd
Haggai Erlich
Hasri and Rašayda, d’Avray 2000:142, 288). A
short time later this residenza became the core of
Administrative division of Eritrea the new commissariato Sahel (since 1931 called
In the beginning, 1885, the Egyptian administra- Chéren). When new treaties with Ménilék II led
tive division was kept for the lowlands (mudiria to the recognition of Italian sovereignty over the
[‘province’] di Massaua, which comprised the ÷Kunama in 1902, the commissariato Gasc-Setit
whole coast from Qarora, in Habab territory, was created.
to ŸÉdd, in ŸAfar territory). After the formal During most of the Eritrean colonial pe-
declaration of the colony in 1890, the admin- riod the eight provinces did not change their
istrative division was reorganized and the fol- shape; especially the three highland provinces
lowing zones, headed by comandanti, created Hamasien, Serae and Oculè-Cusai did not after
(cp. report on the tributes from ÷Sämhar, 1891, 1898 (however, ÷Akkälä Guzay got its own ac-
d’Avray 2000:59): Zona della Asmara (the high- cess to the sea). The provinces were “with the
lands), zona di Cheren (all territories and ethnic exception of the western lowlands, based on the
groups from – in the west – the Nara, Beni Amér historical and geographical factors that predate
and Bilin to the Marya and Habab in the east, colonialism” (Tekeste Negash 1987:102).
1894–97, also including the provincia di Cas- In 1931 the eight provinces were reduced to
sala), zona Massaua (including Sämhar, Dahlak five (Seraè and Acchelè Guzài becoming the
and Buri, with the capital Massawa) and zona di Confine Meridionale, Gasc-Setit and Barka the
Assab. After Italian troops had advanced south Bassopiano Occidentale, Assab and Massaua
of the Bäläsa-Märäb line, the military Governor the Bassopiano Orientale, Pollera 1935:289ff.),
÷Baratieri on 9 July 1895 decreed the zona but not for long – in 1936, e.g., the former com-
dell’Agamè (capital Adigrat) and the zona del missariato Assab was restored under the name
Tigrè (capital Adua), composed of provincie fol- Dancália. The names of the commissariati were
367
Eritrea
now (names of the residenze and vice residenze (Hamasen, respectively Massawa sub-division,
in brackets): Hamasièn (Asmára), Seraè (Áddi i.e. Sämhar) as seperated districts (for the elec-
Úgri, vice residenza in Addi Qualà), Acchelè tions of 1956, s. Tekeste Negash 1997:219f.).
Guzài (Addì Caièh, two vice residenze in Senafè After E. had become the 14th province or Gov-
and Aráfali), Bassopiano Orientale (Massáua, ernorate-General (täqlay gézat) of Ethiopia in
vice residenza in Ghínda), Chéren with its 1962, three of the the six provinces were split up;
capital Chéren (Chéren and Nacfa), Bassopiano from 1964 onwards there were nine provinces
Occidentale with its capital Agordàt (Agordàt, (awragga), Hamasen, Akkälä Guzay, Särawe,
Barentù, Tessenèi, the latter with the vice resi- MésséwaŸ (later called Sämhar), Kärän (later
denze Om Áger) and Dancália with its capital called Sänhit), ŸAqordät (later called Barka),
Ássab (Ássab and Thió, the former with vice Sahél, ŸAsäb (later called Dänkäl) and Täsänäy
residenze Sardò and Sifáni). (later called Gaš Setit). In 1987 Dänkäl was
When on 9 May 1936 ÷Africa Orientale split from the new autonomous region (yäras
Italiana (AOI) was proclaimed, Tégray admin- gäz akkababi) Erétra, and merged into a greater
istratively became part of the new Governo ŸAfar region, the new autonomous region called
Eritréa (Guida 33, s. ÷Administrative division of ŸAsäb. This, however, was soon reversed, when
Ethiopia). The five commissariati newly added to on 26 May 1991 the ÷Eritrean People’s Lib-
E. were: Tigrài Occidentale (Ádua with the vice eration Front occupied ŸAsäb port, and E., in
residenza Mài Cannetà, Axùm, Endà Sellassiè, its pre-1987 boundaries, was declared de facto
Ad Darò, Enticciò), Adigràt (Adigràt, Hausièn, independent shortly afterwards. The nine prov-
Azbì with its vice residenze Agulà and Aù), inces of E. were restored. Under the awraggas
Macallè (Macallè, Debùb with its vice residenza there were the néŸus awraggas (sub-provinces),
Aragurè, Quóram with its vice residenze Endà composed of wärädas.
Medáni Alem, and Mài Cèu), Tembièn (Abbì On 9 May 1995 the administrative division was
Addì, Samrè, and Avergallè) and the Paesi Galla radically reformed; the provinces (or ‘zones’,
(Allomatà with the vice residenze Corbettà, Alà, Tgn. zoba), which until now had largely cor-
Cercèr and Zobèl). responded to traditional and ethnic boundaries,
As the AOI had not been recognized interna- were redrawn following pure administrative
tionally, the ÷British Military Administration needs. First called only by numbers, starting
after the battle of Kärän in 1941 restored the pre- from 1996 they had names in Tégréñña: ŸAnsäba
1936 borders of E., including the six provinces, (capital Kärän); Däbub (Mändäfära), Däbubawi
now called Divisions. Thus ŸAsäb once again be- Qäyyéh Bahri, ‘Southern Red Sea’ (ŸAsäb); Gaš
came part of the Eastern Lowlands Division. A Barka (ŸAqordät); Maýékäl, ‘Central [province]’
further reduction of the number of provinces to (Asmära); Sämenawi Qäyyéh Bahri, ‘Northern
five in 1947 (Kärän and ŸAqordät merged follow- Red Sea’ (MéséwwaŸ). The zobas are divided into
ing the ÷Bevin-Sforza Plan to partition E.) was néŸus zobas (‘sub-zones’) and smaller adminis-
only short-lived and not maintained in the Fed- trative units.
eration period. The Constitution of E. 1952 does Src.: Decreto no. 444 [of the Governor of the colony,
Martini, regarding the division of the colony], 29 June
not make explicit mention of the administrative 1898; Reale decreto no. 168 [on the organic ordering
divisions. The six Eritrean provinces within the of the colony], 30 March 1902; Camera dei Deputati,
Eritrean-Ethiopian Federation (Guide Book of Documenti Diplomatici presentati al Parlamento Italiano
Ethiopia 1954:390–406) were Hamasen (with dal Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Blanc), Halai-Coatit-
Senafè, Seduta antimeridiana del 25 luglio 1895, Roma
the capital Aímära), Akkälä Guzay, Särawe, 1895 (Atti Parlamentari, Legislatura XIX – Prima Sessione
MésséwaŸ, Kärän and ŸAqordät. When elections 1895), 134–36.
for the Assembly of E. were held during the Lit.: Ruffilo Perini, Zona di Asmara: circonscrizione
Eritrean-Ethiopian Federation (1952, 1956), E. storica del Mareb Mellasc-Naggiau. Suddivisioni tradizionali
del territorio in relazione alle genti che abitano la contrada,
had seven election districts, different from the
Roma 1894 (Rivista Militare); Anthony d’Avray, The
provincial division: Asmara division, Massawa Naqfa Documents …, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 53), 288;
division and Massawa sub-division, Akeleguzai Ferdinando Martini, Relazione sulla colonia Eritrea
division, Serae division, Hamassien division, del Reggio Commissario Civile Deputato Ferdinando Mar-
Keren division and Assab division. The most- tini per gli esercizi, 1902–1907, Roma 1913, vol. 1, 51–53;
A.E. Folchi, L’ordinamento amministrativo dell’Africa
populated cities Asmära and Massawa thus had Italiana, Milano 1936; Guida 110; Tekeste Negash,
their own election districts, with their hinterlands Italian Colonialism in Eritrea, 1882–1941: Policies, Praxis
368
Eritrean Assembly
and Impact, Uppsala 1987, 102f., 116f.; Id., Eritrea and the beginning, before the adoption of the Con-
Ethiopia. The Federal Experience, New Brunswick, NJ stitution, it also appeared as “Eritrean Constitu-
– Uppsala 1997, 219f.; Chamber of Commerce (ed.),
u<y ue=Iy n#M_1\ Guide Book of Ethiopia, Addis
ent Assembly”. In the Constitution, Part II (Art.
Ababa 1954, 390–406; KilHDic 38–41. 39–58), it was simply called “Assembly”, but
Wolbert Smidt in official documents known mostly as “E.A.”
(in half-official documents it also appears as
“Parliament of Eritrea”). As the Constitution,
Eritrea Daily News drafted by the UN, was supposed to be adopted
The British Ministry of Information began the by representatives of the Eritrean population, it
publication of the morning daily L’Informazione was necessary to create a local parliament which
in Asmära on 21 April 1941. Published in Eng- could discuss and adopt the Constitution (Com-
lish and Italian, it became the E.D.N. on 12 June missaire des Nations Unies pour l’Erythrée
1942. On 1 August 1944 the name was changed to 1952:15).
Il Quotidiano Eritreo. The major paper published The first E.A. was constituted following coun-
by the British Information Services contained try-wide elections in March 1952, held under Brit-
world and local news and had an Italian staff. ish Administration Electoral Proclamation (121).
Published articles were received from the British The procedure of election chosen was adapted to
Ministry of Information in London and Cairo. the local realities; in rural areas the representatives
The editorial policy was to present world and were appointed by electoral committees (consist-
local news, to foster goodwill among the local ing of local notables), only in the cities of Asmära
population towards Britain, the democratic way and Massawa there were direct and secret elec-
of life and the United Nations, to help maintain tions. The E.A. had 66, then 68 members, belong-
public order, to elicit maximum co-operation ing to the Unionist Party (UP, 32 seats), the Eri-
from the civilian population with the ÷British trean Democratic Front (19), the ÷Muslim League
Military Administration and to help eradicate of the Western Province (MLWP, 15) and, with one
“reactionary” influences in the education and seat each, the National Party and the Independent
outlook of the community of ÷Eritrea. Muslim League (cp. Ruth Iyob 1995:86f.). An al-
Sales in 1944 stabilized at 14,000 (12,000 Ital- liance between the UP and the MLWP led to the
ians and 2,000 British). Newsprint shortages election of ÷Tädla Bayru of the UP as the head of
made expanding circulation difficult. By 1949 the Eritrean government (Chief Executive) and of
the circulation had dropped to 6,000; in 1950 it ÷ŸAli Mähammäd Musa Rädýay of the MLWP as
was 6,500 and in 1951 5,400. After the British the E.A.’s president (Speaker).
left, the Ethiopian Ministry of Information took The draft constitution, proposed by the UN
over the journal. The Ethiopian military govern- High Commissioner for Eritrea, was discussed
ment closed Il Quotidiano in 1977, officially by the E.A. starting from May, followed by its
arguing that it had no readers. adoption in July. A single-chamber system was
Lit.: Stephen Hemsley Longrigg, Occupied Enemy chosen. When in September the ÷Ethiopian-
Territory Administration Eritrea, Half Yearly Report by Eritrean Federation entered into force, the E.A.
the Military Administrator on the Occupied Enemy Ter- was already the fully active legislative body of
ritory of Eritrea for the Period 1st January to 20th June
1942, Cairo 1942; F.G. Drew, Eritrean Annual Report
autonomous Eritrea. The government was domi-
for 1949, submitted on Dec. 31, 1949, London 1949; Id., nated by the UP, a party which, however, only
Eritrean Annual Report for 1950, submitted on Dec. 31, partially believed in the autonomy. Thus, from
1950, London 1950; Id., Eritrean Annual Report for 1951, the beginning interferences from the Ethiopian
submitted on Dec. 31, 1951, London 1951; Eritrea: Annual state only met unorganized and weak resistance.
Review for 1954.
The crisis reached its first peak in 1955 when
Deborah Johnson
Tädla Bayru and ŸAli Rädýay resigned following
a revolt within the E.A. The new Speaker was
Eritrean Assembly Idris Muhammad Adam, an Eritrean nationalist,
The E.A. (Tgn. +^N, bayto, lit. ‘Assembly’) was but he was removed in June 1956. The new Chief
the parliamentary assembly of ÷Eritrea, found- Executive, elected by the E.A. on 8 August 1955,
ed by the ÷British Military Administration on was bétwäddäd ÷Asféha Wäldä Mikaýel of the
the initiative of the UN Commissioner ÷Anze UP, simultanously acting as the deputy Imperial
Matienzo at the end of their administration. In Representative to Eritrea.
369
Eritrean Assembly
The factual powerlessness of the E.A., which Lit.: KilHDic 102ff., 307; Tekeste Negash, Eritrea and
gradually changed into an acclamation assembly, Ethiopia. The Federal Experience, New Brunswick, NJ
– Uppsala 1997, 84f., 195–99; Edward Ullendorff, A
was especially felt after the second elections (still Tigrinya Chrestomathy …, Stuttgart 1985 (AeF 19), 19;
following the electoral law installed by the Brit- Ruth Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for Independence.
ish) of September 1956. The new Speaker was Domination, Resistance and Nationalism, 1941–1993,
the non-Unionist šayò Hamid Farag Hamid Cambridge, MA 1995, 86–94; Zäwdä Rätta, Y%?M=y
L9^ 1941–1963 (Yäýertéra gudday 1941–1963, ‘The Eri-
(MLWP). But Asféha, allying himself with the
trean Affair 1941–1963’), Addis Abäba 1999.
Deputy Speaker abba ÷Démetros Gäbrä Mar- Wolbert Smidt
yam, a Unionist, was able to make the E.A.
adopt often unconstitutional, anti-autonomous
legislation, such as the replacement of Eritrea’s Eritrean Liberation Front
flag, seal and arms by Ethiopia’s on 14 No- The E.L.F. (popularly called Arab. Gabha) was
vember 1958. Protests against the extension of the first movement to combine political and mili-
Ethiopian citizenship to all citizens of the Fed- tary strategies to obtain Eritrean independence. It
eration, or against the gradual submission of the played a leading role in the history of ÷Eritrea
Eritrean administration under the authority of from the early 1960s to the early 1980s. The
the Ethiopian government (while juridically the backbone of the movement initially consisted of
Emperor was only the sovereign over two enti- ÷Beni ŸAmér clan members from western Eritrea
ties, separate from each other, having two differ- and Mirëaniya Muslims centred in the nearby Su-
ent constitutions), which should have been the danese town of Kassala.
task of the Eritrean government or the E.A., was Following the establishment of the ÷Ethio-
only expressed by relatively powerless, mostly pian–Eritrean Federation (1952), when the im-
Muslim groups. The elections for the third E.A. perial regime of Òaylä Íéllase began neutralizing
took place in August 1960. At that time anti- the autonomous status of Eritrea, many Beni
unionist parties had been dissolved and many of ŸAmér youngsters went to Cairo to obtain high-
their leaders, like ÷Wäldä Ab Wäldä Maryam, er education and were inspired by the Nasserite
had gone into exile. The Imperial Representative Arab–Egyptian revolution. In 1959 they were
(éndärase) in Eritrea, Abiye Abbäbä, had conjoined there by two established Eritrean leaders,
centrated de-facto executive power in his hands ÷Ibrahim Sultan and ÷Idris Muhammad Adim.
since 1959. These factors decisively contributed In July 1960 they announced the establishment
to the relatively easy dissolution of the E.A. and of the ELF, with its headquarters in ÷Kassala.
of the Federation, declared at the E.A. on 14 No- The first clash with the Ethiopian authorities in
vember 1962. the Beni ŸAmér area (September 1961, headed by
The E.A. was founded in a period which had ÷Hamid Idris ŸAwate) heralded the beginning of
developed a “heightened sense of Tigrinya na- the military struggle over Eritrea, which lasted
tional consciousness” through the emergence until 1991.
of a number of newspapers and other literary The young Eritreans adopted the term “front”
activities (Ullendorff 1985:19) and the coming whilst in Cairo, from the then successful Alge-
into existence of political parties since the mid- rian Front de Libération Nationale (F.L.N.). The
1940s and of other interest groups. Tégréñña was “front” concept served to create an all-Eritrean
thus chosen as the working language of the E.A., movement loosely associated with the pan-Arab
while Eritrea’s official languages were Arabic and anti-colonial struggles. It also served to in-
and Tégréñña. Only at the end of a long process stitutionalize a modern guerrilla organization
of erosion did the E.A. chose Amharic as the of- led by a political apparatus both in Eritrea and
ficial language (9 May 1960). abroad. By 1965 the E.L.F. had developed into a
Src.: Commissaire des Nations unies pour
fully-fledged modern “front”. The leading exiles
l’Erythrée, Questions juridique relatives à l’exécution
de la résolution de l’Assemblée générale du 2 décembre – notably the two founding members, as well as
1950 concernant l’Erythrée. Rapport général des juristes an Eritrean-born Tégrayan Christian, ÷Wäldä
[Paul Guggenheim, Robert Jennings, Jan Volkert Ab Wäldä Maryam, and a Massawan Muslim,
Rijpperda Wierdsma], Genève, 20 janvier 1952 (Nations ŸUôman Salih Sabi – formed a Foreign Mission
unies, Assemblée générale, A/AC. 44/SC.1/R.1); British
Administration Electoral Proclamation (121); Constitu-
tasked with recruiting members, especially in
tion of Eritrea, adopted on 15 July 1952 [repr. in Tekeste Arab capitals. Five “commands” were estab-
Negash 1997:188–208]. lished across Eritrea proper (the Arabic term
370
Eritrean Liberation Front
wilaya was adopted, as in the F.L.N.), organizing estimates of casualties in this “fratricidal” war
fighters of hitherto rival areas and groups. A ten- were between 2,000–3,000. Thus, in the years
man General Command in Kassala controlled prior to the fall of Òaylä Íéllase’s government,
action in the field and was in contact with the the Eritrean movement missed an opportunity to
Foreign Mission. Dominated by the western Eri- unite against a confused and increasingly brutal
trean Beni ŸAmér Muslims, the “front” absorbed Ethiopian regime.
fighters from the coastal Muslim areas and the After the emergence of the Därg (÷Provi-
Christian population of the core mountain re- sional Military Administrative Council) regime
gion. By 1967 their total number was estimated in Ethiopia and the oppressive measures it took
at ca. 2,000. against Eritrea, the number of people within the
After this, two key factors caused the E.L.F.’s Eritrean organizations dramatically increased.
unity to erode: the rapid growth of the move- The total number was estimated at ca. 2,000 in
ment and the strategic changes in the Middle East 1973 and grew to ca. 20,000 in late 1975 and ca.
following the Arab defeat of June 1967. In Sep- 40,000 in 1977. However, the E.L.F.–R.C. (as
tember 1968 the fighters of the three non-Beni of 1975 headed by Ahmad Nasir) in spite of its
ŸAmér “commands”, who resented the western own growth, gradually began losing in its com-
Eritrean domination, formed a Tripartite Union petition with the E.P.L.F. The latter gained more
between themselves. When the first E.L.F. gen- power due to the mass absorption of young
eral congress was assembled in August 1969, the Christian Tégrayans who were embittered with
western “commands” reasserted their hegemony Mängéítu’s oppressive centralism. By now the
by forming a new 38-member General Com- E.L.F.–R.C. was deeply entrenched in its convic-
mand. This move effectively forced delegates of tion that it was the sole representative of Eritrean
the Tripartite Union out of the picture. nationalism. Its pretension contrasted with the
Meanwhile another split had emerged between reality: the main arena for the struggle against the
the General Command and the Foreign Mission. Ethiopian forces moved to the Asmära–Kärän
The latter was now dominated by ÷ŸUôman and Asmära–Massawa regions, areas control-
Salih Sabi, who was connected to the Saudis, the led by the E.P.L.F. Most of the negotiations
Libyans (as of 1969) and the Palestinian Libera- between the E.P.L.F. and other Eritrean bodies
tion Organization (P.L.O.). The General Com- proved futile; moreover, further divisions arose.
mand foreign relations, however, were oriented In March 1976 ŸUôman Salih Sabi and his P.L.F.
towards the rival Arab camp of the BaŸth Party exiles broke with the E.P.L.F. and later formed a
regimes of Syria and Iraq. At a P.L.O. camp in new E.L.F.–P.L.F. Some military co-ordination,
Amman (November 1969), ŸUôman Salih Sabi, however, was achieved between the E.P.L.F. and
together with the Christian veteran politician the E.L.F. in January 1977, which led to some
Òéruy Tädla Bayru and some other leaders, victories against the Ethiopian army (includ-
established a new movement called the Peoples’ ing the occupation of Kärän in July). But as
Liberation Front (P.L.F.). In February 1972 the two movements were closing on Asmära in
members of the P.L.F. and the Tripartite Union November–December, they again proved unable
established the ÷Eritrean People’s Liberation to overcome their rivalry. In early 1978 a newly
Front (E.P.L.F.), thus creating a dominant entity Soviet-equipped and Cuban-trained Ethiopian
in the Eritrean movement which would outlive army pushed the Eritreans back and E.L.F.–R.C.
the E.L.F. forces retreated to the western regions. In August
Sometime before the establishment of the 1981 E.L.F.–R.C. forces were severely beaten in
E.P.L.F., the E.L.F. had been reorganized. A new a major clash with the E.P.L.F. and throughout
general congress in October 1971 confirmed the the early 1980s many of its fighters gradually
dismantling of the General Command and its defected to the rival front.
replacement by a Revolutionary Council (R.C.), The demise and subsequent dismember-
headed by Idris Muhammad Adam and Òéruy ment of the E.L.F. in the 1980s stemmed from
Tädla Bayru. The renewed E.L.F.–R.C., though two discernable processes. First, the western
mostly dominated again by western Eritreans, Muslim population could no longer remain the
proclaimed itself the only legitimate Eritrean movement’s driving force when the Christian
movement. During 1972–74 it devoted a great Tégrayans of the core regions joined the anti-
deal of time to fighting the rival E.P.L.F. and Ethiopian struggle (mid-1970s). Second, the
371
Eritrean Liberation Front
E.L.F. had thrived on the pan-Arabism of the in November 1958 by five young Muslim Eri-
1960s, benefiting from its Arab Middle Eastern trean exiles in Port Sudan during that phase of
support. Consequently, when pan-Arabism was the ÷Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation’s develop-
losing ground in the Arab Middle East of the ment, as a result of the erosion of Eritrean au-
1970s, the E.L.F. also lost support. Thus, the tonomy. Their leader Mahmud SaŸid Nawd was
movement which initiated the modern struggle a member of the Sudanese Communist Party, a
for Eritrean independence was practically no fact which strongly influenced the structure of
longer in existence when independence finally the E.L.M. (Ruth Iyob 1995:99). A central idea
materialized. of this mainly urban-based group was seculari-
In spite of this, the historical significance of the zation, aiming at the reconciliation of Muslims
E.L.F. cannot be downplayed. In borrowing the and Christians in Eritrea. Political change was
“liberation front” concept from the Arab Middle to be reached by civil disobedience and finally
East and in adapting and implementing it in Erit- by a coup. The ÷Coup d’État 1960 (s. EAE, vol.
rea, the E.L.F. can be considered the first modern 5), however, came too early to be used by the
military and political movement in the Ethio- E.L.M. cells.
pian–Eritrean context. It thus heralded, inspired The E.L.M. first took hold in the Eritrean
and served as a model for all other “liberation lowlands. The structure of this underground
fronts” that were later to challenge and defeat organization and the successful trials to over-
the authoritarian politics inherited from imperial come religious schisms, however, allowed it to
Ethiopia by its succeeding military dictatorship. spread quickly also in the highlands, especially
Lit.: Haggai Erlich, The Struggle over Eritrea, Stan- in Asmära. Starting from 1959 Salih Ahmad Iyay,
ford 1983; Id., Ethiopia and the Middle East, Boulder a worker in Kärän, and Yasin al-Gade from As-
1984; Ruth Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for Independ- mära organized the first clandestine cells in their
ence. Domination, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941–1993,
Cambridge, MA 1995; Niaz Murtaza, The Pillage of cities. Each cell consisted of seven members,
Sustainability in Eritrea, London 1998; Tekeste Negash, every cell member having exclusive contact with
Eritrea and Ethiopia. The Federal Experience, New another cell, only known to him (and sometimes
Brunswick, NJ – Uppsala 1997; Medhane Taddesse, recruited by him). This decentralized structure
The Eritrean–Ethiopian War: Retrospect and Prospect, made it difficult for the government to counter-
Addis Ababa 1999; Lloyd Ellingson, “The Origins and
Development of the Eritrean Liberation Movement”, in: act. The cells met bi-weekly and every member
PICES 5b, 613-28; Bereket Habte Selassie, Conflict contributed three percent of his income to the
and Intervention in the Horn of Africa, New York 1980; nationalist cause (Ruth Iyob 1995:100).
Pliny the Middle-aged, “Eclectic Notes on the Eritrean The appearance of a militant rival organisation,
Liberation Movement”, Ethiopianist Notes 2, 1978, 37–46;
the ÷Eritrean Liberation Front (E.L.F.), in 1961
ŸAbdallAh IdrIs, Iritriya wa-masýuliyyat ma-baŸd al-
istiqlal (‘Eritrea and the Responsibility of Independence’), finally contributed to a shift from civil disobedi-
Cairo 1993; ŸUÔmAn SAlih SabI, Taýriò iritriya (‘A His- ence to a more radical form of anti-Ethiopian
tory of Eritrea’), Beirut 1974; Tahir IbrAhIm Fadab, movements. In October 1961 the E.L.M.’s as-
Harakat tahrir iritriya wa-masiratuha al-taýriòiyya (‘The sassination attempt against abba ÷Démetros
E.L.F. and its Historical Destiny’), Cairo 1994.
Gäbrä Maryam of the ÷Eritrean Assembly
Haggai Erlich
failed, followed by the arrest of many of its lead-
ing members by the Ethiopian security. In 1963
the E.L.M. started to plan an armed struggle. Its
Eritrean Liberation Movement structure, however, did not allow any quick com-
The E.L.M. (Arab. “ÕjNÕjŒªA jÕjZNªA “∑AjY, Harakat munication among the cells, some of which were
at-Tahrir al-Iritriya, Tgn. xB(?y Qb(Hy @: also already infiltrated by government agents.
j Mahbär ŠäwŸattä Haräka, ‘Association of Other cells had already joined the E.L.F. In 1964
Seven Movement’), the first radical clandestine conflicts over the idea of sending an armed group
political organization of Eritrea, working for the to Eritrea led to the resignation of ÷Wäldä Ab
country’s independence, was the response to the Wäldä Maryam, a member of the leadership in
unimportance of official Eritrean political par- Cairo since 1962. Finally, this group of about 50
ties and organizations and historically the first fighters (some of them recruited from the Sudan
stage in the development of clandestine politics Defence Force) was attacked by the E.L.F. at
of protest. Influenced by socialist and nationalist ŸÉla SaŸéda in Sahél in May 1965 and disarmed
movements in the Arabic world, it was founded after heavy casualties. In March the E.L.M. had
372
Eritrean Weekly News
started a last attempt at civil disobedience, a sec- Eritrea, thousands of Christian Tégrayans from
ondary-school students’ strike in Asmära against Eritrea’s highlands joined the E.P.L.F. By that
the annexation of Eritrea, asking, among other time the new organization had further modified
things, for a UN-supervised referendum. The the “front” concept to contain a multifaceted
strike, however, ended dramatically with mass- dialogue between the movement and the entire
arrests. Thereafter the E.L.M. ceased most of its Eritrean population. During the second half of
activities. It was dissolved formally in 1970, the the 1970s, the fast growing E.P.L.F – estimated at
last members joining ŸUôman Salih Sabi’s E.L.F.- 20,000 fighters in 1977 and supported by both the
P.L.F. Soviets and other Marxist revolutionaries around
Src.: E.L.M. Charter, 1958. the world – developed various institutions in the
Lit.: KilHDic 195ff.; John Markakis, “The Nationalist fields of self-subsidiary economy, education and
Revolution in Eritrea”, Journal of Modern African Studies health, in addition to self-sufficiency in ammuni-
26, 1, March 1988, 55; Id., National and Class Conflict in
the Horn of Africa, Cambridge 1987, 109; Stefano Pos- tion manufacturing.
cia, Eritrea Colonia tradita, Roma 1989, 83; Ruth Iyob, After the rise of Mängéítu’s regime, when
The Struggle for Independence. Domination, Resistance, the struggle over Eritrea turned into a full-
Nationalism 1941–1993, Cambridge, MA 1995, 98–101, scale war, the E.P.L.F. grew stronger than the
104–07, 166–69.
E.L.F. In March 1976 it broke all contact with
Wolbert Smidt
ŸUôman Salih Sabi’s P.L.F. and came under the
undisputed leadership of Isayas. In negotiating
Eritrean People’s Liberation Front with the E.L.F.–R.C., the E.P.L.F. insisted on
The E.P.L.F. (popularly called Arab. ŠaŸabiyya) dictating its seniority. An E.P.L.F. congress in
was established in 1972 and in the mid-1980s January 1977 countered the E.L.F.–R.C.’s slo-
became the principal organization in the Eri- gan, “Unity before Victory”, by adopting the
trean nationalist movement. It led ÷Eritrea to a slogan “Revolution before Unity”, implying
military victory over Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam’s that only an acceptance of its Marxist terminol-
regime (÷Provisional Military Administration ogy and sole leadership was acceptable. After a
Council), and to statehood and independence major clash with E.L.F.–R.C. forces in August
in 1991 (made official after a referendum in May 1981, which ended in an E.P.L.F. victory, the
1993). Up until the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, E.L.F.–R.C. gradually lost its relevance and the
the E.P.L.F. was still an organization in the mak- E.P.L.F. emerged as the leader of the Eritrean
ing, a minor rival to the ÷Eritrean Liberation movement. Its understanding of the “liberation
Front (E.L.F.). front”, as a movement that addresses the various
When Isayyas Afäwärqi joined the E.L.F. in needs of society, can be considered an important
1966, he rejected the movement’s hegemony stage in the political modernization of the entire
and increased his influence in the Kärän–Asmära region. The E.P.L.F.’s Marxist terminology was
areas throughout 1970–71. In February 1972 his gradually abandoned after its general congress of
men joined with other fighters from the Tripar- April 1987.
tite Union to announce the establishment of the Within the new state of Eritrea, the E.P.L.F.
E.P.L.F. (For more relevant information on this was the only legitimate political party, and was
process s. the entries on E.L.F. and ÷ŸUôman renamed as the People’s Front for Democracy
Salih Sabi). and Justice.
Between 1972–74 the new E.P.L.F. engaged ÷Liberation Movements;
in a “fratricidal” war with the E.L.F., while its ÷Tégray People’s Liberation Front
relations with ŸUôman Salih Sabi deteriorated. Lit.: Haggai Erlich, The Struggle over Eritrea, Stanford,
The latter continued to develop his concept of CA 1983 (lit.); s. also bibliography for the Eritrean Libera-
tion Front.
Eritrea’s Arabism, which was now rejected by
Haggai Erlich
the younger Christians and Muslims in the field.
Instead, they focused on Marxist ideology and
the idea of Eritrea’s uniqueness, which more nat- Eritrean Weekly News
urally bridged their own differences. After the The E.W.N. (Tgn. !^y %?M=y Av!_y Nv2 ,
rise of the Därg and the liquidation of General Nay Ertéra sämunawi gazeta) was the first
÷Aman Mikaýel Andom (23 November 1974), Tégréñña newspaper, founded in 1942 by the
who adopted a conciliatory approach towards British Information Services shortly after the
373
Eritrean Weekly News
occupation of Eritrea by the British. It had a 1941–1993, Cambridge, MA 1995, 156, 161ff., 165, 182;
weekly circulation of 6,000, limited by a news- Deborah Johnson, “Media History of Eritrea”, Eritrean
Studies Review 1, 1, Spring 1996, 143–54.
print shortage, and was edited by ÷Wäldä Ab
Wolbert Smidt
Wäldä Maryam (Johnson 1996:147). In over ten
years it had some 520 issues, each of four to six
pages of large format (Ullendorff 1985:19).
The E.W.N. is one of the most important Erlanger, Carlo Freiherr von
sources on the historical period preceding the Baron E. (b. 5 September 1872, Niederingelheim,
÷Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation. In around d. 4 September 1904, Salzburg) was a German zo-
1945 it spread the idea of an Eritrean union with ologist, renowned for his ornithological studies.
Tégray. When the registration of political parties He was the leader of a zoological-botanical expe-
started on the occasion of the cession of the Eri- dition crossing the Horn of Africa from the east
trean colony by Italy in 1947, the E.W.N. played to the west, accompanied by Oscar Neumann, a
an interesting role. Wäldä Ab, the chief editor, zoologist, the physician Ellenbeck, interested in
was one of the founders of the Liberal Progres- botany, the cartographer Johann Holtermüller
sive Party (L.P.P.), advocating Eritrea’s inde- and the taxidermist Carl Hildgarth. Encour-
pendence. But the newspaper acted as a forum aged by Ilg, they departed from Hamburg in
for the diverging views of several parties. late 1899, starting the expedition from ZaylaŸ in
The great majority of articles in 1947/48 was January 1900. Their caravan, consisting of more
written by supporters of the Unionist Party than 100 locals and 120 camels, reached Harär,
(U.P.), especially by Catholics who had enjoyed where they waited for ase Ménilék’s permission
superior education and mastered Tégréñña, e.g., for taking an unusual route southwards Addis
by abba Haylu Gäbrä Iyäsus or abba ÷YaŸéqob Abäba. The permission granted, they could ex-
Gäbrä Iyäsus (Tekeste Negash 1997:44f.). With plore Bale and Arsi, following the route to the
the extensive publication of articles in the Muslim holy centre ÷Šayò Husayn.
E.W.N. the U.P. assured a stable basis of support. From the capital, the expedition split up. E.
Additionally the British Military Administration went to Lake Abbaya and then to Somalia via
of Eritrea, censoring the newspaper, used the Sidama and Borana, while Neumann, also reach-
E.W.N. for announcements and the spreading of ing Abbaya, went via Gofa, Käfa to Fashoda
information, e.g., on its anti-šéfta policy, includ- and Khartum, Sudan. The results of this fruitful
ing deliberate misinformation (s. Tekeste Negash expedition, including the description of new bird
1997:62). The only important publicist of the species, are documented in a number of scholarly
L.P.P. (which had less support in the population) publications and maps. The expedition’s success
was the prolific writer Wäldä Ab, whose articles was also a sign for the stabilization of unified
in the E.W.N. are considered as having been very Ethiopia, which made travelling more secure
influential in the formation of a modern standard (Bairu Tafla 1981:30). After E. the number of
Tégréñña language (Ullendorff 1985:20). ÷expeditions rose considerably. In addition the
The flourishing period of steadily growing access of Germans and Austrians to Ethiopia and
press freedom and diversity ceased in the begin- especially to the court was from now on greatly
ning of the Federation, when in 1953 the sover- fascilitated due to E’s and the ÷Hall family’s
eign of the Federation ÷Òaylä Íéllase I banned good contacts with ase Ménilék (Zischka 1935:
all Eritrean newspapers, except the Unionist 125).
Party’s Ethiopia Weekly. Src.: Carlo Freiherr von Erlanger, “Bericht über
Src.: Eritrean Weekly News 1942–53; British Ministry meine Expedition in Nordost-Afrika in den Jahren 1899–
of Information, The First to be Freed: the Record of 1901”, Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin
British Military Administration in Eritrea and Somalia, 38, 1904, 89–117; for full bibliography s. Lockot I, 29, 63,
1941–3, London 1944, 19. 74, 114, 122f. (Lit.), Collection Erlanger at the Linden-
Lit.: KilHDic 431f.; Tekeste Negash, Eritrea and Museum, Stuttgart; Diary of “Opa Götz”, unpubl. ms.
Ethiopia. The Federal Experience, New Brunswick, NJ Lit.: “Abschluß der Expedition Baron Erlanger – Neu-
– Uppsala 1997, 44f., 47, 62f.; Edward Ullendorff, A mann”, Globus 80, 1901, 325–26; Anton Zischka, Abessi-
Tigrinya (Tégréñña) Chrestomathy …, Stuttgart 1985 nien, “Das letzte ungelöste Problem Afrikas”, Bern – Leip-
(AeF 19), 17–20, 118–27 [extracts from E.W.N.]; Jordan zig – Wien 1935, 125; Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia and Germany:
Gebre-Medhin, Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea, Cultural, Political and Economic Relations, 1871–1936,
New Jersey 1989; Ruth Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for Wiesbaden 1981 (AeF 5), 61–64, 310f., 315 (Lit.).
Independence. Domination, Resistance, Nationalism, Wolbert Smidt
374
Éšätän
Erythraea
E. was a bimonthly periodical, with the sub-ti-
tle Bollettino bimestrale de Gruppo Eritreo del
Touring Club Italiano, published in Asmära at
the Tipografia Francescana in 1920. The Touring
Club, founded in Milan on 8 November 1894
with the aim of promoting tourism, developing
itineraries and publishing maps, was active in
Eritrea through the lawyer Giuseppe Latilla, the
medical doctors Giovanni Provera and Antonio
Tenenti and the engineers Paolo Reviglio and
Alberto Chiarottino.
The aim of E. was to make known, promote
and encourage tourism in Eritrea. The periodical
had a small format and the first copy was issued
in January/February 1920. It was not well dis-
tributed and its publication stopped with no. 6 of
November/December the same year. However,
several of the illustrated articles are an interesting
source for Eritrean history and historical archi-
tecture (e.g., for ÷Énda Maryam). The name of
the journal, in its pseudo-Greek orthography,
was taken from German geographical literature
of the 1870s (cp. Bairu Tafla, in PICES 12, 511).
Originally it meant vaguely the southern Red
Sea region and the African shores, but it was
later mostly identified with the Colonia Eritrea
(with the exception of Leo ÷Frobenius, who
developed a wider meaning of this term). Chapel below Éšätän Maryam; photo 1992, courtesy of
The Touring Club continued to prepare publi- Paul B. Henze
cations, the most important being the guide pub- no logical relationship to the mountain. The name
lished in 1929 with 400,00 copies and that of the may be an adaptation from the Agäw language.
Africa Orientale Italiana published in 1938 with The mountain has two still-active early
490,000 copies under the new name Consociazi- churches: Éšätän Maryam, rock-hewn in a cliff
one Turistica Italiana (Guida). on the north side of the mountain, ca. 50 m be-
Lit.: Giuseppe Vota, I sessant’anni del Touring Club low the summit; and Näýakwéto Läýab, in a broad
Italiano, Milano 1954; Aldobrandino Malvezzi, open cave at the base of the mountain on the
“Intorno ai mezzi per diffondere la conoscenza delle southern side, by tradition established during the
nostre colonie”, in: Atti dell’VIII Congresso Geografico
Italiano, Firenze 1922, 237–38; Touring Club Italiano,
reign of ÷Näýakwéto Läýab, a ruler of the ÷Zagwe
Guida d’Italia, Possedimenti e Colonie, Isole Egee, dynasty, who reigned briefly during the first half
Tripolitania, Cirenaica, Eritrea, Somalia, Milano 1929; of the 13th cent. This appears to be supported by
Guida; Bairu Tafla, “Interdependence through Inde- the Acts of Näýakwéto Läýab, where the king is
pendence: the Challenges of Eritrean Historiography”, in: reported as having completed the construction
PICES 12, 497–514.
of a church called Däbrä Séyon in “the land of
Gian Carlo Stella
Aštän” (Conti Rossini 1943:164, 222).
Erythrean Sea ÷ Red Sea Both churches have libraries and collections
of church paraphernalia, some of them clearly
Éšätän very old. An outstanding piece of art in the pos-
É. (&QH# , also Ašätän, Aštän, 3,219 m A.S.L.) is session of Éšätän Maryam is a booklet of mini-
a bulky mountain of volcanic origin in Lasta; it atures (ca. 17th cent.), painted in a geometric style
rises south-east of ÷Lalibäla, from where its flat- (ChojPaint 492ff., 521ff.). Both churches have
topped summit is clearly visible. Derivation of the long been accessible over trails from Lalibäla.
name is unclear, for éšät (Amh. ‘young grain’) has The new highway from the Lalibäla airport to
375
Éšätän
the town, completed in 1999, now passes within battles which heralded the start of the ÷Zämänä
350 m of Näýakwéto Läýab. mäsafént. His bones were later translated to the
Src.: William F. Macomber, Catalogue of Ethiopian monastery of ÷Waldébba.
Manuscripts from Abba Garima, Ašatan (Church of St. Src.: GuiIyas 11, 121, 161, 165, 172, 175–80, 184, 188–91,
Mary), Axum (Church of Zion) …, Collegeville, MI 1979 203f., 206ff., 231, 234, 236–39, 257; BlunChr 212f.;
(mimeographed), 12f.; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Gli Atti BruNile 609f.
di Re Naýaku{to La-ýAb”, in: Scritti dedicati alla memoria Lit.: CrumLand.
di Francesco Gallina, Roma 1943, 103–232, here 164, 222.
Donald Crummey
Lit.: Lino Bianchi-Barriviera, “Le chiese in roccia di
Lalibelà e di altri luoghi del Lasta”, RSE 19, 1963, 5–118,
here 91ff.; Bernhard Lindahl, Archaeological History Ésato
of Ethiopia in Pictures, Addis Ababa 1970, 57; Beatrice
Playne, St. George for Ethiopia, London 1954, 141ff. É. (&DN ), also known as Gudit, Judith, ÷Térdaýa
[“Ashaten Maryam”], 156ff. [“Naacateleb”]; David Bux- Gäbäz and Esther, is the name of a legendary
ton, Travels in Ethiopia, London 1949, 167f.; ChojPaint queen said to have been the conqueror of
492ff., 521ff.; Roger Sauter, “Où en est notre connais-
sance des églises rupestres d’Éthiopie”, AE 5, 1963, 235–
÷Aksum.
92, here 269, nos. 49–52; Ewald Hein – Brigitte Kleidt, The story of É. exists in several versions. She is
Ethiopia – Christian Africa, Ratingen 1999, 12. generally said to have been a resident of Aksum,
Paul B. Henze perhaps a member of the royal family reduced
to prostitution. She was tricked by a local priest,
who sought to have sexual relations with her.
Éšäte of Qwara Disgraced and mutilated, she left Ethiopia.
É. (&QL; d. March 1768), son of abeto She met a Jewish ruler whom she married and
Märqorewos and wäyzäro Birutawit, was one convinced to destroy Aksum in revenge for
of the significant figures in the group, known the indignity she had suffered. At this time the
collectivelly as Qwaräññoóó, which supported the ÷Ark of the Covenant was taken from Aksum
reign of his cousin, étege Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan and hidden.
Mogäsa). At different times he held the titles of From a literary point of view the story of
assalafi, balambaras and däggazmaó. É. held lands É. can be shown to be built around structural
tributary to the Gondär churches, Qaha Iyäsus oppositions to the story of the Queen of
and ÷Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam and to the church Sheba (÷Makédda) as found in the ÷Kébrä
of ÷Narga Íéllase, in addition to numerous fiefs. nägäít. Historically, the legend seems to have
He entered the historical record in February been constructed around a kernel of truth
1742 in connection with an expedition to the regarding the late 10th-cent. queen of the Banu
Sinnar-Galabbat frontier. Seven years later, in l-Ham(u)wiya (as the Arabic sources have it),
October 1749, he helped suppress a rebellion who came to rule on Aksum by killing “the king
in the north-western province of ÷Wälqayt. In of the Ethiopians”, possibly ÷Dégnagan – and is
1755, on the death of ase ÷Iyasu II, he played a however believed to have come from the south,
key role in securing the succession of Iyasu’s son, perhaps from Damot or Bali.
÷Iyoýas, acting as intermediary between étege Although certainly not the originator of the É.
Méntéwwab, her brother ras ÷Wäldä Léýul and legend, James ÷Bruce appears most responsible
ras ÷Wädago, ruler of Amhara, as the Queen’s for its dissemination into both scholarly and
main representative. In 1757 he married wäyzäro popular writings (BruNile II, 452f.). Accord-
Wälättä Rufaýel, heir to the so-called aläqénnät of ing to him, the beautiful É. set out to destroy
÷Gälawdewos, the son of ras Wäldä Gyiorgis. Christianity and eliminate the Solomonic line.
They had at least four children, one of whom, She massacred the royal house and established
Òaylu, was the principal heir. Wälättä Rufaýel died a Jewish dynasty that ruled Ethiopia for many
in October 1762 and was buried at Qwésqwam. generations. Ignazio Guidi claimed she was the
During the reign of Iyoýas, Damot and Agäw queen of the “Banu l-Yahudiya” and also identi-
Médér was his principle theatre of action. É.’s fied her as Jewish, as did Basset (BassÉt 227) and
prominence at this time is indicated by the fact Rathjens (1921:18–24). Although Conti Rossini
that it was he who, in October 1757, arranged for (CRStor 285–89) demonstrated that significant
the burial of wäyzäro Énkoyye, mother of étege reasons exist for rejecting the queen’s alleged
Méntéwwab, at the church of Dämbäzä Íéllase. É. Jewishness, authors have continued to describe
died in March 1768 in Agäw Médér in one of the her as a “Falaša” (÷Betä Ésraýel) queen. In keep-
376
Éšätu Cole
ing with other Arabic and Ethiopic sources – e.g.,

the Kitab aî-îaòaýir wa t-tuhaf (‘Book of the
treasures and precious gifts’) by qadi ar-Rašid az-
Zubayr, of the second half of the 11th cent., and
the ÷Mashafa méstirä sämay wämédr, which was
“revealed” to Baòayla Mikaýel before 1450 – she
is rather likely to have ruled over, and come from
the Sidamo area of ÷Bale (Fiaccadori 1992).
haìani ÷Danéýel
Lit.: Knud Tage Andersen, “The Queen of the Ha-
basha in Ethiopian History, tradition and chronol-
ogy”, BSOAS 63, 2000, 31–63; BasÉt 227; Belaynesh
Mikael, “Gudit”, in: DicEthBio 76–78; Id., “Térdéýa
Gäbäz”, ibid. 161–62; BruNile II, 452f.; CRStor 285–89;
Enrico Cerulli, “L’Etiopia medievale in alcuni brani Éšätu Óole;
di scrittori arabi”, RSE 3, 1943, 272–94, here 272–76 photo courtesy
[repr. in: CerIslam 257–80, here 256–61]; Gianfranco of the author
Fiaccadori, “Bâli”, La Parola del Passato 47, 1992, 439-
45 (Lit.); Mohammed el-Chennafi, “Mention nouvelle Conferences of Ethiopian Studies. From 1983 to
d’une ‘reine éthiopienne’ au IVe s. de l’hégire/Xe s. ap. 1991, he was Chief Economic Expert at the Insti-
J.-C.”, AE 10, 1976, 119–21; Steven Kaplan, The Beta tute for the Study of Ethiopian Nationalities. He
Israel in Ethiopia from Earliest Times to the Twentieth could be said to have attained the high moment
Century, New York, 1992, 44–47; Caroline Levi, Yodit,
Ph.D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, of his professional career as founding member
University of London 1992; Carl Rathjens, Die Juden and President of the Ethiopian Economic As-
in Abessinien, Hamburg 1921, 18–24; Sergew Hable sociation from 1991 to 1994.
Selassie, “The Problem of Gudit”, JES 10, 1972, 113–24; Nor was É.C.’s academic career confined to na-
SerHist 225–37.
Steven Kaplan
tional bounds. Thus he was Member of the Exec-
utive Committee of the Council for the Develop-
ment of Social Research in Africa (CODESRIA)
from 1992 to 1995. He also held various positions
Éšätu Cole in the sub-regional research network, Organiza-
É.C. (&QIy Pr ; b. 11 September 1945, Nagal- tion for Social Science Research in Eastern and
lee, Boräna, d. 18 June 1998, Nairobi) was an Southern Africa (OSSREA), serving as Editor of
outstanding Ethiopian economist. He had his el- its Journal, Eastern Africa Social Science Research
ementary education in Nagallee and his second- Review (1986–90), its Resident Vice-President
ary education at the General Wingate Secondary (1986–90) and its Executive Secretary (1990–92).
School in Addis Abäba. He then joined Òaylä In 1995 he was Visiting Associate Professor of
Íéllase I University and graduated in 1966 with Public and International Affairs at the Woodrow
a B.A. degree in Economics, earning “Great Dis- Wilson School of Public and International Affairs
tinction” and winning the Chancellor’s Medal. of Princeton University.
Joining the Department of Economics as Gradu- In addition to his academic brilliance and
ate Assistant, he proceeded to do his graduate professional distinction, É.C. was a committed
and post-graduate study in the United States, nationalist who ardently sought the progress
getting his M.A. from the University of Illinois of his country and the improvement of the lot
at Urbana-Champaign in 1968 and his Ph.D. of his fellow Ethiopians. Thus, he played an
from Syracuse University in 1973. active role in the student movement. He was
É.C. had a distinguished academic career, President of the Main Campus Student Union
emerging as one of Ethiopia’s leading econo- in 1965–66. Later, he also served as Secretary of
mists. He was a dedicated and inspiring teacher the Ethiopian Teachers’ Association (1969–70)
and a prolific writer. He occupied the Deanship and founding member of the more radical break-
of the Faculty of Arts from 1974 to 1976. He away group, known as “Forum”, which was in
also served as member of the Editorial Board of the forefront of the struggle against military rule
the ÷Journal of Ethiopian Studies and as one of in 1974. The Därg, apprehensive of É.C.’s popu-
the two Ethiopian members in the International larity, put him behind bars for a total period of
Organizing Committee of the International seven years (1974–75 and 1976–82). Managing to
377
Éšätu Cole
endure the long period of confinement thanks to ers in the field of Christian Oriental studies. His
his high morale and his inexhaustible repertoire of constant goal was the search for old hagiographic
wit, he re-emerged to attain higher distinctions material and other neglected Christian texts. He
and honours. always stressed the interdependency of Christian
Src.: Assefa Bequele – Eshetu Chole, A Profile of the oriental literatures. Thus, in his vast research, he
Ethiopian Economy, Nairobi 1969; Eshetu Chole et al. time and again touched on GéŸéz texts and their
(eds.), Options for Rural Development in Ethiopia, Lon-
relationship to those in other languages.
don 1990; Eshetu Chole et al. (eds.), Democratisation
Processes in Africa: Problems and Prospects, Dakar 1995; Src.: Alexis Smets – Michel van Esbroeck, Basile
Id., “The African Economic Crisis: Character, Origins de Césarée. Sur l’origine de l’homme, Paris 1970; Michel
and Impact on Society”, in: J. Balogun – G. Mutahaba van Esbroeck, Aux origines de la dormition de la Vi-
(eds.), Economic Restructuring and Public Adminis- erge, Aldershot 1995; Id., “L’Ethiopie a l’epoque de Jus-
tration in Africa, West Hartford 1989; Id. et al., “The tinien: S.Arethas de Negran et S.Athanase de Clysma”, in:
Macroeconomic Performance of the Ethiopian Economy PICES 4, 117–39; Id., “ŸAbiyä Égziý”, in: EAE vol. 1, 43;
1974–1990”, in: Mekonnen Taddese (ed.), The Ethiopian Heinzgerd Brakmann – Michel van Esbroeck,
Economy: Structure, Problems and Policy Issues, Addis “Kaleb Ella Asbeha bisi LZN”, Lexikon für Theologie
Ababa 1992; Id., “Running to Keep in the Same Place: und Kirche, vol. 5, 1996, 1141.
Industralization 1941–74”, in: Shiferaw Bekele (ed.), An Lit.: Hubert Kaufhold, [obituary], OrChr 88, 2004,
Economic History of Ethiopia, Dakar 1995, 194–231; Id., 257–61.
“Towards a History of the Fiscal Policy of the Pre-Revo- Stefan Weninger
lutionary Ethiopian State: 1941–74”, JES 17, 1984, 88–106;
Id., “Some Problems in the Measurement of Import Sub-
stitution: a Critical Review of the Literature”, EJDR 5–7, Escarra, Jean
1983; Id., “The African Economic Crisis”, Eastern Africa
Social Science Research Review 1, 2, 1985. E. (b. 1885, d. 1955), French professor of Com-
Lit.: Addis Tribune 19 and 26 June 1998; OSSREA, The mercial Law in Paris and specialist in Oriental
OSSREA Newsletter 16, 3, 1998. law, was the first drafter of the Commercial Code
Bahru Zewde of Ethiopia. After his sudden death, the drafting
was continued and completed by Alfred Jauffret.
Éšätu Wébe In the latter part of 1953 E., at the time chair-
man of the Commission for the codification of a
Däggazmaó É.W. (&QIy b, , also Éšäte; d. Feb-
Commercial Code, accepted an invitation from
ruary 1855) was the son of däggazmaó ÷Wébe
the Imperial Ethiopian Government to draft a
Òaylä Maryam, ruler of Sémen and northern
Commercial Code and a Maritime Code for the
Ethiopia from about 1830 to 1855. É.W. was one
country. He submitted to the Commission the
of the four children of Wébe named in the sourc-
bulk of the texts later promulgated as Books II,
es. He fought alongside his father in the Battle
IV and V of the Ethiopian Commercial Code.
of ÷Däräsge, which ended with Wébe’s rule and
E.’s death in August 1955, interrupted the work
ushered in that of ase ÷Tewodros II.
on the Commercial Code. It was only several
Src.: CRNuov 410.
Donald Crummey years later that the Imperial Ethiopian Govern-
ment asked Alfred Jauffret, a professor of Com-
mercial Law at the University of Aix-Marseille
Esbroeck, Michel van in France, to continue the texts of Books I and
E. (b. 17 June 1934, Malines, d. 21 November III. Having accepted this invitation, Jauffret sub-
2003, Louvain-la-Neuve) was a Belgian Orien- mitted his draft version along with a Final Re-
talist. He studied Classics, Philosophy, History port on 1 March 1958. The Codification Com-
and Philology of the Orient as well as Theology mission reviewed these drafts in April 1958 and
in Brussels, Louvain and Beirut. He joined the made several amendments to the text of Book I.
Jesuits in 1953 and became involved with the Bol- The Amharic translation of these texts was then
landistes, the Jesuit editorial group of the Acta submitted to the Parliament which, in early 1960,
sanctorum. After many different positions and approved the draft with several amendments. On
research projects, he became Professor for Phi- 5 May 1960 Òaylä Íéllase I implemented the text
lology of the Christian Orient at the University of the Commercial Code with Proclamation No.
of Munich in 1987 (successor of Julius ÷Aßfalg) 166 of 1960, the Code coming into force on 11
and held this post until his retirement in 1999. September 1960.
He was an impressive polyglot in ancient and In his notes, E. stressed the need to draft a title
modern languages and one of the major research- with general provisions applicable to all forms
378
Eschatology
of business organization and the desirability of

co-ordinating the Commercial Code provisions
with those in the Civil Code dealing with civil
or ordinary partnerships. In January 1955 René
David, the expert draftsman of the Civil Code,
submitted to the Codification Commission a
draft text regulating ordinary partnerships. It is
not clear whether E. specifically approved this
addition since, on some points, David’s draft
contradicted views expressed earlier by E. at the
meetings of the Sub-Commission and in his own
notes on the motifs.
From the strictly legal point of view, E. wished
to receive instructions on several aspects of the
Ethiopian legal organization, such as the nature
of the local laws, their importance and use and
the role of the courts. He also inquired about
the existence of any kind of commercial laws,
case laws, commercial customs or professional
practices, contractual practices within the differ-
ent commercial communities, bills of exchange,
current accounts and bankruptcy.
÷Commercial Law
Src.: “Commercial Code of the Empire of Ethiopia of Last Judgement; cloth mural; Balói in Sankora, eastern
1960”, Nägarit Gazeta, extraordinary issue 3, Addis Šäwa, Amanuýel Church, south wall; second half of the
Abäba 1960; Proclamation no. 166, 1960; Peter Winship 19th cent.; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers
(ed., tr.), Background Documents of the Ethiopian Com-
mercial Code of 1960, Addis Ababa 1974. upon or under the earth; the righteous stay near
Lit.: Heinrich Scholler, The Special Code of Ethiopia the highest god ÷Waaqa, the impious burn in an
1920-1935, Stuttgart 1985 (AeF 15), 18; Jacques Vander- eternal fire, and those who were neither good
linden, Introduction au droit de l’Éthiopie moderne, nor bad hang about as shadows. The belief in the
Paris 1971.
Heinrich Scholler end of the world is absent from Ethiopian ethnic
religions because of the widespread idea that the
highest god, after having created the world, lost
Eschatology any interest in earthly affairs.
In its broader sense, E. is the religious doctrine In spite of the scarcity of positive data, one can
dealing with the “last things” (Gr. ta; e[scata), admit that in the first half of the 1st millennium
namely the after-life of the human being and the B.C. the religious ideas circulating among the
end of the earthly world history. Semitic-speaking communities of the Ethiopian
Eschatological views within the ethnic ÷reli- highlands were melting with elements of Af-
gions of Ethiopia deal mainly with the dwelling- rican substratum, as the Ethiopian conception
place of the spirits and the way they interfere in of ÷kingship seems to prove. The influence
the lives of living beings. The ÷Kunama of Eri- of pre-Islamic ÷Arabia can be detected in the
trea believe that the soul descends into the tomb observance of sacral sovereignty as reflected in
along with the dead; after the funeral ceremonies the divine filiation of the Aksumite king (wäldä
and the related sacrifices, the spirit is allowed to Mährém, ‘the son of ÷Mährém’, to be com-
leave and to move freely about the earth; only pared with the titles of the kings of Awsan and
the souls of the righteous can find shelter in Qataban), a belief probably connected with an
their tombs at night, whereas the impious are eschatological role of the monarch. The African
condemned to remain in the open, and thus they substratum can be recognized in the practice of
can have a negative influence on the living. The building stelae over the Aksumite tombs, accord-
÷Boorana of southern Ethiopia and northern ing to an architectural tradition whose cradle
Kenya still preserve the traditional Oromo re- has been identified in the Sudanese-Ethiopian
ligion and believe that the spirits do not wander borderlands. The meaning of these Aksumite
379
Eschatology
monuments is a matter of debate, but it must be and Elijah will return and denounce the mistakes
considered that the practice recalls the animistic done by mankind. The beginning of the true end
rite of planting trees over graves, both because is marked by the descent of Jesus onto earth and
the presence of the plant allows the memory of is conceived as a succession of three scenes, each
the dead to survive and because its first flourish- announced by a blast of the trumpet. First, the
ing of the plant is regarded as a visible sign that mortal remains shall take again the shape they
the spirit is out from the tomb and free. had before death; then, the souls will leave their
The translation of the ÷Bible into GéŸéz temporary places and once and for all will get
brought eschatological ideas from the Old Testa- back to their restored bodies; finally, in the same
ment into circulation in Ethiopia, namely, those time, all the dead shall rise again and undergo
from the major prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah and the judgement of God, by which the sinners are
Ezekiel) and the Book of Daniel. Within the separated from the righteous. In GéŸéz, the place
New Testament the ÷Revelation of John was of eternal joy is called %<z (Edom, ‘Eden’), or
the object of an obvious reverence as the earlist K|M (Gännät, ‘Garden’), both with several Se-
model of Christian prophecy. Yet, the Ethiopian mitic parallels; the dwelling-place of the sinners
Christian E. was influenced in a decisive and is called KR|z (Gähännäm) and C's (Siýol),
original way by the great works of the Jewish both terms deriving from the Bible.
literature of the Second Temple period: the most Like other non-Chalcedonian denominations,
ancient sections of ÷Enoch, the Fourth Book of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Church
÷Ezra and ÷Jubilees, and by some works of accepts the millenarian doctrine, i.e. the belief in
early Christian times, such as, the Ascension of the Second Coming of Christ (÷Dagém mäsýatu
÷Isaiah, the Antichrist of Hyppolitus and the läkréstos). According to the picture drawn by Gi-
Shepherd of ÷Hermas. Most probably all these yorgis of Sägla (ca. 1424) in his Mäshafä ÷méstir,
texts, belonging originally to different historical before the Last Judgement Jesus will descend on
periods and cultural assetts, were translated into earth once again to cancel the reign of the Anti-
GéŸéz as parts of a coherent religious creed; both christ, release the souls of the righteous and take
the identity and provenance of the Christian them to the one-thousand-year long banquet on
group which brought into Ethiopia the attention Mount Zion (÷Däbrä Séyon). During the first
over that is still debated. The general matter of half of the 15th cent., particularly in the years
these works deals mainly with the imminence of ase ÷Zärýä YaŸéqob, this belief became the
of divine intervention for the destruction of the subject of a theological dispute: the monastic
Evil and the establishment of the Reign of God. communities of the disciples of ÷Éstifanos and
Polemics against civil institution, either govern- Zämikaýel (÷Mikaýelites) rejected the millenar-
ment or state organizations is hereby included, ian faith and thus were condemned by the em-
and contributes to the growing of a fundamen- peror and the metropolitans. The defence of Mil-
talist political theology. The literary form of lenarianism against the spiritualistic objections
this eschatological vision is represented by the of such monastic circles was clearly connected
Jewish-Christian apocalypse, i.e. the revelation a to the specific eschatological role traditionally
divine messenger gives to a seer about events to assigned to the Ethiopian emperor. According
take place at the end of time. to a concept going back to the 6th–7th cent., he
In the wake of Coptic tradition, for Ethiopian is the earthly representative of the heavenly king
theologians the journey of the soul after death or basileuv¿, the defender of the Orthodox faith
has different phases, described by examples and the head of the troops called to fight against
in the ÷Qäleméntos (4:6–14). In the first one, the infidels. In a celebrated prophecy reported in
between the end of the earthly life and the Last such works like the ÷Kébrä nägäít (ch. 117) and
Judgement, the soul abandons the body and the Raýéyä Sinoda (ch. 3), at the end of the histo-
moves to a temporary place, waiting for its desti- ry of the World the Byzantine and the Ethiopian
ny to be achieved. The approach of the end of the rulers shall defeat the enemies of the Christian
world is announced by a sequence of fatal events: faith (namely the Jews), then they will meet in
physical phenomena extraneous to the natural Jerusalem, share the earth and rule the world in
course, the appearance of false prophets and the peace until the coming of the Antichrist.
establishment in Jerusalem of the tyranny of the The dogma of the resurrection of the body
Antichrist, who will rule the world until Enoch also became a matter of a controversy in Ethi-
380
Eschatology
opic sources since the 14th cent. at least. The the eschatological dossier transmitted the mss.
supporters of the anti-materialistic E., as against Paris, BN Abb. 51 and Tanasee 35 along with the
human corporeity, could base on the Ascension (&#Hy @!"y g4!# (Bäýéntä kwénnane òatéýan,
of Isaiah (4:16–17): according to this famous ‘On the judgement of the sinners’). The revela-
apocryphon, the flesh is an integral part of the tions of Peter to Clement about the eternal pun-
earthly world, so that they are doomed to dis- ishments, preserved in the Apocalypse of Peter,
solve together. Reflections of a debate already are followed in the first treatise (Dagém mésýatu
existing in the 14th cent. are traceable in the läkréstos) by a long dialogue between Peter and
Christian Romance of ÷Alexander the Great Jesus. At the end, the Son of God declares that he
(ch. 29–30), where a discussion about the resur- will intercede with his Father in order to obtain
rection between Alexander and his counsellor from him salvation for the whole of mankind,
Komsat is reported. For this section the author including the sinners (with the exception of the
exploited the arguments found in a work writ- ÷Devil and of the demonic beings). This is a rad-
ten by the 4th-cent. Syriac writer ÷Aphrahat, ical conception of God’s mercy, showing some
the treatise On the Vivification of the Dead, relations with the E. of the 3rd-cent. Greek writer
also known in a GéŸéz version (ms. Firenze, ÷Origen of Alexandria, and his controversial
Biblioteca Laurenziana, Or. 148) under the title doctrine of the ajpokatavstasi". These ideas
|K?y (&#Hy &ny ^lB7y M#R%y zbK# are corroborated in the second treatise (Bäýéntä
(Nägär bäýéntä éllä yékéhédu téníaýe méwétan, kwénnane òatéýan), a new speech, in which Peter
‘Treatise on those who deny the resurrection of is relating to Clement the contents of God’s rev-
the dead’). These literary documents seem to be elations about the same doctrine of the universal
directed against those contemporary theologians restoration, according to eschatological view that
who preached the contrast between the mate- seems to be prompted by ancient contacts with
rial and perishable body of earthly life and the Egyptian monastic circles.
heavenly and imperishable garments (s-DM , A similar conception can be traced in some
lébsat) the souls shall wear on resurrecting. This aspects of the ÷Betä Ésraýel E., which shares
gnostic-like attitude was seemingly inherited by with the Christian view both the millenaristic
the disciples of Zämikaýel, because it reemerges expectation of the advent and of the mystic King
in the works they composed during the Jesuit Tewodros (destined to bring to earth the era of
mission in Ethiopia (1557–1632; ÷Jesuits). Par- peace before the consumption of the world), as
ticularly, the work entitled u?Fy !w# (Märs well as some basic ideas about the final events.
amin, ‘Safe harbour’) deals with the Catholic ob- For the Betä Ésraýel of central importance is the
jections to the Ethiopian practice of circumcising concept of the ÷Sabbath. At the end of times,
children on the eighth day after their birth (and after the final catastrophes, in spite of the God’s
therefore before ÷Baptism, administered on the judgement rewarding merits and punishing sins,
fortieth day), because this would prevent an even some wicked souls can still receive forgiveness
small part of the body from taking part in the and be saved from eternal damnation only due
resurrection and in the final salvation. To these to their strict observance of Saturday rest. Ac-
statements the Ethiopian author of the treatise cording to the ÷Téýézazä sänbat, Sabbath, the
opposes the spiritual interpretation of the resur- feminine personification of the Seventh Day, will
rection, which concerns the baptized as a whole, be standing next to God and obtain from him the
because the sacrament involves his soul, not his redemption for the sinners, who never neglected
body. to commemorate the Creation and to honour the
A description of the eternal punishments is Sabbath as an eschatological symbol of the life
contained in the Apocalypse of ÷Peter, the 2nd- to come.
cent. apocryphon fully transmitted only in the The Islamic view of the final events is
GéŸéz translation made from a lost Arabic Vor- grounded on the description in several Qurýanic
lage. The Ethiopic text of this apocalypse did not passages. The first judgement takes place im-
circulate independently, but was used as the first mediately after the death and an examination
part of the treatise 9Pzy ze!Iy nl?FNFy within the tomb (Qurýan 8:50–51; 50:17–18).
]M#R%y zbK# (Dagém mésýatu läkréstos Destructive natural phenomena will precede
wäténíaýe méwétan, ‘The second coming of the coming of the last day, announced by a blast
Christ and resurrection of the dead’), a part of of trumpet and marked by the annihilation of
381
Eschatology
the world (fanaý), the resurrection of the bodies Kön 149–72; Rodolfo Fattovich, “Some Remarks on
(qiyama) and the universal assembly (hašr) for the Origins of the Aksumite Stelae”, AE 14, 1957, 43–69;
James C. VanderKam – William Adler (eds.,), The
the Last Judgement (36:51–54, 77–80; 50:20–23, Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity, Assen
41–44). After the evaluation of the earthly deeds – Minneapolis 1996; Robert Beylot, “Le millénarisme,
(7:8–9) each soul will be sent to paradise or hell, article de foi dans l’Église Éthiopienne”, RSE 25, 1971–72
elaborately described by several authors. For [1974], 31–43; Tjitze Baarda, “Another Treatise of Aph-
rahat the Persian Sage in Ethiopic Translation: a Short
Muslims, too, during the last days before the
Note”, New Testament Studies 27, 1981, 632–40; Merid
final destruction the earth will be ruled by an Wolde Aregay, “Literary Origins of Ethiopian Mil-
eschatological leader (Mahdi, ‘the guided’), who lenarianism”, in: PICES 9, 161–72, here 166–69; Enrico
will restore justice and faith. In the history of Norelli, Ascensio Isaiae. Commentarius, Turnhout 1995
the Islamic communities different personalities (Corpus Christianorum. Series Apocryphorum 8), 272;
Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Escatologia e Scrittura nelle piú
styled themselves by this title in order to en- antiche tradizioni etiopiche”, Annali di Storia dell’Esegesi
joy the political and religious authority. In the 16, 1999, 235–40; Id., “Riflessi etiopici dell’escatologia di
Sudan, between 1882 and 1885, Muhammad Afraate”, ibid. 17, 2000, 151–59; Id., “Elementi romani
Ahmad b. ŸAbdallah declared himself Mahdi nella tradizione letteraria aksumita”, Aethiopica 4,
2001, 42–54; Id., “Tradizione origeniana in Etiopia”, in:
and led an anti-Egyptian secession movement,
Lorenzo Perrone (ed.), Origeniana Octava. Origene
which brought about the conquest of Khartoum e la tradizione alessandrina, Louvain 2003 (Bibliotheca
and the independence of the Sudan up to 1898. Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 164), 1177–
After his death in 1885, the political and reli- 84; Aymro Wondmagegnehu – Joachim Motovu, The
gious unrest involved some Ethiopian provinc- Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Ababa 1970, 133–36;
Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthiopiens, Berlin – New
es, so that ase ÷Yohannés IV was forced to face York 1971, 238ff.; Steven Kaplan, Les Falashas, Turn-
the ÷Mahdist army in the battle of Mätämma, hout 1990, 53–58.
where the Emperor himself found death on 11 Gianfrancesco Lusini
March 1889.
Src.: CRAbb no. 37 [Abbadie 51], IV, V; HamTana I, 165,
Tanasee 35 = Kébran 35, fol. 59rc–70va; Alessandro Escherich, Georg
Bausi, Il Qalementos etiopico. La rivelazione di Pietro
a Clemente. I libri 3–7, Napoli 1992 (StAfEt 2), 94ff.;
E. (Amh. %Q<W ; b. 4 January 1870, Schwan-
YaqMist I, II; BezKebr 170f. (text) = 136f. (tr.); Ernest dorf, d. 26 August 1941) was an adventurous
Albert Wallis Budge, The Life and Exploits of Al- forester who travelled in several East and West
exander the Great: Being a Series of Ethiopic Texts, 2 African countries. In early 1907 he participated
vols., London 1896, 338–52 (text) = 536–53 (tr.); Adolf in a hunting-expedition in Ethiopia at the foot
Grohmann, “Die im Äthiopischen, Arabischen und
Koptischen erhaltenen Visionen Apa Schenute’s von Atri-
of the south-eastern escarpment in Oromo
pe” i, ZDMG 67, 1913, 187–267, here 255–65; Lorenzo areas. His enterprising character soon led to
Perrone (ed.) – Enrico Norelli (tr.), “Ascensione close contacts to ase Ménilék II’s government
di Isaia profeta. Versione etiopica”, in: Ascensio Isaiae. and semi-officials like Jakob Hall. He suggested
Textus, Turnhout 1995 (Corpus Christianorum. Series a law to protect wild animals and initiated the
Apocryphorum 7), 3–129, here 68f.; Enrico Cerulli,
“‘De Resurrectione Mortuorum’. Opuscolo della Chiesa introduction of new plants. The Emperor, re-
Etiopica del sec. XIV”, in: Mélanges Eugène Tisserant, membering that Addis Abäba was formerly
part 2: Orient Chrétien, vol. 1, Città del Vaticano 1964 covered by thick forests, made him return to
(Studi e testi 232), 1–27; Id., Scritti teologici etiopici dei Ethiopia in 1909 to start plantations in the
secoli XVI–XVII, part 1: Tre opuscoli dei Mikaeliti, Città capital. However, the leadership of Ethiopia was
del Vaticano 1958 (Studi e testi 198); Paolo Marrassini,
“L’Apocalisse di Pietro”, in: EtRicci 171–232; Sylvain already partially paralyzed due to the Emperor’s
Grébaut, “Littérature éthiopienne pseudo-clémentine”, illness; E., therefore, only experimented on the
ROC 12, 1907, 285–97, 380–23; ibid. 13, 1908, 166–80, German Legation’s compound, explored regions
314–20; ibid. 15, 1910, 198–214, 307–23, 425–39; as far as Lake Rudolph (today Turkana) and sub-
Getatchew Haile, “Journey to Heaven. The Popular
mitted – unsuccessfully – forestry plans to the
Belief of Reward and Punishment in Ethiopian Chris-
tianity”, in: StudAeth 41–65; Joseph Halévy, Teýezaza government. His brother Karl, the entomologist
Sanbat (Commandements du Sabbat), Paris 1902. and professor in Tharandt near Dresden and
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “La regalità sacra in Munich, also travelled to the region, publish-
Abissinia e nei regni dell’Africa centrale ed occidentale”, ing notes on Eritrea in 1908 (Lockot I, 63).
Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 21, 1947–48, 12–
31; Id., “Due capitoli del Libro del Mistero di Giyorgis
Internationally, E.’s presence at the court
da Sagla”, RSE 7, 1948, 13–53; André Caquot, “La was understood as a further enforcement of
royauté sacrale en Éthiopie”, AE 2, 1957, 205–18; Hab- Germany’s influence on Ethiopia; for Zintgraff
382
Éskéndér
was appointed counsellor, Steinkühler acted as to subjugate ÷ŸAdal, the main Muslim rival of
the Emperor’s physician and Pinnow was Crown Christian Ethiopia and to consolidate the cen-
Prince Iyasu’s tutor. E.’s publications contain tral authority, which at that time belonged not
several interesting details on this turbulent so much to the Emperor as to ŸAmdä Mikaýel
period. In Germany, E. became a prominent himself. This policy was to encounter wide op-
leader of the right-wing monarchist movement position “when they saw him ruling all Ethiopia
in Bavaria after the fall of the German emperor on his own” (PerrEsk 339).
(as the founder of the militant “Organisation É. himself refused to remain an ever-“baby-
Escherich” or “Orgesch”, 1919). king” and with the help of ŸAmdä Mikaýel’s op-
Src.: Georg Escherich, Jagdreisen in Norwegen, ponents he deposed him sometime before 1486.
Bosnien-Herzegowina und Abessinien, Berlin 1910; Id., ŸAmdä Mikaýel was eventually exiled and secretly
Im Lande des Negus, Berlin 1912, ²1921; Id., Der alte executed. This immediately alienated É. from
Forstmann: Fahrten und Fährten in weiter Welt, Berlin
1935; Lockot I, 63, 77; N.N., “Im innersten Abessinien”, ÷Däbrä Libanos, where ŸAmdä Mikaýel was not
Jahrbuch der Weltreisen und geographischen Forschungen only buried, but also demonstratively canonized.
12, 1913, 133-45; ibid. 9, 1910, 103ff. As a result, in the chronicles compiled by the
Lit.: Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia and Germany: Cultural, scribes of Däbrä Libanos, É.’s reign is described
Political and Economic Relations, 1871–1936, Wiesbaden
1981 (AeF 5), index, 311; Lockot I, 63, 77 (Lit.).
only in its three first years, when relations be-
Wolbert Smidt
tween Däbrä Libanos and the council of regency
were still unclouded. After that, É. led the typical
Esimiphaios ÷SumyafaŸ AšwaŸ life of the itinerant feudal rulers of the time: he
built churches (÷Däbrä MéíwaŸ; Däbrä Méstir in
Éskéndér Šäwa, s. Kur 1972:90f.; possibly Gännätä Giyorgis
Ase É. (&Fl#;? ; b. 15 July 1471, d. 1494 [r. 1478– in Géšše, s. DerDom 341), pacified his rebellious
94]) was a son of ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam I and one vassals and fought ŸAdal with no success, until he
of his wives, émmäbet Romna. Bäýédä Maryam was accidentally killed by the poisonous arrow
felt uneasy about the fate of his first-born son at of a ÷Maya archer in 1494 at the early age of 22.
the court, always fraught with plot and conspira- His empire remained in no better state than it was
cy, and gave the baby to Anbäsa Dawit, an influ- when he had been proclaimed emperor in 1478.
ential governor of ÷Goggam. However, Anbäsa Src.: PerrEsk; Stanislas Kur, Actes de Marha Krestos,
Dawit died shortly afterwards of plague and the Louvain 1972 (CSCO 330, 331 [SAe 62, 63]), 88–91, 96, 98
(text).
Emperor had to take his son back. In 1475, when Lit.: TadTChurch 286–93; Taddesse Tamrat, “Prob-
for security reasons the Emperor sent all his other lems of Royal Succession in Fifteenth Century Ethiopia:
children to Gänz (÷Gänäzo), É. was entrusted a Presentation of the Documents”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1,
to bitwäddäd ŸAmdä Mikaýel, a mighty warlord 526–29; Id., “The Abbots of Däbrä Hayq 1248–1535”,
JES 8, 1, 1970, 87–117, here 109ff.; Enrico Cerulli,
whose main task was to cope with Muslim raids
“Gli abbati di Dabra Libanos, capi dei monachismo
at the frontier areas of ÷Wäg and ÷Fätägar. etiopico, secondo la ‘lista rimata’ (sec. XIV–XVIII)”,
ŸAmdä Mikaýel was on campaign together with Orientalia nuova ser. 13, 1944, 137–82, here 145–49; Der-
É. when Bäýédä Maryam died on 8 November Dom 341, s. index; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Sul ms.
1478. NaŸod, a younger brother of É., was then Parigi, B.n.F., d’Abb. 78 (C.R. 38) e i metropoliti Yeshaq,
YaŸeqob e Marqos d’Etiopia (sec. XV–XVI)”, RANLmor
proclaimed Emperor. However, ŸAmdä Mikaýel ser. 9a, 15, 2004 [2005], 679–90, here 680 and n. 9.
returned immediately and had his six-year-old
Sevir Chernetsov
protégé crowned (with the throne name Iyosyas,
s. Fiaccadori 2004). It was certainly the mighty
bitwäddäd who formed the council of regency, Éskénder
which included himself, Romna and Ÿaqqabe säŸat Alexander Boghossian (b. 1937, Addis Abäba,
Täsfa Giyorgis (fl. 1478–86, s. Taddesse Tamrat d. 2003, Washington DC), who called himself É.
1970:109ff.). He also established most cordial (&Fl#;? ; or Skunder), was a prominent artist.
relations with éccäge ÷Märha Kréstos. Son of an Armenian father, Kosreff Boghos-
ŸAmdä Mikaýel aspired to stop the growing sian, and an Ethiopian mother, he was awarded
religious dissent. So he sent a delegation to an Ethiopian government scholarship to study
Egypt which in 1481 brought from Alexandria art in Europe. From 1955–57 he attended three
five Coptic ecclesiastics, among them two bish- London-based schools: Saint Martin’s School,
ops (÷Yéshaq and ÷Marqos). He wanted also the Central School and the Slade School of Fine
383
Éskéndér
Arts. Following this he spent nine years in Paris

(1957–66) where he attended and taught at the
École des Beaux Arts and the Académie de la
Grande Chaumière.
Whilst in London and Paris, É. was greatly
inspired by African, Latin American and African
American artists. The philosophy and art of
Négritude, Paul Klee’s pictorial symbols and the
work of the surrealists also deeply impressed
him. From 1966–69, after he had returned to
Addis Abäba, É. taught at the ÷School of Fine
Arts, where he has exercized a lasting impact on
a generation of young Ethiopian artists. Together
with ÷Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa, É. was a pioneer of
Ethiopian modern art and his leaving Ethiopia
was a great loss. Many of É.’s students followed
him to Washington DC, where he lectured as
an Associate Professor of Painting at Howard
University (1969–2000). É. was the first Ethiopian
artist to have his work purchased by the Musée
d’Art Moderne, Paris 1963, and the Museum of
Modern Art, New York 1965.
Lit.: Tritobia Hayes Benjamin, “Skunder Boghossian –
A Different Magnificence”, African Arts [Los Angeles] 5, Vice-Admiral Éskéndér Dästa as Commodor of the
4, 1972, 22–25; Elisabeth Biasio, Die verborgene Wirk- Ethiopian Navy; photo by Bassano, courtesy of the IES
lichkeit – Drei äthiopische Maler der Gegenwart, Zürich (no. 3E1, 799)
1989, 74–78; StanisLaw Chojnacki, “Skunder: his First
Addis Ababa Exhibition”, EthObs 10, 3, 1966, 184–85; in Britain. In 1955, he became deputy command-
Id., “A Survey of Modern Ethiopian Art”, in: Äthiopien, er of the newly formed Ethiopian Imperial Navy
[Sonderausgabe der] Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch,
Stuttgart 1973, 88–89; Salah M. Hassan – Achamyeleh under Òaylä Íéllase I, who was the commander-
Debela, “Addis Connections: the Making of the Modern in-chief of all the armed forces. Despite his affili-
Ethiopian Art Movement”, in: Clémentine Deliss (ed.), ation with the royal family and his reputation as
Seven Stories about Modern Art in Africa, New York a “vigorous and progressive” commander, É.D.
1995, 131–32; Sidney Littlefield Kasfir, Contempo-
rary African Art, London 1999, 191ff.; Jean Kennedy, played, at least on the surface, a comparatively
New Currents, Ancient Rivers – Contemporary African minor role in the Imperial government. Some
Artists in a Generation of Change, Washington 1992, sources suggest that he was a possible successor
128ff.; Solomon Deressa, “Skunder: in Retrospect to Òaylä Íéllase. Others maintain, however, that
Precociously”, EthObs 10, 3, 1966, 174–84; Wendy Kin-
dred, “Skunder and Modern Ethiopian Art”, in: Paul B. the Emperor distrusted him and therefore never
Henze (ed.), Aspects of Ethiopian Art from Ancient Axum offered him significant responsibilities in the gov-
to the Twentieth Century, London 1993, 126–33; Okeke ernment. As a result, É.D. frequently performed
Chika, “Modern African Art”, in: Okwui Enwezor minor representational duties such as serving on
(ed.), The Short Century – Independence and Liberation
Movements in Africa 1945–1994, München 2001, 29–36,
the International Christian Fellowship’s executive
here 33, 66f. (ill.). committee, attending to Prince Henry the Navi-
Elisabeth Biasio gator’s celebrations in Lisbon and to a royal wed-
ding in Brussels in 1960. During an armed forces
Éskéndér ÷Alexander the Great revolt on 25–26 February 1974, É.D. temporarily
fled the main naval base at Massawa and sought
refuge in Djibouti. On 23 November 1974 É.D.
Éskéndér Dästa
was executed by the Därg along with 59 other
Commodore É.D. (&Fl#;?y 6FK ; b. 6 August men in what has been known as the “Bloody
1934, Addis Abäba, d. 23 November 1974, Addis Saturday” massacre (÷Revolution).
Abäba) was grandson of ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I, Lit.: Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: a New Po-
son of ras ÷Dästa Dämtäw and ÷Tänaññä Wärq litical History, London 1965, 204, 357, 382; Atnafu
Òaylä Íéllase. He received most of his education Makonnen, Ethiopia Today, Tokyo 1960, 273; Teferra
384
Éslam Sägäd
Haile-Selassie, The Ethiopian Revolution 1974–1991: horsemen. ŸAsbo, an eloquent and intelligent
from a Monarchical Autocracy to a Military Oligarchy, man, presented É.D.’s son as a gift to Grañ with
London – New York 1997, 143.
the request not to burn their churches and ravage
Thomas P. Ofcansky
their land. He also asked that they might keep
their religion, in which case they would pay the
Éskésta ÷Dances capitation. The imam agreed, but told the Chris-
tians to repeat after him the Muslim profession of
Éslam Dähar faith. ŸAsbo repeated the formula “and became a
É.D. (&Fqzy 6=? ; Ar. j«e ¬›mA, Islam Dahar, good Muslim”. É.D.’s son was willing to become
perhaps from Ar. dahara ‘to expel’) was, ac- a Muslim too, but on the condition that Grañ
cording to the ÷Futuh al-Habaša, son of Kum would consider him as his own son. Grañ said
Dähar, son-in-law of ase Éskéndér and regent of that he would do anything for him provided he
÷Wäg. embraced Islam. The young man, too, repeated
When ase ÷Lébnä Déngél, pursued by imam the formula, as did the Christian horsemen, upon
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”), fled which they all received a garment (of honour; s.
hastily to Gäbärge (near ÷Zéqwala, s. BasHist BassHist 364f.).
113, no. 1), he was joined by the “patrician” (Ar.: After Grañ had established himself firmly in
al-batriq) Wäsän Sägad, who had come from Däwaro, he sent wazir Mugahid to Wäg. Half
Wäg (Wag in the Arabic text). He blamed the of the inhabitants refused to embrace Islam and
“patricians” for having abandoned ÷Damot and entrenched themselves with 30 “patricians” and
wanted to know where É.D. was. When the lat- their chief É.D. in the mountains; however, soon
ter arrived, Wäsän Sägad asked him to indicate a they were defeated. É.D. was captured and put to
fortified place in Wäg where the Christians could death, together with many others. The entirety
take refuge. É.D. said they should go down to of Wäg submitted to the wazir, who sent an en-
the market of Wizgibya (cp. MarAmdS 219, voy to announce the victory to Grañ, whom he
s. under “Wäge”) and stay there. É.D. prom- found in Guragi (Gurage).
ised that he would lead the Christians to a safe Src.: BassHist 113, 245, 364f.; MarAmdS 219.
place. After two days the Muslims entered the Lit.: TadTChurch 117.
land of ÷Wäräb, in the district of Andaqabtan Emeri van Donzel
(÷Éndägäbtän; s. BasHist 245, no. 3; TadTCh-
urch 117 no. 8; MarAmdS 200, 219). Ahmad
Grañ sent ÷ŸAbdannasir to reconnoitre, but Éslam Sägäd
the Christians thought it was the imam himself. Ras É.S. (&Fqzy AK; , also known as Éslamo,
É.D. then led the Christians into Wäg to a nar- d. 31 March 1531) was a warlord of ase ÷Lébnä
row place. A renegade by the name of Haybi Déngél, who had also granted him the titles of
told Grañ that there was no place for the Ethio- both ÷ras and ÷bitwäddäd. He was a governor
pian Emperor to escape to, neither to ÷Gurage, of the important frontier province of ÷Fätägar,
whose inhabitants were his enemies, nor to where his main duty was to repel regular Muslim
÷Däwaro. But the Muslims did not follow Hay- raids into his province which were undertaken
bi’s advice and returned to Šäwa via Wiz, while under the banner of ÷gihad. É. was quite
ŸAbdannasir moved to pillage and burn the town successful in this, because he knew well the usual
and monastery of Éndägäbtän. tactics of these raiders (well described by ÷Al-
Some time later, Grañ, while in Wäg, ordered varez, s. BeckHuntAlvar 307). At his disposal he
wazir Muhammad to conquer Wäg and Gäbärge. had well-armed cavalry guards of his own and
The inhabitants did not resist him, but É.D. and Fätägar levies who fought bravely to defend their
Yonadab, brother-in-law of Lébnä Déngél, home. The situation changed drastically when in
refused to embrace Islam and moved to the February 1531 the Emperor sent É.S. instead of
heights of Gurage. When Grañ pitched camp in his brother-in-law ÷Dägälhan to withstand the
a place called Dug, in Wäg, the two “patricians” main forces of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi in
separated. Yonadab went to ÷Angot in order to another area. The levies had no stimulus to fight
join the king in Damot, but É.D., afraid that the outside their homeland and É.’s guards alone
land would be destroyed, sent his son to Grañ, could not resist the Muslim well-trained cavalry
accompanied by his son-in-law ŸAsbo and 13 attack at Ayfärs on 31 March. The levies fled and
385
Éslam Sägäd
the cavalry guards died to a man. É.S. himself AXwMI, i.e. Basilé[us] Axèmi[t(ôn)] ‘King of
was killed by amir Abu Bakr b. Yimag Ahmad the Aksumites’; on the rev.: Israel (Type 143 in
(BassHist 202) together with many Ethiopian Munro-Hay – Juel-Jensen 1995:254f.). Even rarer
noblemen. examples of copper display the same subject as
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 307ff.; BassHist 180ff., 186f., 192, 195, the obv. of his gold, but labelled in GéŸéz: ngí
197, 202, 230; BassÉt I, 327f.; II, 328; Manfred Kropp, Ysrýl ‘King Yésraýel’; the rev. shows a cross with
Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minas,
flared arms equal in length and a Greek legend
Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]), 10 (text) = 9
(tr.), s. index; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Storia di Lebna all-round (including a small cross) that can be
Dengel re d’Etiopia”, RRALm ser. 5a, 1, 1894, 617–40, here read: íhl lýhzb or lýhzb íhl ‘mercy to the people’
629; BegCron 17; DombrChr 160; BruNile vol. 2, 162. (Mordini 1959:182; Type 144 in Munro-Hay
Sevir Chernetsov – Juel-Jensen 1995:255f.).
According to the controversial late antique
evidence embedded in the ÷Kébrä nägäít (ch.
Éslam Sägäd 117) and further elaborated in local traditions
Azmaó É.S. (&Fqzy AK; , lit. ‘the Muslims of ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa (CecZeila 370–73),
bowed to him’, d. November 1564) is also É. is Kaleb’s elder son, the younger one being
known under the abbreviated name Éslamo. He later ase ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl, with whom É. had a
was a commander of one of the royal regiments long-sustained conflict that was to culminate in
of ase ÷Minas. After the death of the latter, É.S. the fight “at the narrow end of the Sea of Liba”
refused to accept the enthronement of ase ÷Íärsä (or rather, “of the western region”), alluded to
Déngél and intrigued in favour of his own can- also in other sources (Fiaccadori 1992:73ff., 91).
didate to the throne, abetohun ÷Hamälmal, son Against an apocalyptic background with marked
of Romanä Wärq, ase Lébnä Déngél’s sister. eschatological overtones, in the Kébrä nägäít É.
Young Íärsä Déngél was opposed by many at his is appointed king of ÷Nagran and then left in
enthronement, but his enemies lacked unity and ÷Jerusalem by his father Kaleb, who has chosen
soon died one by one in their habitual feuds, É.S. to be succeeded by Gäbrä Mäsqäl; at the end,
among them. thanks to Kaleb’s efforts, the engagement be-
Src.: DombrChr 181; BassÉt II, 328. tween his two sons is averted: É. is doomed to be
Lit.: TSTarik 3, 216f. the invisible lord of “the heavenly chariot”, while
Sevir Chernetsov Gäbrä Mäsqäl shall reign visibly over ÷Zion,
“upon the throne of his father” (÷Eschatology).
Éslambet; Éslamge ÷Addis ŸAläm; ÷Gondär More recent stories have it that, as the second
son, É. seized power by force taking advantage
Ésraýel of his brother’s absence, for Kaleb had abdicated
É. (&F=%s , or Yésraýel, also known as Betä És- with no designated successor.
raýel or Zäýésraýel; Gr. IÇRAHL, i.e. !Israhvl) was Yet, in the more authoritative Life and Mira-
a 6th-cent. Christian king of ÷Aksum. A son and cles of abba ÷Libanos or Mät(t)aŸ, a 14th/15th-
probably the immediate successor of ÷Kaleb cent. product likely to draw on material contem-
Éllä Asbéha, who retired to hermitic life around porary to the Saint, two kings are introduced: the
523/24 or within 529/30 (Fiaccadori 2003:184f., iniquitous Zägäbäzä Aksum (var.: Éllä Gäbäz)
232f.), he is known from both literary and nu- and his pious successor Gäbrä Mäsqäl (Bausi
mismatic sources. The latter are often referred 2003, §§33, 36, 135, 413). The latter is indeed
to an early 7th-cent. namesake (s. CRStor 216,
260f.) – with no cogent reason but the difficulty
to put the rulers after Kaleb into sequence. In a
series of gold coins, most of which from a hoard
discovered at ÷Adulis, and in one rare silver ex-
ample É. appears on both sides, half-length bust
rightwards, wearing a low tiara or a head cloth
respectively; his figure is flanked by two stalks
and enclosed in an inner beaded circle with cross
and Greek legends (pleading as well for a 6th- Gold coin of Ésraýel; drawing; courtesy of Wolfgang
cent. chronology). The obv. is inscribed: BAÇILI ≥ Hahn
386
Éstäzya
the son of Kaleb who, in accordance with dif- Lit.: Jean-Noël Barrandon – Eric Godet – Cé-
ferent traditions, ascended the throne either after cile Morrisson, “Le monnayage d’or axoumite: une
altération particulière”, Revue numismatique 6e sér., 32,
his father – i.e., in 530/31 at the latest – or after 1990, 186–211, here 192ff., 199, 203, 211; BrakKirche
his brother É., whose tenure seems to have been 108; CRStor 167, 210f., 216; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
relatively brief (8 months in the “king lists”). In Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992, s. index; Id., “Bâli”, La
the narrative of the Vita a few ancient elements Parola del Passato 47, 1992, 439–45, here 441, 444; Id.,
relevant to the struggle between the two broth- “Provsoyi", non provoyi": Efeso, Gerusalemme, Aquileia
(Nota a IEph 495, 1 s.)”, ibid. 58, 2003 [2004], 182–249,
ers are apparent, the memory of which was to here 189f., 232f.; Wolfgang Hahn, “Die Münzprägung
fade in the progress of time: for such a struggle des axumitischen Reiches (Mit Katalog, metallurg. u.
must have been triggered by Kaleb’s abdication theolog. Anhang)”, Litterae Numismaticae Vindobon-
and then settled in favour of Gäbrä Mäsqäl (the enses 2, 1983, 113–80, here 117, 119, 138–41, 173f., no.
46; Id., “Noe, Israel und andere Könige mit biblischen
negative characterization of Éllä Gäbäz/Zägäbäz
Namen auf axumitischen Münzen. Der Gottesbund als
is quite symptomatic). Legitimation der christlichen Königsherrschaft im alten
It is therefore tempting to conclude that Éllä Äthiopien”, Money Trend 33, 12, 2001, 124–28, here 126,
Gäbäz might rather be the “royal name” of fig. 3; Arthur K. Irvine – Sergew Hable-Selassie – Ri-
É., otherwise unknown in Greek or Ethiopic chard K.P. Pankhurst, “Bétä-ýEsraýél”, in: DicEthBio
41f. (Lit.); Gianfrancesco Lusini, “L’Église axoumite et
hagiographies; and Gäbrä Mäsqäl, by way of ses traditions historiographiques (ive–vie s.)”, in: Bernard
exclusion, the “Christian name” of ÷WŸZB, Pouderon – Yves-Marie Duval (eds.), L’historiographie
‘king of Aksum’ and ‘son of Éllä Asbéha’ in his de l’Église des premiers siècles, Paris 2001 (Théologie his-
own inscription from ÷Aksum Séyon cathedral torique 114), 541–57, here 522f.; Id., “Note linguistiche
(RIE 192), and probably ruling from 534 to 548 per la storia dell’Etiopia antica”, in: StudAeth 67–77, here
68f.; Sergew Hable Selassie, “A History of Axum: The
ca. (against MHAksum 89, 93, 187, 194, Brak- Successors of Kaleb”, Rural Africana 11, 1970, 30–36, here
Kirche 108, and Bausi 2003:xxixf., n. 26–27 [tr.], 32f.; SerHist 42, 159ff.
s. Lusini 2001:522f., and in StudAeth 70 n. 17, Gianfranco Fiaccadori
though É. is here distinguished from both Éllä
Gäbäz and WŸZB/Gäbrä Mäsqäl).
Such a logical conclusion should definitely Éstäzya
prevent the recurrent identification of Zägäbäzä Aläqa É. (&F/w\, baptismal name Gäbrä Égzi-
(or Éllä Gäbäz) mentioned in the Life of abba ýabéher; b. 1872, Maryam Hémbérti, Hamasen,
Libanos with ÷Éllä Gäbäz known from Greek d. 1942, Hamasen), was a traditional Ethiopian
legends (ALLA/ELLA GABAZHÇ or GABAZNG painter. He received a traditional church education
= n[é]g[uí] ‘king’?) on Aksumite coins dated to in ÷Däbrä Bizän, Eritrea. After his ordination as
the late 6th or early 7th cent., both persons being deacon, É. continued his education in ÷qéne bet
possibly encompassed by Éllä Gäbäz/Zägäbäz(ä and in ÷zema bet. He studied church painting in
Aksum) of the Ethiopic “king lists”, where refer- the same monastery, possibly under the guidance
ence to Betä Ésraýel is also made (“list C”, nos. Gäbrä Giyorgis from Goggam.
80, 90). Since his original intention was to be a monk,
Src.: DAE I, 54, 58; Enno Littmann, “Eine neue Gold-
münze des Königs Israel von Aksum”, Zeitschrift für
É. served one year as a novice in the monastery
Numismatik 35, 1925, 272–74, pl. xiv/8; Carlo Conti of Mäkanä Héywät in Céq (Tämben), but was
Rossini, “Monete aksumite”, Africa Italiana 1, 1927, never ordained. Yet, he was allowed to stay in the
179–212, here 203 [§25]; BezKebr 170f. (text) = 136f. monastery and received a piece of land from its
(tr.); Arturo Anzani, “Numismatica axumita”, Rivista holding. He married a local girl named Wälättä
Italiana di Numismatica ser. 3a, 3 [39], 1926, 5–110, here
39, 86 (no. 215–49), 106f. (pl. h); Id., “Le monete dei Mikaýel, with whom he had three children. His
re di Aksum. Studi supplementari”, ibid. ser. 4a, 1 [43], son Féssame also became an ÷aläqa and a church
1941, 81–99, here 60f.; Antonio Mordini, “Appunti di painter.
numismatica aksumita”, AE 3, 1959, 179–83, here 182; It seems that É.’s main interest was monumen-
Stuart C. Munro-Hay, Catalogue of the Aksumite Coins
in the British Museum, London 1999, 45, no. 554, pl. 13; tal wall-painting. The murals in the following
Id. – Bent Juel-Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, churches were painted by him:
254ff.; Luigi Pedroni, “Una collezione di monete aksum- – in Tämben: Kidanä Méhrät in Qäqäma; Íéllase
ite”, Bollettino di Numismatica ser. 1a, 15, i-ii [28-29], in Céq; Maryam in Mälfa; Qéddus Giyorgis in
1997 [1998, but 2000], 7–147, here 74f.; Alessandro Bausi
Ruba Kwésa; Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus in Mänya,
(ed., tr.), La «Vita» e i «Miracoli» di Libanos, Lovanii 2003
(CSCO 595, 596, [SAe 105, 106]), 15f., 162 (text) = 12f., 93 Iyäsus in Gäläbäda;
(tr.); CRList 294f.; CecZeila 370–73. – in Éndärta: Qéddus Yohannés in Qoqolo;
387
Éstäzya
Royal procession towards a church; cloth mural by aläqa Éstäzya; Ruba Kwésa, church of St. George, south wall of the
mäqdäs; 19th/20th cent.; photo 2002, courtesy of Michael Gervers
– in Eritrea: Maryam in ŸAddi Õwala; Maryam in Éste

Hémbérti; Täklä Haymanot in Liban; Qéddus É. (&FL) is a region east of Lake Tana and north
Mikaýel in ŸAddi Räýési; of the Abbay in southern Bägemdér, some 40 km
– in Gondär: Qéddus Giyorgis in Däräsge, Sémen, south of Däbrä Tabor. The Wanqa River, a tribu-
and Qéddus Giyorgis in Gähgäh, Wägära. tary of the Abbay, is its most-notable geographi-
From the documents it appears that he received cal feature. The area hosts a number of churches,
400 Maria Theresia thalers for each church, which many of which were founded some 400–500 years
included the expenses for painting materials. An ago, an indication of the era when the indigenous
exception was Céq, where he charged only 200 Agäw population was Christianized. É. has
thalers for the purchase of materials. long been famed for the production of religious
Although É.’s works have not yet been stud- ÷manuscripts. Local scribes, many working in
ied, judging from the paintings which have been a district known as Andébet, are still producing
recently recorded (Céq, Ruba Kwisa) he followed quantities of manuscripts by traditional methods.
the iconographical programme established for The region is perhaps the last locale in the north-
the central churches in the 17th cent., sometimes ern highlands where significant production still
adding elements which seem to be his own, thus occurs at the turn of the 21st cent. A.D.
bearing witness to his deep knowledge of bibli- In the past, É. was also prominent in economic
cal texts and theological commentaries (e.g., a and military affairs. It was a station on the long-
fettered ÷Devil falling down in the Crucifixion distance trade routes that ran from the southern
in Céq; Jacob’s ladder in Ruba Kwisa). highlands across Goggam to Lake Tana and
É. was a very skilful draftsman who paid great Gondär. From at least the time of ase Susényos
attention to details, quite often rendered with re- (r. 1607–32), É. was a campsite on the line of
markable naturalism. On account of that, a large march from Lake Tana to Amhara and Goggam.
painting in Ruba Kwisa depicting a procession Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706) especially favoured it as a
attended by ase ÷Yohannés IV and his civil and staging-ground for campaigns into Oromo lands
ecclesiastical dignitaries could well be considered across the Abbay and the Bäšélo.
as an important historical document. Under the imperial administration of the
The painter used traditionally prepared paints mid-20th cent., É. was a wäräda in Däbrä Tabor
where dark red, deep yellow, emerald green and awragga in the Province of Bägemdér and Sémen.
dark blue dominate. One of the characteristic Today, a small village bears this name.
features of his style is the careful modelling of Src.: GuiIohan 78, 163, 187f., 191 (tr.); Ministry of
the human body, especially the face, with light Land Reform and Administration (ed.), Report
on Land Survey of Begemedeir and Simien Province,
brown and beige. Addis Ababa 1970, Appendix I; PerChron 121, 200, 202.
Src.: documents in possession of mämhér Rädda, the Lit.: CrumLand 154, 164, maps 101, 116; HuntGeogr
abbot of Céq Íéllase, grandson of Éstäzya. [revised ed. New York – Toronto 1989] 167, 177, 204–07,
Lit.: Girma Elias, “Aläqa Estezia’s Church Painting and 216f., 221f.; John Mellors – Anne Parsons, Book-
the Sources of their Captions in Sacred Books”, Bulletin making in Rural Ethiopia in the Twenty-first Century
de la Maison des Études Éthiopiennes 11, 1997, 85–95. – Scribes of South Gondar, London 2002, 1–16, maps.
Ewa Balicka-Witakowska LaVerle B. Berry
388
Esteves Pereira, Francisco Maria
Esteves Pereira, Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira;

from CRStor pl.
E.P. (b. 9 August 1854, Miranda do Douro, d.
II, no. 21
9 December 1924, Lisbon) was a renowned
Portuguese scholar who gave important con-
tributions to ÷Ethiopian studies. He formed
as a military engineer, graduating in 1882. He
joined the Portuguese Army in 1875, serving as
an officer since 1883, and reaching the grade of
major in 1904. Placed on the reserve list in 1916,
he became an official of the Avis and Santiago
knightly orders, and was later a member of the
Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and of the Portu-
guese and French Geographical Societies. As a
earned him the Star of Honour by ÷Ménilék II,
student and through self-learning he aquired a
awarded to him in that year. He bequeathed
wide knowledge of Latin, Greek and Sanskrit as
his important personal library, specialized in
well as Hebrew, Arabic and GéŸéz, thus devout-
literature, languages and history of Ethiopia,
ing his entire life to Oriental Studies, with special
Syria, Armenia, India and the Arab world, to the
attention over Ethiopia and related matters – on
Portuguese Academy of Sciences.
various aspects of which he wrote significantly. Src.: Giuseppe Fumagalli, Bibliografia etiopica, Milano
In this connection, he was in touch with, and 1893, 137, 161f., nos. 1316–16bis, 1520, 1530; Georg
highly considered by, such outstanDing Europe- F. Black, Ethiopica & Amharica: a List of Works in the
an scholars as ÷Basset, Conti Rossini, ÷Gallina, New York Public Library, New York 1928, s. index (77,
80); ZanBib117f., nos. 202bis–03bis. Besides: Francisco
÷Goldschmidt (with whom he also collaborat- M. Esteves Pereira, Notice sur le Magseph Assetat
ed), ÷Guidi, ÷Littmann, ÷Mondon-Vidailhet (u8OIHy =FKM , Maqsafta hassetat) du P. Antonio
and ÷Perruchon. In Basset’s words (1892:8), Fernandes, tr. by René Basset, Alger 1886; Id., Carta
E.P. “restored, or rather created Ethiopian stud- que a Dom João III Rei de Portugal enviou Gälawdewos
ies in Portugal”. as a matter of fact, his scholarly Rei da Ethiopia, Lisboa 1888; Id., Victorias de Amdä Sion,
Rei de Ethiopia, Lisboa 1891 [from the abridged tr. by
achievements went far beyond the scope of his Manoel de Almeida]; Id., Dos feitos de D. Christovam
native country – in which, as an Orientalist, he da Gama. Tratado composto por Miguel de Castanhoso,
was somewhat isolated, with almost no success Lisboa 1898; Id., Vida do Padre Täklä Haymanot, pelo
for Ethiopian studies. P. Manoel de Almeida, Lisboa 1899; Id., Canção de
Gälawdewos, Rei da Ethiopia, Lisboa 1900; Id., Vida de
His researches also focused on Portuguese tra- S. Gregório, Patriarcha da Arménia, Lisboa 1900; Id., Le
dition and history of science and technical lore Livre de Job, Paris 1905 (PO 2, 5); Id., “A fonte do Nilo
(s., e.g., his essay on the astronomical calculation Azul. Descrição do Padre Pêro Paes, da Companhia de
by Pedro Nunes, Esteves Pereira 1912), more of- Jesus”, Revista portuguesa colonial e marítima 8, 16 [95],
ten seen with reference to the Ethiopian milieu. 1905, 193–200; Id., “Documentos inéditos para a história
e geografia de Ethiopia”, ibid. 10, 20 [118], 1907, 169–71;
Yet, in spite of such a vast range of interests and Id., “Cálculo da duração do crepúsculo da tarde de 1 de
competences, he always looked at his scholarhip Outubro de 1541, em Lisboa, pelo Dr. Pedro Nunes”,
as at a private leisure; and this may well explain Revista de engenharia militar 17, 1912, 282–90; Id., O
why he left no students. Livro do Profeta Amós e a sua versão etiópica, Coimbra
In some 25 years of assiduous work, he edited, 1917; Id., Le troisième livre de ŸEzrâ, Paris 1919 [Turn-
hout 1973] (PO 13, 5); Id. – Lazarus Goldschmidt,
translated and annotated a number of biblical Vida do Abbä Daniel do Mosteiro de Scéte, Lisboa 1897.
(÷Bible), hagiographic (÷Hagiography) and Lit.: René Basset, “Rapport sur le progrès des études ber-
historical (÷Historiography) texts in GéŸéz. His bères, éthiopiens et arabes (1887–1891)”, London [Wok-
versions are extremely cautious and literal, the ing, Oriental University Institute] 1892, 5–10 (”Rapport
sur les études éthiopennes“), here 8; David Lopes, “Um
original terms being directly introduced when- orientalista português – F.M. Esteves Pereira”, Revista da
ever conveying a pregnant or specifical mean- Faculdade de Letras 7, 1940–41, 121–33; “Esteves Pereira
ing. Most of his editions, especially of the royal (Francisco Maria)”, in: Grande Enciclopedia Portuguesa
chronicles, with accurate commentaries (e.g., e Brasileira, vol. 10, Lisboa – Rio de Janeiro 1942, 457;
that of ÷Susényos [PerChron]), are still stand- Isabel Boavida, “Notas para o estudo da vida e obra de
F.M. Esteves Pereira”, paper presented at the Colóquio
ard reference works in Ethiopian studies. Eight Cinco séculos de Arabismo e Orientalismo em Portugal
out of the ten publications he issued by 1897 deal (1497–1997), Lisbon, May 1997, ms.
with Ethiopian literature and culture – which Isabel Boavida – Red.
389
Éstifanos
Éstifanos The group led by É. (with ÷Gäbrä Kréstos

É. (&F1G$F ; b. ca. 1397/98, ŸAgamä, Tégray, d. as his closest assistant) settled then near the
18 Taòíaí 1437 A.M. [15 December 1444 A.D.], ÷Täkkäze, where an exemplary monastic or-
Wazerma) was a saint and the leader of the 15th– ganization was established. É. acted as its head,
16th cent. religious movement of ÷Stephanites. teaching and giving spiritual guidance; the
According to his hagiography, É. was born monks were divided into self-sufficient units (12
to a family of local chiefs of Mar(ä)wa, not far members each), with one elected “administrator”
from Aksum, and named Hadgä Anbäsa. His (qäwami), responsible for all material works,
father Bérhanä Mäsqäl died before his birth, and two “overseers”, in charge for the spiritual
and his mother Sara sent the boy to his uncle, matters. Everyday life – e.g., the amount of food
the chief of Zéqlay and Géfmela. É. spent his and clothes for each monk – was strictly regu-
childhood as a shepherd, overcoming his rela- lated. The main principles were the complete
tives’s objections to his intention to lead a pious independency from the outside world, unity
life. At the age of 19, he was ordained deacon and equality in everything; it was prohibited to
by abunä ÷Bärtälomewos, and soon entered accumulate any good or accept gifts. Products
the monastery of abba Samuýel (possibly, exceeding one-day needs were to be distributed
÷Samuýel of Qwoyäsa, s. Beylot 1981:30, n. 38). among the poor. Besides, É. struggled to abolish
É. worked hard for the monastery, also serving any practice of “sorcery”; in keeping with the
as scribe and teacher of novices. However, he ÷Senodos, he also propagated the celebration of
was much disappointed with the traditional two ÷Sabbath-days. É.’s radical teaching was to
way of monastic life: the abbot did not properly raise conflicts in other monastic communities.
oversee the spiritual life of the monks, some of His enemies attempted to accuse É. before the
whom having rather a lax behaviour, and some “governors of the country”, but could not win
other following more narrow rules, yet only the case. As the néguí was invoked during the lit-
“on account of their vanity”. É. distinguished igation, É. rebuked by calling upon the absolute
himself by his extreme obduracy; he received superiority of the word of the “heavenly King”.
revelations and “won his flesh”; soon, his ideas He and his followers were sent to the royal court.
were followed by other monks. All this gener- However, the verdict, given in the presence of
ated tension, but at the age of 30 (ca. 1427–28) É. the Emperor (probably, ase ÷Täklä Maryam,
was ordained priest by abunä ÷Bärtälomewos, 1430-33) and the Metropolitan (according to the
who approved of both his ascetic practices and Vita, abunä ÷Mikaýel, who reached Ethiopia,
theological views. After several quarrels and however, not before 1438), was largely in favour
strives with senior monks, É. and his followers of É. and his teaching – including the definition
were exluded from communion, and eventu- of the ÷Trinity and the two Sabbaths.
ally expelled. So, they established themselves in The fortunes of É. and his disciples changed
Wägära. In mid-1428, É. was called by Samuýel with ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob’s rise to power. É. was
to reconcile: yet, immediately after returning, again summoned to the court. He refused to join
he was thrown into a dungeon and only acci- other monks and priests in judgements over civil
dentally set free. matters; he easily thwarted old accusations of his
Miniature and front page from ms. Gädlä

Éstifanos; Gundä Gunde (Mordini 146);
fols. 4v–5r; first half of the 16th cent.;
photo 2002, courtesy of Michael Gervers
390
Éstifanos
enemies, but rejected the proposal of the Emper- Lit.: Robert Beylot, “Estifanos hétérodoxe éthiopien du
or to renounce to one of the Sabbath-days. An- XVe siècle”, Revue de l’histoire des religions 198, 3, 1981,
279–84 (Lit.); Id., “Sur quelques hétérodoxes éthiopiens.
gered at É.’s bold speeches, the Emperor had him Estifanos, Abakerazun, Gabra Masih, Ezra”, ibid. 201, 1,
flogged; later though, É. was released and sent 1984, 25–36, here 30–33; Id., “La dissidance stéphanite en
back to his place. In the meantime, the situation Éthiopie”, in: Jean-Christophe Attias, De la conver-
of the Stephanite congregation was deteriorating, sion, Paris 1997, 119–32; Getatchew Haile, “The Cause
of the Éstifanosites: a Fundamentalist Sect in the Church
due to its isolation from other monastic commu-
of Ethiopia”, Paideuma 29, 1983, 93–119; Antonio
nities or even the latter’s open animosity. Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gundiè”, RSE 12,
On the occasion of his second appearance at 1953 [1954], 29-63, here 50 [nos. 103, 146], 56–59, figs.
court in January 1444, É. was accused, among 23f.; Taddesse Tamrat, “Some Notes of the Fifteenth
other things, of rejecting the veneration of the Century Stephanite ‘Heresy’ in the Ethiopian Church”,
RSE 22, 1966 [1968], 103–15, here 104f. (Lit.); Salvatore
Cross (÷Mäsqäl) and the doctrine of ÷Däbrä Tedeschi, “Stefano”, in: EncSan 1111ff. (Lit.).
Séyon, of disrespecting ÷Eucharist and the Steven Kaplan – Denis Nosnitsin
Marian feasts (this most likely referring to É.’s
general disapproval of exaggerations in this mat-
ter). Besides, É. refused to prostrate in front of
Éstifanos
the Emperor, maintaining that, according to the
Scriptures, “prostration” (sägid) is becoming to Afä néguí É. (&F1G$F ; d. 1922) was one of the
God alone, whereas “blessing and prayers” are few learned officials of the ÷Ménilék II era. He
indeed fitting for kings. He was tortured and, af- was small in size and physically frail, but he exer-
ter months of detention, released – by then sick cised an immense influence both in political and
and disabled. In the meanwhile, supported by lo- ecclesiastical affairs.
cal governors, his opponents had been chasing his The exact place and date of his birth are un-
disciples in Tégray. É. was summoned to several known. É. started his career as a clerk in the
other meetings, but did not give in. Finally, he court of wäyzäro ÷Bafäna from where he was
was imprisoned in Wazerma where he died. His transferred to the service of néguí Ménilék in the
disciples vainly strived for receiving permission late 1870s. He seems to have continued more or
to bury him in Tégray. Instead, Zärýa YaŸéqob less the same occupation in the 1980s, as he is
had his corpse sent to Sakara, in ÷Däwaro: here not mentioned among the significant officials.
it was placed near a Muslim grave and burnt in After the fall from office of liqä kahénat (later
front of local people on 4 April 1447. néburä éd) Admasu in 1893, É. was raised to the
É.’s movement continued long after his position of liqä kahénat of the state and head
death with a number of his successors (like of the ÷Däbrä Sége Qéddus Uraýel church of
÷Abäkäräzun, whose Vita has further details Addis Abäba. In addition, he was appointed
on the life of É., ÷Gäbrä Mäsih etc.) and the qäññ wämbär (‘judge of the right’) in 1907 and
monastery of ÷Gundä Gunde serving as its was assigned to assist afä néguí ÷Näsibu who
most important centre. É.’s Vita, a document was ageing and ailing. He succeeded him as chief
of great importance, possibly of the late 15th justice after Näsibu’s death in the next year.
cent., is extant in at least two mss. of Gundä Under lég ÷Iyasu, É. was replaced by Télahun
Gunde (both recorded by Mordini 1954:50, as afä néguí and by néburä éd Admasu as liqä
nos. 103 and 146, the second, the one copied kahénat. He thus threw his lot with the oppo-
for Conti Rossini [StrANL 88, no. 24] and nents of lég Iyasu in 1916. He was reinstated
photographed by Schneider, being usually to his former offices by the new government
referred to), but its scholarly edition is still headed by ÷Zäwditu, which he retained until his
missing. death. He died of illness and was buried at the
Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum Uraýel church cemetery in Addis Abäba.
indigenarum, I. Acta sancti Abakerazun, II. Acta sancti Src.: GueCopMen 537; Paul Mérab, Impressions d’Ethi-
Takla Hawaryat, Louvain 1910 (CSCO 56, 57 [SAe opie …, 3 vols., Paris 1922, vol. 2, 55, 85; GebMolIyas 362,
24, 25]), 7–20 (text); K;ny !)|y &F1G$Fy rL#9L#< 377, 383, 422.
(Gädlä abunä Éstifanos zä-Gundagundo, ‘The Vita of our Lit.: HerTar 59; Gustav Arén, Envoys of the Gospel
Father Estifanos of Gundä Gunde’), n.p. [Addis Abäba], in Ethiopia in the Steps of the Evangelical Pioneers,
1996 A.M. [2003/04 A.D.]; StrANL 88, no. 24; KinBibl 1898–1936, Stockholm 1999, 46, 76, 83, 126; Peter Gar-
69f., no. 48; Robert Beylot, “Actes des Pères et Frères retson, A History of Addis Ababa from its Foundation in
de Debra Garzen: introduction et instructions spirituelles 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49), 47.
et théologiques d’Estifanos”, AE 15, 1990, 7–43. Bairu Tafla
391
ŸÉtan
ŸÉtan ÷Incense [1971/72 A.D.]; Täsfa Gäbrä ÍÉllase (ed.), z*=Iy

r6:Ay 87Fy \>;y #M_1\_ (MéŸéraf zädäräsä qéddus
Yared Ityopyawi, ‘The MéŸéraf composed by Saint Yared
ŸÉtanä mogär the Ethiopian’), Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1987/88 A.D.];
The ŸÉ.m. (*2|y {K?, lit. ‘Throwing of the mämhér YÉÒeyÉs Wärqe, #+-y ]M?Kyy r8"\Mz
!*x6y zT1=M (Nébab wätérgwame zäqéneyat:
incense’) is one of eleven poetic modes of the aŸémadä méstirat, ‘Text and Interpretation of the Qéne:
÷qéne-hymns which, together with the ÷kébr the Pillars of Mysteries’), Addis Abäba 1960 A.M. [1968/
yéŸéti, is performed by the ÷däbtära during the 69 A.D.]; VelMe II 64f.
Divine Liturgy, precisely at the moment of the Lit.: CRAbb IV, 222–32; aläqa ŸÉnbaqom Qaläwäld,
Communion (÷Eucharist), extolling the sacrifice Fny 8"y MzW?M!y Fny 48v (Sélä qéne témhérténna
sélä téqmu, ‘About the Teaching of the Qéne and its Im-
of Christ. portance’), in: PICES 3, vol. 2, 117–32; Eric Godet, “La
The length of the ŸÉ.m. depends on the melody métrique du qene gueze”, Abbay 12, 1983–84, 117–203;
through which it is performed. If the Divine Lit- HabUff 215f. (Lit.); Joseph Tubiana, “Poésie et His-
urgy is celebrated in ÷géŸéz mode, which hap- toire: Asara Negus”, in: EtRicci 279–98.
pens mainly during the penitential period, the Habtemichael Kidane
ŸÉ.m. is also sung in géŸéz mode; in this case the
ŸÉ.m. scores seven verses (bet). But when the Di-
vine Liturgy is celebrated in ÷Ÿézél, the däbtäras Étege
compose the ŸÉ.m. with eleven verses; the last É. (&LO , others forms: étey, ite, éteyye, iteyye,
five verses of the ŸÉ.m. (if it is chanted in Ÿézél éte, étäge) was a title designating the coronated
mode) or the three last verses (if it is chanted in spouse of an emperor. The title was different
géŸéz mode) are both called aíärä néguí (!O:y from that of a female sovereign ruling in her own
#LT ). Thus, the ŸÉ.m., be it sung in géŸéz or right, i.e. négéítä nägäítat (÷Néguí).
Ÿézél mode, is a compound of two strophes that According to the book of the court regulations
may have the same rhythm, but with different and rituals, the ÷Íérýatä mängéít, É. sat on the
content or reference. right-hand side of the emperor’s throne on a mi-
The first strophe, i.e. the ŸÉ.m., has always re- nor throne. She also had the right to precede the
ligious content and the second strophe is called court taking place in her own apartments.
aíärä néguí or aíärä nägaíi, which is tradition- It seems that the title was introduced to the court
ally interpreted as: a) “the desire, the path, the to substitute the ÷bäŸaltihat, which disappeared
job of the king” or b) “he has bound the king”. with ÷Éleni. In history, there were recorded cases
The aíärä néguí usually refers to the worldly life: of women reigning with the title of É. already after
in fact it has the aim to praise the king, to thank the death of the husband, like ÷Bérhan Mogäsa,
him when he is considered to be ruling well, or who acted as a regent during the reign of her son
correct his bad conduct using a good manner, or ÷Iyasu II and her grand-son, ÷Iyoas.
castigate him. Finally, it may also deal with the According to the tradition the É. was crowned
historical events or current situation of the coun- three days after the emperor. The first time
try. The ŸÉ.m. is not necessarily always followed when the ceremony took place simultaneously
by the aíärä néguí, whilst the aíärä néguí can- was during ase Ménilék II’s and ÷Taytu Bétul’s
not be on its own without the preceding ŸÉ.m. coronation.
The ŸÉ.m. is the completion or the “seal” of the Src.: BaetDic col. 659; Emmanuil Gankin, Amharsko-
prayer and for this reason it is performed at the russkiy slovar (‘Amharic-Russian Dictionary’), Moscow
end of the Divine Liturgy. 1969, 539; GuiVoc 457f.; GebMolIyas 17f., 312f.; Kan-
According to some qéne scholars, the ŸÉ.m. eDic 1210; BTafA 911; THMDic 18; Ignazio Guidi,
symbolizes prayers that rise up to the presence “Contributi alla storia letteraria di Abissinia”, RRALm
31, 3–4, 1922, 65–94 [“I. Il ‘Ser‘ata Mangest’”, 65–89, here
of God like incense (Ps 140[141]:2). Another 75f.]; Joseph Varenbergh, “Studien zur abessinischen
different point of view maintains that this qéne Reichsordnung (ŠerŸata Mangešt)”, ZA 30, 1915, 1–45,
mode is the replacement of the ancient practice here 41–45.
of incensing towards the cross, which was per- Lit.: CrumLand 94; Harold Golden Marcus, The
Time and Reign of Menelik II of Ethiopia, Oxford 1975,
formed at the end of the Divine Liturgy. 235; Peter Garretson, A History of Addis Ababa from
÷Qéddase its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 49),
Src.: Admasu Gämbäre, ue=Dy 8"| wl:y p6b#M 24; Ignazio Guidi, Contributi alla storia letteraria di
(Mäshafä qéne. Zékrä liqawént, ‘The Book of the Qéne. Abissinia, Roma 1923, 75f.
The Memory of the Doctors’), Addis Abäba 1963 A.M Hanna Rubinkowska
392
Ethiopia
Ethiopia (above 2,400 m A.S.L.) and the ÷qwälla (below

I. Geography 1,800 m A.S.L.). The lowlands being arid (up to
The state of E. (#M_1\, Ityopya, from Gr. ÷desert and semi-desert in ŸAfar), the highlands
÷Aithiopía; on the history of the term s. also group together 4/5 of the population on 2/3 of
÷Orbis Aethiopicus; officially Federal Demo- the territory. Bäräha (below 500 m A.S.L.) and
cratic Republic of Ethiopia) is situated in the Horn wérc (above 3,200 m A.S.L.) are not inhabited
of Africa, bordered in the north and north-east by (÷Ecological zones).
÷Eritrea, in the east by ÷Djibouti and ÷Somalia, Due to the huge climatic range, flora and
in the south by ÷Kenya and in the west and south- fauna in E. vary considerably across the coun-
west by the ÷Sudan. Since Eritrea’s independence try (÷Animals; ÷Plants). Valleys and lowlands
E. has been a land-locked power (÷Boundaries). are rich in vegetation, whereas the plateaux are
It covers an area of ca. 1,106,000 km², stretching comparatively bare and are scarcely covered with
from 2°30' N to 15°N and from 33°E to 48°E. trees and bushes, partially as a result of human
The capital of E. is ÷Addis Abäba. influence and deforestation (only 3% of the en-
One-third of the area of the country is a high tire area of the country is covered by ÷forests).
plateau with elevations between ca. 1,800 to The state of E. tries to protect its natural resourc-
3,000 m A.S.L., some mountains reaching over es by establishing ÷National parks.
4,000 m A.S.L. 80 % of the total population is
settled on the highlands. The main mass of the II. Peoples and languages
East African tableland, of which E.’s highlands E. has ca. 71,066,000 inhabitants (2004 CSA
are part, is composed of metamorphic Archaean estimate; 1994 census 53,130,779) and is marked
rocks (÷Geology). Elevation is generally highest by a large and diverse array of ethnic groups and
just before the point of descent to the ÷Rift Val- languages (÷Languages and peoples).
ley, splitting the highland plateau into two. The According to different sources, from 70 to 90
highest peaks lie in the ÷Sémen and ÷Goggam languages are spoken in E., which belong to two
areas (e.g., Ras Dašän in Sémen, 4,620 m A.S.L.). language phyla – ÷Afro-Asiatic (represented
The ÷ŸAfar Depression (Danakil) in the north- by ÷Semitic, ÷Cushitic and ÷Omotic fami-
east presents the other end of the elevation range lies) and ÷Nilo-Saharan. ÷Cushitic languages
of the country, with ground levels reaching be- are spoken by ca. 49.8 % of the population. Of
low 115 m B.S.L. these, ÷Oromiffa is spoken by about 31 % of
Numerous river-beds cut through the high- the population, followed by ÷Somali (6 %). Se-
land plateaus. Most of the rivers take north- mitic languages are represented by the ÷Ethio-
western direction flowing towards the Nile, Semitic family, ÷Amharic and ÷Tégréñña being
including E.’s main water arteries, the ÷Täkkäze the most important. The lingua franca and the
in the north, the ÷Baro in the south and, most official working-language of the government is
notably, the ÷Abbay (Blue ÷Nile), which takes Amharic, spoken as the first (33 %) or second
its source in Goggam ca. 100 km south of Lake language by the majority of the population.
÷Tana and runs, after passing the lake, west- Regional working-languages are, e.g., Amharic,
wards in a large circle, thus bringing its waters to Somali, Tégréñña, ÷ŸAfar, ÷Harari and Oromiffa;
a large part of the central highlands. Of the rivers together with Amharic, ÷English is the language
running eastwards, the ÷Awaš in the north-east of secondary and higher education. Omotic
of the country is the most important one. The speakers constitute around 7.5 % of the popula-
south is generally drier, the ÷Omo river and the tion (÷Wälaytta being the biggest language), and
lakes (÷Zway, ÷Šala, ÷Abyata, ÷Abbaya) being Nilo-Saharan speakers number under 1 %. The
the main sources of life-bringing water for the lasting situation of language contact, especially
people (÷Geography). between Cushitic and Ethio-Semitic speakers,
The ÷climate is generally temperate on possibly led to the theory of the ÷Ethiopian
the plateau and dry and hot in the lowlands. Language Area.
In Addis Abäba, which ranges from 2,200 to In terms of ethnic composition, the ÷Oromo
2,600 m A.S.L., maximum temperature is 26°C people, the ÷Amhara and the ÷Tégréñña speak-
and minimum 4°C, typical for the ÷wäyna däga ers make up for ca. 80 % of the population, but all
zone (1,800–2,400 m A.S.L.). The other main together there live over 80 ethnic groups, some of
÷ecological zones present in E. are the ÷däga them counting just a few hundred members. The
393
Ethiopia
number of members of an ethnic group may differ has been in power. The development was not
from the number of speakers of the correspond- smooth, and periods of strong centralized power
ing language (e.g., only 17% of the ÷Argobba were followed by times of strong local autono-
people speak Argobba). Several ethnic groups my (e.g., ÷Zämänä mäsafént; cp. the sub-entry
have no languages of their own (e.g., the ÷Wäyto on ÷Ethiopian history for an approach to ÷pe-
speak Amharic as their mother-tongue). riodization).
The peopling of E. has been a complex proc- As a modern state, E. was created in the course
ess, spanning more than six millennia and shaped of the second half of the 19th cent. It emerged
by numerous migrations. Agäw-speaking and out of processes of reforms and conflicts within
Omotic-speaking groups were perhaps the most the ancient state (with the core being ÷Tégray,
ancient populations settled in the highlands, ÷Goggam, ÷Bägémdér, ÷Amhara, ÷Wällo and
with some Nilo-Saharan groups in the southern ÷Šäwa) and through an important territorial ex-
border areas. Several waves of migrations of pansion, especially under ÷Tewodros II and ÷Yo-
(South-)Semitic-speaking peoples from the Ara- hannés IV. Neighbouring kingdoms (e.g., ÷Käfa,
bian peninsula eventually led to their fusion with ÷Wälaytta, ÷Énnarya), principalities (e.g., ÷Gibe
the Cushitic speakers and to the emergence of the states) or sultanates (e.g., ÷Áwsa) and acephalous
first state-formations. Apart from the influence societies or petty tribal principalities in the south
from ÷Arabia (in the first millennium B.C. at the (like ÷Anfillo, ÷Kambaata, ÷Kara and many
latest), the ethnogenesis in E. received its great- others) were included mostly through the expan-
est impulses through wars and invasions, most sion of the kingdom of Šäwa under néguí Ménilék
importantly the spreading of Semitic speakers (later Emperor ÷Ménilék II).
from the north across the highlands into the Christianity, the ancient state religion, slowly
southern regions starting with Aksumite times, lost its position of absolute dominance, whilst
the Agäw migration in the 13th cent., the gihad of important Muslim areas, with the holy city and
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”) in the 16th former emirate of ÷Harär as a prominent exam-
cent., the Oromo expansion during the 16th–19th ple, played an increasingly important role. Former
cent. and the expansion of the Ethiopian State, in non-Christian, non-Muslim areas witness today
particular during the second half of the 19th cent. the rise of Evangelical Protestantism (÷Missions)
(÷Population history). The less-noticeable but and Islamization. While being very diversified in-
not-less-important process of constant interac- ternally, the modern state by different means has
tion, assimilation and dissimilation has been tried to develop a somewhat unified appearance,
also playing an important role in the process of at least in its political symbolism and in its legal
formation of the Ethiopian nation. Nationalistic system (÷Law) since the 1940s, after the Italian
and independence movements in today’s E. keep occupation (÷Africa Orientale Italiana).
reshaping the country’s ethnic dynamics. Modern E. has undergone radical changes
The former state religion of E. is represented through the reform of ÷feudalism and the es-
by the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Church tablishment of a centralized Imperial state under
(50.6 % of the population in 1994; CSA 1998). ÷Òaylä Íéllase I (÷Constitutions) and further
Other Christian denominations include ÷Prot- reforms, especially after the 1974 ÷Revolution
estantism (10.1 %) and ÷Catholicism (0.9 %). and after 1991. The traditional hierarchical,
Muslims (32.7 % in 1994) have a growing share sometimes authoritarian, system of governance
in the society (÷Islam). The remaining popula- also continues to mark the society deeply. Local,
tion adheres to, among others, traditional ÷reli- highly participatory elements of self-govern-
gions (ca. 5 %) or ÷Judaism (÷Betä Ésraýel). ance have also in many cases remained valid (cp.
÷Gadaa) and are, to some degree, recognized by
III. History the modern federal state.
The origins of the state of E. are tradition-
ally traced back to the ancient Aksumite empire IV. Government and political system
(÷Aksum). After the decline of Aksum, a period The present ÷Constitution of the Federal
of decentralization followed, while the legacy of Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (#M_1\y H:
the Christian empire is believed to have passed =q_y 8{l=C\_y <Y-pl, Ityopya federalawi
to the ÷Zagwe royal dynasty. Since the 13th cent., dimokrasiyawi ripablik) was adopted in December
the ÷Solomonic dynasty (÷Yékunno Amlak) 1994 and the government was installed in August
394
Ethiopia
Administrative division of Ethiopia during the late reign of Òaylä Íéllase I; from Last 1962
1995. The executive branch of the government pia was a tributary state (÷Feudalism), built on
is represented by the President (chief of state, a landed nobility (÷Aristocracy) living on the
elected by the House of People’s Representa- produce of the peasants. Until the 17th cent.,
tives), the Prime Minister (head of government) there was no hereditary nobility having a right
and the Council of Ministers (cabinet selected by to certain positions; even later succession also
the Prime Minister and approved by the House of depended on personal merits.
People’s Representatives). The legislative branch E. (until 1974: Y#M_1\y #LOy |KTMy
is represented by a bi-cameral parliament com- u#PTM, Yäýityopya néguíä nägäít mängéít)
prising the House of Federation (117 members acquired its modern shape under ase MénilékII,
elected by state assemblies for five years) and the who needed a centralized administration to man-
House of People’s Representatives (548 members age his newly (re-)conquered southern lands. He
elected directly by popular vote for the term of entrusted his local administration, particularly in
five years). The judicial branch is formed by the the newly conquered areas, to a personal deputy,
Federal Supreme Court (÷Law and judiciary). an ÷éndärase, a system which was financed
The political system of E. had a long develop- through land rights (÷land tenure). Formally,
ment (÷Government). In historical times, Ethio- the system of noblemen controlling the peasants
395
Ethiopia
was the same for the traditional north and for Eritrea’s independence was recognized by the
the newly incorporated south, but the new rul- government of E.
ers did not have any blood relationship, nor felt E. is divided today into nine regional states
any accountability to the peasants. They reached (kéllél): ŸAfar, Amara, Beni Šangul-Gumuz,
and kept their positions through force of arms, Gambella, Harari, Oromiyaa, Soomaali, the
the reason for which they were locally called Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’
÷näftäñña, ‘gun-man’ rather than nobility or Region (Débub hézboó béher béherägäboó) and
aristocracy (÷cäwa). Tégray. Additionally, there are two cities that are
÷Òaylä Íéllase I took up the challenge to build not subject to regional governments (yäýastädadär
a modern structure of government. With him, akkababi), Addis Abäba and ÷Dérre Dawa. This
government remained a function of the Emperor, division replaced in 1991 the older ÷Administra-
a rule sanctioned by God’s Grace and, hence, not tive division with its traditional provinces.
based on the will of the people or on a “social con-
tract” (÷Kingship, divine). But a reigning govern- V. Economy
ment also evolved. Thus, he granted his country The Ethiopian ÷economy over the past half
a Constitution in 1931, which he revised in 1955 century was marked by numerous attempts by
– not ratified, though, by a sovereign election. succeeding governments to carry out a structural
Centred around the person of the Emperor, transformation, e.g., by land reform (1975) and,
government was built on the nobility, but gave rather unsuccessfully, hastening the pace of in-
room for individuals from the southern peoples, dustrialization (÷Industry). Basic features of the
as well as a few persons from the nascent intel- economy, however, largely remained the same as
lectual “Amharized” elites (i.e. the ÷balabbat). they had been for the past centuries.
There were no political parties or other expres- Throughout its recorded history, E. has been
sions of public political opinion, as politics was essentially rural and based on substinence
the domain of the Emperor solely: he appointed ÷agriculture, including both crop- and animal-
ministers and constituted a cabinet. However, his farming, with local markets used to exchange
government was not a dictatorship. The Emper- the surplus products. The agricultural develop-
or’s power was limited by God’s will – as the Em- ment in E. has been rendered difficult through
peror understood it. Additionally, the Constitu- periodic droughts and ÷famines, ÷environ-
tion of 1955 established a parliament with elected mental degradation (mainly due to overgrazing,
deputies, but the membership was in practice deforestation and overpopulation) and poorly
limited to the nobility, in particular to the class of developed infrastructure. Today, the economy
land owners: to be eligible as a candidate, a certain of E. is still based on the two – slightly commer-
value of land-holding had to be documented, or cialized – farming types, which together account
twice the amount in movable property. for over 50 % of gross domestic product (GDP
The system remained in function till the Revolu- purchasing power parity US-$ 800 per capita in
tion of 1974. The power in E. (Y#M_1\y Bw+_y 2003). Industry has the share of ca. 11 %, the
8{l=C\_y <Y-pl, Yäýityopya hézbawi services account for 37 %. 4/5 of the population
dimokrasiyawi ripablik, People’s Democratic are employed in and live from agriculture, 90 %
Republic of Ethiopia) went over to the ÷Provi- of exports are formed by agricultural products.
sional Military Administrative Council – until in In spite of a drastic increase in population, these
May 1991 a new overthrow followed, led by the values have changed little over the past 50 years
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic – neither have the earnings per capita: while in
Front (EPRDF). In July 1991, the EPRDF, to- 1954 it was 277 ÷bérr (the national ÷currency),
gether with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in 2000 it was estimated at 273 bérr.
and other ÷Liberation movements, established Of the crops, ÷coffee accounts for ca. 60 %
the Transitional Government of E. In 1992 the of the country’s foreign-exchange earnings and
OLF withdrew from the government, followed provides livelihood for over one-fourth of the
in March 1993 by the Southern Ethiopia People’s entire population. ÷Cat and pulses are also
Democratic Coalition. In the course of the same exported. The other cultivated ÷plants (÷tef
process, the ÷Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and other millets, ÷sorghum, ÷barley etc.) and
(EPLF) assumed control of Eritrea and estab- nearly all domestic ÷animals are farmed for sub-
lished a provisional government there. In 1993, stinence and inland consumption.
396
Ethiopia
Gold and marble are mined in E.; potash, natu- that the history of architecture usually focuses on
ral gas, iron ore and possibly oil await develop- ÷church buildings and palaces or residences of the
ment (÷Minerals). Foreign ÷investment in the elite. Since ÷Aksumite times (÷Aksum Séyon) till
mining sector began in the 1990s. the late middle ages, churches were of rectangu-
The road-network in E. counts (estimation lar (basilican) plan (e.g., ÷Däbrä Damo, ÷rock-
2000) ca. 24,000 km. Addis Abäba is connected hewn churches of, e.g., ÷Lalibäla). From the 15th
to Djibouti by a ÷railway. ÷Ethiopian Airlines cent. onward, churches of round plan, similar in
connect most administrative centres of the coun- type to dwelling houses, began to dominate the
try, in addition to serving dozens of international ecclesiastical architectural landscape. During the
destinations. The foreign trade is difficult in land- 16th–17th cent., Portuguese influences (÷Jesuits,
locked E. Prior to the outbreak of the 1998–2000 ÷Portugal, relations with) redefined the face of
Ethio-Eritrean conflict, E. used the seaports of civil architecture (÷Gondär).
÷Asäb (90 %) and ÷Massawa, now it has to rely The earliest examples of ÷painting on the
on the ports of Djibouti (90 %) and Port Sudan. territory of E. is rock-art, e.g., in the Sidamo
or Harär area. The bulk of Ethiopian pictorial
VI. State symbols
tradition is to be sought in Christian highland
The Ethiopian ÷State symbols have come a long
wall-paintings (earliest examples dating back
way since they were first introduced, partially in
to the 13th cent.) and manuscript illuminations
the 19th cent., as each change in political system
(from the 11th cent. onward).
brought about changes in the state symbols.
Sculpture is rare in E.; in Christian tradition
The current official flag of E. was adopted on
only reliefs are known. An independent tradition
6 February 1996. This tri-colour can boast of a
of carved stone monoliths (÷Stelae; ÷Megalithic
more-than-1,000-year-long history. It has three
culture), datable to the 11th–13th cent., has been
equal horizontal bands of green (top), yellow
documented in the areas of Šäwa and Sidamo,
and red with a yellow pentagram and single yel-
some with a funerary function (÷Graves). The
low rays emanating from the angles between the
forms vary from simple phallic monoliths to
points on a light blue disk centred on the three
steles carved with abstract designs or abstract
bands. The colours of E.’s flag have so often
human figures in relief and to steles sculpted
been adopted by other African countries upon
as simple three-dimensional anthropomorphic
independence that they became known as the
figures (e.g., ÷Konso sculptures).
pan-African colours.
There are oral and written literatures in many of
This blue disk with the yellow pentagram from
E.’s languages (e.g., ÷GéŸéz literature, ÷Amharic
the national flag is in fact the country’s official
literature, ÷Oromo literature, ÷Somali literature).
coat of arms.
Among performing arts, ÷music has had a
The national anthem, adopted in 1992, is
long history on the territory of E. ÷Theatre was
Wädäfit gäsgéši wédd énnate Ityopya (‘March
only introduced in the 20th cent.
forward, Dear Mother Ethiopia’). It was written
Red.
by Däräge Mälýaku Mängäša (text) and Sälomon
Lulu Métékku (music).
Ethiopia – history and periodization
VII. Art By the 13th cent. “E.” had become a leading term
The peoples of E. have a rich and varying culture by which the elites, who dominated the king-
that finds its expression in everyday life (particu- dom ruled by a dynasty claiming descent from
lar ways of celebrating ÷feasts, preparing ÷food ÷Solomon and Sheba (÷Makédda), defined their
and ÷drinks etc.) and, above all, in their artistic country. Thus, the history of “E.” is inevitably
traditions. tied up with the Solomonic kingdom. The fol-
The visual arts may be divided into ÷architec- lowing periodization sees the history of “E.”
ture, ÷painting, sculpture and useful arts (÷Hand- and north-east Africa, the larger region within
icrafts), including ÷pottery, ÷weaving, metal- which it was embedded, in terms of oscillations
working (÷Blacksmiths, ÷Crosses, ÷Goldsmiths, between periods of dispersed political authority,
÷Jewellery), ÷basketry and wood-working. on the one hand, and the assertion of centralising
Vernacular domestic architecture (÷Houses) authority on the other. In the oscillations from
generally hardly survives the generation for one state to the other factors both endogenous
whom it was built, even if constructed of stone, so and exogenous to the region were at work.
397
Ethiopia
Foundational language, GéŸéz, for literature and in the liturgy;

The immediate pre-history of the region saw the the Christian Church (÷Christianity) as molder
establishment of pastoralism and agriculture as of elite and popular consciousness alike; and in
modes of livelihood, probably no later than 2,000 the language of political authority.
B.C. (Phillipson 1993). By this time the principal
Dispersed Political Authority: Period II (8th cent.
language groups – Cushitic, Semitic, Omotic and
A.D. to 1270)
Sudanic – must all have been present. The earliest
The rise of Islam in the lands on the opposite
agricultural societies were most probably Cush-
side of the Red Sea in the middle decades of the
itic in speech. Equally foundational were a wide-
7th cent. led to the eclipse and decline of Aksum,
spread set of beliefs, the emergence of which is
not least through Aksum’s losing control of
impossible to date: beliefs in a pre-eminent sky-
the trade of the Red Sea. With the decline of
god, in spirit possession; in the evil eye, and the
Aksum political authority dispersed through-
special powers of the serpent, as well as the use of
out the region. Local peoples contributing to
spiritual calendars and of sacred groves, and the
Aksum’s eclipse include the ÷Bega to the north,
practices of pilgrimage, animal sacrifice and food
the ÷Wälqayt to the south-west, and, if one
taboos (LevWax).
interpretation is correct (TadTchurch 38f.), the
Dispersed Political Authority: Period I (mid-1st ÷Damot in the south, whose impact crystallizes
millenium B.C. to turn of the era) around the figure of Gudit (÷Ésato), and devas-
Major developments, resting on the productiv- tating attacks in the early 10th cent. We know lit-
ity of local agriculture, occurred on the northern tle of these traditions, associated primarily with
highlands in the middle of the 1st millennium Cushitic peoples, until we see them again in the
B.C. Towns appeared, as well as a number of 14th cent. through the prism of the Solomonic
ritual centres. Cultural parallels with contem- kingdom. Meanwhile, the legacy of Aksum
porary South Arabia, not least inscriptions in passed to the ÷Zagwe, an Agäw dynasty, who
Sabean, a Semitic language and script, indicate a ruled from what is now Lasta. Their author-
dominant Semitic culture. While the kingdom of ity seems to have been limited to the northern
÷DŸMT may have briefly enjoyed broad sway, plateau, although extending down well into
the characteristic form of political organization what was to become Wällo. An increasingly
was the autonomous town or city state. The important source of authority, religious, po-
culture of dominance exhibited in this period, litical and civic, was ÷Islam, which from about
persisted well into the next period, with the gods the 10th cent. onwards developed a political
of South Arabia prevailing into the 4th cent. A.D. tradition, as a chain of Muslim states pushed its
(Fattovich in: PICES 10; Michels in: PICES 9; way from ÷ZaylaŸ into the lands of the middle
Phillipson 1998:111–14). Awaš. By the 13th cent., the sultanate of ÷Ifat
was established in the Šäwan highlands. Ifat was
Imperial Authority: Period I (Aksum, 1st to 7th
to be a major concern of the second iteration
cent. A.D.)
of imperial rule, which was launched with the
The first assertion of a wider political authority emergence, in 1270, of the Solomonic dynasty
in the Horn came with the rise to dominance (TadTChurch).
in the first cent. A.D. of ÷Aksum (Michels in:
PICES 9; MHAksum; Phillipson 1998; SerHist). Imperial Authority: Period II (1270–1527)
Aksum was at its peak between the 3rd and 7th The kingdom ruled by the self-proclaimed Solo-
cent. A.D. Its armies ranged into the Nile Valley, monic dynasty was definitive for our understand-
across the Red Sea into South Arabia and south- ing of “E.” as an historical entity (TadTChurch).
wards across the Täkäzze. Following the conver- It was the product of the long, slow southward
sion of King ÷ŸEzana to Christianity in the third movement of Christianity and Semitic speech,
quarter of the 4th cent. Christianity and political a movement which produced a new people, the
authority in the highlands were inextricably Amhara, largely converted Agäws. The tradition
linked. Ethnically, while the dominant culture that the rulers of the first imperial order were de-
of Aksum was Semitic in language, the subjects scended from Solomon and the Queen of Sheba
of the state also spoke Cushitic and Sudanic developed after their demise. In practical terms it
languages. Aksum’s continuing influence in later meant that political legitimacy and Semitic lan-
periods of history may be seen in: the use of its guage and culture were inextricably connected.
398
Ethiopia
Although the Solomonics claimed a direct con- regions. The Christian empire was reduced to a
nection to Aksum, the relationship between the rump north of the Abbay.
two must have been more uncertain. Neverthe- Following cultural revival in the 17th and earlier
less, the Solomonics did inherit, in GéŸéz, a lan- 18th cent., the Christian empire collapsed entirely
guage and culture of rule, the royal title of néguíä in the later 18th cent. (CrumLand, chs. 4, 5, 7).
nägäít, and a Christian Church. Muslim political authority in the eastern high-
Regional dominance was established by vigor- lands was increasingly restricted to the town of
ous military expansion under ŸAmdä Séyon I (r. ÷Harär. Elsewhere, political initiative passed to
1314–44) and his successors. The strengthening the Oromo, who, in the 17th and 18th cent., went
of Christian power in the western highlands through a process of regional diversification and
meant a relative weakening of the Muslim states social and political transformation. In many
of the Rift Valley and the eastern highlands, areas they adopted plow-agriculture; in others
where ÷ŸAdal now rose to prominence. Solo- ÷énsät cultivation. They became Muslim in the
monic dominance reached deep down the Rift eastern highlands, in Wällo and the south-west.
Valley and into the southern highlands. Many In parts of the northern highlands, in Goggam
of the peoples of historic Šäwa and what are and Bägemdér they became Orthodox Chris-
now Goggam and Bägemdér converted to Or- tians, and by the middle of the 18th cent. they en-
thodox Christianity (TadTChurch; KapMon). tered the politics of the remnant Christian empire
Christianity was also deeply impressed upon the (LevWax 21–28). In Wällo they laid the founda-
peoples of the south-west and internalised into tions for the emergence in the later 18th cent. of
aspects of their cultures (Lange 1982). a cluster of principalities (Hussein Ahmed 2001)
The apogee of the Solomonic state was reached and in the south-west in the late 18th and early
under Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68). Its political 19th cent. they created the kingdoms of ÷Gimma,
reach was at its greatest. Zärýa YaŸéqob complet- ÷Geeraa, ÷Guummaa, ÷Gomma, and ÷Limmu
ed a rapprochement between church and state, Énnarya (MHasOr, ch. 3).
which set an enduring model. Here, then, is his- Meanwhile, older political traditions of south-
toric E.: an empire ruled by a Christian dynasty, west E. re-asserted themselves in Wälaytta and
sustained by a Christian peasantry, but with a in the Omotic-speaking kingdom of ÷Käfa. Re-
population heterogeneous in language, religion, lations between and among these very different
and mode of livelihood, rooted in the western political structures was restless, sometimes vio-
highlands and exercising domination over much lent, and never reached an equilibrium, but was
of the Rift Valley, the eastern highlands and into also mediated by trade, which flowed across the
the south-west highlands. region, by diplomacy and marriage alliances.
Dispersed Political Authority: Period III (16th to The Modern Period: Imperial vs. Dispersed Au-
19th cent.) thority (mid-1870s onwards)
Solomonic rule depended on a delicate balance, Beginning with the later 19th cent. the region
which was profoundly disturbed in 1527 by entered a period in which the tension between
an assertion of Muslim power under ÷Ahmad imperial and dispersed authority was continuous
b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”, Abir 1980, ch. 4; with significant changes in the balance of local
Merid Wolde Aregay 1971, chs. 1, 2); as a conse- power visible on a scale of decades, rather than
quence, a new era of dispersed political authority centuries. At least three major sub-periods are
ushered. Grañ established a short-lived Sultanate evident: 1870s–ca. 1910; 1910s–44; 1944–74.
of Habaša, which ended with his death in 1543.
Muslim resurgence was followed by Cush- The Neo-Solomonic State: Stage I (1870s-ca.
itic resurgence. In the 1540s the Oromo people 1910)
began a long process of migration into and set- The 19th cent. brought a rapidly changing external
tlement of the eastern highlands, the middle Rift world, which in the last three decades of the cent.
Valley, Šäwa, Amhara (which eventually became pressed ever more heavily (RubInd). Throughout
Wällo), Damot and all the territories westward the region rulers responded in their own ways.
as far as the edge of the plateau bordering the Su- For example, new Oromo authorities emerged
dan in what became Wälläga (MHasOr; Negaso in what was to become east and western Wälläga
Gidada 1984). This brought a permanent linguis- (moti ÷Gootee Tulluu). The decisive moment,
tic, cultural and political transformation of these heralding a new era in regional political history,
399
Ethiopia
came in the years between the successful rejection to establish themselves throughout their newly-
in 1875–76 of the Egyptian invasion (÷Egyptian- subjugated territories. They never overcame re-
Ethiopian War) by Yohannés IV (r. 1872–89) and sistance in many parts of the country and found
the Battle of ÷Émbabo in 1882. Yohannés con- themselves increasingly confined to the towns.
verted his victories into the re-establishment of They did invest substantially in infrastructure
monarchical hegemony. This, in turn, released and pursued policies designed to expand ag-
powerful expansionist forces, which built to an ricultural production, but such fruits as these
early climax at Émbabo, resolving in favor of developments bore were turned, ultimately, to
the latter Goggame and Šäwan rivalry to control the re-establishment of centralized Ethiopian
the south-west. Thereafter, ÷Ménilék II’s armies authority.
marched to and beyond the previous limits of Nonetheless, the expulsion of Italy, in 1941,
Solomonic sway (Marcus 1975). did not lead to the immediate restoration of Ethi-
A revived neo-Solomonic monarchy was firmly opian independence neither to the emergence of
in place, successfully surviving the challenge of other forms of indigenous political authority, but
Italian invasion in 1896 (÷ŸAdwa, Battle of) and to continued imperial domination of Northeast
guaranteeing the country’s passage to the 20th Africa through the agency of a ÷British Military
cent. as an independent empire (BZHist). E. was Administration. While Òaylä Íéllase, restored to
once again dominant over much of the region, this his throne in 1941, immediately began the cen-
time through the suppression and/or incorpora- tralization and modernization of the country’s
tion of all other political authorities and rivalled, state structures, his sovereignty was compro-
not by such authorities, but by European imperial mised by control by the British, who did not
powers now in occupation of all the surrounding begin to withdraw until 1944, with the signing
territory. Yohannés and his successor, Ménilék of an Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty, which recognized
(r. 1889–1913), left the challenge of negotiating a Ethiopian sovereignty. E. did not fully recover
world dominated by European colonialism and the boundaries negotiated by Ménilék until 1954
forces of modernity to their successors. when the British relinquished the last of the
Ethiopian-claimed territories in the ÷Ogaden.
Indigenous Authority Contested (1910s–40s)
The Neo-Solomonic State: Stage II (1940s–74)
The years following Ménilék’s incapacitation, ca.
1910, were perilous, at best. Britain (÷United In spite of British dominance, on his restoration
in 1941 Òaylä Íéllase embarked on an ambitious
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
program to reform governmental administration.
relations with the), France (÷France, relations
Since the 1920s as regent ras Täfäri Mäkwännén,
with) and Italy (÷Italy, relations with) control-
and then as crowned monarch, from 1930 to his
led the entire coastlands of the region, the colony
overthrow in 1974, Òaylä Íéllase seized the role
of ÷Eritrea in the north, and, in ÷British Somal-
of modernizer, one to which he was ambigu-
iland, the North-east Frontier District of Kenya,
ously committed (Marcus 1987). Ever of central
and ÷Italian Somaliland, a considerable portion
importance to him was his personal autocracy
of the lands historically used by the Somali. The (Markakis 1974, ClapHS). The forces of autocra-
powers negotiated treaties with E. which gave cy and modernization coursed unevenly through
them extra-territorial jurisdiction and, in the the decades of his greatest impact, the later 1940s
deeply uncertain years following the death of and the 1950s. The 1960s saw a slow waning of
Ménilék in 1913, intervened decisively in Ethio- his powers and a transformation of the region,
pia’s internal politics, forcing, in 1916, the over- which brought new and alternative forms of po-
throw of Ménilék’s successor, lég ÷Iyasu, and litical authority (Gebru Tareke 1991). European
easing the path to power of Täfäri Mäkwännén, imperial rule gave way to indigenous rule—in the
crowned, in 1930, as ÷Òaylä Íéllase I. Sudan in 1956; in the Somalilands in 1960 (Lewis
Imperial intervention climaxed in October 1965); and in Kenya in 1963 – exposing E. to the
1935 with the Italian invasion of E., which ush- challenges of 20th cent. popular nationalism and
ered in almost a decade of European imperial of social revolution and laying the groundwork
rule over the region, and the ephemeral political for yet another transformation in regional power
unification of most of Northeast Africa. While relations.
formally, Italian conquest brought E. within the Lit.: Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea. The
orbit of European imperialism, the Italians failed Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim-
400
Ethiopia Observer
European Rivalry in the Region, London 1980; BrHad; The “E.M.’s Competitions”, held on vari-
Richard A. Caulk, “The Occupation of Harar: January ous occasions, seem to be among the ways of
1887”, JES 9, 1971, 1–20; ClapHS; CrumLand; Rodolfo
Fattovich, “The Contribution of the Recent Field Work achieving the aims of the magazine. One of
at Kassala (Eastern Sudan) to Ethiopian Archaeology”, them, organized in collaboration with Òaylä
in: PICES 10, 43–51; KapMon; Gebru Tareke, Ethio- Íéllase I Theatre, was a popular-song contest to
pia: Power and Protest: Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth encourage musicians and contribute towards the
Century, Cambridge 1991; Hussein Ahmed, Islam in
improvement of the standard of Ethiopian folk
Nineteenth Century Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform
and Reaction, Leiden 2001; Werner Lange, History of songs. An amateur photo competition was held
the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia), Wiesbaden in co-operation with the Visual Department of
1982; LevWax; Donald Levine, Greater Ethiopia. The the Ministry of Information.
Evolution of a Multiethnic Society, Chicago 1974, 46–53; The E.M. had columns entitled “Our Coun-
Ioan Myrrdin Lewis, The Modern History of Somaliland,
from Nation to State, London 1965; Harold Golden try”, “Our People”, “Our Children”, “Our Fau-
Marcus, The Life and Times of MenelikII: Ethiopia 1844– na” etc., all well illustrated. The range of articles
1913, Oxford 1975; Id., Haile SellassieI. The Formative in the E.M. was large, cp., e.g., articles by Säggaye
Years, 1892–1936, Berkeley 1987; John Markakis, Ethio- Däbalqe on music, folk-songs and dances, by
pia. Anatomy of a Traditional Polity, Oxford 1974; Merid
Osram and MacPhearson on the painter Afäwärq
Wolde Aregay, Southern Ethiopia and the Christian
Kingdom: 1508–1708, with Special Reference to the Galla Täkle, by Murray on art in general, by Nägaš
Migrations and their Consequences, Ph.D. thesis, SOAS Gäbrä Maryam on the problem of the bachelor,
University of London 1971, chs. 1, 2; Joseph W. Michels, book reviews and interviews with and biographies
“The Axumite Kingdom: A Settlement Archaeology Per- of prominent persons. There were also efforts
spective”, in: PICES 9, vol. 6, 173–83; MHasOr; MHAk-
sum; Negaso Gidada, History of the Sayoo Oromoo of to describe traditional religious feasts, ancient
southwestern Wallaga, Ethiopia, from about 1730 to 1886, monuments, pilgrimages and society events such
Ph.D. thesis, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe-Universität as fashion shows and beauty contests.
Frankfurt am Main 1984; David W. Phillipson, Ancient It must be noted that since the September 1972
Ethiopia. Aksum: its Antecedents and Successors, London
issue the magazine, that had been largely picto-
1998; Id., “The Antiquity of Cultivation and Herding in
Ethiopia”, in: Thurstan Shaw – Paul Sinclair – Bassey rial at the start, was transformed, as stated in the
Andah – Alex Okpoko (eds.), The Archaeology of Africa. editorial, to “a balanced blend of both pictorial
Food, Metals and Towns, London 1993, 344–57; RubInd; and editorial coverage, with emphasis on the lat-
SerHist; TadTChurch; BZHist. ter”. The last issue of this useful source for re-
Donald Crummey search into the imperial era is that of July 1974.
Src.: issues of the magazine September 1961–July 1974.
Fekade Azeze
Ethiopia Mirror
The E.M. was a quarterly magazine in English
published by the Ministry of Information. The Ethiopia Observer
first issue, which came out in September 1961, E.O. is a “Journal of Independent Opinion, Eco-
was printed at the Commercial Printing Press nomics, History and the Arts” that first came out
in Addis Abäba and sold for 1.50 bérr a copy. in December 1956 under the editorship of Sylvia
The name of the editor was not specified until the ÷Pankhurst. It was published in Britain and
October-December 1965 issue, where the name of Ethiopia and its price was 1 bérr. The cover illus-
Oscar Rampone appeared. In the November 1972 tration was Afäwärq Täkle’s portrait of fitawrari
issue Yäwändwässän T. Marqos became the edi- ŸAbdullahi Mursal, “Sultan of Shekash in the
tor, ŸAläm Public Relations became the publishers Ogaden, Member of Parliament for the Ogaden
by special appointment of the Ministry of Infor- in the Ethiopian Chamber of Deputies”. The ed-
mation. The format and contents of the magazine itorial of this maiden issue states that E.O. came
were altered, its price was reduced to 1.25 bérr to replace ÷New Times and Ethiopian News and
and its size also changed beginning with this is- that the journal’s mission was to mirror every
sue. This time it was printed at the Artistic Print- facet of Ethiopia’s renaissance.
ing Press in Addis Abäba. The issues covered in the journal range from
The Preface to the maiden issue states that the history to economics (land tenure, population,
E.M. “… will endeavour to illustrate the tradi- agriculture, fishery, industry, trade, transport
tions, customs, arts, events, and all the manifold and communications and budget), from foreign
aspects of Ethiopia”, being its “faithful mirror”. affairs to health and education, from African
401
Ethiopia Observer
affairs to community development, law and con- Ethiopia’s independence. The paper also pub-
stitution, among other topics. lished the text of two of the Emperor’s speeches;
The special issues on topics such as the lan- an account of pre-war Addis Abäba by the Eng-
guages of Ethiopia, education, Ethiopia’s Five- lish prelate A. C. Matthew; translated extracts
Year Plan, Eritrea, Ethiopian patriots, Ethiopian from a report by the Italian fascist Arconovaldo
history and geography and the Addis Abäba Bonaccorsi condemning corruption in the former
African Summit Conference (with full text of all Italian empire; and a little-known interview with
speeches, the charter and resolution) give an in- the Ethiopian Patriot wäyzäro ÷Šäwaräggäd
depth and broad coverage of the issues involved. Gädle. The penultimate issue, of 7 December,
In the area of art, culture and literature there announced, prematurely, that British troops were
are valuable English translations of GéŸéz chron- “to leave Ethiopia” forthwith, while the last issue,
icles (÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, ÷BäŸéda Maryam, etc.), of 14 December, provided documentation on the
Amharic fiction (the novels of ÷Afäwärq Gäbrä allied capture of Gondär.
Iyäsus and ras Émméru Òaylä Íéllase, plays by With the signing of the first Anglo-Ethiopian
÷Mängéítu Lämma, Säggaye Gäbrä Mädòén, a Agreement, on 31 January of the following year,
short story by Assäfa Liban), of valuable Am- the purpose of the paper, which was read mainly
haric documents relating to the traditional sys- by the British officers in Addis Ababa and a few
tem of land tenure and taxation. other foreigners, came to an end. Copies can be
Ethiopian literature in English is represented consulted at the British Library newspaper divi-
by the poetry of Solomon Däressa and Säggaye sion in London, and at the IES library in Addis
Gäbrä Mädòén, a short story by Ašänafi Abäba.
Käbbädä, an article about the patriot martyr Lit.: George Lowther Steer, Sealed and Delivered;
abunä Petros in Ethiopian theatre and numerous a Book on the Abyssinian Campaign, London 1942, 3;
John Hathaway Spencer, Ethiopia at Bay: a Per-
articles on Ethiopian art and poetry.
sonal Account of the Haile Sellassie Years, New York 1944
E.O. is certainly a valuable source for studies [21984, 31987], 93–99.
and comments made on the early art of three re- Richard Pankhurst
nowned Ethiopian artists, Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa,
Afäwärq Täkle and ÷Éskéndér, and for the
works of Bérhanä Mähari, Mähammäd Ali and Ethiopian Airlines
the sculptor Alämayyähu Bézunäh. E.A. was established in 1945, as a result of an
There is an index by Chris Prouty Rosenfeld agreement signed on 8 September between the
to the first ten years of E.O. by author’s name, a Ethiopian Government and the American airline
subject index and an index of titles; another one company, Transcontinental and Western Airlines
by Zännäbu covers vols. 1–16. The last issue of (later known as Transworld Airlines, TWA). The
the Journal was vol. 16, no. 4, 1974. charter officially setting up the airline, Ethiopian
Src.: EthObs, all issues, IES, Addis Abäba. Air Lines Inc., was proclaimed on 21 December.
Fekade Azeze Scheduled passenger service was inaugurated
The Ethiopia Star

The E.S., a short-lived weekly (1941), was Ethio-
pia’s first English-language newspaper. Produced
by the British Military Administration in Addis
Abäba, the publication, as stated in its first issue
of 19 October, sought to “give readers of British
and other nationalities articles on the progress
of the war and international affairs generally”,
as well as studies “by local experts on Ethiopian
matters”. Besides articles on British military vic-
tories in Ethiopia and elsewhere, the paper car-
ried the text of an important telegram to Winston
Churchill from ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I, pressing the Airplane of Ethiopian Airlines in the 1960’s; photo cour-
British Government to sign a Treaty recognising tesy of the IES
402
Ethiopian argots
on 8 April 1946 when a Douglas C-47 aircraft

made the flight from Addis Abäba to Cairo in
ten hours.
For over a decade, both domestic and inter-
national flights were served primarily by the
indomitable C-47 aircraft, DC-3 in its relatively
more luxurious passenger edition. Leftovers
from World War II, these aircraft remained the
trademark of the airline’s domestic service until
replaced some four decades later by the ATR-
40. Thanks to the pilots’ ingenuity and its own
remarkable adaptability to Ethiopian conditions,
it played an indispensable role, not only in trans-
porting passengers and cargo, but also in inte-
grating hitherto inaccessible places to the centre.
For its international service, the airline acquired
progressively more sophisticated aircraft, like
the four-engined propeller aircraft Douglas DC-
6, in 1958 and entering the jet age in 1962 with
the purchase of two Boeing 720-B’s. The acquisi-
tion of a wide-bodied aircraft, in the shape of the
Boeing 767, in June 1984 marked the climax of its
aircraft development. Ethiopian air route system in 1962; after the map of the
At the same time, the history of the airline was Imperial Ethiopian Mapping and Geography Institute
marked by steady expansion and diversification
African countries.
of routes, both in its domestic and international
Nevertheless, the history of the airline has not
service. Landmarks in the latter category were
been one of unadulterated success. Following the
extension of the service to Athens and Frankfurt,
outbreak of the Ethiopian revolution, the airline
inauguration of the first trans-African flight in
1960 (the year, appropriately enough, of African went through a period of grave crisis. This did
independence), the first flight to Beijing by an not change until 1980, when the government,
African carrier in 1973 and its first transatlantic putting an end to the political interference that
passenger flight (to Newark, New Jersey) in had contributed to the crisis, appointed a new
1998. Until 1962 the airline operated its flights general manager, Captain Mohammed Ahmed,
from an airfield in south-west Addis Abäba and gave him a free hand in the management of
left over by the Italians, now known as the Old the airline. Again, after the change of regime in
Airport. In that year, it moved to its current 1991, government interference brought the air-
premises at Bole. line to the brink of collapse. This has now been
The history of the airline was also characterized reversed in large measure after the appointment
by a relentless struggle for Ethiopianization. In of a veteran, ato Béírat Négatu.
Lit.: Bahru Zewde, Bringing Africa Together: the Story
the initial years, both management and flight of Ethiopian Airlines, Addis Ababa 1988; “From Chad to
operations were dominated by Americans. China: Africa’s Global Airline”, African Aviation, Febru-
Landmarks in the steady advance in Ethiopian ary 2003, 8–14; Theodore Geiger, United States Busi-
control of both spheres were the checking-out of ness Performance Abroad: the Case Study of TWA’s Serv-
the first Ethiopian captain, Captain Alämayyähu ice to Ethiopia, Washington 1959; Sylvia Pankhurst,
“Ethiopian Aviation Past and Present”, EthObs 2, 1, 1957,
Abbäbä, in 1957 and the appointment of the 13–23; Lem Tew, Fly Sheba: Ethiopia as I Remember it,
first Ethiopian general manager, Colonel Sémret n.p. 1977.
Médhane, in 1971. In the technical services Bahru Zewde
as well, Ethiopians gradually took over from
non-Ethiopian personnel. This process of
Ethiopianization was assisted by the airline’s Ethiopian argots
training programmes, which subsequently Some particular social groups within differ-
came to serve, not only Ethiopia, but also other ent communities of Ethiopia use characteristic
403
Ethiopian argots
language varieties, known as A., in order to (lit. ‘that which burns’), läslasit, ‘bread’ (lit. ‘that
prevent the outsiders from understanding their which is smooth’).
conversation. The existence of different A. in the The suffix -o, that occurs in Amharic, e.g., for
Amharic speaking communities became known the expression of abstracts and in the names of
over the recent time: A. of the ÷merchants, of plants, is found in the azmari A. without having,
the ÷azmari-minstrels (s. also ÷Énzata) and of however, a special meaning. Cf. kärso, ‘belly’
people possessed by the zar-spirit (÷Posses- (GéŸéz, Amh.: kärs), sitto, ‘woman’ (Amh.: set),
sion cults), as well as an A. of a women’s secret wérabwo, ‘hyena’ (Sélti, Wälläne: wärabä).
society, mwéyät, in the Gogot- and Óaha-speak- The A. of the mwéyät also has suffixes, such as
ing regions of ÷Gurage (s. Leslau 1964a; 1964b; -yä, -ya and others, which do not seem to have
1964c). Some A. of Addis Abäba are discussed a definite value in the standard language, e.g.,
by Bender and Teshome Demmisse (1983) and bérréyä, ‘fowl’ (from the root brr, ‘fly’), säbäyä,
Aregga Hailemichael (1996). Further on, an A. ‘man’ (Gogot: säb).
of ÷Wäyto, “the hippopotamus hunters”, liv- Palatalization is widely used in the mwéyät-A. of
ing on the shores of Lake Tana (whose everyday Gogot: šérämma, ‘hear’ (Gogot: sämma; note also
language is Amharic) was collected by Marcel the augmented r), šéräddäbä, ‘insult’ (Gogot: säd-
÷Griaule (s. Cohen 1939:360–71). As to some däbä-m), yägräïïa, ‘slave’ (from Gogot gäzza-m,
other ÷marginalized groups in Ethiopia, s. Free- ‘possess’), cérabbätä, ‘seize’ (Amh.: cäbbätä).
man – Pankhurst (2003); an A. of a Somali “low In the A. of the zar-possession cult the labial
cast” of hunters was described by Cerulli (1926). m may be substituted for any consonant, as in
The usage of A. or other special languages, rang- mänzäb, ‘money’ for Amh. gänzäb. The labial
ing from A. to slang (e.g., \=9y <#< , yarada w is substituted for any consonant in the azmari
qwanqwa, the well-known ‘language of Arada’, A., e.g., in wämmärä, ‘add’ (Amh.: cämmärä),
Addis Abäba) is wide-spread and, as an impor- wäkkärä, ‘be drunk’ (Amh.: säkkärä).
tant linguistic and social feature, deserves closer The dental t is substituted for h in the azmari
attention of researchers. Some principles of the A., in atun, ‘now’ (Amh.: ahun), tullu, ‘all’
first four mentioned A. are exposed below. (Amh.: hullu), and in the merchants’ A. in yéti-
The A. use various procedures for the transfor- yäw, ‘this’ (Amh.: yéh).
mation of the original root of the standard lan- Substitution of homorganic sounds is likewise
guage (the features mentioned below do not nec- employed in the root formation of mwéyät-A.: one
essarily occur in all the A.). One of the principles liquid for another, as in wénannädä, ‘go down’
is augmentation of the root through repetition of (from the root wrd), täsrabbätä, ‘take leave’
a radical or of the whole root or through addi- (Gogot: täsnabbätä), or one labial for another
tion of a consonant. A radical is repeated in the labial as in acfäccäfä, ‘sing’ (from acbaccäbä).
A. of the mwéyät, e.g., kinanna, ‘prevent’ (Gogot: Metathesis occurs in the azmari A., e.g., in
känna-m; cp. Soddo källa-m, Amh. källa), and of bisyllable roots tawwa, ‘go out’ (Amh.: wätta),
the azmari A., e.g., ananba, ‘tear’ (Amh.: énba), tama, ‘evening’ (Amh.: mata), óébba, ‘alone’
däsäsna mossäñ, ‘I am pleased’ (Amh.: däss aläññ). (Amh.: béóóa). In trisyllabic roots any of the
Reduplication of a biradical root with addition of radicals can change places: e.g., 1–2–3 can be-
n occurs in the azmari A.: sérénsér, ‘grass’ (Amh.: come 2–1–3 as in Amh. wäddäqä, ‘fall’ becoming
sar); férénfér, ‘fruit’ (Amh.: fére). däwwäqä, or it can become 3–1–2, as in Amh.
The root can be also augmented by adding of (tä)qäbbälä, ‘receive’ becoming (tä)läqqwäbä.
a new element. Thus, in the azmari A., one finds Besides the phonetic changes, various types
qärädda, ‘draw water’ (Amh.: qädda), bälännätä, of semantic changes, such as generalization and
‘exceed’ (Amh.: bällätä). In the A. of the mwéyät, metaphor, take place in A. Thus, in the A. of
the following examples can be found: fwägäš, the zar-cults, ‘drink’ is callét (cp. Amh. cällätä,
‘cow’ (from Amh. goš, ‘buffalo’), cäwaga, ‘price’ ‘drink to the last drop’); in the azmari A., ‘mas-
(Amh.: waga), gwammést, ‘five’ (Amh.: ammést). ter, king’ is urus (cp. Har. urus, ‘head’); in the
Suffixation is another device used in forming merchants’ A. ‘brother, companion’ is mäntiya
the words of A. The suffix -it (the feminine suffix (cp. Amh. mänta, ‘twin’).
in Amharic) occurs in the A. of the people pos- Some meanings are expressed in a paraphrastic
sessed by zar as qualifier suffix, e.g., carit, ‘hen’ way. In this procedure, a new term is created by
(lit. ‘that which scratches’), läblabit, ‘pepper’ a combination of roots already used in the A.
404
Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation
Thus, in the A. of the people possessed by the the particularities of the Nubian rulers as a differ-
zar-spirit ‘water’ is yäbäräha täg (lit. ‘mead of ent ethnic group: accentuated brachycephalism,
the desert’), ‘door’ is cälläma ayfäre (lit. ‘that low forehead, swollen cheeks and strong chin.
which does not fear darkness’). In the A. of the To avoid any confusion with modern Ethiopian
mwéyät, ‘calf’ is expressed by kuóóéf fwägäš (lit. history, the most recent historians refer today to
‘small cow’), ‘egg’ is yäbérréyä yiwräccébwä (lit. this 25th Egyptian dynasty with the term “Cush-
‘that from which a hen comes out’), ‘jackal’ is itic”, from the Biblical name of ÷Kush in Nubia.
ahlelwä yirät (lit. ‘who eats goats’), ‘moon’ is Their rulers bear the Nubian names of Shabaka
yägussariya igramméý (lit. ‘the disc of the night’). (r. 713–01 B.C.), Shabataka (r. 701–690 B.C.),
In the A. of the mwéyät, ‘ear’ is yéššéramma Taharka (690–64 B.C.) and Tanoutamon (664–56
(lit. ‘that with which one hears’), ‘headrest’ is B.C.), their big necropolis of El Kurru and Nouri
yuradéýébbwä (lit. ‘that on which one sleeps’). being found near the “holy mountain” of Gebel
Nearly every A. has loanwords depending on Barkal, near the 4th Nile Cataract and within the
the nature of the A. and its geographic position. modern area of Meroë (Sudan).
Thus, e.g., the merchants’ A. borrows lexemes Lit.: Manetho, Aegyptiaca Epitome, ed., tr. by Wil-
from ÷Arabic and ÷Harari. The A. of the zar- liam Gillan Waddell, London – Cambridge, MA
1940, fragments 66f., 166–69.
possessed people has a lot of Arabic and Oromo
Jean Leclant
loanwords. The A. of the mwéyät has loanwords
from various Gurage dialects. The azmari A.
borrows from various South and North Ethio- Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation
Semitic languages, from Cushitic languages, and UN Commission and approval of a Constitution
from Arabic. After World War II, the disposal of ÷Eritrea
Lit.: Aregga Hailemichael, “The Argot of Definable
proved to be a fairly problematic question. The
Street Children in Addis Ababa: Sociolinguistic Impli-
cations for the ‘Survival of the Fittest’”, in: Habtamu Allies failed to reach an agreement and in 1948
Wondimu (ed.), Research Papers on the Situation of passed the matter on to the United Nations,
Children and Adolescents in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1996, where the divergent interests and claims of
67-86; Dena Freeman – Alula Pankhurst, Peripheral neighbouring ÷Ethiopia, of the former colonial
People: the Excluded Minorities of Ethiopia, London 2003,
s. index; Mochizuki Koji, “A Cognitive Anthropologi-
power – Italy – and of the administering power
cal Analysis of Slang as an Expression of Urban Subcul- – Great Britain – clashed. Following long diplo-
ture: the Case of Yarada Qwanqwa, or the Language of matic negotiations, the United Nations General
Addis Ababa”, in: PICES 15, in preparation; Marvin Assembly considered that the Eritreans were not
Lionel Bender – Teshome Demmisse, “An Argot of yet politically mature for self-government and in
Addis Ababa Unattached Girls”, Language in Society 12,
2, 1983, 339–47; Wolf Leslau, Ethiopian Argots, The December 1950 voted to federate Eritrea with
Hague 1964a (Janua linguarum, Studia memoriae Nicolai Ethiopia as “an autonomous unit under the sov-
van Wijk dedicata. Series practica 17) [Lit.]; Id., “Ethio- ereignty of the Ethiopian crown” (Resolution
pian Argots. Linguistic Principles”, JSS 9, 1964b, 58–66; 390A, V, later known as the “Federal Act”).
Id., “An Ethiopian Argot of a Gurage Secret Society”, In February 1951, a UN Commissioner, the
Journal of African Languages 3, 1964c, 52–65; Marcel
Cohen, Nouvelles études d’éthiopien méridional, Paris Bolivian delegate Eduardo ÷Anze Matienzo,
1939, 360–71. went to Eritrea to assist in the implementa-
Wolf Leslau tion of the E.E.F. (Amh.: Yäýityopyanna Ertéra
fädäräšén, Tgn: Fädäräšén nay Ityopyan
Ethiopian Bible Society ÷British and Fo- Ertéran). Anze Matienzo soon realized that
reign Bible Society he was in an awkward situation because of the
disagreements concerning the interpretation of
Ethiopian Dynasty the Federal Resolution, which was foreign to
E.D. is the name given by the 4th-cent.-B.C. Al- the Eritrean and Ethiopian conception of politi-
exandrian historian Manetho (1940:166–69) re- cal power. The Ethiopian monarchy interpreted
ferring to those rulers that, coming from Nubia, the Resolution as a formula that would allow the
conquered Egypt ca. 713 B.C. and ruled it until incorporation of Eritrea into Ethiopia. On the
663 B.C. Manetho’s E.D. has thus no relation Eritrean side, the political parties accepted the
with the modern Ethiopian dynasties. The old UN resolution but disagreed about the real sig-
designation of “Ethiopians” referred basically to nificance of the federation. The Unionists, who
the dark skin of the Nubian people and stressed had campaigned for a complete union between
405
Eritrea and Ethiopia, were close to the Ethiopian Representative of the Crown in Eritrea. He was
standpoint. By contrast, the Eritrean Democratic the trait d’union between ÷Òaylä Íéllase I and
Front (EDF), led by ÷Ibrahim Sultan, rallied the the Eritreans and was granted the right to em-
former adherents of the Independence Bloc and power the Eritrean Chief Executive elected by
was eager to protect the autonomy granted to the Eritrean Assembly. The Chief Executive was
Eritrea by the UN Resolution. responsible for the maintenance of public order
The federal settlement reflected these conflict- and for the direction of public services and was
ing pressures as well as the imbalance of power also entrusted with the power of proposing laws
between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Moreover, the to the Assembly.
reasons quoted in the Resolution’s preface in
support of the federation – “the wishes and wel- The Eritrean Assembly and the Constitution
fare of the inhabitants”, “the interests of peace The Eritrean Assembly was formed in March
and security in East Africa” and “the rights and 1952. On 10 July 1952, the Eritrean Assembly
claims of Ethiopia” – clashed. Above all, the adopted the Constitution, which incorporated
Resolution did not envisage autonomous and the Federal Act, and by September the Ethiopian
distinct institutions, both Eritrean and Ethio- government had ratified both the Constitution
pian governments being entrusted with regu- and the Federal Act. On 15 September 1952 the
lating their own relationship. The only organ administering power transferred its powers to
with advisory powers on common affairs – the the Federal Government.
÷Imperial Federal Council – was actually pow- However, since the beginning, the Federal Act
erless. Thus, the Ethiopian government acted in was encroached upon, both by Ethiopian and
practice as the Federal government. Eritrean authorities. The government of Addis
According to the Eritrean Constitution, Erit- Abäba began to regulate common federal mat-
rea was a sovereign unit with distinct territory, ters and staffed the Federal departments – such
citizenship, official languages (Tégréñña and Ar- as police, army, air force, telecommunications
abic), flag, seals and arms and a democratic form and transport – with Ethiopian citizens, leaving
of government, on the principle of the separation minor decision tasks to Eritreans. The Ethiopian
of powers and their effective exercise by the peo- flag was imposed on the Federation and Eritre-
ple. In the field of domestic affairs, the Eritrean ans were regarded as Ethiopian nationals. At his
government possessed legislative powers (which arrival in Asmära, Andärgaóóäw Mäsay declared
lay in the ÷Eritrean Assembly), executive pow- his lack of confidence on the federation’s viabil-
ers (the Chief Executive and his Cabinet) and ity. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian military presence
judicial powers (a hierarchic judicial system in Eritrea increased and the United States’ right
entrusted to the Chief Justice of the Supreme to use military installations in the country was
Court, held by a former British colonial servant). officially recognized.
The Eritrean government’s jurisdiction included
budget, taxation, health, education, administra- Political destabilization in Eritrea
tion and police. The British administering power The destabilizing impact of these measures on
had outlined the framework of this administra- Eritrean internal politics was worsened by the
tive system during the transition period. Political short political democratic apprenticeship of
parties, trade unions, human rights, freedom of the Eritrean leaders. Since the beginning, insti-
press and speech were recognized in the Consti- tutional relations between Eritrean legislative
tution, whose liberal-democratic principles put and executive powers proved to be difficult,
Eritrea well in advance of the Imperial Ethiopian as the Assembly denounced the authoritarian
absolutist establishment. The jurisdiction of the direction taken by the Chief Executive. In 1953
Federal Government included foreign affairs, ÷Tädla Bayru directed an intimidation campaign
defence, currency and finance, foreign and inter- against his political opponents, such as ÷Abräha
state commerce, and communications. Entrusted Täsämma and ÷Wäldä Ab Wäldä Maryam,
with the power of maintaining the federation’s resorting to arbitrary incarceration and shoot-
integrity, the Federal Government had also to ing. The Unionist Party (UP) supported Tädla
impose uniform taxes to bear the costs of the Bayru, as the majority of the adherents, still
federal services. ÷Andärgaóóäw Mäsay, son- campaigning for complete union with Ethio-
in-law of the Ethiopian Emperor, became the pia, were given the preference in public offices.
406
Dissatisfaction grew amongst EDF’s members, guishable from Ethiopia, thus embittering the
especially in the Western province, a region that frictions between the Assembly and the Chief
had demanded independence since the 1940s, Executive. The clash then involved President ŸAli
and it was further fuelled by the worsening of Rädýay, whom the Assembly wanted to remove
socio-economic conditions. An inefficient eco- in order to bring down Tädla Bayru. In July the
nomic policy by the government determined latter resorted again to the suspension of the
burdensome taxation and an increase in the parliamentary session for a period longer than
cost of living. Although the free movements of that allowed by the Constitution. The Eritrean
goods and persons had been stated in the Federal opposition turned to the Emperor. Òaylä Íél-
Act, custom duties were soon raised by Addis lase rejected as unconstitutional the suspension
Abäba on bilateral exchanges, which amounted of the Assembly and forced both Tädla Bayru
to ca. 25 % of Eritrean imports/exports. While and ŸAli Rädýay to resign. The fervent Unionist
Federal and Eritrean Governments shared the bitwäddäd ÷Asféha Wäldä Mikaýel, vice-repre-
former Italian state properties in Eritrea, Ital- sentative of the Crown in Eritrea, replaced Tädla
ian citizens regained all the rights, properties Bayru without renouncing to his former office.
and interests legally acquired before the war. The Assembly elected as its president an EDF
Moreover, renewal or ex-novo granting of titles representative, šayò SaŸid ÷Idris Muhammad
of concessions – in the fields of industry, mining, Adim. From then on, the demarcation of spheres
agriculture and transport – to foreign citizens of authority between the Eritrean and the Ethio-
was witnessed with ill-concealed discomfort by pian government was completely disregarded and
the Eritreans. They felt that the wealth of their Addis Abäba constantly interfered in the policy
country was being deliberately undermined by of the Cabinet, which was composed of fervent
Ethiopian intervention. Unionists who accelerated the Federation’s dis-
In autumn 1953, opposition movements re- mantling. ML members of the Assembly chal-
covered strength. The Moslem League (ML) was lenged any attempts to undermine Eritrean rights
restored and soon its members organized public in the Federation by submitting to Òaylä Íéllase a
protests in order to defend the Eritrean Consti- detailed memorandum protest. The UP succeed-
tution and to protect their interests as Moslems. ed, however, in splitting the ML and weakened
Around 1953, Eritrean uneasiness was also wit- the opposition with a negative vote of confidence
nessed outside the Assembly, with several strikes to the president of the Assembly.
and general unrest among the dock-workers. In September 1956, the elections for the Eri-
The Chief Executive suppressed the freedom of trean Assembly took place in a tense atmosphere,
press and of assembly guaranteed by the Federal with police harassment over anti-Unionists and
Act. Opposition newspapers were closed down. suspicions of corruption and irregularities. As a
In February 1954 the ML representatives sent a result, the UP emerged stronger, electing 32 out
memorandum protest to Òaylä Íéllase and to the of 68 seats. As civic rights were infringed, dissen-
UN and, in May, they presented two motions sion continued to grow in the country. Ethiopia
to the Assembly. Eritrean public opinion was was suspected of financing political šéfta-ism in
divided, not necessarily along ethnic lines, while order to demonstrate that Eritrea was almost
internal quarrels tore the opposition: Ibrahim ungovernable. But šéfta-ism was also fed by the
Sultan himself was driven away from ML leader- economic decline the country had been experi-
ship because he was suspected of being, out of his encing since 1945. Although the Italian com-
own ambitions, too close to the Unionist milieu. munity dropped from 17,000 in 1952 to around
The political offensive of the ML parliamentary 7,000 in 1962, Italian manufacturing concerns
members was successful in undermining the pres- and agricultural concessions still held a domi-
tige of Tädla Bayru, who was now criticized even nant position in the Eritrean economy. To avoid
by his own party. double taxation, they relocated many industries
The revival of ÷šéfta banditism sapped pub- in Ethiopia, thus sharpening Eritrean unemploy-
lic order in the Eritrean highlands while civil ment. Despite their economic failure, the Union-
disobedience spread in the Western Province. ists strikingly dominated Eritrea. Meanwhile, the
In an official speech at the Eritrean Assembly Emperor never ceased to lobby the Assembly to
in March 1955, Andärgaóóäw Mäsay insisted on erode Eritrean autonomy and in November 1956
the concept that Eritrea was politically indistin- he spoke of the reintegration of Eritrea into the
407
Ethiopian motherland. By then, even ML lead- Eritrean Assembly voted the dissolution of the
ers had dropped any hopes of survival for the Federation and the incorporation of Eritrea into
federation. In October 1957 Wäldä Ab Wäldä the Ethiopian Empire. The following day, the
Maryam and Muhammad ŸUmar Qadi applied Emperor formally repealed the Federal Act and
to the UN, accusing the Ethiopian authorities of declared Eritrea “wholly integrated” into the
connivance with the Eritrean government for the Empire, as its 14th province.
gradual infringement of the Federal Act. In reply, Lit.: Andargachew Tiruneh, “Eritrea, Ethiopia and
the federal authorities imprisoned Muhammad Federation 1941–1952”, NEASt 3, 1, 1980–81; Araya
Tseggai, “Ethiopian Economic Policy on Eritrea: the
ŸUmar Qadi together with other outstanding Federation Era”, ibid. 6, 1–2, 1984; BZHist 1991; Bereket
Moslem personalities and brutally suppressed Habte Selassie, Conflict and Intervention in the Horn
the strikes and peaceful mass demonstrations of Africa, New York 1980; Id., Eritrea and the United
staged throughout Eritrea. Nations and other Essays, New Jersey 1989; Giampaolo
Calchi Novati, Il Corno d’Africa nella storia e nella po-
litica: Etiopia, Somalia e Eritrea fra nazionalismi, sottosvi-
Weakening of Eritrea’s autonomy luppo e guerra, Torino 1994; Christopher Clapham,
In 1958, the Chief Executive inflicted a seri- Transformation and Continuity in Revolutionary Ethio-
ous blow on Eritrea’s autonomy, imposing the pia, Cambridge 1988; Lionel Cliffe – Basil Davidson,
Ethiopian Penal Code, the flag and the Ethiopian The Long Struggle of Eritrea for Independence and Con-
structive Peace, Trenton 1988; Basil Davidson – Lionel
taxation system, thus depriving Eritrea of its own Cliffe – Bereket Habte Selasse (eds.), Behind the War
political symbols (State symbols). Meanwhile, in Eritrea, Nottingham 1980; Eyasu Gayim, The Eritrean
Brigadier General ŸAbiy Abbäbä was appointed Question: the Conflict between the Right of Self-Deter-
the Emperor’s Representative in the country. Op- mination and the Interests of the States, Uppsala 1993;
position also lost ground, as the political repres- Haggai Erlich, “The Eritrean Autonomy, 1952–62 …”,
in: Yoran Dinstein (ed.), Models of Autonomy, New
sion forced many of its outstanding personalities Brunswick 1981, 171–82; Id., The Struggle over Eritrea,
to flee. Three clandestine political organizations 1962–1978. War and Revolution in the Horn of Africa,
were set up by these exiles in Egypt: the ÷Eri- Stanford 1982; Habtu Ghebre-Ab, Ethiopia and Eritrea.
trean Liberation Movement (ELM), led by Wäldä A Documentary Study, Trenton, NJ 1983; Jordan Gebre-
Medhin, Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea, Trenton,
Ab Wäldä Maryam, was active inside Eritrea; Idris
NJ 1989; Getahun Dilebo, “Historical Origins and
Muhammad Adim formed the ÷Eritrean Libera- Development of the Eritrean Problem”, Current Bibli-
tion Front (ELF) in July 1960, while Ibrahim Sul- ography on African Affairs 7, 3, 1975, 221–44; Robert L.
tan set up the United Party of Eritrea Democratic Hess, Ethiopia: the Modernization of Autocracy, Ithaca
Front. At first, their efforts were aimed at gaining 1970; Ruth Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for Independ-
ence: Domination, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941–1993,
UN attention. As legal recourse to international Cambridge 1995; Donald Levine, Greater Ethiopia: the
order failed, because of the Emperor’s skilful Cold Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society, Chicago 1974; Ioan
War power politics, these movements turned to M. Lewis (ed.), Nationalism and Self-determination in the
armed subversion, thanks also to the support of Horn of Africa, London 1983; Pier Giacomo Magri,
Somalia and of Middle Eastern countries. La politica estera etiopica e le questioni eritrea e somala:
1941–1960, Milano 1980; Harold Golden Marcus,
In May 1960 Ethiopian rule over Eritrea was Ethiopia, Great Britain and the United States, 1941–1974
officially stressed when the Eritrean Assembly …, Los Angeles 1983; John Markakis, National and
voted to rename the “Eritrean Government” as Class Conflict in the Horn of Africa, Cambridge 1987;
“Eritrean Administration under Òaylä Íéllase, Tesfatzion Medhanie, Eritrea: the Dynamic of a Na-
Emperor of Ethiopia”. But strikes by the work- tional Question, Amsterdam 1986; Nathan Marein,
The Ethiopian Empire. Federation and Laws, Rotterdam
ers and popular protests revealed that Eritreans 1954; Redie Bereketeab, Eritrea: the Making of a Na-
frustration with economic unrest was acquiring tion, 1890–1991, Uppsala 1999; Tekeste Negash, Eritrea
a clear anti-Ethiopian political character which and Ethiopia: the Federal Experience, Uppsala 1997; Id.,
was also mining the confidence in the Assem- “Competing Imaginations of the Nation: the Eritrean
bly. In summer 1961 a small band led by Idris Nationalist Movements, 1953–81”, in: Tekeste Negash
– Lars Rudebeck (eds.), Dimensions of Development
ŸAwate in north-west Eritrea paved the way to with Emphasis on Africa, Uppsala 1995; Okbazghi Yo-
the armed struggle inside the country. Following hannes, Eritrea: a Pawn in World Politics, Trenton 1991;
the May 1962 peaceful student demonstrations Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Eve: the Past
for Eritrean freedom and the discovery of an and the Future of Italy’s “First-Born” Colony …, Essex
1952; Semere Haile, “The Roots of the Ethiopia-Eritrea
anti-Ethiopian plot, Òaylä Íéllase went to Eri- Conflict: the Erosion of the Federal Act”, JES 1, 1, 1986,
trea in July to prepare annexation into Ethiopia, 1–18; Stefano Poscia, Eritrea: colonia tradita, Roma
mobilizing the troops. On 15 November, the 1989; John H. Spencer, Ethiopia at Bay: a Personal Ac-
408
Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus
count of the Haile Sellassie Years, Algonac 1984; Tekie mission that could undertake more permanent
Fessehatzion, Eritrea: from Federation to Annexation, work in Ethiopia was the ÷Swedish Evangelical
1952–1962, Washington DC 1990; Gerald Kennedy
Nicholas Trevaskis, Eritrea: a Colony in Transition Mission. Their expatriate missionaries arrived
1941–52, London – New York – Toronto 1960. in Eritrea in 1866, in Addis Abäba in 1904 and
Federica Guazzini in Neqemte in 1923, while national missionar-
ies had been sent to Ethiopia earlier. Thomas
÷Lambie from the American Presbyterian
Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus Mission had entered Ethiopia from the Sudan
The E.E.C.M.Y. (]#Oq_My uj|y YBFy ,Hy in 1919 and started medical work in Dambi
l?FJ\#y #M_1\, Wängelawit Mäkanä Yäsus Doollo and Addis Abäba. In 1928 the German
Betä Kréstiyan Ityopya), the first registered Prot- ÷Hermannsburger Mission started its activities
estant Church in Ethiopia, has been a member of in Addis Abäba, Wälläga and Illubabor.
the Lutheran World Federation since 1959, of the Due to the Italian occupation and World
All-Africa Council of Churches since 1973 and War II, most of the missionaries had to leave the
of the World Council of Churches since 1979. country, yet the evangelical work continued and
The E.E.C.M.Y. is a well-established Protestant even expanded thanks to the efforts of Ethiopian
Church which counted in 2003 over 4,000,000 believers, voluntary evangelists, teachers and na-
members, who mainly live in the western, tional pastors (÷Dafaa Gammoo).
southern and central parts of the country, i.e. in On 27 August 1944, ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I is-
areas which were forcibly incorporated into the sued Decree no. 3,11, distinguishing between
Ethiopian empire by ase ÷Ménilék II. “Ethiopian Church areas” and “open areas”,
The E.E.C.M.Y. has several roots: on the one which stated: “In open areas, Missions may teach
hand, it is the result of renewal and Bible-reading and preach the Christian Faith of their own de-
movements within the Ethiopian Orthodox nomination without restriction”. After the war,
Church; on the other hand, the outcome of the Norwegian Lutheran Mission started work
Lutheran and Presbyterian mission activities. in Ethiopia, as did the American Lutheran
The earliest Protestant teaching in Ethiopia Mission, the ÷Danish Ethiopian Mission, the
dates back to the German doctor, lawyer and ÷Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission and
theologian Peter ÷Heyling, who lived and the Norwegian Missionary Society. This mis-
worked in Gondär as advisor to ase ÷Fasilädäs sions usually opened schools and clinics on their
in 1635–52. His Bible teachings in the Amharic stations, in some places also Bible schools. The
vernacular were well received also by the Ortho- evangelistic outreach was undertaken mainly by
dox priests and they and later followers formed national evangelists and volunteers.
a brotherhood with the aim of promoting Scrip- Several congregations that had come into exist-
tural knowledge in the vernacular. This move- ence in western and southern Ethiopia, compris-
ment, at times strongly surpressed, survived and ing more than 20 different ethnic groups, united
some of the adherents later influenced the forma- and in 1959 the E.E.C.M.Y. was constituted. The
tion of the E.E.C.M.Y. name uj|y YBF (Mäkanä Yäsus, lit. ‘Place of
Another Bible-readers movement started at Jesus’), originally given to a new church in Ad-
÷SäŸazzäga in Hamasen in Eritrea. Around 1860 dis Abäba, was then accepted as the name for the
a deacon of St. George church found in a niche of nation-wide Evangelical Church. The estimated
the church an Amharic copy of the Holy Scrip- membership at that time was 25,000, but ten
tures, which most probably had been distributed years later already it had grown to 103,578. By
by the pioneers of the ÷Church Missionary So- 1970 all activities and institutions of the Luther-
ciety. The priests and deacons diligently studied an missions were integrated into the E.E.C.M.Y.
the Bible, were deeply touched by the contents and it became an important factor in society.
and passed their knowledge on to others. They During its history the leaders and the believers
also sent pioneers to Gimma and Wälläga; and of the E.E.C.M.Y. had to face strong opposi-
the beginning of the Evangelical congregation tion and harassment from local authorities and
at Bodgi in Wälläga (1898) is the result of their Orthodox Church circles at different times and
efforts. in different places. The General Secretary was
Another root of today’s E.E.C.M.Y. goes back killed by the Därg in 1979. In spite of all this, the
to European and American ÷missions. The first E.E.C.M.Y. survived and grew steadily.
409
Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus
The E.E.C.M.Y. has to be noted also for its ho- pointing out that its welfare is closely related
listic approach. Proclamation of the Gospel and with that of other states is part of its mission.
human development belong together. The church The E.H. became a daily starting from 29 De-
runs schools, clinics, hospitals, appropriate tech- cember 1958 and its price was reduced to 10 cents.
nology centres, literacy campaigns, literature and The name of the editor was not mentioned but
radio programmes, as well as theological training sources indicate it was David A. ÷Talbot, an Af-
centres, Bible-schools, counselling facilities and rican-American, who would have been editor-in-
outreach campaigns. During the famines of the chief from 1945 to 1960 (Yacob Wolde-Maryam
last decades, it performed extensive relief work 2003:72). Its circulation in some of the major
in close co-operation with the ÷Ethiopian Or- provincial cities and towns began improving.
thodox Täwahédo and Catholic Churches. Political activities covered included interna-
One characteristic of the E.E.C.M.Y. is its tional news, and prominent local issues. Essays
emphasis on lay involvement. For 34 years after and reports on African unity, African brother-
its being constituted, even the Presidents of the hood and anti-colonial struggle were dominant
Church were not ordained ministers. By 2003 especially during the 1960s, and more so after the
there existed 5,368 established congregations and mid-1960s. Writings on domestic issues focused
3,253 preaching posts (by 2000 – 4,789 and 2,483 on economic development and reports on social
respectively). The number of pastors was 1,150, services like hospitals, roads, schools, bridges
while that of volunteers amounted to 304,275. were plenty. The E.H. also had a cultural scope,
Lit.: ArEvang; Gustav Arén, Envoys of the Gospel with announcement of lectures, publications, ex-
in Ethiopia: in the Steps of the Evangelical Pioneers hibitions, dramatic performances and film shows.
1898–1936, Stockholm 1999; Emmanuel Abraham,
Reminiscenses of my Life, Oslo 1995; Johnny Bakke,
Essays on African literature appeared as well as
Christian Ministry. Patterns and Functions within the on foreign writers, like Shaw, Dante, Shakespeare,
Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus, Oslo Steinbeck, Pushkin, Churchill, Mollière. Critical
1987; Öyvind Eide, Revolution & Religion in Ethiopia, opinions, commentaries, reviews, art news, and
1974–85, Oxford 2000; Fekadu Gurmessa, Y]#Osy articles on Ethiopian painting, literature, drama,
&z|My &#8F6Ey (#M_1\ (Yäwängel émnät énqé-
séqqase bäýityopya, ‘The Evangelical Faith Movement in traditional music and dance appeared quite fre-
Ethiopia’), Addis Abäba 1999; Johannes Launhardt, quently especially starting in the mid 1960s.
Evangelicals in Addis Ababa (1919–1991), Hamburg Research on Ethiopian literature and art will
2004; Knut Tage Andersen, A Brief History of the benefit from the essays written by or on personali-
Mekane Yesus Church. The Growth & Persecution of ties like BäŸalu Gérma, Mängéítu Lämma, Säggaye
the Mekane Yesus Church, 1974-85, Christiansfeld 1980;
Olav Såverås, On Church-Mission Relations in Ethio- Gäbrä Mädhén, Gérmaóóäw Täklä Hawaryat,
pia 1944–1969: with Special Reference to the Evangelical Abbe Gubäñña, Stephen Wright, Òaylu Gäbrä
Church Mekane Yesus and the Lutheran Missions, Lund Yohannés, Säggaye Däbalqe, Täsfaye Gässäsä,
1974. Rita Pankhurst, Daññaóóäw Wärqu, Éskéndér
Johannes Launhardt
Boghossian, Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa, Télahun
Gässäsä, Awlaóóäw Dägäne, Zännäbäóó Taddässä,
Ethiopian Federation of Sports ÷Sports Täsfaye Gäbre and many others.
Src.: The Ethiopian Herald, issues 1943-74.
The Ethiopian Herald Lit.: Yacob Wolde-Mariam, Brief Autobiography
and Selected Articles, Addis Abäba 2003.
The E.H. was a government ÷newspaper. It was Fekade Azeze
published weekly in English by the Ethiopian
Press Department, in Addis Abäba, and was sold
for 25 Ethiopian cents. The first editor was Ian Ethiopian Language Academy
H. Simpson, an Englishman, who remained in The first mention of an Ethiopian Academy
office until 12 February 1944 (Yacob Wolde- dates back to Nägarit gazeta issued in 1942
Maryam 2003:84). The maiden issue of 3 July (Amsalu Aklilu 1982:11). In the order it was
1943 announced that it was the first newspaper spelt that “the Ministry of Education and Fine
published in a foreign language in the country Arts shall in accordance with the law establish an
and issuing mainly “articles on some aspects of academy for promotion of research in languages
the political and social life of the country”. It and Fine Arts”. Following, the Ministry made
also indicated that discussing Ethiopia’s relations several attempts and reached the decision to es-
with other member countries of the UN, and tablish a “Royal Academy”. The Academy was
410
Ethiopian Language Area
to constitute Language and Literature Council, Lit.: Amsalu Aklilu, “The Ethiopian Language Acad-
the Fine Arts Council, and the Science and Tech- emy: History and Current Development”, in: PICES 7,
11–15; Assefa Gabre-Mariam Tesemma, “Technical
nology Council. Terms in Amharic: Problems and Solutions”, ibid., 91–101;
Later on, by the new government order no. Christine McNab, “From Traditional Practice to Cur-
79, in June 1972, the general reference “lan- rent Policy: the Changing Pattern of Language Use in
guages” in the provision of 1942 Nägarit gazeta Ethiopian Education”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 715–27; The
was dropped out and replaced by the National Academy of Ethiopian Languages, The Academy of
Ethiopian Languages: Facts and Figures, Addis Ababa
Academy of the Amharic Language with its own 1986; “The Ethiopian Languages Research Centre: Back-
council (Academy of Ethiopian languages 1986: ground and Responsibilities”, Zena Léssan 1, 1, 1999, 1–3.
2). The purposes of the Academy were spelt out Kebede Hordofa Janko
as: (1) to foster the growth of the Amharic lan-
guage and (2) to encourage the development of its
literature (Nägarit gazeta 1972, in McNab 1984: Ethiopian Language Area
719). The council, which gave guidance to full- Background
time researchers at the Academy, was constituted Earlier specialists working in north east Africa
from scholars of high calibre in different fields noted that there were some characteristics shared
of specializations: linguistics, law, art, literature, by languages of the area, Charles A. ÷Ferguson
sociology, natural sciences and engineering. was the first to propose Ethiopia as an explicit
Later on, although it had not been officially language area (in BendLang 63–76). Areal clas-
ratified, the council renamed the National Am- sification is one of the three generally recog-
haric Language Academy as the Academy of nized internal classification frameworks used
Ethiopian Languages at its plenary session of for languages, the two others being genetic and
1979 during the communist regime. The council typological. As Ferguson (1976:63f.) put it, a lan-
members served in one of the four sub-com- guage area is such that “[the languages] tend to
mittees according to their interest and training: share a number of features which, taken together,
lexicography, linguistics, terminology and litera- distinguish them from any other geographically
ture (oral and GéŸéz), which were also linked to defined group of languages in the world”. The
the respective departments of research (Amsalu causative mechanism of language areas is diffu-
Aklilu 1982:12f.). Thus, the Academy had been sion through “borrowings” and multilingual-
responsible for the (socio-)linguistic description ism. Thus, areal and genetic classifications are
and standardization of the Ethiopian languages historical, while typological classification can be
for two decades and integrated with ÷Addis ahistorical (e.g. tonal vs. non-tonal).
Ababa University in 1997 with more or less simi-
lar purposes (Zena Léssan 1999:1). The Ferguson Features
Among other achievements of the Academy Ferguson’s original insight regarding Ethiopia
are: modification of the Ethiopic writing systems was supported by eight phonological and eight-
(although this has not been put to use officially); een grammatical features, outlined briefly here
publication of three books of proverbs of three (for more details and specific examples, s. Fergu-
Ethiopian languages; collecting, annotating and son in BendLang; s. ÷Amharic, ÷Bärta, ÷GéŸéz,
publication of two volumes of GéŸéz poetry; ÷Oromo, ÷Tégréñña, ÷Wällamo). The phono-
preparation of two professional dictionaries; pub- logical [P] features are: P1: /f/ replaces /p/ as the
lication of an extensive English–Amharic diction- counterpart of /b/ in the phonemic inventory of
ary of science and technology terms; publication the language; P2: there is a class of palatal conso-
of various professional articles in series of 14 vol- nants (typically ó, g, š, c, ñ) which occur as pho-
umes of Zena Léssan (Gérma Zännäbä 1999 31f.). nemes and which also replace dental /alveolars in
Src.: Nägarit gazeta 1942; 1972; Ethiopian Language at least one major word class by a phonological
Academy (ed.), !x?1y uwK(y 6qM (Amaréñña mäzgäbä
qalat, ‘Amharic Dictionary’), Addis Abäba 1993 A.M. [2003 process; P3: there is a distinctive series of ejec-
A.D.]; Id., uwK(y 6qMy MP?1y (MP?1 (Mäzgäbä qalat tive consonants, typically p, t, s, c, q; P4: there is
tégréñña bätégréñña, ‘Tégréñña-Tégréñña Dictionary’), a post-alveolar, often retroflex consonant, often
Addis Abäba 1989 A.M. [1997 A.D.]; Galmee jechoota implosive, represented here by /¦/; P5: there are
afaan Oromoo, Addis Abäba 1996; GÉrma Zännäbä,
“-V=_y Y!x?1y u?Uy sD#” (Béherawi yäýamaréñña
distinctive pharyngeal fricatives /ß/ and /Ÿ/; P6:
märha léssan, ‘National Academy of the Amharic Lan- lengthened (geminate) consonants are distinctive
guage’), Zena Léssan 1, 1, Addis Abäba 1999, 31–32. lexically and are also produced by at least one
411
Ethiopian Language Area
grammatical process in a major word class; P7: plus ÷Arabic, seven Cushitic languages (÷Bega,
there are one or more central vowels, typically ÷Aw¡i, ÷ŸAfar, Galla [=÷Oromiffa], ÷Somali,
a lowered backed high front vowel (represented ÷Hadiyya and ÷Sidama), but only three Omot-
herein by /i/ and a lowered backed mid vowel /‰/ ic languages (Wällamo [=÷Wälaytta], Gangäro
; P8: there is a cluster-breaking vowel, usually one [÷Yäm], and ÷Käfa) and one Nilo-Saharan
of the central vowels, which prevents the occur- language (Añuak [÷Añwaa]). Both Omotic and
rence of clusters of more than two consonants. Nilo-Saharan need better representation.
The grammatical [G] features are: G1: SOV is Half of the phonological features are not very
the basic word order; G2: subordinate clauses apposite: P2 (palatal consonants) and P6 (gemi-
precede main clauses; G3: there are high-fre- nates) are typological features, too widespread to
quency subordinate verbs meaning ‘doing some- be useful. P5 (pharyngeals) is too limited, occur-
thing’ or ‘having done something’; two forms ring in northern E-S and missing even in the ver-
may occur; they are called “gerund” by Fergu- nacular Arabic of the area. P8 (cluster-breaking
son, but they are more accurately referred to as vowel) is often vacuous or untestable because
“converbs”; G4: postpositions; sometimes these consonant clusters are rare. Only P1, 3, 4, 7 are
occur with preposed antecedents; G5: “quoting idiosyncratic enough to be useful.
clauses” using the verb ‘to say’ as an auxiliary; No language in Ferguson’s chart (BendLang
G6: compound verbs with ‘to say’ as an auxil- 69) is positive on all eight phonological features;
iary; G7: specially formed negative copula, not best are Tégre and Tégréñña, scoring positively
in the pattern of usual verbal negatives; G8: on all but P4. P1 (”f for p”) has extended to
singular of modified noun is used with numer- Nilo-Saharan languages, including Nubian,
als and quantity words; G9: possessive suffixes; ÷Kunama, ÷Nara, ÷Kwama, and Gule, through
G10: masculine/ feminine is marked in 1st pers. E-S and Arabic influence. P3 (existence of ejec-
sg. and 2nd pers. sg. of pronouns and verbs; G11: tives) applies to ÷Bärta, ÷Meýen, ÷Koman, and
there is a prefix conjugation with 2nd pers. masc. ÷Gumuz: it is possible that this is a result of
sg. and 3rd pers. fem. sg. both being marked by t-; NEA influence in Bärta and Meýen, but origi-
G12: many words (especially verbs) are formed nal in Koman and Gumuz. P4 (implosive ¦) is
as consonantal roots which carry the basic lexical lacking in Ethio-Semitic languages as well as
meaning and inserted vowel patterns with gram- non-Afrasian languages of the area (except pos-
matical meaning; G13: intensives formed by sibly for Bärta).
a process of (re-) duplication; G14: “broken” Most of the grammatical features are not very
plurals formed by changes in vocalic pattern; useful. Several are implicational universals fol-
G15: formal distinction between independent lowing from the basic Subject-Object-Verb or-
and subordinate verbs in the imperfective; G16: der: G2, 3, 4, 9 (s. Greenberg 1966). Two others
sporadic use of fem. sg. forms for plural; G17: (G13 and 18) are too typological. Three (G10, 11
suppletive or irregular imperative of the verb partially and 16) depend on grammatical gender
‘come’; usually the only or one of a few irregular of explicitly Afrasian nature. Three others, G11,
imperatives in the language; G18: some nouns 12 and 14, are also Afrasian, especially Semitic,
have plural or collective as basic and a singulative idiosyncracies. Feature G7 seems a good choice
affix is needed to form the singular. but it turns out in practice to be too complicated
for precise definition. Several (G5, 6 and 15)
Evaluation are promising as areal features, but require for
In Bender (1997; 2003) it is shown that the above checking better grammars than are sometimes
features are really only partially characteristic available for languages of the area. The remain-
and apply mainly to the Afrasian languages of ing three features (G1, 8 and 17) are fairly idi-
Ethiopia and in fact of a broader Northeast Afri- osyncratic and easy to check.
can Area (NEA) of Afrasian languages. No language has all 18 features in Ferguson’s
The indigenous languages of Ethiopia and its chart (BendLang 75); Amharic, Tégréñña, and
border zone belong to the ÷Semitic, ÷Cush- Óaha, all E-S languages, score positively on all
itic, and ÷Omotic families of Afrasian and to but one (Amharic lacks G14, Tégréñña lacks G15,
the ÷Nilo-Saharan Phylum. Ferguson’s sample and Óaha lacks G16 and is indicated as unknown
included five Ethio-Semitic (E-S) languages on G8). All but G3 and G9 are almost universal
(GéŸéz, ÷Tégre, Tégréñña, Amharic, ÷Óaha) in the Afrasian languages of the NEA. The most
412
Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library
non-conforming Afrasian language is GéŸéz, given to University Microfilms International

which became extinct about 1,200 years ago, sug- (Ann Arbor, Michigan), that would keep the
gesting that the source of the features is outside original microfilms and distribute copies to
E-S and fairly recent in the area. Bender describes the EOTC, the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies
as having five tone levels. However, this is dubi- (IES), the Addis Abäba EMML office and the
ous since tonal systems are highly typological and HMML. The project was fully financed by funds
the historical mechanism for formation of such an raised by HMML in the United States, the two
area across the African Sahel is obscure. major sources being the U.S. government’s Na-
One must be cautious in using “language tional Endowment for Humanities and the Ford
area” as an explanatory concept. The use of Foundation.
this concept to explain geolinguistics is no less The work progressed smoothly until the
problematical than the genetic model. In the ÷Revolution in 1974. Sérgéw Hablä Íéllase was
present case, much more work and work of a henceforth forced to resign and hand over the
more sophisticated nature is needed, e.g. delving EMML office to the newly created Ministry of
into syntacto-semantic features and lexical dif- Sports and Culture. The military socialist gov-
fusion alongside the diffusion of areal features. ernment nationalized the project, objecting to
A combination of genetic, areal, and typological its relationship with an “imperialist country”.
studies is needed to unravel the complexities of A second wave of upheaval took place in 1991
Ethiopian language history. before the microfilming was extended from Šäwa
Lit.: Marvin Lionel Bender, “Upside-Down Afra- to the regions with strongest literary tradition,
sian”, AAP 50, 1997, 19–34; Id., “Northeast Africa: a such as Gondär, Goggam, Tégray and Eritrea.
Case Study in Genetic and Areal Linguistics”, APAL. There are hopes of resuming the joint project,
Annual Publication in African Linguistics 1, 2003, 21–45;
Charles A. Ferguson, “The Ethiopian Language which was suspended in 1987.
Area”, in: BendLang, 63–76; Joseph Harold Green- The manuscripts preserved by the EMML
berg, Some Universals of Grammar with Particular Ref- came from church libraries, monasteries, private
erence to the Order of Meaningful Elements, in: Id. (ed.), individuals, souvenir shops and bazaars. Besides
Universals of Language, Cambridge, MA 1966, 73–113;
Mauro Tosco, “Is There an ‘Ethiopian Language technical problems to access to some monaster-
Area’?”, Anthropological Linguistics 42, 3, 2000, 329–65; ies and the mistrust of some manuscripts’ owners
Klaus Wedekind, “Thoughts When Drawing a Map of (even the collections from the ÷National Library
Tone Languages”, AAP 1, 1985, 105–24. and the IES could only be partially filmed) the
Marvin Lionel Bender project had to determine which manuscripts and
which particular collections should be filmed.
The decision to microfilm entire collections re-
Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library sulted, for instance, in having a huge collection
The EMML (now renamed Hill Museum and of service books, such as the Psalter, Missal and
Manuscript Library) was originally a joint project Funeral Rituals.
between the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Despite all the difficulties encountered, the
Church (EOTC) central administration in Addis EMML has fulfilled its goals. Some old manu-
Abäba, the Hill Monastic Manuscript Library scripts can nowadays only be consulted in
(HMML) in Saint John’s University (Colle- the microfilm version since the originals have
geville, Minnesota) and the Divinity School in already been lost. Furthermore, the work with
Vanderbilt University (Nashville, Tennessee). the microfilmed collections has produced sig-
Envisioned initially by abunä ÷Tewoflos in nificant contributions to the study of the history
1971, the EMML made its first steps through the of Christianity and of the Ethiopian Church and
engagement of Walter Harrelson from Vander- State. Many of these texts have been edited and
bilt University and Julian Plante, Director of the the series of catalogues, prepared jointly or sepa-
HMML. An office was opened in Addis Abäba, rately by William F. Macomber and Getatchew
with Taddäsä Tamrat appointed as its first Direc- Haile (EMML I–X), have been reviewed fa-
tor. He was soon replaced by ÷Sérgéw Hablä vourably. Of about 8,000 manuscripts on mi-
Íéllase, who, helped by a Committee composed crofilm, close to 5,000 have been catalogued
of native scholars and two Americans, served the and the descriptions published in ten volumes
project with great dedication until 1978. Proper (1975–91). The 11th volume, with descriptions of
microfilming started in 1973, with the contract an additional 1,000 manuscripts is in preparation
413
Ethiopian Manuscript Microfilm Library
for print. A project to put the whole catalogue such communities in Adulis, which had a bishop
online is already underway (s. the Library’s web (÷Eppisqoppos) at about this time (SerHist 110),
site http://www.hmml.org). and in other cities as well.
Src.: EMML I–X (esp. prefaces and introductions). While the origins of Ethiopian Christianity are
Lit.: William Francis Macomber, “Two New well documented by Greek and Latin sources,
Projects for Microfilming Oriental Manuscripts”, in: there is no reliable evidence for the subsequent
Wolfgang Voigt (ed.), XVIII. Deutscher Orienta-
listentag vom 1. bis 5. Oktober 1972, Wiesbaden 1974 development and organization of the Aksumite
(ZDMG, Supplement 2), 82ff.; Id., “The Present State Church. It can be assumed that, after an initial
of the Microfilm Collection of the Ethiopian Manuscript period in which Greek might have been the
Library”, in: PICES 6, 389–96; Michael Anthony language of the church service, during the next
Knibb, Translating the Bible: the Ethiopic Version of the
Old Testament, Oxford 1999, 4–11. two centuries basic service-books, including the
Getatchew Haile ÷Psalter, must have been translated into ÷GéŸéz,
to be followed by the translation of the entire
÷Bible, some patristic works, hagiographies
and books of ecclesiastical ÷law. Church tradi-
Ethiopian Orthodox (Täwahédo) Church tion places the activities of ÷Yared, inventor of
History from ancient times till the second half Ethiopian church ÷music, in the 6th cent. The
of the 19th cent. arrival of the ÷Nine Saints from the ÷Byzantine
Empire is traditionally placed in the late 5th–early
Origins and early history 6th cent.; it is supposed to be an important event
Despite some confusion in terminology, the lit- having empowered the Church. The Nine Saints
erary, epigraphic and numismatic evidence leaves are traditionally credited with the introduction of
little doubt about how ÷Christianity came to ÷monasticism (the translation of the Monastic
Ethiopia. During the late-Roman era, traders Rules of ÷Pachomius in the same period can-
and fortune-hunters from the Middle East must not be coincidental). According to hagiography,
have frequented ÷Adulis, the importance of abba ÷MättaŸ, as he came to Aksum, met there
which as an emporium had been recorded quite a certain abba Adòani, who was already a monk.
soon (÷Historical Geography). Some of the Church tradition identifies sites where each of
voyagers were certainly Christians; they may the Nine Saints founded his monastic commu-
have settled in Adulis and Aksum and made the nity; ÷Däbrä Damo of abunä ÷Zämikaýel Arä-
locals acquainted with their faith long before it gawi, one of the oldest monasteries of Ethiopia,
became Aksum’s official religion. remained one of the most-important sanctuaries
÷Rufinus of Aquileia, the 4th-cent. historian, of the nation throughout the centuries.
records the most plausible story about the rise of The early-6th-cent. traveller ÷Cosmas Indico-
Christianity in Aksum thanks to the activity of pleustes, whether directly or indirectly acquainted
Frumentius (abba ÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan) from with the Red Sea area, reports that in Ethiopia and
Tyros, supported then by ÷Athanasius of Alex- Aksum, as in Persia and the bordering countries,
andria, by whom he was ordained bishop and there were “innumerable churches with bishops,
returned to “India” (i.e., Ethiopia; s. Eusebios of large Christian communities and many martyrs
Caesarea 1844, 478–80). and hermit monks” (Wolska-Conus 1968, vol.
Historically, the elevation of Christianity to 1, 504f.). The strength of Christianity and the
the state religion of Aksum happened during the Church in Aksum at this time is evidenced by
reign of ÷ŸEzana. As no contemporary internal the fact that in the 6th cent. King ÷Kaleb, acting
documents testifying Frumentius’s activities in as an ally of the ÷Byzantine Empire, had the re-
Ethiopia have yet been discovered, the story of sources and will to undertake a large-scale puni-
Ethiopia’s first bishop as transmitted by tradi- tive expedition to Himyar against ÷Yusuf Asýar
tion and summarized in the ÷Sénkéssar may Yaôýar, the persecutor of ÷Nagran.
be a conflation of what has been preserved in From the available sources it is possible to
internal traditions of Rufinus’s account and of conclude that in 6th-cent. Ethiopia the Church
the story of another bishop of a different time was flourishing. These conditions contributed to
called abba Sälama (s. also Conti Rossini 1922; the development of the unique Ethiopian Chris-
cp. Getatchew Haile 1979). If Frumentius met tian culture, extensive ÷GéŸéz literature being
Christians in Aksum, there must have been one of its most remarkable results. The state
414
Ethiopian Orthodox (Täwahédo) Church
seems to have supported or directly conducted Christian peoples by two foundational legends
missionary activities: e.g., traditions relate that (both contained in the ÷Kébrä nägäít). The first
the late-Aksumite King ÷Dégnaïan sent out a of these claimed that the royal family descended
group of 150 clergymen on a mission to Chris- from ÷Ménilék I, son of the biblical King Solo-
tianize the Amhara in the south and south-west mon and the Queen of Sheba (÷Makédda);
(Conti Rossini 1904:23). the second, that Ethiopian Christians were the
descendants of the first-born Israelites who ac-
The Zagwe era companied Ménilék from ÷Jerusalem, taking the
Aksum’s significance as the capital ended in ÷Ark of the Covenant with them, and settled in
about the 9th-10th cent. at the latest. One of the Ethiopia.
circumstances which caused its fall was most The Church was one of the beneficiaries of
probably a revolt of a non-Christian ethnic the legends and flourished under the protection
group (cp. ÷Ésato), which inflicted enormous of the Christian monarchs, the defenders of the
damage on the Church, including the destruction Orthodox faith. The Coptic metropolitans and
of the first church in Aksum (s. ÷Aksum Séyon). their entourages, as well as Ethiopians who had
But the new rulers did not hold power for long. visited monasteries in Egypt and the Holy Land,
A Christian dynasty, commonly referred to as brought Arabic religious books that fostered
÷Zagwe, took power in about 1137, making in turn the development of GéŸéz literature.
Adäfa or Roha in Lasta its centre. The Zagwe The monastery of Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos and
kings, being devout Christians, constructed the clergy of the royal camp took the lead in
÷rock-hewn churches in their home province of translating such works into GéŸéz. The literary
Lasta, which became their lasting monumental production grew during the period from ase
legacy. Another important religious centre was Dawit II (1382-1413) to the first half of the 16th
still the ancient monastery of ÷Däbrä Libanos cent., marked by the activities of Metropolitan
of Ham (Šémäzana). Some other spiritual lead- abba ÷Sälama the “Translator”, the author of the
ers, however, did not recognize this “usurper anonymous ÷RétuŸa Haymanot, abba Giyorgis
dynasty” and built a powerful anti-Zagwe op- of Gasécca, ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, abba ÷Bahréy
position. and many others.
Controversies
The Solomonic Dynasty (13th–19th cent.)
The teaching of the Ethiopian Orthodox
In 1270 the Zagwe were overthrown by ÷Yékunno Church (E.O.C.), later (in the second half of
Amlak from ÷Amhara, who claimed to be a de- the 19th cent.) to become the Ethiopian Ortho-
scendant of the Aksumite royal family. He “re- dox Täwahédo Church (E.O.T.C., Y#M_1\y
established” the ÷Solomonic dynasty. Tradition '?N<lFy H`B<y ,Hy l?FJ\# , yäýityopya
maintains that the Church played a significant ortodoks täwahédo betä kréstiyan), cannot be as-
role in his enthronement; it is known that Yékun- serted from its outset – in the Aksumite age – on
no Amlak gained the support of abunä ÷Iyäsus the ground of the extant evidence. However, in
Moýa, the head of ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos in Solomonic time the basis of the E.O.C. theo-
Amhara. Some sources describe him also as a logical teaching was clearly defined and persisted
close relative of abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot, the without great changes (÷Theology). Following
founder of ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa; later tra- the ÷Coptic Church, the E.O.C acknowledged
ditions argued that Yékunno Amlak rewarded the first three ecumenical councils and their
one or another institution with the revenue from decisions: ÷Nicaea (325), ÷Ephesus (341), and
“one third of the land of the country”. Constantinople (381). It rejected the Council of
The period during which Yékunno Amlak’s ÷Chalcedon (451), which recognized and identi-
dynasty controlled the throne produced the most fied two natures in Jesus Christ after the union,
memorable period in Ethiopian Church history. and all subsequent councils. For the E.O.C.,
The Emperor’s heirs propagated the idea that Jesus Christ is one person, the Word Incarnate;
Ethiopian Christians were Israelites, people cho- He is perfect man and perfect God (later, the
sen by God because they had accepted Christ as term ÷täwahédo in the Church’s official name
the expected Messiah, whereas the Jews rejected emphasized its ancient belief in the existence,
him. The religious self-consciousness of Ethiopi- in Christ, of humanity and divinity in unity).
ans was formed and set apart from that of other he is one person out of (not in) two natures. As
415
a result, the E.O.C. considers as heretics both Rossini 1923:452ff.); in their turn, they agreed to
÷Eutychius and ÷Nestorius. Yet the theological accept Holy Orders from the metropolitans.
position of the E.O.C. as it appeared in the 20th During the reign of ase Yéshaq (1413-30),
cent. was the outcome of a long development. another issue became divisive when the monk
The entire medieval period of Ethiopian history ÷Éstifanos of Däbrä Qoyyäsa (Tégray) raised
is characterized by opposition movements that his voice against many features of the monastic
took as their cause, among others, theological life, traditionally established in Ethiopia, as con-
issues. Sometimes a controversy was limited to tradicting the original rules laid down by the Fa-
a small circle of the educated ecclesiastics, but thers of monasticism. Securing permission from
sometimes it was of larger scale and posed a real Metropolitan ÷Bärtälomewos, Éstifanos began
danger for the unity of the Church. However, to oppose practices that he considered lax (e.g.,
the unity was never overrun, being supported by many monks did not completely cut their con-
the devotion and energy of the Ethiopian emper- nection with the world and some monasteries
ors and their subjects, as well as by the shared accumulated wealth and land possessions). His
cultural features, common religious conscious- teaching was followed by many other monks (s.
ness and self-definition of their subjects. Taddesse Tamrat 1966; Getatchew Haile 1983).
The earliest controversy about the exces- Heads of the established monasteries tried to
sive veneration of the Cross and the icon of St. accuse Éstifanos of violating the established
÷Mary is reported to have happened in the time tradition, but ase ÷Yéshaq decided in his favour.
of the late 13th cent. ase ÷Yagbéý Séyon (s. Conti As Zärýa YaŸéqob ascended the throne, he was
Rossini 1904a:12ff.). It is not clear what hap- initially sympathetic to Éstifanos’s cause, but
pened to the dissidents, but nothing was heard gradually changed his position. Éstifanos did
about this issue for well over 100 years. From the not accept any compromise; he and his followers
second half of the 14th cent. onwards the sources refused to bow to the Emperor, maintaining that
abound in information on the controversies and bowing was worshipping and it was prescribed
disputes within the Church. only for the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit.
The most serious challenge came from the side Éstifanos died in prison; the movement was sup-
of the Ewostatean movement (÷Ewostateans). In pressed and later did not go beyond a very lim-
the 14th cent. abunä ÷Ewostatewos defended the ited local scale (s. ÷Gundä Gunde).
observance of Saturday as a holy day like Sunday There were also other conflicts, which arose
(÷Sabbath), referring to the Mäshafä ÷senodos; mostly in the more-educated circles close to the
from his Acts it is unclear whether Ewostatewos courts of the emperor and metropolitan. E.g.,
fought to introduce a hitherto-unknown practice ase Zärýa YaŸéqob had to deal with scholars who
or defended an ancient one. The initiative to questioned the canonicity of certain scriptures
reject the observance of Saturday as a “Jewish” from which he drew evidence against those who
practice might have come from the Metropolitan challenged his teachings: the Books of ÷Jubi-
and his entourage. Ewostatewos left the country, lees, ÷Enoch, the Maccabees, Mäshafä ÷kidan
presumably in search of support; his followers in zäýégziýénä Iyäsus Kréstos and ÷Didésqélya (s.
Ethiopia were persecuted. However, after a period Wendt, in: PICES 1, 140; Getatchew Haile 1982:
of clemency under ase Dawit II, they regrouped, 193; cp. the Mäshafä ÷senodos, which was never
severed their relations with the Metropolitan and challenged by any of the dissident scholars).
were close to establishing a separate “Church” A group of theologians (Zämikaýel, Gämalyal,
run by laymen. ÷Däbrä Bizän and its daughter Asqa; s. ÷Mikaýelities), developed theological
monasteries in Hamasen became centres of the views that were in conflict with those of the
Ewostatean monastic congregation. In 1450 ase Emperor, who was always the spokesman of
Zärýa YaŸéqob summoned a Church council at the Church. They disapproved of the Emperor’s
÷Däbrä Métmaq, which – unusually – solved the obsession with the undue reverence of St. Mary,
problem by giving in to the demands of the dis- opposed the imposition of so many Marian feasts
sidents (CRRicBerhan II, 145–53; TadTChurch to be observed and objected to teaching that ob-
230f.). The Emperor himself favoured the observing these feasts exonerated a sinner who had
servance of the Sabbath rest on Saturday. The committed heinous crimes.
Ewostateans were granted lands and were asked Diverse opinions on how to reconcile the con-
to evangelize the neighbouring regions (s. Conti cept of God’s unity and the Trinity are reported
416
to have existed since at least the late 14th cent. (s. took its final shape. It included ÷Circumcision
÷Trinity). When abunä Bärtälomewos arrived in on the eighth day after birth and ÷Baptism
Ethiopia in 1398/99, a delegation of the Ethio- (well structured and presumably followed in
pian clergy questioned his views on the matter every church), if a boy, on his 40th day, and if a
(CRRicBerhan II, 126). The next metropolitans, girl, on her 80th, the ritual for the confirmation
÷Gäbréýel and Mikaýel, had to answer the same with meron-chrism being conjoined with that
questions (ibid., 131ff.). Some of the ÷Anapho- of Baptism. The other Sacraments are Confes-
ras seem to have been composed to emphasize sion, ÷Ordination, ÷Unction and ÷Matrimony.
the official position of the Orthodox Church. According to the ÷Canon law of the E.O.C. a
The imagery finally accepted as canonical was church marriage cannot be dissolved, but a sec-
three suns (e.g., the three persons of the Trinity) ond marriage may be permitted (and divorce in
and one light coming from them, representing case of adultery). The serving priest (unless he is
the one divinity. a monk) must be married, but in the case that he
Another controversy surrounded the concept marries a second time (e.g., after the death of his
that God has an image and at the same time is spouse), he has to give up his ordination and his
unlimited and invisible. The Bible speaks about church service.
God’s ear, eye, and hand (e.g., Ps. 17:6; 43:15; The funeral ritual (÷Burial; ÷Funerals; ÷Fét-
10:12), but it also states that he is spirit (e.g., hat), with special procedures and texts for men,
2 Cor 3:17). Zärýa YaŸéqob maintained that women, boys, girls, bishops, priests etc., was
God has an image that looks like that of man established through the Mäshafä ÷génzät. The
(Getatchew Haile 1983:150). But Zämikaýel, ritual of the canonical Day and Night Hours
Gämalyal and Asqa disagreed, maintaining that (Mäshafä ÷säŸatat) was established at least in the
God has no image. However, the Emperor’s time of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob, but perhaps earlier,
statement in favour of the “Father in a perfect already in the 14th cent.
image of the man”, which probably reflects It is not known if the ÷tabot was already used
also the common clergy’s understanding of the in Aksumite times; in the later period, the ritual
issue, became the official Church position and for the establishment of an individual church was
prevailed (CRRicBerhan II, 128f.). In murals and focused on the consecrating of the tabot, not the
manuscript illuminations, three elderly persons ÷church buildings. In the course of time, the
represented the Trinity. Divine Liturgy (s. ÷Qéddase), with large parts
These “court-centred” opposition groups did chanted, was developed into a lengthy and richly
not tend to unite with the regional opposition elaborated ritual. The Anaphora of the Apostles,
movements. The concepts of the Mikaýelites the most frequently used, and the Anaphora
had no common points with the “heresies” of of Our Lord seem to be the oldest elements of
which the Stephanites were accused. However, it the Ethiopian liturgy (now there are at least 14
is worth considering that the heresies might not ÷Anaphoras for the celebration of the ÷Eucha-
have originated without the influence of foreign rist for the different occasions). In most of the
theological thought. The 13th-cent. renewal of churches and monasteries the Liturgy is usually
the relationship with the Coptic Church acti- celebrated on Sundays and on days of Church
vated the process of revision of Biblical texts and celebrations. A distinctive feature of the Liturgy
re-consideration of the status of some apocry- was the “sacred dancing” (and ÷qéne-poetry)
phal works (cp. ÷Ascension of Isaiah). Besides, performed by the ÷däbtära. Apart from the
there are hints that the monastic opposition ÷Psalter and scriptural Odes, beautiful ÷hymns
groups looked to foreign ecclesiastical authori- were an important structural element of both the
ties as an alternative to the Ethiopian Church hi- Canonical Hours and the Divine Liturgy dur-
erarchy (e.g., some of the followers of Éstifanos, ing the entire liturgical year. The division of the
like ÷Ézra, are reported to have sought for holy liturgical year into four ecclesiastical periods was
orders outside Ethiopia). set up with the establishment of the ÷Calendar
(which completed also the order of ÷Feasts and
Practice and Ritual ÷Fasting periods), in particular during the reign
One can assume that some time in the early 16th of Zärýa YaŸéqob.
cent. the rite of the E.O.C., striking its roots in The veneration of the ÷saints, commemo-
the Church practice of the Aksumite period, rated on the anniversary of their death, was
417
usually centred on the respective monasteries. from demolition, for the Muslims agreed to take
There were apparently no official procedures for everything made of gold instead of destroying
canonization (however, they could stand behind it, but Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa, another major
the creation or revision of such works as ÷Égz- sanctuary of the Empire, was burned down. As
iýabéher nägíä and Sénkéssar). While most of the the main church of the monastery was set ablaze,
saints remained locally commemorated, only a many monks decided to share its fate and hurled
few of them enjoyed nation-wide veneration. themselves into the fire.
Notwithstanding his victories, Ahmad Grañ
The 16th-cent. Muslim wars failed to subdue the Highlands. With the help
The population of the Ethiopian empire was of the Portuguese, Grañ was killed, the Muslim
culturally and religiously diverse. As the Church forces were dispersed and retreated in 1543.
was identified with, and seen as a beneficiary The Christian victory was preceded by the
of, the Christian monarchy, every non-Ortho- symbolical renewal of the state-and-church
dox Christian revolt against the government relationship which took place at the meeting
was directed against the Church as well. The of ase ÷Gälawdewos and éccäge ÷Yohannés in
Church institutions must have been targeted Šéme, in 1541, both having just taken up their
by the Fälaša (÷Betä Ésraýel) revolts during offices (Ricci 1969-70:183). Gälawdewos retook
the reigns of ŸAmdä Séyon I, Zärýa YaŸéqob and the country. The E.O.C. started to regain its
other emperors (Wajnberg 1936:56-59; PerrZarY footing, the process being accompanied by the
97f.); churches and monasteries were raided by swift re-building of the churches (cp. ÷Tädbäbä
Muslims (H#(qM tänbälat, &Fqx_ éslamawi Maryam) and re-conversion of the population.
or sometimes !:w arämi in Ethiopic sources) The death of Gälawdewos in the battle with
and other non-Christians; besides, they were the ÷Nur b. Mugahid (éccäge Yohannés also died
usual victims of frequent wars, internal conflicts, there) did not change the situation and the
feuds and banditry (÷Šéfta). Church’s revival continued under ase ÷Íärìä
The most devastating conflict took place Déngél, until the ÷Oromo profoundly altered
in 1527–43. The onslaught was led by imam both the political situation and the ethnic and
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”). He took religious composition of the Empire.
control of ÷ŸAdal by overthrowing the local
ruler under the rationale that he had allowed The Jesuit challenge and the Gondärine king-
himself to be held subordinate to a Christian dom
ruler. In the course of his campaign Grañ The contacts with the Portuguese resulted in the
received the help of Arab soldiers and arms from demand that the Ethiopian Church submit to the
the Ottoman Turks (÷Ottoman Empire). After Pope of Rome. The ÷Jesuits claimed that the
his victory at ÷Šémbéra Kwére, on 23 March Ethiopian Church harboured the monophysitism
1529, Grañ’s army overran the country within heresy of ÷Eutychius and taught Judaic prac-
a few months. Ase ÷Lébnä Déngél’s forces tices. The Orthodox Church responded with
disintegrated. One of the highest ecclesiastics the Confessio written by ase Gälawdewos (Ul-
of the Empire, Ÿaqqabe säŸat ÷Nägadä Iyäsus, lendorff 1987:156f.). Some Ethiopian sources
accompanied Lébnä Déngél on his desperate suggest that Gälawdewos, probably not willing
flight, but was captured and killed in 1535. The to alienate the Portuguese or fearing the Islamic
Emperor himself died in 1540, having taken pressure, was sympathetic to the Catholic de-
refuge at Däbrä Damo. mands (s. DombrChr 47f.); in fact, he merely
The loss to the Church’s cultural heritage assigned them a site where they could practice
during those years was incalculable. Christians and teach their faith (s. ÷Féremona).
were forced to embrace the invaders’ faith, being In the second half of the 16th cent. the State
otherwise put to death. Monasteries and churches and Church had to face the consequences of the
were looted and burned down, this resulting ÷Oromo migrations, which lasted until the 18th
in the destruction of valuable collections of cent. The growing Oromo pressure, repeated Is-
old manuscripts. The clergy tried to save their lamic raids from the east and, beginning in 1557
tabots and books, burying them in the ground when the Ottomans took ÷Massawa, also from
or hiding them in caves. The monks of Däbrä the north-east, forced the monarchs to move the
Hayq Éstifanos saved their monastery church political centre of the Empire to the surround-
418
ings of the Lake Tana region. The clergy of the Ethiopian Church. The principal issue was
many churches took their tabots and followed the unction of Christ, raised as a Christologi-
the rulers. This created, especially during the cal issue for the first time during the reign of
reign of ase Íärìä Déngél (1563–97), an assem- Susényos (PerChron 216, 237f.; Getatchew 1990:
bly of the “doctors of the Church” (liqawént; vii). The question was what unction or anoint-
s. Conti Rossini 1893:805). During this period ment meant to Christ (e.g. Acts 10:38; Ps 44 [45]:
the ecclesiastics (first of all those affiliated to the 7). As the Son of God, did Christ need, as other
royal court) made significant progress in creating men do, to be anointed to receive the spiritual
original works and translating Arabic literature. authority of priesthood, kingship and prophesy?
Christianity took root in neighbouring regions, The problem dominated theological debates and
spreading along with the Emperor’s military ex- divided the ecclesiastics throughout the country
peditions (cp. ÷Goggam). into three groups. The “Unctionists” (÷Qébat),
Íärsä Déngél’s successors again sought help particularly strong in Goggam, believed that
from the Catholics. When the Jesuit Pedro ÷Paez Jesus Christ became the natural Son of God by
promised military assistance, the emperors “were the unction of the Holy Spirit. The followers of
so desperate that they did not even ask whether the Sägga or “Grace” doctrine (÷Yäsägga lég)
he could deliver it” (Merid Wolde Aregay 1998: believed in “Three Births” (÷Sost lédät) and
43). Whether convinced by Catholic evangelism maintained that Christ became the Son of God
or simply left with no choice by the political by grace (i.e., by adoption) at either conception
situation in the country, ase Zädéngél (1604–05) or baptism, which they called a third birth, when
began acquiescing to Catholic demands. Ase he was declared Son of God by the Holy Spirit
Susényos (1607–32) officially embraced Catholi- (they dominated in Gondär and Šäwa). The “Un-
cism and installed, in 1625, the Portuguese bishop ionists” – Täwahédo or ÷Karra (dominating in
Afonso ÷Mendez as Patriarch of the Ethiopian Tégray) – taught that Christ became the natural
Church. son of God when his divinity was united with his
The attempt to introduce Catholicism failed. humanity at conception. The Täwahédo refused,
Countless Orthodox Christians, including Met- adamantly, the formula “the Father is the anoint-
ropolitan abunä ÷SémŸon, were martyred by er, the Son the anointed and the Holy Spirit the
the Emperor’s army. Susényos’s demand that ointment” (÷Christology). The division also split
all Christians be rebaptized, that the clergy be the monastic movement – between the rivalling
reordained, and that the Church follow the Latin monastic “houses” of Täklä Haymanot, follow-
rite, thereby abandoning their ancient traditions, ers of the Sost lédät, with their centre in ÷Azäzo,
resulted in unprecedented popular uprisings and Gondär, and of Ewostatewos (Qébat), with their
prolonged pro-Orthodox rebellions of the lo- centre, e.g., in ÷Däbrä Wärq, Goggam.
cal elites in some regions (e.g., in Lasta). Facing The Church’s formal integrity was preserved
fierce resistance, Susényos abandoned his plans, through both the emperor’s power to solve
distanced himself from the Catholics and abdi- theological controversies and his refusal to allow
cated in favour of his son Fasilädäs, who imme- any faction to establish an independent Church.
diately declared the restoration of the Orthodox Generally, the only way for a group to prevail in
Alexandrian faith. The foreigners were either ex- religious controversies was to win the emperor
ecuted (together with the local followers of the over to its side, that entailing the official declara-
Catholic faith, s., e.g., ras ÷SéŸélä Kréstos) or ex- tion of the faith according to the doctrine of the
pelled; most of the native converts came back to victorious party (s. Yacob Beyene 1981; Guidi
Orthodoxy. This traumatic experience resulted in 1893:597-606). The competing groups of ecclesi-
the long-time rupture of contacts with the Latin astics took an active part in the political struggle,
Church. Moreover, ase Fasilädäs (1632–67), fear- supporting rival regional parties. This struggle
ing that the Catholics would return with a mili- resulted in such outrageous events as the killing
tary force, sought closer a relationship with his of ase ÷Iyasu I or the massacre of hundreds of
Islamic neighbours (DonMurad 4–38). It would, monks of “the house of Täklä Haymanot” in
however, be a misunderstanding to see in these 1720 under ase ÷Dawit III. At the same time,
strategic schemes an intention to embrace Islam. there were periods of remarkable stability and
The subsequent period of the ÷Gondärine the time of the Gondärine kingdom witnessed an
kingdom witnessed further controversies within unprecedented flourishing of Christian culture.
419
The Era of the Princes 187). With that intent, the missionaries ridiculed
The epoch commonly known as “The Era of Church traditions. When the missionary Samuel
the Princes” (1769–1855; ÷Zämänä mäsafént) ÷Gobat came to Gondär in 1830, the Orthodox
brought no new tendencies. The emperors from accepted him as a man of God, not knowing that
ase ÷Täklä Haymanot (1769–77) to the rise of he equated their faith with the teachings of the
däggazmaó Kaía (the future ase ÷Tewodros II) Islamic prophet (s. Gobat 1834:159). Later, the
in 1855 were little more than symbols of a mon- Catholic missionaries were accused by Ortho-
archy. Real political power was divided between dox ecclesiastics of attempting to win their con-
the ambitious governors or princes of the prov- verts from among Orthodox Christians rather
inces. The situation deteriorated to the point than from among the non-Christian population.
that the frustrated abunä ÷Yosab excommuni- However, it took some time before the E.O.C.
cated “all the Christians so that they may not was to properly respond to this challenge.
take Communion nor come to church” (Conti The Era of the Princes came to a close with the
Rossini 1917:799); he later lifted his excommu- rise of ase Tewodros II. He – the then däggazmaó
nication after concluding it would do more harm Kaía – began his reign by resolving the divide
than good. between the two theological groups (the
Due to the political situation of the period, school of “Two Births”, or Täwahédo, and the
the institutions of the Church were left without school of “Three Births”, Sost lédät or Sägga),
protection. E.g., ras Gugsa from Yäggu, whose imposing the formula proposed by the new
adherence to Christianity was only a political Metropolitan abunä ÷Sälama and dismissing
convenience, sacked churches in Dämbiya and the statements of the respective ecclesiastics,
Gaba. Another prince from the same family that their interpretations are based on the “faith
destroyed the monasteries of Saga, Zoramba and of their fathers”. This solution was not based on
Goraf and sacked the church of Lédäta, built by a broad consensus and the controversy lasted till
ase ÷Yostos (Conti Rossini 1917:789). When the the council of ÷Boru Meda in 1878. Tewodros’s
Metropolitan died, they sacked his residence, attempts to “discipline” the clergy and implement
looting the objects which had been kept there the policy of “secularization” initially found
since the time of Fasilädäs. some sympathy among the populace, but soon
The decline of the Gondärine kingdom was caused a deep alienation between the Church
seen in connection with the incapability of the and the monarch, which contributed to the fall
Church to achieve internal unity and numerous of the latter.
examples of the loose morale and low educational Src.: DombrChr; Eusebios of Caesarea, “Historia
Ecclesiastica”, [tr. by Rufinus Tyrannus of Aquileia],
standard of the clergy. However, the elite mem- in: Jacques-Paul Migne (ed.), Patrologia Latina, vol.
bers of the clergy were deeply frustrated by the 21, Paris 1844, 478–80; Carlo Conti Rossini, Vitae
involvement of the Church in political struggles sanctorum antiquiorum I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon,
at the cost of its primarily religious tasks. Many Parisiis 1904 (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9, 10]), 23 (text) = 21 (tr.);
were worried at the encroachment of “non-Or- Id., Vitae Sanctorum Indigenarum I. Gadla Marqorewos
seu Acta Sancti Mercurii, Paris 1904a (CSCO 33, 34 [SAe
thodox” cultural elements and customs from 16, 17]); Id., “Due squarci inediti di Cronaca Etiopica”,
the “pagan” Oromo, Muslims and Betä Ésraýel, RRALm ser. 4a, 1, 2, 1893, 804–18; Id., “La cronaca reale
especially in Gondär (despite the “separation” Abissina dall’anno 1800 all’anno 1840”, RRALm ser. 5a, 6,
policy attempted already by ase ÷Yohannés I in 1917, 779–923; Id., “Aethiopica [1]”, RSO 9, 1923, 365–
468 [no. 15 “Un editto di re Zarýa YaŸqob per l’Eritrea”];
1668). Remarkably, were Orthodox ecclesiastics CRRicBerhan; Getatchew Haile, “The Homily in
to hold on the idea of a strong Christian state and Honour of St. Frumentius Bishop of Axum (EMML 1763
hope for its restitution. ff.84v-86r)”, ABoll 97, 1979, 309–18; Id., “The Homily of
In a time of deep crisis of both Church and Ase Zärýa YaŸéqob of Ethiopia in Honour of Saturday”,
State, still another challenge to the former came Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 13, 1982, 196–205;
Id., “The Homily of Zärýa YaŸéqob in Honour of St.
from foreign ÷missions, which were permit- John the Evangelist, EMML 1480, ff. 48r–45v”, OrChr
ted by local rulers to stay and proselytize, thus 67, 1983, 144–66; Id., Y!+y +B?^y ;?AN, (Yäýabba
becoming a part of internal Ethiopian politics. Bahréy dérsätoóó, ‘Abba Bahréy and his Writings’),
As one Protestant missionary recorded, they Collegeville 1995 A.M. [2002 A.D.], passim; Id., (ed.,
tr.), The Epistle of Humanity of Emperor Zärýa YaŸéqob
“dreamt to destroy the house [i.e., the E.O.C.] (Tomarä Tésbéýt), Louvain 1991 (CSCO 522; 523 [SAe
and build it anew”, that is, to build it according 95, 96]); Ignazio Guidi, “Di due frammenti relativi alla
to European “architecture and design” (ArEvang storia di Abissinia”, RRALm ser. 2a, 2, 1893, 597–605;
420
Samuel Gobat, Journal of a Three Years’ Residence death of abunä Sälama, there was no metropoli-
in Abyssinia, London 1834 [repr. New York 1969]; tan in the country, but Yohannés acquired a letter
PerrZarY; PerChron; Isaak Wajnberg, Das Leben des
Hl. Jafqerana ýEgziý, Roma 1936 (OrChrA 106); Wanda
from the Coptic Patriarch in which the teaching
Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustès, La topographie proclaimed at the council was recognized as offi-
chrétienne, Paris 1968, vol. 1, 504f. cial and binding. His aim was to secure harmony
Lit.: “Äthiopien”, in: Walter Kasper (ed.), Lexikon within the E.O.C. and also to facilitate the con-
für Theologie und Kirche, vol. 1, Freiburg im Bresgau version of the entire population of Ethiopia. The
1993, 1146–57; ArEvang; Ignazio Guidi, “Abyssinie
(Église d’)”, in: Alfred Baudrillart (ed.), Dictionnaire latter appeared crucial to the Emperor in view
d’Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques, vol. 1, Paris of the growing external and internal Muslim
1912, 210–27; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Un’epigrafe danger from ÷Egypt (the occupation of Bogos
greca aksumita (RIÉth 274)”, in: Vincenzo Poggi and Harär), the lords of Wällo, and later from the
– Luca Pieralli (eds.), Eujkosmiva. Studi miscellanei per il ÷Mahdists. His methods ranged from promises
75° di Vincenzo Poggi S.J., Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro)
2003, 243–55 (Lit.); Getatchew Haile, “Religious Con- to secure a convert’s position and elevate him (ras
troversies and the Growth of Ethiopic Literature in the ÷Mikael of Wällo), if he was a member of the lo-
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”, OrChr 65, 1981, cal elite, to direct pressure; “Christians, Muslims
102–36; Id., “The Cause of the Éstifanosites: a Fundamen- and pagans were given two, three, and five years
talist Sect in the Church of Ethiopia”, Paideuma 29, 1983,
respectively to confirm” (Marcus 1975:38). An
93–119; Id., The Faith of the Unctionists in the Ethiopian
Church (Haimanot Mäsihawit), Lovanii 1990 (CSCO 517 attempt was made to ban such “non-Christian”
[SAe 91]); Merid Wolde Aregay, “The Legacy of Jesuit practices as smoking. This policy was followed
Missionary Activities in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632”, in: by some of Yohannés’s subjects – ras Adal
Getatchew Haile et al. (eds.), The Missionary Factor in Täsämma (÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam) and
Ethiopia …, Frankfurt am Main 1998, 31–56; SerHist;
Taddesse Tamrat, “Some Notes on the Fifteenth Cen-
Ménilék of Šäwa.
tury Stephanite ‘Heresy’ in the Ethiopian Church”, RSE Intending to animate the evangelistical efforts
22, 1966, 103–15; TadTChurch; Edward Ullendorff, of the E.O.C. – by now formally E.O.T.C. – and
“The Confessio Fidei of King Claudius”, JSS 32, 1987, strengthen its administration, ase Yohannés IV
159–65; DonMurad; Kurt Wendt, “Die theologischen succeeded in 1881 in obtaining four Coptic bish-
Auseinandersetzungen in der äthiopischen Kirche zur
Zeit der Reformen des XV Jahrhunderts”, in: PICES 1,
ops from Egypt at once – a unique achievement
137–46; Yaqob Beyene, L’unzione di Cristo nella teologia for Ethiopia, which had usually received only
etiopica, Roma 1981 (OrChrA 215). one bishop at a time. One of these four bishops,
Getatchew Haile abunä ÷Petros, was appointed Metropolitan,
abunä ÷Matewos was sent to néguí Ménilék
History from the second half of the 19th cent. of Šäwa, abunä Luqas was sent to Goggam and
to 1959 abunä Yohannés to Bägemdér.
After the death of Tewodros II and the short After the death of ase Yohannés in 1889 at
reign of ÷Täklä Giyorgis II, ase ÷Yohannés IV Mätämma, ase Ménilék, eager to consolidate
inherited a weak and divided empire. Seeking a his authority and to centralize the administra-
remedy in religious nationalism, he adopted the tive system of the state, changed the entire
principle of “one faith in one country”. Even religious policy. He was realistic enough not to
though his actual religious policy (of which enforce Christian faith upon all the population
only the repressive aspect is frequently stressed) of his growing Empire, but cared mostly about
was rather complex, it is a matter of fact that he the unity of the Church. Ménilék’s principle
considered religious differences and European was “one Church under one Metropolitan”.
missionary activities in Ethiopia as a serious The hierarchy of the Coptic bishops brought
threat, both to his own sovereignty, and to the by Yohannés was altered: bishop Matewos was
independence of the country. In 1878 the council made Metropolitan instead of Petros. The centre
at ÷Boru Meda was summoned, the last Church of religious life of the country shifted again to
council of this kind. It passed a resolution con- the south, to the old monasteries and churches
demning the Sost lédät and, as an additional, but favoured by the rulers of the Šäwan dynasty, the
very important issue, on the status of the cult of dominant position among them soon being as-
the Virgin Mary in Christian worship (with a sumed by Däbrä Libanos.
change in the liturgical statement “worshipping Apart from ecclesiastical matters, Ménilék
her with her Son is meet” into “worshipping her succeeded in obtaining Matewos’s cooperation
Son and bowing before her are meet”). After the in Ethiopian internal politics. It was precisely
421
Matewos who was now responsible for bringing chosen among the Emperor’s subjects (the idea
Coptic teachers for the first modern Ethiopian having been already expressed several years be-
school (which remained under the control of fore, along with criticism of abunä Matewos) and
the Church; s. ÷Ménilék II Secondary School), that the formal hegemony of the Coptic Church
acting as de facto minister of education and also should end. In 1926 the Coptic Patriarch was ap-
taking part in several important diplomatic mis- proached with a request that authority should be
sions. Formally Matewos was not Ménilék’s sub- delegated to the new Metropolitan to consecrate
ject, but he served him loyally and only in rare bishops, but it was only in 1929, after careful
cases did his loyalty to the Coptic Patriarchate negotiations, that a new Coptic metropolitan,
prevail over his loyalty towards the Ethiopian Cyril (abunä ÷Qeréllos), was appointed and five
monarch. After Ménilék became paralysed in Ethiopian monks were ordained diocesan bish-
1909, Matewos’s power grew considerably (in ops. Further movement to autochephaly was hin-
his later years he brought under his control the dered by the opposition on the part of Ethiopian
important office of the ÷liqä kahénat), but he traditionalists and the Coptic Patriarchate.
acted in favour of lég ÷Iyasu, Ménilék’s official The next several years saw cautious attempts at
heir, safeguarding Ménilék’s succession edict and reforms. In 1930, ras Täfäri Mäkwännén’s corona-
against the interference of Empress ÷Taytu. tion was a purely traditional religious ceremony.
However, during the ÷Coup d’état of 1916 (s. The role of the E.O.T.C. was not defined in the
EAE, vol. 5) Matewos changed his position and ÷Constitution of 1931, but the abun put his sig-
withdrew his support, which was decisive for nature to it. In January 1931 the regulations con-
Iyasu’s overthrow. cerning the dioceses and the incomes of the bish-
During this period, the E.O.T.C. and its clergy ops were issued. Already before the coronation,
envisaged a number of new challenges, but there the decree of 21 July 1930 obliged local governors
were a few qualitative changes. The Metropoli- to build churches. A land-law of 19 September
tan’s office was permanently established in Addis 1930 made provisions concerning church lands
Abäba, where many new churches were built. also. It was followed by other decrees concern-
The spread of Christianity in the conquered ing both the particular church institutions (e.g.,
southern territories was intense, but it went with March 1932 on Addis ŸAläm) and the entire coun-
no systematic program and followed mostly try (April 1933 on ÷täzkar).
traditional manner, through the dispersal of the The reforms were interrupted by the ÷Italian
settlers from the north (cp. ÷cäwa; ÷näftäñña). war of 1935–36 and the occupation. The clergy
Initially, new churches were built mostly for (especially the members of the ÷Ethiopian Pa-
them (cp. ÷Kätäma). Conversion became obliga- triotic Association) rallied the people to resist.
tory for local non-Amhara elites if they intended But the main Ethiopian forces were quickly
to be incorporated into the ruling system of the defeated and Òaylä Íéllase left the country, ac-
empire, with their leading role recognized (cp. companied by some high-ranking ecclesiastics
÷balabbat). This was accompanied by an inten- (it was decided that abunä Qeréllos should
sive process of cultural assimilation and resulted stay). On 9 May 1936 the establishment of the
in the conversion of large numbers of people; at ÷Africa Orientale Italiana (AOI) was pro-
the same time, because it was considered as a part claimed. Initially, the policy of terror against the
of imperial policy, this evangelization encoun- E.O.T.C. was promoted by Governor-General
tered fierce resistance in many places. ÷Graziani (until his withdrawal in November
The history of the E.O.T.C. from the late 1920s 1937). Eradicating any resistance from the side
till the revolution of 1974 was shaped by the fig- of the clergy, Italians welcomed those express-
ure of ÷Òaylä Íéllase I. Already in the 1920s ing loyalty. Many ecclesiastics submitted and
he (then ras Täfäri Mäkwännén) demonstrated welcomed the Italians (including the abun, who
his concern about church reforms. The Church was later accused by the Ethiopians of being too
Constitution of 16 September 1926 expanded the collaborative) and even acted against the ÷Re-
authority of the éccäge and established the Holy sistance movement. It was clear, however, that in
Synod. In 1928 Täfäri was elevated to néguí in many cases this submission was not sincere and
the absence of the Metropolitan. It was clear to was aimed at saving lifes and privileges and spar-
the new Ethiopian political leader that modern- ing church institutions from destruction. In fact
izing monarchy needed a loyal Metropolitan many ecclesiastics joined the Resistance fight-
422
ers or helped them by acting as “undercover Christians in exile, including the community in
agents” (YbF4y !?(4, , yäwést arbäññoóó). Bath (England), where Emperor Òaylä Íéllase I
Repression against the E.O.T.C. did not stop lived. Epistles were sent to Ethiopia to encour-
during the occupation. The best-known case age the Resistance fighters, who in the meantime
was the extermination of hundreds of monks made substantial gains and undermined Italian
of Däbrä Libanos on 20 May 1937 for alleg- rule. Goggam appeared to be the most difficult
edly sheltering those who had made an attempt area for the occupiers, where entire districts were
on ÷Graziani’s life (÷Abréha Däboc; ÷Mogäs under the patriots’ control; Goggami clergy had
Asgädom). Less known are the reprisals against boycotted the appointment of abunä Abréham.
÷Maòbärä Íéllase, ÷Zéqwala, ÷Däbrä Mäwiý, St. In June 1940 Italy entered ÷World War II. On
Michael church in Addis Abäba (in 1946, at the 20 January 1941, éccäge Gäbrä Giyorgis joined
Paris Peace Conference, it was even claimed that Òaylä Íéllase who, accompanied by a small
up to 2,000 churches were destroyed during the Ethiopian unit, crossed into Goggam from the
occupation). On 1 July 1936 the Italians executed Sudan, while British forces engaged the Italians
abunä Petros, and in October, abunä Mikaýel, from three directions. The Emperor travelled via
who refused to collaborate with them. ÷Däbrä Marqos and on 5 May entered Addis
The AOI administration understood well the Ababa.
monarchic and patriotic nature of the E.O.T.C. After the Liberation, Òaylä Íéllase granted
In order to counterbalance its influence, the pardon to the priests-collaborators. They and
Italians proclaimed “freedom of religion” (the those ordained under the Italians, with the ex-
decree of 18 June 1936) and promoted other ception of a few cases, were allowed to minister.
confessions, particularly Islam, trying to sharpen Abunä Qeréllos was permitted to return and he
confessional and ethnic differences. At the same resumed his duties in 1942. While the Coptic
time, the Italians were cautious enough to keep Church sought to re-establish the former de-
the traditional economic foundation of the pendency of the E.O.T.C., it was clear that the
E.O.T.C. largely untouched. New churches were relations between the two Churches should be
built, many others were repaired and received redefined. It was also obvious that the Emperor
subsidies (Däbrä Libanos was also re-established and the Ethiopian government would not accept
some time in 1938 or 1939). Some high ecclesias- the autochephaly created under the Italians.
tics got salaries; the celebration of the Christian Consequently, the process had to be reinitiated.
÷feasts was respected and attended by the mem- In 1942 the Coptic Synod lifted the previ-
bers of the Italian administration. ous excommunication. In the ensuing period of
The Italians wanted to sever the ties between difficult negotiations, nationalist sentiments in
the E.O.T.C. and the Coptic Patriarchate. In Ethiopia grew and the pressure on the Coptic
spite of heavy pressure, abunä Qeréllos refused Patriarchate increased. In June 1945, the Cop-
to collaborate and was sent to Italy to meet the tic Synod rejected the Ethiopian requests for
members of the Fasicst government (also ÷Mus- autonomy. In response, in November 1945, the
solini), from where he retired to Cairo in self- newly elected Ethiopian Ecclesiastical Council
imposed exile. Taking advantage of this, the Ital- demanded immediate autocephaly, but Òaylä
ians convened an ecclesiastical assembly which Íéllase and the imperial government appealed to
elevated the old Bishop Abréham to archbishop; their subjects to exercise patience. A new Ethio-
on 1 December 1937 the Ethiopian Church was pian mission brought to Cairo Òaylä Íéllase’s
proclaimed independent. In December 1938 the personal letter that the Ethiopian demands
Coptic Synod and Patriarch John XIV excommu- should be met, in order to maintain in the future
nicated Abréham and those consecrated by him. good relations between the two Churches. In
Abréham died in July 1939 and éccäge (previ- July 1948 it was agreed that Ethiopian monks
ously néburä éd) Yohannés was made patriarch. might be appointed as bishops during the life-
On 28 June 1940 a new Constitution was issued time of abunä Qeréllos and, upon his death, an
for the Ethiopian Church, but the time for its Ethiopian metropolitan might be consecrated.
implementation was running out. Meanwhile éc- Immediately thereafter, five monks (among
cäge Gäbrä Giyorgis (the future Patriarch abunä them Basélyos and abunä ÷Tewoflos, also a
÷Basélyos) was living in exile in Jerusalem, future patriarch), who had already been elected
dispatching from there priests to minister to the in January, were consecrated bishops in Cairo.
423
After the death of abunä Qeréllos on 22 Octo- pay tax at the same rate as secular lands; the col-
ber 1950, in January 1951 Basélyos was elected lected tax (paid in cash) was to be transferred to
by the council of ecclesiastics and government the central treasury of the E.O.T.C. and be used
officials for further elevation. In Cairo, on 14 for the E.O.T.C. needs (these regulations were
January, the Coptic Patriarch Yosab consecrated amended by the 1944 and 1947 Proclamations:
Basélyos as the first Ethiopian archbishop. On e.g., lands were exempted from the taxation).
28 June 1959, in the presence of Òaylä Íéllase The officials of the Central Treasury were to
and President Gamal ŸAbd an-Nasir, the Coptic be appointed by the Ecclesiastical Council and
Patriarch Cyril VI elevated Basélyos as the first approved by the Emperor. The local churches
Ethiopian patriarch. The event marked the be- were obliged to report about their incomes to
ginning of a new autocephalous era in the history the Central Treasury. The ordinary matters of
of the E.O.C.T. Church administration were left to the respon-
Lit.: Richard Caulk, “Religion and State in Nine- sibility of the Ecclesiastical Council; the number
teenth Century Ethiopia”, JES 10, 1, 1972, 23−41 (Lit.); of the clergy assigned to the churches was fixed
CrumMis; Harold Marcus, The Life and Times and the jurisdiction of the Church was limited to
of Menelik II. Ethiopia 1944−1913, Oxford 1975, 38;
Yolande Mara, The Church of Ethiopia: the National spiritual matters alone.
Church in the Making, Asmara 1972; Sergew Hable The regulations of the 1940s provided the base
Sellasie (ed.), The Church of Ethiopia. A Panorama for a new system of Church government, through
of History and Spiritual Life, Addis Ababa 1970; Frie- the offices of the Patriarchate and Holy Synod,
drich Heyer, Die Italienerzeit in Äthiopien 1935−1941, which took its more-or-less final shape in the
Heidelberg 2002; Calvin E. Schenk, The Development
of the EOTC and Its Relationship with the Ethiopian early 1960s. At that time the number (14) and the
Government from 1930 to 1970, Ph.D. thesis, New York borders of the dioceses were brought into cor-
University 1972 (Lit.); Id., “The Italian Attempt to respondence with those of the provinces, so that
Reconcile the Ethiopian Orthodox Church: the Use of the church administrative structures were built
Religious Celebrations and Assistance to Churches and
Monasteries”, JES 10, 1, 1972, 125−50. out in parallel to those of the imperial adminis-
Sevir Chernetsov
tration. The extension and the modernization of
Church government continued afterwards (e.g.,
History from 1959 to 1974 with the creation of the important Administra-
From the time after the Liberation, especially tive Board and the Office of its Director in 1969).
from the obtaining of complete autocephaly of the Considerable progress was made in the establish-
Church, which took place in 1959, the reform of ment of the Church educational institutions and
the structure of the Church was brought forward, the launching of the social activities.
being promoted by the initiatives and will of the Of crucial importance was the end of the
Emperor himself (the outline of these reforms had long isolation of the E.O.T.C., which was hap-
already been prepared before 1935). Different pening along with the growing recognition
evaluations have been given to this complex proc- and respect that the imperial government (and,
ess, the main outcome of which was the centrali- above all, the Emperor personally) enjoyed on
zation of the church administration: it is a matter the international scene. In 1948 the Ethiopian
of fact that the structure of the E.O.T.C. changed delegation, led by abunä ÷Tewoflos and blatta
very much during the first two decades after the ÷MärséŸe Hazän Wäldä Qirqos, participated at
end of the Italian occupation. It is believed that the founding-assembly of the World Council of
the Emperor profited much from the post-war Churches (WCC) in Amsterdam (in 1972 the an-
conditions of the country: the absence of a strong nual assembly was hosted in Addis Abäba); the
opposition to the innovations and consolidation E.O.T.C. was regularly represented at the All
of his personal political power (in particular after Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) since its
the complete withdrawal of the British Military beginning in 1963 at Kampala. The relations with
Administration in the 1950s). the Eastern Orthodox Churches were given a new
The first official document concerning the impetus as the Ethiopian delegation attended the
E.O.T.C., issued soon after the Emperor’s return 1961 Pan-Orthodox Conference at Rhodes. In
to Ethiopia on 10 March 1942, was the “Regu- 1960s there was an exchange of high-ranking del-
lations for the Administration of the Church” egations with the Greek, Rumanian and Russian
(Nägarit Gazeta, 30 November, 1942). The Orthodox Churches; the good relations with the
document stipulated that church lands should Oriental Orthodox Churches were strengthened
424
also by co-operation in other fields (the ties with machinery, the administration of the E.O.T.C.
the Indian Malankara Church were particularly could not work effectively. The modern Church
remarkable). Of special importance was the con- government required an educated personnel
ference of the (five) Oriental Orthodox Churches that was lacking. Understanding the need to
organized by Òaylä Íéllase in 1965 (it was fol- introduce into the E.O.T.C. modern, theological
lowed by the establishment of the Standing Com- education, Òaylä Íéllase personally initiated the
mittee and a secretariat in Addis Abäba). How- establishment of the Theological School of the
ever, since the late 1960s these activities were Holy Trinity in 1944 and this was followed by
increasingly hindered by financial difficulties. the opening of some other modern institutions,
As to the non-Orthodox Churches, the Em- run with the help of other Oriental Orthodox
peror, who never gave the slightest occasion to Churches. Yet after some years of relatively suc-
doubt his Orthodox identity, encouraged the cessful work, there appeared problems: on the
activities of the Catholic and Protestant mis- one side, the graduates of this and other Church
sionaries in 1941; the decree of 1944 opened also theological institutions were not eager to occupy
Orthodox areas for the missionary medical and less-prestigious positions in the E.O.T.C.; on the
educational services. Attempting to promote the other side, the Church hierarchy was reluctant
dialogue with the Catholics, Òaylä Íéllase vis- to accept educated people with modern atti-
ited the Vatican and Pope Paul VI in 1970. Yet, tudes. Later, the situation in the field of Church
in Ethiopia, the relationship between the Ortho- ÷education was reflected in the serious conflict
dox community and missions or new religious around the Theological School (since 1962 a fac-
movements, being generally good, occasionally ulty of the Òaylä Íéllase I University; s. ÷Holy
became tense (in particular in the late 1960s); the Trinity Theological College), which was tempo-
conflict situations ranged from the Orthodox ac- rarily closed in 1973.
tivists blaming the missions for the undermining The complex relations between the Church
of the Orthodox community to the governmen- and State during that period still wait for their
tal persecutions of religious movements too dif- evaluation; it is clear that, as in the past, the
ferent from the official Church (such as the 1971 Church provided the ideological foundation
persecution of the Pentecostals). for the monarchy, but it was not the institution
The modernization of the E.O.T.C., with a through which the Emperor could implement
clear tendency to centralization, was accompa- his actual politics. In theperiod 1942–60 the sup-
nied by difficulties and problems. Quite the con- port of the Church for the monarchy and for the
trary to the top of the E.O.T.C. hierarchy, the or- Emperor personally was beyond any doubt. The
ganization of the local churches and monasteries, E.O.T.C. backed the imperial politics concern-
retaining much of their old nature, varied consid- ing Eritrea; the Church in Eritrea was commit-
erably from one region to another. In spite of the ted to union with Ethiopia and co-operated
Patriarchate’s measures, many of them remained with the Unionist Party (÷Maòbär féqri hagär);
semi-autonomous; consequently, the distribution the churchmen played an important role in the
of properties and lands among the local church abolition of the ÷Ethiopian-Eritrean Federation
institutions remained very uneven. The co-op- (cp. ÷Démetros Gäbrä Maryam). The loyalty of
eration between the Patriarchate and the dioceses the E.O.T.C. was proved by the ÷Coup d’état of
was not always smooth. The implementation of 1960 (s. EAE, vol. 5), when the clerics and Patri-
the Patriarchate’s decrees encountered consider- arch Basélyos excommunicated the rebels (some
able local opposition, that additionally fuelled the of whom, e.g., ÷Gärmame Néway, were known
old tensions and regionalist movements in which for their radical anti-clerical views).
the local clergy played against the measures of Instead of the modernizing politics adopted
central Church and secular government. E.g., in by the Emperor and the gradual spread of mod-
the 1940s the Goggami clergy refused to accept ern education, the influence of the E.O.T.C.
the new regulations; the same matter caused a remained immense. However, on the political
large delegation of Goggami priests to come to scene the influence of the ecclesiastics (though
the Emperor in 1964, and, finally, contributed to many of them were delegated into the imperial
the 1968 popular uprising in Goggam. government) did not take the form of organized
Though the top of the E.O.T.C. hierarchy was lobbying of Church interests. As a matter of fact,
successfully integrated into Òaylä Íéllase’s state while being frequently described as a major land-
425
owners of the country, the E.O.T.C. as an institu- the two have been intertwined. The state was
tion did not accumulate any substantial wealth. called u#PTMy uC=_M (mängéít mäsihawit,
Moreover, the centralization of the Church ad- ‘Christian [lit. Messianic] Kingdom’). The em-
ministration resulted in its subordination to the peror was de facto the head of the Church and
State. The Emperor pursued a deliberate policy presided over Church councils dealing with reli-
of control over the Church, with the purpose of gious matters. The clergymen argued in defence
depriving it of any political power. This meant of their theological positions, but in case of disa-
that, first, any attempt of Church reform was greement the emperor’s word usually sealed the
limited by the personality of Òaylä Íéllase and, official position of the Church.
second, the crisis of the monarchy, which was In the Middle Ages the ecclesiastics, especially
obvious in the early 1970s, resulted in a deep monks, were the only educated social group,
crisis of the Church. monasteries and churches being the only centres
In 1968 the Emperor’s decree authorized the of education. Consequently, in religious and po-
Ministry of Finance to collect church taxes and litical matters, where other qualities than military
transfer then to the Church, but this solution skills were needed, the monarch was frequently
did not work out properly and in the 1970 the assisted by the ecclesiastics: be it sufficient here
E.O.T.C. announced that it had extreme finan- to recall that the emperor’s secretary and chroni-
cial difficulties (at the same time, reportedly, up cler, ÷sähafe téýézaz, was usually recruited from
to 20 % of the Church budget was consumed by amongst the monastic clergy. Of particular im-
the Patriarchate). The E.O.T.C. saw itself endan- portance were the so-called kahénatä däbtära
gered from the side of the missionary churches, (lit. ‘clergy of the tent, or tabernacle’), i.e., the
which, being more capable of adapting to the priests of the royal-camp church. They were
contemporary needs of the people and getting known for their high education and piety (the
substantial financial support from outside, were famous ÷Giyorgis of Gassécca, e.g., was one
making gains in Ethiopia. The E.O.T.C. became of them); and it is generally assumed that they
object of growing criticism from the side of dif- resided near the emperor. Pursuing his policy
ferent opposition groups (joined also by Ortho- of centralization, ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob gathered
dox activists, s., e.g., ÷Haymanotä Abäw) ac- capable ecclesiastics from churches and monas-
cused of being a stagnant and passive institution. teries, installing them in the civil administration.
There was deep division and growing tension Since the 15th cent. heads of at least some mon-
between the high ranks of the hierarchy and the asteries and churches were always at the side of
Church and its clergy at the “grass-roots” level. the emperor; others were frequently summoned
The mounting problems and resentments found from their places in the provinces whenever their
an outcome in the events of the Revolution of service was needed.
1974, when – quite the opposite to 1960 – the It is perhaps due to the relative weakness of its
clergy remained remarkably indifferent to the organization that the E.O.C. was only partially
deposition of Òaylä Íéllase. The clergy joined successful in its campaigns against magical prac-
the mass uprising when they went on demon- tices, inherited from ancient autochthonous reli-
stration against Patriarch Tewoflos. The Revolu- gions. The most furious one took place under ase
tion led to a dramatic change of the E.O.T.C.’s Zärýa YaŸéqob, who mercilessly persecuted both
formal position within the Ethiopian state. those suspected of being fortune-tellers, sooth-
Lit.: CrumMis; Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthio- sayers and sorcerers, and those accused of con-
piens. Eine Bestandsaufname, Berlin — New York
1971 (Theologische Bibliothek Töpelmann 22); Gebru sulting them (CRRicBerhan I, 23f., 114f.); he kept
Tareke, Ethiopia: Power and Protests. Peasant Revolts in condemning magic and its adepts in his writings
the Twentieth Century, Cambridge 1991 (African Studies (cp. Getatchew Haile 1991:66-77; s. ÷Tomarä
Series 71), 169, 176f., 179f.; LevWax; Calvin E. Schenk, tésbéýét). However, he had little success.
The Development of the EOTC and its Relationship with
The nominal head of the Church was the
the Ethiopian Government from 1930 to 1970, Ph.D. the-
sis, New York University 1972 (Lit.). Coptic patriarch; he chose an Egyptian monk
Red. and ordained him a metropolitan for Ethiopia.
In Ethiopia the power and influence of such a
Church organization in history metropolitan were usually rather limited and his
For Ethiopia, the Church has been as much primary task was to ordain priests and deacons
a national institution as the monarchy and and consecrate tabots. The abun’s position was
426
undermined by the fact that the substantial sum The supervision of the serving clergy was in
of money necessary for obtaining a metropoli- the hands of the liqä kahénat. For the 15th – early
tan from Egypt was provided by the emperors, 16th cent. there are scattered reports about other
who also covered the costs of metropolitans’ néburanä éd or mämhéran, who, usually residing
living while in tenure in Ethiopia. Some ecclesi- in major monasteries, must have represented the
astical offices acquired much influence and used highest ecclesiastical authority in different prov-
to substitute for the metropolitan in internal inces. In urgent cases, these officials obtained
church matters: these was, first of all, the néburä support and protection from the monarchs (or
éd of Aksum, the Ÿaqqabe säŸat of Däbrä Hayq from the local authorities, which tended to the
Éstifanos and, somewhat later, the éccäge of Dä- alliance with the local – not imposed – church
brä Libanos (who was considered to be the head institutions). At the same time, the emperors
of all the Ethiopian monasteries). frequently intervened in Church issues, appoint-
Generally, churches and monasteries used to ing their candidates to important Church offices
have a high degree of independence and relied and even deposing and appointing heads of the
heavily on their local basis rather than on the important monasteries.
head of the E.O.C. In the course of the history, The emperor or the members of the aristoc-
many of them assumed important political and racy were frequent patrons of new churches and
cultural roles; at different times some of them new monasteries, but it was not an uncontrolled
flourished, being favoured by the monarchs or process. Any church or monastery, built either
nobility, but then declined and even disappeared. by the emperor or by the community, had to
In particular, Ethiopian monasticism is charac- provide a grant of land to support its clergy. The
terized by a high degree of independence from clergy, who could come from anywhere in the
the metropolitan, the head of the Church hierar- country, would include, at a minimum, its head
chy. The formal acceptance of the metropolitan’s (÷Aläqa), “administrator” (÷Gäbäz), head of
highest authority was expressed through the the church cantors (÷Märigeta) and archdeacon
receiving of Holy Orders (and consecration of (liqä diyaqonat; ÷diyaqon). Churches within a
the tabot) that required the personal presence of province would have had a liqä kahénat. The
the candidates or representatives of the different land-grant was divided among the clergy accord-
monastic institutions. Besides, the usual situa- ing to the position each was supposed to hold.
tion was that the metropolitans normally had The “founding” group that came from around
few possibilities to intervene in internal matters the country were known as tékl (lit. ‘planted’,
of monasteries and local churches or impose on ‘installed’). When members of this group died,
them any obligations; at the same time, however, their descendants were entitled to their property.
they were not due to provide them with regular If an inheritor was unable to provide service to
support. the church, because he or she was an absentee,
It is believed that, historically, the E.O.C. did untrained or was female, he or she was entitled
not have a central administration until it became to hire another to perform the service.
Src.: CRRicBerhan I, 23f., 114f.
autocephalous in the 20th cent. The issue, in fact,
Lit.: DillmZarY 45−53; SerHist; Getatchew Haile
has not been investigated in detail yet. While (ed., tr.), The Epistle of Humanity of Emperor Zärýa-
this assumption is particularly relevant for the YaŸéqob (Tomarä Tésbéýt), Louvain 1991 (CSCO 522, 523
churches (÷Churches and church administra- [SAe 95, 96]); Taddesse Tamrat, “Some Notes on the
tion), the monastic communities had a better Fifteenth-Century Stephanite ‘Heresy’ in the Ethiopian
Church”, RSE 22, 1966, 103−15; TadTChurch; Kurt
organization; in this respect, should be recalled Wendt, “Die theologischen Auseinandersetzungen in
the attempts of the 14th-cent. abunä ÷YaŸéqob. der äthiopischen Kirche zur Zeit der Reformen des XV.
He intended to build a monastic administration Jahrhunderts”, in: PICES 1, 137−46.
in the (mostly central and southern) provinces of Getatchew Haile – Denis Nosnitsin
the e mpire for their co-ordinated Evangeliza-
tion. At some periods the monastic congregations Church organization today
of Täklä Haymanot and Ewostatewos consisted Legal status
of a substantial number of communities under Under Òaylä Íéllase I, the legal status of the
the central (both religious and administrative) E.O.T.C. within the Ethiopian (Christian) state
authority – and they were particularly known was clearly fixed and implied in the Revised
for their effective internal administration. Constitution of Ethiopia of 1955 (chs. 126-27),
427
the Civil Code, the Penal Code and the Com- it became the name of both the Parish Regulation
mercial Code. According to these documents, and the E.O.T.C. official gazette). The purpose
the E.O.T.C. was “the established Church sup- of the parish council was proclaimed as giving
ported by the State”. The Church was not sepa- spiritual services, establishing schools, expand-
rated from the State. The State granted assistance ing the Christian faith, rendering social serv-
to the Church in many forms. The Church ices, improving the administration of the parish
organization and secular administration were to churches, maintaining and developing Church
be governed by law. The Emperor was acknowl- property and carrying out any other activities
edged as the protector of the Church and the related to the Church within its parish (cf. art. 5).
“Defender of the Orthodox Faith”. It had to co-operate with government and private
After the ÷Revolution of 1974, under the institutions to achieve its purposes (cf. art. 6). The
Därg, notwithstanding the switch of the official parish council was supposed to have an adminis-
ideology to Marxism-Leninism, neither could trative council, an administrator, a chief clerk and
the influence of the E.O.T.C. be brought down, other necessary staff (art. 7). The Qalä ŸAwadi
nor could its role in the society be drastically was revised in 1978 and, for the last time, in 1999,
diminished. Though the E.O.T.C. suffered sub- with some minor internal changes (e.g., the set or
stantial losses, many churches were built during names of the chart), without affecting the main
the Därg-period. In fact, the E.O.T.C. had to co- content and objectives: “… to strengthen the
operate with the Revolutionary government. In unity and organization of the Church”.
1975 and until 1977 the government intervened Through a stratified organization, the parish-
in the affairs of the E.O.T.C. by appointing a council system bound parishes to the Patriar-
provisional committee of archbishops, senior chate. The council of a parish church (÷Atbiya)
churchmen and civil servants in order to arbitrate became the basic unit, with a general council
in the dispute between two factions, the former composed of clergy and a large proportion of
patriarchal administration and the pro-change laity members (including women). The members
group. The co-operation between Church and were to meet in order to hear reports of the parish
State continues until today, even though accord- activities, to pass new decisions and to approve
ing to the 1994 Constitution (art. 27) Church and the parish budget. An executive council was
State were separated. composed of an equal number of elected clergy
and laymen and youth representatives. The
Internal structure general and the executive councils were chaired
In the time of the Patriarch abunä Basélyos the by the administrator of the parish church, who
governing body of the E.O.T.C. became the put into effect all the decisions of the executive
Holy Synod under the leadership of the Patri- council, with an elected lay person as vice-chair-
arch for religious affairs, and the Administrative man. The next council was organized on the sub-
Board for secular affairs. The Holy Synod’s district-(wäräda)level in a similar way. With the
decisions were implemented by the archbishops new administrative redivision of the country in
in each diocese through different administrative 1991 the wäräda unit had been abolished.
units such as youth and education, church treas- The district (awragga) Parish Council became
ury, and mission work. The Central Secretariat another representative body. It was composed
or Church Office (betä kahénat) was led by the of an equal number of elected clergy and la-
Chief Executive or Administrator General, ap- ity from each wäräda or then parish council,
pointed by the Emperor. with its proper executive council (chaired by
Another important reform was the creation of the liqä kahénat). The next was the Diocesan
parish councils; the Regulations of the Parish Ad- (RK:y F-gM, hagärä sébkät) Parish Council
ministration Council (or Parish Council) of the organized on the administrative regional basis.
E.O.T.C. were issued by the Holy Synod in 1972. The E.O.T.C. Parish Council General Assembly
This parish council was established as a body was to be composed of the Patriarch as chair-
under each diocesan administration. Its purpose, man, all members of the Holy Synod (that is, all
powers and duties, composition, financial and diocesan bishops and archbishops), the General
property administration and structure (Diocesan Administrator of the E.O.T.C. as general secre-
Council, General Assembly, etc.) were printed in tary, heads of the Patriarchate departments, the
the first issue of Qalä ŸAwadi (October 25, 1972; executive Secretary of the Development and
428
Inter-Church Aid Commission (DICAC), and Saint Paul’s Theological School and the ÷Holy
an equal number of clergy- and laymen – men, Trinity Theological College); the Ecclesiastical
women, youth – from each diocese. This assured Affairs Department; the Monastic Affairs De-
the widest possible direct participation for the partment; the Sunday School Department (since
laity in running the affairs of the Church along 1973); the Administration, Finance and Budget
with the clergy. Departments; the Registration and Preserva-
In 1974 the Parish Council Department was tion of the Ecclesiastical Treasury Department;
opened at the Patriarchate. It worked effectively the Planning and Development Department.
in 1981 (Ténsaýe, May-August 1982, 4) when the There were also Child and Family Affairs Or-
Parish Council began to be organized at all levels ganizations, dealing with orphans and destitute
(cp. The Gospel of Development 2, 1980, 43–46). children and a Rental House and Building Man-
As for the parish administrative council, it was agement Organization. Besides, an Ecclesiastical
gradually accepted by the hierarchy and finally, Vestment Production and Distribution Centre, a
with the consent of the Holy Synod, it was in- Centre for Ecclesiastical Objects of the Kullubi
tegrated into the (new) E.O.T.C. administrative Gabriel Monastery (÷Qullébi Gäbréýel), dealing
structure. In June 1983 the long-awaited first with the gifts from the pilgrims, and the Gofa
National Church Assembly (!/6q^y YA(jy Technical Training Centre were established.
u#DD_y L+% , attäqalay yäsäbäka mänfäsawi The Scholars’ Council (Yp6b#My L+%,
gubaýe), or General Assembly, was established yäliqawént gubaýe) was established to revise
by the joint effort of the Holy Synod and of the translations of GéŸéz books and check the doc-
new E.O.T.C. administration. In 1984, in the trine. The Ecclesiastical Court became responsi-
second General Assembly, the diocesan reports ble for theological, sacramental and ecclesiastical
show that a large amount of work was completed affairs; the task of the Legal Service was to repre-
and considerable progress was achieved in the sent the E.O.T.C. in the courts.
parish council programmes.
According to the statistics of the E.O.T.C., in Financial situation and income
2000, there were 32,537 local parish churches The 1942 Church Regulations included impor-
(excluding those of the ÷Diaspora), including tant stipulations about money of the Church,
“higher churches” (÷Däbr), rural churches taxes, fiefs and income. In accordance with
(÷Gätär) and monasteries (÷Gädäm); about it, a special fund for the administration of the
364,765 clergy (priests, deacons), teachers, can- E.O.T.C., with all the tax on Church land and
tors (÷Däbtära) and lay church workers. In other sources, was established in the State Treas-
2001 the Church was divided into 38 dioceses, ury. The patriarch, the archbishops and bishops,
sub-divided into districts. In 2002 there were 46 as well as some priests, received a salary. The
archbishops and bishops as members of the Holy nobility and faithful made donations. In 1972 the
Synod. The Holy Synod meets twice a year; un- Regulations of the Parish Council stipulated that
der the chairmanship of the Patriarch, it decides all funds of the parish church should be deposited
on the doctrinal positions of the Church and in a bank in the name of the parish church (Qalä
other subjects. The Permanent Synod (with the ŸAwadi, November 25, 1972, no. 11/5). After the
Patriarch, the Holy Synod Secretary, the General Revolution, in 1975 the Church properties, land
Secretary and three Bishops by turn every three and buildings were confiscated.
months) can discuss urgent matters. It was thought that through the Parish Coun-
Since the late 1970s, the organization of the cil organization the E.O.T.C. would be made
E.O.T.C. departments has remained more or less as self-sufficient as possible, with the help of
the same, with the exception that some units or the parishioners’ fees and the rest paid by the
departments have become “organizations” or E.O.T.C. central treasury. However, salaries for
“centres”. In 2002 there were ten departments the bishops and the functionaries were paid by
in the E.O.T.C.: the Parish Council Department the government until 1991. Through the parish
working for the organization of parish councils councils (at local and national levels) the income
on local and district level all over Ethiopia; the of the E.O.T.C. was allowed to run the parishes,
Evangelical and Missionary Department; the Ed- to pay the priests etc. After 1991 some of the
ucation Department (for traditional and modern Church properties (other than land), were given
schools, the Clergy training Centres [since 1972], back, and, consequently, the new Department
429
for Rental Houses and Buildings management 1974 preaching was done through the Lutheran
was established. This and the contributions of Radio Voice of the Gospel (opened in 1963; cp.
parishes are now the main sources of the Church ÷Broadcasting) and the national Radio Ethiopia.
income. In 2002, most of the clergy salaries were Both Church radio programmes were abolished
paid by the Church income; in the countryside after the Revolution. Today occasional special
priests still earn their living by farming. TV and radio programmes are given on festivals.
It is still customary for the faithful to give
offerings to the churches or monasteries on Educational and missionary activity
festivals; on baptisms, weddings and funerals; on Under the auspices and with the support of
prayers of commemoration of the dead (täzkar); the E.O.T.C., traditional Church education re-
and on meetings of ÷maòbär associations. mains vital in Ethiopia, maintaining instruction
in traditional subjects, from reading, church
Social activity music (÷Déggwa; ÷Zema) and sacred dances
From the mid 1960s, the E.O.T.C. began to be (÷Aqwaqwam), Liturgy (÷Qéddase), poetry
involved in development programmes: among (÷Qéne), to scriptural studies and commentar-
the first departments was the educational one ies on the sacred texts (÷Andémta, ÷Exegesis,
with its sections (for traditional education and ÷Térgwame).
establishment of modern schools). Through the The Theological School of the Holy Trinity,
Parish Council system, bishops and clergy were first opened in 1944, was established as the Holy
to be directly involved in the development work. Trinity Theological College in 1961 and in 1962
Besides, every church association (÷Maòbär; it became a Department of Òaylä ÍéllaseI Uni-
÷sänbate) had to conduct social activities help- versity; some modern schools were also opened.
ing the poor and needy. Under the Därg the Theological College was
In 1965 the Inter-Church Aid (ICA) was closed from 1974, then re-opened in 1994. Then
started with the collaboration of the World theological education continued to be given in
Council of Churches (WCC). In 1972 it be- the Theological School of St. Paul in Kolfe (one
came the Development and Inter-Church Aid of the sites of the Clergy Training Centre and
Commission (DICAC), established as a Church a place for higher traditional education). Some
organization involved in development, training modern schools were also opened; a famous and
and relief activities. After 1974 the focus was di- popular school is that of Mädòane ŸAläm in Séd-
rected to relief work (followed by rehabilitation dést Kilo, Addis Abäba.
programmes since 1986), training the clergy and Since 1972 the most important educational
organizing Sunday schools. In 1994 the diocesan programmes have been the clergy training-cen-
and the integrated development programmes tres. In 1963 the E.O.T.C. founded a mission
were established, with most of the financial help for fellowship, education and propagation of
coming from ecumenical Christian partners and Orthodox Christianity in Ethiopia. Since 2000
some humanitarian organizations. Rehabilitation E.O.T.C. Gospel-spreading councils inner mis-
programmes include focusing on health, educa- sion teams have been established in order the
tion, agriculture, afforestation, water-works, better to respond to foreign proselytism. The
grinding-mills, income-generating/food for E.O.T.C. is also engaged in external missionary
work, and orphanages. activities.
Today the E.O.T.C. newspapers, magazines
and publications are: Ténsaýe (‘Resurrection’), Mission and Diaspora
MaŸédot (‘Passover’), Zena Betä Kréstiyan (‘The Since 1952 the E.O.T.C. has received pastoral re-
News of the [Ethiopian Orthodox] Church’) and quests from people from the West Indies, British
Léssanä Täwahédo (‘The Voice of the Täwahédo Guyana, then from the United States (in 1959 a
[Church]’), previously called Démsä Täwahédo church was established in New York), England
(‘The Voice of Täwahédo [Church]’). For devel- and South Africa. Branches of the E.O.T.C. have
opment, there is The Gospel of Development, been established there and in other countries. In
now The Voice of Development and for Sun- 1952 an Ethiopian priest was sent to Trinidad.
day schools Fälägä Tébäb (‘The River of Wis- In 1972 an Archdiocese of the E.O.T.C. was
dom’). The E.O.T.C. has its own printing press established in Trinidad; the seat was moved to
(÷Ténsaýe zägubaýe). Before the Revolution of New York in 1979. In 1992 the archdiocese
430
was divided into four dioceses: West Indies and tion between the Orthodox, ecumenical Chris-
Latin America, North America (USA), Canada tian agencies (who provide a big part of the help)
and Europe. In 2001, in Europe, there were 14 and Muslims intensified.
parishes in eight countries (United Kingdom, After the Revolution of 1974, the relationship
with a resident priest since 1974, Germany, the with the WCC and with the AACC has remained
Netherlands, Sweden, Italy, Greece, Austria and positive, as long as it is based on the understand-
Switzerland). In 1990 an Ethiopian bishop was ing that the E.O.T.C. position concerning theol-
asked to visit the people of Protestant origin in ogy, ecclesiology and liturgy would be respected.
South Africa; in 2001, 33 of their parishes be- When the 1994 Constitution of Ethiopia (art.
came members of the E.O.T.C. In Africa, other 27) proclaimed freedom of religion, ecumenical
parishes of the E.O.T.C. have been established in relations worsened whe the missionaries began
the Sudan (Khartoum since 1940), in Kenya and to pursue open proselytism. As in the past, the
in Djibouti; in the Middle East (Lebanon) and in E.O.T.C. blames the missionaries for taking the
Australia (in Melbourne since 1991). Orthodox faithful away from their Church; it ar-
gues that they should not attempt to convert and
Attitudes to other confessions and western mis- re-baptize followers of the Orthodox faith.
sionaries; external relations The HIV/AIDS Campaign Centre was estab-
The E.O.T.C., which, as is stated in a number of lished in 2001, but, in fact, its work had begun
official documents, prefers to be called “non- a decade before. All religious denominations
Chalcedonian”, refuses to be designated as monitor this programme.
“monophysite” and keeps contacts with her sister The Foreign Relations Department of the
Oriental Orthodox churches (Coptic, Armenian, E.O.T.C. is in charge of foreign affairs in general;
Syrian Orthodox and Malankara from India). In it is in contact with the ecumenical movement,
1965 Òayle Íéllase organized in Addis Abäba a Ethiopian churches, congregations and mission-
Conference of the Oriental Orthodox churches ary activities abroad. Before the Därg period the
for re-empowering their ancestral unity. relations between the E.O.T.C. and Muslims were
The E.O.T.C. has ecumenical contacts with seemingly good. Since 1974, and even more since
the Eastern Orthodox Churches and with the the new Constitution of 1987, Muslims began to
Catholic and Protestant Churches. Prelates of assert their religious rights. For the coming years
these Churches pay official visits to the E.O.T.C. one of the important tasks of the E.O.T.C. ap-
and all the Ethiopian patriarchs also make ecu- pears tobe to keep a constant dialogue between
menical visits abroad. The E.O.T.C. is a member Christians and Muslims, to avoid problems and
of the WCC and, since 1963, of the All Africa tensions between the two communities.
Conference of Churches (AACC). The WCC
has given substantial assistance to E.O.T.C. re- Emergence of the Eritrean Orthodox Church
lief, rehabilitation and development programmes Following the political independence of Eritrea
through the Round Table programme of DI- in 1991, an Eritrean Orthodox Patriarchate was
CAC. installed in Asmära in 1998 with the consecra-
Observers and representatives of the E.O.T.C. tion of Patriarch Filéppos (d. 2002), replaced
were present in the Second Vatican Council by Patriarch YaŸéqob (d. 2003). In 2000 there
(1962–65) and in the Catholic Pro-Oriente were ten departments (following the E.O.T.C.
Foundation (Vienna) meetings (1971–99). Rela- model), plans for a library, a museum and a
tions with the Eastern Orthodox Chalcedonian theological school. In 2003 the Eritrean Church
churches are friendly (participation at Rhodes was accepted as a new member of the WCC. The
Conference 1961, Unofficial Dialogue since E.O.T.C. and the Eritrean Orthodox Church
1964, Official Dialogue since 1985). keep in contact.
From 1944 the activities of foreign missionar- ÷Bible; ÷Catholicism; ÷Church Buildings;
ies were regulated by a decree to ensure complete ÷Church Administration; ÷Christianity;
co-operation between the government and the ÷Christology; ÷Education; ÷GéŸéz Literature;
missions and to check that missionaries were ÷Land Tenure; Canon ÷Law; ÷Mary; ÷Mis-
working with non-Christian populations, and sions; ÷Monasteries; ÷Monasticism; ÷Pappas;
not towards converting the Ethiopian Orthodox. ÷Protestantism; ÷Qéddase; ÷Ritual; ÷Saints;
During periods of famine or war, the collabora- ÷Theology
431
Src.: interviews with abba Abärra Bäqqälä, the E.O.T.C. Ethiopian Patriotic Association ÷Hagär
Parish Council Departement head, Addis Abäba, January Féqér Tiyatér
2001; Abäbaw Yégzaw, General Secretary of the E.O.T.C.
(July 1981 – October 1988), London, September 17, 2003;
Mälaku Kéfle (WCC Uprooted Program and Interna- Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Party
tional Relations Team), Geneva, October 8, 2003; EOTC The E.P.R.P. (Y#M_1\y Bw+_y !-_K_y
Development and Inter-Church AID Department, Addis
Abäba 1990; Ecumenism in the EOTC, July 1997; Pa-
Y?J , Yäýityopya hézbawi abyotawi parti) was
triarchate of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo one of several Marxist-Leninist parties to grow
Church (ed.), The Church of Ethiopia: a Panorama of out of the radical Ethiopian Students Movement
History and Spiritual Life, Addis Ababa 1970 [repr. 1997]; of the late 1960s. Leadership originally came from
Id., The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church: Faith, a group of nine students who hijacked a plane to
Order of Worship and Ecumenical Relations, Addis Abäba
1988 A.M. [1996 A.D.]; Qalä ŸAwadi: the Voice of the Algeria in August 1969. They played a leading
Herald of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Regulation role in creating a Provisional Organising Com-
of the Parish Spiritual Council Improved and Published mittee for a working-class vanguard party in 1971.
for the Third Time in 1991 A.M., Addis Abäba 1991 A.M. The first congress of the party, using the name of
[1997/98 A.D.]; Nägarit Gazeta; Ténsaýe 3, 1, 1982; 6, 3,
1988; MaŸdot 1983–90; Interim Secretariat, Oriental
the Ethiopian Peoples Liberation Organization
Orthodox Conference (ed.), The Oriental Orthodox (E.P.L.O.), was held in April 1972. ÷Bérhanä
Churches Addis Ababa Conference, January 1965, Addis Mäsqäl Rädda was elected secretary-general. The
Ababa 1965. party adopted Mao’s theory of “New Democra-
Lit.: Aymro Wondmagegnehu – Joachim Motovu, cy”, supporting a people’s war and a united front
The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Abäba 1970;
Giulia Bonacci, The Ethiopian Orthodox Church and led by a vanguard party, and backed the “nation-
the State 1974–1991: Analysis of an Ambiguous Religious al” struggle in Eritrea. Others in the European
Policy, London 2000; Jacques Bureau, “L’Eglise, la and North American student unions supported a
nation et l’Etat éthiopiens”, in: Jean-Pierre Chrétien more gradual approach, arguing that Ethiopia was
et. al. (eds.), L’Invention religieuse en Afrique: histoire et
religion en Afrique noire, Paris 1993, 393–407; Christine
not ready for a revolution and condemning “left-
Chaillot, The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church ist adventurism”, such as hijacking.
Tradition, Paris 2002; Ead. – Alexander Belopolsky The February 1974 revolution came as much
(eds.), Towards Unity: the Theological Dialogue be- a surprise to the E.P.L.O. as to all the student
tween the Orthodox Church and the Oriental Orthodox
Churches, Geneva 1998; Mikael Doulos, “Christians in
proto-parties. With only a few militants in the
Marxist Ethiopia”, Religion in Communist Lands 14, 2, Confederation of Ethiopian Labour Unions
1986, 134–47; Archbishop Yesehaq, The Ethiopian Te- (C.E.L.U.) and the armed forces and only a
wahedo Church: an Integrally African Church, New York few members, mostly students, the E.P.L.O.
1989; Fikru Gebrekidan, “A Study of the EOTC and Its was unable to take even a vanguard leadership
Mission in the West Indies, 1935–74”, JES 34, 2001, 5–34;
Fred V. Göricke – Friedrich Heyer, “The Orthodox role. It was not until July 1974 that the paper
Church of Ethiopia as a Social Institution”, International Democracia – 8{l=C\ began to articulate the
Yearbook for Sociology of Knowledge and Religion 10, future E.P.R.P.’s policies, specifically calling for
1976, 198–241; Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthiopiens: a provisional popular government and rejecting
eine Bestandsaufname, Berlin – New York 1971 (Theo-
logische Bibliothek Töpelmann 22); Ephraim Isaac,
any alliance with the military council, the Därg
“Social Structure of the Ethiopian Church”, EthObs 14, (÷Provisional Military Administrative Council),
4, 1971, 240–88; Haile Mariam Larebo, “The EOTC which had appeared in June. In August, the ap-
and Politics in the Twentieth Century: Part II”, NEASt pearance of Democracia was followed by its rival
10, 1, 1988, 1–23; Id., “The Orthodox Church and the YAFby Bw-y ;ze (Yäsäffiw hézb déms, ‘The
State in the Ethiopian Revolution, 1974–84”, Religion in
Communist Lands 14, 2, 1986, 148–59; Kirstin Stoffre- Voice of the Masses’). This was a publication
gen-Pedersen, Les Ethiopiens, Turnhout 1990; Selemon from the future All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement
Meharenna, The Ethiopian Way to Socialism, Rome 1980 (better known under its Amharic acronym mäýi-
[esp. ch. 9]; Calvin E. Schenk, The Development of the son, in Latin letters spelt “MEISON”), prepared
EOTC and its Relationship with the Ethiopian Govern-
ment from 1930 to 1970, Ph.D. thesis, New York Univer- to give qualified support to the take-over of the
sity 1972; Id., “Church and State in Ethiopia: from Monar- revolution by the military.
chy to Marxism”, Mission Studies 11, 2 [22], 1994, 203–26; During 1974, Democracia acquired significant
Haile Leul Siyoum, The Ecclesio-social Role of the Parish support within the labour movement and among
Council in the Reorganisation of the EOTC, M.A. thesis,
Addis Ababa University, June 1990; Ernst Suttner, “Or-
students and membership of the party grew
thodoxy and Catholicism in Ethiopia: the Challenge of sharply. Other intellectual Marxist groups from
Inculturation”, Missionalia 23, 1, 1995, 108–29. the University joined, including the authors of
Christine Chaillot the paper !-_M (Abyot, ‘Revolution’). Between
432
Ethiopian studies
them, Democracia and Abyot played a signifi- Externally, the E.P.R.P. has been involved in a
cant role in defining the revolution in 1974–75, number of attempts to set up a unified oppostion
though they were less successful in solving their to the E.P.R.D.F., even allying itself with its old
own internal disputes on tactics and strategy. rival mäýison in 1991 to create the Coalition of
Central to these was a debate over whether to Ethiopian Democratic Forces, C.O.E.D.F. (Yäýit-
concentrate on a protracted rural armed conflict, yopya dämokrasiyawi hayloóó qénéggét). Promi-
which the E.P.R.P. launched in 1975, or on an nent figures in the E.P.R.P. today include Märša
urban armed struggle to overthrow the military Yosef, the first chairman of C.O.E.D.F., and, in
government and set up a popular government led Europe, Iyasu ŸAlämayyähu. In 2003 the E.P.RP.
by a vanguard party. This proved a critical ele- participated in the Washington conference which
ment in the party split in 1976. The party finally set up the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces,
took the name the E.P.R.P. in August 1975 when U.E.D.F., a grouping of 15 opposition parties.
it went public with its programme following a Lit.: Randi Rønning Balsvik, Haile Selassie’s Students:
party conference in July. Other changes included the Intellectual and Social Background to Revolution
1952–1974, East Lansing, MI 1985; Fentahun Tiruneh,
the appointment of Täsfaye Däbässay as party
The Ethiopian Students: their Struggle to Articulate the
secretary. Ethiopian Revolution, Chicago 1990; Kiflu Tadesse, The
The question of which group would form a van- Generation: the History of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolu-
guard party dominated the intellectual debate in tionary Party, 2 vols., Silver Spring 1993, 1998; Legesse
1975/76; the claims of the E.P.R.P. and MEISON Lemma, “The Ethiopian Student Movement 1960–74”,
NEASt 1, 2, 1979, 31–46; John Markakis – Nega Ayele,
were challenged by other groups which later cre- Class and Revolution in Ethiopia, Nottingham 1978.
ated the Därg’s Workers Party of Ethiopia (Yäýit- Patrick Gilkes
yopya íärratäññoóó parti). The E.P.R.P.’s chance of
success came in late 1976 shortly after it launched
its armed urban struggle. A reorganization lim- Ethiopian studies
ited the power of the Därg’s first Vice-chairman, E.s. is a term used to characterize the field of
Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam and strengthened the scholarly and academic community involved in
position of the E.P.R.P. supporters in the Därg; specific research on the ÷Orbis Aethiopicus.
but they proved insufficiently ruthless and two Roughly can be distinguished a “classical” from
months later, in February 1977, Mängéítu carried a “wider” acception of E.s. “Classical” E.s.
out his own putsch, executing his opponents. He comprise the disciplines of philology/linguistics,
followed this up by launching the “Red Terror”, history and ethnography, as well as (history of)
first using MEISON against the E.P.R.P. and then theology and history of arts, represented by
turning it against MEISON. scholars who developed in European universi-
The E.P.R.P. was virtually annihilated in urban ties a particular research interest in the Horn of
areas. At the same time it was also forced out Africa and the Ethiopian Highland in particular.
of Tégray by the ÷Tigray Peoples Liberation Still today, there exists a certain emphasis on the
Front (T.P.L.F.). A number of leading figures study of written sources, resulting in a central
did manage to escape abroad and, although the role of philology (text editions, text criticism and
EPRP was left with minimal political capacity interpretation). Vital also are such aid-disciplines
and suffered from a number of damaging splits, as epigraphy, manuscript studies, and diplomat-
it retained a potent name and reputation both in ics.
and out of Ethiopia. Internally, some survivors The “wider” concept of E.s. is characterized
from the rural armed struggle set up the Ethio- by a stronger interest in contemporary issues. It
pian Peoples Democratic Movement, E.P.D.M. developed as a hybrid of early academic efforts
(Yäýityopya hézboóó demokrasiyawi néqénnaqe), of Ethiopian intellectuals with a Western educa-
later the Amhara National Democratic Move- tion who strove to understand better their soci-
ment, A.N.D.M. (Yäbéherä Amhara demokrasi- ety, and of European scholars who increasingly
yawi néqénnaqe), to join with the T.P.L.F. in the engaged multidisciplinary approaches in their
Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic attempts to study Ethiopian society in more
Front, E.P.R.D.F. (Yäýityopya hézboóó abyotawi systematic ways.
demokrasiyawi génbar). Another organization, Since the 1980s, the role of such younger sub-
Forum 84, appeared in 1991 to participate in the areas of E.s. as, e.g., the social sciences, including
post-1991 political dispensation in Addis Abäba. political science, has been increasing. The range
433
Ethiopian studies
of issues presented at international conferences began to perform long sea voyages looking for a
has meanwhile become very broad: beside the maritime way to ÷India – first from Italy (÷Bar-
social sciences and the “classical” issues it ex- toli; ÷Rombulo, later from ÷Portugal). The
tended to environmental and development stud- travellers reported about great richness of the
ies as well as to education and medical care. newly discovered lands, as well as of Christians
E.s. is a mainly geographically-defined field surrounded by Muslims. The documents of the
of the humanities. Its object of research may be time bear witness to the western powers’ aspira-
generally understood as being the culture(s), the tion to extent the papal sphere of influence (cp.
history (histories) and the languages of Ethiopia, the letter exchange between Ethiopian rulers and
Eritrea and the Horn of Africa in general. Schol- the Pope, e.g., in Uhlig – Bühring 1994:93–106)
arly fields “akin” to E.s., as, e.g., Somali Studies, and to the Christianity vs. Islam controversies,
Islamic Studies, and to a certain degree, Nubian with the blockade of Vienna by the Turks as their
and Sudan Studies contribute to the understand- peak (s. Ludolf’s letter to the Ethiopian nation
ing of that area. written on behalf of Emperor Leopold I in 1683,
The latest political developments led to the in- the year of the Turkish blockade, in van Donzel
troduction of Eritrean Studies, which inherited 1974:226–38; Uhlig 1983:284–93).
its sub-areas, objects and methods of research The first encounters to have lasting effects
from the E.s. but defines their geographical were those between European and Ethio-
scope with the borders of the Eritrean state and pian Christians in Jerusalem (÷Dayr as-Sultan).
concentrates on the socio-political developments Ethiopian clerics were officially present for the
of the latter after its independence (cf. Irma Tad- first time at the Council of ÷Florence in the
dia 2002:135ff.). 15th cent.; and, soon after, established themselfes
at the Roman monastery of ÷Santo Stefani dei
The development of E.s. in Europe Mori. This marked the beginning of a scholarly
The cultural region of the Orbis Aethiopicus has discussion.
long attracted extraordinary interest from Euro- Reports on Ethiopia enjoyed great interest in
peans (÷Europe, relations with). Early mentions Europe. Printed travel itineraries and accounts of
and reports (e.g., Homer, ÷Herodotus, Philo; expeditions during the 16th cent. (s. ÷Almeida;
÷Greek literature) date back to classical times ÷Alvares; da ÷Gama, de ÷Gois) enjoyed wide-
and continue during Aksumite and post-Aksum- spread diffusion, with several re-editions along
ite times (cf. ÷Periplus of the Erythraean Sea; with translations into the most important Euro-
÷Cosmas Indicopleustes). The ÷Prester John pean languages (cp. Uhlig – Bühring 1994:34).
legend, which finally placed the mysterious king In the 16th–17th cent., mutual intellectual inter-
in this area, is yet another evidence of the latter’s est between Ethiopians and Europeans found
strong appeal throughout the centuries. their expression in active letter exchange. The
The area also acquired biblical references. A letters sent to Ethiopia bear evidence of Euro-
land of Cush (÷Kush) is mentioned over 20 centrism. Ethiopian rulers are in the first place
times in the Old Testament. In the Septuagint, the interested in cultural and intellectual exchange,
word was translated into Greek as ÷Aithiopía, in technological innovations; however, what
which was in turn often associated with Ethiopia they get are mostly clerics in search of new bases
but also with the whole or parts of Africa (for the on their way to India, new missionary domains
different geographical conceptions s. also ÷Car- to ensure the extension of the Roman Catholic
tography, ÷Abyssinia). In the Bible, the Paradise control and area of its influence as well as of new
itself is placed in the Nubian-Ethiopian area (s. colonies.
Gen 2:13; ÷Gihon). Two of the biblical passages The 17th cent. witnessed the first large-scale
(the narration of the Queen of Saba and Solomon intensive intellectual exchange focused on the
in 1 King 10:1–13 and of the “Ethiopian” eunuch history, geography and languages of the area
in Acts 8:26–40) became traditionally associated (÷Jesuits). Such a cultural contact ended up in
with the Ethio-Eritrean area. All this added a the eviction of the Catholic emissaries and, for
religious motif to the profane interest, thus in- the Ethiopians, in their century-long renun-
creasing the force of attraction of this region. ciation of Catholic Europe. Nevertheless, it was
The historic horizon opened wide in the enough to inspire scholarly discourse which re-
second half of the 15th cent. when Europeans sulted in Hiob ÷Ludolf’s research activity.
434
Ethiopian studies
Ludolf was the first Orientalist to write schol- farmers, or by rulers who wanted to strengthen
arly on Ethiopia. Basing mostly on the data he their power by propagating their successes in
could obtain through his informant ÷Gorgoryos securing social and economic progress, law and
he completed works dealing with natural sci- justice – or victory and peace in foreign relations.
ences, geographical and anthropological topics, Later scientific contacts were established in the
languages, culture and religion. Ludolf thus lay extension of diplomatic and political co-opera-
the foundation stone for the “classical” E.s. and tion to Europe, in the service of the emperors’
with his broad interest he also anticipated the ambitions to claim a position as peers to Euro-
wider range of modern E.s. pean rulers.
The late 18th and early 19th cent. was a time
of expansion for Oriental studies and, espe- Ethiopian studies as established discipline
cially, Semitic studies. Thus, ÷GéŸéz and (later) Already at the Paris international congress of
÷Amharic became important objects of re- orientalists in 1891 René ÷Basset presented an
search. Soon thereafter, ÷Oromiffa and, in the account on the progresses E.s. had made (Conti
20th cent., other languages of the region came Rossini 1946:1); the new long account by Conti
under the spotlight. Along with dictionaries, Rossini (1897) for the years 1894–97 at a later
grammars and language descriptions, manuscript congress was emblematic of the rapidly increas-
catalogues and text editions formed the base of ing progress of the research. At the turn of the
E.s. Beside other motivations, language studies century and in the decades before and after the
were supported by missionary interests. Con- first world war, “classical” E.s. reached one of
sequently the growing language proficiency al- their highest point, both within the framework
lowed ÷Bible translations into many Ethiopian of related studies on the Christian Orient as a
languages. whole (fostered by the discovery and publica-
Starting from the late 18th cent., travellers and tion of a huge number of new texts), and in that
explorers played, alongside with scholars, a sig- of comparative and historical linguistics, Semitic
nificant role in the shaping of E.s. The popular and non-Semitic, as well as of history, ethnogra-
travel accounts by James ÷Bruce and Henry phy and anthropology. Moreover, it is in the first
÷Salt as well as the exploratory and scholarly half of the 20th cent. that E.s. emerged de facto
contributions by the d’÷Abbadie brothers and as a field of its own through the works of some
Werner ÷Munzinger deserve a special mention of the most outstanding scholars (Littmann,
here. The pioneering philological works by such Conti Rossini, Cerulli). We may argue whether
scholars as August ÷Dillmann, Ignazio ÷Guidi, the theoretical premise about the existence of
Carlo ÷Conti Rossini and Enrico ÷Cerulli ori- a cultural and historical unity of the field was
ented by large the further development of the clear in their mind or not, and whether politi-
discipline, and so did the Aksum- and North cal circumstances had some influence on that: it
Ethiopia-related archaeological and histori- remains true, however, that these scholars were
cal contributions by Enno ÷Littmann and the determined to study the Orbis Aethiopicus area
÷Deutsche Aksum Expedition. as a whole and therefore, in all possible perspec-
From the beginning of the 20th cent. onward, tives. Yet the term E.s. probably became fully
the Ethiopian rulers have been sending con- established with the first ÷International Con-
siderable numbers of students to European ference of Ethiopian Studies in Rome in 1959, a
universities. Upon their return, not only did meeting of almost exclusively European scholars
these students initiate research and educational of ancient and medieval history, Christian reli-
activities in natural sciences or applied technolo- gious texts, and Semitic languages. The Italian
gies, but also founded institutions for research in initiators understood it as an intellectual peace
Ethiopian languages, literatures, culture, history move, 18 years after the end of the Italian oc-
and theology. Diplomatic and scholarly contacts cupation of Ethiopia, a hand stretched out from
called attention over such youngest fields within Europe to Ethiopia. Essentially it was devoted
E.s., as, e.g., human anthropology, environmental to Ethiopia as seen from a European academic
geography, political and social sciences. perspective, largely confined to the “classical”
Early Ethiopian scholarly attempts were most- disciplines of E.s.
ly motivated by religious interest in making the The creation of the ÷Institute of Ethiopian
Gospel more understandable to a population of Studies in 1963, the early days of Haile Selassie I
435
Ethiopian studies
University (÷Addis Ababa University), offered (Orientalia and Orientalia Christiana Periodica)
such efforts a meeting point, both physically, a number of contributions concerned with E.s.
in the former palace of the Emperor, and aca- In France, E.s. (études éthiopiennes) are in the
demically, with its publications and lectures and first place cultivated at the ÷Institut National des
seminars, its library, its museum and its research Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO)
efforts. With practice in the Institute, the focus in Paris, where courses in Ethiopian languages
gradually shifted towards adding more contem- and, occasionally, literature and culture, have
porary and more Ethiopian perspectives to the been offered since 1898. The University of Paris-
original emphasis on historical and linguistic I La Sorbonne, the Centre des Recherches Afri-
studies. Impatience with the slow pace of such caines and the research institutes of the Centre
shifts may be one of the roots for creating the Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique enhance
Institute of Development Research as a compet- and complete the offer in E.s. in France.
ing forum within the University for cross-disci- In the United Kingdom, E.s. resources have
plinary research on contemporary issues in the been concentrated at the ÷School of Oriental
social sciences, including economics, history and African Studies (SOAS) of London Uni-
and geography. The Conferences of E.s., held versity since its formation in 1916. The SOAS
since 1978 bi-annually, since 1991 tri-annually staff and students work in the field of Ethiopian
(every third in Addis Abäba), bring together linguistics and philology but also history and
scholars from different disciplines engaged in culture of the Horn of Africa.
research in a wide range of topics, with a shared The Oriental Faculty of the St. Petersburg
interest in life in Ethiopia in the present and State University has offered courses in E.s.
past. Increasingly, E.s. moves towards fitting (Efiopistka) since late 19th cent. (s. also Boris
a definition of inter-disciplinary research on ÷Turaiev). Its library resources are enhanced by
topics of relevance for the Horn of Africa in the manuscript and document collections of the
contemporary and historical context. [For more Museum of Anthropology and of the Oriental
information on the different sub-areas of E.s., s. Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
÷research.] The Institute of Oriental Studies at Warsaw
University has been offering courses in various
Research institutions aspects of E.s. since the 1950s (s. also ÷Strelcyn).
Institutionally, E.s. appear on the scene only at the The aforementioned ÷Institute of Ethiopian
turn of the 20th cent. An important impulse came Studies (IES) of Addis Ababa University was
at that time from colonial interests. formed in 1963. Its agglomerated resources in-
In the beginning of the 20th cent., Italian co- clude a library, large manuscript and microfilm
lonial officials had to be prepared to be sent to collection as well as numerous photographs and
the Ethio-Eritrean region. Political and scholarly anthropological items.
interests met to produce the ÷Istituto Coloniale In Germany, the ÷Frobenius-Institut in
Italiano. A centre of research on the Orient in Frankfurt am Main, whose origins go back to
general and Ethiopia in particular is the ÷Istituto 1898, has contributed much to anthropologi-
Universitario Orientale in Naples (today cal research into the region. The University of
Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”). Mainz deals mainly with research into languages
The Institute offer covers regional history and (Semitic Studies Department) and anthropol-
archaeology, languages and literature(s), an- ogy (Department of Anthropology and African
thropology and theology. The Istituto Italiano Studies). E.s. (Äthiopistik) have been institu-
per l’Africa e l’Oriente in Rome (heir of two tionalized at Hamburg University since 1968
former institutions: Istituto Italo-Africano and (Department of African and Ethiopian Studies),
the Istituto per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente) with history, philology and religion as the core
and several Italian universities offer possibilities areas of research.
of inquiry into E.s. Among the pontificial insti- Established in 1960, the African Studies Cent-
tutions in Rome, the Pontifical Biblical Institute er at Michigan State University is one important
Pontifical Biblical Institute and the Pontifical Éthiopisant institution in the USA. The focus of
Biblical Institute must be mentioned for having research is formed by early modern and modern
hosted in their series (the Analecta Orientalia history as well as social and political studies.
and Orientalia Christiana Analecta) and journals Quest into the languages and ethnography of
436
Ethiopian studies
the Ethio-Eritrean region is carried out at the mainly contributed works relevant for modern
University of California. history; in 2004 the Journal of Eritrean Studies,
More recently, E.s. have become home in published at Asmära University, was started.
several universities in Japan, in particular Kyoto Also the irregular periodical Nubica (later: Nu-
University with its Centre for African Area bica et Aethiopica) contributed articles to E.s.
Studies; the main fields of inquiry are linguistics
2. Publication series
and anthropology.
Few scholarly monographic series specialize in
Research media E.s. Since 1903, text-editions (rarely with critical
Besides standard research tools such as diction- apparatus) with translations have been appear-
aries, grammars and manuscript-collection cata- ing in the sub-series Scriptores Aethiopici of the
logues, the following regular publications form ÷Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Oriental-
the base material of E.s.: ium. The over-100 volumes published so far form
a fundamental corpus of Ethiopian hagiography
1. Periodicals and theology. Several important chronicles have
The French journals ÷Aethiopica − Revue Phi- also appeared in the series. Since the same year
lologique (1933−36) and ÷Aethiops (1922−38) the series Patrologia orientalis (editions of patris-
concentrated on topics from Ethiopian litera- tic and related texts) has greatly contributed with
ture, manuscript studies and GéŸéz grammar. 36 volumes of text editions with translations (the
Since its foundation in 1941, the Italian critical edition of the Sénkéssar is published
÷Rassegna di Studi Etiopici (RSE) has been there).
covering all classical themes of E.s. including The ÷Aethiopistische Forschungen have been
archaeology, history, linguistics, religion and published since 1977. The series focuses on
philology. It also features book reviews. The investigations in history and philology. It also
Centro di Studi Etiopici (today’s Library of the includes works on linguistics, anthropology,
Pavoni Social Centre), Asmära, was publishing culture and the arts.
the Quaderni di Studi Etiopici, under the direc- In 1992 the monographic series Studi african-
tion of Fr. Ezio Tonini (vols. 1−7, 1980−86). istici. Serie etiopica was called into existence. Its
The French ÷Annales d’Éthiopie (AE) deal scholarly focus lies in but is not limited to philo-
with topics from palaeontology and archaeology logical research. Other themes covered include
to philology and history. Book reviews are a typ- archaeology and linguistics.
ical section. The journal has appeared regularly Occasionally, works on E.s. appear in the series
since 1955 (with a break from 1990 till 2000). ÷Studien zur Kulturkunde (anthropology and
Topics in classical E.s., namely history, lan- modern history). The series Mare Erythraeum
guage, literature, religion and culture, have been (Germany), Nubica et Aethiopica (Poland, Ger-
the programme of the Ethiopian ÷Journal of many) and Meroitica. Schriften zur altsudane-
Ethiopian Studies (JES) since its first issue in sischen Geschichte und Archäologie (Germany) all
1963. Lately, the periodical has included an in- have published works relevant for E.s.
creasing number of research papers in the “new”
disciplines within E.s., such as social, environ- 3. Proceedings of the International Conferences
mental, political and educational studies. In 2004 of Ethiopian Studies
the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, The Proceedings of the triennial International
founded in the USA, has started to publish arti- Conferences of E.s. are an important documen-
cles on scholarly and modern issues. tation for recent activities in E.s. Apart from
Starting from 1978, the American ÷Northeast offering a large number of individual research
African Studies (NeASt) has included inquiries results, they also indicate new trends within the
into modern history, the social sciences and lin- discipline and document developments in meth-
guistics available to the Ethiopisant community. odology.
The German annual journal Aethiopica. Inter- Lit.: Jon Gerrit Abbink, Ethiopian Society and His-
national Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Stud- tory: a Bibliography of Ethiopian Studies, 1957−1990,
ies was founded in 1998. The articles deal with Leiden 1991; Bahru Zewde et al., “From Lund to Addis
Ababa: a Decade of Ethiopian Studies”, JES 27, vol. 1, 21;
linguistics, philology, history, religion(s), tradi- Ulrich Braukämper, “Der Beitrag der deutschen Eth-
tional art and culture, as well as anthropology. In nologie zur Äthiopien-Forschung”, Orbis Aethiopicus 2,
the 1990s the Review of Eritrean Studies (USA) 2000, 159−70; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Rapport sur les
437
Ethiopian studies
progrès des études éthiopiennes depuis le dernier Congrès 1. In America, especially in the USA and
(1894−1897)”, in: Actes du Onzième Congrès Internatio- Jamaica, Ethiopian movements were founded
nal des Orientalistes. Paris-1897. Quatrième section. Hé-
breu − phénicien − araméen − éthiopien − assyrien, Paris by descendants of the victims of the transat-
1898, 27-66; Id., “Pubblicazioni etiopistiche dal 1936 al lantic slave trade (÷Slavery). These movements
1945”, RSE 4, 1946, 1−132; Emeri van Donzel, “Two were a response to the oppression and racial
Ethiopian Letters of Job Ludolf”, Bibliotheca Orientalis segregation they suffered in white-dominated
31, 1974, 226−38; Eike Haberland, “Hiob Ludolf,
societies, giving expression to the appreciation
Father of Ethiopian Studies in Europe”, in: PICES 3,
vol. 1, 131−36; Ernst Hammerschmidt, Äthiopistik an of Ethiopia’s ancient civilization, the longing of
deutschen Universitäten, Wiesbaden 1968, 16–21, 70ff.; the “Black Diaspora” for their “ancestral home”
Maria Rait — Vladimir Vigand, “Genesis of the and an appeal to “black brotherhood”. E. was a
Ethiopian Studies and its Future Trends”, in: PICES continuation of earlier repatriation movements
13, vol. 1, 1997, 242-46; Lanfranco Ricci, “Ethiopian
Studies: What To-day?”, in: PICES 13, vol. 3, 189−94; such as the Back-to-Africa emigration of Afro-
Irma Taddia, “Modern Ethiopia and Colonial Eritrea”, Americans to Sierra Leone (1787) or Liberia
Aethiopica 5, 2002, 125−38; Edward Ullendorff, The (1821). Politically, E. gained fresh impetus after
Ethiopians, Oxford ³1973 [repr. Stuttgart 1990]; Siegbert Ethiopia defeated the Italian colonizers in 1896
Uhlig, Hiob Ludolfs “Theologia Aethiopica”, Stuttgart
at ÷ŸAdwa: the Christian African kingship un-
1983 (AeF14), 284−93; Siegbert Uhlig − Gernot Büh-
ring, Damian de Góis’ Schrift über Glaube und Sitten der the “Lion of Judah”, “King of Kings” be-
der Äthiopier, Wiesbaden 1999 (AeF 39), 93−106 (text) came a symbol of Africa’s emancipation. These
= 195−207 (tr.); Enno Littmann, “Stand und Aufgaben dimensions were stressed by Marcus Garvey
der deutschen Erforschung Abessiniens”, in: Beiträge (Garveyism) and ÷Rastafarianism in the 20th
zur Arabistik, Semitistik und Islamwissenschaft, Leipzig
1944, 67−84; Eike Haberland − Lanfranco Ricci − cent. after ÷Òaylä Íéllase I was crowned in 1930.
Paolo Marrassini, “Studi di Etiopistica”, in: Atti del E. in America, with its emphasis on political and
Convegno. Gli studi africanistici in Italia dagli anni ’60 cultural aspects, had much in common with Pan-
ad oggi. Roma, 25−27 giugno 1985, Roma 1986, 147−73; Africanism and Afro-centrism.
Hartmut Bobzin, “Miszellen zur Geschichte der Äthio-
2. In (South) Africa the term “E.” was coined
pistik”, in: Wolfgang Heinrichs − Gregor Schoeler
(eds.), Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag. by religious groups from about 1880 onwards,
Semitische Studien unter besonderer Berücksichtigung although the phenomenon it describes may be
der Südsemitistik, 2 vols., Beirut 1994 (Beiruter Texte und older; some claim precursors in the Congo-re-
Studien 54), vol. 1, 82−101; Manfred Kropp, “From Ma- gion as early as the 17th cent. It refers to African
nuscripts to the Computer: Ethiopic Studies in the Last
150 Years”, in: K.J. Cathcart (ed.), The Edward Hincks Christians who split from European and Ameri-
Bicentenary Lectures, Dublin 1994, 117−35; Piotr O. can mission societies or churches. The separa-
Scholz (ed.), Von Hiob Ludolf bis Enrico Cerulli. Halle tions rejected European theological paternalism,
an der Saale 3.-5. Oktober 1996. Akten der 2. Tagung der as well as political discrimination.
Orbis-Aethiopicus-Gesellschaft zur Erhaltung und För-
The Old Testament contains prophecies about
derung der äthiopischen Kultur, Warszawa − Wiesbaden
2001 (Bibliotheca nubica et aethiopica) [Lit.], passim; the faithfulness of ÷Kush, the ancient name for
Rainer Voigt (ed.), Die äthiopischen Studien im 20. the Nile Valley south of Egypt, identified in
Jahrhundert/Ethiopian Studies in the 20th Century: Akten Greek translations with Ethiopia (÷Aithiopia;
der internationalen äthiopischen Tagung Berlin 22. bis cp. Ps 68:32: “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her
24. Juli 2000, Aachen 2003 (Semitica et Semitohamitica
Berolinensia 2). hands unto God …”). In the New Testament,
Siegbert Uhlig Ethiopia is mentioned in Acts 8:27, where the
story of the conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch
is meant to explain the founding of the Church
Ethiopianism in Africa. Most African Churches which incor-
The term “E.” refers to Ethiopia as a symbol of porated the term “Ethiopian” in their name,
early African Christianity and civilization, as well explicitly claimed to be successors to this early
as to Africa’s political and cultural independence African evangelization.
from colonial hegemony. It implies a mixture of The first “Ethiopian Churches” in southern
religious, political and cultural objectives and Africa were local initiatives restricted by their
ideals claimed by Africans and Afro-Americans. ethnic and linguistic background. They spread,
However, none of the movements connected to however, as labourers migrated. The refusal of
E., either in Africa or America, had much con- European missionaries to ordain African evange-
nection to Ethiopia. Instead the country was lists was a main reason for secession. Africans re-
often referred to as representing all of Africa. mained second-class pastors under the paternal-
438
Ethiopianism
istic auspices of the missionaries. Despite their
declared aim of creating autonomous indigenous
churches, the missionaries considered it to be too
soon and presumed their black colleagues would
“fall back into heathenism” if they were given in-
dependence. The Ethiopian movements also had
political aims, such as equal access to land and
education or the right to vote. After 1912 these
political concerns were assimilated into the Afri-
can National Congress (ANC; Krüger 1989:13).
The first South African Ethiopian Church was
founded in the Transkei by Nehemia Tile. His
Thembu Church seceded from the Wesleyan
Methodist Church in 1883. At the same time Political Ethiopianism in the USA: Afro-Americans
Mbiyana Ngidi broke away from the American demonstrating for union between Eritrea, Somalia and
Zulu Mission; Martin Sebushane and others left Ethiopia, identifying it with self-determination; United
Nations’ Headquarter at Lake Success; from Pankhurst −
the Berlin Mission Society, setting up the Bapedi
Pankhurst 1953: 232, pl. XXV
Lutheran Church in 1890. The first who explic-
itly used the name “Ethiopian Church of South as ÷“Abyssinia”. None of these plans came to
Africa” was Mangena Mokone, who founded fruition, however.
a church with that name in 1892 later to be led Ethiopian-style Churches emerged elsewhere in
by James Mata Dwane. Many of the new leaders Africa, such as the United Native African Church
had been educated in the elite schools of mission in Nigeria, founded in 1891 by African Christians
societies and churches in South Africa and/or who had separated from the Anglican Church.
abroad: Pambani Jeremiah Mzimba, for instance, 3. The phenomenon of the Ethiopian Church-
studied at the Free Church of Scotland Institute in es was succeeded by the emergence of African
Lovedale, was ordained in 1875, studied in Glas- Independent Churches (AIC), which separated
gow, broke away from the church in 1898 and from the mission churches for similar reasons at
founded the Presbyterian Church of Africa. the beginning of the 20th cent. It is impossible to
The Ethiopian churches in South Africa came distinguish clearly between the two types of Af-
in contact with Afro-American churches at an rican Churches. Sundkler in 1948 made the first
early stage. For many years, Mokone and Dwane attempt to differentiate between Ethiopian and
were close to the African Methodist Episcopal Zionist types of Independent Churches; in 1961
(AME) Church, which had broken away from he added a third type of Messianic/Charismatic
the Methodist church in 1816 in protest at the churches. Turner followed with his approach in
worsening situation of slaves in the USA. The 1967. Differences are defined politically or in
AME had a strong missionary impetus, send- terms of the role of the founder. All classifica-
ing missionaries to Liberia as early as 1821. In tions are to some extent controversial, however,
1896 the link between the two churches led to because in reality the phenotypes blend into one
the Ethiopian Church of South Africa uniting another. At any rate, Ethiopian Churches are –
with the AME. Renamed the “AME Church apart from the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo
in Africa”, their pastors were ordained by the Church – the oldest type of churches founded
American bishop Turner, who travelled through by African Christians. Nowadays E. is therefore
South Africa in 1898. This close co-operation rather used as a historical term, whereas AIC is
gave more than 1,000 South Africans the oppor- the general term used to refer to the current most
tunity to study in the USA. Dwane later seceded dynamic phenomena in African Christianity.
again from the AME and founded the Ibandla The term “African Independent Churches” is
Lase Tiyopia (‘Order of Ethiopia’), which united contentious. It stresses the secession of African
with the Anglican Church in 1900. Despite the Christians from missionaries and tends to reduce
name, with its symbolic reference to Ethiopia, AICs to a reaction against European mission
the only connection Dwane’s initiative had to the work instead of respecting them as expressions
country Ethiopia was his plans to visit ÷Ménilék of genuine autonomous African spirituality
II and to expand his church via Rhodesia as far (Irving – Poewe 1997:53). Today the terms “Af-
439
Ethiopianism
rican Instituted Churches” or “African Initiated Sundkler – Christopher Steed, A History of the
Churches” are preferred. The AICs comprise Church in Africa, Cambridge 2000; Bingham Tembe, In-
tegrationismus und Afrikanismus: zur Rolle der kirchlichen
a wide range of religious movements and or- Unabhängigkeitsbewegung in der Auseinandersetzung um
ganizations with similar characteristics, such as die Landfrage und die Bildung der Afrikaner in Südafrika,
emancipation from white discrimination, colo- 1880–1960, Frankfurt am Main – Bern – New York 1985
nialism and paternalism, as well as theological (Studien zur Interkulturellen Geschichte des Christentums
indigenization or “inculturation” (liturgy, dress, 36); Harold Turner, African Independent Church,
2 vols., Oxford 1967; Werner Ustorf, Afrikanische
the use of African names etc.). They differ in the Initiative: das aktive Leiden des Propheten Simon Kim-
importance of their founders, visions, dreams, bangu, Frankfurt am Main – Bern – New York 1975; Ras
healing and purification rites, missionary zeal, Makonnen [former name: George Thomas Nathaniel
tongues, various taboos and pilgrimage. They Griffith], Pan-Africanism from within, recorded, ed. by
overlap, too, with different types of Pentecos- Kenneth King, Oxford – Nairobi 1973; Estelle Sylvia
Pankhurst – Richard Keir Pethick Pankhurst, Ethio-
tal churches, most of the latter having similar pia and Eritrea: the Last Phase of the Reunion Struggle,
characteristics, but being imported from North 1941–1952, Woodford Green 1953, 232, pl. XXV.
America at a later stage. Andrea Schultze
The AICs are growing rapidly in Africa today.
Women play a crucial role in most of their activi-
ties. Among the biggest AICs are the South Af- Ethio-Semitic
rican churches Isonto lama Nazaretha, founded Introduction
by Isaiah Shembe in 1911, the Zion Christian E.-S. (or Ethiosemitic, also Ethiopian Semitic) is
Church (ZCC) by Edward Lekganyane, as well a group of around 20 languages or dialects spo-
as the Nigerian Church of the Lord/Aladura or ken in Ethiopia and Eritrea which go back to the
l’Église de Jesus Christ sur la terre, founded in language(s) of immigrants from South ÷Arabia
Congo in 1921 by the prophet Simon Kimbangu. who settled first in northern Ethiopia (partly
The latter is one of a probably growing number now Eritrea) in the 1st millennium B.C.
of AICs to become members of the World Coun- These settlers brought with them their own
cil of Churches and thus be recognised by and South Arabian dialects and a knowledge of Sabaic,
integrated into the ecumenical community. AICs one of the closely related ÷Epigraphic South Ara-
have increasingly become active in Europe, too, bian literary languages. The centre of immigration
building congregations among African immi- was the harbour of ÷Adulis with easy access to
grants. In 1978 the AICs formed an association the highlands. This route from Adulis via ÷Coloë
of their own, the “Organization of African Inde- to ÷Aksum was described in the anonymous
pendent Churches”. It should also be mentioned ÷Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st cent. A.D.).
that fast-growing independent churches are not The immigrants’ knowledge of Sabaic manifests
unique to Africa: they are also characteristic of itself in numerous inscriptions that closely follow
Christianity in Latin America and Asia. the pattern found in the Sabaic inscriptions from
÷Rastafarianism South Arabia. But the dialects spoken there were
Lit.: Hans-Jürgen Becken, Wo der Glaube noch jung ist.
Afrikanische unabhängige Kirchen in Südafrika, Erlangen different from this literary language. The most
1985; Mutero Chirenje, Ethiopianism and Afro-Ameri- important linguistic feature that separates both
cans in Southern Africa, 1883–1916, Baton Rouge – London groups is the verbal present form (of the Akkadi-
1987; Irving Hexham – Karla Poewe, New Religions as an type iparrVs in the basic stem), which does not
Global Cultures: Making the Human Sacred, Oxford
1997; Erhard Kamphausen, Die Anfänge der kirchli-
appear to exist in Epigraphic South Arabian, but
chen Unabhängigkeitsbewegung in Südafrika. Geschichte is found in all E.-S. languages as well as in Modern
und Theologie der Äthiopischen Bewegung 1872–1912, South Arabian (cp. Mehri). Thus, the classifica-
Bern 1976; Id., “Äthiopien als Symbol kirchlicher und tion of E.-S., together with Modern South Ara-
politischer Unabhängigkeit”, in: Klaus Koschorke (ed.), bians constitutes the South Semitic branch with
Transkontinentale Beziehungen in der Geschichte des au-
ßereuropäischen Christentums, Wiesbaden 2002 (Studien the exclusion of Epigraphic South Arabian, which
zur Außereuropäischen Christentumsgeschichte 6); Frie- is to be connected with the more northern (Cen-
der Ludwig, Kirche im kolonialen Kontext: Anglikanische tral) Semitic languages (Voigt 1987:15). However,
Missionare und afrikanische Propheten im südöstlichen other scholars continue to group E.-S. together
Nigeria 1879–1914, Frankfurt am Main – Bern 1992; Ge-
sine Krüger, Zwischen Gott und Staat: die unabhängigen with Epigraphic as well as Modern South Ara-
Kirchen in Südafrika, Hamburg 1989; Bengt Sundkler, bian. Relying on lexicostatistics, Rodgers (1991)
Bantu Prophets in Southern Africa, Oxford 1948; Bengt maintains the sub-grouping of South Semitic into
440
Ethio-Semitic
an Eastern group (Modern South Arabian) and a tion of the short Proto-Semitic vowels *a, *u / *i
Western group (Ancient South Arabian and E.- into ä (after laryngeals realized as a) and é; reten-
S.). For a discussion of the genetic inter-related- tion of the long vowels *a, *i, *u as a (transcribed
ness between these groups of languages see Voigt also as a), i, u; monophthongization of Proto-Se-
(1994) and Appleyard (1996). mitic *aw, *ay as è, e (or o, e); merger of the
The dialects spoken by the immigrants, spread interdentals (*ô, *ô., *î) with the corresponding
mainly along the northern plain of East Af- sibilants (GéŸéz s, s, z); use of yqtVl (e.g., Amh.
rica, must have been in close contact with the yésbär) as a jussive form; as-causatives (not yet
indigenous Cushitic languages, such as Be¥auye fully developed in GéŸéz); compound verbs with
(÷Bega) and ÷Agäw. Among the closely related the verb ‘to say’ (e.g., GéŸéz bah(a) béhélä, ‘greet’,
E.-S. dialects that developed approximately a Amh. qwécc / qucc alä, ‘sit down’, ÷Énnämor koo
thousand years before the use of a script, the Ak- barä, ‘he shouted’); the verb of existence (GéŸéz
sum dialect was chosen as the basis for the crea- halläwä/hallo, Tgn. allo/allä, Amh. allä, (related?)
tion of Classical Ethiopic or ÷GéŸéz (traditionally Énnämor anä); use of this verb in periphrastic
pronounced [géýéz]) in the 4th cent., preserved in constructions; introduction of a palatal element
initially unvocalized inscriptions. With the inven- in the B-stem (*intensive stem) formation of the
tion of a vocalization system that was inspired by present form (GéŸéz 02 yésebbér < *iusaiabbir);
the Indian script, and the translation of the Bible and development of a gerund (converb) from an
and other Christian texts, this language became a infinitive in the acc. (GéŸéz *sämiŸ-a-hu ‘(with) his
literary language and a unifying factor for the Ak- hearing (acc.)’ > sämiŸ-o ‘when / after he heard’,
sumite (and later on the Ethiopian) empire. Tgn. sämiŸ-u, Amh. säm-t-o, ÷Argobba säm-d-o,
The languages nowadays spoken in the high- to the gerund in West ÷Gurage s. below).
lands (and adjacent lower areas, then occupied
Classification of the Ethio-Semitic languages
by the Aksumites) are ÷Tégre and ÷Tégréñña.
Both languages are roughly speaking descend- The standard classification is that expressed by
ants of GéŸéz. More strictly speaking they are Leslau (e.g., PICES 3, vol. 2):
the descendants of closely related daughter (1) North Ethiopic:
GéŸéz (extinct), Tégre, Tégréñña
languages (or dialects) of GéŸéz, since there are
(2) South Ethiopic:
some modern linguistic features that cannot be a) Amharic, Argobba,
traced back to GéŸéz. Thus Tgr. hétu ‘he’ cannot b) ÷Harari, East Gurage (÷Sélti, ÷Wälläne, ÷Zay),
go back to GéŸéz wéýétu (cf. Tgn. ýétu masc. sg. c) ÷Gafat (extinct), ÷Soddo (North Gurage),
demonstrative), but to a proto-form *huýV-tu. d) West Gurage.
Another example is the negative particle ýal-, This classification was revised by Hetzron
that did not exist in this form in GéŸéz (instead (1972) by strictly using the method of shared
ýi-, ýay-), but does in modern E.-S. languages. morphological innovations as the classifica-
With the expansion of the Aksumite empire to tory criterion. He divided South Ethiopic into a
the south and the resulting cultural dominance, “Transversal” and an “Outer” group of languag-
GéŸéz (and later on Tégréñña) dialects spread to es. Transversal South Ethiopic consists of Am-
the south of the plateau and emerged as new E.-S. haric, the most important living E.-S. language,
languages. In contrast to the so-called North E.- Argobba, and ÷Harari – East Gurage. Outer
S. languages (GéŸéz, Tégre and Tégréñña), these South Ethiopic comprises the rest, i.e. Gafat and
are called South E.-S. languages. One can assume Gunnän-Gurage (= North and West Gurage):
that great parts of ÷Šäwa and contiguous areas in (1) North Ethiopic: GéŸéz (extinct), Tégre – Tégréñña,
the west, south (up to Gurageland) and east (up (2) South Ethiopic:
to ÷Harär) have been Semiticized. Some of these (a) Transversal South Ethiopic:
(I) [Central:] Amharic – Argobba,
E.-S. languages became extinct during the con- (II) [Eastern:] Harari – East Gurage (Z[w]ay, Sélti
quering raids of the ÷Oromo in the 16th cent. into – Wälläne – Énnäqor),
the then Semitic-speaking areas now inhabited by (b) Outer South Ethiopic:
the Oromo and other Cushitic peoples. (I) n-group:
(1) Gafat (extinct),
(2) Soddo, Gogot (Northern Gurage),
Characteristics of Ethio-Semitic
(II) tt-group:
The characteristics of E.-S. as derived from inno- (1) Muòér (Northern Gurage),
vations first encountered in GéŸéz are centraliza- (2) Western Gurage:
441
Ethio-Semitic
(a) [2-tense group:] Mäsqan, linguistic area (s. Appleyard 1989; s. ÷Ethiopian
(b) [3-tense group:] Central/Peripheral Western Language Area).
Gurage:
(I) Central Western Gurage,
Phonologically, palatalizations occur not only
Éïa, Óaha – Gumär – Gura, in the south but are also frequent in the north,
(II) Peripheral Western Gurage: e.g. Tgn. šåwŸattä ‘seven’, cf. GéŸéz säbŸattu,
Geto, Énnämor – Éndägäñ – Enär. Amh. säbat.
Hetzron offered a terminologically slightly
modified second version of his classification North versus South Ethio-Semitic
in 1977. His term “3-tense group” refers to the The most significant difference between both
fact that these languages have developed future major groups of E.-S. is the loss of most larynge-
tenses. The definite future is composed of the als in the south. In Amharic and nearly all other
imperfect form and -k(w)V/-tV/-dV suffixes, South Ethiopic languages, the GéŸéz sounds ò,
with k directly after a consonant which is part h [$], Ÿ, h, ý have been given up, but the mor-
of the verbal root, t after a long vowel or a diph- phological structure of the verbal forms was
thong and d after a short vowel or a consonant maintained, e.g., GéŸéz halläwä (hallo) yéíéhéq >
which is part of a suffix, e.g. Énnämor yésäßér- Amh. yéséq-all, Sélti isiiq-aan, ‘he laughs’, GéŸéz
kwe ‘he will break’, yésäwrua-te ‘they (masc.) sämaŸ-ku > Amh. sämma-wx, Óaha säma-xw-ém,
will break’, yésäßér-ku-de ‘he will break it’. ‘I heard’. In Harari h is retained, it corresponds
Some of Hetzron’s arguments and results were to GéŸéz h, ò and h. Amharic has developed a
criticised by Goldenberg (1977; s. also Hudson new h (from k).
2000). More relevant for a classification are morpho-
logical features:
GéŸéz versus the rest of Ethio-Semitic – the length of the penultimate consonant of
Whereas GéŸéz had preserved the old Semitic type B (< *intensive) verbs has been generalized
syntax (i.e. verbal forms come sentence-initial, to all other types, e.g., GéŸéz type A säbärä >
genitive and relative clause follow their determi- Amh. säbbärä, ‘he broke’; GéŸéz type B haddäsä
nants), the modern languages have reversed this > Amh. addäsä, ‘he renewed’; GéŸéz type C
order of elements. The verb stands sentence-final baräkä > Amh. barräkä, ‘he blessed’;
and qualifiers (like adjective, genitive and rela- – the perfect form of type B was morphologi-
tive clause) now precede the qualified element. cally strengthened by inserting a palatal element,
Tégréñña, however, is an exception to this rule, GéŸéz fässämä, ‘he accomplished, finished’ >
letting article, adjective and relative clause pre- *fäiässämä > Argobba fettämä, Gafat, Soddo
cede the noun, but the genitival attribute must fittämä. In some Gurage idioms and in Amharic
follow (e.g. éti z-éŸéddäl wärhawi mäqwénnän the long vowel was centralized to ä (fättämä).
sérnay ‘the monthly rations of wheat [sérnay] The first radical became palatalized, if possible,
that are distributed’). as in (GéŸéz zäwwärä > ?) *zäiäbbärä > Soddo
Typical of all living E.-S. languages (but less so zibbärä, Éïa, Muòér, Mäsqan, Goggot ïäbbärä,
in Tégre) is the “breaking up” of the sentence in Óaha, Éndägäñ, Geto ïäpärä ‘he returned (tr.),
a theme (topic) part and a rheme (comment) part, answered’.
whereby the theme is manifested in a relative An isogloss dividing north and south is the nu-
verbal form. Both sentence parts are combined meral “nine”. The north maintained the Semitic
through the copula. In these constructions the root *ts1Ÿ (cp. Tgr. séŸ, Tgn. téšŸattä), while the
theme can precede or follow in both languages south has adopted the root *zhtñ of unknown or-
cited here: Tgn. with the theme following sélä- igin: Harari zihtäñ, Amharic zätäññ, Óaha ïätä,
zi õäýa éyyä … zé-bälkuõum, ‘therefore I said Éndägäñ ïiýä. Besides there is a large number of
unto you … (< therefore [sélä-zi, rheme] it is Cushitic words that are either already attested in
[éyyä] that I said unto you [theme] …)’, but GéŸéz (like: íéga, ‘flesh, meat’, cf. ÷Bilin sixa, and
Amh. with the theme preceding y(ä)-alhwaóóäw dorho, ‘chicken, hen’, cf. Bilin dirwa) or entered
sélä-zzih näw ‘(< that I said unto you [theme], the E.-S. languages in question at a later date (like:
therefore [sélä-zzih, rheme] it is [näw])’ (Joh 8, Sélti dähano, Éndägäñ ïähonä, Amh. zähon, ‘el-
24). The use of relative verbal forms in focus ephant’, cf. ÷Kambaata zanè, ÷Saho dakano).
constructions is one of the more prominent (ar- For a discussion of Cushitic loans in the Amharic
eal) features of the Ethiopian “Sprachbund”, i.e. lexicon see Appleyard 1979.
442
Ethio-Semitic
Transversal versus Outer South Ethiopic north Ethiopia (cf. the etymology of the term
Outer South Ethiopic as opposed to Transver- GéŸéz, which is derived from a root gŸz ‘become
sal South Ethiopic is characterized by elements free’). But there are no indications that other
added to verbal forms to mark them as main South Semitic groups ever entered East Africa
verbs as opposed to subordinate (sub.) forms, at a more southern location or at an earlier date.
e.g., ÷Soddo 3rd pers. sg. masc. yibädr-u, sub. Although it cannot be dismissed a priori, there is
yibädér; fem. tébädr-i, sub. tébädér; 3rd pers. pl. no concrete evidence for assuming that the main
masc. yibädrému-n, sub. yibädrém. Instead of -i division of E.-S. into a northern and a south-
and -n Muxér has -t: 3rd pers. sg. fem. tébädr-ét, ern branch already occurred in South Arabia.
3rd pers. pl. masc. yibädrému-t. The main verb It seems to follow that the generally accepted
markers are totally dropped in Western Gurage. division between North and South Ethiopic lan-
Leslau (1967) and Hetzron (1968) compared the guages is given too much emphasis, since it was
-u/-n elements directly with the Arabic personal mainly the result of a migration to the south of
affixes of the imperfect 3rd pers. sg. masc. yaktub- peoples whose original home was in the north.
u, 3rd pers. pl. masc. yaktubu-na ‘he, they write’ The relatedness between all E.-S. languages is in-
and maintained the proto-Semitic origin of these deed so close that only inner-Ethiopian develop-
elements. But this was criticised by Goldenberg ments can reasonably be assumed. In connection
(1977:479), having already been discussed and with the view sometimes expressed of an alleged
rejected by Rundgren (1959:242). inexplicably high diversity or great heterogene-
In Transversal South Ethiopic the perfect form ity within the E.-S. languages, some scholars (s.
of the auxiliary verb *hlw is used instead of Hudson 1977) make Ethiopia the original home
main-verb markers, e.g. Amharic ésäbr-alläwx, of the Semitic- (or even the Semito-Hamitic-)
Harari isäbr-aax, Sélti ésäbr-aaw/-aahu ‘I am speaking peoples. Only with this assumption,
breaking’. it is maintained, can the (alleged) Proto-Semitic
features in Gurage (like the -u/-n endings of the
Outer South Ethiopic imperfect) be explained. However, this strange
The elements Hetzron (1972) has used as criteria idea of a migration by the early Semites from
for classifying Outer South Ethiopic are those East Africa to South Arabia and from there on
that function as the main-verb marker. He dis- to the Fertile Crescent is not supported by the
tinguishes between an n-group (Gafat, Soddo, historical facts of the development of the Semitic
Gogot) and a tt-group (comprising the rest, i.e. peoples.
Muòér and Western Gurage) according to the Lit.: David Appleyard, “A Statistical Survey of the
form of the main verb marker. Both are derived Amharic Lexicon”, JSS 24, 1979, 71–97; Id., “The Rela-
from a Proto-Outer South Ethiopic form *nt. tive Verb in Focus Constructions – an Areal Feature”,
Doubts can be raised against this argumentation JSS 34, 1989, 291–305; Id., “Ethiopian Semitic and South
Arabian: towards a Re-Examination of a Relations-
since such changes as *nt > n resp. tt are phonetic ship”, Israel Oriental Studies 16, 1996, 203–28; Gideon
processes probably too general to be used for Goldenberg, “The Semitic Languages of Ethiopia and
genetic classification. their Classification”, BSOAS 40, 1977, 461–507; Robert
In Western Gurage, apart from a m-converb, Hetzron, “Main Verb Markers in Northern Gurage”,
a gerund is found that seems to consist of a jus- Africa 28, 1968, 156–72; Id., Ethiopian Semitic – Studies in
Classification, Manchester 1972; Id., The Gunnän-Gurage
sive base + -yt-ä which is inflected like a perfect. Languages, Napoli 1977; Grover Hudson, “Language
Hetzron (1972:101) has tied this formation Classification and the Semitic Prehistory of Ethiopia”,
directly with the gerund of GéŸéz, Tégréñña, Folia Orientalia 18, 1977, 119–66; Id., “Ethiopian Se-
Amharic, Argobba (s. above), but cf. Golden- mitic Overview”, JES 33, 2, 2000, 75–86; Wolf Leslau,
“Classification of the Semitic Languages of Ethiopia”,
berg’s critical remarks 1977:466f.
in: PICES 3, vol. 2, 5–22; Id., “Hypothesis on a Proto-
Origin of Ethio-Semitic Semitic Marker of the Imperfect in Gurage”, Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 26, 1967, 121–25; Jonathan Rodg-
There are some doubts (according to Hudson ers, “The Subgrouping of the South Semitic Languages”,
1977) about the generally accepted theory that in: Alan S. Kaye (ed.), Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf
the E.-S. languages go back to one single wave Leslau on the Occasion of his 85th Birthday, Wiesbaden
of immigration in one (northern) area in the 1st 1991, 1323–36; Frithiof Rundgren, Intensiv und As-
pektkorrelation, Uppsala – Wiesbaden 1959; Edward
millenium B.C. Presumably even during the 1st Ullendorff, The Semitic Languages of Ethiopia: a Com-
millennium A.D. groups of people from South parative Phonology, London 1955; Rainer Voigt, “The
Arabia will have found their way (refuge) into Classification of Central Semitic”, JSS 32, 1987, 1–21; Id.,
443
Ethio-Semitic
“Neusüdarabisch und Äthiopisch”, in: Norbert Nebes E. in Ethiopia and Eritrea has its own his-
(ed.), Arabia felix: Beiträge zur Sprache und Kultur des torical complexity, due to the countries’ long
vorislamischen Arabien. Festschrift Walter W. Müller,
Wiesbaden 1994, 291–307. indigenous traditions of state formation and
Rainer Voigt inter-group relations. There is a great and, in-
deed, fascinating ethno-cultural diversity, rooted
in the emergence of specific local adaptations of
Ethnicity human populations and a corresponding subjec-
E. refers to aspects of social behaviour that relate tive identification in contacts with others. This
to the historical origins and cultural repertoire or relative autonomy of ethno-cultural formations
style of a group. Emerging in scholarly discourse in the historical sense did not preclude multiple,
in the late 1960s, the term was used as both an but often limited and unequal relations between
analytical and also explanatory concept about them, emerging from an early age onwards. Fur-
the role of complex, multidimensional notions thermore, as Ethiopia was (apart from its coastal
of cultural difference that were made socially areas, later to become Eritrea) never pervasively
relevant. The concept, thus going back to a sense colonized, the local political culture produced
of an “original” popular culture and a shared hisan, in several ways, unique pattern of power
torical idea of group descent and belonging, has and prestige relations between ethno-regional
in recent years moved from being an analytical groups. The imperial state model, based on no-
concept (s., e.g., Cohen 1978) to a political one, tions of personalized power and tributary loy-
appropriated and used by elites of groups often alty and not on territorial conceptions of control
defined as ethnic for strategic or ideological ends and borders, gave rise to an hierarchical structure
(Eriksen 1991). Due to its connection to politics, of power based on a Christian tradition of au-
E., as a cultural repertoire of group belonging or thority that had appeal among different ethnic
identification, has become one of the most popu- groups, some of them formed in the process of
lar subjects studied in social science (cf. Banks state expansion itself (e.g., the “Amhara” since
1996; Jenkins 1999 for overviews). the 11th cent., incorporating Tégréñña-speaking,
When looking at empirical realities, also in GéŸéz and Agäw-speaking highland groups, and
Ethiopia, there is no denying the existence of in the late 18th cent. also Oromo-speakers). Proc-
important cultural differences between human esses of assimilation went on along with those of
groups. Historically, and especially in the pre- differentiation and dissociation, the key being
colonial period, these had a social and cognitive access to power and cultural tolerance. While
basis and were explicitly used in self-definition ethnic identity as we now know it cannot be as-
vis-à-vis other groups. Often language was sumed to have existed in ancient or “medieval”
taken as a key criterion, but also shared rituals, Ethiopia, there are indications that feelings or
key customs and a sense of historical identity. consciousness of cultural group difference and
However, the context of the colonial and postco- opposition nevertheless existed, as is evident in
lonial states has brought out explicitly political the mention of the “Bega” in an inscription of
concerns focused on “ethnic identity”, usually the Aksumite king ŸEzana and in the religious
as a response to challenges of material inequal- polemics in post-1270 Christian texts on the
ity, political marginalization or differential social “usurping” Zagwe kings, who were of Agäw
ranking of groups within an authoritarian state origin.
hierarchy. Indeed, state action in itself – by its In the coastal areas of Ethiopia, Islamic states
bureaucratic and homogenizing procedures of and sultanates emerged from the 10th cent.
administration and surveillance of its subjects onwards, leading to a particular blend of the
– “produces” group identities. Islamic faith and indigenous or “ethnic” beliefs
In Africa, including Ethiopia, this process that continued to (co-)exist. This is evident
of state construction and response singled out among the ŸAfar, the eastern Oromo groups,
the ethnic, or rather ethno-regional, elements the Somali (ŸIssa, Gadabuursi, Isaaq, Ogaden)
because of their salience as “markers” of appar- and the Argobba, where indigenous, “pre-Is-
ent difference and of inequality in prestige and lamic”, notions of ritual, supernatural forces
power. The process was enhanced by the often and customary law were often maintained. The
imposed and conflict-generating nature of colo- “ethnic identity” of such states (e.g., ŸAdal) is
nial territorial borders since the late 19th cent. hard to pin down. Ethiopia was also marked
444
Ethnicity
by quite unique processes of conversion, from Since the 1960s, anthropological studies of
traditional religion to Islam or Christian- Ethiopia have contributed to the growing inter-
ity, from Christianity to Islam and vice versa est in E., as monographs and papers were often
(÷Conversions). Indigenous state formation on focused on a holistic study of one particular
an ethnic basis also occurred in western Oromo group and its cultural traditions. Work on the
areas (÷Gibe states) and in smaller regions like smaller groups in the south and west predomi-
Käfa and Wälaytta, but in such cases conquered nated. This trend continued among the new
groups usually assimilated to the culture of the generation of Ethiopian anthropologists, who
victors. also mostly took one people as the focus of their
Nowadays dozens of ethnic groups are distin- study (s. M.A. theses and monographs produced
guished in Ethiopia. The criterion to distinguish by students in anthropology since 1992 at Ad-
a group is often language or dialect and some dis Ababa University; cf. Pankhurst 2002).
“spectacular” cultural features in dance and Theoretically these studies insisted, especially
song, ritual combat, bodily decorations and since the mid-1980s, on the dynamic nature
clothing styles and material culture. In this re- of “ethnic groups”, to be seen as a particular
spect Ethiopia has a still relatively rich heritage formation in time and space and conditioned
compared to many other African countries; i.e. by wider politico-economic processes, and not
there is a broad range of cultural “authenticity” only by (shifting) self-ascription. In line with
expressed both in ideational and material cul- wider disciplinary developments in social sci-
tures and its bearers often show pride in them. ence, E. in Ethiopia is now rarely seen as the
The common view is that Ethiopia has around defining framework of study, but only as one
80 ethnic groups or “nationalities” and Eritrea important aspect of social life to be studied in
nine. While in some academic publications, lists conjunction with other themes. A more recent
of these people were given (see, for instance, the trend among Ethiopian scholars is the renewed
Appendix of ethnic groups in Levine 2001), the attention to folklore and oral traditions of ethnic
criteria to distinguish them differ. Since 1991 groups (e.g., Sahlu Kidane 2002). An interesting
the Ethiopian government has listed about 80 and related phenomenon in Ethiopia, common
groups officially as a “people”, “nation” or also elsewhere, is the presence of a non-official,
“nationality”, with the Oromo, the Amhara, the everyday discourse on presumed characteristics
Tégréñña and the Somali as the largest. In the of the various ethnic groups in the cultural, social
last Ethiopian census of 1994, some interesting and economic sense, condensed in “prototypes”
new, previously not distinguished, group names about “the Gurage”, “the Somali”, “the Kam-
appeared, such as “Melon” and “Libido”. The baata”, or “the Amhara”. One encounters these
nine officially recognized Eritrean groups are: characteristics often in the form of stories and
Tégréñña-speakers, Saho, Hadaareb, Rašayida, jokes, but there is a tendency towards stereotyp-
Tégre, Bilin, Nara, Kunama and ŸAfar. All these ing (cf. Habtamu Wondimu et al. 2001).
groups in both countries are assumed to have In post-1991 Ethiopia, where the new govern-
their own territories, recognizable customs etc. ment instituted a novel political structure and dis-
In reality, the borders and customs are flexible course of E. in the public sphere, there is a signifi-
and show intermingling, so that maintaining or cant upsurge in things ethnic. Not only was the
“policing” them is hardly feasible. country’s administration controversially restruc-
In the imperial era in Ethiopia, open references tured along ethnic lines, but also the emerging
to E. and to language diversity was strongly elites of the country’s ethnic populations – both
discouraged in the context of a forced project the larger ones like Oromo, Amhara, Somali and
of nation-building. The Därg regime after 1974 Tégréñña-speakers, and the smaller ones, from
recognized E. (cf. the literacy programmes, the Ben[ to Ðiraašša and from Wälaytta to Sidama
founding of the Institute for the Study of Ethio- – show a new interest in “their own” history and
pian Nationalities), but severely restricted its traditions and are recording them. However, this
expression and followed a Soviet-style formula tends to happen in a quite descriptive, uncritical
of politically containing it. Anti-state insurgent manner. In the political sense, E. also became a
movements in Ethiopia were largely mobilized vehicle for claims on resources and funds.
along ethnic lines, with the exception of the Eri- There is now also a voluminous literature on E.
trean People’s Liberation Front. and politics in Ethiopia, mostly concerned with
445
Ethnicity
“ethnic federalism” and the new local politics after Campbell, Western Primitivism: African Ethnicity,
1991. Quite a number of studies, including Ph.D. London – Washington, DC 1997; Ronald W. Cohen,
“Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology”, Annual
theses, both by foreigners and Ethiopians, were Review of Anthropology 7, 1978, 379–403; Thomas Hyl-
and still are being produced (examples s. Abbink land Eriksen, “The Cultural Contexts of Ethnic Dif-
1997; Assefaw Bariagaber 1998; Merera Gudina ferences”, Man 26, 1991, 127–44; Habtamu Wondimu
2002; Jacquin-Berdal 2002; Vaughan – Tronvoll (ed.) – Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi – Jon Abbink,
2003). It is difficult to say whether the Western Psychological Modernity and Attitudes to Social Change in
Ethiopian Young Adults: the Role of Ethnic Identity and
academic discourse on E. has captured the local Change, Amsterdam 2001; Dominique Jacquin-Ber-
realities and representations. In Ethiopia and dal, Nationalism and Ethnicity in the Horn of Africa: a
Africa in general there was no a-priori thinking Critique of the Ethnic Interpretation, Lewiston, NY, 2002;
in terms of “ethnic” group traditions, as political Richard Jenkins, Rethinking Ethnicity: Arguments and
Explorations, London 1997; Sahlu Kidane, Borana
formations were more important in shaping local
Folktales: a Contextual Study, London 2002; Antoine
differences and cultural divergences. Although Lema, Africa Divided. The Creation of “Ethnic Groups”,
people often have great attachment to cultural/ Lund – Bromley UK 1993; Donald W. Levine, Greater
ethnic tradition, it is quite situational, and they Ethiopia. The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society, Chicago
show great pragmatism in local identifications and – London 22001; John Markakis, “The Politics of Iden-
tity: the Case of the Gurage”, in: Mohammed Salih −
allegiances (as Markakis [1998] shows in the case John Markakis (eds.), Ethnicity and the State in Eastern
of the Gurage). There is an epistemological prob- Africa, Uppsala 1998, 127–46; Merera Gudina, Ethiopia:
lem here. It would indeed deserve separate study Competing Ethnic Nationalisms and the Quest for Democ-
to inquire how Western frames of mind and edu- racy, 1960–2000, Maastricht 2002; Alula Pankhurst,
“Research on Ethiopian Societies and Cultures during the
cational-intellectual traditions have influenced, if Second Half of the Twentieth Century”, JES 35, 2002, 1–60;
not shaped, local perceptions of regional/cultural/ Sarah Vaughan − Kjetil Tronvoll, The Culture of
religious differences into “ethnic” categories (cf. Power in Contemporary Ethiopia, Stockholm 2003.
Campbell 1997; Lema 1993). Interestingly, but Jon Abbink
not unexpectedly, aspects of “ethnic thinking”
have now permeated local academic discourse
Étissa
and, of course, politics in Ethiopia and (less so) in
Eritrea, thus pre-empting a natural development É. (&JD , also Itissa) is an area situated in
towards new forms of identity relating to the ÷Bulga, Šäwa, which is known due to the mon-
wider concerns of local people. astery Étissa Däbrä Séllaléš. It is located 13 km
However, E. in Ethiopia and Eritrea is a real- south of Aleltu, on the road to Däbrä Bérhan
ity of life and is best recognized as such. There is and encompasses also the sister monastery of
demonstrable diversity in customs, dress-codes, Qay Däbrä Maryam 2 km to the south.
ritual, values, kinship systems and worldview. Local tradition points to É. as the place where
In the new political dispensations, ethnic con- (in 1215) Égziý Haräya gave birth to Féííéha
sciousness or identity often serves as a source of
pride in people’s own group tradition and a valu-
able “cultural resource”, even though social life
is not entirely structured by it and people pursue
their own choices and allegiances. A globaliz-
ing world with multiple contacts, migrations
and exchanges favouring hybridity makes the
presumed purity or boundedness of any ethnic
identity an unlikely fiction, but despite this, the
study of E. and ethnic group (re)formation in
Ethiopia and Eritrea remains a task of scholarly
importance and practical relevance.
Lit.: Jon Abbink, “Ethnicity and Constitutionalism in
Contemporary Ethiopia”, Journal of African Law 41, 1997,
159–74; Assefaw Bariagaber, “The Politics of Cultural
Pluralism in Ethiopia and Eritrea: Trajectories of Ethnicity
and Constitutional Experiments”, Ethnic and Racial Stud-
ies 21, 1998, 1056–73; Marcus Banks, Ethnicity: Anthro-
pological Constructions, London – New York 1996; Aidan
446
Eucalyptus
Séyon, who grew up to become the great saint

abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot, thus identifying
with É. the locality of Zorare in Sélaléš, Šäwa,
mentioned in the Vita of Täklä Haymanot as the
birthplace of the Saint. Correlating with the Vita,
oral tradition recounts that in the last days of the
Aksumite empire, a group of monks under abba
Yédla (a contemporary of ÷Dégnaïan) founded
a monastery here, which became Šäwa’s first cen-
tre of Evangelization. Also it states that during
the 10th cent. the ÷Ark of the Covenant from the
church Aksum Séyon was hidden at Sélaléš for
twelve years.
The early history of the monastery is not
known, yet the existence of the old sanctuary Eucalyptus trees in Addis Abäba, 1950/52; photo by Eike
of Täklä Haymanot at É. cannot be excluded. Haberland, courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt
am Main (23−Ha016−01 M−ON)
It is said that the local church of St. Michael at
Zorare was reconsecrated in the name of Täklä ties of E. in the world, the most widely diffused
Haymanot under ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, but de- type in Ethiopia was the Eucalyptus globulis, or
stroyed by ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi in the Tasmanian Blue Gum, known in Amharic as
16th cent. In the 19th cent., néguí ÷Íahlä Íéllase the |Oy +B?y uI (näcc bahér zaf, lit. ‘white
of Šäwa paid homage to Täklä Haymanot by re- tree [from] overseas’). Several other varieties
building the monastery at the Saint’s birthplace. were, however, at one time or another also im-
Little known, yet well cared for, the church of ported. These included the Eucalyptus grandis,
Täklä Haymanot was reconstructed by étege or Rose Gum, the Eucalyptus camaldulensis, or
Taytu between 1899 and 1907 as a large refined, Red River Gum, and the Eucalyptus virminalis,
well built edifice. A number of dignitaries pa- or Ribbon Gum, all three known in Amharic
tronized the monastery and Empress Zäwditu as the 3^y +B?y uI (qäyy bahér zaf, or ‘red
reroofed and repainted the church and donated tree [from] overseas’); the Eucalyptus saligna, or
gifts to the treasury. Sydney Blue Gum, also called the Dp1y +B?y
In 1937, during the Italian occupation, É. was uI (saliñña bahér zaf), and the Eucalyptus citrio-
a scene of force fighting between the patriots of doro, or Lemon Gum, called the %Ny +B?y uI
ras ÷abbäbä Arägay and the Italians. A rich and (šétto bahér zaf, or ‘smelly tree [from] overseas’;
relatively well-preserved array of buildings and Azene Bekele-Tesemma 1993:222–33). In docu-
artefacts are of artistic, historical and cultural ments of the introductory period of E. the terms
interest, though dating from the 19th cent. rather ékalibtos, kaliptus, kaleptus and kaleptos were
than to its early origins. used (cp. Tubiana 1990:331f.).
Src.: SerHist 282; GueCopMen 360f.; Enrico Cerulli, The E. was first imported into ÷Addis Abäba
“Inni della chiesa Abissina”, RSO 12, 1929–30, 361–407, in the mid-1890s, during the reign of ase Ménilék
here 376f.; Id., “Gli abbati di Dabra Libanos capi del
monachismo etiopico, secondo la ‘lista rimata’ (sec.
II. Opinion differs as to who actually introduced
XIV–XVIII)”, Orientalia nuova ser. 12, 1943, 226–53, the tree. The Georgian pharmacist Mérab, who
here 231f. took an informed interest in the city’s history,
Joachim Persoon believed that “four or five varieties” were “im-
ported from Australia and Europe in 1895”,
and that the first trees were planted by two
Eucalyptus Frenchmen: the trader Léon ÷Chefneux and
The E., a fast-growing tree of the Myrtaceae Ménilék’s adviser Casimir ÷Mondon-Vidailhet
family, which originated in Australia, was in- (Mérab 1921, vol. 2, 178). This latter statement
troduced into Ethiopia, as to many other parts was endorsed by the subsequent French geogra-
of Africa as well as the Mediterranean area, Asia pher Berlan (1951:572). Chojnacki (1963:36f.) on
and North America, toward the end of the 19th the other hand quotes evidence to suggest that
cent. (Noad — Birnie 1989:193; Fichtl — Ad- the tree may have been introduced by Captain
masu Adi 1994:364). Of the 140 existing varie- O’Brien, an Englishman connected with the con-
447
Eucalyptus
struction of the Addis Abäba–Djibouti railway. Some people are said to have objected to the
The first trees, according to other evidence cited tree’s strong and unaccustomed smell. Opposi-
by Chojnacki, were planted around St. George’s tion to the tree was at one point so great that the
cathedral and the surrounding area. Many seed- Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture issued an edict
ings were “either distributed by Ménilék, or in in March 1913 ordering owners of E. plantations
some cases sold” – at a price of 40 young plants to dig up 2/3 of their trees – and replace them
for one Maria Theresia thaler. with mulberry trees, which, it was apparently
The E. proved easy to cultivate. Harvested thought, might be used for silk-worm produc-
every ten years or so it grew again from its roots, tion (Eadie 1924:177–80). The E. was, however,
without any need of replanting. Its slender trunks by then so well-established that it became, as
yielded valuable timber for traditional house and to this time, a permanent feature of virtually all
fence building, whilst its leaves when burnt pro- Ethiopian urban settlements.
vided a rapid heat ideal for baking éngära-bread. E. is not only the most important fuel for Ethi-
Planting in the early 20th cent. was rapidly opia but its wood is frequently used in building
expanded. The British envoy Hohler (1942:124) construction of any kind. The essential oil of
reported in 1906: “Of late years […] many gum the plant is used in herbal medicine, e.g., for the
trees have been planted in the town, especially treatment of cough and cold it is released by heat
near the [British] Legation, and I sent for seeds and then inhaled.
to India, Ceylon, England etc. and planted sev- ÷Forests
eral thousand more”. Ethiopians owning several Lit.: Augustus Blandy Wylde, Modern Abyssinia,
hectares, according to Mérab (1921, vol. 2, 178), London 1901; Paul Mérab, Impressions d’Ethiopie:
L’Abyssinie sous Ménélik, Paris 1921, 19, 29, vol. 2, 178;
were at around this time covering the whole of Thomas Hohler, Diplomatic Petrel, London 1942, 124;
their land with E. trees in the hope of selling their John Inglis Eadie, An Amharic Reader, Cambridge
wood for hundreds of thousands of thalers, while 1924, 177–80; Edouard Berlan, “L’eucalyptus à Addis
several Europeans of his acquaintance had planted Abeba et au Choa”, Revue de Géographie Alpine 39, 3,
1951, 570–77; StanisLaw Chojnacki, “Forests and For-
as many as two, three or four thousand seedlings. estry Problems as Seen by Some Travellers in Ethiopia”,
The coming of the E. thus entirely trans- JES 1, 1, 1963, 32–39; Richard Pankhurst, “Wild Life
formed the physical appearance of the capital. and Forests in Ethiopia”, EthObs 7, 1964, 241–55; Pan-
The British traveller Wylde (1901:416) had de- kHist II, 243, 329f., 347; Tim Noad – Anne Birnie, Trees
scribed its environs in 1901 as “nearly treeless”, of Kenya, Nairobi 1989, 193, 222–33; Azene Bekele-
Tesemma, Useful Trees and Shrubs for Ethiopia, Nairobi
but Mérab (1921, vol. 2, 178) only a generation 1993, 222–33; Reinhard Fichtl — Admasu Adi, Hon-
later described Addis Abäba as an “Eucalyp- eybee Flora of Ethiopia, Weikersheim 1994, 364; Joseph
topolis”. The trees were so numerous, and Tubiana, “Bar zaf: l’eucalyptus en Ethiopie”, Paideuma
fast-growing, that the country’s hitherto severe 36, 1990, 220–33 (Lit.).
Richard Pankhurst
shortage of timber and fire-wood was rapidly
overcome. Fears widespread around the turn of
the century that Addis Abäba would have to be
abandoned, in favour of ÷Addis ŸAläm or some Eucharist
such-like town, proved unfounded, and the capi- The Greek word eujcaristiva is usually rendered
tal survived. E. trees were soon also planted in by GéŸéz !>LM (akkwätet lit. ‘thanksgiv-
most of the principal Ethiopian towns, among ing, gift’). Other words referring to the E. are
them ŸAdwa, Däbrä Tabor, Däbrä Marqos, and 1?FJ= (pérésfora, Gr.: prosforav, ‘offering,
Leqemt (Neqemte), with the result that the pres- oblation’), :?+# (qwérban, Syr.: qurbana ‘gift’,
ence of E. trees served to mark major settlements i.e. ‘sacrifice’ and ‘benefit received from the sac-
(PankHist 243, 329f., 347). rifice’) and 89E (qéddase, ‘sanctification, hallow-
Though a much needed source of timber and ing’). Akkwätetä qwérban stands for the eucharistic
fire-wood, as well as highly profitable to their prayers usually designated as ÷Anaphoras.
owners, the E. tree is not an unmixed blessing. According to the Mäshafä ÷senodos, which
Its rapid growth, its deep roots and its high is also quoted in the Mäshafä ÷qéddase and the
demand of water significantly dries up the soil present rite, essential elements for the celebra-
in which it grows, while its acidity hampers the tion of the E. are only bread from wheat-flour
growth of grass, and hence leads to enhanced (four Presfora [loaf] for Sundays and three Pres-
soil-erosion (÷Environment). fora for other days are offered) and ‘new ÷wine’
448
Eucharist
(]^#y =8F , wäyn haddis, i.e. not fermented

wine) from dried grapes (s. Andémta mäshafä
qéddase 1994/95:39f.; cp. Guidi 1899:149). They
are prepared by a deacon, immediately before
the divine liturgy. ‘Old wine’ (]^#y -o^ , wäyn
béluy, or ]^#y g=w , wäyn kärami, ‘fermented
wine’) cannot be used because Christ said that
he would not drink from it (Mt 26:29). During
the verification rite (at the offertory), there is an
admonition to the deacon who pours the wine
in the chalice to exercise extreme care and make Wooden stamps for eucharistic bread; treasury of the
sure that the wine is newly made and add the Gundä Gunde monastery; photo 2002, courtesy of
exact amount of water requested (s. Andémta Michael Gervers
mäshafä qéddase 39f.). During the Middle Ages altar by the same sacrifice that was given up on
there was a debate with the metropolitans sent the cross. Their reward is the same as that of the
from Egypt on the type of “wine” used at liturgy, “good thief” (from Lk 23; s. Cerulli 1960:225f.).
but the Ethiopian clergy justified their practice The E. is an akkwätet offered only to God.
with the excuse that the fermented wine would It is difficult to speak of daily E. everywhere,
become sour because of the climate (Cerulli although the liturgical books provide readings
1950:440, 452). Only a few monasteries, in ac- and ÷anaphoras throughout the liturgical year.
cordance with the Egyptian use, celebrate with Frequent eucharistic liturgy, though, is encour-
fermented wine. aged by some monasteries and ÷däbr-churches
During the liturgy (÷Qéddase), after the (e.g., in Aksum). Daily mass is celebrated in lent.
epiklesis, the eucharistic elements become the Normally celebration of the eucharistic liturgy
real Body and Blood of Christ (Haymanotä requires two priests and three deacons. In some
abäw 28:22, p. 96). In the time of ase Zärýa larger churches with some three mäqdäs and
YaŸéqob (1434–68) there was a controversy the relative altars, masses can be synchronized
over the doctrine of Millenniarism. The views from the three places. Those who intend to re-
of those “heretics” who denied it are sometimes ceive the E. must be free from sin, have to take
interpreted as a refusal of the transubstantiation a bath, be on a fast for the duration of time that
(s. ÷Täýammérä Maryam, ed. CerMaria 112f.), allows the stomach to be empty and feel bitter in
although it was most probably only a millennar- the mouth. The mystery of the E. is sung with
ian eschatological question (Beylot 1974:34ff.) the ÷Zémmare at the mass and with Mälkéýa
that created debates. The dogma of transubstan- qwérban (‘Eucharist effigy’) at communion by
tiation seems to have never been questioned. the ÷däbtäras.
According to the order of the ÷Ethiopian Or- Src.: !#;zKy ue=Dy 89E (Andémta mäshafä qéddase,
thodox Täwahédo Church, the Eucharistic bread ‘Andémta [commentary] to the Book of the Liturgy’),
Addis Abäba 1987 A.M. [1994/95 A.D.]; Ethiopian
may not be preserved, because, as the Church Orthodox TäwaHÉdo Church (ed.), U^x$Hy !(b
scholars explain, the Israelites were not allowed (Haymanotä abäw, ‘The Faith of the Fathers’), Addis
to collect manna for the following day (Ex 16: Abäba 1967 A.M. [1974/75 A.D.]; liqä mäzämméran
19–20) and the body of Christ did not stay on the Mogäs ŸÉqubä Giyorgis (ed.), u?=y e;8y +Wny
U^x$M (Märha sédéq bahlä haymanot, ‘A Guide to the
cross the whole day (Jn 19:31–42, cp. Mäbrahtu
Right Statement of the Faith’), Aímära 1969 A.M. [1976/
MobaŸ 1999/2000:56). Besides, the E. was insti- 77 A.D.]; CerMaria 112f.
tuted to be eaten and not to be preserved. Lit.: Aymro Wondmagegnehu – Joachim Motovu
The unique Ethiopian devotion to the ÷tabot (eds.), The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Ababa 1970;
comes from the fact that the E. is celebrated on it Enrico Cerulli, “La festa del Battesimo e l’Eucarestia
in Ethiopia nel secolo XV”, ABoll 68, 1950, 436–52; Id.,
(Agostino da Hebo 1994:131–57). The E. is con- Scritti teologici etiopici del secoli XVI–XVII, vol. 2: La
sidered a sacrifice (uT`*M , mäíwaŸét) because Storia dei Quattro Concili ed altri opuscoli monofisiti, Città
it is the sacrament of Jesus’s sacrifice on the cross del Vaticano 1960 (Studi e Testi 204), 225f.; Carlo Conti
and the sign of his permanent presence among Rossini (ed.), “Il libro di re Zarýa YaŸqob sulla custodia
del Mistero”, RSE 3, 2, 1943, 148–66; Ethel Stefana
those who renew what he did at the Last Supper, Drower, Water into Wine: a Study of Ritual Idiom in
who repeat his command (Lk 22:19) and believe the Middle East, London 1956, 149–95; Ignazio Guidi,
that the flesh and the blood are offered on the Il “Fetha nagast” o “legislazione dei re”, Napoli 1897–99,
449
Eucharist
141–49 (text); Ernst Hammerschmidt, Studies in the the Arsi). E. may also be used as fences around
Ethiopian Anaphoras, Wiesbaden 21987 (AeF 25); Ber- an énsät grove (e.g., Sidaama), gardens, houses or
nard Vélat, “Hymnes eucharistiques éthiopiennes”,
Rythmes du Monde 1, 1953, 26–36; Robert Beylot,
roads (e.g., Benó). Among the Konso the E. liquid
“Le Millénarisme, article de foi dans l’Église Éthiopienne is used as a basis for mixing colours for their stat-
au XVe siécle”, RSE 25, 1974, 31–43, here 34ff.; mäggabe ues (Photographic Archive, Frobenius-Institut,
méstir Mäbrahtu MobaŸ, ue=Dy &z|My '?N<lFy vol. 16, Konso II, 171). The poisonous juice of E.
H`B<y ,Hy l?FJ\# (Mäshafä émnät ortodoks is also used for fishing, e.g., in Tégray. River-wa-
täwahédo betä kréstiyan, ‘The Book of Faith of the
[Ethiopian] Orthodox Täwahédo Church’), Aímära 1992 ter is accumulated with small dams where fish are
A.M. [1999/2000 A.D.], 56; Agostino [Tadla] da then rendered unconsciousby a liquid extracted
Hebo, “Il Tabot: la sua importanza religiosa e giuridico- from E. leaves (Portal 1892:121). In Tégréñña tra-
culturale nella Chiesa etiopica”, OrChrP 60, 1994, 131–57. dition the E. is symbolically used to celebrate the
Habtemichael Kidane New Year: a E. branch is carried by children as a
torch in the evenings before New Year or before
Euphorbia Mäsqäl, going from house to house. Adults then
raise it three times, expressing the wish ‘May we
The E. grows in the highlands of Ethiopia, Eri-
live from year to year’. On this occasion the E.
trea and the Sudan; its most-widespread species,
branch is called %P (šég), which inspired the in-
the E. candelabra (also called E. abyssinica [or
dependence song šégäy habénni, ‘give me [back]
acrurensis after ÷Aõrur]), is characterized by the
my šég [here meaning Eritrea]’.
branches developed like candelabra. Baeteman
also calls it “figue de barbarie” (probably using When the first black powder was produced in
this as a general term for several cactus plants, Ethiopia, E. coal was used for it (Andree 1869:
like ÷bäläs). E. has small red fruits, its liquid is 56). During the Egyptian period in the coastal
milky and poisonous. It is generally said to cause territories, a Frenchman founded an E. factory in
blindness, but is also used to cure skin diseases Sämhar, using the liquid to produce rubber (Si-
(Andree 1869:56). Etymologically the Tgn. term mon 1885:26). Later under Italian rule, E.-wood
(9s<s , qolqwal) is said to derive from the Amh./ was used to make matches (Doma 1966).
Tgn. word ;s;nM (qwélqwélät, ‘slope’), as the Formerly the Tégrayan–Eritrean mountains
E. is mainly found on the slopes of the highlands. especially were widely covered by E., which
It mainly grows at heights from ca. 1,400 m to have, however, during the last decades often been
1,500 m A.S.L., but even up to 3,300 A.S.L. replaced by bäläs.
Src.: interview with elders in Däbrä MaŸar, Tégray,
E. wood is traditionally used for building pur-
July 2004; Photographic Archive, Frobenius-Institut,
poses, supporting the roof, but also for firewood. Frankfurt am Main, vol. 16, Konso II, 171; Richard
All over Eritrea and Ethiopia the E. is present in Andree, Abessinien, das Alpenland unter den Tropen
proverbs (cp. AWTarik 112). The presence of E. und seine Grenzländer, Schilderungen von Land und
groves often indicates a sacred place (as observed Volk vornehmlich unter König Theodoros (1855−1868),
Leipzig 1869 (Malerische Feierstunden. Das Buch der
in Tégray and Eritrea); it may be an ancient burial Reisen und Entdeckungen, Neue Illustrirte Bibliothek der
place or the site of a (former) church (DAE I:5). Länder- und Völkerkunde zur Erweiterung der Kenntniß
E. are often used to indicate a grave (e.g., among der Fremde, Afrika), 56; Gabriel Simon, Voyage en
Euphorbia growing at the

edge of the Eritrean highlands,
northern Hamasen; photo taken
by the Frobenius-Expedition
1915; courtesy of the Frobenius-
Institut, Frankfurt am Main
(07−8160)
450
Europe, relations with
Abyssinie et chez les Gallas-Raias. L’Ethiopie, ses moeurs, Src.: Lockot I (index).
ses traditions, le négouss Iohannès, les églises monoli- Lit.: Georg Graf, “Prälat Dr. Sebastian Euringer“, in:
thes de Lalibela, Paris 1885, 25ff.; TäkkÉýä Täsfay, Dillingen und Schwaben. Festschrift zur Vierhundertjahr-
ru!_y uwK(y 6qMy MP?1 (Zämänawi mäzgäbä qalat feier der Universität Dillingen, Dillingen 1950 (Jahrbuch
Tégréñña, ‘Contemporary Dictionary of Tégréñña’), des Historischen Vereins Dillingen an der Donau 52),
Asmära 1999; AWTarik 112. 66–77 (Lit.).
Lit.: DAE I, 5; Gerald H. Portal, My Mission to Aby- Stefan Weninger
ssinia, London 1892, 121f.; Doma, “Un quarto di secolo
al servizio del paese. La fabbrica di fiammiferi di Asmara
compie venticinque anni”, Etiopia Illustrata, Rassegna Europe, relations with
Politica Culturale Economica 5, Dicembre 1966, 107–14. The first European country, or area, to establish
Meaza Haile Revol-Tissot – Wolbert Smidt contacts with Ethiopia was ÷Greece. The rela-
tions, that might already date back to the first
millennium B.C., became prominent during the
Euringer, Sebastian Aksumite period. In the 1st cent. A.D., King
E. (b. 1865, Augsburg, d. 1943, Dillingen) was Zoskales of ÷Aksum, is said, in the ÷Periplus
a German Catholic theologian and Oriental- of the Erythraean Sea, to have been “skilled in
ist. E. studied Theology and several Oriental Greek letters” (Huntingford 1980). A score of
languages. In the beginning, his main focus of Aksumite kings, beginning with ÷Endubis in
interest was biblical studies. He visited the lands the 4th cent., made use of Greek on their coins
of the Bible in 1893 and held a professorship (÷Coinage). This language, together with Sabae-
for Old Testament Studies at the College for an and GéŸéz, was also employed on several Ak-
Theology in Dillingen from 1900 on. But his sumite ÷inscriptions.
most significant publications were in the field of Within a few decades of Aksum’s conversion to
Christian Oriental studies, where he specialized Christianity, around 330 A.D., Ethiopians began
in ÷Ethiopian studies. He treated the liturgy of to make their way to ÷Jerusalem, where they
the Ethiopian Church, biblical exegesis in Ethio- met European pilgrims from many lands. Eu-
pia and Ethiopian history and folklore, but also ropean awareness of the existence of a Christian
worked on related topics of the other Christian country in the distant mountains of Africa gave
communities of the East. E.’s lasting fame rests rise to the hope that Ethiopia might be a valu-
on his annotated editions and translations of a able ally in the European Crusades against Islam.
number of the Ethiopian anaphoras (Lockot I, One of the first to propose this was the French
nos. 6379 ff.). ÷Dominican monk Guillaume Adam, who
urged the King of France in 1317 to set contacts
with Ethiopians. The idea of a Christian alliance
against the Saracenes was reinforced by the leg-
end of the ÷Prester John, in circulation at least
since the 13th cent, and holding that “the Prester”
was a powerful Eastern monarch whose great
ambition was to help European Christendom
overcome Islam. At first thought to reign some-
where in India, the fabulous monarch was later
identified with the Christian ruler of Ethiopia.
Contacts between Ethiopia and E. grew closer
in the late 14th and early 15th cent. A Florentine
trader, Antonio ÷Bartoli, entered Ethiopia in
the 1390’s, and a Sicilian, Pietro ÷Rombulo, in
1407. He subsequently returned to Europe with
an Ethiopian embassy despatched by ase Zärýa
YaŸéqob. In 1400, King Henry IV of England
had meanwhile addressed a letter to the “King of
Abyssinia, Prester John”. European interests in
the country were subsequently heightened when,
Sebastian Euringer; photo from the collection of Ernst in 1441, two Ethiopian monks from Jerusalem
Hammerschmidt attended the ecclesiastical Council held at ÷Flor-
451
ence and told people about their country. Consid- interest in Ethiopia, on the part of the illustrious
erable European geographical knowledge of it is German linguist and historian Hiob ÷Ludolf,
apparent in the map of 1454 ÷Egyptus Novelo by aptly termed the founder of ÷Ethiopian studies
the Florentine painter Pietro del Massajo and in in Europe. His works included a Grammatica
÷Fra Mauro’s Mappamondo of 1460. Aethiopica (1986), Lexicon Aethiopico-Latinum
European knowledge of Ethiopia and of its cus- (1661), and his Historia Aethiopica (1681).
toms expanded greatly as a result of the first Por- 18th cent. European consciousness of Ethiopia
tuguese diplomatic embassy of 1520–26 (÷Por- was reinforced by Samuel ÷Johnson’s imaginary
tugal). Its journey is described with remarkable novel Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia (1810), later
detail by the chaplain of the embassy Francisco better known as The History of Rasselas. First
÷Alvares. His account Verdadera Infomaçam was published in 1759, it was extensively reprinted,
published in Lisbon, in 1540 (BeckHuntAlvar). and translated into many languages. Foreign
The report of the Ethiopian emissary ÷Sägga knowledge of the country also owed much to
Zäýab published the same year by Damião de James ÷Bruce, the Scottish “explorer”. His five-
÷Góis underlines the interest towards Ethiopia in volumes Travels to Discover the Source of the
Europe (Uhlig – Bühring 1994). In the following Nile (BruNile) was published in 1790.
year, Portuguese troops intervened in support of The early 19th cent. witnessed the arrival in
the Ethiopian Christian state in its struggle with Ethiopia of numerous travellers from Western
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi, the Muslim ruler of E., who contributed immensely to ever expand-
ŸAdal (who was killed, most probably by a Portu- ing European information on the country. Visi-
guese musketeer, in 1543). tors from Britain included Henry ÷Salt, Nath-
Ethiopian conceptions of E. meanwhile were aniel ÷Pearce, Mansfield ÷Parkyns, Charles
changing. Once regarded by the Ethiopian Chris- Tilstone ÷Beke, Charles Johnston, William
tians as a region inhabited by fellow members of Cornwallis ÷Harris, and Richard ÷Burton;
their faith, it was increasingly viewed as a poten- those from France, Edmond ÷Combes and
tially important source of ÷firearms and warriors. Maurice ÷Tamisier, the brothers Antoine and
Awareness of Ethiopia on the part of Ignatius Arnauld ÷d’Abbadie, Pierre ÷Ferret and Joseph
of ÷Loyola, founder of the Society of Jesus, Germain ÷Galinier, Rochet d’Héricourt, and
led him to conceive the idea of travelling to the Théophile Lefebvre and his associates; from Ger-
far-off Orthodox country to convert its inhabit- many, Edouard ÷Rüppell, Wilhelm ÷Schimper,
ants to Roman ÷Catholicism. Though he failed Johannes Martin ÷Flad and C. Eichinger; from
to go, several successive groups of ÷Jesuits Switzerland, Samuel ÷Gobat, Theophil ÷Wald-
made their way to Ethiopia in the late 16th and meier, and later Werner ÷Munzinger; and from
early 17th cent., and succeeded in converting Italy, Giuseppe ÷Sapeto, and, later, Guglielmo
two Ethiopian emperors, ase ÷Zädéngél and ÷Massaja. Several of the above Europeans, and
ase ÷Susényos. Both foresaw the advantages others, entered the service of Ethiopian rul-
of a military alliance with well-armed Roman ers as craftsmen or envoys. They included the
Catholic Europe. Jesuit activity in Ethiopia was, Englishmen William ÷Coffin, John ÷Bell, and
however, short-lived. In the 1630s, the mission- subsequently, after the re-establishment of a
aries (whose writings contributed immensely to more unified Ethiopian state, ase ÷Tewodros II’s
E.’s knowledge of the country) were expelled by missionary artisans, among them Johannes
ase Susényos’ Orthodox son, ase ÷Fasilädäs. Martin Flad and Theophil Waldmeier; and ase
Ethiopia then entered a period of isolation ÷Yohannés IV’s British military aide and envoy,
from the Roman Catholic West – but not from John ÷Kirkham, and Greek physician Nicholas
either the Protestant or Eastern worlds. Though Parisis.
Catholic priests were rigidly denied entry, the Individual European travellers were mean-
German Protestant missionary Peter ÷Heyling while followed by larger expeditions. After
was welcomed at Fasilädäs’s court, and an envoy Lefebvre’s French scientific mission in the 1840s,
was sent from Gondär to Batavia in the Dutch in 1876 was sent a mission from the Italian Geo-
East Indies. King Louis XIV of France, at the end graphical Society, whose work at ÷Lét Maräfiya,
of the century, however, tried in vain to re-open in Šäwa and in other regions was described inter
Western relations with the Gondarine realm. This alia by Antonio ÷Cecchi. No less important
period nevertheless witnessed important scholarly was the German ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedition,
452
whose report by Enno ÷Littmann and others hospitals, railway, bank, printing press, etc., was
was published in Berlin in 1912. Several other followed by the coming of many Europeans,
scientific missions, mainly French (÷France, re- businessmen, artisans, diplomats and mis-
lations with), took place in the late 19th and early sionaries, as well as experts, advisers, teachers,
20th cent. The 19th cent. also saw the signing of a and other specialists. Advisers in ase Ménilék’s
series of ÷treaties with a number of European service included his Swiss technician-cum-diplo-
countries. Moreover, relations got on a more sol- matic aide, Alfred ÷Ilg; his subsequent French
id base when European powers started to open counsellor, Casimir ÷Mondon-Vidailhet; and
consulates and legations in Ethiopia: France his Russian military assistant Nikolaj ÷Leon-
opened a consulate in Massawa in 1840 (Malécot tiev. Europeans in the Ethiopian capital in 1910
1972:44), Great Britain chose Däbrä Tabor for were estimated at over 500, including some 330
their representation in 1847; ÷Plowden was ap- Greeks, 60 French, 40 Italians, 20 Germans,
pointed as first consul (RubInd 121). and a few English and others. The principal
Considerable research on Ethiopia, during this European legations in Addis Abäba, established
period, and after, was also conducted within E. at the turn of the 20th cent. were those of Italy,
itself, largely by scholars versed in the Semitic France, Britain, Russia, Germany and Belgium.
languages, or, in the Italian case, interested in ex- Ase Ménilék’s policy was as far as possible to di-
pansion in Africa. Prominent among such Euro- versify dependence on the European powers and
pean scholars were the Germans, August ÷Dill- to play off one against another.
mann, Franz ÷Praetorius, Theodor ÷Nöldeke, Ethiopia’s entry into the League of Nations
Enno Littmann, and Eugen ÷Mittwoch; the in 1923 and the ensuing modernising period of
Italians, Ignazio ÷Guidi, Carlo ÷Conti Rossini, Täfäri Mäkwännén (later ase ÷Haylä Íéllase I),
and later Martino Mario ÷Moreno; the French- led to increasing European contacts and influ-
men, Joseph ÷Halévy, Henri ÷Zotenberg, René ences. The monarch’s foreign advisers included
÷Basset, Jules ÷Perruchon, and later Marcel a Swede, Eric Virgin, in the Ministry of Foreign
÷Griaule and Marcel ÷Cohen; the Britons, Affairs; a Swiss, Jacques Auberson, in the Min-
William ÷Wright, Ernest Wallis ÷Budge, and istry of Justice; and an Englishman, Frank de
later Charles ÷Armbruster; the Russian, Boris Halpert, on anti-slavery matters. The return of
÷Turaiev; the Austrian, Leo ÷Reinisch; and the students from Europe, mainly France, contrib-
Portuguese, Francisco Maria ÷Esteves Pereira. uted towards making French a limited lingua
The latter part of the 19th cent. also witnessed franca. Ethiopia, immediately prior to the Italian
extensive European military operations in the invasion, had an estimated European population
Ethiopian region. The British expedition to of well over 4,000, three-quarters of whom were
÷Mäqdäla was followed by the Italian seizure Greek; the French and Italians each numbered
of ÷Massawa, in 1885; the victory of ras Alula about 350 – as against 4,000 Arabs, 3,000 Indians,
Éngéda over the Italians, at ÷DogŸali; the estab- and well over 2,000 ÷Armenians.
lishment of the Italian colony of Eritrea, in 1890; The subsequent Italian invasion (÷Italian war
and ase Menilek II’s resounding victory over 1935–36), and occupation, led to a considerable
Italy at the battle of ÷ŸAdwa. The coming of decline in the number of non-Italian Europeans,
the Italians spread European influence, includ- coupled with a vast increase in that of Italians,
ing clothing, into Eritrea and to some extent who consisted mainly of administrators, sol-
northern Ethiopia, south of the Märäb river. The diers and workers. No less than 60,000 Italian
Ethiopian victory at ŸAdwa, however, prevented labourers were working on the roads in 1936–37,
the envisaged large-scale European settlement but this figure later fell substantially. Plans for
in the colony. Ethiopia was nonetheless by large-scale Italian settlement failed to materialise.
then entirely surrounded by territories under Many Ethiopians, however, learnt Italian. The
European control: those of the Italians, British Liberation, in 1941, witnessed a significant di-
and French at the coast, and of the British in the versification of the European population, as well
West and South: Sudan and British East Africa, as the rapidly increasing Ethiopian adoption of
later Kenya. European dress and habits; also the growing use
The founding of ÷Addis Abäba in 1886, the of English, and the publication in the capital of
rise of the modernising ase Ménilék II, and the English language periodicals.
establishment of the first modern roads, schools, ÷Expeditions; ÷Ethiopian studies
453
Src.: GueCopMen; RubActa I–III; George Wynn at the Council of ÷Nicaea, where he subscribed
brereton Huntingford, The Periplus of the Ery- to the condemnation of Arius. Yet, he was then
thraean Sea, London 1980 (Works issued by the Hakluyt
Society, 2nd ser., 151); Hiob Ludolf, Grammatica lin- active in helping to bring about the depositions
guæ Amharicæ, Francofurti ad Moenum 1698 [repr. Halle of the Orthodox Eustathius of Antioch in 330,
– Wittenberg 1986]; Id., Lexicon Æthiopico-Latinum, ÷Athanasius of Alexandria in 335 and Marcel-
ex omnibus libris impressis, nonnullisque manuscriptis lus of Ancyra in 336 – following a synod held in
collectum; et cum docto quodam Æthiope relectum, Lon-
doni 1661; LudHist; BeckHuntAlvar; BruNile; Samuel
Constantinople that witnessed E.’s participation.
Johnson, Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia, London 1810. Here he successfully rebuked, with counterac-
Lit.: MHAksum; CerPal; TadTChurch; PancEcon; cusations of Sabellianism, Marcellus’s previous
RubInd; BZHist; ZewYohan; Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia attack on the Arian Asterios the Sophist, which
and Germany: Cultural, Political and Economic Rela-
tions, Wiesbaden 1981 (AeF 5); Id., Ethiopia and Austria:
implied severe accusations against E. himself. As
a History of their Relations, Wiesbaden 1994 (AeF 35); Id. a theologian, however, the latter was never to
(ed., tr.), Ethiopian Records of the Menilek Era: Selected recover from a faithful pro-Arian stance, which
Amharic Documents from the Nachlaß of Alfred Ilg, accounts for his posthumous reputation, i.e. for
1884–1900, Wiesbaden 200 (AeF 54); Georges Malé- the negative attitude of generations of Byzantine
cot, Les voyageurs français et les relations entre la France
et l’Abyssinie: de 1835 à 1870, Paris 1972; Percy Arnold, readers (also disturbed by his rejections of the
Prelude to Magdala: Emperor Theodore of Ethiopia and cult of icons) toward him and his writings, apart
British Diplomacy, London 1992; Carlo Zaghi, I Russi from the historical ones.
in Etiopia, Napoli 1972; Enid Starkie, Arthur Rimbaud E.’s remarkable literary production in Gr. is
in Abyssinie, Oxford 1937; Harold Golden Marcus,
The Life and Times of Menelik II, Oxford 1975; Carlo the achievement of an intensive systematizer
Rossetti, Storia diplomatica durante il regno di Menelik who assembled an enormous amount of data and
II, Torino 1910; Willi Loepfe, Alfred Ilg und die äthio- information. In spite of several shortcomings, it
pische Eisenbahn, Zürich 1974; Ernest Work, Ethiopia, a sheds a fundamental light on the early centuries
Pawn in European Diplomacy, New York 1936; Alberto
Sbacchi, Legacy of Bitterness: Ethiopia and Fascist Italy, of Christianity, ranging from apologetics (i)
1935–1941, Lawrenceville, NJ 1997; Edward Ullen- and church history (ii) to biblical exegesis and
dorff, The Ethiopians: an Introduction to Country and philology (iii), dogmatics and theology (iv).
People, London 1973; Siegbert Uhlig – Gernot Among his most famous works in these fields
Bühring, Damian de Góis’ Schrift über Glaube und Sit-
ten der Äthiopier, Wiesbaden 1994 (AeF 39).
are: (i) the voluminous treatise(s) Preparation
Richard Pankhurst and Demonstration of the Gospels, dedicated to
the Arian bishop Theodotus of Laodicea and
dealing respectively with the position of Judaism
Eusebios of Caesarea vs. Graeco-Roman paganism and Christianity
E. (Eujsevbio", GéŸéz !bD-_F, Awsabyos, also (and soon to be a textbook for antipagan and
Awsebes, Awsébyos; b. before 264/65, Palestine, anti-Jewish polemics); (ii) the teleologically-
d. 30 May 339 or 340) was from 313 until his oriented Chronicle, Ecclesiastical History and
death the Bishop of Caesarea, Palestine. Here Life of Constantine, all primarily responsible
he had been a student of Pamphilus, the most for his fame (the Chronicle was also translated
learned disciple of ÷Origen, in the dark ages into Armenian); (iii) the Onomasticon (a book
of the anti-Christian persecutions, to which the on the place-names mentioned in the Bible) and
“Milan” edict of toleration issued in 311 put a fi- the Canons of the Gospels, dedicated to a certain
nal end. A great favourite and the official histori- Carpianus, that offers in ten tables a synoptic
ographer of Emperor Constantine I, E. owed to view of the canonical ÷Gospels; (iv) the book
Pamphilus, whom he held in high esteem (hence Against Marcellus (of Ancyra), the Ecclesiastical
his surname “of Pamphilus”), both an excellent Theology (in form of a letter to his diocese) and
scholarly education and the respect for Origen’s the Epistle to Carpianus, i.e. an introductory ex-
tradition that prompted him to play an important planation to the Canons of the Gospels.
role in the contemporary theological discussions. The GéŸéz legend bz msql mwý (‘By this cross
As a champion of Arianism (÷Arius), though you [shall be] conquerer’) found with variants
not an extremist (he viewed the homooúsios, i.e. on the coins of King ÷MHDYS (Types 67–70 in
the consubstantiality, of the Father and the Son Munro-Hay – Juel-Jensen 1995:160–65), far from
as a dangerous form of Sabellianism or Mon- translating the Latin words ‘hoc signo vinces’ or
archianism), he was anathematized at the Synod ‘hoc (signo) victor eris’, which shows on coins
of Antioch in 325 but immediately rehabilitated from the reign of Vetranio, 350 A.D. (Pedroni
454
Eusebios of Caesarea
1997:49), might rather indicate that the passage of the volume) where similar passages in other
of the Greek Life of Constantine on the latter’s Gospels are listed. A large series of medieval and
vision prior to the battle at the Milvian Bridge, early-modern Ethiopic Gospel books, headed
312 A.D. (I, 28f.: touvtw/ nivka, ‘by this you shall by those kept in the Tégrayan monastery of
conquer’) was indirectly known in ÷Aksum ÷Énda Abba Gärima (mss. i, ii and iii), includes
since at least the second quarter of the 5th cent. E.’s Canons, traditionally framed in elaborated
(s. also Travaini 2002:112 and n. 6, 114f. and n. “arches” (GéŸéz: 3u?, qämär, pl. aqmar(at),
23). In any case, the Ethiopian tradition seems from Gr. kamavra) and preceded by the Epistle to
to mirror, or to agree with, the Byzantine criti- Carpianus (÷Canon tables). Such books actually
cism of E., who was always more or less openly preserve E.’s original design, distributing the ten
considered a staunch supporter of Arianism, a tables over seven pages (with a few seeming ex-
denomination which found almost no audience ceptions), not ten as in the extended sequence by
in the kingdom of Aksum, despite the mission of the middle-Byzantine illuminators (since the 10th
the Arian bishop ÷Theophilus the Indian, sent cent.). Like the illustrated Ethiopic Octateuchs
there on purpose by Emperor Constantius II or the so-called short cycle of miniatures in the
(possibly between 341 and 346). In Ethiopia, sig- Gospel books themselves, they are the results
nificant traces of cursing and exorcizing the name of subsequent copies harking back to Aksum-
and doctrines of Arius and his later (Anomoian) ite originals and, ultimately, to pre-iconoclastic
followers like Aetius and Eunomius – the bishop Byzantine prototypes belonging in turn to a Pal-
of Cyzicus condemned at the council of Con- estinian milieu that is all the more congenial to E.
stantinople in 381 – can indeed be detected since and his works (÷Byzantine Empire).
the Aksumite age (Fiaccadori 1992:9f., n. 19, and Src.: CPG vol. 2, 262-75 [s. also Supplementum, 1998,
2003:251f., 255 and n. 44). This may well explain 186-90, nos. 3465–507]; Eduard Nestle et al. (eds.),
Novum Testamentum Graece, Stuttgart 271981, 73-78;
E.’s absence from ÷GéŸéz literature, where Täsfa SÉyon et al. (eds.), Testamentum Novum, cum
only the system of concordance of the Gospels Epistola Pauli, Roma 1548, **[a]rb-vb [= v], **bra-
devised by him is known, both the Canons and [**z]vb [= vi-x]; ]#Osy 87F (Wängel Qéddus, ‘The
the Epistle to Carpianus having been translated Holy Gospel’), Addis Abäba 1924 [repr. 1967], 41ff.;
into GéŸéz from Greek (CPG 3465) along with Sylvain Grébaut, “Un tableau de lectures monacales”,
ROC [2e sér., 8], 18, 1913, 308–17, here 314–17; Id., “Les
the Gospels. In this system, numbered sections manuscrits éthiopiens de M. E. Delorme”, ibid. [2e sér., 9],
of the text are accompanied by a red figure re- 19, 1914, 17–25, here 22f.
ferring to one of the ten tables (at the beginning Lit.: Alessandro Bausi, “Some Short Remarks on the
Canon Tables in Ethiopic Manuscripts”, in: Birhanou
Teferra - Richard Pankhurst (eds.), Proceedings of the
Sixth International Conference on the History of Ethio-
pian Art. Addis Ababa 5–8 November 2002, Addis Ababa
2003, 120–39 [= expanded version in: Carmela Baf-
fioni (ed.), Scritti in onore di Clelia Sarnelli Cerqua, Na-
poli 2004 (Studi magrebini 26, 1998–2002), 45–67]; Gian-
franco Fiaccadori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992,
xxxviii (Lit.); Id., “Un’epigrafe greca aksumita (RIÉth
274)”, in: Vincenzo Ruggieri – Luca Pieralli
(eds.), Eujkosmiva. Studi miscellanei per il 75° di Vincenzo
Poggi S.J., Soveria Mannelli (Catanzaro) 2003, 243–55,
here 251f., 255; Wolfgang Hahn, “Eine axumitische
Typenkopie als Dokument zur spätantiken Religions-
geschichte”, mit einem philologischen Exkurs zu den
biblischen Namen axumitischer Könige von Manfred
Kropp, Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte,
46, 1996, 85–99, here 88 and nn. 10f. [M.Kropp]; Jules
Leroy, “Recherches sur la tradition iconographique des
Canons d’Eusèbe en Éthiopie», Cahiers Archéologiques
12, 1961, 173–204; Stuart Munro-Hay – Bent Juel-
Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, 160–65; Carl
Nordenfalk, Die spätantiken Kanontafeln, Göteborg
Eusebios and Emperor Constantine the Great at the 1938; Id., “Canon Tables on Papyrus”, Dumbarton Oaks
Council of Nicaea (detail); miniature from a 17th-cent. Papers 36, 1982, 29–38, here 35 and fig. 6; Id., “The Euse-
ms. of the Haymanotä abäw ms., Cäläqot, Énda Íéllase bian Canon Tables: some Textual Problems”, Journal of
church; photo 1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers Theological Studies 35, 1984, 96–104; Luigi Pedroni,
455
Eusebios of Caesarea
“Una collezione di monete aksumite”, Bollettino di Src.: Eduard Schwartz (ed.), Acta Conciliorum Oe-
Numismatica ser. 1a, 15, i-ii [28–29], 1997 [1998, but cumenicorum, I/i.7, Berolini – Lipsiae 1929, 6, 87; Chri-
2000], 7–147, here 49; Manlio Simonetti, La crisi stian August Friedrich Dillmann, Chrestomatia
ariana nel IV secolo, Roma 1975, 3–34, 39f., 60–66, 81–85, Aethiopica, Berlin ²1950 [Nachdruck Darmstadt 1974],
94, 121, 563f.; Rüdiger Schmitt, “The Chronicle of 102f. (text); Sylvain Grébaut, “Traduction de la version
Eusebius: a Text Neglected by Armenologist”, in: Gi- éthiopienne d’une homélie d’Eusèbe, évêque d’Héraclée”,
anfranco Fiaccadori (ed.), Autori classici in lingue ROC 2e ser., 6 [16], 1911, 424–25 (tr.); Bernd Manuel
del Vicino e Medio Oriente, Roma 2001, 273–81; Lucia Weischer, Qerellos IV 1: Homilien und Briefe zum
Travaini, “La croce gemmata sulle monete dal V al XII Konzil von Ephesos, Wiesbaden 1979 (AeF 4), 118–21;
secolo”, in: Gemma Sena Chiesa et al. (eds.), Gemme: VatLib, cod. VatCerAeth 149, fol. 12v [18th cent.].
dalla corte imperiale alla corte celeste, Milano 2002, 111– Lit.: Giorgio Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica
225, here 112 and n. 6, 114f. and n. 23; J. Ulrich, “Euse- Orientalis (Series episcoporum Ecclesiarum Christianarum
bios von Caesarea”, in: Siegmar Döpp – Wilhelm Orientalium), Padova 1988, vol. 1, 91 [12.3.3: “Pro-
Geerlings (eds.), Lexicon der antiken christlichen Lit- vincia Honoriadis, Heraclea Ponti: Eusebius”]; Otto
eratur, Freiburg – Basel – Wien 1998, 209–14, here 213f. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur,
(Lit.); Kurt Weitzmann, Geistige Grundlagen und vol. 4, Freiburg i.B. 1924, 200; Jean Simon, “Notes
Wesen der makedonischen Renaissance, Köln – Opladen bibliographiques sur les textes de la «Chrestomathia Ae-
1963 (Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Forschung des Landes thiopica» de A. Dillmann”, Orientalia nuova ser. 10, 1941,
Nordrhein-Westfalen. Geisteswissenschaften 107), 25f., 285–311, here 304ff.; Enrico Cerulli, Inventario dei
Abb. 21 [= The Character and Intellectual Origins of the manoscritti Cerulli etiopici, introduzione, integrazioni e
Macedonian Renaissance, in: Id., Studies in Classical and indici a cura di Osvaldo Raineri, Città del Vaticano
Byzantine Manuscript Illumination, Chicago – London (Studi e testi 420), 319, no. 167 [with erroneous attribution
1971, 176–223, here 196, fig. 179]; Rochus Zuurmond to the 16th cent.].
(ed.), Novum Testamentum Aethiopice: the Synoptic Gos- Gianfranco Fiaccadori
pels, part 1: General Introduction, Stuttgart 1989 (AeF
29), 19ff.
Eutychius
E. (in GéŸéz !b2i_F Awtakiyos, or Awtake/
Eusebios, Canons of ÷Canon tables Awtaki) was the first proponent of ÷Mono-
physitism, whose theological claims were
Eusebios of Herakleia endorsed at the Council of ÷Ephesus (449)
E. (Gr. Eujsevbio", GéŸéz %bE-_F , Ewsebyos) is by Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexandria. E. as a
known from both the Acts of the first Council person seems to have not been influential at all
of ÷Ephesus, 431 A.D., where he is mentioned after the Council of ÷Chalcedon (451) and the
twice as bishop “of Herakleia in the (ecclesias- group of his followers disappeared not later than
tical) Province of Honorias”, corresponding to in the 6th cent. Among the anti-Chalcedonians, E.
ancient Bithynia (Gesta Ephesena, §§ 33 and 73, was condemned by the first anti-Chalcedonian
no. 107), and a short “[Homily] of Eusebius, patriarch of Alexandria, Timothy Aeluros (457-
bishop of Herakleia in Pontus”, which survives 77), and by the Henotikon (a document which
in an Ethiopic translation from Greek that en- provided the common ground to all the anti-
tered the much-diffused anti-Nestorian collec- Nestorian fractions, issued as an alternative to
tion bearing the name of ÷Qeréllos (CPG 6143). both Councils of Ephesos and Chalcedon) of
The homily belongs to a series of discourses Emperor Zeno (482) for having rejected the
delivered by partisans of ÷Cyril of Alexandria principle of “consubstantiality to us according to
“in the church dedicated to Mary in Ephesus, on the flesh”, fundamental for both Chalcedonian
Sunday, the 11th day of Hamle [= 5 July]” in 431 and all the (non-Eutychianist) anti-Chalcedonian
– i.e., thirteen days after the condemnation and parties.
deposition of ÷Nestorius. As confirmed by its The Chalcedonians equated any teaching
flattering allusion to Cyril’s leading theological of their opponents with Eutychianism. Anti-
role (§ 1), the text was therefore written at the Chalcedonians’ usage of the same name was much
beginning of the Council of Ephesus (opened by more sophisticated. The radical Monophysite
Cyril on 22 June), possibly between 28 June and factions (especially the adherents of Julianism)
5 July of the same year (Weischer 1979:39f.). This were usually labelled “Eutychianist” by the
provides no better clues for the tenure of Bishop moderate ones, forcing the former to explain their
E. in the prestigious see of Pontic Herakleia attitude towards Eutychianism.
(modern Ereêli) on the Black Sea coast of Ana- In Ethiopia the most detailed account on E. is
tolia, but lends some evidence to this otherwise available from a source with a Julianist tendency,
elusive historical figure. the Mäshafä ÷méstir by Giyorgis of Sägla,
456
Evagrius
homilies no. 14 (against Awtaki “who denies that the doctrines of ÷Origen, he is one of the most
the flesh of Christ was experiencing, like our outstanding personalities in the development of
flesh, the weakness and the passion”) and no. theoretical thought on ascetic life. Combining
17 (against Aftikis, who teaches that the body the psychological doctrine of the pre-existence
of Christ was descended from heaven). Both of the soul with the need of the ascetic anchoritic
heresiarchs’ names are different renderings of practice for the salvation of man, he exerted a
E. and the doctrines ascribed to them represent lasting influence on most of the subsequent mo-
two usual charges against E. made by the anti- nastic writers. Probably due to the condemna-
Chalcedonian theologians. tion of Origen’s doctrines, definitely confirmed
In the 19th cent. the representatives of the by the Council of Constantinople in 553, not
÷Karra movement were labelled “children many of his original Greek writings have sur-
of E.” So, in an Amharic document issued by vived: sometimes, mostly the ascetical works,
the ÷Yäsägga lég school (written by mämhér under the name of Nilus of Ankyra (cf. Sinke-
÷Kéflä Giyorgis), there is a “historical” account wicz 2004); several other works by E. are only
of the events of the middle of the 5th cent. aiming known from Latin and Oriental versions – esp.
to demonstrate that the Karra (and even the Syriac and Armenian (full list of E.’s works in
÷Qébat) have their roots in Eutychianism CPG II, nos. 2430–82). However, the traditional
(Yaqob Beyene 1977:13f.). view of E.’s condemnation has been recently
Src.: YaqMist 247–66, 288–317 (text) = 150–64, 180–99 questioned by Dysinger (2003).
(tr.); Yaqob Beyene, Controversie christologiche in E.’s biography is summarized in the reading
Etiopia. Contributo alla storia degli correnti e della of the Sénkéssar for 11 Térr (cf. BudSaint 481ff.;
terminologia nel secolo XIX, Napoli 1977 (Supplemento
n. 11 agli Annali IUO, vol. 37, 2), 13f. (text) = 20–23 (tr.).
ColSyn IX, 82–85), where also his fabulous
Lit.: Aloys Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition, meeting with abba Bula is recorded. He is also
vol. 1, From the Apostolic Age to Chalcedon (451), tr. by J.S. mentioned in the readings for 19 Térr of some
Bowden, New York 1965, 456-74; Id., Jesus der Christus manuscripts of the ÷Dérsanä Gäbréýel (e.g., ms.
im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 2/2, Die Kirche von Konstan- VatLib, Aeth. 149, fols. 19v–20v).
tinopel im 6. Jahrhundert, Freiburg – Basel – Wien 1989
[English tr.: New York 1996], s. index. Works of E. have been translated into GéŸéz,
Basil Lourié where at least two of the names under which he
is known, Agwaris and Wägris, have eventually
given birth to the tradition of the existence of
Evagrius distinct personalities, listed, e.g., under different
E. (Evagrius Ponticus; !P`<F Agwaris, also entries (nos. 198–99) in the inventory of Ethiopic
!bN?_F Awgaryos, ]P<F Wägris or ]8<F works in ms. EMML 1601, fols. 1v–16r, a compi-
Wäqris, Greek Eujavgrio¿ Pontikov¿, b. ca. 325, lation of a 20th-cent. däbtära (probably liqä täb-
Ibora, Pontus, d. ca. 399, Egypt) was an impor- bäbt Aklilä Bérhan Wäldä Qirqos). Unlike what
tant early monastic theologian and ascetic writer. happened for other traditions, esp. the Syriac
According to his disciple Palladius (Historia and the Armenian (cf. Guillaumont 1985), but
Lausiaca 38; Palladio 1974:192ff.), he was or- also the Arabic and Coptic ones (cf. GrafLit vol.
dained lector (anagnostes) by ÷Basil the Great 1, 397ff.; Samir 1992), no systematic study of the
and deacon by his master ÷Gregory of Nazian- GéŸéz manuscript tradition has been undertaken.
zus, who attached him to bishop Nectarius, on Apart from the identifications listed below, it is
the occasion of the Council of 380 in Constan- more than likely that E. left other writings or
tinople. Here he earned great fame for his anti- passages that have not yet been identified.
heretical speeches. Involved in a love-affair with The treatise On the Eight Thoughts (or: Spirits,
a married upper-class woman, he left for Jerusa- Greek logismoiv) of Evilness (CPG II, no. 2451) –
lem, where Melania of Rome (the Elder) received i.e. the eight sinful desires (gluttony, fornication,
him. In 383 he gave himself over to monastic life; avarice, grief, wrath, torpor, vainglory and ar-
after two years in the desert of Nitria, he spent rogance), a topic E. thoroughly developed – was
the rest of his life in the Kellia, associating with first published by Bachmann (1893:26–33 from
anchorites and monks of the region and working mss. Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek, Aeth. 3,
as a sought-after copyist. fols. 14vff., and Aeth. 20, fols. 82r ff.), later in-
E. wrote most of his numerous works during dependently and partially edited and translated
his stay in the Egyptian desert. A follower of by Grébaut (1913–14, from ms. Delorme 3),
457
Evagrius
and finally collated, translated and commented 132rb–33va; EMML 1387, fols. 84v–86v; 1442,
upon (but not re-edited) by Spies (1932), with fols. 70v–71r; and 2084, fols. 164r–66v). In ms.
perusal of other mss. (BritLib Orient. 754, fols. BritLib Orient. 754, fols. 182rf., the Sentences
178r–80v, and Orient. 757, fols. 140r–142v; are further followed by three letters from the
Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Aeth. correspondence between Lucius (Lukyos) and E.,
16, fols. 7rb–10rb; Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, whose second letter is divided into 21 sections;
Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orient. oct. 1307, the identification of Lucius with the addressee
fols. 3ra–15ra). This recension is characterized of E.’s Treatise to Eulogius (CPG II, no. 2447) is,
by a colophon giving the date of the translation however, doubtful (cf. Hausherr 1940).
from Arabic as 1553, in the 13th year of the reign Besides short references in other collections
of ase Gälawdewos (r. 1540–59). As observed (e.g., in the Patericon, cf. the tr. by Arras 1967:
by Spies (1932:204), ms. BN d’Abbadie 75, fols. 180 [under “E.”]; cf. also ms. EMML 19), pas-
172ff. could preserve, among other writings of sages of the Geronticon have also been identified
E., the same treatise in turn, as well as others, but as belonging to E.’s works: from the treatise On
we lack a careful description of this manuscript. Prayer (CPG II, no. 2452, §5, cf. Arras 1986:166f.
Further mss. of the same recension are Uppsala, [text] = 112f. [tr.], and §§1–16, 17–49, 50–59, 62,
University Library, O Etiop. 50, fol. 156v (in- 66–128; cf. ibid., 346–52 [text] = 235–39 [tr.], from
complete); Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek mss. BritLib Orient. 763 and BN d’Abbadie 85;
Frankfurt, Ms. or. 7, fols. 338r–45r; Staatsbibli- but also in ms. EMML 7469); from the Practicus
othek zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Ori- (CPG II, no. 2430, §4, cf. Arras 1986:104 and
ent. 2283, fols. 129vb–32rb; EMML 1387, fols. 307 [text] = 69f., 209 [tr.], and §§6–14; cf. ibid.,
81r–84v; 1648, fols. 56r–60v and 67r–69v; 3641, 342–46 [text] = 233ff. [tr.]); and again from the
fols. 159v–64r; and 4550, fols. 45r–49v. Sentences to Monks (cf. Arras 1986: 197 and 259
Four of the eight sections of the treatise (on [text] = 134 and 176 [tr.]). The attribution to E. of
the desires of gluttony, avarice, torpor and other Ethiopic writings (e.g., the “Exhortations
vainglory), certainly originating from an inde- aux anachorètes” and the “Sentences ascétiques”
pendent translation (the Vorlage of which and ed. and tr. by Grébaut 1913ff. from ms. Delorme
its relationship with the other recension have 3, as in GuiSLett 82, n. 1) is not supported by
not yet been ascertained), are also found in the their clear identification. An obscure short text,
so-called Monastic Collection, edited and trans- found in at least three mss. (Tanasee 39 = Kebran
lated from mss. BritLib Orient. 764 and VatLib, 39, fols. 165va–68va; Tanasee 94 = Rema 5, fol.
Cerulli et. 220 (to which Tanasee 28 = Kebran 175r-v; EMML 2218, fols. 165v–66r), seems to
28 and EMML 4447 are now to be added), by witness to the existence of GéŸéz commentaries
Arras (1963:51ff., 168f., 170f., 239f. [text] = 37ff., on the ascetic writings of E.
123f., 124f., 175f. [tr.]). In the same Monastic Src.: Palladio, La storia lausiaca, ed. by Gerard J.
Collection the Sentences to Monks (CPG II, no. M. Bartelink, Milano 1974; AbbCat 88; ChAbb 49;
2435) are found (cf. Arras 1963:145–52 [text] = CRAbb 153f.; EMML vol. 1, 22; EMML vol. 4, 450,
539; EMML vol. 5, 81ff., 138; EMML vol. 6, 154, 226;
106–12 [tr.]). Moreover, some of the anonymous EMML vol. 9, 84; EMML vol. 10, 159, 213; Heinrich
sayings are certainly to be attributed to E. (e.g., von Ewald, “Ueber die Aethiopischen Handschriften
ibid.: 132, ll. 18–22 [text] = 97, ll. 22–27 [tr.], to be zu Tübingen”, Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlan-
compared with E.’s saying in Historia Lausiaca des 5, 1844, 164–201, here 191f.; Id., “Ueber eine zweite
38:13 [Palladio 1974:202f.] and in the Sénkéssar, Sammlung Aethiopischer Handschriften in Tübingen”,
ZDMG 1, 1847, 1–43, here 38; Sylvain Grébaut, “Les
cf. BudSaint 483; ColSyn IX, 84f.). manuscrits éthiopiens de M. E. Delorme”, ROC 19, 1914,
Other Sentences, probably spurious (CPG II, 174–82; GreTisVat 576; HamSixBerl 164f., 310f.; Ham-
no. 2481), are attributed to E.: first edited and Tana I, 142f., 178; HamTana II, 126; LöfUpp 26; Niko-
translated by Grébaut (1915–17 and 1919–20, laus Rhodokanakis, Die äthiopischen Handschriften
der k.k. Hofbibliothek zu Wien, Wien 1906 (Sitzungsbe-
from ms. Delorme 3), they often follow the richte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Treatise on the Eight Thoughts (e.g., mss. BritLib Wien, philosophisch-historische Klasse 151, 4), 7; SixDeu
Orient. 754, fols. 180vff., and Orient. 757, fols. 221f.; WrBriMus 171, 221ff.; BudSaint 481ff.; ColSyn IX,
142vff.; Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek Frank- 82–85.
Lit.: CPG II; GrafLit; Victor Arras, Collectio Mo-
furt, ms. or. 7, fols. 280va–281va; Staatsbibliothek nastica, Louvain 1963 (CSCO 238, 239 [SAe 45, 46]); Id.,
zu Berlin, Preußischer Kulturbesitz, ms. orient. Patericon Aethiopice, Louvain 1967 (CSCO 277, 278 [SAe
oct. 1307, fols. 15ra–21va, and Or. 2283, fols. 53, 54]); Id., Geronticon, Lovanii 1986 (CSCO 476, 477
458
Evangeliska Fosterlands Stiftelsen
[SAe 79, 80]); Luke Dysinger, “The Condemnation
of Evagrius Reconsidered”, paper presented at the Four-
teenth International Patristic Conference, Oxford 2003;
Johannes Bachmann, Aethiopische Lesestücke: Inedita
Aethiopica für den Gebrauch in Universitäts–Vorlesungen,
Leipzig 1893, 26–33 [repr.: Ernst Hammerschmidt
(ed.), Anthologia Aethiopica, Hildesheim 1988]; Antoine
Guillaumont, “Le rôle des versions orientales dans la
récupération de l’œuvre d’Évagre le Pontique», Comptes
rendus de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 1985,
64–74; GuiSLett 81f.; Irénée Hausherr, “Eulogios
– Loukios”, OrChrP 6, 1940, 216–20; Khalil Samir,
“Évagre le Pontique dans la tradition arabo-copte”, in: Ac-
tes du IVe Congrès copte, vol. 2: De la linguistique au gnos-
ticisme, Louvain-la-Neuve 1992 (Publications de l’Institut
Orientaliste de Louvain 41), 125–53; Robert E. Sinke-
wicz, Evagrius of Pontus. The Greek Ascetic Corpus, Sawmill of Edouard Evalet in Gamgam; photo from the
Oxford – New York 2004; Otto Spies, “Die äthiopische
collection of André Evalet
Überlieferung der Abhandlung des Evagrius peri; tw'n ojktw;
logismw'n”, OrChr 3, 7, 1932, 203–28; Sylvain Grébaut, in 1952 by ase Òaylä Íéllase I, who, however, in
“La mauvaise passion de la colère selon Évagrius”, ROC 1961 honoured Jeanne Evalet-Roth (1887–1973)
18, 1913, 213–15; Id., “Exhortations aux anachorètes”,
ibid., 317–25; Id., “Sentences ascétiques”, ibid., 423–27; with the Order of the Queen of Sheba.
ibid. 20, 1915–17, 207–09; ibid. 22, 1920–21, 443–47; Id., E. was in good terms with Ménilék’s notables.
“La mauvaise passion de l’avarice selon Évagrius”, ibid. When asked by the French general Famin to act
18, 1913, 427–29; Id., “Sentences d’Évagrius”, ibid. 20, as a go-between with the Ethiopian government
1915–17, 211–14, 435–39; ibid. 22, 1920–21, 206–11.
Alessandro Bausi in order to help the continuation of the work on
the Chemin de fer Franco-Éthiopien – stopped
in Awaš following Ethiopian doubts – his con-
Evalet, Edouard tact with the Minister of War ÷Habtä Giyorgis
E. (b. 2 December 1876, La Heutte, Jura, Swit- was of crucial help (Evalet 1999:37). E.’s wife
zerland, d. 21 October 1942, Addis Abäba) was later was a confidant of Empress Zäwditu, for
the first industrialist in Ethiopia. Invited to whom she was a source of information on Eu-
Ethiopia by his compatriot Alfred ÷Ilg, in 1898 rope, especially during World WarI. On a jour-
he first became ase ÷Ménilék II’s imperial clock- ney to Jerusalem, Constantinople and Paris in
maker at the court and then a merchant import- 1921, E. acted as an unofficial envoy of Zäwditu
ing clocks. In 1907, as a reward for his services, to enforce – though unsuccessfully – Ethiopian
he received a concession for a saw-mill, together claims on the territories of the Ethiopian monas-
with the Swiss architect Carl Faller. The “Scierie tery ÷Dayr as-Sultan. Two of E.’s three children
Evalet-Faller”, employing foreigners and locals, and a number of his grandchildren were born
was opened in 1908 next the Gam Gam river and raised in Ethiopia.
(Oromo territory near ÷Addis ŸAläm), amidst Src.: interview with André Evalet, 93 years old, Geneva,
rich forests, and remained without competitors 14 July 2002; Nachlass Evalet, Musée d’Ethnographie,
until 1936/37. It followed E.’s ideas of respect Geneva, and Janine Evalet-Giovannini, Geneva.
for the environment and enjoyed good relations Lit.: ErDizBio 120; “Voyage à l’exploitation forestière de
Djam-Djam», Le Courrier d’Éthiopie, Journal d’Infor-
with the region’s Oromo chief, Abbaa Doyo (d. mations Hebdomadaire 14, 47, 22 novembre 1929, 1–2;
ca. 1940). The saw-mill delivered wood specially Hans Morf, “Schweizerische Sägerei im afrikanischen
for internal use, but also for export (British Pal- Gebirgs-Urwald“, Schweizer Illustrierte Zeitung, ca.
estine). Until the 1930s, Addis Abäba was, to a 1929, 8, 230; André Evalet, De Ménélik à Mengistu:
large extent, built with its products (Le Courrier un Suisse en Éthiopie, Genève 1999 (Collection Sources et
témoignages, Musée d’Ethnographie, Genève 4), 8–11, 20,
d’Ethiopie 1929, 1; Evalet 1999:64). After Faller’s 24ff., 37f., 43ff., 64.
death in 1927 it was renamed Scierie Edouard Wolbert Smidt
Evalet, with the administration in Addis Abäba.
Starting from 1936, E.’s son, André (1908–2002), Evangelical Church(es) ÷Protestantism
was associated with the company (cp. ErDizBio
120). Later, called Maison J. Evalet-Roth in 1942, Evangeliska Fosterlands Stiftelsen
it was continued by his widow and his son until The first Protestant missionary organizations to
the de-facto expropriation of the family business work in Ethiopia were the ÷Church Missionary
459
Evangeliska Fosterlands Stiftelsen
Society of London since 1839 and the ÷St. rived in Ethiopia in 1867) took more interest in
Chrischona-Pilgermission from Basle since reform work within the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox
1856. Both waited for an opportunity to enter Täwahédo Church. After the killing of Lager by
÷Oromo territory but failed to do so. It was for Gubsa (var. of Gugsa) Wäldä Gäbréýel in the bat-
two Lutheran missionary societies, the German tle of Wäkki Dubba, near the St. Michael Church
÷Hermannsburger Mission (founded in 1849) of ŸAddi Qwänsi, the method of Lundahl became
and the E.F.S. (founded in 1856) to bring the the prevailing one.
Gospel to the non-Christian Oromo. The Protestant activity in Ethiopia led to the
The E.F.S., known in Ethiopia as the Swedish formation of an indigenous Evangelical Church
Evangelical Mission (SEM), had sprung from the in 1944. However, theological differences pushed
spiritual awakening movements in Sweden of the the Lutherans to form a Lutheran Church of
early 19th cent. It was working first of all among their own, a project which succeeded in 1959
the Christian population of Sweden, but soon it with the foundation of the ÷Ethiopian Evangeli-
also began missionary work abroad. cal Church Mekane Iyesus. Since 1974 the E.F.S.,
On 15 March 1866 the first three Swedish mis- as well as the other Lutheran missions present in
sionaries, Carl Johan Carlsson (1836–67), Per Ethiopia have been part of this last Church.
Erik Kjellberg and Lars Johan Lange, landed at ÷Missions; ÷Protestantism
Massawa. The governor of ÷Adyabo, ato Wäldä Lit.: ArEvang; Olav Saeveraas, On Church-Mission
Sadéq Märaó, allowed them to set up a mission sta- Relations in Ethiopia 1944–1969, with Special Reference to
tion at Tandere in ÷Kunama territory, where they the Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus and the Lutheran
Missions, Lund 1974.
arrived on 4 June 1866. In July, Carlsson went to
Kirsten Stoffregen Pedersen
Uzama, where he learned the Kunama language,
while Lange fell seriously ill and had to return to
Sweden and Kjellberg struggled on in Tandere. In Evangelists in art
May 1867 reinforcements arrived from Sweden in A set of full-page portraits of the four E. is
the form of three more missionaries. the most common form of illumination in the
In the bloody fighting among the various vil- decorated Gospel books. The four E. (Matthew,
lages and factions the Swedes soon became trusted Mark, Luke, John) are rarely depicted in other
peacemakers. In January 1869 they received nine contexts. E. portraits in the formats of a stand-
more colleagues from Sweden, seven men and two ing figure holding his codex and an author seated
women. Among the newcomers were Bengt Peter before a desk or lectern engaged in composing
Lundahl (1840–85) and his fiancée Gustava von his book were well established elements of the
Platen, whom he married in Ethiopia. However, decorated Gospel book as early as the 6th cent.;
fighting among the local population and illness the earliest extant 6th-cent. examples survive in
obliged them to return to Massawa. It was there Latin and Syriac Gospels.
that the mission managed finally to establish roots
and henceforth was able to carry out its work of
evangelizing the Oromo and of rendering various
services, such as medical care and education. In
the latter field the work of missionary women
became of particular importance, because they
took upon themselves the schooling of Ethiopian
women. The first Oromo baptized by the Swedes
was a young former slave, Näsib, to whom the
Swedes gave the name ÷Onesimos.
The distribution of Bibles in Amharic and
GéŸéz by earlier Protestant missionaries in the
÷Hamasen had led to eager scriptural studies Fig. 1: St. Matthew;
among the Orthodox Christians. The Swedish miniature from a
missionaries soon began to work in two different Gospel Book of
Däbrä MäŸar; fol.
fields: Lundahl saw as his primary task the need 14v; 1340; photo
to train indigenous missionaries from among the 1993, courtesy of
Oromo freedmen, while P.E. Lager (1837–76, ar- the author
460
Evangelists in art
No Ethiopian ÷manuscripts from the Ak-

sumite period survived, but the introduction
of E. portraits into Ethiopic (GéŸéz) Gospel
books most likely goes back to this early period.
Separate parchment leaves with E. portraits and
decorated Canon tables, presently inserted into
two later Ethiopic manuscripts of the Four Gos-
pels at ÷Énda Abba Gärima, have been dated by
the carbon-14 process to the period between 430
and 650 A.D. (Mercier 2000b:40), but stylistic
comparisons indicate that the illuminations were
painted in the late 6th or early 7th cent. Their
original provenance is unknown (AfrZion 129f.;
the miniatures were first published in Leroy Fig. 3: St. Matthew, miniature from a Gospel Book of
Kébran, Lake Tana; fol. 24v; before 1412; photo 1986,
1960, 1968). courtesy of the author
The earliest presently known set of E. por-
traits integral to an Ethiopic Gospel book is Iyäsus Moýa are seated figures. Mark wears a red
found in the so-called Gospels of Iyäsus Moýa monastic hooded cape (Heldman 1983, fig. 2), an
of ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos, dated 1280/81 (ms. apparent reference to the fact that successors of
EMML 1832). Each full-page portrait is painted Mark at the patriarchal See of Alexandria were
upon a verso page, facing the Gospel text on the chosen from the Egyptian monastic community.
recto page. Ethiopian scribes customarily copied The detail of the distinctive red monastic hooded
the first page of a Gospel text on the first recto cape is repeated in the portrait of St. Mark in
folio of a quire, a custom that goes back to the the Gospels of Ÿaqqabe säŸat Kréstos Täsfanä of
earliest centuries of production of manuscripts Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos (Addis Abäba, National
of the Four Gospels (cp. McGurk 1961) and is Library, ms. 28; s. AfrZion no. 65).
confined to Gospel books alone (Nelson 1981: E. portraits found in a number of illuminated
222, n. 57). Each E. thus introduces his respec- Ethiopic Gospels books produced during the
tive Gospel. All sets of E. portraits in Ethiopic 14th, 15th and early 16th cent. repeat the essential
Gospel books follow this pattern of placement. formats of standing figure with codex, seated
Luke (Heldman 1994, fig. 50) and John in the author, or a combination of the two. The portrait
Gospels of ÷Iyäsus Moýa are depicted as a fron- of Matthew in the Gospels of ÷Däbrä MäŸar,
tal standing figure wearing a tunic and mantle as dated 1339/40 A.D. (s. Lepage 1987; AfrZion
in some Greek E. portraits (Weitzmann 1935, 130) shows a standing figure holding his codex
pl. 79), the Gospel codex held in the draped (Fig. 1). Although his garments are treated rather
left hand. Matthew and Mark of the Gospels of decoratively, the simple tunic and the draped
mantle of the Late Antique prototype of this
portrait type remain recognizable. In contrast,
the figure of Luke in a manuscript of the Four
Gospels from a monastery at ÷Gwénagwéna in
Akkälä Guzay, produced during the reign of
ase Dawit II (r. 1382–1413), wears garments
transformed by the painter into ornamental
patterns (Fig. 2). This is typical of many sets of
E. portraits created during the late 14th and 15th
cent. (Heldman 1994, figs. 55–56). On the other
hand, the painter of the evangelist portraits of
the Gospels from ÷Kébran Éstifanos followed
middle-Byzantine models of the seated evange-
list portrait type (Wright et al. 1961, pl. 8). The
Fig. 2: St. Luke, miniature from a Gospel Book of
Gwénagwéna; fol. 90v; period of the reign of ase Dawit
manuscript was produced before 1412 (Fig. 3; s.
(1382–1413), as per note on fol. 181r; photo 1974, HamTana I, 84–91, ms. Tanasee 1; AfrZion 178f.,
courtesy of the author no. 69). More decorative interpretations of the
461
Evangelists in art
port the throne of God are understood to be

intercessors there for all creation, and they are
celebrated as such on 8 Òédar (BudSaint 221f.;
ColSyn VIII, 168–73). The appearance of these
animals as symbols in the portraits of the E. in
this 15th-cent. Gospel book reflects the impact of
European art, introduced to Ethiopia during the
course of the 15th cent.
A set of strikingly different E. portraits deco-
rates a 17th-cent. Ethiopian manuscript of the
Four Gospels (London, BritLib, ms. Orient.
516), the distinctive style of which indicates that
it was produced in the environs of ÷Lalibäla in
Lasta (AfrZion no. 108; Mercier 2000:142f.). The
iconography of these E. portraits, a standing
saint with his hands raised in an orant pose and
accompanied by his disciples (ardéýét , ‘helpers’),
is unique to miniatures painted in this style. Mat-
thew is accompanied by four disciples, Mark has
two disciples who hold books, and those accom-
panying Luke hold large knives (AfrZion no.
108; Leroy 1967, pl. 55).
Portuguese ÷Jesuit missionaries to Ethiopia in
the early 17th cent. brought one or more copies
Fig. 4: St. Luke, miniature from a Gospel Book, Énda of the Arabic Four Gospels (Evangelium Arabi-
Abba Päntälewon; fol. 85v, mid-15th cent.; photo 1974,
courtesy of the author cum), printed in Rome in 1591. Decorated with
woodcuts designed by Antonio Tempesta, the
seated E. are found in the Gospels of ÷Däbrä book has a set of illuminations showing E. with
Maryam Qwähayn, Eritrea, dated 1360/61 (s. the animal symbols. It furnished new models
Buxton 1970, fig. 75; Bausi 1994:24–44) and oth- for E. portraits of later Ethiopic Gospel books.
er illuminated Ethiopic Gospel books of the 15th The portraits in the 17th-cent. Gospels from the
and early 16th cent. (s., e.g., Wright et al. 1961, pl. Gana Yohannés church at Säqält (Jäger 1957, pl.
6; Hammerschmidt 1977, pl. 132–35; Jäger 1957, 5) follow the Arabic Gospel’s composition rather
pl. 1–2; Spencer 1972:67; Mercier 2000:86f.; Hor- closely. The impact of these models upon E.
rowitz 2001:101). portraits in Ethiopian manuscripts is often less
Portraits of three E. in a mid-15th-cent. manu- direct, yet present when the E. is depicted while
script of the Four Gospels from Énda Abba writing, sitting upon the ground or a low stool
Päntälewon from the environs of Aksum depart with his symbolic animal beside him (Hammer-
from the simple E. portrait described above. schmidt 1977, pl. 129ff.). E.g., E. portraits of a
Each E. is accompanied by his symbol – Mark 17th-cent. Gospel book (BritLib., ms. Orient.
is accompanied by a lion, Luke by an ox (Fig. 4) 515) show each E. seated on the ground writing,
and John by an eagle. A single miniature with a while before him his symbolic animal holds an
portrait of John, presently in a private collection ink horn into which the author will dip his pen.
(Mercier 2000:60), is by the painter of the Énda Because these portraits are painted in the 18th-
Abba Pantalewon E. portraits. The symbols de- cent. second Gondärine style, we must conclude
rive from the interpretations of Ezekiel’s vision that they were added some time after the manu-
of God (Ezek 1:5–10) and the vision of John in script was produced.
the Apocalypse (Rev 4:6-8); the symbolic scheme Src.: BudSaint 221f.; David Buxton, The Abyssinians,
devised by Jerome was adopted as a standard ad- London 1970, fig. 75; ColSyn VIII, 168–73; HamTana I,
dition to the portraits of the evangelists in the 84–91, ms. Tanasee 1 = Kebran 1; EMML V, 293–301, ms.
no. 1832; Deborah E. Horrowitz (ed.), Ethiopian Art.
arts of the Roman Church (s., e.g., Nelson 1980: The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore 2001, 101; Otto A.
15–53). In the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Jäger, Aethiopische Miniaturen, Berlin 1957, pl. 1, 2, 5;
Church, the “Four Living Beings” that sup- Marilyn E. Heldman, The Marian Icons of the Painter
462
Evliya Çelebi
Fre Seyon: a Study in Fifteenth-Century Ethiopian Art, Murad IV, who took him to the palace school for
Patronage, and Spirituality, Wiesbaden 1994, fig. 50, 55f.; further education.
AfrZion 129f., 178f., nos. 65, 69, 108; Jacques Mercier
(ed.), L’arche éthiopienne: Art chrétien d’Éthiopie, Paris Before starting his extended travels in 1640,
2000, 60, 86f.; Ernst Hammerschmidt, Illuminierte E.Ç. explored Istanbul and its environs, which
Handschriften der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kultur- he described in the first volume of his work. His
besitz und Handschriften vom Tanasee, Graz 1977, pl. further journeys took him through Anatolia and
129–35; Diana Spencer, “In Search of St. Luke Ikons
the Balkans, from Vienna to Baghdad and from
in Ethiopia”, JES 10, 2, 1972, 201–31, here 67; Stephen
Wright – Otto Jäger – Jules Leroy (eds.), Ethiopia: Il- Crimea to Eritrea.
luminated Manuscripts, New York 1961, pl. 6; WrBriMus In volume ten he gives an account of his jour-
25f., no. 36 [Orient. 515]; 27f., no. 41 [Orient. 516]. ney to the Kingdom of ÷Fung and to the Otto-
Lit.: Marilyn E. Heldman, “An Ethiopian Miniature of man province of ÷Habeš on the Red Sea. Travel-
the Head of St. Mark: Egyptian Influence at the Monastery
of St. Stephen, Hayq”, in: Stanislas Segert – Andrzej J. ling from Cairo along the Nile, he reached Sinnar,
E. Bodrogligeti (eds.), Ethiopian Studies, Dedicated to the capital of Fung, on the 20 ŠaŸban 1083 H. [11
Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of his 75th Birthday, Wies- December 1672]. From there he went, together
baden 1983, 554–68, here fig. 2; Ead., “An Early Gospel with the King of Fung, ÷Badi II – E.Ç. only calls
Frontispiece in Ethiopia”, Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 48,
1979, 107–21; Jules Leroy, “L’Évangéliaire éthiopien
him by his title, qaqan – into the deep south of
du couvent d’Abba Garima et ses attaches avec l’ancien the latter’s realm, up to the mountain of “Ševam”,
art chrétien de Syrie”, Cahiers Archéologiques 11, 1960, which was situated, according to E.Ç., 180 days’
131–43; Id., Ethiopian Painting in the Late Middle Ages journey south of Cairo.
and during the Gondar Dynasty, New York 1967, pl. 55;
Id., “Un nouvel évangéliare éthiopien illustré du monastère
Then he turned to Sinnar (18 February 1673)
d’Abba Garima”, Synthronon, Paris 1968 (Bibliothèque des and went on his way back to Egypt, but decided
Cahiers archéologiques 2), 75–87; Jacques Mercier, “La to grasp the opportunity for a visit to “Habeš”.
peinture éthiopienne à l’époque axoumite et au XVIIIe siè- He seems to have made this journey via Qus
cle”, Comptes rendus des séances, Academie des inscriptions (Ragab) to the north through Ethiopian territory,
and belles-lettres, Paris 2000b, 35–71; Kurt Weitzmann,
Die byzantinische Buchmalerei des 9. und 10. Jahrhunderts, which he calls “Dümbiye”, probably identical
Berlin 1935, pl. 79; Patrick McGurk, Latin Gospel Books with Ethiopian Dämbéya. He reached “Habeš”
from A.D. 400 to A.D. 800, Paris 1961, 7ff.; Robert S. near Dinqilab (Dungunab) and then turned south
Nelson, The Iconography of Preface and Miniature in the to “Sevakin” (÷Sawakin), where he embarked for
Byzantine Gospel Book, New York 1980, 15–53; Id., “A
Thirteenth-Century Byzantine Miniature in the Vatican the archipelago of ÷Dahlak and the harbour of
Library”, Gesta 20, 1981, 213–22, here 222, n. 57; Claude “Musova” (Massawa). ZaylaŸ was the last town
Lepage, “Reconstitution d’un cycle protobyzantin à partir he visited in “Habeš” before he eventually re-
des miniatures de deux manuscrits éthiopiens du XIVe siè- turned to Cairo. During his journey in the Sudan
cle”, Cahiers Archéologiques 35, 1987, 159–96; Alessandro
Bausi, “Su alcuni manoscritti presso comunità monastiche
and “Habeš”, it seems, he not only travelled as
dell’Eritrea”, RSE 38, 1994 [1997], 24–44 (Lit.). an emissary of Ottoman statesmen, as he usually
Marilyn E. Heldman did, but he also engaged in some trade.
In his account of Fung, as well as in that of
“Habeš”, E.Ç. gives some examples of the local lan-
Evliya Çelebi guages, which he calls Hebrew in Fung and Habeši
E.Ç. (b. 25 March 1611, Istanbul, d. 1684?) was or Süryani in “Habeš”, Hebrew and Süryani being
the author of a huge ten-volume work known as topoi for languages unknown to himself. Examples
the Seyahatname (‘Book of Travels’), in which of the languages of the ÷Banyan, Hindu and Jain
he describes the journeys he had undertaken merchants, are also provided.
– some of them probably spurious – throughout Due to his vivid imagination, E.Ç. occasion-
the Ottoman Empire and adjacent lands. The ally mixes facts and fantasy. Nevertheless, the
Seyahatname is the only source that provides Seyahatname offers a wealth of information
us with biographical data on E.Ç. It recounts about the lands and peoples he describes.
his birth as the son of Derwiš Mehmed Zilli, the Src.: Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatnamesi. M¯s¯r, Sudan,
chief court jeweller (E.Ç. is only his pen name, Habeæ (1672–1680), vol. 10, Istanbul 1938.
which he probably adopted in veneration of his Lit.: J.H. Mordtmann – H.W. Duda, “Ewliyâ
teacher, the court-imam Evliya Mehmed Efendi). Çelebi”, in: EI², II, 717–20 (Lit.); Cavit Baysun,
“Ewliya Çelebi”, in: Islâm Ansiklopedisi, vol. 4, Istanbul
After attending a medrese for seven years and a 1964, 400–12; Alessio Bombaci, “Il viaggio in Abissinia
Qurýanic school for other eleven, he excelled as di Evliya Óelebi (1673)”, Annali IUO nuova ser. 2, 1943,
a Qurýan reciter and found favour with sultan 259–75; Erich Prokosch (ed.), Ins Land der geheim-
463
Evliya Çelebi
nisvollen Func: des türkischen Weltenbummlers Evliya ‘Sons of Ewostatewos’) proved to be espe-
Çelebi Reise durch Oberägypten und den Sudan nebst der cially momentous for the history of what are
osmanischen Provinz Habeæ in den Jahren 1672/73, Graz
– Wien – Köln 1994 (Osmanische Geschichtsschreiber, now the Eritrean or Ethio-Eritrean regions of
Neue Folge 3). ÷Säraye, ÷Hamasen, ÷Šire and ÷Bur (includ-
Korkut Buêday ing ÷Akkälä Guzay, ÷Šémäzana and part of
÷ŸAgäme). Thanks to their missionary activity,
Ewald, Heinrich von those areas were intensively Christianized in
the 14th and 15th cent. and witnessed both a wide
E. (b. 16 November 1803, Göttingen, d. 4 May diffusion of monastic settlements and a consider-
1875, Göttingen) was a prominent 19th-cent. able elaboration of a much older theological and
German Protestant theologian and Orientalist/ literary heritage (Lusini 1993:28ff.).
Semitist. A prolific author, E. contributed to
In the “long” genealogies of northern (Tég-
many branches of theology and Semitic/Oriental
rayan) stock, ranging from the 14th to the 17th
Studies (e.g., the New Testament, Arabic gram-
cent. and centred on Ewostatewos, he is given
mar and metrics, South Arabian, comparative
twelve pupils (to become later, according to vari-
linguistics); the Old Testament and the history
ous traditions, spiritual mentors of celebrated
of Ancient Israel were at the centre of his schol-
monastic leaders in the same line): 1. ÷Absadi
arly endeavours. Unsurprisingly, therefore, his
of Däbrä Maryam, “spiritual father” of his own
contributions to ÷Ethiopian Studies were lim-
successors Zäkaryas and Romanos, as well as of
ited in number. E.’s impact on the development
Muse of Mayä Gwärzo (“father” of ÷Démyanos
of this discpline was rather due to his activity as a
of Qwähayn who begat ÷Yonas of Bur); 2.
teacher than to his research. During the decade of
÷Märqorewos of Däbrä Démah, “brother” of
1838–48 which he spent at Tübingen University
Absadi; 3. Matewos of Bärbäre or Dabra Bäkwér
(he otherwise taught in his home town of Göttin-
(÷Amba Sänayti); 4. Bäkimos of ÷Däbrä Särabi
gen) E. initiated August ÷Dillmann into Ethio-
(SéraŸ), first successor of Ewostatewos (before
pian Studies and inspired him to work in this
Pawlos, Ananya and Iyosayas) and “father” of
field. Dillmann’s dedication of his famous 1857
the better-known ÷Filéppos of Däbrä Bizän,
GéŸéz grammar to E., “his dear and venerated
whose rank was inherited by ÷Yohannes of
teacher and friend, master of Semitics”, indicates
Däbrä Bizän, in turn “father” of Yébarékannä
his lasting gratitude. Theodor ÷Nöldeke, another
Kréstos; 5. Gäbrä Mäsqäl of May Qorqor
leading German Semitist of the late 19th/early 20th
(Sähart); 6. Séwa Déngel or Wängel of Bur or
cent., was also a student of E.
Mänbärta; 7. ÷Matyas of ŸAd(dé)qe or Šémagele
Src.: Heinrich von Ewald, “Ueber die Saho-Sprache
in Aethiopien”, Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Hamasen); 8. ÷Gäbrä Iyasus of Däbrä San or
5, 1844, 410–24; Id., “Ueber die aethiopischen Handschrif- Däbsan (Énfraz), from among whose disciples
ten zu Tübingen”, ibid., 164–201; Id., “Ueber eine zweite Matewos, his successor, Fiqtor and ÷Éndréyas
Sammlung aethiopischer Handschriften in Tübingen“, are remembered; 9. Matewos “the Egyptian”;
ZDMG 1, 1847, 1–43; Id., Abhandlung über des aethiopi-
10. Bärtälomewos; 11. Fiq(i)tor; 12. Qozmos of
schen Buches Henoch Entstehung, Sinn und Zusammenset-
zung, Göttingen 1854; cf. also Lockot I, index. ÷Däbrä BäggéŸ (in Šäwa). As apparent from oth-
Lit.: August Dillmann, “Heinrich Ewald”, Neues er sources, the puzzling references to (9.) “Mate-
Reich 5, 1875, 78–86; Julius Wellhausen, “Heinrich wos the Egyptian” and (10.) “Bärtolomewos”
Ewald”, in: Festschrift zur Feier des 150-jährigen Beste- are to the homonymous Alexandrian patriarch
hens der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu
Göttingen, Göttingen 1901, 61–88; Friedrich Wil- (1378–1408) and Ethiopian metropolitan (ca.
helm Bautz, “Ewald, Heinrich Georg August”, in: 1398/99–1438; s. abunä ÷Bärtälomewos) respec-
Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, vol. 1, tively: since Ewostatewos died long before their
Herzberg – Nordhausen 1990, cols. 1577–78. tenures, the list may well reflect a posthumous
Michael Kleiner
arrangement, aimed at both conforming to the
“perfect” number of the Apostles and obliterat-
Ewostateans ing the bitter struggle between Filéppos of Däbrä
Members of the religious movement originating Bizan and Metropolitan Bärtälomewos, who had
in the strenuous preaching of ÷Ewostatewos been sent to Ethiopia by the Egyptian Patriarch
of Däbrä Särabi (ca. 1273–1352), who was Matthew II (s. also LusStud 122).
born and educated in eastern ÷Tégray, the Oral traditions only know, instead, of seven E.
E. (653y %cF2LcF , däqiqä Ewostatewos, (Qb(Hy 653y %cF2LcF , ŠäwŸattä däqiqä
464
Ewostateans
‘Saint Ewostatewos, master of faith for Ethio-
pia and Armenia’ (mid top) with eight disciples:
‘Absadi of Däbrä Maryam Särawe’, ‘Sinoda of
Zälgwan’ and ‘Zäýamanuýel, master of Wälläqa’
(left from top); ‘Hawa[r]ya Déngél’ and ‘Lébsä
Kréstos’ (mid low); ‘Märqorewos of Däbrä
Démah, Särawe’, ‘Gäbrä Iyä[sus] of Däbrä
Sa[n]’ and ‘Bäkimos of Däbrä Íärabi’ (right
from top); wooden triptych; private collection;
late 17th cent.; courtesy of the author
Ewostatewos). Besides Märqorewos, Bäkimos, ing the tenure of abbot Täwäldä Mädòen, third
Gäbrä Iyäsus and Matewos of Bärbäre, they successor of Absadi and immediate predecessor
include ÷Gäbrä Amlak and ÷Buruk Amlak, of Fiqtor (Lusini 1996:79-92). Useful details for
eponymous founders of Éndä Abba Gäramlak the chronology of the events concerning the E.,
at Qwäyasa (Šére) and Éndä Abba Buruk in with special attention to Absadi and Filéppos of
Märagwéz (Säraye), as well as the elusive Aron, Däbrä Bizan, as well as to the latter’s successors
whose name is associated to the monastery of (Yohannés, Íäräqä Bérhan and Petros), are found
Dammo Gälila (south of the valley of ÷ŸAdwa). in the 17th-cent. “Annals of ŸAddi NäŸammén”
Apart from even later traditions (Conti Rossini by the priest Mahsanta Maryam, with a list of
1942:201), or the scanty commemorations almost twelve E. (including Filéppos) who “went to the
concealed in different layers of the ÷Sénkéssar land of Amhara” in 1389/90, following the arriv-
(LusStud 10), a further list of Ewostatewos’s al of Metropolitan Bärtälomewos, and returned
disciples – rather minor historical figures, still to their own country only five years later (Kol-
playing a significant role in the ecclesiastical life Trad III, A23). Written from the point of view
of the northern provinces of Ethiopia from the of Däbrä Bizän, the “Annals” may well mirror
end of the 14th to the mid of the 15th cent. – is documents originally issued within this monas-
transmitted in the 15th/16th-cent. ms. Vat. Aeth. tery (ibid., A13f.; cp. LusStud 12). Its founder
46 (with the first recension of Ewostatewos’s Filéppos also gave his community an organic
Vita), fol. 131r–33v: it was drawn by an abba series of precepts – concerned with both spir-
Arkälädés or Arkä Íéllus, head of Däbrä Maya itual and material aspects of monastic life – that
AŸéraf (a priory of Däbrä Bizän) around 1450, are embedded in his Vita (Conti Rossini 1900:
and possibly one and the same person as the 94a-98b). It is the only such written instrument
owner of the book (Conti Rossini 1927:512ff.). known for the E. (Conti Rossini 1916:381–87).
A colophon by abunä ÷Yostinos in an Oc- Except for Gäbrä Iyäsus, who proceeded on
tateuch manuscript of Däbrä Maryam, dated to to ÷Bägemdér attempting to convert there the
1408/9, recounts the life of this community dur- ÷Betä Ésraýel of Énfraz, the E. were asserting
465
Ewostateans
themselves chiefly in the northern parts of the Filéppos, Gäbrä Iyäsus and Qozmos of Däbrä
empire. Here they soon dimmed the long-stand- BäggéŸ. Actually, the greatest achievements of
ing prestige and influence of such older monastic the E. – also part of the Ethiopian community of
foundations as the 6th-cent. ÷Däbrä Damo, ÷Jerusalem since the late 14th cent. (e.g., CerPal
÷Däbrä Sina and ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šémäzana, vol. 2, 363, 367f., 397f.) – coincided with a long
the decline of which was eventually triggered vacancy of the metropolitan seat. Bärtälomewos
by the presence and activity of the communi- held office only 13 years after the death of abunä
ties for both monks and nuns established by ÷Sälama “the Translator” (Fiaccadori 1989:151).
Ewostatewos and his offspring in remote places The regional or peripheral character of the
of Tégray and Eritrea (CRDLib 179). In their movement is however liable for the limits
search for suitable places, the E. were often met and fortunes of the “house” of Ewostatewos,
with hostile receptions that forced them to with- doomed to a greater homogeneity, but also to
draw into frontier areas – this being also the case dissension with the local clergy and ruling class,
for Gäbrä Iyäsus – where they rapidly increased and to conflicts with the emperor and the met-
and created a careful organization on their own ropolitan or other monastic families supported
“in complete defiance of the rest of the Ethiopian by them. Most of these families derived from the
Church” (TadTChurch 211). Šäwan monk ÷Täklä Haymanot, albeit display-
While originating from eastern Tégray, the E. ing no compact regional front. As to the contro-
had soon to relinquish their original dwelling and versial matter and the interlinking persecutions,
cross the ÷Märäb in order to flee the fierce reac- the celebration of the Saturday/÷Sabbath, in-
tion that broke out under ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I. deed a serious point at issue, was but an aspect,
By the end of the 14th cent., they were firmly es- even if extremely apparent, of a more substantial
tablished along the western edge of the Eritrean opposition between vast portions of the Ethio-
plateau. The earliest monastic settlement of the pian regular clergy, above all the Tégrayan, and
Däqiqä Ewostatewos beyond the Märäb was the emperors who tried to impose on the great
÷Däbrä Maryam in Qwähayn, founded by Absa- monastic units, traditionally jealous of their
di in approximately 1374. In the early decades of autonomy, by absolutely enforcing the central
the 15th cent., its scriptorium saw the production authority of the monarchy in keeping with the
and canonization of the most ancient and author- claims of the Coptic patriarchate, i.e. of the
itative hagiographic traditions concerning the E. metropolitans sent to Ethiopia from Egypt.
As suggested by the illumination found in a lo- When the E. finally refused to comply with
cal manuscript of the Acts of Saints and Martyrs Bärtälomewos’s provisions, Filéppos of Bizän
(cp. ÷Gädlä sämaŸétat) dated to 1466/67, Däbrä was detained at ÷Däbrä Hayq by the powerful
Maryam is also likely to have been the site of the Ÿaqqabe säŸat ÷Íäräqä Bérhan, an intimate friend
painters’ workshop responsible for the Psalter of ase ÷Dawit II and the most faithful supporter
of ÷Bélen Sägädä – the famous ÷aqa(n)sen of of the Egyptian bishop among the Ethiopian
Säraye who was close to Yonas of Bur (BN, ms. hierarchy. Nor was Filéppos released until after
d’Abbadie 105) – and other miniatures in its pe- the death of his jailer in ca. 1403 (CerMaria 85f.;
culiar style that are scattered through the adjoin- Cerulli 1958:271f.).
ing regions of Säraye, Hamasen and Šére and can An interesting contemporary picture of the
be associated with the “house” of Ewostatewos organization and administration of the E., un-
as well (Heldman 1989:6ff.). der the strict authority of their leadership, and a
On leaving for Egypt and the Holy Places brief statistical survey of the relevant structures
around 1338, Ewostatewos entrusted Absadi are provided in the Mäshafä ÷bérhan (inspired)
with the guidance of the community, then per- by ase ÷Zärýä YaŸéqob (VI [3-5]). There were
haps gathered at Däbrä Šémana of Héntalo three major centres: Däbrä Maryam, Däbrä
(÷Antalo). The expansion of the movement, Bizan and (Däbrä) Däqqi Ita in Märagwéz (the
having since come to a standstill, must have been southernmost district of Säraye), all with a great
revived by the return to Ethiopia, especially after number of inmates and dependencies (ménetat).
Ewostatewos’s death, of some of the disciples Taking literally the advice of their teachers, the
who had followed him as far as to Armenia members of the “house” declined to receive, and
for some 14 years (most of them perishing on even denounced, Holy Orders as conferred by
the difficult journey): Bäkimos, Märqorewos, the Egyptian bishop, a declared opponent of the
466
Ewostateans
Saturday/Sabbath (TadTChurch 211, n. 5–7); for Sabbath; nor did he see any harm in allowing a
his own part, the metropolitan refused priest- practice that could contribute to the unification
hood to the E., debarring them from the sacra- of his empire or to “the fabric of religious na-
ment of ordination (LusStud 121, 127). A few tionalism of Medieval Ethiopia of which he was
sympathizing, duly ordained priests celebrated the principal author” (TadTChurch 219). All the
the liturgy for each community, headed by a lay more so, as since his youth he had been enter-
brother in full charge of the religious life of its taining close relationships with the pro-Sabbath
members. This figure, called danya (‘judge, over- clergy. On these grounds, he took the sensible
seer’, modern form ÷dañña, s. BeckHuntAlvar political decision of bringing a final end to the
89 and n. 2, 556), bestowed the monastic habit controversy. In 1449 he had the new Metropoli-
and fixed the penance to be assigned by the tans ÷Mikaýel and Gäbréýel, in Ethiopia since
priests on hearing confessions. So did the E. 1438, reverse the opinion of their predecessors
manage to keep their independence, avoiding Sälama and Bärtälomewos (then blamed for their
narrow control by the Emperor and the clergy “ignorance of the Scriptures”), and relinquish
loyal to him and preventing outside interference the traditional doctrinal position of the Cop-
in monastic affairs. Also, E. were eventually able tic Church. In 1450, at the council summoned
to find a fit with local rulers and military leaders and presided over by the Emperor at ÷Däbrä
(e.g., Bélen Sägädä) that was to pave the way to Métmaq (the E. being there headed by ÷Gäbrä
the religious acknowledgement of their “house” Kréstos, abbot of Däbrä Maryam), the observ-
in the last ten years of ase Dawit’s reign. ance of the Saturday/Sabbath was declared
Zärýa YaŸéqob exactly informs about the dread- mandatory to all Christians, in accordance with
ful clash between the Egyptian bishop and the E. the Holy Scriptures accepted by the Ethiopian
(who had grown to an alarming rate) under the Orthodox Church.
reign of his father ase Dawit, by whom they were Giving thereby full legitimacy to the E., Zärýa
banned in ca. 1400, suffering defections and prob- YaŸéqob marked this event by generous land
lems that created lasting feuds within the “order”, grants to Däbrä Maryam and Däbrä Bizän, so
as reported in hagiographic sources (TadTChurch that they might “preach and teach the Orthodox
215, n. 2–3). Yet, four years later, impressed by faith”. Still in 1626, the Jesuit Manoel ÷Barradas,
the strengthening of their religious and political while noticing a severe decrease in the number
influence even on his principal courtiers, Dawit of monks (from 500 to 50), was deeply struck
changed his mind in favour of the E., making it by the extension of the landed properties of
possible for them to receive Holy Orders from Däbrä Bizän, then the leading settlement of the
the metropolitan – which they kept declining order (Tractatus II, 42, in BecRASO IV, 267f.;
by that time – and giving extended land grants tr. Filleul 1996:148f.). Such restored or increased
to some of their communities, as in the case of wealth, favouring closer contacts with the court,
Däbrä Démah (Conti Rossini 1904:44). The E., may also have contributed to the creation of a
whose status had been suddenly transformed distinctive E. style of illumination in the last
“from one of an actively persecuted minority into third of the 15th cent., with a limited but demon-
that of a respectable school”, acquired thereby strable impact of icons from the royal precincts,
complete freedom of movement throughout the too (Heldman 1989:8). At the same time, Zärýa
empire. This accounts for both their missionary YaŸéqob lavishly endowed the rival followers of
advance to the south (from Däbrä San) and their abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot (TadTChurch 206-19,
inner development in the north: a chain of small 229f.). By smoothing inequalities through fair-
communities was started by abuna Filéppos on minded donations, he was trying to settle the in-
his way back from detention along the main road ternal conflicts among the Ethiopian clergy and
from Amhara to Bizän, and soon after extended achieve perfect union within the Church.
to the eastern edge of the Eritrean plateau – on As a matter of fact, the “house” of Ewostate-
the western side of which the E. had long been wos came next to that of Täklä Haymanot, with
established. The whole region became, once and no substantial difference of rules (Conti Rossini
for all, an almost exclusive domain of the “house” 1916:380f.) except for the subdivision into small
of E. (TadTChurch 217f.). groups of monasteries forming independent
On ascending the throne, Zärýa YaŸéqob found congregations and the lack of a central figure
no theological reason for abolishing the first like that of the abbot of Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa
467
Ewostateans
(÷Éccäge). As for the practice of monastic life, (Turaev 1905:76; 1906:39). This denomination
the E. were – and still are – much more austere refers probably to the followers of that abba
in several respects: from strict enclosure and fast- ÷Niqolawos who attended the synod convened
ing to common life and relationships between by ase ÷Yohannés I in 1681, siding there with
monks and nuns. The two orders had since the Šäwan qébatoóó of Däbrä Libanos (TurIz
shared a common attitude against the matrimo- 156). The translation of a relic “of the doctor of
nial habits of the emperor (LusStud 5), if not the world, abunä Ewostatewos” from Armenia
against the traditional practices of the Ethiopian to ÷Gondär three years before may be also
Church or the Alexandrian opinion on Sabbath. understood within this competitive framework,
In due time, however, they experienced serious which was to shape the position held to by the
theological and political quarrels, grafted onto order in the subsequent centuries.
the long-standing background of ethno-geo- Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il Gadla Filpos e il Gadla
Yohannes di Dabra Bizan”, MRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1900 [1903],
graphic discrepancies despite ambiguous insti-
61–170, here 94–98; Id. (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum indige-
tutional boundaries and mutual influences. Over narum, I. Gadla Marqorewos, seu Acta sancti Mercurii,
the past few centuries, the engagement between Paris 1904 (CSCO 33, 34 [SAe 16, 17]), 44 (text) = 57
the “house” of Ewostatewos and the Šäwan (tr.); Id., “Di alcuni scritti etiopici inediti”, RRALm ser.
÷monasticism, as typified in the respective ge- 6a, 3, 1927, 497–528, here 512–16; Id., “Note di agiografia
etiopica (ŸAbiya-Egziý, ŸArkaledes e Gabra-Iyasus)”, RSO
nealogies, was resented in ÷Dämbéya, Bägemdér 17, 1938, 409–52, here 443; Id., Proverbi, tradizioni e can-
and Goggam (CrumLand 85), more than in the zoni tigrine, Verbania 1942, 133; CRRICBerhan, part II,
northern regions, where the E. had always pre- 145–57 (text) = 82–87 (tr.); KolTrad III, A23 (text) = A30
vailed and owned most of their landed property (tr.); Gianfrancesco Lusini (ed., tr.), Il «Gadla Absadi»
(Dabra Maryam, Saraýe), Lovanii 1996 (CSCO 557, 558
(Conti Rossini 1916:396-412, with a detailed list [SAe 103, 104]), 79–92 (text) = 56–67 (tr.); André Caquot,
of monasteries and “fiefs”). It acquired further “Les Actes d’Ezra de Gunda-Gunde”, AE 4, 1961, 69–121,
authority from the support of the already men- here 74ff. (text) = 96–99 (tr.); BeckHuntAlvar 89 and n. 2,
tioned Aksumite foundations (Mario da Abiy- 556 [“David”]; BecRASO IV, 267f.; Manoel Barradas,
Tractatus Tres Historico-Geographici (1634). A Seven-
Addì 1970:338, n. 4). As regards the relationships teenth-Century Historical Account of Tigray, Ethiopia,
with ÷Éstifanos and his “house”, the 16th-cent. tr. by Elizabeth Filleul, ed. by Richard Pankhurst,
Vita of ÷ŸÉzra of Gundä Gunde has it that during Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF 43), 148f.; Boris Turaiev (ed.),
the reign of ase Bäýéda Maryam I (1468-78) a few Monumenta Aethiopiae hagiologica, vol. 3. Vita et Mi-
racula Eustathii, ad fidem codd. Or. 704 et Or. 705 Musei
disciples of Yonas of Bur, for fear of the Emperor, Britannici edita, Petropoli 1905, 1–132 [Gädl], here 76; Id.
denounced the ÷Stephanites journeying with (tr.), Vitae sanctorum indigenarum, I. Acta s. Eustathii,
them to Jerusalem; and a disputation over the Parisiis 1906 (CSCO 32 [SAe 15]), 39.
celebration of the Saturday/Sabbath – curiously Lit.: CRDLib 179; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Gli atti di
enough, disregarded here by the E. – broke out abba Yonas”, RRALm ser. 5a, 12, 1903, 177–201, 239–62,
here 179ff.; Id., “Studî su popolazioni dell’Etiopia, ii. La
between the two groups (Caquot 1961:74ff.). seconda migrazione agaw dell’Eritrea (Zaguà e Adchemè
During the controversy on the anointing of Melgà)”, RSO 4, 1911–12, 599–651, here 640ff.; Id., Principî
Christ (÷Christology), which culminated un- di diritto consuetudinario dell’Eritrea, Roma 1916, 381–87,
der ase ÷Fasilädäs (r. 1632–67), the qébatoóó or 396–412; TurIz 154–76; Ignazio Guidi, “La Chiesa Abis-
sina”, Oriente moderno 2, 1922, 123–28, 186–90, 252–56,
“unctionists” (÷Qébýat) of ÷Goggam based in here 127f., 256; CerMaria 85f.; CerPal vol. 2, 363, 367f.,
the monasteries of ÷Däbrä Wärq and ÷Märtulä 397f.; Enrico Cerulli, “Il monachismo in Etiopia”, in:
Maryam (Derat 2003:264-67) were tracing their Il monachesimo orientale, Atti del Convegno di Studi
origins to the “perfect” teaching of Ewostatewos orientali … (9–12 aprile 1958), Roma 1958 (OrChrA 153),
259–78, here 264ff.; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Aethi-
as opposed to that of Täklä Haymanot, patron of opica minima”, Quaderni utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993],
the karroóó or “unionists” (÷Karra haymanot). 145–64, here 151f., 163; Mario da Abiy–Addì, “Inizi,
A disparity already evident in the religious his- vicende e situazione attuale del monachesimo nella Chiesa
tory of the country since the 14th–15th cent. was Etiopica”, Studi francescani 67, 1970, 331–51, here 336–40;
Id. [Ayala Takla–HAymAnot], The Ethiopian Church
highly enhanced thereby. It also entailed a con- and its Christological Doctrine, Addis Ababa 1982, 98f. and
scious revival of the E. that led to the rewriting n. 23; TadTChurch 209-19, 226-31, 236f., 247f.; KapMon
of their genealogical and hagiographical sources: 38f., 41f., 104f., 127f.; Marilyn Heldman, “An Ewostath-
first and foremost the Vita of the founder (“re- ian Style and the Gunda Gunde Style in Fifteenth-Cen-
tury Ethiopian Manuscript Illumination”, in: Proceedings
dazione b” in LusStud, 35, 42f., 51ff.), credited of the First International Conference on the History of
then with a symptomatic prophecy on the dan- Ethiopian Art …, London 1989, 5–14, 135–39, figs. 1–29;
ger represented by the heretic Niqolawéyan Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Cristianesimo ed esperienza mo-
468
Ewostatewos
nastica in Etiopia: il caso degli Eustaziani”, Cristianesimo ÷Däbrä Bärbäre of (Amba) Sänayt(i), 7 at Abra
nella storia 14, 1993, 13–31; Id., “Problèmes du mouvement Näddäd in Säraye, 14 in Armenia, i.e. “Lesser
eustathéen”, in: PICES 10, 343–47; Id., “Per una storia
delle tradizioni monastiche eritree: le genealogie spiritu- Armenia” or Cilicia (÷Armenians); “and the
ali dell’ordine di Ewostatewos di Dabra Sarabi”, in: Ugo sum of the days of his life (was) 79 years” (Conti
Zanetti – Enzo Lucchesi (eds.), Aegyptus Christiana. Rossini 1900:156). The years given for “Arme-
Mélanges d’hagiographie égyptienne et orientale dédiés à nia”, 14 also in the 16th-cent. Gädl of his pupil
la mémoire du Père Paul Devos, Bollandiste, Genève 2005
÷Gäbrä Iyäsus of Däbrä San (Conti Rossini
(Cahiers d’orientalisme 25), 249–72 (Lit.); BerTarik 50, 52–
68, 71–79, 82ff. [ch. III/3, 4ff., 8f., 11] and passim; Jacques 1938:443), should be rather understood as “the
Mercier, “Ewost’atéwos et huit de ses disciples”, in: duration of his stay abroad” (TadTChurch 207,
L’Arche éthiopienne, art chrétien d’Éthiopie, 27 septembre n. 1). Further travels of the saint are reported in
2000–7 janvier 2001 …, Paris 2000, 136–37; CrumLand 31 the Gädl of another pupil of his, ÷Märqorewos
and n. 62, 43 and n. 139, 77, 274; DerDom 259ff., 264–67.
Gianfranco Fiaccadori of ÷Däbrä Démah: from Däbrä Šémana of
Héntalo (÷Antalo), where both Märqorewos
and his “brother” Absadi entered the monastic
Ewostatewos life, E. reached Däbrä Säqwért in Sähart, then
The monk E. (%cF2LcF , also _F2LcF Gädamä Bäraqit in Qwähayn (Gädamä Qahen),
Yostatewos; b. 21 Hamle [15 July] 1273 ca., d. where he stayed more than 7 years, before dwell-
18 Mäskäräm [15 September], 1352 ca.), one of ing for 7 other years at Gädamä Bärqwah (Conti
the most famous Ethiopian saints, was born as Rossini 1904:21, 31).
MaŸéqabä Égziý (lit. ‘Trust of the Lord’) to Krés- Soon around 1300 he established his own com-
tos Moýa and Íénä Héywät. According to the munity at Särabi. He gathered a great number of
16th-cent. Vita (÷Gädl) of E.’s pupil ÷Ananya followers and students there, the most illustri-
of Däbrä Särabi (Lusini 1990:165; Raineri 1990: ous of whom amount to twelve – according to a
69), E.’s birth place was not far from this later somewhat later “canon”, different from the oral
monastery, in the SéraŸ district of eastern Tég- tradition of the “Seven [spiritual] sons of E.”
ray (awragga of ÷Kéléttä AwléŸalo). While (ŠäwŸattä däqiqä Ewostatewos; ÷Ewostateans).
still a youth, he was sent around 1280 to his Beside a strenuous plea for the independence
maternal uncle ÷Danýel or Zäkaryas (baptismal of regular clergy from civil and (secular) ec-
and monastic name, respectively; Lusini 1990: clesiastical authorities, a major point in E.’s
346f., 350f.), abbot of Däbrä Maryam on Mount theology was the celebration of the ÷Sabbath,
÷Qorqor in GärŸalta, under whom he studied i.e. the observance of the rest of both Saturday
and was initiated into monastic life, uttering and Sunday (styled as Sänbätä Ayhud ‘Sabbath
his profession at the age of 15 and then being of the Jews’ and, respectively, Sänbätä Kréstiyan
renamed E. ‘Sabbath of the Christians’), which was in keep-
The major source of information about him is ing with the “old teaching of the Apostles”, but
undoubtedly his own Gädl, written in the “flour- against the Alexandrian position shared by the
ished” 15th-cent. style on the initiative of his pu- Ethiopian Church. He also recommended his
pil ÷Absadi of Däbrä Maryam – upon whose followers not to long for holy orders, namely
Gädl E.’s own is partially dependent. Three priesthood, as they were conferred by the anti-
different recensions of the latter are known, Sabbath metropolitan – a recommendation with
distinguished from one another by the use and far-reaching consequences for E.’s community.
extension of biblical quotations, alteration or An autonomous tradition surviving in the un-
shifting of episodes, inclusion or exclusion of published 16th/17th-cent. Gädl of ÷Zena Marqos
some of the appended ÷Taýammér – up to 14 in of Däbrä Béírat (Cerulli 1962:198) has it that
the “long cycle”, the 12th one betraying perhaps a at the royal court E. held a tough confronta-
date not earlier than 1453. A useful, though ritu- tion about the Sabbath(s) with the Šäwan monk
al, chronology for the life of the saint is provided ÷Anorewos “the Elder”, appointed ÷néburä
by a few 17th-cent. monastic genealogies, like that éd (i.e., ‘[religious] prefect’) of Waräb by the
transmitted in the early 20th-cent. list of käntiba Egyptian Metropolitan ÷YaŸéqob, who had ar-
Däbbas, relying upon monastic traditions of the rived in ca. 1337, when he also met E. on his way
church of CéŸaräši, a village in ÷Dämbäsan: E. to the court. Anorewos was then summoned to
spent 12 years with his uncle, 7 at Särabi, 7 back the presence of ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon, who had him
at May Qwerqwér in ÷Sähart, 7 in ÷Bur, 10 at flogged as dividing the empire by such “religious
469
Ewostatewos
emphasized in the sources. In his Gädl, for in-
stance, there is a report of an attempt made on his
life by rival members of the clergy of ÷Säraye,
who tried to stone him to death while he was in
his cell, possibly at Gädamä Bärqwah. Following
this and other similar episodes, around 1338 he
put his community under the care of Absadi
and headed to Jerusalem and the Holy Places.
In the first recension of his Gädl these events
are recounted in the more reliable terms of an
exile enforced “at the time of Nägädä Kréstos,
governor of Säraye”, because of the saint’s sup-
port to the protest movement led by the main
monastic centres against ŸAmdä Séyon, whom
they blamed for his non-Christian matrimo-
nial habits (ms. Vat. Aeth. 46, fol. 40v–41r). In
the short work by abunä ÷Yostinos, actually
a colophon in a manuscript of Däbrä Maryam
(dated to 1408/9), it is also clear that, since E.
was banished by ŸAmdä Séyon, he got polemi-
Abba Ewostatewos with his disciples: Bäkimos of Däbrä cally engaged by fostering the ambitions of a
Särabi (left) and Qozmos of Däbrä BäggéŸ (right), ‘how
they crossed the Mediterranean Sea’ (bahrä Iyariko); 15th/
local squire, Wärasinä Égziý, the later governor
16th-cent. illumination, ms. Vat. Aeth. 46, fol. 1r; courtesy of Säraye (after Nägädä Kréstos) with whom,
of Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome though, he always entertained ambiguous rela-
disputes” (TadTChurch 208f., n. 12). It is worth tionships, probably owing to Wärasinä Égziý’s
noting here that the monastic father of Danýel involvement in the contemporary slave-trade
of Däbrä Maryam was a certain ŸÉbnä Sänbät between the Eritrean highlands and the Red
(“[Corner-]Stone of the Sabbath”; Lusini 1990: Sea ports (Lusini 1996:89f.; cp. LusStud 58–61).
348f., 351f.); and, as to its origins, the controver- According to the standard edition of his Gädl,
sy over the Sabbath(s) in the Ethiopian Church E. was thus prompted to cross the lands of the
points to ÷Palestine, not to ÷Egypt, and is Bogos (÷Bilin) and the “two Marya” (i.e. the
much older than the 14th cent. Whether it was a Red and Black ÷Marya), in northern Eritrea,
part of the “Old Testament customs” (cp. ÷Ay- and to get into the country of the ÷Noba, ruled
hud) complained about by Metropolitan ÷Säwi- by a Christian prince called Säbýa Nol in the lo-
ros between 1077 and 1092 (SawHist vol. 2, part cal language, Wéludä Ityopya in Ethiopic. From
3, 330) is hard to say, but it goes certainly back there, asked by ŸAmdä Séyon to settle the ques-
to the period of the ÷Zagwe dynasty and the 12th tion of the Sabbath(s) with his opponents before
cent. at least, for it is alluded to in an inscription the Coptic Patriarch Benjamin II (1327–39), E.
carved on a wooden “throne” (mänbär) of the went to Egypt – some time toward the end of the
÷tabot by ase ÷Lalibäla, whose relationships pontificate of this Patriarch – but was accused of
with Jerusalem are well known (Fiaccadori 1992: heterodoxy by his fellow travellers (not neces-
xxxiii and n. 59; cp. LusStud 27f.). However, it sarily his disciples). Although sympathetic to his
is only from the 14th cent. onward – when the cause, Benjamin is reported to have said that, as
predication of pugnacious monks seemed to un- a teaching of the Apostles, the observance of the
dermine the concord of the missionary program Saturday as a Christian Sabbath had long been
launched by the Emperor and the Metropolitan, abandoned. E. lived for a few years in Egypt,
and aimed at smoothing the way to the expan- spending some time in strict asceticism at Scetis
sion of the empire – that one finds explicit men- (the monastery of St. Elija was among those vis-
tions of it in the texts. ited by him). There he also met the “patriarch of
Next to E.’s theological doctrines, amongst Armenia” who had been “banished for the sake
wanderings and surprise moves, the envy and of the name of Christ, and had come to the city
jealousy aroused by the saint – going as far as of Alexandria”: certainly katŸolikos Yakob II
to force him to leave the country – are strongly TarsonacŸi, deposed in 1341 and exiled to Egypt
470
Ewostatewos
from ca. 1343 to 1354 (before being restored to who learned weaving precious garments”: a
his chair in 1355). probable hint at the famous manufactory of the
As a result of a predictably unfavourable re- opus Cyprium or Cyprense (“Cyprus work”), a
ception in Egypt, some time after 1343 E. pro- sort of gold embroidery. After resuming his sea
ceeded on to the Holy Land: he was accompa- voyage, during which the news miraculously
nied by Bäkimos of Däbrä Särabi, Gäbrä Iyäsus, came of the death of ase ŸAmdä Séyon (1344), he
Märqorewos and a few other faithful joined by landed in Armenia, at a place – possibly Lajazzo
Zékérya, a monk of Scetis. He visited ÷Jeru- (Layas) the great port of Cilicia – that already
salem, then the seat of a flourishing Ethiopian had a settlement of Ethiopians, as suggested in
community, and Golgotha, Bethlehem, Naza- the fifth miracle (täýammér) of the Saint. Pre-
reth and the Jordan river. Inclined to a rigorous ceded by the fame of his holiness, E. raised a
monastic vision, and paternally solicitous for the young boy from the dead and then introduced
spiritual good of his sons, he wanted to go “to himself to the local bishop. Yet, despising “the
Armenia, to that patriarch persecuted because of iniquitous glory of the world”, or rather escap-
the apostolic law” (similar statement in the Gädl ing the inner political and religious struggles of
of Gäbrä Iyäsus; Conti Rossini 1938:443): i.e. be- Cilicia (between pro- and anti-Latin parties, i.e.
cause of his unfailing opposition to the “perjure” in favour or against the ecclesiastical union with
King Lewon V, released by Pope Clement VI Rome), he preferred to retire inward, to a town
from the oath engaging him not to call upon the with walls “80 cubits high and 40 cubits thick”,
help of the papacy (then resident at Avignon) from which “he wandered and moved through-
against the Mamluks (1338). Such a defence of out the land of Armenia”, being revered by the
the canons, to the bitter end, by Yakob II is not latter’s patriarch. He died on 18 Mäskäräm
so different from that held by E. against ŸAmdä [15 September] 1352 ca., in that far-inland for-
Séyon. It may well explain the keen interest of tress-town which can be identified with ancient
the saint in seeing “that patriarch”, indeed a Colonia Pontica (Kolèneia on the Lykos, Ar.:
“companion” of righteous leadership and moral Qaluniyat al-ŸAwfi), today Æebinkarahisar, in
propriety. All the more so, as the Armenian the mid of north-eastern Anatolia: a place then
milieu Yakob II belonged in – the Latin-ruled in the realm of the learned and tolerant sultan
Cilicia – was in fact leaning heavily away from Ëiyaôaddin Eretna (1326–52, until 1343 under
its traditional Monophysitism, toward Catholi- the suzerainty of Hasan, lord of Azerbaijan).
cism and dependency upon the pope. There the Armenian patriarch – coming from Sis
E.’s. Gädl openly suggests that he crossed the (Sis), were his seat was – presided over the fu-
“Mediterranean sea” (bahrä Iyariko: from Gr. Il- neral rites for the saint, whose body was deposed
lyrikón) on his own “tunic” (Ÿasf); and the scene “next to the tomb of the holy martyr Behnam, in
is depicted and labelled in a rough illumination a church of Armenia” (likely to be the so-called
on fol. 1 of the 15th/16th-cent. ms. Vat. Aeth. 46, Bozuk Kilise, the “Ruined Church”, of Æebinka-
where he is flanked by his disciples Bäkimos rahisar). This important detail is repeated in both
and Qozmos, i.e. Qozmos of ÷Däbrä BäggéŸ the Sénkéssar (18 Mäskäräm: ColSyn VI, [118]
(GreTisVat 198). The tunic becomes a regular 436f.; BudSaint 65) and the Acts of Gäbrä Iyäsus
boat or ÷tänqwa in later representations of the (Conti Rossini 1938:444).
same subject: e.g., in a rare icon dated to ca. 1740- At the beginning of the 16th cent., the won-
55 (Addis Abäba, IES, Mus. 3792, Chojnacki derworking “sepulchre of the saint abuna E.” at
2000:117, 312f., no. 77). Colonia (Qwälonéya) was visited by the näggadi
After nine days of adventurous sailing, E. (‘pilgrim’, i.e., a temporary member of the Ethi-
landed at ÷Cyprus, where a church of Égziýéténä opian community in Jerusalem) Täklä Maryam,
Maryam (‘Our Lady Mary’) is mentioned that ÷dañña (or danya ‘judge, overseer’, a special ti-
can be identified with the Latin chapel of Sancta tle in the monastic hierarchy of the Ewostateans)
Maria de Cava in the village of Spigliótissa, on the of Däbrä Särabi, who drew a note about that in
east coast of the island, not far from Famagosta the ms. Vat. Aeth. 24, fol. 189 (GreTisVat 127).
(Ammóchostos). He paid homage to an anony- As late as in 1679, according to the Chronicle
mous bishop of Cyprus, possibly the Armenian of ase ÷Yohannés I, the Armenian Yovhannes
one, and was hosted by a wealthy lady, ŸAziza TŸiwtŸiwnói – archbishop of Šemiramakert (Van)
(Ar. ŸAziza), “with whom girls were (staying) and maybe katŸolikos of AltŸamar (1663–83) – still
471
Ewostatewos
brought “from Armenia” to ÷Gondär “a bone degli ‘Atti’ di ýEwostatewos (BHO 295 = KRZ 49)”,
of the hand of the doctor of the world, abuna ibid. 353–65; LusStud 35–67, 42f., 45 (Lit.); Getatchew
Haile, “Ethiopian Saints”, in: CE 4, 1044–56, here 1050f.;
E. with beautiful name” (GuiIohan 38f.). Apart BerTarik 43–50 [ch. III/1-3]; Sevir Chernetsov, “O
from the authenticity of the relic itself, soon to putešestviyah sv. Evstafiya, efiopskogo monaha XIV v.,
be kept in the Gondärine church of Mädòane v Armeniu i arhiepiskopa Ovanesa v Efiopiyu v 1679 g.
ŸAläm, this episode provides a valuable terminus v svete efiopsko-armyanskih tserkovnyh otnošenij” (‘On
the Travels of the 14th-cent. Ethiopian Monk St. Eusthatius
for the neglect or abandoning of the Ewostatean to Armenia and of Archbishop Hovhannes to Ethiopia in
sanctuary of Colonia/Æebinkarahisar. 1679 in the Light of Ethio-Armenian Church Relations’),
Src.: Boris Turaiev (ed.), Monumenta Aethiopiae hagio- Patma-Banasirakan Handes 158, 2001, 49–57.
logica, vol. 3. Vita et Miracula Eustathii, ad fidem codd. Gianfranco Fiaccadori
Or. 704 et Or. 705 Musei Britannici edita, Petropoli 1905,
1–132 [Vita], 134–77 [Miracles]; Id. (tr.), Vitae sanctorum
indigenarum, I. Acta s. Eustathii, Parisiis 1906 (CSCO 32 Exegesis
[SAe 15]); TurIz 293–373 (cp. 154–76); Carlo Conti The Ethiopian tradition has it that the térgwém
Rossini, “Il Gadla Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra
Bizan”, MRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1900 [1903], 61–170, here (M?Iz ) or ars interpretandi started with the
154ff.; Id., Vitae sanctorum indigenarum, I. Acta Mar- biblical Enoch, mentioned in Gen 5:18–19. He
qorewos, seu Acta s. Mercurii, Parisiis 1904 (CSCO 33, 34 is seen as the visionary par excellence who com-
[SAe 16, 17]), 20f., 21, 25f., 27, 31 (text) = 23ff., 26f., 35, mented in all languages on the heavenly experi-
37, 42 (tr.); Id., “Note di agiografia etiopica (ŸAbiya-Egziý,
ŸArkaledes e Gabra-Iyasus)”, RSO 17, 1938, 409–52, here ences he was allowed to have. This is obviously
439–52 [§iii].; EMML IV, 130ff., no. 1636, fol. 61r-62v, 79v an elaboration of Gen 5:24. His visions, along
[12 years at Däbrä Bärbäre]; GreTisVat 116–27, 194–99 with their interpretation, are collected in the
[Vat. Aeth. 24, 46]; Gianfrancesco Lusini (ed., tr.), “Il book which goes under his name. Local scholars
Gadla Ananya”, Egitto e Vicino Oriente 13, 1990, 149–91,
here 165 (text) = 150 (tr.); Id. (ed., tr.), Il “Gadla Absadi” are inclined to deem that the Book of ÷Enoch
(Dabra Maryam, Saraýe), Lovanii 1996 (CSCO 557, 558 was written in 4014 B.C. and they regard it as
[SAe 103, 104]), 79–92 (text) = 56–67 (tr.), esp. 89f. (text) the first book of the Bible. However, the mostly
= 64f. (tr.); Osvaldo Raineri (tr.), “Atti di Anania, santo held traditional position is that biblical E. made
monaco etiopico del XVI secolo”, Ephemerides Liturgicae
104, 1990, 65–91, here 69 (tr.); ColSyn VI, [118] 436f.; its way into Ethiopia when the Sacred Books
GuiSyn II, [359] 375f.; GréSyn IV, [247] 789, [256] 798; were first introduced into the country by the
BudSaint 63–73, 1138ff.; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli Atti di Queen of Sheba (÷Makédda), in the 10th cent.
Zena Marqos, Monaco Etiope del sec. XIV”, in: Collec- B.C. According to tradition, when ÷Ménilék I,
tanea Vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda,
Città del Vaticano 1962, vol. 1 (Studi e testi 219), 191-212, the son of King Solomon and the Queen of
here 198, 206f.; GuiIohan 38f. (text) = 39 (tr.); SawHist Sheba, reached adulthood and paid visit to his
vol. 2, part 3, 212 (text) = 330 (tr.); StanisLaw Chojnacki, father, the latter gave him copies of the Sacred
Ethiopian Icons. Catalogue of the Collection of the Insti- Books, together with 318 Levites to translate and
tute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, Milano
2000, 117, 312f. [no. 77], 514, s. index.
interpret them; and the first books translated and
Lit.: BHO 69, nos. 295–97; Carlo Conti Rossini, interpreted were 1–2 Kgs. As far as the E. of the
“Studî su popolazioni dell’Etiopia, ii. La seconda mi- N.T. is concerned, the commonly accepted view
grazione agaw dell’Eritrea (Zaguà e Adchemè Melgà)”, is that it was a gift of the Risen Christ, who, on
RSO 4, 1911–12, 599–651, here 633f., 637, 640ff.; Id., “Un
the day of Pentecost, bestowed on his disciples
santo eritreo: Buruk Amlak”, ibid. ser. 6a, 14, 1938, 3–50,
here 3f., 7, 11; H. Turšyan, “Habeš kronakan gorcióŸ (S.) the knowledge of 70 languages beside their own
EustatŸeosé ew Hay EkełecŸin” (‘The Ethiopian Monk – that means the ability to announce the Gospel
[St.] Eustathius and the Armenian Church’), Ejmiacin in the languages of the listeners.
1956, fasc. iv–v, 97–103, and vi, 53–57; Ernst Hammer- When it comes to verifying traditional data, it
schmidt, Stellung und Bedeutung des Sabbats in Äthiopi-
en, Stuttgart 1963, 19–35; TadTChurch, 197–219; KinBibl must be recognised that there are internal (in the
70, no. 49; KapMon 38ff., 47f.; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, commentaries) and external evidences confirm-
“Etiopia, Cipro e Armenia: la «Vita» di ýÊwostýâtêwos, ing that the interpretation of the texts has been
santo abissino del secolo XIV” (i), Corsi di cultura going on for a long time in Ethiopia. This work
sull’arte ravennate e bizantina 32, 1985, 73–78, and (ii),
Felix Ravenna 127–28, 1984–85, 217–39 [Colonia P., with
throughout the centuries is witnessed by sev-
Lit.]; Id., “Aethiopica minima”, Quaderni utinensi 7 [13– eral lengthy genealogies of students (uzW=# ,
14], 1989 [1993], 145–64, here 147–50, 157–61; Id., Teofilo mämhéran). For the O.T. the list of interpreters
Indiano, Ravenna 1992, xxxiii and n. 59; Gianfrancesco starts with Ménilék (10th cent. B.C.) and reaches
Lusini, “A New Source for the History of GarŸalta Frumentius (4th cent.; abba ÷Sälama Käíate
(Ethiopia): The ‘Life’ of Dan’el of Dabra Maryam on
Mount Qorqor (KRZ 36)”, Quaderni utinensi 8 [15–16], Bérhan). The Vita of abba ÷Täklä Haymanot lists
1990 [1996], 345–52; Id., “Sulla tradizione manoscritta all the interpreters up to the 13th-cent. ÷Yared, the
472
Exegesis
6th cent. introducer of the Ethiopian sacred chant time: “… when this man expounded the Old and
is one the authorities mentioned therein. The the New (Testaments) and the masters and the
series of names goes on from Täklä Haymanot statutes of the Church, every man was aston-
to éccäge ÷Qalä ŸAwadi who lived in 17th-cent. ished” (BlunChr 296).
Gondär and embraces a total of 57 names. There are foreign (afréng) interpreters who are
Scholars agree that the work of interpretation, remembered alongside local teachers: MäŸélim
while deeply promoted by the exceptional activ- (from Ar. muŸallim, ‘teacher’?) Petros is one of
ity and learning of éccäge ÷ŸÉnbaqom, who died them, some scholars are thinking that he could
in ca. 1560, received a major impulse and a defin- be the German Peter ÷Heyling. Pawlos Zékrin
itive shape during the epoch of the ÷Gondärine is another name, and supposedly an Arab. There
kingdom, which was inaugurated with the trans- are mentions of a Sädi (Sédi) Pawlos, about
fer of the capital to ÷Gondär in the fourth year whose identity scholars are divided, some are
of the reign of ase ÷Fasilädäs (1636), the epoch claiming that he is Paulus Johannes ÷Bachmann,
which saw the flourishing and systematization of while others are pointing to an Arab individual,
the ÷andémta commentaries. The explicit refer- Sayyid Bulus. Whatever it may be, this indicates
ences to teachers are rare and scattered, yet also to what an extent Ethiopian traditional E. was
indicative of the high esteem in which they were open to foreign opinions.
held. Among the numerous masters, the already The general feeling towards the mämhéran and
mentioned Qalä ŸAwadi is said to have contrib- their térgwém is ambivalent. While some revere
uted towards the ordering of the exegetical pro- them as being devout and learned, others lower
cedure and the rules of interpretation. them to idle viveurs twisting the Scriptures in
Qalä ŸAwadi taught mämhér Esdros, one of the order to suit their own purposes. The following
most-prominent scholars who left a mark in the sayings are suggestive of the prejudices against
interpretation of sacred texts. He lived in 18th- the interpreters: “The tobacco plant never lacks
cent. Gondär and is credited with working hard verdure, nor a heretic his interpretation”; “Who
to reorganize the various commentaries on the can compete in tree-climbing with the brood of a
N.T. He was blind, but !=My (^! (arat Ÿayna, monkey and in speaking with the brood of a her-
lit. ‘four eyed’), i.e. master of the four branches etic?” (Habtä Maryam Wärqénäh 1969:218).
of E. (O.T., N.T., patristic works and monastic Traditional E. is at present taught at the
canons and writings). It is said that after Esdros ÷Holy Trinity Theological College, St. Paul’s
had taught for some years, he withdrew to near Seminary and St. Frumentius Käíate Bérhan Col-
lake Tana, where he examined 300 books. Once lege in Addis Abäba. In Šäwa there are teachers
he completed his researches, he summoned his at Däbrä Libanos, Däbrä Sége, Zéqwala, Zway,
disciples and they formed a school known as the Ankobär, Addis ŸAläm; in Wällo: Däse, Lalibäla,
K,y ,M (taóó bet, ‘the lower house’). Those of Tädbabä Maryam; in Tégray: Aksum, Däbrä
his former pupils who refused to return to him Damo, Mäqälä, Cih; in Gondär city: Mänbarä
and update their knowledge, came to be known as Mängést Mädòane ŸAläm, Gémga Bet Maryam; in
the q^y ,M (lay bet, ‘the upper house’). In fact, Bägemdér/Gondär region: Däbrä Tabor, Mäkanä
mämhér Esdros is seen as a reformer; in his quest Iyäsus, Däräsge, Zuramba; in Goggam: Däbrä
for constructing his E. on a sound basis, his main Marqos, Mota, Dima Giyorgis, Märtulä Maryam,
effort was to seek and choose the best GéŸéz text Däbrä Gännät Elyas; in Gamo Gofa: Cänca; in
available. Another of his merits was the develop- Harärge, Harär. In the state of Eritrea, there is one
ment of a method for providing concise explana- N.T. teacher in Asmära and another one, master
tions. One of his most renowned disciples was of the interpretation of the monastic canons and
books (Mäsahéftä mänäkosat), in Hémberti.
Íénä Kréstos (late 18th–early 19th cent.), who in his
There are teachers in other monasteries, too.
turn instructed aläqa Wäldä Ab, a native of Šäwa.
÷Bible; ÷Education
Because of his unmatched gift of understanding Src.: Aklilä BÉrhan Wäldä Qirqos, u?=y s)!
and explaining the sacred texts, Wäldä Ab earned (Märha lébbunä, ‘The Guide of the Consciousness’),
the fame of being “the father of the andémta”. It Addis Abäba 1946 A.M. [1953/54 A.D.]; Id., ueAHy
is likely that he knew Arabic and Arabic Chris- !w# (Mäshetä amin, ‘Mirror of the Faith’), Addis Abäba
1946 A.M. [1953/54]; K;ny Hlny U^x$M (Gädlä Täklä
tian literature. Another celebrity is Ÿaqqabe säŸat
Haymanot, ‘The Vita of Täklä Haymanot’), Addis Abäba
Käbte, who died in Gondär ca. 1780. One finds 1946 A.M. [1953/54 A.D.]; liqä séltanat Habtä Maryam
abundant praises of him in the chronicles of his WärqÉnäh, 4#K_y Y#M_1\y T?(Hy MzW?M
473
Exegesis
(Téntawi yäýityopya íérŸatä témhért, ‘The Old Order of Frankfurt. In the 1830s, ÷Schimper, sent on the
Ethiopian Learning’), Addis Abäba 1969 A.M. [1976/77 account of a natural-scientific society in Man-
A.D.]; blatten geta HÉruy Wäldä ÍÉllase, ue=Dy
8" (Mäshafä qéne, ‘The Book of Qéne’), Addis Abäba
nheim, changed from a travelling scholar into
1918 A.M. [1925/26 A.D.]; Kidanä Maryam Geta- a local settler. However, he continued to report
hun, 4#K_by Y9ty Hx< (Téntawiw yäqolo tämari, on natural-scientific discoveries, which was
‘The Wandering Student of Older Days’), Addis often his only source of income. Other famous
Abäba 1954 A.M. [1961/62 A.D.]; MärsÉŸe Hazän
E. from this period were also focused on natural
Wäldä Qirqos, YuCu<\by #M_1\_y YM<\?l
(Yämägämmäriyaw ityopyawi patriyark, ‘The First Ethi- sciences. Especially important for the rapid rise
opian Patriarch’), Addis Abäba 1956 A.M. [1963/64A.D.]. of cartographic and geographical knowledge was
Lit.: BlunChr 296; Roger Wenman Cowley, “Old the E. of Antoine d’÷Abbadie (÷Cartography),
Testament Introduction in the Andemta Commentary which, albeit private, was organized in order to
Tradition” JES 12, 1974, 133–75; Id., “New Testament In-
troduction in the Andemta Commentary Tradition”, Ost- serve the furthering of science.
kirchliche Studien 26, 1977, 144–92; Id., The Traditional A central factor in the motivation of E. lay in
Interpretation of the Apocalypse of St. John in the Ethio- the “discovery” of main African rivers and their
pian Orthodox Church, Cambridge 1983; Id., “Mämher sources, which was almost a mythically-conno-
Esdros and his Interpretations”, in: PICES 6, 41-69: Id.,
tated aim, as the most ancient culture of Africa
“Zékre and Pawli: Ethiopic Translators or Interpreters?”,
JSS 34, 2, 1989, 387-98; Otto Neugebauer, Chron- depended on the ÷Nile originating somewhere
ography in Ethiopic Sources, Wien 1989 (Österreichische in inner Africa. This was the underlying factor
Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische which had already motivated ÷Bruce, who man-
Klasse, Sitzungsberichte 512); Richard Pankhurst, aged to visit the source of the Blue Nile (÷Abbay;
The Ethiopians. A History, Oxford 2001.
BruNile)), and which inspired the great “run” of
Tedros Abraha
the mid-19th cent. for the discovery of the sources
of the White Nile. ÷Beke described his explora-
Expeditions tion of the Blue Nile; d’Abbadie published his
E. to Ethiopia were one of the instruments of observations on connections between rivers; the
European expansion, whether in the sphere of missionary ÷Krapf in his travel account of 1858
knowledge or influence. Often combined, dion East Africa focuses on the course of rivers.
rectly or indirectly, with the initiators’ political Krapf was among the first to link clearly his dis-
aims, E. were carried out during a limited period coveries with ideological aims, hoping to initiate
under the leadership of one or several Europe- evangelical movements in “Ormania” (÷Oromo)
ans with some scholarly background. Ethiopia’s and then in all Africa; he developed the project
ancient Christianity, and later its geographical of an E. to ÷Käfa, following the Sobat and the
and natural diversity and its research potential White Nile (this E. was only realized by ÷Bieber
in linguistics and ethnology, attracted European about half-a-century later), expecting that evan-
researchers since early times. gelization would start from rivers serving as com-
The first E. in this sense was that of the ori- munication routes (Krapf 1858:86, 88).
entalist ÷Wansleben in the 17th cent. ÷Ludolf’s The Deutsche Afrika-Expedition of 1862,
student, he was sent by his sovereign, the Duke funded by a geographical committee of the
of Saxe-Gotha, to collect Ethiopian manuscripts State of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and led by von
and to inquire into the interest of Ethiopians for ÷Heuglin, later by ÷Munzinger, shows a dif-
Protestant ideas. Wansleben never reached Ethi- ferent focus – close to what d’Abbadie had
opia (he collected some mss. in ÷Egypt). This E. already started in the 1840s: ethnography and
was rather isolated in history, followed only by the understanding of the local political order
the famous 18th-cent. journey of ÷Bruce, which became crucial. In addition to natural-scientific
was rather an individual undertaking. The time (e.g., meteorological) observations, the minute
of E. dawned only 100 years later. description of local peoples, their socio-political
The early 19th cent. was marked by the rapid organization, languages and history is found in
rise of E. of a natural-scientific character. The these reports. The enhancement of geographical
German ÷Rüppell collected meteorological knowledge of the world aroused so much enthu-
data in ÷Massawa and northern Ethiopia and siasm that newspapers now report regularly and
did ÷research in botany and zoology – a few in great detail on the achievements of this E. To
stuffed animals, sent by him from Massawa, are a certain extent similar, even if different in his
still exhibited at the Senckenberg-Museum in (missionary) aims, the 1850s’ reports of P. Léon
474
Expeditions
des ÷Avanchers also contain thorough observa-

tions on peoples and local kingdoms south of the
Abyssinian empire (today’s south-west Ethio-
pia). His E., funded by the ÷Capuchin order,
however, were primarily mission journeys, his
reports serving the better understanding of the
peoples in order to facilitate missionary work.
Other geographical E. were those of ÷Anti-
nori and ÷Cecchi. Sent by the Società Geografi-
ca Italiana in the 1870s, Cecchi’s book (CecZeila)
remains an important source for Ethiopian eth-
nohistory, especially of the south. The linguist
÷Reinisch made two E. to Massawa in 1875
and 1879/80, which laid the basis for decades of Expedition of Duke Ernst II of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha in
linguistic publications on local languages, much MänsaŸ in 1862; drawing by Robert Kretschmer; from
Ernst II von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha et al. 1864
facilitated by his good contacts with local per-
sonalities. In 1884/85 ÷Paulitschke undertook “unexplored” (i.e. by Europeans) Somali lands,
the “Austrian” ethnographic E. to ÷Harär and but unofficially he had to investigate the possi-
surrounding countries. bilities for Egyptian expansion. The geographical
International politics in the late 1860s added a E. of the Egyptian officer Lockett into Hamasen
new type of E. In 1867 the first E. with explicit in 1875 served to collect data, possibly to pre-
political-military aims started from Massawa, pare for Egyptian domination over that region.
the Reconnoitring Party, led by Colonel Wil- An E. of two Italian warships, Esploratore and
liam Lockyer Merewether, the British agent at Ischia, at the end of 1879 to ŸAsäb laid the basis
Aden, and the acting British Consul Munzinger, for the formation of the ÷Colonia di Assab. Ital-
moving along the coast and into the nearby high- ian colonial expansion was largely prepared by
lands. The aim of this E., whose reports have not E., the most important being the unsuccessful E.
been published, was preparation for the huge- of Count ÷Porro in 1886, on the account of the
scale invasion of British-Indian troops at the end Società d’Esplorazione Commerciale in Africa
of 1867. The arrival of military forces, around (Milano), aiming at the annexation of Harär (cp.
50,000 men strong, needed thorough technical Wagner 2003:135–42). Two other Italian E., of
preparation, practical reports on the political ÷Giulietti in 1880/81 and ÷Bianchi in 1883/84,
situation, and on the routes and the establish- ended with the death of their leaders, which was
ment of contacts with local leaders. Also during used by Italy as an excuse to occupy Massawa
this intervention, which was intended to free in February 1885. The special Italian relation-
÷Tewodros II’s European captives in ÷Mäqdäla, ship to the ŸAfar led to such E. as that (failed) by
a number of such small-size E. were necessary, Augusto Franzoj and Ugo ÷Ferrandi in 1886 to
led by Munzinger and ÷Speedy under the intel- the southern ŸAfar.
ligence department. Shortly before, Egypt had In contrast to that, the establishment of po-
taken over the Ottoman coastal province, which litical relations (and the furthering of economic
led to Egyptian expansion and finally to the aims) motivated E. during the same period. The
÷Egyptian–Ethiopian war of 1875/76. This again diplomatic mission of the Egyptian governor of
was prepared by E., carried out with scholarly the Sudan, ÷Gordon, to ase Yohannés, however,
methods, but with military and political aims. was a great failure, as he was acting as envoy of
In 1874 an E. was led by the Austrian Arme- Muslim Egypt. The earliest political E. was the
nian ÷Arakel bey Dabroyan to the Téltal salt- one of ÷Salt in 1809/10, who had to investigate
plains (÷ŸAfar Depression). This source of the the possibilities of diplomatic relations with the
regional ÷salt-trade, on which he reports, was Ethiopian rulers. The 1840s’ diplomatic mission
thereafter claimed by Egypt. Even more am- of ÷Harris to Šäwa was a great success.
biguous was the E. of the Egyptian intelligence The time of ase ÷Yohannés IV is marked by
officer ÷Haggenmacher to the Somali regions; a rising number of diplomatic E. from many
officially, he led a (very small) geographical E. European countries. The Greek consul of Suez,
in order to enhance knowledge of the virtually Mitzakis, made an E., on which he later reported
475
Expeditions
in detail in Greek newspapers; he was said by 1880s left valuable and detailed travel accounts.
other diplomats to have planned to bring the Max Grühl in the 1920s made a touristic E. to
Ethiopian Church close to the Greek Orthodox. Käfa, together with his son Waldemar; their ad-
The Italian traveller Pellegrino Mateucci visited ventureous reports motivated many tourists to
the court, as did Juan Víctor Abargues de Sostén, follow their steps. Wilfred Thesiger (1910–2003),
sent by the Madrid Geographic Society in 1883, the son of the British minister in Addis Abäba,
but also bearing a letter of the Spanish king. In became known for his 1930s’ E. through the
the same year the German diplomatic envoy ŸAfar deserts, continuing the romantic traditions
÷Rohlfs arrived at the court. of many adventurers before him.
All these E. resulted into publications both in After the mid-19th cent., a second rise in
newspapers and in geographical organs. Moreo- the number of E. can be observed under ase
ver, the British and French consuls permanently Ménilék II, when modern Ethiopia was con-
established at Massawa in Ottoman territory solidated. The rapid expansion of colonialist
since the 1840s undertook journeys to the Ethio- projects in Africa also motivated a number of E.
pian rulers, following which most of them pub- Splendidly imitating the great inner-African E.
lished books on their experiences. Diplomatic E. of Stanley and Livingstone, but quite unknown,
preceded the establishment of permanent diplo- is the E. of the German-American journalist
matic relations in ÷Ménilék II’s period, such as Heinrich Nebel (pseudonym Ruppert Reck-
the one by the German minister Friedrich Rosen ing) in 1898, who, together with ŸAli Zober of
in 1905. In the same year, Austria sent the diplo- Zanzibar and Hausa-Senegalese troops, travelled
matic-commercial E. of ÷Höhnel, accompanied from the Congo to the recently occupied Käfa
by Bieber. All these E. had a mixed diplomatic on the account of the Belgian King Leopold II.
and scholarly-geographical character. The aim was possibly to establish a joint Ethio-
Additionally, private commercial interests led pian-Belgian society for the exploitation of Käfa.
to a rising number of E. in the 1880s. The first In parallel Marchand undertook his unsuccessful
descriptions of the ÷Ogaden are partially due to French military E. to ÷Fashoda.
such E. (e.g., Rimbaud 1884). The Italian com- But this period also saw again a rising number
pany Bienenfeld, involved in colonial projects, of purely scholarly E., like the zoological E. of
also sent E. (e.g., ÷Sacconi, Ogaden 1885). The ÷Erlanger, the 1901–03 E. of ÷Duchesne-Four-
documentation of itineraries of 19th-cent. E. is net, or, in the same period, that of the viscount
important for today’s historiography. du ÷Bourg de Bozas. The 1905/06 ÷Princeton
A new aspect motivating E. was ÷tourism. Expedition, under the leadership of ÷Littmann,
The first E. of this kind was certainly the hunt- resulted in a vast collection of Tégre oral tradi-
ing-E. of Duke Ernst II of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha tions. Following the establishment of diplomatic
of 1863, who had already been the great promo- relations with Ménilék II, the German Emperor
tor of the above-mentioned Deutsche Afrika- sent the ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedition, also led
Expedition. He still very much identified himself by Littmann, in 1906, with the main task of ar-
with the tradition of scholarly E.; the leader of chaeological exploitation of the Aksumite sites.
his E. was therefore a zoologist, ÷Brehm, while During ÷World War I the aim of E. changed;
other members were his wife and his nephew in 1915 the anthropologist ÷Frobenius officially
von Hohenlohe-Langenburg (later one of the led a scholarly E. to neutral Eritrea, but in real-
founders of the colonialist movement in Ger- ity carried out a secret mission of the German
many), a belletristic writer, Gerstäcker, the E.’s empire, which resulted into a year-long captivity
chronicler, and a painter, Robert Kretschmer, in Eritrea of his collaborator Friedrich Salomon
who documented the E. in drawings, the E.’s Hall (s. Scholler in PICES 5). Ethnological E. in
doctor being the famous Bilharz. He was the the 20th cent. widened considerably knowledge
forerunner of a great number of tourists, some of Ethiopian population movements, the ethnic
of them somehow imitating scholarly E., most groups of Ethiopia and interethnic relations.
of them coming as hunters, later as “adventur- South Ethiopian monumental stelae were the fo-
ers” or as treasure-hunters (e.g., Leichner 1935). cus of the 1920s’ E. of ÷Azaïs and ÷Chambard.
The British tourist Powell and his wife, explor- The ancient Oromo socio-political order (gadaa)
ing Ethio-Egyptian borderlands, were killed was scrutinized by a German E. in the 1930s led
by Kunama in the 1870s. Other tourists of the by Frobenius and carried out by, among others,
476
Éïa
Adolf ÷Jensen. The “Frobenius-E.” to southern Harar: Annotierte Bibliographie zum Schrifttum über die
and south-western Ethiopia was launched in the Stadt und den Islam in Südostäthiopien, Wiesbaden 2003
(AeF 61), 110–80 (Lit.).
early 1950s by the social anthropologists Jensen,
Wolbert Smidt
÷Haberland and ÷Straube (VSAe I – II) and set
the framework for future ethnological research
in these regions (cp. Braukämper 2001). Éïa
The term “E.” today is still in use by natural Éïa language
scientists and by tourist companies, but in the É. (&? ) is the name under which the language
context of the humanities has rather been re- spoken by one of the seven members of the
placed by terms like “fieldwork”, which is also so-called Säbat bet ÷Gurage (‘Seven Houses of
methodologically different. The extremely large Gurage’, s. map for Gurage) is known in linguis-
production of literature due to E. cannot be un- tic literature, whereas its speakers, as well as the
derestimated in its importance for the spread of other Säbat bet Gurage, call it Äžïa or Äïina,
knowledge of (and, partially, distorted images with the suffix -ina marking the language.
on) Ethiopia and its peoples and constitutes an É. is classified as part of the Central Western
extremely rich source for historical research. Gurage branch of the South Ethiopian ÷Semitic
Src.: BruNile; SalTrav; Johann Ludwig Krapf, Reisen languages (Hetzron 1977:21). É. is known for
in Ostafrika, Stuttgart 1858; Martin Theodor von
Heuglin, Reise nach Abessinien, den Gala-Ländern, having palatalization and labialization of velar
Ost-Sudan und Chartúm in den Jahren 1861 und 1862, consonants. What distinguishes É. from most of
Jena 1874; Georg Leichner, Gefahrvolles Abessinien: the other Western Gurage languages is the fact that
Wie ich es erlebte, Leipzig 1936; Werner Munzinger, it maintains morpheme-internal gemination, e.g.
Ostafrikanische Studien, Schaffhausen 1864; Ernst II von
Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha et al., Reise des Herzogs
säbbär-o-bb-a-m ‘they broke to her detriment’.
ErnstII von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha nach Ägypten The elementary ten-word list in É. includes: att,
und den Ländern der Habab, Mensa und Bogos, Leipzig ‘one’, òwett, ‘two’, sost, ‘three’, ésat, ‘fire’, éòa,
1864; Trevenen J. Holland – Henry Hozier, The ‘water’, eyat, ‘sun’, bännä, ‘moon’, däm, ‘blood’,
Record of the Expedition to Abyssinia, 2 vols., London annäbät, ‘tongue’, sénn, ‘tooth’. The independent
1870; Juan Víctor Abargues de Sostén, Notas del
Viaje del Señor D.J.V. Abargues de Sostén por Etiopia, pronouns of É. are: éyya, ‘I’, yéna, ‘we’, aòä, ‘you
Xoa, Zebul, Uolo, Galas, etc., Madrid 1883 (Asociacion (m. sg.)’, aòý, ‘you (f. sg.)’, axu, ‘you (m. pl.)’,
Española para la Exploración del Africa); Arthur Rim- aòma ‘you (f. pl.)’, òwut ‘he’, òyit ‘she’, òéno ‘they
baud, “Rapport sur l’Ogadine”, Comptes-rendus des (m.)’ and òénäma ‘they (f.)’. Demonstrative pro-
Séances de la Société de Géographie de Paris 1884, 99–103;
CecZeila; Philipp Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-
nouns are zé(ò) ‘this, these’ and za(ò) ‘that, those’.
Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und The copula in the present tense is suffixed to its
Somâl, Berlin 1893; Id., Die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, complement: gwad-u ‘it is white’, dengya-ro ‘they
Galla und Somâl, Berlin 1896; Ruppert Recking, Ein are boys’. In the past and future tenses, the cop-
Kaiserreich auf Aktien, Stuttgart 1936; Enno Littmann, ula is an independent word: gwad bannä ‘it was
Publications of the Princeton Expedition to Abyssinia, vol.
1–4B, Leyden 1910–15; DAE I–IV; François Bernardin white’, dengya yiòrošä/yiòärote ‘they may/will be
Azaïs – Roger Chambard, Cinq années de recherches boys’. Yes or no questions are formed by simply
archéologiques en Éthiopie: Province du Harar et Ethio- changing the intonation of the affirmatives. The
pie Meridionale, Paris 1931; Wilfred Thesiger, The ‘wh’-words are: mwan ‘who’, mér ‘what’, mäóä
Danakil Diary, Journeys through Abyssinia, 1930–34,
London 1996; Adolf Ellegard Jensen (ed.), Im Lande
‘when-future’, mäóra ‘when-past’, ete ‘where’ and
des Gada, Wanderungen zwischen Volkstrümmern Süda- énde ‘which’. The causative prefixes are a- and at-.
bessiniens, Stuttgart 1938 (Verlauf und Ergebnisse der XII. Possessive markers are suffixed to the noun, e.g.,
Deutschen Inner-Afrikanischen Forschungsexpedition bet-éna ‘my house’ vs. bet-énda ‘our house’.
[DIAFE], 1); VSAe I–III. Although É. has no written literature, it is rich
Lit.: Rita Pankhurst – Richard Pankhurst, “A Select
Bibliography of Travel Books on Ethiopia”, Africana in oral literature. Different types of songs are
Journal 9, 2, 1978, 113–33; ibid. 3, 101–33; Bairu Tafla, sung for a variety of occasions; wéyäg for prais-
Ethiopia and Germany: Cultural, Political and Economic ing the deeds of heroes and their tribes; bädra for
Relations, 1871–1936, Wiesbaden 1981 (AeF 5); Id., Ethio- praising the deeds of the war god ÷Waq; wärkwä
pia and Austria: a History of their Relations, Wiesbaden for praising the deceased when an important fig-
1994 (AeF 35); Lockot I–II (Lit.); Ulrich Braukämper,
“Der Beitrag der deutschen Ethnologie zur Äthiopien- ure dies. Different types of songs are also sung
Forschung”, in: Piotr O. Scholz (ed.), Von Hiob Ludolf while farming and harvesting énsät.
bis Enrico Cerulli, Warszawa – Wiesbaden 2001 (Bibli- Lit.: Robert Hetzron, The Gunnän-Gurage Languages,
otheca Nubica et Aethiopica 8), 159–70; Ewald Wagner, Napoli 1977 (Istituto Orientale di Napoli. Ricerche 12);
477
Éïa
Wolf Leslau, “The Jussive in Eïa”, JSS 12, 1967, 66–79; 1875. The Negera clan could remain in a domi-
Id., Gurage Folklore: Proverbs, Beliefs and Riddles, Wies- nant position.
baden 1982, 130–93; Id., “Eïa riddles”, RSE 32, 43-78; Id.,
Etymological Dictionary of Gurage, 3 vols., Wiesbaden Religiously heterogenous, the majority of the
1979, vol. 1, 391–529. É. are Orthodox Christians, followed in number
Degif Petros Banksira by Muslim and Catholics. For the old Gurage
folk-religion the Lake of Boïïäbär had some
Éïa ethnography significance as a place of sacrifice. The ÷Waq
É. (also Äïa) designates a gän (‘ethnic/territorial spirit of the É. is known under the name of
unit’) of the Säbat Bet ÷Gurage confederation Énggyeber.
and its population. The É. before were members Lit.: Akalu Woldemariam, A History of the Negieras
of the Ammést Bet Gurage (‘Five Houses of of Ezha (Gurage), Addis Ababa University 1983, passim;
William A. Shack – Habte Mariam Marcos,
Gurage’) confederation. É. country is situated at Oral Traditions of the Gurage of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974,
the eastern edge of the Gurage highlands south 142–47; DÉnbäru Alämu et al., QQMz YL=Oy -h:
of ÷Muòér. Their eastern neighbours are the A-y K<ly +Ws!y <#< , Gogot. Yägurage béòeräsäb
÷Mäsqan. To the east and south the Magyaóa riv- tarik, bahélénna qwanqwa (‘Gogot, the History, Culture
and Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 A.M.
er forms the border to the ÷Óaha. In the south- [1994/95 A.D.], 94ff.; ShGurage 40f., 73; Jean-François
east the ÷Gumär are settled. É. is part of “Éïa Prunet – Berhanu Chamora, “A Sky-god Cult of
and Wälläne wäräda” of Gurage zone (÷Wäl- Gurage”, in: PICES 13, vol. 2, 559–64, here 560; Eike
läne), formerly a component of ÷Cäbo-Gur- Haberland, “Bemerkungen zur Kultur und Sprache
age awragga. Important centres are Agana and der ‘Galila’ im Wonci-See”, RSE 16, 1960, 5–22.
Dirk Bustorf
Boïïäbär. The É. intensively cultivate ÷énsät. A
traditional specialization in trade is bamboo and
palm leaves. Today seasonal or constant labour ŸEzana
migration to Addis Abäba and other cities is an ŸE. ()u! , b. 325[?], r. ca. 330–65/70[?]) was an
important means of cash income. Aksumite ruler famous for his conversion to
The É. are composed of subgroups of different ÷Christianity. He is attested by ancient sources
origins. While the others claim to have migrated of three categories: a) literary; b) epigraphic; c)
from the north, the Negera, Šarara and Yaliyyatéb numismatic.
sub-units say that they are descendants of haggi a) A letter of the Roman Emperor Constanti-
Aliyye, who is known as apical ancestor of the us II (r. 337–61), dated 356/57 and addressed to
÷Sélti. Pockets of Negera are also to be found the “tyrannoi Aizana(s) and Sazana(s)”, dealing
outside of É. in Aymälläl, ÷Wélbaräg and in with the activities of Bishop Frumentius (÷Säla-
Wänci, were they commissioned the gäbäz ma Käíate Bérhan), has survived in an apologetic
(‘administrator’) of Qérqos Church on the Lake writing of ÷Athanasius of Alexandria. The story
÷Wänci island (Akalu Woldemariam 1983:14; of Frumentius’s fate at the royal court and the
cp. Haberland 1960:10ff.). spread of Christianity to ÷“India” is preserved
When the Negera reached É. country after a in Latin by the Historia ecclesiastica of Rufinus
long migration from the Muslim east via Arsi, of Aquileia (written in 403), and was reproduced
Gädäb and Aymälläl they had to confront the in Greek by later Church historians. Purport-
Qonóaóa clan, which was till then the dominant edly going back to Gelasius of Caesarea’s lost
group in É. country. Since a battle in ca. 1550, work (ca. 390), it rather refers to Frumentius’s
the É. gondär-ring, the emblem of chieftain- companion Aedesius as informant, but does not
ship in Gurage, remained in the hands of the mention the name(s) of the king(s) of the time.
Negera and inter-marriage was established with b) ŸE. continued the already established habit
the Qonóaóa. The political unity of É. country of erecting monumental ÷inscriptions announc-
continued to be unstable till the middle of the ing the subjection of enemies with divine assist-
18th cent. due to conflicts within the Negera ance. Eleven more or less damaged and fragmen-
clans (Akalu Woldemariam 1983:40). The É. had tary epigraphic documents bearing his name (or
frequent territorial conflicts with the Óaha and just attributable to him) can be reduced to four
their allies Aklil and Gumär. Another long last- victory celebrations only. They were intended to
ing conflict was that with the Oromo of Amaya offer triple versions of the text (Greek, pseudo-
which reached its apex in the early 19th cent. The Sabaean and GéŸéz, unvocalized or vocalized,
É. were conquered by Ménilék II’s troops in with some deviations) and to be set up in more
478
ŸEzana
than one location. Three of these campaigns fall

into ŸE.’s non-Christian time: against the Bega
(÷Bega; six versions: RIE nos. 185 [i and ii],
185bis [i and ii], 270, 270bis; perhaps during the
King’s younger years because not led by him in
person), against the ÷Agwézat (one version: RIE
no. 187) and Afan (one version: RIE no. 188).
The fourth campaign (three versions: RIE nos.
189, 190, 271) against ÷Noba and ÷Kasu bore
witness to a Christian king. The transition of the
religious formulas from the old, pre-Christian
Pre-Christian coins of ŸEzana; drawing courtesy of the
pantheon to a monotheistic, Christian creed (the author
terminology of which was difficult to render right, but was often misunderstood as 333 A.D.,
in GéŸéz, s. ÷Égziýabéher) has aroused some in favour of the early dating widely accepted in
speculation, but a Jewish interval is out of the modern (even scholarly) Western literature.
question. Three more inscriptions which have A Christianization of the coins would statisti-
been claimed for ŸE. by some scholars definitely cally fit well into the later 340s and could match a
do not belong to him (RIE no. 186 of his brother, date of the “Trinity inscription” (RIE no. 271) to
nos. 277 and 286). 349 (355 or 360 being the alternative). As a result,
c) ŸE. is possibly the fifth in the sequence of a “middle chronology” may be preferred: ŸE. be-
coin-striking kings (÷Coinage). His coins are well gan his reign as a child (according to the story
known by a relatively large number of specimens of Frumentius) ca. 330 and, if he dismissed his
in all three metals and their iconography displays tutor Frumentius in ca. 339, when he became of
the change of religious symbols announcing the age, his year of birth might have been 325. Such a
new religion in about the middle of his reign. chronology is compatible with a date of Frumen-
Further chronological clues may be derived from tius’s first arrival in ca. 328. The existence of a
numismatic evidence (metrology and statistics). juvenile reign is indeed somewhat surprising, but
The Greek rendering of ŸE.’s personal name is not entirely impossible. The length of ŸE.’s reign
either A(e)izanas (Constantius’s letter, inscrip- can only be guessed: the 30 years (plus 7 for the
tions) or Ezanas (coins) with final sigma, accord- younger years) given to him (that is, to Abréha
ing to Greek morphology (however absent on and Asbéha) in the Ethiopian “king lists” (s.
his late gold issues). Some inscriptions (RIE nos. CRList, “list C”; Dombrowski – Dombrowski
188, 189) contain the patronymic wäldä ÷Éllä 1984:162) recall the biography of such famous
ŸAmida and the clan name béýése Halen (‘man rulers as Constantine the Great, and reappear
of Halen’), also present on gold coins in the Gr. for ÷Kaleb, too. Any date after the letter of
form bisi Alene. His throne name is unknown; Constantius (356/57) is possible. Considering
in traditional ÷chronography the elevation of the relative frequency of coins with Christian
the Christianity to official religion falls within symbols versus pre-Christian coins has its
the reign of the half-legendary kings ÷Abréha problems, because we may have to reckon with
and Asbéha. a posthumous continuation of the gold coinage
On the conversion of ŸE. there are several and with a copper coinage assuming an anony-
conflicting opinions, owing to different ap- mous character.
preciations of both the details in Frumentius’s The monumental inscriptions give us some
story (told by his companion Aedesius) and the information about ŸE.’s territorial claims and his
question as to whether Athanasius of Alexandria military campaigns. The protocol of his titles in-
really ordained him and had him sent back to Ak- cludes a fixed sequence of peoples and localities
sum as bishop early or later in his long (and three which he declares to be under his rule on both
times interrupted) pontificate. In theory, dating sides of the Red Sea: the Aksumites, of course,
to 328/30, 339, 346/50 or 362/65 would be pos- listed first, followed only in the Bega-cam-
sible. The traditional chronology maintained by paign (÷Bega) inscriptions by the Ethiopians
the Ethiopians is 333 A.M. [340 A.D.] and – al- (÷Habašat, inhabitants of the highlands), then
though resulting from artificial reckoning of me- the Arabian regions (Himyarite/Sabaean, plus
diaeval chronographers – could incidentally be the Tihama or coastal strip; ÷Himyar), finally
479
ŸEzana
only served as one of the army leaders and is

called the King’s brother in the relevant inscrip-
tions. An elevation in rank would also have fol-
lowed the example of the Roman empire.
÷Éllä Amida; ÷Éllä Azgwagwa
Src.: RIE nos. 185, 185bis, 270, 270bis, 271, 187–90, 271.
Lit.: BrakKirche 67–77 (Lit.); CRStor 131–39; 145–54; Bru-
no W.W. Dombrowski – Franz Amadeus Dombrowski,
“‘Frumentius/Abba Salama’. Zu den Nachrichten über die
Anfänge des Christentums in Äthiopien”, OrChr 68, 1984,
114–69; Arthur K. Irvine – Sergew Hable-Selassie,
“ýÉzana”, in: DicEthBio, 61f.; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
“Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per
Christian coins of ŸEzana; drawing courtesy of the author la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del
Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, here 109f., 121, 125ff.;
the remote African areas of Bega and Kasu (i.e. Wolfgang Hahn, “Symbols of Pagan and Christian wor-
÷Kuš, here ÷Meroe). ship on Aksumite coins”, Nubica 4–5, 1999, 431–54; Id.,
A crucial question is that of a (continued or “Ezanas and Caleb, the Pair of Saintly Kings”, in: PICES
renewed) Aksumite presence in South ÷Ara- 15, in preparation; MHAksum, s. index; MHAlex, s. index;
Stuart C. Munro-Hay – Bent Juel-Jensen, Aksumite
bia. The titles boasted by ŸE. in this connection Coinage, London 1995, 119–46; François Thelamon,
– possibly a mark of inertial conservation – are in Païens et chrétiens au IVe siècle. L’apport de l’‘Histoire ec-
fact contradicted by the silence of South Arabian clésiastique’ de Rufin d’Aquilée, Paris 1981, 37f., 50 n. 34,
epigraphic sources. The numismatic evidence is 68ff., 73-83; Siegbert Uhlig, “Eine trilinguale ŸEzana-
Inschrift”, Aethiopica 4, 2001, 7–31.
not decisive about that.
Wolfgang Hahn
The evaluation of ŸE.’s religious policy is
characterized by much speculation in a certain
Christological (Monophysite) direction. In gen- ŸÉzél
eral, this policy is to be seen as an imitatio imperii ŸÉ. (*ws ) is one of the three categories of melody
Romani, which could have been transmitted by (÷Zema) or mode (sélt) that constitute the Ethi-
such a counsellor versed in theology as Frumen- opian Christian musical system, the creation of
tius. On the other hand, Aksum became involved which is traditionally ascribed to Saint ÷Yared.
in the ecclesiatical tensions when Emperor Con- ŸÉ. is closely associated with annual holidays and
stantius II attempted to regiment the Church. is exclusively used to chant the hymnary during
That his emissary ÷Theophilos the Indian, who Holy Week. The term ŸÉ. is of uncertain deriva-
was sent to South Arabia and seems to have tion, but is said to mean ‘to separate, isolate, set
reached Aksum in the 340s, was unsuccessful aside’, or ‘to retire, withdraw from’. In terms of
may also be attributed to Frumentius’s influence its metaphorical significance, ŸÉ. is linked to the
on the King. Constantius’s letter of 356/57 in- sun, an association derived from traditional ac-
dicates yet another fruitless effort to control the counts of the life of Saint Yared.
situation. Although we do not know how this ŸÉ. provides a repertory of short melodic pat-
letter was received by ŸE., it is hardly imaginable terns that constitute the smallest of the three
that he would not have protected Frumentius – divisions of the indigenous Ethiopian notational
especially since it is almost certain that the King system. Each ŸÉ. melody is represented by a sign
had already converted. His famous trinitarian (÷mélékkét) derived from the GéŸéz syllabary.
inscription (RIE no. 271) is theologically much The musical content of ŸE. is somewhat diffi-
elaborated; the same is true of the interlinked cult to describe because of the problems encoun-
coin typology, which served a clear concept. tered in translating Ethiopian intonation into
Supposedly, the then ÷Aksum Séyon was turned Western notation. Like the ÷araray mode, ŸÉ.
into a Christian sanctuary as early as the reign of uses a pitch set that may be expressed in Western
ŸE. If there were royal tombs (as maintained by staff notation as a pentachord with a variable
tradition), this would likewise be an imitation of third degree, C–D–E/F–G–A.
Constantine I and Constantius II. ÷Däbtärä; ÷Qéne
Lit.: Kay Kaufman-Shelemay – Peter Jeffery
In his late years ŸE. had a co-ruler, Sazanas, (eds.), Ethiopian Christian Liturgical Chant: an Anthol-
who is mentioned as such in Constantius’s letter; ogy, Madison 1993, 1994, 1997, vol. 1, 7f.; vol. 2, 36–42,
at the time of the Bega campaign, Sazanas had 44–52, 54f., 90f., 93ff., 96f.; vol. 3, 43–49, 57–73, 75ff., 140,
480
ŸÉzra
144f.; Tito Lepiso, “The Three Modes and the Signs of esy by their fellow pilgrims. However, in Jerusa-
the Songs in the Ethiopian Liturgy”, in: PICES 3, vol. 2, lem they were all ordained deacons (the story is
162–87; VelMe II, 75–98.
Kay Kaufman Shelemay reflected in another document written under ase
÷Iyasu II, in which they are instead said to have
suffered divine punishment; s. Cerulli in PICES
ŸÉzra 3); ŸÉ. received priestly ordination from the Syr-
ŸÉ. (*w= ) was a saint and prominent 15th-early ian Patriarch and returned to Ethiopia, having
16th-cent. follower of ÷Éstifanos. According to witnessed, among other things, the ceremony
his Acts, possibly dating to the 16th cent. and only of the “descent of the light” on to the Holy
known from one manuscript (Mordini 1952:50, Sepulcher (Fiaccadori in StAeth 38, 40 and n. 14).
no. 1 [= no. 40 in Schneider’s unpublished check- When he arrived to Käswa, he used the technical
list], reproduced for Conti Rossini from a mid abilities he had acquired abroad to build a water
19th-cent. intermediary copy, s. StrANL 29ff., no. mill at the request of ase ÷NaŸod.
9), he was born in Késad Énba, district of Hézbä NaŸod’s favourable attitude towards ŸÉ. may be
Sébuha (÷ŸAgamä), from Yéshaq and his wife partially connected to his ride to Tégray, during
LéŸul Íämra, whom he married after the death which a passage of the Acts of Éstifanos was read
of her first husband (Caquot 1961:72). ŸÉ. started to him on the apparition of the Virgin ÷Mary to
his religious life at the age of twelve, when his Éstifanos himself. ŸÉ. stayed at NaŸod’s court be-
father died, and his elderly brother, Éstifanos, tween 1499 and 1508, thus being able to achieve
brought him to Käswa (÷Gundä Gunde), at the reconciliation between the Emperor and the
school of abunä Yéshaq, then head of the monas- Stephanite movement – no longer considered in
tery (÷Stephanites). Here he was soon to receive terms of religious dissidence or haeretical trends.
the monastic habit and name of ŸÉ. (ibid. 73). In fact, he played an important role in convinc-
As there was a shortage of priests, due to ing the Metropolitan abunä ÷Yéshaq to revoke
the persecutions of the Stephanites, abba the excommunication of the Stephanites; he was
÷Abäkäräzun chose twelve monks, including interrogated by ecclesiastics and his faith was
ŸÉ., to go to ÷Jerusalem to receive holy orders. found to be sound (on this complicated dossier,
They departed in 1476, after Abäkäräzun died often misunderstood as referring to Beta Ésrael,
and was succeeded by ÷Gäbrä Mäíih. During s. Fiaccadori 2004a:687f.). Yéshaq’s successors,
the journey, the Stephanites were accused of her- abunä ÷YaŸéqob and above all abunä ÷Marqos
Miniature with the front page from the ms. of Gädlä Gäbrä Maíih and ŸÉzra, fol. 66v–67r; Gundä Gunde; photo 2002,
courtesy of Michael Gervers
481
ŸÉzra
(always in good terms with ŸÉ., who helped him Antonio Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gundiè”,
to sit on Yéshaq’s “chair”: ibid. 686), continued RSE 11, 1952 [1953], 29–63, here 50, no. 1, and n. 7, fig.
21; MHAlex vol. 2, 25ff.
his favourable policy towards the Stephanites: Robert Beylot – Red.
Marqos gave holy orders to several of them and
consecrated for them 80 ÷tabots.
After the death of NaŸod, ŸÉ. had to flee per-
secution. He took refuge for a year in Läkma Ezra, Apocalypse of
and then moved to Käswa, but soon had to flee The Apocalypse of E. (also known as 4 Ezra) is
again; when he returned to Käswa, he found the a book of visions composed by a Jewish author
church burnt and rebuilt it. Aged and sick, he ca. 100 A.D. and ascribed to the Biblical figure of
was invited to Dusýa by Gäbrä Mäíih, head of E. the Scribe. Additional material was apparently
the Stephanite congregation monastery; there he added near the middle or second half of the 3rd
died and was buried (ca. 1520). Gäbrä Mäíih’s cent. by one or more Christian authors. E. was
successor ordered ŸÉ.’s remains to be translated almost certainly composed in Hebrew, however,
to Käswa. all the surviving versions including the Latin,
To ŸÉ. himself the curios legend about Däqqä Syriac, Georgian, Coptic and the GéŸéz are de-
Éstifa (lit. ‘children of Éstifa[nos]’, i.e. the Steph- pendent on the Greek.
anites) should be also traced that is preserved The book is composed of seven visions. The
in two obscure five-verse ÷qéne-strophes (s. first three are in the form of dialogues between
Cerulli 1933:99-103) and elucidated in the nar- E. and the Archangel Uriel and deal primarily
rative attached to them in the ÷Däbrä Bérhan with the destruction of the Temple and Jerusa-
Íéllase version of the “short chronicle” (Foti lem. The fourth reveals a mourning woman who
1941:92ff., 119f.). Däqqä Éstifa went to the is transformed into the heavenly Jerusalem. In
“country of the Greeks” (hagärä SérŸ), i.e. Egypt the fifth E. sees an eagle which represents the
(s. Fiaccadori 2004:142f., 157), where he learnt Roman Empire. The sixth vision concerns a man,
“the interpretation of the ÷säwaséw and the who rises from the sea, who defeats his enemies
mystery of religious hymns” that he later tought and is acclaimed by the joyous multitude. In the
to ase ÷Éskéndér, soon becoming his favourite. seventh vision, E. receives the 24 books of the
Yet, he commited adultery with the Emperor’s Bible and the 70 books.
wife. Upon surprising the couple in the palace, There are numerous parallels between Apoca-
Éskéndér exchanged with the adulterer those lypse of E. and 2 Baruch (also known as the
qéne; then the two lovers managed to flee. Syriac Apocalypse of ÷Baruch) and the Book
Src.: André Caquot, “Les actes d’ŸEzra de Gunda- of ÷Enoch. Cf. 4 Ezra 6:49–52 and 1 Enoch 60:
Gunde”, AE 4, 1961, 69–121; StrANL 29ff., no. 9; 7–9; 4 Ezra 7:32f and 1 Enoch 51:1, 3; 4 Ezra 7:
KinBibl no. 50; Enrico Cerulli, “L’Etiopia del secolo 37 and 1 Enoch 62:1. The authors also seem to
XV in nuovi documenti storici”, Africa Italiana 5, 1933,
57–112, here 99–103; Id., “L’imperatore NaŸod e gli Ste-
have been familiar with the Psalms of Solomon.
faniti a Gerusalemme in un documento inedito (Vaticano The best edition of the Ethiopic version is still
Etiopico 298)”, in: PICES 3, vol. 2, 243–53 (= RANLmor Dillmann (1894). The Apocalypse of E. is usually
ser. 8a, 26, 1971, 562–71); Concetta Foti, “La cronaca included in Ethiopian ÷Canon tables, and has
abbreviata dei Re d’Abissinia in un manoscritto di Dabra
also been the subject of ÷Andémta commentary
Berhan di Gondar”, RSE 1, 1941, 87–123, here 92ff.
Lit.: Robert Beylot, “Sur quelques hétérodoxes éthio- literature.
piens: Estifanos, Abakerazun, Gabra Masih, Ezra”, Re- Src.: Richard Laurence, Primi Ezrae Libri, qui apud
vue de l’Histoire des Religions 201, 1, 1984, 25–36, here Vulgatam appelatur quartus, versio Aethiopica …, Oxford
29f.; Id., “Les actes de Gabra Masih I (ca. 1419–1522), 1820 [and later editions]; Augustus Dillmann, Biblia
troisième chef du mouvement stéphanite”, RSE 35, 1991 Veteris Testamenti Aethiopici …, vol. 5: Libri apocryphi:
[1993, but 1994], 5–11; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Sulla Baruch, Epistola Jeremiae, Tobith, Judith, Ecclesiasticus,
formula etiopica per la cerimonia del Fuoco sacro a Geru- Sapientia, Esdrae Apocalypsis, Esdrae Graecus, Berlin
salemme”, in: StudAeth 37–40, here 38, 40 and n. 14; Id., 1894, 152–93; René Marie Joseph Basset, Les apocryphes
“Sul ms. Parigi, B.n.F., d’Abb. 78 (C.R. 38) e i metropoliti éthiopiens, Paris 1899, vol. 9, 1–111; Franz Praetorius,
Yeshaq, YaŸqob e Marqos d’Etiopia”, RANLmor ser. 9a, “Mazhafa Tomar. Das äthiopisch Briefbuch“, in: Adolf
15, 2004a [2005], 679–90, here 686ff.; Id., “Sembrouthes Hilgenfeld, Messias Judaeorum, Lipsiae 1869, 262–322.
‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per la storia del Lit.: Michael Edward Stone, Fourth Ezra: A Commen-
primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del Passato 59, tary on the Book of Fourth Ezra, Minneapolis 1990 (Lit.).
2004b [2005], 105–57, here 152f., 157; KapMon, s. index; Steven Kaplan
482
F
Fa¥akoobe occupy a special position in the life of Saho peo-

F. (Faƒakèbe, Falakèbé, Saho sp. Farhakoobe), ple. But if an unpleasant incident from the side of
known also as þasamó or as Muhammad Fara- clan leaders or šayòs occurred, the rumours were
kobe Abu Bakr b. Hasan b. Òalifa from the clan reported to F. and he would quickly compose
of Hassan Geyša (the Gaýaso subgroup of the a poem. The person involved, however, could
÷Minifire), was a famous traditional singer and try to prevent F. from doing so by giving him
poet of the ÷Saho. According to oral traditions a present. F. could also regain the favour of the
he lived in the 19th cent. The German scholar individuum concerned and rehabilitate him by
Leo ÷Reinisch recorded and translated a few of composing a new piece.
his poems and songs (Reinisch 1889:290f.). As Like most of the traditional poets, F., though
Reinisch reports, F. may have died either in 1867 famous, was treated by Saho society with suspi-
or 1868 during the Napier expedition against ase cion and disdain. It is said that he was not happy
÷Tewodros II. He was buried in Irýafale (Ira- about his profession, he felt guilty and prayed
fayle, Iƒaafalo), a Red-Sea coastal village. to God to free him from being a poet. He even
The name Farhakoobe is probably best composed a poem about himself describing the
analyzed as Saho fárhak ‘wanting’ (also ‘while he tragedy and hopelessness of his situation.
[same subject or different subject from the main ÷ŸAfar Literature
Lit.: Didier Morin, Le texte légitime. Pratiques litté-
verb] wanted’, a k-participle of farhe ‘want’) plus raires orales traditionnelles en Afrique du nord-est, Paris
oobe ‘he came down’. Morin (1999) explains it as 1999 (Langues et cultures africaines 25), 95f.; Leo Rei-
‘he came when he (God) wanted’, i.e. ‘he came nisch, Die Saho-Sprache, I: Texte der Saho-Sprache; II:
by God’s will’, and corrects the name to Fa¥é-k Wörterbuch der Saho-Sprache, Wien 1889-90, vol. 1, 291.
èbé with a form fa¥é-k that means ‘if he wanted’ Abdulkader Saleh
in ŸAfar.
Many of F.’s poems are about love and mar-
riage, others praise courage, describe historical Faitlovitch, Jacques
incidents and the Saho nomadic life, the social F. (also Ya’akov Faïtlovitch, b. 1881, Lód, Po-
and physical environment, tame and wild animals land, d. 1955, Tel Aviv) was a scholar and activist
and the conflicts and disputes between the Saho on behalf of the ÷Betä Ésraýel. He studied ori-
clans as well as between Saho and neighbouring ental languages in Paris under Joseph ÷Halévy,
groups (such disputes were usually caused by the who stimulated his interest in the Betä Ésraýel.
competition for new pastures and wells). After receiving a Master’s degree in oriental
F. is reported to have been always travelling languages in Paris and a doctorate from the
to participate in different Saho ceremonies and University of Lausanne in Switzerland, in 1904,
holidays and he was eager to receive gifts and F. traveled to Ethiopia under the sponsorship of
support from clan leaders. Sometimes he exploit- Baron Edmond de Rothschild. On his return-
ed the tensions and conflicts between the dif- trip, he brought two “Fälaša” boys with him,
ferent Saho groups, especially the competitions ÷Täýammérat Amanuýel and Gette Erméyas.
between the Minifire, ÷Asaorta and ÷Hazo. He also organized “pro-Fälaša” committees in
It is said that F.’s behaviour was unpredictable Italy and Germany. In 1908–09 he traveled to
and flexible; he could adjust himself to whatever Ethiopia yet again and met with ase ÷Ménilék II.
situation he faced. Most clan leaders were afraid Following his third visit in 1913–14, he began to
of F. and they gave him gifts in order to avoid establish schools, including a boarding school in
his poetic attacks. In his turn, he tried to win the Addis Abäba (1923). He also sent several youths
support of different clan leaders and šayòs: in his to study in Palestine and Europe, most notably
poems he could describe the clan’s generosity, ÷Yona Boggalä. As his activities were curtailed
hospitality and co-operation, since these values during the Fascist conquest and World War II,
Faitlovitch, Jacques
he settled in Palestine and continued to lobby on were joined by the Naval Brigade and several
behalf of the “Fälaša” until his death in 1955. His infantry companies.
library including over two dozen manuscripts is Ase Tewodros superintended the main gun
housed in the library of Tel Aviv University. and the artillery unit at F., whereas his general,
F.’s publications can be classified into four fitawrari ÷Gäbrä Héywät Goššu, led the infan-
main categories: (1) accounts of his travels (1905; try and the cavalry in the Aroge plain. It was
1910); (2) popular pieces designed to encourage Tewodros who started the military action by
interest in the situation and activities on their firing the canon from F. at half past four in the
behalf (1907; 1920); (3) letters to the Betä Ésraýel afternoon.
(1913); (4) academic studies (1906; Proverbs Ab- The British could use their technical and tacti-
yssins, Paris 1907). cal advantage. As Ethiopians could not employ
Despite the publication of numerous articles their usual tactic of a massive attack for lack of
dealing with F.’s life and his influence on the Betä space, they had to resort to a frontal attack. The
Ésraýel, no comprehensive biography has been British then pretended to retreat, but then sur-
written. Although much of the literature on F. rounded the Ethiopians and opened fire from
has an almost hagiographic tone, in recent years three sides, immediately inflicting heavy losses.
more critical perspectives have been adopted by Gäbrä Héywät Goššu was killed together with
scholars. at least 700 or 800 of the ca. 4,000 soldiers who
Src.: Jacques Faitlovitch, Notes d’un voyage chez les fought on the Ethiopian side. 1,500 more were
Falachas (Juifs d’Abyssinie), Paris 1905; Id., Quer durch wounded. The Ethiopian army had to retreat;
Abessinien: Meine zweite Reise zu den Falaschas, Berlin many fled without returning to Mäqdäla. Tewo-
1910; Id., “The Falashas”, American Jewish Year Book 22,
1920, 80–100; Id., “Les Falachas d’après les explorateurs: dros, however, stayed on in his headquarters at
notes apologétiques”, Rivista Israelita 4, 3, 1907; Id., Sälamge and even attempted some peace negotia-
Falascha-Briefe, Berlin 1913; Id., Mota Muse, Paris 1906; tions. Despite an offer by Napier to accept his
Id., Proverbes Abyssins, Paris 1907b. surrender, he vehemently refused (and eventu-
Lit.: Daniel P. Summerfield, From Falashas to Ethio-
pian Jews: the External Influences for Change, London ally committed suicide).
2000; Emanuela Trevisan Semi, “Universalisme juif et Src.: FusTeod 26, 42f., 46 (text) = 94f., 111ff., 115 (tr.);
proselytisme: l’action de Jacques Faitlovitch, ‘pere’ des MonVidTheo 55f. = 68f.; Clements Robert Markham,
Beta Israel (Falashas)”, Revue de l’histoire des religions A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, London 1869,
216, 2, 1999, 193–211; Ead., L’epistolario di Taamrat 315–45; Theophilus Waldmeier, The Autobiography
Emmanuel: un intellettuale ebreo d’Etiopia nella prima of Theophilus Waldmeier, Missionary, being an Account
metà del XX secolo, Torino 2000. of Ten Years’ Life in Abyssinia and Sixteen Years in Syria,
London 1886, 107–14; Guida 394.
Steven Kaplan
Lit.: RubTew 88; Charles Bussidon, Abyssinie et Angle-
terre (Théodros), Paris 1888, 285–30.
Fala Evgenia Sokolinskaia
F. (Gq ) is a mountain rising ca. 365 m above the

plain of Aroge, where one of the battles between
Fälaša ÷Betä Ésraýel
the troops of ase ÷Tewodros and those of the
÷Napier expedition took place. Fälaša Bet
The plain of Aroge lies to the north-west of F.B. (Dq#y ,M , ‘Fälaša House’) was the name
÷Mäqdäla and it was there that the British and the given to the area, or areas, inhabited by the Fälaša
Ethiopians had their first decisive clash on Good (÷Betä Ésraýel) craftsmen outside ÷Gondär. The
Friday, 3 Miyazya 1862 A.M. [10 April 1868]. principal Betä Ésraýel area, situated west of the
The British were nearly equal in numbers city, beyond the Qäha river, was also known as
to the Ethiopians, but they were much better ÷Kayla Meda, since Kayla was another name for
armed and knew how to use their advantage. The the Fälaša and, because of its dryness, Abwara
movement started at 6 o’clock in the morning (‘dust’). The Betä Ésraýel, though mainly black-
when the First Brigade commanded by Colonel smiths, weavers and potters, also cultivated in
Phayre and the Third Cavalry under Colonel the F.B. area, whence some travelled to the city
Loch started moving towards the plain across to engage in building operations. The separa-
the ÷Bäšélo river. At 9:30 a.m. the Commander- tion of the Fälaša, as well as of the Muslims of
in-Chief of the British army, Robert Napier, Gondär, was based partly on custom, but also on
moved in with the Second Brigade. Later, they the decision of a church council, held in the city
484
Fälasfa täbiban: Mäshafä fälasfa täbiban
in 1668, during the reign of ase ÷Yohannés I. It most part of the content of the Arabic text; later
decreed that both minority communities should manuscripts, especially from the 19th/20th cent.,
not remain with the Christians, but should live convey texts enlarged by sayings of Church
apart, forming a village of their own. Early in Fathers or other stories, e.g., of the wise Òikar
the 19th cent. William Coffin (Pearce 1831:240f.) (÷Ahiqar [EAE vol. 5]), that are unknown in the
estimated that the population of F.B. numbered Arabic original and represent Ethiopic scribal
“scarcely four hundred”, while Eduard Rüppell modifications.
thought that F.B. comprised some 60 houses, The Kitab al-bustan is, in its turn, a Christian
which likewise would suggest a population of collection generally based on two books of say-
300 or 400 inhabitants. ings: the Nawadir al-falasifa (‘Apophthegms
Src.: Nathaniel Pearce, The Life and Adventures of of the Philosophers’), written by the Syrian
Nathaniel Pearce, London 1831, vol. 1, 240f.; Eduard scholar Hunayn b. Ishaq (809–73 or 877), one
Rüppell, Reise in Abyssinien, 2 vols., Frankfurt am Main
1838–40, vol. 2, 81f.
of the most important translators and media-
Lit.: PankHist I, 252, 258; Joseph Tubiana, “Note sur tors of Greek science to the Islamic world; and
la distribution géographique des dialectes agaw”, Les the gnomologium called Muòtar l-hikam wa-
Cahiers de l’Afrique et l’Asie 5, Mer Rouge – Afrique mahasin al-kalim (‘Choice of Wise Sayings and
Orientale, 1959, 297–306. Fine Statements’), composed in 1048/49 by the
Richard Pankhurst
Egyptian savant Mubaššir b. Fatik, which also
contains much Christian material, e.g., sayings
Fälasfa täbiban: Mäshafä fälasfa täbiban of such early Church Fathers as ÷Gregory of
The M.f.t. (ue=Dy DqFGy /*+#, ‘The Book of Nyssa and ÷Basil the Great or legendary sages
the Wise Philosophers’) is a collection of sayings, from the Egyptian Hermetic tradition. Besides
apophthegms and anecdotes of Greek philoso- the two aforementioned collections, the Chris-
phers, early Church Fathers, biblical figures and tian compiler of the Kitab al-bustan used other
so-called wise men, but also proverbs and banal material from Christian sources and doxographic
wisdom. The sayings are not ordered according extracts, mostly from Galenic writings.
to authors or themes; the most important or The evaluation of Arabic gnomic literature has
popular philosophers, such as Aristotle, Plato, just begun; but the traditional view concerning the
Socrates or Diogenes, are mentioned, but in most central position of Hunayn b. Ishaq’s Nawadir
cases the sayings remain anonymous. al-falasifa in the history of the transmission of
The M.f.t. belongs to a period of ÷GéŸéz lit- the M.f.t. should definitively be revised, for it
erature that witnessed an increased translation is but a distant echo of the Greek gnomological
activity from Arabic into GéŸéz. Besides the and doxographic tradition, within which the ex-
Life and Maxims of Secundus the Philosopher act position of the M.f.t. is still to be established.
(÷Secundos), translated from Arabic, the M.f.t. Src.: Carl Heinrich Cornill (ed., tr.), ue=Dy DqFGy
is the only Ethiopic literary product that can /*+#y Das Buch der weisen Philosophen nach dem
Aethiopischen untersucht, Leipzig 1875; August Dill-
be considered properly philosophical. It is in mann, Chrestomathia Aethiopica, Leipzig 1899, 40-45
fact a translation of the Arabic gnomologium [abstracts] [repr.: Ernst Hammerschmidt (ed.), Antho-
entitled Kitab al-bustan wa-qaŸidat al-hukamaý logia Aethiopica, Hildesheim – Zürich – New York 1988];
wa-šams al-adab (‘Book of the Garden and Basis Sebastian Euringer, “Übersetzung der philosophischen
of Wise Men and Sun of [Ethical] Rules’). In one Lehrsprüche in Dillmanns ‘Chrestomathia Aethiopica’”,
Orientalia nuova ser. 10, 1941, 361-71; Claude Sumner,
manuscript of the latter, the compiler (or simply Ethiopian Philosophy I: the Book of the Wise Philosophers,
the copyist) Nasrallah b. Yuhanna is mentioned; Addis Ababa 1974.
his literary activities are otherwise unknown. Lit.: GuiSLett 82; Claude Sumner, Classical Ethiopian
This manuscript was the Vorlage of the Ethiopic Philosophy, Addis Ababa 1985, 55–296; Ute Pietrusch-
version, made between 1510 and 1522 by abba ka, “Das Mäshafä fälasfa täbiban und sein Verhältnis
zu griechischen und arabischen Gnomensammlungen”,
Mikaýel “the Translator”, a writer of Egyptian Aethiopica 5, 2002, 139–55 (Lit.); Ead., “The Relation-
origin. At present two recensions – a long and a ship of Arabic with Ethiopic Gnomologia: Remarks on
short – of the M.f.t. are known. a Projected Edition”, Manuscripts of the Middle East
Such a collection of sayings was very popular 6, 1992, 88–95; Ead., Griechische Philosophensprüche
in äthiopischer Überlieferung, Ph.D. thesis, Halle 1986;
in Ethiopia, as is indicated by the great number Jean Simon, “Notes bibliographiques sur les textes de la
of its manuscripts. The oldest manuscripts of «Chrestomathia Aethiopica» de A. Dillmann”, Orientalia
the collection, from the 16th cent., preserve the nuova ser. 10, 1941, 285-311, here 297f. (Lit.) [repr.: Ernst
485
Fälasfa täbiban: Mäshafä fälasfa täbiban
Hammerschmidt (ed.), Anthologia Aethiopica, Hildes- to the death of just under 90 % of the country’s
heim – Zürich – New York 1988]. livestock. This, in turns, caused an acute shortage
Ute Pietruschka – Red.
of meat for consumption, as well as of oxen for
ploughing. Consequently, cultivation was great-
Famines ly reduced. The drought and heat meanwhile
caused the crops in the fields to wither and die;
Ethiopia has had a long and tragic history with
the remaining produce was further ravished by
F. Most of them were caused by drought and/or
swarms of locusts and caterpillars induced by the
crop failure, but others were due to ÷locusts,
excessive heat. These developments combined to
rinderpest or wars. The devastation caused by
produce an acute shortage of both livestock and
F. usually intensifies because they are frequently
cereals, a sharp rise in farm prices, a major out-
followed by ÷epidemics such as smallpox, chol-
break of F., which was followed by epidemics
era, typhus, diarrhea or influenza (÷Diseases).
of smallpox, typhus and cholera. It is estimated
History that the combined effects of F. and the epidemics
The earliest records of F. are preserved in the may have killed a third of the entire population
Sénkéssar and date from the 9th and 12th cent. (Pankhurst 1966).
References to F. in the 12th to the 13th cent. also
appear in the Acts of abba Täklä Haymanot of Causes and significance
Šäwa and, in the 16th cent., the Acts of Täklä Alfa Droughts are known to occur at more or less
of Däbrä Dima. References to early F. are also regular intervals in Ethiopia. The minimum fac-
recorded in Haräri historical writings for 657 H. tor for plough ÷agriculture being the rain, not
[1259 A.D.] and 673 H [1275 A.D.]. the soil fertility, Ethiopia has a long history of lo-
Detailed descriptions of F. caused by locusts cal harvest failures due to insufficient, too short,
are preserved in the writings of Alvares and in interrupted or even too heavy rains. If these
the Chronicle of ase Gälawdewos (r. 1540-59). occur over large areas and/or repeat themselves
Regarding the severity of a F. he experienced, over several years, F. are hardly avoidable.
the latter claims that “its like had not been seen Larger F. occurred in more recent years with
since the time of the kings of Samaria and at the a certain regularity; a pattern of an eleven years’
time of the destruction of the second Temple”. cycle is sometimes suggested. F. have in recent
Later outbreaks were reported in 1616 and 1628. years also become more devastating and affected
Serious F. due to locusts are also known to have increasing numbers of people because of the
occurred in 1626/27 and in 1633, as described population growth.
by the Jesuits. F. likewise featured in chronicles Theoretically, F. could be prevented through
from the Gondärine kingdom. Outbreaks with- foresight and planning. The Bible gives probably
out reported causes were recorded in 1668, 1752 the earliest account and lesson of a successful
and 1772/73, and one account caused by locusts political intervention to prevent a major drought
in 1647/48 (Pankhurst 1972, 1973). from becoming a F. (Gen 41–44). There is nor-
The first recorded 19th-cent.-F., in Tégray mally food available in at least some parts of the
1811–12, was caused by locusts; Pearce said that country, so that prevention might appear to be a
it “committed great ravages”, a description the problem of distribution, transport capacities and
local ruler ras Wäldä Íéllase also confirmed. A pre-emptive action.
later F. in Šäwa (1827/28) was apparently caused Traditionally Ethiopian peasants knew that
by a combination of drought and some form of against the uncertainty of weather there is no
cattle disease (Pankhurst 1985:53ff). protection or cure except keeping reserves for
One of the most serious and best documented surviving a bad year. Cattle are valued also as a
F. in Ethiopia’s history was that of 1888–92 safety stock to be sold in drought periods. By ex-
(÷Kéfu qän). This outbreak stemmed from a changing goods with less affected regions, peas-
combination of natural disasters: 1. a major epi- ants could always escape the worst F., as long as
demic of rinderpest, 2. unprecedented drought not the whole region was affected. The problem
and harvest failure, 3. extensive plagues of grew to disaster dimensions when the peasantry
locusts and caterpillars. The rinderpest was un- was too impoverished to keep the necessary re-
intentionally introduced by the import of new serves and political authorities neglected the need
strains of cattle by the Italians and reportedly led for tax relief and local emergency stock keeping.
486
Famines
The more affluent parts of the urban population accompanied by changes in ÷land tenure which
made sure to collect sufficient food for their disowned a sizeable number of peasants, making
own needs right after harvest, particularly when them tenants or land labourers, or evicting them.
predicting a shortage, leaving the rural areas with Increasing taxes, levies and other contributions
correspondingly lower stocks. This had the ad- forced the peasants to produce more to be able to
ditional fatal effect that food aid had to be dis- survive on their land, but to consume less them-
tributed to the most remote villages at enormous selves (Pausewang 1983).
costs, while the towns in most F. hardly felt grain Under Haylä Íéllase, the problem reached a
shortages (Pausewang 1991:23). politically serious dimension. When F. hit ever-
F. is usually understood to be caused by re- growing numbers of people, the reasons were
current droughts. An increase in frequency and sought in different ways. Population growth
severity can naturally be explained through obviously contributed, as the land had to feed
population growth and deteriorating soil fertil- ever-more mouths. Ecological deterioration also
ity, as well as variations in weather conditions. in the 20th cent. and before started to narrow
Recent debates on F. relief question whether F. is the margins and increase the variations in rains.
caused by natural as opposed to man-made fac- But the more important reasons were sought in
tors such as climatic changes and, in particular, the socio-economic conditions of agricultural
political interventions, instability and conflict. production. Demands on peasants were rising.
Political factors are basically three: 1. increasing Landlords increased their “share” in the peasants’
tax and levies on peasant production lead to im- crops to cover growing urban costs of living.
poverishment and growing pressure on produc- Prices for inputs were rising, as were the margins
tive resources; 2. the failure to install preventive of traders. And the terms of trade for agricultural
mechanisms such as food security stores and produce generally deteriorated. Investors were
more efficient local productive capacities; and ready to compete for land, causing the eviction
3. the priority given to food for the army and of many peasants by their landlords. Taxes and
the urban population deprives rural populations levies, as well as corruption added to the burdens
of their necessary food security reserves. In the of peasants. In addition, even the most self-sup-
wake of this debate, food assistance also comes plied peasant needs some money to pay taxes, to
increasingly under critical scrutiny, suspected of buy clothes and tools, to pay for school fees for a
discouraging local production and making rural child or health services for a sick family member.
populations dependent on food aid instead of lo- With generally declining rural terms of trade,
cal production. At the same time, an increasing peasants had to sell more food to get hold of the
population growth rate of almost 3 % annually needed cash. With increasing sales, they became
(2.7 % in 2003, CSA 2004) causes a duplication more dependent on traders and on taking out
of the rural population for every generation. loans. Interest rates and loan services added to
As long as alternative employment in industrial their need to sell. This combined burden nar-
production or other non-agricultural sectors rowed their ability to keep stocks for surviving a
is not available, even measures to improve the bad year or two (Stahl 1974; Cohen – Weintraub
productivity of agriculture will not be sufficient 1975; Pausewang 1983).
to cope with an ever-diminishing ratio of man to The demand to improve the living conditions
land and hence a vulnerability of food produc- for peasants became, therefore, a political issue
tion (Eshetu Chole 1988). of primary order. Since 1965, the growing radi-
cal student movement adopted the slogan u>My
Famine as a factor in politics n!=! (märet läýarašu, ‘land to the tiller’) and
During the reigns of ase Ménilék II and ase launched demonstrations for their demand
Haylä Íéllase I, increasing burdens were laid (Balsvik 1985). It turned against Haylä Íéllase
on peasants, since their productive capacity personally when it became known that he attemp-
was the major source of the means to finance ted to hide the F. of 1973 in order not to disturb
the centralization of the empire, the growing his coronation anniversary celebrations. There
army and administration, and the moderniza- had been some concern for prediction of recur-
tion of the country. The conquest of the South, rent droughts and prevention of F., but it had not
as well as subsequent changes in rural policies, reached beyond a planning stage when Haylä
brought a palatable impoverishment of farmers, Íéllase’s government fell in the face of growing
487
Famines
popular protests sparked by the damaging F. in

1973 in Wällo and Tégray.
After the ÷Revolution, the new Därg regime
promised F. should never occur again. But in
1984–85 it delayed reacting to a new F. until after
its 10th-anniversary celebrations. In the following
years it used food aid politically, denying rebel-
controlled areas (Eritrea and the north of Tégray)
relief food which was redirected to feed the army
instead. This led European aid agencies to open
the Cross-border operations from Sudan to feed
the famine victims in the north. In 1995 drought
demanded a new relief operation, and since then a
growing number of people have become depend-
ent on relief supplies to avert acute F.
÷Agriculture; ÷Food
Lit.: CSA 2004; Daniel Gamadu, Aspects of Climate
and Water Budget in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1977; Jean
Gallais, “Sechezesse, famine, Etat: le cas de l’Éthiopie”,
Herodote 39, octobre–decembre, 1985; Richard
Pankhurst, “The Earliest History of Famine and Pes-
tilence in Ethiopia”, Ethiopian Medical Journal 11, 1973,
233–36; Id., “The History of Famine and Pestilence in
Ethiopia Prior to the Founding of Gondär”, JES 10,
2, 1972, 37–64; Id., “The Great Ethiopian Famine of
1888–1892: a New Assessment”, Journal of the History
of Medicine and Allied Sciences 21, 1966, 95–124, 271–94;
Id., The History of Famines and Epidemics Prior to the
Twentieth Century, Addis Ababa 1985; Mesfin Wolde- Mourning woman with ostrich feathers in Hadiyya
Mariam, Vulnerability to Famine in Ethiopia: 1938-1977, following fandaanano traditions; photo 1999, courtesy
New Delhi - Addis Ababa 1988; Id., Suffering under of the author
God’s Environment. A Vertical Study of the Predicament
of Peasants in North-Central Ethiopia, Bern 1991; Randi of the conversion of the Hadiyya to one of the
Balsvik, Haile Selassie’s Students: Intellectual and Social Christian congregations or to ÷Islam, F. basi-
Background to Revolution, Michigan 1985; John Co- cally determined their social norms and their
hen – Dov Weintraub, Land and Peasants in Imperial
Ethiopia. The Social Background to a Revolution, Assen moral concepts. All customs of their life-cycle,
1975; Eshetu Chole, “The Ethiopian Economy. An their juridical laws and political actions were to a
Overview”, in: Beyond the Famine. An Examination of large extent influenced by F. as a comprehensive
the Issues behind Famine in Ethiopia, Geneva 1988, 27-54; cultural system embracing the religious as well
Siegfried Pausewang, Peasants, Land and Society. A So-
as the relevant secular spheres alike. From the
cial History of Land Reform in Ethiopia; München 1983;
Id., “Drought, Hunger, and Prevention”, Development 13th cent. until the ÷Oromo expansion in the 16th
and Change 1, 1991, 23–25; Michael Stahl, Ethiopia: cent. the Hadiyya were part of a Muslim-domi-
Political Contradictions in Agricultural Development, nated state in the area between the Rift Valley
Uppsala – Stockholm 1973. and the Harär plateau. Islam gradually declined
Richard Pankhurst — Siegfried Pausewang afterwards in favour of a syncretic folk religion,
which became known as F., but a considerable
number of its elements persisted in more or less
Fandaanano clearly visible patterns. Until the present many
The Hadiyya term F. (collective from fandaano, Hadiyya even tended to equate F. with Islam,
pl., sg. fandaanóo) in general refers to the tradi- although the knowledge of the ÷Qurýan had
tional way of life of the ÷Hadiyya in southern neither been actively preserved nor substituted
Ethiopia and in a narrower sense to their autoch- by another holy script. However, its followers
thonous Cushitic folk religion (÷Religions, made a clear difference between F. in the sense of
traditional). The origin and the etymological “true religion”, on the one hand, and “pagans”
derivation of the term F. remains doubtful. (ibge, sg. ibgekióóo), on the other. In this qual-
Before it finally collapsed in the 1970s because ity F. also became a kind of missionary religion
488
Fänga
which spread among neighbouring groups such In their ÷eschatology, concepts of the hereafter,
as the ÷Kambaata, ÷Timbaaro and ÷Allaaba. heaven, hell etc., the Islamic model is reflected in
Its characteristic elements can be described as many details.
follows. The F. believe in a High God Waaýa, In the year 1999 less than 200 people (out of
who is considered as a manifestation of the a population of more than a million Hadiyya)
black (blue) sky. Similar to the supreme beings were still active followers of the F. way of life.
of other folk religions of southern Ethiopia (e.g., Its legacy, however, was still visible in numerous
÷Waaqa of the Oromo, ÷Waq of the ÷Gurage, concepts and practices, particularly among the
Maganno of the ÷Sidaama and Kambaata, etc.), Orthodox Christians and Muslims.
he is conceived as a kind of deus otiosus, who, Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, “A Vanishing Socio-Religious
after the creation of the world, retreated from its System: Fandano of the Hadiya”, in: PICES 13, vol. 2,
active governing. The fate of humans is therefore 314–26.
Ulrich Braukämper
mainly dependent on subordinate spirits and
demons, with whom, consequently, most of the
worship is associated. There are special categories Fanfa
of patron spirits for individuals: gaara predomi-
nantly for men, idoota for women and woriiqa F. is a type of pan-pipe which consists of six or
with a focus relating to important ancestors. eleven graduated end-blown bamboo flutes of
They are regarded as responsible for the fertility varying lengths, bound together with several
of men, animals and plants and for good luck in ranks of string. Hence, several flutes, each having
any respect and will regularly be offered small a different pitch, are combined to form a single
gifts of barley, butter and honey-water. The main instrument. To help keep the canes in place, the
adversaries of the benevolent spiritual beings are body is often covered with a mixture of rendered
devils categorized as šetaana and habusa. Other sheep fat and cow’s manure.
categories of spirits reveal by their names that The flutes, having no mouthpieces, a single
they originated either in Islam or in Christianity. player blows across the top of the tubes to pro-
Giina and ibliisa are derived from the the Mus- duce the desired sounds. Relative tuning is de-
lim ginn and Iblis, respectively (cf. Qurýan 15: termined by the length and circumference of the
14). Spirits reflecting the Christian background tubes and the manner in which they are blown.
are, for example, Kitoosa (Christ), Maaraame (St. Over-blowing produces overtones or harmonics
Mary), and Gergiisa (St. George), which partly and is one of the playing techniques used to alter
serve as objects in possession cults. the pitch as well as the sound texture. The instru-
F. people performed a ritual prayer at sunrise ment is played by the ÷Konso.
Lit.: Christopher Robert Hallpike, The Konso of
and sundown by bowing down to the north Ethiopia: a Study of the Values of a Cushitic People,
(-east), i.e. roughly corresponding to the direc- Oxford 1972; Tesfaye Lemma, Ethiopian Musical Instru-
tion of Mecca (qibla). They buried the dead and ments, Addis Ababa 1975, 37.
turned animals to be slaughtered towards the Cynthia Tse Kimberlin
same direction. They observed a time of fasting
(soomaano or soomu) which clearly revealed the
model of ÷Ramadan and originally followed the Fänga
Muslim calendar, but became more and more dif- F. (D#F ) served as a regional capital in
ferent from it in the course of time. If F. people ÷Dämbéya. It is closely associated with
violated any important prescription of their faith, däggazmaó ÷Maru who, from about 1800 to
they had to undergo a special rite of purification 1827, ruled Dämbéya and a large area to its west
(manisimma), which was also demanded from as far as the Sudan borderlands. Däggazmaó
new converts as a kind of baptism. Ceremonies Maru built a residence there and founded the
of this type were presided over by high priests church of Fänga Maryam. The residence is now
(angaamma, sg. angaanóóo), spiritual leaders of in ruins, but the church is still in service. Fänga
the Hadiyya subgroups and lower categories Maryam was one of the most important churches
of priests who acted as diviners (kiiraano and during the ÷Zämänä mäsafént and its founda-
hiraagaano), sacrificers at ceremonial occasions tion-document has survived. After däggazmaó
and media in possession cults (morotta), employ- Maru’s death, F. continued to serve as the capital
ing various spirits for their séances (cf. above). of Maru’s political heir, däggazmaó ÷Kénfu.
489
Fänga
Galla Country, with an Account of a Mission to Ras Ali in
1848, London 1868.
Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, An Introduction to the History
of the Ethiopian Army, Addis Ababa 1967; BTafA s. index.
Richard Pankhurst
Fänta
Däbtära F. (D#K ) was known to the missionary
÷Gobat and the travellers ÷Ferret and ÷Galinier,
and particularly as a correspondent of the French
traveller and scholar Antoine d’÷Abbadie. As a
secretary at the court of ase ÷Íahlä Déngél in
1848 he wrote several letters to Gobat, then An-
glican Bishop of Jerusalem, seeking his interven-
tion on behalf of the Ethiopian monks in the Holy
City. Between 1853 and 1854 he wrote five letters
to d’Abbadie containing valuable news about
contemporary Ethiopian politics.
Src.: RubActa 1, ns. 92, 109, 111, 115, 169–70, 172, 176,
F. is also associated with the abuns of Gondär 186; Samuel Gobat, Journal of a Three Years’ Residence
who had their gwélt there. in Abyssinia in Furtherance of the Objects of the Church
Lit.: AbPrince 32; RubTew 20, 31; CrumLand (Lit.). Missionary Society, London 1834, 96; Adolphe Ferret
Donald Crummey – Joseph Germain Galinier, Voyage en Abyssinie dans
les provinces du Tigré, du Samen et de l’Amhara, 3 vols.,
Paris 1847–48, here vol. 2, 449.
Fanno Donald Crummey
F. (G$ ) is the term derived from the Amh. D||
(fännänä, ‘he fled’, or ‘voluntarily took part in a Fäntale
warlike expedition for the sake of booty’), which F. (D#Kr, also Fanta Ale) is a broad volcanic
was used for irregular soldiers (one as well as a cone, which culminates at 2,006 m A.S.L., over-
group of them), or “free-booters”, as opposed to looking, more than 1,000 m above, the depres-
the regular soldiers of the ÷army, usually desig- sion of the middle-Awaš. Long black scoriaceous
nated as ]K6? (wättadär). F. often accompanied lava flows (trachytes, basalts) spread between the
royal campaigns, but were not remunerated by courses of the Käsäm, to the north, and the Awaš,
the state, were not issued with uniforms and gen- to the south. Smoke fumes rise from time to time
erally fought of their own volition, without an from the crater of a caldera volcano 3.5 km in di-
order or a military leader. A ÷šéfta rebel could
also be referred to as F.
Raids and expeditions carried out by F., like
those undertaken by regular troops, constituted
a serious burden on the peasantry. The ceaseless
exactions of the soldiers are described in the
Ethiopian chronicles, notably that of ase Íärsä
Déngél, as well as by such foreign writers as
Manoel de Almeida, Hiob Ludolf, Nathaniel
Pearce, Walter Plowden and Augustus Blandy
Wylde. The latter, e.g., observed that bands of
warriors “little by little […] increased till they
[…] got out of all proportion to the wants of a
peaceful country” (Wylde 1901:165).
Src.: BeckHuntAlm; CRHist; GuiVoc 886; Augustus
Blandy Wylde, Modern Abyssinia, London 1901, 165;
GueCopMen vol. 1, 374; Nathaniel Pearce, The Life
and Adventures of Nathaniel Pearce, London 1837; Wal-
ter Chichele Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia and the
490
Faraýid, Kitab al-
ameter. The hot springs of Félwéha in the north- Lovani 1988 (CSCO 503, [SA 83]), 25, 36.
ern part reveal the persistence of tectonic activity. Lit.: TSTarik III, 64.
Sevir Chernetsov
There are historical records of eruptions of
the F. On the slopes of the volcano, the Kar- Fäqadä Amlak ÷Saints
rayyuu (÷Baarentuu) and ÷Ittuu Oromo prac-
tised stockbreeding and seasonal agriculture, in Fäqi Däbbis
competition, sometimes violent, with the ŸAfar. The mosque of F.D. in Yéfat was excavated in
In 1966, following the example of the national 2000. Three radiocarbon datings were obtained.
parks launched by the British government in The existing ruined mosque had been destroyed
Eastern Africa, the imperial government created by fire in the first half of the 15th cent. The
by decree the Awaš National Park (÷National wooden roof covered with earth collapsed and
Parks) which covered 827 km². This created con- was never rebuilt. Surprisingly, the excavation
flict with the local populations and the govern- discovered an unknown earlier building, de-
ment sent armed forces to drive out of the park stroyed during the 14th cent., beneath the present
the Oromo and ŸAfar dwellers. These groups, ruins. This is very probably the oldest mosque
nonetheless, still continue to visit the area in securely dated in Ethiopia.
search of pasturages. Provided of camping sites Src.: author’s own data.
and located on the railway and road towards Bertrand Poissonnier
Dérre Dawa, this faunistic reserve is today an at-
traction for tourists, who climb the volcano and
bathe in the Félwéha springs. Faraýid, Kitab al-
Lit.: EMAtlas; GasEth; Guida 431; MesfGeogr; Ayalew K.f. (|÷Aj∞ªA LBN∑, Kitab al-faraýid, lit. ‘Book of
Gebru, Pastoralism under Pressure. Land Alienation and Obligations or Law’), published, transliterated
Pastoral Transformations among the Karayu of Eastern
Ethiopia, 1941 to the Present, Maastricht 2001.
and translated by Enrico Cerulli, was a text that
Alain Gascon he had acquired in the city of ÷Harär (CerStud
284–343). It was the first, extensive text in Old
÷Harari, written in Arabic characters, to be-
Fanuýel come known to western scholars. Its importance
F. (G}%s , d. 18 June 1549) was, according to a is primarily linguistic, and Cerulli used it as the
÷Sénkéssar story referred to by ÷Täklä Sadiq basis for his grammar and glossary of Old Harari
Mäkwériya (TSTarik III, 64), but absent in any of (ibid. 344–442).
the published editions, an Ethiopian aristocrat of The text, however, is also interesting beyond its
royal blood, who traced his descent to ase Säyfä linguistic value. The Arabic word farida means
ArŸad (r. 1344–71). The name of his mother was ‘religious duty’ and the plural faraýid refers to
Mägdälawit. the ‘obligatory portions’ fixed by Muslim law
During the unhappy reign of ase Lébnä Déngél in favour of heirs to property. Consequently, in
(r. 1508–40), F. held the office of ÷wagšum and the Arabic-speaking world Ÿilm al-faraýid became
was among the few prominent warlords who the normal term for “law of inheritance” and K.f.
were lucky enough to survive during the on- would be the usual title for a treatise on heredi-
slaught led by imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al- tary law. In Harär, however, the title K.f. seems
Ëazi. When, in 1540, ase ÷Gälawdewos became to have a quite different meaning. The first part
emperor, he had at his disposal only two such of Cerulli’s text contains numerical sayings like
warlords: ÷Dägälhan and F. (Kropp 1988:25). “Four things do not last forever: the friendship of
Gälawdewos charged F. to fight against ÷ŸAdal a liar, the wedding dinner of a miser, the wealth of
and in March 1548 appointed him “over all lands this world and the shadow of a cloud” (CerStud
of the East, such as ÷Däwaro and its dependen- I, 285 [text] = 321 [tr.]). Some of the sayings have
cies” (ConzGal 38). F. coped well with the fading religious content or pertain to ritual obligations,
Muslim threat, until, during his next campaign in such as the enumeration of the prerequisites for
ŸAdal, “came the One Who comes to vanquish fasting (ibid. 284 [text] = 320 [tr.]). The second part
every mortal one and took him away to the (ibid. 291–303 [text] = 329–43 [tr.]) starts with a
country of those like him”. catechism-like commentary on a creed. The arti-
Src.: ConzGal 37ff., 41; Manfred Kropp (ed., tr.), Die cles of faith are first given in Arabic and then ex-
Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minas, plained in Harari. Later, religious formulae also
491
Faraýid, Kitab al-
are interpreted and religious duties enumerated into Ethiopic from Arabic during the medieval
such as the five prescriptions for ablution (ibid. times, which underwent major changes in Ethio-
298 [text] = 337 [tr.]). Though this may be a point pia during the 19th and 20th cent.
of contact between the two parts, the first one The term, when first introduced into the
falls into the genre of wisdom literature and the country, became the accepted GéŸéz name for
second one into that of religious teaching. a Roman Catholic (cp. Littmann 1916:239) and
With the discovery of more manuscripts (there gradually, by extension, for any foreigner. This
are many in private ownership in Harär, several was noted in ÷Ludolf’s Lexicon (1661:383),
in the Institute of Ethiopian Studies in Addis which translates the word as “a Frank or man of
Abäba and two in the Staatsbibliothek Preußi- the Latin or Roman religion” but notes that the
scher Kulturbesitz zu Berlin), it became obvious term was also popularly used for “all Europeans
that this difference in content corresponds to (except Greeks)”. Foreigners of the Orthodox
two different works which normally were cop- Christian faith were by contrast generally re-
ied together. A lacuna in Cerulli’s manuscript at ferred to as gébs(awi), a term which was origi-
the passage of the first to the second work ob- nally associated with ÷Egypt, but had acquired
scured this fact. Now, we also know the authors a wider meaning. The word gébs was thus used
of both parts. The first one was written by aw for ÷Greeks and ÷Armenians, both of whom,
ŸAbdarrahman al-ŸAraši and the second by faqih Ludolf explicitly notes, were not considered as
Tayyib al-Wanagi as-Sadri (both otherwise un- F. Declining preoccupation with religion in the
known). The Institute of Ethiopian Studies (mss. 19th cent., and the coming of European Protes-
IES 257 and 268) owns a third K.f. written by a tants, indistinguishable from Catholics in physi-
certain ŸAbdallah ŸUmar b. Gibril al-Aswam as- cal appearance, caused the word F. to become
Saòiti. In all three works the name of the author more loosely applied. The result was that the
is preceded by the formula: (Haîa) kitab al- early 19th-cent. German lexicographer ÷Isenberg
faraýid bi-kalam al-Habaš aòragahu … (‘[This (1841, vol. 1, 137) accepted Ludolf’s old defini-
is] the book of obligations in the language of the tion of F., but inserted into it the word “Euro-
Abyyinians [i.e. Harari] which N.N. extracted pean”. This change of meaning is further evident
…). The term aòraga (‘to extract’), which in Ara- from the statement by ÷Massaja (1867:352), that
bic is normally used for the compilation of col- the word F. meant European, without any reli-
lections of prophetic traditions (hadiô) on special gious inference. Antoine d’÷Abbadie’s diction-
themes, could be the clue to the meaning of K.f. ary (1881:590) later stated that the word was by
Perhaps it is the usual title for a compilation then used for a European “without distinction of
of sayings and maxims in the Harari language, religious belief” but added, significantly, that the
which people are obliged to read or memorize, word was “always used in an injurious sense”.
not so much for legal or ritual reasons, but to The term F. was widely used for the Italians at
preserve the cultural heritage of the town. the time of the battle of ÷ŸAdwa in 1896. A fa-
Src.: CerStud I. mous poem of the time, for example, noted that
Lit.: Th. W. Juynboll, “FaraŸid”, in: El2, vol. 2, 283;
Ewald Wagner, “Bemerkungen zu zwei Handschrif-
the Italians had given ase ÷Ménilék II the fire-
ten des Kitab al-Faraýid”, Maria Macuch – Christa arms with which he later defeated them, and put
Müller-Kessler – Bert G. Fragner, Hoõmot banta it this way: “What kind of fools are these men of
betah: Studia Semitica necnon Iranica Rudolpho Macuch the country of the F. […] they themselves made
septuagenario ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Wiesbaden the instruments of their own destruction, and
1989, 389–95; Id., Islamische Handschriften aus Äthiopien,
Stuttgart 1997 (Afrikanische Handschriften 2 = VOHD gave them to us” (Cerulli 1916:569). The term F.
24, 2), 6f., 118ff.; Rex Sean O’Fahey, The Writings of the had by that time lost its religious connotation.
Muslim Peoples of Northeastern Africa, Leiden – Boston, This is evident from 20th cent. Amharic diction-
MA 2003 (Arabic Literature of Africa, vol. 3, fasc. A. = aries, which agree that the word by then implied
Handbuch der Orientalistik, Sect. 1, 13), 23; 33f.
a European, without any religious qualification.
Ewald Wagner
Some limitation nevertheless remained, in that
Greeks were by then usually referred to as grek,
Färäng as well as by the earlier name séréŸ (and Russians
F. (D:#H , earlier !I:#H afräng, Tgn. D:#E were known as moskob).
färängi), the Ethiopic designation for a foreigner, The advent in Addis Abäba, in the late Ménilék
was originally the name for a Frank, borrowed period, of numerous Greek road-builders, ma-
492
Faraqasa
sons, petty traders, and restaurateurs introduced qalam masbar examination. Qalam masbar, lit.
a new element into the story, for, irrespectively of ‘breaking the writing-pen’, is a ceremony of
their actual nationality, they tended to be referred testing the knowledg of Qurýan. For boys, the
to collectively as grek. This development coin- ceremony takes place on graduation from the
cided with the expansion of the European dip- Qurýan school. For girls, the ceremony takes
lomatic community, and the coming of a number place before the wedding: the bride, in the pres-
of prominent French and other European mer- ence of her Qurýan teacher, of her parents and
chants, all of whom came to be called F. The two their ÷afèóa, has to prove that she can read the
terms grek and F., as the French linguist ÷Cohen Holy Qurýan. The ceremony takes place on a
(1924:30) noted, thus designated “classes rather Sunday. In the event that the bride cannot read
than nationalities”. This was confirmed by an- the Qurýan, her brother does this in her stead.
other contemporary, ÷Faitlovich (1910:122), who Two days later, the bride’s parents send to
observed that if a European was seen on foot he the kabir two containers filled with 20 balls of
was looked down upon, and called a grek, a name sweetmeats, mutabbaq, and two small jars of tea.
which Europeans did not like. The result was that This gift of food is called F. In addition, the kabir
Greeks, who had once been differentiated from F. is given a present of raw meat.
by reason of their Orthodox faith came instead to Lit.: Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht, Die traditionellen
be regarded as different from them on account of Frauenvereine (Afèóa) der Harari in Harar und in Addis
their socio-economic class. This is well illustrated Abeba, Äthiopien, Berlin 1993 (Marburger Studien zur
Afrika- und Asienkunde, Serie A, Afrika, Band 30).
by the story of a Greek who had improved his
Elisabeth-Dorothea Hecht
status in life. It was said of him that he had been a
grek, but had become a F. (Cohen 1924:30f.). With
the subsequent decline of the Greek community
Faraqasa
the term grek came to be used only for Greeks
proper, with the result that the term F. became F. (G=6D ) is an inter-religious and inter-ethnic
at last applicable to virtually all (white) Western- pilgrimage-site in eastern ÷Arsi. The location
ers. Evidence of this may be seen in the fact that is associated with ayo Momina – also known
÷Betä Ésraýel, immigrants to Israel, oblivious of in Oromiffa as Gifti Arussi, and in Amharic as
the term’s original Christian connotation now Yäýarusiwa Émmäbet. Momina, who was report-
often apply the term F. to ordinary Israelis: a case, edly born a Christian, came from the Yäggu area
one could say, of Jews who became F.! of Wällo. Towards the end of the 19th cent., she
Src.: Hiob Ludolf, Lexicon Æthiopico-Latinum, ex om- settled in Arsi and converted to Islam. A woman
nibus libris impressis, nonnullisque manuscriptis collectum of great charisma, Momina could reputedly
…, Londoni 1661, 383; Antoine d’Abbadie, Dictionnaire prophesy and influence the future; she was also
de la langue amariñña, Paris 1881; Charles William venerated for her piety and abilities as a clairvoy-
Isenberg, Dictionary of the Amharic Language, London
1841, vol. 1, 137, 187, vol. 2, 89; Guglielmo Massaja,
Lectiones grammaticales qui addiscere volunt Linguam
Amaricam, Paris 1867, 352.
Lit.: Marcel Cohen, “Couplets amhariques du Choa”, JA
1924, 1–100; Enrico Cerulli, “Canti popolari amarici”,
RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916, 563–658; Jacques Faitlovitch,
Quer durch Abessinien, Berlin 1910, 122; Enno Littmann,
“Fränkisch”, in: Aufsätze zur Kultur− und Sprachgeschich-
te vornehmlich des Orients, Ernst Kuhn zum 70. Geburts-
tage, Breslau 1916, 236–65; Richard Pankhurst, “Some
Names for Foreigners in Menilek’s Ethiopia: Färänj,
Taleyan and ŸAli – and the Grek who became a Färänj”,
in: Stanislav Segert – András I.E. Bodrogligeti (eds.),
Ethiopian Studies Dedicated to Wolf Leslau on occasion of
his 75th Birthday, Wiesbaden 1983, 481–94.
Richard Pankhurst
Faraqa
F. is a gift of food made to the traditional Qurýan
teacher in Harär, ÷kabir, two days after the
493
Faraqasa
ant. She attracted large numbers of adherents, Gäbrä Íéllase of ŸAdwa was one of the many feu-
both Muslim Oromo and Christian Amhara. Her dal lords who became anxious about their future.
popularity is said to have displeased many north- His rivals in the region, ras Sébhat, däggazmaó
ern settlers as well as the Orthodox priesthood. Íéyyum Mängäša and däggazmaó Abärra, ac-
She was accordingly imprisoned in 1923 and her cused him of treason against lég ÷Iyasu and did
wealth and lands confiscated. Three years later, their best to prevent his coming to Addis Abäba
however, she was reinstated and died in 1929. to explain his reasons, which made the armed
Momina’s mission was continued by her great- conflict inevitable.
grandson qäññazmaó Tayye, who had previ- On 25 February 1914 ras Sébhat surprised
ously served in ase Òaylä Íéllase I’s ÷Imperial däggazmaó Gäbrä Íéllase with an attack on Akora
bodyguard. He converted from Christianity to (district of ŸAgamä), but the latter’s troops, armed
Islam as well and adopted the name sayyid Nur with Wetterly rifles newly acquired from the Ital-
Ahmad. Under his leadership, which began in ians, defeated the attackers and ras Sébhat, his
1952, F.’s importance increased and he was vis- three sons, däggazmaó Asgädom and däggazmaó
ited by numerous Oromo, Amhara and other Arýaya were killed in battle. The government in
pilgrims, including a handful of Europeans. This Addis Abäba was furious and sent reinforce-
continued until pilgrimage was discontinued ments to ras ÷Wäldä Giyorgis Abboyyä, who
under the Därg in 1974. The settlement of F. is was already advancing on Aksum. However,
currently the site of Momina’s mausoleum, lég däggazmaó Íéyyum Mängäša decided not to
Tayye’s former residence and a mosque. wait for reinforcements and on 3 March attacked
Lit.: Shimels Habte, The Faraqasa Pilgrimage Centre, B.A. Gäbrä Íéllase at F.M. near Mäqälä. A pitched
thesis, History Department, Addis Ababa University 1989; battle lasted for six hours, but the large army of
Abbas Haji, The History of Arsi: 1880–1935, B.A. thesis, His-
Wäldä Giyorgis was coming, so Gäbrä Íéllase
tory Department, Addis Ababa University 1982; Hermann
Norden, Africa’s Last Empire, London 1930, 74. fled into the Danakil desert in Eritrea. After the
Richard Pankhurst downfall of lég Iyasu he returned to a position of
honour in the government of Tégray and mar-
ried a daughter of his old foe Íéyyum Mängäša,
Färäs Meda Wälättä Ésraýel. Their son Zäwde Gäbrä Íéllase is
F.M. (D:Fy y9 ) is a location near Mäqälä (Tég- a prominent Ethiopian historian.
ray) and the site of an important battle on 3 March Lit.: Harold Golden Marcus, The Life and Times of
1914 between the forces of däggazmaó ÷Gäbrä Menelik II: Ethiopia 1844–1913, Oxford 1975, 262ff.;
Íéllase and däggazmaó ÷Íéyyum Mängäša. Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu and Menilek II: Ethiopia
1883–1910, London 1986, 341; TSTarik IV, 111f.
The death of ase Ménilék II and the downfall Sevir Chernetsov
of Empress ÷Taytu’s power in early 1914 put an
end to political stability in Ethiopia. Däggazmaó
Färäsulla
F. (D:Bq ), a word derived from Arabic (KaneDic
2280) and used in most Ethiopian languages, as
well as in Swahili, denoted (and still denotes) one
of the most important Ethiopian units of weight.
Already mentioned by James Bruce in the late 18th
cent., it served throughout much of the country
for weighing a wide range of local articles, includ-
ing coffee, ivory, hides, wax and gum, as well as
copper, cotton and other imported goods. The
F., like other Ethiopian ÷measurements, varied
considerably on the basis of local traditions, and
the type of commodity weighed. It was, however,
generally considered as being made up of 20 rätél
(:4s , or |4s, nätél), each weighing the equiva-
lent of 18 ÷Maria Theresia thalers. The F. may
thus be roughly equated with about 17 or 18kg.
Src.: BruNile; KaneDic 2280.
494
Faris
Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, “A Preliminary History of In response, F. resorted to a series of desperate
Ethiopian Measures, Weights and Values (part 3)”, JES 8, gambles to reassert his hold over the empire. In
1, 1970, 45–85 (Lit.).
Richard Pankhurst
March 1706, he led the nobles who proclaimed
Iyasu’s deposition, an act almost without prec-
edent in the kingdom, and who then enthroned
Fares Iyasu’s compliant son, ÷Täklä Haymanot I. Dur-
F. (G>F ; b. Säläwa, d. 26 July 1716) was an astute ing the next two years, F. struggled to contain
military leader and a leading political figure in a mounting tide of opposition, in the process
Tégray and at the Ethiopian court at the turn of almost certainly acquiescing in if not authorizing
the 18th cent. Iyasu’s murder in October 1706 and possibly that
F. is first mentioned in 1672 when he was of Täklä Haymanot in June 1708. F. clearly in-
arrested for what was undoubtedly rebellion tended to enthrone Täklä Haymanot’s infant son
against ase ÷Yohannés I. In the late 1670s, he as the next emperor. In July, however, deserted by
was at the head of a renewed uprising, together many of his commanders and outmaneuvered by
with a däggazmaó ÷Zämaryam. Inspired in part his Qébat opponents, he was captured at ÷Énfraz
by Tégrayan clerics of ÷Täwahédo (Union- by forces under ÷Yostos, the future emperor and
ist) conviction who opposed the court and its a long-time Tégrayan rival. Exiled to Mésréha Is-
÷Qébat (Unctionist) allies, the rebellion was land in Lake Tana, F. died in 1716 and was buried
centered in Säläwa and Éndärta. Abandoned by at Abora in (?) Säläwa. His wife, Lahyä Déngél,
Zämaryam after the first year, F. was at length died in 1697, a daughter, Wädagte, in 1747. His
defeated, and he submitted in 1681. son, Sébhat Läýab, a minor official, met Iyasu II in
F. was among the senior nobles in the Tégray in December 1749.
Täwahédo-sanctioned coalition who enthroned Few noblemen ever attained the power and
÷Iyasu I in 1682, and he was given Ébnat stature that F. achieved in the 1680s and 1690.
and Maya to govern. With the death of ras His achievements, however, must be weighed
÷Anéstasyos in 1688, he assumed command of against the measures he took to dominate the
the coalition and received the titles of bitwäd- court after 1700-measures his successors in the
däd and ras. The following year he was ap- office of ras widely emulated during the 18th and
pointed azmaó of Bägemdér, and in 1693, Tégre first half of the 19th cent.
Src.: GuiIohan 15, 25–35, 61, 84ff., 127, 143ff., 173ff.,
mäkwännén. Throughout the 1690s, F. was the 184ff., 199f., 204, 214–21, 233, 244; GuiIyas 151, 262;
power behind Iyasu’s throne. He was not only BassÉt 154f., 159ff., 165, 167–72, 174ff., 185; BegCron
commander-in-chief of the royal army, but also 55, 65, 72, 75, 79, 82ff., 87, 89ff., 99; DombrChr 230,
first minister and chief counsellor at court. When 266; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Iyasu I, re d’Etiopia e
martire”, RSO 20, 1942, 65–128, here 118–21; Ignazio
he was not accompanying Iyasu on military cam- Guidi, “Contributi alla storia letteraria di Abissinia. Il
paigns, he remained behind in Gondär or Aringo «Sera‘ata Mangest»”, RRALm ser. 5a, 31, 1922, 65–89,
in charge of defence and matters at court. here 81f.; Jules Perruchon, “Notes pour l’histoire
In 1690 a new ranking of the empire’s officials d’Éthiopie. Le règne de Iyasu (Ier), roi d’Éthiopie de 1682
was drawn up that recognized the primacy of à 1706”, RevSem 9, 1901, 71–78, 161–67, 252–59, here 164;
Osvaldo Rainieri (tr.), “Il regno di Iyasu I, re d’Etiopia
the military charge of ras, now combined with dal 1682 al 1706”, OCP 58, 213–40, here 226; Joseph
the court appointment of bitwäddäd. The fact Varenbergh, “Studien zur abessinischen Reichsordnung
that the reordered ranking, more than a century (ŠérŸata Mangéšt)”, ZA 30, 1915–16, 1–45, here 21, 37.
in the making, received formal sanction shortly Lit.: Laverle B. Berry, “Ras Farés and the Tewahido
Coalition in Late Seventeenth Century Gondar”, in:
after F.’s ascendance at court, was certainly OrbAethChoj 69–82; Dimitri Toubkis, Royauté et écri-
due to F.’s ambition and prominence. In the ture de l’histoire dans l’Ethiopie chrétienne (XVI–XVIIIe
ecclesiastical realm, Iyasu’s reign was an era of s.), Ph.D. thesis, Centre de recherche Africaine, Université
unrivalled Täwahédo supremacy, a cause that F. de Paris I-Sorbonne 2004.
championed. LaVerle Berry
After about 1700, F. and the coalition he led fell
from Iyasu’s favour. In 1702 Iyasu reaffirmed F.’s Farheba ÷Aksumawi
appointment as Tégre mäkwännén, but two years
later he ordered F. to administer Tégray in per- Faris
son, in effect banishing him from the court, and Däggazmaó F. (G<F ; d. 1605) was a minor feudal
stripped him of his duties as commander-in-chief. lord from a locality in ÷Géšše in the district
495
Faris
of Mänz of the Šäwa province. As his life-story which was a major landmark in the history of
exemplifies, the struggle for power that followed European colonialism in Africa. Ethiopia, al-
the death of ase ÷Íärsä Déngél could give a war- ready established after the ÷ŸAdwa victory (of
lord vast opportunities for booty and promotion, March 1896) as an independent regional power,
but for premature death as well. played an important role in that story.
In 1602, with 800 of his warriors, he came to At the heart of the issue was the British-
one of the pretenders to the throne, the future ase French rivalry and competition over hegemony
÷Susényos. The latter, however, suspected perfidy, in their occupied continent. The British interest
arrested him and looted his native Mänz. F. fled, in controlling an uninterrupted north-south
but after the death of ase ÷Zädéngél on 28 August line, from Cairo to the Cape, collided with the
1604 he came to Susényos again and concluded an French vision of their territories stretching east-
alliance with him. However, in May 1605 he decid- west, from ÷Djibouti to French West Africa.
ed to go over to Susényos’s rival ase ÷YaŸéqob, but The inevitable collision point, the area of the
was arrested again and once more fled to his native upper ÷Nile River, was of extra strategic im-
Mänz. When Susényos came there in December portance. Should the French control the White
1605, F. sought refuge on an amba called Dayär Nile–Sobat River meeting area, they would not
and was killed during its siege. The historiogra- only interrupt British transcontinental commu-
pher of ase Susényos, Méhréka Déngél concluded nications, but would also have a strategic lever-
his story of F. with the words: “The reason for F.’s age on the irrigation of British occupied ÷Egypt
death is that F. said: ‘I shall come to King YaŸéqob, and the Sudan.
and if not, I shall go to my country and live by French hopes of materializing their aspira-
myself’; that is why he perished”. tions over that vital area were pinned on the
Src.: PerChron 43ff., 53, 74, 280; BTafA 912. goodwill of ase ÷Ménilék II. Independent,
Sevir Chernetsov powerful Ethiopia stretched between Djibouti
and the upper Nile basin. From the distant West
Fascism ÷ Colonialism Africa, Paris could only send a mission to claim
Fashoda the desired area symbolically, but its actual oc-
cupation and maintenance was possible only
F. (Fašèda, now Kodok) is a town situated at through co-operation with Ethiopia. While the
9º 50' N, 31º58' E on the west bank of the White British were still busy fighting the Mahdist state
Nile in the Southern Sudan. Once a royal village of the Sudan, the French in West Africa sent a
of the Shilluk, and later, in 1836, the headquar- mission under Major Jean-Baptiste Marchand.
ters of the newly-created mudiriya of the White It left Brazzaville on 1 May 1897 and after an
Nile, in September-November 1898 it became the exhausting, long journey planted the French flag
scene of the so-called F. incident, or the F. crisis, in F. on 10 July 1998. Meanwhile, Paris did its
best to cultivate Ménilék’s goodwill. Léonce La-
garde was dispatched in January 1897 to negoti-
ate with ras Mäkwännén in Harär and later with
the Emperor in Addis Abäba. In their signed
conventions the French declared Djibouti an
official port of Ethiopia and ceded to Ethiopia
some Somali and ŸAfar-inhabited territories. In
secret Ménilék agreed to facilitate the French
Upper Nile enterprise. The understandings
included Ethiopian assistance for French mis-
sions, Ethiopian occupation of portions of the
White Nile and – if necessary – even an effort to
block the British.
In reality Ménilék, having gained what he
could, did the minimum to help the French.
He thought nothing of colliding with neither
the Mahdists nor the British. In spite of the war
between the Sudanese Islamic state and the Brit-
496
Fasika
ish, the Emperor now cultivated relations with

both parties. He thus avoided risky conflicts
and safeguarded his new borders. He did render
some services to the French, but not to the extent
of enabling them to establish contact with and
reinforce Marchand. On 22 June 1898 a small
Ethiopian-guided French mission finally man-
aged to reach a location near F.
On 2 September 1898 the British under Gen-
eral Kitchener occupied the Mahdist capital.
They now hastened to sail down the Nile and
reached F. on the 18th. In spite of the French
presence, they hoisted the British and Egyptian
flags. Kitchener and Marchand in their confront-
ing camps avoided bloodshed and waited for
Paris and London to solve the issue. Fearing war,
the French government gave up on 4 November.
Marchand and his men were allowed to evacuate
through Addis Abäba. They reached Djibouti
in May 1899. By that time the French, in March
1899, recognized British sovereignty over the
Upper Nile; they were compensated with ter- Crossing of the Red Sea; Dérsanä Mikaýel, Gondär, Däbrä
ritories in the Sahara. The peaceful solution of Bérhan Íéllase, 18th cent.; fol. 69v; photo 1993, courtesy of
the crisis enabled the two colonial super-powers Michael Gervers
to start rebuilding their relations towards the tablished in the ÷Gébrä hémamat. Every day
Anglo-French Entente of 1904. Ménilék’s F. di- the ÷Psalter, ÷Mälkéýa Maryam and ÷Mälkéýa
plomacy further cemented Ethiopia’s position as Iyäsus are read and ÷däbtära-cantors perform
a European-recognized African empire. ÷hymns and ÷qéne.
Lit.: George N. Sanderson, England, Europe and the Holy Week begins on Palm Sunday (HoíaŸéna),
Upper Nile, 1889–1899, Edinburgh 1965; Id., “Fashèda”, with the commemoration of the entrance of
in: EI², 828 (Lit.); Harold Golden Marcus, The Life
and Times of Menelik II, Ethiopia 1844–1913, Oxford
Christ into Jerusalem (Mat 19:9–21) and blessed
1975; Christopher Andrew, Theophile Delcasse “palm branches” being distributed among the
and the Making of the Entente Cordial, London 1968; people, who bring them home. Maundy Thur-
Henri Brunschwig, French Colonialism, London 1966; day (Sälotä hamus) is marked by the ceremony
Charles Michel, Mission de Bonchamps vers Fachoda of the washing of the feet and in the Liturgy
(1897-1898), Paris 1900; Marc Michel, La mission
Marchand (1895-1899), Paris 1972. the establishment of the ÷Eucharist at the Last
Haggai Erlich Supper is commemorated. At home the people
prepare gwélban, made of cooked wheat and
crushed beans. On Good Friday (Séqlät) a 48-
Fasika hour fast (Akfälot) starts. The texts of the Hours
F. (GCj , ‘Easter, Passover’, also ‘Paschal Lamb’), (÷SäŸatat) are read, along with the O.T. and
also called M#R% (Téníaýe, ‘Resurrection’) is the Gospel readings related to the events of Christ’s
most important among the nine major ÷feasts of life that happened on this day, with excerpts from
Our Lord Jesus Christ of the Ethiopian ÷Cal- the Church Fathers and the Miracles of Mary
endar. F. is one of the five moveable feasts and (÷Täýammérä Maryam).
it is celebrated between 26 Mäggabit [22 March On Holy Saturday, F.’s eve (Qédame séŸur,
of the Julian Calendar/4 April of the Gregorian or Sänbätä mäòatéwä fasika), the churches are
Calendar] and 30 Miyazya [25 April/8 May, re- crowded from 6 a.m. The clergy are arrayed in
spectively]. According to the ÷Didésqélya, “The their most splendid vestments. In the morning
Holy Fast shall be ended on the day of the Pass- the particular “Service of peace” (Gébrä sälam)
over, on which came Salvation”. F. is preceded is held, with young reeds (qetema) blessed and
by the Holy Week, or Passion Week (Sämunä distributed. The ÷Revelation of John and the
hémamat), with its own order and readings es- Psalter are to be read in full on this day.
497
Fasika
Close to midnight, the doors of the ÷mäqdäs is drunk as soon as it is taken from the cow. Spe-
are opened, the curtains are removed and the cial holiday prayers are recited. At the end of F.,
clergy march in procession round the altar. As fresh bread is baked and beer prepared.
the Resurrection is proclaimed, the people light Src.: John Mason Harden, The Ethiopic Didascalia,
candles (twaf; ritual representing the descent of London – New York 1920, 123.
the heavenly light), while singing “Send your light Lit.: Christine Chaillot, The Ethiopian Ortho-
dox Tewahedo Church Tradition, Paris 2002, 118-25;
upon us …”. An outburst of chanting is followed Atnafu Makonnen Ethiopia To-day, Tokyo 1960,
by a simultaneous procession around both the 248; Aymro Wondmagegnehu – Joachim Motovu,
ambulatories. The deacons sing in front of the The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Abäba 1970,
open door of the mäqdäs: “The Lord rose up as 68; Habtemichael Kidane, “La celebrazione della
Settimana Santa nella Chiesa Etiopica”, in: Antonius
though awakening from sleep, and like a mighty Georgius Kollaparampil (ed.), Hebdomadae Sanctae
man aroused by wine” (Ps 78:65), while the peo- celebratio. Conspectus historicus comparativus, Roma
ple clap their hands. Drums are beaten for the first 1997 (Bibliotheca “Ephemerides Liturgicae”, Subsidia 93),
time after the Great Fast (÷Lent); women ulu- 93–134; Wolf Leslau, Falasha Anthology, New Haven
late. After the procession, the deacon proclaims: 1951, xxxxi; Ernst Hammerschmidt, Äthiopien: Christ-
liches Reich zwischen Gestern und Morgen, Wiesbaden
Kréstos täníéýa émmutan (‘Christ is risen from the 1967, 133; Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthiopiens: eine
dead!’), while the people respond: BäŸabiy òayl Bestandaufnahme, Berlin 1971 (Theologische Bibliothek
wäséltan (‘With great power and authority!’) etc. Töpelmann 22), 66, 89; PankSoc 40f., 190f., 262f., 293.
The solemn liturgy, in which the Anaphora of St. Maija Priess
Dioscorus is read, proceeds after midnight.
At three o’clock in the morning, the total ab- Fasil
stinense ends (during the following 50 days until
F. (GCs ) is the name of an awragga in Bale.
Pentecost there is no fasting). After the liturgy the
By the end of the 1970s it was named Fasil/
faithful go home and eat Easter lamb. The peo-
Mändäyo and, subsequently, Mändäyo, Gobba
ple greet each other, saying: Énkwan läbérhanä
having remained its chief town. The prov-
téníaýew adärräsäwo (‘Congratulations! He
ince, with an area of 13,900 km², increased its
[God] has brought you to the Resurrection of
population from 166,700 in the census of 1970
Light’). The Monday after the the Feast of F. is
(12 inhabitants/km²) to 303,748 inhabitants in
called MaŸédot (‘Passover’, in the memory of the
that of 1984 (21.8 inhabitants/km²), an increase
crossing of the Red Sea by the people of Israel);
of 82 %, higher than the Ethiopian average. The
all the other days of this week also have particu-
urban population was 43,696, including 22,963
lar names.
in Gobba. In 1991 the north of Bale (highlands)
Many European travellers have described F.
became the Bale zone, a subdivision of the
celebrations as one of the most conspicuous ex-
Oromiyaa kéllél, whereas the south (lowlands)
pressions of Ethiopian Orthodox ÷Christianity;
÷Poncet, describing the Easter celebration of
1704, reports that ase Iyasu I ordered his soldiers
and servants to discharge their rifles together in
honour of the feast.
The ÷Fétha nägäít strictly enjoins Ethiopian
Orthodox Christians to keep the date of F. apart
from the Jewish Passover (for this a complex sys-
tem of calculations in the Ethiopian ÷Computus
was elaborated).
Passover (Féíéh in the Ethiopic sources, but
commonly known as F. as well) is celebrated
among the Betä Ésraýel from the 15th to the 21st
of the first month in commemoration of the Isra-
elite exodus from Egypt. On the eve of the holi-
day a lamb is sacrificed. During the holiday no
leavened or fermented products are consumed.
Thus, food and drink cannot be kept overnight.
A special unleavened bread (qitta) is eaten. Milk
498
Fasilädäs
joined the Somali kéllél. The awragga of F., like instability of the time for his own advantage.
all the other provinces, disappeared as an admin- When ase Minas died in 1563 and his younger son
istrative unit to the profit of the wäräda. ÷Íärsä Déngél was proclaimed emperor, F.G. was
Even if the limits sometimes varied, one can es- one of the officers of the army of the old warlord
timate F.’s population at 460,681 inhabitants by ÷Hamälmal, who immediately rebelled. On 23
adding the wäräda of Agarfa (65.6 inhabitants/ February 1564 he concluded peace with the new
km²), Sinana and Dinšo (93.2 inhabitants/km²), Emperor, but his officers, including F.G., raided
Gobba (45.8 inhabitants/km²) and Gasära and and looted the royal camp on 2 March. Later
Gololóa (45.1 inhabitants/km²; CSA 2000). The F.G. made peace with Íärsä Déngél and even
increase in the population (34 %) would be thus occupied a high post at the royal court, which
less than between the two preceding censuses, did not prevent him, however, from another
but the territory of the four wäräda is half the attack on the royal residence on 3 September
size. The urban population, 88,131, more than 1566. In January 1567 F.G. decided to proclaim
doubled, the increase in Gobba having propor- an emperor of his own, but his soldiers deserted
tionaly been minor (38,069 inhabitants). him, so he fled, but was arrested and exiled to
The territory of the F. awragga extended, from the island of ÷Däq. Later he was pardoned and
north to south, from the right bank of the Wabi appointed governor of ÷Qwara district. In late
Šäbälle to the southernmost limit of the high- 1586 or early 1587 the Oromo tribe of ÷Gawe
lands. It was inhabited mainly by Oromo farm- raided Qwara. They killed F.G. and captured his
ers who had cleared the forests at the top of the young son Susényos, whom they adopted and
mountains. According to historians (MHasOr), made ilma gossa, ‘the son of the clan’. This was
this awragga would correspond to one of the the end for F.G. and the beginning of the famous
centres whence the Oromo migrated in the 17th dynasty of his descendants.
and 18th cent. Between 1963–67, this high area Lit.: CRHist 19, 27, 29f.; PerChron 3ff., 11, 14; Beck-
was the sanctuary of ÷Waqoo Gutu, leader of HuntAlm 123; BTafA 153; MHasOr 31, 40f.
the peasant uprising against the expulsions. In Sevir Chernetsov
spring 2000, fires devastated the forests. The
bulk of the population live in the north of the
mountains, now part of a national park, along Fasilädäs
the main road passing through the towns of F. (GCn6F , with the regnal names Séltan
Dinšo, Robe and Gobba. Säggäd [ II] or ŸAläm Sägäd, b. 1603, d. 1667, r.
Src.: CSA 1998; CSA 2000; Central Statistical Office 1632-67) was a son of ase ÷Susényos and étege
(Provisional Military Government of Ethiopia), Results of
the National Sample Survey, 2nd Round, vol. 5: Land Area Séltan Mogäsa Wäld Séhla. According to Jerón-
and Utilization, Addis Ababa 1975; EMAtlas; MesAtlas². imo ÷Lobo (1728:148), Séltan Mogäsa’s grand-
Lit.: GasEth; Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia: Power and mother was a Muslim who always felt sympathy
Protest. Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century, Cam- for Islam, a factor which may have influenced F.
bridge 1991; Guida 461–71; MHasOr 19.
So far no official chronicle of F.’s reign has come
Alain Gascon
to light (cp. Kropp 1986).
F. had one full-brother, abetohun ÷Gälawde-
wos, and at least four half-brothers and two half-
Fasil Gärram sisters: Qwästantinos, Élfyos, ÷Yämanä Kréstos,
F.G. (GCsyK=z or Fasilo GCt ; d. 1586/87) Dawit, wäyzäro Wängelawit and wäyzäro
was the younger son of abetohun YaŸéqob and Kréstosawit (Perruchon 1897:88f.).
the youngest grandson of ase ÷Lébnä Déngél. F.’s father, ase Susényos, helped the Portuguese
He became a prominent figure in Ethiopian his- and Spanish ÷Jesuits for about 20 years in their
tory many years after his death, because his son, attempt to introduce Roman ÷Catholicism. F.
ase ÷Susényos, practically created a new branch had grown up during these bitter religious con-
of the dynasty. His grandson and namesake ase troversies. On 11 February 1626 he joined his fa-
÷Fasilädäs founded the capital city of Gondär, ther and many members of the nobility in declar-
which started a new stage in the development of ing obedience to the Roman Pope (BecRASO
the Ethiopian Christian empire. XI, 509). At that time his sympathy apparently
F.G. lived the life of a common warlord of was already for the Orthodox party of ÷SéŸélä
noble birth who did his best to use the political Kréstos and his followers, as if doubtful about
499
Fasilädäs
Fasilädäs’ castle at Gondär;
photo 1990s, courtesy of
Galen R. Frysinger
his real intentions, pledged allegiance to him uits went in exile to May Gwagwa (÷Féremona).
only in so far as he would defend the interests of F. began his reign by requesting the Patriarch of
the Roman Catholic Church. Alexandria for a new metropolitan. But Peter
In 1628 Orthodoxy was restored in Tégray, ÷Heyling reports that the delegation was un-
where the rebellion against Susényos was led succesful because the envoys were considered
by ÷Täklä Giyorgis and Zäwäldä Maryam, a unreliable. In March 1633 an impostor appeared
grandson of ase ÷Íärsä Déngél. Täklä Giyorgis in Ethiopia, claiming that he was the new ÷abun
was taken prisoner and hanged in ÷Dänqäz. sent by the Patriarch of Alexandria. Bruce calls
Yet in 1629 F. was still considered a Catholic him SéŸélä Kréstos; he acted as a metropolitan,
(BecRASO XII, 297). He co-operated with his ordaining deacons and priests and consecrating
father in replacing SéŸélä Kréstos by däggazmaó tabots (Perruchon 1897:84, n. 2). In fact, he was a
÷Íärsä Kréstos, but in 1631 the latter rebelled merchant called Rizqallah (Guidi 1899:11), pos-
and declared himself a supporter of Orthodoxy sibly an Armenian (DonMurad 187, n. 4).
and of F., who was believed to support the re- When the Portuguese troops landed at Mom-
bellion in Goggam (ibid. VII, 107). The prince basa (at the time an African Portuguese colony),
wanted to suppress suspicion and marched F. became convinced that Mendez had succeeded
against Goggam; he brought Íärsä Kréstos to in his plans to overthrow him. He ordered the
Dänqäz and executed him. Jesuits to leave the country entirely, but they
Under the influence of F., Susnéyos proclaimed sought protection with bahér nägaš Yohannés
freedom of conscience (BassÉt I, 125), permitted Abbay, who refused to deliver them to the
the restoration of Orthodoxy in Bägemdér and Emperor; he sent them on to the Turkish paša
authorized F. to convene a state council, a ma- of Massawa and Sawakin. F. then concluded a
jority of which declared itself supporters of Or- treaty with the paša which stipulated that the
thodoxy (on 18 June 1632). Susényos then asked two ports be closed for the Roman priests. This
Alfonso ÷Mendes, the Catholic Patriarch, to may have led Catholic authors to conclude that
announce the restoration of the ancient faith, but F. embraced Islam.
the latter refused. Yet, on 25 June 1632 the resto- In 1635, having taken his crown with him,
ration of Orthodoxy was proclaimed. Susényos the Emperor fled from ÷Libo because of the
broke completely with the Jesuits and abdicated revolt of ÷Mälkéýa Kréstos. The rebel sat on the
in favour of F. throne and placed a sort of diadem on his head.
The new Emperor, failing to convince his The people of Qére and Doräba Bet rejoiced and
uncle SéŸélä Kréstos to come to the court and to said that the hidden Emperor had appeared (Per-
renounce the Catholic faith, had him deported to ruchon 1898:85). In response, F. sent messages to
Séwada and hanged on a cedar. In 1633 all the Jes- Damo, däggazmaó of Sémen, to ras ÷Zäkréstos
500
Fasilädäs
of Damot and to his brother Gälawdewos, at latter’s candidate was abba Yohannés, who ar-
that time däggazmaó of Bägemdér, who finally rived via Dankali, but was sent on to Särka, on
defeated and killed the rebel. the boundaries of Sénnar (BassÉt II, n. 291). The
In 1636 the campaigns against the ÷Agäw and Emperor’s candidate, abba Mikaýel, arrived via
the ÷Oromo continued. In the same year abunä Sénnar and was installed as metropolitan.
÷Marqos and Peter Heyling arrived in the new Before his death in 1632, Susényos recom-
capital Gwändär (÷Gondär; s. PankHist I, 115). mended to F. not to confine Gälawdewos to
Always fearing Portuguese intervention, F. began the amba nägäít (probably ÷Ambassäl, s. van
to make contacts with anti-Portuguese and anti- Donzel 1983:124, n. 28), but rather to keep him
Catholic powers: the Zaydi imam of the Yemen, at the court as a minister. F. agreed with this re-
the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul, the Great Mo- quest, putting his brother in charge of military
ghul in Delhi and, perhaps, the Shah of Persia. affairs, though Gälawdewos had already rebelled
In January 1642 the Emperor sent a letter to the in 1638 in Lasta, together with his half-brother
Zaydi imam of the Yemen, al-Muýayyad billah (r. Élfyos (Perruchon 1898:88). Only in 1647 did
1619–44), who in 1635 had succeeded in expelling F. succeed in subdueing him. According to the
the Ottoman Turks from his land, a feat which Ethiopian sources he was brought to ÷Wähni
probably strongly impressed F. He wanted to Amba (BassÉt II, n. 286), but al-Haymi reports
open a caravanroute from Gondär to ÷Baylul, a that he was exiled to an island in the Nile (Don-
port on the Red Sea which was independent from HaySirat 189). Nobody heard any more about
the Turks. To realize this aim, the caravans had to him and it was believed that he had been killed.
be protected with firearms, only obtainable from According to the report of the Jesuit Torquato
the imam. In his letter F. underlines that he is a Parisiani from 1649 (BecRASO XIII, 333–45), F.
Christian, but nevertheless wants negotiations. In was informed by abunä Marqos that Gälawdewos
January 1643 the imam answered that the Emper- was plotting to restore Roman Catholicism; the
or should show some interest in Islam. In 1647 F. Emperor then had his brother strangled. The
sent al-hagg Salim b. ŸAbdarrahim to the imam same source says that F. then decided that his
with a letter, which apparently mentioned the country should embrace Islam in order to pre-
trade route and also referred to Islam, but so se- vent the Portuguese from re-entering Ethiopia.
cretively that the real meaning remained obscure. But, as is clear from al-Haymi’s account, F. had
When the Ethiopian envoy, a Muslim himself, no intention of becoming a Muslim; he had only
said that the emperor wanted to embrace Islam, used Islam as a decoy. The Jesuits were led astray
the imam sent ÷Hasan b. Ahmad al-Haymi to by their animosity against the Emperor, who had
Gondär with an open message which mentioned played a complex deception on the imam of the
greetings and gifts, and a secret one which should Yemen.
only be delivered to the Emperor in a private In 1660 F. sent a certain Hag Mikaýel Abu
audience. During this audience it became clear Yusuf to the Ottoman sultan in Istanbul to buy
that F. was in no way interested in Islam. Conse- weapons. In Alexandria Mikaýel told a Coptic
quently, the secret letter was not handed over. It priest that F. had more than a hundred wives,
was lost in a fire started by the Gondärians in the that there were no eunuchs at the court because
house in which the envoy was staying, an inci- the Ethiopians consider castration a sin, that the
dent by which the Emperor was quite upset. Emperor ate cooked meat and that he drank
The stories about abunä Marqos and abeto wine. He also mentioned the very fine library at
Gälawdewos that al-Haymi collected before ÷Azäzo, probably the same the Emperor was to
arriving to Gondär in 1648 give insight into the burn later. The Turks had provided three to four
situation at F.’s court. Al-Haymi relates that F. hundred arquebuses, but the ÷Oromo had none.
became jealous of abunä Marqos because of the It is not known whether Mikaýel ever reached
great wealth he had gathered and the esteem he Istanbul (DonMurad 13–19).
enjoyed with the nobility and the army. Accused In 1663 F. sent the Armenian Òoga ÷Murad
of licentious behaviour (cp. BecRASO IX, 82), and a Muslim merchant as ambassadors to the
Marqos was deposed in 1646 and banished to an court of the Grand Moghul, Awrangzeb. To
island in the Nile. finance the journey and the fine appearance of
Dissension now arose between F. and his the envoys, F. provided them with young slaves
brother Gälawdewos about the new abun. The – boys and girls – to be sold at the slave-markets
501
Fasilädäs
of Muòa. According to the 17th-cent. report of 286, 291; Jérome Lobo, Voyage historique d’Abyssinie du
François Bernier, another Ethiopian embassy R.P. Jérome Lobo, de la Compagnie de Jésus, Paris 1728,
148; François Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire
arrived in Delhi in 1664 (s. Bernier 1972). Mu- A.D. 1656–1668, New Delhi 31972; Niccolao Manucci,
rad was sent every year to Muòa in order to sell Storia do Mogor: or, Mogul India, 1653–1708, tr. and ed. by
slaves and to buy Indian merchandise; he also William Irvine, vol. 1, London 1907, lxxiif.–08.
travelled every year to meet with the Governor- Lit.: Ignazio Guidi, “Due nuovi manoscritti della
‘cronaca abbreviata’ di Abissinia”, RRALm ser. 6a, 2,
General of both the Dutch and the English East
1926, 337–421; Id., “Di due frammenti relativi alla storia
India Companies. On behalf of F. the ambassa- d’Abissinia”, ibid. ser. 5a., 3, 1893, 579–605; Id., “Uno
dors asked the Grand Moghul for a copy of the squarcio di storia ecclesiastica di Abissinia”, Bessarione
Qurýan and for eight other Islamic books; they 7–8, [49–50], 1900–01, 10–25; Id., “Le liste dei metropoliti
reported on the increasing number of Muslims in d’Abissinia”, ibid. 6, 1899, 1–17; Manfred Kropp, “Gab
es eine große Chronik des Kaisers Fasilädäs von Äthio-
Ethiopia since the departure of the Portuguese. pien?”, OrChr 70, 1986, 188–91; CerLett; DonHaySirat
According to Bernier’s spokesman, an Indian 53ff., 189; DonMurad 4–19; Emeri van Donzel, “Fasi-
who had returned to his country in the company ladas et l’Islam”, in: Joseph Tubiana (ed.), L’Éthiopie
of Murad, F. had at least 80 sons and daughters, moderne de l’avènement de Ménélik II à nos jours, Rot-
terdam 1980, 387-97; Id., “King Fasiladas, Abuna Marqos
but his army was quite miserable. As Manucci
and Abeto Galawdewos”, in: Stanislav Segert – András
(1907:lxxiif.) reports, the Emperor had music I.E. Bodrogligeti (eds.), Ethiopian Studies Dedicated to
played after dinner and claimed all musical in- Wolf Leslau on Occasion of his 75th Birthday, Wiesbaden
struments to be his, including those of India. 1983, 419–29, here 124, n. 24; mälýakä bérhan Admassu
Meanwhile the situation in Ethiopia remained Gänbäre, u;tHy !w#| YU^x$My wu# (Mädlotä
amin. Yähaymanot mizan, ‘The Balance of the Faith’),
turbulent. Campaigns continued to be undertak- Addis Abäba 1954 A.M. [1961 A.D.]; RicLett 879; Ed-
en against Lasta, Goggam and the Agäw. In 1660 ward Ullendorff, The Ethiopians: an Introduction to
Laýékä Kréstos, son of the rebel Mälkéýa Kréstos, Country and People, Oxford 1960; PankHist I.
presented himself before F. in chains and with- Emeri van Donzel
out clothes. F. gave him his daughter, wäyzäro
Tawklya (Thecla) in marriage. In 1663 he ordered Fasilädäs ÷Qoma Fasilädäs
azzaï Damyanos to be put to death, and ras
Fasting
Wäldä Giyorgis and his sons were imprisoned.
F. had to pay attention to internal religious mat- Fasting, Christian
ters. In 1655 he convened a synod at ÷Aringo, F. (fz ) is one of the central ritual acts demon-
where the issues of the Unction (÷Qébat) and the strating one’s adherence to Christianity in general,
Union (÷Täwahédo, ÷Yäsägga lég) were again and the Ethiopian Orthodox one in particular.
discussed (Guidi 1900–01:15ff.). Around 1665 According to ch. 15 of the ÷Fétha nägäít, F. is
another synod witnessed the controversy be- observed “at certain times determined by law, to
tween the ÷Éwostateans (mostly from Goggam) attain forgiveness of sins and much reward … [it]
and the followers of ÷Täklä Haymanot of Däbrä also serves to weaken the force of concupiscence
Libanos. F. was, or was made, a protagonist of so that [the body] may obey the rational soul”
the faction of Däbrä Libanos. The Emperor was (Paulos Tzadua 1968:93). Ethiopian Christians
apparently still alive when in 1667 another synod observe an extraordinary number of fast days,
was held in Aringo. generally reckoned to be about 250. Of these ap-
In 1666, apparently still fearing the influence proximately 180 are obligatory for all believers,
of the foreign priests, F. ordered the books of the while the rest are observed by the clergy and other
Franks to be burned. In 1667 abeto Dawit, a son particularly devout individuals. In addition to the
of the Emperor, rebelled, but was brought before organized calendric fasts, throughout the history
his father, who put him in irons and sent him to of the Ethiopian Church there were ascetics re-
Wähni Amba. F. died in 1667 and was buried at nowned for their extreme fasting, often subsisting
Azäzo. Later his remains were interred in ÷Daga on little more than wild plants and water.
Éstifanos, the church he had restored. Although accounts differ, it is generally agreed
Src.: BegCron; GuiIohan; PerChron, vol. 2, 126–40; Jules that the most important fasting periods are:
Perruchon, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie: le règne de 1. ((*^y fz , Ÿabiyy som) ÷Lent, which lasts for 56 days;
Fasiladas (Alam Sagad) de 1632 à 1667”, RevSem 6, 1897, 2. the Fast of Nineveh (||_ , nänäwi) commemorating the
360–72 (text); ibid. 6, 1898, 84–92 (tr.), here 84, n. 2, 85, preaching of Jonah, on Monday, Tuesday and Wednes-
88f.; BecRASO VII, 42, 107, 220f.; IX, 57, 182, 321, 428ff.; day of the third week before Lent;
XI, 509; XII, 297; XIII, 101, 333–45; BassEt II, 161, n. 272, 3. the vigil (KU; , gähad) on the eve of Christmas;
502
Fasting
4. the vigil (KU; , gähad) on the eve of Epiphany; moon, the fast of fuy GCj (Somä fasika,
5. the Fast of the Assumption of the Virgin (IsAK , ‘Passover’) preceded the festival. The fast of fuy
÷Félsäta), 15 days;
6. the Fast of the Apostles (fuy =`?\M , somä N{F (Somä tomos, ‘the Fast of Tomos’) occurred
hawaryat), which begins after Pentecost and varies from the 1st to the 10th day of the 4th moon, and
from 10 to 40 days depending on the date of Easter; the fast of fuy !- (Somä ab, ‘the Fast of Ab’)
7. Advent (fuy s6M , somä lédät), which begins on 15 occurred from the 1st to the 17th days of the 5th
Òédar and continues for 40 days;
moon (Ab), mourning the destruction of the first
8. every Wednesday (:)*, räbuŸé) and Friday ((?-, Ÿarb).
temple in Jerusalem. For the first ten days, the
F. is generally interpreted to mean that only one fast included abstention from meat and dairy
meal is eaten, either in the evening or just after products even during the evening; otherwise,
midday. One abstains totally from meat, fats, it was observed the usual way by not eating or
eggs and dairy products such as milk, butter and drinking before sunset.
cheese. Smoking is generally prohibited, but beer The fast of Elul in the 1840s occurred the first
and wine may be consumed in moderation. ten days of the 6th moon (Elul), but a century lat-
Several modern studies have speculated about er it was reduced to only the tenth day and was
the links between ritualized fasting, chronic food called the fast of our atonement, as a reminder of
shortages and the need for social control in tra- the more important fast of !FHF?_ (Astäsréyo,
ditional Ethiopia. ‘Day of Atonement’) one month later (Quirin
÷Calendar; ÷Feasts 1992:148, Shelemay 1986:53). Astäsréyo was a
Src.: Paulos Tzadua (tr.), The Fetha Nagast: the Law of fast on the tenth day of the seventh moon (Tišri);
the Kings, Addis Ababa 1968, 93–97, 150–57; Mansfield
Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia: being Notes Collected dur- in the 20th cent., it began to be called by the He-
ing Three Years’ Residence and Travels in that Country, brew name, Yom kippur. As late as the 1970s, it
London 1868, 277f.; Thomas Pell Platt, The Ethiopic was commemorated by a day-long fast and an
Didascalia, London 1834, 36. all-night prayer vigil by priests, broken the next
Lit.: Sergew Hable Selassie – Belaynesh Mikael, morning by scattering grains on stones for the
“Worship in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church”, in:
Sergew Hable Selassie (ed.), The Church of Ethiopia: a birds and a community meal (Quirin 1992:273,
Panorama of History and Spiritual Life, Addis Ababa 1997, note 170).
69–70; Aymro Wondmagegehu – Joachim Motovu One of the most important observations by
(eds.), The Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Addis Ababa the 1970s was the fast, pilgrimage to a hilltop
1970, 63ff.; Ephraim Isaac, “The Significance of Food in
and feast known as Ségd, or the Fast of Suplica-
Hebraic-African Thought and the Role of Fasting in the
Ethiopian Church”, in: Vincent L. Wimbush – Richard tion Méhläla) on the 29th day of the 8th moon. In
Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism, New York – Oxford, 1995, the mid-19th cent., this observance was known
329–42; Karl Eric Knutsson – Ruth Selinus, “Fasting as !xKy Db (Amata saw, ‘Assembly of the
in Ethiopia”, The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition People’) during which people assembled on a
23, 1970, 956–69.
hilltop, followed by a seven-day fast by monks
Steven Kaplan
(Flad 1869:51).
Fasting of the Beta Ésraýel The Fast of fuy !FL? (Somä aster, ‘the Fast
The ÷Beta Ésraýel followed a complex cycle of of Esther’) during the 19th cent. was held twice
fasts and feasts, using both a lunar and solar cal- annually, probably due to the confusion between
endar according to information dating to the 19th the Jewish month of Adar and the Ethiopian
and 20th cent. Practices before the early 19th cent. Christian month of Òédar. It was held on the 13th
are not known in any detail. and 14th days of the ninth moon (falling during the
The weekly fast days in the 1840s were Mon- Ethiopian month of Òédar), but the real fast was
day, Thursday and Friday, though a century later on the 11th to 13th days of the 11th moon. During
the only fast day was Thursday. By the 1970s the 20th cent., the Somä aster was eliminated.
that day was only observed by the elderly (Qui- F. was also observed by both Christians
rin 1992:150, Leslau 1951:xxxiii, Shelemay 1986: and Beta Ésraýel between death and burial
55). F. was generally practiced by not eating or whenever either a Christian or Beta Ésraýel in the
drinking before sunset. In the lunar calendar, a community died (Salamon 1999:47).
fast known as maleya was observed on the 29th as ÷Calendar; ÷Feasts
Src.: Wolf Leslau, Coutumes et Croyances des Falachas
a reminder of each new moon. (Juifs d’Abyssinie), Paris 1957 (Travaux et Mémoires de
In the yearly calendar, fasts were observed l’Institut d’Ethnologie LXI); Johannes Martin Flad,
during nearly moon. On the 14th of the first The Falashas (Jews) of Abyssinia, London 1869, 51.
503
Fasting
Lit.: James Quirin, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: celebrated and is an occasion for feasting, some
a History of the Beta Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia rejoice simply from a sense of relief from the
1992, 146–53; Kay Kaufman Shelemay, Music, Ritual,
and Falasha History, East Lansing, MI 1986, 39–70; restrictions imposed by F. Overall, the act of F.
Wolf Leslau, Falasha Anthology, New Haven, CT creates a good opportunity for socializing and
1951, xxviii–xxxv; Hagar Salamon, The Hyena People: interaction among believers.
Ethiopian Jews in Christian Ethiopia, Berkeley, CA 1999, The description of the daily F. routine outlined
47–51; Antoine d’Abbadie, “Réponses des Falasha, dits
Juifs d’Abyssinie”, Archives israélites 12, 1851, 179–85,
above is not entirely representative of the prac-
234–40, 259–69; Philoxène Luzzatto, Mémoires sur les tices followed throughout Ethiopia and is only
Juifs d’Abyssinie ou Falashas, Paris 1852–53. typical of urban Islam. For a variety of reasons,
James Quirin Muslims in the rural areas keep the fast in a dif-
ferent manner. These differences, however, only
Fasting, Islamic reflect an economic disparity between town and
As one of the five pillars of ÷Islam (¬›m‚A∆B∑iA, country rather than a diversity in religious be-
arkan al-islam), prescribed by Islamic law and liefs and practices or in the degree of piety.
sanctioned by tradition, F. (fz , som, also 5z , Despite its physical strain and financial cost, F.
tom [Arab. ¬Ãu, sawm], thus ,w , twami or is considered spiritually rewarding, rejuvenating
5u1 , tomäñña, ‘one who keeps F.’) is obliga- and morally uplifting. It gives a person a sense
tory for all adult Muslims of either sex. Conse- of achievement and fulfilment of his obligations
quently, it has been observed by Ethiopian towards God and inspires self-discipline, humil-
Muslims since the introduction of Islam into ity and responsibility towards the less fortunate
the country. Though F. is usually only associated among his coreligionists. It is one of the acts of
with ÷Ramadan, the pious also fast during the worship (Ÿibadat) that reinforce a sense of soli-
preceding two months, Ragab and ŠaŸban, and darity and unity among the diverse members of
for six days in the tenth month (2–7 Šawwal, the Muslim community of Ethiopia.
also called séddésto). Additionally, in times of ÷Calendar; ÷Feasts
crises (war, famine or drought), the imams of the Lit.: Hussein Ahmed, “Faith and Trade: the Market Stalls
mosques often enjoin the faithful to keep a one- around the Anwar Mosque in Addis Ababa during Ra-
madan”, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 19, 2, 1999,
day fast for God’s mercy.
261–68; TrIslam; John Spencer Trimingham, Islam in
Traditionally, F. is more strictly and faithfully the Sudan, London 1965, 124f.; Id., Islam in West Africa,
observed than the daily prayer. With respect to Oxford 1959; Eugen Mittwoch, “ŸId al-Fitr”, in: EI2,
this, Trimingham (1965:78) observes that F. is vol. 3, 1008; Martin Plessner, “Ramadan”, ibid., vol. 8,
more visible than prayer, and eating whilst others 417–18; C. C. Berg, “Sawm”, ibid., vol. 9, 94-95; Arent
Wensinck, “Tarawih”, ibid., vol. 10, 222.
are F. arouses open criticism and brings shame
Hussein Ahmed
upon the individual.
F. proper usually begins immediately after the
consumption of the last meal before the F. day. Fätägar
Trimingham (TrIslam) also alludes to the practice, F. (D/N? , also Fäsägar), a large historical region
widespread among the ÷Oromo (presumably of (possibly, once a Muslim sultanate), was located
southern Ethiopia), of “purging themselves dur- in the south-east ÷Šäwa region, on the northern
ing the days preceding the fast in order to expel shore of the ÷Awaš. As the Chronicle of ase
[…] the impure food and forbidden drinks they ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I testifies, F. was coveted both
have consumed throughout the year …”. by the Emperor and by ÷Sabraddin b. Dalhuy
Those who fast usually conduct their daily of Ifat (KrAmdS 2; MarAmdS 52f.). According to
business as usual, but they also go to the mosque other sources, in the course of the 14th-15th cent.,
more regularly than usual, not only to offer F. was progressively integrated into the Christian
prayers, but also to hear lectures on F. Whilst empire. The conquest meant the evangelization of
F., they are expected to be kind and generous, the region, initiated by the 13th-14th-cent. abunä
avoiding indecent talk, slander, lies and quar- ÷Täklä Haymanot and carried out (among others
relling, even if provoked. Day-long fasts are by a certain Matyas (Turaiev 1905:198f.), mostly
concluded with a feast and after eating, people under the patronage of ÷Däbrä Libanos).
go to the mosque to offer the regular and spe- The region held a strategic position between
cial prayers. Though the end of F. (ŸId al-fitr, the Christian empire and the southern Mus-
‘Feast of the breaking of the F.’) is colourfully lim sultanates. This was the reason why ase
504
Fath Madinat Harar
successfully rebelled against Abbaa Boora’s
grandson Bungul (cf. Yasin Mohammed 1990).
As part of the non-Muslim Oromo polities of
the south-west, F.I. attempted to keep Gabba in-
dependent from the Muslim Oromo kingdom of
÷Guummaa. In 1882–83 he avoided direct con-
frontation with ras ÷Gobäna Daci and later with
ras ÷Täsämma. But during the late 1880s F.I.
revolted successfully against ras Gobäna’s local
governor, the French M. Pino (cf. Michel 1900:
186). About 1900, F.I. was crucial in stifling the
uprising of Prince ÷Firissa of Guumaa against
ras Täsämma. He captured Firissa and handed
him over to Täsämma who had him hanged.
Soon afterwards F.I. was struck by lightening
and died (cf. CerFolk).
Lit.: CerFolk 14, 26f., 44, 75f.; Charles Michel, Mis-
sion de Bonchamps: vers Fachoda, Paris 1900, 186; Yasin
Mohammed, “The Peopling of Highland Illubabor”,
÷Dawit II settled his royal residency there, at Proceedings of the Fifth Seminar of the Department of
Télq. In the 15th cent. the site was secure enough History (Debre Zeit, 30 June–3 July 1989), Addis Abäba
to permit the settlement of the royal family. Ase 1990, 105–24, here 116.
Thomas Zitelmann
÷Zärýa YaŸéqob was born at Télq and founded the
churches of Aìädä Mikaýel at Télq and Mikaýel at Fath ar-Rahmani, Al- ÷Hašim b. ŸAbdalŸaziz
Yäläbaš. His son, ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam I, spent
his childhood there and was crowned in Yäläbaš.
Fath Madinat Harar
Ase ÷Éskéndér was born at Télq, too.
In the beginning of the 16th cent., F. came back The Arabic work F.M.H. (ij« “ƒÕfø \NØ, ‘The
under Muslim control, under which it remained conquest of the town of Harär’), attributed to
even after the death of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al- the otherwise unknown Yahya b. Nasrallah,
Ëazi. During his attempt to reconquer the re- contains a legendary history of Harär in the 13th
gion, ase ÷Gälawdewos was killed in F. in 1549. cent. The text is preserved in several manuscripts
Later the region was occupied by the ÷Oromo, from Harär and Somalia. Though the main per-
and the name F. gradually fell out of use. sonalities mentioned in the text seem to have
Src.: BassHist; ConzGal 28, 96, 175; KrAmdS 2 actually lived in the 13th cent., as confirmed by
(text), 3 (tr.); Manfred Kropp, Die Geschichte des independent sources (genealogies, lists of rulers
Lebna-Dengel, Claudius, und Minas, Lovanii 1988 and oral traditions), the text includes certain
(CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]), 71 (text.) = 64 (tr.); legendary features (such as people riding on li-
MarAmdS 53, 201; PerrZarY 67, 91f., 155; Boris
Turaiev (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum indigenarum, II,
ons and the transformation of a dead snake into
Acta s. Aaronis et Philippi Louvain 1905 (CSCO 20), stone) and blatant anachronisms (the appearance
198f. (text) = 178f. (tr.); GueCopMen, s. index. of the “Portuguese” and the “Italians” using rail-
Lit.: CerStud I, 9; DerDom, s. index; HuntGeogr, s. index; ways and tanks during that era).
PankBord, s. index; TadTChurch 152, 176. The story begins in the year 1216 with the ar-
Marie-Laure Derat rival in Harär of its most venerated saint ÷Abadir
ŸUmar ar-Rida, together with 405 other saints
from Mecca. Among Abadir’s companions were
Fatansa Illuu not only local saints of Harär and Somalia, such
F.I. (b. at Hadesso near Geóinai-Gomboói, d. as ŸUmardin b. Qutbaddan ŸUmar, ÷Baròadle
ca. 1900/01; “horse name” Abbaa Boora, ‘Lord Yusuf al-Akwan and IsmaŸil al-Gabarti, but
of the Light-bay’) was the king (Or. mooti) of also well-known Muslim mystics like Bayazid
÷Nonno Illuu and ÷Gabba (Illuu) during the al-Bistami (d. 877 in the Iranian Qumis), who
last 20 years of the 19th cent., with his residence in reality had nothing to do with Ethiopia.
at Bure. He was a warrior of Abbaa Boora, first Three months after their arrival, all the tribes
mooti of Gabba (hence his “horse name”), who assembled in Harär and chose their leaders from
505
Fath Madinat Harar
among the saints. The assembled tribes were the Literature of Africa, vol. 3, fasc. A = Handbuch der Ori-
÷Nole, the Alaa (÷Qottu), the ÷Somali and the entalistik 1, 13), 34.
Ewald Wagner
÷Argobba. At this point in the text it is evident
hat later conditions were transposed into the
time of Abadir. The same is true for saints such Fathme, Pauline Johanne
as aw Barre of Somali, aw Wafle of the Nole and F. (b. ca. 1832, Labu, Guummaa, d. 11 Septem-
hagg Afayzaru of the Argobba, whose real exist- ber 1855, Riehen, Switzerland) was a former
ence was probably between the 15th and 17th cent. Oromo slave living in Germany, who through
The tribes pledged themselves to provide Harär her conversion history became influential for the
with food and firewood. From this, it would ap- foundation of the Protestant Oromo mission.
pear that F.M.H.’s author wanted to show that Her German life-history was the first published
Harär’s supremacy over the surrounding tribes biography of an Oromo.
had old and religious origins. F.’s original name was Ganamee, daughter
The following decades witnessed numerous of the local chief Yaaýii Šaseedaa Odaa in the
battles against Christians, mostly the “Portu- state of Guummaa (d. 1837/39 in a battle near
guese” and, to a lesser extent, the “Italians”. F.’s native village). In that time this state was
All of the places where the battles took place regularly subject to slave-raids. In about 1840
were quite near Harär: Baabbillee, Afardabba, she was kidnapped and brought to a slave mar-
Barahseri, Bissidimo etc. The names of the ket in Sinnaar. Sold and resold several times,
“Portuguese” kings (Karnibal b. Mahrawal, she became a housemaid of the Egyptian ruler
Gurniyal b. Karnibal, the queen Markaniš bint Muhammad ŸAli in Cairo, where she was given
Karniyal, Sayaîar b. Mahrawal) are not helpful the name “Fatima” and practised Islam. In about
for identifying the “Portuguese”. It does not 1847 she was given to the adventurer John Baron
seem impossible, however, to identify the “Por- von Müller and became his housemaid in Stutt-
tuguese” enemies of Harär with the Persians gart, Württemberg. Here she received a Catholic
(Širazi) who came to Somalia at the end of the education, but was sent to a Protestant School in
12th cent. (Cerulli 1959:237–42). In this case, the Kornthal on the initiative of the Queen Mother
lesser-known enemy of the 13th cent. could have of Württemberg. On 12 July 1852 she was bap-
been replaced by the better-known enemy of the tized there and received new Christian names,
16th cent. A Portuguese queen also plays a role in with the family name “F.” (mostly she was called
the oral tradition of Harär and Somalia. Pauline – an allusion to the first “convert” to
In 1234/35 Abadir and several other saints left Christianity, St. Paul). F. had already shown
Harär for a pilgrimage to Mecca, where they
stayed till 1279. Before he left, Abadir handed the
imamate over to his brother ŸUmardin, who died
in 1251. Several other saints succeeded him, but
they all fell in the wars against the “Portuguese”
or died in other ways. Even after Abadir’s return
to Harär in 1301 the battles continued. Finally,
Baròadle Yusuf al-Akwan went to Mogadishu to
ask for help. The sultan of the town, Ahmad b.
Adam, also otherwise unknown, granted logistic
support. This enabled Abadir to defeat Sayaîar
b. Mahrawal and to distribute the conquered
land to the Muslims. The text ends with a proph-
ecy made by Abadir about the Italian conquest
of Ethiopia.
Src.: WagFath.
Lit.: Rudi Paret, “Eine fragwürdige arabische Chronik
von Harar”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 421–43; Ewald Wagner,
Islamische Handschriften aus Äthiopien, Stuttgart 1997
(Afrikanische Handschriften 2 = VOHD 24, 2), 144–51;
Rex Sean O’Fahey, The Writings of the Muslim Peoples
of Northeastern Africa, Leiden – Boston 2003 (Arabic Pauline Fathme; from Ledderhose 1855
506
Fatimids
enthusiasm for Christianity and repeatedly became the mother of Abu Bakr’s son ÷Ahmad
expressed the wish to go to her people to tell b. Abi Bakr. After Abu Bakr’s death in 1852,
them about “God in Europe”. After baptism she Ahmad’s succession was opposed by the Nole
showed such a great zeal that she even tried to Oromo (÷Qottu). F., however, was able to push
convert those Germans whose religious devo- through the claims of her son. She then became
tion seemed weak. Spittler in Basle, later founder the queen dowager and used this position to
of the Protestant St. Chrischona mission in exert a strong influence on her son, who was
Ethiopia (÷St. Chrischona Pilgermission), was of feeble health. Ahmad tried to free himself
her godfather. ÷Krapf (dreaming of an Oromo from his mother’s interference in politics and
mission since 1840), before departing for his threatened her with fetters should she continue
expedition to Ethiopia in 1855, visited her in meddling in governmental affairs. After 1855,
1854, greatly encouraged by her to open a mis- however, Ahmad became so ill that he had to
sion also among the Oromo. Starting from mid- turn over the government to his mother.
1855, however, having contracted a lung disease, ÷Muhammad b. ŸAli b. ŸAbdaššakur, from
she lived among the deaconesses of Riehen near another line of the ÷ŸAli b. Daýud-dynasty,
Basle, wishing to become a deaconess herself. tried to take profit from Ahmad’s weakness
F.’s hope for a conversion of the Oromo, and the rule of a woman. He left Harär, made
repeatedly expressed also during her last days, friends with the Oromo tribes and attacked the
became virtually a founding legend of the later town. F. could defend the town proper, but all
St. Chrischona Oromo Mission. Shortly after the ÷coffee and ÷cat plantations in the vicinity
her death, the pietist Ledderhose published her were destroyed and the town’s trade was inter-
biography, together with a call to open a mission rupted. To end the war, F. had to concede new
in “Ormania” (as the countries of the Oromo privileges to the Oromo and after Ahmad’s death
were called among missionaries). From the be- in 1856 Muhammad b. ŸAli b. ŸAbdaššakur was
ginning, this idea accompanied the establishment proclaimed the new amir.
of the mission in “Abyssinia” after 1855, which Muhammad first persecuted F. and confiscated
was conceived as a first step on the way to the her property. Her influence with the people,
Oromo. Later missions to the Oromo (1867, however, continued. So Muhammad changed
1871–86, 1927) again repeatedly referred to F.’s his attitude towards her and married her. She
“call for a mission” and led to several re-editions remained influential even after the Egyptians
of her biography. killed her husband when they occupied Harär in
Src.: Karl Friedrich Ledderhose, Galla-Büchlein. Aus 1876. In 1885, when she was visited by Philipp
dem Leben der Galla-Negerin Pauline Johanne Fathme: ÷Paulitschke during his stay in Harär, she was
ein Ruf zur Mission unter den Galla, Basel 1855 [2nd ed.
1856, 3rd extended ed. 1867, 4th ed. Leben und Sterben 92 years old and still a much-respected person
einer Galla-Christin, Hermannsburg 1927 = Kleine Her- in the town.
mannsburger Missionsschriften 77]. Lit.: Richard Francis Burton, First Footsteps in East
Lit.: Wolbert G.C. Smidt, “The Role of the Former Africa or: the Exploration of Harar, London 1894, vol. 1,
Oromo Slave Pauline Fathme in the Foundation of the 191; vol. 2, 21; Mohammed Moktar, “Notes sur le pays
Protestant Oromo Mission”, in: Verena Böll – Andreu de Harrar”, Bulletin de la Société Khédiviale de Géogra-
Martinez d’Alòs-Moner – Steven Kaplan – Evgenia phie du Caire 1876, 351–97, here 391f; Alfred Bardey,
Sokolinskaia (eds.), Ethiopia and the Missions: Histori- Barr-Adjam, souvenirs d’Afrique orientale 1880–1887,
cal and Anthropological Insights into the Missionary Ac- Paris 1981, 166; Philipp Paulitschke, “Note per la sto-
tivities in Ethiopia, Münster 2005, 83–104 (Lit.). ria dell’Harar”, Bollettino della Sezione Fiorentina della
Wolbert Smidt Società Africana d’Italia 2, 1886, 193–96; René Basset,
“Chronologie des rois de Harar (1673–1887)”, JA 1914,
245–58, here 254f.
Fatima bint Kawšan Ewald Wagner
Gisti (‘princess’) F. (≈qÃ∑ OƒI “¿¢BØ; b. ca. 1793, d.

after 1885) was the sister of the mighty Somali Fatimids
chief ÷Adam b. Kawšan of the ÷Garri group. The F. were the IsmaŸili ShiŸite dynasty that
She played an important role in the nuptial ruled North Africa, Egypt and large parts of the
policy of her brother, who married her off to Mediterranean world from 297 H. [909 A.D.] to
the amir of Harär, ÷Abu Bakr b. aftal-garad 567 H. [1171 A.D.]. The dynasty was first estab-
ŸAbdalmannan b. Muhammad (1834–52). She lished in Ifriqiya on the Tunisian coast in 916
507
Fatimids
A.D. by the central leader of the IsmaŸili move- was a regular supply to Ethiopia. Sometimes
ment and founder of the F. dynasty, ŸAbdallah. contracts were made with Alexandria/Cairo
After several expeditions, the general of the F. through ÷Nubia to induce the patriarch to send
caliph al-MuŸizz (341–65 H. [953–75 A.D.]), a new abun, as is related in the History of the Pa-
Gauhar, a freed slave, conquered Egypt in ŠaŸban triarchs of the Egyptian Church, formerly fully
358 H. [July 969 A.D.] and founded al-Qahira attributed to Sawirus b. al-MuqaffaŸ (÷Egypt).
(Cairo). Having transferred the seat to Cairo in To serve these interests, Ethiopia adopted
362 H. [973 A.D.], Egypt remained at the centre a policy of co-existence in her relations with
of the F. power for two centuries. Egypt, troubled only occasionally by F. protests
The F. rulers were one of the three contem- against the treatment of the Muslims in Ethiopia
porary Muslim dynasties claiming the caliphate, and the low water-level of the Nile. The Egyp-
rivalling with the ŸAbbasids in Baghdad and the tians attributed the failure of the annual rise of
Umayyad rulers in al-Andalus. Not least through the lifeline of their country, resulting in insuf-
an efficient system of religious propaganda and ficient agricultural productivity and famine, to
a secret network of agitators, the F. dominated Ethiopia’s interventions at the sources of the
large parts of the Mediterranean world, including Blue Nile (÷Abbay). Referring to the F. caliph
North Africa, Sicily (until the Norman conquest al-Mustansir (1035–94 A.D.), who had sent a
in 1072 A.D.), Palestine, Syria, the Higaz and the mission led by the Coptic Patriarch Michael IV
Red Sea coast of Africa and the Yemen. The F. dy- (1092–1102 A.D.) to Ethiopia to dissuade the
nasty traced their origins to Fatima, the Prophet’s sovereign with rich gifts from interrupting the
daughter and wife of his cousin and first ShiŸite flow of the Nile to Egypt; this well-known
imam, ŸAli b. Abi Talib. From the very beginning, legend was first reported by the Coptic histo-
however, their claimed ŸAlid genealogy, formu- rian Girgis al-Makin (d. 1273) in his Magwi
lated in official documents dating to 402 H. [1001 Ÿal-mubarak. On the other hand, the Ethiopians
A.D.] and 444 H. [1052 A.D.] was repudiated by also tried to threaten Egypt if their caliph would
the ŸAbbasids, the spokesmen of Sunni Islam, not yield to demands concerning the Copts
who attributed heretical beliefs to their teachings. and the patriarch. Although many Egyptians
Generally noted for their prosperity and cultural believed in the reality of such a danger and the
achievements, the F. were overthrown by Sala- Ethiopians pretended that they were able to
haddin and his newly founded Sunni Ayyubid control the annual rise of the Nile waters, no
dynasty in 567 H. [1171 A.D.]. credibility can be attached to these legends. Kept
Thanks to their ideological orientation and ad- alive for various reasons by the Muslim authors,
ministrative and economic organization, the F. had e.g., Ibn Fadlallah al-÷ŸUmari (d. 749 H. [1348
diverse political and commercial relations with the A.D.]) and al-÷Maqrizi (d. 845 H. [1442 A.D.]),
major dynasties ruling at that time, including the it should be noted that al-Qalqašandi (d. 821 H.
Ethiopian monarchy. In most cases on friendly [1418 A.D.]), who had derived his materials in
terms, they frequently exchanged messages and his Subh from al-Makin, doubted its accuracy
embassies with the Ethiopian rulers, especially for (al-Qalqašandi 1913–18, vol. 5, 323, 4–8; also van
religious and economic motives. The necessity of Donzel 2000:304–07).
acquiring a new metropolitan (÷abunä) from the The exchanges of embassies not only served
÷Coptic Church in Alexandria made it impera- religious and diplomatic motives, but favoured
tive, sometimes humiliating, and often expensive commercial activities between Ethiopia and
for Ethiopia and their sovereigns to send emissar- Egypt. The F. rulers, having extended their fron-
ies, letters and costly gifts to the F. caliph in Cairo, tiers further south and revived the eastern trade
or his wazir, as well as to the patriarch, whose seat in the Red Sea, which became a “F. lake” with
was transferred from Alexandria to Cairo during the development of ŸAyîab into a major port and
the middle of the 11th cent. the stationing of a special fleet there, absorbed
Since the 4th cent. it was the Coptic patriarch as as an example a large number of black slaves,
the supreme head of the Ethiopian church who chiefly from Ethiopia and the surrounding ar-
had the right to appoint, consecrate and send eas. Regarding the growing Muslim colonies in
a Coptic monk, sometimes a bishop, from the Ethiopia, the F. occasionally interfered in Ethio-
Monastery of St. Macarius as head of the Ethio- pian matters by putting pressure on the Coptic
pian church. Apart from occasional delays, there patriarchs. In general, however, their pretended
508
Fäws mänfäsawi: Mäshafä fäws mänfäsawi
role as promoters of an expansion of Islam in entries leave little doubt that they deal with two
Ethiopia and their protection of the Muslim different texts with the same title. Wright even
population appear merely as a myth, as pointed explicitly distinguished between the two M.f.m.
out by Tadesse Tamrat (TadTChurch 50). in his catalogue index. Despite this, all histories
Src.: SawHist vol. 2; Al-QalqašandI, Kitab Subh al-aŸša of ÷GéŸéz literature up to the present day inex-
fi sinaŸat al-inšaý, I–XIV, Cairo 1913–18, vol. 5, 323, 4–8; plicably mention only one of the two texts.
UmMasSezg vol. 4, 29f.; UmMasGaud 30. The one M.f.m. regularly (but in several re-
Lit.: Marius Canard, “Fatimids”, in: EI2, 850–62; Heinz
Halm, “Die Fatimiden”, in: Ulrich Haarmann (ed.), spects inadequately) sketched in the literary his-
Geschichte der arabischen Welt, München 1987, 166–99, tories was compiled in the 13th cent. by the Cop-
637f.; Id., “Fatimiden”, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters, 4, tic bishop Michael of Aôrib and Malig (historical
1989, 317ff.; Id., Die Kalifen von Kairo, die Fatimiden in cities in the Nile Delta). Bishop Michael’s M.f.m.
Agypten 973-1074, München 2003, 48, 134f., 217; Otto
Meinardus, “A Brief History of the Abunate of Ethiopia”, [henceforth M-M.f.m.] – or rather, to be precise,
Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes its Arabic Vorlage, the Kitab at-tibb ar-ruhani
58, 1962, 39–65, here 43–48; TrIslam 52–56, 63, 65; (equally ‘Book of Spiritual Medicine’) – thus
TadTChurch 44–50; DicEthBio vol. 1, 117f., 139, 145f; originated in the same milieu and roughly at the
Ivan Hrbek, “Egypt, Nubia and the Eastern Desert”, in: same time as the Arabic Nomocanon that was to
Roland Oliver (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa,
from c. 1050 to c. 1600, vol. 3, Cambridge 1977, 10–97, be received in Ethiopia under the title of ÷Fétha
esp. 94, 96f.; Tadesse Tamrat, “Ethiopia, the Red Sea and nägäít. Therefore, the M-M.f.m. largely draws
the Horn”, ibid., 98–182, esp. 102, 104f., 112ff.; Haggai from the same sources of ecclesiastical law as
Erlich, Ethiopia and the Middle East, Boulder, CO et al. the latter. Internally, the Kitab at-tibb ar-ruhani
1994, 21, 23; Id., The Cross and the River: Ethiopia, Egypt
and the Nile, Boulder, CO et al. 2002, 36ff.; MHAlex chs. is divided into 47 chs., each of which (the two
4–5; Emeri Johannes van Donzel, “Badr al-Jamali, the introductory chapters excepted) assembles can-
Copts in Egypt and the Muslims in Ethiopia”, in: Jan ons prescribing acts of penance for a particular
Richard Netton (ed.), Studies in Honour of Clifford category of sins. The GéŸéz M-M.f.m., however,
Edmund Bosworth, vol. 1: Hunter of the East: Arabic and offers only a truncated version of the Arabic
Semitic Studies, Leiden 2000, 297–309, here 300–07 (Lit.).
Franz-Christoph Muth original: in all known Ethiopic manuscripts the
text abruptly ends after ch. 34. The date of M-
Fauna ÷Animals M.f.m.’s translation cannot be determined with
certainty. It could have taken place any time be-
Fäws mänfäsawi: Mäshafä fäws mänfäsawi tween, roughly, 1300 and 1620. While the three
M.f.m. (ue=Dy DbFy u#DD_ , ‘Book of oldest extant manuscripts all date from the reign
Spiritual Medicine’) is the title of two distinct of ase Iyasu I (1681–1706), their numerous tex-
but similar texts of ÷GéŸéz literature, both of tual variants make it clear that the book’s transla-
which are penitential manuals for confessors tion, contrary to what is asserted in the histories
going back to Christian Arabic originals. The of GéŸéz literature, must have occurred at least
two M.f.m. also display the same basic struc- two generations earlier. The translator was often
ture. Each begins with a comparatively short not quite up to his task, frequently distorting the
introduction (up to three chapters) that offers: meaning of the Arabic original in the process
a) instructions about the theological foundations and sometimes rendering the M-M.f.m. utterly
of confession, penance and absolution; b) advice nonsensical – another feature it shares with the
to the confessors on how to best comport them- Fétha nägäít. Though we know little about the
selves with their penitents. Thereafter, the bulk history of confession and penance in pre-19th-
of both texts consists of extensive collections cent. Ethiopia, it seems safe to assume that the
of penitential canons which concern themselves M-M.f.m. had no great impact on the Christian
with a wide variety of subjects. While the two life of the country. Its canons, largely dating back
M.f.m. thus share the same general structure, the to Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages and
actual canons which form their second parts are originating in Byzantium and the Orient, must
in each case entirely different. have been too far removed from Ethiopian life to
Already in the 19th cent. scholars like Dill- be widely applicable.
mann, Wright, and Zotenberg described a con- The second M.f.m. – hitherto not mentioned in
siderable number of manuscripts of both the any history of GéŸéz literature – was transmitted
M.f.m. (cf. DillmLond, DillmBodl, WriBriMus, anonymously [therefore henceforth A-M.f.m.].
ZotBNat), and their often detailed catalogue Internally, it is much less structured than the
509
Fäws mänfäsawi: Mäshafä fäws mänfäsawi
M-M.f.m. The A-M.f.m. lacks a clear division The F. of Christ are divided into major and
into chapters, does not arrange its multitude of minor F. The major F. include four F. with fixed
canons according to subject matter, is repetitive dates:
in its treatment of quite a few of its themes, and 1. MF*&M (Tésbéýét, ‘The Incarnation’)
only occasionally and non-specifically names – Annunciation of the Virgin Mary, 29 Mägga-
sources (probably often apocryphal) for its bit – commemorates the announcement by St.
material. An Arabic Vorlage must also be as- Gabriel that Mary would bear a son who would
sumed for the A-M.f.m. This hypothesis is based bring believers salvation from sin. The F. is also
on the observation that large parts of its GéŸéz referred to as His Conception (Ìénsätu) and is
introduction are identical in content, phrase celebrated nine months before Christmas. This
by phrase, with sections from the M-M.f.m.’s date is central for the cycle of the “moveable F.”
introduction, while at the same time the GéŸéz in the Ethiopian calendar.
wording of those content-identical passages is 2. s6M (÷Lédät, ‘The Nativity’) – Christmas,
totally different in the two M.f.m. This can only 29 Taòíaí. According to the ÷Fétha nägäít, ch.
be explained through an independent transla- 115, Christmas (and not Annunciation) is the
tion into GéŸéz of a hitherto unidentified Arabic principal feast of the year (Guidi 1897:135),
Vorlage of the A-M.f.m. – a Vorlage which in its however, in practice other holidays appear more
turn, due to the similarities in content and inten- important. In the Ethiopian calendar, Christmas,
tion, still in Egypt had borrowed parts of its own like Easter, is preceded by an extended fast (of 40
introduction from the Kitab at-tibb ar-ruhani. days). A midnight mass is celebrated on Christ-
Src.: DillmLond 39f.; DillmBodl 30f.; WrBriMus 93–96, mas. The Anaphora of the Three Hundred (318
213ff., 278, 281f., 346; ZotBNat 141–47; Franz Cöln, Fathers of Nicea) is recited (÷Anaphoras). The
“Der Nomokanon Mîûâ`îls von Malîg”, OrChr 6, 1906, game of ÷gänna which is played on Christmas
70–237; ibid. 7, 1907, 2–135; ibid. 8, 1908, 110–229 [= a
Karšuni edition of the Kitab at-tibb ar-ruhani]; Michael also gives its name to the holiday. The holiday is
Kleiner, Mashafa faws manfasawi: die GéŸéz-Überset- also known as Qéddus B[äŸ]alä Wäld (‘The Holy
zung des arabischen Kitab at-tibb ar-ruhani (“Buch von Feast of the Son’).
der geistlichen Medizin”) des koptischen Bischofs Michael 3. 4z3M (÷Témqät) – Epiphany, 11 Térr. This
von Aôrib und Malig (13. Jh.). Teiledition und Kommentar,
2 vols., Ph.D. thesis, University of Hamburg 2000 (Lit.).
F. marks the blessing of the water and the com-
Lit.: GrafLit II 414–27, esp. 420–26; CerLett 176; memoration of the Baptism of Christ in the
GuiSLett 78; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Note per la storia River Jordan. On the eve of the F., the clergy
letteraria abissina”, RRALm 8, 1899, 197–220, 263–85 perform a majestic procession, while deacons
[repr. Roma 1900, here 44f.]; Aleksander Ferenc, are currying the church “altar-tablets” (÷Tabot),
“Writing and Literature in Classical Ethiopic (Giiz)”,
in: Bogumil W. Andrzejewski et al. (eds.), Literatures covered by embroidered veils. The tabotat are
in African Languages. Theoretical Issues and Sample put in a special tent, next to it in another tent the
Surveys, Cambridge 1985, 255–300, here 286; Enno Litt- ÷däbtära sing their songs during the night. This
mann, “Geschichte der äthiopischen Litteratur”, in: Carl is followed by the liturgy which is recited as part
Brockelmann et al. (eds.), Geschichte der christlichen
Litteraturen des Orients, Leipzig 1907 [21909], 185–269,
of a midnight mass. In the morning the water is
here 221; RicLett 843. blessed. Passages from the story of the Jesus’s
Michael Kleiner baptism are read from the Gospels. At the end
of the prayers, people abundantly sprinkle each
other with water. Témqät is also marked by vari-
Feasts ous sports including a form of mock jousting.
Feasts, Christian In preparation for Témqät children are usually
The liturgical ÷calendar of the Ethiopian Ortho- given new clothes, while adults take special care
dox Täwahédo Church is largely composed of a to wash their šämmas.
cycle of fasts (÷Fasting) and F. The latter include Counted with Témqät is 6!y rKpq (Qana
both major and minor F. of Christ, as well as F. of zägälila, ‘The Miracle at Cana at Galilee’). Ac-
St. Mary, and F. of the saints. Since of the observ- cording to the literature this F. is celebrated on
ance of each of the major F. will be discussed in 13 Térr. However, it is commonly celebrated on
detail under the heading of that holiday (÷Mäsqäl 12 Térr. The celebration of Cana was moved up
etc.) this article offers a brief overview of the F. in order to commemorate the return from exile
and highlights some of the themes which bind of ase Òaylä Íéllase I on 12 Térr, 1933 A.M. [20
them together. January 1941 A.D.]. The Anaphora of the Three
510
Feasts
Hundred (318 Fathers of Nicea) is recited on

Cana.
4. 6*:y K.? (Däbrä Tabor, ‘Mount of Tabor’)
– The Transfiguration, 13 Nähase. This holiday
is also known as Buhe; it falls on the 13th day
of the fast of the Assumption. On the eve of
Däbrä Tabor children and young people light
torches which symbolize the Body of Christ
transfigured. Boys carrying torches run through
the street, while every house displays candles. A
division into teams, which whip each other is
also reported to be part of the celebration of the
Transfiguration.
There are also five “moveable feasts” related to
the Easter (lunar) cycle. The five are counted in
two different ways:
1. (5.) Av|y BxxM (Sämunä hémamat) – Holy
Week, which ends with
2. (6.) M#R% (Téníaýe, ‘The Resurrection’,
÷Fasika)
3. (7.) NxF (Tomas, ‘[The appearance of Christ
to the Apostle] Thomas’)
4. (8.) *?KM (ŸÉrgät, ‘Ascension’)
5. (9.) ,=8p5F (Päraqlitos, Pentacost),
or dividing Holy Week into its separate days and
omitting Tomas: XR*! (HoíaŸéna, ‘Hosanna’, Christian Orthodox feast in Lalibäla; photo cour-
i.e. Palm Sunday); F8nM (Séqlät, ‘Crucifixion’, tesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt am Main
(ODT_1.02.08.00_003.3)
i.e. Good Friday); M#R% (Téníaýe, ‘the Res-
urrection’), *?KM (ŸÉrgät, ‘the Ascension’), as a minor F., it is one of the biggest celebrations
,=8p5F (Päraqlitos, Pentacost). in the Ethiopian tradition. It commemorates the
On HoíaŸéna “palms” are blessed and the discovery of the True Cross by Empress Helen
congregation circles the church chanting in com- mother of Constantine. On the eve of the feast,
memoration of the Lord entering Jerusalem. In people bring torches of twigs (óébbo) to make
Aksum at the ÷Aksum Séyon church a mule a bonfire (÷Dämära). Large processions come
carrying palms is led in front of the church. A from different parishes and meet up. The onset of
procession takes place with stations and prayers the holiday at sunset is marked by the lighting of
at the four cardinal directions. The blessed palms bonfires, used to light torches which are carried
are distributed to the faithful in front of the throughout the towns and villages. People enter
church and taken home. Some plait the palm into houses and poke their lights into corners as
leaves into little rings which they wear on their if looking for something lost under beds and in
fingers until Easter. stable and kitchen, repeating: “Turn out the spin-
On Maundy Thursday unleavened bread is ach and bring the porridge. Mäsqäl has come”,
used in the mass. A ceremony of Washing the or: “All bad things have gone out, and good ones
Feet is conducted in which the feet of twelve are coming”, etc. It is reported (Parkyns 1966:
priests and/or deacons are washed in imitation 285) that every evening between St. John’s day
of what Christ did to his Apostles. (÷New Year) and Mäsqäl is marked by a period
Séqlät which commemorates the Lord’s cruci- of mock warfare between members of the oppo-
fixion is a day of fast and solemn prayer. Some site sex in which the two sides exchange insults.
people fast on Holy Saturday as well. The cur- When the boys attack the girls with nettles, the
tains of the sanctuary and the altar cloth should latter retaliate by discharging a filthy, smelly liq-
be black. uid on their attackers. These hostilities come to
Although Mäsqäl ‘The (Exaltation of the) an end on the eve of the holiday, which is marked
Cross’ on 27 Mäskäräm is officially considered by the discharge of firearms. However, Parkins
511
Feasts
Mary was also expressed in his patronage of art

and religious literature in her honour. However,
the F. appear designed not only to focus atten-
tion on a central figure, but also to secure Marian
devotion as a lynchpin of the monthly and an-
nual rhythm of Christian life.
Among these are included F. commemorating
events in St. Mary’s life:
p#AK (Ìénsäta, ‘Her Conception’), St. Anne’s conception
of Mary, 7 Nähase,
s6K (Lédäta, ‘Her Nativity’), 1 Génbot,
(!K (Bäýata, ‘Her Entry’), the entry of the three year old
Mary into the Temple, 3 Taòíaí,
÷ŸÉräfta (‘Her Falling-asleep’), 21 Térr,
÷Félsäta (‘Her Assumption’), 16 Nähase.
F. commemorating miracles of the Virgin:
Festal procession of clergymen with an icon of St. Mary; ((ny 68F_F (BäŸala Däqséyos, ‘The Feast of Ildefonos
church of Ïämmädu Maryam, Wällo; photo 1970, cour- [Dexius]’) when Mary asked him to establish a monthly
tesy of Diana Spencer commemoration of the Annunciation, 22 Taòíaí,
reports that in ŸAdwa these gender-based hostili- d:#\ (Sedenya, ‘Saïdnaya/Sardenai’), commemorat-
ing Mary’s miracle in a monastery near Damascus, 10
ties were replaced on the holiday itself by fight- Mäskäräm,
ing between the different “parishes” of the town. 6*:y z4x8 (Däbrä Métmaq, ‘[Apparition at] Däbrä
In the evening of Mäsqäl the theme of combat Métmaq’), 21 Génbot.
is reprised by young men, who shout their war F. concerning sanctuaries of the Virgin:
chants.
6*:y :F<z (Däbrä Qwésqwam, ‘Mountain of Qwésqwam’),
Other minor F. of the Lord include: Pw:M, commemorating the stay of the Holy Family at Qusquam
Gézrät (‘The Circumcision [of the Lord]’), on 6 (al-Qusia), in Egypt, 6 Òédar,
Térr; Fz+# (SémŸon, ‘Simeon’, i.e. The Presenta- 89Ey ,K (Qéddase beta, ‘The Consecration of her
tion of the Lord), on 8 Yäkkatit; Mäsqäl (‘The church [at Phillipi]’), 21 Säne,
r!#8(y ]s9y x^ (ZäýanqéŸa wälda may, ‘The Source
[Finding of the True] Cross’, on 10 Mäggabit.
which her Son caused to spring’), one of Jesus’s miracles
The following F. are listed to complete the performed in Egypt, 8 Säne,
number: B#`Ky ,Hy l?FJ\#y (Fx (Hénsäta betä kréstiyan
(!Hy P*e (Bäýatä Gébs, ‘The Entry [of the Holy Fam- bäséma, ‘The Building of the church bearing her name [at
ily] into Egypt’), 24 Génbot, Philippi]’), 20 Säne.
+:gy &Pt&| (Baräkä Égziýénä, ‘Our Lord has blessed’), F. regarding titles or epithets of the Virgin:
the Multiplication of the Loaves, 28 Térr,
6-:y e_# (Däbrä Séyon, ‘Mountain of Zion’), 21 Òédar,
or the three Sundays of Advent: i9|y zB:M (÷Kidanä méhrät, ‘The Covenant of Mercy’),
F*gM (Sébkät, ‘The Preaching’), commemorating of the
commemorating of the agreement between Christ and his
preaching of the prophets that the Messiah will come to
mother concerning the forgivance of sins, 16 Yäkkatit.
redeem His people,
*?U# (Bérhan, ‘The Light’), commemorating Christ hav- There are also numerous F. commemorating the
ing come into the world for its enlightenment, saints.
$q_ (Nolawi, ‘[Our Lord as] the Shepherd’), Each of the 14 Eucharistic Anaphoras is asso-
and ciated with a number of holidays and F. Thus the
K! (Gänna, ‘The Vigil of the Nativity’) also called u?(_ Anaphora of Our Lord Jesus Christ is performed
(MärŸawi, ‘The Bridegroom’), 28 Taòíaí, commemorating on three Marian F.: Däbrä Qwésqwam, the Con-
the reality of Christ’s birth, the Eve of Christmas,
secration of Marian churches (Qéddase beta),
6*:y r^M (Däbrä Zäyt, ‘Mount of Olives’), the Sunday
of Mid-Lent, which is the 4th Sunday before Easter. It is and the Assumption (Félsäta). The Anaphora of
held that the Second Coming will take place on the Mount Our Lady by ÷Cyriacus of Behnesa is read on
of Olives. Special prayers are offered that the faithful may many Marian F., Christmas Eve, Annunciation
be righteous on that day and sit on the right side of the and the holiday of St. Cyriaque (for a complete
Supreme Judge. list s. Stoffregen Pedersen 1990:120ff.). The per-
There are 33 F. of the Virgin Mary which were formance of each anaphora with several F. serves
instituted by ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob as part of his to link together holidays which might otherwise
programme of religious reforms. His devotion to be viewed as totally separate events.
512
Feasts
The F. can be analyzed through a number of a game involving two teams and the throwing of
different frameworks. On the most basic level, spears is played on Easter (Pankhurst 1992:208).
the F. can be said to combine to construct the In this case, as well in the playing of gänna on
rhythms which characterize the Christian year. Christmas, the whipping on Däbrä Tabor, and
Often major F. come at the end or in the midst the gender-based fighting of Mäsqäl, F. can be
of extended fast periods and thus provide re- seen as the vehicle for the symbolic playing out
lieve for the believers. In this context it is also of local rivalries.
significant to note that the annual observances of Christian F. are a major occasion for the cir-
many holidays are reprised on a monthly basis culation of resources between believers and the
through commemorations on the same day of church and for the giving of ÷alms to the poor.
every month. Thus, for example, the 1st of every Offerings on F. include widely varying sums of
month commemorates the Birth of Mary, the 3rd cash, prepared foods, livestock (sheep and cat-
of every month – her presentation at the Temple, tle) and church utensils such as oil and incense.
the 10th – Finding of the Holy Cross, the 16th of On saints’ days, devotees of a saint give alms in
every month – the Covenant of Mercy. These honour of their patron. Membership in a mäòbär
commemorations serve to embed these festivals requires members to both contribute to their reli-
in the daily lives of the faithful, “so much so that gious organization and to host its members for F.
the names of these holy days come to take the Although F. are a major feature of the reli-
place of calendar dates” (LevWax 73). gious life of Christian Ethiopia, there is still no
From a sociological perspective the F. of the systematic, comprehensive study of their role in
Church can be seen as occasions which define believers’ experience. Existing church literature
community on a variety of levels. Thus such ma- generally focuses on the precise list, date and
jor festivals of the Church as Gänna, Mäsqäl, and basic meaning of the F, and ethnographic studies
Témqät are celebrated at all churches and can be offer only brief glimpses to the ritual of individ-
said to define the community of believers versus ual F. without integrating them into the religious
that of non-believers. In contrast, there are numer- economy as a whole. Nor has sufficient attention
ous F. that are observed only at churches which been given to the different layers of belief and
have a tabot devoted to Mary, to Kidanä méhrät practice revealed in each F. The contrast between
or to the saint commemorated on a particular day. “official” church celebrations including the reci-
In such circumstances the local parish (÷Atbiya) tation of the liturgy and more “popular” aspects
or religious association (÷Maòbär) celebrates and is certainly deserving of further exploration
asserts its identity. Finally, the veneration of saints (e.g., it is known that some of the ecclesiastics
is often associated with a maòbär or particular [also some saints, e.g., ÷Mäbaýé Séyon] disliked
families. In such cases, the commemoration of a “non-Christian” rituals, especially games, be
saint’s day is an expression of kinship or associa- performed during the F. and opposed them, but
tion solidarity (Pankhurst 1992:150–54). in vain; s. Caquot 1952:138ff.). Similarly the pre-
One vehicle for the dramatization of these Christian roots and elements of the F. (in honour
different levels of communal organization is the of the saints in particular, e.g., ÷Gäbrä Mänfäs
parading of the tabot at F. On Témqät celebra- Qéddus) has yet to be systematically explored;
tions began on the eve of the F. when priests and many of the games and combat situations asso-
dabtära bearing tabot and other church vessels ciated with the F. may have their source in pre-
come together and go to a local river or lake, Christian custom. The connection of the F. with
where tents are pitched and food is collected the climate, agricultural cycle and even solar
in tents. On major F. of the saints, the tabot of symbolism have yet to be adequately studied.
the neighbouring churches are taken out and pa- Src.: André Caquot, “Histoire amharique de Grañ et
raded to honour the saint being commemorated des Gallas”, AE 2, 1957, 123–43, here 138ff.; Ignazio
Guidi (ed., tr.), Il “Fetha Nagast” o “Legislazione dei
on that day. Re”, codice ecclesiastico e civile di Abissinia, Napoli 1897
The prominent role of competitive sports and/ (text) = 1899 (tr.), 135 = 194; Mansfeld Parkyns, Life in
or mock combats are also another expression of Abyssinia, London ²1966, 276–89.
the communal aspect of the different F. Félsäta Lit.: Christine Chaillot, The Ethiopian Orthodox
Tewahedo Church Tradtion: a Brief Introduction to
was, in the past, marked by “skirmishes between its Life and Spritiuality, Paris 2002, 115–25; Kirsten
the town’s people and the slave establishment of Stoffregen-Pedersen, Les Éthiopiens, Tournhout 1990,
the king” (PankSoc 195). In the area of Lalibäla, 120ff., 127–30; LevWax 61–64, 73; Michael Akalou
513
Feasts
Wolde, “Buhe”, Ethnological Society Bulletin University public event associated with this occasion. The
College Addis Ababa 7, 1957, 57–63; Cressida Marcus, prayer is preceded by official speeches delivered
“Imperial Nostalgia: Christian Restoration and Civic De-
cay in Gondar”, in: Wendy James – Donald Donham by the imam of the central mosque and the chair-
– Eisei Kurimoto – Alessandro Triulzi, Remapping man of the Ethiopian Supreme Council for Is-
Ethiopia: Socialism and After, Oxford – Athens – Addis lamic Affairs (and occasionally by the city mayor
Abäba 2002, 239–56; PankSoc 190–95; Alula Pankhurst, or his representative) and followed by a sermon
Resettlement and Famine in Ethiopia, Manchester 1992, delivered by the imam. Although the faithful
205–09; Helen Pankhurst, Gender, Development and
Identity: an Ethiopian Study, London 1992, 149–56. are urged to stay until the end of the sermon,
Steven Kaplan they usually disperse early. They return home in
procession and then exchange good wishes with
Feasts, Islamic family members, neighbours and acquaintances.
The three principal Islamic festivals annu- Sheep and goats are slaughtered during the fes-
ally celebrated throughout the Muslim parts of tivities and portions of the meat are distributed
Ethiopia are: j°∞ªA fŒß ŸId al-fitr, observed on 1 as alms among the poor. Many offer the zakat
Šawwal to mark the end of the month-long fast al-fitr (÷Alms) both in cash and kind before the
of ÷Ramadan); “ZyfiA fŒß ŸId al-adha, ‘Festival ŸId prayer. The festival is colourful and people
of Sacrifice’, also popularly known as ŸArafa (cp. usually dress in their finest clothes. The ŸId al-
÷Aräfa), from the name of the hill near Mecca, fitr is traditionally considered more solemn than
and celebrated on 10 Îu l-higga; and “JƒªA fªÃø the ŸId al-adha, even though it is no more than
Mawlid an-nabi, the anniversary of the Prophet an occasion marking the close of Ramadan and
Muhammad’s birthday (12 RabiŸ al-awwal). the end of restrictions imposed on believers by
During the post-Liberation imperial era the Qurýan.
(1941–74), the first two festivals were not of- On ŸId al-adha the same sequence of ritu-
ficially celebrated. After the morning prayers, als associated with the ŸId al-fitr is followed: a
representatives of the Muslim community in communal prayer, official speeches and a sermon
Addis Abäba were received by the Emperor in by the imam. Additionally, special prayers of
his palace and, after expressing his felicitations, supplication (õbÇ…, duŸaý) are offered on behalf
he invited them to a reception. This event was of the pilgrims at Mecca for their well-being,
announced over the radio and reported in the acceptance of their sacred journey by God and
government press. An artillery salute was also safe return home. After the prayers, people re-
fired from the palace grounds at daybreak to turn home to sacrifice rams (in commemoration
herald the occasion. However, government of- of Abraham’s intended sacrifice of his son, as
fices and schools remained open throughout the commanded by God). According to Trimingham
day of the festivities. The three festivals were (TrIslam 229), in the early 20th cent., Muslims of
only officially recognized by the Ethiopian state Addis Abäba organized displays of horseman-
as national holidays in 1975. ship on the plain of Félwéha for three days. The
ŸId al-fitr (also known as ŸId as-saëir, to dis- number of people attending the festival in Ad-
tinguish it from ŸId al-adha or ŸId al-kabir) is dis Abäba nowadays is relatively small for two
celebrated at the conclusion of the fast. An early- reasons: Gurage Muslims traditionally go out to
morning congregational prayer forms the main visit their families in the countryside at this time;
many Muslims are on pilgrimage to the two holy
sites during this period.
A number of other festivals take place around
the major shrines of Muslim saints, both dur-
ing the Mawlid an-nabi and at different times
throughout the year. These are attended by
multitudes of pilgrims and provide occasions
for collective worship whose intensity is only
surpassed by the festivals described above. The
ritual ceremonies and cults observed on such oc-
ŸId al-adha prayer in the esplanade of Ras Médr in
casions are partly Islamic and partly traditional
Massawa on 16 March 2000; photo courtesy of Jonathan and ancestral (÷Pilgrimages; ÷Šayò Husayn;
Miran ÷Saints).
514
Féóóe
’AiÃqBß (ŸAšuraý; 10 Muharram) is observed with limited success – by Muslim religious lead-
mournfully in ŠiŸa lands to commemorate ers and elders to give these occasions a distinc-
the martyrdom of imam Husayn b. ŸAli, the tively Islamic character and to free them from
Prophet’s grandson, at Karbalaý in 680 A.D. the influence of both tradition and modernism.
In northern and central Ethiopia this occasion Src.: BassHist 318 (text) = 419 (tr.).
is celebrated with a visit to ÷Nägaš in north Lit.: TrIslam 152 n. 2, 229, 252.
Tégray, where, according to tradition, a group Hussein Ahmed
of the Prophet’s followers were buried, ca. 6th
cent. Once they have congregated there, the Féóóe
pilgrims take part in a festival marked by the F. (I+ , Oromo Fiichee) is a small town 115 km
recitation of panegyrics in praise of the Prophet, north-west of Addis Abäba at 2,738 m A.S.L.
his companions and saints. On the eve of the Nowadays this town is a centre for the Northern
festival, sheep and goats brought by the pilgrims Šäwa Zone, one of the twelve zones of the
are slaughtered and the meat is shared among the Oromiyya Region.
participants. Trimingham (TrIslam 252) refers to F.’s foundation by ras ÷Darge Íahlä Íéllase, a
a fertility ritual performed by the women of the member of the royal family, goes back to about
÷Asaorta: “First a goat or a kid is sacrificed and 1879. Ras Darge Íahlä Íéllase had been ap-
the woman remains some four or five days pray- pointed by ase ÷Ménilék II to rule over the then
ing for the saint’s help, after which she leaves the ÷Sälale district. Prior to the settlement of the
cemetery, strips herself, and rubs earth taken royal family and the establishment of the Ortho-
from the tomb over her body”.
dox Church there, the area is said to have been
Outside the capital and the major towns, so-
inhabited by ÷Oromo peasants, among whom
cial events are celebrated simultaneously with
a person called Hirpaa was well-known. Elders
the principal Islamic festivals. Such events are
of the area say that the name F. itself is taken
characterized by, among other things, traditional
from the name of a person dwelling in the area.
games played by young boys and girls and com-
There also exists a hypothesis that the area had
petitions involving adult males, which add to
been previously called Balbala Hanquu (‘gate of
the festivity of the religious holidays. In regions
hanquu’ [a medicinal plant]) because so many of
where Christians and Muslims have enjoyed close
these plants were found there.
interactions (such as Wällo and north Šäwa), cer-
F. is located on a highland, thus the weather
tain festivals, such as visits to local shrines, are
is cold throughout most of the year. The reason
jointly celebrated. However, the reasons for
why the town was founded at such a height is
attending such festivities are not always strictly
said to be for strategic purposes, i.e. the royalty
religious or spiritual; some are simply seeking
of the time wanted to control any movements of
healing from physical or mental afflictions, or
material prosperity. In addition to the Islamic
festivals, Muslims participate in Christian festi-
vals, such as the Ethiopian New Year and Buhe,
in their wider, popular social manifestations. The
Islamic New Year (1 Muharram), whose onset is
announced in the mosques, is only observed pri-
vately by the Muslim elites. The inhabitants of
Harär and other predominantly Oromo-inhab-
ited areas celebrate various festivals that reflect
more indigenous social customs and traditional
rites than the rituals prescribed and sanctioned
by the monotheist faiths.
In addition to the annual festivals described
above, there are others organized by Muslim
families and held on important occasions: births,
circumcisions, engagements, weddings, comple-
tion of portions of the Qurýan and many other
social events. Efforts have been made – though
515
Féóóe
both the ÷Amhara in the north and the Oromo for Chanting’), ue=Dy -?U# (Mäshafä
in the south. bérhan, ‘Book of Light’) and Ij>y U^x$MY
F. is today subdivided in six qäbäle. It has one (Fékkare haymanotéyä, ‘Synopsis/Exposition of
high school, one hospital (very recent), one com- my Faith’). It seems that the first two titles con-
munity health centre, three elementary schools, cern only the introductory part of the text. The
and a few clinics and drugstores. The commercial third title relates to the main parts that follow,
activity of the town is very low since it is not the faith and the anathema against those who
located in a cash-crop area. deviate from the faith.
Dwellers of the town include: small-scale mer- According to abba Giyorgis’s Vita, the com-
chants, civil servants and farmers, most of whom position of this short treatise was inspired by an
live hand to mouth existence. According to the inquiry about the Orthodox Faith that Giyorgis
1999 population estimate, the town has 28,457 received from a certain prince called Tewodros,
inhabitants (CSA 2000). The population com- whom Taddese Tamrat believes was the son of
prises Amhara, Oromo, Gurage and Tégrayans; ase ÷Dawit II (TadTChurch 224f.): “So he com-
the first two groups being numerous and the last posed for him (this) work called F.h. When the
two groups quite few in number. king and all the priests of the mystery saw and
Src.: oral information by ato Bekele Wakjira, 80; ato read the work, they said, ‘Truly John the Golden
Abebe Hunde, 75; ato Tola Dinage, 70; FÉÓÓe Town Ad- Mouth [Chrysostom] and Cyril the Mouth of
ministration, The Foundation and History of Féóóe, ms., Blessing have arisen in our time. Ethiopia is
in Amharic; Northern Šäwa Administration Zone
Planning Office, Statistics of the Zone, ms.; CSA 2000. likened to Constantinople and is equated with
Temesgen Negassa Alexandria’” (Colin 1987:32f.).
The treatise has three separate parts: an in-
Federal Supreme Court ÷Constitution troduction, a confession of faith and anathemas
of the heresies, all of which are refuted and
Fékkare haymanot condemned in the Mäshafä méítir. The trea-
The F.h. (Ij>y U^x$M , ‘Synopsis/Exposition tise begins as follows: “I, Giyorgis, a sinner
of the Faith’) is, more or less, a summary by and transgressor, have written this which deals
abba ÷Giyorgis of Gasécca of his work known with praises in chanting … I, Giyorgis, son of
as Mäshafä ÷méítir. Abba Giyorgis’s Vita (ms. priest Hézbä Séyon, have composed (this) …”.
EMML 1838, 19th cent.) and one of the three Towards the end, abba Giyorgis tells about his
manuscripts in which the “Synopsis” is pre- life: “I have lived in this world with this faith of
served (ms. EMML 204, 20th cent.) call the work mine all my life, being condemned by the her-
F.h., while the second and the oldest copy (ms. etics and condemning the heretics, for there is no
EMML 6456) and ms. Tanasee 178 give it the agreement between the children of God and the
title Fére haymanot (I>y U^x$M , lit. ‘Fruit of children of the Devil” (Getatchew Haile 1981:
the faith’), a more fitting and most probably the 241, 251). It is undoubtedly this Giyorgis whom
correct title for its contents. In fact, what the au- ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob describes as “priest Giyorgis
thor says about himself towards the end would who fights about the person of the Trinity”
indicate that the title might have been taken (CRRicBerhan II, 131).
from the words of St. Dioscurus, Archbishop Src.: EMML 204, 1838, 6456; Gérard Colin, Vie de
of Alexandria. According to tradition, Dioscu- Georges de Sagla, Lovanii 1987 (CSCO 492, 493 [SAe 81,
82]), 23f. (text); CRRicBerhan II, 131 (text); Getatchew
rus sent to the faithful in Alexandria, from his Haile, “Fékkare Haymanot or the Faith of Abba
imprisonment in Gangra, his teeth that fell from Giyorgis Säglawi”, Le Muséon 94, 1981, 235–58, here 241,
his mouth when he suffered blows from his op- 251; U^x$Hy !(b (Haymanotä abäw, ‘Faith of the
ponents. In an accompanying letter he is said Fathers’), Addis Abäba 1967 A.M. [1975 A.D.], 9; SixTana
III, 237f., no. 67 [Tanasee 178 = Daga Estifanos 67].
to have written: #T"y I>y U^x$M (Néíéýu Lit.: TadTChurch 224f.
fére haymanot, ‘Receive the fruit of faith!’, s. Getatchew Haile
Haymanotä abäw 1967:9).
The copyist of EMML 6456 introduces
the work with the title U^x$Iy nM_?MF Fékkare Iyäsus
(Haymanotu lägiyorgis, ‘The Faith of Giyorgis’). The F.I. (Ij>y #YBF , ‘The Explanation of
Abba Giyorgis, on the other hand, uses the titles Jesus’) is a GéŸéz treatise about the last days of
F-=KHy ugs^ (Sébhatatä mäòaléy, ‘Praises the world (cp. ÷Eschatology), the prophecy “on
516
Fékkare Iyäsus
the signs of the future generations in the coming been added after the manuscript was prepared (s.
days” that was announced by Jesus Christ at the ZotBNat 131); other mss. date to later periods
Last Supper, at the request of the Apostles (cp. (cp., e.g., BN Éth. 123; unclear is the age of ms.
also HamSixBerl 65). Christ reveals things that Berlin, Peterm. II, Nachtr. 55).
would happen in the future: the fall of the right- Conti Rossini (1901:20) reports the existence
eous faith and the decline of morals, the coming of two recensions of the F.I., but does not indi-
of false messiahs; hatred between people, arro- cate their respective features. Literary elements
gance of rulers, wars, droughts and other calami- (s. Basset 1909:2), used by the anonymous au-
ties. Some of the future events are metaphori- thor (in a few manuscripts the work is ascribed
cally described and in these cases the narration to a certain Ézra, s., e.g., BN Éth. 146) are con-
develops from the explanation of the meaning sidered to be common for any eschatological dis-
of the metaphors; (e.g.: “In that time gold will course; however, it is noticeable that the F.I. does
be dishonoured, and iron will be elevated. What not stress eschatological topoi characteristic for
I call ‘gold’ is not gold but the people of gold, the 15th-cent. context – e.g., the 1,000-year feast
who are Christians, and [the people] of iron are on Mount Zion (s. ÷Däbrä Séyon) or the issue
pagans” (s. Vajnberg 1907:10, 34) – a method re- of the Resurrection of the Dead (cp. ÷Daggém
sembling the Andémta commentary. mäsýatu läkréstos).
The F.I. states that one day total destruction It has been commonly accepted that the F.I. is
will come, followed by 29 years “without people” a genuine Ethiopian text, even if not as ancient
(except for a few who will have repented). Then as thought before. There is evidence that at least
a righteous king Tewodros will come “from the from the late-18th cent. onward the treatise was
east”, with a (righteous) metropolitan. The king obtaining more and more popularity, this coin-
will gather those who have survived and rebuild ciding with the growth of eschatological expec-
the churches. Peace will be re-established, wrong- tations during the calamities of the ÷Zämänä
doing will not take place any more. The time of mäsafént period (cp. ZanLitTheo 3ff.). In the 19th
peace and well-being will last 40 years. Three cent. daggazmaó Kaía Òaylu was influenced by
rulers will reign for 37 years each. Then false the prophecy of the F.I. since the early stage of
messiahs will come and seduce many people. This his struggle for power (s. Basset 1909:7), and he
will be followed by the end of the world (“100 ascended the throne in 1855 as ase ÷Tewodros II
years will be [lasting] like one day”). The sky (in fact, he emphasized his role as a messianic
and the earth will disappear, the righteous will be king rather than the traditional requirement of
separated from the sinners and everyone will get Solomonic descent).
what they have deserved. In the coming world the Tewodros’s suicide at ÷Mäqdäla in 1868 did
worthy ones will be united with God forever. not put an end to the circulation of the prophecy.
It was tentatively suggested that the F.I. was The mythical king, whose image in the meantime
written in the early 15th cent. Tewodros – the aquired new features, still was expected to come
name of the mythical king – is thought to refer to and there are indications that some tried to link
ase ÷Tewodros I, who reigned for only a short the prophecy about Tewodros to the rise of
time in 1412–13 (s. Conti Rossini 1899:20; Bas- Ménilék of Šäwa (Basset 1909:8f.). The popular-
set 1909). However, this is far from being certain ity of th F.I. was sustained at least till the late 19th
(cp. TadTChurch 220, n. 4; HamTana 109). In cent., as numerous copies of the work, together
the Ethiopic ÷Sénkéssar, the commemorative with such still-unresearched pieces as its Am-
reading for Tewodros on 29 Säne goes back to haric translation (mss. EMML 435, 4720, 4895)
the 16th-cent. recension of the work, but similar and Amharic commentaries (e.g., mss. EMML
notes were composed for other monarchs as well 1810, fol. 73a–77b; 4429, fol. 63a–75a), as well as
(the information on this reading in a presumably a kind of refutation of the F.I. by Gäbrä Mikaýel
“older” Sénkéssar of ÷Däbrä Bizän, reported in Gérmu (mss. EMML 1470, fol. 188b–193b) wit-
Basset 1909:11, needs to be confirmed). In spite ness. Today a new edition of the F.I. and its study
of the arcaic “apocalyptic” traits of the F.I., its are highly desirable.
manuscript tradition hardly goes back to the
Src.: BN Éth 113, 123, 146; EMML 435, 1470, 4720,
time prior to the 17th cent. (cp. Basset 1909:12): in 4895; HamSixBerl 65, no. 11 [Ms. orient. oct. 995], fol.
the presumably earliest ms., the 16th-cent. Paris, 70r–84v (Lit.); René Basset, Les apocryphes éthiopiens.
BN Éth. 113, the folios with the F.I. seem to have XI. Fekkaré Iyasus, Paris 1909; HamTana 109f. [Tanasee
517
Fékkare Iyäsus
86 = Dabra Maryam 28] (Lit.); DillmBerl 4, no. 5 [Peterm. bear the title sultan and have several amirs under
II Nachtr. 55]; ZanLitTheo 3ff.; MorTeo 150f.; Isaak their rule. These most eastern groups of the
Vajnberg, Ij>y #YBF| “Skazanie Iisusa”: apokrif
o poslednih vremenah mira (‘Fékkare Iyäsus: “The Fulbe once, many generations ago, migrated to
Legend of Jesus”: an Apocryph about the Last Times of the White and Blue Nile regions in the Sudan in
the World’), St. Petersburg 1907 (Pamjatniki efiopskoj the course of their yearly migrations. From here
pis’mennosti VI). further smaller migrations, often after a pilgrim-
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Note per la storia letteraria
age to Mecca, first led several F. (Fullo) to the
abissina”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1899, 197–285, here 216 [§
13]; GuiSLett 42f.; RicLett 826; TadTChurch, s. index. western Eritrean plains (also here identified as
Denis Nosnitsin “Taõruri”). Their place of origin, according to
interviews of the 1930s, was northern Nigeria
(EllLusAnt 97). Here they were mainly planta-
Fellata tion workers (around ÷Humära and in Kunama
The term F. (Kanuri name for the Fulbe, sg. areas on farms on the Gaš river).
Fullo) designates a member of a pastoral people The F. in the Kassala region (in the Sudan-
of Muslim faith, originating in western Africa. Eritrean border area), from Timbuktu in Mali,
They are commonly labelled Fulani in the an- settled there after a pilgrimage to Mecca in ca.
glophone and Peul in the francophone areas. 1901/02 and have much increased in numbers
Several nomadic and semi-sedentary F. groups since then; they have adopted a semi-nomadic
inhabit Sudanese-Ethiopian border areas in style of life (Paul 1954:146). Other F. groups are
northern Sudan and in Eritrea, occasionally also settled in cities like Täsänäy, Aqordät, Kärän,
Gambella, Anfillo and Beni Šangul. The F. speak Massawa and Asmära (EllLusAnt 103). Later, F.
Fulfulde, the Fulbe language; a few have also subgroups also migrated to other regions, such
adopted Oromiffa, in addition to Arabic. In en- as Beni Šangul, where during the last decade
campments near Kassala, the F., living among the some stayed in villages, becoming farmers and
Ha¥án¥owa, have adopted the Bega language, fishers at the Dabus, like other West-Africans (as
weapons, way of dressing etc. (Paul 1954:146). the Hausa, who often live together with the F.).
In Beni Šangul the F. are also called Mbororo (or Most F., however, stay nomadic cattle-herders.
“Umm Bororo”) after one of their subgroups; Src.: field notes of Günther Schlee, Tagebuch Äthiopien/
the Berta or Oromo also tend to identify them Ethiopian Diary 2001/2002.
Lit.: Giovanni Ellero, “I Tacruri in Eritrea”, RSE 6,
with other groups of West-African origin like 1947, 189–99 [repr. in: EllLusAnt 95–105]; Andrew Paul,
the ÷Hausa, sometimes erroneously calling all A History of the Beja Tribes of the Sudan, Cambridge
of them “F.”, or more generally ÷“Tuõrir”. 1954, 146; Dereje Feyissa – Günther Schlee, “A Brief
The Fulani languages belong to the Senegam- Note about the Mbororo (Fulbe) Migration into Ethio-
pia”, contribution to the conference Changing Identifica-
bian Fula-Wolof family (of the Atlantic branch tions and Alliances in North-Eastern Africa, Halle/Saale,
of the Niger-Congo languages). Among the F. of 5–6 June 2001.
Ethiopian and Eritrean regions, the East-Central Wolbert Smidt
Fulfulde dialect should prevail, but no linguistic
research, except by Ellero in the 1930s, has ever
been undertaken here (EllLusAnt 99–102). The Félsäta
F. on the other side of the border in the Sudan, The ÷feasts of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary
north of Gallabat, are better documented. They on 21 Térr (29 January; ÷Éräfta) and of her As-
move freely across the borders and stay some- sumption or bodily Ascension into heaven on
times for one year at a place, selling products 16 Nähase (22 August; called Félsäta, IsAK ),
from their cattle, such as milk, butter and meat, were celebrated at least as early as the 15th
to locals. They also act as medicine-men, selling cent., as suggested by the Ethiopic ÷Sénkéssar
“magic” products. Recent political turmoil in (BudSaint 523–27; ColSyn IX, 150–57 and Bud-
the southern Sudan has changed the migration Saint 1222ff.; GuiSyn III, 335–40 respectively).
patterns, some F. stopping to move to Ethiopia, Neither event has a scriptural basis, being de-
others settling permanently. rived from the apocryphal Marian literature (s.
The diverse F. subgroups – the Mbororo and Mäshafä ÷érgäta lämaryam; Mäshafä ÷éräfta
the Malle from Mali dominating in the Ethio- lämaryam). The reading for 21 Térr emphasizes
Sudanese border regions – have their own au- that the two feasts are separate commemorations
tonomous leaders who stay in the Sudan. They rather than almost duplicate commemorations of
518
Félsäta
Fig. 1: Assumption of St. Mary witnessed by St. Thomas; cloth mural; 17th cent.; SéraŸ, church of Abréha and Asbéha;
the same event. Both are important feasts in the (EMML 3872, fol. 90a).
calendar of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo From the 17th cent. onward, European works
Church; the Feast of Mary’s Assumption is pre- of art provided visual models for images of
ceded by 16 days of ÷fasting. Mary’s Death (Schiller 1980, fig. 701), as well as
The images of Mary’s Assumption (IsAKy for those of her Assumption (AfrZion fig. 35).
nx?\z , Félsäta lämaryam) do not appear in These subjects appear in miniatures that deco-
Ethiopian art until the 17th cent., and depictions rate various Marian literary texts, in devotional
of Mary’s Death are extremely rare prior to the images in the form of painted wooden panels
17th cent. as well. A unique representation of (s. Chojnacki 2000:193) and mural decoration
Mary’s Death is included in an early 15th-cent. (ChojPaint 320-26; Chojnacki 2000:76, 193, 223;
manuscript of the ÷Dérsanä Maryam at the Mercier 2001:162f., 171; Jäger – Pearce 1965:50,
church of Bethlehem near Däbrä Tabor (Leroy 54; di Salvo 1999:137, 206, 208; Wion 2001:304).
1967, pl. 13; ChojPaint fig. 140; AfrZion 92). Most Ethiopian representations of Mary’s As-
The shrouded body of the Virgin is surrounded sumption show the Virgin standing upon a cres-
by the Apostles with the figure of Christ in the cent moon, a model that European iconography
centre, a composition based upon the Byzantine created to signify the Immaculata conceptio Mar-
Dormition (Greek: Koivmhsi") of the Virgin (Taft iae (Schiller 1980:154–57; cp. ase Zärýa YaŸéqob’s
– Carr 1991:652; Schiller 1980, fig. 587-92). ÷Raýéyä täýammér, where Mary is the woman
However, this Ethiopian miniature is no direct “clothed with the sun, with the moon under her
derivation from the standard Byzantine iconog- feet and upon her head a crown of stars whom
raphy of Mary’s death. On the other hand, 18th- John the Evangelist saw [Rev. 12:1]”; Getatchew
and 19th-cent. Ethiopian murals of Mary’s death Haile 1992:63ff.). However, within an Ethiopian
follow the Byzantine iconography of the Dormi- cultural context, this representation is referred to
tion with the figure of Christ receiving Mary’s Mary’s Assumption. The murals of the Assump-
soul (ChojPaint, fig. 150a, 151a, 152a). A tale in tion at the late 19th-cent. church of Mädòane
an early 16th-cent. collection of the Miracles of ŸAläm at ÷ŸAdwa as well as in other 19th-cent.
Mary (s. EMML 3872, fol. 90r; ÷Täýammérä mural cycles in Tégray (s. fig. 1; ChojPaint fig.
Maryam) accounts for a miniature of Mary’s As- 151b, 152b) show the Virgin with her hair ar-
sumption (probably by Nicolò ÷Brancaleone) ranged in a topknot, as in a full-page miniature
in a Psalter that was created for Prince SémŸon of the Virgin inscribed félsäta in an 18th-cent.
519
Félsäta
2001, 162f., 171; StanisLaw Chojnacki, Ethiopian Icons:
Catalogue of the Collection of the Institute of Ethiopian
Studies Addis Ababa University, Milano 2000, 193, 223;
ChojPaint 291–326, fig. 140, 149, 150a, 151a–b, 152a–b,
s. index; Jean Fournée, “Himmelfahrt Mariens”, in:
Wolfgang Braunfels (ed.), Lexikon der christlichen
Ikonographie, Rom 1994, vol. 2, 276–83; Otto Jäger
– Ivy Pearce, Antiquities of North Ethiopia, Stuttgart
1965, 50, 54; Jules Leroy, Ethiopian Painting in the
Late Middle Ages and during the Gondar Dynasty, New
York 1967, pl. 13; Mario di Salvo, Churches of Ethiopia.
The Monastery of Narga Íellase, Milano 1999, 137, 206,
208; Gertrud Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen
Kunst, Bd. 4: Maria, Gütersloh 1980, 118–47, 154–57;
Robert Taft – Annemarie Weyl Carr, “Dormition”,
in: Alexander P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary
of Byzantium, vol. 1, New York – Oxford 1991, 651–53;
Anaïs Wion, “Un nouvel ensemble de peintures murales
du premier style gondarien: le monastère de Qoma
Fasilädäs”, AE 17, 2001, 279–308, here 304.
Marilyn E. Heldman
Félwéha ÷Addis Abäba
Féqér éskä mäqabér

The F.é.m. (I8?y &Fgy u6-? , ‘Love to the
Grave’, 1958 A.M. [1965/66 A.D.]) is an impor-
Fig. 2: Assumption; miniature from a ms. of the tant Amharic novel by ÷Haddis ŸAlämayyähu.
Täýammérä Maryam; late 19th cent.; Éntotto Maryam; It has 35 chapters in 552 pages. For some, the
photo courtesy of the author F.é.m. is a story of tragic love between Bäzzab-
manuscript of Marian prayers (ChojPaint fig. béh, the son of an ordinary farmer, and Säblä
149; AfrZion no. 117). This distinctive version Wängel, the daughter of a landlord. For others, it
of Mary’s Assumption follows what must have is a story of “feudalism” in Ethiopia, portraying
been a very well-known painting executed by the various manifestations of class-conflict as the
an Indian painter elaborating upon a European lovers provoke a revolt. Some consider it a novel
Baroque model (AfrZion 251f.); this lost image narrating the common front of the church-state,
was probably the property of an 18th-cent. ruler which pays no heed to the problems and condi-
at Gondär. The painting of the Assumption of tions of the common man. The F.é.m. is all this
Mädòane ŸAläm church in ŸAdwa has an addi- and much more.
tional element: the apostle Thomas in the upper In many of the early Amharic novels, e.g., Addis
left corner with Mary’s girdle in his hand. The ŸAläm and Arýaya, the characters that advocate
full-page miniature of the Assumption (s. fig. 2) and practise change are returnees from abroad.
in a late 19th-cent. manuscript of the Täýammérä In the F.é.m. the issues of change are presented
Maryam (EMML 22, fol. 143v) shows again by portraying the normal social life in the com-
Thomas among the cherubim gazing upwards. munity in a very ordinary manner. The agents of
According to the legend, the apostle, when rid- change and those opposing the change are mem-
ing upon on a cloud from India, saw the body bers of the same community.
The novel can be read for the knowledge it
of Mary being taken to heaven by angels (Budge
provides on various traditional practices and
1933:166).
ways of life in Goggam, the setting of the book,
Src.: mss. EMML 22, 3872; Getatchew Haile, The
Mariology of Emperor Zärýa YaŸéqob of Ethiopia, Roma and, figuratively, in many parts of the country.
1992 (OrChrA 242), 63ff.; Ernest Alfred Wallis Some of the descriptions give rich information
Budge, Legends of Our Lady Mary, the Perpetual Virgin, about topics like Church ÷education and tra-
and her Mother Hannâ, London 1933, 166; BudSaint ditional ÷poetry; in addition to practices like
523–27, 1222ff.; GuiSyn III, 335–40; ColSyn IX, 150-57.
Lit.: AfrZion 92, no. 3, 251f., no. 117; Jacques Mercier
÷gébér.
(ed.), L’Arche éthiopienne. Art chrétien d’Ethiopie, 27 The F.é.m. was printed seven times during the
septembre 2000–7 janvier 2001, Pavillion des Arts, Paris rule of Òaylä Íéllase I, the Därg regime and the
520
Féqértä Kréstos
incumbent government. It was also narrated by the Metropolitan who gave her the monastic
Wägayyähu Négatu over the radio. As a result, habit and name, F.K. After staying four years in
the novel and the serious subject-matter it deals ÷Waldébba, she moved to Eldébba, there meet-
with have reached quite a wide audience. ing a nun called Émmäwätät. Later, she was to
Lit.: Fekade Azeze, The Intellectual in the Ethiopian meet other nuns too around ÷Bäšélo, in Dara,
Novel, 1930–74, Ph.D. thesis, University of Sheffield 1988, in the desert of Saniko and Wägda, but was not
182–232; Asfaw Damte, Yl)?y @8Fy (nxYSy YB^]My
K<lz !O?y xFK]# (Yäkébur Haddis ŸAlämayyähu
allowed to enter ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos.
yähéywät tarik: accér mastawäša, ‘A Biography of his Ex- Once, F.K. dispatched her followers to gather
cellency Haddis ŸAlämayyähu: a Short Note’), Ethiopian the remains of her own dead body and of her fel-
Journal of Languages and Literature 10, 2000, 3–42. low martyrs. Her remains were sent to the Em-
Fekade Azeze peror who, afraid about the matter, relinquished
the “wrong faith”. F.K. kept wandering with her
Féqértä Kréstos tabot and founded churches and monasteries in
F.K. (I8?Hy l?FNF , fl. 17th cent.), also known the country of Zobel in Rama. She also worked
as Émmämuz (contracted form of Émmä MéŸuz, miracles in the country of the “cannibals with
lit. ‘Mother of the Odouring One’), was a holy tails” (maybe reminiscent of the legends on the
nun. Her Acts (followed by seven miracles and Gératom/Žaratam, the “Caudate people” serv-
÷mälkéý, s. Gädlä Féqértä Kréstos 1995 A.M.), ing in the army of ÷Ésato; s. Fiaccadori 1992:90),
which recently became known, seem to be baptized by her and taught how to seed plants
the only source on her life. According to this and make the harvest plentiful. Another time,
text, she was born to a noble family; her father “a great monk” arose from the dead and told
was a certain Laba from ÷Dära; her mother’s F.K. that he was the Metropolitan Zämäläkot
name was Wängelawit. Both pious people, (?), sent to Ethiopia 528 years before (i.e. in the
they revered in particular the Marian feast of early decades of the 12th cent.); he evangelized
Kidanä Méhrät (16 Yäkkatit; Mäshafä ÷kidanä the country, but after his death a pagan king
méhrät), but remained childless for a long time. ascended the throne. In the narrative of the Acts
F.K. is said to have been conceived on 4 Miyazya other miracles are included: from conversions of
and born on 29 Taòíaí while priests were bring- pagans and the killing of a dragon to F.K.’s own
ing the Holy offerings into the neighbouring pilgrimages to ÷Jerusalem and the Holy Land,
church; on the same day she was baptized with as well as to ÷Armenia, where she visited the
the name of Maryam Sädala. As she grew up, she tomb of ÷Ewostatewos.
was called Muzit (MéŸézt) and was married to In the end, F.K. settled in a place called
Zärýa Kréstos, an officer of the emperor – both Maómatés near “the desert of Sihat”, probably
deciding, however, to preserve their virginity. near ÷Däbrä Sina in Sänhit, Eritrea. There, de-
Unexpectedly, an angel predicted for them the spite the opposition of some monks, she founded
birth of a child; but at the age of seven their son a monastic community (soon divided into a
was taken to heaven by an angel. monastery and a nunnery), with a church built
The Acts of F.K. also refer, vaguely, to a con- of “the wood huspu” (‘hyssop’, translated in
troversy of faith that arose in the time of abunä the 1995 edition as sémiza, sänsäl, i.e. Adathoda
÷Marqos, probably the one who entered his Schimperiana: its stakes take root if used for fenc-
office in 1636 and died ca. 1648, and was a cones), which, according to Christ’s promise, was to
temporary and an opponent of ase ÷Fasilädäs. As last until the second coming of the Saviour. This
partisans of the abun (other religious leaders men- church, dedicated to the Virgin as Kidanä Méhrät,
tioned are abba Akalä Kréstos and abba Kidanä is thought to be in the monastery of Émmäméýuz
Maryam), F.K. and her husband were tortured (Émmämuz) at Téba, Mäqet (Wällo). The monas-
and became martyrs, together with thousands of tery of Rama Kidanä Méhrät in the Rayya Zobél
their followers. Yet, after two weeks, F.K. arose Qoba wäräda (Tégray) also claims foundation by
from the dead and appeared before the Emperor her. On the other hand, there seems to be no evi-
to reproach him. Angered, he thought that his or- dence about F.K.’s stay near Däbrä Sina.
der had not been properly executed. F.K. was then F.K. died on 27 Yäkkatit. Although her Acts
imprisoned, but soon was released by an angel. do not openly state the nature of the religious
Followed by her disciples, she quit with the controversy in which she was involved and pos-
÷tabot of Kidanä Maryam. Unusually, it was sibly killed, tradition has her as an anti-Catholic
521
Féqértä Kréstos
saint and contemporary of ase ÷Susényos. It ap-

pears that the story of F.K. became better known
when Wäldä Giyorgis, a son of Adäl Täsämma
(÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam), entered Ém-
mäméýuz. The monastery, by that time in de-
cline, soon obtained support from Wäldä Giy-
orgis. The Kidanä Méhrät church got a new qéne
maòlet; the nearby monastery of abba ŸAmdä
Íéllase was placed under the administration of
Émmäméýuz. The monastery’s church was not
affected by the huge forest fire of 1946 A.M. Féqrä Maryam Ayyälä on stage; photo courtesy of the
author
[1955/57 A.D.]. Abbot Òaylä Maryam brought
the only extant, rather shabby manuscript of the -]y !s`%z (Almothum béyye alwašémm,
Acts of F.K. to Addis Abäba and presented it to ‘I do not lie saying that I am not dead’),
étege ÷Mänän, who had it copied. Siläši Défabbaóóäw’s Q#6>by K-:y x?\{
Src.: K;ny I8?Hy l?FNFy P*w!y !x?1 (Gädlä (Gondärew Gäbrä Maryam, ‘Gäbrä Maryam
Féqértä Kréstos géŸézénna amaréñña, ‘The Vita of Féqértä of Gondär’), Gérmaóóäw Täklä Hawaryat’s
Krestos, GéŸéz and Amharic’), Addis Abäba 1995 A.M. Lc;@F (Tewodros, ‘[Emperor] Tewodros’),
[2003/04 A.D.]; KaneDic 474, 535. Franz Zolveker’s 9_M!y '?]# (Dawiténna
Lit.: KinBibl 71, no. 52; Kefyalew Merahi, The Spiritual
and Social Life of Christian Women, Addis Ababa 1998, Oryon, ‘David and Uriah’), Käbbädä Mikaýel’s
39f.; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna !~+s (Anibal, ‘Hannibal’), Dawit Abdu’s trans-
1992, 90; Stefan Strelcyn, Médicine et plantes d’Éthiopie. lation of Graham Greene’s The Way to Glory,
Les traités médicaux éthiopiens, Warszawa 1968, 51f., 88. Abbe Gubäñña’s 5u1y +BK_ (Qimäñña
Denis Nosnitsin bahtawi, ‘The Vengeful Hermit’), Aššäbbér
Gäbrä Héywät’s Y#PTHy !v-y K<j_y Lx
(Yänégéítä azeb tarikawi guzo, ‘The Historical
Féqrä Maryam Ayyälä Journey of the Queen of the South’), Säggaye
F.M. (I8:y x?\zy !Yn , or Féqre Ayyälä; b. Gäbrä Mädòén’s YHwy <lN? (Yäfez doktor,
March 1922, Kalaš, Märhabete, Šäwa Province, ‘The Mock Doctor’) and !b!+Hy 6-H=
d. 1971, Addis Abäba) was an outstanding Ethio- (Awnabag däbtära, ‘The Charlatan Church-
pian actor and musician. He attended traditional scholar’), Mängéítu Lämma’s /sJy (iE (Tälfo
Church school in the small town of Goha Séyon bäkise, ‘Snatch and Run’), as well as in Täsfaye
in Šäwa, and served there as a ÷diyaqon for six Gässäsä’s Y" (Yäši [proper name]). He had also
years. During the Italian invasion, he spent ca. six performed as a comedian with Sahlu Ezenäh.
months in prison. In the course of education and F.M. also had high reputation as an excellent
life he gained knowledge of many languages: apart vocalist, song-writer and composer. &FJy H!K<
from Amharic, he knew Oromiffa, Tégréñña, (Ésti tänaggäri, ‘Do Speak’), v%=] (Mušraye,
GéŸéz, as well as English, Italian and Arabic. ‘My Dear Bride’), !#)y Yb(My P= (Anói
In June 1946, he became an employee of the yäwébät corra, ‘You [fem.], a Ray of Beauty’),
Addis Abäba Municipality Theatre Section to !suKzy 3:S (Almätam qärrähu, ‘I will not
work as an actor, vocalist and trumpet-player Come’), %z-=y 7, (Šémbéra dubbe, ‘Check-
with a 60-bérr monthly salary. He was one pea’) and !y Q(v (Na gobäze, ‘Come, my Brave
among the few privileged performing artists Man’) are considered to be some of his best
who were transferred to the newly built Òaylä songs.
Íéllase I Theatre in 1956. His employment con- His popularity, on the one hand, and miscon-
tract indicates his job classification as 1st Class duct and drinking habit, on the other, caused
Actor with a 175-bérr monthly salary. him many problems: he was often reprimanded
F.M. performed major roles in Yoftahe by the theatre management and once even im-
Néguíe’s !GC%3 (Affagäšéññ, ‘You [fem.] Put prisoned for three days. One of the disciplinary
me in Conflict [reference to political struggle measures was a ban on playing music at night-
over Ethiopia]’), Afäwärq Addafre’s u3|M`#y clubs on a part-time basis. In October 1962, F.M.
4IK (Mäqännätéwan téfta, ‘She has Lost her was caught singing in a night-club at the Addis
Belt’), Mäkwännén Éndälkaóóäw’s !s{MSzy Abäba Hotel. The next day, his salary was cut
522
Féqre Gémb
by half; in August 1964 he was dismissed. Four followed by further theological training. He was
years later F.M. got his job back, but only for ordained priest in Paris on 15 September 1957.
two years, as in October 1970 he was sacked When he returned to Ethiopia, he was assigned
again. He died shortly after, poor and homeless. as director of the Lazarist School in Addis Abäba.
The mourning ceremony took place at actress F. remained in the capital for five years and took
Asnaqäóó Wärqu’s place for three days. F.M. was on several responsibilities. He was involved in
buried at Bale Wäld Church in Addis Abäba. He starting the Minor Seminary (of the Latin Rite)
was survived by an illegitimate child. for the Vicariates of Harär and Gimma in the La-
F.M. deserved high recognition as an actor; he zarist compound of Addis Abäba. He was there-
even inspired Säggaye Gäbrä Mädòén to write after transferred to Neqemte (Neqämt), where
a one-act play l=?y Cg? (Kérar sikärr, lit. he was active in both the pastoral ministry and
‘When Krar is Played’, here ‘When Contradi- the social promotion of the people he served. In
tions Reach the Climax’). The voluntary service Konci, near Neqemte, F. restored the Holy Sav-
F.M. rendered in Korea as a member of the 7th iour church and built a clinic and an elementary
Infantry Division of the UN Army in the 1950s school. In 1981, F. erected the church of Maryam
is also worth remembering. Séyon at Aryagawä in the proximity of Konci,
Src.: Féqrä Maryam Ayyälä’s personal file no. 25, the along with an elementary school and a clinic.
Ethiopian National Theatre Archive, Addis Abäba; in- On 28 October 1985, he was appointed bishop,
terviews with Getaóóäw Debalqe, Täsfaye Sahlu, Märawi in fact the first Oromo Roman Catholic bishop.
Sitot, Säyfä Araya at the Ethiopian National Theatre; with
Asnaqäóó Wärqu, May 2004. His consecration took place on 16 February
Lit.: #M_1\y -A=_y J\M?y YBw-y P#/|My lIsy 1986. He resigned as bishop for health reasons
YwrNHy !/6q^y ueAM (Ityopya béherawi tiyatér on 18 January 1994, died soon thereafter and was
yähézb généññunnät kéfl yämmizzägagg attäqalay buried in Konci Holy Saviour church.
mäséhet, ‘Magazine Prepared by the Department of Pub-
lic Relations of the National Theatre of Ethiopia’), Addis F. took a clear-cut stand towards the GéŸéz
Abäba 1981 A.D., 22, 45 (ill.). Rite (÷Catholicism). Although neither a formal
Aboneh Ashagrie Zeyessus decree, nor a circular was issued upon his epis-
copal ordination, Bishop F. made an important
and legitimate gesture, asking some priests, who
Féqrä Maryam Gämmäóóu used to say Mass in the Ethiopic rite, not to do
Bishop F. (I8:y x?\zy Ku( ; b. 21 November so in his juridically Latin-Rite Vicariate; he also
1926, Qärsa, Wayu Tuqa wäräda, Wälläga, d. 8 demanded that both they and the religious con-
March 1994, Konci) was the Roman Catholic Vic- gregations operating in the Vicariate of Neqemte
ar Apostolic of ÷Neqemte. He studied first at the remove all vestments of the Ethiopic rite. How-
Consolata Catholic School in Dambi Dolloo and ever, both the Ethiopic rite and its liturgical
in 1932–41 he attended the Catholic elementary vestments which F. wanted to abolish had been
schools in Komto and Dambi Dolloo. He then tolerated by his Dutch predecessor Mgr. Henny
moved to Addis Abäba for his secondary studies Bomers; some of the religious congregations
in 1943–47 at the Catholic Seminary. In December chose to retain the liturgical vestments anyway.
1947 he was sent to Rome as a diocesan seminar- After the political events of 1991, F. gave a
ian, together with other candidates to the priest- lengthy interview to the newspaper of the Italian
hood (including abba Gäbrä Maryam Amänte, a Episcopal Conference “Avvenire”, in which he
student from Wälläga, who later worked for many complained about most of the developments that
years at the Catholic Cathedral of Addis Abäba); followed the overthrow of the Därg.
until 1952 F. stayed at the Collegio Etiopico in the Lit.: Ethiopian Catholic Secretariate (ed.), Ethiopi-
Vatican (÷Santo Stefano dei Mori). an Catholic Directory 1990, [Addis Ababa] 21990, 47−50.
At the completion of his philosophical train- Tedros Abraha
ing at the Collegio Urbano, F. decided to join
the Congregation of the Mission, or Vincentian
Congregation (÷Lazarists). It seems that the is- Féqre Gémb
sue of choosing between the Ethiopic (GéŸéz) F.G. (I8>y Pz- , Amh. ‘building [or wall] of my
and the Latin Rite played a role in his decision. love’) was a natural – and well-wooded – fortress
He went to Paris to undertake his canonical year on the ÷Émmä Méhrät range of mountains 10 km
of noviciate with the Vincentian Congregation, north-east of ÷Ankobär, the long-established
523
Féqre Gémb
ing account of traditional Ethiopian scholarship

(MasMis vol. 9, 77; vol. 10, 101).
After the death of Tewodros in April 1868,
Ménilék no longer had any fear of an attack by
the latter, with the result, according to Massaja,
that his interest in F.G. waned. Its status as a
royal city was accordingly revoked in 1870, and
work on its fortifications was suspended. Subse-
quent threat of occupation by ase ÷Yohannés IV,
however, led to resumed work on the fortifica-
tions, which had been completed, Massaja re-
ports, by 1870 (MasMis vol. 9, 77, 118; vol. 10,
9f.). Confirmation of the defensive significance
of F.G. at this time is provided by the Italian
traveller ÷Cecchi, who recalls that ditches were
dug, and barricades erected, to make the moun-
tain a secure refuge in times of danger (CecZeila
414f.). With the resumption of more stable times
capital of Šäwa (Guida 407f.; BTafA 64ff., 677, F.G. lost virtually all its importance.
913, 947; PankHist II, 159, 162f., 356). F.G. was The term F.G. had earlier been applied to one of
used as a residence early in the 19th cent. by néguí the buildings erected by ase Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706)
÷Íahlä Íéllase (GueCopMen I, 71); and subse- in the Gondär palace compound (BassÉt II, 324).
quently served as a place of refuge, in difficult Src.: BassÉt II, 93–183, 285–389, here 324; GueCopMen
I, 71; Luigi Fusella, “Il Dagmawi Menilek di Afewarq
times, for Bäzzabbéh Wäriq, ase Tewodros II’s Gabra Iyasus”, RSE 17, 1961, 11–44; ibid. 19, 1963,
governor of the province (Fusella 1961:24). 119–49; MasMis vol. 9, 74–77; vol. 10, 9, 44, 62, 65, 74–77,
F.G. grew in importance during the future Em- 101, 110, 113–16, 192f., 196ff.; CecZeila 414f.; Lincoln
peror ÷Ménilék II’s reign as néguí of Šäwa. The de Castro, Nella terra dei negus, Milano 1915, vol. 2, 226;
Italian missionary ÷Massaja claims that this took BTafA 64ff., 593ff., 677, 913, 947; Guida 407f.
Lit.: PankHist II, 159, 162f., 356.
place in the late-1860s when Ménilék, fearing the
Richard Pankhurst
province’s occupation by Tewodros, established
the mountain as one of his principal defensive
positions: to protect Ankobär from attack, and to Féqya
serve as a place of refuge in which he and his fol-
Féqya (I8\ , also Fiqya) is an archaeological site
lowers could find safety. Fortifications, according
located in the Akkälä Guzay region of Eritrea
to Massaja, were erected under the supervision of
the monarch’s principal mason, by name Wäldä
Giyorgis (MasMis vol. 9, 75ff.; BTafA 593ff.).
To increase the importance of F.M., Ménilék
reportedly declared it a royal city, and heaped
favours on its already existing church, that of
Giyorgis. To emphasize its renown he appointed
an aläqa, a notable scholar called ÷Täklä Séyon,
as well as many priests and däbtära. They estab-
lished a traditional church school with around
50 students, some from as far as Gondär and
Goggam. Massaja, who travelled to F.G. to dis-
cuss religious doctrine with its priesthood – and
later introduced European vegetables there, also
taught several young Ethiopians, including the
illustrious future scholar, aläqa ÷Asmä Giyorgis
Gäbrä Mäsih (MasMis vol. 9, 85f.; BTafA 64).
The missionary also left engravings of both the
mountain and the school, as well as an unflatter-
524
Fére Séyon
south-west of the town of SänŸafe and within of three cubits above the earth. On another oc-
10 km distance of the ancient archaeological site casion, when F.M. was reciting the Revelation of
of Mätära. The F. site probably dates to the Pre- John, the water he was standing in front of start-
Aksumite culture period and includes the ruins of ed sparkling. When fasting, F.M. skipped three
building structures with walls constructed largely to four meals in a row. And still he was powerful
from schist rock. Architectural elements at F. enough to carry the loads of others, in addition
suggest that the site contained a Pre-Aksumite to the Psalter of David.
temple structure. Also documented at F. were Src.: Boryssus Turaiev, Gadla Fére Mika’el, Acta Sancti
Pre-Aksumite inscriptions engraved in stone Fere Mika’el, Romae 1905 (CSCO 35, 36 [SAe 18, 19]),
1–11.
blocks (RIE nos. 69f.), and a rectangular-shaped
Lit.: Friedrich Heyer, Die Heiligen der Äthiopischen
offering table with two projecting broken stone Erde, Erlangen 1998 (Oikonomia 37), 96–100; Osvaldo
sphinx-like figures. Raineri, “Fere Mikaýel”, in: EncSan vol. 1, 548.
Src.: RIE nos. 69f.; Abraham Johannes Drewes, “The Friedrich Heyer
Inscription from Dibdib in Erythrea”, BiOr 11, 1954,
185–86; Id., “Nouvelles Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie”, ibid.
13, 1956, 179–82; Id., Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique,
Leyden 1962, 19–22.
Fére Séyon
Lit.: Francis Anfray, “Chronique Archéologique (1960– F.S. (I>y e_#, fl. ca. 1440-70) was an Ethiopian
1964)”, AE 6, 1965, 3–26, pl. 3, fig. a–d. painter from the monastery of Däbrä Gwégwében
Matthew C. Curtis on Lake Tana, where he painted a series of de-
votional images of Our Lady ÷Mary for ase
Fére haymanot ÷Fékkare haymanot ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob. His only extant signed work is
a large wooden devotional image (178 cm x 102
Fére Mikaýel cm) painted for the church of St. Stephen at the
F.M. (I>y wj%s ) was a monk from the Wäräb monastery of ÷Daga Éstifanos (Heldman 1994:
region of Šäwa during the 15th cent. He was or- 24f. and pl. i, ii; AfrZion no. 76). In the upper
dained by néburä éd ÷Éndréyas of Säfféýa some register Mary with her Son Jesus are depicted,
time during the reign of ZärŸa Yaýéqob, and being flanked by the archangels Michael and
received the skullcap (qobŸ) from abbot Märha Gabriel. The lower register shows St. Stephen the
Séyon. Deacon flanked by St. Peter and Paul. In the leg-
According to tradition, F.M. stayed six months end which is written at either side of St. Stephen
in contemplation in a cave dug out by himself the painter identifies himself: “This picture was
near the king’s residence. After he returned from made in the days of our king Zärýa YaŸéqob and
this time of meditation, he was appointed the our Abbot Yéshaq of Daga. The painter [is I] the
new néburä éd. meek F.S. the sinner from Däbrä Gwégwében …”
Legends record that F.M. had a spiritual (Heldman 1994:24f.; dates of Yéshaq’s tenure are
relationship with St. ÷Anorewos. He report- unknown).
edly healed an injured warrior by means of dust Stylistic analysis allows the attribution of other
from the saint’s grave. He ordered a holy grove, works to F.S. (Heldman 1994:27–52; AfrZion
where “idolators worshipped their gods” to be nos. 4, 5, 78, 80, 81). In addition, a number of
deforested. He blessed the woodcutters and let painted panels datable from the second half of
the wood be burnt. The incense found in the the 15th cent. are related to the distinctive style
grove was spread over the place. Certain pieces of F.S.’s signed icon (Heldman 1994:54–69). All
of wood were later used for church construction. the paintings attributed to F.S. are Marian icons
Another holy grove near a place called Zad was although each of them exhibits variations in ico-
completely burnt out. In the imperial residence nography and inscription. These include a wood-
the servants of a prince fell ill of a disease called en panel (168 cm x 111 cm) of Our Lady Mary
ker. Inspired by St. Anorewos, the prince had a with the Twelve Apostles, presently at the mon-
vision of F.M., who asked him to leave the place. astery church Mädòane ŸAläm on ÷Rema island
As the prince hesitated, F.M. appeared him for (Anfray 1978:168f.), the right panel (584 mm
the second time. Later F.M. physically appeared x 578 mm) of a diptych in a private collection
near the residence. Another legend says that (AfrZion no. 6) and painted icons now preserved
once, when the priest was praying to God, F.M. at the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies in Addis
had a vision of the tabot hovering at the height Abäba University (IES nos. 3980, 4186, 4053).
525
Fére Séyon
Mary introduced by Zärýa YaŸéqob during the

1440’s. The Emperor mandated a ritual celebra-
tion of Our Lady Mary in the Sunday service as
well as on the 32 annual Marian feast days (cp.
÷Calendar; ÷Feasts). The ritual included the
solemn procession of a portable icon of Our
Lady Mary through the congregation, accom-
panied by the burning of incense (PerZarY 81;
Budge 1923:l-lii; BeckHuntAlvar 77ff., 125). In
his Mäshafä ÷bérhan Zärýa YaŸéqob described
how to exhibit Mary’s icon within the church,
placing it upon a high “throne” (mänbär) with a
baldachin above it (CRRicBerhan II, 4).
A direct connection between F.S. and the
royal court is suggested also by the striking
relationship between the iconography of several
of F.S.’s devotional images and the writings
on the Virgin composed by Zärýa YaŸéqob, in
particular his collection of Marian tracts entitled
÷Raýéyä täýammér (s. Getatchew Haile 1992:
63–145). F.S. probably worked with theologians
such as abuna ÷Yostinos from the court St.
St. Mary with Child; wooden panel painted by Fére Séyon Mary church in ÷Däbrä Bérhan (Getatchew
for Daga Éstifanos Monastery, Lake Tana; 15th cent.; Haile 1983a), developing schemes that gave
photo 1967, courtesy of the author
visual form to Zärýa YaŸéqob’s Mariology.
F.S.’s devotional images display shared motifs Src.: AfrZion nos. 4ff., 76ff., 80f.; BeckHuntAlvar 77ff.,
and stylistic similarities with early 15th-cent. 125; Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, One Hundred Ten
Miracles of Our Lady Mary, London 1923, l–iii; CerMaria
Italian paintings of the Madonna and Child, the 96, 101; StanisLaw Chojnacki, Ethiopian Icons:
feature demonstrating that F.S. had seen Ital- Catalogue of the Collection of the Institute of Ethiopian
ian pictorial models. His signed panel at Daga Studies Addis Ababa University, Milano 2000, nos. 106
Éstifanos with a Christ child holding a grey dove [IES no. 3980], 121 [IES no. 4053], 146 [IES no. 4186],
157 [IES no. 4324]; CRRicBerhan, II, 4 (text) = 2 (tr.);
should be compared with 14th-15th-cent. Italian Getatchew Haile, “The Life of Abunä Yostinos”, ABoll
devotional images where the Christ Child holds 101, 1983a, 311–25; Id., The Mariology of Emperor Zärýa
a goldfinch, a symbol of Christ’s Passion (cp. YaŸéqob of Ethiopia, Rome 1992 (OrChrA 242), 63–145;
Friedmann 1946:7f.). F.S. borrowed the bird’s Adolf Grohmann, Aethiopische Marienhymnen, Leipzig
motif but not the symbolism because F.S.’s bird 1919 (Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse
der sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 23, 4), 72f.,
is not a multicolored goldfinch but a grey dove, 88f., 173f.; HamTana I, pl. 6, fig. 9; PerrZarY 81.
a popular Marian symbol in the devotional lit- Lit.: Francis Anfray, “Chronique archéologique
erature of the Ethiopian Church (VelMe II, 287, (1960–1964)”, AE 6, 1965, 3–48, here 16f., pl. XIX;
296; Grohmann 1919:72f., 88f., 173f.; Heldman Id.,“Enselalé, avec d’autres sites du Choa, de l’Arssi
et un îlot du Lac Tana”, AE 11, 1978, 153–80, here
1994:130ff., 178f.). Other motifs borrowed from 168f.; ChojPaint, s. index; Herbert Friedmann, The
Italian Renaissance paintings by F.S. include, e.g., Symbolic Goldfinch: Its History and Significance in
the sword carried by St. Paul (Daga Éstifanos European Devotional Art, Washington, DC, 1946, 7f.;
panel, s. Heldman 1994:130-37). Getatchew Haile, “Documents on the History of Asé
The most likely milieu of cultural exchange Dawit (1382–1413)”, JES 16, 1983b, 25-35; Marilyn
E. Heldman, “The Role of the Devotional Image in
for F.S. and a source of artistic motifs should Emperor Zärýa YaŸéqob’s Cult of Mary”, in: PICES
have been the court of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob. It is 7, 131–42; Ead., The Marian Icons of the Painter Fre
documented that the Emperor owned at least a Seyon. A Study in Fifteenth-Century Ethiopian Art,
few imported devotional images (CerMaria 96, Patronage, and Spirituality, Wiesbaden 1994 (Orientalia
Biblica et Christiana 6), 27–52, 54–69, 130-37, 178f.;
101), some of which may have been presented Ead., “Creating Religious Art: the Status of Artisans
by emissaries from European Christian states in Highland Christian Ethiopia”, Aethiopica 1, 1998,
(TadTChurch 248-67). The Marian icon was a 131–47; VelMe II, 287, 296; TadTChurch 248–67.
necessary accessory for the cult of Our Lady Marilyn Heldman
526
Féremona
Féreménatos ÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan could suggest the existence of an ancient mon-
astery dedicated to Féreménatos or Frumentius
Féremona (÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan; s. Fiaccadori 1990:
F. (I>{! ), a historical site next to the village of 327), a hypothesis that the Jesuit missionaries
May Qahqéhä (“Maygoga”) in Tégray, was one would later support (s. BecRASO V, 417f.; cp.
of the principal centres of activity of the ÷Jesuit Pennec 2003:154–59). In 1522, the name appears
mission and hosted a community of Ethio-Por- again when a “frate Raphaello” (÷Franciscans) is
tuguese. reported by Alessandro ÷Zorzi to have travelled
The hill of F. (1,981 m A.S.L., also called Éndet southwards through “Flemona” and “Axon”
Näbbärš), flanked by the eponymous stream of [Aksum] (CrawItin 140).
May Qoqa – a tributary of the Wärýi river and F. acquired importance with the arrival of the
affluent of the Täkkäze – and 6 km north-east Jesuits. Following the religious disputes in which
of ÷ŸAdwa, stands on a strategic location in the the Bishop – later Patriarch – Andrés de ÷Ovie-
highlands of Tégray. Close to the ecclesiastical do confronted ase ÷Gälawdewos around 1558,
and former political centre of ÷Aksum (14 km the missionaries went into “exile” to Tégray,
north-east), it dominated an important road- where they enjoyed the favour of bahér nägaš
junction, connecting ÷Hamasen, ÷Dämbéya ÷Yéshaq. In the early or mid-1560s, fleeing the
and ÷ŸAgamä. Later, the Italian administration torrid climate of ÷Débarwa and probably hav-
built there the main ŸAdwa-Asmära road. The ing been granted lands by Yéshaq (BecRASO
area of F. enjoys a relatively low annual rainfall XI, 292), then at war with ÷Minas, they settled
(400–800 mm), concentrated between July and in and around F., together with remnants and
August, and benefits from a mild climate. Its descendants of the expedition of Christovão da
population density is high (100–200 inhabitants/ ÷Gama. This community, counting some 230
km²) and the inhabitants, mostly Tégréñña- Catholics (ibid. V, 430, 417f.), suffered troubles
speaking, practise agriculture and stock breed- due to political instability: around 1572 Turkish
ing. troops – later to occupy Débarwa – ravaged the
The origin of the name F. is uncertain, but area (ibid. 440). However, they enjoyed the sup-
epigraphic and historical evidence points to port of some local notables (ibid. X, 207) and a
ancient times. A reference to “Däbrä F(é)rem” relative tolerance during ÷Íärsä Déngél’s long
in the haìani ÷Danéýel inscriptions in Aksum reign.
Féremona in the 1830s, with the church of Énda Giyorgis in the background; etching by J. Johnston; courtesy of Basler Mission21
527
Féremona
The missionaries – the Patriarch together with F. probably had been abandoned in favour of a
Manuel Fernandes, Antonio ÷Fernandes and settlement on the other side of the stream of May
Francisco ÷Lopes – managed to keep a stable Qoqa. In 1919, däggazmaó Kaía Séyon erected a
community. They received annual alms from fort on top of the hill, later turned into a fortress
the Portuguese king (the Ethio-Portuguese half- by the Italians. The ruins of the Portuguese com-
castes being his subjects) that reached Massawa pound were still visible in 1936 (Guida 243).
on an irregular basis (BecRASO XI, 93) and were On the same hill, to the north, the impor-
engaged in administering their church, preaching tant complex of the church of Énda Giyorgis
in the surrounding areas and providing medi- (possibly bound to the ancient Däbrä Férem)
cal care. The Jesuits also befriended with the is lying. The place has an early origin, as it ap-
local population and important groups of the pears in a land-charter of ase Yéshaq (1414–29;
Tégray religious microcosm, such as the monks CRAxum 23) and the church architecture shows
of ÷Énda Abba Gärima (ibid. V, 453–66; for the late ÷Aksumite or medieval influences. In the
second mission, s. XI, 109). They built there a interior of the church building there are traces of
rudimentary church, which later hosted the rere- Portuguese craftsmanship (DAE III, 66), which
makers of most of the missionaries (on a possible could point to its use by the Jesuit mission (the
grant by the néguí, s. Couto 1777, Década VII, place, though, is not mentioned in their texts). So
Livro VII, Capitulo XII; BecRASO V, 463). far no survey or excavation has been carried out
The situation improved during the second mis- at F. and an archaeological enquiry is, therefore,
sionary period (1603–32). Under ase ÷YaŸéqob a desideratum.
and ÷Susényos, the village was granted as ÷gwélt Src.: DAE III, 64ff.; Guida 241, 243; EMAtlas; CrawItin
to the Jesuit church and had its own ÷šum, ap- 140; Camillo Beccari (ed.), Il Tigrè descritto da un mis-
sionario gesuita del secolo XVII, Roma 1912, 174; Diogo
pointed by the Portuguese (BecRASO XI, 100). do Couto, Da Asia, Lisboa 1777, Década VII, Livro
A new church of stone and lime was erected, as VII, Capitulo XII; Letter of Pedro Paez, 1616 [Archivum
well as a house with stone and mud walls, serving Romanum Societatis Iesu, Goana, Hist. Aeth. 1549–1629,
as a seminar for young boys (ibid. V, 456, 458; XI, doc. 31], fol. 351; BecRASO V, 417f., 430, 440, 453–66;
311f., 382f.). The compound, strongly fortified in VIII, 199; X, 207; XI, 62, 93, 100, 109, 115, 159, 285, 292,
311f., 382f., 434, 473; XII, 181, 482, 521; XIII, 322, 380;
the progress of time, successfully protected the CRAxum 23; HuntGeogr 239, 259.
community from several ÷Oromo raids upon Lit.: Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Epigraphica Aethiopica”,
the area (ibid. V, 458f.; XI, 434, 473; Beccari 1912: Quaderni utinensi 8 [15/16], 1990 [1996], 325–33, here
174). F. also became a place of pilgrimage, for an 327f., 331ff. (Lit.); Hervé Pennec, Des Jésuites au royaume
du prêtre Jean (Éthiopie): stratégies, rencontres et tentatives
image of the Holy Virgin – a copy of the famous d’implantation 1495–1633, Paris 2003, 154–59.
icon kept in Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome – and
Andreu Martínez
the tombs of the missionaries were venerated
there (BecRASO XI, 62, 115, 159, 285, 312; VIII,
199). Around 1627, a new church, dedicated to Ferenc, Alexander
the Virgin of the Assumption, was built, as well F. (b. 24 July 1945, Chelm Wielki [today known
as a tower for protection and a water cistern as Chelm Slaski], d. 20 January 2001, Warsaw)
(ibid. XII, 181, 482). During these years F. played was a Polish ethiopisant. A student of Stefan
a key role as a pivotal point connecting the coast ÷Strelcyn, he successfully completed High
with the southern residences – e.g. ÷Gorgora (s. School in Oíwięcim (1962) and graduated five
Paez 1616, f. 351). years later in Semitics and Ethiopian Studies.
Following the restauration of the Orthodox His M.A. thesis, “The Life of Isaac of Gunda
Faith, in 1633 the Jesuits were obliged to aban- Gunde”, was written under supervision of Ste-
don F. (BecRASO XII, 521). The community of fan Strelcyn. His doctoral thesis, “History of
“Portuguese” remained in place until 1648–51, Oromo (Galla) on the Basis of Amharic Sourc-
when an abba Yämanä Kréstos, vicar of abunä es”, was completed in 1976 under the supervi-
Marqos, lead an expedition that murdered sev- sion of Prof. Witold Tyloch. F. published many
eral of them and exiled the survivors to Dämbéya articles on the Oromo people from an Ethiopian
(ibid. XIII, 322, 380). At the end of the 17th cent., historiographical perspective. He lectured at
“May Gwagwa” and “ŸAdwa” are reported to Warsaw University, primarily focusing on the
have provided 1,000 ounces of salt-tax (Hunt- GéŸéz language, as well as the history of Ethio-
Geogr 239, 259) to the Christian state. By then pian literature and the history of the Ethiopian
528
Fernandes, António
Orthodox Church. As a pioneer of his field in the project. His publications (a sample is listed
Poland, he popularized Ethiopian religion and below) included the Ethiopian musical notation
poetry. He published, in numerous parish jour- attributed to ÷Yared, the status of ÷Arabic in
nals, translations of various ÷qéne, mainly deal- Ethiopia, Ethiopia as a language area (÷Ethio-
ing with Christ and Mary. pian Language Area), a typological comparison
Src.: Aleksander Ferenc, “‘Herezja’ Stefanitów w of the Amh. copular construction and the nature
Etiopii w XV–XVI w.”, Euhemer 1–2, 1969, 71–80; Id., and functions of language surveys.
“Moeurs des Gallas. Un récit édité et traduit d’après deux
Src.: BendLang; Charles Albert Ferguson, “St.
manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris”, Rocznik
Yared the Deacon: Ethiopian Hymnist”, Response 10,
Orientalistyczny 38, 1, 1974, 79–94; Id., “Les Actes d’Isaie
1969, 136–38; Id., “The Role of Arabic in Ethiopia: a
de Gunda-Gunde”, AE 10, 1976, 243–94; Id., “Les peuples
Sociolinguistic Perspective”, in: Georgetown University
Oromo dans les écrits et l’historiographie éthiopienne”,
Round Table, Washington, DC 1970, 355–70; Id., “The
Africana Bulletin 29, 1980, 81–95; Id., “Rola ludu Oromo
Ethiopian Language Area”, JES 8, 2, 1970, 67–80; Id.,
w historii Etiopii”, Przeglad Orientalistyczny 1–4, 1984,
“Verbs of ‘being’ in Bengali with a Note on Amharic”,
141–44; Id., “Myths and Traditions Concerning the Origin
in: John W.M. Verhaar (ed.), The Verb ‘be’ and its
of the Oromo People”, Africana Bulletin 1, 1988, 59–65;
Synonyms: Philosophical and Grammatical Studies, vol.
Id., “Historia Galla – wybór i tlumaczenie z jezyka giýiz”,
5, Dordrecht 1972, 74–114; Charles Albert Ferguson
Afryka 12, 2000/01, 39–59.
et al., “Language in Ethiopia: Implications of a Survey for
Lit.: Eugeniusz Rzewuski – Hanna Rubinkowska,
Sociolinguistic Theory and Method”, Language in Society
“Aleksander Ferenc (1945–2001). Wspomnienia”, Afryka
1, 1972, 215–33; Charles Albert Ferguson – Sirarpi
12, 2000/01, 1–5; The Department of African Languages and
Ohannessian – Edgar C. Polomé (eds.), Language Sur-
Cultures in 1999–2002, Warsaw University 2002, 8, 25ff.
veys in Developing Nations, Arlington 1975.
Joanna Mantel-Nieúko Lit.: Thom Huebner, “Obituary: Charles Albert Fergu-
son”, Language in Society 28, 1999, 431–37; Anon., “Obit-
uary of Charles Albert Ferguson”, Language 75, 4, 1999.
Ferguson, Charles Albert M. Lionel Bender
One of the founders of the discipline of so-
ciolinguistics, F. (b. 1921, Philadelphia, PA, d. 2
September 1998, Palo Alto, CA) included several Fernandes, António
important contributions to Ethiopian studies F. (b. in Braga, Portugal, d. 1593, Féremona)
in his multifaceted output. F. was Director of lived in Ethiopia for 36 years as a member of the
the Language Survey of Ethiopia, part of the first ÷Jesuit mission. Apparently, one or both
five-nation Ford Foundation project, “Survey of his parents were Jewish converts, since he
of Language use and Language Teaching in was identified as cristão novo (‘new Christian’),
Eastern Africa (SLULTEA)”, during 1968–69 a rather problematic social condition to bear at
(the other members were M. Lionel Bender that time in Portugal (Wicki 1956:455). It is pos-
and Robert L. Cooper, with J. Donald Bowen, sible that he decided to join the Society of Jesus,
overall SLULTEA director, also taking part from not only to respond to a spiritual calling, but also
Addis Abäba and Nairobi). The overall results of to avoid being charged with crimes connected
the survey were published in Language in Ethio- with that condition. F. entered its ranks in 1556
pia (BendLang), which still serves as a starting in Goa where the formal requisites were not so
point for the study of Ethiopian languages in the strict as in Europe. Next year, as a lay brother,
broader context, although requiring revision in he was assigned to the Ethiopian mission headed
social and educational facets to account for later by Andrées de ÷Oviedo. He received his orders
developments. in Ethiopia and, except for the first two years,
The details of F.’s multifaceted career can be developed his activities in Tégray, with Gonçalo
consulted in the obituaries in Language and ÷Cardoso and Manoel ÷Fernandes and, after
in Language in Society. His major areas of 1566, at ÷Féremona.
interest were psycholinguistics, sociolinguis- F. wrote some letters in which he expressed the
tics, language in religion, phonology, language missionaries’ general thought about the mission’s
typology, Arabic and Bengali languages, and impasse: a military offensive intervention would
applied linguistics. He brought his deep and be the only solution to open Ethiopia to Roman
wide experience in linguistics, and especially in Catholicism. Particularly, F. complained about
applied linguistics, to the Ethiopian survey, and the delay due to the Portuguese lack of interest
maintained an ideal balance among the descrip- – “if this business was in the hands of the king of
tive, sociolinguistic and educational aspects of Castille, Ethiopia would already be reduced [to
529
Fernandes, António
the Catholic faith]” (BecRASO X, 192). As time far as the lands of Kämbata and Gängäro and re-
went on, his major preoccupation became the turned one year and seven months after. Several
future of the Catholic community. Affected with aspects of the way of life of the southern peo-
paralysis, he died after 16 July 1593. ples were reported for the first time (Pais 1946:
Src.: BecRASO X, 192; Fernão Guerreiro, Relação 202–34; BecRASO XI, 305–09).
anual das coisas que fizeram os padres da Companhia de As Vicar-General of the Jesuit mission since
Jesus nas suas missões dos anos 1600 a 1609, vol. 3, Coim- 1619, F. spread “the happy news on the conver-
bra – Lisboa 1942 [Lisboa 1611; Spanish: Madrid 1614;
German: Augsburg 1614]; Baltasar Telles, The Travels sion of Ethiopia” (ibid. XI, 509). He was given
of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, London 1710 [Portuguese: Lis- special ecclesiastical powers to test the Ethiopian
boa 1660]; Josef Wicki (ed.), Documenta Indica, vol. 4, clergy and to revise their sacred books. In the
Roma 1956, 455. beginning of 1624, he finished a correction of
Lit.: Merid Wolde Aregay, “The Legacy of Jesuit Mis-
sionary Activities in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632”, in: the Haymanotä abäw ordered by Susényos to
GetLRubMiss 31–56; Hervé Pennec, “La mission jésuite replace the Orthodox version (BecRASO XII,
en Éthiopie au temps de Pedro Paez (1583–1622) et ses 14, 55). Apparently, he also wrote (in Portu-
rapports avec le pouvoir éthiopien”, RSE 36, 1992 [1993, guese) a Treatise in Praise of the Guardian Angel,
but 1995], 77–115; ibid. 37, 1993 [1995, but 1996], 135–65; a Treatise on Fasting, another about Ecclesiasti-
ibid. 38, 1994 [1996, but 1997], 139–81.
Isabel Boavida cal Immunity and (in GéŸéz?) an Instruction for
Confessors. After the arrival of Patriarch Afonso
÷Mendes (1625), he became his private confes-
Fernandes, António sor and senior of the Patriarch’s household in
F. (b. 1567, Lisboa, d. 12 or 13 November 1642, Däbsan, Énfraz, where he was also charged with
Goa) lived in Ethiopia for 29 years as a member the training and examination of new priests. F.
of the second ÷Jesuit Mission. He entered the accompanied the Catholic Patriarch to ÷Fére-
Society of Jesus as a novice in the Colégio do mona in 1633 and, one year later, to Sawakin,
Espírito Santo, Évora, in 1586 and sailed to India where Mendes remained imprisoned while other
in 1602. In Goa he was assigned to the Ethio- companions in faith and misfortune, including
pian mission and travelled together with Father F., could sail back to India. For seven years he
Francesco Antonio de Angelis in 1604. To assist held the position of Prefect at the Jesuit College
properly the Catholic community, scattered in of São Paulo in Goa where he died.
different provinces of the country, the Jesuits, Src.: BecRASO XI, 201ff., 305–09, 484, 509; XII, 14,
headed by Pedro ÷Páez, founded new residenc- 55; XIII; António Fernandes, Comentarii in Visiones
Veteris Testamenti, Lugduni 1617; Id., Magseph assetat
es. F. worked at Märäba (1605–07), (Old) ÷Gor- id est Flagellum mendaciorum …, Goa 1642; Id., Vida da
gora (1608–09) – both in Dämbéya – Nanina and Santíssima Virgem Maria, Goa 1652; Pêro Pais, História
Qwäläla (1610–11) in Goggam. He participated in da Etiópia, 3 vols., Porto 1945–46; Baltasar Telles, The
the theological controversies with the Orthodox Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, London 1710 [Portu-
guese: Lisboa 1660].
Täwahédo clergy and composed a catalogue Lit.: Merid Wolde Aregay, “The Legacy of Jesuit
of the “errors” they defended (BecRASO XI, Missionary Activities in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632”,
201ff.); later, in 1621, he was said to be writing in: GetLRubMiss 31–56; Hervé Pennec, “La corres-
a controversial book (ibid., 484) that might be pondance royale éthiopico-européenne de 1607, traduite
the ÷Mäqíäftä hassätat (‘Whip of Lies’), later et réinterpretée”, Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Afri-
caines 9, 1998, 91–111; Id., Des Jésuites au Royaume du
printed in Goa (1642), in which he refuted the Prêtre Jean, Paris 2003; Tewelde Beiene, La politica
÷Mäzgäbä haymanot (‘Treasure of Faith’), dis- cattolica di Seltan Sägäd I (1607–1632) e la missione della
cussing such theological issues as the nature of Compagnia di Gesù in Etiopia. Precedenti, evoluzione e
Christ and the origin of the Holy Spirit. problematiche, 1589–1632, Roma 1983.
In 1613 F. joined a secret diplomatic mission Isabel Boavida
with Féqurä Égziý, appointed ambassador to
the Holy See of Rome and to King Phillip III of
Spain (II of Portugal) by ase Susényos. They had Fernandes, António
to avoid the Red Sea harbours and the land-route F. (b. 1603 in Viana do Alvito, Portugal, d. 1636,
to Cairo, all controlled by the Ottoman powers, Dio, India) lived for eight years in Ethiopia, the
and travelled southwards through Énnarya, ex- last one under persecution, as a Jesuit mission-
pecting to reach Malindi and open a long-sought ary. Being assigned to the flourishing Catholic
new route to the Ethiopian plateau. They went as mission in Ethiopia, he arrived there with four
530
Ferrandi, Ugo
brothers in the faith, João de Sousa, João Pereira, Lit.: Merid Wolde Aregay, “The Legacy of Jesuit Mis-
Francisco Rodrigues, and Damião Calaça. sionary Activities in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632”, in:
GetLRubMiss 31–56; Hervé Pennec, “La mission jésuite
In 1630–31, he was working at the House of en Éthiopie au temps de Pedro Paez (1583–1622) et ses
÷Féremona, with José Giroco, preaching and rapports avec le pouvoir éthiopien”, RSE 36, 1992 [1993,
baptizing. Once the banishment order was is- but 1995], 77–115; ibid. 37, 1993 [1995, but 1996], 135–65;
sued in 1633 and the Jesuits definitely forced to ibid. 38, 1994 [1996, but 1997], 139–81.
leave Féremona, where they were assembled, in Isabel Boavida
1634 at Easter time, F. sailed back to India where
he arrived in October. He held the position of Ferrandi, Ugo
Principal at the Jesuit College in ÷Dio until he F. (b. 6 January 1852, Novara, d. 26 October
caught a bad fever and died. 1928, Novara) was an Italian traveller. After
Src.: BecRASO XI–XIII; Baltasar Telles, The Trav-
els of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, London 1710 [Portuguese:
several seaborne voyages and a visit to Egypt in
Lisboa 1660]. 1861, F. was engaged in the failed attempt of the
Lit.: Merid Wolde Aregay, “The Legacy of Jesuit Franzoj expedition to reach the southern Danakil
Missionary Activities in Ethiopia from 1555 to 1632”, (÷ŸAfar) in 1886. He was in Massawa in 1887 as
in: GetLRubMiss 31–56; Hervé Pennec, Des Jésuites au a war correspondent. In April 1888 he moved to
Royaume du Prêtre Jean, Paris 2003.
Isabel Boavida ZaylaŸ and then to Harär, studying the Ogaden
and the course of the Juba (÷Ganaalee) river. Af-
ter a brief stop in Aden, he was back in Harär in
November 1888 as agent of the Howarth House.
Fernandes, Manoel He remained there until his repatriation in 1889.
F. (b. ca. 1515, Olivença, Portugal [today in In Harär the Società Milanese di Esplorazioni
Spain], d. 25 December 1583, Féremona) lived Commerciali in Africa entrusted him with the
for 26 years in Ethiopia as priest superior of the exploration of the courses of the rivers ÷Omo
first Catholic mission. He was already a mature and Juba, a task which was never realized. F.
man when he entered the Society of Jesus and briefly worked as a secretary in the Bienenfeld
took holy orders (1553). Assigned to the Ethio- Company in Aden, from where in 1891 he at-
pian mission, he travelled to India in 1555 and, tempted to travel to Somalia to explore the lower
two years later, to Ethiopia, via Hérgigo, with ÷Wabi Šäbälle and the Juba up to Mansur, near
the group led by Andres de ÷Oviedo. When Bardera. After a short journey to German East
ase ÷Gälawdewos refused to accept the dogma Africa, he assumed a position in the Filonardi
of the Roman Church, the missionaries left the Company as inspector of Brava coastal customs.
court and restricted their activities to spiritual He recieved there an invitation from the Italian
assistance to the Catholic community in Tégray Geographical Society to participate in the ÷Bot-
(BecRASO X, 146–56). The continuous conflicts tego expedition. F. stayed in Lugh (later Lugh
that ravaged the country rendered Tégray a very Ferrandi, cp. Guida 594) from December 1895
insecure place and many Catholic families sought until the end of 1897, there facing the attacks of
refuge in Dämbéya. Consequently in 1575, F. Ethiopian troops (after the battle of ŸAdwa) and
went there to assist them, replacing the deceased returned to Italy in November 1897, where he
Father ÷Cardoso. As his peers did, he often remained until 1900. After a period in Eritrea,
requested Portuguese assistance for the “poor in 1903 he was in Tripoli, where he explored its
Catholic people wandering here and there” (ibid. surroundings up to Homs. There he joined the
259) and defended Holy War as a means to open Chiesi mission to Benadir, where, together with
not only Ethiopia, but also “a certain Europe” Girolamo Cappello, he was the head of the ad-
(e.g., the countries where the Reformed Churches ministration of the Società Anonima Commer-
flourished) to massive conversion to Roman Ca- ciale Italiana del Benadir from 5 October 1903
tholicism (Guerreiro 1942:356). until 11 November 1903 in Bardera. He returned
Src.: BecRASO X, 146–56, 259; Fernão Guerreiro, Re- to Italy in early 1909, but was again in Benadir
lação anual das coisas que fizeram os padres da Compan-
in 1910 as Commissary of the Upper Juba until
hia de Jesus nas suas missões dos anos 1600 a 1609, vol. 3,
Coimbra – Lisboa 1942 [Lisboa 11611]; Baltasar Telles, January 1912. He retired in 1923.
The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia, London 1710 [Por- Src.: Ugo Ferrandi, Itinerari africani. I Da Lugh alla
tuguese: Lisboa 1660]; Josef Wicki (ed.), Documenta costa, Novara 1902; Id., Lugh, emporio commerciale sul
Indica, vol. 4, Roma 1956. Giuba, Roma 1903; Guida 594.
531
Ferrandi, Ugo
Lit.: Pietro Bolzon, La commemorazione di Ugo Fer- bined traditional church learning and western
randi, Roma 1928; Emilio de Bono, Ugo Ferrandi,
Novara 1937; Anna Maria Gavello, Ugo Ferrandi education. He is regarded as the founder of the
esploratore novarese, Novara – Genova 1975. Tégréñña literary tradition.
Giancarlo Stella F.G. was a native to the ŸAdwa region, but he
spent more than two-thirds of his life in Eritrea,
where he eventually remained. Hardly anything
Ferret, Pierre Victor Adolphe
is recorded about his early life, but he apparently
Captain F. (b. 1814, Realmont, Tarn, d. 1874) was enjoyed a high-church education in his home
a young graduate of the French Military Accad- region and possibly in the monasteries of Eritrea
emy of St. Cyr, and travelled with a fellow staff- such as Däbrä Maryam and Däbrä Bizän before
officer, Captain Joseph-Germain ÷Galinier, to he arrived in Massawa in the late 1880s.
Ethiopia in 1840. Both were sent by the French Why he travelled to the coast is obscure. It
Government to study the “customs, habits, reli- seems that the great famine of 1888–92 had
gions, political institutions and natural resourc- prompted him, like it did with thousands of
es“ of the Ethiopians. On leaving France, the two others, to seek food at the port where grain,
travellers sailed first to Egypt, where they learnt imported by the Italian colonial administration,
Arabic in the hope that it would assist them on was available. F.G. was in any case in Massawa as
their journey. They then made their way down early as 1889 and he was already in contact with
the Red Sea to Jeddah, and thence to Massawa, Count ÷Antonelli and other Italian officials.
where they landed on 21 October 1840. They At the end of this year, he accompanied ras
then proceeded via ŸAdwa and Aksum to Šire, ÷Mäkwännén Wäldä Mikaýel (apparently on
ŸAgamä and Éndärta before crossing the Täkäzze behalf of the Italians) from Massawa through
river to visit Antalo and Cäläqot, and eventually Asmära, Säraye, ŸAdwa and Hawzen to Mäqälä
proceeded to Gondär and Lake Tana. On their probably as an interpreter and guide. In his Storia
return to France, they published a detailed three- d’Etiopia he gives a vivid account of this journey
volume work, which appeared in Paris in 1847.
and the tragic events he witnessed (Fesseha
It contained a valuable account of their travels
Giyorgis 1987:125-33). As soon as the ras joined
and, notably, of their meeting with dägggazmaó
the newly crowned Emperor ase Ménilék II,
÷Wébe Òaylä Maryam, ruler of Tégray and Sé-
F.G. returned to Massawa, from where he went
men. The third volume comprised a detailed sur-
to Italy in 1890 to teach GeŸez, Tégréñña and
vey of the country’s geology, botany, zoology,
Amharic at the Oriental Institute in Naples
astronomy, geography and meteorology.
under the auspices of Francesco ÷Gallina to
F. subsequently pursued a notable military ca-
whom he dedicated his first publication in 1895.
reer. After fighting against insurgents prior to the
At the same time, he learnt Italian, Latin and
Revolution of 1848, he was awarded the Légion
Arabic which provided him access to foreign
d’honneur. He later fought in French Algeria
works on Ethiopia.
and was inducted into Napoleon III’s Imperial
The first work of F.G. to be published was
Guard. Captured by the Germans in the Franco-
a brief account of his journey from his home
Prussian war, he was duly promoted a general and
country to Italy (Féííéha Giyorgis 1895) which he
had a street named after him in his native town.
Src.: Pierre Victor Adolphe Ferret – Joseph Germain
wrote at the instigation of the academic members
Galinier, Voyage en Abyssinie dans les provinces du Tigré, of the Oriental Institute to serve as a textbook
du Samen et de l’Amhara, Paris 1847, 3 vols., with an atlas; for Tégréñña. It turned out to be a brilliant essay
Iid., “Note sur les antiquités de l’Abyssinie”, Bulletin de la which scholars subsequently regarded as the first
Société de Géographie 1, 1844, 25–30. impressive Tégréñña literary piece.
Lit.: Georges Malécot, Les voyageurs français et les
relations entre la France et l’Abyssinie de 1835 à 1870, At about the same time, F.G. penned a more-
Paris 1972. elaborate work and perhaps one which attracted
Richard Pankhurst the attention of a wider public; namely, a his-
tory of Ethiopia from its origin to 1890 which
was published by YaŸéqob Bäyyänä (s. Fesseha
Féííéha Giyorgis ŸAbiyä Égziý Giyorgis 1987). This work, written in Tégréñña,
Däbtära F.G. (IT@y M_?MFy (*Yy &Pt& , b. is of a special interest to linguists and historians
1868, Yéha, ŸAdwa, d. 1931, ŸAddi Zenu, Säraye) alike. His interpretation tends to be of the tradi-
was a writer, historian and theologian who com- tional type, but his presentation is very system-
532
Fétha Mägaréh
atic and lucid. In so far as most Ethiopian tradi- 1706, Iyasu took a sudden decision to abdicate
tional historians tended to be region-oriented in in favour of his elder son ÷Täklä Haymanot,
their accounts, events in the north were thereby who at the moment was in rebellion and had
generally neglected in the works of the writers proclaimed himself emperor, it was precisely to
from Gondär, Goggam and Šäwa. Hence, F.G.’s F.K. that Iyasu entrusted his other sons to be
historical work fills an important gap in the his- handed to Täklä Haymanot for further confine-
toriography. ment at the royal prison of ÷Wähni Amba, the
A third work of F.G. was a history of the conventional place of detention for all possible
Arabs and the Egyptians which appeared pretenders to the throne. The future fate of F.K.
in print under the title “Storia degli Arabi e is obscure, but he was still alive in May 1698.
degli Egiziani” (Féííéha Giyorgis 1897). This Src.: GuiIohan 20ff., 62f.,136, 159f., 193 (text) = 20ff., 60f.,
work was a mixture of translation and his own 142, 167, 203 (tr.); BegCron 62, 84, 94f.; BassÉt I, 371f., II,
321; DombrChr 212, 226, 240f., 260.
composition. Some tracts attributed to him were
Lit.: TSTarik III, 282.
also published under the pen-name of Zäwäldi in Sevir Chernetsov
1899–1900.
When exactly F.G. returned to Eritrea, what he
did for a living thereafter and whether he contin- Fétha Mägaréh
ued to write at all is unknown. F.M. is the major customary law of the ÷Bilin.
Src.: Fesseha Giyorgis, Storia d’Etiopia, ed. by Yaqob The name alludes to the legend of the founder of
Beyene, Napoli 1987, vii–xii, 125–33, 232–36; FÉÍÍÉHa this ethnic group, who first established himself
Giyorgis, -u*+y &#j-y 5-\y ##2s\y u#K7#y
|sy UK?y &s^y &b#y -z?$^y !-y A-#Iy 5-qBy in the plain of Mägaréh, close to ÷Kärän in the
w(ty 5-qBK#. Notizie del Viaggio di un Etiopico present-day Ansäba zoba. According to Mun-
dall’Etiopia all’Italia, Roma 1895, 1–16; Id., &#j-y zinger (1891:39), the idea of God as a principle of
(:-1y &HKs(/y 8\y 39{My !*=-#y &#j-y law is not known to the Bilin and law and morals
#2s\y &HKs(/y K<:y !P+e#. Storia degli Arabi
e degli Egiziani tradotta in lingua tigrai, Roma 1897.
are not connected. A bad action not involving
Lit.: RicLett 885ff.; Ghirmai Negash, A History of a neighbour too closely is not a crime and the
Tigrinya Literature in Eritrea: the Oral and the Writ- punishment in this case is left to God: “What is
ten, 1890–1991, Leiden 1999, 77–87, 82ff.; Bairu Tafla, against God, relates to God”. This seems to offer
“A Turning-Point in Ethiopian Historiography from
within”, in: Rainer Voigt (ed.), Die äthiopischen Studien
some evidence that traditional law in this area is
im 20. Jahrhundert – Ethiopian Studies in the 20th Cen- secular and not influenced by religion.
tury: Akten der Internationalen Tagung Berlin 22. bis 24. The bulk of the Bilin converted to ÷Islam
Juli 2000, Aachen 2003 (Semitica et Semitohamitica Bero- during the 19th cent. They were an oligarchic and
linensia 2), 167–71; Hailu Habtu, Aspects of Tigrigna aristocratic society divided into (at least) two
Literature (until 1974), M.A. thesis, University of Lon-
don 1981, 13; Richard Pankhurst, “The Foundations castes. Their traditional law reflected the division
of Education, Printing, Newspapers, Book Production, between dominators and dominated, between
Libraries and Literacy in Ethiopia”, EthObs 6, 3, 1962, nobles and vassals. Before the Italian occupation
241–90, here 258. they were ruled in some periods by highlanders
Bairu Tafla
(habäša), in others by Egyptians. According to
Mondaini (1941), Bilin traditions originated in
Féííéha Kréstos the highlands and were modified under the influ-
F.K. (IT@y l?FNF , lit. ‘the joy of Christ’, var. ence of foreign customs (÷Bega coming from the
IRy l?FNF , Féíía Kréstos, IRy lGF , Féíía north and ÷Saho from south-east), and by reli-
Késsos) is mentioned for the first time in the gion (Islam). The same author argues that differ-
Chronicle of ase ÷Yohannés I under the month ences between the F.M. and highland-Tégréñña
of October 1677 with the title of ÷fitawrari. Ase laws are not very relevant and that, on the whole,
Yohannés died on 19 July 1682, and the new sov- traditional law seems to have had a stronger in-
ereign, ase ÷Iyasu I, appointed F.K. as regent of fluence than Islamic law in the life of the Bilin
Goggam. However, soon after F.K. was returned community (Mondaini 1941:136ff.). However, it
to Gondär and made a commander of one of the is clear that in some cases the ÷šariŸa modified
royal-guard regiments. In 1693 he was awarded the traditions, often radically (Favali – Pateman
his next title of ÷däggazmaó. 2003:29); e.g., some of the most ancient aspects
F.K. always remained with his sovereign and of tradition, such as vassalage, were entirely re-
took part in all his campaigns. When, in March placed with the Qurýanic rules (Pollera 1996:99).
533
Fétha Mägaréh
In the case of an irresolvable land dispute, a bic version of the so-called Syro-Roman Book of
“foreign prince” could be asked to arbitrate; Law; the third has been recognized as an Arabic
however, he made his judgement in accord- version of a handbook of Roman-Byzantine
ance with the law of the F.M. (Munzinger 1891: laws, i.e. the Ecloga of the Emperors Leo III and
42ff.). Women were not allowed to participate in Constantine V (with the “Canons of the Nicean
a blood feud. If a Bilin woman was accused of Fathers”); the fourth corresponds to the Precepts
murder, the person to be targeted was whichever of the Old Testament, a compilation of ritual and
male was her “protector” (Conti Rossini 1916: moral rules from the Pentateuch with Christian
646). If the written code makes no provision for interpolations. Some scholars deem this work to
a particular case, elders will refer back to unwrit- have been compiled for the use of the Episco-
ten law that predates the F.M. (Ghebil Temnewo palis audientia, i.e. the court(s) held in Egypt by
1999:4). Coptic bishops – the author himself stating in his
÷Law introduction that the Nomocanon was meant to
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, Principî di diritto consuetu- guide the judges in their duty.
dinario dell’Eritrea, Roma 1916, 646; Lyda Favali – Roy The date of the Ethiopic translation is still
Pateman, Blood, Land, and Sex: Legal and Political
Pluralism in Eritrea, Bloomington 2003, 29; Gennaro debated. Yet, according to the most authorita-
Mondaini, La legislazione coloniale italiana nel suo tive opinion, based on philological evidence, the
sviluppo storico e nel suo stato attuale (1881–1940), vol. F.n. is a creation of 16th-cent. ÷GéŸéz literature
1, Milano 1941, 136ff.; Ghebil Temnewo, Murder and (Guidi 1901:501f.). According to Ethiopian
Blood Money under the Fitýha Megarh, LL.B. senior the-
sis, University of Asmara 1999, 4; Werner Munzinger,
tradition, the F.n. was introduced into Ethiopia
Dei costumi e del diritto dei Bogos, Roma 1891, 39, 42ff.; during the reign of ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob: a cer-
Alberto Pollera, The Native Peoples of Eritrea, As- tain “Petros Abdä Säyd [ŸAbdassayyid?]”, an
mara 1966 [= PollEr], 99. Egyptian native, brought the book from Egypt
Lyda Favali to Ethiopia at the request and at the expense of
the Emperor. As to the translator, at the end of
the F.n., a note reads: “(the book) was translated
Fétha nägäít by Petros, the son of Abdä Sayd” (Guidi 1897:
The F.n. (IM=y |KTM , ‘The Law of the Kings’) 335; Paulos Tzadua 1968:319). A passage in the
is a book of law that has been in use in Christian Ethiopic ÷Senodos, referring to a “Book of the
Ethiopia since at least the 16th cent. In spite of its Law of Kings”, has prompted the hypothesis
being an object of considerable pride and ven- that the F.n. was translated before the Senodos
eration by Ethiopians, it is not an original Ethio- (Getatchew Haile 1981:94). As a matter of fact,
pian composition, for it is rather derived from the same reference to a “Book concerning the
an Arabic work known as ≈Œ√AÃ¥ªA ™Ã¿Vø (MagmuŸ Sentences of the Kings” is already found in the
al-qawanin, ‘Collection of Canons’), written in original section of the Arabic Sinudus, circulat-
the year 1238 by the Christian Egyptian jurist ing as early as between 1229 and 1234, i.e. before
Abu l-Fadaýil b. al-ŸAssal as-Safi, a contemporary the composition of Ibn al-ŸAssal’s work (Bausi
of Patriarch Cyril III of Alexandria (1235–43; s. 1990:36f.).
÷Coptic Church). The difficult style and poor quality of the
Ibn al-ŸAssal’s work (GrafLit vol. 2, 400ff.) was GéŸéz translation are partly due to the fact that
divided into two parts, dealing with religious (22 the translator had to deal with legal concepts
chs.) and, respectively, secular or civil matters and terms to which no Ethiopic correspondents
(29 chs.). The sources of the first part were the existed. Admittedly, the F.n. does not reflect in
Old and the New Testaments, writings of alleged full the life and customs of the Ethiopians. It
Apostolic origin, Canons of the early Councils is however undeniable that it was held in great
and writings of Church Fathers. In compiling esteem by local scholars and judges due to its
the secular part, Ibn al-ŸAssal relied mostly on a spiritual character, brought about by continuous
four-book collection of laws known as Canons references to the Holy Scriptures and Church
of the Kings (GrafLit vol. 1, 618ff.). The first Canons, all of which constituted the core of
book of this collection is the Procheiros nomos, traditional learning. The book’s prestige was
a handbook of Roman-Byzantine laws collected further enhanced by the belief, common among
and edited between 870 and 878 under the Byz- Ethiopians, that it had been written by the 318
antine Emperor Basilius I; the second is an Ara- Fathers of the Council of ÷Nicaea.
534
Féthat
The formal position of the F.n. as the supreme ing with crimes and judicial procedures) was
ruling law of Ethiopia is confirmed by many better regulated by the ÷customary law. Being a
documents. The first one to bear witness to very complicated book, the F.n. was heard of by
the application of the F.n. as law goes back to many, but really understood only by a few edu-
the reign of ase Íärsä Déngél (CRHist 75f.). cated clergymen and traditional scholars. It was
The Chronicles of ase Susényos, ase Iyasu II, studied in the school of exegesis (÷Mashaf bet),
ase Iyoýas I, ase Tewodros II and ase Ménilék II i.e. the traditional school of the highest level;
mention the authority of the F.n. in civil and pe- along with the computus, being considered the
nal matters. More remarkably, in a law issued by most difficult subject (s. Guidi 1899:xiv).
Ménilék II concerning the powers and duties of Src.: Ignazio Guidi (ed., tr.), Il “Fetha Nagast” o
the Minister of Justice, it was expressly provided “Legislazione dei Re” codice ecclesiastico e civile di
Abissinia, Napoli 1897 (text), 1899 (tr.); Paulos Tzadua
that the F.n. be the law regulating civil and duties
(ed., tr.), The Fetha Nagast. IM=y |KTM. The Law of the
of the Minister. Art. 2 of the regulation estab- Kings, Addis Ababa 1968 (Lit.); IM=y |KTMy TN_y
lished that “the Minister of Justice must super- ]u#DD_ (Fétha nägäít íégawi wämänfäsawi, ‘Law of
vise every judgement diligently and conformably the Kings, Corporeal and Spiritual’), Aímära 1956 A.M.
to the expression of F.n.” (MahZekr 68f.). [1963/64 A.D.]; IM=y |KTMy #+-!y M?Kyb (Fétha
nägäít nébabénna térgwamew, ‘Law of the Kings, its
As a mark of importance of the F.n. in the legal Reading and Interpretation’), Addis Abäba 1958 A.M.
system of Ethiopia, it is worth mentioning some [1965/66 A.D.]; SixDeu 296, no. 130 (Lit.); MahZekr 68f.;
instances related to the modern legislation of the CRHist 75f.; ZanLitTheod; PerCron; Wilhelm Rie-
country. In promulgating Ethiopia’s first Penal del (ed., tr.), Die Kirchenrechtsquellen des Patriarchats
Alexandrien zusammengestellt und zum Teil übersetzt,
Code in 1930 (÷Criminal Codes), the legislator
Leipzig 1900; Eduard Sachau – Karl Georg Bruns
clearly stated that his work was a “revision” of (ed., tr.), Syrisch-Römisches Rechtsbuch aus dem fünften
the F.n., “updated” so as to meet the needs of Jahrhundert, Leipzig 1880.
present times. He emphasized his intention not Lit.: Alessandro Bausi, “Alcune considerazione sul
to depart from the law written in the F.n. and he ‘Senodos’ etiopico”, RSE 34, 1990 [1992], 5–73, here
36f.; Giuseppe A. Costanzo, L’Ecloga araba nel Fetha
made clear references to the latter in more than Nagast e la sua prima versione in italiano, Roma 1947;
60 Articles. In 1957 a new Penal Code was issued, GrafLit vol. 1, 618ff.; vol. 2, 400ff. (Lit.); Ignazio Guidi,
prefacing to which Òaylä ÍéllaseI declared: “We “Der aethiopische Senodos”, ZDMG 55, 1901, 495–502;
have ensured that their concepts [the concepts Id., “Contributi alla storia letteraria di Abissinia. Un
elaborated by the Commission of Codification] responso sul diritto d’asilo”, RRALm ser. 5a, 31, 1922,
210–18; GuiLet 78f.; Getatchew Haile, “A Study of the
adopted as a point of departure the venerable and Issues Raised in Two Homilies of Emperor Zärýa YaŸeqob
well-established legal traditions of our Empire as of Ethiopia”, ZDMG 131, 1981, 85–113, 94; Carlo Al-
revealed in the Fetha Neguest”. In 1960 the Civil fonso Nallino, “Libri giuridici bizantini in versioni
Code of Ethiopia was enacted, to which preface arabe cristiane dei sec. XII–XIII”, RRALm ser. 6a, 1, 1925,
it was stated that “the Codification Commission 101–65 [repr. in: Maria Nallino (ed.), Raccolta di scritti
editi e inediti, vol. 4, Roma 1942, 324–82].
… has been inspired in its labours by the genius
Paulos Tzadua – [Red.]
of Ethiopian legal traditions and institutions
as revealed by the ancient and venerable Fetha
Neguest”. Féthat
The archaic tendency to blend secular with F. (IM=M , ‘Absolution [of the Dead]’), both the
religious matters, common to the F.n., has ritual and prayer, is substantial part of the Ethio-
indeed contributed to a conception of law as pian Orthodox funeral rite (÷Burial; ÷Funer-
something intrinsically sacred in character, als). The entire funeral rite is sometimes called F.
though this mental attitude was primarily deri- As the person feels that he or she will depart
ved from Christian principles deeply rooted in soon, immediately the priests are called to per-
Ethiopia. A work such as the F.n., full of Bibli- form the ÷Unction, that should be preceded by
cal and Christian wisdom as well as of juridical the confession and absolution. Different prayers
principles of eminent pedigree, was to be much are prayed from the time the soul is separated
revered by people that boast such a longstanding from the flesh until the body is buried, e.g. prayer
juristic tradition and an almost innate sense of on the separation of the soul, prayer on the water
law. At the same time, the function of the book with which the body will be washed, prayer on
as a ruling law should not be overestimated; in the oil which will be rubbed on the body. As to
fact, the common every day life (including deal- the F., in the common version of the Mäshafä
535
Féthat
÷génzät there is an extensive prayer, called in the rite of offering up incense. It is part of the
full `tHy IM=My q*ny ?tvy vK# (Sälotä Coptic Ordinary of the Mass, where it has the
féthat laŸélä kwéllomu mutan, ‘The Prayer of Ab- Arabic title tahlil al-ibn. The prayer is based on
solution over all the Deceased’) that should be the authority given by Our Lord to the Apostles
read in the house of the deceased after the corpse and their successors, the clergy, in Jn 20:22–23,
is prepared for the burial (Mäshafä génzät 1944, to absolve repenting sinners from their sins. As
ch. 9; Dobberahn 1997:900–17), but before the it is part of the preparatory service, or Ordinary
start of the funeral procession (which is called of the Mass, of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
YLx y IM=M, yäguzo féthat, lit., ‘the F. travel’). liturgy, one finds it copied in most manuscripts
The main sources of the prayer are the Old and of the missal. It has also been published in Ethio-
New Testaments, especially the Psalms and the pia more than once and an abbreviated version
Prophets. The prayer asks God for forgiveness of it is found in the Mäshafä qéddase published
of sins and mercy to the souls of all the deceased in the Vatican City in 1945. Marcos Daoud and
faithful. It is performed before particular prayers MärséŸe Hazän’s translation of the missal into
for different categories of the deceased – clerics English and Arabic in The Liturgy of the Ethio-
and laymen, men and women etc. It is remarkable pian Church includes this prayer.
that this F. is followed by still another absolution Src.: ue=Dy 89Ey (P*w!y +x?1 (Mäshafä qéddase
prayer for all the deceased, without differentiat- bägéŸézénna bamaréñña, ‘The Book of the Liturgy in
GéŸéz and Amharic’), Addis Abäba 1951 A.M. [1958/59
ing between laymen and clergy (Mäshafä génzät
A.D.], 23ff.; Marcos Daoud – Marsie Hazen (tr.),
1944, ch. 10; Dobberahn 1997:918-33). Than the The Liturgy of the Ethiopian Church, Cairo 1959, 31ff.;
ritual proceeds till the last burial stage, called P- ue=Dy 89E (Mäshafä qéddase, ‘The Book of the
!Hy u>M (gébýatä märet, ‘entering the earth’). Liturgy’), Città del Vaticano 1945, 34f.; Kitab al-Òu-
Ch. 22 of the ÷Fétha nägäít dictates that the lagi al-muqaddas (‘The Holy Book of the Euchologion’),
Cairo 1902, 128–33; F.E. Brightman – C.E. Hammond,
psalms and prayers should be recited for 40 days Liturgies Eastern and Western, being the Text Original or
continuously and, when it is possible, after six Translated of the Principal Liturgies of the Church, Ox-
months and one year. After the burial of the dead, ford 1896, 148f., 205–08.
there are prayers on the 3rd, 7th, 12th, 20th, 30th, 40th Getatchew Haile
and 80th days (cp. ÷täzkar). The main prayer is on
the 40th day for men and 80th day for women.
Src.: ue=Dy P#rM| `tMy q*ny zbK# (Mäshafä Feudalism
génzät. Sälot laŸélä méwtan, ‘The Book of the Dead’s F. is generally defined as the system of pol-
Wrapping. Prayer over the Deceased’), Addis Abäba ity which prevailed in Europe during the Middle
1944, ²1979 A.M. [1951/52; ²1986/87 A.D.]; Friedrich
Erich Dobberahn, “Das äthiopische Begräbnisritus”,
Ages and was based on the relation of superior
in: Hansjakob Becker – Herman Ühlein, Liturgie im and vassal arising out of the holding of lands on
Angesichts des Todes. Judentum und Ostkirchen, Sankt condition of homage and service. That polity has
Ottilien 1997, vol. I [Texte und Kommentare]: 137-316, been described by Marc Bloch (1962, vol. 2, 446)
657-84 (Lit.); vol. II [Übersetzungen, Anhänge und as follows: “A subject peasantry; widespread use
Register], 859–1036; vol. II [“Weitere Formulare zum
äthiopischen Begräbnisritus”], 1397–432, 1506f. (Pietas of the service tenement (i.e. the fief) instead of a
liturgica 9, 10); Paulos Tzadua, The Fetha Nagast. salary …; the supremacy of a class of specialized
IM=y |KTM. The Law of the Kings, Addis Ababa 1968. warriors; ties of obedience and protection which
Lit.: KWKDic 737; Christine Chaillot, The bind man to man and, within the warrior class,
Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church Tradition, Paris
2002, 125ff.; Habtä Maryam WärqÉnäh, 4#K_y assume the distinctive form called vassalage; frag-
Y#M_1\y T?(Hy MzW?M (Téntawi yäýityopya mentation of authority – leading inevitably to dis-
íérŸatä témhért, ‘The Old Order of Ethiopian Learning’), order; and, in the midst of all this, the survival of
Addis Abäba 1969 A.M. [1976/77 A.D.], 105ff.; Ernst other forms of association, family and State …”.
Hammerschmidt, Äthiopien. Christliches Reich zwischen
Gestern und Morgen, Wiesbaden 1967, 142f.
A number of observers have seen striking paral-
Merawi Tebeje – Red. lels between this description and historic Ethio-
pian society. The historic Ethiopian state rested
on a subject peasantry, from whose production
Féthat zäwäld it drew its sustenance. This relationship is sum-
F. (IM=My r]s; , ‘Absolution of the Son’), marized by the Amharic apposition: !:A/|KO
is a prayer of absolution recited by the priest (arräsä/näggäíä, ‘plowing/ruling’). ÷Gwélt is the
over the faithful at confession and at the end of term which, historically, most generally character-
536
Feudalism
ized the holding of land by Ethiopian rulers and Social relations of production, a concern of
soldiers. This term, which entails obligations of Marxist scholarship, also suggest parallels be-
service, has often been rendered as “fief”. While in tween the Ethiopian and European examples.
theory all gwélt-holding emanated from the royal The Ethiopian ruling class was supported, to
court, in practice regional rulers in Ethiopia, in an overwhelming degree, by extracting surplus
turn, granted land to their subordinates in a proc- agricultural produce from the country’s peas-
ess known in Europe as “sub-infeudation”. antry and herders. Gwélt land-holding entailed
A warrior ethos dominated historic Ethiopian property rights, gwélt-holders, at least in some
society as numerous noble titles attest: ÷fitawrari instances, being granted rights in specific plots of
(‘leader of the vanguard’), ÷däggazmaó (‘com- land, rights which they could, and did, transfer
mander of the front’), qäññazmaó (‘commander by inheritance, gift and sale. In some instances
of the right’), grazmaó (‘commander of the these rights were exclusive to the point of over-
left’; s. ÷Azmaó). The French traveller Arnauld riding any pre-existing rights which may have
d’Abbadie (AbbSéjour vol. 1, 367) remarked: been claimed by cultivators. More commonly,
“The social form of the Ethiopians is completely gwélt rights co-existed with the inherited, ÷rést
military”. From the 14th cent. onward, the core of rights of peasants to have access to agricultural
the royal Ethiopian army was the ÷cäwa, a term land. In either case, gwélt-holding entailed the
frequently translated in this context as ‘regi- payment of agricultural goods as tribute or rent
ment’. The cäwa were specialized soldiers, who by the producers to the gwélt-holder. Gwélt-hold-
were supported either by grants of land or by ing, in turn, was a constituent characteristic of
the service obligations of subject peasants. One the Ethiopian ruling class. However, the extent
specialized soldier was the D:A1 (färäsäñña, to which the status of Ethiopian peasants paral-
‘horseman’), who, in this context, corresponds leled the status of medieval European “serfs” was
to the European mounted knight, without, to be a contested one.
sure, the elaborate armour of the latter. So far as A byword of class relations was A-&y R=y
ties of obedience and protection are concerned, ]K+?y z;? (säbý harra wägäbbar médér, ‘Man
historic Ethiopian society was markedly hierar- is free, land is tributary’ in one rendering; Conti
chical, subordinates looking up to superiors as Rossini 1893:807, 811). The saying first appears
N$ (gašše, ‘my shield’). In the ritual of European in an edict of ase Zädéngél at the beginning of the
feudal submission, the hands played an impor- 17th cent. in a period of profound turmoil. It is
tant symbolic role; the Amharic for tributary usually understood as an institutional attack by
obeisance is &Hy u## (égg mänša, lit. ‘raising the emperor on the military regiments, or cäwa,
the hand’). Authority was fragmented: gQ#6?y whose rebellious insubordination contributed so
#LTy \K?y !z+=F (kägondär néguí, yagär much to the disorder of the times. By contrast,
ambaras, ‘the local ruler [is more powerful] Zädéngél is held to have sought a general recruit-
than the king in Gondär’). Even at the height of ment from the peasantry. It is most probable
royal power, in the reigns of such rulers as Zärýa that the saying was already in circulation as an
YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68) and Iyasu I (r. 1682–1706), assertion of the absence of a “serf” status on the
the court operated through the nobility, which part of the peasants, whose position was that ob-
was based in the countryside and not at court. ligations were tied to the land, not to individuals.
And the regional base of noble power is seen The slogan re-appears in the reign of ase Iyasu I
in recurrent centripetal episodes – following and at several points in the 19th cent. Neverthe-
the reign of Íärsä Déngél (d. 1597) and, most less, some ambiguity remains. In early 20th-cent.
notably, in the period known as the ÷Zämänä Ethiopia, the term ÷gäbbar had two quite diver-
mäsafént (1769–1855). Finally, the concept of the gent meanings – in such provinces as Goggam,
state is an enduring one throughout Ethiopian Bägemdér and Tégray it commonly described a
history – the medieval Solomonic rulers evok- self-consciously “free”, tribute-paying farmer;
ing the legacy of Aksum; the idea of the state whereas in southern Ethiopia its connotation
persisting through the trials of the period from quite closely approximated that of “serf”, the
1527 to 1632, marked as it was by ÷gihad, ethnic southern gäbbar being subjected on terms of
migration and religious conflict; and the persist- service to individual overlords.
ence of Solomonic norms through the Zämänä Modern Ethiopia entered its relations with
mäsafént. Europe in a period marked by political frag-
537
Feudalism
mentation. Europeans encountered a society ate, received the habit and ÷askema from abunä
dominated by competing nobles, whose great ÷Täklä Haymanot (this is also recalled in Täklä
preoccupation was military activity, so it is not Haymanot’s hagiography); soon he was ordained
surprising that they found many parallels be- as a priest. F. succeeded Abbot ÷ElsaŸ in 1314
tween contemporary Ethiopia and their Middle when the latter died shortly after assuming of-
Ages. The structure and ethos of Ethiopian so- fice. He moved a part of the community from
ciety changed little throughout the 19th and into the cave that was its initial shelter, and organized
the 20th cent. However, the restoration period a coenobitic community nearby; during the 34
of Òaylä Íéllase I’s rule, which started in 1941, years of his tenure, Däbrä ŸAsbo developed into
saw a systematic dismantling of most elements one of the major monastic centres of Ethiopia
of “Ethiopian feudalism”. This period saw a (Turaiev 1908:190–93).
rapid development of the modern state, one F. had close links to the Metropolitan abunä
increasingly centralized. The link between so- ÷YaŸéqob and assisted in the organization of
cial and political power was increasingly weak- his program of missionary activities. The Gädl
ened, while the state bypassed regional nobles reports that F. dispatched eleven pupils of abunä
through the creation of a national bureaucracy. Täklä Haymanot – called in the sources ‘teach-
Tribute was increasingly converted into govern- ers’ (mämhéran) or ‘hand-appointed’ (néburanä
ment-collected taxes paid in cash. The status of éd) – to build new monasteries and spread
serf-gäbbar was eliminated. So, too, in 1966 by ÷Christianity in respective regions of Šäwa and
imperial decree was the gwélt form of land-hold- provinces further to the south (Turaiev 1908:
ing. Ethiopian society on the eve of the 1974 198, cp. Fiaccadori 1988:142 and n. 13ff.; 146f.).
Revolution had lost much of its “feudal flavour”, Abunä YaŸéqob appointed F. head over them and
though its marked inequality remained. elevated him to ÷liqä kahénat and ÷eppisqoppos
÷Land tenure; ÷Taxation; ÷Titles (notwithstanding the resistance of the royal
Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Due squarci inediti di church ecclesiastics, kahénatä däbtära). Däbrä
cronaca etiopica”, RRALm ser. 5a, 2, 1893, 804–18; Id., ŸAsbo thus became the centre of a monastic con-
“Su due frasi della cronaca abbreviata dei re d’Etiopia”,
Annali IUO 3, 1949, 283–90; BaetDic col. 524; GuiVoc gregation, organized on the basis of the regular
col. 380; AbbSéjour vol. 1, 367. veneration of Täklä Haymanot’s grave (ac-
Lit.: Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, vol. 2, London ²1962, cording to the Gädl, however, this practice was
446; Donald Crummey, “Abyssinian Feudalism”, Past gradually abandoned under éóóäge Tewodros
and Present 89, 1980, 115–38; CrumLand; HuntLand;
Allan Hoben, Land Tenure among the Amhara of
and ÷Yohannés Käma).
Ethiopia: the Dynamics of Cognatic Descent, Chicago Like some other monastic leaders, F. is remem-
1973 (Monographs in Ethiopian Land Tenure 4), 1f.; bered for his clashes with ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I,
Gene Ellis, “The Feudal Paradigm as a Hindrance to whom he openly reproached for his marital prac-
Understanding Ethiopia”, Journal of Modern African tices and his interference in church matters. He
Studies 14, 1976, 275–95; TadTChurch 100–08; Taddesse
Tamrat, “Feudalism in Heaven and on Earth: Ideology was tortured, but did not recant his accusations;
and Political Structure in Medieval Ethiopia”, in: PICES along with his disciples, he was sent into exile,
7, 195–200. probably to ÷Wäläqa. He preached to the local
Donald Crummey population and worked miracles (e.g., the healing
of the daughter of Tämben’s governor); then, fear-
Fidäl ÷Script, Ethiopic ing his growing popularity, the Emperor repeat-
edly sent him further north (Qwärqwara, Zälan,
Filéppos Tégray). Under ase ÷Säyfä ArŸad (in the time of
F. (Fs2F, ca. 1274–1348) was the third abbot of abunä ÷Sälama “the Translator”) F. suffered fur-
Däbrä ŸAsbo (later known as ÷Däbrä Libanos ther persecutions: he spent some time in custody
of Šäwa). According to his hagiography (Gädlä at ÷Zway and was expelled from one province to
Filéppos, perhaps of the first half of the 15th another. Fearing the Emperor, the monks of F.’s
cent.), he was born in Zéma, in the Lat region, own monastery (administrated by Hézqéyas at
the population of which was predominantly that time) allowed him only a short stay. Aged
pagan. His parents, Christians, sent him to a 74 years and nine months, F. died in exile on 28
teacher; while a boy, he miraculously killed a lo- Hamle and was buried in Haqqalet, Tégray.
cal warlock. He decided to become a monk, went The Gädlä Filéppos, published from a single
to Däbrä ŸAsbo and, after three years of novici- ms. (BritLib Or. 728, 18th cent., s. Turaiev 1908), is
538
Filéppos
supposed to have been written under the tenure of 97; but KinBibl no. 64). Besides, there are data
÷Yohannés Käma who is mentioned in the colo- on F. in the “Chronicle of ŸAddi Näýammén”
phone, yet this is most probably a recent composi- (KolTrad 1, A23-24; cp. a related 15th-16th cent.
tion. Cerulli recorded another manuscript of this chronological note in a manuscript from ÷Däbrä
work (ms. VatCerAeth 167, fol. 3r-74v), possibly Déòuòan, s. Lusini 1998:29f.), a commemorating
of an earlier date, with the colophone explicitly note on F. in the Sénkéssar of ÷Däbrä Wärq
mentioning, in addition to Yohannés Käma, also (Schneider 1978) and oral traditions (all summa-
Däbrä ŸAsbo (an old name of Däbrä Libanos), rized in LusStud 97–107).
abunä ÷Bärtolomewos and the 76th “Year of According to his Gädl, F. was born ca. 1322/23
Grace” [1424/25 A.D.] (Cerulli 2004:319). The in the time of ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon. His father was
contents of this text has not been studied so far. Yérdéýannä Égziý from SéraŸ (he died shortly be-
Ms. EMML 6771 (16th cent.) contains still another fore his son was born) and his mother Mägdälawit,
copy of the Gädlä Filéppos (fol. 3r-74v), possibly both “from the children of Iyankäre”. Abunä
identical to the text recorded by Cerulli. ÷Ewostatewos had announced to Mägdälawit the
Attached to the Gädl in EMML 6771 there is coming birth of F. and his future fame. After some
a story of the translation of F.’s relics to Däbrä time Mägdälawit left the worldly life and sent F.
Libanos (fol. 77r–87v) which took place after ase to a monastery, too. Christ appeared to F. and
÷Éskéndér gave his permission to abbot ÷Märha ordered him to go to ÷Däbrä Särabi, to Bäkimos,
Kréstos, some 100 years after F.’s death. This text, a pupil of Ewostatewos. F. became a “spiritual
commissioned by éccäge ÷Petros (1496–1523), son” of Bäkimos; as the vita states, however, F.
is preceded by a summary of F.’s life with de- received the qobŸ and ÷askema “from the hands
tails absent in the published version of the Gädl of Our Saviour, speaking to him in the appear-
(Getatchew Haile 1990:75f.; Cerulli 1943:234ff.). ance of abba Ewostatewos” (Conti Rossini 1901:
The same short version of F.’s Vita seems to 79). Soon F. left the monastery and wandered into
be found in the 16th-cent. manuscript from the the desert (in Afä Gahgah with abba Samuýel [of
Schoyen Collection (Mercier 2000:64f.). Waldébba], ŸAbiy Wägr in Bäräka, Tékul, Dubane
Src.: WrBriMus 196, no. 304 [Orient. 728], fol. 150r-99r; and among the ÷Kunama; Conti Rossini 1901:81;
ms. EMML 6771 [not yet catalogued]; ms. VatCerAeth
167; GuiSyn I, 438ff.; BudSaint 1169; Enrico Cerulli,
LusStud 99). Then he settled in the monastery of
Inventario dei manoscritti Cerulli etiopici, ed. by abba ÷Absadi, another pupil of Ewostatewos.
Osvaldo Raineri, Città del Vaticano 2004 (Studi e About 30 years old, he entered the desert (in
testi 420), 319, no. 19; Boris Turiaev (ed., tr.), Vitae Gwäda) once again. Gradually F. acquired pupils;
sanctorum indigenarum. II. Acta s. Aaronis et Philippi, in 1373/74, after passing the place of Gärami in
Louvain 1908 (CSCO 30, 31 [SAe 13, 14]), 173–248 (text)
= 157–222; Getatchew Haile, “The Translation of the Hamasen, he founded a monastery, which became
Relics of Abunä Filéppos of Däbrä Libanos of Shoa”, known as Däbrä Bizän, the stronghold of the
RSE 34, 1990 [1992], 75–113; Jacques Mercier, L’arche ÷Ewostateans. The monastery became prosper-
éthiopienne: art chrétienne d’Éthiopie, Paris 2000, 64f. ous; F. imposed upon the monks the strictest dis-
Lit.: KinBibl 71, no. 54; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli abbati di
Dabra Libanos, capi del monachismo etiopico, secondo la cipline according to the “order of the Apostles”.
«lista rimata» (sec. xiv–xviii)”, Orientalia nuova ser. 12, The monks did not have any private possessions;
1943, 226–53, here 233–53; TadTChurch 174ff.; KapMon, their manifold household activities were organ-
s. index; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Nota su Yohannes ized “according to the rules of Pachomius”. Their
Meíraqawi”, Quaderni utinensi 6 [11–12], 1988 [1991],
141–50, here 142 and n. 13ff. (146f.); DerDom s. index;
ascetic practices were also the subject of detailed
TurIz 119–30, 374–431. organization (Conti Rossini 1901:99f.).
Steven Kaplan – Red. The power of F.’s monastery increased to the
degree that the ruler of ÷Dahlak, Malek (Arab.
malik ‘king’), sought good relations with F.,
Filéppos crucial for the Muslim traders operating from
F. (Fs2F ), a 14th- early 15th-cent. saint and prom- Massawa (s. LusStud 100f.). According to the
inent member of the Ewostatean movement, was Gädlä Filéppos, the community had 24 churches;
the founder of the monastery of ÷Däbrä Bizän the monks preached among the neighbouring
in Hamasen (today’s Eritrea). The main source “Barya” (÷Nara) and some of them (Erméyas,
on F.’s life is his hagiography (Gädlä Filéppos), Yébarkannä Kréstos etc.) were sent to establish
composed not before the reign of ase ÷Zärýa a new monastery, a task they fulfilled strug-
YaŸéqob (Conti Rossini 1901:67f.; cp. LusStud gling against Òétutay, a local Muslim ruler. F.
539
Filéppos
propagated his vision of ecclesiastical life, with index; KinBibl no. 64; Taddesse Tamrat, “The Abbots
strict adherence to the orders of the Apostles of Däbrä Hayq 1248–1535”, JES 8, 1, 1970, 87–117;
TadTChurch, s. index.
and great monastic fathers, and also defended Denis Nosnitsin
the holy ÷Sabbath rest on two days, including
Saturday – 39wy A#(M (qädami sänbät). He
united around Däbrä Bizän the leaders of several Filéppos
other communities (Conti Rossini 1901:107; Abunä F. (Fs2F , b. ŸAddi Qaš, Séfag, Eritrea,
LusStud 102f.). 1896, d. 1983, Addis Abäba) was the first Ethio-
The activities of F. aroused the animosity of pian bishop in ÷Jerusalem. Born as Gäbrä Ab
the local clergy and attracted the attention of ase Mängéítu, F. became a monk at the monastery of
÷Dawit II and abunä ÷Bärtälomewos. Aged and abunä Éndréyas, where he received a traditional
sick, F. was summoned to court (some sources ecclesiastical education. While mämhér Mahsäntä
report that he was one among twelve heads of Íéllase was head of the Ethiopian monastery in
Ewostatean monasteries who were requested to Jerusalem (1906–23), F. served as its ÷mäggabi.
come for interrogation, s. Lusini 1998:30). The He was a liqä liqawént before the Italian occupa-
kahnatä däbtära (the priests of the royal camp tion of Ethiopia in 1936. Having pronounced the
church), abba Matyas of Šémagle and Zäkaryas opinion that the occupation was illegal, he was
of Bärbäre immediately made accusations against exiled to Italy. When he returned to Ethiopia, he
him in front of the Metropolitan (Conti Rossini was consecrated bishop by abunä Yohannés on 12
1901:111f.), the main charge being the venera- September 1940 together with four other priests.
tion of “two Sabbaths”. F. refused to renounce After Òaylä Íéllase I’s return to Ethiopia in 1941,
his teaching and was imprisoned in ÷Däbrä in 1947 he was appointed the first Ethiopian
Hayq Éstifanos (ibid. 116). However, after his bishop in Jerusalem, where he arrived on Easter
victory over ÷SaŸadaddin Abu l-Barakat, ase that year. His first task, which he accomplished
Dawit changed his attitude to the Ewostateans in successfully, was a delicate one: to take care of the
general and F. in particular. In 1403/04, after the return to Ethiopia of some 30 monks and nuns in
death of Ÿaqqabe säŸat ÷Íäräqä Bérhan, F. was set the Ethiopian monastery who had become Ital-
free (ibid. 118f.; Taddesse Tamrat 1970:103). The ian citizens and as such were now living in Brit-
following four years F. spent in Amhara, preach- ish mandatory internment camps. After that, he
ing and working miracles. Then he headed to his also proved by publishing various documents the
monastery, passing through ÷Mätära, ÷Égäla Ethiopian ownership of ÷Dayr as-Sultan.
and ÷Sähart(i) and concluding “testaments” In 1956, he bought land at al-ŸAzariya (Bethany)
(÷Kidan) with the local people (Conti Ross- for a new Ethiopian monastery and a cemetery.
ini 1901:119–22). F. died in 1406, on 5 Nähase Participating in an ecclesiastical assembly at Addis
(BudSaint 1194), at the age of 84, having installed Abäba in 1965, he was retained there for the rest
abba Yohannés as his successor.
There is a later charter of ase ÷Yohannés IV
confirming land possessions granted to Däbrä
Bizän by DawitII during the tenure of F. (Bausi
1995:29f.). In addition to the manuscript edited
by Conti Rossini (1901), two early 16th-cent.
copies of the Gädlä Filéppos (one with an image
of F.) have recently been discovered (Bausi 1995:
42–47).
Src.: BudSaint 1194; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il Gadla
Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra Bizan”, MRALm
ser. 5a, 8, 1901, 61–170; KolTrad I, A23f., 30f.; Roger
Schneider, “Notes sur Filpos de Dabra Bizan et ses suc-
cesseurs”, AE 11, 1978, 135–39.
Lit.: Alessandro Bausi, “Su alcuni manoscritti
presso communità monastiche dell’Eritrea (Parte
seconda)”, RSE 39, 1995 [1998], 25–48, here 29f., 33,
42–47; Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Scritture documentarie
etiopiche (Dabra Deòuòan e Dabra Sege, Sara’e,
Eritrea)”, RSE 42, 1998 [2000], 5–55; LusStud 97–107, Abunä Filéppos; from Filéppos 1960
540
Filkésyos
of his life because of a theological quarrel between of monks also attributed to Palladius, (3) the
him and some members of the Holy Synod, who Monastic History by ÷Rufinus of Aquilea, but
accused him of being too close to the Roman ascribed to Jerome, and (4) a series of apophtheg-
Catholic Church in Christological matters. mata. DaîišèŸ Qatraya’s Commentary is divided
Src.: abunä FilÉPPos, The Rights of the Abyssinian Church into two books, the first being a complement to
in the Holy Places, 2 vols., Asmara 1960; Id., #Y;Drz#y parts 1–3 of ŸÉnanišèŸ’s work, and the second
*]4 (Iyärusalemén Ÿéwäqu, ‘Know Jerusalem’), Addis
corresponding to the latter’s part 4; it is com-
Abäba 1964 A.M. [1972 A.D.]; Id., &Pt!-A?y g1y
N=z YOK'by TNa!y H`B<y zT1? (Égziýabéher posed in the form of questions and answers. It
käñña gara: yägetaóóäw íégawenna täwahédo méstir, became a very popular monastic reading and was
‘God with Us. The Mystery of the Incarnation and Union soon adopted by the West Syrian (“Jacobite”)
of our Lord’), Addis Abäba 1956 A.M. [1963/64 A.D.]; monks. In their version the name of the author
Id., 6ny &Pt!-A? (Qalä égziýabéher, ‘God’s Word’),
Asmära 1957 A.M. [1964/65 A.D.]; Id., Yz#?F!y T|y
as well as that of his monastery was suppressed in
T?(M!y -\" (Yäménkwésénna íénäíérŸaténna béyyane, order to make the reading more palatable to the
‘The Order and Definition of Monastic Ordination’), Ad- Jacobite readers. Instead of an “Old Man” of the
dis Abäba 1961 A.M. [1968/69 A.D.]. original (Sims-Williams 1994:40f.), one of the an-
Lit.: Kirsten Stoffregen Pedersen, The History of the swers was attributed to Philoxenus and this is the
Ethiopian Community in the Holy Land from the Time of
Emperor Tewodros II till 1974, Jerusalem 1983. reason why the whole work was subsequently
Kirsten Stoffregen-Pedersen given to this author (though the known Syriac
manuscripts – all of them acephalous – contain
no hint to this effect).
Filkésyos DaîišèŸ’s work was quite voluminous and,
F. (FslF_F , or FslFZF , Filkésyus) is the title with time, abbreviated versions were composed.
of one of the most important texts of Ethiopian One of them, ascribed to Philoxenus, was trans-
÷monastic literature. It belongs to the three mo- lated from Syriac into Arabic. On the basis of
nastic writings which are traditionally called the Arabic, the GéŸéz version was produced, in
Mäsahéftä mänäkosat, the other two being which the entire work is named after Philoxenus.
÷Arägawi mänfäsawi and Mar Yéshaq (÷Isaac The Ethiopic form with the ending -éyos/-éyus
of Nineveh). Still today these ascetic writings instead of -énus is owed to the Arabic Vorlage,
remain basic works for the religious and spiritual where the letters Yaý and Nun, deprived of their
education of Ethiopian monks. All three are often diacritical points, looked the same.
found copied together in the same manuscript. According to the colophon of at least four
The full title of the F. reads: HF&tKHy manuscripts (out of 17 presently known, dating
v!Xvy n!(by u|mDMy P-cb\#| ]`=Jy between the 17th and the 20th cent.), the work was
87Fy FslF_Fy G?\_y %.Fy 92Fy ru#(P translated into GéŸéz by the Metropolitan abunä
(‘Questions about the stories of the Fathers, ÷Sälama “the Translator” (van Lantschoot in:
Egyptian monks. Holy Filkésyus the Syrian, PICES 1, 400). The translation is dated to the year
bishop of Mänbäg, wrote it’, s. ms. BritLib Ori- 1021 of the Era of the Martyrs, corresponding to
ent. 759, fol. 81ra, 5–9); it states that its author was 1304–05 A.D. Since, however, the tenure of Säla-
Philoxenus of Mabbogh, an anti-Chalcedonian ma falls within the years 1348–86, the sign for 20
theologian (ca. 450–523) who wrote in Syriac. ([) should probably be replaced by that for 80 (Ñ)
Philoxenus’s authorship was accepted by Cerulli – an emendation (1081 Era of the Martyrs) that
(CerLett 140) and Ricci (in: CE vol. 3, here 976b). would give the year 1365 A.D. (s. LöfUpp 106).
In reality, however, the F. is an Ethiopic version of The F. is written in the form of questions
a work written in Syriac by DaîišèŸ Qatraya (i.e. asked by “brethren”, i.e. monks (introduced
“of [modern] Qatar”), an East Syrian (“Nesto- with the phrase ^,oy !db , yébelu aòaw, ‘the
rian”) monk of the monastery of Rab Kennare, brethen said’), and answers of an “interpreter”
who lived in the 7th cent. (Baumstark 1922:226f.; (uH?Iz , mätärgwém). Some of the questions
Sims-Williams 1994:38f.). This work is in turn have additional explanations or comments by an
a commentary on ŸÉnanišèŸ’s (another 7th-cent. “Old Man” (!:N_ , arägawi, or !:N^ , arägay).
East Syrian author) compendium of early Egyp- In some of the manuscripts the questions are
tian monastic texts called Paradise of the Fathers, numbered, the figures ranging between 175 (ms.
which included four parts: (1) the Historia Lausi- EMML 418, of the 18th or early 19th cent.) and
aca of Palladius, (2) another collection of stories 251 (ms. EMML 15, of the 17th or 18th cent.), but
541
Filkésyos
notwithstanding these differences, the text seems Translator”. F. was the nephew and disciple of
to be identical. The material is grouped into ÷Tadewos of Bärtärwa. He served as a monk at
chapters, the division probably following that of Däbrä Maryam and Däbrä Bärtärwa, and later
ŸÉnanišèŸ’s Paradise of the Fathers. founded the monastery of Däbrä ŸAysäma, all in
The monastic authorities mentioned in the Tämben. He is said to have also met ÷Samuýel of
text are mostly Egyptian fathers, like Anthony Däbrä Halleluya. F.’s Acts, probably composed
(Éntonés), Pambo (Bawmo or Bamwo), Sisoes at Däbrä ŸAysäma in the first half of the 15th
(Sisoy), but also Syrian, like Awgin (Awkin [= cent., were to be read on 22 Täòíaí, the day of
Eugene]). The matters that the “brethren” inquire his death. His successor was Éndréyas.
about are, e.g., whether anachoretism is better Src.: Maurice Allotte de la Fuÿe, Actes de Filmona,
than coenobitism, or why Palladius did not write Louvain, 1958 (CSCO 35, 36 [SAe 181, 182]); Riccardo
De Santis, “Il Gadla Tadewos di Dabra Bartarwa”, Annali
the story of mar Awkin in the Book of Paradise.
Lateranensi 6, 1942, 9-116, here 35, 40, 42; Gérard Colin,
The portion corresponding to the second Vie de Samu’el de Dabra Halleluya, Louvain 1990 (CSCO
part of DaîišèŸ’s work contains nine chapters, 519, 520 [SAe 93, 94]), 52ff. (text) = 41f. (tr.).
on such topics as prayer and vigilance ((&#Hy Lit.: KinBibl 73, no. 55.
`tMy ]MNW , bäýénta sälot wätégah), rules of Steven Kaplan
(spiritual) combat (T?%Hy HN;tM , íérýat tä-
gadlot), repentance (#T@ , néííéha) and work-
Finca
ing miracles (zP+=Hy H!z=M , mébaratä
täýamérat). F. (F#M , Orom. Fincaa) is the name of a town
In Ethiopia, the popularity of the F. is con- as well as of one of the main tributaries of the
firmed by the fact that there exists an additional ÷Abbay river. The town of F. (9°54' N, 37°27' E)
commentary to it, in both GéŸéz (ms. EMML is situated on the upper bank of the river F. at
2837, 17th cent.) and Amharic (ms. EMML 2305, 2,320 m A.S.L. in Horo Guduru awragga in
18th–19th cent.). There is no critical edition of the ÷Wälläga province.
GéŸéz text, as is the case for the Syriac text of The river F. has a total catchment area of
DaîišèŸ Qatraya and its Arabic version. 4,089 km² (BECOM 1998). It is a perennial river
Src.: EMML 15, 418, 2837, 2305; BritLib 177f., no. 266 with an average annual discharge of 13,29 m³/
[Orient. 759]; FslFZF (Filkésyus), Addis Abäba n.d. second as gauged near ÷Šambu town (Ministry
Lit.: Anton Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Lite- of Water Resources 2001). It originates from the
ratur mit Ausschluß der christlich-palästinensischen Texte, highlands of Eastern Wälläga, bordered to the
Bonn 1922, 226f.; CerLett 140; LöfUpp 105f., no. 33 [O
Etiop. 7]; David Phillips, “The Syriac Commentary of
south by the ÷Gibe river basin. The catchment
Dadisho Qatraya on the Paradise of the Fathers: towards area of the F. river has one of the highest levels
a Critical Edition’, in: Studia Patristica: Papers presented of precipitation in Ethiopia; around 2,000 mm
at the Fourteenth International Conference on Patristic rainfall annually (EMAtlas). The drainage basin
Studies Held in Oxford 2003, Leuven 2005, in prepara-
tion; RicLett; Lanfranco Ricci, “Ethiopian Christian
Literature”, in: CE, vol. 3, 975–79, here 976b; Nicholas
Sims-Williams, “DadišèŸ Qatraya’s Commentary on the
Paradise of the Fathers”, ABoll 112, 1994, 33–64; Arnold
van Lantschoot, “Abba Salama, métropolite d’Éthiopie
(1348–1388) et son rôle de traducteur”, in: PICES 1, 397–
401; Witold Witakowski, “Filékséyus, the Ethiopic ver-
sion of Dadisho‘ Qatraya’s Commentary on the Monastic
Life”, Orientalia Suecana 54, 2005, in preparation.
Witold Witakowski
Filmona
F. (Fs{! ) was a holy monk from Tégray
who was active in the regions of ÷Éndärta and
÷Tämben. He lived in the second half of the
14th cent. during the reigns of ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I
and ÷Säyfä ArŸad. The Metropolitan who or-
dained him deacon was abunä ÷Sälama “the
542
Fine Arts School
provided the impetus for new means of expres-
sion and expanded the school’s curriculum.
Since the 1960s, Ethiopian artists increas-
ingly have worked as instructors, several of
whom had graduated from the F.A.S. and went
abroad for further studies. The most important,
who, however, never attended the F.A.S., were
÷Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa and Alexander Boghos-
sian, known as “Skunder” (÷Éskéndér). Gäbrä
Kréstos was influenced by German Expression-
Finca; photo 1997, courtesy of the author ism while in Cologne (1958–61) and Skunder
is rolling and undulating and is highly cultivated was exposed to Surrealism and the art and phi-
in its upper watershed. losophy of Negritude while in Paris (1957–66).
A multipurpose dam was constructed close to F. Both artists influenced a whole generation of
town in its upper catchments area in ca. 1973. This modern Ethiopian artists.
dam is one of the major hydroenergy stations in After the Revolution of 1974, the School was
the country, along with other major sources from placed under the control of the Ministry of Cul-
the ÷Qoqa dam in the Awaš river and Mälka ture and Sports Affairs and Abdäl Rähman Šärif
Wakena dam on the ÷Wabi Šäbälle river. The de- (b. 1939) became the new Director. Education to
pendable installed capacity of the hydropower is diploma originally took five years, but after the
100 Megawatts with an average energy capability Revolution, the curriculum was expanded and
of 660 Gigawatts per year (AGRES 2001). There the entire diploma-course lasted only four years.
are also other identified sites for further hydro- The budding artist was not only expected to have
power development in its catchment area in the talent and creativity, he had also to be class-con-
future. The water from the F. dam is also used for scious in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism.
large-scale sugar-cane irrigation activity. The sug- After 1991, after the takeover by the Ethio-
ar-cane factory constructed close to the irrigation pian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front,
field near F. town is one of the major producers of the school came under different administrative
sugar in Ethiopia (BECOM 1988). structures and in 1998 it was incorporated into
Src.: AGRES (eds.), Ethiopian Power System Expansion the Addis Abäba University system. The curric-
Master Plan. Main Report. Ethiopian Electric Power ulum is now designed to meet the requirements
Corporation, Addis Ababa 2001; BECOM (eds.), Abbay that would allow for its graduates to be awarded
River Basin Integrated Development Master Plan the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Art Education
Project. Water Resources Studies. Phase 3. Ministry of
Water Resource, Addis Ababa 1998; EMAtlas; Ministry and the degree of Fine Arts, respectively. This
of Water Resources (eds.), Hydrological Data Base has brought a change in name and the school is
(1962–1969), Addis Ababa 2001. now called the Addis Ababa University School
Maps: Microsoft Corporation (eds.), Encarta-97 of Fine Arts and Design.
(location map), 1997.
Tenalem Ayalew
Fine Arts School

The Addis Abäba F.A.S. (Amh. Y!8Fy !(+y
T|y 4(-y MzW?My ,M , Yäýaddis Abäba
íénä tébäb témhért bet) was founded in 1958/59
by Allä Fälägä Sälam (b. 1929), who had studied
art at the Art Institute of Chicago, USA. He be-
came F.A.S.’s first Director. The objective of the
School, which was under the Ministry of Edu-
cation and Fine Arts, was to train professional
artists and art teachers for the Ethiopian schools.
Opening ceremony of an exhibition at the Fine Arts
There were only a few subjects offered at the very School in Addis Abäba, 1959, Emperor Òaylä Íéllase I
beginning: drawing, painting and a small number with the new director Allä Fälägä Sälam; photo courtesy
of academic subjects. Foreign artists of the staff of Ebba Dettenberg-Weddig
543
Fine Arts School
Lit.: Elisabeth Biasio, The Hidden Reality: Three Con- (d’Abbadie 1890:278ff., 282). Later reports of
temporary Ethiopian Artists, Zürich 1989, 84ff.; Konjit Catholic missionaries contain detailed descrip-
Seyoum, “Ethiopie: l’École des Beaux Arts et la révolu-
tion socialiste”, in: Anthologie de l’art Africaine du XX tions of these ruins “close to the Dildila hill”
siècle, Paris 2001, 298–303. (as the main part of Éntotto was called). It was
Elisabeth Biasio a square building measuring over 9 to 8 m, with
three naves and possibly with a vault. Locally the
place was known as Birbirsaa (‘cypress tree’) and
Finfinnee was also called Maariyaam giiftii (‘St. Mary’).
In the oral tradition of the ÷Oromo, the “Horaa In the late 1860s local tradition attributed this
F.” (the ‘source of F.’) was considered as one of former church to ase Zärýa YaŸéqob and it was
the six holy springs owing to the medical proper- said to have been destroyed by imam ÷Ahmad
ties of its thermal mineral water. The term itself is b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi, called “Grañ” (ibid.; Foucher
onomatopoeic, imitating the sound of the sprin- 1986:2f., 5). Birbirsaa, with its ancient sycamore
kling water. Today, “the source of F.” is Félwéha tree, served as a traditional assembly-place of the
(Amh.: ‘hot water’), the spring and locatity in the local Oromo. The plan of building a church on
middle of ÷Addis Abäba. this site, however, was realized only much later.
From the 17th cent. onward, the F. piedmont The king built two churches on two other
was inhabited by the Tuulama subgroups Oromo assembly-places in the F. area. In a terri-
÷Abbióuu and Galaan. Up to the early 19th cent. tory called Gammoo, near the rock-hewn church
they were in recurrent conflict with each other. of ÷Yäkka Mikaýel in the mountain chain near
Néguí ÷Sahlä Íéllase of Šäwa in his expansion Éntotto, Qäranyo Mädòanä ŸAläm was founded
southwards sided with the Abióuu and thus in 1816 A.M. [1823/24 A.D.] and put under
could include F. in his realm. One of the first abba Zäwäldä Maryam of the ÷Étissa Däbrä
mentions of F. in historical sources is the report Sélaléš monastery in Bulga. The second church
of the traveller ÷Lefebvre, who noted that F. was Qaallittii Saalloo Giyorgis. Both were burnt
was one of the newly acquired Oromo provinces by the locals, then re-erected and protected by
of Sahlä Íéllase (Lefebvre 1845, vol. 3, 13). The “Gondäre” gunmen. The slaughter of these
population had submitted not long before 1843 (about 300 soldiers) in one overnight action
(ibid., vol. 2, 239); in that year Lefebvre visited was followed by revenge expeditions (cp. Haile
it with the King and his army. F. is described Gabriel Dagne 1986:8).
as a plain with thermal springs, surrounded by After the inclusion of F. into the Šäwan
mountains, hills and the river Aqaqi, and crossed kingdom, the Qortee lineage of the ÷Gullallee
by the rivers Qabänna and Bulbula. F. lay south- Oromo, another Tuulama subgroup (of the
west of ÷Éntotto and east of the “Gaara” (‘hill’, Géddaa), migrated into this area and pushed
probably meaning the Dalaatii hill, an assem- most Galaan and Abióuu to the east and south
bly-place, later that of Ménilék’s ÷gébbi), and (e.g., to Bišoftuu, Aqaqi). The territorial term
directly “neighbored” the Galaan Oromo. Yet, “F.” was then, in the 1860’s, also used to des-
according to oral tradition, F. itself was at that ignate the local Gullallee Oromo subgroup (s.
time inhabited by Galaan; therefore, it seems that d’Abbadie 1890:277). The only two villages in
Lefebvre uses the term F. for those Galaan in- the plain of F. were, at that time, Gullallee (still
habiting F. Unlike those Christian Oromo who today a name of two quarters in Addis Abäba)
voluntarily submitted to Šäwa, the F. Oromo and “Mande” (ibid. 283, perhaps a misreading of
did not enjoy royal protection and were living in Marii, an area in today’s Addis Abäba).
poor conditions. In 1868 Ménilék – in that period residing at
In March 1843 Sahlä Íéllase discovered ancient ÷Léóóe, about 100 km north-east of F. – sug-
church ruins in F. and planned to build a new gested to the Capuchin Fr. Taurin de Cahagne
church on the old foundations – symbolizing that he should open a mission at F. among the
the continuation of an older Christian presence Gullallee. After visiting the area, Fr. Taurin de-
in the area and thus claiming F. as a historical scribed “Finfini” as being “the most agreeable of
part of his Christian kingdom (Lefebvre 1845, the country … it is not too cold, water is plentiful
vol. 2, 240, 426). By the time of the first foreign (and the area is) wooded … I visited the territory
visitors, these ruins were considered a unique ex- and chose a hill covered with magnificent trees;
ample of an “advanced civilization” in the south but my choice was determined by the discovery
544
Finfinnee
Finfinnee mission in
the 1870s; from Massaia
1939, vol. 10:31
of a church destroyed by the invasion of Grañ”. The residence of Éntotto was suitable from a
With the permission of the Oromo people, who strategic point of view, but in the rainy season
owned the land, he built a Catholic church that the site was most unpleasant. With an entourage
was dedicated to Mary and consecrated on 25 of about 50,000, the mountain quickly became
July 1869. In a “ritual of adoption”, he was also deforested. During Ménilék’s military campaigns
integrated into the local Gullallee group, led in Arsi and Harär (1886–87), étege ÷Taytu Bétul
by Abbaa Obboo (Foucher 1986). Missionary spent most of her time at the nearby hot springs
education was started; later even some former of Félwéha on the lower grounds of F., finding
students of the ÷Collège des Galla in Marseille there relief from her acute rheumatism. In 1887,
arrived in the 1870s (Massaia 1939:285). Oromo she built a house on a site nearby amid the luxu-
texts, written by Taurin, were used in church rious mimosa trees and called it “Addis Abäba”.
services, among them the canticle Maariyaam Although F. could not yet be called a capital, an
kan Birbirsaa (Foucher 1986). estimated 10,000 to 15,000 people moved down
On 26 March 1878, ase Yohannés IV crowned from the mountain and settled in the vicinity.
Ménilék as néguí of Šäwa. Intending to submit But even for his coronation as emperor of Ethio-
permanently the southern Oromo, Ménilék need- pia, on 3 November 1889, Ménilék returned to
ed to reside in a more strategic site than ÷Ankobär, Éntotto. Only gradually did Addis Abäba as-
where he held court. The first Oromo to submit sume the role of an established capital.
were the Gumbióuu (from the Géddaa Tuulama, The name F. is still used by local Oromo and
as the Gullallee), the Galaan and the Gullallee employed as an alternative name of Addis Abäba.
– thus, it was on their mountainous stronghold After 1991, in official documents of the regional
of Éntotto, above F., that he established his resi- state of Oromiyaa, “Addis Abäba” is often re-
dence in 1879. In the same year, ase Yohannés IV placed by “F.”. The stream is known today by its
expelled, by an edict dated 3 October, Mgr. Mas- Amharic name Bantiqetu.
saja, Mgr. Taurin, his coadjutor, and Fr. Louis de Src.: Théophile Lefebvre, Voyage en Abyssinie exé-
Gonzague. Thus the missionary station of F. (also cuté pendant les années 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, 1843,
called “Birbirsaa-F.”) had to be given up and the Paris 1845, vol. 2, 231ff., 238–41, 426; ibid., vol. 3,
13; AbbGeogr 277–84, 293, 298; Wilhelm Massaia
church fell into disuse. Later, in 1896, Ménilék or- [Guglielmo Massaja], 35 Jahre in Abessinien, München
dered the building of an Orthodox church on the 1939, 260f., 264f., 268, 285, 299; AWTarik 102-06, esp. 104
site, consecrated in 1897, with ras Mäkwännén as and n. 22, 23 (Lit.); GueCopMen I, 233; interview with
its first ÷gäbäz (‘head administrator’). This was Wäldä Yohannés Wärqnäh, Addis Abäba, May 2004.
the church of ÷Gännäta Sége Giyorgis, which Lit.: Antonios Alberto, The Apostolic Vicariate of
Galla: a Capuchin Mission in Ethiopia (1846–1942): Ante-
was again rebuilt in 1906–11 (Foucher 1986:9; cedents, Evolution and Problematics, Addis Ababa 1998,
to become later the coronation church of Òaylä 108–11; Gaëtan Bernoville, Monseigneur Jarosseau et
Íéllase I, s. Haile Gabriel Dagne 1986:11). la mission des Gallas; l’épopée missionnaire d’Éthiopie,
545
Finfinnee
Paris 1950, 66; Édouard Berlan, Addis Abeba, la plus Lutheran Overseas Mission (F.L.O.M.), joined
haute ville d’Afrique, Grenoble 1963; PankHist II, s.
index; OMahPh vol. 3, 24, 112, 132; Émile Foucher,
in the work of the EECMY. In 2004 there were
“Birbirssa in 1868–1869”, in: CentAddis; Tekalign about 35 Finnish missionaries in Ethiopia.
W. Mariam, “Notes on Intoto: the Precursor of Addis Src.: Library and archives of the Finnish Evangelical Lu-
Ababa (1881–1892)”, in: Proceedings of the Fourth An- theran Mission; internet resources.
nual Seminar of the Department of History, Addis Ababa Lit.: Emmanuel Abraham, Reminiscences of my Life, Oslo
1989, 133–52; Haile Gabriel Dagne, “Oral Information 1995, 244ff., 283–311; Veikko Vasko – Hennu Kjisik
on the Establishment of Churches in Addis Ababa”, ibid., – Liisa Salo-Lee et al., Culture in Finnish Development
4f., 8, 11. Cooperation, Helsinki 1998 (Report of Evaluation Study
Kevin O’Mahoney – Wolbert Smidt 1998, 1), 3f., 24ff., 96.
Maija Priess
Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission Fiqtor

The F.E.L.M. (Finnish: Suomen Lähetysseura F. (F85?, Ar. Buqtur) was, according to the
or SLS), the oldest of the Evangelical Lutheran Arabic History of the Patriarchs and the Ethiopic
mission agencies of Finland (founded in 1859), ÷Sénkéssar (3 Mäggabit), a 10th-cent. monk of
started co-operation with the ÷Ethiopian Evan- Syrian origin who had been driven out of the
gelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY) on 22 Egyptian monastery of St. Anthony (Dayr Anba
October 1968. The first missionaries were sent Antuniyus, from where many metropolitans were
in January 1969. selected for Ethiopia) with his fellow conspirator
The mission work began in HoíaŸéna (÷Hos- Minas. After that, F. and Minas went to Ethiopia,
säyna; first Kambaata Synod, now South Central where they presented letters supposedly from
Synod) where the F.E.L.M. missionaries co-op- Patriarch Cosmas III of Alexandria (923–34). It
erated with local people and other missionaries happened that the late king of Ethiopia had given
in several parishes and taught in the Bible School responsibility for the choice of his successor to
and in the Theological Seminary. The Bible Peter the Metropolitan and the Metropolitan
translation into ÷Kambaata and ÷Hadiyya was had selected the younger candidate (his name is
started with their participation. The School for sometimes thought to have been “Tabtahag”, but
the Deaf was established in 1982 with the sup- this is nothing else but erroneously written Ar.
port of the F.E.L.M. In 1976 the development bibtihag ‘with joy’). The letter by Minas and F.,
work was started, first in Tunto with a health- presented to the unsuccessful older candidate,
care clinic. claimed that Peter was an impostor and that Mi-
Since 1993 F.E.L.M has been co-operating nas was the legitimate bishop. This invalidated
with the Illubabor Bethel Synod, with special Peter’s selection of the younger heir and, with
emphasis on outreach work, women’s work and the help of the army, the elder brother took the
the training of pastors and lay-leaders of the throne. Peter was deposed and Minas installed
church. Teaching in the nursing school in Aýira as Metropolitan. The two conspirators later
in the former Western Synod, now Birbir Dilla quarrelled and F. fled from Ethiopia, apparently
Synod, started in 1993. with considerable plunder. However, later let-
The F.E.L.M. participates in community-based ters from Patriarch Cosmas invalidated Minas’s
development-work projects with the support of claim and he was executed. The incident was of
Finnish International Development Aid. This some importance since Peter had meanwhile died
work has included, since 1991, several ÷HIV/ and the Patriarch would not consecrate another
AIDS programmes besides traditional health bishop. The king therefore forced Peter’s assist-
care, literacy work, social work with day-care ant to take up the metropolitanate illegally. This
centres for children, family planning and mar- breach with Alexandria lasted until Patriarch
riage work. The mission opposes such traditions Philotheus (979–1003) eventually sent Bishop
as genital mutilation of women (÷Circumci- ÷Danéýel in response to a plea from the king
sion, female) and tries to prevent unbalanced after Ethiopia’s sufferings under the “queen of
nutrition. The newest area is the North Central the Banu l-Ham(u)wiya” (÷Ésato).
Ethiopia Synod since 2001, which work among Src.: BudSaint 666ff.; SawHist vol. 2, part 2, 118ff.
Lit.: Salvatore Tedeschi, “La Reine de Saba et le roi
AIDS orphans in ÷Däse. Tâbtahâdj”, AE 14, 1987, 167–73, here 171–74; MHAlex
In 1970s two other Finnish missions, the Finn- 130ff. (Lit.); TedEthPrel I, 1001f. (Lit.).
ish Lutheran Mission (F.L.M.) and the Finnish Stuart Munro-Hay
546
Fire-arms
Fiqtor Fire-arms
F. (F85?, Ar.: Buqtur) was a metropolitan of F. which first arrived in Ethiopia in the 15th cent.,
Ethiopia who probably lived in the second half during the reign of ase ÷Yéshaq, played a major
of the 11th cent. He is known only from an inci- role in the country’s history. They often deter-
dental reference in the History of the Patriarchs mined the outcome of battles, and the balance of
of the Egyptian Church. There had been prob- power between provinces and states; and were in
lems with the Ethiopian metropolitanate during great demand by Ethiopian rulers.
the Patriarchate of Christodoulos of Alexandria The importance of F. was apparent during the
(1047–77) with the usurpation of the metropoli- reign of ase ÷Lébnä Déngél, who in 1526 report-
tanate by an intruder, Quril (Cyril) ŸAbdun. F. edly had only two swivel-guns and 14 muskets.
eventually fled Ethiopia and Patriarch Cyril II These failed to repel imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim
(1077–92) appointed a new Bishop, ÷Säwiros, al-Ëazi (Grañ), who, after his rebellion in 1527,
possibly his own nephew. However, the rela- acquired seven cannon, and later over 200 mus-
tionship between these two individuals is by kets. The Portuguese, who came to the Emper-
no means certain. The Ethiopic ÷Sénkéssar (12 or’s aid, in 1541, brought, decisively, six cannon,
Säne) states instead that Säwiros was a brother of 100 swivel-guns and over 600 matchlocks. Grañ
the Bishop of Ethiopia, F., and had been brought responded by obtaining 10 field bombards
up there. Because at this time another metropoli- and some 1,000 muskets from Arabia. In later
tan Victor (Buqtur) of ÷Nubia, appointed by fighting around Harär in 1559, amir ÷Nur b.
Christodoulos, is mentioned by the History of Mugahid reportedly had five to seven cannon,
the Patriarchs in connection with the accusation and 500 muskets. By the 1620s the Jesuit, Manoel
of demolishing a mosque, some scholars have de Almeida, nevertheless stated there were only
assumed that it was his nephew who became 1,500 muskets in the entire country, and that no
bishop of Ethiopia (Monneret de Villard 1938: more than 400 or 500 were employed in any
128f.). expedition. Many weapons were, however, then
Src.: SawHist vol. 2, part 3, 327–30, 350f.; BudSaint 995. being smuggled from Massawa into Tégray. The
Lit.: MHAlex 152ff. (Lit.); TedEthPrel I, 1002f. (Lit.); Ugo Scottish traveller James Bruce estimated that by
Monneret de Villard, Storia della Nubia cristiana, Roma the turn of the 1770s there were 6,000 muskets in
1938, 128f.
Tégray, and only 1,000 in the rest of Ethiopia.
Stuart Munro-Hay
The number of F. thereafter increased steadily.
The British envoy Henry Salt estimated there
were 8,000 matchlocks in Tégray, in 1810, while
Fiqtor the German Wilhelm Rüppell thought a genera-
F. (F85? , d. 7 April 1539) was the eldest son tion later that the nominal capital, Gondär, had
of ase Lébnä Déngél (r. 1508–40), who had only 400. Šäwa, however, had by then about
another three sons (÷Gälawdewos, ÷Minas and 1,000 F., including two cannon, 300 muskets,
YaŸéqob) and three daughters (Amätä Giyorgis, and 100 pistols presented to néguí ÷Íahlä Íéllase
Säbänä Giyorgis and Wälättä Qéddusan). F. was by Captain ÷Harris’s mission, in 1841. By the
killed by garad ÷ŸUôman, one of the warlords
of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi. He died child-
less. Immediately afterwards his brother Minas
was confined to ÷Amba Géšän, which was later
stormed by Muslims; its inhabitants were mas-
sacred. F.’s death produced a lasting impression
in the country (as well as in the contemporary
Europe), his name being mentioned in the
÷Dérsanä Raguýel, a popular prophecy on the
fate of the dynasty.
Src.: BassÉt II, 330; Manfred Kropp, Die Geschichte
des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minas, Lovanii 1988
(CSCO 503 [SAe 83]), 17, 30; BegCron 22; DombrChr
165. Fire-arms; Ethiopian painting from the 1930s, show-
Lit.: BruNile vol. 2, 175–79. ing the 1896 battle of ŸAdwa (detail); photo courtesy of
Sevir Chernetsov Robert Wiren
547
Fire-arms
that Ménilék had 50,000 rifles, 12,000 of them

modern. He was thus beginning to catch up with
the previously much-better-armed Yohannés,
who in 1888, the year prior to his death, had
an estimated 60,000 rifles. The production of
ammunition by order of ase Yohannés in a fac-
tory in Tégray, directed by Europeans, was the
first industry built up in Ethiopia. Even before,
already under ase Tewodros, black powder was
produced on a small scale, e.g., utilizing ÷eu-
Firearms as used by Ethiopian soldiers (19th cent. and
earlier), Ethnographic Museum of the Institute of phorbia coal. The production of patrons under
Ethiopian Studies, photo by Wolbert Smidt, courtesy of ase Yohannés, however, even if causing some un-
IES rest among European diplomats, never reached
an important scale.
middle of the century the Frenchman Arnauld Ménilék, threatened by an Italian invasion,
d’Abbadie estimated that däggazmaó ÷Wébe subsequently devoted immense efforts to im-
Òaylä Maryam of Tégray had 28,000 rifles, porting F. By the time of the battle of ÷ŸAdwa in
but that his nominal overlord ras ÷Ali Alula 1896, he had 40 cannons and over 100,000 rifles,
in Bägemdér, where imports were difficult, had at least half of them modern. The Italians, on the
only 4,000. The ÷Oromo south of the Blue Nile other hand, had 56 cannons and less than 15,000
were, however, still unacquainted with F. rifles.
Ase ÷Tewodros, located in the north-west F., throughout this time, were much prized
where fire-arms could not easily be procured, by Ethiopians. They used them for ceremonial
made European missionaries caste him nine can- fusillades and evolved their own names for guns,
nons under the auspices of the former Tsarist mainly corruptions of the French, e.g. wägigra
soldier Moritz ÷Hall. At the battle of Mäqdäla for fusil Gras (Pankhurst 1971:72ff.; KaneDic
in 1868, he had 37 pieces of artillery, but only 1574).
4,000 rifles, three-quarters muzzle-loaders, the Shortage of funds, Italian pressure on interna-
rest match-locks. The British, by contrast, had tional arms-dealers and an Anglo-French arms
32 heavy artillery, 16 rocket-firers and 16,000 embargo, greatly limited ase Òaylä Íéllase’s
rifles, a quarter of them breech-loaders. They purchase of F. prior to the Italian invasion of
subsequently gave däggazmaó Kaía Mérca (later 1935. Ethiopia, according to contemporary esti-
ase ÷Yohannés IV) six mortars and 855 muskets mates, thus entered the war with only about 400
or rifles. light cannons, 2,000 to 3,000 machine-guns and
The next two decades witnessed a fierce arms 50,000 to 60,000 modern rifles.
race between ase Yohannés and néguí Ménilék of F. continue to play an important, also sym-
Šäwa. Yohannés, in his battles with the Egyptians bolic, role in the local societies of Ethiopia and
at Gundät and GuraŸ in 1875–76, captured 25 to Eritrea. The appearance of kalashnikovs, easy to
30 cannons and 20,000 modern Remington rifles. handle, contributed to the increase of armaments
He suffered thereafter, however, from an arms in minority ethnic groups, especially starting
blockade, first by Egypt and later by Italy, but from the 1970s; they also became an instrument
obtained some smuggled weapons. Ménilék II in the re-formulation of identities (cp. ÷Kara).
meanwhile was actively acquiring F. According Traditional enmities tend to become fueled by
to the Italian geographer Antonio Cecchi, he the appearance of F. (Matsuda 2002). The impor-
had by 1881 22,000 rifles, but only 4,000 of them tance of F. as male status symbols, as known al-
modern. Gifts from the Italian Government ready among highland Ethiopians before the 20th
and sales by French merchants, however, trans- cent., has the effect that the possession of F. is
formed the situation. Ménilék, according to the greatly appreciated, even if out-of-date or even if
French arms-dealer Arthur ÷Rimbaud, obtained ammunition is lacking. Due to the crucial role F.
25,000 modern weapons between 1882 and 1887. played, e.g., in liberation struggles, even personal
Further imports were that year facilitated by names like Kélašni (from “kalashnikov”, attested
Ménilék’s occupation of Harär, by which time among the Kunama) are given to newly-born
the Italian envoy Pietro ÷Antonelli estimated children.
548
Fisalgos
Src.: KaneDic 1574; BeckHuntAlm; Charles Johnston, he decided to withdraw to the Sudan. Finally, he
Travels in Southern Abyssinia through the Country of was delivered to ras Nadäw’s soldiers, together
Adal to the Kingdom of Shoa, during the Years 1842–1843,
London 1844; Theophilus Waldmeier, Erlebnisse in with šayò ŸAbdarrahman, by ÷Fatansa Illuu of
Abessinien in den Jahren 1858–1868, Basel 1869; Cle- Ñoñño (whom F. tried to convert to Islam) and
ments Robert Markham, A History of the Abyssinian executed. He is still revered and venerated as
Expedition, with a Chapter Containing an Account of the wali by the local Oromo.
Mission and Captivity of Mr. Rassam and his Compan-
Lit.: CerFolk 45f.; MHasOr 160; TrIslam 202.
ions, by W.F. Prideau, London 1868.
Lit.: Angelo del Boca, The Ethiopian War 1935–1941, Denis Nosnitsin
Chicago 1969; Richard Pankhurst, “The History of
Fire-arms in Ethiopia prior to the Nineteenth Century”,
EthObs 11, 1967, 202–25; Id., “Fire-Arms in Ethiopian Fisalgos
History”, EthObs 6, 1962, 135–80; Id., “Linguistic and
Cultural Data on the Penetration of Fire-Arms into F. (FDsQF , also Fiséýalégos, Fisäýalégos, from
Ethiopia”, JES 9, 1971, 47–82; Merid Wolde Aregay, Greek Fusiolovgo¿, ‘Physiologus’) is a small
“A Reappraisal of the Impact of Firearms in the His- literary work, originally composed in Greek in
tory of Warfare in Ethiopia (c. 1500–1800)”, JES 14, 1980, Alexandria around 200 A.D. Each of its 48 chap-
98–121; Hiroshi Matsuda, “Political Visibility and Au-
tomatic Rifles: the Muguji in the 1990s”, in: Wendy James
ters treats a species of animal (42 chs.), plant (2
– Donald Donham – Eisei Kurimoto – Alessandro chs.) or mineral (4 chs.), usually starting with a
Triulzi (eds.), Remapping Ethiopia: Socialism and After, Biblical quotation (in the majority of cases from
Oxford 2002, 173–84. the N.T.) and the phrase “The Physiologus said
Richard Pankhurst about …”, followed by a legendary descrip-
tion of the species’ properties and, as a moral, a
Firriisa Christian interpretation of these properties. The
F. (d. 1901) was the son of Abbaa Foggi by a chapters usually close with the phrase “Rightly
slave wife and heir to the throne of ÷Guummaa. did he [the Physiologus] say what he said”. E.g.,
Before its submission to néguí Ménilék of Šäwa, the Phoenix, which burns itself and rises from its
Guummaa was one of the most Islamized among ashes, is compared to Christ: “Since the bird has
the Oromo states of the ÷Gibe region. Carrying the power to kill itself and to rise again, how then
out the policy of territorial expansion, Abbaa is it possible for the Jews to murmur against our
Goobir, following the policies of his father King Redeemer for having said: ‘It is in my power to
÷Gaawe Ouóo (converted to Islam between lay down my soul and to take it up again’ [Jn 10:
1854 and 1860, d. 1879), carried out policies of 18]” (ch. 7). The Physiologus makes use of pre-
territorial expansion and ÷gihad against his non- Christian motives current in Antiquity.
Muslim Oromo neighbours. The F. was very popular and influential. It was
When daggazmaó (later ras) ÷Täsämma translated into all languages of early and medieval
Nadäw, Ménilék’s general, finally conquered Christianity. Already during the Aksumite period
Guummaa in 1885, F. fled to Massawa, where it was translated from the original Greek into
he met šayò ŸAbdarrahman (šeh Abderoman) GéŸéz. The translator was not too well-versed in
from ÷Gomma, a follower of the Mirëaniya Greek, which resulted in the transcription, instead
Islamic brotherhood. They stayed together for of translation, of quite a few animal terms (e.g.
a long time, making pilgrimages to ÷Mecca M2F, gipos, from gupov¿, gen. of guvy, ‘vulture’,
and Medina. When in 1899 F. learned that an ch. 19). But also some original GéŸéz terms for
uprising against Ménilék’s administration had animals are preserved in the F. as hapax legom-
erupted in Guummaa, he went boldly through ena (Hommel 1879:370). Many of these Greek
Eritrea to Kassala and thence to the Sudan and and GéŸéz terms were the subject of explanations
reached Guummaa, passing Anfillo and Leeqa. in the Ethiopian lexical tradition (÷Säwaséw).
At Ebióóa Ruya, in front of a gathering of the The F. is the major source for natural history
local chiefs, he proclaimed himself king and anin the Ethiopian traditional Bible interpretation
nounced the gihad against the Christian empire. (Cowley 1983:44, index; ÷Andémta). It is also
His appeal had some success among the chiefs; quoted in the ÷Mäzmurä Kréstos (WrBriMus 82).
he defeated Täsämma Nadäw at Gangi, then beat A new edition, taking into account the newly
back fitawrari Sägirde, dispatched by Täsämma, discovered manuscripts, would be desirable, as
and was successful in several more clashes. How- well a further evaluation of the F.’s impact on the
ever, as the pressure from Ménilék’s troops grew, exegetical tradition.
549
Fisalgos
Src.: Franciscus Sbordone (ed.), Physiologus, Milano fast-flowing rivers traps are built near dams and
1936 [repr. Hildesheim 1976; 1991]; WrBriMus 82, no. 128 basketry. Tools include also scoop-nets and, as a
[Orient. 534]; 311, no. 391 [Orient. 818], fol. 171–76; Zo-
tBNat 241–42, no. 146 [Éth. 123], fol. 153–61; CRAbb IV, more recent phenomenon, trawl-line and hook-
219f., no. 243 [d’Abbadie 247, II], fol. 2–8; Wien, Öster- line. In some cases spears (e.g., by Wäyto and
reichische Nationalbibliothek 21, 6; GreTisVat 477f., no. ÷Gumuz) or bow and arrow (e.g., by Gumuz)
118, fol. 151–61; EMML 258, fol. 112a–24b; 629, fol. are used (Simoons 1960:160; VSAe II, table 44).
143b–57a (late); Fritz Hommel (ed., tr.), Die äthiopische
Once captured, F. are tied together with the
Uebersetzung des Physiologus nach je einer Londoner, Pa-
riser und Wiener Handschrift herausgegeben, verdeutscht help of a string to be transported and sold in the
und mit einer historischen Einleitung versehen, Leipzig neighbouring areas. Fishing is still a non-profes-
1877; Id. (tr.), “Der äthiopische Physiologus“, Romani- sional activity that provides a supplementary
sche Forschungen 5, 1890 (Festschrift Konrad Hofmann source of income for local households.
zum 70sten Geburtstag), 13–36; Carlo Conti Rossini
(tr.), “Il Fisiologo etiopico“, RSE 10, 1951, 1–51; Claude In the last four decades the various Ethiopian
Sumner (tr.), The Source of African Philosophy: the Ethio- governments have paid special attention to fish-
pian Philosophy of Man, Stuttgart 1986 (AeF 20), 81–89. ing, strongly interested in its role for economic
Lit.: Friedrich Lauchert, Geschichte des Physiologus, development. Hence, they set up programs
Strassburg 1889 [repr. Genève 1974]; Ben Edwin Perry,
“Physiologus”, in: Paulys Real-Encyclopaedie der clas- aiming at the improvement of the equipment
sischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart 1941, vol. 20.1, (providing boats) and techniques used. They
1074–1129; Claude Sumner, The Fisalgwos, Addis Abeba also tried to organize the fishermen and bring
1982 (Ethiopian Philosopy 5); Leslie S.B. MacCoull, their products to established markets. Fisheries
“The Coptic ‘Triadon’ and the Ethiopic ‘Physiologus’”,
OrChr 75, 1991, 141–46; Fritz Hommel, Die Namen der
were set up around ÷Arba Ménc, providing the
Säugethiere bei den südsemitischen Völkern, Leipzig 1879; markets of the town with cat-fish.
Roger W. Cowley, The Traditional Interpretation of the From the point of view of ichthyology, ha-
Apocalypse of St John in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, lieutics and maritime culture, the Eritrean coast
Cambridge 1983 (University of Cambridge Oriental has been strongly linked throughout time to the
Publications 33); Klaus Alpers, “Untersuchungen zum
griechischen Physiologus und den Kyraniden”, Vestigia Yemen. F. abound there and fishing is practised
Bibliae 6, 1984, 13–84. in the small coastal villages. Their production
Stefan Weninger is sold in the Yemen and ÷Massawa. Massawa
is also a centre for modern fishing activities in
Eritrea, exporting its products to the highlands
Fish and fishing as well as international destinations.
The relatively few species of fresh-water F. The importance of F. for the different popula-
present in Ethiopia are similar to those of the tions of Ethiopia depends on their proximity to
basin of the Nile and the East African lakes: e.g.,
Oreochromis niloticus or tilapia (Amh. 9@G ,
qoroso), Clarias gariepinus (!z+u , ambaza),
Cyprinus carpio (!+ Dv%s , Abba Samuýel) and
Barbus sp.
There is a wide range of fishing techniques
in use. In north-western Ethiopia, for example,
anaesthetic plants (among others Milletia ferru-
ginea, Maesa lanceolata, Solanum marginatum)
are thrown into the water to stupefy the F. The
dried and crushed herbs are, traditionally after
offerings for good success, scattered in the water.
After some hours the dazed F. can be collected
from the water’s surface. Gill nets are used, e.g.,
by the ÷Wäyto of Lake Tana: the net is opened
parallel to and a short distance from the shore.
Then the water in between is beaten so that the F.
flee and enter the net (Simoons 1960:159). A simi-
lar technique is known in the south, for example
by the ÷Zay (VSAe II, 672f., table 42). Other Zay fishing net (diametre ca. 8.6 m, length ca. 2.25 m),
techniques are catching the F. in cast nets. In with detail showing a stone weight, from VSAe II, pl. 41
550
Fistula Hospital
waters rich in F., as well as to a large extent in mastered by the speakers: !4#M (atént, ‘bone’)
their cultural and religious beliefs. The avoid- and &&W (éšoh, ‘spine’) indicate the fishbone, but
ance of F. is a cultural feature widely spread in also the scale of the animal, which is also named
the Horn of Africa. The ÷Kémant as well as the 8?FM (qérfit, ‘peel’), l#I (kénf, ‘wing’), etc.;
÷Oromo and most southern Ethiopian peoples !6/| (aqqattänä, ‘to pull a F. out of the water
(with the exemption of the Gangule [÷Harro]), with a hook [mäqatén]’), etc.
for instance, believe that F. is impure, whilst the Although F. has such a marginal place in
Wäyto of Lake Tana hold the opposite ideology, Christian Ethiopian society, everybody has no-
wherein their people are meant to eat anything tions of it, in particular due to the importance
living in the water. They hunt animals (e.g., the of this animal in the history of Christianity. F. is
÷hippopotamus), that are held as impure by the also present in popular culture and in Amharic
surrounding groups; such a practice is used to proverbs, like n(Ry u`.My !\FHz;Mz
give an explanation for their status as ÷periph- (läŸaía mäwañät ayastämrutém, ‘one does not
eral people. The ÷Wata, another group of this teach a F. to swim’) and (R#y u-qMy (-sUM
category, on the other hand, eat hippopotamus (Ÿaían mäblat bäbélhat, ‘to eat F. carefully [be-
but avoid F. (VSAe II, 88, 717). cause of the fishbones]’).
Like the Jews, the followers of the Ethiopian Src.: KaneDic 1162f.
Orthodox Täwahédo Church distinguish between Lit.: Gustavo Brunelli et al., Esplorazione dei laghi
della fossa Galla; missione ittiologica dell’Africa orientale
aquatic animals and marine monsters (Gen 1:21). italiana, Roma 1941; A.S. Golubtsov et al., A Key to Fish
Among monsters, the Leviathan and the Behe- Species of the Gambela Region (the White Nile Basin in
mot (Job 40:25) do not seem to be comparable, the Limits of Ethiopia) [Addis Ababa: Joint Ethio-Russian
respectively, to the crocodile and the hippopota- Biological Expedition], Moscow 1995; Masräya Hayle,
mus, whose meat is forbidden. F. are divided into Y7?y !=_M!y Y+B?y (Ry F{,y (#M_1\ (Yädur
arawiténna yabahér Ÿaía sémoóó bäýityopya, ‘Names of
two groups, according to the presence or absence Wild Animals and Sea Fish in Ethiopia’), Ph.D. thesis,
of scales and fins in their anatomy; in the first case Addis Ababa University 1963 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.];
their meat is eaten, in the second it is considered Giovanni Oman, L’ittionimia nei paesi arabi dei Mari
impure (s. Lev 11:9–12; Deut 14:9; Mt 13:47–50). Rosso, Arabico e del Golfo Persico (o Arabico), Napoli
1992; Joseph Tubiana, “Le grand mythe des Kemant”,
F. is the only flesh allowed during ÷fasting in the in: Alain Rouaud, Les orientalistes sont des aventuriers,
Fétha nägäít (ch. 15), but some ascetic devotees Paris 1999, 69–85; Yaqob Beyene, “I tabù alimentari e
still include it in their fasts. It is normally fried il cristianesimo etiopico”, RSE 38, 1996, 209–32; Vinigi
(with an incision and without cutting the head) Lorenzo Grottanelli, Pescatori dell’Oceano Indiano:
in special fat consonant with fasting or in 3^y saggio etnologico preliminare sui Bagiuni, Bantu costieri
dell’Oltregiuba, Roma 1955; Frederick J. Simoons,
]4 (qäyy wät, ‘red stew’). Its consumption, not Northwest Ethiopia. Peoples and Economy, Madison
highly valued, is relatively modest (150 g per an- 1960, 158ff.; VSAe I, 256, 416; VSAe II, 87f., 103, 672ff.,
num and per capita) and strongly linked to fast- 716f.
ing periods, especially Easter. Alain Rouaud
The indigenous form (R (Ÿaía) invaribly desig-
nates F. in GéŸéz, Tégre, Tégréñña, Gurage, Gafat
and Amharic (with the variants Ÿaía in Tgt. Tgn., Fistula Hospital
asa in Amh.). The term comes probably from the The F.H. was founded in Addis Abäba in 1974 by
old Cushitic substrate and can also be found in Reginald Hamlin, a New Zealand gynaecologist
Bilin, Kémant etc. The new expanding Cushitic holding a post at the Princess Ìähay Hospital
languages, however, do not include it (Oromiffa: in Addis Abäba since 1959. He, together with
qurxummii; Somali: kalluun, mallaay etc.). ŸAía his Australian wife Catherine, was expected to
indicates any kind of F., but some species also set up midwifery training, but they were soon
receive local names (s. supra). Loanwords (šark touched by the plight of the fistula patients. Fis-
and šrimp, from English ‘shark’ and ‘shrimp’, re- tulas (abnormal openings) can occur as a compli-
spectively) and calques (démmät Ÿasa, ‘cat-fish’) cation of childbirth, when women are unable to
are also used. The term r#< (zändo, ‘[water-] reach a doctor during problematic labour. Ethio-
snake’ etc.) indicates the Leviathan, whilst the pia’s rugged terrain, scattered population and
whale of Jonas is called (#+< (Ÿanbari). Amharic poor communications prevent those in remote
vocabulary related to F. does not have a specific, villages from receiving the required medical aid.
but rather an analogical character, being poorly Women are so damaged by the obstructed labour
551
Fistula Hospital
that they become incontinent and consequently As there were many armies in the country, the
social outcasts. general hierarchy was far from being standard-
As Hamlin’s skill in curing fistula patients be- ized. A Russian officer Arnoldi, who made a
came known, they began arriving in such large survey of the Ethiopian army at the beginning
numbers that the wards of the general hospital of the 20th cent., remarked that the hierarchy was
were unable to cope. The social stigma attached intricate and impregnated with the same feudal
to them also required the establishment of a spirit as the majority of Ethiopian institutions.
special hospital. Money was raised from wealthy As for the F., he wrote: “Not every F. is higher
countries, particularly Australia and New Zea- than grazmaó, and sometimes qäññazmaó means
land. Hamlin was able to obtain the required more than däggazmaó. First of all one should dis-
permission to build from the Ministry of Health tinguish a däggazmaó F. etc. of the Imperial army
and, with the readily given approval of Emperor from the same titles in vassals’ armies. These are
Òaylä Íéllase I, he was able to buy land on which by no means equal figures and any F. of the néguí
to construct the hospital. has incomparably more land and soldiers than
On 24 May 1974 a main ward of 40 beds was the best däggazmaó of a ÷ras. Every däggazmaó
opened. By January 1991 over 17,000 patients has also several F. and qäññazmaó of his own,
had been treated. They came as social outcasts, but again qäññazmaó of a ras’s däggazmaó is in-
but went away normally after three weeks able comparably lower in position than his namesake
to reintegrate into society. The hospital still re- of a néguí’s däggazmaó. Thus, for example, the
lies on public donations for the greater part of néguí has a trusted officer to whom he confides
its finances. The Ethiopian Ministry of Health the command of the main bulk of his troops.
provides the funding for the doctors and some By his title he is a F., but even däggazmaóes of
of the nursing staff. The hospital has 60 beds and the néguí bow to him waist-deep and rases seek
about 16 operations are carried out each week. In his favour” (Arnoldi 1907:22f.). Here the Rus-
less severe cases, stitching the torn bladder is all sian officer meant fitawrari ÷Habtä Giyorgis
that is required. More serious cases require skin Dinagde, whom ase ÷Ménilék II had made the
and muscle grafts. Overseas surgeons used to War Minister with the title of F. in his newly
visit Addis Abäba to learn the latest techniques established cabinet of ministers on the European
in fistula surgery from the Hamlins, and in 1965 model.
Reginald Hamlin was invested with the Order However, there was an Ethiopian logic in
of the British Empire in recognition of his out- granting this particular title, because the high
standing work in this field. Hamlin died in 1993, command over the armed forces belonged to
but his wife Catherine continues to run the Ad- the Emperor himself, who was in this case the
dis Abäba F.H. däggazmaó, so his subordinate Habtä Giyorgis
÷Birth; ÷Hospitals could only be his F. As Bairu Tafla remarked,
Src.: author’s own data. “an attempt was made in 1907–30 to link the
Joachim Persoon title to the modern ministry of war; but it lost
its functional essence and was retained only as an
Fit Abbo ÷Gondär honorific title bestowed usually upon civilians”
(BTafA 914).
Fitawrari Lit.: KaneDic 2306; DombrChr 301; BTafA 914;
From the 14th cent. F. (FKb=< ) was the title Konstantin Arnoldi, Voennye ocherki Abissinii (‘Mili-
for a commander of an advanced detachment of tary Essays on Abyssinia’), St. Petersburg 1907, 22f.
Sevir Chernetsov
a traditional Ethiopian ÷army en march. The F.’s
duties were to contact first the enemy forces, to Flabellum ÷Märäwéh
provide for the safety of the march and to supply
the army by looting of local population. Flad, Johannes Martin
Formally, a F. was lower in rank than other F. (b. 7 January 1831, Undingen, Württemberg,
commanders (÷azmaó), such as grazmaó, d. 1 April 1915, Kornthal, Württemberg) was
qäññazmaó and ÷däggazmaó, and the site of a Protestant missionary. A farmer and saddler,
his detachment in battle-disposition was in front he studied at the St. Chrischona Seminary near
of the däggazmaó’s central regiment. However, Basle. In 1855, Bishop Samuel ÷Gobat sent F.
this hierarchy was valid only within one army. and Ludwig ÷Krapf to Ethiopia to establish a
552
Flad, Pauline Keller
basis for missionary work there. F. returned in 1873, 1880, 1890, 1894) to bring help and foster
1856 as part of the ÷St. Chrischona-Pilgermis- missionary work in Ethiopia.
sion. With other Pilgrim missionaries, with the In 1886, F.’s revised Amharic Bible was pub-
help of the newly crowned ase ÷Tewodros II lished. It was distributed throughout Ethiopia.
and abunä ÷Salama III, he started Bible work Bible-reading movement around the copies
among the Ethiopian people, distributing and brought by the ÷Church Missionary Society to
editing the new Amharic Bible (÷Bible transla- ÷Hamasen eventually gave birth to the ÷Ethio-
tion). Their aim was to strenghten the Ethiopian pian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus.
Church and to foster spiritual and social develop- ÷Mikaýel Arägawi, F.’s first adopted son,
ment for Ethiopia and the surrounding peoples, became his most prominent successor in Ethio-
according to the Moravian tradition of serving pia, whereas his son Frederic succeeded him in
local communities. F. established his first school Europe. Käntiba Gäbru, another F.’s student,
for the ÷Betä Ésraýel near Gondär in 1856. resumed the technical development, with Alfred
In 1858 F. married Pauline Keller (÷Flad, ÷Ilg, during the time of ase ÷Ménilék II.
Pauline) in Jerusalem. With her he returned to Src.: interview with Frederic Flad; Basle State archives;
Ethiopia where they raised 8 children (3 adopt- St. Crischona archives; Martin Flad, Notes from the
ed). In 1860, the mission among the Betä Ésraýel Journal of F. M. Flad, one of Bishop Gobat’s Pilgrim Mis-
sionaries in Abyssinia …, London 1860; Id., Zwölf Jahre in
was established due to a report of F. to Gobat
Abessinien oder Geschichte des Königs TheodorosII. und
and the sending of Henry ÷Stern by the ÷Lon- der Mission unter seiner Regierung …, Basel 1869; Id., 60
don Society for Promoting Christianity among Jahre in der Mission unter den Falaschas in Abessinien,
the Jews. In 1863 the relations with ase Tewodros Giessen – Basel 1922; Id., Ein Leben für Abessinien, Gies-
went through a sever crisis; difficult times started sen – Basel 1936; Hormuzd Rassam, Narrative of the
British Mission to Theodore, King of Abyssinia, London
for F. and other St. Crischona artisans (ordered 1869; Theophilus Waldmeier, Erlebnisse in Abessinien
by the Emperor to build giant mortars). The in den Jahren 1858–1868, Basel 1869.
British ambassador ÷Cameron was imprisoned. Lit.: ArEvang; Julius Flad, Ein Leben für Äthiopien:
In 1866 and sent by Tewodros as his ambassador Martin Flad, Giessen – Basel 1936; CrumMis 117–40;
to London to mediate in the crisis and, with RubInd 176–80, 247–55.
Wilfred Heintze-Flad
Queen Victoria, to prepare Ethiopia’s technical
development. In 1868 Tewodros’s prisoners were
released by the ÷Napier expedition, and F. had Flad, Pauline Keller
to return to St. Crischona. F. (née Pauline Keller; b. 26 November 1826, Saar-
The F. family settled in the Moravian commu- brücken, Prussia, d. 21 October 1909, Kornthal,
nity of Kornthal. They continued their ministry Württemberg) studied to be a nurse and became
through young Ethiopians F. was teaching at St. Germany’s first modern woman pharmacist. In
Crischona who later returned to Ethiopia and Kaiserswerth she was a room-mate of Florence
took up missionary activities there. F. himself Nightingale, working with her at the Deacon-
made five more journeys to Ethiopia (1870, esses’ hospital. In 1851 she travelled to Jerusalem
to start a hospital with Bishop Samuel ÷Gobat.
There she met Johannes Martin ÷Flad, whom she
married in 1858. The day after their marriage, they
left for Ethiopia to engage in missionary activity
among the ÷Betä Ésraýel. She helped the needy,
and her medical skills saved many lives. From
1863 she, together with Stern and Rosenthal, was
a target of ÷Tewodros II’s wrath for mentioning
himan rights violations. After her release in 1868,
she did not return to Ethiopia, but continued to
be involved in the mission’s work.
Src.: interview with Frederic Flad; Pauline Flad, Eine
braune Perle, Giessen – Basel 1929.
Lit.: ArEvang, passim; Julius Flad, Ein Leben für Äthio-
pien: Martin Flad, Giessen – Basel 1936; CrumMis 135,
Johannes Martin Flad, Pauline Flad and their children (on 142; RubInd 233, 253.
the right ÷Mikaýel Arägawi); photo courtesy of the author Wilfred Heintze-Flad
553
Flora
Flora ÷Plants dedicated to doctrinal questions and led by an

outstanding theological figure, Archbishop Basil
Florence, Council of Bessarion. In January 1439, the Council resumed
The Council of F. (1437–43) is known as the last its sessions again in the Tuscan capital; its discus-
serious, though unsuccessful, attempt by Rome sions, centred on the Filioque clause, resulted in
to put an end to the long-lasting schisma that op- the decree of Union with the Greeks of 6 July
posed it to the Eastern Churches. (Bull Laetentur caeli; s. Wohlmuth – Alberigo
The history of the Council offers itself a clear 2000:524–28).
picture of the position of the papacy in late me- After the departure of the Greeks and follow-
dieval times. Pope Eugene IV (1431–47) initially ing a strategy of one Church at a time, the turn
convoked on 18 December 1431 a Council to came of the other Oriental Churches: Armenian,
be held at Bologna. Its aim was to dissolve the Syrian, Maronite. The Ethiopian community in
Council of Basle (opened in 1431 by Martin V, Jerusalem (÷Dayr as-Sultan) was contacted in
closed at Lausanne in 1449) which, imbued with 1440 by the papal envoy, Brother Alberto da
the “conciliar” theories set forth at Constance ÷Sarteano (s. Hofmann 1942b:11–16; ÷Fran-
(1414–18), appeared as a major challenge to pa- ciscans). On September of the same year, a
pal authority. The Council was finally opened Coptic-Ethiopian embassy composed of twelve
in Ferrara on 8 January 1438 (Bull Doctoris gen- monks under the lead of Abbot Andrawos, a
tium) and was later moved to Florence for eco- Copt from the monastery of St. Anthony in
nomic reasons. Yet, the last sessions took place at Egypt, departed from Cairo to join the Council.
the Lateran palace in Rome (1443–45). Beside the In Florence, on 2 December 1441, the Ethiopian
“conciliar” problem, other important elements deacon Petros, the head of the Ethiopian delega-
in the background were the rise of the Otto- tion sent by Abbot Niqodemos of Jerusalem,
man power (Thessalonica and Constantinople presented a discourse with conciliatory tones
fell to the Turks in 1429 and 1453, respectively; (Hofmann 1942b:17f.; Cerulli 1933b). Mean-
Petrocchi 1955:23) and a diffused ecumenical while, a comission formed by three cardinals
spirit for the reunion of the Latin and Eastern (Giuliano Cesarini, the ÷Dominican Juan de
Churches. Torquemada and Jean Le Jeune, Bishop of Thèr-
With a clear unionist purpose, the discussions ouanne) was appointed to study the “heresies”
started in Ferrara with the Greek delegation, of the two Churches, the results of which came
composed of 700 people, at the head of which with the Bull of Union Cantate Domino (s.
were Emperor John VIII Paleologus and Patri- Wohlmuth – Alberigo 2000:567–83), read sol-
arch Joseph of Constantinople. Before moving emnly in the church of Santa Maria Novella on
to Florence, 16 sessions had been held, mostly 4 February 1442.
Pope Eugene IV gives the

Bull of Union to the Copt
and Ethiopian delegation;
bronze door by Antonio
Averulino called “il Filar-
ete”, 1445; Rome, Basilica
di San Pietro; photo 2004,
courtesy of Andreu Mar-
tínez
554
Fogära
The decree contained important discrepancies Fogära

between the Latin original and its Arabic ver- F. (JK= ) is the name given to the flat land
sion (Hofmann 1942a:228) and was both a clear stretching to the east of the shores of Lake
exposition of the Catholic doctrines and a severe ÷Tana. The area is drained by a number of rivers
rectification of the Coptic and Ethiopian “er- that flow into Lake Tana, with Reb and Gumära
rors”, such as food prescriptions, the practice of (Gwémära) being two of the major ones. The
÷Sabbath and ÷circumcision (ibid. 230; s. Wohl- marshy region is largely treeless, with elevation
muth – Alberigo 2000:577f.). However, the Un- barely above the level of the lake. It can be as-
ion between Rome and the two African churches sumed that F. had once been part of Lake Tana,
– who, like the other Eastern churches, attributed which was formed as a result of the volcanic
to the See of Peter only a spiritual primacy – never barrier from the heavy lava flow that interrupted
took place. Furthermore, only the Egyptian en- the flow of the major rivers in the region. The
voy signed the document (Hofmann 1942b:23f.) gradual erosion of the barrier at the outlet of
and there is no clear evidence that the Bull ever Lake Tana and the draining of a large tract of flat
arrived inEthiopia (cp. Hofmann 1942a:232f.; land to the east of the lake, created the F. plain.
Hofmann 1942b:30ff.; Tedeschi 1989:401ff.). Evidence of shore lines as well as local traditions
The Council nevertheless had an impact in Ren- attest to the higher water levels of the lake prior
aissance Italy: the Ethiopian legates provided hu- to the gradual erosion of the lava deposit by the
manists and geographers with first hand accounts River ÷Abbay in the south-eastern part of Lake
on Christian Ethiopia (Tedeschi 1993:355ff.) The Tana.
Bull Cantate Domino – whose solemn proclama- The waters of the Gumära and Reb and their
tion was represented in a bronze image by Anto- tributaries often flood F. In 1992 over 12,000
nio Averulino Collet “il Filarete” on the central people were displaced by flood. ÷Malaria epi-
door of the Basilica of St. Peter – played an im- demics occure in the region (e.g., in the 1950s; s.
portant role: a canon on the authority of Scripture Simoos 1960). A large part of the inhabitants of
was refered to in the fourth session of the Council F. move to the hilly areas surrounding the re-
of Trent (Hofmann 1942a:234; s. Wohlmuth gions during the rainy season (June to August)
– Alberigo 2002:663–64). Furthermore, the cov- and then return to F. plain during the dry season.
eted project of Unity with Copts and Ethiopians, The seasonal movement helps the population
although lingering for years (s., however, Lefevre to avoid malaria and also to protect their cattle
1941:82ff.), was to gather momentum with the re- from tse tse-flies.
ligious mission lead by the ÷Jesuits and the crown The villages in F. are located on higher plains
of ÷Portugal in the second half of the 16th cent. or mounds scattered in the region. The villagers
Src.: Enrico Cerulli, “L’Etiopia del secolo XV in nuovi cultivate the area when the water-level is low,
documenti storici”, Africa Italiana 5, 1933a, 57–112, and grow crops, mainly field-peas, vetch and
here 58–80; Josef Wohlmuth – Giuseppe Alberigo
(eds.), Dekrete der ökumenischen Konzilien/Conciliorum corn. Most of the farmers in the region depend
oecumenicorum decreta, vol. 2, Paderborn 2000, 524–28, on cattle rearing for their livelihood. Corn is
567–83; ibid. 2002, 663f. widely grown on the rich alluvial black soil as
Lit.: A. Vogt, “Florence, Concile de”, in: Dictionnaire the lake recedes. Local farmers command a good
de théologie catholique, vol. 6, Paris 1920, 24–50; Georg price with it since the corn matures early and
Hofmann, “La ‘Chiesa’ Copta ed Etiopica nel Concilio
di Firenze”, La Civiltà Cattolica 93, 2, 1942a, 141–46, reaches the market before corn in other parts of
228–35; Id., “Kopten und Aethiopier auf dem Konzil von the region is ready.
Florenz”, OrChrP 8, 1942b, 5–39, here 11–18; Enrico Many churches are located in F., including
Cerulli, “Eugenio IV e gli Etiopi al Concilio di Firenze ÷Kréstos Sämra, Qéddést Hanna, Qéddus Giy-
nel 1441”, RRALm ser. 6a, 9, 1933b, 347–68; Petro B.T. orgis and Éngor Märqorewos. ÷Tana Qirqos,
Bilanuik, “Florence, Copts at the Council of”, in: CE,
vol. 4, 1118–19; Renato Lefevre, “Roma e la comunità on an island close to the shore, is the most im-
etiopica di Cipro nei secoli XV e XVI”, RSE 19, 1941, portant among them.
71–86, here 82ff.; Massimo Petrocchi, La politica della F. is an important historical region. In 1619,
Santa Sede di fronte all’invasione Ottomana, Napoli 1955, ase ÷Susényos established his camp (÷kätäma)
23; Salvatore Tedeschi, “Etiopi e Copti al Concilio di
at the Gumära, in the area which he had passed,
Firenze”, Annuarium historiae conciliorum 21, 1989, 380–
407, here 401ff.; Id., “L’Etiopia di Poggio Bracciolini”, or visited, on different occasions several times
Africa (Roma) 48, 1993, 333–58, here 355ff. before. In May 1622, on return from one of his
Andreu Martínez succesful campaigns against the ÷Oromo, the
555
Fogära
Folktales
Folktales in Amharic
F. are fictional prose narratives which may be
set in any time and any place. F. may include a
“moral”. Some tales are told as true stories. Mixed
genres also occur (Molvaer 1995:158ff., 223).
In Ethiopia, F. (Amh. sg. H:M , tärät) have
been used in schools, with a moral attached, often
contrary to wide-spread tradition. Some have
been turned into poetry (Maòtämä Íéllase Wäldä
Mäsqäl 1967/68; Mängéítu Lämma 1960/61). Stu-
dents and foreigners have often retold them with
a polished, literary slant (Wilks 1971; Courlander
– Leslau 1950; Davis – Ashabranner 1959). Many
are jokes and puns, often ascribed to the Ethio-
pian wit aläqa ÷Gäbrä Hanna Gäbrä Maryam
(Pankhurst – Pankhurst 1982/83; Abbäbä
Ayéóóeh 1955/56; Aräfä ŸAyne Hagos 1986).
Folklore studies of the “romanticist period”
Emperor attended a church council in F., where
(e.g., Davis – Ashabranner 1959) claimed it was
ecclesiastic parties came to argue over the issues
possible to find the character of each Ethiopian
of theology. Susényos judged by formulating the
nationality reflected in their typical tales. This
Unctionist doctrine (÷Qébat) himself, which
view, however, reflected more the stereotypes
however, did not stop the controversy (the dis-
of the different ethnic groups already existing in
cussion continued at the council of ÷Aringo 30
Ethiopia: trickery and cleverness among Amhara
years later).
(ibid. 31), fighting, courage and strength among
Cäqla Mänzo, another island close to the F. ŸAfar (ibid. 76), comedy and nonsense among
shore, obtained importance as a royal residence “easy-going” Oromo (ibid. 92), hard work and
of ÷Iyasu I. There he built a castle and a church, the pursuit of wealth among Gurage (ibid. 127),
with the tabot of St. ÷Gälawdewos (their ruins etc. (s. Korten 1972:117; cf. Eadie 1924:72ff.).
are still visible). He was murdered at this resi- Another approach focuses on the geographical
dence in 1706. origins and ways of diffusion of F. According to
In 1777, ase ÷Täklä Haymanot fled the troops it, stories travelled all over the country, many de-
of ÷Mikaýel Séhul to F. but was defeated at Teza riving from Arabia, India, other parts of Africa
Amba in F. and later imprisoned at ÷Émäkina. and beyond (Courlander – Leslau 1950:131; but
In the early 19th cent., ras ÷Wäldä Gäbréýel for critical analysis s. ibid. 4; Molvaer 1995:171).
promoted ÷Gugsa Märsa to grazmaó and made F. can also be seen as an educational device. Par-
him governor of F., an important step for the lat- ents select stories to strengthen favoured traits in
ter’s later career. Later in the century, F. often be- their children, which would vary from one child
came a site of Tewodros II’s military conquests. to another (Molvaer 1995:164f., 169f.).
In the ÷administrative division of the 20th cent., Compiled trickster-tales are the most common
F. formed a wäräda within the ÷Däbrä Tabor tales in Ethiopia, according to the collection of
awragga. 3000 stories by Davis and Ashabranner (1959:
Src.: PerChron 234ff., 239 (text); FusTeo 38, 51 (text) = 31f.). Further evidence is provided by other col-
107, 120 (tr.); ZanLitTheo 1, 13 (text); GueCopMen 200, lections, such as Molvaer (1995:171ff.). Among
305, 406, 532 n. 8; DombrChr 215, 220, 224, 226, 241, 290.
Lit.: BTafA 379, 437, 449, 914 (Lit.); ChTana 165f., 181–
both rulers-oppressors and ruled-oppressed
84, 186; Guida 380; MahZekr 148; HuntGeogr, s. index; groups, such stories flourish. The trickster, of-
Carlo Conti Rossini, “Iyasu I re d’Etiopia e martire”, ten admired, always wins (unless outsmarted by
RSO 20, 1942, 65–128; Zämädkun Bäqqälä, 87D#y another trickster) and may even be rewarded for
uj!My (#M_1\ (Qéddusan mäkanat bäýityopya, ‘Holy his tricks by a tricked king (Eadie 1924:7–18).
Places in Ethiopia’), Addis Abäba 1992 A.M. [1999 A.D.],
229–335; Frederick Simoos, Northwest Ethiopia, Peo-
The second most important theme in F. seems
ples and Economy, Madison 1960. to be food and the acquisition of wealth (e.g.,
Mulatu Wubneh – Red. Wilks 1971:5–33, 73–80).
556
Folktales
Filial duty is shown in providing for parents, serve to perpetuate shared values. Such tales
first of all the mother, commended, even if it is are of interest to anthropologists, who look for
done by stealing, cheating and harming others institutionalized social phenomena.
(Maòtämä Íéllase Wäldä Mäsqäl 1967/68:9–17), For each public performance, thousands of F.
whereas stealing may otherwise be censured are told in the homes, often introduced with a
(Davis – Ashabranner 1959:23–26). riddle (&#98s% , ÷énqoqélléš) to sharpen atten-
Humorous stories also abound. Foolish people tion and with a standard opening: H:My H:My
feature in many and the unreliability of women is YuO:M (tärät tärät yämäíärät, ‘tale, tale of the
a common theme (Molvaer 1995:200ff.; Pankhurst base’). This private situation is the most typical
– Pankhurst 1982–83:99f.; Wilks 1971:12ff.). way of transmitting F. They are specific, selected
But women are sometimes shown to be more and told to mould and correct a child’s character,
clever and down-to-earth than men (Courlander not for pure entertainment. The public perform-
– Leslau 1950:19ff., 45ff.) and even devoted wives er may use theatrical effects (mime, song, dance),
(Wilks 1971:44–50, 55–62). The capriciousness of but this is not common when parents tell stories
justice and that might is right are told with both to their own children, where a more dignified
humour and sadness (Davis – Ashabranner 1959: relationship prevails, especially to the father (s.
77–80, 112–15; Courlander – Leslau 1950:14–17, Molvaer 1995:161–65.) Mothers tell more stories
25f.); sometimes justice is obtained by cleverness to their children than fathers.
(Courlander – Leslau 1950:7–13, 29–33). Several authors, e.g., Mängéítu Lämma (Mol-
Ethiopian F. may deal with religious matters, vaer 1997:276) and Taddäsä Libän (ibid. 304ff.),
especially aetiological tales, as well as myths and have told of the influence of such story-telling
legends, which are told as true stories, expected on their literary talents. Others, e.g. Daññaóóäw
to be believed. Some exceptions can be found: Wärqu (ibid. 292), have used F. in their nov-
“Why the hyena became lame” (Molvaer 1995: els, whereas some, e.g. Haddis ŸAlämayyähu
205), “How the sea became salty” (Wilks 1971: (1992/93; Molvaer 1997:147) and Sébhat Gäbrä
5–11), “Why the donkey laughs and the frog Égziýabéher (ibid. 355), have created original
croaks” (Courlander – Leslau 1950:105–12), etc., tales on the pattern of F.
are told to satisfy a child’s curiosity or just for There are tales purporting to explain the origin
fun. of things, not only in nature but also in the social
F. are allegories, not told as literally true, with organization (Davis – Ashabranner 1959:168–71);
human or stereotyped animal actors (fables), or dilemma tales (ibid. 179–84), and tales told for
even speaking inanimate phenomena (Cour- fun, often by children to each other (cf. Pan-
lander – Leslau 1950:51–56). Spirits, devils and khurst – Pankhurst 1982–83), who also tell “sexu-
magicians appear occasionally (Wilks 1971: ally explicit” tales among themselves (cf. Molvaer
91–100). 1997:172). Many F. may seem amoral or immoral
The point or “moral” of a tale is meant to be according to the prevailing ethos in the society
understood and appreciated and, although a child (Davis – Ashabranner 1959:70ff.). Some include
may be gently guided to the desired conclusion, both myths and saints’ stories among F. (ibid.
it is normally not stated. It is a late innovation 160–66, 168–72), but these are “border cases”.
to attach an explicit “moral”, often in the form Ethiopian F. are mostly straightforward and
of a proverb (zDr , méssale). Perhaps this new easy to understand. By repeated retelling, they
tradition came into existence under the influence may attain some sophistication or great beauty.
of an Amharic translation of Aesop’s fables by Whereas professionally trained people have
Amarä Mammo (1965/66). collected tales from public performers, the
Otherwise F. are told as plain stories. They usual case is that the most typical tales told in
reveal an adult, mostly male world, to which the privacy of homes are collected by amateurs
children are expected to aspire to; curiosity and and often printed in publications dealing with
innovation are not cherished traits (Wilks 1971: other social topics. Wide dispersion of F. may
51–54). reveal many variations in the form. It is of the
Public storytellers (men) tell stories to mixed essence that variants of the same tale are found
groups of children or in village gatherings where wherever F. are part of the living tradition and
adults are also present. These stories are of a adapted to the listeners. There cannot be one
general kind, without specific application, and “correct” version of any tale, although many F.
557
Folktales
are also transmitted with surprising uniformity Short F. can also be found in the grammars by
over wide areas. de Vito (e.g., de Vito 1893:40–43) and Schreiber
÷Oral literature (1893:186–91): stories of the Fox (wéõarya, nowa-
Src.: Abbäbä AyÉÓÓeh, *sP (Bilco, ‘The Wit’), Ad- days: wäõarya) and the Jackal (täkwla, nowadays:
dis Abäba 1948 A.M. [1955/56 A.D.]; Id., L=x^r tåõwla). These were, however, translations from
(Guramayle), Addis Abäba Génbot 1951 A.M. [May French. In addition the works by Conti Rossini
1959 A.D.]; Aräfä ŸAyne Hagos, !n6y K-:R!!y
3s<*'b (Aläqa Gäbrähannanna qäldoóóaóóäw, ‘Aläqa (1897, 1942) are important. A short collection of
Gäbrä-Hanna and his Witticisms’), Addis Abäba 1979 Tégréñña F. by Gäbrä-Mädhén Dégnäy, edited by
A.M. [1986 A.D.]; Haddis ŸAlämayyähu, H:My H:My Gallina (1902), was in part translated into English
YuO:M (Tärät tärät yämäíärät, ‘Tale, Tale of the Base’), with a commentary by Ghirmai Negash (1999:
Addis Abäba 1985 A.M. [A.D. 1992/93]; Käbbädä
89–96). The extensive record by Kolmodin (Kol-
Dästa, *b3My (ObbM (Éwqät bäcéwéwwét, ‘Learn-
ing by Conversation’), Addis Abäba 1973 [1980/81 A.D.]; Trad) of the traditions (Zanta) of the SäŸazzäga
MaÒtämä ÍÉllase Wäldä Mäsqäl, &#8sIy nz" (Én- and Hazzäga (in Hamasen) is, however, primarily
qélf läméne, ‘I am not Sleepy’), Addis Abäba 1960 A.M. concerned with oral tradition.
[1967/68 A.D.], 9–17; MängÉÍtu Lämma, \+N,y J`K As a consequence of the awakening of
(Yabbatoóó cäwata, ‘Tales of the Fathers’), Addis Abäba
1953 A.M. [1960/61 A.D.]; blatta Wäldä YoHannÉs
Tégréñña literature in the 1940’s, and more so
Wäldä Giyorgis, &#98s% (Énqoqélléš), Addis Abäba following the independence of Eritrea and the
1941 A.M. 1948/49 A.D.]; Christine Price (ed.), The cultural autonomy of Tégray province in the
Rich Man and the Singer: Folktales from Ethiopia, Told 1990’s, F. in the mother-tongue have been printed
by Mesfin Habte-Mariam, New York 1971; Brian S. in Tégréñña school-books as a matter of course
Wilks (ed.), A Collection of Ethiopian Folk Tales from All
Parts of Ethiopia, Addis Abäba 1971, 5–33, 44–62, 73–80, in both countries. The anthology by YaŸéqob
91–100; Harold Courlander – Wolf Leslau, The Fire Gäbrä-Iyäsus (1941 A.M. [1948/49 A.D.]) is
on the Mountain and Other Ethiopian Stories, New York well known – see the review by Moreno (1950)
1950, 4, 7–17, 19ff., 25f., 29–33, 45ff., 51–56, 105–12, 131; – and a collection of “44 Stories” by Yéshaq
Martino Mario Moreno (ed., tr.), Cent fables amhar-
iques, mises en écrit par le dabtara Kenfé, Paris 1947; Rus-
Täwäldä-Mädhén (1943). Alluding to this latter
sell Davis – Brent Ashabranner, The Lion’s Whiskers, title, Täkkéýä Täsfay called his collection “144
Boston 1959, 23–26, 31f., 70ff., 76–80, 92, 112–15, 127, Stories” (1998), which is his rendering of Aesop’s
160–66, 168–72, 179–84; John Inglis Eadie, An Amharic fables translated from English into Tégréñña. A
Reader, Cambridge 1924, 1–74. further collection of European fables was issued
Lit.: David C. Korten, Planned Change in a Tradi-
tional Society: Psychological Problems of Modernization by Täkkéýä Täsfay (1999).
in Ethiopia, New York 1972, 115–41, 361–73; Reidulf Genuine folk-material can be found in Gäbrä-
K. Molvaer, Socialization and Social Control in Ethiopia, Kidan Dästa (1988 A.M. [1996 A.D.], 1990 A.M.
Wiesbaden 1995 (AeF 44), 153–207 (Lit.); MolLit, 147, [1997/98 A.D.]). Abréha Réstu (ca. 1966) deals
172, 276, 292, 304ff., 355; Richard Pankhurst – Alula
Pankhurst, “Ethiopian Children’s Folktales Attributed to
with the richness of folk-literature from a reli-
Alaqa Gabra Hanna”, QSE, 1982/83, 95–105 (Lit.); Cer- gious viewpoint (cf. also Sälomon Gäbrä-Krés-
Folk iii, passim. tos [1985/1993] with its extensive bibliography
Reidulf K. Molvaer on the local traditions of Tégréñña).
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, (Note etiopiche 2.) “Leg-
gende tigray”, Giornale della Società asiatica italiana 10,
Folktales in Tégréñña 1897, 143–53; Id., Proverbi, tradizioni e canzoni tigrine,
Roma 1942; Ludovico de Vito, Esercizi di lettura in
Tégréñña F. as part of the wider Tégréñña oral
lingua tigrigna, Roma 1893; Fekade Azeze, “The State of
literature have received some consideration from Oral Literature Research in Ethiopia”, JES 34, 1, 2001, 43–
as early as the first reports of the European mis- 85; Ghirmai Negash, A History of Tigrinya Literature in
sionaries and linguists. The Swedish mission in Eritrea, Leiden 1999; KolTrad; Johannes Axel Kolmo-
particular has made valuable contributions to the din, Prime letture tigrigna/39x^y ue=Iy #+-, Asmara
1928; Jules Schreiber, Manuel de la langue tigraï, vol. 2:
codification and standardization of the Tégréñña Textes et vocabulaire, Wien 1893; qäšši AbrÉha RÉstu,
language. Thus, in the religious journal us&:Jy -u#KKM#y zDrKM#y #u#GD_y zF1?y tKsay
Aqz (Mälýéõti sälam), which was published from 6qM (Bé-zantatatén méssaletatén né-mänfäsawi méstir
1909 to 1915, occasional reference is made to indig- zigälsu qalat, ‘Words which Explain the Spiritual Mystery
enous popular literature. Similarly in the 39x^y through Stories and Proverbs’), Asmära ca. 1966; Gäbrä-
Kidan Dässta, ebe`^y MP?1 (Séwséway tégréñña,
ue=Iy #+- (Qädamay mäshaf nébab, ‘First
‘Tégréñña Parables’), Mäqälä 1988/[=] 1996, Addis Abäba
reading book’), published by the Missione evan- ²1990 A.M. [1997/98 A.D.]; Gäbrä-MädhÉn DÉgnäy,
gelica in 1928, a number of stories are included. Apologhi ed aneddoti volti in lingua tigriñña, per cura di
558
Folktales
F. Gallina, Roma 1902; haw Sälomon Gäbrä-KrÉstos, the Mouths of Ethiopian Jews’), Tel Aviv 1996; Shoshana
ue!*Jy <#<y MP?^!z “=:NMy MP?^!”z !*Ky A-y Ben-Dor, Sipurim mi-pi Yehudey Etiopiya (‘Stories from
<#< (MäsnaŸti qwanqwa tégréyna – “harägat tégréyna” the Mouths of Ethiopian Jews’), Jerusalem 1986.
– naŸta säb qwanqwa, ‘The Foundations of the Tégréñña Lit.: Dov Noy, “Sipurey Ba’alei-õaim šel Beta Israel”
Language – Tégréñña Idioms – Colloquial Language’), (‘Animal Stories of the Beta Israel’), Peamim 33, 1987, 77–
Asmära, Génbot 1985/[=] 1993; TäkkÉýä Täsfay (ed., tr.), 92; Ina Ruth Sarin, “Evidence of Jewish Characteristics
&Hu?`y ebe`\M (Éttämärsä séwséwayat, ‘Selected in the Tales and Legends of the ‘Falashas’, The Ethiopian
Stories’), Asmära 1999; Id. (ed., tr.), z&M#y !?-(#y Jews”, in: PICES 11, vol. 2, 275–99.
!?+&H#y ebe`\My %x[ (Méýtén arbéŸan arbaýtän Steven Kaplan - Hagar Salamon
séwséwayat Ezop, ‘One Hundred Forty Four Aesop’s
Fables’), Asmära 1998; abba YaýÉqob Gäbrä-Iyäsus
Hebo, w!#y M:M#y zDr#y !^y 39{M (Zénnan tärätén Folktales in Oromiffa
méssalen nay qäddamot, ‘Accounts, Stories and Proverbs
The first Oromo F. to be published were three
of the People of the Past’), Asmära 1941 A.M. [1948/49
A.D.], [Specimens in: Edward Ullendorff, A Tigrinya narratives collected by Karl ÷Tutschek in the
(Tégréñña) Chrestomathy, Stuttgart 1985, 61–64, 136]; middle decades of the 19th cent. that appeared
YÉshaq Täwåldä-MädhÉn, =b?y ue=Iy #+-y posthumously in Praetorius’s grammar (1893:
(MP?1y “!?-(#y !?+&H#y u#K” (Hassir mäshaf nébab 305–10). The first one is an anecdote about a
bä-tégréñña “arbéŸan arbaŸtän zanta”, ‘A Short Reading
Book in Tégréñña – “44 Stories”’), Asmära 1943, 41953 soothsayer and a certain Waqayo Garada, the
A.M. [1961 A.D.]. second a short story about leopards and their
Rainer Voigt cubs, the third a longer narrative about a young
man who, after rescuing a child from a man-eat-
Folktales of the Betä Ésraýel ing snake, is instructed by him about how to
The oral literature of the ÷Betä Ésraýel includes a trick his parents into rewarding him. This longer
large corpus of F.; however, only preliminary work narrative, but not the other two, is called a dub-
has been done in documenting this rich collection bii durii.
of literature. ÷Faitlovitch collected written ver- In 1894 ÷Onesimos Nasib and ÷Aster
sions of 58 Amharic tales prior to 1935. These Gannoo published their ÷Galqaba barsiisaa,
were published in Hebrew after his death on ‘The Beginning of Teaching’, a book aimed at
the basis of his manuscript (Wurmbrand – Noy teaching the Oromo how to write their language
1990). More recent collections have been assem- with the Ethiopian script. It includes proverbs,
bled since the massive migration of Betä Ésraýel poems and traditional religious hymns, a Chris-
to Israel. Like Faitlovitch’s collection, these were tian catechism, as well as a great number of nar-
only published in Hebrew, and in several cases ratives. Andrzejewski (1985:409f.) pointed out
neither the Amharic nor Tégréñña versions were that the two authors used different sources and
preserved. In some cases manuscripts containing included in their book legends about Christian
F. accounts were deposited in the Israel Folktale saints during the Roman persecutions, as well as
Archives at the University of Haifa. several traditional Oromo narratives, that form
On the basis of studies to date, it is possible the first major corpus of Oromo F.
to mention a number of dominant themes in A few samples of humorous tales, called haasaa,
Betä Ésraýel F., such as animal tales (fables) and are found in Cerulli (CerFolk 190f.), together with
trickster stories (particularly those pertaining some historical narratives and, especially, a huge
to aläqa ÷Gäbrä Hanna). While some scholars number of poems and religious hymns, many of
include among Betä Ésraýel F. oral traditions that them transcribed and translated from Onesimos
record historical events, these should perhaps be – Aster (1894). Moreno (1935) published another
considered as legends and not F. Some attempts translated and annotated major collection of 59
have been made to locate the distinctively “Jew- traditional narratives of different kinds. Andrze-
ish” characteristics of Betä Ésraýel F. However, jewski (1985:416f.) distinguished among them re-
most Betä Ésraýel F. can be easily placed in the alistic fiction and fabulous narratives with animals
context of the regions of Ethiopia in which the or things as their dramatis personae.
Betä Ésraýel lived until recently. During the 1960s Haberland (VSAe II:607–44)
Src.: Mordechai Wurmbrand (tr.) – Dov Noy (ed.), published the German translations of a sizeable
Sipurey Beta Israel: Šišim sipurim ve-sipur mi-pi Yehudey corpus of myths and F. that he arranged as (1)
Etiopia (‘Stories of the Beta Israel: Sixty Stories and a
the creation of the world and of man, (2) cattle,
Story from the Mouths of Ethiopian Jewry’), Lod 1990;
Tamar Alexander – Amalya Einat (eds.), Tarat Tarat: (3) pious and moralizing tales and themes from
Sipurey am mi-pi Yehudey Etiyopia (‘Folk Stories from the Old Testament, (4) demons, (5) animal tales,
559
Folktales
(6) fairy tales, adventures, and tribal legends. Language Studies, 3, 1962, 116–36; Awag Onesimos
A smaller group of ten ÷Boorana F. has been – Aster Gannoo, Cs3(y (?CDy &#Ay uJDy 7*By
(?CD}#y !E#y '@{J (Galqaba barsiisaa: innis macafa
published by Andrzejewski (1962). The second dubbisuu barsiisanun afaan Oroomotti, ‘The Beginning
legendary narrative in this article is about Diido of Teaching, i.e., a Book for Reading and Teaching in the
Gaawwole, a man who actually lived in the sec- Oromo Language’), Moncullo 1894; CerFolk; VSAe II,
ond half of the 19th cent. and who figures as the 607–44; Mangesha Rikitu, Oromo Folktales for a New
Generation, London 1992; Bruno Lonfernini, I Gugi
central character in several F. Also Tablino (1980: Giamgiam, Bologna 1984; Martino Mario Moreno,
104–29) includes translations of southern Oromo Favole e rime galla: testi raccolti, editi e annotati, Roma
F. and myths, but the major work on this topic 1935; Gumii Qormaata Afaan Oromoo (ed.), Durdurii
is Sahlu Kidane (2002), which includes 76 tradi- (‘Folktales’), 4 vols., Finfinnee 1991, 1992, 1995; Franz
Praetorius, Zur Grammatik der Gallasprache, Berlin
tional narratives, partly with their text in Boorana
1893; Quluu bareeda (‘The Beautiful Gourd’), no place
Oromo. He carefully describes when, how and 1980; Sahlu Kidane, Borana Folktales: a Contextual
by whom they are told and divides them into Study, London – New Brunswick 2002; Paolo Tablino,
three major ethno-genres: (a) duri-duri, children’s I Gabbra del Kenya, Bologna 1980; Walda Yohannis
tales about tricksters, ogres and rescues. The lat- Warqinaa, Daawýitii (‘Psalter’), Finfinnee 1998.
Lit.: Bogumil W. Andrzejewski, “Literatures in Cushitic
ter generally have a typical structure, of which Languages Other than Somali”, in: Bogumil W. Andrze-
there are several examples also in tales from the jewski – Stanisław Piłaszewicz – Witold Tyloch (eds.),
more northern Oromo groups (e.g., Turaadaafi Literatures in African Languages − Theoretical Issues and
loon ‘Turaa and the cows’ in Quluu bareeda 1980: Sample Surveys, Cambridge – Warsaw 1985, 408–25.
Giorgio Banti
19–42), whereby one or more troubled characters
address successively different humans, animals or
even objects “in search of help or offering some- Food
thing to acquire help in exchange”. Lonfernini Food ecology
(1984:218ff.) calls this kind of tale “filastrocca” Most traditional diets are dominated by products
even though it is not a ‘nursery rhyme’. made from a single crop. The most prominent
The second ethno-genre identified by Sahlu Ki- grains are ÷tef (Eragrostis abyssinica), maize
dane is (b) the mamaksa, adult’s tales that include (Zea mays), ÷sorghum (Sorghum bicolor), bar-
both narratives and plain proverbs. Mamaksa ley, wheat, oat (Avena sativa) and millet (Eleus-
narratives include morality tales where a villain ine coracana). For a very high number of people
harms a helpless victim and is subsequently ex- ÷énsät (Ensete ventricosum) is the most impor-
posed and punished by supernatural means, short tant staple F. A variety of nuts, berries, roots
illustrative tales that show the virtues of positive and tubers, onions (Allium cepa), garlic (Allium
values and the bad consequences of misconduct, ursinum), red peppers (s. ÷Bärbäre, Capsicum
as well as “anecdotes of speech” about true, wise, frutescence) and green vegetables such as cab-
or simply witty things that someone said in a par- bage (Brassica oleracea) are propagated. Pulses
ticular situation. The third ethno-genre is (c) the grown include peas (Pisum sativum), beans (Vi-
arga-ageti or argaa dageetti, myths and legends cia faba) and lentils (Lens culinaris). The general
that include both historical or allegedly histori- geographical distribution of these products is for
cal narratives about wise men, famous leaders, or the most part explained by annual totals and sea-
great warriors like the above-mentioned Diido sonality of rainfall. Thus, crops like sorghum and
Gaawwole, and tales about the origins of ele- millet make their greatest dietary contribution in
ments of the world and of human life, of particu- the lowlands, while the highlands is where the
lar groups of people, of social institutions etc. rest of the grains grow during two wet seasons.
After publishing in Oromo became more easy, The role played by livestock varies from insig-
a considerable amount of books with collections nificant to very relevant. The ŸAfar, Oromo and
of F. have been published in Ethiopia, e.g. Walda Somali raise sheep, goats and cattle wherever dis-
Yohannes Warqinaa (1998), and especially the ease, especially sleeping sickness, do not prohibit
volumes of Durdurii by the team of the Gumii them, whereas fowl are fairly ubiquitous in all
Qormaata Afaan Oromoo (‘Committee for Ethiopian households.
the Oromo Language’; Abarraa Nafaa, Asteer
Ejersoo etc.). Food-preparation and consumption
Src.: Bogumil W. Andrzejewski, “Ideas about War- The place of F.-preparation as well as the place
fare in Borana Galla Stories and Fables”, in: African for its consumption (the “kitchen”, Amh. x&;y
560
Food
,M , maýéd bet, lit. ‘house where F. is consumed’) In the former case, the end-product is either a
is centred around the hearth in the form of an pancake-like bread known as éngära or a variety
earthen oven or fireplace. It is in the kitchen of ÷breads. These are then eaten either as they
where meals are made and consumed, storage are or with a variety of stews (]4 , wät) and
is maintained, household decisions are made, soups (u:8 , märäq), whose ingredients consist
neighbours are entertained, a bath is taken, hair of greens of one kind or another and increasingly
is dressed and evenings are spent. The hearth oc- include onions and garlic. In many cases, the ad-
cupies a central place in the family’s economic dition of condiments depends on local availabil-
life, transforming the results of its productive ac- ity and preferences. Sometimes the end-product
tivities into consumable forms and thus “stands” of grain-flour is a stiff porridge-like substance
in between F.-production and consumption. The (K#J , gänfo) that is normally formed into bite-
social significance of cooking can be seen as a size ball, dipped into a mixture of butter (÷milk
process that involves not only processing and and milk products) and red peppers, or pulses
combining, but also categorizing and naming. such as sunflower, seed (Carthamus tinctorius),
The hearth is thus the basis of the nuclear fam- nug and flax (Linum usitatissimum) during Lent
ily. The use of parent–child kinship terminolo- or Ramadan, where it is consumed.
gies refers to family members who share space ÷Salt and sugar are necessities, but the use of
around the hearth and where the older genera- other ÷spices varies considerably. In Ethiopia,
tion feeds the younger one. F., not blood, is then the stews are often fired with red peppers. Other
the tie that binds (Bakhtin 1984:163). kinds of preparation include boiling or roasting
Women’s cooking-tools and the processes as- of grains and vegetables such as maize and pota-
signed to them are subject to female representa- toes, respectively. Rice, as a preference of urban
tions expressed by the concepts of +n{\ (balä- dwellers, who have created a taste for wheat-flour
moya, ‘professional’) or +sM! (balténna, ‘good to make leavened breads as well, is prepared in the
housekeeping, housewifely skills’) to indicate usual boiled manner, simmered and consumed af-
their ability to manage the hearth, while KsI ter the addition of meat or vegetable sauces.
(gältu, ‘unskilled person, slovenly housekeeper’) Some other F., especially gathered ones, that
or (A@ (bäsäro, ‘poor housekeeper’) underscores include different kinds of greens, wild nuts,
their ineptitude to run the household. The whole berries and ÷fruits, are also widely consumed.
conceptual framework we call cuisine in Ethio- Vegetarianism during Lent is part of the Chris-
pia is, therefore, considered to be the exclusive tian Orthodox tradition. Like agriculturalists,
domain of the female gender. pastoralists (÷Pastoralism) consume very little
In most areas of Ethiopia, F. is served in a meat. They rely on fresh and soured milk, along
sequence of three main meals per day: morning with butter and grain-porridge, as their staples,
meal (4?F , qurs), midday meal (zD , mésa) and and slaughter animals only for sacrificial rites
evening meal (&=M , érat). In some areas, not or other special ceremonial occasions or when
every F. eaten is part of a meal. There are differ- livestock becomes old, feeble or sick.
ent types of “snacks” for the people to carry in In most parts of Ethiopia, meals are seldom
order to eat them out in the field, pasture, or dur- accompanied by beverages (excluding water),
ing a trip. Such snacks are, e.g., boiled, roasted except if these are part of rituals and feasts. For
or toasted peas or beans or seedlings of the same example, coffee-drinking in the early morning or
pulses, sometimes served with highly spiced liq- evening or right after lunch is a lengthy process
uefied bärbäre (!`v , awaze). In some areas of involving not only drinking, but also incense-
north-central Ethiopia, serving one large meal burning, popcorn- (D# ;# , fändéša) tossing,
each day is the normal pattern. Both morning snack-eating and much sociability. With the
and evening meals tend to be more like snacks exception of Muslims, the drinking of alcoholic
and often involve left-overs of earlier meals. ÷drinks is virtually ubiquitous.
The elements that constitute the cuisine in-
Dishes clude grains, legumes, vegetables, root-crops,
A single staple F.-crop is the principal item in the and few flesh F. Grains are produced for both
diet, eaten most days or even every day. Grains consumption and transaction. They occupy a
are most often pounded into flour, whereas root- major part of agricultural and domestic work-
crops frequently are grated before being boiled. ing-time. According to local interpretation, tef,
561
Food
barley, wheat, sorghum/millet and maize are as a necessary diet for women during pregnancy
Ethiopia’s mainstays of the indigenous diet. In and delivery and for individuals recuperating
some arid areas, wheat, barley and oats are pur- from all kinds of illnesses.
chased staples. Legumes, greens and tubers form a charac-
While the well-to-do peasants subsist on wheat, teristic part of the horticultural and agricultural
barley and tef breads, the meals of poor peasants subsistence-patterns. The production and place
consist of breads made of sorghum or maize. In- of peas, beans and lentils varies widely according
ter-house variation is therefore reflected in menu to season. Around Mäskäräm and Téqémt they
and meals, and distinctions in economic status are eaten fresh (&DM , ésat). During subsequent
indeed affect diet and cuisine. Grains are either months many meals centre around stews based
heavily and finely ground, sifted and baked or on peas, beans and lentils. These pulses are
lightly and coarsely ground and baked. Most ground into flour and mixed with red peppers
main meals thus consist of éngära made of these and other spices to prepare thin or thick stews
grains. In poor peasant households, the function like %@ (šéro), ll (kékk), IzI{ (tumtumo)
of the stew is almost limited to moistening the and zF? (méssér).
éngära, while in well-to-do peasant households, Legumes predominate in every meal and are
its function is to accompany it as means of con- by far the most important part of both diet and
suming stew. This implies that in rich house- cuisine. Even when other meals are prepared, the
holds, the consumption of éngära decreases above stews are sometimes added as side-dishes.
with increasing consumption of stew. Moreover, When used this way, they come close to filling
while, for example, in fortunate households a the role of “vegetable” F., present in amounts
lentil-stew (šéro) pottage may be flavoured with greater than a complement, but less than a main
chopped onions and a lump of butter, in less for- course or main ingredient. In Mäskäräm and
tunate families such stews are cooked with veg- Téqémt legumes are thus staple F. that play a
etable oil and water. Inter-household variation in major part in most meals. The rest of the year,
F. expresses class ideologies and socio-economic legumes and grains are toasted (9t , qolo) or
distinctions (Goody 1982:55). boiled and toasted (! !8 , ašuq) as a snack
As an early-morning meal, coffee or tea with or (u8 AF , mäqsäs) in the diets of at least the peo-
without sugar (or in some areas salt) and accom- ples of north-central Ethiopia. Finally, the above
panied by toasted or baked barley, wheat-bread, bean-based F., including &s(M (élbät) and FsI
éngära or bakery-bread is often served. Bread is (sélgo), are also most commonly consumed by
indeed the mainstay of the diet, something with- Christian highlanders during Lent.
out which a meal would be incomplete. Hence, Among greens, onion and garlic are the single
it is a quintessential symbol of reciprocity and most important vegetable in the diet. In almost
household hospitality. every household, onions are eaten every day as
Wheat- and barley-flour are the main ingre- a prime condiment in any stew and the amount
dients for making porridge dishes, which are used in a meal is controlled by a strong cultural
more commonly consumed during life-circle preference for the presence of onions. Stews,
celebrations such as births and weddings and as soups and sauces are made up of finely chopped
part of the F. served for breaking the fast during onions and other vegetable ingredients. While
Ramadan. It must ideally have lustre, stickiness two onion stalks are, for example, normally
and taste. It should not be farinaceous or gritty, thought to be an appropriate amount for a šéro
too hard or too heavy, nor should it be too liquid. stew that will feed a family of three, chicken-
Most of the time the relish, usually made up of stew (<@y ]4, doro wät), consumed very rarely,
glutinous ingredients like butter mixed with red requires three to four onion stalks. Red pepper,
peppers, flax, or linseed supplies the lubricant which is prepared through the combination of
which allows the mouthful of porridge to slip condiments such as onion-seed (Nigella sativa),
down the throat smoothly. Butter-mashed flour false cardamon (Afromomum angustifolium),
F. like (G (bässo) among the Amhara and 4B~ coriander (Coriandrum sativum) and garlic, is a
(téhni) among the Tégrayans are also typical of prominent seasoning whose presence in cuisine
grain-based dishes. Oats are consumed as the is more frequent than its absence. It is not only
main ingredient of a beverage (!F , agga) that is an exclusively hot culinary but, like paprika, also
flavoured with ÷honey, sugar or butter. It is seen adds colour to the flavour of F. Consumers may
562
Food
grab raw green peppers (!?8\, arqéya) at will fowls like pheasant have fallen out of favour and
and hack off a piece to eat along with meals. The partly became rare due to the damage of the en-
various cuisines of Ethiopia also frequently use vironment. If affordable, beef, mutton, goat and
potatoes (Solanum tuberosum) and vegetables chicken meat are preferred.
such as tomatoes (Lycopersicum esculentum) Various peoples of Ethiopia consume a small
and cabbages as thickening agents for stews and amount of lake and river ÷fish by roasting
soups. The importance and desirability of pota- or putting them into stews and soups. In the
toes and vegetables are further indicated by their Eritrean coastal areas, sea-fish has an important
ubiquity in various regions and their appropriate role.
addition to any culinary category. Aside from Lamb-stew is more commonly consumed in
being eaten boiled, baked and roasted in or out the highlands, while goat-meat is most common-
of their skins, potatoes are also mashed and fed ly consumed in the lowlands- where families ei-
to infants. ther butcher one of their own goats or purchase
The most popular squash eaten in Ethiopia is one for slaughtering. People do so when a goat is
the large, round, hard squash (Cucurbita peppo), dying of natural causes or simply when it is felt
bright, orange or light green like a pumpkin on the that there has been too little meat for too long.
inside. It is cut up, without the skin and seeds, and Many peoples, especially the Amhara and the
cooked in stew along with other ingredients. It is Tégrayans, developed a variety of meat stews:
sold in markets cheaply and considered an inferior meat stew with bärbäre (3^y ]4 , qäyy wät),
substitute for the more costly potatoes. The dry without bärbäre (!s M, alléca); roasted meat
climate of many areas in which it is grown is so dif- (4-F , tébs); u#Ny 4-F , mänce tébs (ground
ferent that droughts that affect other crops would meat); 7 n M , dulät (gastro-intestinal sections
be less likely to strike squash-plants. Squash serves sautéed with various ingredients and seasonings);
as a substitute staple during rainfall shortages and different kinds of raw meat. The head, including
can be grown in gardens with less wetness. the tongue and the mandible of a slaughtered
animal, is eaten in the form of a broth or soup,
Meat while the rest of the body-parts are kept in
In many Ethiopian traditions, it is absolutely pieces for later consumption. Sometimes meat
acceptable to eat meatless meals. Yet there are can be dried and preserved in the form of sliced
occasional meals in which meat plays pivotal and thin linings (<#2 , qwanta). Inside the house
parts. The symbolic weight of meat is markedly it is hung on a rope or wire from one corner of
greater than that accorded to most other F. Oc- the room to another. Unlike chicken, beef would
casions for meat-consumption include Christian never be chosen as a special-occasion F. or guest
and Muslim holidays like ÷Fasika and ŸId al-fitr, taste treat. A cow or an ox can be butchered for
initiation rites, life-circle events and visits of im- the sole purpose of selling the beef within the
portant guests. Flesh F. gets its symbolic power neighbourhood or the community. Even when a
from this combination of utility and scarcity cow or an ox is dying unexpectedly and is butch-
(Harris 1986:22). ered immediately by its owners, a great effort
Meat is considered as having quasi-medical is frequently made to sell the meat rather than
and health-strengthening qualities. Thus, sick eat it. It is divided into equal portions (8?M ,
persons and women experiencing pregnancy and qérca), comprising a package of every internal
delivery are given a great deal of meat and such organ, muscle-meat and bone of the slaughtered
conditions become occasions for slaughtering animal. The size of a package is determined by
and butchering. Beside such occasions, meat is the number of divisions. The greater the number
frequently present more as a flavouring than as of divisions, the smaller the size of a package of
an ingredient significant by quantity. Communal meat and the cheaper the cost (Pankhurst 1988:
and individual servings contain stews, but the 178).
pieces of meat are often gristle to be sucked, Chickens are supposedly raised within house-
rather than actual morsels. hold courtyards, though in some cases they also
At present, game-meat is increasingly un- tend to be inside the house together with hu-
common, and the vast majority do not have mans. Chicken meat is used for special occasion
the sacred or secular occasion to eat them. In meals and, normally, is not eaten on an everyday
fact, game-meat such as that of an antelope or basis. Fowl-flesh F., for example, mark life-circle
563
Food
events such as births and marriages, and they are mouth closed, along one side of the jaw, because
luxuries to sacrifice and serve during Christian chewing on both sides of the jaw is considered
and Muslim holidays or present to guests. They gluttony. The size and composition of each por-
are softer and tastier than beef, mutton or goat- tion of F. and the routine of scrupulously serving
meat and they are also cheaper. To cook chicken it are in many Ethiopian societies also highly
for someone is an open declaration for deepen- ritualized, and respect is shown through sharing
ing and formalizing relations between hosts and the uttering of specific words of request and
and guests. Although chickens and eggs are also thanks. Hence Ethiopian peasant-homes may
bought and sold in markets, and few families eat lack tables but have table manners.
eggs on a day-to-day basis, families owning lay- Traditionally many F. avoidance-taboos exist
ing hens will cook those eggs not sold or used in and different socially and religiously influenced
redistributive networks and reciprocal exchanges restrictions fall on both men and women (cp.
or still toss them in meals as nutritional supple- Braukämper 1984:459). More widespread is, for
ments or as a way of flavouring. By and large, the example, the abomination of pork among Chris-
standard meal in a family is composed of éngära tians and Muslims, while the avoidance of fish by
and some sort of lentil or vegetable relish, some- Cushitic-speaking people, although of cultural
times garnished with small chunks of meat. and historical importance, is less widespread
(Simoons 1961:42).
Food, distinction and community Rules concerning commensality are important
According to the pattern of F.-consumption markers of status and purity that define hierar-
traditionally seen as ideal in north and central chy among many peoples of Ethiopia (Hamer
Ethiopia, most people eat out of one common 1994:132). For example, the Wäyto of Lake Tana
family dish, bowl or pot, which is placed first gobble gastro-intestinal parts which many other
before the men; when they have finished, the peoples of Ethiopia would consider too vile to
women take what is left for themselves and their touch (Teclehaimanot Gebreselassie 1984:60).
children. The shared meal represents the unity of Avoidance of F.-sharing is one indication of the
the family that gathers to eat it, but the manner social distinction between peoples (Braukämper
in which it is served and eaten also speaks of 1984). Similarly, the evil-eye (÷buda) belief in-
the division between more important and less volves the person causing the possession or “eat-
important household members. ing”, the possessed or “eaten“, and the person
Men do not eat together with women unless called upon to are the possessed (Reminick 1974:
they are familiar with each other. Owing to the 284). The belief that the people accused of being
etiquette of formal occasions and sometimes as buda-related offend dietary rules by eating car-
family routines, women eat separately. Not only rion meat and other prohibited F. and that they
the order of serving but also the quantity and transform themselves into ÷hyenas by night to
quality of what is served (controlled by women) “eat“ people, strongly suggests that a good deal
emphasizes the social inequality. For example, if of symbolism is negotiated around F. In this re-
the meal is chicken stew, men get breasts, thighs spect, F. play an important part in the rituals and
and legs while women and children get necks, symbols that establish and polish social relations
wings and skin pieces. If the wife is supposed to within a group and are an equally potent expres-
serve F. to her husband, he in turn is supposed sion of relations between groups (Mintz 1985:
to eat it. Otherwise she will have a perfectly 96) For example, the mutual affection between
legitimate ground for contest and protest. Thus, spouses and their interest in sustaining the con-
meals are not only among the most relaxing and jugal union is among the Amhara metaphorically
enjoyable moments the family members spend expressed as having “grain and water” (& Wsy
together, but by the same token, they often also bU , éhél wéha); the marriage collapses when
become expressions of conflicts and frustrations “grain and water” diminish (& Wsy bUy CrN ,
endemic to family life. éhél wéha sizzägga). Food is thus so central to
Great respect is shown for F. and people the concept of marriage that it often replaces or
bless themselves before and after eating and, as serves as a euphemism for sexual intercourse as
best as possible, refrain from talking or laugh- the focus of discourse about marital relations.
ing. They scoop small pieces of F. with three or F.-avoidance practices exist among the Chris-
four of their fingers and always chew, with their tians and Muslims. For example, both find it dif-
564
Forbes, Rosita
ficult to eat meat together because of the differ- ecological systems. The ingredients and condi-
ing religious rules of slaughtering. For Muslims ments of their F. have changed, largely owing to
it is forbidden by ÷šariŸa dietary principles to regional and international commercial contacts,
consume flesh F. prepared by non-Muslims be- which in turn has resulted in diversity in F.-types
cause what is forbidden (haram) and permissible and mealtimes (Abbebe Kifleyesus 2002).
(halal) is related to the way of carrying out the Cooked F. are no longer composed only of lo-
slaughtering. cal products, but are also made of those products
An example of the different tastes in Ethiopia made available by way of cash-based market
is the perception of sweetness. For example, the exchange. Many Ethiopian families are learning
Argobba prefer sweet F., like honey-marinated to combine new products with traditional F. For
bread which to Amhara palates is considered example, partly prepared or entirely processed F.
sickly sweet. Again the Argobba and the Adäre such as powdered šéro and bärbäre that are availa-
have a tolerance for high sugar-levels, especially ble in shops are transformed into household tastes
in tea and coffee, which among the Amhara, through the addition of home-made condiments
beyond a certain concentration, is commonly and spices and careful cooking-processes.
thought to be too sweet. Among some southern Lit.: Abbebe Kifleyesus, “Muslims and Meals: the Social
peoples, milk and other dairy products are not and Symbolic Function of Foods in Changing Socio-Eco-
central features of their diet. Although the cuisine nomic Environments”, Africa 72, 2, 2002, 68–71; Ulrich
Braukämper, “Food Avoidances in Southern Ethiopia:
of diverse ethnic groups contains a large number Religious Manifestation and Socio-Economic Relevance”,
of identical elements and dishes, the manner of in: PICES 7, 459–61; Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and his
combining, preparing and seasoning of meals out World, Bloomingtom 1984, 162ff.; Jack Goody, Cooking,
of these elements can be very different. Cuisine and Class, Cambridge 1982, 55, 61, 69; Marvin
Harris, Good to Eat: Riddles of Food and Culture,
During the long centuries of conquest and New York 1986, 22, 31, 35; Sydney Mintz, Sweetness
migrations, many ethnic groups appropriated a and Power: the Place of Sugar in Modern History, New
whole variety of cultigens and cuisines and an York 1985, 95f.; Richard Pankhurst, “Hierarchy at the
enormous diversity of F. and culinary customs Feast: the Partition of the Ox in Traditional Ethiopia”,
of “others”. For example, Oromo butter-based in: PICES 9, 178f. 1988; Ronald Reminick, “The Evil-
Eye Belief among the Amhara of Ethiopia”, Ethnology
F. such as 6H1 (qatäñña, i.e. éngära marinated 13, 1974, 283–85; Teclehaimanot Gebreselassie, The
with a mix of butter and bärbäre), 8#N (qénce, Wayto of Lake Tana: an Ethnohistory, M.A. thesis, Addis
butter-soaked boiled barley), JJ-D (cäccäbsa, Ababa University 1984, 58–61.
bread mashed in butter) and Om (cékko, flour Abbebe Kifleyesus
mashed in butter) are today culinary prac-
tices central to Amhara indigenous F. and fig-
ure prominently in the flow of consumables Forbes, Rosita
that surround the cultural-cuisine categories of F. (née Joan Rosita Torr; b. 1893, Lincolnshire,
many other ethnic groups in Ethiopia. Just as d. 1967) was a British travel-writer. Educated at
Ethiopian culture is often described as a blend home, she developed an early interest in maps
of Amhara, Oromo, Tégrayan, Gurage etc. influ- and foreign languages. Marrying a soldier, Colo-
ences, the “Ethiopian traditional F.” is defined as nel Ronald Forbes in 1911, she travelled with him
consisting of Amhara chicken-stew (doro wät), to India and the East, but was soon divorced.
Oromo buttered flour (cékko) or buttered boiled During World War II she drove an ambulance in
barley (8#+, qénce), Tégrayan bread (BxD, France and later became one of the first travel-
hémmassa) and Gurage butter-sautéed raw or writers in a then male-dominated profession.
cooked ground beef (lMJ, kétfo) accompanied In 1924, already familiar with Arabic, F. sailed
by énsät bread (9 -, qoóóo), while minimal atten- to Djibouti, travelled to Dérre Dawa by rail
tion is paid to other indigenous dishes. and thence by mule to Harär, where she met
At present, many Ethiopians adopt new di- däggazmaó ÷Émméru Òaylä Íéllase, and on to
etary patterns owing to their integration into a Addis Abäba, where she was received by Empress
global economy. Pre-packed foreign F. such as ÷Zäwditu and ras Täfäri. She then proceeded to
bakery bread, wheat flour, rice, pasta and maca- Däbrä Marqos, Lalibäla, Gondär, Aksum and
roni have, for example, been grafted on to the ŸAdwa, and thence to Eritrea. She described her
native peoples doxa, entailing new requirements adventures, “serious and frivolous”, in her book
in F.-preferences and eating habits from alien From Red Sea to Blue Nile (1925): the title also
565
Forbes, Rosita
of a film she made with cameraman Harold Jones ally been cleared. The National Atlas of Ethio-
– one of the first such ever made. pia (Asfaw Fanta 1981) estimated that the past
Elected to several geographical societies, F. F.-coverage was higher than 30 % of the entire
subsequently wrote travelogues of other east- area of the country and stated that the present
ern countries, lectured in the United States of coverage is about 3 %. Logan (1946) estimated
America in support of World War II, wrote that high F. covered about 5 % of the area of the
melodramatic film scripts and edited a periodical highlands, and a more recent estimation states
publication, Women of All Lands. that F. cover nowadays 3.6 % of the national
Src.: Rosita Forbes, From Red Sea to Blue Nile, London territory (Wood, after Gascon 1998). But ac-
1925; Ead., “Behind the Lines in Ethiopia”, Independent cording to the FAO assessment, the F.-cover in
Woman 19, 1935, 364–66; Ead., Gypsy in the Sun, Lon-
don 1944; Ead., Appointment with Destiny, London 1946, Ethiopia would represent 13 % of the territory
Ead., Appointment in the Sun, London 1949. in 2000, i.e. 4,593,000 ha (s. FAO web-site). Vari-
Richard Pankhurst ous publications quote different figures, most of
the time in favour of a heavy deforestation. But
Forest(s)/Forestry these pieces of evidence must be analysed very
Forests carefully, as any estimate of the past coverage is
A commonly accepted definition for F. can be beyond our present possibilities of assessment,
“a continuous stand of trees which may attain as it has so far to be based on rainfall-distribu-
a height of 50 m or more, with crowns touching tion and F.-relic-patches estimates. Furthermore,
or intermingling, under which are often grow- the measurement of the F. cover depends on the
ing under-storeys (herbs, shrubs, lianas)” (White sense the word F. is given. Good statistics should
1983). For the need of statistical assessments, the clearly distinguish between primary F., second-
definition of the word F. can be more precise: for ary F., and other serial stages in F. re-growth.
the Food and Agriculture Organization of the The main reasons given to explain the pre-
United Nations (FAO), it is an area of land over sumed deforestation are uncontrolled exploita-
0.5 ha containing a tree crown cover of at least tion (wood fuel and wood construction con-
10 % (with trees that should reach a height of sumption, grazing), shifting cultivation, F. fires
5 m at maturity). In Amharic, the words used for and expansion of permanently cultivated areas.
F. are 7? dur, 6# dän, Mj cakka: they all refer Some old fields may be abandoned and progres-
to wooded lands, more or less open, as opposed sively colonized by vegetation: they will be in
to cultivated lands. This semantic opposition to most cases invaded by evergreen bushland and
infield is also found in English as the word F. later species of ÷Acacia (Acacia abyssinica) or
originally comes from the Latin forestis < foris, eventually more typical F. species e. g. Albizia
that is ‘what is outside’ (outside the village and schimperiana.
the fields is understood). F. are not homogeneously distributed in Ethio-
One must distinguish primary F., which are pia: according to the United Nations Conference
the climatic state of the vegetation after a long on Environment and Development (UNCED)
period of time without any human influence, estimates in 1992, 52 % are in the western re-
and secondary F., which are the result of the gions of Illubabor (48 %), Käfa, Wälläga and
evolution of vegetation after a recent human Goggam, and 38 % are in the southern regions
interference. In most places in Ethiopia, the F. of Bale (19 %), Sidamo and Gamo Gofa. Šäwa
are of the second type. When human and animal region is estimated to account for 3.1 %, Harärge
pressure is particularly high, these F. are replaced only 0.6 % and the rest (Tégray, Wällo, Gondär,
by bushlands. Another distinction must be made as well as the now-independent Eritrea) for only
between natural F., constituted by indigenous 4.1 %. (UNCED 1992). Yet in densely populated
species regenerating spontaneously, and artificial areas the remaining high F. still exist chiefly for
F., planted by humans (with species newly intro- cultural reasons, as they are either preserved
duced or not). The second type is chiefly rep- areas (e.g., ÷Männagäša), woods surrounding
resented in Ethiopia by numerous ÷eucalyptus churches or sacred F. (÷Sacred places; ÷Däbr).
plantations, a genus introduced in Addis Abäba But the protection these F. are submitted to does
in the beginning of the 20th cent. not exclude any human management within
According to tradition, the highlands were them (s. the example of the Konso ÷juniper F. in
once generally forest-covered and had gradu- Demeulenaere 2002).
566
Forest(s)/Forestry
Map of forests in Ethiopia and Eritrea outlining the general bioclimatic regions in which the forest types are distributed
(from Friis 1986)
The natural F. of Ethiopia may be categorized 15–20 m tall, more or less continuous canopy of
into the following types of Greenway (1972, Baphia abyssinica (endemic to this region) mixed
in Friis 1982, 1986): lowland rain-F., upland with less-common species such as Celtis toka,
rain-F., upland dry evergreen F. and riverine F. Diospyros abyssinica, Lecaniodiscus fraxinifolius,
Their spatial repartition depends mainly on the Malacantha alnifolia, Trichilia prieuriana and
climate, which is in Ethiopia strongly correlated Zanha golungensis.
mostly to elevation but also to latitude and to ex- At elevations between 1,200 m and 2,600 m
posure to the moist winds from the Sudan. Our A.S.L. in the humid areas of southern Ethiopia,
description of the types of F. will be restricted to the natural vegetation is upland rain-F. (with
the characterization of the species in the higher the exception of rocky slopes and river valleys).
storey (canopy). In the southern part of the Rift Valley and in
Lowland F. are located in Illubabor, at an Harärge, the upper layer (10–30 m) is dominated
altitudinal range of 450–600 m A.S.L., with an by the conifer Podocarpus gracilior (zégba),
annual rainfall approximately between 1,300 mm mixed with different broad-leaved trees (around
and 1,800 mm. The F. is semi-deciduous, with a 20 species), among them Croton macrostachyus
567
Forest(s)/Forestry
Forested hill where the en-
thronization of the tato of
Hinnaro took place; Käfa
Gawata, 1972/74; photo
by Werner Lange; courtesy
of the Frobenius Institut,
Frankfurt am Main (ODT_
1.02.12..01_0034)
(bésanna), Celtis africana, Schefflera abyssinica, Hagenia abyssinica (÷kosso) and woody species
Ilex mitis and Olea hochstetterii. In the south- of Hypericum. Arundinaria alpina (qärqäha),
western part of the plateau (southern Wälläga, the mountain bamboo, occurs on the wetter side
Illubabor and Käfa) the humid broad-leaved of the mountains, almost pure or mixed with
F. is now characterized by an emerging species Hagenia, Erica arborea and other shrubs.
above the 20–30 m canopy: Aningeria adolfi- Riverine F., growing along the riverbanks,
friederici. The 10–30 m-high canopy mainly consist of a 10–20 m-high canopy which is
consists of Albizia spp. (among them, sisa), Celtis rich in species. Some are restricted to riverine
africana (amalaqa), Croton macrostachyus, Ficus F.: Ficus valis-choudea, Trichilia emetica, Salix
spp. (among them šola), Ilex mitis (mésr gämfo), subserrata. Albizia grandibracteata is frequent
Macaranga kilimandscharica, Olea welwitschii at higher altitudes (1,200–1,600 m A.S.L.), while
(ségéda wäyra), Polyscias fulva (yäzéngäro other species, e.g., Mimusops kummel, Syzygium
wänbär), Schefflera abyssinica (ketema), Prunus guineense ssp. guineense, Phoenix reclinata, are
africanus, Sapium ellipticum (Oromiffa: bosoqa), common at most altitudes. The majority of the
Syzygium guineense ssp. afromontanum (do- canopy-species are evergreens. In the shrub-
qma). Around Gimma, the F. are mostly trans- layer, Salix subserrata frequently forms thickets.
formed into semi-natural “coffee F.” where the ÷Environment
shrub layer has been cleared and replaced by Src.: UNCED Ethiopia, Ethiopia: National Report on
Environment and Development. A Report Prepared for
coffee-plants (Coffea arabica). the United Nations Conference on Environment and De-
The “upland dry evergreen F.”, poor in species, velopment, Rio de Janeiro 1992.
which mainly grows on the plateau at altitudes Lit.: Elise Demeulenaere, “Woods (Mura) and Social
from 2,200 m to 3,200 m with an annual rainfall Organisation in Konso (Southwestern Ethiopia)”, JES 35,
2, 2002; Percy James Greenway, “A Classification of the
between 500 m and 1,500 mm, is constituted by Vegetation of East Africa”, Kirkia 9, 1973, 1–68; Ib Friis
the typical association Juniperus procera (téd) – – Finn N. Rasmussen – Kaj Vollesen, Studies in the Flora
Olea europeae ssp. africana (wäyra), mixed with and Vegetation of Southwest Ethiopia, Copenhagen 1982
a more-or-less high quantity of Podocarpus gra- (Opera Botanica 63); Ib Friis, “The Forest Vegetation of
Ethiopia”, Symbolae botanicae Upsalienses 26, 2, 1986, 31–
cilior. The F. east of the Rift Valley are indeed of- 47; Alain Gascon, “La forêt perdue d’Ethiopie, un mythe
ten dominated by Podocarpus gracilior, whereas F. contemporain”, in: Monique Chastanet, Plantes et pay-
at higher elevations (between 2,200 and 3,200 m) sages d’Afrique, Paris 1998, 383–409; F. White, Vegetation
are dominated by Juniperus procera. On yet-drier Map of Africa: a Contrasting Approach, UNESCO 1983.
Elise Demeulenaere
sites (in Sidamo, Bale and Harärge, for example),
with rainfall not exceeding 1,100 mm, Juniperus Forestry
procera F. is also dominant at lower altitudes. After the liberation of the country from Italy,
At the upper limit the F. are often mixed with the then government ordered the provisional
568
Forest(s)/Forestry
governors to reserve the big F. that were in pri- However, due to financial constraints and
vate hands. By 1965 the basic forestry acts were shortage of professional manpower, the build-
promulgated. These included proclamations con- ing-up of an improved forestry management
cerning state F., private F. and protective F. The system did not take place at the expected rate. By
many objectives of these proclamations were: 1995 only 37 NFPAs, having a total area of about
protection of the existing F. and development 2.1 million ha, were demarcated with boundary
of highly productive sources of raw materials marks of concrete pillars. Furthermore, inven-
and fuel wood; and afforestation of lands in the tory has been carried out for a total F. area of
protection areas and lands in the vicinity of set- about 0.45 million ha and a F. management plan
tlements to ensure the availability of fuel wood has been prepared for only 6 NFPAs.
and industrial raw materials (Abraham 1995). In accordance with the NFPA (1994), the fol-
Prior to the 1974 Revolution in Ethiopia a lowing were the main types of forestry plantations:
large portion of Ethiopia’s natural F. was owned industrial-plantation F.; peri-urban plantation F.;
by the private sector. During this period, private community woodlots; community-protection F.;
individuals also played a key role in planting and individual farm F.; and minor-products F.
maintaining eucalyptus species on their farm The industrial-plantation F. is used for pro-
lands and homesteads, and along the roads under ducing raw materials for industries. The aim is to
a system where commercial utilization was given increase the supply of industrial wood to a level
priority and precedence over other management that corresponds to the demand of the wood-
objectives. processing industry. The largest area to be plant-
The first reconnaissance of F. inventory of the ed in any single year was 21,600 ha (i.e. in 1994)
Ethiopian F. was made during 1975–79. The in- compared to the 33,100 ha planted in 1981/82.
ventory covered areas within a 400 km radius of The main tree-species planted included: Cupres-
the city of Addis Abäba and provided substantial sus lusitanica and Pinus patula, Juniperus procera
information about the country’s natural high F. planted on high elevations. Eucalyptus globulus
This was followed by a three-pronged develop- and Eucalyptus camaldulus and Eucalyptus ca-
ment approach based on reforestation, namely: maldulensis are also widely grown, mainly for
a regular program (financed by the government construction-poles and fuel wood.
and implemented throughout the community); The second F. type is peri-urban plantation
priority project-areas development (financed by which is planted to solve the fuel-wood defi-
the Swedish International Development Coop- ciency.
eration Agency [SIDA] and implemented in a The third F. type is community woodlots,
few selected natural F.); and planting degraded whose area has been estimated at 50,000 ha.
highland areas under the World Food Program. The fourth F. type is the protection forestry.
In the 1980s the Forest and Wild Life Conserva- Its purpose is the protection of environmen-
tion and Development Authority (FWCDA) was tally fragile catchment-forestry, including the
created for the administration of State F. In 1985 establishment of new F. cover, which is essential
further reorganization occurred and the Commu- for conserving the organic matter of soils for:
nity Forest and Soil Conservation Development regulating stream-flows; enhancing water-qual-
Department (CFSCDD) was set up in order to ity and for controlling soil-erosion and run-off
reach the doors of each spreading Community. from steep hillsides, which would, among other
In 1986 a study conducted under the auspices benefits, also protect agricultural production
of the Ministry of Agriculture resulted in the downstream in the river basin.
identification of the National Forest Priority The fifth F. type component is the farm-for-
Areas (NFPAs). They numbered 58 and their estry, which is the centre-piece of the tree-F. pro-
total area, including the disturbed and undis- duction program. Its importance is to promote
turbed F. as well as plantations and open lands, the integration of trees into farms to produce
was 3.5 million ha. The main objectives of the fuel wood, poles and fodder; to assist the avail-
identification of the NFPAs were to promote ability of adequate arable land; and to increase
F. management practices and to implement an total agricultural production.
integrated management system with the ultimate The sixth F. type is the minor-products F.
goal of enabling each NFPA to locome a self-fi- Ethiopia is a major producer of ÷honey in
nancing and sustainable enterprise. Africa. Gums, incense and myhrr are collected,
569
Forest(s) and Forestry
respectively, from ÷Acacia spp. (notably Acacia ently initiated by the Portuguese. During their
senegal), Boswellia spp. and Commiphora spp. conflict with the Ottoman Turks, they proposed
(notably Commiphora myrrha). to ase ÷Lébnä Déngél in 1520 the establishment
Currently a new Environmental Protection Au- of F. on the Red Sea coast at ÷Massawa and
thority has been established. It is empowered to ÷Sawakin; the monarch later urged the Portu-
manage and develop the country’s environment, guese to erect one at the Gulf of Aden port of
in general, and the F., in particular. To this effect ZaylaŸ (BeckHuntAlvar 416, 478). Such ideas
this authority has issued an environmental policy, were not implemented. However, after their cap-
which is in the process of being implemented. ture of Massawa in 1557, the Turks themselves
Lit.: Abraham Urkato, Forestry Management and Utili- constructed a F. there and two on the mainland:
zation of Forest Products in Ethiopia, senior essay, Depart- one at the port of Hérgigo and the other, further
ment of Geography, Addis Ababa University 1995; EMAt- inland at ÷Débarwa. It consisted, according to
las; Mengista Gonsamo, The Problem of Environmental
an Ethiopian chronicler, of a “long wall and very
Degradation and Food Shortage in Ethiopia, Department of
Geography, Addis Ababa University 1995. high tower”. Ase ÷Íärsä Déngél captured it in
Mekete Belachew 1580 and raised it to the ground, but found the F.
at Hérgigo impregnable.
Íärsä Déngél (whether or not influenced by his
Forts experience with the Turks is uncertain) later built
Man-made F. were rare in Ethiopia. However a F. at ÷Énfraz, also known as Gubaýe or Guzara
several traditional defence-compounds, profiting (CRHist 117) east of Lake ÷Tana. The structure,
from special features of the landscape, existed. referred to in his chronicle as a fine maòfäd, or
Elevated and rocky hills (÷Amba) at various fortress, was in existence in 1586. This build-
times played an important role, e.g., ÷Amba ing may have inspired the construction by ase
Géšän and ÷Amba Sänayti. Often the natural ÷Fasilädäs, early in the following century, of the
features of the amba were reinforced with earth first of the ÷Gondär palaces or castles and indi-
walls, palisades, ditches and look-out construc- rectly Gondärine palace architecture generally.
tions to strengthen the fort’s defensive capacity. During the reigns of Íärsä Déngél and
In many political entities different types of ÷Susényos, the ÷Jesuit missionaries and the
defence-constructions encircled the settlements community of half-caste Ethio-Portuguese man-
or compounds of chiefs and ritual leaders. In the aged to make of ÷Féremona a solid fortress.
south-western Ethiopian kingdoms (Wällamo, Probably with the help of European craftman-
Dawro, Konta, Käfa, Gimma, Limmu Énnarya, ship, they erected there defensive walls, suc-
Gera, Gomma and Guummaa), the territories cessfully protecting the population from several
were protected by earth walls and ditches along Oromo raids in the first quarter of the 17th cent.
the borders. In the kingdom of ÷Gangäro, for Once abbandoned, the strategic settlements was
instance, such fortifications with walls, fosses taken over by däggazmaó Kaía Séyon, who in
and three-metre-high palisades were only erected 1919 erected there a F. and, following by the Ital-
at the gates of the regional trade routes entering ians, turning it into a fortress (Guida 243).
the territory. The way could be blocked by huge Some F.-building can later be discerned at
wooden doors and was overseen by guards on many military settlements, built in strategically
high platforms. Within the kingdom several forti- well-located mountains, notably ase Tewodros’s
fication lines were also created. The courts of lo- camp at ÷Mäqdäla and ase Ménilék’s establish-
cal kings, such as Angir, Amfal and Kanfoóa were ments at Fékkare Gémb and Énnäwari in Šäwa,
fortified with stone walls (VSAe III, 326f., 340f.). and his kätäma, or camps, in southern Ethiopia.
It should be mentioned that fortifications F. were likewise erected by the Egyptians during
sometimes could also have had a strong symbolic their occupation of ÷Harär and ÷Kärän in the
meaning, separating the sacral from the profane 1870s, and later by the Italians, notably at ÷As-
sphere (cp. the court of ase Íärsä Déngél, Hab- mära, ÷Amba Alage, invested by ras Mäkwän-
Kön 157 and 265). nén’s forces in 1895, and ÷Mäqälä (s. Berkeley
In the Christian empire of Ethiopia the ex- 1935, ch. 6), whose successful siege paved the
istence of temporary camps (÷Kätäma) mili- way for the Ethiopian victory at ŸAdwa.
tated against permanent fortification. The idea Src.: CRHist 117; BeckHuntAlvar 416, 478.
of modern F.-building in the region was appar- Lit.: PankHist I, s. index, 94-100, II, s. index, 80; George
570
Four Power Commission
Fitz-Hardinge Berkeley, The Campaign of Adowa and pendence or, at least, a UN trusteeship; 3) the
the Rise of Menelik, Westminister 1902, London 21935, ch. ÷Liberal Progressive Party, which was com-
6; Guida 243; VSAe III, 326f., 340f.; HabKön 157, 265.
Richard Pankhurst
posed of Christian highlanders, was sponsored
by the British Administration to favour the
independence of E. together with the Tégréñña
Four Power Commission districts of Ethiopia (Tégray); 4) the ÷Pro-Italy
The 1947 Peace Treaty with ÷Italy stated that Party, composed of Italians, half-castes and na-
the four allied powers – Great Britain, France, tives who had gained privileges from colonial-
the USA and the USSR – should settle the future ism, sought the maintenance of Italian political
status of her pre-fascist African colonies, ÷Eri- rule in the country.
trea, ÷Somalia and Libya. In the case of Eritrea, The Four Power Commission of Enquiry
the Allies had different views. While Great (FPC) visited Eritrea from 8 November 1947
Britain and France sought to protect their colo- until 3 January 1948. The Commission received
nial interests in the area, the USA and the USSR the platform of political parties, examined writ-
– both anti-colonialists – aimed at becoming the ten petitions and interviewed the traditional élite
most influential power in the Horn. of the population, but failed to reach agreement
Great Britain, the occupying power (÷British over a unified report. The British and the Ameri-
Military Administration), believed that Eritrea can delegates reported that 55 % of the Eritreans
could not constitute a viable independent State favoured independence and 44.8 % stood for
and, from 1943, was inclined to split the country, union with Ethiopia, while the French and the
assigning the western Moslem-inhabited lowland Soviet delegates registered 52.17 % of pro-in-
to Anglo–Egyptian Sudan (which had been under dependence and 47.83 % of unionists. Both the
Sudanese control already prior to the Italian colo- Eritreans and the powers were divided regarding
nization) and leaving the plateau, inhabited by the future of the country. Therefore, the case was
Christian Tégréñña-speakers, to Ethiopia. The submitted to the international forum of the UN
latter, however, claimed the whole of Eritrea by on September 1948.
virtue of her supposed rights over the territory ÷Ethiopian–Eritrean Federation
– based on historical, geographical, ethnic and Src.: Four Power Commission, Report of the Four Pow-
er Commission of Investigation, Former Italian Colonies,
economic grounds – and on strategic issues, such vol. 1: Report on Eritrea, New York 1948.
as an outlet to the sea for the land-locked empire. Lit.: Andargachew Tiruneh, “Eritrea, Ethiopia and
The USSR opted for an individual trusteeship; the Federation 1941–1952”, NEASt 3, 1, 1980–81, 99–119;
USA proposed a UN collective trusteeship for ten Lionel Cliffe – Basil Davidson, The Long Struggle
of Eritrea for Independence and Constructive Peace,
years followed by independence, while France Trenton 1988; Lloyd Ellingson, “The Emergence of
backed Italy in her desire to prolong her control Political Parties in Eritrea, 1941–1950”, JAH 18, 2, 1977,
of Eritrea by the award of a UN trusteeship or 261–82; Eyasu Gayim, The Eritrean Question: the Con-
calling for the independence of the country. The flict between the Right of Self-Determination and the
Allies decided to send a Commission of Enquiry Interests of the States, Uppsala 1993; Jordan Gebre-Me-
dhin, Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea, Trenton NJ
to Eritrea with the task of acquainting themselves 1989; Getahun Dilebo, “Historical Origins and Devel-
with the wishes of the inhabitants. opment of the Eritrean Problem”, Current Bibliography
Although the relative strength of the political on African Affairs 7, 3, 1975, 221–44; Ruth Iyob, The Eri-
organizations was difficult to ascertain and the trean Struggle for Independence: Domination, Resistance,
Nationalism, 1941–1993, Cambridge 1995; Saul Kelly,
system adopted debatable, the following proved Cold War in the Desert: Britain, the United States and the
to be the most representative Eritrean parties: 1) Italian Colonies, London 2000; Stephen H. Longrigg,
the Unionist Party (÷Maòbär féqri hagär), which A Short History of Eritrea, London 1945; Pier Giacomo
was mainly supported by the Tégréñña-speakers Magri, La politica estera etiopica e le questioni eritrea e
of the Hamasen region, but also by Moslem aris- somala (1941–1960), Milano 1980; Harold G. Marcus,
Ethiopia, Great Britain and the United States, 1941–1974,
tocrats who counteracted the serf-emancipation the Politics of Empire, Los Angeles 1983; John Markakis,
movement promoted by the Moslem League; it National and Class Conflict in the Horn of Africa, Cam-
stood for unconditional union with Ethiopia and bridge 1987; Okbazghi Yohannes, Eritrea: a Pawn in
was the largest single party in Eritrea (48 % of World Politics, Trenton 1991; Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst
– Richard Pankhurst, Ethiopia and Eritrea: the Last
supporters); 2) The ÷Moslem League was the Phase of the Reunion Struggle 1941–1952, London 1953;
second largest party of E. (30 %); it mobilized Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Eve: the Past
the Moslem communities and demanded inde- and the Future of Italy’s ‘First-Born Colony’, Ethiopia’s
571
Four Power Commission
Ancient Sea Province, Essex 1952; Redie Bereketeab, Er- Alcobaça in which it was reportedly preserved
itrea: the Making of a Nation, 1890–1991, Uppsala 1999; (Almagià 1956:5f., 10).
Gianluigi Rossi, L’Africa italiana verso l’indipendenza
1941–1949, Milano 1980; Tekeste Negash, Eritrea Whatever its relationship with the previous one,
and Ethiopia: the Federal Experience, Uppsala 1997; the almost contemporary “Mappamondo” of the
Tesfatzion Medhanie, Eritrea: the Dynamic of a Na- Marciana Library was achieved, as clearly writ-
tional Question, Amsterdam 1986; Gerald Kennedy ten on the rev. of the parchment, “on 23 August
– Nicholas Trevaskis, Eritrea: a Colony in Transition
1460”, after F.M.’s death. It is a magnificent slight-
1941–52, London – New York – Toronto 1960.
Federica Guazzini ly elliptical planisphere (with its major diameter,
east-west, close to two metres), inscribed in a
square frame and furnished with ornaments and
Fra Mauro elaborate vignettes around its margin and texts
F.M. (Lat. Frater Maurus, no family name in the form of scrolls – simple labels or detailed
known; d. by October 1459) Camaldolese, was a captions – appended to the geographical units
famous cartographer. Very little is known about they are identifying or describing (s. Falchetta, in
his life except that at least since 1433 he was a preparation, for full transcription, commentary
friar (hence Fra) at the Camaldulian monastery and translation). Should one assume that in 1460
of San Michele di Murano, on the homonymous only a few more legends, indeed on fragments of
island near Venice, and that he was for some time different parchment, were eventually integrated
residing in the Istrian monastery of San Michele by pasting them between the circular profile and
al Leme, here drawing a map of its landed prop- the square frame of the map, this exemplar is even
erty (copy of it survives in a 1737 engraving). likely to be the original one.
At Murano he was in charge of a ÷cartography A pioneering reproduction of the extant “Map-
workshop within which, a contemplation di pamondo”, with neither texts nor most of the
questa illustrissima Signoria, i.e. ‘in obeyance to geographical names, was published by the then
[= “at the instigation of”, rather than “in homage Abbot of San Michele, later Cardinal Placido
to”] the most illustrious Signoria (of Venice)’, Zurla (1816). The standard facsimile edition, by
he produced the famous “Mappamondo”, a Gasparrini Leporace (1956), now implemented
comprehensive world map painted in the form by Falchetta (in preparation, with important
of a circular oikoumene (“inhabited world”), the chronological and geographical issues), consists
only extant exemplar of which is now kept at the of 48 colour plates: no. x, covering modern
Marciana Library in Venice. Such an important ÷Eritrea and ÷Ethiopia, as well as some other
parchment map – showing remarkable similari- zones of Africa (with ÷Nubia and the ÷Red Sea
ties with the so called “Carta Borgiana” of the area), is reproduced here. The portion of Africa
Vatican Library (Borg. v, s. Almagià 1944:32–40, where Ethiopian names appear has been usefully
no. 10; 1956:5ff., 10) – was achieved with the redrawn and replotted on a modern basis by
help of Andrea Bianco, who had already been Crawford (CrawItin 19, figs. 3 and 4).
working on a sea chart of the West African coast As to its orientation, the planisphere (like
(1436) and a planisphere (1448). The original of the “Carta Borgiana”) is perfectly falling within
the “Mappamondo” was fully laid out by 1448 the medieval framework of maps and sailing
(all relevant information being gathered by (“portolan”) charts with south to the top, in
then), and however finished before 1453 or, less the Ptolemaic tradition (Arentzen 1984:147ff.,
probably, by the beginning of 1459. The differ- 302; Woodward 1987:378 n. 62), thus marking
ent termini for the work’s final completion are the culmination of late medieval cartography.
depending, respectively, upon two significant Jerusalem has lost its customary central posi-
circumstances at least: co(n)stantinopoli (“Con- tion, being now moved eastwards because of
stantinopolis”) is still mentioned in a caption as Asia’s increased importance. For the African
the Byzantine capital; and a similar world map and Asian parts, the knowledge of the world
was sent to the king of Portugal ÷Alfonso V in displayed in the “Mappamondo” is relying
the early months of 1459. Yet, this lost exemplar upon information already found in Marco Polo
is not necessarily the original (made instead for (quoted extensively but silently) and other Ara-
the Signoria), as more often surmised; besides, it bic sources, as clearly indicated by the confusion
seems to have disappeared some time after 1494, of “Indian” and “Ethiopian” regions in plate no.
if not 1779, from the Portuguese monastery of ix, relevant to “Somali” countries (with Mogodis
572
Fra Mauro
Venice, Biblioteca Nazi-
onale Marciana; “Mappa-
mondo” by Fra Mauro:
section corresponding
to modern Eritrea and
Ethiopia; from Gaspar-
rini Leporace 1956, pl. x
= ÷Mogadishu on Diab = Madagascar, s. Cerulli of Italy – and asked by F.M. to describe tute
1935, 336f.; Fiaccadori 1992, 36ff. and n. 113f.). q(ue)ste p(ro)ui(n)cie e citade e fiumi e monti cum
F.M. seems to convey all the more critical evalu- li suo nomi (‘all these provinces and towns and
ations of the sources and to abandon traditional rivers and mountains with their own names’).
views as actual reports of the latest discoveries The “authenticity” of the Ethiopian section of
by “navigators send by the King of Portugal” be- the map is obvious from its agreement with the
come available – not before the 1460s, however, known geography of the country. In fact, apart
for the Venetian Alvise Ca’ da Mosto. from a few major designations – e.g., Abassia
Several new details are introduced with spe- Etiopia, Ethyopia – appearing there more than
cial reference to South Asia (India) and Japan, once as traditionally spread over a great part of
the latter appearing now for the first time on a Africa (but cp. the expression Abassia i(n) Ethyo-
European map. Remarkably enough, Africa is pia), several Ethiopian and East African names (s.
depicted as capable to be circumnavigable to the “Gazetteer” in CrawItin 194–204) can be easily
south – some 39 years at least before Vasco da identified with modern equivalents: e.g., abaui =
÷Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope on his ÷Abbay (the “Blue Nile”), amasen = ÷Hamasen,
way to India (1498). auasi = ÷Awaš, bagamidre = ÷Bägemdér, hacsum
Central and southern Africa are called “Ethio- = ÷Aksum, F(iume) Galla = river (of the?) Galla
pia”, whereas “Abassia” means ÷Abyssinia (cp. (a tributary of the xebe or vabi = Wabi [Šäbälle]),
÷Aithiopía). For the first time the realm of mons xiauala, ouer xiquala = mount ÷Zéqwala,
÷Prester John, the legendary priest and king, R(EGN)O HAMARA = province (‘kingdom’) of
originally thought to be somewhere in Cen- ÷Amhara, simi = ÷Sämen; the regno de saba does
tral Asia, is found in Abyssinia at Berara (= not refer to the legendary realm of the Queen of
÷Bärara), a place specifically styled as his chief Sheba (Ar. Sabaý; ÷Makédda), but to the actual
residence (Qui el presto Janne fa ressidentia kingdom of ÷Šäwa (s. CrawItin 201).
pri[n]cipal). This and other original evidence, Src.: Placido Zurla, Il Mappamondo di Fra Mauro Ca-
providing invaluable information on the coun- maldolese, Venezia 1806; Tullia Gasparrini Leporace
try (and later exploited by Alessandro ÷Zorzi, (ed.), Il Mappamondo di Fra Mauro, Presentazione di
indirecly acquainted with F.M.’s preparatory Roberto Almagià, Roma 1956 [repr. 1966]; Piero Fal-
chetta, Fra Mauro’s World Map. With a commentary and
materials), is explicitly drawn from local sources: translations of the inscriptions, Presentation by Marino
namely, from Ethiopian monks passing by Ven- Zorzi, Essays by Angelo Cattaneo – Susy Marcon,
ice – a mandatory halt on their way to other parts Turnhout, in preparation (Lit.).
573
Fra Mauro
Lit.: Roberto Almagià, Planisferi, carte nautiche e Lenoir du Roule, was subsequently seized by the
affini dal sec. XIV al XVII esistenti nella Biblioteca ruler of Sinnar, ase ÷Täklä Haymanot I wrote
Apostolica Vaticana, Città del Vaticano 1944 (Monumenta
cartographica Vaticana 1), 32–40, no. 10 [“Carta a strong letter remonstrating with him in 1706
Borgiana”]; Jörg-Geerd Arentzen, Imago mundi (Lobo 1735:359–469).
cartographica. Studien zur Bildlichkeit mittelaterlicher French interest in Ethiopia was resumed more
Welt- und Ökumenekarten unter besonderen Berücksich- effectively in the early 19th cent. during the last
tigung des Zusammenwirkens von Text und Bild, Mün-
decades of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént. Two Saint
chen 1984, 147ff., 302f.; Enrico Cerulli, “Noterelle
somale ad al-Dimašqi ed Ibn ŸArabi”, Orientalia nuova Simonian missionaries, Edmond ÷Combes and
ser. 4, 1935, 335-43, here 336f. [repr. in: Id., Somalia. Maurice ÷Tamisier, abandoning their sect’s bi-
Scritti vari editi ed inediti, I. Storia della Somalia, l’Islam zarre interest in the women of the East, visited
in Somalia, il Libro degli Zengi, Roma 1957, 41–50, here the country in 1833. They were followed by
42ff.]; CrawItin 18f. (and figs. 3f.), 194–204 [Appendix i.
“Gazetteer of names on Fra Mauro’s map”]; Gianfranco the scholarly brothers Antoine and Arnauld
Fiaccadori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992, xvi, 15, 26, d’÷Abbadie in 1838–48, and by the more com-
36–39, 75 (Lit.); Bertrand Hirsch, “Cartographie et mercially-minded Louis-Rémy Aubert-Roche
itinéraires: figures occidentales du nord de l’Éthiopie aux and Jean-Nicolas Dufey in 1837–38. Official
XVe et XVIe siècles”, Abbay 13, 1986–87 [1988], 91–122,
French governmental missions, mainly interest-
here 98f., 117f. [abridged version in: PICES 9, vol. 6,
58–73, here 62f., 67, 71]; Egon Klemp, Africa on Maps ed in F.’s ties with the East, then followed briefly
Dating from the 12th to the 18th Century, Leipzig 1968, one after another: a scientific mission led by
vol. 1, no. 9; Charles de la Roncière, La découverte Charlemagne Théophile ÷Lefebvre in 1838–43,
de l’Afrique au Moyen Âge: cartographes et explorateurs, an abortive trading effort by the Société Nanto-
vol. 2. Le périple du Continent, Le Caire 1925 (Mémoires
de la Société R. de Géographie d’Egypte 6), 122–28, pl. Bordelaise in 1840–41 and the mission of two
xxxvi; F. Wawrik, “Fra Mauro-Karte”, in: Lexikon der French naval officers, Pierre Victor A. ÷Ferret
Geschichte der Kartographie, vol. 1, Wien 1986, 230f.; and Joseph Germain ÷Galinier in 1840–43. An-
David Woodward, “Medieval Mappaemundi”, in: J.B. other French traveller, Charles-François-Xavier
Harley – David Woodward (eds.), The History of Car-
÷Rochet d’Héricourt, meanwhile made his way
tography, vol. 1. Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and
Medieval Europe, and the Mediterranean, Chicago, IL further south to Šäwa three times, in 1839, 1843
– London 1987, 286–370, here 315f., 327f., 358, 371 n. 71, and 1847–48 (Malécot 1972). Some of these trav-
374 n. 33, 378 n. 62, pl. 18; Marino Zorzi, La Libreria di ellers and missions were primarily concerned
San Marco. Libri, lettori e società nella Venezia dei Dogi, with geographical investigations, but others had
Milano 1987 (Ateneo Veneto. Collana di studi 1), 327,
359, 516. various other interests.
Rainer Voigt – Gianfranco Fiaccadori Some visitors sought to establish commercial
or coaling-stations along the ÷Red Sea or Gulf
of Aden coast; others attempted to recruit work-
France, relations with ers for the island of Bourbon (later Mauritius),
French interest in Ethiopia dates back to medi- where labour, after the abolition of slavery, was
eval times. As early as 1313 a French Dominican scarce. Other travellers again had a more appar-
monk, Guillaume Adam, advised the King of F. to ent political agenda. Rochet d’Héricourt, though
seek an alliance with the Christians in the moun- seeking to purchase supplies of ÷kosso, which he
tains south of Egypt, but nothing came of the idea regarded as a valuable cure for tapeworm, also
(TadTChurch 252). In the 17th cent., however, claimed to have signed a political and commer-
the French consul in Cairo, Charles de Maillet, cial treaty with ÷Íahlä Íéllase, néguí of Šäwa,
developed a keen interest in the far-off Christian on 7 June 1843. Starting with the 1840s, F. enter-
country and King Louis XIV conceived the plan tained a regular vice-consulate in ÷Massawa in
of opening relations with the Gondär-based the Ottoman territory. Henry Lambert, a French
Ethiopian kingdom. Charles ÷Poncet, a French consul in Aden in 1855–59, proposed the crea-
physician in Cairo, was accordingly despatched tion of a military and commercial establishment
in 1699 to treat ase ÷Iyasu I for a troublesome at ÷Tagura, on the Gulf of Aden coast. Stanislas
skin disease (Foster 1949:xxiii–xxxvii, 92–172). Russel, a French naval captain, purchased the
The Frenchman was virtually the first foreigner more northerly Red Sea island of Dessey in
to visit Ethiopia since the expulsion of the Zula Bay in 1860 from däggazmaó ÷Néguíe
÷Jesuits over half a century earlier. Poncet’s visit Wäldä Mikaýel of Tégray, but the French failed
was secret, but led to some warming of relations to occupy it. Néguíe also ceded Zula through his
between the two countries. When a French envoy, envoy, the Catholic convert ÷Émnätu, but this
574
France, relations with
was never realized on the ground. He had even

offered the cession of the whole coastal province,
in exchange with French support for his claim to
the throne, which could not materialize due to his
downfall soon afterwards (RubInd). Two years
later the French Government purchased the Gulf
of Aden port of ÷Obock, which was not, howev-
er, effectively occupied until 1884 when a French
commandant, Léonce ÷Lagarde, was appointed.
In the mid-1860s French influence had in-
creased considerably especially in regions near
the coast due to the presence of the French-di-
rected ÷Lazarist mission (÷Catholicism), who Building of the French Consulate in Massawa in
had erected the Vicariate Apostolic of Abyssinia 1886; photo by Firmin-André Sallès; courtesy of the
by order of Rome. After the conversion of the Bibliothèque nationale de France
Tégréñña-speaking ÷SänŸadäglä in ÷Akkälä French Roman Catholic missionaries were also
Guzay and of important parts of the ÷Bilin, their active in the latter area. Prominent among them
leaders declared themselves subjects of F. – who were two ÷Capuchins, Taurin ÷Cahagne, who
had helped, similar to Great Britain, to reduce the arrived in 1882, and his successor André ÷Jaros-
danger of raids from Egyptian territory especially seau, who was largely responsible for the educa-
in Bogos (Bilin). As a consequence, Bogos became tion of Täfäri Mäkwännén, the future ase ÷Òaylä
a weak French protectorate, under influence of Séllase I (HSLIfe 18, 291; ZerEth 442ff.).
the French vice-consul, and during a short period During the Italo-Ethiopian confrontation
even governed by a French tax-collector in the which culminated in the battle of ÷ŸAdwa, the
services of the governor of Hamasen. French Government was openly sympathetic to
In Ethiopia itself, after the rise of ase Ménilék. The latter, on his part, showed him-
÷Tewodros II, Guillaume ÷Lejean, the French self desirous of establishing close links with
vice-consul at Massawa, started an unsuccess- F. This was reflected in many ways. His coins
ful attempt to open commercial relations with and postage stamps, both instituted in 1894,
the new Ethiopian ruler. The latter’s death in were produced in Paris, and commercial links
1868 and the fall of the Second French Empire between his empire and the French Somali Pro-
two years later marked the end of this phase of tectorate (÷Djibouti) were foreshadowed in his
Franco-Ethiopian relations. From then on, any railway concession of the same year. Granted
project of a French protectorate was de facto to his Swiss advisor Alfred ÷Ilg and the latter’s
given up, even if F. continued to claim Zula for- French partner Léon Chefneux, this agreement
mally. envisaged the construction and operation of a
F. had relatively little contact with ase line to Djibouti, which would make the port
÷Yohannés IV, who sought unsuccessfully to Ethiopia’s principal point of access to the sea.
obtain the support of F. in gaining access to the This was confirmed shortly after the battle of
sea at Massawa. A French archaeologist, Ernest ÷ŸAdwa when the French Government granted
Choequine de ÷Sarzec, was nevertheless ap- a corresponding concession for the construction
pointed vice-consul in Massawa in 1872 as the of the railway line across the French Protectorate
successor of Werner ÷Munzinger, and a French (Pankhurst 1968; ÷Railways). One effect of this
gunsmith, Jean Baraglion, remained in the coun- was later even the use of French colonial money
try for many years (Wylde 1888, vol. 1, 293ff.; along the railway line (÷Currency). On 20 May
Pankhurst 1968:58). of the following year Ethiopia and F. signed a
Several French traders were by then active in the Frontier Convention. This was followed by the
Šäwan interior, most of them importing firearms Tripartite Treaty of 13 December 1906 signed by
for néguí Ménilék (later ase ÷Ménilék II). Such France, Italy and Britain, which provided for
merchants included Pierre Arnoux, C. Brémond, their establishment of spheres of influence in
Léon ÷Chefneux, Labatut, Paul Soleillet, Tian and Ethiopia, and the subsequent Franco-Ethiopian
the former poet Arthur ÷Rimbaud, who settled Treaty of Friendship and Commerce of 10 Janu-
in Harär in 1881 (Starkie 1937). A number of ary 1908, called after Anthony ÷Klobukowski,
575
France, relations with
÷Halévy, who studied ÷Betä Ésraýel literature;

Hermann Zotenberg, who catalogued the Ethio-
pian manuscripts in the ÷Bibliothèque Na-
tionale in Paris; René ÷Basset and Jules ÷Per-
ruchon, who edited and translated important
works of GéŸéz historiography (e.g., the “short
chronicles” [BassÉt] and the royal chronicles
[PerrZarY]).
The study of ÷Ethio-Semitic languages later
owed much to Marcel ÷Cohen, who conducted
linguistic and cultural research in Addis Abäba in
1910–11 and was subsequently responsible for
teaching a generation of European éthiopisants,
A share of a French concession-holding company in among them Wolf Leslau, Stefan ÷Strelcyn, Joseph
Ethiopia, from a private collection
Tubiana and Roger ÷Schneider. France was
the French Minister in Addis Abäba. This gave also responsible later for the Dakar to Djibouti
the French extra-territorial rights and led to mission of 1931, which conducted considerable
the establishment of French consular tribunals ethnographic and linguistic research, by Marcel
(ZerEth 435ff.). ÷Griaule, Michel ÷Leiris, and others; and the
The first years of the century witnessed the archaeological mission of François ÷Azais and
advent of three important French scientific mis- Roger ÷Chambard, which travelled in the south-
sions, led by the Marquis Charles de Bonchamps ern provinces. ÷Gäbrä Íéllase’s chronicle of Méni-
(÷Fashoda), Jean ÷Duchesne-Fournet and the lék (GueCopMen) was edited and annotated by
Visconte du ÷Bourg du Bozas, respectively. Maurice de ÷Coppet, a sometime French Min-
Other French travellers included Prince Henri ister to Ethiopia. An Amharic-French dictionary
d’÷Orléans, J. Gaston ÷Vanderheym, who was published by a French Lazarist mission-
accompanied Ménilék’s army to Wällamo, and ary Joseph ÷Baeteman (BaetDic) and the first
Hugues Le Roux, who produced (1914) a French Ethiopisant journal ÷Aethiopica was launched
version of the ÷Kébrä nägäít and did much to by another French scholar, Sylvain ÷Grébaut.
publicize Ménilék’s state in F. French culture became increasingly important in
Though Ménilék never learnt French, he made the Ménilék period.
use of a French adviser, the scholar François An Alliance Française school was established
Marie Casimir ÷Mondon-Vidailhet, who became in Addis Abäba in 1907. The ÷MénilékII School,
an Ethiopian Councillor of State; and appointed a founded in the following year, also employed
Francophone physician from Guadeloupe, Joseph French teachers and took the French certificate of
÷Vitalien, who was also later involved in the rail- education. Students sent abroad for further educa-
way project. The latter led to the employment on tion largely went to F., as well as the Lebanon and
the line of many Frenchmen and a considerable other countries where French was widely used in
expansion of foreign trade, part of it in French modern educated circles. Ethiopia thus became
hands, and as well as the growth of the French a Francophone country and French became the
port of Djibouti and of the Ethiopian railway- foreign lingua franca for the Ethiopian intelli-
town of ÷Dérre Dawa. Addis Abäba’s first phar- gentsia. An important French weekly, ÷Courrier
macist was likewise a French-oriented Georgian d’Éthiopie, ran for many years until the war of
physician Paul ÷Mérab, while a veterinarian mis- 1935/36. Government proclamations in the 1920s
sion at the time of the major rinderpest epidemic and early 1930s were published in French, too.
of the 1890s was led by Repetto Wurtz of the French influence increased in the pre-war
Paris Faculty of Medicine. Three French traders years. The regent Täfäri Mäkwännén was French-
were also prominent in early Addis Abäba, name- speaking. Trade was largely monopolized by the
ly ÷Savouré, Trouillet and Stévenin, who, like French firm of A. Besse. The Täfäri Mäkwännén
other compatriots, had contacts with the French School, founded 1925, gave most of its instruc-
in ÷Djibouti (Pankhurst 1968; BZHist 97). tion in French. Several Ministers had studied
÷Ethiopian Studies in F. began in the late 19th in F. and/or the Lebanon. Several leaders of the
and early 20th cent. with the works of Joseph Imperial Bodyguard had been trained at Saint-
576
Franchini, Vincenzo
Cyr-l’École. Ethiopia’s French community by troversial figure, owing to both his involvement
1935 numbered about 350, about the same as the with Fascism and his anti-Ethiopian political ac-
Italians (BZHist 238). tion. Of noble origin (he held the title of baron),
After Ethiopia’s liberation, in 1941, contacts from 1910 to 1914 he travelled extensively to
with F., then under German occupation, and North America, south-east Asia and eastern Af-
the employment of French teachers were virtu- rica (the Sudan, Bahr al-Ëazal, Kenya). In 1928,
ally impossible. French thus dropped out of the with the permission of ras Täfäri Mäkwännén
Ethiopian educational system, which was there- (later ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I) and of the colonial
after geared to Britain and later the United States Eritrean Government, he organized a scientific
of America. A French Lycée, called after the expedition to Dancalia (÷Danakil) with Alberto
Ethiopian patriot ÷Gäbrä Maryam, was, how- ÷Pollera, Silvio Gilardi, Candido Maglione,
ever, opened in 1948. The 1960 Ethiopian ÷Civil Saverio Patrizi, Amedeo Moscatelli, Captain-To-
Code was drafted by French. In 1966 a French- pographer Piero Veratti, Count Riccardo Rocca,
Ethiopian agreement was signed to promote film operator Mario Craveri, Ettore Nannoni,
÷French as a second foreign language in sec- Erminio De Filippi and 90 askari and servants.
ondary schools. French Ethiopian studies were The expedition left ÷ŸAsäb on 3 February 1929
promoted, especially by the Maison des Études and visited Lake Af¥era (Giulietti) and the Teru
éthiopiennes established in Addis Abäba in 1991 sultanate. It crossed Danakil from the sea to the
and reorganized in 1997 as Centre français des plateau, with special interest in oil prospecting.
Études éthiopiennes. Commercial ties with the On theirreturn, F. amd his fellows passed bythe
French at Djibouti were likewise later resumed place where ÷Giulietti’s expedition had been
and the railway once more played an important massacred by the ÷ŸAfar in 1888 and brought the
role in Ethiopian economic life. The headquar- remains to ŸAsäb on 2 June 1929. The findings of
ters of the Economic Commission for Africa and the expedition Dancalia were never made public.
the Organization of African Unity, both situated F. returned there several times, going on other
in Addis Abäba, employed many Francophone journeys in Ethiopia under assignment of the
Africans. government of the Néguí. He died in an aircraft
÷French language incident near Heliopolis (Cairo), while heading
Src.: Jerome Lobo, Voyage historique d’Abyssinie du to ÷Asmära on a political mission to Dancalia.
R.P. Jerome Lobo, Paris 1735, 359–469; Guillaume
Lejean, Voyage en Abyssinie exécuté de 1862 à 1864, Paris Src.: Raimondo Franchetti, Nella Dancalia etiopica.
1871; Augustus Blandy Wylde, ‘83 to ‘87 in the Soudan, Spedizione italiana 1928–29, Milano 1930, 41936.
London 1888, vol. 1, 293ff.; HSLife 18, 291; GueCopMen; Lit.: Olinto Laguzzi, Raimondo Franchetti “il Law-
Jules Borelli, Ethiopie méridionale. Journal de mon rence Italiano”, Genova 1948; Giuseppe Puglisi, Chi è?
voyage aux pays Amhara, Oromo et Sidama (septembre dell’Eritrea, Asmara 1952, ad nomen; Francesco Surd-
1885–novembre 1888), Paris 1890. ich, “Franchetti, Raimondo”, in: Dizionario biografico
Lit.: TadTChurch 252; William Foster, The Red Sea degli Italiani, vol. 50, Roma 1998, 73-75 (Lit.).
and Adjacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Gian Carlo Stella
Century, London 1949, xxiii–xxxvii, 92–172; Georges
Malécot, Les voyageurs français et les relations entre la
France et l’Abyssinie de 1835 à 1870, Paris 1972; Alexan-
dre Girard, Souvenirs d’un voyage en Abyssinie, Cairo Franchini, Vincenzo
1973; Enid Starkie, Arthur Rimbaud in Abyssinia, F. (b. 11 November 1911, Bologna, d. 7 Octo-
Oxford 1937; Sylvain Vignéras, Une mission françaiss ber 1995, Massa), professionally a civil servant,
en Abyssinie, Paris 1897; Hugues Le Roux, Ménélik et
nous, Paris 1902; Id., Makeda, reine de Saba, Paris 1914; started to serve in the ÷Africa Orientale Italiana
Henri Rebaud, Chez le roi des rois d’Abyssinie, Paris in 1937. After the restoration of the Ethiopian
1935; ZerEth 431–49; ZewYohan; RubInd; PankEcon 58, state in 1941, F. remained in the country and in
755; BZHist 97, 238; Jacques Bureau, Marcel Cohen et 1944 settled in Asmära, where he lived until 25
ses successeurs. Cent ans d’études éthiopiennes en France, February 1980, the date of his return to Italy.
Addis Ababa 1997.
During his long stay in Asmära, he dedicated,
Richard Pankhurst
as an amateur, his free time to archaeological re-
search, mainly prehistoric and protohistoric, hav-
ing its main field in the region of ÷Akkälä Guzay.
Franchetti, Raimondo At first he operated under the guidance of Carlo
F. (b. 31 January 1889, Treviso, d. 7 August 1935, ÷Conti Rossini, who exchanged correspond-
Cairo) was an Italian explorer and a rather con- ance with F. until his death. With much energy,
577
Franchini, Vincenzo
F. travelled around the country, making a great friars (including Dominicans) in connection
number of discoveries, included rock-paintings, with the story of ÷Prester John, some of which
rock-drawings and rock-inscriptions (in ÷Epi- undoubtedly concern the Ethiopian Christian
graphic South Arabian and Ethiopic), all of them kingdom. Likewise, the privileged position of
of paramount relevance. On his discoveries of the F. as holders of the Custodia Terrae Sanctae
rock-paintings and rock-drawings he gave sever- made them one of the earliest sources on Ethio-
al accounts in various publications. Some of the pian Christianity available.
rock-inscriptions were published by Lanfranco Vague references to F. in “Ethiopia” date back
Ricci, who is currently writing the final draft of to the first half of the 13th cent. under Pope Gre-
the general edition of the inscriptions. gory IX (1227–41; Musie Ghebreghiorghis 1984:
Src.: Vincenzo Franchini, “Notizie su alcune pitture ed 41–44; Richard 1976:324f.). To this century are
incisioni rupestri recentemente ritrovate in Eritrea”, in: dated also two anonymous tractates by minorites
PICES 1, 285–89; Id., “La zona archeologica di Machedà. with a description of the Nile and references to
Stazioni litiche in superficie”, Il Bollettino [Asmara] 1,
1953, 21–24; Id., “Ritrovamenti archeologici a Dibdib”, “Ethyopi(a), unde fuit regina Saba” (Golubovich
ibid., 85; Id., “Altre pitture rupestri nell’Akkelè Guzay”, 1906:404).
ibid. 2, 1958, 1–12; Id., “I graffiti rupestri di Edit”, Later, to respond to the fall of Acre in 1291,
ibid. 3, 1964, 9–12; Id., “Pitture rupestri e antichi resti the Latin church enforced an expansion of the
architettonici dell’Acchelè Guzài”, RSE 17, 1961, 5–10;
Id., “Nuovi ritrovamenti di pitture rupestri e graffiti in mendicant orders to the East. This, which was
Eritrea”, ibid. 20, 1964, 97–102; Id., “La stazione litica aimed also at challenging ÷Nestorianism in the
all’aperto di Mehrad Tièl”, JES 9, 1, 1971, 27–34; Id., East, gained momentum under Pope John XXII
“Contributo alla toponomastica dell’Eritrea tigrina”, (1316–34). John of Montecorvino (1246–1328),
QSE 3–4, 1982-83, 163–75. head of the newly created F. archbishopric of
Lit.: Lanfranco Ricci, “Vincenzo Franchini”, RSE 37,
1995, 177–82; Paolo Graziosi, “New Discoveries of Khanbaliq (today Beijing), then capital of the
Rock Paintings in Ethiopia”, parts 1 and 2, Antiquity 138, Mongol Yüan dinasty, attempted repeatedly to
1964, 91–99, 187–90. establish contacts with the Ethiopian Church
Lanfranco Ricci (Golubovich 1919:93; Richard 1998:114, 145;
Pavot 1990:156). Around 1323, two Irish friars
Franciscans issued an Itinerary identifying the Prester John
F. is the term generically refering to the different with the Ethiopian ruler (Cerulli 1943:102–07).
communities observing the Rule of St. Francis of There were parallel attempts, in the same century,
Assisi (1182–1226). This article focuses on the to introduce the Observance in Egypt. They were
F. branches with a proper missionary vocation, hindered by the opposition of the ÷Mamluk
the Observants and Reformed (both merged, in sultans (Richard 1998:261ff.; Manfredi 1958:
1897, into the Friars Minor, Lat. Ordo Fratrum 14–18). Within this context, in 1348 the Minorite
Minorum). Another F. family, the ÷Capuchins, John of Winterthur wrote a Chronicon relating
is treated in a separate entry. both of a Dominican mission to Egypt impeted
The F. were founded in Italy around 1209 by St. by the sultan and of the wars between this coun-
Francis and in 1223 the definitive rule of the Or- try and Ethiopia (Golubovich 1913:145ff.).
der or “Regula bullata” was approved. It incorpo- The renewed unionist projects in the 15th cent.
rated monastic elements (obedience, chastity and gave a new élan to the F. missions. The Observ-
poverty) and commitement to preaching “among ant Alberto da ÷Sarteano played an important
the Saracens and other infidels”. The F. also fol- role during the Council of ÷Florence (1438–45),
lowed the ÷Dominicans in stressing theological bringing to Italy a Copt–Ethiopian delegation
learning, to which field they would contribute that included monks from the Ethiopian com-
with such important figures as St. Bonaventure munity in Jerusalem (÷Dayr as-Sultan; Richard
and the “Doctor subtilis”, John Duns Scotus. 1998:268f.; Lefevre 1945:384f.). Around 1455,
another friar, Ludovico da Bologna, was charged
Medieval missions by the Popes Nicholas V and Calistus III with
Medieval F. missions to Ethiopia are, due to the a failed mission to engage ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob in
unreliability of the accounts, difficult to prove, a crusade against the Turks (Richard 1998:
despite the enthusiasm showed by F. historians 274f.; Lefevre 1945:392f.); in the 1470s, the friar
(Somigli 1928, vol. 1/1, xxiii; Golubovich 1906: Nicola da Oliveto would have managed to reach
399). However, there are many references to Ethiopia (Lefevre 1945:397). Later, the head of
578
French language
the F. community in Beirut, Francesco Suriano or historical accounts on the societies of the
(1450–ca.1529), with his Trattato di Terrassanta e Ethiopian highlands and on the Christian realm
dell’Oriente (Suriano 1949) published the travels (s. Fondo Scritture riferite nei Congressi, “Africa
of the diplomat Giovanni Battista da ÷Imola to Centrale, Etiopia, Arabia”, vol. 1, 1630–98).
Ethiopia, in which a Fra Giovanni da Calabria Src.: Teodosio Somigli (ed.), Etiopia Francescana nei
was also involved (Richard 1998:398–401, 409ff., documenti dei secoli XVII e XVIII, Firenze 1928, vol.
1, part 1, xxiii; Francesco Suriano, Treatise on the
432; CrawItin 45ff., 205–10, fig. 8).
Holy Land, Jerusalem 1949; Girolamo Golubovich
(ed.), Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e
Early modern missions dell’Oriente francescano, vol. 1, Firenze 1906, 404; vol.
New opportunities for the F. to enter Ethiopia 2, ibid. 1913, 145ff.; vol. 3, ibid. 1919, 93; BecRASO I,
opened with the failure of the ÷Jesuit mission 175–224, 489–99; CrawItin 45ff., 205–10, fig. 8.
and the “Pax Ottomana” (Carobbio da Nembro Lit.: Ayele Teklehaymanot, “The Franciscan Apostolate
in Ethiopia”, Miscellanea Aethiopica 1, Addis Ababa 1999,
1971:628ff., 636). The ÷Sacra Congregatio de 341–67; Musie Ghebreghiorghis, “Franciscan Mission-
Propaganda Fide, handed then the Ethiopian aries to Ethiopia during the Early Renaissance”, QSE 5,
“dossier” to such other orders as Capuchins, 1984, 34–62; Jean Richard, La Papauté et les missions
Carmelitans and F.), thus placing it de facto d’Orient au Moyen Age (XIIIe–XVe siècles), Roma 1977,
21998, 56f.; Id., Orient et Occident au Moyen Age: contacts
out of the reach of ÷Portugal, by then a minor et relations (XIIe–XVe s.), London 1976, 324f.; Jacques Pa-
player in the Indian Ocean. The attempts to vot, “L’imaginaire géographique des découvertes au XVe
reach Ethiopia would henceforth run through siècle”, in: Jean Aubin (ed.), La découverte, le Portugal et
the Eastern Mediterranean and Egypt, most l’Europe, Braga 1990, 141–58, here 156; Renato Lefevre,
of them being sponsored by the new powerful “Riflessi etiopici nella cultura europea del Medioevo e
del Rinascimento”, Annali Lateranensi 9, 1945, 331–444;
France of Cardinal Richelieu and its influential CerPal I, 102–07; Metodio Carobbio da Nembro,
consul in Cairo. “Martirio ed espulsione in Etiopia”, in: Josef Metzler
The F., who by the early 1620s served in Cairo (ed.), Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide memoria
as chaplains of the Catholic consuls, were en- rerum: 1622–1972, vol. 1, part 1: 1622–1700, Roma 1971,
624–49; Gaudenzio Manfredi, Ricerche sull’origine del
trusted in 1630 and 1633 with the newly founded “Praefectus Missionis” e la prefettura d’Egitto-Etiopia
prefectures of Egypt and Ethiopia. Several expe- affidata ai frati minori, Cairo 1958, 14–18.
ditions of Italian Reformed friars, who through- Andreu Martínez
out the century contended with the Observants
of the Custodia Terrae Santae for the control over Franco-Ethiopian treaty of friendship and
the Ethiopian mission, followed. Initially target- commerce ÷Klobukowski treaty
ing the Coptic Church and its well-disposed
Patriarch John XV (1619–34), over time several French language
F., along with their fellow Capuchins, made ef- Expansion of the F. in the Horn of Africa began
forts to reach the Ethiopian highlands. Yet, none at the end of the 19th cent. Due to its imposition
of these attempts was successful since most of the as a colonial language, F. spread rapidly along the
missionaries were decapitated in ÷Sawakin or French Somali coast, penetrating into independ-
kept in the ÷Fung kingdom and the Ethiopian ent Ethiopia.
highlands (Carobbio da Nembro 1971:640). An Several factors caused this rapid diffusion
exception was an expedition including F. and of F. within Ethiopia, an independent country
French Jesuits who, at the turn of the 18th cent., without proper colonial links with France. First,
managed to live and serve – mainly as doctors there was the establishment of the new railway
– at the courts of ÷Iyasu I and ÷Yostos (ibid. (÷Railways) connection between the port of
645–68). In 1717, the Propaganda Congregation ÷Djibouti and the new capital of ase Ménilék II,
finally suppressed the costly and ill-fated mission Addis Abäba. As a consequence, F. was adopted
(s. doc. summarized in BecRASO I, 175–224), by all the railway workers; F. involvement in that
although attempts by F. to reach the country project can still be seen nowadays in the names
continued up to the late 18th cent (ibid. 489–99). of the stations and locomotives. At the same
The archives of the Congregation in Rome time, it became the lingua franca of merchants
offer a wealth of correspondance from F. mis- and traders who used the railway to trade inland.
sionaries, with indications on the best ways to Second, the organization of the school system,
reach Ethiopia – including the most befitting including the technical schools such as those in
fancy-dress costumes – but few ethnographic ÷Dérre Dawa, that hosted the headquarters of
579
French language
the Compagnie du chemin de fer franco-éthiopi- The Alliance Française, very active from Addis
enne (C.F.E.). Teaching played a fundamental role Abäba to Dérre Dawa, opened schools for chil-
in the success of the language. Until the 1950s, dren and adults and also organized exhibitions
the colonial administration in Djibouti entrusted and film presentations. The veterinary mission
teaching to the ÷Franciscan sisters of Calais and at ÷Däbrä Zäyt, the Technical College of the
the brothers of the Institut Saint Gabriel. Municipalities, which opened in 1970 in Addis
In Ethiopia, the work of the Capuchin mis- Abäba, and the activities of the Archaeological
sionaries and teachers of the schools opened by Mission since 1952 are other examples of F. activ-
l’Alliance Française at Dérre Dawa and Addis ities that helped propagate the language within
Abäba helped F. penetrate Ethiopian society Ethiopia. Additionally, F. remained the most fre-
(÷Capuchins). These private schools had the quently used language among the Ethiopian rail-
financial support of the C.F.E., who in turn way technicians, who often attend professional
received from them its future F.-speaking techni- internships organized by the Société Nationale
cians. Furthermore, the various institutions run des Chemins de Fer Français. With the arrival
by the missionaries – schools, seminaries, hos- in power of Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam (÷Revo-
pitals - provided important numbers of trained lution), F. expansion suffered a major setback.
personnel for the administration. In addition to The civilian and military personnel (volunteers
this, F. also appealed to members of the court and of the National Service) working in the schools
the Imperial family. were forced to leave and the missionary schools
The third important factor was the F.-speak- and those of the Alliance Française were closed.
ing press. The first F. newspapers in the Horn Little by little F. lost ground to English, the last
were edited either by the Compagnie Impériale French stronghold being the railway staff.
des Chemins de Fer Éthiopiens (C.I.É.) – like Le Lit.: Colette Dubois – Jean-Michel Kasbarian – Ambr-
Djibouti which appeared between 1899 and 1903 oise Queffelec (eds.), L’expansion du français dans les Suds
(XVe–XVIIe siècles): hommage à Daniel Baggioni: actes du
– or by the ÷Capuchins, and thus were printed
Colloque d’Aix-en-Provence, mai 1998, Aix-en-Provence
in F. In 1905, the Capuchins moved the Saint La- 2000; Remi Leroux, Le Réveil de Djibouti. Simple outil de
zare printing-house from Harär to Dérre Dawa. propagande ou véritable reflet de société?, Paris 1998; Sylvia
Their press produced not only cathechisms, but Pankhurst, Ethiopia. A Cultural History, London 1955;
also the Journal officiel de la Côte française des Jean-Dominique Penel, L’école à Djibouti 1888–1977,
Djibouti 1998; Père Aloys, Capucins missionnaires en Afri-
Somalis, Le ÷Semeur d’Ethiopie and Le ÷Cour- que orientale, Toulouse 1931; Alain Rouaud, “Un journal
rier d’Ethiopie. These were, however, papers éthiopien en langue française: le Courrier d’Ethiopie 1913-
with a very small readership (less than 2,000 sub- 1936”, in: PICES 11, vol. 1, 711–24.
scribers), modest in comparison to the readers of Colette Dubois
the Amharic press.
After World War II, F. became the main lan- French Somaliland ÷Djibouti
guage in the territory under F. suzerainty. With
the Republic of Djibouti’s independence, F. Frobenius, Leo Viktor
became one of the official languages. Nowadays F. (b. 29 June 1873, Berlin, d. 9 August 1938,
it plays a prominent role in schools with the Biganzolo, Italy) was an ethnologist and cultural
younger generations mastering both the written historian with an autodidactic background who
and the oral form. It is also widely used in the became one of the most famous researchers on
press, e.g. the main newspaper La Nation, heir of Africa during the first half of the 20th cent. Be-
the Réveil de Djibouti. In the national television tween 1904 and 1935 he carried out twelve expe-
it is broadcast alongside ŸAfar, Arab and Somali- ditions to various African countries to collect eth-
speaking programmes. nographic data, oral traditions, material objects,
Unlike in Djibouti, in Ethiopia the cultural folk tales and documentation of ÷rock-art. As a
influence of France has always been heavily in- theoretician, he developed the idea of “cultural
fluenced by the diplomatic relations between the morphology” which conceives of cultures as liv-
two nations. Under ÷Òaylä Íéllase I there were ing organisms, i.e. they are born, undergo their
some important steps forward for F. culture in childhood, their youth, their manhood, their old
Ethiopian society. Founded in 1948, the Lycée age and finally their death. They are dominated by
Franco-Éthiopien Guebre-Mariam offered a “Paideuma”, a kind of cultural soul which is con-
full-F. curriculum, from infants to high school. sidered to act more or less independently of men.
580
Frobenius-Institut
÷Frobenius in Berlin in 1898. After World War

I, this institution was transferred to Munich and
was renamed Forschungsinstitut für Kulturmor-
phologie. In 1925 it moved to Frankfurt am Main
and in 1946 adopted the name of its founder. The
F.I. devoted itself to the advancement of cultural
historical research, with a particular interest in
Africa. From 1904 onwards, the F.I. organized
numerous scientific expeditions.
The first mission to Ethiopia in 1914–15,
lead by Frobenius himself, aimed at provoking
The 1915 expedition of Leo Frobenius hiding below deck
political counterinsurgency in accord with the
on an Arabic boat going between Kunfuda and Massawa; German military interests in north-eastern Af-
from left to right: Frobenius, Robert Türstig, Albert Mar- rica. The expedition, however, failed completely
tius, Friedrich Solomon Hall, Hieronymus Kistenfeger since the Italian administration of the ÷Colonia
and Abdul Fadal; photo, courtesy of the Frobenius-Insti- Eritrea became suspicious and forced its partici-
tut, Frankfurt am Main (no. 07–8091)
pants to return to Europe. The researchers just
Irrationalist ideas of this type have temporarily had time to carry out minor explorations on
exerted a certain fascination, but they have always prehistoric ÷rock-art sites in the ÷Hamasen re-
met scepticism and have been mostly discarded by gion. The first expedition of the F.I. to southern
modern research. However, many data of F.’s field Ethiopia (÷Konso, ÷Gideýo/Därasa and ÷Gur-
research proved to be of lasting value. age) was carried out by Adolf ÷Jensen, Hellmut
In World War I F. was appointed by the Su- Wohlenberg and Alf Bayrle 1934–35. Among
preme Command of imperial Germany to carry the data collected, some is worth mentioning:
out a mission to north-eastern Africa aiming at substantial documentation of age-grade systems
provoking counterinsurgency actions against of the ÷gadaa type; information on important
the entente powers in this region. However, this carving production, especially stone monuments
enterprise (1914–15) totally failed and the Ital- and wooden grave-effigies and collections of
ian colonial administration of Eritrea forced F. folk tales.
to return to Europe. The only scientific result After World War II, Jensen, who by then had
of this journey was the documentation of some become director of the F.I., resumed the tradition
sites of prehistoric rock-paintings in the ÷Ha- of ethnological field research in southern Ethio-
masen region. Although he never personally pia with two more expeditions, in 1950–52 and
resumed field research in this area, F. preserved 1954–56. During the first journey he was accom-
a vivid interest in north-eastern Africa and panied by Eike ÷Haberland, Willy Schulz-Wei-
later initiated the expedition of his collaborator dner and Elisabeth Pauli. Haberland and Pauli
Adolf ÷Jensen to southern Ethiopia in 1934–35. again, along with Helmut ÷Straube and Wolf-
The institute named after him, the ÷Frobenius gang Kuls, followed him on the second journey.
Institut, in 1946 became an important centre of During the first expedition of 1950–52 the re-
ethnological/anthropological studies on Ethio- searchers worked mainly among the Altvölkers
pia from the 1950s onwards. (‘culturally archaic peoples’) west of the Rift
Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, “Frobenius as Political Valley, such as the Baka, ÷Šangama, ÷Ubamär,
Agent: Journey to Eritrea in 1915”, in: PICES 12, vol. 1, ÷Basketo, ÷Dime, Male, ÷Banna and ÷Hamär.
553–61; Hans-Jürgen Heinrichs, Die fremde Welt, das Between 1954 and 1956 they extended their field
bin ich. Leo Frobenius: Ethnologe, Forschungsreisender,
Abenteurer, Wuppertal 1998; Hermann Niggemeyer, research eastwards and visited groups such as the
“Das wissenschaftliche Schrifttum von Leo Frobenius”, ÷Koorete, ÷Burgi, ÷Wälaytta, ÷Sidaama and,
Paideuma 4, 1950, 377–418. within the Oromo cluster, the subgroups ÷Guggi
Ulrich Braukämper and ÷Arsi. With Haberland as director since
1967, new expeditions of ethno-anthropological
fieldwork in southern Ethiopia were initiated.
Frobenius-Institut Two further missions were organized for 1970–71
The F.I. traces its origin back to the Afrika- and 1972–74, where Haberland himself, along
Archiv (‘African Archive’) founded by Leo with Siegfried Seyfarth, Werner Lange and Ul-
581
Frobenius-Institut
the house (homegarden, yägwaro érša) has gener-
ally been a sign of prestige.
There are many wild indigenous fruits in
Ethiopia, the most common including énkoy
(monkey-guava), agam (Carissa plum), qäga
(Abyssinian rose), košém (wild key-apple),
yäýéräñña qolo, šola, éngorri, awét (cape goose-
berry), qwélqwal ÷bäläs (prickly pear), gäggäba,
wanza, qwérqwéra/gäba (Christ-thorn/ jujube).
The most commonly cultivated F. include cit-
ruses (orange lime/lemon, citron, grapefruit and
mandarin), avocado, papaya, banana cherimoya,
Frobenius-Expedition in southern Ethiopia; Eike Haber- tree-tomato, mango, fig, strawberry, passion-
land with Boorana men; 1950/52; photo courtesy of the fruit, pomegranate, egg-plant, loquat, pineapple,
Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt am Main (no. 23–Ha222–04) guava, grapes, and peach.
rich Braukämper participated. Information was Lit.: Rodney Harlan, “Ethiopia: a Centre of Diversity”,
Economic Botany 23, 1969, 309–14; Id., Crops and Man,
collected among the Wälaytta, ÷Dawro, ÷Gofa, Madison 1975, 21992; Michael John Thornley Nor-
÷Dizi, ÷Gimira, Hinnario (÷Énnarya), ÷Boša, man – C.J. Pearson – P.G.E. Searle, The Ecology of
Šeka, ÷Käfa, ÷Hadiyya and ÷Kambaata. Tropical Food Crops, Cambridge – New York 21995; Irvin
The surveying and thorough investigation of Eldie Siegenthaler, Useful Plants of Ethiopia, Alemaya
1962/63 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.] (Imperial Ethiopian College
the hitherto least-documented ethnic groups of of Agriculture and Mechanical Arts, Jimma Experiment
Ethiopia had been a central goal of the F.I. Such Station – Oklahoma State University, Bulletin 14–1), 31;
a research-oriented tradition ended in the mid- Zemede Asfaw, Survey of Indigenous Food Crops, their
1970s due to shifts in the interests of the Institute Preparations and Home Gardens in Ethiopia. Indigenous
African Food Crops and Useful Plants, Nairobi 1997 (The
and was only resumed after Haberland’s death United Nations University, Institute for Natural Re-
in 1992. sources in Africa, Series B6).
Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, “Der Beitrag der deutschen Zemede Asfaw
Ethnologie zur Äthiopien-Forschung”, in: Piotr O.
Scholz (ed.), Von Hiob Ludolf bis Enrico Cerulli. Akten Frumentius ÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan
der 2. Tagung von Orbis Aethiopicus, Warszawa 2001
(Bibliotheca nubica et aethiopica 8), 159–70; VSAe I, II, III;
Adolf E. Jensen (ed.), Im Lande des Gada, Stuttgart 1936. Fuga
Ulrich Braukämper The term F. (or Fuga’a) indicates an endogamous
social group in ÷Gurage, ÷Kambaata, ÷Yäm
and ÷Hadiyya. The F. can be categorized as
Fruits ÷marginalized people to whom the dominat-
In Ethiopia, a large number of wild and culti- ing majority of society traditionally accorded
vated F. are cherished by the society. In botany the lowest rank among all social strata. Only
a F. is the organ of angiospermous plants con- slaves had a lesser status. Although the term F.
taining the seeds; it develops from the ovary of is considered to be derogatory, it is still used in
the flower. In common use, the term connotes unofficial public discourse and even in academic
conventional F., i.e. a horticultural category of literature. To prevent discrimination, the F., like
useful plants in which the F.-pulp, juice, skin or other marginalized groups in Ethiopia, are desig-
other parts are consumed by humans. Life of nated according to their traditional occupations
early humans who largely led a nomadic life relied as “potters”, “tanners”, “artisans” or “hunters”.
on wild F. With the development of agriculture, Under the Därg regime, they were also called
many F.- trees began to be cultivated. In Ethiopia, “workers”, and in Gurage the name “Amarika”
monks, hermits and nuns in monasteries and se- (‘American’) was introduced (Freeman — Pank-
cluded churches have traditionally largely depend hurst 2003:28ff., 32). As another positive name,
on F. Modern F. were first introduced into church “Betä Ésraýel” is sometimes used because some F.
gardens (the earliest record of introduced F.-trees claim connection to the ÷Betä Ésraýel.
comes from a monastery in Eritrea) and then into There are different explanations concerning
palaces and homes of the privileged members of the origin of the F. While they themselves fre-
society. Having F. trees in the garden and around quently claim to have migrated from the north
582
Fuga
Fuga in Hossäyna, 1970/71; photo
courtesy of the Frobenius Institut,
Frankfurt am Main (1.02.09.06)
(“Gondär”) together with certain clans of com- qualified the F. as impure in a ritual sense. Con-
moners, they are often seen as indigenous to the sequently, they were considered to have the “evil
region by the peasant population. Braukämper eye” (÷Buda) and were not allowed to work in
(1983:38) calls Kambaata an “old centre of the the énsät gardens or with the cattle, because they
Fuga”, from where they spread to Hadiyya and were accused of destroying the fertility of the
other places. The F. are heterogeneous in descent soil and of the livestock (ShGurage 10).
and also have genealogical linkages to other mar- The F. should not be reduced to their marginal-
ginalized groups. ized status. They do have their own history, their
The F. are traditionally engaged in woodwork- own clan system(s) and their own customs, in-
ing, pottery and tanning (in Gurage the tanners cluding their own legal code (Braukämper 1983:
build a separate, less marginalized, but also dis- 188; ShGurage 10). For the commoners and the
criminated group, the Buda or Geze). A division whole socio-economic system, the F. played an
of labour between women and men can be ob- indispensable role and their craft products and
served: women work as potters, while men work technologies were vital. Their despised status did
as tanners or woodworkers. Before the number not hinder the F. from participating in the wars
of game animals in the region was severely re- of the commoners and to serve as guardians. Ad-
duced in the 20th cent., the F. had supplemented ditionally important were their ritual and sym-
their food supply by hunting with bow and (poi- bolic functions. In the Kambaata kingdom, e.g.,
soned) arrow and with the help of dogs. Some F. served as heralds of the king who beat drums
F. groups are engaged as musicians and jesters at and blew bamboo trumpets to announce impor-
burial feasts, where they beat drums and enter- tant events (Braukämper 1983:140, 159, 188).
tain the participants, e.g., by imitating monkeys. The F. traditionally shared the religious
F. also work as cirumcizers, but this occupation systems of the societies of which they formed
is also carried out by commoners. part of, but they also had their own locally di-
The dominating majority, before the 1975 land versified cults. In Kambaata and Hadiyya, for
reform, did not allow the F. to own land. The F. instance, the F. followed the possession cults of
had to honour the commoners with degrading the spirits/deities Funna and Gihon (Braukäm-
forms of greeting. They had to eat apart from the per 1983:259). In Gurage a deity called Kusiye
commoners and were given the “F.’s share” from and in Yäm Kitnitsi were venerated. Especially
slaughtered animals, i.e. the entrails or the lower in Gurage, the F. served as ritual experts in the
back and feet, which were considered as impure autochtonous folk-religion. Thus, the leader of
by the commoners. This, and the consumption the mwéyät associations of women connected
of the “polluted” meat of hippopotamus and with the cult of ÷Dämwamwit was a F. (Freeman
other animals hunted by the F., as well as their − Pankhurst 2004:31; ShGurage 133ff.).
“unclean” occupations as potters and tanners ÷Pottery; ÷Handicrafts
583
Fuga
Lit.: Dena Freeman — Alula Pankhurst (eds.), Periph- Fukkära
eral People. The Excluded Minorities of Ethiopia. London
2003, 28–32 and s. index (Lit.); Gebru Wolde, A Study of F. (Eg= , ‘boasting, war song or heroic recital’) is
Attitudes of Gurage towards Fuga, Senior essay, Depart- one of the most deeply rooted and widely appre-
ment of Sociology, Addis Ababa University 1973; ShGur- ciated poetic genres in Amharic oral tradition (for
age 10ff., 132, 133ff.; Ulrich Braukämper, Die Kambata.
Geschichte und Gesellschaft eines südäthiopischen Bauern-
the etymology, s. Leslau 1979:230). Under differ-
volkes, Wiesbaden 1983 (SKK 65), s. index; Raymond Sil- ent names, heroic recitals similar to F. are used in
verman, Ethiopia: Traditions of Creativity, Seattle 1999. many ethnic groups of the Horn of Africa.
Dirk Bustorf F. is the favourite poetic form for peasants,
soldiers, hunters and warriors. The skills of
composing, improvizing, singing and reciting
Fuguug F. and 3:?N (qärärto, ‘war cries’, ‘war songs’
According to Haberland (VSAe II), the original or ‘heroic recitals’ – a closely related genre) are
home of the ÷Oromo was located in the widespread among adolescents and young men.
highlands of Bali. In one Oromo tradition, there F. are performed at weddings, harvests, funer-
is a reference to F. – a far away land, which is als, religious feasts and other important social
consistently claimed as the first home of the events. Both qärärto and F. are performed inside
Oromo, the birthplace of the nation. a house and in front of a gathering after plenty of
Oromo tradition places F. in the south-eastern food and alcoholic drinks have been consumed.
region. However neither the eastern or western In the past, F. and qärärto were recited mainly by
Oromo remember today the exact whereabouts warriors on the battlefield and by hunters when
of the land of F. For the Oromo in the ÷Gibe re- returning from hunting expeditions. Later, in ru-
gion, F. was located in the east. For the Oromo in ral society, these genres of Amharic oral poetry
÷Harärge, it was located in the west in the direc- have also been employed as a major medium of
tion of the administrative region of Bale. Accord- protest to mediate in cases of social tension and
ingly, Oromo pilgrims from Harärge, chanted F. to debate political issues.
in their prayers on their way to and from the land The two poetic forms, F. and qärärto, are tra-
of ÷abbaa muudaa in Mormor in Bale. As late as ditionally performed together, whereas they dif-
1875, the ÷abbaa gadaa of Afran Qallu Caffee fer in size (F. are shorter than qärärto) and style
Assembly was known as abbaa fuguug (‘the fa- (rhyme, rhythm and versification). First, qärärto
ther of F.’), meaning the defender of the sacred poems are recited. Their performer is expected to
land and the protector of traditional Oromo reli- have a pleasant voice, to walk rhythmically and
gion that was centered on abbaa muudaa. recite his poems repeatedly in order to rouse the
Among other Oromo, only two things are attention of others and inspire them to join in
remembered about the land of F. The first is the F. Then the performer of F. appears, looking
that the Oromo had common ancestors who had aggressive, heated and militant. He shivers, turns
lived in F., long before they moved to Waallaabu. around and shouts loudly. He repeatedly praises
The second is that if someone stayed away from himself, his personality and character, the kinds
his or her village for a long time and returned, of weapons he has etc.; he mentions the deeds he
people ask him or her “Have you been to F.?”, has already accomplished or what he intends to
meaning that the time the person spent away do in the future. These “heroic deeds” include
would be enough to go as far as F. This reflects burning houses, chasing cattle, or killing enemies
the belief that F. is a far away land, and, perhaps or adversaries. He then praises his parents, his
the time at which the ancestors of Oromo, who wife, his friends, his close relatives and his ances-
were engaged in mixed economy, had lived there. tors; and his oxen, his harvest and his birthplace.
Today we find a land of F. and Mount F. in the He also mentions major historical events, names
northern part of the administrative region of of renowned persons and their adventures. Im-
÷Bale, the heartland of historical Bali. portantly, the recital of each verse will be con-
Lit.: Abba Jobir Abba Dula, Last King of Jimma, ms.; firmed and approved by his agemates and friends
Mohammed Hassen, The Relation between Harar and and by the crowd at large.
the Surrounding Oromo, 1800–1887, B.A. thesis, Addis In Goggam, while reciting F., the performer
Ababa University, 1963; MHasOr; Martial de Salviac,
Un peuple antique au pays de Ménélik: Les Galla (dits
usually brandishes a hand gun or rifle, a spear,
d’origine gauloise), grande nation africaine, Paris 1905. sword and shield or a hand stick (%us, šémäl)
Mohammed Hassen and begins by uttering repeatedly the most
584
Ful¥o
widely used and established exclamatory expres- a military parade in front of ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I
sions, such as &z* (émbi!, lit. ‘no!’ or ‘one who in Däbrä Marqos on 6 April 1941, when the
refuses’), r=I (zärraf!, lit. ‘one who slays with Emperor had just entered Ethiopia on returning
a sword’, ‘killer’, ‘combatant’) or YmFM?y !%g? from the exile:
(yäkostér aškär!, ‘the servant of Kostér [the +#8=by Yrn3y sH
“horse-name” of däggazmaó ÷Bälay Zälläqä]) 2p\##y 6zD%{
etc. Y#M_1\y 6zy uq%|
It has been a common tradition for Ethiopian
royalty and nobility to watch qärärto and F. per- ‘The son of Zälläqä, the flag.
He who defeats Italy,
formed by their soldiers and followers after lav-
He who avenges Ethiopia.’
ish banquets, or during war campaigns and other
important religious and social events, whereby F. recitals are colourfully performed by the
the performers would receive a variety of re- Ethiopian veterans at important national holi-
wards. At such occasions, kings or nobles would days, such as the commemoration of the victory
often join in and perform F. themselves or would at ŸAdwa (2 March) and Independence Day (5
give poems to their favourite singers; the reciters April). Over the past few decades, the gov-
of F. would praise the rulers, referring to them by ernment has used qärärto and F. on radio and
their horse-names. Speedy, a British officer who television during times of war as an important
visited Ethiopia in 1861–62, had the opportunity medium of propaganda to inspire the people and
to hear F. sung by soldiers after victories at the rouse their courage or to recruit soldiers.
court of ase TewodrosII: “On such occasions ÷Amharic literature; ÷Meritorious complex
the men would utter war cries calling them- Src.: KTMast; KaneDic 2328; Wolf Leslau, Etymologi-
cal Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), Wiesbaden 1979, vol.
selves yätewodros barya [‘slave of Tewodros’] 3, 230; MahHorse; MahZekr 875–86.
and would boast of the numbers they had slain. Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Four Ethiopian Biographies: Däj-
Horsemen who had distinguished themselves in jazmaó Gärmamé, Däjjazmaó Gäbrä EgziŸabhér Moroda,
battle would dash up at full gallop before the Däjjazmaó Balóa and Käntiba Gäbru Dästa”, JES 7, 2,
1969, 1–31; Getie Gelaye, “Contemporary Amharic
king’s tent, suddenly reining in their horses,
Oral Poetry from Gojjam: Classification and a Sample
while foot-soldiers, brandishing their swords Analysis”, Aethiopica 2, 1999, 124–43; Id., Amharic Oral
or quivering their lances, would go through a Poems of the Peasantry in East Gojjam: Text, Classifica-
war dance and as each time in a turn recounts tion, Translation and Commentary, Hamburg – Münster
his deeds of prowess, his comrades would con- – London 2001; Id., “Amharic Praise Poems of Däg-
gazmaó Bälay Zälläqä and the Patriots of Goggam during
firm his boast by crying out éwnät, éwnä [‘(it is) the Resistance Struggle against the Italian Occupation of
true]” (quoted after Pankhurst 1985:51). One of Ethiopia, 1936–1941”, in: PICES 15, in preparation; Id.,
the most famous F. praising Tewodros is the fol- “Qärärto and Fukkära as Forms of Praise and Protest
lowing recital (ibid. 60): among the Rural People of Goggam in Ethiopia”, paper
presented at the 5th International Society for Oral Lit-
YLc;@Fy D:Fy Ms4yK/8y M#!y Lty erature in Africa Conference, Banjul, 15–17 July 2004;
H=Iy MP>y Pz+;y ]t| Michael Powne, Ethiopian Music, an Introduction,
‘Tewodros’s big horse is Tatäq, the small one Gullo. London 1968, 75f.; Richard Pankhurst, “An Amharic
War Song of Emperor Tewodros’s Soldiers”, JES 17, 1985,
Its tail is in Tégre, its forehead in Wällo.’ 51–62; TSTarik IV, 117.
Another popular F. poem praises däggazmaó Getie Gelaye
÷Balóa Safo “Abba Näfso”, one of the promi-
nent officers of ase Ménilék II at the battle of
÷ŸAdwa; it is said to have been recited after Ful¥o
fitawrari Gäbäyyähu, another prominent com-
mander, died in the fighting (TSTarik IV, 117; F. is the commonly used short form for toola
Bairu Tafla 1969:15f.; MahZekr 886): ful¥o (family/association of the F.), an organiza-
tion of artisans and merchants in south-western
K(YSy *{My HHjy +s*y Ethiopia centred in ÷Konso.
u;Iy !Kq+Oy -*y n-*| Around 1910, in order to resist oppression,
‘At the death of Gäbäyyähu, Balóa took his place, some of the pre-existing local craftsmen’s as-
He [who] operates the artillery alone [and alone]’. sociations formed an alliance. Its position was
A well-known F. is said to have been recited strengthened in the 1940s under the leadership of
by the Patriot däggazmaó Bälay Zälläqä, during Kuyo Ful¥o (his lineage-name stands today for
585
Ful¥o
tion. The threat of expulsion is the only power

the guild has, but it a very effective one. Actual
problems are immediately discussed in the com-
mittees until they find a consensus. Cases that
cannot be solved on a local level, as well as mat-
ters concerning the whole guild-network are dis-
cussed in the assembly hall (tiga ful¥o) in Konso.
It is here, at the centre of the organization, that a
supra-regional committee consisting of a limited
number of elected representatives meets.
The F. organization was able, without any for-
eign help or aid from the government, to develop
Ful¥o assembly hall; photo courtesy of the author into the most influential indigenous co-opera-
tion system in southern Ethiopia.
the whole institution). He introduced several in- ÷Éddér
novations, e.g., promoting interactions across eth- Lit.: Hermann Amborn, Differenzierung und Integra-
nic boundaries and allowing persons who did not tion. Vergleichende Untersuchungen zu Handwerkern
belong to the group of hereditary artisans (taw¥a) und Spezialisten in südäthiopischen Agrargesellschaften,
München 1990, ch. 4, 2; Id., “Mobility, Knowledge and
to join the association if they were willing to fulfil
Power: Craftsmen in the Borderland”, in: Günther
certain obligations. The primary aim was to assure Schlee — Elizabeth Watson, Changing Identifications
production and distribution of the products made and Alliances in North-East Africa, Oxford, vol. 1, in
by artisans, including the procuring of raw mate- preparation; Id., “Gaining Power through Ethos: Fuldýo,
rials and of cattle for meat and hides. a South-Ethiopian Guild”, in: PICES 15, in preparation;
Tadesse Wolde, “Entering Cattle Gates – Trade, Bond
Since the death of Kuyo Ful¥o in 1974, elected Friendship and Group Interdependence”, in: Jon Abbink
committees are responsible for the internal and (ed.), Cultural Variation and Social Change in South-
external affairs of this guild-like organization. ern Ethiopia: Comparative Approaches, Michigan 2000
They create their own laws and structure their (NEASt 7, 3), 119–62.
organization by themselves. Hermann Amborn
F. reacted flexibly to recent political and eco-
nomic changes, albeit by using their own cultural
capital and that of their neighbours as well. Out- Fumagalli, Giuseppe
side Konso they interact with local networks of F. (b. 1863, Florence, d. 1939, Florence) worked
bond-friendships or with local ÷éqqub. It is due as a librarian since 1880 (Florence, Lucca, Padua
to the F. associations with their complex net- and, since 1884, at the National Library in Rome)
work of contacts that peaceful interaction on an and promptly acquired an extraordinary compe-
inter-ethnic level is possible, even in times of un- tence in the cataloguing of printed books and in
safe political conditions. The F. built step by step all aspects of bibliography and library science.
a new and powerful form of co-operation that Soon he reached positions of high responsibility
controlled craft and trade. Nowadays they are (despite the lack of a university degree, due to
able to guarantee a secure and fair exchange of family reasons): assistant director of the Nation-
local and foreign goods in the area between the al Library of Brera, Milan, then in Rome (Biblio-
Omo River in the west, Moyale on the Kenyan teca Alessandrina), Naples (University Library)
border in the south-east and Šašämänne in the and in 1896 again in Milan as director till 1910,
north. There are 38 subcommittees in different then in Modena and in 1913 at the University Li-
places and a great number of accredited persons brary of Bologna. F. retired in 1921 in Florence.
in towns as far as Addis Abäba (2003). His ideas, clearly exposed in a series of frequently
The strength of the toola ful¥o is their reli- reprinted handbooks and other contributions (cf.
ability. Mutual help, confidence and solidarity Vian 1940), were to shape the organization of
are its ethical pillars. Persons who violate these Italian libraries for decades. F.’s bibliographical
principles are summoned to an assembly, where masterpiece is the Lexicon typographicum Italiae
they must then admit their fault, show remorse (Florence 1905). In 1893 (but actually in 1892) F.
and agree to the nature of the punishment. published his main contribution to ÷Ethiopian
Otherwise, they are expelled from the associa- Studies, the famous Bibliografia etiopica (later re-
586
Funerals
sumed by Silvio ÷Zanutto; for some corrections

and additions cf. Stella 1984), a comprehensive
survey and catalogue of all printed works on Ethi-
opia, Eritrea and Somalia up to 1891 (2,722 and 36
additional entries). Also a writer, F. was influential
on various aspects of the cultural life of his time:
a member of the “Dante Alighieri” Society and a
fervent nationalist, F. belonged since 1888 to the
“Società Coloniale Italiana”; in 1906, on the
occasion of the exhibition on communications,
travels and transportation (Milan), F. sponsored
the Eritrean section and, in 1931, organized an
exhibition of the colonial book at the first Con-
ference of Colonial Studies (Florence).
Src.: Giuseppe Fumagalli, Bibliografia etiopica. Catalogo
descrittivo e ragionato degli scritti pubblicati dalla
invenzione della stampa fino a tutto il 1891 intorno alla
Etiopia e regioni limitrofe, Milano 1893.
Lit.: Guido Fagioli Vercellone, “Fumagalli, Giuseppe”,
in: Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. 50, Roma 1998, fields and house sites; the southern half is a pa-
723–26 (Lit.); Johannes Karolus Stella, Bibliographia
pyrus swamp. Its modest church is ArbaŸétu Én-
Habessinica, sive librorum de rebus Aethiopicis Catalogus,
editorum usque ad annum 1799…, Ravenna 1984; N. Vian, sésa, dedicated to the Four Living Beings of the
Giuseppe Fumagalli, bibliografia 1880–1939 …, Firenze Revelation of St. John. According to tradition, it
1940 (complete list of F.’s publications). was founded in the 13th cent., the same time as
Alessandro Bausi the other Zway island churches.
Lit.: Paul B. Henze, “Lake Zway and its Islands”, EthObs
16, 2, 1973, 76–88; Id., Ethiopian Journeys, London 1977,
Funduroo 109–12; Id., “Lake Zway – Southern Christian Outpost
F. (Oromo lit. ‘close-in’, Amh. E#7@, Funduro, and Repository of Medieval Art”, in: Proceedings of the
also Fulduro) is the smallest of the five inhabited First International Conference on Ethiopian Art, London
islands in Lake ÷Zway. Its ancient name, still 1989, 30–40; VSAe II, 647–77 [“Die Zay”].
Paul B. Henze
used by the ÷Zay, is Famat. It lies close to the
Arsi shore on the east side of the lake at the east
end of the channel separating ÷Tulluu Guddoo Funerals
from Tädaóóa. F. has been inhabited since at least In the Christian part of Ethiopia (for ceremonies
the 13th cent. and as of 2002 retains a small popu- related to mourning in other regions of Ethiopia
lation of weavers and fishermen. The northern s. also ÷Burials) F. were governed, through the
half of the island is occupied by cotton and grain Orthodox Church, by the Mäshafä ÷génzät
Funduroo island; photo courtesy of the author
587
Funerals
which comprised prayers, sermons and tie ribbons of white cloth round their heads, the
benedictions. The dead, according to the early points hanging down the back of the head. These
16th-cent. author Alvares (BeckHuntAlvar 111), ribbons, a finger wide, were allegedly worn on
were first washed with water, and then wrapped the F. day and for several days thereafter.
in a shroud. They were buried the day they Barradas reports that it was customary to
expired, with incense and holy water, and with display such personal possessions as the deceased
the priests reciting from the Gospel of St. John. held in highest esteem: his horse and mule, as
Mourners would shave their heads, allow their well as sword, shield and spear. Once the body
beards to grow and dress in black. was placed in the ground, friends and relatives
Mourning for the dead took place, according would sit in a circle around the grave, after which
to the 17th-cent. Jesuit observer de Almeida professional women mourners would perform
(BeckHuntAlm 66f.), for several days. Lament their lamentations (Barradas 1996:65, 87-90).
started during night and lasted well into daylight. Further precision on early F. was provided
All the deceased’s relatives and friends assembled by abba Gorgoryos (Ludolf 1693:441), who
with professional female mourners. The latter explained that the dead were buried in the
to the sound of the drum, clapped their palms church or in its precinct. Hymns and prayers
together, beat their breasts and uttered “heart- were read and when the corpse is carried out, a
breaking lamentations”. cross is borne in front. It was also customary at
Another Portuguese Jesuit, Barradas, writing an early time to bury ÷magical scrolls with the
on Tégray in 1634, describes a variety of ways deceased (Parkyns 1853, vol. 1, 52; Walker 1933:
of mourning - far wider than earlier authorities 53; Mercier 1997:44–61).
suggest. The “chief expression of sorrow” was Confirmation of most of the above reports
for mourners to shave their heads. Persons of was provided by Poncet. Reporting on the
low rank wishing to show their deep grief went death of the abun, in 1699, he states that ase
“unclothed above the waist”. Close relatives, Iyasu I was “inconsolable”, bewailed twice a
when learning of a death, hurled themselves to day for two weeks, and put on purple clothes
the ground, even if on horseback. of mourning for six weeks (Foster 1948:124).
Many women mourners wore leather skirts, The death of Iyasu I’s son Fasilädas in the
and played small drums as they made their way following year likewise led to great mourning.
to the church. A widespread sign of mourning Poncet, then in the country of the bahr nägaš,
was the wearing of “black” clothes. These were states that the news was “made public with the
so coloured with clay or earth, or dirtied by sound of trumpet”. People shaved their heads
excessive use (later observers hold that clothes and women with tabors, and men without, then
were covered with earth to emulate the corpse placed themselves in the middle of the hall, and
which was so covered in the grave). Yet another began to sing songs in honour of the deceased.
practice mentioned by Barradas, but by no other Many people in the hall displayed their sorrow
observer, was for men and women mourners to by tearing their faces, till they were covered
in blood, or burnt their temples with flaming
candles, while the common people outside
uttered moving lamentations (Poncet in Foster
1948:149f.). The tearing of people’s temples was
confirmed in the 18th cent. by Bruce (BruNile,
vol. 3, 350), who tells of women leaving their
index fingers for that purpose uncut.
The mourning ceremony, according to Pon-
cet, lasted for three full days. In the house of
the deceased all neighbours gathered and joined
the kindred in their bewailing. The washed and
wrapped corpse is placed in a coffin in the middle
of the hall with flambeaux of wax. After this the
Funerary procession with the remains of St. Mary; cloth
mural; Amanuýel Church, Balói, Sankora, eastern Šäwa; weeping and crying increases and little tabors are
mäqdäs south wall; second half of the 19th cent.; photo beaten. Some of the participants pray for the soul
1993, courtesy of Michael Gervers of the deceased while others recite praising, tear
588
Funerals
Reburial of Òaylä Íéllase I, 5 No-
vember 2000, courtyard of the Holy
Trinity Cathedral in Addis Abäba;
photo courtesy of Thomas Rave
their hair, scratch their faces or burn their flesh that there was “great crying” throughout Tégray,
with flambeaus. This ceremony is followed by and that its governor, ras Wäldä Íéllase, gave the
the procession to take away the corpse. It starts priests the 100 Maria Theresia thalers’ worth of
with the singing of psalms and the burning of in- cloth. The priests, Pearce comments, “always get
cense. The head of the procession holds an iron well paid when any great man dies, and from the
cross and a prayer book, then the body is carried poor they get part of what property they may
while psalms are sung. The body is followed by leave behind”. On the subsequent death of the
relatives and friends of the deceased who contin- ras’s brother, Däbäb, the mourners scratched
ue their cries and use the tabors. At the place of their faces, with the result that “there was not an
burial the oblations of incense are renewed and individual to be seen but with his face torn, and
psalms are sung while the body is put into the scratched, and covered with blood” (Pearce 1831,
ground. Poncet reports that prestigious persons vol. 1, 264). The death in battle of däggazmaó
have their graves in the church while the others Säbägadis of Tégray in 1831 likewise moved the
are buried in the common churchyards. After the populace to such sadness that they sung a dirge
burial the participants return to the house of the (quoted by Gobat 1847:250f.), “every evening,
deceased. There, for a period of three days, night weeping, in all the Amhara country”. Such songs
and morning, they stay and wail. State mourning were traditional (Plowden 1847:54f.; for other
was also extensive, for, when a prince or person dirges s. De Castro 1915:314–18).
of eminence died, the emperor withdrew himself F. in early 19th-cent. Gondär were no less
from business unless it was very pressing (Foster extensive. Gobat (1847:155), reporting the death
1948:150f.). of the Emperor’s wife there in 1830, states that
The establishment of Gondär, in the 17th there was a “great crowd of people around the
cent., was followed by the erection of a ,Hy palace, who wept, singing to the doleful sound of
Hwj@ (betä täzkaro), building allocated for the tabor”, and that on the previous day nearly
F. celebrations (GuiIyas 224 [tr.]). That of ase all inhabitants of the city assembled round the
Bäkaffa in 1730 was not equalled, the royal palace to mourn.
chronicle claims, by that of Josef for his son Gobat describes a mourning period of eight
YaŸéqob (GuiIyas 33). It was by then customary days, where all friends of the deceased’s nearest
at Gondär royal F. to parade not only the relatives come to his family’s home to sit there
deceased’s mules and horses, but also an effigy for a while to console and for condolence. The
of the deceased (GuiIyas 32, 162f., 178f. [tr.]). mourners stay in silence, some weep or pretend
Several royal mausolea were likewise constructed to weep and when one of them stands up to
in late 18th- and early 19th-cent. Šäwa, notably at leave he says in low voice: &Pt!-A?y Y4!W
Ankobär by märédazmaó ÷Amméòa Iyäsus and (Égziýabéher yätnah!, ‘God comfort you!’).
ras ÷Wäsän Sägäd (Pankhurst 1982:188–91). The presence at such occasions is obligatory
On the death of the néburä éd, the governor of for nearly the whole social network of the
Aksum, in 1811, Pearce (1831, vol. 1, 85) reports deceased.
589
Funerals
F. at ŸAdwa were at that time mainly carried later in the year was a major event. Presided
out in the large market place. Mourners seated over by priests with processional crosses and
themselves, according to Parkyns (1853, vol. 2, ceremonial umbrellas, it was the subject of an
63ff.), near a couch, on which was laid “an artificial engraving published in the Illustrated London
figure, to represent a corpse, frequently made of News (Simpson 1868:119–23). Though ase
cushions and covered with a white garment”. Yohannés IV’s body was captured by the dervishes
According to Parkyns the custom of scratching at Mätämma in 1889, and beheaded, a traditional-
the temples was typical only for Tégre while it style F. was held for him. It is the subject of an
was considered unlawful by the Amhara. He Ethiopian popular painting, depicting ras Alula
also reports of professional mourning women leading the Emperor’s favourite horse in a F.
at F. of important persons. Turn by turn praises procession (BudHist vol. 2, 524). Ase Ménilék’s
are improvized. They include details of the death in 1913, like that of some earlier rulers,
deceased’s ancestry, his deeds, his personality was, on the other hand, kept strictly secret for
and even his property. At the end of each verse political reasons, with the result that no public
the mourners start sobbing lamentation again. F. for the founder of modern Ethiopia took
Parkyns gives also an example of exclamations place until over three years after his death. His
made by a son or daughter of a deceased: “Oh bones were, however, moved from his palace to
father, who fed and clothed me, whom have I a fine new mausoleum, erected by his daughter
now to supply your place!” Empress Zäwditu in 1928 (Marcus 1975:250, 261;
The price for a 40 days’ F. mass had to be Berhanou Abebe 1998:142; GebMolIyas 343,
bargained with the priests. According to the 388f., 402–19). Impressive F. were later staged
wealth of a family the costs could be six to twelve for abunä Matewos in 1926 and Zäwditu in 1930
Maria Theresia thalers or more. Additionally (GebMolIyas 493–96, 546–49). Lég Iyasu was on
the priests and däbtära expected a provision, the other hand afforded no known F. at all.
including a sheep, on the 30th day, the donation Traditional F. customs over the centuries
of two cows and other items on the 40th day, and were modified as a result of technological
on the 80th day they feast and perform a mass at innovation. The advent of ÷fire-arms led to
night (Parkyns 1853, vol. 1, 65f.). the popularization of fusillades, which, by the
The large number of people attending F. was mid-19th cent., were fired at many F., a practice
thus an historically on-going aspect of Ethiopian which was, however, later abandoned (Pearce
life. To mourn alone was considered a disgrace, 1831, vol. 2, 264; Parkyns 1853, vol. 2, 63;
and great importance was attached to the u?< Walker 1933:53). The coming of photography
(märdo), or tidings of death. These could not, was likewise significant. Photographic portraits,
however, be imparted freely, for relatives of the often displayed in tents, replaced the effigies of
deceased had always to be delicately informed, earlier times, as noted at ras Mäkwännén’s F. in
and with extreme caution, prepared for such 1906, and étege Taytu’s in 1918 (GueCopMen
news (Walker 1933:59-62). 521f.; GebMolIyas 547). The improvement of the
Notwithstanding the importance of F. roads in the early 20th cent. led to the increasing
ceremonies the deaths of important political importance of the old monasteries of Däbrä
figures were sometimes kept secret for political Libanos and Zéqwäla as burial sites for Addis
reasons, with the result that the F. ceremonial Abäba residents. Ras Tässäma Nadäw was one
was restricted. When ras Wäldä Íéllase died of the first nobles to be buried at the former site,
in 1816, the news was thus kept secret, in the in 1911. The place grew further in importance
interests of public order (Pearce 1831:vol. 2, after the establishment of hostel facilities in
83ff.). The deceased body of néguí Íahlä Íéllase 1925. Persons of substance were interred near
of Šäwa in 1847 was likewise transported in the the monastery in private mausolea built of
hidden for burial (CecZeila, vol. 1, 248). stone, while the poor were crammed into caves
Despite the fact that wars of later times often (GueCopMen 524, 564, 523f.; GebMolIyas 394,
interfered with F., ceremonies on traditional lines 479f.; Walker 1933:58, 63). Tomb-stones, which
continued to be held. Though ase Tewodros II’s had scarcely been produced prior to the World
suicide at Mäqdäla in 1868, and the British War II, likewise began to be introduced. Though
seizure of the citadel, resulted in a restricted F. most people continued to be buried within a few
ceremony, that of his widow Térunäš at Cäläqot hours of death some F. of the nobility tended to
590
Fung
be delayed, though still effected within the day 108–15; Andargachew Tesfaye, “The Funeral Customs
(Rey 1923:79f.). of the Kottu of Harar”, ibid. 216–24; Debebew Zellelie,
“Täskar or Kurban”, ibid. 212–25.
Early 20th-cent. evidence tells of other, not Richard Pankhurst
previously recorded, aspects of mourning. People
might thus be summoned to a F. by the ringing of
a large bell, or in lieu thereof the beating of a piece Fung
of iron. Probably influenced by the European The F. of ÷Sinnar dominated the northern Nile-
practice of wearing black the usage of black cloth valley in the Sudan from about 1500 to 1821; for
increased around this time. A more widespread Ethiopia, the rise of this powerful new Islamic
F. dress reported prior to the Fascist invasion neighbour presented both opportunities and
included the šämma or wrap, trousers and shirt problems. For example, a strong lowland govern-
in a single colour, black, yellow, red or blue; and ment could facilitate the overland passage of em-
the inversion of the barnos, or cloak, with the issaries and traders to the Mediterranean world
red leather part exposed (Walker 1933:55, 58, 60). via the Nile route, yet the same government
After 1941 it likewise became common also for could also, and sometimes did, block the passage
women mourners to invert their nätäla, or wrap, of travelers to Ethiopia. But the two lands shared
thus raising the täbäb, or border, round the a north-east African tradition of statecraft which
neck. The use of black European-style mourning assured that although they did not always agree,
clothes became increasingly widespread after they understood each other well.
the Liberation, when the ÷Qéddést Íéllase During most of the 16th cent. the two African
Cathedral in Addis Abäba was designated as the kingdoms cooperated cautiously in resisting the
burial site of both the Emperor’s family and of ambitions of the ÷Ottoman Turks. But as the
the Ethiopian Patriots of the occupation period. inability of the Turks to sustain their advance in-
÷Burials; ÷Éngwérgwérro; ÷Fukkära; ÷Graves; land from the Red Sea coast (÷Habeš) gradually
÷Stelae; ÷Täzkar became apparent, Sultan Dakin and his successors
sought to fill the vacuum by extending F. author-
Src.: WrBriMus 97-102; BeckHuntAlvar 111, 405, 511;
BeckHuntAlm 66f.; Manoel Barradas, Tractatus Tres ity over the Islamic lowland peoples of Eritrea.
Historico-Geografici (1634), tr. by Elizabet Filleul, As the 17th cent. dawned, a serious revolt within
ed. by Richard Pankhurst, Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF Sinnar brought armies of the powerful northern
43); Hiob Ludolf, Commentarius ad suam Historiam conqueror ŸAgib “the Great” into the Ethiopian
Aethiopicam, Francofurti ad Moenum 1693, 411; BruNile;
GuiIohan; GuiIyas; SalTrav; Nathaniel Pearce, Life
borderlands between the Atbara and the Blue
and Adventures in Abyssinia, London 1831, vol. 1, 85, 98, Nile. Ase ÷Susényos moved to restore Ethiopian
125f., 196f., 225, 264; vol. 2, 46, 83ff., 168, 216; Edmonde authority over the lowlands by launching a sus-
Combes — Maurice Tamisier, Voyage en Abyssinie, tained series of campaigns that escalated to major
Paris 1838; Samuel Gobat, Journal of a Three Years’ warfare in 1618–19. Thereafter, rivalry between
Residence in Abyssinia, London 1847, 155, 223f., 250f.;
Mansfield Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia, London 1853, vol. the two kingdoms shifted south and west as they
1, 60–69; AbbSéjour, vol. 1, 134; vol. 2, 284–93; vol. 3, 78- struggled for half a century to dominate the gold-
85; Walter Chichele Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia, producing realm of Fazughli, centered in the
London 1868; William Simpson, Diary of a Journey to ÷Berta country west of the Blue Nile; there the F.
Abyssinia, 1968, Hollywood, CA 2002; CecZeila; HarA-
eth, vol. 3, 366ff.; GebMolIyas; GueCopMen.
enjoyed rather greater success. Relations between
Lit.: Jacques Mercier, Art that Heals: the Image of Ethiopia and Sinnar stabilized after about 1675,
Medicine in Ethiopia, New York 1997; William Foster, except for ase ÷Iyasu II’s unexpected and unsuc-
The Red Sea and Adjacent Countries at the Close of cessful invasion of the Sudan in 1744. Thereafter,
the Sevententh Century, London 1948; Lincoln de official relations became ever more tenuous as
Castro, Nella terra dei Negus, Milano 1915; Berhanou
Abebe, Histoire de l’Ethiopie d’Axoum à la révolution, both lands entered a time of troubles.
Paris 1998; Harold Golden Marcus, The Life and Lit.: Rex Sean O’Fahey – Jay L. Spaulding, Kingdoms of
Times of MenelikII, Oxford 1975; Charles Fernand the Sudan, London 1974; Jay L. Spaulding, The Heroic
Rey, Unconquered Abyssinia, London 1923; Craven Age in Sinnar, East Lansing, MI 1985; Manfred Kropp,
Howell Walker, The Abyssinian at Home, London “ ‘Someone had blundered!’ – Äthiopisch–sudanesische
1933, 49–63, 206; PankSoc 46, 97f., 196–99; PankHist Kriege im 17. Jhdt.”, in: Rolf Gundlach – Manfred
I; Fassika Bellete, “The Death Customs among the Kropp – Annalis Leibundgut (eds.), Der Sudan in
Amharas of Šäwa”, in: Alula Pankhurst (ed.), Addis Vergangenheit und Gegenwart = Sudan Past and Present,
Ababa University College Ethnological Society Bulletin Frankfurt/Main – New York 1996 (Nordostafrikanisch/
Reprint, Addis Ababa 2002, 204–11; Negga Tessema, Westasiatische Studien 1), 111–31.
“The Death Customs in the Province of Tigre”, ibid. Jay L. Spaulding
591
Furra
Furra Fusella, Luigi

The origin of F., the legendary queen of the F. (b. 16 March 1914, Naples, d. 12 July 1992,
÷Sidaama, is not clear. According to Gasparini Naples), son of a renowned musician and an
(1983:v), she was the wife of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim acclaimed violinist, was a professional lawyer
al-Ëazi (“Grañ”), who is known as Diingamo and followed his legal career until the end
Koyya among the Sidaama. Others claim that of his life. Besides this commitment, he was
F.’s father was an honourable clan-leader during passionately devoted to Amharic language and
the 14th or 15th cent. and when he passed away, literature, a branch of Oriental studies in which
people made her a queen because she was the he achieved a deepened proficiency at the school
eldest daughter. of Francesco ÷Gallina, then teaching in the
According to some legends, F. was a brutal ÷Istituto Orientale of Naples, where F., too,
ruler who, in particular, harshly repressed the was later to hold a chair of ÷GéŸéz language and
men. Thus the males were required to do all literature.
household jobs which were customarily done by F. was widely reputed on account of his
women. These included preparing food, scraping noteworthy literary production on the Amharic
the énsät, fetching water, cleaning the house etc. language and literature. Among his many essays,
Women, on the other hand, seemed to have fared memorable are his edition and Italian translation,
better. F. is said to have advised them not to show with a commentary, of an unedited, historically
the amount of butter which they collect after remarkable, Chronicle of ase ÷Tewodros II of
shaking the milk and never openly to express an Ethiopia, his abstract and commentary of Lébb
affection for men. wälläd tarik, the first novel in Amharic by
F. made some impossible demands, such as ÷Afäwärq Gäbrä Iyyäsus, and his commented
bringing fresh milk from Aläta Wändo to her translation of the vivid, politically minded,
palace in Malgä Wändo (a distance of ca. 80 km), biographical narration on ase Ménilék II by the
slaughtering for her a bull without chyme, build- same author (÷Dagmawi Ménilék).
ing her a house between the sky and the earth. F.’s translations remain a scholarly and effec-
A wise old man, hayyióóa, who escaped F’s tive western contribution to the knowledge and
murder of all elder Sidaama, provided ingen- evaluation of the historical trends that marked
the flourishing of modern Ethiopia’s literature.
ious solutions to her challenges. F.’s death was
Src.: Luigi Fusella, “Il Dagmawi M{nil{k di Afawårq
hastened when she demanded a faster means of Gabra Iyasus”, part 1, RSE 17, 1961, 11–44; part 2, ibid.
transport. Thus, according to the ploy of the 19, 1963, 119–49; Id., “Abissinia e Metemma in uno scritto
wise old man, she was put on a hartebeest, to di B<latta Ò<ruy”, ibid. 3, 2, 1943, 200-13; Id., “Lo statuto
which her legs and hands were tightly bound. del Barequà”, ibid. 6, 1, 1947, 46–61; Id., “L’ambasciata
francese a N<guse”, ibid. 7, 2, 1948, 176-91; Id., “Il L<bb
Her body-parts started to disintegrate when the wållad tarik”, ibid. 10, 1951, 56–70; Id., “Il nuovo codice
hartebeest started to gallop. It is claimed that penale etiopico”, in: PICES 2, 212–19; Id. (tr.), “Libro dei
some present-day place names in Sidaama refer giubilei, Libro di Enoc”, in: Apocrifi dell’Antico Testamento,
to the body-parts of F. which disintegrated and Torino 1981, 181–667; Id., “Il Mangada Samay”, in: PICES
3, vol. 2, 254–58; Id., “Una poesia amarica di Aqqa Gabru
fell off during her final fatal ride. Thus we have: sulla battaglia di Sagale”, in: PICES 6, 133–92; Id., “The
Dase (dasa, ‘forearm’), Qege (qeho, ‘shoulder Draft Constitution of the People’s Democratic Republic
blade’), Hallo (hallo, ‘hip’), Qubbe (qubbe, ‘fin- of Ethiopia”, in: PICES 9, vol. 5, 45–57; Id., “Introduction
gers’) etc. Sidaama women have a fond memory of au ue=Dy MwK Mashafa tezzeta”, in: Alain Rouaud
(ed.), Les orientalistes sont des aventuriers. Guirlande
her and she still is mentioned in their lullabies. offerte à Joseph Tubiana par ses élèves et ses amis, Saint-
A non-governmental institution established Maur 1999, 157–60; FusTeod.
in Yérgaläm, Sidaama, in 1997 – the Furra Insti- Lit.: Lanfranco Ricci, “Luigi Fusella”, RSE 34, 1992
tute of Development Studies – bears the queen’s [1994, but 1995], 229–32 (Lit.).
name. Lanfranco Ricci
Src.: Beetana Hotteesso, C9xy Bw-!y +Wo (Sidama
hézbénna bahlu, ‘Sidaama, the People and the Culture’),
Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/91 A.D.]; Armido Futuh al-Habaša
Gasparini, Sidamo–English Dictionary, Bologna 1983;
Sileshi Worqineh, Furra, Sidaama Development Pro- The chronicle F.H. (“rJZªA `ÃNØ, ‘the Conquests
gramme, Awasa 1988 A.M. [1995/96 A.D.]. of Ethiopia’) is a detailed account of the Mus-
Anbessa Teferra lim conquests made in southern, central and
592
Futuh al-Habaša
northern Ethiopia by the army commanded by translation, which appeared in Paris 1897–1911
imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”), (s. BassHist). He also consulted the partial edi-
in the second third of the 16th cent. It was com- tion of the first 40 pages issued by Arthur Strong,
piled by an eye-witness, Šihabaddin Ahmad b. according to the ms. BritLib Orient. 2409 (19th
ŸAbdalqadir b. Salim b. ŸUôman (“ŸArabfaqih”, cent.; Strong 1894). Further, one should consult
the ‘Arab doctor’; d. after 1559; s. Brockelmann mss. in Paris: BN, no. 6118 (Collection Mondon-
1944:539f. and 1938:569). He was a Yemeni vol- Vidailhet, dated 1193 H. [1779 A.D.]), no. 6628
unteer who joined the army of the imam some (ibid., dated 1310 H. [1892 A.D]) and no. 104
time after 1530. The Arabic text of the F.H. (Collection Antoine d’Abbadie, dated 19th cent.),
begins with a prolegomenon on the Muslim rule as well as a shortened version kept now in Addis
of the progenies of ÷SaŸdaddin Abu l-Barakat Abäba, IES, no. 2069.
in Ethiopia and then proceeds to record the The F.H. was to some extent summarized in
events of the rise of Ahmad Grañ as imam, who the Arabic Chronicle of Gujarat Zafar al-walih
swept across Ethiopia in successive battles and bi-muzaffar wa-alihi fi taýriò Kugarat, written
campaigns and subjected large parts to fire and by al-Uluëòani (d. after 1620/1611; Brockel-
sword. The Muslim occupation of Ethiopia and mann 1938:599f.).
the highlands ended in disaster with heavy losses Src.: ŠihAbaddIn AHmad b. ŸAbdalqAdir ŸArabfaqIh,
of manpower and with the death of Ahmad Futuh al-Habasha, or, the Conquest of Abyssinia, ed. by
Grañ himself at Zäntära, near Lake Tana on 22 Arthur Strong, part 1, London 1894; Id., Tuhfat az-
zaman as Futuh al-Habaša, ed. by FahIm MuHammad
February 1543. The chronicler of Grañ’s deeds, ŠaltUt, Cairo 1304 H. [1974 A.D.] (review by Georges
ŸArabfaqih, relies on various traditions that cir- Chehata Anawati, Mélanges de l’Institut Dominicain
culated in Ethiopia. The sources for his detailed, d’Études Orientales 13, 1977, 104–06); BassHist; Ed-
although not entirely systematically arranged, ward Denison Ross, An Arabic History of Gujarat,
Zafar ul-wálih bi Muzaffar wa álih, 3 vols., London
reports are eye-witnesses, e.g. Ahmad Grañ, amir 1910–28 (repr. Frankfurt/Main 1417 H. [1997 A.D.]),
Husayn b. Abi Bakr al-Gatiri and Ahmaddin b. vol. 2, 578f., 584–99, chs. 21 and 22; Muhammad Fateh
Òalid b. Muhammad b. Òayraddin; the author Lokhandwala, Zafar ul-Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alihi, an
also relies on his own observations and, for the Arabic History of Gujarat (English tr.), 2 vols. Baroda
events concerning the Christian armies, on the 1970–74 (Gaekwad’s Oriental series 152, 157), vol. 1,
468ff., vol. 2, 475–87; BassEt; ConzGal; BegCron; Man-
accounts of various renegades. The detailed fred Kropp, Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius
narration usually consists of a series of short, und Minas, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]);
detached statements, mostly not preceded by an Cesare Nerazzini (ed.), La conquista mussulmana
isnad, or chain of authority. dell’Etiopia nel secolo XVI, traduzione d’un manoscritto
arabo, con prefazione e note … e una carta geografica del
Besides the Ethiopian chronicles, that often 1636, Roma 1891 [Italian paraphrase, less reliable than
pay less attention to the events, the F.H. rep- BassHist]; Antoine d’Abbadie – Philipp Paulitschke,
resents the only Arabic source of Grañ’s cam- Futuh el-Habacha. Des conquêtes faites en Abyssinie au
paigns. The Arabic chronicle, covering about XVIe siècle par l’Imam Muhammed Ahmed dit Gragne,
two-thirds of the conquest of Ethiopia and end- vers. franç. de la chronique arabe du Chahab ad-Din,
Paris 1898; AbdUlkarIm AHmad YUsuf, Warêg zaman,
ing with the burning of the convent of ÷Gälila Futuh al-Habaša, ŸArabfaqih-bê, zitawaqa Šahabeddin
in Lake Tana invaded with rafts on 18 May 1537, Abdulqadirbê zitekataba, Harar 1995 [Harari tr.].
is not extant in full, only the first part being Lit.: HuntGeogr 120f., 133f.; Carlo Conti Rossini,
preserved in manuscripts. The concluding part “Postille al ‘Futuh al-Habašah’”, Le Muséon 59, 1946,
was probably never written, since the author, 173–82; Richard Pankhurst, “Peace Negotiations in the
Land of Däwaro in 1531: a Page in the History of Ahmäd
who had the intention to add a second part, died Graù”, Ethnology Sociology Bulletin 1, 2, 1992, 61–64;
shortly after 1559 in the Yemenite town of Gizan AmIn TawfIq AT-TIbI, “Gihad al-Imam as−Sumali Ahmad
before he could realize his plan. b. Ibrahim min òilal ‘Futuh al-Habaša’”, Al-Hayat 11945,
The text of the F.H. is preserved in several 5 November 1995 [1416 H.], 22; Hussein Ahmed, “The
manuscripts. One of the oldest, dating from the Historiography of Islam in Ethiopia”, Journal of Islamic
Studies 3, 1, 1992, 15–46, here 23ff; Carl Brockelmann,
end of the 17th cent., and also being one of the Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, vol. 2, 1944, 539f.,
most valuable, is no. 1628 of the Bibliothèque Suppl. 2, 1938, 569, 599f.; Franz-Christoph Muth, “Al-
Nationale in Algiers. René ÷Basset used this lahs Netze: ŸArabfaqihs ‘Futuh al-Habaša’ als Quelle für
manuscript along with a later copy (no. 1629, Netzwerkanalysen”, AE 17, 2001, 113–25.
dated 1883) for his edition and annotated French Franz-Christoph Muth
593
G
Gaarso tlers and the re-imposition of taxation. In recent

G. is one of the ÷Oromo clan segments with years, due to the rise of the politics of ethnicity,
several settlement areas in Ethiopia. The most there have been tensions between the Garre and
notable G. segments reside in northern Šäwa G. sections.
and southern Wällo, eastern Wälläga and in Src.: interviews with oral informants of Garre-Gaarso,
Giggiga, 1998.
eastern Harärge. Huntingford (HuntGal 1955: Lit.: BTafA, s. index; HuntGal 13, 15; Odd Erik Ar-
13, 15) notes G. as part of the eastern branch of nesen, “The Becoming of Place: a Tulama Oromo Region
the Oromo, the ÷Baarentuu branch, although in Northern Shoa”, in: Paul Trevor William Baxter
there are also G. groups amongst the ÷Tuulama – Jan Hultin – Alessandro Triulzi (eds.), Being and
in Wälläga. Arnesen (1996:218, 222) also notes Becoming Oromo, Uppsala 1996, 210–38, here 218, 222;
EgeClass 47f., 71; Badri Kabir Mohamed, The Afran
that there are Baarentuu (or “Wällo”) G., as Qallo Oromo: a History, B.A. thesis, Department of His-
well as Tuulama G. The precise description of G. tory, Addis Ababa University 1995; Richard Burton,
segments in eastern Wälläga, northern Šäwa and First Footsteps in East Africa, London 1856, New York
southern Wällo is complicated by the long histo- 1987, 192; LewPeople 23.
ry of migrations and assimilation of populations Cedric Barnes
in the region (Arnesen 1996; EgeClass 47f., 71).
All of the three main G. segments are set- Gaarso ÷Qottu
tled agricultural peoples and the characteristic
Oromo ÷gadaa system is considerably modified Gaawee Onóo
to accommodate forms of “chiefship” (Arnesen G.O. (r. 1840–54; b. 1820?) was King of
1996:224). In eastern Wälläga, northern Šäwa ÷Gomma. His father, Onóo Êilóa, the second
and southern Wällo, the G. groups are Christian king of Gomma, completed the process of the
and Muslim, but the G. of eastern Harärge are formation of the state of Gomma around 1810,
wholly Islamic in their faith. having conducted numerous wars against his
The G. Oromo of eastern Harärge are de- neighbours for political, economic and strategic
scended from the Baarentuu branch and are motives. A leader with a vigorous mind and an
described as part of the confederacy known as agile body and a reputation of a cruel tyrant in
the Afran Qallu (÷Qottu). The Afran Qallu seg- the ÷Gibe region (Beke 1843:259; CecZeila vol.
ment itself is made up of six Oromo segments: 2, 541f.), he infused his people, including his son
the G., Noole, Humme (who, counted together, and successor G.O., with his own intrepid spirit
are known as the Daga), Oborra, Baabbiilee, (MHasOr 109), earning them renown as famous
and Alo (Badri Kabir Mohammed 1995; Burton warriors (CerFolk 18f., 40, 154). G.O. gained
1987). The G. of Harärge, however, are connect- considerable experience in wars beside his father.
ed with the Gerr, a Somali (Daarood) clan who He became himself a brave warrior and showed
“hosted” the G. (and also the Baabbiilee Oromo) military abilities by resisting ÷Abbaa Bagiboo,
as these groups expanded eastwards in the 16th the King of ÷Limmu Énnarya, who had the am-
and 17th cent. (Lewis 1994:23). Thus, in Harärge bition of expanding his kingdom at the expense
G. are often known as Garre-G., indicating the of Gomma. He also displayed political wisdom,
“hosting” relationship known as sadqo, although ruling by his head and patience rather than by
it was the ÷Garre Somalis who became the tra- his hand and passion, unlike his father, who had
ditional leaders or garaad. After the Ethiopian killed or enslaved people for minor offences
conquest, a policy of divide and rule developed (Beke 1843:259; Guidi 1907:181). G.O., thus,
which favoured the G. to the detriment of the profitably replaced his father’s image of cruelty
Garre. According to the local tradition, the with that of a caring king who left his name to
Garre-G. rebelled against Ethiopian rule in 1942 posterity as the first Muslim king of Gomma.
and 1951/52 due to the return of “Amhara” set- It was during the reign of G.O. that Islam
Gaawee Onóo
consolidated itself in his state, the first in the mand in Hadiyya to Bamo garaad (Boyaamo of
÷Gibe region to have declared a ÷gihad in the the oral tradition), Mehmad’s brother, who had
name of Islam. G.O. abolished the ÷Buttaa instead proved to be loyal. Bamo, supported by
festival lying at the heart of the traditional troops from ÷Damot province, defeated the re-
Oromo religion that each clan should celebrate bellious Hadiyya, including Gab garaad.
every eight years (CerFolk 61, 154; MHasOr From the oral traditions of the Hadiyya, G.
159) and thus created a favorable climate for can be identified as ÷Gädäb, a region on the
the spread of ÷Islam among his people and, upper Wabi Šäbälle river in the ÷Arsi and north-
more importantly, showed both to the nobil- ern ÷Bale provinces (particularly the district of
ity and the common people that the traditional Asasa). It was kept as a historical denomination
religion lacked the literate class, organized body by those groups that either had been driven out
of preachers and ideological strength of Islam. In from this region or incorporated by the Arsi
the struggle between the traditional Oromo reli- Oromo during the 18th cent.
gion and Islam in Gomma, G.O. placed the full The present Hadiyya subgroups of the
support of the state behind Islam. It was in this Sooro, the Šaašoogo and the Urusso claim to be
spirit that G.O. encouraged the Qadiriya order Gadabióóo (i.e. of G. descent) and still use the des-
to spread Islam in Gomma. The order established ignation gadab garaad as an honorary title. Until
schools and mosques, completing the process of the beginning of the 20th cent. the G. Hadiyya
proselytization. preserved the custom of surrounding the graves
G.O.’s son and successor, Abbaa Dulaa (r. of their chiefs with a wall of earth called gadab
1845–79), was the most fervent Muslim king of garaadella. This name also refers to a natural for-
Gomma. He received a letter from the custo- mation caused by a meteorite in the Asasa region
dian of the tomb of the Prophet ÷Muhammad which is associated with legends concerning G.
at Medina in 1866 urging upon all believers that Lit.: PerrZarY 16–23; BrHad 51, 85, 217.
the “end” of the world was coming and that they Ulrich Braukämper
should fortify themselves in their faith (CecZeila,
vol. 2, 268f.; TrIslam 202). Perhaps as a response Gaba ÷Dullay
to this letter, Abbaa Dulaa and his successor de-
clared a gihad in the Gibe region. Gabal at-Tayr ÷Haniš Islands
Lit.: Charles Tilstone Beke, “On the Countries South
of Abessinia”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society Gäbäre ÷Peasants
13, 1843, 254–69, here 259; CecZeila vol. 2, 268f., 541f.;
CerFolk 18f., 40, 61, 154; Ignazio Guidi, “Stori e brevi
testi amarici”, Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische
Gabaro
Sprachen 40, 1907, 167–84, here 181; MHasOr 109, 159; The ÷Mäcca Oromo gave the general name G.
TrIslam 202. (in contemporary Oromo ‘commoner’, ‘ple-
Mohammed Hassen bean’) to the different peoples they overran dur-
ing the second half of the 16th cent. It has been
assumed that the name derives from ÷gäbbar,
Gäb meaning tribute-paying peasant (BeckHuntAlm
The name G. (K- ) is first mentioned in the 116). G. were allowed to keep their land and live-
Chronicle of ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob in connec- stock, adopted into the Mäcca clan and ÷gadaa
tion with the traditional ÷Hadiyya title garaad system and required to perform military service.
(÷gärad; PerrZarY 18). By then Hadiyya was a Some known as yähabäta served as feared self-
member-state of the Muslim-dominated ÷ŸAdal mounted cavalry. Nevertheless, the rights of the
federation and, at the same time, tributary to the G. were not always respected and in the first
Christian empire. One of the Hadiyya leaders, quarter of the 17th cent. some, probably led by
Mahiko, son of Mehmad garaad (Bimaddo in the yähabäta, revolted. When the ÷Mäcca and
the oral tradition), led a conspiracy against the Tulama united against them, the G. allied them-
Emperor and was supported by a number of the selves with the Christian governor of Goggam.
Hadiyya leaders, including Gab garaad. Accord- Later, ase ÷Susényos settled them across the
ing to the Chronicle, the revolt was revealed by Abbay to serve there as defensive shields against
another Hadiyya leader, Gadayto garaad, who a likely resurgent Oromo alliance. Some G. later
advised Zärýa YaŸéqob to hand over the com- returned to Mäcca.
596
Gäbärti
G. was probably never a self-appellation, and terms such as al-Habaša for all people of the
no single group by such name exists, though Horn, regardless of whether they were Chris-
Knutsson (1967:181) noted the “existence today tian, Muslim or “pagan”. However, the term was
of numerous gabaro clans”. Tablino (1999:299) extended to all Muslim kingdoms of Southern
notes that “the word […] in one sense or another, Ethiopia and, finally, to Ethiopian and Eritrean
is the most probable origin of the name Gabra”. Muslims in general (TrIslam 58, 60, 150f.).
÷Boorana; ÷Gabra Most of the G. claim descent from ŸUtman b.
Src.: BeckHuntAlm 116; P. Mario Borello, Diziona- ŸAffan, the third caliph, and his wife Ruqayya,
rio oromo-italiano, Hamburg 1995; TilDic 230. who were amongst the refugees to Abyssinia
Lit.: BTafA, s. index; Karl Eric Knutsson, Authority
during the first ÷higra. Their son remained
and Change: a Study of the Kallu Institution among the
Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Goteborg 1967, passim; MHasOr with his mother in Abyssinia. The G. refer to the
63–69; Paul Tablino, The Gabra: Camel Nomads of founder of the ÷Ifat sultanate ŸUmar b. WalašmaŸ
Northern Kenya, Limuru 1999, passim. al-Gabarti as an important common ancestor (s.
Paul T.W. Baxter TrIslam 58f.). The ÷WalašmaŸ dynasty claimed
an Arab ancestry from ÷Higaz and settled in the
“land of Gabarta” (Gabara, Gabart), originally
Gäbärti the name of a region in the territories of ÷ZaylaŸ
In its wider sense the term G. (C(?J ) refers to all and Ifat. Many Somali people claim descent from
Muslim people living in Eritrea and Ethiopia or Darood IsmaŸil Gabarti and the ÷ZaylaŸ sultan-
the Horn of Africa in general. By the Christian ate, which was called also “land of Gabarta” by
highlanders the term was even used for the Mus- the Muslim historians.
lims of the Arabian peninsula (Ullendorff in EI²; In the 15th cent. a riwaq (a section for schol-
Muhammad SaŸid Nawed 1991:98). In a narrow arly Islamic learning) was established at al-Azhar
sense it is used to indicate the Muslims living in University in Cairo. At the beginning, the centre
small groups which descend from different eth- was named as Riwaq az-ZaylaŸ, but later the
nic and linguistic groups (e.g., ÷Agäw, ÷Saho, name was changed into Riwaq al-Gabarta to
÷Oromo, ÷Tégre and ÷Tégreñña-speakers) include all Muslim students from Ethiopia and
and are scattered throughout the Eritrean and Somalia. In the 18th cent. the centre was chaired
Ethiopian Christian highland provinces. The G. by a famous Islamic scholar, ŸAbdarrahman b.
live among different ethnic and linguistic groups Hasan b. ŸAli b. Muhammad al-Gabarti, born in
sharing their language and most of their culture Cairo in 1752, who wrote on Egyptian history;
with the surrounding Christian population. at his death, his family was to chair the Riwaq al-
There is a number of (folk-)etymologies to Gabarta for almost seven generations. Later the
explain the name G. E.g., it is said to be the cor- centre was chaired by Šayò Bušra ŸAbdal-qadir
ruption of the Arab word gabbar, ‘strong’ or and after him by Šayò Ahmaddin Muhammad
‘strong warrior’. Another explanation says that ŸIsa at-TaroŸawi, from the tribe of TaroŸa-Saho.
it originates in a sentence of the Prophet: after The G., as Muslims in general, had a somehow
one of the victorious battles against the Qurayš discriminated status in the Christian state, e.g.,
in which the Abyssinian volunteers had particu- they were excluded from the possibility to gain
larly distinguished themselves, Muhammad sup- hereditary land-rights (÷rést; s. TrIslam; Cerulli
posedly exclaimed, Habaša gabarani ‘Abyssinia 1925; Nadel 1946). Moreover, the G. were sub-
strengthened me’ (Pollera 1999:90). A tradition ject, like other ethnic groups, to persecutions.
says that the name G. comes from GéŸéz !P- For instance, during the time of ase ÷Yohan-
?M (agbért, ‘servants [of God]’), while another nés IV the Muslims were forced, under menace
explains it as a corruption of the Tégréñña word of serious punishment, to accept baptism (Nadel
gäbari (pl. gäbärti) meaning ‘tenants’ or ‘serv- 1946:15ff.; Pollera 1999:90). Due to prevention
ants’ and referring to the socio-economical limit- of land-rights the highland Muslims held their
ed status they had in the Christian environment. land as tenants and had to engage in different
In the derogatory sense of ‘serfs’ the term G. is economical niches. They mostly dwelled in
sometimes used by the Christian highlanders. market centres, were active as traders and earned
Muslim historians and geographers generally their living through artisan occupations, particu-
used the term G. to distinguish the Muslims of larly weaving. Still today the G. are mostly active
Abyssinia from the Christians, while they used in commercial and artisanal sectors.
597
Gäbärti
Src.: interview with šayò Salim Ibrahim Muòtar, general Src.: Leo Reinisch, Der Dschäbärtidialekt der Soma-
secretary of the Eritrean Dar-al-Iftaý. lisprache, Wien 1904 (Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen
Lit.: M.H. Abdulkader Hagos, Al-Gabarti wal- Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, philologisch-hi-
Gabartiyin (‘Gäbärti and the “Gäbärtians”’), Jedda 1991; storische Klasse 148); Maria von Tiling, “Die Sprache
Enrico Cerulli [review von Tiling 1921–22], Oriente der Jabárti”, Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen 12,
Moderno 5, 1925, 614–20; Id., “Giabarti”, in: Enciclopedia 1921–22, 17–52, 97–162; Ead., “Jabárti-Texte”, ibid. 15,
Italiana, vol. 16, Roma 1932, 931; MuHammad SaŸId 1924–25, 50–64, 139–58.
Nawed, Al-ŸUruba wal-Islam bil-Qarn al-Ifriqi (‘Ara- Lit.: Enrico Cerulli [review of von Tiling 1921–22],
bism and the Horn of Africa’), Jedda 1991, 98; Siegfried Oriente moderno 5, 1925, 614-20.
Frederick Nadel, Races and Tribes of Eritrea, Asmara Giorgio Banti
1943; Id., “Land Tenure on the Eritrean Plateau”, Africa
16, 1, 1946, 3–22, 99–109, here 15ff.; MuhTarih; Alberto
Pollera, The Native Peoples of Eritrea, Lawrenceville
1999, 90 [tr. of PollEr]; Maria von Tiling, “Die Sprache Gäbäta
der Jabárti”, Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen 12,
G. (K(2 ) is the Amharic and Tégréñña name for
1921–22, 17–52, 97–162; Gerald Kennedy Nicholas
Trevaskis, Eritrea: A Colony in Transition, 1941–52, Ethiopia’s principal board-game. Played, with
Westport, Conn. ²1977; TrIslam 58ff., 150ff.; Edward regional variations, throughout the country,
Ullendorff, “Djabart”, in: EI², vol. 2, 355. as well as in other parts of Africa and Asia, it
Abdulkader Saleh has different local names, including its Oromo
designation saddeeqa, widely used in southern
Ethiopia. Foreign scholars, however, often refer
Gäbärti to the game by its Arabic name manqala.
The name G. was reportedly used in Aden also Ethiopian G., one variant of which has similar-
as a collective designation for the ÷Digil, the ities with a version played in India, is undoubt-
÷Rahanween and the ÷Hawiye Somali during edly of great antiquity. A board-game of this
the second half of the 19th cent., especially for kind was known to the ancient Egyptians. Rocks
those occupied in the humblest jobs (von Tiling carved with holes for playing G. have been
1921-22:20f.). The German ethnologist and Ara- found at a site at ÷Mätära dating from around
bist Wilhelm Hein used it for the southern vari- the 7th cent. A.D. and the game is mentioned in
ety of Somali that he heard during his journey to a 14th-cent. GéŸéz text (Perruchon 1903:23; cp.
Aden and Šayò ŸOsman in 1901–02, and Reinisch Pankhurst 1971:154).
(1904) retained it when he published Hein’s data G. in the Ethiopian region was tradition-
after his death. Maria von Tiling, too, used the ally played by persons of all ages and classes,
name G. for the quite different language of her including the nobility, who had their own special
informant Osman Abdi, with whom she worked
in Hamburg in 1919 (von Tiling 1921–22, 1924–
25). Yet she stated clearly that this designation
was not used in the country where that language
was spoken.
Hein, and Reinisch’s dialect is a variety of
Benaadir Somali that preserves h and Ÿ, has 3rd
pers. pl. uyyunka, “they” and the indefinite
article -koo/-too. But it also has many features
of ÷May Somali such as the interrogative may,
‘what?’, the 2nd pers. sg./3rd pers. sg. fem. ending
-aasa and 1st pers. pl. -aana in the present con-
tinuous tense, and the verbs aam-, ‘to eat’, and
koy-, ‘to come’. It also has some features of more
northern dialects, such as the infinitive in -in
from causative verbs. What von Tiling described
is instead definitely a variety of May spoken by
the Elaay in the area of Buur Hakaba, with l + t
> ll, h + t > tt, the 2nd pers. sg./3rd pers. sg. fem.
Playing gäbäta; photo 1950/52 by W. Schulz-Weidner,
ending -aasé and 1st pers. pl. -aané in the present courtesy of the Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt am Main
continuous tense and šeen-, “to bring”. (23–Wd082–02)
598
Gäbäz
three-row version of the game. It is generally sulting in the death of many of them, including
conceived of as a game played by two opponents Toselli, and precipitating an Italian retreat to
dropping and picking up pebbles from holes Mäqälä, which became the next theatre of war.
carved in a board or in the ground. The game G.G. was reportedly censured or even briefly
is, however, subject to many regional variations. detained for what was regarded as a reckless act.
These are seen in relation to 1) the number of G.G. was also one of the Ethiopian command-
rows of holes, which may consist of two, three ers at the battle of ÷ŸAdwa on 1 March 1896. His
or even four rows; 2) the number of holes per force engaged at the Abba Gärima front, facing
row, usually six, but in some cases as few as four the Italian brigade led by General ÷Albertone.
or as many as ten, twelve or, rarely, even 24; 3) Despite his illness, G.G. sought to inspire his
the number of balls per hole, generally three or troops by heading into the fray, courting death
four, but sometimes one, two or five. There are with the words: “Those who return to Šäwa,
also major differences in the methods of play. In let them tell how the victor of Ambalage died!”
some games the objective is primarily the cap- As he fell, the whole Ethiopian line reportedly
ture of balls in a series of unconnected moves. In wavered and Albertone thought that victory was
others, the emphasis is mainly on the capture of in sight. Ménilék was deeply moved by G.G.’s
holes and the almost incidental capture of balls. death, breaking into tears when he saw his rider-
÷Games less horse paraded after victory.
Src.: Jules Perruchon, Le livre des mystères du ciel et Src.: GSMen 239ff., 266; MahHorse 280; aläqa Täklä
de la terre, Paris 1903, 23. Iyäsus, Y#M_1\y K<l (Yäýityopya tarik, ‘The History
Lit.: Bertrand Hirsch – Bertrand Poissonnier, of Ethiopia’), ms. IES 24, n.d., 100f.
“Recherches historiques et archéologiques à Meshalä Ma- Lit.: Richard Caulk, “Between the Jaws of Hyenas”:
ryam (Mänz, Éthiopie)”, AE 16, 2000, 70, fig. 4; Richard a Diplomatic History of Ethiopia (1876–1896), ed. by
Pankhurst, “Gabata, and Related Board-Games of Ethio- Bahru Zewde, Wiesbaden 2002 (AeF 60), 503–06, 553.
pia and the Horn of Africa”, EthObs 14, 1971, 154–206; Bahru Zewde
Id., “Gabata and Other Board-Games of Ethiopia and the
Horn of Africa”, Azania 17, 1982, 27–42.
Richard Pankhurst
Gäbäz
The term G. (K(w ) seems to be connected to the
Gäbäyyähu Gora GéŸéz word gäbäz, ‘riverbank’ (cp. K(ry Hgt ,
Fitawrari G.G. (K(YSy Q= ; d. 1 March 1896) gäbäzä täkkäzi in Ex 7:15) and means ‘guard,
was an intrepid warrior in ase ÷Ménilék II’s protector, tutor, custodian, keeper’ (DillmLex
army. He won lasting fame through his exploits 1174; LesCDic 180; KWK 296), in both secular
at the battle of ÷Ambalage (7 December 1895). and religious contexts.
As befitted his title, fitawrari, G.G. was in As an ecclesiastical term, G. already appears
the vanguard of the Ethiopian forces that had in the 6th-cent. royal inscription of the Aksumite
proceeded to Tégray in the wake of Ménilék’s king ÷Kaleb (RIE no. 191.36f.). It possibly re-
mobilization edict of September 1895. Although fers to the ancient cathedral of ÷Aksum Séyon,
G. was technically under the command of ras Kaleb’s sanctuary (MHAksum 9, 209; MHAlex
÷Mäkwännén, he appears to have acted unilater- 98f.; Fiaccadori 2003:204), Gäbäzä Aksum being
ally when he stormed with his troops the appar- one of its designations in later times (CRAxum
ently impregnable fortress of Ambalage. Heeding 3). The element G. in the name of Princess
local advice about the futility of such an assault, ÷Térdaý Gäbäz, traditionally responsible for
G.G. was going to be left to his own devices. But handing over the authority to the ÷Zagwe dy-
two other valiant commanders in Mäkwännén’s nasty, could have the same implication if inter-
contingent, qäññazmaó Taffäsä Abaynäh and preted as ‘May the cathedral [of Aksum] help’
fitawrari Täkle, rushed to G.G.’s assistance, (Conti Rossini 1923:374f.). Besides, one should
shouting that they would not leave the imperial recall King Zägäbäzä Aksum (or ÷Éllä Gäbäz),
commander alone and thereby precipitated a gen- appearing in the ancient hagiographic tradition
eral engagement by Mäkwännén’s troops. of abba ÷Libanos (Bausi 2003:15; Getatchew
The Italian vanguard force, led by the equally Haile 1990:38f.) and many of the “king lists”.
irrepressible Major Pietro Toselli, had ensconced The term G. was later applied to other churches
itself on top of Ambalage. Against all odds, as well: e.g., Gäbäzä TaŸéka and Gäbäzä Mäsqäl
G.G.’s force was able to defeat the Italians, re- (s. CRAxum 3; CRStor 158; Monneret de Villard
599
Gäbäz
1938:40, 42). By extension, the name G. passed participating in parish life, but also of exerting
on to the person/priest in charge of these (im- control over the latter’s financial aspects.
portant) churches and, later on, of a church in ÷Gäbäz(a)
general. It was also employed to designate the Src.: Alessandro Bausi, La «Vita» e i «Miracoli» di
clergyman entrusted with the administration of Libanos, Lovanii 2003 (CSCO 295, 296 [SAe 105, 106]),
15 (text) = 15 (tr.), s. index; DTWDic 219; DillmLex 1174;
the cathedral at Aksum, upon whom the title of
CRList; Getatchew Haile, “The Homily of Abba Elé-
gäbäzä Aksum (administrator [sacristan], treas- yas, Bishop of Aksum on Mätta‘”, ABoll 180, 1990, 29–47,
urer of the same cathedral) was bestowed. here 32, 38f.; GuiVoc 746; KWKDic 296; LesCDic 180;
Currently, the G. is the officer who (a) man- THMDic 1177; CRAxum 3 (text) = 3 (tr.); CRStor 158;
ages the internal affairs of the church and is CrumLand 216–19, 240; RIE no. 191; Ugo Monneret
de Villard, Aksum. Ricerche di topografia generale,
custodian of vestments and vessels for church Roma 1938, 40, 42.
ceremonies, of what is useful for the eucha- Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Aethiopica. I.”, RSO
ristic celebration; (b) takes care of the weekly 9, 1923, 365–468, here 374f. [§ 8. “Sul nome proprio
celebrants of the divine liturgy; (c) controls the di donna Terda’ Gabaz”]; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
“Provsoyi", non provoyi": Efeso, Gerusalemme, Aquileia
offerings and alms of the church; (d) ensures the
(Nota a IEph 495, 1 s.)”, La Parola del Passato 58, 2003
celebration of the divine liturgy, the Liturgy of [2004], 182–249, here 204; liqä séltanat H abtä M aryam
the Hours, the incense office and other religious W ärq É näh , 4#K_y Y#M_1\y T?(Hy MzW?M
functions carried out in the church (÷Churches (Téntawi yäýityopya íérŸatä témhért, ‘The Ancient
and church administration). Order of Ethiopian Learning’), Addis Ababa 1969 A.M.
[1976/77 A.D.], 300; Haile Gabriel Dagne, “The Ge-
The G. used to be second rank to the ÷aläqa, bzenna Charter 1894”, JES 10, 1, 1972, 67–80; MHAlex
except in some churches where he acted as supe- 98f.; MHAksum 9, 209; Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Note
rior. Being normally a priest, the G. was called linguistiche per la storia dell’Etiopia antica”, in: StudAeth
3Ây K(w ( qäysä gäbäz) or 7Ay K(w (qesä 67–77, here 68, n. 8.
gäbäz). In principle, anyone wishing to attain the Habtemichael Kidane – Red.
office of G. must have been a native of the place
where he was to serve in order to gain access to
the ÷gwélt given by rulers over the centuries for Gäbäz(a)
the office maintenance. The situation changed The name G. seems to refer to two things: 1) a
with ase Ménilék II’s decree of 2 August 1892, historical customs-post or shore station directly
chiefly aimed at reorganizing the churches of on the coast of the gulf of Adulis near the Ak-
Šäwa: instituting the office of G. (gäbäzénna), sumite port-city of ÷Adulis itself; 2) a kingdom
he gave it the central place in the church admin- that became one of the sub-kingdoms tributary
istration. Ménilék invested members of the noble to ÷Aksum and may be identical with the area
families and his relatives with the gäbäzénna of assigned by ancient authors to the “Adulites”.
some important churches, entrusting them also 1. Already in the 1st cent. A.D., the ÷Periplus
with special gäbäzénna estates (Haile Gabriel of the Erythrean Sea notes that the anchorage
Dagne 1972). The office was downgraded by for Adulis was subject to raids by “Barbarians
Òaylä Íéllase I with the 1942 Regulations for the dwelling roundabout”, the ships having there-
Administration of all Church Land (÷Ethiopian fore to moore at Oreine Island (§ 4, Frisk 1927:
Orthodox Täwahédo Church). 2; Casson 1989:52f., cp. ibid. 102f.). This secure
Nowadays, still if the G. is a layman, he del- anchorage was, perhaps, the future G. Neither
egates a priest called bF/y K(w ( wéstä gäbäz, the Periplus nor Procopius of Caesarea in the 6th
lit. ‘inner G.’) to tend to the needs of the inner- cent. name G., but mention that from the har-
most part of the church (÷Mäqdäs). The G. is bour to Adulis was a distance of 20 stades (Pro-
rewarded either in natural produces or in money. copius, Bella I, 19, 22, in: Haury 1905 [1965],
In the event that he performs his duty, with pay- vol. 1, 103; Dewing 1914, vol. 1, 182). ÷Cosmas
ment, in a church not in his native place, but is Indicopleustes situates Adulis two miles from
dwelling there permanently, he is called !9<y the coast (Wolska-Conus 1968, vol. 1, 364f.), and
K(w ( adari gäbäz, ‘resident G.’, Tgn. i7?y K(w , in one of the most authoritative manuscripts of
òédur gäbäz). After the creation of the Parish his work, the Christian Topography, with a more
Council system, in many parishes it is preferred detailed map, “the custom of G.” (TELwNION
that the qesä gäbäz have two lay co-operators, GABAZAÇ) and the place called “Samidi” are in-
so as to give them the opportunity, not only of dicated south and, respectively, north of Adulis
600
Gabba
by the coast. The name G. (Gabazav) also occurs, a. DLIII datae, Avellana quae dicitur collectio, II, Pragae
for the naval station of Adulis, in the 6th-cent. – Vindobonae – Lipsiae 1898 (Corpus Scriptorum Ec-
clesiasticorum Latinorum 35, 2), 743–72 [Ep. 244], here
Greek Martyrdom of ÷Arethas of Nagran (ch. 748f.; Photius, Bibliothèque, ed., tr. by Robert Henry,
vii [§ 29], in Carpentier 1861:747). Paris 1959, vol. 1, 4ff.; The Library of Photius, tr. by John
2. In an Aksumite inscription to be perhaps Henry Freese, London 1920, vol. 1, 17ff.; Procopius
attributed to King ÷Ousanas, Bisi Gisene, the Caesariensis, Opera omnia, ed., tr. by J. Haury, Leipzig
1905 [rev. by G. Wirth, 1962], vol. 1, 103; Id., The His-
monarch, is recorded as receiving submission
tory of the Wars, ed., tr. by Henry Bronson Dewing,
from SWÍWT “king of the Agwezat” and SBL London – New York 1914, vol. 1, 182f.; Edward Luther
“king of GBZ” (Gäbäz, Gäbäza/Gäbäzä?), and Stevenson (ed., tr.), Geography of Claudius Ptolemy,
then at HMÍ he met “all the tribes of M(e)t(i)n” New York 1932, iv, 7, 107f.; Eduard Carpentier (ed.,
(RIE no. 186.13f.). If the same place as the afore- tr.), “Acta Santorum Arethae et Rumae et sociorum mar-
tyrum Negranae in Arabia Felice”, in: Acta Sanctorum,
said coastal installation, GBZ seems then to be Octobris tomus 10, Bruxellis 1861, 721–59, here 747.
identifiable with the area of the “Adulites” re- Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “Punti di vista sulla storia
ferred to in classical texts from the 1st cent. A.D. dell’Etiopia”, in: PICES 1, 5–27, here 16f.; Rodolfo
onwards and apparently differentiated from the Fattovich (ed.), The Aksum Archaeological Area:
a Preliminary Assessment, Napoli 2000, 63; Stuart
Aksumites themselves up to the 6th cent.
Munro-Hay, “The Foreign Trade of the Aksumite
In the late 4th cent., ÷Epiphanius listed “nine Port of Adulis”, Azania 17, 1982, 107–25; MHAksum
kingdoms of the Indians”, among which the 30, 45f., 175, 220; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Teofilo
Coptic version of the lost Greek original text Indiano, Ravenna 1992, xxvii and n. 17, 17f. and n. 52;
has the “Aksumites (and) Adoulites”, the latter Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 = RIÉth 275). Per
la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La Parola del
being, however, subsumed with the former in Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, here 137f.
the Latin version: “Aksumites with Adulites” Stuart Munro-Hay – Red.
(s. Epiphanius, De XII gemmis 20, in Blake 1924:
242f.; Guenther 1898:748f.; cp. Cerulli in PICES Gäbäzä Aksum ÷Aksum Séyon
1, 16f.). In the 6th cent., ÷Nonnosus, discussing
climatic zones, wrote that between Aue and
Aksum there was one sort of climate, while Gabba
“from the Adulitae to Aue” there was another (s. The G. (Gaba, Geba) is a river (35' 18° N, 8' 5° E)
Photius, Bibliotheca [iii 2a], in: Henry 1959.4ff.; that forms the border between Wälläga and
Freese 1920:17ff.). Procopius, too, notes the five ÷Illubabor. Rising west of the town of Bädelle,
days and nights were needed to cross the Red Sea it runs westwards and is joined by the Birbir,
from a place called Boulikas in Himyar: “… and combining finally with the Baro into the Akobo
at the end of the sail across the sea they [i.e., the of Gambella. During the 19th cent., G. was also
Himyarites] always put in at the harbour of the the name for a region and an Oromo polity (also
Adulites” (Procopius, Bella I, 19, 21, in Haury Gabba Illuu) between the rivers G. and Baro.
1905 [1962], vol. 1, 103; Dewing 1914, vol. 1, G. is related to the Oromo peopling of the
182). region since the 18th cent., which marginalized
As a part of a toponym, the word gäbäz ap- other inhabitants, such as the ÷Šakaóo and
pears also in Hamäd Gäbäz (=u;y K(w ), which ÷Magangir. Populated by the Tuume-Illuu clans,
applies to an archaeological site and possibly at that time it was considered a fertile but lawless
an ancient settlement near ÷Aksum (Fattovich periphery of Wälläga. The Oromo have a saying:
2000:63), but ÷gäbäz here is most probably an Baaroo nama boreeóisa, Gabba nama gabbisa
ecclesiastical term and may be linked to St. Mary (‘The Baro makes a man beautiful, the G. makes
Cathedral of Aksum (÷Aksum Séyon). a man fat’); fatness alluded to trophy-hunting
Src.: RIE no. 186; Hjalmar Frisk (ed.), Périple de la (buffalos, elephants) in the river lowlands to-
mer Érythrée, Göteborg 1927, 2; Lionel Casson (tr.),
The Periplus Maris Erythraei, Princeton 1989, 52, 102f.;
wards the “Yambo” (÷Añwaa). The successful
Wanda Wolska-Conus (ed., tr.), Cosmas Indicopleus- hunter was anointed with butter (AbbGeogr 88).
tès, La topographie chrétienne, vol. 1, Paris 1968 (Sources Metaphoric use of “fatness” related also to the
chrétiennes 141), 364f., 372–78; Epiphanius, De Gem- abundance of wild ÷coffee (coffea arabica L.) in
mis: the Old Georgian Version and the Fragments of the G. (CerFolk 26).
Armenian Version, ed., tr. by Robert Pierpont Blake,
and The Coptic-Sahidic Fragments, by Henri de Vis, From the middle of the 19th cent., a central-
London 1934, 242f.; Otto Guenther, Epistulae impera- ized policy among the Illuu is attributed to Óali
torum, pontificum aliorum inde ab a. CCCLXVII usque ad Šone, popularly known as Abbaa Boora (‘Lord
601
Gabba
Gäbbar
The term G. (K+? , ‘tributary’) is derived from the
GéŸéz root gäbrä, the primary meaning of which
is ‘to work’ or ‘to serve’ (DillmLex 1159ff.). In
Amharic, whence its broad application through-
out Ethiopia from the late 19th through much of
the 20th cent., the root gäbbärä means ‘to pay
tribute’ (d’Abbadie 1881:846; Isenberg 1841:174;
GuiVoc 742f.; BaetDic 986f.; Amsalu Aklilu 1979
A.M.:275; THMDic 1175). G., then, is a tax- or
tribute-payer. Closely related words in Amharic,
derived from the same root, are ÷gébér, gäbbäre
(K(> , ‘farmer’), the latter taking its sense from
the fact that most forms of tax and tribute de-
rived from agricultural lands; and, with meaning
extended from the previous, gébérénna (P-?! ,
‘agriculture’, s. Amsalu Aklilu 1979 A.M.:276).
This closely associated complex of meanings de-
of the light-bay’; hence Illuu Abbaa Booraa = fies the fact that pastoralists, as well as farmers,
were assigned this status by Ethiopian state au-
Illubabor). The gadaa system of the Illuu shifted
thorities. In 20th-cent. usage the term frequently
to kingship (Oromo: mootii; Yasin Mohammed
had a pejorative connotation of social subjuga-
1990:111–15). Political centralization of G. Illuu,
tion and was often rendered “serf”, but this
with Geóinai-Gomboói as the capital, fostered
meaning covered only a portion of G.’s full se-
security for traders (in ivory, cotton and honey),
mantic range and reflected, however imperfectly,
but contributed also to internal and external
social conditions imposed in southern Ethiopia
conflict.
in the later 19th and early 20th cent.
Internally, Abbaa Boora’s attempt to form
Historically, the term appears in a famous
a dynasty was successfully challenged by
aphorism or proverb, A-!y ==y ]K+?y z;?
one of his warriors, ÷Fatansa Illuu (Yasin
(säbýa hara wägäbbar médér, ‘Man is free [or
Mohammed 1990:116). The capital of G. shifted
soldier] and land is tributary’), for the first time
to Bure. Externally, G. was threatened from the
early in the 17th cent. (Perruchon 1896:359, 361;
south-east by the Muslim Oromo kingdom of
Conti Rossini 1893:807, 811; BegCron 1901:41).
÷Guummaa.
The aphorism recurs during the latter part of the
From 1882–83 onwards, Ménilék’s troops
century and at several points in the 19th cent.
under ras ÷Gobäna Daci and ras ÷Täsämma (CrummLand 62-67; GuiVoc 190, 201; Conti
Asmärom occupied G. (s. Bulatovich 2000). To Rossini 1917:714; Nadel 1946:11). Its meaning
keep G. Illuu autonomous, direct confrontation has been much, although inconclusively, debated,
was avoided (CerFolk 77). The town of Gore from Conti Rossini (1893:807, 811) and Merid
became the seat for the Ethiopian administration Wolde Aregay (1971:376ff.) to Toubkis (2004:
of Illubabor, whilst Bure and its vicinity main- 589-601), the sources agreeing that G. means
tained a distinctive self-rule until the late days of ‘tributary’, but disagreeing as to whether its pri-
ase Ménilék (Pick 1909:73). mary reference is to the relationship between the
Src.: AbbGeogr 88, 106, 188 and passim; Alexander farmer and the land or between a social superior
Bulatovich, Ethiopia Through Russian Eyes: Country
in Transition, 1896–1898, tr. by Richard Seltzer,
and inferior with further disagreement about the
Lawrenceville, NJ 2000, part I, passim.; CerFolk 14, 26, relationship between land and military service.
27, 44, 75f; Emil Pick, Reisebriefe eines österreichischen Prominent amongst the 20th-cent. sources on G.
Industriellen aus Abessinien, Indien und Ostasien, Wien are the contributions of blatta Maòtämä Íéllase
1909, 65–75. Wäldä Mäsqäl (1957:284, 287f., 290, 293, 299f.)
Lit.: Yasin Mohammed, “The Peopling of Highland
Illubabor”, in: Proceedings of the Fifth Seminar of the
and by Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda Wärq (1962:306f.,
Department of History (Debre Zeit, 30 June – 3 July 1989), 316, 323ff.), who provide numerous examples
Addis Ababa 1990, 105–24. of the differing usages of the term and obliga-
Thomas Zitelmann tions to which G. might be subject. Both works
602
Gäbbar
underpin the subsequent analysis by Mantel- rent, payment of tithe, the provisioning of gov-
Niecko (1980:82–85). ernment officials and government-recognized
One definition of G. that reflects common us- travellers, supplying firewood to their overlord,
age, but which can be rejected as incomplete and “gifts” on various occasions, working on land of
misleading, is provided by Amsalu Aklilu (1979 the state or lord for as much as 1/3 of their total
A.M.: 275): ‘tenant farmer’. On the contrary, G. working time, grinding grain and construction of
were frequently claimants of land in their own granaries and fences for overlords, and provid-
right. Hoben (1973) has provided the classical ing transport for their overlord (BZHist 87–92).
exploration of the ÷rést system of inherited However, McClellan also makes clear that, for
access to agricultural land, on the basis of field some time, the G. retained their pre-conquest
research carried out in Goggam province in the rights to farming and grazing land, näftäñña, for
1960s. This system prevailed throughout much the most part, lacking such rights. So, as part of
of the Amharic and Tégréñña-speaking regions this relationship, the G. were not tenants. Never-
of Ethiopia. Farmers holding their land as rést theless, the conspicuous degree of social subordi-
claimed inalienable rights to farm it and in no nation led contemporary European observers, as
sense could be construed as tenants. However, cited by McClellan, to describe the status as one
at the same time as they viewed themselves as equivalent to slavery, and Ethiopian intellectuals
réstäñña, and fiercely asserted their independ- of the 1920s to deplore the pitiful state of the
ence, they also perceived themselves as G., or G. (Bahru Zewde 2002:124f.). McClellan (1988:
tribute payers, the two identities being closely 73) concludes that this system “kept the Gedeo
linked in that farmers recognized their rights economically impoverished”. Many of these
were inalienable only so long as they paid tribute same G., following the measurement of land in
or tax on it, the former more appropriately de- Gideýo, which began in 1917, and the alienation
scribing payments to social overlords, the latter of extensive tracts of it, lost their pre-conquest
more appropriately describing payments directly rights to land and did, indeed, become tenants,
to the government. The distinction became of but not necessarily to the näftäñña, whom previ-
importance only in the 1950s and 1960s (Hoben ously they had served, but, more frequently, to a
1973:4 n. 14, 77). Hoben’s perception of the rela- later wave of government servants and settlers.
tionship between rést land-holding and G. status The apparently divergent understandings of
is seconded by Berhanou Abbebe (1971:94f.) in G. may be reconciled by noting that the G. is a
his study of land tenure in Šäwa province during tributary, frequently a land-holder by right, but
the reign of ase Ménilék II (r. 1889-1913). subject to widely varying tributary conditions
The pejorative view of G. as denoting a sta- and relationships.
tus of social subordination analogous to that ÷Feudalism; ÷Gwélt
of ‘serf’ derives from common perceptions of Src.: Antoine d’Abbadie, Dictionnaire de la langue ama-
arrangements instituted in southern Ethiopia reñña, Paris 1881, 846; BaetDic 968f.; Amsalu Aklilu,
!x?1y ##Ppw1y uwK(y 6qM / Amharic–English
following the region’s subordination, or re- Dictionary, Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1986/87 A.D.], 275;
subordination, to the Ethiopian state during the BegCron, 41; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Due squarci inediti
reign of Ménilék II. The term typically appears di cronaca etiopica”, RRALm ser. 5a, 2, 1893, 804-18, here
as part of the couple ÷näftäñña-G., where the 806, 810; Id., “Il libro delle leggende e tradizioni abissini
dell’ecciagghié Filpos,” ibid. ser. 5a, 24, 1917, 699-717, here
näftäñña is the social superior. The most detailed 714; Id., “Su due frasi della cronaca abbreviata dei re d’Etio-
study of this system has been carried out by Mc- pia”, Annali IUO 2, 3, 1949, 283-90, here 286f.; DillmLex
Clellan (1988:57–79), who, with reference to the 1159ff.; Gäbrä Wäld Engeda Wärq, “Ethiopia’s Tradi-
÷Gideýo of Sidamo region, confirms the general tional System of Land Tenure and Taxation”, EthObs 5,
understanding that, following the conquest of 4, 1962, 302–39, here 306f., 316, 323ff.; GuiVoc 190, 201,
742f.; Carl Wilhelm Isenberg, Dictionary of the Am-
differing parts of southern Ethiopia, Ménilék’s haric Language, London 1841; Jules Perruchon, “Notes
government required the local population to pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie: Régnes de YaŸqob et Za-Dengel
support the conquering garrisons by provid- (1597–1607)”, RevSem 4, 1896, 177–85, 273–78, here 359,
ing their individual members with labour and 361; THMDic 1175.
tribute. These tributaries became G. attached Lit.: GummLand 62–67; Mahteme Sellasie Wolde
Maskal, “The Land System of Ethiopia”, EthObs 1, 9,
to individual näftäñña. They viewed their ob- 1957, 283–301; Siegfried Frederick Nadel, “Land
ligations as onerous and resented their status. Tenure on the Eritrean Plateau”, Africa 16, 1946, 1–14, here
Their obligations entailed payment of land tax or 11; Merid Wolde Aregay, Southern Ethiopia and the
603
Gäbbar
Christian Kingdom, 1508–1708, with Special Reference Identity-switching is a characteristic of the region,
to the Galla Migrations and Their Consequences, Ph.D. as is the adoption of cultural items singly or in sets;
thesis, London University 1971, 376ff.; BZHist 87–92;
Bahru Zewde, Pioneers of Change in Ethiopia: the Re- names of descent groups, styles of house-build-
formist Intellectuals of the Early Twentieth Century, ing, items of material culture and stock-markings
Oxford 2002, 124f.; Berhanou Abbebe, Évolution de la often span ethnic groups (Schlee 1989; Prussin
propriété foncière au Choa (Éthiopie) du règne de Ménélik 1989). The G. and Boraana certainly share deep
a la constitution de 1931, Paris 1971; Allan Hoben, Land
ritual and cultural bonds as well as their language,
Tenure Among the Amhara of Ethiopia. The Dynamics of
Cognatic Descent, Chicago, IL 1973; Charles W. Mc- but the G. also have their own distinctive rituals,
Clellan, State Transformation and National Integration: prayers, sacred sites and calendars (Tablino 1999,
Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire, 1895–1935, East Lans- ch. 2). The G. appear to see themselves as “at once
ing, MI 1988, 57–79; Dimitri Toubkis, ‘Je deviendrai roi distinct from their neighbours and yet also related
sur tout le pays d’Éthiopie’ Royauté et écriture de l’histoire
dans l’Éthiopie chrétienne (XVIe-XVIIIe siécles), Ph.D.
to them” and to use “the cultural means at hand to
thesis, Université de Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne 2004, play up different or common origins as the need
589–601; Joanna Mantel-Niecko, The Role of Land arises” (Wood 1999:64). In recent years, as ethnic
Tenure in the System of Ethiopian Imperial Government allegiances have become national issues, attempts
in Modern Times, Warsaw 1980, 82–85, passim. have been made by politicians and religious pros-
Donald Crummey elytizers to bind the G. exclusively to either the
Ethiopian or the Somali or the ÷Oromo national-
Gabra ist causes; some bloody, and sometimes deathly,
The G. (also Gabbra) are an Oromo group, affrays have ensued (Tablino 1999, ch. 8; Arero
speaking the ÷Boorana dialect, who probably 2002, chs. 6–8).
number about 50,000. The great majority still The G. form a cultural unity, but are not a
subsist as nomadic pastoralists in the vast, arid centrally organized political unit. An individual
borderlands of Ethiopia and Kenya: in harsh is born into one of five effectively autonomous
times they and their camels and smallstock may sets of associated patriclans or phratries (÷gosa),
range as far as Agärä Maryam in the north, the named Algaana, Gaara, Galbo, Šaarbana and
Uaso Nyiro River in the south, Lake Turkana Odoola. Each phratry has its own distinctive
in the west and Wajir in the east. Insecurity and history and customary grazing area. Clans
loss of stock have forced some to settle around (balbala) are made up of patrilineages (miilo),
relief and trade centres, but even the most im- the members of which recognize and share the
poverished G. still strive to maintain active pas- obligations of close agnatic kinship. A phratry
toral connections. The G. consist of two distinct has its own hereditary bestowers of blessings
clusters known as the Miigo and the Malbe. The (÷qaallu), and own traditional holy sites (except
less numerous Miigo profess ÷Islam, but, away the small Šaarbana, which shares with the much
from the towns, maintain traditional ways and larger Algaana) to which a pilgrimage is made
values. The Malbe, though some have converted every seventh year. Each phratry also has its
to Islam or to ÷Christianity, mostly follow their own nomadic “ritual capital” (yaa) in which the
traditional religion. Miigo data are sparse (but sacred objects integral to its well-being, a drum,
see the many scattered references in Schlee 1989), ivory trumpet and fire-sticks, are each cared for
whereas the Malbe data, on which this entry is by their resident custodians. Members of each
based, are plentiful. yaa are also responsible for the maintenance of
Schlee (1989) argues that the distant ancestors its naabo, an enclosure of thorn-branches, in
of the G. were members of a proto-Rendille- which a sacred fire must be kindled and kept
Somali (PRS) culture who acquired the Boorana alight during important phratry rituals. The yaa
language as, from the 16th cent. onwards, they be- is the source of moral authority for its phratry
came incorporated into the Boorana hegemony. and all major decisions and judgements should
Aneesa Kassam (1986) argues that the G. were be made there. A binary division underlies the
Boorana who adopted some Rendille-Somali five phratries, in each of which the clans are
cultural elements when they took to camel pas- grouped into the exogamous moieties – Gilbo
toralism. Either way, ethnic identities, especially and Lossa – (except for the atypical Odoola,
among pastoralists who must either maintain among whom they have the names Guba Dera
continuous access to grazing, browsing and and Guba Gababa). Moieties stand in opposition
water or perish, are often mutable and multiple. to each other in some contexts, but are united
604
Gabra
in others. Moiety affiliation is most obvious in
religious contexts: the custodian of the sacred
drum must belong to one moiety and the cus-
todian of the horn to its opposite; one moiety
sacrifices goats and the other sheep; moieties
use separate gateways to the naabo and perform
their ceremonies on different days (Schlee 1989;
Tablino 1999).
The G., like the Boorana, have a great wealth
of memorized imaginative and poetic blessings,
hymns, prayers, songs, histories, fables, myths and
legends, in which traditional modes of thought are
elaborated and explored (Tablino 1998, chs. 5–6;
Aneesa Kassam 1984, 1986). The ambivalences
and ambiguities of life are expressed in the lan-
guage and imagery used, which often abounds
with “binary oppositions” that complement each
other and are combined and recombined to form
conceptual “unities”. The list of possible opposi-
tions is almost endless, but frequent pairs are:
Earth and Sky, mundane and sacred, masculine
and feminine, the division of families between
Gabra dance: the sticks are used to beat the rhythm; photo
main and satellite camps, right and left. “They 1986, courtesy of Günther Schlee
say binaries make unities: Lammi tokko, ‘Two are
one’” (Wood 1999:15); as occurs, to take simple use ÷gadaa. The Boraana have a general system
examples, when marriage partners from opposite with regular eight-year intervals between transi-
moieties are joined, though retaining their identi- tion ceremonies, whereas the G. systems differ
ties, or when revered and sacred ritual elders (da- between phratries, and the intervals between
beela) appear to behave like women. sets may be 14 or 21 years. The Boraana have
Tablino (1999, ch. 9) suggests that there are an interval of five sets between those of father
“six basic concepts” in G. culture. These are: and son, but the G. may have an interval of one
1. ÷aadaa, custom and tradition as learned by or two or three sets. Whatever their ages, all the
experience and participation: 2. luba, the cycli- sons of a Boraana belong to the same set, but the
cal system of generation-sets and grades which sons of a G. may belong to different sets (Tablino
regulate the flow of each man’s life, ensure that 1999, appendix 1h; Torry 1978). There are also
elders enter the sacred grade of dabeela at the considerable differences in ritual, regalia and
proper time and are bulwarks of the social, ritual symbolism (Wood 1999).
Lit.: Hassan Guracha Warrio Arero, Keeping the
and moral orders; 3. giila, festivals, feasts, cer- Peace of the Borana: Aspects of Peace and Conflict in
emonies “of an incomparable richness” that are Shifting Indigenous Systems of Northern Kenya, Ph.D.
performed with appropriate rituals and sacrifice; thesis, University of East Anglia 2002; Aneesa Kassam,
4. nagaya, the peace, harmony and order of both La geste de Renard: variations sur un conte Gabbra, Ph.D.
the G. as a whole and of its components. Peace thesis, University of Paris III – Sorbonne Nouvelle 1984;
Id., “The Fertile Past: the Gabra Concept of Oral Tradi-
is God’s great gift, the most “common formula tion”, Africa 56, 2, 1986, 193–209; Labelle Prussin,
of prayer” and an essential part of every ÷greet- African Nomadic Architecture: Space, Place and Gender,
ing and blessing; 5. rooba, rain which brings Washington – London 1995; Günther Schlee, “In-
abundance and is crucial for life in the desert; 6. terethnic Clan Identities among Cushitic-Speaking Pas-
toralists of Northern Kenya”, Africa 55, 1, 1985, 17–38;
÷Waaqa, which means both the Sky and God, Id., Identities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism
on which the other five must all depend. Similar in Northern Kenya, Manchester 1989; Id., “Ethnicity
basic concepts are held by the ÷Boorana, but Emblems, Diacritical Features, Identity Markers: Some
there are significant differences in the details of East African Examples”, in: David Brokensha (ed.),
A River of Blessings, Syracuse 1994, 129–47; Id., “Gada
their application. For example, the G. generally Systems on the Meta Ethnic Level: Gabbra/Boran/Garre
use luba as the general descriptive term for their Interactions in the Kenya/Ethiopian Borderlands”, in:
systems of generation-sets, whereas the Boraana Eisei Kurimoto – Simon Simonse (eds.), Conflict, Age
605
Gabra
and Power in Northeast Africa, Oxford 1998, 121–46; sionaries in the 1860s and, starting from 1868,
Paul Tablino, The Gabra. Camel Nomads of Northern was educated in Gobat’s School in Jerusalem and,
Kenya, Nairobi 1999; William Torry, “Gabra Age
Organisation and Ecology”, in: Paul Trevor William subsequently, at the ÷St. Chrischona-Pilgermis-
Baxter — Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and sion near Basel, where he arrived in 1872. From
Time: Some Features of East African Age Organizations, 1874 to 1877 he followed theological and mis-
London 1978, 183–206; John C. Wood, When Men are sionary courses. He also helped in the translation
Women: Manhood among Gabra Nomads of East Africa,
and publication of the Amharic Bible in Korntal
Wisconsin 1999.
near Stuttgart. On the initiative of ÷Flad, he was
Paul T.W. Baxter
sent to Ethiopia as a Protestant missionary by
the ÷London Society for Promoting Christian-
Gäbrä Amlak ity among the Jews in 1878, to teach and preach
among the ÷Betä Ésraýel, at the missionary sta-
G.A. (K-:y !zql ), a holy monk and one of the
tion of ÷Gända directed by ÷Mikaýel Arägawi.
ŠäwŸattä däqiqä Ewostatewos (÷Ewostateans),
In 1883 he was sent to the Oromo of Šäwa and
lived in the 14th cent. The only available informa-
worked as a teacher at the new missionary school
tion about him is a short hint in the Vita of his
of Bali together with Greiner and Johannes
master ÷Ewostatewos of Däbrä Särabi (Turaiev
÷Mayer until the expulsion of the missionar-
1905:80). G.A. was probably the eponymous
ies in 1886. He then left Ethiopia and entered
founder of Éndä Abba Gäramlak (i.e. Éndä
into the services of the Berliner Ostafrikanische
Abba Gäbrä Amlak; “End’Abba Gheramlàch”
Missionsgesellschaft. First he was sent to Aden
in the 20th-cent. Italian sources) at Qwäyasa, a
and later to German East-Africa to teach slaves
nowadays completely ruined monastery of Šire.
rescued by the British from Arab boats and en-
A few local reflections of his cult can be detected
trusted to the Protestant and Catholic missions
in the onomastics: an Ayte Gäbrä Amlak of
in the region. In 1888 he married the daughter of
÷ŸAddi Õwala (between ŸAdwa and Asmära) is
a former colleague, Marta Bender, in Jerusalem
mentioned, for instance, in the so-called Liber
(d. 1889).
gentium of Tégréñña-speaking Eritrea (Conti
In 1889 G.É.D. entered the service of the Ethi-
Rossini 1942:171f., § xxiif.).
opian government and was assigned to Harär
Src.: Boris Turaiev (ed.), Monumenta Aethiopiae
hagiologica, vol. 3. Vita et Miracula Eustathii, ad fidem where he is said to have attempted to modernize
codd. Or. 704 et Or. 705 Musei Britannici edita, Petropoli the customs and the police. After the Battle of
1905, 1–132 [Gädl], here 80; Id. (tr.), Vitae sanctorum in- ÷ŸAdwa (1896), G.É.D. was appointed mayor
digenarum, I. Acta s. Eustathii, Parisiis 1906 (CSCO 32 of Gondär, and received the title käntiba. But he
[SAe 15]), 41; TurIz 295–373, here 326; Carlo Conti
Rossini, Proverbi, tradizioni e canzoni tigrine, Verbania
did not hold this office long, as he was sent to
1942, 171f. (text) = 208f. (tr.). Khartoum to the Mahdiya state on a diplomatic
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Un santo eritreo: Buruk mission and was kept in custody upon his return
Amlak”, MRALm ser. 6a, 14, 1938, 3–50, here 4. for some obscure reason. This was probably
Gianfranco Fiaccadori due to demands of the British fearing a secret
alliance of Ethiopia with the ÷Mahdists. Being
one of the very few Ethiopians who had a good
Gäbrä Égziýabéher Dästa command of English, German and Arabic, his
Käntiba G.É.D. (K-:y &Pt!-A?y 6FK, in services were always needed; on the initiative of
earlier records called Q(by 6FK, Gobbäw Ilg he was appointed the court’s interpreter. He
Dästa, later widely known as Gäbru Dästa; b. thus accompanied high delegations to England
ca. 1855, Gäïge, Aläfa Taqussa; d. 1950, Addis (participating in the coronation of King Edward
Abäba) was a versatile intellectual who acted as VII), Germany and the United States in 1902,
an educator, administrator and interpreter within 1919 and 1930 respectively. He also acted as an
and outside Ethiopia in the late 19th and first half interpreter of diverse German travellers and en-
of the 20th cent. His father appears to have died voys in Ethiopia.
while G.É.D. was still a child; but his mother, When ase ÷Ménilék II restructured the ad-
whose name has not been recorded in the avail- ministration of his ministries in 1907, G.É.D.
able sources, and his sister, Dästa, survived at was appointed Director in the Ministry of the
least to the last decade of the 19th cent. Interior. Shortly thereafter he was employed as
G.É.D. was taken in by the Chrischona mis- an interpreter at the new German Legation. In
606
Gäbrä Égziýabéher Elyas
Gäbru Dästa, Yäýityopya Qérs, ‘käntiba G.D., Ethiopian
Heritage’), Addis Abäba, Mäskäräm 1985 A.M. [Sep-
tember–October 1992 A.D.] 100–384; Bahru Zewde,
Pioneers of Change in Ethiopia. The Reformist Intellec-
tuals of the Early Twentieth Century, Oxford – Athens,
Ohio – Addis Ababa 2002, 36, 42–48, 52, passim; Wol-
bert Smidt, “‘Schwarze Missionare’ im Deutschland
des 19. Jahrhunderts”, in: Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst
– Reinhard Klein-Arendt (eds.), AfrikanerInnen in
Deutschland und schwarze Deutsche – Geschichte und
Gegenwart, Münster 2004, 41-56, here 46, 49–52; Ludwig
Huyn – Josef Kalmer , Abessinien: Afrikas Unruhe-
Herd, Salzburg – Graz – Wien 1935, 96 (ill.).
Bairu Tafla

G.É. (K-:y &Pt!-A?y %s\F ; b. 12 February
1892, Éntotto, d. 6 October 1969, Nazret) was a
painter, poet, polemicist and historian. He was
a son of the well-known painter aläqa Elyas
Òaylu and ŸAmätä Mikaýel.
G.É. started his ÷traditional church education
at the age of five at ÷Éntotto Raguýel church,
learning the fidäl and the Psalms of David. Then
he studied royal etiquette, painting and book-
Gäbrä Égziýabéher Dästa; from Huyn – Kalmer 1935:96 illumination (=:P , haräg), calligraphy (4zy
eBDM , qum séhfät) and book-making (;IAM ,
the 1920s he worked as a teacher in the newly dégwésät). At the age of 20 he went to study qéne
established school which bore the name of the at ÷Sälla Déngay (Šäwa), ÷Däbrä Marqos and
Crown Prince. It was at this time that he pub- ÷Béóäna (Goggam) and was qualified as a qéne
lished the first Amharic grammar with his Short teacher. He studied the Old Testament for some
Guide for Practical Amharic Grammar. time at ÷Däbrä Séyon.
In 1927 he gave his land at Aýira in Wälläga, Upon returning to Addis Abäba, G.É. worked
with the consent of Empress ÷Zäwditu, to as assistant head in the customs and later as cal-
the newly arrived ÷Hermannsburger Mission, ligrapher and illustrator at the Ministry of the
without which they could not have started their Pen. He was also the principal secretary of a
work. In 1931–35 G.É.D. was a member of the committee for a translation of the New Testa-
Senate, and again after 1941, becoming its Presi- ment from GéŸéz into Amharic.
dent. After the ÷Graziani incident of 1937, he On a special order of étege ÷Zäwditu, G.É.
was imprisoned on the island of Asinara, Italy, prepared in 1917 A.M. [1924/25 A.D.] an edition
where he wrote his autobiography, which re- of the ÷Haymanotä abäw for the scriptorium
mained unpublished. He died of illness at the of Kidanä Méhrät (the chapel in the palace com-
beginning of 1950. G.É.D. was survived by three pound) on fine parchment (vellum) with illumi-
daughters and a son, Colonel Dawit Gäbru. nations, finely bound.
They played significant roles in the social, cul- In the course of the dispute about the Mono-
tural and educational areas. physite faith (÷Täwahédo), G.É. became front
Src.: Felix Rosen, Eine deutsche Gesandtschaft in figure for one of the parties, writing poems and
Abessinien, Leipzig 1907; Bairu Tafla (ed.), Ethiopian
making cartoons of the opponents. For this he
Records of the Menilek Era: Selected Amharic Documents
from the Nachlaß of Alfred Ilg, 1884–1900, Wiesbaden was brought before the Regent Täfäri Mäkwännén
2000 (AeF 54), document 023; Gabru Dasta, Short Guide (÷Òaylä Íéllase I), who passed the matter to
for Practical Amharic Grammar, Addis Ababa 1921. abunä ÷Matewos. However, after much discus-
Lit.: HerTar 94; Bairu Tafla, “Four Ethiopian Biogra- sion, G.É.’s party came out victorious and he was
phies: Däjjazmaó Gärmame, Däjjazmaó Gabra Egzi’abe-
her Moroda, Däjjazmaó Balóa and Käntiba Gäbru Dästa”, given praise and honour and a high position in
JES 7, 2, 1969, 1–31, here 22–31; MahHorse 284; Dawit the church (s. GebMolIyas ch. 62).
Gäbru, g#J+y K-;y 6FKy Y#M_1\y 8?F (Käntiba In 1921 G.É. involved himself by writing in the
607
press in the cause of securing for the Ethiopian capital. He died at the age of 78. He had married
Church the right of having Ethiopian bishops three times and was survived by 11 children.
(÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo Church; cf. Lit.: GebMolIyas 16–21, chs. 62, 81, 94; Anonymous,
GebMolIyas chs. 81, 94). Thereupon, he was Y!n6y K-:y &Pt!-A?y %s\Fy !O?y YB^]My K<ly
i9?y ZYc_Ry (.z.y n(?+1by 3#y Y{My uKA*\y KHu
appointed court historian and wrote the royal
(Yäýaläqa Gäbrä Égziýabéher Elyas accér yähéywät tarik
chronicle for the period 1908/09 to 1931/32, Òédar 1962 A.M. läŸarbaññaw qän yämot mättasäbiya
covering the rules of lég ÷Iyasu and étege tattäma, ‘A Short Biography of aläqa Gäbrä Égziýabéher
Zäwditu. After that, he worked at the Ministry Elyas, Printed in his Memory in Òédar 1962 A.M., 40 Days
of Education from 1931/32 to 1935/36 on the after his Death’), Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.]
expansion of education in Wälläga. Reidulf K. Molvaer
When Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935, G.É.
wrote many patriotic poems and a play to en-
courage the resistance. As the Italians came to Gäbrä Égziýabéher Moroda
Wälläga, he put on a monk’s habit and lived G.É. (K-:y &Pt!-A?y {@9 , originally Kum-
among the tombs for six months, until his god- saa Moroda; b. 1871, Neqemte, d. 1923) was a
father mämhér Akalu Kidanä Maryam, recently direct descendant of the Oromo ruling house
appointed bishop of Wälläga with headquar- of Neqemte. His father, Moroda Bakaree, sub-
ters at Neqemte, called him to be his deputy mitted at first to the rule of ÷Goggam and was
(&#6=E , éndärase). For his activities and co- Christened by its army commander ras ÷Däräso
operation with the freedom fighters, G.É.E. was in the late 1870s. Later he acquiesced in Šäwan
honoured upon the return of the Emperor Òaylä rule over the Leeqaa region in exchange for local
Íéllase I. autonomy and a direct link with the Šäwan court.
After the occupation, G.É. returned to his task Moroda was granted the title of däggazmaó by
of teaching and establishing new schools. He néguí Ménilék (later ase ÷Ménilék II) in recom-
also rewrote in 1944 the chronicle about Iyasu pense for his not joining the forces of the army of
and Zäwditu, which had been destroyed by néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam during the
the Italians. This work, published in Germany battle of Émbabo (1882). Kumsaa was raised in
in 1994, marks the end of over six centuries of Neqemte where he received a church education;
Ethiopian royal chronicle writing. he was Christened as G.É. by ase Ménilék II and
G.É. was pensioned in 1965 and lived for some confirmed Governor of ÷Wälläga on the death
years at (Ambo) Hagärä Héywät, west of the of his father in 1889.
Under his governorate, Wälläga flourished
both economically and politically. G.É. stayed
aloof from national politics and remained loyal
to his sovereign throughout, although he de-
fended his own vested interests and those of the
region he ruled with shrewd and subtle diploma-
cy. He was rewarded with political consideration
from the centre and respect from his subjects. He
was open to innovations and took an active part
in the economic development of his region. He
welcomed foreign traders and missionaries.
In 1898 G.É. accompanied ras ÷Mäkwännén to
÷Beni Šangul, which he helped to subdue, and
was later (1903–08) entrusted with its adminis-
tration. He introduced the planting of coffee in
Wälläga, ordered the building of a bridge over the
Didessa River and facilitated trade and commu-
nications with the outside world. By favouring
trade and commerce, by encouraging his subjects
to grow coffee and by extending his own posses-
Gäbrä Égziýabéher Elyas; photo courtesy of the IES (no. sion, particularly over the Sibuu lands across the
14G4) Didessa River, he derived considerable wealth
608
Gäbrä Éndréyas
was sent to learn under a certain abba Sälama,
but, following his father’s will, he got married
and had five children. However, after a vision, he
left his family and went to abba Gäbrä Kréstos,
who gave him the monastic habit (÷Askema)
and a new name: G.É. As Gäbrä Kréstos, the
head of the community, was dying, he appointed
G.É. his successor. In the rest of the Vita, other
episodes, typical for this kind of source, are
reported: the Virgin Mary visits G.É. and gives
him “three chalices of the water of life”, he heals
the sick and vanquishes a demon, he is suddenly
lifted to heaven by the angels and prophets, to
see “the throne of the Trinity” etc. His com-
Gäbrä Égziýabéher Moroda; estate of Maurice de Coppet, memoration day is on 4 Taòíaí. The partition of
Finland, Helsinki National Library, no. 110
the known text of his Vita into several miracles
through taxes and other dues, which the central (all of which were completed during the Saint’s
government coveted and in turn tried to tax. The life) may be the result of later reworking into a
country was subjected to a yearly tribute of 500 coherent original narrative.
wäqet of gold and 500 färäsulla of ivory, later The Gädl stresses the connection of the Saint to
converted to 1,000 wäqet of gold when ivory the somewhat remote Lake ÷Hayq: the text de-
became scarce. A further tribute of 17,000 Maria scribes twice how the saint prayed standing in its
Theresia thalers was imposed on the Wälläga rul- waters; on another occasion, the lake blames G.É.
er to feed the Gondärine troops of ras Dämisäw, because he baptized in its waters a certain “wom-
who were then stationed at Argo but in fact to an from the land of Sen”, not knowing that she
keep them away from Neqemte. The feud with was in the midst of her menses. However, most
the central government over taxation rights of the other places where the activities of G.É.
within his domains remained a source of friction took place can be located around Däbrä Qozät:
till G.É. died of diabetes. He was succeeded by Däbrä Sina, (Däbrä) Qwésqwam, Däbrä Zämogä/
his son, ÷Habtä Maryam, who governed the Zämosa, Bäséqa, Bäqwélo Säbbärä, Däbrä Aläskur
region till the Italian occupation. and Däbrä Hagwa (Derat 2001:244f.).
Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Four Ethiopian Biographies: Däjja- Yohannés of Dämbége, who visited G.É., is
zmaó Gärmame, Däjjazmaó Gabra Egzi’abeher Moroda, mentioned in the spiritual genealogy of the fol-
Däjjazmaó Balóa and Käntiba Gäbru Dästa”, JES 7, 2, lowers of abba Täklä Haymanot (Getatchew
1969, 1–31, here 11ff.; Tesema Taýa, The Administration Haile 1982–83:34); the same source indicates
of Leqa Neqemte, 4th year essay, Department of History,
Addis Ababa University 1976; GueCopMen 110 (ill.). that Gäbrä Kréstos of Démbi was one of twelve
Alessandro Triulzi “teachers” appointed by the 14th-cent. metro-
politan abunä ÷YaŸéqob (ibid. 29).
In spite of the local scale of his cult, G.É. ap-
pears in hagiographies of some other saints: he
Gäbrä Éndréyas
visits abba ÷Yohannés Méíraqawi before his
G.É. (K-:y &#;?\F ), a late 13th–14th cent. death; he witnesses the death of the great abba
saintly monk, was abbot of ÷Däbrä Qozät, a ÷Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus (according to the Vita
monastery in Caqata (historical Amhara, later of the latter), this motif being also present in
Wällo). The main source on G.É.’s life appears the Vita of G.É. himself, for he attends there the
in his comparatively short Vita (÷Gädl), known deaths of a certain abba Mikyas and abba Fiqtor.
so far in only two manuscripts (18th-cent. BritLib The Vita of abba ÷Iyasus Moýa argues that he
Orient. 702, the recent EMML 654); there is also was the spiritual father of G.É., a claim that may
a collection of ÷mälkéý in honour of G.É. Ac- reflect the fall of Däbrä Qozät into the sphere of
cording to the Gädlä Gäbrä Éndréyas (s. Turaiev influence of ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos.
1902, cp. Derat 2001:251f.), his father was Téníaýe Src.: EMML 654; Boris Turaiev (ed.), Monumenta Ae-
Kréstos from Dämbége, and his mother, Arsima. thiopiae hagiologica, Petropoli 1902, fasc. 2, 80–91 [“Vita
The saint’s baptismal name was Néftalem. G.É. et Miracula Gabra-Endreyas”]; KurMoa 35, 38 (text), s. in-
609
Gäbrä Éndréyas
dex; Getatchew Haile, “The Monastic Genealogy of the to teach it, with it eventually spreading over
Line of Täklä Haymanot of Shoa”, RSE 29, 1982–83, 7–38, the country and being called YHlry !<<z ,
here 29, 34; Paolo Marrassini (ed.), “Vita”, “Omelia”,
“Miracoli” del santo Gabra Manfas Qeddus, Lovanii 2003 yätäkle aqwaqwam, ‘the [liturgical] dance of
(CSCO 597, 598 [SAe 107, 108]), s. index; Id. (ed.), Gadla Täkle’ (or, popularly, *-;y Hlr, Ÿébd Täkle,
Yohannes Mesraqawi. Vita di Yohannes l’Orientale, Firen- ‘crazy Täkle’, probably hinting at the clergy’s
ze 1981 [1982] (Quaderni di Semitistica 10). perception).
Lit.: Marie-Laure Derat, “Gäbrä ’Endreyas de Däbrä
Despite a lack of documents on his life, G.H.’s
Qozät et les généalogies monastiques du XVe au XIXe
siècle: réécritures et réemplois”, AE 17, 2001, 229–55; name and stories around him are well remem-
KapMon, s. index. bered by all social groups. The fictional hero
Denis Nosnitsin G.H. combines the proverbial pride and wit of
the traditional “Gondäre”, having the status of
Gäbra Giyorgis Wäldä Sadéq ÷Basélyos a religious scholar with a certain amount of na-
tive slyness, impudence and a special weakness
Gäbrä Hanna for “carnal pleasures”. Many jokes and puns
Aläqa G.H. (K-:y =! ; fl. 19th cent) was a tradi- ascribed to him are of a sexual or scatological
tional scholar, the popular hero of innumerable nature (cp. Pankhurst – Pankhurst 1982), newly
Amharic jokes and humorous stories. In his bi- invented ones often being set in the context of
ography, legend and historical data have merged. modern Ethiopia. Many stories and anecdotes
Oral tradition reports that he was a native of reflect issues of everyday life in his rural neigh-
the province of Gondär, born in a place named bourhood or at the court of Ménilék, where
Nabäga Giyorgis in ÷Fogära, Bägemdér. The G.H. is found teasing the Emperor and his wife
data on the years of his birth and death differ by subtle remarks, or annoying the nobility by
considerably: according to Arräfä ŸAyne Hagos quick-witted verbal attacks. But he is neither a
(1979:9, 81) G.H. was born in 1814 A.M. [1821/ court jester nor a rebel against the established so-
22 A.D.] and died at the age of 84, i.e. in 1898 cial order. Rather he mocks petrified forms and
A.M.; Elsabet Gässäsä (1974:1, 13) gives the same human weaknesses. Permanently suffering from
year of birth but has 1908 A.M. as the year of his homesickness and often falling into temporary
death. According to Molvaer (MolLit 167, 172) disgrace, he repeatedly returns to his beloved
G.H. lived from 1797 A.M. to 1894 A.M. The in- native Gondär until things have calmed down,
formation on his father’s name also varies: Gäbrä playing tricks on robbing outlaws (÷Šéfta).
Maryam according to Molvaer, Dästa Tägäññä Back home he is found cheating on his wife and
according to Arräfä ŸAyne Hagos and Elsabet ridiculing his neighbours in hidden allusions.
Gässäsä. G.H. had two daughters and one son One of the best-known stories about G.H.
by his wife Mazängiya. It is not sure, when and tells that one morning he met a peasant with
whether he received the title aläqa. his donkey and greeted him: &#6z#y !6=,S
As far as is known, G.H. received a thorough (éndämén addäraóóéhu?, ‘How did you (pl.)
church ÷education, partly at the BäŸata church in spend the night?’). The peasant, boasting of being
Gondär. Subsequently he held different positions politely greeted by the famous man, only later re-
as church administrator, expert in ÷chronology alizes the veiled insult: G.H. used the plural form
and traditional law (÷Fétha nägäít), teacher and in his greeting, thus putting him and his donkey
adviser. He spent several years in the service of on the same level or implying that the poor peas-
ase Tewodros II, but he was to reach his greatest ant has spent the night with his donkey (s. Messing
fame at the court of ase ÷Ménilék II. 1957:70; LevWax 250; Molvaer 1995:302; Amharic
G.H. is said to have penned several religious text s. Abbäbä Ayéóóeh 1948 A.M.:101).
books; however, none of them has ever been G.H.’s reputation is based on his verbal dex-
published. Tradition claims that his best-known terity and subtle wit, his mastery of Amharic
contribution to church culture was the invention and GéŸéz grammar in using words with hid-
of a new style of liturgical dance (÷Aqwaqwam; den or double meanings and different forms
÷Däbtära), for which he took inspiration from of the traditional poetic device “wax and gold”
the waves on Lake Tana and the sideways move- (÷Säménna wärq). Due to the ambiguity and
ment of the bamboo reed. This style of dance volatility of the spoken word, the hearer has to
was strongly disapproved of and rejected by the listen carefully in order not to miss some slight
clergy. However, G.H.’s son Täkle continued shift in the pronunciation, otherwise he may fail
610
Gäbrä Héywät Baykädañ
to grasp the deeper sense and become himself the G.H. was also put in charge of the deposed
object of ridicule and amusement. G.H.’s verbal lég ÷Iyasu during his imprisonment in the
ability is still greatly admired and a great number village of Grawa in ÷Gara Mulläta in Harärge.
of newly invented witticisms, qéne epigrams and He served as the link between Iyasu and the
humorous remarks are ascribed to him. Emperor and assisted in bringing Iyasu to the
÷Folktales capital late in 1936. Iyasu was murdered there in
Lit.: Abbäbä AyÉÓÓeh, *sP (Bilco/Billéco, ‘The Wit/The November, when däggazmaó Yéggäzu Bähabte
Bald One’), Addis Abäba 1948 A.M. [1955/56 A.D.], 95–
105; AmhChurchD vol. 5, 143ff.; Arräfä ŸAyne Hagos,
was in charge of him. Some put the blame for the
!n6y K-:y =!y &!y !F53y 3s<*'b (Aläqa Gäbrä murder on G.H., others on his brother Gässäsä.
Hanna énna asséqiññ qäldoóóaóóäw, ‘Aläqa Gäbrä Hanna The latter was shot (probably by an Ethiopian)
and his Amusing Jokes’), Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1986/87 when he was riding beside the Emperor after the
A.D.]; ElsabeT Gässäsä, (!n6y K-:U!y Yw|K;y 3s<,
battle of ÷Maycäw. Many think that the bullet
(Bäýaläqa Gäbrähanna yämminnäggäru qäldoóó, ‘Jokes
Told by aläqa Gäbrähanna’), B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa was meant for Òaylä Íéllase and that Gässäsä
University 1974 A.M. [1981/82 A.D.]; HerTar 69; LevWax was shot by mistake.
250, s. index; Simon D. Messing, “Ethiopian Folktales Òaylä Íéllase took G.H. with him almost
Ascribed to the Late Nineteenth Century Amhara Wit everywhere he went, to Däse in 1936 and then to
Aläqa Gäbrä-Hanna”, Journal of American Folklore 70,
1957, 69–72; Reidulf Kurt Molvaer, Socialization and England the same year (where he also witnessed
Social Control in Ethiopia, Wiesbaden 1995 (AeF 44), 158, the death of blatten geta ÷Òéruy Wäldä Íéllase
302; MolLit 167–73; MängÉÍtu Lämma, ue=Dy MwK| in 1938). G.H. accompanied him to the League
r!n6y nxy gôy ]s6y K<l (Mäshafä tézzéta. Zäýaläqa of Nations’ 17th session in September 1936,
Lämma Òaylu Wäldä Tarik, ‘The Book of the Recollec-
tion: of aläqa Lämma Òaylu Wäldä Tarik’), Addis Abäba where the Emperor gave his famous speech.
1959 A.M. [1966/67 A.M.], 137f.; Birgit Mattausch, Die Later G.H. was with the Emperor when he met
Kunst der Ambiguität. Indirekte Kommunikation im his- President Roosevelt and then Winston Churchill
torischen Äthiopien und ihre Reflektion in den Aläqa-Gä- in February 1945. G.H.’s power gradually
brä-Hanna-Geschichten, Ph.D. thesis, Hamburg Univer-
sity 2004; Richard Pankhurst – Alula Pankhurst, increased and many considered him scheming
“Ethiopian Children’s Folktales Attributed to Alaqa Gabra and too much in the Emperor’s confidence,
Hanna”, QSE 3–4, 1982–83, 95–105. ascribing this to his knowledge of state secrets
Birgit Mattausch the Emperor did not want divulged (perhaps
related to the fate of Iyasu). When Òaylä Íéllase
was abroad in December 1960, on the day the
Gäbrä Hanna Gimma
Imperial Bodyguard staged a ÷Coup d’etat
G.H. (K-:y =!y Ex , b. 1889 or 1895, Harär, G.H. was dining with the royal family and
d. 7 Taòíaí 1953 A.M. [16 December 1960 A.D.], high officials when the coup leader, Brigadier-
Addis Abäba), generally known as abba Hanna, General ÷Mängéítu Néway, set a trap for him
was the son of an Amhara woman from Goggam and others to put them in detention. G.H. was
and an Oromo father from Sälale who became shot, together with a number of high officials, on
fitawrari and was posted to Harär. After some 7 Taòíaí at the age of either 65 or 71.
preliminary church education, at the age of eleven Lit.: Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia. A New Political
G.H. was sent to the court of ase ÷Ménilék II. In History, London 1965 (Lit.); Käbbädä Täsämma, YK<ly
1916, he was sent to the monastery of ÷Däbrä xFK]# (Yätarik mastawäša, ‘Historical Memoirs’),
Libanos of Šäwa for further education. He Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.].
became a monk, spent twelve years in the Reidulf K. Molvaer
monastery and was ordained priest.
In 1928, G.H. returned to Addis Abäba. He
became eventually Palace Chaplain, private Gäbrä Héywät Baykädañ
confessor to Emperor ÷Òaylä Íéllase I (cp. Näggadras G.H.B. (K-:y B^]My +^g93 ; b.
÷Näfs abbat), and also holder of the Emperor’s 30 July 1886, ŸAdwa district, d. 1 July 1919) was
privy purse. This latter position should contribute quite clearly the most incisive and profound of
to his unpopularity and bad reputation among the Ethiopian reformist intellectuals of the early
Ethiopians, as he was suspected of putting some 20th cent. He fled to Eritrea at the age of seven
of the money meant for charity into his own to escape the depredations of post-Mätämma
pockets. This harmed not only his, but also the Tégray. He then stowed away on a ship that had
Church’s reputation. anchored at Massawa and found himself in Aus-
611
Gäbrä Héywät Baykädañ
tria, where he was adopted by a family and got tion’), was published posthumously. A treatise
medical education in Germany. on the political economy of Ethiopia, adapting
Returning to Ethiopia, he served as interpreter, liberal economic theory to the Ethiopian reality,
in which capacity he accompanied the Ethiopian it was anchored in the labour theory of value
mission to Germany in 1907, led by däggazmaó and underscored agriculture as the foundation
÷Mäšäša Wärqe, and physician to the ailing of Ethiopia’s prosperity. At the same time, it
ase ÷Ménilék II. Running foul of étege Taytu, contained a scathing critique of the sort of mo-
he sought asylum in the neighbouring Anglo- nopoly enjoyed by the Bank of Abyssinia and
Egyptian Sudan. He could not fail to be struck an exposé of the unequal commercial exchange
by the contrast between the progress achieved between the industrialized and non-industral-
in British-ruled Sudan (as well as Italian-ruled ized world.
Eritrea) and the backwardness of independent Src.: Gäbrä HÉywät BaykädaÑ, u#PTM!y YBw-y
Ethiopia. This contrast became a central theme !FH96? (Mängéíténna yähézb astädadär, ‘Govern-
ment and Public Administration’), Addis Abäba 1953
of his later writings.
A.M. [1960 A.D.]; Id., “!3y z~sl!y #M_1\ ” (Ate
Unimpressed by the general adulation of Ménilékénna Ityopya, ‘Emperor Ménilék and Ethiopia’),
Ménilék in post-ŸAdwa Ethiopia, G.H.B. pinned in: Olof Eriksson (ed.), Bérhan yéõun (Sia la Luce!),
his hopes for Ethiopia’s progress rather on the Asmara 1912; Tenkir Bonger (tr.), The Political Econo-
heir to the throne, lég ÷Iyasu, and his powerful my of Ethiopia c. 1910, London 1992.
Lit.: Bahru Zewde, Pioneers of Change in Ethiopia: the
tract, !3y z~sl!y #M_1\ (Ate Ménilékénna Reformist Intellectuals of the Early Twentieth Century,
Ityopya, ‘Emperor Ménilék and Ethiopia’), was Oxford – Athens – Addis Ababa 2002; Richard Caulk,
partly intended as a recipe for reform that the “Dependency, Gebre Heywet Baykedagn, and the Birth of
young prince would adopt. Disappointed by Iya- Ethiopian Reformism”, in: PICES 5b, 569–81; MahHorse
85; Shiferaw Bekele, “Gäbrä-Heywät Baykädañ and
su’s lack of constancy, G.H.B., like many other the Emergence of a Modern Intellectual Discourse”, Soci-
fellow intellectuals, shifted his allegiance to Täfäri ology Ethnology Bulletin 1, 3, 1994, 106–20; Tägabä As-
Mäkwännén (later ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I), who, räs, Y|N;=Fy K-:y B^]My +^g93y !O? y YB^]My
after he rose to power in 1916, made him suc- K<l (Yänäggadras Gäbrä Héywät Baykädañ accér
yähéywät tarik, ‘A Short Biography of Näggadras Gäbrä
cessively inspector of the Addis Abäba-Djibouti Héywät Baykädañ’), B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University
railway (1916) and ÷näggadras of Dérre Dawa. 1962 A.M. [1969 A.D.].
G.H.B.’s second major work, u#PTM!y Bahru Zewde
YBw-y !FH96? (Mängéíténna yähézb astä-
dadär, ‘Government and Public Administra-
Gäbrä Héywät Goššu
Fitawrari G.H. (K-:y B^]My Q!, also known
as K-?], Gäbréyye; d. 10 April 1868, Aroge) was
one of the closest friends and comrades-in-arms
of ase ÷Tewodros II, beginning with the latter’s
time as lég Kaía Òaylu. A balabbat of Gayént,
he is first mentioned successfully fighting to-
gether with Kaía in 1855 against Agäw Néguíe
(÷Néguíe Wäldä Mikaýel; FusTeod 26).
His most notable appearance was, however,
during the battle of Aroge (÷Fala), one of the de-
cisive battles between the troops of ase Tewodros
and those of the ÷Napier expedition. In this
clash, the Ethiopian army was led by G.H. – a
sign of trust imposed upon him by the Emperor,
who during the battle remained in his headquar-
ters at Fala, superintending the artillery. Even
though the manpower of the two armies was
nearly equal (Markham 1869:315), the English
had a huge advantage in terms of ÷firearms and
Gäbrä-Héywät Baykädañ, photo courtesy of the IES (no. in spite of G.H.’s bravery, commented on even
9 G4, 704) by the antagonists (s. Markham 1869:324: “the
612
Gäbrä Héywät Mikaýel
bravest and most trusted of the King’s generals”), als by the Emperor for his patriotic deeds and
the Ethiopians had little chance to resist. loyalty.
G.H. was mortally wounded in the battle. His In the post-liberation period, G.H. worked in
death had a considerable effect on the morale of various capacities. While he was the governor of
the army (MonVidTheo 55f.) and upon that of ÷ŸAdwa district from 1956 to 1964, he marked
the Emperor himself, who wept on hearing the his tenure with remarkable achievements, giving
news of his closest comrade’s death. to the town its modern urban features: a new
Src.: FusTeod 26, 42f., 46 (text) = 94f., 111ff., 115 (tr.); town plan was prepared, new buildings, roads
MonVidTheo 55f. (text) = 68f. (tr.); Clements Robert and pedestrian roads were constructed and an
Markham, A History of the Abyssinian Expedition, Lon- enterprise for the processing of incense was es-
don 1869, 315-25.
Lit.: BTafA 916; RubTew 88. tablished. He also laid the foundation stone for
Evgenia Sokolinskaia the construction of a high school in ŸAdwa, now
called the Queen of Sheba Secondary School.
G.H. died of illness and was buried in Aksum.
Gäbrä Héywät Mäšäša He remained in the memory of people as a patri-
Däggazmaó G.H. (K-:y B^]My uQ#; b. ot and is commonly called Abba Fänqél Gäbrä,
Hahayle, ŸAdwa, d. February 1964, ŸAdwa) was thus compared to ase ÷Yohannés IV (whose
an important political and military figure in re- horse name was Abba Fänqél) for his determina-
cent Ethiopian history. tion and courage.
The beginning of G.H.’s military career Src.: Governo Generale, Africa Orientale Ita-
coincided with Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in liana, Stato Maggiore, Il 1° Anno dell’Impero, vol. 1,
1935 (÷Italian war 1935–36). By then he was a Addis Ababa 1939; Addis Zämän, 14 Hamle 1948 A.M.
[1956 A.D.]; 30 Òédar 1953 A.M. [1960 A.D.]; 23 Hamle
district governor with the title of däggazmaó.
1954 A.M. [1962 A.D.]; 9 Génbot 1955 A.M. [1963 A.D.];
In October 1935, G.H. was one of the lieuten- Yäkkatit 1956 A.M. [1964 A.D.].
ants of ÷Íéyyum Mängäša, the commander of Lit.: Seltene Seyoum, A History of Resistance in Gojjam
the Tégrayan army. Ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I is- (Ethiopia), Ph.D. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1999, 59ff.
sued orders not to start fighting, but to retreat Seltene Seyoum
towards the rugged mountainous terrains in the
interior and to wait for further instructions from Gäbrä Héywät Mikaýel
the centre. Accordingly, G.H. and his peasant Ras G.H. (K-:y B^]My wj%s ; b. 1868, Amba
warriors moved south of ŸAdwa and camped in Mäqdäla, Wärrä Himäno, d. 28 March 1963, Ad-
the territories adjacent to the Tämben massifs. dis Abäba) was a high dignitary at the court of
When Italian forces pushed inland and reached Emperor ÷Òaylä Íéllase I. As the elder brother
the Wärýe valley, G.H. opened fire and inflicted of lég ÷Iyasu, the deposed ruler of Ethiopia, and
casualties on the enemy. Íéyyum Mängäša par- uncle of the later Empress ÷Mänän Asfaw, his
doned this violation of the order, since that ac- submission to ras Täfäri after the coup d’état of
tion slowed down the movement of the enemy 1916 had been of great symbolic importance for
to the interior. the reorganization of the power structure within
In the meantime G.H. joined forces with the Empire.
Íéyyum Mängäša and ras ÷Kaía Òaylu, the His parents were the ruler of Wällo, néguí
commander-in-chief of the Ethiopian forces ÷Mikaýel Ali, recently converted to Christianity,
in the northern front. G.H. fought bravely and wäyzäro Agäbä Wärqe, according to court
at the battles of Tämben (February 1936) and tradition a direct descendant of the 14th-cent. ase
÷Maycäw (March 1936). ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I. After receiving a traditional
From 1936 to 1941 G.H. emerged as the most education in GéŸéz and having been trained in
distinguished Tégrayan patriotic leader and warfare, G.H. was made däggazmaó by his father
fighter. Soon after the battle of Maycäw, Íéyyum in the 1880s and received the government of the
Mängäša entered the Täkkäze forests and formed ÷Dälanta, ÷Wadla and Mäkyät subprovinces,
resistance formations of his own, threatening under his father’s rule. Later he was raised to the
Italian movements, particularly along the eastern rank of wag šum and then, ras. Tradition considers
and southern parts of Tégray. G.H. took an ac- him as an important factor in the stability of these
tive part in the guerrilla war until Ethiopia was regions, whose government he kept for decades,
liberated in 1941. He was awarded several med- including under the rule of his brother lég Iyasu
613
Gäbrä Héywät Mikaýel
starting from 1910/11. Together with his father, of ÷Däbrä San (Däbsan or Débsan) to house his
he participated in the 1916 battle of ÷Sägäle to disciples and built the church of Säwänä Maryam.
defend his brother’s rule. Defeated, however, he He successfully converted many people and
submitted to the new government. Unlike his baptized many ÷Betä Ésraýel, the first of whom
father, who was imprisoned, G.H. got a new was a dignitary Zane Gabo, renamed Habtä Égziý:
province and became governor of Wärrä Himäno his daughter, first healed and then baptized by
in Wällo. During the 1935 Italian invasion, his G.I., was named Säbälä Ewostatewos. As his
troops fought in the ranks of the Minister of War Vita reports further on, on hearing the story of
ras ÷Mulugeta Yéggäzu. Under the command of this young girl, the king fell in love with her and
both, the troops fought in the battle of ÷Cäläqot, married her; several of their sons became priests
which for some time stopped the advance of the in the church of Däbrä San (which may conceal an
Italian troops. Arrested by the Italians, G.M. was allusion to ase ÷YaŸéqob, who married a woman
deported to the island of Asinara, Italy, where he from Sémen and stayed in Énfraz).
stayed imprisoned for two years. When he felt his death approach, he gathered
As the heir of his father, after the liberation his disciples and confirmed them in faith,
of 1941 G.H. was nominated governor per bestowing special distinctions on three of them
interim of Wällo. In his later years – though who had been with him since their childhood: to
with reduced influence – he was made a member Matewos he gave his cross and his chair; Éndréyas
of the ÷Crown Council and of the Senate and he sent to another region to preach the Gospel;
took up permanent residence in Addis Abäba. and Fiqtor was ordered to lead a hermitic life in
He died at the age of 95 in the Military Hospital Gäda[mä] Bäres. After making his last will, G.I.
of the capital. His body was transferred to Däse died at an advanced age on 20 Hamle (the day of
and buried in the church of Mädòane ŸAläm, his commemoration in the ÷Sénkéssar) and was
attended by the highest dignitaries of the state, buried in the church he had built and dedicated
including the Emperor and his family. to the Virgin Mary.
Lit.: “Le Ras Bitwoded Mekonnen Endalkatchew–Le Ras Src.: BudSaint 1138; GuiSyn II, 369f. [353f.]; KinBibl
Guebre-Hiwot Mikael”, Yu>[Iy #M_1\| L’Ethiopie 73, no. 61; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Note di agiografia
d’Aujourd’hui, Revue Mensuelle en Langue Française 10, etiopica (‘Abiya-Egzi’, ‘Arkaledes e Gabra-Iyasus)”, RSO
11, 12, mars, avril, mai 1963, 17–21. 17, 1938, 409–52, here 439-52; ue=Dy F#lD? (Mäshafä
Wolbert Smidt – Woldeyohannes Workneh sénkéssar, ‘The Book of the Synaxarion’), Aímära 1991
A.M. [1998/99 A.D.], 903.
Lit.: TadTChurch 197f., 208, 217; George Wynn Brere-
Gäbrä Iyäsus ton Huntingford, “Saints of Medieval Ethiopia”, Abba
Salama 10, 1979, 257–340, here 330; Osvaldo Raineri,
G.I. (K-:y #YBF ) was a 14th-cent. holy monk “Gabra Iyasus”, in: EncSan, vol. 1, 939-40; KapMon, s. in-
belonging to the ÷Ewostateans. He lived under dex; Steven Kaplan, The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethio-
the reigns of ase Säyfä ArŸad (1344–72) and pia, New York 1992, s. index; LusStud 115ff. s. index.
his successor ase ÷Dawit II. G.I.’s Vita, still Osvaldo Raineri
unpublished, has nothing about his childhood,
apart from the fact that he was a native of ÷Wag.
It seems that G.I. devoted himself to studies and Gäbrä Iyäsus
meditation; when he learned about the fame of G.I. (K-:y #YBF ; second half of the 15th cent.)
abba ÷Ewostatewos, he went to see him, thus was bale gärad (governor of the ÷Bale region)
receiving the monastic habit (yet, in the beginning and ÷bitwäddäd during the reign of ase ÷Bäýédä
of the Vita a certain Arsanyos is mentioned as Maryam I. G.I. probably succeeded gärad Ïan
G.I.’s spiritual father). He also followed him Zég, who was killed in a military campaign in
to Egypt (ca. 1338), where they met Patriarch Gam, in the office of governor of Bale after the
Benjamin (1327–39) in Alexandria and visited the region, a former Islamic state, was conquered by
monasteries of Scetis; later, they left for the Holy the Christian ruler.
Land and Armenia, all in all spending some 14 The Chronicle of Bäýédä Maryam mentions
years out of Ethiopia. Before dying, Ewostatewos G.I. three times. In the first passage, the bale
gave him both the ÷tabot consecrated in the name gärad took part in a plot against the Emperor by
of Our Lady Mary and his own chair and sent allying with groups of Šäwans quartered in Bale
him to ÷Énfraz, where he arrived after a period and called Tänac. Bäýédä Maryam repressed the
of wandering. There he founded the monastery attempt at revolt.
614
Gäbrä Kréstos
In the second passage, G.I., who is given the 1968:31ff.). In the Ethiopic version of the longer
two titles of bale gärad and bitwäddäd (here legend, the scene moves to Constantinople and
béhtwäddäd), was sent by Bäýédä Maryam to the Saint, known only as G.K., becomes the son
ŸAdal with a group from Šäwa, Däwaro and Bale of Emperor Theodosius II.
to fight the Muslims there. According to the text, All the motifs of the story of G.K. find a strong
the Muslims were preparing an invasion of the echo in Ethiopic ÷hagiography (cp. Marrassini
Christian state, but they were overwhelmingly 1981:lxxxviiff.). In the first edition of the Ethiop-
defeated by Bäýédä Maryam’s troops, who took ic text by Budge (1898:110–44 [tr.], 35–63 [text],
many prisoners, among them many high-ranking criticized by Charles 1899), both Nöldeke (1899:
persons. 256) and an anonymous reviewer (1899:178) rec-
In the third and last mention of the gover- ognized a version of St. Alexis’s legend. This edi-
nor, the Chronicle tells us that G.I. and Mähari tion, also including a hymn in honour of Gäbrä
Kréstos unwillingly went once again to ŸAdal at Kréstos from the ÷Mäwaíéýt (Budge 1898:64f.),
the head of an army to make war. However, as was based on both the no-longer-available ms.
their military morale was at its lowest, they were Lady Meux 1 (cf. ZanBibl 73, no. 141A; Cerulli
compelled to make a rapid withdrawal by the in- 1965:290f.) and a ms. from the British Library. In
habitants of ŸAdal and eventually killed in battle. his critical edition of the Acts, Cerulli (1969) has
It is said that Bäýédä Maryam was very sad at the considered the testimonies of the longer version
news of his governors’ deaths. (in several recensions, and even in some copies
Lit.: CerStud II, 27f.; PerrZarY 140f., 157f., 165f., 180f. of the ÷Gädlä sämaŸétat), the narratives in the
Alessandro Gori ÷Sénkéssar, and some related tales of the Mira-
cles of Mary (÷Täýammérä Maryam).
As far as the Acts are concerned, besides the
Gäbrä Kréstos 15 mss. used by Cerulli (1969:iif. [text]; cf. also
G.K. (K-:y l?FNF , lit. ‘The Servant of Christ’), StrANL 18; Raineri 1986:176), additional mss.
commemorated on the 14th of Téqémt, is the may now be listed. First and foremost, three
Ethiopic name of the Saint widely renowned Gädlä sämaŸétat mss. are by far older than the
in the Christian hagiographical tradition as “St. oldest ms. (16th cent.) used by him: EMML 2796
Alexis” or “the Man of God” (cf. Storey 1987). (14th cent.), fol. 52va–b, 54ra–58vb, 62ra–63vb,
The first, quasi-historical, nucleus of Alexis’s 66ra–71vb, 64ra–65vb and 72va–74va; 7602,
legend dates to the 6th cent. at last and is attested fol. 90ra–95va (1382–1413, with a miniature of
in Syriac (Amiaud 1889). A later, more devel- G.K. on fol. 89vb–c; cf. Bausi 2002:6, n. 13);
oped form of the legend is found, along with and a Gädlä sämaŸétat from ÷Däbrä Maryam,
in Ethiopic and Syriac, in Greek (cf. Esteves Qwähayn, Eritrea (1453, with a miniature of
Pereira 1900; Halkin 1980), Armenian (BHO G.K.; cf. Bausi 1994:58, 65f., pl. VI). Other
10f., nos. 36–44) and Arabic (early and modern mss.: ANLin Conti Rossini 84 (20th cent.), fols.
tr., cf. GrafLit vol. 1, 497f., and vol. 5, 10 sub voce 40r–55v and 134 (16th cent., fragment), fol. 1 (cf.
“Alexius, hl.”); it is also widely spread in all the StrANL 220, 330); Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin,
Romance, German and Slavonic literatures (on Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Orient. oct. 1270 (14th
the Latin traditions, and for general information cent.?), fols. 2ra–16vb and 19ra–24va, and Ori-
on the subject, cf. Josi 1961). ent. oct. 1305 (18th cent.?), fols. 66ra–102va (cf.
The legend (probably influenced by that of HamSixBerl 109, 163); Kloster Andechs, Kodex
John “the Calybite”) tells how St. Alexis, the Rehm 87 (now lost, cf. SixDeu 62); Tanasee 164
long-awaited son of a Roman nobleman, aban- [= Daga Estifanos 53] (18th cent.), fol. 2ra–18vb,
doned his wife on the wedding night in order which is a copy of Tanasee 170 [= Daga Estifanos
to lead an ascetic life (a very well-known hagi- 59] (15th–16th cent.), fols. 1ra–17ra, and Witzen-
ographical motif, cf. de Gaiffier 1947), sold his hausen, Völkerkundliches Museum 1219, 1244
luxurious vestments and, after a short stay in (17th cent.?), fols. 116ra–33vb and 136ra–vb (cp.
÷Edessa, went back to Rome, where he spent SixTana III, 208, 220, 410); EMML 208 (20th
the rest of his life as a beggar at the door of his cent.), fols. 45v–73v; 4002 (18th–19th cent.), fols.
father’s palace; it is only after his death, that 26r–46r; 4280 (19th cent.), fols. 150r–164r.
thanks to a document found in his hand, he is As to the Vorlage of the Ethiopic Acts,
recognized and venerated as a saint (cf. Cerulli Nöldeke (1899:257) plead for an Arabic one,
615
Gäbrä Kréstos
St. Alexis (Gäbrä Kréstos) recognized
by his father’s dogs only; cloth mural
by aläqa Éstäzya; early 20th cent.; Ruba
Kwésa, church of St. George, western
wall of the mäqdäs; photo 2002, cour-
tesy of Michael Gervers
whereas Cerulli (1969:iiiff. [tr.]) noticed that the 8a, 11, 1965, 277–324; Id., “Leggende medievali romane
form ŸAbdal Masih (from Ar. ŸAbd al-Masih) for in Oriente e leggende orientali nella Roma medievale”,
Bullettino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo
the Saint’s name occurs only in the later Ethiopic e Archivio Muratoriano 79, 1968, 13–36, here 31–36 [iii.
manuscript tradition; nor does he exclude a di- «S. Alessio»]; Id., Les vies éthiopiennes de Saint Alexis
rect translation from Greek into Ethiopic of a l’Homme de Dieu, Louvain 1969 (CSCO 298, 299 [SAe
Byzantine text in which Rome and Edessa (the 59, 60]) [review by Edward Ullendorff, BSOAS 34,
1971, 400–02]; Robert Henry Charles, “Mr. E.A.W.
first dwelling-place of the Saint after his flight)
Budge’s Edition of the Lives of Mabâ’s S{yôn and Gabra
had been replaced by Constantinople and Arme- Kr{stôs”, Hermathena 10, 1899, 397–406; ColSyn VII,
nia respectively – also a clue for a post-639 dat- 72–85; EMML I, 219 [no. 208], VII, 138 [no. 2796], X,
ing of this form of the legend. On the other side, 4, 98 [nos. 4002, 4280]; HamSixBerl 109, 163 [nos. 42,
the year 1425 had already been set as a terminus 77]; Osvaldo Raineri, “Libri di uso prevalentemente
liturgico tra i mss. ‘Cerulli Etiopici’ della Vaticana”,
ante quem by Cerulli (1969:i [text]) on account Ephemerides Liturgicae 12, 1986, 171–85; SixDeu 62, no.
of a doted list of manuscripts (cf. Bausi 2002:2, 1; SixTana III, 208, 220, 410 [nos. 53, 59, 182]; StrANL 18,
n. 2) with the Acts of G.K. Owing to the dif- 220, 330 [nos. 5, 84, 134]; ZanBibl 73.
ferent recensions of the same Alexis’s legend, in Lit.: CerLett 48ff.; Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira,
“Légende grecque de l’homme de Dieu Saint Alexis”,
the Sénkéssar two saints with similar stories are
ABoll 19, 1900, 241–53 (Lit.); Baudouin de Gaiffier,
commemorated on 14 Téqémt: “Muse, the Man “Intactam sponsam relinquens. À propos de la vie de St.
of God” and G.K. (also called ŸAbdal Masih; cf. Alexis”, ibid. 65, 1947, 157–95; GrafLit vol. 1, 497f., vol.
BudSaint 148–55; ColSyn VII, 72–85). There 5, 10; François Halkin, “Une légende grecque de saint
may be Islamic parallels to the legend of Alexis Alexis (BHG 56d)”, ABoll 98, 1980, 5–16; Enrico Josi,
“Alessio”, in: Bibliotheca sanctorum, vol. 1, Roma 1961,
(cf. Nöldeke 1899:258; Cerulli 1968:34f. and 814–23 (Lit.); Paolo Marrassini, Gadla Yohannes
1969:vi, n. 14 [tr.]). Mesraqawi. Vita di Yohannes l’Orientale, Firenze 1981
Src.: Arthur Amiaud, La légende syriaque de Saint [1982] (Quaderni di Semitistica 10); BHO 10f., nos. 36–44;
Alexis l’Homme de Dieu, Paris 1889 (Bibliothèque de Christopher Storey, An Annotated Bibliography and
l’École des Hautes Études 69) [review by Theodor Guide to Alexis Studies (La vie de Saint Alexis), Genève
Nöldeke, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Mor- 1987 (Histoire des idées et critique littéraire 251).
genlandes 4, 1890, 251–54] (Lit.); Alessandro Bausi, Alessandro Bausi
“Su alcuni manoscritti presso comunità monastiche
dell’Eritrea [I]”, RSE 38, 1994 [1996], 13–69; Id., La
versione etiopica degli Acta Phileae nel Gadla samaŸtat,
Napoli 2002 (Annali IUO. Supplemento 92); BudSaint Gäbrä Kréstos
148–55; Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, Lady Meux G.K. (K-:y l?FNF ) was a monk and a disciple
Manuscript No. 1. The Lives of Mabâ’ S{yôn and Gabra of ÷Zena Marqos. According to the Acts of the
Kr{stôs, London 1898 [reviews: in ABoll 18, 1899, 177–78,
Theodor Nöldeke, “Zur Alexiuslegende”, ZDMG 53,
latter, he sent G.K. to preach in ÷Damot; yet one
1899, 256–58]; Enrico Cerulli, “I manoscritti etiopici spiritual genealogy of Zena Marqos’s disciples,
della Chester Beatty Library in Dublino”, RRALm ser. attached to his Acts in a 19th-cent. manuscript,
616
Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa
reports that Zena Marqos appointed a certain Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Fonti storiche etiopiche
G.K. “of (the country) of Wahéya” head of per il secolo XIX, ii. La cronaca reale abissina dall’anno
1800 all’anno 1840”, RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916 [1917],
÷Däbrä Béírat. Since G.K. lived in the first half 779–921, here 856; BTafA 915; BlunChr 486, 510.
of the 14th cent., he may also be the same G.K. Lit.: Eduard Rüppell, Reise in Abyssinien, Frankfurt
appointed ÷néburä éd of Démbi by the Metro- 1838–40, vol. 2, 402.
politan abunä ÷YaŸéqob, at the same time as he Sevir Chernetsov
appointed eleven other monks to other districts.
The location of Démbi is not certain, although it
probably lay south of Šäwa. At least one copy of
the Acts of G.K. is known to exist, but it has not G.K. (K-:y l?FNFy 6FK ; b. 1932, Harär, d.
been published yet. 1981, Lawton OK), a painter and poet, received
Src.: Boris Turaiev (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum indi- his training as an artist at the Academy of Arts in
genarum II. Acta ss. Aaronis et Philippi, Louvain 1905 Cologne, Germany, from 1958 to 1961 where he
(CSCO 30, 31 [SAe 13, 14]), 198 (text); Getatchew became interested in abstract and expressionistic
Haile, “The Monastic Genealogy of the Line of Täklä painting.
Haymanot of Shoa”, RSE 29, 1982–83, 14 (text) = 28
(tr.); EMML 3987, fol. 140; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli atti G.K. returned to Ethiopia in 1962 and one year
di Zena Markos, monaco etiope del sec. XIV”, in: Collec- later held his first independent exhibition in Ad-
tanea Vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda, dis Abäba. His non-figurative art was met with
vol. 1, Città del Vaticano 1962 (Studi e testi 219), 191–212, criticism, the artist being accused of distancing
here 198.
himself from the tradition and experience of
Lit.: TadTChurch 177, n. 1; KinBibl 72f., n. 60.
Sevir Chernetsov his people and of not speaking their language
any more. Nevertheless, G.K. was awarded the
Òaylä Íéllase I Prize Trust Award for Fine Arts,
Gäbrä Kréstos because he was largely responsible for introduc-
G.K. (K-:y l?FNF ; d. 1594) was the seventh ing non-figurative art into his country and for
leader of the Stephanite monastery of ÷Gundä his outstanding contribution to the growth and
Gunde. He assumed that position in September evolution of Ethiopian art.
1572 following the death of his predecessor As a poet, G.K. also broke with the tradition
÷Isayéyyas. G.K. led the monastery until he of Amharic poems (÷Poetry) and his critics
died and was succeeded by ÷Yéshaq. At least questioned whether his poems were poems at all.
one manuscript (tentatively dated to the 18th As an admired and a much-appreciated teacher,
cent.) containing his gädl is known to exist, but G.K. taught at the School of Fine Arts from 1962
it has not been published. to 1974, when the revolution erupted. In 1976 he
Src.: ms. Mordini 112; Institute of Archaeology, Addis was invited by the Municipality of Addis Abäba
Abäba (I.A.A.) 48. to start the first National Gallery of Ethopia; he
Lit.: Antonio Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gun- became the founder and director of what became
diè”, RSE 12, 1953 [1954], 29–63, here 59; Aleksander known as the City Hall Gallery. In 1978 he left
Ferenc, “Les Actes d’Isaïe de Gunde-Gunde”, AE 10,
1976, 243–94, here 243; KinBibl 73, no. 61.
Steven Kaplan
Gäbrä Kréstos
G.K. (K-:y l?FNF ; d. 3 July 1832) was one of
several Ethiopian puppet-kings created by the
mighty Yäggu ruler ÷Ali Alula, who dominated
central Ethiopia during 1830–53. In March 1832,
Ali Alula visited the island of Mésraòa in Lake
Tana, where G.K. lived in a small monastery,
the burial-vault of Ethiopian emprerors. There,
Ali Alula made G.K. king on the fifth Saturday
of Lent. Shortly afterwards G.K. died, poisoned
by ÷Gigar, and was buried in Täklä Haymanot Gäbrä Kréstos Dästa at work in his atelier; photo courtesy
Cathedral at Adäbabay square in Gondär. of the IES (no. 23 G2/G3)
617
Ethiopia and lived at first in Germany. In 1980 peror’s court in Gondär, the younger G.K. went
he went to Lawton, Oklahoma, in the USA. in his stead to deliver the tribute of the ÷Märäb
About 30 of his works had been deposited in the Méllaš. Using this chance, he became the Emper-
Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde in Munich; or’s guardian (Q6 , šäqa) and was finally, after
they were moved to Ethiopia in 2005 to form years of service, enhanced in rank to däggazmaó.
part of the permanent exhibition of his German In about 1675, the Emperor gave him his relative
paintings in the newly inaugurated “Gebre Kris- émmäbet Säbänä Giyorgis (KolTrad II, 54) as his
tos Desta Centre”. The Centre, housed in the wife, in view of the power and the merits of his
former palace of alga wäraš ÷Asfa Wäsän (in the father (she was not the Emperor’s daughter, as
Séddést Kilo compound of ÷Addis Abäba Uni- suggested by Hamasen oral tradition; this was al-
versity) is now the seat of the German Cultural ready questioned in KolTrad I, A18, cp. also the
Institute (Goethe-Institut). oral tradition of ŸAgamä and Éndärta). She was
Lit.: Achamyeleh Debela, “A Pioneer in Spite of the a descendant of ase Fasilädäs through a female
Odds: Gabre Kristos Desta of Ethiopia (1932–1981)”, Pa- line and “sister” of Kréstosawit, the wife of the
per for the Third International Conference on the History governor of Tégray, däggéyat ÷Kéflä Wahid of
of Ethiopian Art, Addis Ababa, in reparation; Id., “Gebre
Kristos Desta: the Artist/Teacher”, in: Clémentine Deliss ŸAgamä. He was additionally made governor of
(ed.), Seven Stories about Modern Art in Africa, New York the ÷Bambolo Méllaš, which meant that he was
1995, 248–49; Salah M. Hassan – Achamyeleh De- set over all governors of the northern provinces
bela, “Addis Connections: the Making of the Modern (probably excluding Wälqayt) and thus also
Ethiopian Art Movement”, ibid. 131–32; Okeke Chika,
“Modern African Art”, in: Okwui Enwezor (ed.), The became the co-governor of his father over the
Short Century: Independence and Liberation Movements Märäb Méllaš. He assumed his government at
in Africa 1945–1994, München 2001, 29–36, here 33 and the side of his father (d. 1704), according to tra-
70 (ill.); Elisabeth Biasio, Die verborgene Wirklichkeit: dition, sitting at his feet while rendering justice
Drei äthiopische Maler der Gegenwart/The Hidden Reality: or receiving officials. The greatest achievement
three Contemporary Ethiopian Artists, Zürich 1989, 70–73;
StanisLaw Chojnacki, “The Art of Gebre Christos of their government was the creation of a law-
Desta”, EthObs 7, 2, 1963, 103–14; Id., “Gebre Kristos code for Hamasen, the ÷Héggi Hab Séllus Gärä
Desta Four Years later”, ibid. 11, 3, 1968, 176–77; Id., “Ga- Õéstos, issued by them on the basis of consulta-
bre Kristos Desta: Impressions of his Recent Exhibition”, tion of the assembly of the elders of Hamasen.
ibid. 14, 1, 1971, 10–24; Id., “A Survey of Modern Ethio-
pian Art”, Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch, Sonderausgabe Tradition reports that the Emperor had de-
Äthiopien, Stuttgart 1973, 87–88; Sydney W. Head, “Art clared that all territories where Säbänä Giyorgis
Exhibition of 40 Paintings by Gabre Kristos”, EthObs 9, would spend her night would be given to him
4, 1966, 285–86; Id., “A Conversation with Gebre Kristos as ÷gwélt. For several generations the “family of
Desta”, African Art 2, 4, 1969, 20–25; Jean Kennedy, New the däggéyat” thus possessed a number of ter-
Currents, Ancient Rivers: Contemporary African Artists in
a Generation of Change, Washington, DC 1992, 127–28; ritories as additional sources of income between
Solomon Deressa, “Sombre Colours and Incantatory Gondär and SäŸazzäga and in the latter’s environs
Words”, EthObs 11, 3, 1968, 162–73; David Talbot, “The (KolTrad II, 55; for the so-called gwélti Säbänä
Art of Gabre Kristos Desta”, ibid. 9, 4, 1966, 271–85; Sey- Giyorgis, s. KolTrad I, 72). He and his royal
oum Wolde, “Gebre Kristos Desta: Painter and Poet”, in:
Paul B. Henze (ed.), Aspects of Ethiopian Art from Ancient wife were the most important donors of books,
Axum to the Twentieth Century, London 1993, 134–40. some of them most elegant and luxurious, to the
Elisabeth Biasio church of Qéddus Giyorgis of SäŸazzäga, at least
a dozen of them containing their names (KolTrad
III, A66). The church’s u#(:y K.M (mänbärä
Gäbrä Kréstos Habíéllus tabot, meaning ‘covered altar in which the tabot
Däggazmaó G.K. (K-:y l?FNFy U-ToF , also is kept’), made of ivory, is attributed to G.K.
däggéyat Gäräõéstos; d. 8 November 1713) was a The government of G.K. is known in tradi-
late 17th-cent. ÷Hamasen ruler who was invested tion as a period of enhancement of trade, with
into this role as a co-governor and successor of new regular markets appearing in his time in
his father, däggazmaó ÷Hab Íéllus of ÷Märäb Hamasen, e.g., in ÷Débarwa.
Méllaš, by ase Iyasu I. G.K. was the second G.K.’s legitimite children were däggazmaó
son of his father’s legitimate wife Éòtä Mälaýékt Täsfa Séyon (Täsfa Sen), däggazmaó Mammo
(KolTrad III, A67) from Aräza. (who in his father’s lifetime got a governorate
When his elder brother, according to oral train Oromo territories at the borders of the Em-
dition, refused to represent his father at the Em- peror’s realm), däggazmaó Réýésä Haymanot,
618
Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus
däggazmaó ÷ŸAndä Haymanot and wäyzäro
Muzit (wife of aytä Kéflet of ŸAddi Õwala); sev-
eral of his sons of a second, illegitimate, wife re-
ceived the minor title of ÷bahér nägaš, together
with gwélti–possessions of their father’s family.
G.K. was suceeded in the office of governor
of the Bambolo Méllaš by his son Mammo.
Mammo’s representative while he was absent in
Oromo territories was Réýésä Haymanot. The
governor’s office was occupied later by another
of G.K.’s sons, ŸAndä Haymanot. The first son,
Täsfa Séyon, had governed at the side of his fa-
ther, but usurped his power, until dying about a
month before G.K. In order to save Täsfa Séyon,
a magical human sacrifice had been carried out
Gäbrä Mädòén with attendants; cloth mural; Säqota,
on the initiative of his mother, which, however, church of Michael and Gabriel, eastern wall of the
did not prevent his death. A heriditary disease mäqdäs, plinth; second half of the 19th cent.; photo 1993,
regularly breaking out among the male descend- courtesy of Michael Gervers
ants of the “family of the däggéyat” is explained earlier escaped from prison in Wag and submitted
in oral tradition as the revenge of the sacrificed to Tewodros. Täfäri captured and presented G.M.
person (KolTrad II, 57f.). to the Emperor and allowed Gobäze (later ase
Src.: interview with Bärhe Gäbrä Mikaýel Gäbrä Ab, 72 ÷Täklä Giyorgis II), G.M.’s son, to escape. The
years, SäŸazzäga, March 2000; and with fitawrari Iyasu Emperor took his captive to the region of Mäqet
Asbéha, 86 years, Mäqälä, June 2004; BegCron 64.
Lit.: KolTrad I, 72;KolTrad II, 54f., 57f., index; KolTrad with eight other local rebels, cut off their hands
III, AXIII, A18f., A38, A66ff., A69, A85; Ruffillo and legs, and hanged them in May 1858.
Perini, Di qua dal Marèb (Marèb-mellàsc`), Firenze Lit.: BTafA 454ff.; ZanLitTheo 33f.; RubTew 75f.; Täklä
1905 [tr. as Id. - Gäbrä NÉguÍ, u:-y zq% (Märäb SadÉq MäkwÉriya, !dy z~sl!y Y#M_1\y !#;|M
Méllaš), Roma – Asmära 1995, 123]; YÉsHaQ Yosef, (Ase Ménilékénna yäýityopya andénnät, ‘Ase Ménilék
#PF|My UK:y z;<y +B<y (%?M=y) K<:y 6M\My and Ethiopia’s Unity’), Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/
Uôy “$+y Nq” (Négsénnät hagärä Médri Bahri [Erétra], 91 A.D.]; Wudu Tafete Kassu, A Political History of
tariõ däggiyat Haylu “Abba Galla”, ‘The Rule of the Wag and Lasta, c. 1543–1919, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa
Land of Médri Bahri [Eritrea], the History of däggaó University 1995, 124–27.
Haylu “Abba Galla”’), Asmära 2000, 55. Wudu Tafete Kassu
Wolbert Smidt

Gäbrä Mädòén G.M.Q. (K-:y u#DFy 87F ) is one of the
G.M. (K-:y u;i# , wag šum. ca. 1840s–58), a most venerated Saints in Ethiopia, beside ÷Täklä
grandson of wag šum ÷Kénfu, came to power Haymanot. Although the centre of his cult is at
in ca. 1842 by overthrowing and imprisoning his mount ÷Zéqwala, south of Addis Abäba, he is
nephew wag šum ÷Täfäri Wäsän, who began his venerated throughout the country, sometimes
office whilst still young. under the names of Abbo or Gabér. The short
G.M. was a supporter of ras ÷Ali Alula summary by Bezold (1916), the miracles pub-
(Ali II), the Yäggu kingmaker in Gondär, when lished by Nollet (1931–35) and the long excerpt
he fought against däggazmaó Kaía Òaylu (later in the ÷Sénkéssar on 30 Mäggabit do not give a
ase ÷Tewodros II) at the battle of ÷Ayšal in 1853. clear idea of his Vita, and are based on too few and
Though G.M. was captured on the battlefield, recent manuscripts. The edition (GéŸéz text with
Kaía Òaylu pardoned him and sent him back parallel Amharic translation) printed in 1954 in
to his region. Relations between G.M. and ase Addis Abäba by Täsfa Gäbrä Íéllase has no criti-
Tewodros, however, were strained because of cal value. A critical edition based on the existing
G.M.’s support of ÷Néguíe Wäldä Mikaýel from collection of 15 pre–18th cent. manuscripts has
Sémen, who had rebelled against Tewodros. been recently published (Marrassini 2003).
The Emperor led a campaign into Wag with a The Acts (÷Gädl) of G.M.Q. have at least
vanguard led by wag šum Täfäri Wäsän, who had two versions, with many parts in common, but
619
In addition to the Gädl and the usual miracles,
some manuscripts contain a ÷Dérsan on the
early childhood of the saint and his escape into
the desert, where he meets Jesus and Mary, com-
posed by a certain Zena Gäbréýel as well as four
miracles accomplished immediately after. 1st mir-
acle: Satan, disguised as a monk, tries to convince
the child to go back home; 2nd miracle: first edu-
cation of G.M.Q., still in Nehisa, and the first of
his frequent trips to Jerusalem; 3rd miracle: God
orders G.M.Q., still in Jerusalem, to go and con-
vert the inhabitants of GäbaŸon, but on his way
there he is attacked by the animals of the desert,
as in the Gädl of Yohannés Mésraqawi (John the
Oriental); the GäbaŸonites treat him very badly,
but part of them are nevertheless forgiven; then
G.M.Q. goes to the “Country of the Blessed”,
whose inhabitants are already Christian, al-
though in origin they were a tribe of Israel; 4th
miracle: at his arrival in Ethiopia G.M.Q. meets
÷Gärima and ÷Guba, who consider him as their
Gäbrä Mänfäs Qéddus, coloured drawing by Wäldä relative, and ÷Lalibäla, who declares to prefer a
Giyorgis; second half of the 19th cent.; Oxford, Bodleian heavenly kingdom to a worldly one. These mira-
Library; Ms. Aeth. b. 2; courtesy of the Bodleian Library cles “in life” form a clear unity with the Dérsan
also with other passages peculiar to every ver- because they explicitly refer to many situations
sion. The first (A in the edition), most widely of the former. In the codices they are united to
known (it is the same version that appears in the it and clearly separated from the Gädl and the
Sénkéssar and in the Addis Abäba edition), is usual 13 miracles after death. The manuscripts
rich in fabulous hagiographical motifs, including with the Dérsan and the four miracles are differ-
the classical one of the 60 lions and 60 leopards. ent from those used for the edition of the Gädl
The second one (B) is completely devoid of these and the 13 miracles since they are more recent
motifs, and essentially based on reflections on (18th–19th cent.), except the Vatican ms. aeth. 232
monasticism and theology. The third version (C) (16th cent., used for both purposes) and the BN
is a simple conflation of the preceding two, with ms. eth. 116 (which contains only the Dérsan and
no independent value. Because of its very char- the four miracles and of which all the others are a
acter, and because of a series of contradictions in simple summary without significant variants).
version A, it seems that the original version is B. All these texts are devoid even of the slightest
The date of composition of the Gädl (normally reference to historically relevant facts. The story
examined by scholars in its A version) is uncer- is very simple: G.M.Q. was born in Nehisa, in
tain; the various dates proposed the reign of ase Lower Egypt (Coptic Nahsi in the nome [Prov-
÷Dawit I, 14th cent. and 15th cent., are without ince] of Nimesoti, today Bahbit al-Hagara, and
foundation in the text (Conti Rossini 1900:215; therefore not in Behnesa, Coptic Pemg [= Ox-
Guidi 1832:39; RicLett 820; Cerulli 1961:100). yrinchus], as it is usually thought). This was also
To the Gädl of the Saint (in each of the versions) the place of origin of abba Nob, in the Dérsan a
13 miracles are usually added, clearly posterior in future brother of G.M.Q., who will console his
language and style. They present always the same parents for his loss. After 300 years of anachore-
form, but some kind of disturbed tradition must sis in Egypt (where he receives his education and
be supposed with miracle no. 8 (performed “at the monastic habit by a certain Zämädä Bérhan,
the time of King NaŸod”), since some manu- unknown to the date, and the priesthood by the
scripts place it at the end, others eliminate it. The Bishop Abraham, maybe Abraham Bishop of
stemma of these miracles is different according to Manuf in the Acts of Julius of Aqfahs), and after
various groups of them; in its turn, the stemma of saving from damnation the people of Gabota,
each group is different from that of the Gädl. God orders him to go to Ethiopia, where he ar-
620
rives on a chariot of wind and lives in the neigh- bilees, and, in both versions, an important excur-
bourhood of Zéqwala and Käbd for 262 years sus on the linguistic capacities of G.M.Q.
more, always as a hermit (a total of 562 years is The last parts of his life are more or less com-
already indicated at the beginning of his Gädl). mon to both versions: after the mass, on Thursday
The most relevant elements in the life of before Easter, in which the saint himself is the cel-
G.M.Q. are the following. His parents, as usual ebrating priest, with the help of two personages,
in a gädl, were noble and very pious; his mother Fére Qéddus who previously had accompanied
Aqlesya came from the tribe of Benjamin. This G.M.Q. to Arabia together with Bényam and
makes of G.M.Q. a descendant not only of Israel Zärýa Buruk, an unknown figure, G.M.Q. goes
(cp., e.g., Täklä Haymanot, ÷ŸÉzra, John the Ori- and visits many times the “Country of the Liv-
ental, ÷Abréha and Asbéha), but also of St. Paul; ing”, where Enoch and Elijah stay. After the usual
this is one of the reasons for him being called by pact, on Friday 3 Mäggabit, the saint falls ill. He
the apostles in many passages “their relative” was then assisted by monks already mentioned
and for his hability with Hebrew. According and two other persons, YaŸéqob and Yosef. The
to the Homily his father, SémŸon, was “of ro- former is probably the same quoted in the 2nd
man origin” (like ÷Gäbrä Kréstos [Alexis], the miracle as a member of the community in which
÷Nine Saints, ÷Buruk Amlak and others) and a G.M.Q. is educated; the second is Yosef of Saf
counsellor of the king (cp. ÷Päntälewon). Only Amba, quoted together with Bényam in the list
the version A and the Dérsan refer to a long of disciples of Täklä Haymanot and blessed by
period of sterility; in the Dérsan Aqlesya, the ÷Iyäsus Moýa. On Saturday they call for help
Saint’s mother, whilst on her way to the church, from another saint, Gäbrä Éndréyas, but G.M.Q.
encounters a dove and a snake with their young, dies on Sunday, at night on the seventh hour. He
as in the Life of John the Oriental, where also the is taken into heaven, whereas his body is buried in
great banquet (in which the king of Rome takes Jerusalem by the 30 “hidden” and 30 anchorites,
part) after the birth is found. The baby does not coming from Ethiopia, Egypt, and Scetis.
take the milk of his mother, a typical premise for Other motifs are found only in version A of
chastity in Ethiopian hagiography; in the Hom- the Gädl: his retinue of 60 lions and 60 leopards;
ily it is Mary herself who suckles him. Satan with the appearance of a raven which picks
For G.M.Q.’s adult life only a selection of his eyes out; three old men (who afterwards
motifs can be given here. Common to all ver- prove to be the Trinity) whom he carries for one
sions and frequently repeated is the motif, rare in mile; the visit of three saints, ÷Samuýel of Wal-
Ethiopian hagiography, of the hair which grows debba, ÷Anbäs of Hazalo, and Bényam of the
on his face and on his whole body, as requested by Lower Bägemdér (quoted in the Gädl of ÷Zena
the saint himself, because of his nudity (already in Marqos, in a list of disciples of abba Täklä Hay-
his childhood in the Dérsan, in the 1st and in the manot blessed by Iyäsus Moýa, and in this latter’s
2nd miracle). This is connected with the life in the Gädl as his successor), whose lions are devoured
desert (very characteristic of G.M.Q. as well as and successively resuscitated by those of G.M.Q.;
of other Egyptian saints and devoid of any form God’s mercy for Ethiopia obtained by weighting
of coenobitism) as well as with his rule over the her sins, represented by straw and weed, and
wild beasts. What also frequently appears is the her penances, represented by honey, milk, and
intercession for Ethiopia, mainly as %T=Hy wheat; a picturesque story of G.M.Q. in Arabia
zB:M (Ÿaíratä méhrät ‘tithes of mercy’), which (“Persia”, which existed only in one of his recent
God grants him, and his visits to different un- mss., in the summary by Bezold; Conti Rossini
named hermits, in particular to one who in two 1926:345 also proposed the islamicized region
manuscripts is regularly named Yohannés of Dä- near Zéqwala, and Cerulli 1941:41, n. 3, a part
brä Wifat. The three annual trips to Jerusalem are of the Šäwa sultanate; but the text clearly says
also described. Starting from the staircase of Jacob that G.M.Q. goes back from there to Ethiopia
on Gen 28:12 (quoted only in the B version), the and vice versa), where after being persecuted by
purity of G.M.Q. is compared to a staircase which its wicked king he obtains forgiveness for those
from Käbd reaches heaven, bringing his prayers people by suspending himself on a precipice, and
above and the angels down. This in turn brings in leaving his flesh to be devoured by the birds for
version B a comparison with the Tower of Babel, 30 years. Even after the saint’s death and before
enriched with quotations from the Book of ÷Ju- his assumption into heaven, in A he has a long
621
excursus on his encounter with seven “spiritual of the national (“Alexandian”) faith and Church,
kings”: four “Egyptian” (David, Solomon, Con- but killed the Jesuit missionary who had been
stantine, Onorius) and three Ethiopians (Kaleb, assigned as his chaplain. It was too much for
Gäbrä Mäsqäl, Lalibäla). G.M., who withdrew his support for fear of royal
Src.: Carl Bezold, “Gabra Manfas Qeddus”, Nachrichten revenge. It followed indeed, and Täklä Giyorgis
von der königlichen Gesellschaft zu Göttingen, Philologisch- was captured and executed, but nothing is known
historische Klasse 1916, 58–68; BudSaint 755–72; ColSyn XI, about the later fate of G.M.
145–71; Paolo Marrassini, “Vita”, “Omelia”, “Miracoli”
del Santo Gabra Manfas Qeddus, Louvain 2003 (CSCO 597, Src.: PerChron 114ff. (text) = 89f. (tr.), 211–14 (text) =
163f. (tr.); BruNile vol. 3, 376ff.
598 [SAe 107, 108]); Geneviève Nollet, “Les Miracles
Sevir Chernetsov
de Gabra Manfas Qeddus”, Aethiops 4, 1931, 33–36, 39;
Aethiopica. Revue philologique 1, 1933, 41–47, 64–73; ibid. 2,
1934, 37–43, 70–81; ibid. 3, 1935, 109–14, 162–70. Gäbrä Maryam
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Note per la storia lettera-
ria abissina”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1900, 197–285, here 215; G.M. (K-:y x?\z), the 49th éccäge of Däbrä Lib-
Id., [Review of A. Kammerer, Essai sur l’histoire ancienne anos of Šäwa, in office from the late 1830s to 1842,
de l’Abyssinie, Parigi 1926], Oriente Moderno 6, 1926, was a native of Šäwa (or of Gong, in Goggam, ac-
342-46, here345; GuiLett 39; CerLett 100; Enrico Cer- cording to blatta ÷MärséŸe Hazän Wäldä Qirqos
ulli, “Il Sultanato dello Scioa nel secolo XIII secondo un
nuovo documento storico”, RSE 1, 1, 1941, 5–42, here 41 [1951 A.M.:131]). In the history of Ethiopian for-
[repr. in: CerIslam 207–43]; Rudolf Kriss – Hubert eign relations G.M. is remembered as a pilgrim to
Kriss-Heinrich, Volkskundliche Anteile in Kult und ÷Jerusalem and a messenger who brought in 1848
Legende äthiopischer Heiliger, Wiesbaden 1975, 9–29; a letter from a ruler of Bägemdér ras ÷Ali Alula
Paolo Marrassini, “La ‘Vie’ de Gabra Manfas Qed-
to Samuel ÷Gobat, at that time Anglican Bishop
dus. Hypothèse pour un stemma codicum”, in: PICES
9, vol. 6, 135–48; Id., “Some Philological Problems in the in Jerusalem, with a request to protect Ethiopian
‘Miracles’ of Gabra Manfas Qeddus”, Aethiopica 3, 2000, pilgrims there (RubActa I, 153).
45–78; Denis Nosnitsin, [review of Marrassini 2003], Rubenson (ibid. 194) believes that G.M. was
OrChrP 71, 2005, 173–77; RicLett 820. also responsible for the delivery in 1852 of anoth-
Paolo Marrassini
er letter of Ali Alula addressed to Queen Victoria
and pleading with her to protect Ethiopian inter-
Gäbrä Maryam ests in Palestine and to return Ethiopian landed
Bahér nägaš G.M. (K-:y x?\z ) was a promi- property there, taken away by local authorities.
nent nobleman of ÷Tégray province at the turn The letter reveals the attitude which was typical
of the 17th cent. His name is mentioned for the and characteristic for all Ethiopian rulers con-
first time in ase ÷Susényos’s chronicle for 1608, cerning Ethiopian rights in Palestine: “I have been
when the Emperor’s step-brother ÷SéŸélä Krestos uprooted from my land, the portion belonging to
was tégre mäkwännén and bahér nägaš “up to the Abyssinia. To be uprooted from one’s inherited
Eritrean Sea”. The latter was a cruel and clumsy land is a serious matter. Because inheritance on
administrator. The people of Tégray rebelled, and earth is like inheritance in heaven”.
Src.: RubActa I, 86, 153, 194; ÒÉruy Wäldä ÍÉllase,
G.M. was among the few who maintained loyalty Y#M_1\y |KTKMy K<l (Yäýityopya nägäítat tarik,
both to SéŸélä Krestos and Susényos (PerChron ‘History of Ethiopian Sovereigns’), Addis Abäba 1928
ch. 35). The Emperor considered it better to A.M. [1935/36 A.D.], 113; MärsÉŸe Hazän Wäldä
dismiss SéŸélä Krestos from his office in Tégray Qirqos, YuCu<\by #M_1\_y YM?\?l (Yämägäm-
märiyaw ityopyawi patréyark, ‘The First Ethiopian Patri-
and to appoint G.M. as bahér nägaš. It was in this arch’), Addis Abäba 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.], 131.
function that G.M. was ordered in 1619 to go to Lit.: AmhChurchD, vol. 5, 192; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli
the “country of Arom” in the southern Sudan and abbati di Dabra Libanos, capi del monachismo etiopico,
to bring to submission the local Queen Fatima. secondo le liste recenti (sec. XVII–XX)”, Orientalia nuova
He did this and served his overlord loyally (Per- ser. 14, 1945, 143–71; CerPal vol. 2, 208ff.
Sevir Chernetsov
Chron ch. 55), in spite of the fact that Susényos
embraced the Catholic faith and appointed his
son-in-law ÷Täklä Giyorgis as bahér nägaš Gäbrä Maryam Gari
instead of G.M. However, in September 1628 Däggazmaó G.M. (K-:y x?\zy N< ; b. ca.
Täklä Giyorgis rebelled against Susényos, relying, 1875, d. 20 February 1937) was a prominent
according to the report of Bruce (BruNile vol. 3, government official during ÷Òaylä Íéllase I’s
376ff.), on local noblemen, including G.M. The reign. He originated from the Gurage area. After
rebel not only proclaimed himself a champion receiving a church education, G.M. joined the
622
Gäbrä Mäsqäl
court of däggazmaó ÷Balóa Íafo (Abba Näfso) 1987, 131f., 134, 144, 158; Thomas M. Coffey, Lion by
as a retainer (s. MahHorse). the Tail, New York 1974, 15.
Thomas P. Ofcansky
In 1916, G.M. entered Òaylä Íéllase’s service
and became an ÷aggafari. In June 1930, the Em-
peror promoted G.M. to ÷däggazmaó and named Gäbrä Mäíih [I]
him ÷éndarase of Harär. In September 1931, G.M. (K-:y uQB ; b. ca. 1419, Tégray, d. 1522)
G.M. departed for the ÷Ogaden in command of was a disciple of abba ÷Abäkäräzun, the leader
a 12,000-man force, while fitawrari Šéfärra left of the ÷Stephanites, whom he succeeded as the
Giggiga with 3,000 soldiers. Both armies unsuc- head of the monastery of ÷Gundä Gunde on 2
cessfully sought to reassert Ethiopian authority July 1476. He held this position during the reigns
over Italian-occupied territories in the Ogaden. of ase Éskéndér, ase NaŸod and ase Lébnä Déngél
In the aftermath of the ÷Wälwäl incident, Ita- and the Metropolitans ÷Yéshaq (who ordained
ly demanded that G.M. apologize for Ethiopia’s him a priest) and ÷Marqos. During a persecu-
alleged aggression at Wälwäl and pay compensation ca. 1482 G.M. fled to the desert where he
tion to the Italian legation in Addis Abäba. The was saved by a Fälaša man (÷Betä Ésraýel). He
Emperor refused to accede to these demands, was succeeded at his death on 3 Mäskäräm [13
thus laying the groundwork for the ÷Italian war September] 1522 by abba ÷Habtä Íéllase. His
(1935–36). Acts (÷Gädl) have not yet been published.
During that war, G.M., who had been ap- Src.: StrANL 235, ms. 89; ms. Addis Abäba, Institute of
pointed Minister of Interior in 1934, was sent Archaeology, no. 40; KinBibl 83, no. 108.
to Sidamo as the head of an army, where he was Lit.: Robert Beylot, “Les Actes de Gabra Masih I (ca.
wounded on 20 October 1936. He then sought 1419–1522), troisième chef du mouvement stéphanite”, RSE
35, 1991 [1993, but 1994], 5–11; Id., “Sur quelques hété-
refuge in the mountains on the Bale border, but rodoxes éthiopiens. Estifanos, Abakerazun, Gabra Masih,
continued to resist Italian aggression. On 19 Ezra”, Revue de l’histoire des religions 201, 1, 1984, 25–36;
February 1937, when the last remnant of the Antonio Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gundiè”, RSE
troops of Bäyyänä Märed and of himself were 12, 1953 [1954], 29–70, here 50, n. 7 and fig. 20 (ill.); Steven
encircled at Gogiti in Gurageland, they fought Kaplan, “The Fälasha and the Stephanite: an Episode from
the Life of Abba Gäbrä Mäsih”, BSOAS 48, 1985, 278–82.
bitterly. They were defeated and Gäbrä Maryam Steven Kaplan
was mortally wounded. He asked one of his
comrades, an Eritrean, to finish him off so he
would not become a prisoner of war. This was Gäbrä Mäíih [II]
done, but Bäyyänä was taken prisoner and shot G.M. (K-:y uQB ; d. ca. 1650) was the tenth
(MockWar 172). leader of the Stephanite monastery of ÷Gundä
In 1948 the Emperor honoured G.M.’s memo- Gunde. He assumed the position about 1644,
ry by authorizing the creation of the Lycée Gue- following the death of his predecessor, abunä
bre Mariam, which is managed by the Mission ÷Yosab. G.M. led the monastery until his death,
Laïque Française in Addis Abäba. when he was succeeded by Samuýel. At least one
Lit.: MockWar (2nd ed.) 33, 39, 48, 95, 152, 171ff., 390; manuscript containing his Acts is known to
Corrado Zoli, Etiopia d’oggi, Roma 1936, s. index; exist, but it has not been published.
George Lowther Steer, Caesar in Abyssinia, London
1936, 15; HSLife vol. 2, 25; Harold Golden Marcus, Lit.: Antonio Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gun-
Haile Selassie I: the Formative Years, 1892–1936, Berkeley diè”, RSE 12, 1953 [1954], 29–70, here 50, n. 7; KinBibl
84, no. 109.
Steven Kaplan
Gäbrä Mäsqäl
G.M. (K-:y uF3s), the younger son of King
÷Kaleb, was a half-legendary holy king of
÷Aksum (r. ca. 534−48), inscribed as such in
the ÷Sénkéssar on 30 Òédar. He is presented as
Kaleb’s successor in the “king lists”, sometimes
with the throne name of Qwästantinos (CRList,
The Lycée Guebre-Mariam in Addis Abäba; photo list A), sometimes with Qwästantinos as his
courtesy of the IES (no. 175 A6, 961) successor (CRList, lists A, B, D, G) and sometimes
623
Gäbrä Mäsqäl
treasure of the Queen of Sheba” (BeckHuntAl-
var 158, n.3).
G.M. also appears in many hagiographies of
the ÷Nine Saints, as a supporter of their work,
sometimes as a patron of secular and religious
buildings in and near Aksum. The most famous
church attributed to him is the one of ÷Däbrä
Damo monastery (Guidi 1895:73f.). G.M.’s land
charter to Däbrä Damo is preserved in the Vita
of ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi, Däbrä Damo’s founder
(Guidi 1895:84, 93), and also found in the Mäshafä
Aksum (s. CRAxum no. 5). He is also said to have
endowed the church of abba ÷Päntälewon (Énda
Gäbrä Mäsqäl and Yared, mural, pronaos of the old Abba Päntälewon) near Aksum (Villari 1938:14;
Aksum Séyon cathedral (right of the entrance); photo cp. CRAxum no. 34). A land grant of G.M. to the
2004, courtesy of Wolbert Smidt monastery of ÷Énda Abba Gärima of Mädära is
with both (list P). Lists C and E are exceptional: recorded in the Mäshafä Aksum (CRAxum no.
list C has YaŸéqob, Qwästantinos, Betä Ésraýel 3, cp. no. 31; HuntLand no. 3, 30). Other similar
and G.M., the latter ruling for 14 years; list E deeds are preserved in the “Golden Gospel” book
mentions Kaleb and G.M. both on tenure of of ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šémäzana (CRDLib no. 1-
40 years, and Yéshaq “whose royal name was 5), founded by abunä ÷MättaŸ.
Qwästantinos”. List F places G.M. after Sahél Neither epigraphic nor numismatic evidence
Iyékalý and before Bahra Iyékalý. In the Acts of exists for an Aksumite king called G.M., but he
÷Libanos he is instead the successor of Zägäbäzä can be identified with WŸZB who is “king of Ak-
Aksum or ÷Éllä Gäbäz (Bausi 2003, §§135, 136, sum” and “son of Éllä Asbéha” in an inscription
154, 157) – possibly his brother ÷Ésraýel, with from ÷Aksum Séyon cathedral (RIE 192; for
whom he had a long struggle. They are both discussion of this matter s. ÷Ésraýel). The name
introduced in the apocalyptic context of ch. G.M. was a popular one in mediaeval times as a
117 of the ÷Kébrä nägäít: G.M. would openly throne name of emperors Lalibäla (e.g., in the
reign on the earth “with Zion” (the ÷Ark of the “Golden Gospel” and the colophon of the Ké-
Covenant). brä nägäít), Wédém RäŸad, ŸAmdä Séyon I and
G.M.’s life is obscure. He is frequently referred Yéshaq – which produced a certain confusion
to in oral traditions relating, e.g., that in the sev- in hagiographical and other traditional sources
enth year of his reign he went on pilgrimage to (cp., e.g., ÷Énda Maryam), more often inclined
÷Jerusalem, in commemoration of which he toward emphasising the role of the son of Kaleb
built a palace in Samaria at Nablus; and that he at the expenses of his more recent namesakes.
was killed while waging war in eastern Tégray: Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 158f., 162ff.; BudSaint 308, 875ff.;
his body, first buried in the nearby church of Alessandro Bausi (ed., tr.), La «Vita» e i «Miracoli» di
÷Däbrä Sälam Mikaýel in Asbi, was later trans- Libanos, Lovanii 2003 (CSCO 595, 596 [SAe 105, 106]),
lated to Däbrä Damo, where it is still found 56., 61 (text) = 35, 39f. (tr.); BezKebr 170f. (text) = 136f.
(tr.); CRList; Carlo Conti Rossini, Vitae sanctorum
(Sergew Hable Selassie 1970:34f.; SerHist 163f.; antiquiorum I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Louvain 1904
Fiaccadori 1992:441, 444). He also encouraged (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9, 10]), 11f. (text); ColSyn VII, 406f.;
the work of ÷Yared, according to the latter’s CRAxum 5f., 19f., 32f., 34 (text); CRDLib 184–91, no.
Acts, giving rise to the famous scene where the 1–7; Ignazio Guidi, “Il ‘Gadla ’Aragâwî’”, MRALm ser.
King gets so enraptured by Yared’s singing that 5a, 2–1, 1894, 54–96, here 68, 72ff., 84, 93; HuntLand nos.
3f.; RIE 192; Goffredo Villari, “I ‘gultì’ della regione
drives the spear on which he is leaning into the di Axum”, Rassegna economica dell’Africa italiana 2, 9,
saint’s foot without any of the two noticing 1938, 5–19, here 14.
(Conti Rossini 1904:11f.; cp. SerHist 166). Lit.: DAE II, 127–34, s. index; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
A complex stone structure said to be G.M.’s “Bâlî”, La Parola del Passato 47, 1992, 439–45, here 441,
444 (Lit.); MHAksum 13f., 22f., 208f.; Sergew Hable
tomb, with that of Kaleb (÷Enda Kaleb), is still Selassie,“Gäbrä Mäsqäl”, in: DicEthBio, 67 (Lit.); Id., “A
visible in Aksum (DAE II, 127-34). Described by History of Axum: the Successors of Kaleb”, Rural Afri-
the Mäshafä ÷Aksum as “treasury” (CRAxum cana 11, 1970, 30–36, here 33ff.; SerHist 159–66, s. index.
6), it is loosely connected by ÷Alvares to “the Stuart Munro-Hay – Red.
624
Gäbrä Mikaýel
Gäbrä Mäsqäl of Gutämala after which he sunk into obscurity for a number
G.M. of Gutämala or Gutéman (K-:y uF3s; b. of years. He re-emerged in 1958 when he was ap-
Zoga, Tégray, 14th cent.) founded the hermitage of pointed president of the High Court in Asmära.
Gutämala (Sémbéla) at Lägaso in Tégray. He was Lit.: ErDizBio 144; KilHDic 228f.; Jordan Gebre-Me-
a disciple of ÷Samuýel of Däbrä Halleluya during dhin, Peasants and Nationalism in Eritrea: a Critique of
Ethiopian Studies, Trenton, NJ 1989, 79, 84, 92–96, 117;
the reigns of ase Néwayä Maryam (r. 1371–79/80) Mikaýel Hasama, u#Ky %?M= (Zanta Erétra, ‘History
and Dawit II (1379/80–1412). He is known to of Eritrea’), Asmära 1992, 145f.
have written a letter to Dawit. His Vita (÷Gädl) Bairu Tafla
still awaits publication and is followed by a nar-
rative which recounts five of his miracles: 1) an Gäbrä Mikaýel
obscure miraculous event which transpired at Abba G.M. (K-:y wj%s ; b. 1791, Dibo, Gog-
the Saint’s funeral banquet; 2) a jar used to carry gam, d. 29 August 1855, Ligwama, Wällo) was a
water for the celebrations in honour of the Saint, renowned church scholar and Catholic convert.
broke and miraculously was put back together; 3) At the age of 25 he was professed as a monk in the
a monk turned robber was wounded and blinded monastery of ÷Märtulä Maryam. He was educat-
but restored to health by the Saint; 4) the mi- ed there and soon obtained fame as a scholar. As
raculous healing of an infirm monk; 5) a furious his scholarly reputation spread, he was invited to
storm annihilated a band which had organized an teach in many monasteries. In 1841 he accompa-
attack on the monastery of Lägaso. The evil-do- nied Giustino De ÷Jacobis to Cairo as a member
ers wished to force the monks to pay tribute to of the delegation seeking a patriarch for Ethiopia.
a warlord of Tégray, who alone was able to save Before returning to Ethiopia he visited Rome and
himself by begging the Saint’s pardon. G.M. was Jerusalem. Only in February 1844 did De Jaco-
renowned as a wonder-worker. bis accept G.M.’s repeated requests to become
Src.: KinBibl 74, no. 65; StrANL ms. 11, 33–36; Gérard
a Catholic. From 1845 to 1851 he taught in the
Colin, Vie de Samuýel de Dabra Halleluya, Lovanii 1990
(CSCO 520 [SAe 94]), x, 3, 11, 13 (tr.). Catholic seminaries of ÷GwalŸa and ÷ŸAlitena.
Lit.: Giovanni Ellero, “I conventi dello Scirè e le On 1 January 1851, at the age of 59, he was or-
loro leggende”, Bollettino della Reale Società Geografica dained a priest by de Jacobis at ŸAlitena.
Italiana ser. 7a, 4, [76], 1939, 835–53, here 848f. [repr. in: G.M. was in Gondär when the persecution of
EllLusAnt 9–26, here 22]; Osvaldo Raineri, “Gabra
Masqal di Gutämala”, in: EncSan, vol. 1, 945–46.
the Catholics began in 1854, initiated by the met-
Osvaldo Raineri ropolitan abunä ÷Sälama. In an attempt to make
him renounce his faith G.M. was put in the stocks
(gwénd) for 33 days. After that, he was confined
Gäbrä Mäsqäl Wäldu
Fitawrari G.M. (K-:y uF3sy ]s7; b. 1907,
Aõrur, d. 1963, Asmära) was one of Eritrea’s lead-
ing politicians during the 1940s. Born and raised in
Aõrur (Akkälä Guzay), he received his education
at Catholic seminaries in Kärän and in the Sudan.
After this he worked with the Italian colonial ad-
ministration in Eritrea. G.M. is said to have held
the highest office possible for Eritreans within the
administration. He also attained high administra-
tive positions under the British Military Admin-
istration in Eritrea as an arbitrator of communal
conflicts, an administrator and a judge.
G.M. was known as a diligent worker and per-
suasive speaker. In the early 1940s, he became one
of the founders of the ÷Maòbär féqri hagär Erétra
and served as the organisation’s first president.
His unanimous re-elections were repeated until
1946 when dissensions among Eritrean politicians The only authentic portrait of abba Gäbrä Mikaýel; draw-
prevailed. G.M. was demoralized by his opponents ing by Jean-Baptiste Coulbeaux (?), ca. 1875; photo cour-
at the Bet Giyorgis convention in November 1946, tesy of the ŸAddigrat Diocesan Archives
625
Gäbrä Mikaýel
to prison. A further attempt to break his spirit tion with the ruins of Qwalqwala Giyorgis), and at
was made in March 1855. For two hours, as abba Qäbbay. Fearing persecution, they hid themselves
G.M. was lying tied to the floor alternating sol- in a forest (÷Ewostateans), but after some time
diers viciously whipped him. The Orthodox ab- they separated. G.N. stayed by himself and spent
bot of the monastery of ÷Däbrä Damo, mämhér 175 years in prayer. He was accidentally killed by
Askal, testified as an eyewitness that when G.M. a Fälaša (÷Betä Ésraýel) from Sälolo, whose birth
was allowed to stand up all traces of the lashing G.N. had foreseen. G.N.’s death was accompa-
had vanished from his body. He was later tied to nied by miracles: milk and honey poured from
a post facing a firing squad. Only at the last mo- his nostrils; vine-plants sprang from the ground
ment was his life spared owing to the intervention where his teeth fell. Later a holy spring appeared
of Walter ÷Plowden, a visiting emissary of Queen at the site, called May Däbri, which exists even
Victoria. But G.M. was then condemned to trudge now. As local tradition reports, ase ÷Íärsä
in chains behind the soldiers on the march. Dur- Déngél endowed the church of Énda Gäbrä
ing a halt, he announced his forthcoming death to Nazrawi, which was built on the place of G.N.’s
the soldiers. And that night, 29 August, he serene- death, with numerous villages as Ÿétan zore-lands
ly died at Ligwama. Altogether he had endured 13 (s. ÷Land tenure) and granted Ÿaírat rights on
months and 14 days of imprisonment and torture. the lands of Wälqayt. However, the monastery
On 3 October 1926, Pope Pius XI beatified G.M. (also said to be the place of G.N.’s tomb) went
as martyr of the faith. into decline and in the 1930s it only had a few
Src.: Sevir Óernetsov – VjaÓeslav Platonov, “‘Kniga monks, though it still was considered to be the
uniótoïenija lïi, vozvedennoj na pravednogo abunu main cloister (réýésä gädam) of Wälqayt.
Iakova’ Takla Haymanota Takla Egzie – odno iz pervih There could be other prominent monks bearing
proizvedenij amharskoj literaturi” (‘The Book of Elimi-
nation of Lies Cast upon the Righteous abunä Jacob’ by
the name G.N. It seems that G.N. of Wälqayt
Täklä Haymanot Täklä Égziý – One of the First Works of was visited by abunä ÷Zena Marqos who,
the Amharic Literature’), Hristianskij Vostok 3 [9], 2002, according to the latter’s Vita, was wandering in
172−268, here 235, 247−54; Beatificationis seu Declara- northern Ethiopia (s. Cerulli 1962:197). Yet, in a
tionis Martyrii Servi Dei Abba Ghebre Michaelis, Sacra monastic genealogy attached to a manuscript of
Rituum Congregatione, 4 February 1926.
Lit.: John-Baptist Coulbeaux, Abouna Yacob ou le the Gädlä Zena Marqos, a certain G.N. appears
vénérable de Jacobis. Scènes de sa vie d’Apostolat racon- as the spiritual son of abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot
tées par un témoin Abba Tékle−Haïmanot, Paris 1914; and the spiritual father of Zena Marqos (EMML
Id., Vers la Lumière: le Bienheureux Abba Ghebre Mi- 3987, fol. 140a; cp. also the tradition of Däbrä
chael, Paris 1926; Ernesto Cassinari, Il Beato Ghebre Hayq Éstifanos, EMML 1942, fol 74a). A certain
Michael, Roma 1926; Caietanus Bisleti, Abba Ghebre
Michael. Sacra Rituum Congregatione: Positio super Mar- G.N. of Bäläsa is mentioned among the disciples
tyrio et Signis, Roma 1925; Yaqob Beyene, “Abba Gabra of ÷Iyäsus Moa in the latter’s Vita. In the Vita
Mika’el, il martire cattolico etiopico”, Vincentiana 32, of abunä ÷Aron of Däbrä Daret a certain
1988, 437; Kevin O’Mahoney, Abba Gebre-Michael. The G.N. appears as a disciple of Aron. The Vita of
Life and Death of Blessed Abba Gebre-Michael: Ethiopi-
an Priest and Martyr, Addis Ababa 2003; OMahPh, vol. 1,
abba ÷Bäsälotä Mikaýel reports that he visited
27ff., 37ff., 84ff., 139–48, 162–69; RubTew; RubInd. “his beloved” G.N. at a place called Gäfe near
Kevin O’Mahoney Mäqälä, in Tégray. The historical identity of all
these persons is difficult to establish; however,
Gäbrä Nazrawi a comprehensive monastic ÷genealogy (K<gy
G.N. (K-:y !w=_) was a late 14th-cent. lesser- Mbs6y u|mDM , Tarikä téwléddä mänäkosat
known holy monk. His ÷gädl has not been yet ‘The History of the Generations of the Monks’)
identified; his life is so far only known from lo- seems to connect the different traditions, making
cal legends of ÷Wälqayt, collected by Ellero in (an Ewostatean) Yohannés “brother of ŸÉbnä
the late 1930s (who mentions the existence of Sänbät” spiritual father of G.N. of Qäwét
a ÷mälkéý in the saint’s honour; s. Ellero 1948: (mentioned in the Sénkéssar under 10 Téqémt
101ff.). G.N. was one of the eight pupils of abunä and 29 Térr), who appears in turn to be spiritual
÷Ewostatewos from ÷Sällämt who came to father of Aron of Däbrä Daret (s. Conti Rossini
Sérella, a district of Wälqayt, during the reign of 1943:339; cp. KinBibl no. 67 [?]).
Src.: BudSaint 137, 563; ColSyn VII, 234f.; IX, 54f.;
ase Wédém Asfäre (÷Wédém RäŸad). They stayed Carlo Conti Rossini (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum
at Méqram Gobay (Sälolo), where they founded indigenarum I. Acta s. Basalota Mikaýel, s. Anorewos (seu
the church of Kidanä Méhrät (identified by tradi- Acta s. Honorii), Louvain 1905 (CSCO 28, 29 [SAe 11,
626
Gäbrä Íéllase Anno
12]), 19 (text); Id., “Il Gadla Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Éccäge Gäbrä Íéllase’s
Dabra Bizan”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1901, 61–170, here 155; seal; from GueCopMen
Id., [Review: Riccardo De Santis, Il Gadla Tadewos di 334, pl. 52
Bartarwa, Città del Vaticano 1942], RSE 3, 1943, 335–40;
Enrico Cerulli, “Gli atti di Zena Markos, monaco
etiope del sec. XIV”, in: Collectanea Vaticana in honorem
Anselmi Card. Albareda, vol. 1, Città del Vaticano 1962
(Studi e testi 219), 191–212, here 197, 210; EMML 1942,
3987; KurMoa 60 (text) = 52 (tr.); Boris Turaiev (ed.,
tr.), Vitae sanctorum indigenarum II. Acta ss. Aaronis et
Philippi, Louvain 1905 (CSCO 30, 31 [SAe 13, 14]), 126,
157 (text) = 113f., 142 (tr.).
Lit. : KinBibl 75, no. 67; Giovanni Ellero, “Il Uolcaìt”, the favourite of ase Yohannés IV. Tewoflos, like
RSE 7, 1948, 89–112, here 100–03 [repr. in: EllLusAnt Yohannés IV, was an adherent of the Täwahédo
109–31, here 118–21]; DerDom, s. index. (or ÷Karra) doctrine. Therefore, the Emperor
Denis Nosnitsin
had made Tewoflos in 1878 éccäge, i.e. the head
of ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa, whose monks were
Gäbrä Íéllase for the most part the adherents of the opposite
÷Sägga or “Grace” doctrine and believed in
Éccäge G.Í. (K-:y TqE, d. 3 November 1906) the doctrine of “Three Births” (÷Sost lédät). To
was a native of ÷Hamasen. He took his monastic strengthen the position of éccäge Tewoflos as a
vow in a monastery in Tégray, and received supervisor over the true faith, ase Yohannés IV
his theological education and honorific title had appointed him also ÷liqä kahénat.
of ÷mämhér probably at ÷Aksum Séyon. In On 9 November 1889, ase Ménilék dismissed
1841, when the newly consecrated Metropolitan Tewoflos and appointed in his place G.Í.,
abunä ÷Sälama was passing through Tégray on who was solemnly blessed as éccäge by abunä
his way to Bägemdér to the court of däggazmaó Matewos. However, Ménilék, true to his idea of
÷Wébe Òaylä Maryam, G.Í. joined the abun and centralization of both the state and the Church,
remained as his “spiritual son” in his retinue at bestowed Tewoflos’s title of liqä kahénat on
Gondär during the rest of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént. abunä Matewos. G.Í. considered it as a serious
During the reign of ase ÷Tewodros II G.Í. was infringement of the age-long rights of the
also with the abun and followed him to the place éccäge (believed to have been established since
of his detention at the royal fortress (turned into the 14th cent. éccäge ÷Filéppos). This darkened
state prison) of ÷Mäqdäla in 1867. There Sälama G.Í.’s relations both with Ménilék and abunä
decided to send with G.Í. a secret letter to néguí Matewos. G.Í. died while still in the office of
Ménilék, who had previously fled from Mäqdäla éccäge and was buried in Däbrä Libanos.
to Šäwa. The Metropolitan’s secretary aläqa Src.: GSMen 166, 193, 197; GueCopMen 334 (ill.), s.
÷Wäldä Maryam advised him to use invisible index; BTafA 694f.; MärsÉŸe Hazän Wäldä Qirqos,
ink for the sake of security. However, the abun YuCu<\by #M_1\_y YM<\?l (Yämäggämmäriyaw
refused and G.Í. was sent with a message written ityopyawi patriyark, ‘The First Ethiopian Patriarch’),
in ordinary black ink (MonVidTheo 41f.). Addis Abäba 1956 A.M. [1963/64 A.D.], 131; ÒÉruy
Wäldä ÍÉllase, `vx| (uPTIy Y#M_1\#y
Abunä Sälama died of illness at Mäqdäla in |KTKMy YK<ly ((sy nxl(? (Wazema. Bämägéítu
October 1867 and G.Í. remained at the court of yäýityopyan nägäítat yätarik bäŸal lämakbär, ‘The
Ménilék of Šäwa and was made father-confessor Eve: the Feast of the Ethiopian Kings to be Celebrated
(÷Näfs abbat) of both Ménilék and his wife Tomorrow’), Addis Abäba 1921 A.M. [1928/29 A.D.],
115; MonVidTheo 42.
÷Bafäna. Thus, he became a prominent figure at Lit.: AmhChurchD vol. 5, 196–99; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli
Ménilék’s court and as such tried in 1876, with abbati di Dabra Libanos, capi del monachismo etiopico,
some other dignitaries, to solve the differences secondo le liste recenti (sec. XVIII–XX)”, Orientalia nuova
between the spouses, but in vain. Finally, Ménilék ser. 14, 1945, 143–71, here 164–67.
Sevir Chernetsov
divorced Bafäna and married ÷Taytu in 1883.
After the death of ase ÷Yohannés IV in 1889,
Ménilék proclaimed himself Emperor and began Gäbrä Íéllase Anno
to appoint his own men to various offices, secular G.Í.A. (K-:y TqEy !$, birth name Biiftuu,
and ecclesiastical. Thus he made diocesan bishop locally also known as Abbaa Oboo, after his
of Šäwa, abunä ÷Matewos, the Metropolitan eldest son, Oboo) was the first qoroo (governor)
of Ethiopia and dismissed éccäge ÷Tewoflos, of Wänbära, west of the Šar River, appointed in
627
Gäbrä Íéllase Anno
1898 by néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam. (G.Í.’s sphere of influence including ÷Šire and
According to tradition, he was a favourite god- ÷Adyabo), the marriage brought no children.
son of the néguí. The same year, he was assigned by Ménilék II
By origin G.Í.A. was from western Wälläga. to visit the Italian authorities in Eritrea on an
It was his grandfather, Bako, who first settled in official visit acknowledging the colony. Later,
Wänbära at a place called Kittar. His son, Anno, he was appointed governor of ÷ŸAdwa and,
later emerged as a strong chief in the area. In after Ménilék’s death, was part of the group
the early resistance against the Goggami raid- supporting ÷Iyasu against ÷Taytu.
ers, Anno was said to have been killed, with his On 25 February 1914, G.Í. fought with ras
wife and G.Í.A. taken into captivity to Goggam. Sébhat Arägawi, who was bribed by ras Mikaýel
There, G.Í.A. could learn Amharic and get famil- and turned against him. In the meantime, G.Í.
iar with the Goggam court structure. Even after was involved in a bloody six-hour battle with
he returned to Wänbära with his mother, he con- ras ÷Íéyyum Mängäša, a strong opponent of
tinued to have close connections with the court his power in Tégray. Overwhelmed by the
at ÷Däbrä Marqos and cultivated friendship with approaching forces of ÷Wäldä Giyorgis and
the Goggami settlers in Wänbära. ordered by Iyasu to intervene, he fled to the
Täkla Haymänot used G.Í.A. to convince local Danakil desert, where he remained till the latter
people to submit peacefully to his rule, so that was deposed. He only made a lasting alliance
when the néguí arrived, he met little or no resist- with Íéyyum by marrying his daughter wäyzäro
ance. G.Í.A. became his first qoroo of Wänbära ÷Wälättä Ésraýel, by whom he had a son,
(region and town, now ÷Däbrä Zäyt) with the ti- däggazmaó Zäwde. Back in a position of honour
tle of ÷fitawrari and ÷gäbaz of the new church. under the government of ÷Zäwditu, he supported
G.Í.A.’s power base was in Kittar. All the oth- her struggle in the 1920s against the pressure from
er qoroo in their respective areas where directly ras Täfäri (÷Òaylä Íéllase I), who demanded full
responsible to him. He was actually considered power. As a result he was banished to Mäcca and
as mooti (king) in the same way as the rulers of prevented form entering the court. Later he was
Leeqaa Neqemte, with who he had strong rela- given the position of néburä éd of Aksum and
tionships. considerable power within Tégray.
Src.: interviews with Dibaba Wango (age 98), Dirirsa Src.: BTafY 129; GueCopMen 496 and n. 6, 506 n. 12,
Dangalaa (95), Galta Eggata (55), Abäbä Guddata (56), 538 n. 22, 621 and n. 5, 627 and n.1; interviews with
Bultum Obse (95), Atomsa Dibaba (99), Tolosa Nagawo däggazmaó Zäwde Gäbrä Íéllase.
(70) in Wänbära 1996–97.
Lit.: Harold G. Marcus, The Life and Times of Menelik
Lit.: Tsega Endalew, The Oromo of Wanbara: a Histor-
II. Ethiopia 1844-1913, Oxford 1975, 217, 240, 248, 262f.;
ical Survey to 1941, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University
Chris Prouty Rosenfeld, A Chronology of Menilek II
1997 (Lit.).
Tsega Endalew of Ethiopia, 1844–1913, Michigan State University 1976;
Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu and Menilek II, Ethiopia
1883–1910, Trenton, NJ 1986; Tsehay Hayle, A Short
Gäbrä Íéllase Barya Gabér Biography of Gebre Sellase, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa
University 1972; Haggai Erlich, Ethiopia and Eritrea
G.Í. (K-: y TqE y +?\ y N-?; d. 1931, Mittaq during the Scramble for Africa: a Political Biography of
Emanuel) was one of the trusted counsellors Ras Alula, 1875–1897, East Lansing, MI – Tel Aviv 1982.
of ÷Ménilék II. The son of däggazmaó Barya Izabela Orlowska
Gabér Farus (ca. 1810–89), he was related to
Yohannés IV through his mother and, distantly,
his father. Gäbrä Íéllase Wäldä Arägay
G.Í. went to study at the International Sähafe téýézaz G.Í. (K-:y TqEy ]s6y $:
Institute in Turin. In 1904, after an earlier failed N^; b. ca. 1844, Däbrä Bérhan, d. 1912, Addis
marriage, he married wäyzäro Amarätäóó Walu, Abäba), usually identified by the title of aläqa,
daughter of qäññazmaó Walu and sister of Wäldä was ase ÷Ménilék II’s private secretary and Min-
Giyorgis, hence the cousin of ras ÷Mäkwännén ister of the Pen. He also served as the dean of the
Wäldä Mikaýel. A political arrangement and churches of ÷Éntotto Raguýel near Addis Abäba
a sign of the preference of G.Í. over the two and Däbrä Séyon in Addis ŸAläm.
other Tégrayan chiefs, ras ÷Íéyyum Mängäša Both G.Í.’s parents – ato Wäldä Arägay of
Yohannés and ÷Sébhat Arägawi, with whom Wägda and wäyzäro Wälättä Giyorgis of Gurage
he shared the governorship of Tégray since 1902 – worked in the royal palace and he received a
628
Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda Wärq
church education at Näcc Gädäl and Mitaq (east- Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda
ern Šäwa). He began his career as a clerk in the Wärq; photo courtesy
of the IES (no. 19
court of wäyzäro Bafäna, a former wife of néguí G4, 21)
Ménilék, and was transferred to the service of
the néguí in the late 1870s. In 1889, he was pro-
moted to the position of ÷sähafe téýézaz and was
thereafter regarded as one of the most influential
officials of the Ménilék era. He was in charge of
all scribes at the royal court and assumed respon-
sibility for state correspondence, including that
concerning foreigners and foreign states, in spite
of the fact that he could not speak any foreign
languages. In 1907, he was appointed Minister of
the Pen and three years later was transferred to
Addis ŸAläm with the title ÷néburä éd. After his
death, he was buried at the church cemetery of
Éntotto Raguýel, whose patron he had been since He rejoined government service after the war
the late 1880s. in 1941 and served in the Ministries of Finance
Src.: GueCopMen; Bairu Tafla, Ethiopian Records of the and the Interior, before he went back to the Min-
Menilek Era. Selected Amharic Documents from the Nach- istry of the Pen as its Director-General in 1947 to
laß of Alfred Ilg 1884-1900, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 54). remain there for the rest of his life, attaining the
Lit.: HerTar 91; Bairu Tafla, “Three Portraits: Ato title of mékéttél (‘deputy’) sähafe téýézaz (1955)
Asmä Giyorgis, Ras Gobäna Daói and Sähafé Tezaz Gäbrä
and the rank of Minister of State in the Ministry
Selassé”, JES 5, 3, 1967, 133–38; Sevir Óernetsov, “Red-
kaja fotografija Gebre Sellase (1844-1912), sekretarja i of the Pen (July 1960). But, both the title and rank
istoriografa efiopskogo imperatora Menelika II” (‘A Rare belied his actual influence and authority due to his
Phototograph of Gäbrä Íéllase (1844-1912), Secretary and longstanding proximity to the Emperor.
Historiographer of the Ethiopian Emperor Ménilék II’, G.W. published two books that have great
Hristianskij Vostok 2, 1999, 284-98; MahHorse 283.
importance for students of modern Ethiopian
Bairu Tafla
history: Yämaycäw zämäóanna yäguzow tarik
(1948/49), devoted to the Italian-Ethiopian war
Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda Wärq of 1936, and Yäýityopya märeténna gébér sém
(1955/56), dealing with the land-tenure system
G.W. (K-:y ]s;y &#P9y ]?8; b. 1901, d.
and land taxation based on his first hand experi-
15 December 1960) was born in the vicinity of ence at the Ministries of Finance (Head of the
Addis Abäba. He was sent to a church school, Land Tax Department) and of the Interior (as
where he learnt the rudiments of rote-reading awragga governor and in the Šäwa Regional
and recitation of various ÷GéŸéz religious texts Head Office). His third work, dealing with the
up to the completion of the Psalter, but did not Emperor’s second visit to the Gondär Region in
attend any “modern” school (÷Education). As 1951, remains unpublished.
G.W. became versed in reading and writing Am- G.W. was one of the senior government of-
haric, he was employed in the Ministry of the ficials killed in the Green Salon of the Gännätä
Pen (÷Sähafe téýézaz) at a relatively early age for LéŸul palace during the abortive ÷Coup d’état
such an important Ministry in that period. of 1960.
His rise to positions of responsibility was Src.: Gäbrä Wäld ÉngÉda Wärq, Yx^Jby ru*!y
gradual but steady, and by the beginning of the YLxby K<l (Yämaycäw zämäóanna yäguzow tarik,
÷Italian war of 1935 G.W. was Secretary-General ‘The Maycäw Campaign and the History of the Journey
of the Ministry of the Pen and became a key link, [to the Front]’, Addis Abäba 1941 A.M. [1948/49 A.D.];
Id., Y#M_1\y u>M!y P-?y Fz (Yäýityopya märeténna
during that war, in the communication between gébér sém, ‘Designations of the Ethiopian Land Tenure
ase ÷Òaylä Íéllase I and his front commanders. System and [Land] Taxation’), Addis Abäba 1948 A.M.
He went on secret errands for the Emperor, [1955/56 A.D.].
whenever the latter wished to communicate Lit.: Mulugeta Gäbrä Wäld (ed.), K-:y ]s;y &#P9y
]?8| !O?y YB^]My K<l (Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda Wärq.
matters of great importance to his senior officers.
Accér yähéywät tarik, ‘Gäbrä Wäld Éngéda Wärq: a Brief
After the defeat in ÷Maycäw, G.W. escaped to Biography’), Addis Abäba 1954 A.M. [1961/62 A.D.].
the rural areas. Asfaw Damte
629
Gäbrä Yäsus Òaylu
Gäbrä Yäsus Òaylu In Rome G. was involved in helping to revise
Abba G. (K-:y YBFy dô ; b. 7 June 1906, Ethiopian liturgical texts. From September 1952,
Afälba, Éngana district, Akkälä Guzay, d. 5 July he worked as cultural attaché at the Ethiopian
1993, Addis Abäba) was a prestigious religious Embassy. In 1960 he was called again to Addis
scholar and intellectual and author of what is Abäba and was assigned to the Ministry of In-
considered to be the first genuine Tégréñña formation with responsibility in the fields of
novel (Ghirmai Negash 1999:132). research and literature. He served in that capac-
G. learnt reading and writing from the parity until his retirement in July 1974. From 1975
ish priest of Afälba, qäšši Täsfaséyon Féííéha, onward, he was active in the National Amharic
managing to memorise the Psalter. Still young, Language Academy, of which he was president
he was selected by the Italian commissariato to for many years.
go to Zéban ŸUna (Säraye region) to study agri- It was during the Italian years – around
culture. The invitation was not, however, taken 1927 – that G. started composing in Tégréñña
up and instead he was sent to San Michele school #wH(Fg:y #=6y u#&A^y t?#y =6 yu#K
in Sägänäyti, where he spent the following two (NézétäŸaskärä néhadä mänýésäy ziréýi hadä
years. In 1923 he joined the Catholic Seminary zanta, shortened form =6y u#K, Hadä zanta)
of Kärän, where beside the ordinary studies he (Ghirmai Negash 1999:132). The book was,
learned Tégre. however, only published in the 1940’s under
In 1924 G. was sent to the Ethiopian College in the British administration because of his scath-
the Vatican (÷Santo Stefano dei Mori) where he ing criticism of Italian colonialism and thanks
obtained the licenza ginnasiale in a record time to the funds of the ÷Mahbär féqri hagär. The
(three years instead of five). In 1929 he began narrative depicts a group of Eritrean conscript
studies in philosophy, successfully completed soldiers who die fighting in 1912 as auxiliaries
three years later by the earning of a degree. The for the Italians in Libya. Tékkwabo, the protago-
following five years were spent studying theol- nist, however, survives the many skurmishes and
ogy, crowned with a doctoral dissertation pre- dangers. During various military engagements
sented at the Pontificia Universitas Urbaniana. the Eritreans gradually become aware that their
Written in Latin with the title De Maria corre- support for Italy is at the same time contributing
demptrice iuxta documenta aethiopica, the work to the consolidation of Italian colonial rule over
was based on a 17th-cent. text. Deacon G. was or- Eritrea. When after three years Tékkwabo returns
dained priest by abunä ÷Kidanä Maryam Kaía, home unhurt to Eritrea he is confronted with the
bishop of Asmära, on 1 October 1933. During news that his mother has died.
his stay at the Ethiopian College, he served as Called by Hailu Habtu (1981:131) the most
dean of the students, helping the newcomers to impressive of all historical novels, it can be
adjust themselves to their new setting. viewed in three ways: as a political manifesto
Back home, from 1935 to 1942 G. served intent on strengthening the national feelings of
with generous dedication as secretary to abunä the Eritreans; as an exeptional literary work; and,
Kidanä Maryam Kaía. In 1941, after the defeat of finally, as an historical document depicting the
the Italians, most of the Italian missionaries were colonial period with its debasing and ultimately
forced to leave the country. As a consequence, destructive entanglements. The novel found
the See of Rome asked the Catholic clergy from due appreciation and was given extensive and
Eritrea to fill the vacancies left by the missionar- thorough reviewing (Ricci 1951; RicLett 888ff.;
ies. Abunä Kidanä Maryam Kaía led a group of Hailu Habtu 1981:131–47; Ghirmai Negash
priests, including abba G., who were to cover 1999:132–36; a text excerpt is available in Ullen-
the places left vacant. They reached Addis Abäba dorff 1985:93–103). It was also the only literary
in July 1942. From 1944 to 1948 abba G. held work in Tégréñña to be translated into a Western
the rank of Vicarius generalis and was active in language, published under the title “The Black
reopening churches which had been shut down, Train” (Amanuel Sahle 1988).
in reviving Christian communities and in recov- G.’s other published work, !^y F6qM!y
ering lost properties. He moved to Jerusalem in z?u=#y =8Fy !uUW=#y gty #++M#y
April 1950 and remained there until September ebe`\M# (Nay fidälatna mérmäran haddis
of that year, from where he continued on to amähahéran källo nébabatén séwséwayatén
Rome. (1941 A.M.), deals with the spiritual character and
630
Gäbre Täsfa
the secret meaning of the letters of the Ethiopic corredemptrice ex literatura Aethiopica”, Marianum 14,
alphabet (s. Ricci 1951). Entangled in endless po- 1952, 384–412; ibid. 15, 1953, 46–55; Id., “Un manoscritto
amarico sulle verità della Fede”, in: PICES 1, 345–52; Id.,
lemics that drained his time and energy, G. did not “Considerations théologiques sur le Melka’a Sellasie de
produce other comparable literary works. Among Abba Sebhat le’Ab”, in: PICES 3, 272–79; Id., F6qM
his unpublished works there is a youthful text of (Fidälat, ‘Alphabet’), QSE 3-4, 1982-83, 89-94; Amanuel
dramatic poetry, !^y Uk^y L;@Fy M=C8z Sahle (tr.), “The Black Train (tr. and adapted from Abba
8MnMy ?&B (Nay haìäy Tedros tragädi – qétlät Ghebre Yessus Hailu’s Hade Zanta)”, Ethiopian Journal
of African Studies 5, 1, 1988, 33-69.
réýsu, ‘The Tragedy of [His Majesty] ase Tewo- Lit.: Ghirmai Negash, A History of Tigrinya Litera-
dros; His Suicide’); a translation from Italian of ture in Eritrea, Leiden 1999; Hailu Habtu, Aspects of
“Le Glorie di Maria” by St. Alphonsus de Liguori Tigrinya literature (until 1974), M.A. thesis, University
(1696–1787), !^y &Pw&M|y x?\zy F-=KM of London, School of Oriental and African Studies 1981;
RicLett 888ff., 905f., 910; Lanfranco Ricci, “Review
(Nay ýégzéýéténä Maryam sébhatat, ‘The Praise of
[of Hadä zanta and Nay fidälatna …]”, RSE 10, 1951,
Our Lady Mary’), consisting of five books with 136-39; Edward Ullendorff, A Tigrinya (Tégréñña)
a total of 620 pages and produced during his stay Chrestomathy, Stuttgart 1985 (AeF 19).
in Rome; and a biography of the Blessed ÷Gäbrä Tedros Abraha – Rainer Voigt
Mikaýel. These manuscripts are kept in the cus-
tody of Brother Ezio Tonini at the Pavoni Centre
in Asmära, their publication being a desideratum. Gäbre Täsfa
G. was an articulate and outstanding personal- Ras G.T. (K->y HFG ; d. 10 April 1816) was a he-
ity, well travelled by the standards of his time, reditary and practically independent ruler of ÷Sé-
and a vibrant intellectual with a wide range of men province. For the first time he was mentioned
interests and an amazingly rich culture. With an in Ethiopian annals under the year 1791 (BlunChr
absolute command of GéŸéz and Latin, he also 418) as däggazmaó Gäbre, though the title had
spoke a refined Italian and was fluent in French been never officially granted to him by any Ethio-
and English. Mainly known for his outspoken pian sovereign. However, this became a common
stand on his own “Ethiopian identity”, he fought practice in the “Era of the Princes” (÷Zämänä
for recognition of equal citizenship of the GéŸéz mäsafént), when Gondärine rulers were mere
rite in the Catholic Church, which often put him puppets in the hands of mighty feudal lords and
at loggerheads with missionary followers of the any provincial ruler was called däggazmaó with-
Latin rite. For years he was a fervent unionist out being appointed by the nominal king.
and fierce – sometimes aggressive – opponent Sémen was not a great province and G.T. was
of “secession”, even though it seems that by the by no means one of those mighty lords, the
time of the Referendum for or against Independ- king-makers, who chose and changed Ethio-
ence in 1993 he had had a change of heart. pian monarchs at will. Paradoxically, precisely
G.’s role in the field of his vernacular literature this factor made Gondärine rulers, uneasy with
is pivotal, with his contribution clearly being the their dependent position, seek the support of
mainspring; for whatever other merits he may such minor lords to counterbalance the influ-
have, his novel =6y u#K (Hadä zanta) stands ence of the mighty ones. Thus, in September
out as the starting-point and a lasting inspiration 1793 ase ÷Hézqéyas (1788–94) appointed G.T.
for all subsequent Tégréñña literature, which has ras, even in the absence of the nominee, “while
since thrived and greatly expanded. he was in his country”. In 1795 another ruler,
Src.: Gäbrä Yäsus Òaylu, De Maria corredemptrice ase ÷Täklä Giyorgis (1779–84, 1789, 1795, 1796,
iuxta documenta Aethiopica, Ph.D. thesis, Pontificia
Universitas Urbaniana, Roma 1937; Id., !^y F6qM!y 1799, 1800), who at the moment had been for
z?u=#y =8Fy !uUW=#y gty #++M#y ebe`\M# the third time driven out of the capital city of
(Nay fidälatna mérmäran haddis amähahéran källo ÷Gondär, resorted to G.T.’s help and the latter
nébabatén séwséwayatén, ‘Stories for Reading and Sto- indeed took Täklä Giyorgis’ side, fought for
ries for Telling together with a New Didactic Method
and Research on our Alphabet’), Asmära 1941 A.M.
him and returned him to the capital. Ase Täklä
[1948/49 A.D.]; Id., #wH(Fg:y #=6y u#&A^y t?#y Giyorgis, who had been enthroned and deposed
=6y u#K (NézétäŸaskärä néhadä mänýésäy ziréýi hadä many times, indignant with the situation, once
zanta, ‘Story of a Young Conscript’), Asmära 1942 A.M. even refused to be returned on the throne, say-
[= 1949/50 A.D.]; Id., “Spiritualità del popolo etiopico”, ing: ub&Yy &gb#}y guy zFsy ]2+M ?
Responsabilità del Sapere 6, 1952, 48-68; Id., “Monach-
esimo cattolico di rito etiopico in Eritrea”, Africa. Rivista (mäsiýéyä ékäwwénnu kämä mésl wätaŸot?, ‘If
mensile di interessi africani 7, 5, 6, 1952; Id., “De Maria I come, shall I become an image or figure [of a
631
Gäbre Täsfa
king]?’; BlunChr 418). But in fact he returned contradicted the views of the Patriarchate of
and became precisely this. Alexandria (÷Alexandrian theology).
Under the circumstances G.T. (like all other On another occasion abunä Gäbréýel also
provincial rulers) preferred to care not so much took the Emperor’s side against local rebels
for these “images and figures” as for himself (TadTChurch 241). He died, probably, in 1458.
and his own local power base (Sémen) and in his Metropolitans Mikaýel and Gäbréýel became
everyday politics to mind not impotent kings, but famous in Ethiopia first and foremost due to the
mighty king-makers. So, when in 1796 ase Täklä fact they had been the first two Metropolitans
Giyorgis again appealed to G.T. for military who arrived in Ethiopia simultaneously.
assistance, he preferred to take sides with a new Src.: CRAxum 67; CerMaria 91; Stanislas Kur, Actes de
ruler ase ÷Sälomon II (1796–97, 1799). Märha Krestos, Louvain 1972 (CSCO 330 [SAe 62]), 85
(text).
G.T. was cautious in his alliances, but his life
Lit.: AmhChurchDic vol. 5, 57ff.; TadTChurch 228ff.,
(like all of his contemporaries) remained stormy 235f., 241, 247; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Sul ms.
and dangerous. Thus, in 1799 he was besieged on Parigi, B.n.F. d’Abb. 78 (C.R. 38) e i metropoliti Yeshaq,
his ÷amba in Sémen by the mighty ras ÷Wäldä YaŸqob e Marqos d’Etiopia (sec. XV-XVI)”, RRALm ser.
Íéllase and in 1802 ase ÷Égwalä Séyon prepared 9a, 15, 2004 [2005], 679-90, here 682f., n. 22 (Lit.).
to attack him. His main and most dangerous Sevir Chernetsov
opponent, however, was ras ÷Gugsa Märsa (d.
Gäbréyye ÷Gäbrä Òéywät Goššu
in May 1825). Still, G.T. was lucky enough to
preserve his authority over Sémen until he died a
natural death at the age of 80 and was succeeded Gabriel, João
by his son däggazmaó ÷Òaylä Maryam Gäbre. G. (b. ca. 1554, d. after 1626) was a prominent
Src.: BTafA 915, 928; BlunChr 418, 425, 427, 433–37, member of the Luso-Ethiopian community. His
447f., 457–61, 464f., 473. mother was an Ethiopian woman converted to
Lit.: Eduard Rüppell, Reise in Abyssinien, Frankfurt
1838–40, vol. 2, 423; Nathaniel Pearce, The Life and
Catholicism whose name and ethnic roots have
Adventures of Nathaniel Pearce, London 1831, vol. 2, not been recorded, and his father an Italian
46; Andrzej Bartnicki – Joanna Mantel-NieÚko, soldier who went to Ethiopia with Christovão
Historia Etiopii, Wroclaw 1987, 193. da ÷Gama, presumably the Francisco Jacome
Sevir Chernetsov (Francesco Giacomo), who for many years
(1559–ca. 1577) had been commander of the
Portuguese troop.
Gäbréýel and Mikaýel G. was first educated for three years by the
In 1438 ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob received for Ethio- Orthodox monks at ÷Däbrä Libanos (Pais 1945,
pia two metropolitans from Egypt, Gäbréýel vol. 2, 229). Later, when he was ca. 12–14 years
(K-?%s ) and Mikaýel (wj%s). It was the first old, he learnt to read and write in GéŸéz, Latin
occasion when two Egyptian bishops were sent at and Portuguese with the Jesuits at ÷Féremona.
one time. This produced a public effect that was He married – probably a Luso-Ethiopian – and
used by the Emperor to his own ends and pur- had offspring, of whom the sources report a
poses, i.e. for reforming the Ethiopian Church Basílio and a Dionísio. The first died in 1628/29
and establishing his own leading role there. supporting the viceroy ÷QébŸa Kréstos against
Zärýa YaŸéqob received both bishops at Aksum the rebel tégre mäkwännén Täklä Giyorgis
and then separated them (thus dividing and (BecRASO XIII, 432f.). Dionísio remained in
diminishing their ecclesiastical authority in the the country and, after the ban of Catholicism,
country): he settled abunä Mikaýel in Amhara was persecuted because of his faith (BecRASO
and abunä Gäbréýel in Šäwa, while the province XIII, 266). An unnamed son of G. acted as an
of Tégray, always pregnant with dissent, was left interpreter for the Jesuits at Susényos’ court and
under his own vigilant supervision. became in 1619 commander of the Luso-Ethio-
This approach brought the desired results. In pian cavalry, receiving a ÷gwélt, as his father had
1450, at the Council at ÷Däbrä Métmaq on the before (BecRASO XI, 424).
question of the ÷Sabbath, attended by the follow- G. served emperors Íärsä Déngél, YaŸéqob,
ers of ÷Ewostatewos, the abbots of the leading Zädéngél and Susényos as captain of the “Por-
monasteries and the two bishops, the latter meekly tuguese” military corps in Tégray (until ca.
accepted Zärýa YaŸéqob’s ideas, which obviously 1607–08) and became the head of the Portuguese
632
Gadaa
community in Féremona. He led a group to wel- Gadaa
come the Jesuit fathers, who considered him a G., usually accompanied by the word “system”,
“valiant, trustworthy and well learned man” (Be- has become the accepted name for the cyclical
cRASO XI, 126), and introduced them to various generation-set systems through which, in tradi-
aspects of nature and social customs in Ethiopia. tional ÷Oromo societies, most non-inheritable
Besides being a privileged informant, he was ritual and social responsibilities were transmitted
able to help the missionaries in translating some in an orderly way. Local G. systems have devel-
Catholic liturgical and catechetic works, such as oped varying organizations, but the essential
the Cartilha (a catechism booklet) into GéŸéz principles and values have remained constant
or Amharic, and taking part in the theological (Hallpike 1976:48). G. has become one of the
disputes between Catholics and supporters of “key words” of Oromo culture, which, though
Orthodoxy. At the request of the priests, he also it “cannot be given a univocal interpretation, […]
translated into Portuguese some doctrinal beliefs stands for several related ideas” and a “whole
of the Ethiopian Church. He is supposed to have way of life” (Asmarom Legesse 1973:81). The
written an account entitled Comentários do Im- enduring ubiquity of G. as a “social ideology”
pério de Etiópia, today lost. (Aguilar 1998:258) is clear from Tamene Bitima’s
Src.: BecRASO XI, 126, 424; XII; XIII, 266, 432f.; Pêro recent definitions: “1) Oromo social system in
Pais, História da Etiópia, 3 vols., Porto 1945–46, vol.
which the Oromo organized their economic,
2, 229; Baltasar Telles, The Travels of the Jesuits in
Ethiopia, London 1710 [Lisboa 11660]. political, military and spiritual life; 2) democratic
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “Le sorgenti del Nilo Az- system in which the Oromo elected their leaders
zurro e Giovanni Gabriel”, Bollettino della Società Ge- every eight years” (Tamene Bitima 2000:117). G.,
ografica Italiana ser. 7a, 6, 1941, 38–47; Hervé Pennec, with good reasons, has become an emotive and
Des Jésuites au Royaume du Prêtre Jean, Paris 2003.
powerful symbol for the Oromo of their demo-
Isabel Boavida
cratic heritage, cultural distinctiveness, political
aspirations and, especially, their proud, inde-
Gäbru pendent past (Asafa Jalata 1998:18–28, 39–50).
G. (K-;, hypocoristic of Gäbrä Kréstos; ÷wag ÷Bahrey argued that in the 16th cent. the
šum in 1877–82, d. 1888) was a Tégrayan, who luuba (luba) organization (which later came to
was appointed by ase ÷Yohannés IV over Wag be known as the G. system) provided the or-
in 1877. He replaced wagšum ÷Käbbädä Täfäri, ganizational and ideological impetus for Oromo
who was removed from office for not accom- military successes. Later both indigenous des-
panying the Emperor in his wars against the pots and outside conquerors also perceived G.’s
Egyptians. This was because Käbbädä Täfäri was democratic form as a political threat and regu-
larly forbade it to function openly (MHasOr). It
so young at the time that his regent did not find
was also opposed and often threatened by pros-
it appropriate to take the young wag šum to the
elytizing Christians and Muslims. Nevertheless,
battlefield. G. did not belong to the legitimate
the values which G. represented continued to
family of the wag šums and his appointment
be central to Oromo ideas of well-being and
soon after the Battle of ÷ŸAsäm, where their
of peace (÷nagaa). The ÷Mäcca, for example,
kinsmen ase ÷Täklä Giyorgis II was defeated
mourned the apparent disintegration of G. under
by Yohannés IV, angered the people of Wag and
central domination as marking the end of the
Lasta, and they could not accept it with grace.
natural and social orders: “When G. was de-
Shortly after his appointment, there was a rebel-
stroyed […] The bull refused to mount the cow,
lion led by the relatives of ase Täklä Giyorgis II.
men no longer respected justice […] There were
The rebellion occurred in 1878 when wag šum
no longer any real elders, and few children were
G. had accompanied Yohannés IV into Šäwa, but
born. The cows gave birth to deformed calves.
it was easily suppressed. G. was then transferred
[…] everything else was also destroyed” (Knuts-
to Dämbéya in 1882. He fought and defeated the
son 1967:180). But G., in an “attenuated” form
Mahdist forces near ÷Gallabat in July 1885 and
and as “a religious system”, has proved resilient
died three years later.
at local levels as, for example, among Christian
Lit.: BTafY; RubInd; Wudu Tafete, A Political History
of Wag and Lasta, c. 1543–1919, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa ÷Tuulama settlers in Muslim Bale, a simple ver-
University 1995; ZewYohan. sion of the “five grade structure and eight year
Wudu Tafete G. period” was still working in the early 1970s
633
Gadaa
for all generation-set systems, including those of
the neighbouring ÷Sidaama, ÷Diraašša, ÷Burgi,
÷Gidole and ÷Konso. Jensen’s title Im Lande des
Gada (1936) suggests “that there is a ‘gada coun-
try’, a continuous geographical area marked by
the presence or former presence of gada systems”
(Schlee 1998:121).
Cyclical generation-set systems are unusual and
must be distinguished from the more commonly
found age-set systems (÷Age group systems),
with which, as in the Boraana ÷hariyyaa, they
may coexist. Age-systems group men into sets of
age peers who advance together through the dif-
ferent stages of life, such as warrior and elder. Age
is ignored in generation systems and the set to
which an individual must belong is determined
by his genealogical generation; all a man’s sons
must enter the set which follows his in the desig-
nated sequence of sets, and so on through succes-
sive generations. Each set must pass in succession
and at fixed intervals through a designated series
of named grades, each with specified rituals,
rights and obligations. The rigid rules of genera-
tional succession make no allowance for the span
of time during which men may father sons, so
Booraba age sets and generation sets (gadaa system), discrepancies can soon occur between genealogi-
adapted from Baxter − Almagor 1978:157 cal and biological generations: some men will be
born before their set has come into existence and
and great efforts were put into the performance others after their set has completed its course.
of transition rites. Members of the third grade Different Oromo societies have devised second-
folle had duty to shame, publicly and dramati- ary rules, such as abandoning babies whose birth
cally, men who breached moral standards and does not synchronise with the system, to manage
those who had passed through the fifth grade these problems of “underaging” and “overag-
“huba or yuba” had the duty to work hard at ing”. Nevertheless the number of sets with living
maintaining cooperative relationships within the members in Boorana well exceeds the number
local community (Blackhurst 1978:245–67). Sim- of grades and Asmarom Legesse (1972:129), in
ilarly, Hultin (2003:418) records that “the most a census of 350 males, found representatives of
exciting moment” at a local political rally during more than 20 sets.
the Därg “proved to be its finale, a blessing per- The most fully described G. system is that
formed by two […] men who had performed the of the Boorana which is generally regarded as
most important ritual in the [÷]Wälläga version paradigmatic. For centuries a new set has been
of gada”. Among the ÷Boorana and ÷Guggi, formed every eight years. In the early 1960s
though sometimes harassed by administrators Asmarom Legesse (1973:190f.) was able to com-
and the increasing consumption of alcohol by pile, with the assistance of expert oral historians,
participants, G. continues to be active and adap- a chronology of G. sets which: 1) accurately
tive (Aguilar 1998; Aneesa Kassam 1995, 1999; forecast the names and order of until 2008; 2)
Van de Loo 1991). back listed the names and order of succession
G. has caught the attention of almost everyone of sets since 1674; 3) even suggested the possible
who has written anything at all about the Oromo, names and order of 15 sets prior to the date. This
though it has “been especially maltreated by chronology, though not identical, is very close
European ethnologists” (CerFolk 167) because to those which Haberland (VSAe II, 189–92)
they did not grasp its complexity and subtlety. It compiled in the mid-fifties and Bassi (1996:59)
has also been used as a convenient generic term in the early 90s.
634
Gadaa
There is general agreement about the adapt-
ability, organisation and ritual purposes of the
Boorana G. system but not about why it has
survived in such vigour when other systems
have not. Baxter (1978:152f.) suggests that it
has endured because, over time, it has shed its
economic, military and political responsibilities
while maintaining its religious obligations. So
that while sets and their office holders continue
to be honoured, respected and influential they
do not wield any exploitable power over po-
litical or economic resources. Asmarom Legesse
(1972:85–88; 2000:41–45, 66–69, 72–82) argues
that Boorana G., in interaction with ÷qaalluu,
the moiety and clan organisation, age-sets hari-
yya and the general assembly Gumii Gaayoo,
continues to be essential component of Oromo
democracy. But, whatever their current political
and economic importance, all observers agree
that G., plays “a key role in integrating” clans,
promoting ÷nagaa and mediating between the
human and divine worlds (Bassi 1996:156).
G. is extremely complex and penetrates into
almost every aspect of life and must necessar- Members of a generation set after a gadaa ceremony
ily be presented here in an extremely abridged (sons of gadaamooggi) in Boorana; photo 1950/52 by Joy
form (Aguilar 1998; 1998; Bassi 1994; 1996; 1996; Adamson; courtesy of the Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt
am Main (23–Ad184–09 M–Kat)
Baxter 1978; VSAe II; Hultin 1975; Pecci 1941;
Asmarom Legesse 1973; 2000). In the diagram hearth, milk and hospitality.
the helical broad band represents the passage of Each of the five vertical lines in the diagram of
time and each of the circled numbers which lay the G. system, that is those which pass through
along it represents a single set luuba. Members a series of circles containing the same number,
of the same luuba may range from infancy to se- represents a patriline of sets gogeesa (Asmarom
nility, belong to different moieties and clans and Legesse 1972:131 uses “patriclass”) in which the
come from different customary grazing areas but generations of grandfather, father, Ego and son
they become bonded through their participa- succeed each other at 40 year intervals. These
tion in a life long sequence of shared rituals and time spans are inflexible. Membership of patric-
responsibilities. Members address and speak of lan ÷gosa and patriline gogeesa are quite distinct;
each other as luuba. Their sense of mutuality each gogeesa would appear to span all clans and
is expressed in the proverb “Luubi luubuu wal comprise around one fifth of the population.
ulata” (‘members of the same generation set Great efforts are made to ensure that set offices
breathe in each other’s breath’ [Leus n.d.:204]); are distributed evenly across clans.
that is members of the same generation set form Each newly created set takes the name “Sons
one body and soul. Each word carries poetic of X”, “X” being the name of the ÷abbaa gadaa
resonances: luubu (‘throat’) also has the meaning of their father’s set. Each set, and ideally each
of ‘life spirit’ or ‘life force’ which, as believed, individual, passes through a series of grades or
resides in the throat; wal or wol is the pre-verbal stages.
particle used to indicate reciprocal action (as wal For simplicity of exposition let us follow an
gaalaóu ‘love one another’); ulaata (‘to fumigate, individual whose birth coincides with the forma-
make clean’) refers to the purifying, aromatic tion of the set to which he is consigned; so that
wood smoke used to cleanse and refresh milk his individual progress through the life cycle is
pots or to give fragrance to a woman’s dress and in harmony with the developmental stages of his
body. The proverb suggests the warmth of feel- generation set. Most transitions from one stage
ing, trust and “belonging” generated by shared to the next are marked by periods of seclusion
635
Gadaa
and meditation for the initiates, large assemblies The second stage, that of childhood, is gamme
of families, lavish sacrifices of stock and coffee didiiqo. Gamme is a tonsure similar to that
beans ÷buuna qallaa accompanied by streams which girls keep shaven until they marry and di-
of prayers and blessings. A constant theme is diiqo is small or junior. The transition is marked
the complementary interdependence of men and by two rites at which the boy’s hair is shaved
women and changes in the ritual and social sta- by his father and he is given a boy’s name and
tuses of initiates are often demonstrated by the blessed. From then on he is treated as a boy. The
adoption of hair styles which represent the re- third stage gamme gugurdo (large or senior) is
versal of sex roles. Progress through the grades, an extension of the second and is not marked by
until a set reaches the plateau of retirement, is public rituals. As they grow up the lads join in
associated with increasingly mature and respon- the normal harsh life of young men herding the
sible ritual and social behaviour. The following dry stock, raiding and hunting for trophy game.
summary of the G., cycle and its rituals is based Transition into the fourth stage kuusa [cusa]
primarily on Asmarom Legesse (1972:50–107); (junior warriors) is one of the most important
Bassi (1996:56–69) and Leus (1995:81f). events of the G. system. For the series of tran-
The progress of generation class through the grades “The sition rituals which Asmarom Legesse (1973:
prevailing model” (according to Bassi 1996:152 figure 1): 61–65) witnessed about four hundred families
8 years dabballee gathered over several weeks to celebrate. The
16 years gamme ÷abbaa gadaa of the set of the fathers of the
8 years kuusa participants played a crucial role. The rituals
13 years raaba themselves lasted for over two weeks and many
(bureaucracy)
8 years gadaa= government families stayed for longer. The fathers shaved the
(juridical, executive, legislative power) heads of their sons and presented each of them
27 years yuuba with a cow and calf. After the initiates had spent a
8 years gadaamoggi period in seclusion together an abbaa gadaa and
For simplicity of exposition, while remembering a council of ÷hayyuu were elected from amongst
that such individuals are a minority, let us follow them. This marked the formal public recognition
an individual whose birth coincides with the for- of the set. The boys were now recognized as be-
mation of the set to which he is consigned. The ing responsible enough to take lovers and also, in
identity of each grade in the cycle is “relativistic” preparation for the next stage when they are not
and only identifiable “in terms of another class”, only permitted but encouraged to marry, start
so that the cycle can be seen as a continuity that, the search for a suitable bride. Whenever a group
“having no beginning”, must constantly and of kuusa visit a village a sacrificial ox is slaugh-
regularly repeat itself. Every “grade and every tered for them (Leus 1995:627).
set is moving in relation to the others: the posi- The next grade ÷raaba lasts 13 years, eight as
tion of each part of the system is only explicable raaba didikka (junior) and five as raaba gugurda
in relation to the position of other parts […] it is (senior) and men should spend time as warriors.
distorting to represent G. on a “flat surface” be- It is said that all raaba who are old enough to
cause in essence it is three dimensional, but there marry should do so but in practice very few do,
is no alternative” (Baxter 1978:170). except for office holders whose marriages are
The first grade dabballe is made up of the perceived as constituting a rite of passage for all
infant sons of the set “in power” (Asmarom the members. Although they are urged to marry
Legesse 1972:52). The boys are dressed and ad- raaba are not allowed to bring up any children
dressed as girls; their hair is anointed with but- they may have until, during the 40th year of
ter and cow dung and allowed to grow (VSAe the cycle, they come together to perform the
II, table 57, no. 1). The infants are treated with elaborate and exhausting fatherhood ceremony
great care because they are mediators between dannisa (the name of a tree which provides
man and God and the unconscious transmitters their ritual staffs). The ceremony “brings to a
of blessings. A mother of a dabballe is similarly conclusion forty years of development of the
respected and wears a copper or brass cylinder G. class” and the raaba undergo “ritual changes
gulmaha in her hair as a mark of distinction. suggesting they had momentarily switched sex
Dabballe should be fostered by ÷Waata during roles”. Initiates must put away their spears and
their infancy. remain in a condition of ritual purity for seven
636
Gadaa
Generation-set-initiation ceremony: a gadaamooggi
places a kalaóóa on his son‘s forehead; photo 1950/
52 by Joy Adamson; courtesy of the Frobenius-
Institut, Frankfurt am Main (23–Ad184–14 M–Kat)
days, during which they build a ceremonial at which laws ÷seera and ÷aadaa are formally
enclosure in which they reside. Set members, promulgated (Bassi 1996:153–58). At this stage
especially the elected officers, spend several a man’s wife and family actively participate in
days meditating, praying and singing. The rituals the rituals which, along with the ritual artifacts
conclude with the ÷abbaa bokkuu shaving a of G. have myriad symbolic associations. For
small tuft of hair from each of the raaba. This is example, “they are circumcised and have their
followed by “four days of singing and feasting”, ears pierced” (Asmarom Legesse 1973:90),
after which each participant goes through a though the operations may be token because
ritual of simulated (re)-marriage with his wife, the actual operations had been carried out years
followed by further sacrifices (Asmarom Legesse before. In the fifth year they visit the qaalluu
1972:70–74). and perform the rituals of anointment ÷muuda.
The sixth stage G., from which the system The kallaaóóa (÷kallaóóa), a phallic shaped metal
has derived its name, is the most important. horn and symbol of activity, which is worn on
Elders in this grade are said to ‘have all the the forehead, is particularly important (VSAe
laws of the Boorana in their hands’ nama seera II, table 77, nos. 1–3) and lies at the core of G.
Boorana óufa harka gabu (Leus 1995:320). The After completing G. the elders start the stage of
transition should take place in the 45th year of the yuuba, partial and progressive retirement, which
set during the ÷calendar month Gurrandala. It covers 27 years. The final, culminating stage is
centres around the transfer or exchange of ritual the highly honoured “terminal sacred grade”
authority from the set of the “fathers” to that of of ÷gadaamoggi during which the participants
the “sons” ; from the abbaa gadaa of the retiring pass through a series of rituals including that of
set to the abbaa gadaa of the raaba. Henceforth mata buufata, when they shave their elaborately
the new set “imparts its name and its ritual decorated hairat the same time and again become
attributes to the period of history when it was G.” sources of blessing and mediators between man
and God. In 1995 Anessa Kassam (1995:24)
(Asmarom Legesse 1972:83). The initial rituals
reports that around 1400 initiants and their
are similar to those performed at the transition
families attended the rituals at the principal
to the fourth grade kusa, but are only the first in
sacred site at Mio.
a complex and dramatic sequence of ceremonies
Lit.: Mario J. Aguilar, Being Oromo in Kenya,
and sacrifices. Asmarom Legesse (1972:89) lists Trenton, NJ 1998; Id., “Reinventing Gada: Generational
nine prescribed sets of rituals, i.e. more than one Knowledge in Boorana”, in: Id. (ed.), The Politics of
a year, in addition to the rituals at handover and Age and Gerontocracy in Africa, Trenton, NJ 1998,
takeover. These rituals have national significance 257–80; Hermann Amborn, “Fährten der Erinnerung:
Die Verknüpfung von Vergangenheit und Gegenwart in
because the G. set represents all Boorana. Most Südwestäthiopien”, in: StudAeth 383–404, esp. 391 (ill.);
conspicously the Gumi Gaayoo (‘the crowd Asafa Jalata, “The Emergence of Oromo Nationalism
at the place Gaayoo’), which is held during and the Ethiopian Reaction”, in: Id. (ed.), Oromo
the fourth year, is a national assembly which Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse, Lawrenceville,
NJ 1998, 27–50; Asmarom Legesse, Gada. Three
involves the participation of representatives of Approaches to the Study of African Society, New York
every segment of Boorana society. It is the forum 1973; Id., Oromo Democracy: an Indigenous African
637
Gadaa
Political System, Lawrenceville, NJ – Asmara 2000; are not permitted to kill any living creatures and
Marco Bassi, “Gada as an Integrative Factor of Political are required to use a ritual argot. People seek
Organization”, in: David Brokensha (ed.), A River of
Blessings, Syracuse 1994; Id., “Power’s Ambiguity or their blessing and wherever they go they are
the Political Significance of Gada”, in: Paul Trevor given food and shelter. Men and women come to
William Baxter – Jan Hultin – Alessandro Triulzi them for protection against misfortune, enemies
(eds.), Being and Becoming Oromo, Uppsala 1996, 150– or angry kinsmen. Pledges are made to the G.
61; Id., I Borana: una società assembleare dell’Etiopia,
whereby people promise to anoint them with in-
Milano 1996, 56–69; Paul Trevor William Baxter,
“Boran Age-Sets and Generation Sets: Gada a Puzzle or cense, butter and coffee if their hopes and wishes
a Maze?”, in: Id. – Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation are fulfilled (Asmarom Legesse 1973:105).
and Time, London 1978, 207–45; Hector Blackhurst, The G. class ends its sacred grade at the
“Continuity and Change in the Shoa Galla Gada System”, retirement ritual, ca. 88 years after the individuals
ibid. 245–67; CerFolk 167–81; VSAe II, 167–224, 308–22,
380–400, 451–57; Christopher Robert Hallpike, have entered the gadaa cycle. The final rite is
“The Origins of the Borana Gada System”, Africa 46, 1, called Qumbii wal-irraa-fuudhu, ‘the ritual of
1976, 48–56; John Thomas Hinnant, “The Guji: Gada exchange of incense’. The exchange of incense
as a Ritual System”, in: Paul Trevor William Baxter occurs between those entering the G. grade
– Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and Time. Some and those who leave it to enter into complete
Features of East African Age Organisation, London 1978,
201–45; Jan Hultin, “Social Structure, Ideology and retirement, garsa (old men). At this ritual the G.
Expansion: the Case of the Oromo of Ethiopia”, Ethnos stay for two months in a specially constructed
1–4, 1975, 273–84; Id., “Rebounding Nationalism: State house and an interlinked arc of ceremonial
and Ethnicity in Wollega 1968–1976”, Africa 73, 3 2003, houses (galma). The doorway of each house
402–26; Adolf Ellegard Jensen, Im Lande des Gada,
faces towards Liiban, the spiritual centre of the
Stuttgart 1936; Aneesa Kassam, “Notes on the Booran
Oromo Gadamojji Ceremony Held at Sololo, Kenya, Boorana. Each G. is accompanied by his family
June–July 1995”, The Oromo Commentary 5, 2 1995, and sufficient stock to sustain them and provide
23–34; Id., “Ritual and Classification: a Study of the sacrifices for two months. This period is one of
Booran Oromo Terminal Sacred Grade Rites of Passage”, intense ritual activity, prayers and blessings. More
BSOAS 62, 3, 1999, 484–50; Karl Eric Knutsson,
Authority and Change; A Study of the Kallu Institution
people gather for the ceremonies than could be
among the Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Goteborg 1967, maintained at one site, so galma are constructed
156–84; MHasOr 9–17, 84, 113; D. Pecci, “Note sul at several sacred sites. A noticeable feature is the
sistema della gada e delle classi di età presso le popolazioni recitation by each G. of his accomplishments as a
Borana”, RSE 1, 1941, 305–21; Günther Schlee, “Gada warrior in front of their sons, peers, well-wishers
Systems on the Meta-Ethnic Level: Gabbra/Boran/Garre
Interactions in the Kenyan/Ethiopian Borderland”, in:
and visitors, who come from all over the region
Eisei Kurimoto – Simon Simonse (eds.), Conflict, Age to participate. The accuracy of the recitations is
and Power in North East Africa, Oxford 1998, 121–46; monitored by their peers and praised by the lis-
Tamene Bitima, A Dictionary of Oromo Technical teners. This ceremony is accompanied by danc-
Terms, Köln 2000; Joseph van de Loo, Guji Oromo ing and singing that lasts throughout the night.
Culture in Southern Ethiopia; Religious Capabilities in
Rituals and Songs, Berlin 1991, 23–68.
Groups of men sing peace- and praise-songs in
Paul T.W. Baxter
honour of their clans and the founding fathers
of the Oromo nation (Aneesa Kassam 1995:24).
The ceremony constitutes the formal end of the
gadaa life cycle. After the ritual is performed,
Gadaamooggi the elders have no political, economic or ritual
G. is the eleventh and final grade in the ÷Oromo authority and all their responsibilities are passed
÷gadaa system of generation-classes and is on to their children (Asmarom Legesse 1973:
entered through a formal ritual. The fullest 99–105; Aneesa Kassam 1995:23–34).
accounts that we have of the system and its rituals Lit.: Asmarom Legesse, Gada: Three Approaches to the
and symbolism are drawn from the ÷Boorana. Study of African Society, New York 1973; Id., Oromo
Democracy: an Indigenous African Political System,
G. also denotes both the ritual condition and Lawrenceville, NJ — Asmara 2000; Alemayehu Kumsa,
title of an elder who, along with the other The Oromo Political System during their Sovereignty,
members of his luba, has completed that grade their Colonization by Abyssinians at the End of the
and entered terminal and sacred retirement. 19th Century, and their Struggle for Emancipation from
Alien Rule, Ph.D thesis, Charles University, Prague
Members of this grade are greatly respected 1997; Aneesa Kassam, “Notes on Borana Gadamojjii
by all members of society, including spiritual Ceremony Held at Sololo (Kenya) June–July 1995”, The
leaders. The G. class does not carry arms, they Oromo Commentary 5, 2, 1995; Marco Bassi, I Borana:
638
Gadabuursi
una società assembleare dell’Etiopia, Milano 1996, 56–74; Gadabuursi
VSAe I, 217–24.
Gadabuursi ethnography
Alemayehu Kumsa G. (Northern Somali: Gadabbuursi) is the
nickname of the Samarroon, a Northern Somali
Gädäb tribe, part of the so-called ÷Dir family, which
A short distance downstream from its sources, includes the ŸIise (÷ŸIssa) tribe. The G. occupy
the ÷Wabi Šäbälle river meanders through a high a continuous territory east of Harär, from the
plain which stretches out at an altitude between well of El-Bahay, east of ÷Giggiga, to Gébi-
2,500 to 2,300 m A.S.L. Bordered to the north by ley, Tog Wagaale (Täfäri Bär) and Boorama, in
Mount Qäóa/Kaka (4,139 m) and to the south by Somaliland. Numerous toponyms here are of
Mount Batu (4,307 m), this depression, called Oromo origin, as Qabri-Nonno, Dudde-Hiddi,
the G. (K6- ), is covered with cereal fields and Garba-Girri. The G. are agriculturalists, a sed-
grazing-land while its surrounding slopes are entary activity which constitutes an important
forested. This region is a part of the Oromiyaa socio-historical difference with other Northern
kéllél with the right bank of the Wabi Šäbälle Somalis. Cultivation of cereals is accompanied
belonging to the ÷Bale Zone and the left bank by cattle husbandry.
to the ÷Arsi Zone. The G. remained isolated Genealogically, all G. recognize as their ances-
for a long period, but is now crossed from east tor šayò Samarroon, son of SaŸid Gadabuursi,
to west by the road from ÷Šašämänne, which son of Daýud, whose grave is at Dirgaah, near
winds through the Zutän Mälka gorges before Maid, on the northern coast. Ferrand (1903:
it reaches ÷Goba. Adaba (18,616 inhabitants) 102) was the first to suggest a plausible link with
and Dodola (13,436 inhabitants) at the end of the gadaý búrti ‘mountain dwellers’, which fits the
track from ÷Asälla, which were tiny kätämas in location of this sedentary Somali tribe in the vi-
1938, have become sizeable market-towns and cinity of Oromo (÷Gaarso, Akiššo and ÷Garre,
administrative centres. The wärädas of G. (125 now Somalized). All these groups still differenti-
inhabitants/km²), Dodola (94 inhabitants/km²) ate their people according to their location ‘on
and Adaba (53.7 inhabitants/km²) are densely the hill’ (búr) or in the ‘plain’ (baanka). E.g., the
populated with Arsi Oromo, who are sedentary Garre are divided between Kabaal ŸAd (those
farmers. with white camel-saddle), upwards, and Kabaal
Maadoow (those with black camel-saddle) in the
plain of ÷Giggiga. As a whole, the two names G.
and Samarroon show the “Somalization” of an
alleged Arab ancestor, SaŸid Gadabuursi and of
his son, šayò Samarroon. One should here make
a difference between the legendary genealogy
in relation with the Arab/Qurayšite claim and
the historical (still-living) one, which takes into
account the aggregation (mainly through mar-
riages) of neighbouring groups.
The G. are divided into two main sub-clans:
Habar ŸAffaan and Makaddoor, the last being
divided into two sub-clans: Makahíl “the one
who supported Makka” and Mahad ŸAse (for
Madah ŸAse) ‘Red Head’. In some genealogies,
a “Samaale” generation is given as Samarroon’s
son. This appears as a parallel to the division (s.
before) which opposes Sab and ilma Samaale,
Samaale’s sons, the “noble” Somali. This So-
÷Gäb malization of the names has its counterpart in
Lit.: Consociazione Turistica Italiana (ed.), Carta a modern tendency to Arabization (e.g., Mahad
dell’Africa Orientale Italiana, (scala 1 : 1 000 000), Milano
1938; EMAtlas; GasEth 59, 61; HuntGal; MesfAtlas; Mesf-
ŸAse explained as Mahammad Ÿase). The follow-
Geogr2; Guida 463; MHasOr. ing table shows the genealogy of the Samarroon
Alain Gascon (G.): lineage genealogies show that ŸIise and
639
Gadabuursi
Daýud
and in British Somaliland. The last suldaan in
│ Ethiopia in the 70s was of Aden Yuunis descent.
SaŸíd “Gadabúrsi” Gadabuursi history
│
Taking into account the location of clan ances-
šayò Samarroon
tor’s graves, one can affirm that the G. are, at least
│
since the 17th cent., in the same area east of Harär.
[Samaale]
The G. are also scattered among the ŸIise in the
┌─────────┴─────────┐
Habar ŸAffaan Makaddoor
villages along the road to ZaylaŸ. Historically,
┌───┴┬───┬───┐ ┌──┴──┐ the area from ŸAbdulqadir to Geerisa and ZaylaŸ
reer ŸIise Yuusuf Suber SoorraaŸ Makahíl Mahad ŸAse was gained by the ŸIise after decades of fighting.
Genealogy of the Samarroon (G.). The lineages of Suber are
The name of Lafa-ŸIise, “the bones of the ŸIise”,
1. Dega-Wéyne, 2. Makahíl, 3. Hasan Sa‘ad, 4. Musa “Fín”, north of ŸAbdulqadir, recalls one of these battles.
5. Hamud, 6. Adan Faroole; the lineages of SoorraaŸ are 1. A popular hero for this heroic period is Rooble
Heb Gire, 2. Gobe, 3. Gibrayn, 4. Gibrayn, 5. ŸAli Gaduun; “Afdeeb” (Gibrir Yuunis), ‘Roble with a mouth
the lineages of Makahíl are 1. reer ŸIye, 2. ŸEli, 3. Bah Habar
Hasan, 4. Musa, 5. ŸAbdalle; the lineages of Mahad ŸAse are like fire’, at the beginning of the 20th cent., whose
1. Adan, 2. Abbokor, 3. Bah Habar ŸEli, 4. Muse. violent gabay are still recalled (Morin 1999:
137f.). The coast to the south-east of ZaylaŸ, from
Yuusuf were of the same mother, while Suber Lughaya to the vicinity of Bullahaar is still a G.
and Makaddoor were of a second marriage. But (Mahad-ŸAse) grazing-area in winter.
Suber joined his other brothers ŸIise and Yuusuf. The G. have been present in ÷Djibouti since
Aggregating foreign “followers” (soo-[r]raa‘), the foundation of the town (mainly in the
their descent was called “Habar ŸAffaan”, ‘the “Quartier 5”) and rapidly adapted to town life.
sons of [a woman named] ŸAffaan’ (or ŸArfaan). The first mosque in Djibouti (GamiŸ ar-Rahma,
The patrilinear representation of the Somali
Quartier 2) was built in 1891 by haggi Diideh
society focuses on male descent and on the clan
(Mahad-ŸAse, d. 1928), a prosperous merchant
location according to patrilinearity. A Nuur
of ZaylaŸ. The name of “Côte française des So-
Yuunis man will mention Dilá or Kallabayd as
malis” itself is said to have been proposed by
his degmo, the ancestral land. But in the context
haggi Diideh to the French administration in
of a sedentary community, the situation appears
imitation of British Somaliland. During the two
more complex. If each G. sub-clan and lineage
World Wars, the French “Bataillon Somali” was
has a fixed territory (degmo), in the case of a
woman, a subtle relation exists between her mainly composed of G. and Isaaq. The “Milice
paternal degmo, her husband’s one, and their Indigène” in French Somaliland was also an al-
home (rug), which is not necessarily located in most-entirely G. military unit. Many G. went
the degmo of the latter. Thus, an Aden Yuunis overseas with the colonial troops, as ŸAli Muse
woman (reer Mahammud Hasan/reer Sáhal) Harun (sub-clan Gobe/SoorraaŸ), who served in
says Haasaadin to be her paternal degmo and Madagascar under General Galliéni. Many also
Muhuufti her husband’s one. But for both of embarked with the Messageries Maritimes and
them, and for their children, their rug is Giggiga settled as far afield Nouvelle-Calédonie, Indo-
(Morin 1995:140f.). The power among the G. china, and Europe (Marseilles). Many G. former
has been traditionally represented by the ugaas, civil servants in Djibouti have retired to Boorama,
chosen for his sense of justice and equilibrium. where their pensions are a major income for
The appointment was made by one hundred Northern Somaliland. French administrative
elders, who also decided for the new regulations sources (1966) indicate 4,500 G. in Djibouti out
to be introduced. The ceremony was celebrated of a total of around 36,000 Somali. Hunter (1951:
in the Harraawe valley (Lewis 1961:211f.), west 122) mentions 45,000 G. in Somaliland. Today, a
of Boorama, the G. “capital”. The corpus of law global figure of 300,000 can be considered as a
was known as heerka boqorka iyo boqol nin realistic, if not scientific, estimate of the G. living
‘the law of the Sultan and the hundred men’. It in Ethiopia, Somaliland and Djibouti.
is they who dismissed ugaas Nuur Rooble for In the economic sector, the G. have always been
having signed a treaty with the French governor active. The meat supply of Djibouti has been and
÷Lagarde. The title of suldaan has been divided is still dependent on cattle importation, mainly
according to the division of the G. in Ethiopia from the Boorama area. This was of vital im-
640
Gädam
portance during the British blockade in Djibouti sonal communication with Kane Spitler, Sudan
(1941/43). After the nomination of GããmaŸ ŸAli, a Interior Mission in Giggiga).
G., as the Djibouti deputy to the French Conseil
de la République (December 1946), then of Said Gadabuursi dialect
Ali Coubèche (an Arab) as a deputy to the French The difference drawn by Lamberti (1983:166)
Assemblée de l’Union française, riots burst out between “Northern Somali in the proper sense”
between G. and ŸIise in Djibouti (1949) with near- (the ŸIise, Isaaq and G. area) and “Western So-
ly 100 dead. The preponderance of G. and of the mali” in the Giggiga area, according to kinship
other “Somalis allogènes” began to decline in the must be reconsidered on strictly linguistic cri-
colony. Despite these events, which were largely teria (s. ÷Dir). Giggiga, which is “historically”
monitored by the French administration, the G. an Absame (Bartire) land, includes, as said,
live together with other Somalis, with whom they communities of various (some of them formerly
frequently marry in the neighbouring towns, Oromo) origins which all speak the same North-
mainly in Dérre Däwa, Hargeisa, ZaylaŸ etc. ern dialect of “common Somali”, like the other
Also, since the Ethio-Somali war (1977), many Daarood-Absame (Yabarré, Bartíre, Abaskuul,
impoverished G. have gathered in refugee camps Bursúg) of the Harär-Fiyaambiro area. The dif-
in Täfäri Bär, Deer-Wanaagi, Qabri-Bayaah and ferences found are more socio-linguistic than
Harta-Šayò on the border with Somaliland. linguistic, as they are shared by the former Oro-
Due to their geographical location, the G. have mo-speaking Gaarso and Géri-Baabile (s. Morin
been part of the colonial struggle. The French 1995:129–220; 307–53). Before the adoption of
consul Henry signed with ugaas Nuur Rooble a the Somali orthography (1972), a non-alphabetic
Treaty of Friendship (25 March 1885) in ZaylaŸ, “G. script”, also known as “Boorama script”,
the day before ÷Lagarde signed also with 19 ŸIise had been initiated by šayò ŸAbdarahman, šayò
chiefs. He was replaced by his tribe soon after Nur (Lewis 1958). Another prominent literary
for having alienated the ancestral land. After the figure is Hassan šayò Mumin (Gibrír Yuunis),
conquest of Harär, in a letter to the French and playwriter (Šabeelnaagood, tr. by Andrzejewski
British powers (1891), ase Ménilék II claimed 1974) and oral source of the Contes de Djibouti
“the province of Ogaden, the ÷Habar Awal, (Morin 1980).
the G. and the ŸIssa”. In fact, the G. land stayed Src.: personal communication with Kane Spitler;
largely autonomous, most of its inhabitants re- Christian Bader, Le Sang et le lait. Brève histoire des
clans Somali, Paris 1999; Richard Burton, First Foot-
fusing to pay taxes to the Imperial Government. steps in East Africa, London 1894; Gabriel Ferrand, Les
In 1930 an Ethiopian force raided the Protector- Somalis, Matériaux d’études sur les pays musulmans, Paris
ate and seized livestock. 1903; Ioan Myrddin Lewis, The Somali Lineage and the
The 1894 Anglo-Italian Protocol discussed a Total Genealogy, London 1957, Crown Agents (ms.);
possible surrender of the G. and ŸIise tribes to Id., “The Gadabursi Somali Script”, BSOAS 21, 1, 1958,
134–56; Id., A Pastoral Democracy, a Study of Pastoral-
the Italians, with the port of ZaylaŸ, in exchange ism and Politics among the Northern Somali of the Horn
for territories in the Italian protectorate. This of Africa, 1961; LewPeople; John A. Hunt, A General
project was abandoned and the G. remained di- Survey of the Somaliland Protectorate 1944–1950, Final
vided between Ethiopia and British Somaliland. Report on “An Economic Survey and Reconnaissance of
the British Somaliland Protectorate 1944–1950”, Colonial
This led to conflicts among the G. for the nomi- Development and Welfare Scheme D. 484, Crown Agents
nation of the sultan. After the Italian withdrawal, for the Colonies, London 1951; Marcello Lamberti,
under the British Administration, the creation Map of Somali Dialects in the Somali Republic, Hamburg
of the “gulub” (the Somali Youth Club) in 1986; Didier Morin, Des paroles douces comme la soie:
Mogadishu, but also in Hargeisa (1943), exactly introduction aux contes dans l’aire couchitique (bedja,
afar, saho, somali), Paris 1995 (Langues et cultures afric-
under the tree at Geed-Deeble, gave the signal aines 19); Map of the Gulf of Aden, 1/4M., Geographical
for the emancipation of the Somali. In Giggiga, Section, General Staff, no. 2957, War Officer 1934.
a Christian G. (of Aden Yuunis lineage), Ahmed Didier Morin
Warsama, known as Ahmed Kottéli, along with
haggi Doodi Rooble (G. ŸAli Yuunis) and Huseen
Giirre (Akiššo), were the prominent figures. The Gädam
flag of the Somali Youth League (S.Y.L) was G. (K6z , pl. gädamat) means literally a wilder-
raised during a demonstration (1949) quelled by ness, plain, desert or other uninhabited place,
British troops under Captain MacDonald (per- and by association a ÷monastery. Although the
641
Gädam
G., like a ÷däbr, usually had close ties to the read, in the first line, at the commemoration
emperor and his representatives, it was at the feast of the saint (÷Täzkar). His goal was not to
same time more autonomous. Imperial control write a biography in the historical sense of that
over the selection of the abbot of a G. was usu- word, but rather to produce “hagiobiography”,
ally limited to confirming a candidate elected by elevating both the saint and his monastery. Ac-
the monastic community itself. While the G. was cordingly, he weighted his sources to create a
usually located in a comparatively isolated area, work which suited his purposes. The manuscript
it often had major influence within its region. G. evidence vindicates such a choice, for when two
were often endowed with large tracts of land. versions of a hagiography exist, it is usually the
While they did not always have the imposing more imaginative and elaborate account which is
buildings or reputation for learning which cha- represented in most manuscripts.
racterized the däbr, they provided the clergy Although less sophisticated in language than
who filled ranks of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox theological works, hagiographic literature – in
(Täwahédo) Church. the first place G. – was no less central to the mis-
Lit.: LesCDic 183; Haile Mariam Larebo, “The Ethi- sion and purpose of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox
opian Orthodox Church and Politics in the Twentieth (Täwahédo) Church. In the G. the eternal truths
Century”, NEASt 9, 3 1987, 1–17, here 11ff. of ÷Christianity were expressed not in the form
Steven Kaplan of abstract discourse or scriptural citations, but
through stories in which the saint lived these
Gadarif ÷Qadarif truths and demonstrated his worthiness by reliv-
ing – in the Ethiopian context – the deeds of great
Gädl Biblical and ecclesiastical figures. Indeed, the in-
G. (K;s, pl. gädlat) literally means ‘contending, vocation of scriptural precedents and of themes
[spiritual] struggle’; it corresponds to Greek ajgwvn, and topoi found in the lives of other saints is one
ajqlhsi", but comprises also the meaning of bivo" of the defining characteristics of the G.
– ‘Vita, biography [of a holy person]’. G. is the Despite its saintly subject matter, hagiographic
most popular genre of Ethiopian ÷hagiography, literature did not partake of the exalted status
which is, in turn, one of the most important con- of canonical literature. The monk writing a G.
stituents of ÷GéŸéz literature. might shape and supplement his material, where-
The known G. can be divided into two maas the scribe copying a G. manuscript did not
jor categories: (1) the translated passions of the necessarily follow the same rules as one copying
martyrs and lives of ÷saints of other, particularly a canonical text. One may speak of the “perpet-
Eastern, Churches (÷Gädlä sämaŸétat); (2) lives ual renewal” of hagiographic texts, and as conse-
of local saints. Some of the translations were made quence the concept of a G.’s date of composition
from Greek in the Aksumite period, many more is imprecise and can refer to either the time it was
from Arabic in later periods, and obtained wide first committed to writing or to the date at which
circulation in Ethiopia. It is presumed that these a particular version was completed. Yet the
works exercised strong influence on the works “perpetual renewal” was not uncontrolled; apart
of the second category, yet the issue has never from the textual alterations which emerged in the
been systematically studied. As to the second text of the G. during its circulation, cases of seri-
category, a preliminary bibliography lists almost ous changes or complete reshaping of G. – and
two hundred indigenous works – G. of Ethiopian the saint’s biography – are not very frequent. The
saints (KinBibl; Huntingford 1979), and there is examples of the Acts of ÷Täklä Haymanot and
little doubt that many more as yet uncatalogued ÷Ewostatewos indicate that behind every such
G. exist. Though the number of the individual G. case there was a complex set of religious, political
is considerable, most of them are presented in a and literary reasons, which led monks to the idea
relatively small number of manuscripts, due to of rewriting the G. of a saint.
the local character of the veneration of most of the Although the archetypal hagiographic work,
saints. Most of the G. remain unpublished, and Athanasius’s Vita of St. ÷Anthony was already
hence generalisations regarding these works must translated into GéŸéz from Greek during the
be made with caution. Aksumite period, the indigenous composition
The G. of a saint was usually written by a of G. did not develop in Ethiopia until much
monk from the saint’s own monastery, to be later. The circumstances behind and the catalyst
642
Gädl
for this development, which apparently took to perform “active” contending, usually connect-
place during the last decades of the 14th cent., are ed with intensive social and missionary activities.
not clear. Yet, given the monastic milieu of the Typologically, the biographies of Ethiopian saints
hagiographic literature, one can assume that the are shaped after different “types of sanctity”. G.
composition of the saints’s lives was often co- of the “righteous ones” from Baraknaha (Sadqan)
incided with the rise of the respective monastic – presumably an early hagiographic work – de-
community. E.g., only when ÷Däbrä Libanos of scribe the deeds of the impersonal groups of saints
Šäwa assumed major importance during the first of non-Ethiopian origin. Most of the G. depict
half of the 15th cent. were the lives of its leading the lives and exploits of the founders of monastic
figures – Täklä Haymanot, ÷Filéppos, ÷Märha communities – (sometimes half-legendary) char-
Kréstos, ÷ŸÉnbaqom, ÷Yohannés – committed ismatic workers of miracles, and their successors
to writing. In some cases the existing G. of a saint – prominent superiors of the monasteries (with
may be an evidence of the change of the histori- the activities pivoting not only on the spiritual
cal role of the monastery (cp. ÷Iyäsus Moýa), or and ascetic, but more on the social and political
a valuable testimony which persists long after the life). Unusually, the G. of the kings from the Za-
monastic community has declined or even disap- gwe dynasty (believed to originate from ÷Lasta),
peared (÷Samuýel of Däbrä Halleluya). while crediting them with many attributes of a
It is important to note that G. were usually monk, describe lives of the saintly rulers from
composed many years and even decades or cen- the line that was considered “illegitimate”. There
turies after the death of their saintly protago- are a few examples of G. of saintly persons
nists. Thus the G. of ÷Lalibäla, ÷Yémréhannä considered “martyrs” (of ase ÷Iyasu I killed
Kréstos, ÷Näýakwéto Läýab were composed in by his political enemies; of ÷Ananya of Däbrä
the late 14th or 15th cent. long after the time of Särabi killed by a pagan ÷Oromo). There are a
these rulers of the ÷Zagwe dynasty, who lived few G., composed most probably in the court
in the 12th and 13th cent. Even a greater gap lies milieu, which describe the life of “court saints”
between the period of the ÷Nine Saints and the (like ÷Giyorgis of Sägla; ÷Yostinos). There is
÷Sadqan and the composition of their G. The even at least one example of the G. of “repented
lives of ÷Libanos (MättaŸ), ÷Gärima (Yéshaq) sinner” – ÷BäggéŸu of Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos.
and ÷Päntälewon appear to date to the 15th cent., While the G. of men greatly outnumber those of
although some confusion persists regarding the women, the latter are also subjects of G.; among
precise date; the G. of ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi, as the prominent ones who are commemorated are
well as those of ÷Afse, and ÷ŸOs all appear to ÷Wälättä Petros, ÷Kréstos Sämra and the saintly
have been composed many centuries after the Zagwe queen ÷Mäsqäl Kébra.
events they recount. There was no single standard form for a G., yet
As the examples given above indicate, there every G. begins with an introduction (frequently
is a tendency for some G. to be produced in rhymed or written in an elevated style) and ends
“clusters” and to share themes. Although not with the formalised conclusion. Some G. are
necessarily the product of the same period or divided into chapters. Names of the authors of
authors, such works appear interconnected and most G. remain unknown (more usual are indi-
it appears probable that later authors were famil- cations of those who committed the composi-
iar with the works of their predecessors. This is tion of a G. or the creation of its copy). In many
undoubtedly the case with the G. of the saints cases, the G. is followed by Miracles of the saint
of the ÷Ewostateans and the ÷Stephanites. It (÷Täýammér) and ÷mälkéý in his honour. A few
also appears to be the case with the G. of the G. gave subjects for church murals and series
saints led by Filéppos of Däbrä Libanos, such as of illuminations. Since G. were frequently read
÷Qäwéstos, ÷Anorewos the Elder, ÷Tadewos aloud in a church, their writers often shaped the
of Däbrä Maryam. material to present the story in as interesting a
Most G. describe the exploits of saintly monks. manner as possible, to instruct and educate their
Generally, some of them are described as leading readers, yet G. greatly differ in their language and
rather contemplative ascetic life and concentrat- style; they range from brief and simple works to
ing more on their own salvation, while some oth- extensive and elaborate compositions.
ers (this type prevailed in, e.g., in the hagiography Though very different in their literary form,
of Šäwa, but was presented also elsewhere) tend many G. can be said to follow a similar set of
643
Gädl
common topoi. E.g., in case of the G. of a saintly To this day, published editions of G. (not all
monk, the account begins with the saint’s parents, of them following the criteria of the textual criti-
who are often said to have been either ecclesias- cism, aimed at the reconstruction of the arche-
tics or of noble lineage (sometimes of royal fam- type of the whole tradition) have continued to
ily). Following a period of bareness, his mother outnumber greatly critical studies or attempts at
conceives (this event being often announced by synthesis; there is still no general scholarly over-
the appearance of an angel). The saint’s birth and view of this literature. As yet, we are unable to
÷baptism are also frequently described against reconstruct in full the history behind the compo-
the background of remarkable events. The sition of a G., lacking a systematic chronological
future saint’s holiness usually manifests while survey of the genre.
still a child as he speaks precociously and even Src.: DillmLex 1201f.; BHO; EncSan.
performs miracles. While some saints are given Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’agiografia etiopica e
to a monastery to be raised by their parents, gli Atti del santo Yâfqeranna-Egzi’ (Secolo XIV)”, Atti
del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 96,
others depart against their family’s wishes in 2, 1936–37, 403–33; Bertrand Hirsch – Manfred
order to avoid marriage and secular life. After a Kropp (eds.), Saints, Biographies and History in Africa,
period as a novice, the saint becomes a monk and Frankfurt am Main 2003; George Wynn Brereton
in most cases travels to the metropolitan to be Huntingford, “Saints of Mediaeval Ethiopia”, Abba
Salama 10, 1979, 257–341; Paolo Marrassini, Gadla Yo-
consecrated as a priest. Struggles with the forces hannes Mesraqawi. Vita di Yohannes l’Orientale, Firenze
of evil represented in the first place by ÷demons 1981 [1982] (Istituto di Linguistica e di Lingue Orientali
and magicians are a common theme in the G. as Università di Firenze, Quaderni di Semitistica 10) [Lit.],
is the conversion of non-believers. G. of many xix–cix; Aleksander Ferenc, “Writing and Literature
saints recount their battles with secular rulers, in Classical Ethiopic (Giiz)”, in: BogumiL Witalis An-
drzejewski – Stanisław Piłaszewicz, Literatures in
in particular Ethiopian emperors (e.g. ÷ŸAmdä African Languages: Theoretical Issues and Sample Surveys,
Séyon I), in great details, while others stress their Cambridge 1985, 255–300 (Lit.); KapMon (Lit.); Rudolf
warm relations with the court. G. frequently Kriss – Hubert Kriss-Heinrich, Volkskundliche An-
report of saint’s pilgrimages to ÷Jerusalem, the teile in Kult und Legende äthiopischer Heiliger, Wiesbaden
1975; Friedrich Heyer, Die Heiligen der äthiopischen
Scetis and holy sites and prominent monasteries Erde, Erlangen 1998 (Oikonomia 37); KinBibl (Lit.);
in Ethiopia; another common place is encounter StanisLaw Kur, “Le pacte du Christ avec le Saint dans
with other saints and holy monks. l’hagiographie éthiopienne”, in: PICES 7, 125–29; Samuel
Whatever its circumstances, the death of the Walda Yohannes, Il fondo umanistico dei modelli e degli
saint is depicted as a blessed event. One of the ideali dei gadl: ricerca linguistico-filosofica su alcuni testi del
XV secolo etiopico, Roma 1996; Taddesse Tamrat, “Ha-
distinctive elements in a G. is the “covenant” or giographies and the Reconstruction of Medieval Ethiopian
“pact” between the saint and Christ, or ÷kidan. History”, Rural Africana. Current Research in the Social
In the kidan, the Lord promises to forgive the Sciences 2, 1970, 12–20; Tesfaye Gebre Maryam, “A
sins of those who pray or give charity in the Structural Analysis of Gädlä Täklä Haymanot”, African
Languages and Cultures 10, 2, 1997, 181–98; TurIz.
name of the saint. The kidan usually appears in Steven Kaplan
a G. shortly before the saint’s death. The saint’s
burial is often accompanied by miracles, which Gädlä NN ÷NN: Gädlä NN
are also related in the G.; in many cases, the
initial site of a saint’s burial differs from his final
resting-place and the subsequent translation of Gädlä sämaŸétat
his remains could become the subject of another G.s. (K;ny Ax*KM , ‘[Spiritual] Contendings
account, incorporated into his G. (in a few cases, of the Martyrs’) is a traditional title for differ-
such accounts became independent works). ent collections – virtually, taken together, the
Episodes and stories related in the G. of some main extant corpus in GéŸéz – of the Acts of the
Oriental and the most known Ethiopian saints non-Ethiopian martyrs and saints venerated by
(e.g., the martyrdom of the people of ÷Nagran; the the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox (Täwahédo) Church.
conversion of ÷Motäläme by Täklä Haymanot; The name G.s. is found as early as in a book-list
the ascension of Zämikaýel Arägawi on ÷Däbrä from ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos dating to 1292 (cf.
Dammo) were widely known and vividly remem- Sergew Hable-Selassie in OrbAethChoj 246f.),
bered; they circulated in the form of oral legends although it is difficult to know exactly what sort
and exercised a strong influence, reaching as far as of work is meant there. On the whole, the Acts
the works of the modern Ethiopian writers. of the extant collections amount to 140, less than
644
Gädlä sämaŸétat
one third of which have been edited or studied, “the Translator”, Metropolitan of Ethiopia
and belong to various hagiographic genres: acta in ca. 1348–86 (texts on Abäkéräzun; Abuqer
(÷Gädl), confessio, martyrium or passio, epistula, and Yohannés; Arsanyos; Gälawdewos; Nob;
as well as dialogue, homily (÷Dérsan), miracles Yéshaq of Difra; Yostos, Aboli and Tawkélya;
(÷Täýammér) etc. They mostly concern Egyp- Miracles of Tewodros of Awqitos; Orni; Abra-
tian martyrs, but also saints venerated in both ham “the stone-cutter”, cf. ibid., 10f.). The possi-
eastern and western Christian traditions: e.g., bility of a direct Coptic Vorlage, explicitly stated
legendary figures and historical personalities, for Fasilädäs’s hagiography (cf. Esteves Pereira
such as Phileas, Bishop of Thmuis in the early 4th 1907:3–64 [text]), allegedly translated into GéŸéz
cent. (the majority of the saints of the G.s. are to in 1396/97 by the Egyptian monk SémŸon of the
be found in the Bibliotheca sanctorum 1961–70, monastery of St. Anthony (÷Sénkéssar), has not
and Bibliotheca sanctorum orientalium [= Enc- yet been critically evaluated. A certain number
San]; for the Oriental tradition cf. BHO, though of texts translated from the Greek, probably in
now outdated). So far, there is no complete bibli- the Aksumite age, are likely to represent an older
ography on all the texts of the G.s. layer of the GéŸéz literary tradition (e.g., on
In the manuscripts of the G.s. the individual Arsenofis; Euphemia; Tewoflos, Patroqya and
texts are usually distributed according to the Dämalis; Filéyas, “Phileas” Bishop of Thmuis;
commemoration days of the saints, but neither possibly Émrayés, and ÷Cyprian and Justa;
the occurrence nor the sequence of the pieces is cf. Conti Rossini 1938; Ricci 1947; Bausi 2002:
fixed. The result is that the title G.s. can refer to 15ff.).
manuscripts very different in arrangement and In a number of cases the GéŸéz version of a
contents and easily overlap with such other titles G.s. text is the only extant, or the most important
as that of the Gädlä qéddusan (‘[Spiritual] Con- witness of texts otherwise lost or only fragmen-
tendings of the Saints’). In fact, a comprehensive tarily preserved in the languages of the Christian
work by the name G.s. can hardly be said to have Egyptian tradition: Greek, Coptic and Arabic
ever existed, nor can it be identified with the few, (cf. Conti Rossini 1899:210 on the hagiography
though important, GéŸéz texts published as Acta of Julius of Aqfahs, the pretended author of a
martyrum by Esteves Pereira (1907). Yet, the Acts number of texts in the G.s.; cf. Cerulli 1959).
of Fasilädäs (ibid., 3–64 [text]) are one of the most Great collections of Acts of the Martyrs
famous pieces of the G.s., their authorship being must have emerged little by little, while in the
attributed to “Kéléstyanos [Celestin] Pope of manuscript tradition many of the individual
Rome”; and Fasilädäs appears in turn as the cen- texts, having entered homogeneous selections of
tral character of a hagiographical cycle of its own, hagiographic materials, can also appear isolated
based upon his fabulous relations with other mar- or within books which are of not purely hagi-
tyrs and emperors: Yostos, Aboli and Tawkélya; ographic content. Among the manuscripts with
Tewodros, Bänadélewos, Theodore “the Orien- a more or less fixed collection and readings for
tal”, Abadir, ÷Gälawdewos, Fiqtor, ÷Susényos. a number of months variable from two up to
The texts found in the G.s. were chiefly trans- twelve (which should properly be styled as Me-
lated from the Arabic, starting at least from the nologion), one can mention mss. BritLib Orient.
second half of the 13th cent., as can be argued on 686–90; BN Éth. 131 and d’Abbadie 110 and
the basis of both the aforesaid inventory from 179; VatLib Et. 264 and Comboni et. 202 and
Däbrä Hayq, listing a number of texts later 212; EMML 1479, 1766, 1824, 1826, 1827, 2514,
included in the G.s. manuscripts (on Aron; Bär- 2796, 6244, 6694, 6834, 6903, 6951; Tanasee 121
bara and Yolyana; Martyrs of ÷Nagran; Qirqos; = Daga Estifanos 10, Tanasee 122 = Daga Esti-
Giyorgis; Päntälewon “the magician”, not one fanos 11. Other manuscript collections of hagi-
of the ÷Nine Saints), and of a colophon dating ographic interest focusing on monastic person-
to 1292 as well. This could also be the termi- alities could better be termed Gädlä qéddusan,
nus ante quem for some other texts in the G.s. but are indeed comparable with that of the G.s.:
(on Ewostatewos; Qozmos and Démyanos; e.g., mss. EMML 141, 1834, 1844, 1939, 7602,
Märqorewos; Minas; YaŸéqob “who was cut to and also 1763, a very peculiar archaic collection,
pieces”, cf. Bausi 2002:7ff.). A number of scribal the importance of which goes far beyond its im-
subscriptions from the 14th cent. attribute a more portance for the hagiographic genre (cf. Bausi in
or less explicit role in the translation to ÷Sälama PICES 14, with further references).
645
Gädlä sämaŸétat
Some manuscripts offer several readings for Orientalia nuova ser. 3, 1938, 193–214, 319–32; EncSan;
the same month, among which hagiographic GuiSLett 30–34; BHO; Delio Vania Proverbio, “Le
recensioni etiopiche della Passio Mercurii”, Studi Classici
texts are otherwise frequent in the general G.s. e Orientali 43, 1993, 453–66; Lanfranco Ricci, “Studi
collections: e.g., ms. BritLib Orient. 691, 692; di letteratura etiopica ed amarica, I. Gli Atti di Tewoflos,
BN d’Abbadie 92; EMML 1840, Staatsbibliothek Patriqa e Damalis; II. Le Divagazioni di Zanab etiopico”,
zu Berlin, Ms. or. fol. 117. RSE 6, 2, 1947, 162–88; RicLett 813, 818f.; Sergew
Hable-Selassie, “The Monastic Library of Däbrä
The chronological distribution of the G.s. man- Hayq”, in: OrbAethChoj vol. 1, 243–58.
uscripts (to a greater extent dating to the 14th–15th Alessandro Bausi
cent.) is a clear mark both of the importance of
the collection before the emergence of the “first
recension” of the GéŸéz Sénkéssar at the dawn of GaŸéwa
the 15th cent., which in turn absorbed short texts G. (N*` ) was a 16th-cent. female ruler in northern
from the G.s. in the course of time (cf. Colin Ethiopia. In the Futuh al-Habaša she appears as
1988:311f.), on the one hand, and of the com- a sister of Makattar (Mäkättér), sultan of Mazaga
position of hagiographies concerning Ethiopian (÷Mäzäga). During the gihad of imam ÷Ahmad
saints, on the other. In a different perspective, b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”), Makattar, eager to
the hagiographic literary tradition collected and rid himself of his dependence upon the Christian
expressed in the texts of the G.s. had a pivotal monarch, allied with the imam, but died only
role in the development of both the indigenous three days after he was personally visited by
Ethiopian ÷hagiography and its iconographic Ahmad Grañ – who was thereby able to reach the
patterns (cf., e.g., Balicka-Witakowska 1996; northernmost point in his Ethiopian campaign. G.
÷Equestrian Saints). For Ethiopian Christians it kept the death of Makattar secret for three days.
was also one of the main opportunities to have a After the defeat of Grañ’s army, G. seems to
share in a heritage common to other Churches of have continued to resist; the Chronicle of ase
the Christian Orient. ÷Gälawdewos reports that there was fighting
Src.: AbbCat 102f., 124–27 and 183f. [nos. 92, 110, 179];
between G. and the bahér nägaš ÷Yéshaq. Ac-
ChAbb 59f., 68–71 and 107–10 [nos. 92, 110, 179]; CrAbb
150f., 173–77 [nos. 129, 163, 164]; DillmBerl 56f. [no. 66]; cording to the autobiographical sketch by the
EMML I, 143 [no. 141]; IV, 593–98 [no. 1479]; V, 218–31, monk ÷Pawlos, it took place in 1557, but noth-
235f., 267–70, 273–84, 306–17, 344–47, 357–60, 429–33 ing is said about the outcome of this clash. In
[nos. 1766, 1824, 1826, 1827, 1834, 1840, 1844, 1939]; fact, it seems to have followed the Turkish land-
VII, 6–14, 138f. [nos. 2514, 2796]; Francisco Maria
Esteves Pereira, Acta martyrum, Romae 1907 [repr. ing at ÷Massawa in March 1557 (a few days after
Louvain 1962] (CSCO 37, 38 [SAe 20, 21]); Arnold van the new Catholic “patriarch” Andrés de ÷Ovie-
Lantschoot, “Inventaire sommaire des mss. Vaticans do), occupied ÷Hérgigo and seized ÷Débarwa.
éthiopiens 251–299”, in: Collectanea Vaticana in honorem G.’s nephew, Habem [Ibn] Dilado, collaborating
Anselmi M. Card. Albareda, vol. 1, Città del Vaticano
1962 (Studi e testi 219), 453–512, here 465ff., no. 264; Os- with the Turks, invaded the territory of bahér
valdo Raineri, Codices Comboniani Aethiopici, Città nägaš ÷Yéshaq, but was defeated and captured
del Vaticano 2000 (Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae (Couto 1777–88; cp. Conti Rossini 1918:292, no.
codices manu scripti recensiti 47), 193–96, 210ff. [nos. 2). As the Turks tried to penetrate further inland,
202, 212]; SixTana III, 86–104 [nos. 121, 122]; WrBriMus
159–70 [nos. 253–58]; ZotBNat 196ff. [no. 131].
Yéshaq beat them back to Débarwa. Then he
Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “Mamas: a Cappado- returned to Mäzäga, fighting G., and defeated
cian Saint in Ethiopian Tradition”, in: Jan Olof Rosen- her. She fled to Débarwa and stayed there. After
qvist (ed.), Leimwv n. Studies Presented to Lennart Rydén a short period of Turkish military successes (the
on his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Uppsala 1996 (Acta Universi-
tatis Upsaliensis. Studia Byzantina Upsaliensia 6), 211–56;
seizure of ÷Däbrä Damo in 1558), ÷Özdemir
Alessandro Bausi, La versione etiopica degli Acta paša, seeking territorial gains, allied with G., who
Phileae nel Gadla sama‘tat, Napoli 2002 (Annali IUO. had offered help in exchange for Turkish support.
Supplemento 92) [Lit.]; Id., “The Aksumite Background He left a garrison in Débarwa (G.’s soldiers are re-
of the Ethiopic ‘Corpus canonum’”, in: PICES 15; Biblio- ported to have joined it, guarding G.’s property)
theca sanctorum, 12 vols., Roma 1961–70; CerLett 55f.;
Enrico Cerulli, Atti di Giulio di Aqfahs, Louvain 1959 and headed to Mäzäga with a large detachment.
(CSCO 190, 191 [SAe 37, 38]); Gérard Colin, “Le sy- But, many of the Turks, including Özdemir, fell
naxaire éthiopien. État actuel de la question”, ABoll 106, ill due to the bad climate there. In the meantime,
1988, 273–317; Carlo Conti Rossini, “Note per la sto- Débarwa’s garrison was in difficulty. The Turks,
ria letteraria abissina”, RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1899, 197–220,
263–85, here 209ff., 215; Id., “La Passione del martire together with G., decided to flee to Massawa, but
Arsenofis e dei suoi compagni nella versione etiopica”, on their way they were attacked and massacred
646
GaŸfar Bukko
by the locals, who captured G. and all her pos- from Gattira in Laga Gora, a chiefdom in the
sessions. According to Pawlos, G. died in 1559 western highlands of ÷Wällo. He inherited the
(elsewhere her death is placed in the same year as “tradition of sanctity” from his father, Siddiq (d.
ase ÷Minas – 1562/63, s. Ellero 1948:114). Noth- 1800/01). According to both oral traditions and
ing is reported about her successors. written sources, G.’s birth and future greatness
The Chronicle of Gälawdewos calls G. “the were revealed to Siddiq by al-Òidr, an enigmatic
queen of Säläwa”, but the Futuh al-Habaša re- figure in popular Sufi lore.
ports that, after Makattar’s death, G. became his Like his father, G. had an encounter with
son NafiŸ’s regent and ruled over Mäzäga and al-Òidr, who subsequently granted him the au-
the neighbouring areas. These regions, later to thority to propagate Islam. After acquiring an Is-
form ÷Wälqayt, and Mäzäga in particular, were lamic education in various parts of Wällo under
predominantly Muslim. The change in the distri- the supervision of the prominent scholars of his
bution of the population in favour of Christian time, he taught and preached in many centres of
Tégréñña- and Amharic-speakers took place long Islamic learning in the region.
after Ahmad Grañ’s wars. It is remarkable that G. is particularly remembered for the vigour
Portuguese sources (Barros 1563) refer to G. as with which he fought against corrupt Islamic
“the queen of the Nubians” (the Futuh al-Habaša institutions, offices and practices. He insisted on
also reports that Makattar had 15,000 “Nubians” the abolition of rituals associated with the con-
under his command), whereas the traditions of sumption of ÷cat (Arab. qat) and condemned the
Wälqayt record that she was of ÷Bäläw origin. activities of the officiators of cat ceremonies (the
G. is vividly remembered as an invincible and abba gar). He perceived their practices as being
powerful queen. The Wälqayt tradition speaks of incompatible with Islam, especially their claim to
her coming from ÷Arabia, as well as of the plac- be intermediaries between God and the faithful.
es where she “stayed”, fought etc. Her name is He was vehemently opposed to the idea that abba
preserved in a number of local toponyms (ŸAddi gars were capable of foretelling the future. Not
GaŸéwa, Qésri GaŸéwa, MéŸéraf GaŸéwa, s. Ellero only did G. reject these claims, but he also took
1948:114). Other traditions have it that she was practical steps to stop their activity by destroying
much feared in the neighbouring regions (e.g., in the centres for their ritual ceremonies.
The traditional Ÿulamaý were another target of
÷Éndärta), point to her “death place” (÷Éncät
G.’s attacks because they turned a blind eye to the
Käb) and even make her a wife of imam Ahmad
transgressions committed by the local chiefs. With
Grañ (Ellero 1941:68, no. 7).
Src.: BassHist 431, no.2; ConzGal 77f.; Guida, map 4; respect to funerals, the chiefs would appropriate
Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’autobiografia di Pawlos, mo- the alms and contributions made by the relatives
naco abissino del secolo XVI”, RRALm ser. 5a, 27, 1918, of the deceased and use them to prepare a feast for
279–96, here 285f., 292; BassHist, s. index; João de Bar- those attending the funeral, instead of distributing
ros, Terceira decada da Ásia de Ioam de Barros: Dos feytos the funds among the poor. G. additionally waged
que os Portugueses fizeram no descobrimento e conquista
dos mares e terras do Oriente, Lisboa 1563 [repr. Lisboa a perpetual struggle against Muslim traditional
1992], décade III, lib. IV, ch. 1; Diogo de Couto, Da office-holders who failed to govern in accordance
Asia. Dos feitos, que os Portuguezes fizeram na conquista, with Islamic law. This brought him into direct
e descubrimento das terras, e mares do Oriente. Decadas confrontation with rulers like ÷Adära Bille, the
IV–XII, 13 vols., Lisboa 1777–88, décade VII, lib. VII, chs.
4-5, 91–96; Paolo Marrassini, “Il Gadla Mâtyâs”, Egitto
hereditary chief of ÷Laga Gora.
e Vicino Oriente 6, 1983, 247–307, here 268. In addition to his reputation for condemning
Lit.: Sevir B. Chernetsov, Efiopskaja feodalnaja mon- evil practices, G. was also known as a peace-
arhija v XIII–XVI vv. (‘The Ethiopian Feudal Monarchy maker. His reputation as an arbitrator in local
in the 13th–16th Centuries’), Moskva 1982, 246–49; Gio- conflicts is exemplified by his successful efforts
vanni Ellero, “Il Uolcaìt”, RSE 7, 1948, 89–112 [repr.
in: EllLusAnt 109–31] (Lit.); Id., “Note sull’Endertà”,
to bring about a reconciliation between al-Haggi
RSE 1, 1941, 146–72 [repr. in: ibid., 65–92] (Lit.). ÷Bušra ay Muhammad and Madani. His com-
Denis Nosnitsin mitment to, and upholding of, justice earned
him the sobriquet of sayf al-haqq (‘the sword of
truth’), which was given to him by Bušra.
GaŸfar Bukko Src.: faqih MuHammad [b. GaŸfar], al-Misk al-adfar
fi manaqib sayf al-haqq aš-šayò GaŸfar (‘The Pungent
Šayò G. (Ã∏I j∞®U, b. 1793, d. 1860) was a re- Musk on the Virtues of the ‘Sword of Truth’, šayò GaŸfar’),
nowned Muslim mystic, preacher and reformer ms, ca. 1885; šayò al-HAGG MuHammad TAGaddIn
647
GaŸfar Bukko
AHmad, IŸlam al-aëbiyaý bi-hayat Ÿuzamaý Ityubiya min unanimous about the other sons of G.: al-Nawawi
al-Ÿulamaý wal-awliyaý wa-salatin al-islam wal-asfiya’ speaks of three sons (ŸAbdallah, Muhammad
(‘Teaching those who do not Know about the Important
Personalities of Ethiopia: the Learned Men, Saints, Mus- and ŸAwn), Ibn ŸInaba gives the names of eight
lim Rulers and the Faithful’), ms. sons (ŸAbdallah, ŸAwn, Muhammad al-Akbar,
Lit.: Hussein Ahmed, “Introducing an Arabic Hagiog- Muhammad al-Asëar, Hamid Husayn, ŸAbdallah
raphy from Wallo”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 185–97; Id., Islam al-Akbar, ŸAbdallah al-Asëar), all born from
in Nineteenth-Century Wallo, Ethiopia: Revival, Reform
Asmaý.
and Reaction, Leiden – Köln – Boston 2001, 101–04, 111,
136f., 194–97. G. came back to ÷Arabia and once again met
Hussein Ahmed the Prophet on the day of the conquest of the
town of Òaybar (A.D. 628). According to Is-
lamic traditional sources, G. kissed Muhammad
GaŸfar b. Abi Talib between the eyes, the Prophet embraced him
G., the Prophet ÷Muhammad’s cousin, was the and said: “I do not know what makes me feel
third son of Abu Talib, the uncle of the Prophet. happier, the conquest of Òaybar or the arrival
He was ten years older than his brother ŸAli who of GaŸfar?”
was to become the fourth Caliph. Since Abu In September 629 A.D. (gumada al-ula of
Talib was very poor, he grew up with his uncle, the year 8 H.) Muhammad organized a military
al-ŸAbbas. G. was among the very first inhabit- expedition across the Byzantine (÷Byzantine
ants of ÷Mecca to believe in the prophethood of Empire) border. The Prophet appointed Zayd
Muhammad and to embrace ÷Islam. He took b. Harita as the first commander of the Islamic
part in the ÷higra to al-Habaša (÷Abyssinia). G. troops. In case Zayd should die, Muhammad or-
and his wife, Asmaý bint ŸUmays, left ÷Mecca dered that G. should replace him as the head of
for Ethiopia in the second group of Muslims, the army and, if G. should fall as well, ŸAbdallah
who sought refuge in the country of the Chris- b. Rawaha should be there to take his post. When
tian ÷néguí (Arab.: nagaši) from the persecution Zayd died, G. took command of the Islamic army
of the pagan Arabs. and fought bravely. He cut his horse’s hocks so
According to Islamic tradition, when a de- that it was impossible for him to turn back and
legation of Meccan polytheists led by ŸAbdallah flee from the enemy. It is said that he was the first
b. Abi RabiŸa and ŸAmr b. al-ŸAs came to the in the history of Islam to do that. His two hands
King of Ethiopia to claim the emigrants back, were cut off but he managed to keep the Islamic
he stood up as the leader of the Muslim refugees flag by clasping it to his breast with the stumps.
and spoke on their behalf in the presence of the He finally fell dead as a martyr of the faith, at
néguí, the Christian Ethiopian clergy and the Muýta in the Byzantine territory when he was
two pagan emissaries. In a first audience, he re- almost 40 years old. His successor as the com-
cited some verses of the 19th sura of the ÷Qurýan mander of the Islamic troops, ŸAbdallah, also
(surat Maryam), which mention the reverence to died after him. G. was buried at Muýta in a com-
the Virgin ÷Mary. On a second occasion, when mon tomb which he shared with the two other
ŸAmr b. al-ŸAs told the nagaši that Muslims blas- commanders of the Muslim expeditionary force.
pheme Christ by calling him a slave, G. success- Islamic tradition portrays G. as being physi-
fully rebutted the charge with a quotation from cally and morally similar to his cousin Muham-
the fourth sura (surat an-nisaý), that explain the mad. The Prophet himself said: “You look like
Islamic views about Jesus. The Ethiopian king me, physically and morally”. Thanks to his
was so favourably impressed by the content of generosity, he acquired the nickname Abu l-
these passages of the Islamic holy book that he Masakin (‘the father of the poor people’). After
decided to grant the Muslim refugees a secure G.’s ÷martyrdom, Muhammad stated that he saw
shelter in his land and to reject the request of the him in a vision while flying in paradise with two
Arab pagans to expel them back to the Arabian bloodstained wings, together with angels: hence
Peninsula. Islamic tradition further maintains he came to be called GaŸfar îu l-Ganahayn (‘G.
that the nagaši converted to Islam, thanks to the the one with the two wings’) and GaŸfar at-Tayyar
preaching of G. (‘G. the flyer’). In some Islamic traditional sourc-
During his stay in Abyssinia, G. begot from es G. is also called “îu l-higratayn” (‘the one who
his wife a son, called ŸAbdallah, who was the took part in the two higras’, i.e. to Abyssinia and
first Muslim born in Abyssinia. Sources are not to Medina), but this has no historical support.
648
Gafat
Src.: Ibn HišAm, as-Sira al-nabawiya (‘The Life of the
Prophet’), Beirut 1987, passim; Ibn ŸInaba, ŸUmdat at-
talib fi ansab al Abi Talib (‘Support of the One Searching
the Origins of Abi Talib’), Beirut n.d., 53ff.; NawawI,
Tahîib al-asmaý wal-luëat (‘Improvement of Names and
Languages’), Beirut n.d., vol. 1, 148ff.
Lit.: Laura Veccia Vaglieri, “DjaŸfar b. Abi Talib”, in:
EI2, vol. 2, 372f.; Joseph Cuoq, L’Islam en Éthiopie, des
origines au XVIe siecle, Paris 1981, 27–32.
Alessandro Gori
Gafat
G. (NGM , in European sources Gefat) is a small
locale north-east of ÷Däbrä Tabor, in historic
Bägemdér, near ÷Gan Meda. In June 1860 ase
÷Tewodros II designated it a permanent settle-
ment for a group of Protestant missionary artisans
– Theophil ÷Waldmeier and Karl ÷Saalmüller
among others – who were associated with the
÷St. Chrischona-Pilgermission Institute at Basle, Ase Tewodros was deeply committed to mili-
Switzerland. A number of other Europeans, who tary reform. Consequently, he tried to accrue as
were not associated with the mission, also joined much weaponry and artillery as possible – rifles,
the community. At G. the artisans built a number guns, cannons etc. More importantly, he also
of European-style houses, a large workshop and a sought to acquire knowledge about weapons
school, which taught both literacy and technical and artillery production and pass this skill on
skills. The workshop included a foundry where to his people. In the course of time, G. became
the craftsmen repaired muskets and manufactured the principal site at which Tewodros’s desire for
light weaponry. At the beginning of 1861, the military reform came into being and, according
workers began making mortars, an activity which to Bahru Zewde (BZHist 34), “… more than any
increasingly dominated their time and efforts as other place, [G.] symbolised Tewodros’s mod-
Tewodros’s desire for bigger and more powerful ernizing drive”.
weaponry increased. In 1863 Protestant missions In April 1867, the G. workshops and houses
to the ÷Betä Ésraýel, who had been active in were destroyed by royal order and its resident
Dämbéya, were suspended and their agents sent European colony was moved to Däbrä Tabor,
to G. The community grew again in 1864 when, and then to ÷Mäqdäla the following October,
following a crisis with the British consul, Charles where they were freed by the British expedition-
Duncan ÷Cameron, Tewodros sent the Germans ary force of 1868.
detained in the royal camp to G. In addition to the Src.: Theophilus Waldmeier, Erlebnisse in Abessinien
in den Jahren 1858–1868, Basel 1869, passim; Id., The Au-
Europeans who settled there, ca. 1,000 Ethiopians tobiography of Theophilus Waldmeier, Missionary: being an
also came to the settlement to work and learn Account of Ten Years’ Life in Abyssinia and Sixteen Years in
technical gun-making skills. Syria, London 1886, passim; Henry Dufton, Narrative
Landscape of
Gafat; from
Andree 1869:
279
649
Gafat
of a Journey through Abyssinia in 1862–3: with an Appen- zäno) and Zay (mizänä, without lengthening)
dix on “The Abyssinian Captives Question”, London 1867, – here all other Ethio-Semitic languages have
83–86; Johannes Martin Flad, Zwölf Jahre in Abessini-
en, oder Geschichte des Königs Theodoros II und der Mis- either e (most of Gurage, e.g., mezzänä) or ä
sion unter seiner Regierung, Basel 1869, 55, 67f.; Richard (Amh. mäzzänä).
Andree, Abessinien, das Alpenland unter den Tropen und A peculiarity of G. phonology is that labializa-
seine Grenzländer, Leipzig 1869, 279, Abb. 3 (ill.). tion (as known from the labiovelars kw, qw, gw,
Lit.: CrumMiss 128, 132, 137, 140; ArEvang 93f.; BZHist
hw) is extended to the labials (bw, mw, fw): ribwä
34, 40, 103.
Donald Crummey ‘Wednesday’, zafwä ‘tree’, démwä ‘head’.
The personal pronouns in G. are: sg.: 1st pers.
anät(ti), 2nd pers. masc. ant, fem. anói, 3rd pers.
Gafat masc. wét, fem. yét (cp. GéŸéz wéýétu, yéýéti), pl.:
Gafat language 1st pers. énni, 2nd pers. énnantum, 3rd pers. élläwm,
G., a South ÷Ethio-Semitic language, was énnälläwm. The 3rd pers. sg. suffix pronouns to
formerly spoken in the district of Wämbärma, the noun are also archaic in that they still show an
south-west of ÷Goggam in the region of the h (as in GéŸéz): masc. -(é)ho, fem. -(é)hä. Unique
Blue Nile (÷Abbay), west of ÷Däbrä Marqos. is the 1st pers. sg. suffix -(é)ggä, e.g., gägg-éggä,
G. was already mentioned in three short ‘my house (gäggä)’. A 3rd pers. sg. object suffix
sentences by Hiob ÷Ludolf in his Historia pronoun to the verb -i besides -ni is rather rare in
Aethiopica (1681, vol. 1, chs. 10, 60), where Ethio-Semitic: ébw-i, ‘I (will) give him’, wabhu-ni,
he compared it with GéŸéz and Amharic. An ‘I gave him’. The copula is based on a morpheme
18th-cent. translation of the Song of Songs (yä- n- (as in Ethio-Semitic in general): -n, ‘he is’, -
sälomon égäwat égä-égä) in G. (on the sugges- nähä, ‘you (m. sg.) are’, -näwm ‘they are’ (e.g.,
tion of James ÷Bruce) was published and anno- éññé émmuna-n, ‘this is big [émmunä]’), but -y,
tated by Leslau (1945). In 1845 Beke noticed the ‘she is’. With nouns and pronouns as predicates,
decline of the language and spoke about its im- another copula with *ttä- plus object pronoun
minent disappearance. Nevertheless, a hundred suffixes is used: sg. 3rd pers. masc. -tto, 2nd pers.
years later (in 1947) Leslau was able to produce a -ttähä, 3rd pers. pl. -ttäwm, e.g. wét al-éggä-tto,
comprehensive description of the language (pub- ‘he is my brother (alä)’. The definite article is -š,
lished in 1956). It shows the G. language already e.g., gäggé-š, ‘the house (gäggä)’, zafu-š (zafwé-š),
partly Amharicized, and probably all former G. ‘the tree (zafwä)’. In general, nouns show a final
speakers now speak Amharic. Even as late as in -ä element, but mossay, ‘child’ is an exception.
the 1980s a few words were still remembered by The 3rd pers. pl. affix in perfect, imperfect, jus-
an informant (Taddesse Tamrat 1988:152). sive and imperative is -iwm, e.g., (03) dakkäm-iwm,
The G. are occasionally mentioned in Ethiopi- ‘they repeated’, (01) t-ifärk-imw-am, ‘they are not
an chronicles and remembered by local traditions (t-…-am) able’. The derived verb stems are A,
(Leslau 1966); Taddesse Tamrat (1988) provides a T and At. The At3 stem is the causative of the
useful overview of available historical informa- reflexive (as in Amh.). The At2 stem is the sim-
tion (s. also the sub-entry on G. history). Their ple causative to 01 and 02 (as in Soddo and Zay):
language shows links to the Northern and West- (At2) at-riggäsä caus. of (02) riggäsä, ‘he danced’.
ern ÷Gurage idioms, dubbed Outer South Ethi- The weak verb classes are (all 01): bällä, ‘he ate’
opic by Hetzron (1972:8). E.g., the imperfect in – yébälä, ‘he eats’ (Amh. bälla – yébäla), bäššä,
a relative clause does not reveal any specific rela- ‘he sucked’ – yébäš (Amh. qärrä, ‘he remained’
tive morpheme: G. yéfätér säwwä ‘the man who – yéqär), masä, ‘he beat’ – yémis (Amh. lakä, ‘he
will die (yéfätér)’, as in Western Gurage (÷Óaha, sent’ – yélék), qomä, ‘he stood’ – yéqwim (Amh.
÷Énnämor, ÷Muòér, ÷Mäsqan, ÷Gogot) and qomä – yéqom), räsä, ‘he ran’ – yéris.
÷Soddo (Northern Gurage); the infinitive mark- The word order is Subject-Object-Verb. Speci-
er is wä- (wa-) prefixed to the kernel morpheme fying elements such as adjectives, relative clauses,
of the jussive-imperative: (01) wäftär, ‘to die’ and adverbs precede the elements to be specified.
(jussive yäftär), (02) wäkämmér, ‘to pile’ (jus- G. vocabulary can be illustrated by the fol-
sive yäkämmér), as in Muòér, Mäsqan, Gogot lowing ten-word list: éggä ‘one’; éléttä ‘two’;
and ÷Zay (Eastern Gurage); the B type of the sostä ‘three’; ésatä ‘fire’; ägä ‘water’; aymérä,
verb has i after the first radical: (02) kimmärä, ‘he cäbärä ‘sun’; säräqä ‘moon’; sénä ‘tooth’; dämwä
piled’, mizzänä, ‘he weighed’, as in Soddo (miz- ‘blood’; mélasä ‘tongue’.
650
Gafat
Lit.: Charles Tilstone Beke, “On the Languages and
Dialects of Abyssinia and the Countries in the South”,
Proceedings of the Philological Society 2, 1845, 97–107;
Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in Classi-
fication, Manchester 1972; Wolf Leslau, Étude descrip-
tive et comparative du Gafat, Paris 1956; Id., “A Short
Chronicle on the Gafat”, RSO 41, 1966, 189–98; Id.,
Gafat Documents: Records of a South-Ethiopic Language,
New Haven 1945 (American Oriental Series 28) [cp.
review by Hans Jacob Polotsky, Journal of Ameri-
can Oriental Society 69, 1949, 36–40]; Hiob Ludolf,
Historia Aethiopica, Frankfurt am Main 1681, vol. 1, 60;
Taddesse Tamrat, “Ethnic Interaction and Integration
in Ethiopian History: the Case of Gafat”, JES 21, 1988,
121–54 [with map].
Rainer Voigt
Gafat history
Before the 16th cent., documentation on the G.
is scant, being limited to occasional references
in the hagiographic literature and in the Old
Amharic praise songs for victorious emperors. icle, e.g., on two occasions, characterizes the G.
It is only from the 1520s onward that we pos- as insubordinate barbarians, thieves, waylayers,
sess somewhat richer data: in the accounts of and merciless murderers (CRHist 11, 119f.). This
some Portuguese visitors to Ethiopia, on the one negative Christian attitude influenced the early
hand (÷Alvares, ÷Bermudez, ÷Almeida), in the Portuguese authors, who equally mostly present
indigenous chronicles, rapidly evolving in the the G., overwhelmingly based on hearsay, in a
16th cent., on the other. The window on G. life somewhat unfavourable light (BeckHuntAlvar
and history thus opened is, however, virtually 458; Bermudez in Whiteway 1902:217, 232f.,
closed again in the early 1600s. At that time the 242). Against this background of collective de-
G. began to suffer the full impact of the Oromo nunciation, it comes as a surprise that the GéŸéz
expansion and hence ceased to be important chronicles on a number of occasions show indi-
partners or adversaries of the Christian empire vidual G., or even whole G. groups, acting as
in their own right. Therefore, they are little men- loyal supporters of Christian monarchs (CRHist
tioned in the later GéŸéz sources. 11, 22 [text]; PerChron 12, 23, 25f. [text]). This
In the 16th cent. the G. inhabited a long stretch clearly demonstrates that the generalizing nega-
of territory on the left bank of the ÷Abbay, ex- tive statements to be found in the extant sources
tending from the Wäläqa river in northern Šäwa are one-sided at best. Moreover, a hostile G. at-
well into eastern Wälläga (historical ÷Damot), titude to the Christian kingdom, where it was in
probably up to the ÷Didessa river, and perhaps fact displayed, likely often stemmed from the ex-
even beyond. Southwards their area of settlement perience of being harassed, raided or even killed
extended as far as the headwaters of the ÷Awaš. by its representatives. The sources, at any rate,
The few available earlier data indicate that the G. unabashedly mention quite a few such events
had inhabited at least substantial portions of this (CRHist 119f., 162–65 [text]; PerChron 25ff.,
territory already in the previous two centuries. 28f., 30 [text]; Bermudez in Whiteway 1902:
While possessing a sense of ethnic unity, the 233).
different G. subgroups apparently never devel- With respect to their physical appearance, both
oped a set of common institutions and hence Alvares and Almeida independently describe the
lacked political cohesion. This enabled the G. as generally rather tall in build and of a com-
Christian monarchs largely to deal with those parably light complexion.
subgroups separately: an obvious strategic ad- In terms of religious outlook and affiliation,
vantage. Despite this, many G. fiercely (though the G. during their observable history present
only intermittently) resisted the extension of the no homogeneous picture. While traditionally,
Christian empire’s control over their ancestral for obvious reasons, they followed their own
lands, which earned them a solidly bad reputa- “indigenous” religion, in the period under ob-
tion in the former. Thus, ÷Íärsä Déngél’s chron- servation they were increasingly exposed to
651
Gafat
influences from Ethiopian Orthodox Christian- Harbäwaš, Šat, Wänge, Yäsubli and Yäzämbäl.
ity, on the one hand, and, to a lesser extent, from On account of the context in which they occur,
Islam, on the other. To these influences the G. as well as their phonotactics, we can further infer
responded in a variety of ways. Many clung to that the ethnonyms of Azär, Fätägäm, Mägdämu,
their ancestral cult, which was again a cause for Mälägw, Yäbadi and Yäqumbäl likely equally re-
denunciation in Christian and Muslim sources fer to G. subgroups, even though this is never
alike (CRHist 119f. [text]; BassHist I, 304 [text]). explicitly stated in the sources. With regard to
However, at least since the mid-15th cent. there the Bot and the ÷Gämbo, however, which in the
were conversions to Christianity among the G. literature are occasionally counted among the G.,
(TadTChurch 237), and by the second half of there is reason for scepticism. A thorough sifting
the 16th cent. adherence to this faith appears to of the sources may well reveal the names of yet
have been not uncommon any more among their more G. subgroups.
eastern and central branches. During the wars of From the late 16th cent. onwards the G. were
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (Grañ), however, increasingly exposed to the pressure of the
some G. groups also adopted Islam or at least northwards-migrating Oromo. Unable to resist
fought alongside the Muslims against the Chris- their onslaught decisively, large numbers of
tian state (BassHist I, 185, 304f.). Particularly G. left their ancestral homelands and migrated
interesting are some casual references by the across the Abbay into Goggam, taking with
early 16th-cent. Portuguese authors to a Jewish them many of their old place names (including
identity of some (apparently mostly central and the term Damot, which now came to designate
western) G. (BeckHuntAlvar 458; Bermudez in a region north of the Abbay). Once in Goggam,
Whiteway 1902:232). Perhaps these intriguing these G. were no longer capable of challenging
remarks can tentatively be interpreted as evi- the Christian monarchs, but instead looked to-
dence of considerable Christian influence on the wards them for protection. Over time they thus
concerned G., to which, however, they respond- became loyal and inconspicuous subjects of the
ed, not by an all-out adoption of Christianity, Christian empire. This development culminated
but, due to the existing political antagonism, in their linguistic and cultural Amharization,
by opting for a variant within the same overall which was virtually complete by the mid-20th
religious matrix. It is tempting to draw analogies cent. Those G., on the other hand, who did
with the emergence of the ÷Betä Ésraýel from not take part in the trans-Abbay exodus, but
among Agäw populations further north. When remained in their erstwhile homes and were
the G. later were assimilated into the Amhara of fortunate enough there to survive the Oromo
Goggam and Oromo of Šäwa and Wälläga, they invasion, were rather quickly assimilated by the
shared the religious histories of these peoples. latter, thus equally disappearing from history as
The G. practised a mixed economy, cultivating an independent ethnic group.
the land as well as raising livestock. In Šäwa, out- Src.: BassHist, s. index; BeckHuntAlm, s. index; Beck-
side the traditional area of ÷énsät cultivation, the HuntAlvar 458; Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge, The
Lives of Maba’ Seyon and Gabra Krestos, London 1898,
G. presumably planted the same cereals (mostly 2f., 24f.; Carlo Conti Rossini (ed.), Vitae sanctorum
tef and wheat) as their Amhara and Agäw neigh- antiquiorum, I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Louvain 1904
bours, but further south and west énsät must (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9, 10]), 24 (text); CRHist I, 11, 22,
have figured prominently in their agriculture, as 119f., 138ff., 162–65 (text) = II, 14, 26, 136f., 157–60, 176ff.
Íärsä Déngél’s chronicle on one occasion charac- (tr.); CrawItin, s. index; PerChron, s. index; Ignazio
Guidi, “Le canzoni geez-amariña in onore di re Abissini”,
terizes this crop as the staple of the (western) G. RRALm ser. 4a, 4, 1889, 53–66; GuiIohan 280 (text) = 299
(hénsät zä-wéýétu sisayomu lä-Gafat: CRHist I, (tr.); Wolf Leslau, “A Short Chronicle on the Gafat”,
140). In the 17th cent. Almeida noted their con- RSO 91, 1966, 189–98; Richard Steven Whiteway (ed.),
siderable cattle herds. According to the ÷Futuh The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541–1543, as
Narrated by Castanhoso, with some Contemporary Let-
al-Habaša, the (western) G. in the 1530s did not ters, the Short Account of Bermudez, and Certain Extracts
possess any horses (BassHist I, 304f.). If they from Correa, London 1902 [repr. Nendeln, Liechtenstein
acquired them later in the century, they certainly 1967], 216–19, 232–34, 242, 246 [= Bermudez].
did not do so in large numbers. Lit.: BTafA, s. index; HuntGeogr, s. index; Michael
Kleiner, “Were the Gämbo a Gafat Group? Delib-
The GéŸéz sources unambiguously provide
erations on a Finer Point of Ethiopian Ethnohistory”, in:
the names of quite a few G. subgroups, such as StudAeth 151–64; PankBord, s. index; TadTChurch 237;
the Abädray, Ašmän, Beräbabo, Dén, Harbakäl, Taddesse Tamrat, “Ethnic Interaction and Integration
652
Gälämso
in Ethiopian History: the Case of the Gafat”, JES 21, G.Š.’s force was finally defeated on 9 September
1988, 121–54; aläqa Tayyä Gäbrä Maryam, Y#M_1\y 1897. The victors returned to Addis Abäba with
Bw-y K<l (Yäýityopya hézb tarik, ‘History of the People
the subdued king, who was fastened with a silver
of Ethiopia’), Aímära 1914 A.M. [1921/22 A.D.], 33ff.
chain that had been reportedly kept for this pur-
Michael Kleiner
pose. He spent the rest of his life in captivity. Ras
Wäldä Giyorgis became the governor of Käfa.
Src.: GSMen 276f.
Gaki Šeroóo Lit.: BZHist 65f.; Amnon Orent, “Refocusing on the
G.Š. (Niy $@- , also known as Cinito, r. 1890– History of Kafa prior to 1897: a Discussion of Political
97), was the last ÷tato of the kingdom of ÷Käfa Processes”, African Historical Studies 3, 2, 1970, 263–93,
here 282; Friedrich Julius Bieber, Kaffa: ein altkuschi-
before it was incorporated into ase ÷Ménilék II’s tisches Volkstum in Inner-Afrika, vol. 1, Münster 1920,
empire in 1897. He ascended the Käfa throne vol. 2, Wien 1923; Id., “Geschichte der Könige von Kaf-
after a period of uncertainty on the question of fa”, Mitteilunges des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen
succession to his predecessor, ÷Galli Šeroóo (r. [Berlin] 19, 1916, ii, 94–123; Werner J. Lange, History of
the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia), Wiesbaden
1870–87). G.Š. successfully repulsed incursions
1982 (SKK 61).
from his powerful northern neighbours, Goggam Bahru Zewde
and Šäwa, first in 1890 and then in 1893. But his
despotic rule undermined his power and popular- Gäläb ÷Dasänäó
ity in his kingdom and thus made him vulnerable
to the final assault in 1897. Ase Ménilék’s forces Gälämso
opened a five-pronged offensive against the G. (Amh. KnzG , Oromo sp. Galamssoo) is a
proud ancient kingdom. Ras ÷Wäldä Giyorgis town in western ÷Harärge with an important
Abboyyä, who was in overall command, was symbolic and historical meaning for the birth of
assisted by daggazmaó (later ras) ÷Täsämma, Oromo nationalism.
daggazmaó (later ras) Dämes, as well as ÷Abbaa Located at the foot of Aw Šarif Mountain,
Gifaar of Gimma, who had already submitted which is part of a mountain-chain that extends
to Ménilék. After a nine-month-long resistance, from ÷Cärcär to Gaara Guguu Mountain in
÷Arsi, G. has a population of around 10,000
inhabitants. Originally part of the Cärcär
awragga, after 1974 it became capital of the
Habro awragga. As resource-base of Habro, G.
is an important commercial centre in the region.
Habro, with its over 200,000 inhabitants, has a
very rich economic base, both actual and poten-
tial, ranging from food to cash-crops and to ani-
mal-husbandry and is one of the most productive
agricultural regions in Harärge. The town has
one high school, four elementary schools, one
Qurýanic school, three mosques and one church,
a health centre and a hospital. Muslim religious
leaders have shown strong resistance against the
spread of modern western education – American
missions were unsuccessful in educating or con-
verting Muslim Oromo – a factor which delayed
the birth of an educated class in G.
Gaki Šeroóo in According to local tradition, the town re-
full royal attire;
painting by Paul
ceived its name from Galama Aw Saiid. The
Buffet; word galama has three interconnected meanings
reproduction in in Oromiffa: it can mean the ritual house of a
the collection of traditional Oromo religious leader, a common
Ernst Hammer- word for ritual house in general, or a shrine. In
schmidt,
Asien Afrika- the name Galama Aw Saiid, the term combines
Institut, Univer- all three meanings. Aw SaŸid (‘Father SaŸid’) is
sität Hamburg universally regarded as a saint and as the first
653
Gälämso
bearer of Islam among the ÷Ittuu Oromo. In the

south-western corner of the town, there is still a
mosque, a river and a village bearing his name,
reflecting his importance for the history of G.
As a historical figure, he probably lived during
the second half of the 16th cent., when the Ittuu
Oromo settled in Cärcär, and, consequently, may
not have converted many Oromo to Islam. His
shrine appears, however, to have served two pur-
poses. The Oromo may have used it as a neutral
ground for settling disputes among themselves
and with their enemies – Ittuu Oromo traditions
regard him as an Oromo religious leader whose
duty was to preach peace among Oromo groups.
The shrine also served as a centre for the spread
of Islam among the Ittuu Oromo during the 18th
and 19th cent. Hence, the Oromo absorbed aw
SaŸid into their cultural heritage and elevated him
to the exalted status of a saint.
G.’s pre-eminence for Oromo nationalism Taddässä Bérru contacted the Oromo in and
came with the Odaa Bultum celebration, General beyond G.; and ÷Elemo Qilhuu, a businessman
÷Taddässä Bérru and Tiroo. Odaa Bultum, living in Aden, who, after his visit to Taddässä
near G., was the central ÷caffee of the Oromo Bérru in G., organized the first guerrilla army for
in Harärge. There the traditional ÷gadaa the liberation of the Oromo nation at Tiroo.
government took place, celebrated every eight Although the three were martyred, they left a
years with traditional ritual activities and the lasting legacy in the history of G., etching it in
proclamation of laws. More than three centuries the mind of a new generation of Oromo youth
after being abandoned, wealthy citizens of G. as the birthplace of Oromo nationalism. Today,
revived Odaa Bultum as a symbolic attempt to their memory is well preserved by a beautiful
recover Oromo traditional democracy. Oromo song first heard in G. glorifying the
Taddässä Bérru, one of the leaders of the names of the fallen heroes.
÷Mäcca and Tulama Association, transformed Src.: interview with Dr. Muazem Sheikh Hussein from
Gälämso.
G. into the centre of the Oromo nationalists. Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, “Notes on the Islamization and
Among those who secretly visited him in G. the Muslim Shrines of the Harar Plateau”, in: Thomas La-
were ÷Baro Tumsa, an intellectual who played bahn (ed.), Proceedings of the Second International Congress
a decisive role in the formation of the ÷Oromo of Somali Studies, Hamburg 1984, 145–74; Badri Kabir
Liberation Front in early 1974; Ahmad Taqi, Mohammed, The Afran Qallo Oromo: a History, B.A. the-
sis, Addis Ababa University 1995; Olana Zoga, Gazeténna
a wealthy businessman who financed Oromo Gézot: Macha and Tulama Association, Addis Ababa 1993.
nationalist activities in G. and through whom Mohammed Hassen
Gälanäš Haddis
Émmahoy G.H. (Kq|%y =8F ; b. 1889 A.M.
[1896/97 A.D.], Sélalo Amanuýel, Yélmanna
Densa awragga, Goggam, d. 12 Hamle 1978
A.M. [19 July 1986 A.D.], Sélalo Amanuýel) was
a famous ÷qéne-teacher. Her mother, wäyzäro
Wärqénäš Éngéda, was a housewife and her fa-
ther, qesä gäbäz Haddis Kidan, was an outstand-
ing church scholar and a qéne-teacher in the
local church of Sélalo Amanuýel. G.H. lost her
Gälämso, cattle market; photo 1972/74, courtesy of the eyesight at the age of eight years after a small-
Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt am Main (no. 1.02.16.03) pox infection. Her father, however, provided
654
Gälawdewos
her with a thorough church ÷education. G.H. 1990 A.M. [1997/98 A.D.]; Täsfaye ŠÉbÉrru, Y6-:y
perfectly mastered composition of qéne-poetry eqt`y Y!4*\y mg-y &xX^y Kq|%y =8F 1898–1978
(.z. (Yädäbrä sélalowa yäýatbiya kokäb émmahoy Gälanäš
and studied the interpretation of the Old and Haddis 1898–1978 A.M., ‘Émmahoy Gälanäš Haddis
the New Testaments (÷Andémta), pursuing her [1898–1978], the Star of the Parish of Däbrä Sélalo’)”, SémŸé
education to the highest level. Sédq, Taòíaí 1996 A.M. [December 2003 A.D.], 3, 14.
Having graduated, G.H. assisted her father in Getie Gelaye
teaching qéne. She married Térunäh Bälay; the
couple had two children, Addam and Mäsärät (a
third child died at an early age). In 1936, when Gälawdewos
the Italians invaded Ethiopia, the majority of G. (Kqb:cF ) is the Ethiopian form of the name
the population of Sélalo fled. Haddis Kidan and of Claudius, a Roman saint and a martyr during
other church scholars and priests and the monks the Diocletian persecution (3rd/4th cent. A.D.).
of Sélalo Amanuýel, who stayed behind to pray His Vita was first written in Coptic, but only
and safeguard the church, were executed by the some fragments have been preserved. Accord-
Italians. The blind G.H. survived and, after the ing to the Ethiopic ms. London, BritLib, Orient.
Liberation, she continued teaching. 700 (fol. 60v), the Acts of G. were translated into
G.H. became one of the distinguished qéne- Arabic by the bishop of Asyut (Likopolis), prob-
teachers in Goggam. She taught qéne for over 50 ably Constantine, in the 7th cent. Later, in the 14th
years and bestowed titles upon 150 qéne-teach- cent., during the tenure of abunä ÷Sälama “the
ers who came to her from different regions of Translator”, this text was translated into GéŸéz.
Goggam, Gondär, Tégray, Eritrea, Šäwa, Lasta
and Lalibäla. In the 1970s she had over 150 stu-
dents at a time; it has been reported that, all in all,
during her life G.H. taught over 1,750 students.
In the history of the Ethiopian Orthodox Täwa-
hédo Church, G.H. was one of the very few fe-
male traditional scholars and the Church consid-
ers her one of the most celebrated qéne teachers
and traditional scholars of the 20th cent.
In 1998, on the initiative of G.H.’s cousin,
Täšomä Haddis, the Synod of western Goggam
set up a memorial museum in Bahér Dar, where
records of some of her qéne are displayed. Only
a few of her qéne have been collected and pub-
lished. A scientific study of G.H.’s biography,
her works and a complete collection and analysis
of her qéne remain a desideratum. St. Claudius (Gälawdewos) on horseback; detail from a
Lit.: Kessis Kefyalew Merahi, The Spiritual and Social tryptich; early 16th cent.; treasury of Däbrä MäŸar Giyor-
Life of Christian Women, Addis Ababa 1998, 53–57; gis Church; photo 2000, courtesy of Michael Gervers
mämhér Kidanä Maryam Getahun, 4#K_by Y9ty
Hx< (Téntawiw yäqolo tämari, ‘The Wandering Stu-
Iconographically, G. is usually represented
dent of Old Days’), Addis Abäba ³1980 A.M. [1987/88 riding a horse. In the Ethiopian calendar he is
A.D.], 39f.; Ethiopian Language Academy (ed.), YP*wy commemorated on 11 Säne; according to the
8"\My YT|y 4(-y 8?Fy #+-y g|M?Kyb (YägéŸéz ÷Sénkéssar, G. was the son of the brother of the
qéneyat yäíénä tébäb qérs nébab kännätérgwamew, ‘The Emperor Numerian and lived in Antioch, where
Art of Interpretation of GéŸéz Qéne, their Reading and
Translation’), vol. 2, Addis Abäba 1984 A.M. [1991/92 his figure was painted on the gates of the town.
A.D.], 398; Friedrich Heyer, Die Kirche Äthiopiens. With his friend Fiqtor (Victor), G. opposed the
Eine Bestandsaufnahme, Berlin 1971 (Theologische Bi- successor of Numerian, Diocletian, regarding his
bliothek Töpelmann 22), 129; &xX^y Kq|%y =8F (‘Ém- policy towards Christianity. For that reason, Di-
mahoy Gälanäš Haddis’), Addis Zämän, 29 Nähase 1978, ocletian exiled them to Egypt where both were
3–9; Sälomon Haddis, Y&xX^y Kq|%y =8Fy reqty
!x}%sy YB^]My K<l!y T=c*'b (Yäýémmahoy killed. They are buried in Antioch.
Gälanäš Haddis Zäsélalo Amanuýel yähéywät tarikénna ÷Equestrian Saints
íérawoóóaóóäw, ‘A Short Biography of Émmahoy Gälanäš Src.: WrBriMus 183f., no. 276 [Orient. 700]; BudSaint
Haddis of Sélalo Amanuýel and her Works’), Addis Abäba 983–86; Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, Acta Mar-
655
Gälawdewos
tyrum, Romae 1907 [repr. Louvain 1962] (CSCO 37, 38 ing in martial skills as well as instruction in the
[SAe 20, 21]), 195–216 (text) = 175–94 (tr.); GuiSyn I, 578f. literary heritage of Christian Ethiopia.
Lit.: Gérard Gordon, “Textes coptes relatifs à Saint Claude
d’Antioche”, PO 35, 4, 1970, 508–669; Jacques Mercier After G. had been installed as the new mon-
– Henri Marchal (eds.), Le roi Salomon et les maîtres du arch in [Däbrä?] Damo (northern Tégray) in
regard. Art et médecine en Éthiopie, Paris 1992, 50f., 170; 1540, he did not seek to confront the Muslim
Osvaldo Raineri, Santi guerrieri a cavallo, tele etiopiche, forces in all-out war, but withdrew with his
Clusone 1996, 72–85; Christopher Walter, The Warrior
Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition, Aldershot 2003.
few remaining troops to the Šäwan hinterland.
Marie-Laure Derat There, it appears, he wanted to assemble new
forces and then harass the Muslims through
guerrilla warfare. Since mid-1541, however,
Gälawdewos the arrival in Eritrea of about 400 Portuguese
Ase G. (Kqb:cF [after Claudius, the Roman- soldiers equipped with firearms strengthened
Antiochian martyr], regnal name !e!Iy AK;, the Christian side. While the Portuguese, too,
Asnaf Sägäd, ‘The remotest regions submit [to suffered painful losses, they were able to inflict
him]’; b. 1521/22, d. 23 March 1559) ruled Ethio- heavy casualties on the Muslim enemies. Late in
pia from 3 September 1540 until his death. When 1542, the surviving Portuguese and G.’s fighters
G. succeeded his father ase ÷Lébnä Déngél on joined forces north of Lake Tana and, in Febru-
the throne, the state of which he took charge was ary 1543, met Grañ’s army in pitched battle at
on the verge of disappearance: by 1540 imam Zäntära (÷Wäyna Däga). The Christians scored
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi’s (Grañ’s) decade- a decisive victory and Grañ himself was killed.
long gihad against the Christian empire had left Without his charismatic leadership, the Muslim
little more than highland Eritrea and parts of troops disbanded and scattered in all directions.
Tégray under the Emperor’s effective control. At one stroke the Muslim threat to the Christian
During the first decade of G.’s rule, however, empire had been effectively averted; the occa-
the Muslim threat was successfully checked, ini- sional clashes that took place over the following
tially with the aid of a Portuguese expeditionary two decades were of no strategic significance.
force (Christovão da ÷Gama), and the Christian After the “Great War” G. considered it neces-
empire by and large restored territorially. The sary to reassert the Christian empire’s authority
second half of G.’s reign saw the first stirrings in the southern border-regions outside its Semit-
of new challenges which only over the following ic-speaking heartland. For this purpose he con-
generations were to reveal their full impact: the ducted military campaigns against the ÷Gämbo,
÷Oromo migrations, the Ottoman establish- ÷Gumär, ÷Hadiyya and Wägäm peoples. On
ment in parts of Eritrea (÷Ottoman empire) and several occasions he already had to contend with
the ÷Jesuit mission to Ethiopia. Oromo forces. Under G. the Christian empire’s
G. was the second son of as.e Lébnä Déngél and centre of gravity moved to the south again. The
étege ÷Säblä Wängel. He followed his father on monarch frequently stayed in ÷Däwaro and
the throne after his elder brother ÷Fiqtor, the ÷Wäg, which appears to have been motivated
natural successor, had been killed in battle by by personal preference as much as by strategic
the Muslims in 1539. Besides Fiqtor, G.’s known necessity. He even had two permanent residences
siblings were his younger brothers ÷Minas and for himself built there, thereby giving up the old
YaŸéqob, as well as his sisters Amätä Giyorgis, practice of the itinerant court. The last years of
Säbänä Giyorgis and Wälättä Qéddusan. G. re- his reign, from 1557 onwards, were troubled
ceived a good education, which comprised train- by the establishment of an Ottoman foothold
Ase Lébnä Déngél, his son

ase Gälawdewos, the Por-
tuguese and Ahmad Grañ;
cloth mural; 19th cent.;
Säqota, church of Mädòane
ŸAläm; photo 1993, cour-
tesy of Michael Gervers
656
Gälawdewos
in Eritrea (÷Özdemir paša) and especially by RevSem 2, 1894, 155–66, 263–70; Edward Ullendorff,
an Ottoman raid on ÷Däbrä Damo where his “The Confessio Claudii of King Claudius of Ethiopia”,
JSS 32, 1987, 159–76; Hiob Ludolf, Glaubensbekenntnis
father lay buried. G. did not, however, deal with des Königs Claudii von Habessinien, Halle 1702; Rich-
that new threat in person, but left this task to the ard Steven Whiteway (ed.), The Portuguese Expedition
local leaders and even popular resistance. to Abyssinia in 1541–1543, as Narrated by Castanhoso,
G. was a pious Christian, even though the at- with some Contemporary Letters, the Short Account of
Bermudez, and Certain Extracts from Correa, London
tempts of his chronicle to portray him as a virtual
1902 [repr. Nendeln/Liechtenstein 1967].
(warrior-) saint appear exaggerated. Nonetheless, Lit.: Mordechai Abir, Ethiopia and the Red Sea: the
he found his way into the ÷Sénkéssar, where he Rise and Decline of the Solomonic Dynasty and Muslim-
is commemorated on 27 Mäggabit. G.’s faith European Rivalry in the Region, London 1980; Andrzej
found its most visible expression in the construc- Bartnicki – Joanna Mantel-NieÚko, Geschichte
Äthiopiens: von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2 vols.,
tion of the richly endowed church of ÷Tädbabä Berlin 1978, 128–42; Joseph Cuoq, L’Islam en Éthio-
Maryam in Amhara, an enterprise in which he pie, des origines au XVIe siècle, Paris 1981; DerDomTh
took a strong personal interest. This building- 628, 669f.; Eike Haberland, “The Horn of Africa”, in:
project served also to reaffirm the explicitly Bethwell A. Ogot (ed.), General History of Africa, vol.
Christian character of the state after a time of 5: Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century,
Paris – Berkeley 1992, 703–49; MHasOr 24–39; Paul B.
unprecedented tribulation. Within the Christian Henze, Layers of Time: a History of Ethiopia, London
sphere, the missionary endeavours of the Jesuits 2000, 86–93; TrIslam 84–94.
in Ethiopia from 1555 onwards had the potential Michael Kleiner
to disrupt the traditional near-symbiosis of the
state and the Orthodox Church. The mostly
Portuguese Jesuits could build on the gratitude
earned by their fellow-countrymen’s crucial Gälawdewos
support in the fight against Grañ. The sources G. (Kqb:cF , b. ca. 1608, d. 1648) was the
provide conflicting indications as to whether or fourth son of ase ÷Susényos and wäyzäro
not G. personally had sympathies for the Catho- ÷Wäld SäŸala, after Känäfrä Kréstos (d. 1614),
lic teachings. Raison d’état, at any rate, made him ase ÷Fasilädäs and Marqos (d. 1626). During
firmly reject them and back the indigenous Or- the last years of Susényos’s reign, the royal
thodoxy. This stance is epitomized in the famous Chronicle mentions G. fighting aside Fasilädäs
confession of faith associated with his name, the to maintain the Emperor’s policy throughout the
Confessio Claudii (1555). empire and after his death G. was closely associ-
Ethiopian and Portuguese sources agree that ated with his brother’s reign. In 1635 he seems
G. was of an unusually fine character. Even if to have been däggäzmaó of Bägemdér and/or of
one discounts the easily discernible panegyric Damo and Sémen. However, sources from the
elements, he emerges from the texts as almost monastery of Qoma Fasilädäs, founded by Wäld
a model ruler: a kind, courteous and generous SäŸala, considered him a rebel and according to
person, endowed with a keen mind, genuinely oral traditions, G. was a challenger to the throne.
interested in the welfare of his subjects, inclined The “short chronicles” briefly mention that in
toward clemency, but also determined and with 1646 he was arrested and killed, together with his
a firm sense of purpose. The sources mention son Elfyos, in 1648. This story is also reported
no wife of G. Instead, some manuscripts of the by ÷Hasan b. Ahmad al-Haymi, the Yemenite
“short chronicle” speak of a much-beloved mis- ambassador present in Gondär at the time. The
tress that the Emperor had taken away from her Jesuits were also aware of the conflict opposing
lawful husband (by which his conscience later Wäld SäŸala and G. to Fasilädäs, describing G. as
was deeply troubled). Without (legitimate) sons, a fierce supporter and a martyr for the Catholic
we only know of two daughters, Säbänä Giyor- cause. This claim, however, should not be con-
gis and Mäsihawit. When G. died in battle against sidered real as it served their own purposes. G.
÷Nur b. Mugahid in 1559, he was consequently may have been a quite powerful figure, since, ac-
succeeded by his younger brother Minas. cording to a version of the “short chronicle”, of
Src.: BassÉt; BudSaint 745f.; ConzGal; Manfred Kropp the two metropolitans who arrived in 1649/50,
(ed., tr.), Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und
Minas, 2 vols., Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83,
one, Yohannés, had been requested by him. The
84]); Jean Perruchon, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie. other, Mikaýel, Fasilädäs’s favourite, was finally
Le règne de Galâwdêwos (Claudius) ou Asnâf-Sagad”, accepted.
657
Gälawdewos
Src.: SixTana III, 147 [ms. Tanasee 136 = Daga 25, fol. Galila
115v–118]; BecRASO VII, liber IX et X, 194, 324; IX, liber
III et IV, 286, 375; XII, liber III, 70; 13, 291f.; Manoel G. (Npq ) is the name of two groups in southern
Barradas, Tractacus Tres Historico-Geographici (1634): a Ethiopia. The first (also sometimes referred to as
Seventeenth Century Historical and Geographical Account Gayla) forms part of the South Ometo-speak-
of Tigray, Ethiopia, tr. by Elizabeth Filleul, ed. by Ri- ing ÷Aari-cluster (within Omotic) in southern
chard Pankhurst, Wiesbaden 1996 (AeF 43), 160; BassÉt Ethiopia. The name “G.”, which also designates
II, 286, 288, 308; BegCron 49ff.; DombrChr 198, 200f.;
PerChron 236, 248, 257; Jules Perruchon, “Notes pour the main village, here refers to a territorial rather
l’histoire d’Éthiopie. Le règne de Iyasu (Ier), roi d’Éthiopie than an ethno-linguistic unit, although a dialectal
de 1682 à 1706”, RevSem 9, 1901, 71–78, 161–67, 252–59, difference does exist. G. was a “sacred kingdom”
here 86, 88; DonHaySirat 64ff., 181ff., 187. with a bábi (‘king’) line. Like its neighbours, G.
Lit.: Anaïs Wion, Aux confins le feu, au centre le Paradis,
Qoma Fasilädäs, un monastère royal dans l’Ethiopie du was conquered in 1894 during Ménilék’s military
17ème siècle, Ph.D. thesis, University of Paris 1, Sorbonne, campaign; his imperial troops defeated G.’s bábi
279–311; Ead., “Why Did King Fasilädäs Kill his Brother? Ardaro. Due to the isolated and inhospitable ter-
Sharing Power in the Royal Family in Mid-Seventeenth rain of G., however, it was not popular as a settle-
Century Ethiopia”, Journal of Early Modern History 8,
3–4, 2004, 259–93.
ment-area for the northern conquerors; conse-
Anaïs Wion
quently, they never successfully implemented
the ÷gäbbar system.
G. is a cold and windy highland area with alti-
Gälawdewos tudes of up to 2,500 m A.S.L. Its inhabitants raise
Abeto G. (Kqb:cF ) was the son of ras ÷Wäldä sheep and cultivate énsät, taro, beans, vegetables,
Giyorgis, a prominent figure at the court of ase barley and wheat. The G. also produce craft-
÷Iyasu I of Gondär. Sometime before his death in work such as pottery, plates made from bamboo,
1706 Wäldä Giyorgis made G. his heir, appoint- which grows abundantly in the area, and leather-
ing him as aläqa of Wäldä Giyorgis’s legacy. G. decorated flutes and horns. Such items are sold
married wäyzäro Wälättä Séyon, granddaughter to neighbouring groups such as the ÷Basketo.
of ase Iyasu I’s queen, émmabet Wälättä Séyon, Though the area is not conducive to cattle-rais-
after whom she had been named. The young cou- ing, a small number are kept for ploughing the
ple had at least one son, whom they named after fields. Similarly to other Ometo groups, the G.
his paternal grandfather, Wäldä Giyorgis. used iron bars (marggo) as a currency for ex-
During his lifetime, G. appeared as a witness changing goods. As in many other Aari areas,
for a number of social transactions. His prin- agricultural work is performed with collective
cipal distinction, however, was to become the work-parties, whose participants are provided
first holder of what later generations, down into with a measure of the local beer.
the 19th cent., would refer to as the aläqénnät of Like people in other parts of Aari and Basketo,
G., an estate consisting of rights to secular and the G. are organized in patrilineal clans – descent
church lands and entailing military responsibili- groups from the male line – whose members can-
ties. G. last appears in the record bestowing the not intermarry. Many clan-names are also com-
aläqénnät on däggazmaó Éšäte, the husband mon among neighbouring groups. The Goirinsi
of his granddaughter. Éšäte was a prominent are the leading clan in the G. area – also related
member of the court of étege Méntéwwab to the Basketo Goirinaa – and from this clan all
(÷Bérhan Mogäsa), of whom he was a first chiefs and kings are descended.
cousin. The aläqénnät passed to Éšäte’s son, According to Haberland (VSAe I, 186), the G.
Òaylu (däggazmaó ÷Òaylä Mikaýel Éšäte) and religious world-view recognized a pair of gods
on to Òaylu’s daughter, Märsit, with whom it (the male Sabi and the female Berri), in addition
ended when her descendants divided it among to a third deity called Óoiši (which recalls the
themselves. The story of G. is really the story of Wälaytta and Gamo Tosi). Sheep were sacrificed
an Ethiopian noble family and of how it transfor various rituals, including the purification of
mitted its property-holdings over the space of transgressions (ébi). Though the office of bábi
five generations. effectively disappeared after 1894, the G. kept
Src.: GuiIyas 46, 175 (text); BlunChr 70; UNESCO mf. their priests (the godimi and godi) and some other
at the IES Dima 10:2.5, Dima 10:2.6; BritLib Orient. 778v,
791, 180v; Illinois/IES mf. 88.XVIII.18.29. minor ritual specialists. The G. have undergone a
Lit.: CrumLand, s. index. substantial cultural influence from the neighbour-
Donald Crummey ing Ometo-speaking peoples, such as the ÷Gofa
658
Gälila
metropolitan, who arrived in Ethiopia in 1337

(Cornuau 1991:13). After this, the monk Zäkar-
yas founded a monastery there with a church de-
voted to Christ (Gälila Iyäsus, sometimes called
from the name of its founder G. Zäkaryas). Two
manuscripts of the Gädlä Zäkaryas in Däm-
béya’s churches have been identified, but are still
unpublished (KinBibl no. 191). According to
the “short chronicle”, the foundation took place
during the reign of ase ŸAmdä Séyon (BassÉt
100) – certainly after 1341–42, when Zäkaryas
would have followed abba ÷Filéppos into his
first exile to Dämbéya (Derat 1993:23).
The church was burnt by the troops of imam
÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi between March and
May 1537 (with some differences between the
chronicles’ versions: BassÉt 106; Kropp 1988:15;
s. also Perruchon 1893:282) and is said to have
(with whom they often fought), ÷Gamo, ÷Oyda been restored by ase ÷Íärsä Déngél and then re-
and ÷Wälaytta. In recent decades the influence of built by ase Fasilädäs (ChTana 203f.). Ase Iyasu I
Basketo on G. has also notably increased. also visited the church and, on 13 December 1687,
Another group called G. was first mentioned ordered the official celebration of its founder
by Haberland (1960) and consists of a few hun- Zäkaryas in Gondär (GuiIohan 114 [tr.]).
dred North Gurage-speaking people, living as The present circular church is built of red
cultivators (of énsät, grains, vegetables and pota- square stones (s. the map by Angelini 1971, annex
toes) on an island in the ÷Wänói crater lake, and 7, ill. 50) and seems still to be adorned by some
on the slopes of the mountain located between murals, painted by a certain Gäbrä Maryam at an
the towns of Wäliso and Ambo. This Christian unknown time (Yosef Libsekal 1990, vol. 2, 212f.).
population is related to the Aymälläl ÷Gurage Some manuscripts and religious items from G.
(÷Soddo) and became isolated from other Gur- were shown in an exhibition in Essen, Germany,
age-speakers during the Oromo expansion (16th in 1963 (Koptische Kunst no. 507, 539, 540, 580, s.
cent. onwards). Information on this group is also the information, unchecked, in ChTana 205).
lacking, but their assimilation of Oromo culture Src.: KinBibl no. 191, 100; Isaac Wajnberg (ed., tr.), Das
seems to be an ongoing process. Leben des Hl. Jafqerana ýEgzi ý, Roma 1936 (OrChrA
106), 28; BassÉt 100, 106; Manfred Kropp (ed., tr.),
Lit.: Eike Haberland, “Die Gallila”, in: VSAe I, 184ff.;
Id., “Bemerkungen zur Kultur und Sprache der Galila
im Wonci-See (Mittel-Äthiopien)”, RSE 16, 1960, 5–22;
Id., “Dreißig Völker und zehn Sprachen (Abbaya-See)”,
Merian 19, 10, 1966, 68–73; Eike Haberland – Helmut
Straube, “Nordost Afrika”, in: Hermann Baumann (ed.),
Die Völker Afrikas und ihre traditionellen Kulturen, Wies-
baden 1979, vol. 2, 93, 95; Friedrich Klausberger, “Die
Galila”, in: Id., Woga – Recht und Gesellschaft in Süd-Äthi-
opien, Frankfurt 1981, 163–228.
Jon Abbink
Gälila
G. (Kpq ) is an island in the northern part of
Lake ÷Tana, which was uninhabited when the
saint ÷Yafqérännä Égziý, founder of the commu-
nities of Mésle and Gwégwében, spent three years
there (Wajnberg 1936:28). This retreat took place
before the ÷néburä éd of Tana Qirqos was sent
by ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I to Egypt to look for a
659
Gälila
Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minas, possessed illuminated manuscripts; a few folios in
Louvain 1988 (CSCO 504 [SAe 84]), 15 [n. 8]; Jules Per- possession of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies in
ruchon, “Le règne de Lebna Dengel”, RevSem 1, 1893,
274–86, esp. 282; GuiIohan 114 (tr.); Sandro Angelini, Addis Abäba are attributed to G. The church is
Ethiopia: the Historic Route. A Work-Plan for the Develop- still (2001) served by a resident priest whose cele-
ment of the Sites and Monuments, Paris 1971 (UNESCO, brations, on festival days, attract large numbers of
FR/PP/Consultant, serial no. 2468/RMO.RD/CLT), annex believers. They reach the island in both traditional
7, ill. 50; Koptische Kunst: Christentum am Nil. Katalog
papyrus and (more often) steel boats.
der Ausstellung in der Villa Hügel, Essen 1963, no. 507,
539, 540, 580; ChTana 203–06. Lit.: Paul B. Henze, “Lake Zway: Southern Christian
Lit.: Yosef Libsekal, Les monuments de la région de Gon- Outpost and Repository of Medieval Ethiopian Art”, in:
dar et du Godjam au XVIIe et au XVIIIe siècles, Ph.D. the- Proceedings of the First International Conference on the
sis, Université de Paris I 1990, vol. 2, 212–13; Marie-Laure History of Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 30–40; VSAe II,
Derat, Les enfants de Takla Haymanot, la naissance d’un 647–77 [“Die Zay”].
réseau monastique au Šawa (Ethiopie) du XIIIe au XVe siè- Paul B. Henze
cle, M.A. thesis, Université de Paris I 1993, 23; Rodolphe
Cornuau, Moines et monastères du Godjam et du lac Tana
en Éthiopie aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Évangélisation et inté- Galinier, Joseph Germain
gration dans l’empire salomonide, M.A. thesis, Université de Captain G. (b. 1814, Bepech, Aude, d. 1888) was
Paris I 1994, 13; TadTChurch 194. a French staff officer who undertook scientific
Claire Bosc-Tiessé
exploration in Ethiopia in 1840–42. A graduate
of the military academy of St. Cyr, he accom-
Gälila panied his friend and fellow officer Captain
G. (Kpq ) is a long, rocky island lying about 1 km Pierre Victor ÷Ferret, whose career he mirrored.
off the western ÷Zway shore opposite to the town Co-author with Ferret of a three-volume travel
of Zway. Originally fully terraced, cultivated and account (s. Ferret – Galinier 1847), G. subse-
inhabited by peasants and fisherman until the end quently fought in Algeria and participated in the
of the 19th cent., it is now thickly forested and Franco-Prussian War, in which he was captured,
has only one resident ÷Zay family and a priest. being later promoted to the rank of general.
It continued to be inhabited by a few families of Src.: Pierre Victor Adolphe Ferret – Joseph Germain
fishermen and weavers until the early 1970s when Galinier, Voyage en Abyssinie dans les provinces du Tigre,
du Samen et de l’Amhara, 3 vols., Paris 1847; Id., “Note
shore areas remained cleared for pasture and a sur les antiquités de l’Abyssinie”, Bulletin de la Société de
few terraces were used for gardens. Its church, a Géographie ser. 3, 2, 1844, 25–30.
solid round masonry structure painted in bright Lit.: Georges Malécot, Les voyageurs français et les rela-
green, is dedicated to abba Täklä Haymanot and tions entre la France et l’Abyssinie de 1835 à 1870, Paris 1972.
according to tradition was founded in the 13th Richard Pankhurst
cent. It occupies a walled compound on the high-
est section of the island (ca. 50 m) and originally Galla
The (outdated) term G. (Amh. Nq) appears in
many historical texts, both Ethiopian and for-
eign. Its exact meaning differed depending on
context and period. Despite many inconclusive
and often fanciful linguistic speculations, such
as “shepherds” or “strangers who are guests”, its
origin remains unknown. It was predominantly
used by highlanders for the (semi-)nomadic Cus-
hitic, sometimes including Omotic, peoples in the
south and east. It usually stood for the ÷Oromo,
but also ŸAfar or even Dinka could be called G.
During the 18th cent., the term was often used to
refer to non-Christians (“pagan” or Muslims), in
contrast to Amara (Shiferaw Bekele 1990:166f.; cp.
÷Amaaro). The Somali and other ethnic groups in
the south used the term G. for the Oromo, while
galo in Somali designates ‘infidels’ or ‘non-Mus-
lims’ (Lewis 1966:37). The Añwaa lowlanders still
660
Galli Šeroóo
use the term G. for highlanders. ÷Bahréy in his degree of Amharization, came to be interpreted
History of the Galla used the term as the name of as colonisation and provoked the very responses
the Oromo people who, in the 16th cent., success- which they had been designed to prevent. The
fully invaded the centralized and monarchic Ethi- word G. itself, as applied to those who did not
opian state. Bahréy mentioned a river Galanaa adopt northern customs, came to be resented as
from were the G. originated. Asmä Giyorgis patronising and discriminatory. The success of
(BTafA) follows this assumption and the Tarik the Oromo cultural and nationalist movements
zägalla even states that the name G. derives from along with political decisions – the Därg forbade
the name of a river “G.” situated between Dawäro its use – has forced the term G. out of current
and Kätäta. Others argue, the Oromo group Ga- literary and political use.
laan (÷Gullellee) might have inspired the term, Src.: Arnold Wienholt Hodson – Craven Howell
others connect it to gaalaa (‘camel’), brought Walker, An Elementary and Practical Grammar of the
Galla or Oromo Language, London 1922, 7ff.; abba
by the camel-herding Karrayyuu of the Awaš to BaHrÉy, “History of the Galla”, in: BeckHuntAlm 109–29;
Šäwa in the 16th cent. Some early sources (cp. Tut- Id., “Historia gentis Galla”, in: CRHist 223–32 (text) = 195–
schek 1844) indicate that G. was sometimes used 208 (tr.), here 195; André Caquot, “Histoire Amharique
as a term of self-reference but it is not accepted as de Grañ et des Gallas”, [Tarik zägalla], AE 2, 1957, 133–43,
such nowadays (cp. Zitelmann 1996:106f.). here 125f. (text) = 135 (tr.); .); Karl Tutschek, Lexicon der
Galla Sprache Galla–Englisch–Deutsch, München 1844.
Later, following the increasing cultural and lin- Lit.: VSAe II; BZHist 9; Jan Hultin, “Perceiving Oromo,
guistic dominance of Amharic, the word G. was ‘Galla’ in the Great Narrative of Ethiopia”, in: Paul
used widely on the political and scholarly level, Trevor William Baxter – Jan Hultin – Alessandro
often without a negative connotation (cp. VSAe Triulzi, Being and Becoming Oromo, Uppsala 1996,
81–91; Shiferaw Bekele, “Reflections on the Power Elite
II). It came to be used, by both Ethiopian and Eu- of the Wärä Seh Mäsfenate (1786–1853)”, AE 15, 1990,
ropean commentators, for both the Oromo people 157–79; Thomas Zitelmann, “Re-Examining the Galla/
and their language (also Galléñña). The “Vicariate Oromo Relationship: the Stranger as a Structural Topic”,
Apostolic of the Galla” (÷Catholicism), created ibid. 103–13; MesfGeogr 17; Eloi Ficquet, “La fabrique
des origines Oromo”, AE 18, 2002, 55–71, here 56, 62f., 66;
in the 19th cent., encompassed all territories from Herbert S. Lewis, “The Origins of the Galla and Somali”,
Šäwa and the Gibe states to Käfa and Anfillo king- JAH 7, 1, 1966, 27–46, here 37.
doms. Oromo leaders founded in 1935 the “West- Paul T.W. Baxter
ern Galla Confederacy”, a year later Italy created
the province of “Galla e Sidama”. Gallabat ÷Qallabat
Starting from the mid-18th cent., the term ac-
quired pejorative connotations in the Christian Galli Šeroóo
highland discourse (though still not as negative G.Š. (b. ca. 1840, d. 1890), also known by the
as ÷Šanqélla or ÷Barya). The G. then came to names Galliti or Galli, ruled the Kingdom of
be represented as a great human “tidal wave” ÷Käfa for 22 years from 1868 to 1890. Internal
(BZHist 9) and “a nomadic, destructive and issues and foreign invasions marked G.Š.’s reign.
purposeless force” (MesfGeogr 17) which had The main external threat was the expan-
to be contained. The G. became the “outsider”, sion of néguí Ménilék of Šäwa (the future
the “stranger” or the “barbarian”, the essential ase ÷Ménilék II). In 1886 Ménilék’s general,
“other” against which the heterogeneous Abys- däggazmaó Baša Abboye, invaded Käfa and
sinians could unite. Implicit in this “representa- caused significant damage until he was defeated
tion of the G.” was the “right of northern settlers by the Käfa army at Mera.
to rule over Oromo tenants” (Hultin 1996:82f.). G.Š. also fought back several invasions by the
As this was taken over by agents of the central Gimma King ÷Abbaa Gifaar II, who tried to
government, in accordance with official policies, make up for the losses due to the tax imposed
the use of ÷Oromiffa was increasingly restricted by Ménilék by robbing his neighbours. G.Š. suc-
in courts, schools and publications while Oromo cessfully fought Abbaa Gifaar’s troops, stopping
customs (÷aadaa) and laws (÷seera) were forbid- them at the Gogäb River (Lange 1982).
den or threatened. At the same time, education Internally, this period saw the greatest increase of
and communications improved, so the schooled influence of the “foreign” monotheistic religions,
and the travelled Oromo learned that they were such as Christianity (in the first place Catholicism)
the most numerous people in Ethiopia. Govern- and Islam, that came to replace the traditional
ment policies of incorporation, which required a ÷eqo belief-system. G.Š. saw in the conversion
661
Galli Šeroóo
the danger of dividing and weakening the country, traditions (1902). It was G. who edited several
especially in the face of the Šäwan expansion. well-known texts of such Ethiopian authors
Apart from the internal damage caused by the as ÷Awäfärq Gäbrä Iyäsus and abba ÷Täklä
religious shift, G.Š. saw the security of his king- Maryam Sämharay.
dom endangered by foreigners – in the first place Src.: Francesco Gallina, “Iscrizioni etiopiche ed arabe di
Catholic missionaries and Muslim merchants S. Stefano dei Mori”, Archivio della Reale Società Romana
– travelling in and out of the country, as they di Storia Patria 11, 1888, 281–95; Id., “I Portoghesi a
Massaua nei secoli XVI e XVII”, Bollettino della Società
could pass critical security and defence strategy Geografica Italiana 1890, 223–32; Id., “Indovinelli tigray”,
information to his enemies. G.Š. banned Europe- Oriente. Rivista Trimestrale Pubblicata a Cura dei
an missionaries from entering Käfa (Leon 1903), Professori del Regio Istituto Orientale 1, 1, 1894, 28–33;
expelled Muslim merchants and established a Ghebre-Medhin Dighinei, Apologhi ed aneddoti in
lingua tigriñña, ed. by Francesco Gallina, Roma 1902;
close watch over all the converts. Afäwärq Gäbrä Iyäsus, 9Px_y z~sly #LOy |KTMy
Upon his death G.Š. was succeeded by ÷Gaki r#M_1\ (Dagmawi Ménilék néguíä nägäít zäýityopya
Šeroóo, who was to become the last king of Käfa. ‘Ménilék the Second, King of Kings of Ethiopia’), Roma
Lit.: Bäqqälä Wäldä Maryam, Y g Gy u#PTM!y 1901 A.M. [1909 A.D.]; Id., s-y ]n;y K<l (Lébb wälläd
Bw-y !O?y K<ly (Yäkäfa mängéíténna hézb accér tarik, ‘Novel’, lit. ‘History Born from the Heart’), Roma
tarik, ‘Short History of the Kingdom and the People of 1900 A.M. [1908 A.D.]; abba Täklä Maryam Sämharay,
Käfa’), Addis Abäba 2004; Werner J. Lange, History of u?=y `?Dy uq&lM (Märha sähifä mälaýékt, ‘Guide on
the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia), Wiesbaden Writing Letters’), Roma 1901 A.M. [1909 A.D.]; Id., lIny
1982 (SKK 61) [Lit.]; R.P. Leon, Novae Persecutiones con- A`Fby RsF (Kéflä säwaséw íalés, ‘The Third Part of the
tra missionarios et neocatholicos in regno Kaffa, 1903–06; Grammar’), Roma 1902 A.M. [1910 A.D.]; Id., uzW:
Friedrich Julius Bieber, Kaffa: ein altkuschitisches y sD|y P*w (Mämhérä lésanä géŸéz, ‘Teacher of GéŸéz
Volkstum in Inner-Afrika …, 2 vols., Münster 1920–23. Language’), Roma 1903 A.M. [1911 A.D.]; Id., I0#y
Amanuel Gano usu:y F6sy ]#+-y rsD|y P*w (Fétun mälmäde fidäl
wänébab zälésanä géŸéz, ‘Quick Drilling in the GéŸéz Syl-
labary and Reading’), Roma 1903 A.M. [1911 A.D.].
Gallina, Francesco Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “Francesco Gallina”, RSE 2, 1942,
347–48; Elena Sengal, “In memoria di Francesco Gallina
G. (b. 25 July 1861, Asti, d. 22 April 1942, Naples) (1861–1942)”, Oriente Moderno 22, 1942, 301–02; Scritti
was an Italian Orientalist. He began studying dedicati alla memoria di Francesco Gallina, Roma 1943 (=
engineering, but shifted soon towards Oriental Annali IUO, nuova ser. 2), vff.; ZanBib I, 464, no. 37.
studies becoming a student of Ignazio ÷Guidi. Yaqob Beyene
From 1891 he held the chair of Amharic Language
and Literature at the Reale Istituto Orientale di Gälmo
Napoli, where he continued teaching well after his Bälambaras G. (Ks{, also Ks{y Yr#6? Gälmo
retirement. G. dedicated a great part of his schol- Yäzändär) was one of the comrades-in-arms of ase
arly life to his students, who, often supported eco- ÷Tewodros II. A native of ÷Qémant, one of the
nomically by him, always remembered him with relatively few non-Amhara close to Tewodros, he
esteem and affection. Among them there were joined the future Emperor in the early 1850s and
Enrico ÷Cerulli, Elena Sengal and Luigi ÷Fusella, remained loyal till the death of his master in 1868.
who was to replace him in the chair of GéŸéz and Upon Tewodros’s coronation, G. became
Amharic Language and Literature at the ÷Istituto balabbat of ÷Célga and later governor of the
Universitario Orientale di Napoli. In the early ÷Qwara province. When in the summer of 1864
1900s, G. participated in the archaeological Mis- the rebel Gémbaro Kaía from Alläfa (a locality
sion to ÷Adulis directed by Roberto ÷Paribeni. in Célga, west of Lake Tana) attempted a revolt
In the course of his long career as a researcher, and attacked G. in Qwara, he lead a successful
G. published only a few works (1888, 1890, counter-attack. According to the chronicler
1894), but, as was once emphasized by Cerulli (MonVidTheo 29f.), making use of the fact that
(1942), he prepared or participated in the Gémbaro Kaía’s people first attacked the food
publication of a number of other works, among and drink in G.’s capital and were relaxed, G.
them: a catalogue of Ethiopian manuscripts of easily defeated them. His army made over 500
the Vatican Library (unpublished, s. ZanBib I, prisoners, the rest were killed in battle or fled.
no. 37); an unpublished catalogue of Ethiopian According to tradition, G. limped and always
manuscripts from minor Italian collections; a fought from horseback.
collection of proverbs in Amharic (unpublished); Src.: MonVidTheo 29f. (text) = 37 (tr.).
and a collection of Tégréñña texts of popular Lit.: BTafA 564f., 917 (Lit.).
literature, in particular related to Hamasen Evgenia Sokolinskaia
662
Gama, Christovão da
Galqaba Barsiisaa Gama, Christovão da

G.B. (Orom. Jalqaba Barsiisaa, ‘The Spelling G. (b. ca. 1516 Evora [?], d. 28 August 1542,
Book’) was the first ÷Oromiffa textbook, com- Wäfla [?]), fourth son of the discoverer of the
piled by ÷Onesimos Näsib and ÷Aster Ganno sea route to the East Indies Vasco da Gama, was
and published at the Swedish Evangelical Mis- the leader of a Portuguese military expedition
sion Printing Press at ÷Émkullu in 1894. that fought against imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim
The G.B. uses a fidäl-based alphabet different al-Ëazi (Grañ).
from the earlier system used by ÷Krapf for his G. travelled to India for the first time in
÷Bible translation. Onesimos introduced new 1532. Later, he held the title of captain of Ma-
symbols for the sounds absent in Amharic, laca (granted by the Portuguese king to the da
e.g., a new letter for the ¦ sound (= dh in the Gamas), and participated in military campaigns
current Oromo spelling), by placing a vertical in the Far East, Cochin and ÷Diu (Costonhoso
stroke over the 6. No solution was offered for 1898:vii–xxxiii). In 1541 he took part in the last
discrimination between simple and geminated and most ambitious Portuguese armada into the
consonants or short and long vowels. Red Sea against the Turks. The fleet, headed by
The second part of the book is a dictionary, his brother Estevão da ÷Gama, then governor
with ca. 3,000 Oromo words organized typo- of India, was composed of around 75 boats and
logically, based on the number of syllables and 2,000 men (Costonhoso 1898:xxii). Having made
ranging from the two-syllable to the six-syllable a halt at Massawa in February 1541 and informed
pattern (e.g., one type is formed by two-syllabic by bahér nägaš ÷Yéshaq of ÷Gälawdewos’s dra-
words like nama, ‘man’, lafa, ‘earth’, another by matic situation, a military company was formed
three-syllabic like ganama, ‘morning’, etc.). in an attempt to rescue what ÷Portugal then
The bulk of the G.B. consists in short tales and considered a strategic ally (ase ÷Lébnä Déngél).
anecdotes, partly drawn from oral tradition, part- The company was composed of 400 volunteers,
ly translated. Among these are weedduu tiksituu, fidalgos (noblemen), soldiers and craftsmen,
‘shepherd songs’, ururuu, ‘nursery rhymes’, 150 servants and abundant artillery (more than
weedduu jaalalaa, ‘love songs’, makmaaksa, 1,000 muskets and harquebuses and eight artil-
‘proverbs’, durii durii (fakkeenya), ‘stories, folk- lery pieces). G., not without some opposition
tales’, hibboo, ‘riddles’, tapha ijoollee, ‘children’s due to his young age, was appointed captain of
plays’, weedduu ateetee, ‘songs of ÷ateetee’, an expedition that had much of improvised colo-
sagada oromoo, ‘Oromo prayers’, ÷geerarsa, nial adventure (s. the role played by the pseudo-
‘warrior song’, faaruu gaddaa, ‘lamentations’ Patriarch ÷Bermudez). The soldiers were split
and weedduu heerumaa, ‘marriage songs’. The according to a classic division into groups of 50
book preserves invaluable material for research-
ers on Oromo language and literature.
Src.: Awag Onesimos — Aster Gannoo, Cs3(y (?CDy
&#Ay uJDy 7*By (?CA}#y !E#y '@{M (Jalqaba
barsiisaa: innis macafa dubbisuu barsiisanun afaan
Oroomotti), Moncullo 1894.
Lit.: ArEvang 398; CerFolk; Fride B. Hylander,
“Onesimos Nesib: some Remarks on Cerulli’s: ‘The Folk
Literature of the Galla’”, JES 7, 2, 1969, 79–87; Kebede
Hordofa, “The Contribution of Onesimos Nasib and
Aster Gano to the Development of Oromo Literature:
an Overview”, in: Missiology and Linguistics 1998, 57–86;
Martin Nordfeldt, A Galla Grammar, Lund 1947;
LeePisaa Tito, “'"C{Fy |C-y &!y '@z1 ” (Onesi-
mos Näsib énna Oroméñña, ‘Onesimos Näsib and the
Oromo Language’), Zena Léssan 1, 3, 1973 A.M. [1981
A.D.], 9–12; Bogumil W. Andrzejewski, “Literatures in
Cushitic Languages other than Somali”, in: Bogumil W.
Andrzejewski — Stanisław Piłaszewicz — Witold
Tyloch (eds.), Literatures in African Languages − Theo-
retical Issues and Sample Surveys, Cambridge — Warsaw
1985, 408–25. Tentative itinerary and battle sites of G.’s expedition and G.’s
Kebede Hordofa Janko place of death; after Whiteway 1902 and Littmann 1907
663
Gama, Christovão da
under five captains, and the remaining 150 under hoso, who recorded also the latter story, wrote
the royal flag lead by G. (Castanhoso 1898, ch. 6; about a tree turning upside down in a monastery
s. Bermudez 1875, ch. 10, 15; Correia 1976, 199f.; on the day of G.’s death (Castanhoso ibid.; s.
Couto 1977, dec. V, liv. VII, ch. IX). marvellous visions during G.’s life in Bermudez,
In July 1541 the expedition left Massawa and, ch. 16), something which could hint at local
heading southwards, spent the rainy season stories of the miracle. These legends were later
(kérämt) of 1541 at the town of the bahér nägaš, recovered by the chroniclers ÷Correia (1976:
÷Débarwa. In December, they joined étege ÷Sä- 380) and ÷Couto (dec. VII, liv. I, ch. I), and
blä Wängel, encamped at ÷Däbrä Damo (Castan- G.’s fame remained alive well into the 17th cent.
hoso 1898, ch. 3) and spent Christmas time with through works such as ÷Paez’s (Pais 1945–46,
the queen’s retinue in a “serra do bahér nägaš”. book 1, ch. 31–34). The ÷Jesuit missionaries
The first military action of the expedition was reportedly recovered his bones and took them to
a successful siege in February 1542 (25 March India (Castanhoso 1898:xxxiii–xxxvi; BecRASO
in Kropp 1988:24) of Amba Sänayti in central I, 286f.; Lobo 1971, ch. 19). G.’s fate was novel-
Tégray, where a Muslim garrison was established. ized in the Tragicomedia del martir d’Ethiopia
In April, a second battle was fought at ÷Antalo, by the captain Botelho de Carvalho (1646) and a
Waïarat, where Grañ had come from his base few episodes of the military expedition appear in
camp at ÷Däräsge (÷Dämbéya), expecting to an Ethiopian royal chronicle that refers to G. as
defeat the determined G. and his men. The imam “Dongestobu” (Kropp 1988:23).
was, however, wounded and his horse killed (Ber- ÷Portugal
mudez 1875, ch. 14; Castanhoso 1898, ch. 15). Src.: João Bermudez, Breve Relação da Embaixada que o
G. and the major bulk of the expedition, Patríarcha D. João Bermudez trouxe do Imperador da Etio-
pia …, 11565, Lisboa ²1875, ch. 10, 14–16, 21–23, 34; Miguel
which by then had been split and had also lost de Castanhoso, Dos feitos de D. Christovam da Gama
between 50 and 100 men (Bermudez 1875, ch. em Ethiopia, ed. by Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira,
22), encamped and spent the kérämt of 1542 at Lisboa 31898 [11564], xxxiii–xxxvi (English tr. by Richard
÷Wäfla with the Queen (for a problematic ap- Stephen Whiteway, London 1902; German tr. by Enno
Littmann, Berlin 1907); Gaspar Correia, Lendas da In-
praisal of the forthcoming events s. Beckingham dia, vol. 4, Lisboa 11864, Nendeln ²1976, 199f., 380; Diogo
1959:365–73). From there G. dispatched Ayres do Couto, Da Asia, Decada V, Lisboa 1777, dec.V–liv.VII–
÷Dias to contact Gälawdewos. In August, hav- ch.IX; ibid. Decada VII, Lisboa 1782, dec.VII–liv.I–ch.I; Be-
ing crossed the Täkkaze, the Portuguese, lead by cRASO I, 286f.; Jerónimo Lobo, Itinerário e outros escritos
inéditos, ed. by P.M. Gonçalves da Costa, Barcelos 1971,
G., freed a “serra de judeus” in ÷Sémen, killed ch. 19, 417 note 1; Miguel Botelho de Carvalho, Rimas
the Muslim leader sidi Muhammad and gave the varias y tragi-comedia del martir d’Ethiopia, Ruan 1646;
amba back to its ÷Betä Ésraýel lords. Shortly after Manfred Kropp (ed.), Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel,
that, a new encounter with a reinforced Muslim Claudius und Minas, Louvain 1988 (CSCO 503, [SAe 83]),
23; Pêro Pais, História da Etiópia, ed. by Lopes Teixeira,
army took place. On 28 August G. was wounded
Porto 1945–46, book 1, ch. 31–34.
and successively captured, tortured and killed Lit.: Girma Beshah – Merid Wolde Aregay, The
(probably back in Wäfla; s. Almeida quoted in Question of the Union of the Churches in Luso-Ethiopian
Lobo 1971:417 note 1) by Grañ himself, together Relations (1500–1632), Lisboa 1964, ch. 6; Charles Fra-
with 13 other companions (Bermudez 1875, ch. ser Beckingham, “A Note on the Topography of Ahmad
Gran’s Campaigns in 1542”, JSS 4, 1959, 362–73.
21; Castanhoso 1898, chs. 19−20). The surviv-
Andreu Martínez
ing expedition, however, continued to fight in
Dämbéya; allegedly, it was one of G.’s servants,
one Pero de Lião, who is credited with mortally Gama, Estevão da
wounding the Muslim leader with his musket at G. (b. ca. 1503–05, d. 1575) was Vasco da Gama’s
Zäntära (÷Wäyna Däga; Bermudez 1875, ch. 34). second son and leader of an ambitious expedi-
G.’s death was later the motif of miraculous tion into the Red Sea in 1541. G. succeeded his
stories. Bermudez described in full detail a brother Paulo da Gama at his death as captain of
macabre division of G.’s body by the Muslim Malaca, where he served from 1534 to 1539. On 4
troops (1875, ch. 23) – the head being sent to April 1540, at the death of Garcia de Noronha, he
the governor of Cairo (s. ibid.; Castanhoso 1898, became governor of India. In one of his first meet-
ch. 20) – and told of a spring with healing wa- ings, according to the orders received from Portu-
ter emerging from the site of the “martyrdom” gal, he proposed to lead an expedition through the
(Bermudez ibid.; Castanhoso ibid.). ÷Castan- Red Sea. His main goal was to burn the Ottoman
664
Gama Moras
144, 263–81; Gaspar Correa, Lendas da India, Lisboa
1858-64, vol. 4, 136ff., 178-205; Diogo do Couto,
Tratado dos Feitos de Vasco da Gama e de seu Filhos na
Índia, Lisboa 1998, after p. 68 (ill.); António da Silva
Rego (ed.), Documentação para a história das missões do
Padroado Portugues do Oriente. India, Lisboa 1950, vol.
3, 5, 18f.; Artur Basílio de Sá, Documentação para a
História das Missões do Padroado Portugues do Oriente.
Insulínda, Lisboa 1954, vol. 1, 351, 357, 363ff.
Lit.: Duarte Leite, História dos descobrimentos, vol. 2,
Lisboa 1960, 180-90; José Álves, “Gama, Estevão da”,
in: Luís de Albuquerque – Francisco Contente Do-
mingues (eds.), Dicionário de história dos descobrimentos
Portugueses, vol. 1, Lisboa 1994, 447f.
Leonardo Cohen
Gama Moras
G.M. (Nxy {=F , b. 1820s, Guduru, d. 1860s)
was the founder and ÷mooti of the small Oromo
kingdom of ÷Guduru (÷Mäóóa). He was the
son of a trader who migrated from Goggam to
the commercial capital of the region, Asändabo
(Assandabo).
Guduru was both the name of a very fertile
Estevão da Gama; from do Couto 1998, pl. after page 68 territory in northern Wälläga, which bordered
with Goggam, and also the name of the “Seven
fleet stationed at Suez, that between 1538–39 put
Houses of Guduru”, a powerful Oromo clan-
in jepoardy the precious fortress of ÷Diu.
federation that numbered between 100,000 to
In May 1541, G. reached the coasts of Mas-
120,000 people in 1840. G.M.’s father made a
sawa. In the Red Sea he burned and destroyed
fortune in lucrative trade in Asändabo, which his
the city of ÷Sawakin, the port of Alcocer and
son inherited. G.M. was a very energetic, dynam-
the city of Tor. In Massawa he received some let-
ic and resourceful man who had strong political
ters through the bahér nägaš ÷Yéshaq in which
ambitions. For this purpose, he became a son of a
he was informed of ase ÷Lébnä Déngél’s death
powerful Guduru nobility through ÷guddifaóaa
earlier the previous year and the hardships that
(adoption). This provided G.M. with an Oromo
the Christians in Ethiopia were enduring under
clan genealogy and with an opportunity to par-
the ravages of the Muslim troops. Therefore, he
ticipate in all the market-centres in Guduru. De-
decided to send an expedition of 400 men to
spite his adoption and wealth, the Guduru nobil-
Ethiopia, commanded by his younger brother,
ity regarded G.M. as a “stranger” and “inferior”
Cristovão da ÷Gama, to fight against the armies
because “he had neither wealth in land nor in
of imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi.
cattle, the two items which brought honour to a
G. went back to Portugal in 1542 after finishing
family” (MasMis vol. 3, 52f.). G.M. converted his
his term as governor in 7 May. Unsatisfied with
large inherited treasure into land and cattle, thus
King ÷João III, who wanted to impose on him a
elevating his social standing among the Guduru
marriage of convenience, he settled down in Ven-
nobility. He also used his wealth for winning
ice. Years later, he returned to Portugal, where he
friends and spreading the honour of his name and
was offered the position of governor of Lisbon.
his prestige far and wide. His ambition was to be
Src.: João Bermudez, Breve Relação da Embaixada que
o Patríarcha D. João Bermudez trouxe do Imperador da the mooti of all Guduru by breaking the power of
Etiopia …, Lisboa 1875, 17ff.; Miguel de Castanhoso, the established nobility.
História das cousas que o mui esforçado Capitão Dom The opposition to G.M.’s ambition was engi-
Cristóvão da Gama fez …, ed. Neves Águas, Lisboa neered and led by Fufi, a wealthy nobleman from
1988, 15f., 54; Id., The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia
in 1541–1543 as Narrated by Castanhoso, ed., tr. by Asändabo. G.M. gathered firearms and trained
Richard Stephen Whiteway, London 1902 (Hakluyt his soldiers, while cultivating friendly relations
Society Papers 2, 10), xxxii, xl–xli, lxxxvi, 3, 37ff., 114, 137, with the Guduru nobility. When war broke out
665
Gama Moras
between Fufi and G.M., the former was easily short-reigning persons with non-Arabic names.
defeated by the latter. However, Fufi was saved It seems that usurpers interrupted the succession
from general rout by the elders’ intervention. of WalašmaŸ for some years.
Both Fufi and G.M. agreed to take their case to The only source for G. is the WalašmaŸ chroni-
the ÷caffee assembly at Qobo in southern Gu- cle (Cerulli 1931:41, 43f.) which states that he
duru. By the decision of the assembly, G.M. was was a wise and pious man and that the genies
left in full control of the market of Asändabo, were at his service. They transported letters from
which marked the beginning of his rapid rise to the River Abbay to his residence in one hour.
power. Delighted by a decision that favoured They also brought him water from the River
him, G.M. lavishly feasted the Guduru nobility, Awaš.
honouring them with liberal gifts, and immedi- G. should not be confused with ÷Gamalad-
ately implemented the assembly’s decision. By din II b. Dalhuy b. Mansur who was installed
doing so, he appealed to the moral influence of as ruler of Ifat by ÷ŸAmdä Séyon in 1332 and
the assembly and on that ground he won a deci- deposed in the same year.
sive victory. Fufi, by refusing to implement the Lit.: Phillip Paulitschke, Harar: Forschungsreise nach
assembly’s decision, was questioning its moral den Somâl- und Galla-Ländern Ost-Afrikas, Leipzig
1888, 504; Enrico Cerulli, “Documenti arabi per la
influence, and on that ground, he earned public storia dell’Etiopia”, MRALm 328, ser. 6a, 4, 2, 1931, 39-
outrage (MHasOr 95). 101, here 41 (text) = 43f. (tr.) [repr. in: CerIslam 135–206,
When hostilities were resumed three months here 137, 141]; Id., “L’Etiopia medievale in alcuni brani
later, G.M. was not again disposed to sacrifice di scrittori arabi”, RSE 3, 1943, 272-94 (with table of the
family tree of the WälašmaŸ dynasty) [repr. in: CerIslam
any solid advantage for the elders’ call for peace. 257-80]; Ewald Wagner, “Die Chronologie der frühen
He successfully defeated and expelled Fufi from muslimischen Herrscher in Äthiopien nach den Harar-
the land of Guduru. By a single victory, G.M. iner Emirslisten”, in: Brigitta Benzing – Otto Böcher
achieved the status of the mooti of the “Seven – Günter Mayer (eds.), Wort und Wirklichkeit: Studien
zur Afrikanistik und Orientalistik, Eugen Ludwig Rapp
Houses of Guduru”. From that day onwards, zum 70. Geburtstag, Meisenheim 1976, vol. 1, 186–204,
G.M. abandoned his humble speech of “calling table 1.
every Gudru my Lord” (MasMis, vol. 4, 174). Ewald Wagner
He became their master and the undisputed
king and created the small kingdom of Guduru
around the 1840s. It was through war that G.M. Gamaladdin II b. Dalhuy b. Mansur
made himself the mooti and he made war the After deposing ÷Sabraddin b. Dalhuy b. Mansur
prime business of his administration (ibid., 179, in spring 1332, ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon installed G.
Lewis 2001:31f., 128). (iÃvƒø ≈I —ÃZªe ≈I ≈ÕfªA æB¿U), Sabraddin’s brother,
Src.: The Papers of Antoine and Arnauld d’Abbadie,
as ruler of ÷Ifat. G. then asked the victorious
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, nouv. acq., Iran. no. 21300, Emperor to spare the ruined country. He and his
fol. 784. Muslim subjects would remain his “slaves”. The
Lit.: Donald Crummey, European Religious Missions Emperor answered that he would spare Ifat but
in Ethiopia, 1830–1868, Ph.D. thesis, London University would ravage ÷ŸAdal. The Muslims of ŸAdal tried
1967; MHasOr; Herbert S. Lewis, Jimma Abba Jifar: an
Oromo Monarchy, Ethiopia, 1830–1932, Lawrenceville, to prevent ŸAmdä Séyon’s campaign by attacking
NJ ²2001; MasMis vols. 3–4; Walter Chichele Plow- his camp in Ifat. They were, however, defeated
den, Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Countries, Lon- and in June 1332 ŸAmdä Séyon left for Tégray.
don 1868. Shortly afterwards, the qadi ÷Salih gathered
Mohammed Hassen Ali the forces of the Muslim principalities of Ethio-
pia – among them ŸAdal and Harär – to fight the
Gama Raýuf mosque ÷Harär Christians. G. informed the sultan of ŸAdal that
he would join the coalition. The latter, along with
Gamaladdin I b. Bazyu the other Muslim princes, considered, however,
G. (©¿rªÀ j¿ß ≈I ÃÕkI ≈I ≈ÕfªA æB¿U, Gamalad- that the assembled troops were already enough.
din I b. Bazyu b. ŸUmar WalašmaŸ), sultan of Since they did not want to share with another
÷Ifat, was the seventh ruler of the ÷WalašmaŸ participant the lands they hoped to conquer, they
dynasty and ruled over Ifat for seven years. He marched off before the troops from Ifat arrived.
succeeded his brother, Mansur b. Bazyu, in 1318/ In July 1332 the Muslims were defeated and
19 and was followed in 1324 by a group of three Salih was killed. In September 1332, at the end of
666
Gamaladdin III Muhammad b. SaŸdaddin Muhammad
his victorious march through the Muslim coun- many followers, had changed sides at the time of
tries, ŸAmdä Séyon camped in Béqwél Zär. He G.M.’s father, sultan ÷SaŸdaddin Abu l-Barakat
ordered the Muslim king (most probably G.) to Muhammad b. Ahmad Harb ArŸad. Just at the
surrender all the Christians who had converted start of his government, G.M. was attacked by the
to Islam. In order to avoid the order, G. tried to “Barabir” (a term designating Berber, here ÷Bega
prevaricate and in response to that ŸAmdä Séyon or people from ÷Berbera?). But Harb Goš man-
deposed him, had his hands bound with chains of aged to push them back and to oblige them to
iron, laid waste his country and gave his office to pay the zakat (a Muslim tax, which means that
his brother, ÷Nasraddin. they were Muslims, either originally or by forced
This narrative is the common interpretation conversion). Later, whilst the general was fight-
offered by the only source of the events of ing in Bale, ase Yéshaq, camped in ÷Gidaya, was
September 1332: the GéŸéz account of the vic- attacked and beaten by G.M. himself, forcing the
tories of ŸAmdä Séyon (Dillmann 1884:1036, n. Amhara to flee. The Emperor gathered a new
1; Cerulli 1936:24 [1971:301]; HuntAmd 106f.; army and G.M. needed a three-month campaign
MarAmdS 1993:180–83). An alternative inter- to beat him again in a final battle. G.M. destroyed
pretation is given by Kropp (KrAmdS tr. xxvi, many churches and houses and enslaved numer-
70, n. 331). Since the GéŸéz text does not men- ous women and children. Meanwhile, Harb Goš
tion the name of the Muslim king in connection had also been successful in Bale. He distributed
with the September events, Kropp argues that three slaves to every faqir (poor man or Sufi).
an unknown king of Béqwél Zär was meant and G.M. continued to fight the Amhara. He pur-
not G. The Arabic chronicle of the ÷WalašmaŸ sued them as far as the sources of the Nile, while
dynasty does not mention at all either G. or his Harb Goš and G.M.’s brother, ÷Ahmad Badlay,
brother Nasraddin. This might be due to the fact penetrated into Däwaro. All these wars were
that they were only puppets of the Christian so successful that the whole Near East, from
Emperor. Egypt to India and from the Yemen to Anatolia,
G. should not be confused with his grand-un- became flooded with Abyssinian slaves. Whilst
cle ÷Gamaladdin b. Bazyu. al-Maqrizi gives a quite detailed description of
Src.: August Dillmann, “Die Kriegsthaten des Königs these fights, they are not at all mentioned in the
ŸAmda-Sion gegen die Muslim”, Sitzungsberichte der “short chronicle”.
königlich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phi- G.M. was murdered by one of his envious
lologisch-historische Klasse 42, 1884, 1007–38, here 1020f.,
1026, 1036; PerrAmdS 301, 304, 323 (text) = 346, 348, 362 nephews. The Arabic sources call him a martyr, a
(tr.); HuntAmd 65, 67, 80, 106f.; MarAmdS 76f., 80–83, title which normally is given only to people who
108–13, 180–83; KrAmdS 16, 18, 31ff., 65f. (text) = 21ff., die in the ‘holy war’ (÷Gihad). Cerulli (1931:
37ff., 69f. (tr.). 74, n. 2 [=1971:145, n. 29]) thinks that the title
Lit.: CerStud I, 24 [repr.: CerIslam 301]; Ewald Wagner,
“Die Chronologie der frühen muslimischen Herrscher in perhaps refers to a connivance between the mur-
Äthiopien nach den Harariner Emirslisten”, in: Brigitta derer and the Christians. G.M. was succeeded by
Benzing – Otto Böcher – Günter Mayer (eds.), Wort his brother ÷Ahmad Badlay who discovered and
und Wirklichkeit: Studien zur Afrikanistik und Orienta- killed the murderer.
listik, Eugen Ludwig Rapp zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Al-Maqrizi praises in high tones the piety and
Meisenheim 1976, 186–204, here 191, table 1.
justice of G.M., especially his relation to the the-
Ewald Wagner
ologians, the Sufis and the pious. G.M. is one of
the few Muslim rulers from Ethiopia who were
Gamaladdin III Muhammad b. SaŸdaddin included in some Arabic biographical works.
Muhammad Src.: MaqIlmam2 15–19; AHmad b. ŸAlI Ibn HaGar
Sultan G.M. (f¿Zø ≈ÕfªA f®m ≈I f¿Zø ≈ÕfªA æB¿U, d. al-ŸAsqalAnI, Inbaý al-ëumr fi abnaý al-Ÿumr fi t-taýriò
(‘Information of the Ignorants about Contemporaries
January 1433) succeeded his brother Mansur to in History’), vol. 8, Haydarabad 1395 H. [1975 A.D.],
the throne of ÷ŸAdal when the latter was taken 268f.; MuHammad b. ŸAbdarraHmAn as-SAÒAwI, ad-
prisoner during a lost battle against ase Yéshaq Dawý al-lamiŸ li-ahl al-qarn at-tasi‘ (‘The Shining Light
(r. 1414–29). about the People of the 9th Cent.’), vol. 7, Bayrut [1956],
According to al-Maqrizi’s Ilmam, G.M. was 153f.; MuHammad b. ŸAlI Aš-ŠawkAnI, al-Badr at-taliŸ
bi-mahasin man baŸd al-qarn at-tasiŸ (‘The Rising Moon
weak at the start of his reign. However, he about the Merits of those who Lived after the 9th cent.’),
was much assisted by his general Harb Goš, a vol. 2, Al-Qahira 1348 H. [1929/30 A.D.], 142 (after Ibn
former Christian nobleman who, along with Hagar and as-Saòawi); Enrico Cerulli, “Documenti
667
Gamaladdin III Muhammad b. SaŸdaddin Muhammad
arabi per la storia dell’Etiopia”, RRALm ser. 6a, 4, 2, 1931, According to the Central Statistical Agency its
39–101, here 41 (text) = 47 (tr.) [repr. in: CerIslam 135– population was 23,955 in 1999. It has a multieth-
206, here 138 (text) = 144f. (tr.)].
Ewald Wagner nic composition with the ÷Añwaa (Añuak), the
host population of G. town, being most numer-
ous (6,174), followed by the ÷Oromo (4,761),
Gämbäre Òaylu ÷Amhara (2,553) and ÷Nuer (1,903).
Qäññ geta G.Ò. (Cz(>y gô , b. 1913, d. 1994) Possibly attested already in the ethnicon Gam-
was born in a little village south-west of ÷Däbrä belá (‘people [living] beyond the Nile’, i.e. the
Tabor. He received a traditional church educa- ÷Täkkäze) of a 6th-cent. scholium to the ÷Monu-
tion and was advised in painting by his uncle mentum Adulitanum (Fiaccadori 2004:120f.), the
aläqa ŸAlämu Gäbréýel, with whom he decorated G. region (and town) has been a strategic point in
a number of different churches in the province the relations between Ethiopia and the ÷Sudan
of Wällo and in Däbrä Tabor. His painting career since the end of the 19th cent. When the interna-
was temporarily interrupted while he fought as a tional border between Ethiopia and the Anglo-
guerrilla against the Italians (1936–41). In 1943– Egyptian Sudan was drawn in 1902, the present
47 G.Ò. decorated the Gärägära Giyorgis church day G. region was confirmed as an Ethiopian
near Lalibäla. In 1948 he moved to Addis Abäba territory. But the British kept an interest in the
where he met the famous ÷Bälaóóäw Yémär, who “Baro Salient” (÷Baro) projects in the Sudanese
encouraged him to paint for the growing expatri- territory and negotiated with ase Ménilék II to
ate and tourist market. G.Ò. had a repertoire of open a trading post in 1904. First it was opened
religious, historical and secular themes. at Itang, but soon it was transferred to a place
Gämbäre Òaylu, further upstream of the River Baro. It is located
photo Doro Röth- on the right bank of the Baro and divided by the
lisberger, courtesy stream of the Gabgabe (Gagabe). The western
of Völkerkundemu-
seum Zürich side of the stream was considered as a Sudanese
enclave and a British Customs Inspector (after
1919, District Commissioner) was assigned
there, while on the eastern side it was occupied
by Ethiopian officials.
Although initially there were difficulties, the
international ÷trade via G. became prosper-
G.Ò.’s paintings can be seen in the Museum ous. Coffee, wax and gum from the highlands
of the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies in Addis of Illubabor and ÷Wälläga were brought down
Abäba, Ethiopia, in the Völkerkundemuseum by mules and porters and then exported to the
of the University of Zurich, Switzerland, in the Sudan by steamer connecting G. with Malakal-
Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde, Munich, Kosti, which was navigable in the rainy season.
Germany, and in the Michigan State University From the Sudan, manufactured goods such as
Museum, East Lansing, USA. cotton-cloth, salt and empty sacks were import-
Lit.: Girma Kidane, “Four Traditional Ethiopian Paint- ed. Greek traders settled on the “British side”
ers and their Life Histories”, in: Richard Pankhurst et of town to engage in the business. In order to
al. (eds.), Proceedings of the First International Confer-
ence on the History of Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 73ff.; secure the trade route, the British opened a con-
Raymond Aaron Silverman – Girma Fisseha, “Jem- sulate at ÷Gore in 1917. The Ethiopian admin-
bere and his Son Marcos”, in: Raymond Aaron Silver- istration of G., which was hardly distinguishable
man (ed.), Ethiopia: Traditions of Creativity, Michigan from plunder and looting, was conducted from
1999, 158–66.
Elisabeth Biasio the two centres on the highlands: Gore and
÷Dambi Doolloo (Sayyoo). A representative at
G., lég Kaía, was killed in 1913 in a battle against
Gambella the local Añwaa, and in 1914 the first Ethiopian
G. (Nz,q, 526 m A.S.L.) is a town in western governor of G. was appointed. In 1915 Magid
Ethiopia and the name of the region where it is ŸAbbu, a Syrian Christian, became a resident im-
located. It was the administrative centre of an perial agent and engaged in military campaigns
awragga of ÷Illubabor province and is now the against local Añwaa and Nuer to plunder, in al-
centre of Gambella Regional State (former kéllél). liance with some Añwaa leaders, notably Udiel
668
Gämbo
÷Boundaries; ÷Railways
Src.: CSA 2000.
Lit.: Bahru Zewde, Relations between Ethiopia and the
Sudan on the Western Ethiopian Frontier, Ph.D. thesis,
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of
London 1976; Douglas Hamilton Johnson, “On the
Nilotic Frontier: Imperial Ethiopia in the Southern Su-
dan“, in: Donald Lewis Donham – Wendy James (eds.),
The Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in His-
tory and Anthropology, Cambridge 1986, 219–45; Gian-
franco Fiaccadori, “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3
= RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”,
La Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, here 120f.;
Eisei Kurimoto, “Natives and Outsiders: the Historical
Experience of the Anywaa of Western Ethiopia”, Journal
of Asian and African Studies 43, 1992, 1–43.
Eisei Kurimoto
Gämbo
The G. (Kz. ) were an historical ethnic group in
of Abobo (Abwobo) village. Seen by the British, north-eastern Wälläga where they inhabited the
this state of affairs was their concern because highlands immediately to the west of the Comän
raiding did not stop at the border and a con- swamps. They are attested to in GéŸéz sources
siderable amount of rifles supplied by imperial over some 200 years, from the early 15th cent.
agents to their local allies were smuggled into the (when they appear in a soldiers’ song in praise
Sudan, where armed resistance by the Nuer was of ase Yéshaq) until around 1600, with most of
still going on. the information available for the second half of
The international trade via G. began to de- the 16th cent. (chronicles of Gälawdewos, Íärsä
cline when the Addis Abäba–Djibouti railroad Déngél and Susényos). During the period of
opened in 1917. Also, the significance of the their historical visibility, the Christian emperors
region for the Ethiopian empire as the supplier repeatedly raided the G. lands, capturing much
of local wealth was lost as resources, especially booty as well as slaying and enslaving many of
elephant tusks, were exhausted and exploitive the inhabitants. The Christian monarchs’ ulti-
and military ways of administration gradually mate goal, of course, was to subject the G. to
gave way to more moderate ones. After the 1930s their rule. The G., on the other hand, tenaciously
G. became a dormant local town where demoted struggled to preserve their autonomy and never
officials were assigned. When the Sudan became appear to have been fully subjugated.
independent in 1956, the office of British District Having survived two centuries of pressure
Commissioner was taken over by the Sudanese from the Solomonic monarchy, the G. were,
Consulate. It kept an eye on the movement of however, unable to resist the onslaught of the
south Sudanese refugees and rebels when the ÷Oromo in the first decades of the 17th cent.
first civil war became intensified in the 1960s. Sources from this time onwards do not mention
After the ÷Revolution the Sudanese Con- them any more. This strongly suggests that the
sulate was closed and the river transportation G. at the time had been annihilated, dispersed
halted. The strategic importance of G., however, or absorbed – or a mixture thereof – by the
surfaced again as the second civil war in Sudan advancing ÷Mäcca. A trace of their existence is
started in 1983 and the Därg commenced vari- probably preserved in the name of the town of
ous development projects in the region. A bridge Šambu, located in the historical G. land. This
over the Baro river, allegedly the longest in toponym could well be a reflex of the ethnonym
Ethiopia, was constructed at the town and a new G. (through, essentially, palatalization and de-
airport also opened. The population and urban voicing of word-initial /g/ to /š/).
facilities of G. town expanded and still continue The sources indicate that the G. had a mixed
to do so as the town has become the capital of economy, practising agriculture as well as rais-
a federal state. In 2001, an indication of oil was ing livestock. Within the agricultural sector, they
found (petroleum). appear to have cultivated énsät, as well as cereals
669
Gämbo
(GéŸéz ékl, presumably referring to tef or related Games

species). They did not possess horses, and their Like rituals and theatre performances, G. can
only weapons seem to have been spears and be seen as a chain of action within a specific set
shields. of rules separated from the usefulness-oriented
The Chronicle of Gälawdewos describes the course of daily life but reflecting social relation-
G. and their (unspecified) neighbours as “heathen ships and cultural norms. The degree in which
peoples” (!Bu-y g@;\# , ahzab kähadéyan; G. are regulated and organized can differ signifi-
ConzGal 51) which hence could be reduced to cantly. Many G. have a narrative structure with a
servitude. About four decades later, however, clearly defined beginning and end and a “drama-
when a large group of G. were besieged by the turgic tension”. The main purpose of most G. is
troops of Íärsä Déngél, they appealed to a cleric recreation or leisure. In addition, G. function as
affiliated with Däbrä Libanos, but presumably means of exercising cultural behaviour, of educa-
living in their vicinity, for mediation to save tion as well as of generating rank or prestige (e.g.,
their lives. This, and the fact that Íärsä Déngél in the case of competition G.). Often the distinc-
forcefully intervened when his soldiers disobedi- tion between ÷sports and G. involving physical
ently tried to enslave the surrendering G., could activities cannot easily be drawn. G. in general
indicate that at least some G. groups had become offer a certain “primary liberty” (Caillois 1958:
Christian by the 1590s. 52) which makes them more open to improviza-
Taddesse Tamrat (1988), on the basis of an alleg- tion and invention than sports.
edly traditional ethno-genealogy transmitted by As fundamental principles Caillois (1958:27ff.
aläqa ÷Tayyä Gäbrä Maryam, straightforwardly 113–20) proposed competition, chance, imitation
categorized the G. as a ÷Gafat clan. It can be and temporary social disorganization. Ethiopian
shown, however, that Tayyä’s inclusion of the G. and Eritrean G. can also be classified according
among the Gafat is not “traditional”, but a result to 1) the social position of the actors defined by
of his misreading of evidence from the Chronicle gender, age [-group] and social stratum; 2) the
of Susényos (Kleiner in StudAeth). An independ- symbolic significance of a G., e.g., shown by
ent review of the sources yields no data that connection to a certain religious feast or by the
unambiguously support Tayyä’s and Taddesse’s presence of an audience; 3) the position of a G.
claim. Against this background it seems prema- within the agricultural/seasonal cycle; and 4) the
ture to confidently assert a Gafat identity for the rules of a G., including combinable categories:
G., even if there is no fully conclusive evidence to number of players, number of teams, “goal” of
the contrary, either. Yet the sheer absence of any the G., type of G. (types such as competition-,
linkage between the G. and the Gafat in all sourc- board-, ball- or throw-G., etc.).
es but one (Chronicle of Íärsä Déngél – where, An early scholarly collection of Ethiopian G.
however, the connection is highly indirect) seems was published by Mittwoch (1910). His source
to favour the latter view. Undoubtedly, though, was aläqa ÷Tayyä Gäbrä Maryam, who de-
the G. lived in close proximity to a number of scribed 13 children’s G. The collection includes
Gafat groups and in all likelihood shared several craps-like G., “trick or treat”-like G., hide and
cultural traits with them. seek G., G. including dancing as well as ball- or
Src.: BassHist vol. 1, 303–06, vol. 2, 398–401 (tr.); BassÉt throw- G. such as ÷gänna and different types
24, 119; CRHist vol. 1, 137–40, vol. 2, 156–60 (tr.); Conz- of AF (kwas, ‘ball’). Griaule (1935) compiled a
Gal ch. 43, 46; PerChron ch. 11–13; Ignazio Guidi, “Le
canzoni geez-amariña in onore di re abissini”, RRALm large collection of Ethiopian G. It includes not
ser. 4a, 4, 1889, 53–66, here 63; Id., “Contributi alla storia only G. in the strict sense, but descriptions of
letteraria di Abissinia. I. Il ‘SerŸata Mangest’”, ibid. ser. 5a, children’s toys, many of them imitating items
21, 1922, 65–89, here 71. of the material culture of the adults, e.g., toy
Lit.: HuntGeogr, s. index; PankBord, s. index; Taddesse
Tamrat, “Ethnic Interaction and Integration in Ethiopian
weapons, body decoration, miniature houses,
History: the Case of the Gafat”, JES 21, 1988, 121–54; children’s musical instruments etc. Other toys
Michael Kleiner, “Were the Gämbo a Gafat Group? were exclusively invented for specific G., e.g., a
Deliberations on a Finer Point of Ethiopian Ethnohis- hoop to roll on the ground and different types
tory”, in: StudAeth, 151–64 (Lit.); aläqa Tayyä Gäbrä of balls and sticks. Griaule also describes oral G.
Maryam, Y#M_1\y Bw-y K<l (Yäýityopya hézb tarik,
‘History of the People of Ethiopia’), Aímära 1914 A.M. like “narration-G.”, children’s secret language,
[1921/22 A.D.], 33ff. play on words, tongue twisters and children
Michael Kleiner songs (s., e.g., ÷énqoqélléš). He also documents
670
Games
Hamär children
with a toy village,
little stones desig-
nating livestock;
photo 1950/52 by
Elisabeth Pauli,
courtesy of the
Frobenius Institut,
Frankfurt am Main
(23–Pa046–7a)
playful dances and describes the imitation of dif- male and the female. In the G. !b?F (Tgn. awérs,
ferent kinds of animals and plants, some of them ‘inherit’) in Tégray documented by Griaule (1935:
connected with songs. 246) a young couple dances parallel to each other
Many G. recorded by Griaule have a fairly ag- along the two sides of a line drawn on the ground.
gressive character. Such G. include insulting G. They almost touch one another and perform dif-
and abusive songs, as well as “G.” in which chil- ferent figures. If by chance the two dancers reach
dren tease others. Fighting-G. including aspects a front-to-front position, the young man is al-
of sports and military training play a prominent lowed to kiss his female counterpart.
role. A good example here is ÷gugs and the many Ethiopian and Eritrean children’s G. show a
variants of wrestling (Amh. MPs , tégél). functioning self-organization of the children
A more sporty competition-G. among Oromo – sometimes led by older children – and a great
children is korbo (‘circle’). The G. is named after a creativity in the making of toys, as well as the
circle on the ground which serves as a target. The innovation of new or modified G. Modern
G. is played by boys, all equipped with sharpened schooling supported the practice of Western/
sticks. One of them is the “master”. He stands on “Olympic” G. and sports, on the one hand,
a higher place and gives the order to throw the while, on the other, children have less leisure
“spears” from a defined distance. The boys who time and are more watched than in the times of
miss the circle have to carry the winners. The best Mittwoch and Griaule.
becomes the “master” for the next round (per-
sonal communication with Kebede Hordofa). Board-games
A G. with some similar features is reported The most popular board-G. is ÷gäbäta (also
from Goggam: two boys fitted with sticks agree mankala). This G. has many variants but in
upon who should start the G. The first boy general is played on a wooden board containing
throws his stick, then the other tries to throw his two rows of six or more holes (“houses”) and
stick on to the first. If he succeeds in hitting the a bigger hole (“bank or storage”) at each end.
first stick, he is to be carried on the shoulders of Seeds, pebbles or beans serve as tokens. The two
his fellow up to where the sticks lie. From there players compete in capturing the tokens until
the G. can start again (personal communication the opponent is unable to make a move (for the
from Getie Gelaye). rules of capture s. Natsoulas in PICES 11) There
The reflection of adult behaviour in playing also exist various types of board-G. with simi-
terms finds a partly sexual quality in the huge larities to draughts (cp., e.g. Griaule 1935:177ff.;
number of G. which perform the interplay of the Pankhurst 1971:154).
671
Games
“Ethiopian chess” or A#/:A (säntäräï,

according to DillLex ‘going back to Sanskrit’)
was probably introduced into the region by
Arabs and shares some rules with Oriental
chess. It is reported that ase Lébnä Déngél (r.
1508–40) already played chess and also cards
with a visitor from Venice (Pankhurst 1971:
149). Chess was largely a G. of the royal court
and the nobility. For the clergy, however, it
was forbidden by the ÷Fäws mänfäsawi, while
the ÷Fétha nägäít opposes any “amusement”
(3?5F , qärqis) to clerics. Chess is documented
at the court of ras Mikaýel Séhul of Tégray in the
second half of the 18th cent. From Henry Salt a
description of säntäräï at the courts of ras Wäldä Yäm, initiation game (javelin competition); photo by Hel-
Íéllase of Tégray and néguí Íahlä Íéllase of Šäwa mut Straube, courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt
in the first half of the 19th cent. is extant. It was am Main (027-Str572-12)
also played by the courtiers of ase Ménilék II horn or wood. While the arrangement of the
(Pankhurst 1971:150–58). chessmen was almost as in Europe, their names
Ethiopian chessboards traditionally were made and the moves of some were different: #LT
of leather or skin, were coloured in red with (néguí, ‘King’); I?w (férz, ‘minister’ [from
black or blue lines of square (F? , sér, ‘vein’) and Arab. firzan], i.e. ‘Queen’ – a single diagonal
consisted of eight by eight squares. The chessmen, step), fiýl (‘elephant’ [from Arab. fil] or Amh.
defined by different colours, were made of ivory, A( , säbä, i.e, ‘Bishop’ – two squares diagonally,
jumping being possible, moves not more than
three steps), D:F (färäs, ‘horse’, i.e. ‘Knight’),
;? (dér, ‘house, castle’ [from Arab.], i.e. ‘Rook’)
and y:8 (medeq, ‘Pawn’ [from Arab.]). The G.
starts with a phase of mobilization, during which
both players can move freely without waiting for
the move of the other. This phase ends with the
first capture, after which the moves are carried
out alternately (for details s. Pankhurst 1971:
158–70).
Src.: personal communication of Kebede Hordofa, Addis
Abäba, and Getie Gelaye, Hamburg; internet sources.
Lit.: Eugen Mittwoch, “Abessinische Kinderspiele”, Mit-
teilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen [Berlin]
13, 2, 1910, 107–40; Marcel Griaule, Jeux et divertisse-
ments abyssins, Paris 1935, passim; Marcel Cohen, “Jeux
abyssins”, JA 1911, 31; Roger Caillois, Les jeux et les
hommes – Le masque et le vertige, Paris 1958, 14f., 23, 27ff.,
52, 113–20; Gundolf Krüger, “Spiel”, in: Wörterbuch
der Völkerkunde, Berlin 1999, 350; Anthula Natsoulas
“The Game of Mancala, with Reference to Commodalities
among the Peoples of Ethiopia and in Comparison to Oth-
er African Peoples: Rules and Strategies”, in: PICES 11,
653–63 (Lit.); Richard Pankhurst, “History and Princi-
ples of Ethiopian Chess”, JES 9, 2, 1971, 149–72; Harold
J. Murray, A History of Chess, Oxford 1913, 359, 363.
Dirk Bustorf
Gämgäm
Konso, gureila ball game; photo by Elisabeth Pauli,
courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt am Main G. (CzCz ) is a high mountainous area
(023-Pa083-22a) dominating the basins of the Dawwaa, Gannaalee
672
GamiŸ al-Anwar
rivers and Lake Abbayya. It takes its name from Gideýo (584 inhabitants/km², overall population
the G., a part of Guggi Oromo, a subdivision of 774,121 inhabitants). Rural migration affects the
the Arsi Oromo group. Traditionally this was northern and western areas: Awasa, in Sidamo,
where the ÷abbaa muudaa had his residence and Dilla, in Gideýo, reaching 114,127 and 55,657
(HuntGal 83, note 84). Their territory borders inhabitants respectively (CSA 2004).
to the south with the Gideýo and to the north Src.: CSA 1984; CSA 1998; CSA 2000; CSA 2004; EMAtlas;
with the Sidaama. The G. were integrated into Guida 598.
Lit.: Alain Gascon, “Le miracle de l’ensät. Géographie
imperial Ethiopia at the end of the 19th cent.
d’une plante peuplante”, in: PICES 11, vol. 1, 81–89; Gas-
with the conquests of däggazmaó ÷Balóa Safo. Eth; Charles W. McClellan, State Transformation and
The new rulers constrained them to integrate National Integration: Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire,
÷coffee cultivation in a farming system largely 1895–1935, East Lansing, MI 1988; Stanislaw Stanley,
dominated by ÷énsät plantations. The increase “Ensete in the Ethiopian Economy”, Ethiopian Geographi-
cal Journal 4, 1, 1966, 30–37; Joseph van de Loo, Guji
in the cultivation of this product has been at the Oromo Culture in Southern Ethiopia. Religious Capabili-
expense of forest and grazing land. ties in Rituals and Songs …, Berlin 1991; HuntGal 15, 83.
After the 1941 Restoration G. was the central Alain Gascon
part of G. awragga which extended to the south
over high plates and mountains of low human
density. In the north, on the contrary, the densi- GamiŸ al-Anwar
ties approached those of the ÷Sidamo awragga The G.A. (iÃ√fiA ©øBVª) is the largest central
(more than 100 and 200 inhabitants/km² in 1970 mosque in ÷Addis Abäba and the principal site
and 1984 respectively). Kébrä Mängéít (2,650 m for the performance of daily prayers by the city’s
A.S.L.), in the south, was the chief town until Muslim residents and those of its suburbs. For
the advent of federalism in 1991. According to several decades the congregational Friday prayer
censuses, the population decreased from 318,000 (salat al-gumŸa) has been held at this mosque. The
to 267,886 between 1970 and 1984, probably as a main office of the Ethiopian Supreme Council for
consequence of the disorders affecting the area at Islamic Affairs (al-maglis al-aŸla liš-šuýun al-is-
the down of Òaylä Íéllase I’s regime. lamiya fi Ityubiya) and those of its constituent
Since 1991, the southern part of G. and Kébrä departments (except the office of the hagg and
Mängéít have been integrated into the Oromiyaa Ÿumra committee, which is now near the railway
kéllél. The northern part was annexed to the station), were located within the premises of the
Sidaama zone, a subdivision of the Southern G.A. until they were relocated to the former com-
Peoples and Nationalities region. The popula- pound of the Royal Embassy of Saudi ÷Arabia.
tion of the Sidaama zone is ca. 2,777,000 (with During the early decades of the 20th cent., the
the density of 406 inhabitants/km²). The highest Muslim residents of Addis Abäba, estimated at
concentration of population has been reached in 5,000, who primarily worked as petty traders,
had no mosque. They celebrated the annual
Islamic festivals (÷Feasts, Islamic) on the open
meadow by the hot springs or Félwéha (since
1991 the festivals have been held inside and
around the stadium). The two precursors of the
G.A. were the Wale Muhammad Mosque, lo-
cated on the low grounds opposite the imperial
÷Gébbi, and the an-Nur Mosque near the Piazza
(popularly known as the Banin safar Mosque).
The G.A. has a long and chequered history
characterized by administrative obstacles and
financial constraints, not to mention problems
with the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo
Church and state officials which delayed the
completion of its construction.
It was the Italians who began the G.A.’s con-
struction on a plot of land belonging to fitawrari
Habtä Giyorgis Dinägde (d. 1926), but they left
673
GamiŸ al-Anwar
before completing the work. As a result, the area administration of the mosque, under his direct
around the unfinished structure became a refuse and personal control with the aim of weakening
site. it. This led to a successful opposition organized
As Addis Abäba expanded, the number of by al-hagg Rahmato Muòtar, with the mosque
Muslims residing in the city also increased. Some administration finally achieving its autonomy.
of the community’s prominent elders took the In 1955/56, a new committee for the admin-
initiative to erect a large mosque and a school. istration of the mosque was formed with the
A committee, named the Islamic Association, responsibility of managing and developing the
was set up to secure the government’s permis- mosque’s property. The members of the commit-
sion and the collection of contributions from the tee were elected by major donors. The endow-
prosperous members of the Ethiopian merchant ments took the form of a number of shops con-
community. A plot of land at the heart of the structed with the donors’ money. The income
Märkato (÷Addis Kätäma) was purchased, but from the monthly rent was donated as ÷waqf to
it soon became evident that the construction of the mosque. A total of 14 shops were constructed
a new mosque would require more money than between 1953 and 1956. The income from these
was available. It was therefore decided to enlarge shops was not only used to cover the mosque’s
and complete the work on the construction expenses, but also to build 27 additional stores.
of the mosque which the Italians had started. In 1975 all shops were nationalized by the state,
After a formal request for a grant of land had with a monthly financial compensation of 7,688
been approved by the government, although not bérr each month paid to the mosque, which al-
without the usual bureaucratic hurdles and hos- located the money among the 12 mosques in the
tility from several quarters, the mosque and the city. Later, the shops were restored to the G.A.
adjoining school (later named after an Ethiopian In 1982, a one-storey annex for women with
Somali Muslim patriot, däggazmaó ŸUmar Sama- a new minaret was added to the western wing of
tar) were constructed. the main building and in 1990 a large two-storey
Among the problems the G.A. faced during its prayer-hall was constructed, the latter financed
early history was a debt of 16,000 bérr which it by the late Yemeni businessman, šayò (later
owed to the building contractors, which led to qäññazmaó) Muhammad Ahmad Šariyan. The
the temporary closure of the mosque. Eight in- entire mosque is renovated regularly, especially
dividuals eventually contributed between 1,000 before the approach of ÷Ramadan, when the
and 5,000 bérr each; the debt was paid and the site attracts a multitude of the faithful. In the
mosque reopened. Another problem was that area around the G.A., stalls selling various com-
much of the land within the premises of the modities are continually being set up.
mosque still belonged to individuals who had The first administrator (nazir) of the G.A.
not yet received compensation from the gov- was al-hagg Abu Bakr Ibrahim Šarif, whose
ernment. There was also the additional issue of appointment was approved by the ŠariŸa court.
security, which was solved when money for the Upon his death, he was succeeded by his son,
construction of a stone wall was obtained from ŸAbdarrahman, who served until 1995 when he
members of the Muslim community. A new and about 40 other prominent Muslims were ar-
well had to be dug to draw water. Toilets and a rested and jailed for more than two years follow-
water-trough were constructed with private fi- ing a violent incident in and around the G.A. in
nancial assistance. Electricity was provided with February of that year. All were later released. The
money secured from al-hagg Ahmad Šaš and imams were, successively, al-hagg ŸUmar Yusuf,
his brothers. The monthly salaries of the imam, šayò ŸAbdalhayy and al-hagg Muhammad Ôani
the muýaîîin and three guards were covered by Habib Bašir (d. 1989), who was succeeded by
individuals from the community. Al-hagg Salih Îu l-Makana Gamal. The current incumbent is
ŸAbdallah Abba Fogi donated the income of two al-hagg Taha Muhammad Harun.
shops as a regular source of funds for covering ÷Islam; ÷Mosques
the mosque’s administrative expenses. Lit.: Adwaý Ÿilmi Ÿala masagid Addis Ababa (‘Lights of
Beginning in 1950, an attempt was made by Knowledge on the Mosques of Addis Ababa’), Addis
Abäba 1414 H. [1993 A.D.]; (#M_1\y Y!Fsz1y L9_,y
÷Mäkwännén Habtäwäld to bring the Islamic gIH1y L+%z Wsb!y &!y !qx (Bäýityopya yäýésléméñña
Association, originally set up with the permis- gudayoóó käftäñña gubaýe: Hélléwunna énna Alama, ‘The
sion of the Ministry of the Interior to oversee the Ethiopian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs: Status and
674
Gämma
Aim’), Addis Abäba 1966 A.M. [1973/74 A.D.]; Hussein
Ahmed, “Faith and Trade: the Market Stalls around the
Anwar Mosque in Addis Ababa during Ramadan”, Jour-
nal of Muslim Minority Affairs 19, 2, 1999, 261–68.
Hussein Ahmed
GamiŸ al-Òulafaý ar-Rašidin

The G. (≈ÕfqAjªA ’B∞ºbªA ©øBU, ‘Great Mosque of the
Righteous Òalifas’) is one of the oldest mosques
in ÷Asmära. According to oral tradition, the G.
was first built in the 1st cent. H. (7th cent. A.D.),
at the time as Islam came to the coastal region
(÷Higra). The mosque GamiŸ al-Òulafaý ar-Rašidin in Asmära;
photo 2001, courtesy of Michael Curtis
During the Italian occupation the colonial
administration mobilized the Muslim merchants established together with the school in 1944 and
in Asmära and other Muslims residing there to funded by Ahmad ŸUbayd Bahubayši. The mufti
collect money to reconstruct the mosque in a šayò Ibrahim donated most of his books to the
modern way, as they did with the cattedrale, the library. However, many books were later confis-
Catholic church of Asmära. It was first rebuilt in cated by the Òaylä Íéllase government.
1900, using material brought from abroad, and The three major religious holidays (ŸId al-
was designed to look like the mosques of Cairo. fitr, ŸId al-adha, ŸId mawlid an-nabi; ÷Feasts;
The reconstruction was carried out by the Italian ÷Mawlud) are celebrated at the mosque with
engineers Giuseppe Bruno and Guido Ferrazza, at prayer-services held in the large public area out-
the cost of 1,5 million färänka (Lira). In 1937 and side the mosque. The mufti, head of the Muslims
1940 it was widened and renovated by Yemenite of Eritrea, assigns the imams of the mosques
merchants residing in Asmära, including ŸAbdallah and selects the members of the Islamic Awqaf
Bamušmuš and his brothers, ŸUmar BaŸaqil and his Council (÷Waqf), he himself being assigned by
brothers and šayò ÷Ahmad ŸUbayd Bahubayši, the government. He thus had much influence on
who decorated the inside with a sense of simplic- the development of the G.
ity combined with ornaments of mosaic trim and Src.: interview with Salem Ibrahim Mukhtar from the
chandeliers. Inside the mosque there is a collection family of the former mufti of Eritrea (spring 2000).
of al-Qurýan manuscripts on low bookshelves Lit.: Giacinto Fiore, 200 pagine sull’ Eritrea, Asmara
1950; Ministry of Tourism [of the State of Eritrea],
along the wall with stools nearby. Market Research Office Jamie al Khulafae al Rashidin
On the eastern side of the mosque there is a Mosque Asmara — Eritrea, Asmara 1995; Guida 203; Ed-
school, MaŸhad ad-din al-islami (‘Institute of ward Denison et al., Asmara, Africa’s Secret Modernist
Islamic Religion’), opened in 1944 and founded City, Asmara 2003, 130–33.
by the mufti and Ahmad ŸUbayd Bahubayši. Abdulkader Saleh Mohammed
The school originally was known as MaŸhad al-
Faruq al-Awwal (‘Institute of Faruq I’), named Gamiya ÷Kulub
after the King of Egypt in the time of its founda-
tion. The al-Azhar University and the Egyptian Gämma
government supported the school by sending The G. (Cx) is a tributary of the river ÷Abbay.
teachers and teaching material. Although closed Located in northern Šäwa, it has several tribu-
several times, following political tensions be- taries. The Bärissa, flowing westwards from the
tween Ethiopia and Egypt, it is still in service, foothills of the high plateau of Tägulät and the
albeit dependent on the relations between As- high mountain of Qundi and the Caca, cross-
mära and Cairo. Children attend the elementary, ing the Abbióuu Oromo settlements, joins their
middle and (since 2000) secondary school in the waters and form G.’s upper course, at this stage
morning and evening. locally known as Adabay. Other tributaries are
The reference library, which is situated on the Wanóit, collecting waters from the Mänz
the other side of the mosque, is a small store and Märhabete mountain ranges, the Wayét and
with a number of texts, primarily of religious the Zegawadém, which rises from the uplands
content, in Arabic, Tégréñña and English. It was of Sälale. Thus, G. appears as a collective name
675
Gämma
Gamo
Gamo language
G. (also Gamu, Gemu, self-name: Gamot1⁄4o) is
an Afroasiatic language belonging to the Ometo
sub-branch of ÷Omotic. According to the 1994
Ethiopian Census, the number of its speakers
is 690,069 (Hudson 1999:91). They live in the
highland of the former ÷Gamo Gofa province
in the Gamo awragga, comprising the four
districts (wäräda) of ÷Cenóa, Gulta, Kamba,
and Borodda. The G. language territory is geo-
graphically delimited in the north by the River
÷Omo, in the east by the ÷Dorze territory and
Lake Abbayya, in the south by the Ganta and in
the west by the ÷Oyda and the ÷Gofa territo-
ries. Within Ometo, G. belongs to the northern
branch together with Wälaytta, Zala, Dawro,
Konta, Malo, Gofa and ÷Dace, appearing to be
for all these tributaries which become ÷Abbay’s particularly close to the latter.
main source of waters in northern Šäwa (as the The prosodic and phonological systems of G.
two French travellers Edmond Combes and are similar to those of Dace. G. seems to be a
Maurice Tamisier wrote in 1830s, “Zouma [=G.] “tonal accent language” and, as Dace, presents
est le rendez-vous général de toutes les eaux qui an interaction of accent and tone within the
s’écoulent de Choa”; Combes 1838, vol. 3, 226f.).
phrase. Tone plays a very important role at the
As many of its tributaries are perennial rivers
lexical level and especially in the grammar of
themselves, they increase its volume mainly dur-
the language. In G. there are two tones (high
ing the rainy season.
and low); the high tone usually also coincides
The G. valley, with its particular geographic
with a prominent stressed syllable. The usual
location, has been the stage for historical events.
syllable structure of G. is Consonant-Vowel
The valley was one of the key areas of Šäwa,
or Consonant-Vowel-Consonant. The vowel
protecting those who rebelled against the cen-
tral Ethiopian state, such as the ÷Gafat people system consists of five vowels (i, e [‰], a, o [ˆ]
who opposed ase Lébnä Déngél in the early and u). Vowel quantity is phonologically rel-
16th cent. The valley was also well known for its evant. The vowel phonemes are thus altogether
bandits, who used to waylay and rob travellers ten. Voiceless vowels, if present at all, are in all
and local merchants. The G. played the role of probability not phonologically relevant. G. pos-
a strong shield for the Ethiopian patriotic resist- sesses a rich consonant-system, consisting of five
ance movements during the bloody years of the points of articulation (labial, coronal, palatal,
Italian occupation (1936–41). The importance of velar and glottal) and eight manners of articula-
the G., its waters and forests for Ethiopia has tion (stops, fricatives, affricates, ejectives, nasals,
remained fresh in the memory of elderly patriots vibrant, lateral and glides). Voiceless stops and
and Ethiopian singers. voiceless affricates are realized as aspirated. It is
Src.: interviews with ato Esäte Garrädaw, Šämma Gerdo, still unclear whether [ph] and [f] constitute two
January 1993; fitawrari Mammo BäŠe, Addis Abäba, allophones of the same phoneme or rather two
February 1995; qäññazmaó Dénqe Antän Yésmu, Däbrä distinct phonemes. According to the dialect, the
Bérhan, January 1993; Edmond Combes, Voyage en Ab- ejective p seems to alternate with the implosive
yssinie, dans le pays des Galla, de Choa et d’Ifat, précédé
d’une excursion dans l’Arabie-heureuse, vol. 3, Paris 1838, ¤ (s. Hompó 1990 and Sottile 1999). Among the
226f.; Johann Ludwig Krapf, Travels, Researches and ejectives G. also possesses postglottals (mý, ný
Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Years Residence in and lý), but it is uncertain whether they represent
Eastern Africa, London 1860, 244; PerChron, vol. 1, 275. monophonematic sounds or rather the realiza-
Lit.: EgeClass 46; DTWDic 518; Ahmed Hassen Omer,
“Italian Local Politics in Northern Shawa and its Conse- tion of the combination sonorant + glottal stop.
quences, 1936–1941”, JES 28, 2, 1995, 1–13. The consonant inventory of G. consists thus of
Ahmed Hassen Omer the following phonemes:
676
Gamo
stops: b/p, d/t, g/k, ý; nasals: m, n;
fricatives: (f), z/s, š, h; liquids: r, l;
affricates: ¿/1⁄4, (g), ó; glides: w, y;
ejectives/
implosives: p, ¦/s, t, q.
Consonant gemination is phonologically rel-
evant (s. Sottile 1999:442). Consonant clusters
are exclusively biconsonantal, syllable final and
mostly consist of the combination sonorant +
consonant.
Word-stems are mostly biradical or triradical
(the latter often contain a sonorant as second
radical).
G. is predominantly an inflectional language.
Nouns have two genders, masculine and femi-
nine. As a rule they are masculine, which can be
considered the unmarked gender in the language:
only if a noun refers to a female living being,
does it require agreement with the feminine gen-
der. Nouns referring to female living beings are The G. verb system exhibits a complicated
often formed by means of the suffix -iyo, which flexion with a great richness of paradigms and
changes to -iya if the noun acts as subject of the forms. The G. verb distinguishes the affirmative
sentence (cf. naý-a, ‘son’ / naý-iyo, ‘daughter’ / conjugation from the interrogative and within
naý-iya, ‘id. (subject case)’). As far as number is these the positive from the negative one. Tenses
concerned, nouns in G. can be singular or plural. and modes in general correspond to those of
In the singular they always end in a vowel, with the other ÷Ometo languages (s. Moreno 1938,
the exclusion of -u. Plural is, as a rule, marked, Lamberti – Sottile 1997). Verb-paradigms usu-
as is usual in Ometo languages, by the suffix in ally consist of the three classical persons (1st,
dental -ta (in the absolutive case). The nominal 2nd and 3rd pers.) sg. and pl.; a gender contrast is
system in G. exhibits nine cases. Case is marked found only for the 3rd pers. sg., with a masc. and
by means of morphemes suffixed to the end of a fem. form. In addition, G. makes use of the 2nd
the noun phrase (the head noun has usually the pers. pl. and 3rd pers. pl. form to express the po-
last place in the noun phrase; if not, it appears in lite form in direct speech and in indirect speech
its absolutive case). Nouns used as direct object respectively. The copula is -ko (‘is’/‘are’).
are as usual inflected in the absolutive case, i.e. Some forms for the verb-stem koy- (‘to want’/
they thus appear in their citation form. The cases ‘ask for’) are: affirmative positive present/past: 1st
are: absolutive (markers -a/-e/-i or -o), subject pers. sg. koy-ays / koy-adis, 2nd pers. sg. koy-assa
(-y/-i), genitive (-aa/-y), dative (-s/-w), directive /koy-adassa etc.; negative: 1st pers. sg. koy-iikke /
(-kko), locative (-n), instrumental (-ra), ablative koya-beykke, etc.
(-ppe/-fe) and vocative (-oo [masc.]/-ey [fem.]). Syntactically, G. has a basic Subject-Object-
The personal pronouns are typical for a Ta/ Verb structure. Phrase modifiers in a noun
Ne language: 1st pers. sg. ta-, 2nd pers. sg. ne-, phrase always precede their head noun. The defi-
3rd pers. masc. sg. ýizi , 3rd pers. fem. sg. ýizaa, nite article -za is suffixed to the noun it refers to.
1st pers. pl. nu-, 2nd pers. pl. ýintee, 3rd pers. In possessive constructions the genitive always
pl. ýista-, 2nd pers. polite ýintee, 3rd pers. polite precedes its head noun. Relative clauses usually
ýista- . The demonstratives are heesi/hiina (‘this’, precede their head noun. In verb phrases auxilia-
masc./fem.), seekki/hee (‘that’), ha (‘this here’). ries follow their main verb.
The interrogatives are ýooni (‘who?’, inflect- The Hermann Bell ten-word list for G. is:
ing stem ýoona-), ýay/ýaaza (‘what?’, subject ýissiinni, ‘one’, namýa, ‘two’, heed¿a, ‘three’,
ýaazi), ýayi-s (‘why?’), ýaw-de (‘when?’), ýawa-n haat1⁄4e, ‘water’, tama, ‘fire’, ýawa, ‘sun’, ýagina,
(‘where?’), wosta/wosti/ýay-mala (‘how?’), ýay- ‘moon’, sut1⁄4i, ‘blood’, ýinsaarsi, ‘tongue’ and
likke (‘how much?’), ýaappun (‘how many?’), ýaóóe, ‘tooth’.
ýawa (‘which?’). Src.: author’s own data.
677
Gamo
Lit.: Richard J. Hayward, “A Preliminary Analysis of to as ÷“Galla” or “Gamo Galla” (cp. Harrison
the Behaviour of Pitch in Gamo”, Paper Offered in Ab- 1901; VSAe III 142). G. is also the name of a
sentia to the XIth International Conference of Ethiopian
Studies, Addis Abäba, 1–6 April 1991, London 1991, ms.; range of mountains, the Gamo Mountains, in-
Éva Hompó, “Grammatical Relations in Gamo: a Pilot habited by the G.
Sketch”, in: Richard J. Hayward (ed.), Omotic Language The term G. is also used to designate the lan-
Studies, London 1990, 356–405; Marcello Lamberti, guage of the G. A second language, Dace1⁄4o or
“Sulla classificazione dell’‘Omotico’”, in: Vermondo
Zege1⁄4o (÷Dace), closely related to the former,
Brugnatelli (ed.), Sem Cam Iafet: Atti della 7a Gior-
nata di Studi Camito-Semitici e Indoeuropei, Milano 1o is variously named according to the locality it is
Giugno 1993, Milano 1994, 99–126; Marcello Lamberti spoken in and is used side-by-side with Gamo1⁄4o
– Roberto Sottile, The Wolaytta Language (Studia Lin- in the central G. areas of Balta, Baza, Bonke,
guarum Africae Orientalis 6), Köln 1997; Martino Mario Ganta, Gatse, ÷Gäräse, Algude etc.
Moreno, Introduzione alla Lingua Ometo, Milano 1938;
Roberto Sottile, “The Consonant System of Gamu”, in: Before its incorporation into the Ethiopian em-
Marcello Lamberti – Livia Tonelli (eds.), Afroasiatica pire, G. country comprised of 40 or 55 politically
Tergestina, Padova 1999, 427–46; Grover Hudson, “Lin- autonomous units (dere, pl. dereta; Abélès 1981;
guistic Analysis of the 1994 Ethiopian Census”, NEASt 6, Olmstead 1975). The dereta include territories of
3, 1999, 89–107; Marvin Lionel Bender, Omotic Lexicon
confederations such as Qogo and ÷Dokko and
and Phonology, Carbondale IL 2003.
Marcello Lamberti of single units such as ÷Dorze, ÷Dita, Bonke,
Balta, Guge, Wäyza, Anduro, Goza, Halaha,
Gamo ethnography Zute, Wobbara, Doqama etc. Each dere is di-
The term G. (N{ , also Gamu, Gemu, Guemu) vided into autonomous neighbourhoods (guta)
is used as a place-name and as an ethnonym that have their own assembly-places (for the G.
for a complex of ethnic (sub-)groups living political system s. Bureau 1981; Olmstead 1997
mainly in the awraggas of G. and Gardula in [Dita of central G.]; Abélès 1983 [Otóollo]).
the former ÷Gamo Gofa province (after 1991 Each G. dere has a hereditary king, kao, a de-
named North Omo; since 9 November 2000 scendant of a hero-founder of the community,
Gamo Gofa Zone). Today the G. can also be or a man of exceptional good character, or a
found as migrants all over the country, mainly renowned warrior. Thus, Dorze say they are de-
in Addis Abäba. The G. number over a million, scendants of Sazi Getto’s son Tänkälä; Bonke say
but according to the 1994 census, which wrongly they are descendants of Dada’s son Arše; Ganta
puts them as a sub-unit of the ÷Wälaytta, they say they descend from Tolba Kalsa etc. Each
are reported as numbering 710,055 (CSA 1996). dere is attributed to such a fatherly figure whose
This includes the ÷Dorze and ÷Zayse, which name appears in songs and proverbs. Parallel to
the census considers as separate groups. G. in the the kao in power there is a council or “forum of
literature also refers to a clan-name among the citizens” (Halparin – Olmstead 1976), or “fo-
÷Mäcca Oromo (Knutsson 1967) and among the rums of elders” (Olmstead 1975), who maintain
÷Ittuu (BTafA 917). law and order in the dereta, the market-place and
The name G. was in use long before the arrival assembly-grounds and who make peace with
of ase Ménilék II’s forces, who incorporated the other groups (s. Wolde Gossa Tadesse 1991 for
region by force in 1894/95 (Getahun Dilebo the social and ritual function of public places).
1974; Vanderheyn 1896). The first mention of A number of clans are evenly spread among the
the term G. dates back to a 15th-cent. “Soldier’s dereta. Due to the senior position they occupy in
Song” dedicated to ase Yéshaq (r. 1414–29). The relation to other clan-leaders, heads of clans have
song refers to two entities with the names BIy ritual responsibilities for initiating phases of ag-
K{ (Suf Gämo) and +B?y K{ (Bahér Gämo) ricultural work, sacrificing for rain, for human,
which had to pay tribute in horses to the Emper- animal and crop fertility, as well as for mountain
or (Guidi 1889:56; Littmann 1914:14; cp. VSAe pastures and for peace with other groups (for the
III 141f., 164). On a map which accompanies the G. political system s. Bureau 1981).
work of the Portuguese Jesuit de Almeida, both In G. there used to be a division between
kingdoms are marked in the southern Ethiopian “citizens” (mainly farmers and weavers) and
lakes region (BeckHuntAlm 10, map XCVI). craftsmen (potters, smiths and tanners) involving
Straube wrongly mentions a derogatory meaning taboos of marriage between the two and prohibi-
attached to the name G. (s. Abélès’s critique of tion of ploughing land for the latter. In a different
Straube). The G., like the Oromo, were referred context, but without the prohibition of marriage
678
Gamo
Gamo village of Dita, houses and én-
sät fields; photo 1954/55 by Wolfgang
Kuls, courtesy of the Frobenius Institut,
Frankfurt am Main (027-Ku069-29)
and sharing of power with a tinge of hierarchy, taken as prisoners to Šäwa after the incorpora-
there existed another form of division between tion into Ménilék II’s empire. The keepers were
Gamo and Dace in a few central G. territories. accused of being heathen and of possessing a
The G. are connected in a web of markets tabot while being smokers of tobacco. Neither
(Jackson 1971) where local assemblies or forums their knowledge of corrupted G.-GéŸéz prayers
of citizens take care of law and order. Four ma- nor the display of manuscripts under their care
jor kaos, responsible for averting misfortune by helped to avert imprisonment. They succeeded,
prescribing sacrifices and offers for transgression however, in not passing the tabotat on to the vic-
of taboos, give service to G. communities (for tors. They were allowed to return with the tabo-
the management of misfortune among the G. of tat only after an epidemic in Addis Abäba when
Dorze, s. Sperber 1980). däbtära advised Ménilék to release the tabotat
Today the majority of the G. population fol- (interview with Kasto Kabiso).
lows Orthodox Christianity, which dates back to The G. practise an intensive agriculture, keep-
the 16th cent. and developed a kind of syncretism ing a tradition of mountain-terracing. They also
among the G. Members of specific clans, such as have a tradition of pastoral mountain-pasture.
Mak, Amara etc., spread over a wide area of G. The G. are exporters of fish, bananas, cotton and
(e.g., to places like Bérbér, Qogo, Doina, Ele, Ha- handmade cotton products. They play an impor-
laha, Zala etc.), served as keepers of a blend of the tant role in the production of traditional Ethio-
beni woga (the traditional socio-religious order) pian costumes. Migrant weavers from G. are
and an ancient form of the Orthodox Christian widely spread throughout the country (for G.
faith. They are also the keepers of manuscripts, economy s. Cartledge; Jackson – Russell 1969).
tabotat and other ecclesiastical objects of ancient Src.: interview with Kasto Kabiso 1991; BeckHuntAlm
date found in churches, such as ÷Bérbér Maryam, 10, map XCVI; CSA 1996; Ignazio Guidi, “Le canzoni
Ele Gabriel, Doina Kidanä Méhrät, Qogo Mikaýel geez-amariña in onore di re abissini”, RRALm 5 (estratto),
1, fasc. 2, 20 gennaio 1889, 56; James J. Harrison, “A
and Dorze Giyorgis (s. Caquot 1955; Bureau Journey from Zeila to Lake Rudolf”, Geographical Journal
1976; Abélès 1981; Jackson et al. 1969). 1901, 258–75; Richard Thomas Jackson — Timothy
In addition to the beni woga and old Christian Peter James Russell, Report of the Oxford University
practices, many G. followed the prophet Esa of Expedition to the Gamu Highlands of Southern Ethiopia,
Oxford 1969; Enno Littmann, Die Altamharischen Kai-
Liša, whose teachings in the late 19th cent. won serlieder, Strassburg 1914; GueCopMen; Jean-Gaston
him a large following from all over G., ÷Gofa, Vanderheyn, Une expedition avec le Negous Menelik:
÷Dawro and ÷Wälaytta and resulted in the vingt mois en Abyssinie, Paris 1896; Lamberto Vannutel-
prophet’s imprisonment and exile in Addis li – Carlo Citerni, L’Omo: seconda spedizione Bottego,
Abäba during the reign of Empress Zawditu. viaggio d’esplorazione nell’Africa Orientale, Milano 1899;
Montagu Sinclair Wellby, Twixt Sirdar and Menelik:
Esa returned and died in G. after being released an Account of a Year’s Expedition from Zeila to Cairo
from exile for his truthfulness, knowledge and through Unknown Abyssinia, London — New York 1901.
charisma, which was said to be acknowledged by Lit.: Marc Abélès, “In Search of the Monarch: Intro-
his captors. The former house of Esa of Liša till duction of the State among the Gamo of Ethiopia”, in:
Donald Crummey (ed.), Modes of Production in Af-
today is a centre of pilgrimage. rica, London 1981; Id., Le Lieu du Politique, Paris 1983;
Keepers of tabotat from Bérbér, Doina, Ele Jacques Bureau, “Note sur les Eglises du Gamo”, AE
and Dorze and the tabotat under their care were 10, 1976, 295–301; Id., Les Gamo d’Ethiopie: étude du
679
Gamo
system politique, Paris 1981; André Caquot, “Note on G.G. is home to more than 25 ethnic groups,
Berber Maryam”, AE I, 1955 (repr. 1975), 109–16; Daniel among which are the ÷Gamo, ÷Gofa, ÷Oyda,
M. Cartledge, Taming the Mountain: Human Ecology,
Indigenous Knowledge, and Sustainable Resource Man-
÷Maale, ÷Diraašša, ÷Konso, Gawwada (÷Dullay),
agement in the Doko Gamo Society of Ethiopia, Ph.D. ÷Basketo, ÷Dime, ÷Gangule and Marta. Gamo
thesis, University of Florida 1995; Getahun Dilebo, (or Gamot1⁄4o) is the major language spoken
Emperor Menelik’s Ethiopia, 1865–1916: National Unifi- (also Gofa in the Gofa district). This is followed
cation or Amhara Communal Domination?, Ann Arbor by Basketo, Gangule, ÷Zayse, Oyda and other
1974 (microform); Rhoda Halperin – Judith V. Olm-
stead, “To Catch a Feastgiver: Redistribution among the languages spoken by smaller groups of people
Dorze of Ethiopia”, Africa 46, 1976, 146–65; Richard residing in the province. Members of groups
Thomas Jackson, “Periodic Markets in Southern Ethio- such as the Konso, Koorete, Wälaytta and Guggi
pia”, Transactions 3, 1971, 31–41; Karl Eric Knutsson, migrate to G.G. to work as manual labourers on
Authority and Change: a Study of the Kallu Institution
plantations in Arba Ménc and along the western
among the Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Göteborg 1967; Id.,
“Social and Ritual Function of some Gamo and Konso shores of the lakes. In the early 1970s, farmers
Public Places”, in: PICES 11, vol. 2, 325–39; Judith V. from Šäwa and famine victims from Wällo and
Olmstead, “Agricultural Land and Social Stratification Gondär were settled in G.G. in villages between
in the Gamu Highland of Southern Ethiopia”, in: USCES privately owned plantations. Migration slowed
223–34; Id., Women between Two Worlds, Urbana 1997,
85–96; Dan Sperber, “The Management of Misfortune
down after the nationalization of land, but the
among the Dorze”, in: PICES 5, vol. 2, 207–15; VSAe III presence of migrants and their claims to land have
141f., 164; BTafA 917; Dena Freeman, “From Warrier to created tension between the Gamo, the state and
Wife: Cultural Transformation in the Gamo Highlands of the migrants (Olmstead 1997:85–96).
Ethiopia”, Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute new Orthodox Christianity, Islam and various
ser. 8, 23-44; Id., “Who are the Gamo? And who are the
Dýache?: Confusions of Ethnicity in Ethiopia’s Southern
brands of Evangelical Christianity, mainly
Highlands”, in: PICES 15, in preparation. ÷Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Iyesus,
Wolde Gossa Tadesse are practised in the urban areas. Mekane Iyesus
Church has spent over five decades evangelizing
and being involved in activities related to health,
Gamo Gofa education and, currently, relief and development.
G.G. (N{y QG , also Gammo Goffa, Gamu The Catholic Church has been present for over
Gofa, Gemu Gofa) is located in the south-west 30 years in urban centres of the province. In its
of Ethiopia and borders on both the Sudan and early days it was primarily active as a develop-
Kenya. It was incorporated by conquest into ment non-governmental organization, rather
Ethiopia ca. 1894–95 (Lapéso Getahun Délebo than an agent of conversion.
1983). Before it was given its name and the status G.G. is a land of beautiful lakes and scenic
of a province, the region was divided into vari- mountains. The high mountains are known for
ous domains administered by rulers appointed their extensive alpine pastures and terraced bar-
by the centre. G.G. province (täqlay gézat) was
set up immediately after the return of ase Òaylä
Íéllase I from exile in 1941 (Fino 2000; Henze
2000:234). The capital of the administration was
for the most part the town of ÷Cenóa. Later on,
when the district ÷Gardula was added to G.G.,
the capital of the province was shifted to Gi-
dole by däggazmaó ÷Gäräsu Duki. The capital
was later returned to Cenóa, but in 1955 A.M.
[1962/63 A.D.] it was moved again to ÷Arba
Ménc. Early in the 1960s the awragga Gäläb and
÷Hamär Bakko were added to the province.
The name G.G. remained until, soon after
the revolution of 1974, the Därg decided that
the province be split into two and re-named
as North Omo and South Omo, with admin-
istrative centres in ÷Arba Ménc and ÷Ginka,
respectively.
680
Gäñ
ley- and wheat-farms. The highly complex ad- administrative unit. Like its northern neighbours
ministration of pastures provided a secure source of Angot, Qeda and Bugna, G. protected the
of much-needed manure to the extensive terrace highland settlements from the lowland nomadic
farms. Due to the high population density and and pastoral communities dwelling eastwards.
resulting pressure on land, people engage in The medieval market town of Wasäl, one of
intensive ÷énsät- and cereal-cultivation in the the biggest markets in Ethiopia at the time, was
mountains and maize and cash-crops in the low- apparently located in G. Like its southern neigh-
lands. G.G. produces much cotton in the fields bour Gédém, G. was probably inhabited by “a
around Arba Ménc and exports bananas, coffee, very mixed and, apparently, fully integrated
beeswax, honey, raw cotton, fish, énsät sisals and population of Christian and Muslim Amhara, as
undyed industrial and hand-woven textiles to well as Christian and Muslim ŸAfar from nearby
markets in central Ethiopia and in neighbouring lowlands” (Merid Wolde Aregay in PICES 4, vol.
provinces. In addition, people of the province, 1, 622). Together with such provinces as Mäqet,
mainly the Gamo, engage in weaving and are mi- Dälanta, Wadla, Sayént and Šädäho, G. was the
grant weavers in most of central and other parts homeland of the ÷Amhara people, at least since
of southern Ethiopia (Karsten 1972). In Addis the 13th cent. It was from here that the Amhara
Abäba Gamo weavers who come from various began to radiate their linguistic and cultural in-
Gamo localities are referred to as ÷Dorze. fluence over their Semitic and Cushitic-speaking
Src.: oral interview with A. Fino, 2000; BeckHuntAlm, s. neighbours.
index; BTafA, s. index. During the 15th cent., ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob ap-
Lit.: Jacques Bureau, “Note sur les églises du Gamo”,
pointed his nephew Asnaf Sägädu head of G.,
AE 10, 1976, 295–301; André Caquot, “Note on Ber-
ber Maryam”, AE 1, 1955, 109–16; LaPÉso Getahun an indication of the importance the Emperor
DÉlebo, Y#M_1\y YK+?y T?(M1y Hz?y jXKpwz attached to the province. Another official in
(Yäýitiopiya yägäbbar íérŸatéñña gémmér kapitalizm, ‘The charge of G., with the special title of raq masäre,
Ethiopian Commenced Capitalism of Gébbar-Workers’), witnessed an increase of the area’s military
Addis Abäba 1983 A.M. [1990/91 A.D.]; Donald Lewis
Donham — Wendy James, Working Papers on Society importance when the Emperor stationed his
and History in Imperial Ethiopia: the Southern Periphery ÷cäwa there. Zärýa YaŸéqob’s son and successor,
from the 1880s to 1974, Cambridge 1979; Paul B. Henze, ÷Bäýédä Maryam I, continued the same tradi-
Layers of Time: a History of Ethiopia, London 2000, tion, appointing a ruler of his choice with the
23–28; Richard Thomas Jackson, Land Use and Settle-
title of néguí (PerrZarY 14, 16, 47[?], 112, 137).
ment in Gamu Gofa, Ethiopia, Kampala 1970 (Occasional
Papers 17); Detlev Karsten, The Economics of Handi- When in the 16th cent., during his retreat from
crafts in Traditional Societies: an Investigation in Sidamo the onslaught of imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-
and Gemu Goffa Province, Southern Ethiopia, München Ëazi, ase ÷Lébnä Déngél moved towards Betä
1972; Judith V. Olmstead, Woman between Two Worlds: Amhara, he reportedly regrouped his forces
Portrait of an Ethiopian Rural Leader, Urbana 1997; Dav-
id Todd, “Aspects of Chiefship in Dimam, South-West at G., getting support from local population
Ethiopia”, Cahiers d’Études Africaines 18, 1978, 311–32. (BassHist 79, 81). Further on, sources mention
Wolde Gossa Tadesse a certain Maqarés, “mämhér of Amhara, G. and
Gédém” (“crowned” by éccäge ÷Yohannés; Ric-
ci 1967-68:92), who most probably died in battle
Gäñ in 1559, together with ase ÷Gälawdewos.
G. (K3 , also Gäñi), called in some sources also Manoel de ÷Almeida included G. in his list
z;:y K3 (médrä Gäñ, ‘the land of G.’), was a of Ethiopian “kingdoms” – subjects of “Prester
historical province in Ethiopia lying between John” (BeckHuntAlm 10); yet the status of
÷Gédém and ÷Angot, in what by then could be G. changed during the late 16th and 17th cent.
defined as the eastern Amhara province. Sources with the coming of the ÷Oromo. The area was
roughly identify G. as a locality between ÷Ifat devastated, in particular by the luuba (leader)
and Amhara, to the south-east of Lakes Hayq Harmufaa (or Dulo; this happened in 1562-70,
and Ardibbo, and precise G.’s location as to the s. BeckHuntAlm 118, 209), and later strongly
east of the river Hanazo (the name by which “Oromicized”. It was then overrun by the Ma-
the Borkanna was locally known at that time) rawwa Oromo and subsequently occupied by
strategically facing the Caffa plain of southern the three sub-groups (“three houses”) of Sadan
÷Wällo. G. was probably more important as Marawwa: Abati, Uru and Anaa. In the early 17th
location for military camps rather than as viable cent. ÷Susényos and ÷ÍéŸélä Kréstos undertook
681
Gäñ
Gan Amora
G.A. (F#y !{= , also Ïan Amora, Êanamora
and variants) is generally known as a wäräda-
subdistrict (with Mäkanä Bérhan as its centre),
constituting the southern part of Sémen.
The name, which may mean something like
‘the vulture of [his] Majesty’ (cp. ÷Ïan hoy),
certainly points to its origin as the designation
for one of the traditional ÷military units. The
policy of building the imperial army of regi-
ments whose members were rewarded with (he-
reditary) land possessions and other privileges
goes back at least to early Solomonic times (cp.
÷Cäwa). In fact, G.A. appears in a “Royal Song”
in honour of ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I in connection
with historical ÷Angot (Ïan Amora, Guidi 1889:
62): despite the uncertainty of the translation, it
is usually interpreted in the sense that the Em-
a series of successful military campaigns against peror subjugated G.A. (which, therefore, must
the “three houses” of Marawwa, who were com- have rebelled against him before, s. Littmann
pletely defeated. However, the region was not 1914:26; Merid Wolde Aregay 1997:39). A land
regained; the 1696 raid led by ase Iyasu I was charter ascribed to ase ÷Dawit II gives “Ad Gan
without much success (GuiIohan 180f. [text]). Amora” as a gwélt to the monastery of Samuýel of
The Oromo gave new names to G. and its Däbrä Qwäyäsa (CRAxum no. 10).
neighbours. The strategic escarpment supposed Later, the Chronicle of ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam I
to have been its nucleus became known as Goñi. reports, that G.A. (Ïan Amora, here apparently
Other parts of the former G. were given the restituted in its quality and rights of an imperial
names Maqdasaa and Dheraa Kalili Namee. The regiment), according to the Emperor’s order, was
central hills of the area were called by the Am- fighting in the north a certain “Amba Nähad,
hara “Galla Godana”. Parts of a vast plain below íéyyum of Sällämt”; G.A. soldiers had been
Goñi near the Borkanna are known by Oromo previously established (transferred?) there by ase
names, such as Cafaa Ellemo, Caffaa Cäqorso, ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob to check the incursions of the
Caffa Lute and Ellemo Siddan. Some elderly much-feared ÷Dobaýa from the deserts border-
Oromo argue that Goñi must have been a simple ing the south-eastern Tégray (cp. Merid Wolde
corruption of the word G. In any case, local oral Aregay 1997:44). The campaign against Dobaýa,
Oromo tradition sees Goñi as synonymous with undertaken ca. 1471, was a big success and G.A.
G. Tradition also preserves records of the impor- (along with Ïan Qäntäfa, another regiment) was
tance of the area in earlier centuries. rewarded with the enemy’s cattle. G.A. soldiers’
Src.: interviews in January 1994 with ŸAli Idris (Caffaa fame as the vanquishers of the Dobaýa continued
Cirratti); Hasan Omer Hasan (aged 76, Caffaa Caqorso); well into the 16th cent. and their šum was praised
Gaalallee Saýid (aged 115, Caffaa Lute); Qaanqee Faris (aged by ÷Alvares, who passed through the area
74, Caffaa Caqorso); šayò Saýid Husayn Musa (aged 69,
Caffaa Lute); BeckHuntAlm 10, s. index; GuiIohan 180f. (BeckHuntAlvar 194f.): the region of G.A. (Ïan
(text) = 180f.; PerrZarY 14, 16, 47, 112, 137; BassHist 79, Amora) is reported to be located in Tégray, to
81 n. 1 (tr.); PerChron 77, 263 (text) = 60f., 203 (tr.); BTafA the west of Wägära, east of Säläwa and north-east
149, 397, 400f., 879, 917, 944; Lanfranco Ricci, “Le Vite di of the historical habitat of the Dobaýa.
‘>nbaqom e di Yohann{s, abbati di Dabra Libanos di Scioa”,
RSE 23, 1967–68 [1969], 72–219, here 92, n. 253 (Lit.).
In the 16th cent. G.A. suffered serious losses.
Lit.: CrawItin, s. index; DillmZarY 12; HuntGeog, s. in- During the invasion of imam ÷Ahmad b.
dex; Hussein Ahmed, Islam in Nineteenth-Century Wallo, Ibrahim al-Ëazi, according to the Futuh al-
Ethiopia, Leiden – Boston 2001 (Social, Economic and Habaša, “batriq Qasim”, the commander of
Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia 74), s. index; G.A., obviously invested with high military
Merid Wolde Aregay, “Political Geography of Ethio-
pia at the Beginning of the Sixteenth Century”, in: PICES authority, fiercely resisted the Muslims, but was
4, vol. 1, 613–40, here 622. captured and killed (BassHist 266). Thereafter,
Ahmed Hassen Omer the regiment is reported to have been extermi-
682
Gan Bet
nated by the ÷Oromo during the gadaa of Ma- 151, II, 115, 438; Guida 304 [map 6]; Fesseha Giyorgis,
callee (some time in 1554–62). It is not clear what Storia d’Etiopia, ed. by Yaqob Beyene, Napoli 1987, 80,
210; CRNuov, s. index.
happened to G.A. after this and to what extent its Lit.: Merid Wolde Aregay, “Military Elites in Medieval
military tradition was preserved; it appears much Ethiopia”, JES 30, 1, 1997, 31–73.
later in the Chronicle of ase Susényos as a place Denis Nosnitsin
without any particular importance, situated near
Sällämt (approximately coinciding with the loca-
tion of the later wäräda), i.e. beyond Täkkäze Gan Bädél
and far to the south-east of the “old G.A.”. The G.B. (F#y (;s , also Ïan Bädél) was a locality
immediate cause of the transfer is not known, near the Bérr river (a tributary of the Abbay) in
but the resettlements of the cäwa and their fami- ÷Damot (later awragga Qwälla Däga Damot),
lies in a new place by order of the emperor did Goggam. The name itself reveals the military
happen from time to time (it is unclear whether origin of the settlement: its structure is patterned
local traditions of the “old” and “new” G.A. pre- after royal regiments’ names, like ÷Gan Amora,
serve any remembrance of the past). In any case, Gan Gädäb, ŸAdal Mäbräq, Badél Amba etc.
during the ÷Zämänä mäsafént G.A. in Sémen (÷Military units). These regiments were granted
obtained some importance due to the fact that lands in hereditary and collective (regimental)
däggazmaó ÷Wébe Òaylä Maryam established ownership, either near the winter residence of
his capital in ÷Däräsge and built the church of the emperor, or along the frontier in the most-
Däräsge Maryam there. endangered areas. It was a practical system,
The historical traces of G.A. – reflected in ar- where soldiers could live on the resources of
eas called by its name – still remain in Tégray and their land during peacetime and on the enemy’s
even in northern Šäwa (in Efräta; s. Merid Wolde resources (booty) during wartime. It is only
Aregay 1997:44, n. 52 and 53, n. 61); to one of natural that usually these regimental lands were
them (and probably not to G.A. of Sémen) there called after the name of the regiment. The origin
is a reference in the monastic genealogy of abba of the regiment G.B. remains obscure. Probably,
÷Täklä Haymanot (Getatchew Haile 1982–83: it was established among other regiments by ase
24, no. 11). ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob, when his previous regiment Gan
Src.: Getatchew Haile, “The Monastic Genealogy of Hasana had deserted to ÷ŸAdal. In the Chronicle
the Line of Täklä Haymanot of Shoa”, RSE 29, 1982–83, of ase ÷Susényos, G.B. is mentioned under the
7–38; Ignazio Guidi, “Le canzoni geez-amariña in onore
di re abissini”, RRALm ser. 4a, 5, 1889, 55–66, here 62; year 1608 only as the name of the place where the
HuntAmdS 128; Enno Littmann, Die altamharischen Emperor defeated the Liiban ÷Oromo.
Kaiserlieder, Straßburg 1914, 26; PerrZarY 143, 148; Src.: PerChron I, 105 [ch. 33], 120 [ch. 36]; BTafA 307,
BeckHuntAlvar 194ff., s. index; CrawItin 74f., 94, 184f.; 321, 996.
BassHist 266; BTafA 143; CRHist 225 (text); PerChron I, Sevir Chernetsov
Gan Bet
The term G.B. (F#y ,M , lit. ‘house of the
emperor’ [cp. ÷Ïan hoy]) seems to be already
lying behind the name Gunbayta by which the
Arab geographers of the 12th-13th cent. desig-
nated the capital city of the country of al-Habasa
(÷Abysinnia; s. CRStor 324ff.). Much later, in
÷Gondär, the 17th–18th cent. capital of Ethiopia,
it had at least three different meanings. Firstly,
it denoted a building in the Gondär palace com-
pound which was alternatively mentioned in
the royal chronicles as ïan/gan täkäl. It was a
tower inside the palace compound, opposite the
palace of ase ÷Fäsilidäs, not far from the main
gate (Fit Bär). One of the gates of the compound,
which was in front of the tower, was also called
683
Gan Bet
Ïan Täkäl (possibly, a correlation to the u?*;y

6H , märŸéd dägg, ‘majesty’s gate’ of the medi-
eval Ethiopian moving royal camp [÷Kätäma],
TadTChurch 270). The tower and the gate were
badly damaged by a tornado on 9 September
1704, but were still of strategic importance dur-
ing the unrests of the last days of ase ÷Yostos
and the events which led to ase ÷Bäkaffa’s
ascension to power. Later, the tower was com-
pletely destroyed. It was set on fire during 1732,
when rebels, who wanted to enthrone Hézqéyas,
fought followers of étege ÷Méntäwwab and ase
Iyasu II, and burnt down again in 1794, when The tribune of the regent ras Täfäri Mäkwännén during a
horse race at Gan Meda, 1927; from ms. of Ambassador
retainers of néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot fought Fechter, Politisches Archiv, Auswärtiges Amt, Berlin
against balambaras ÷ŸAírat.
Secondly, G.B. designated the ceremony of named. It first came to prominence when the
the royal trial, which usually took place in the cannons captured from the Italians at the 1896
Addäbabay square in Gondär in front of the main battle of ÷ŸAdwa were displayed on its broad,
palace of Fasilädäs and the Ïan Täkäl tower. The flat and grassy surface. Within a few years the
emperor would be sitting on a platform within the impact of Western influence could be seen when
walls of the palace compound to the left of the Ïan foreign diplomatic representatives organized
Täkäl gate, while the Metropolitan and the other polo matches there. It also became a race-course
prominent ecclesiastics were on a tower called where horses were entered with great enthusiasm
Awag Mängärya (i.e. the place for announcing by the Emperor, the Ethiopian nobility, foreign
÷Ÿawag), where all the learned men were seated diplomats and others. After the turn of the 19th
beneath them according to their rank. cent., some large and substantial homes were
Thirdly, G.B. was the name of a body of built on its periphery. Some of the earliest aero-
the royal guards (attested already in the pre- planes to Ethiopia also landed at G.M.
Gondärine time, s. Varenbergh 1915–16:40), Nevertheless, it remained essentially a gath-
who guarded the Ïan Täkäl tower and escorted ering point for traditional ceremonies: the
the accused to the place of trial. Their reputa- ÷dämära of ÷Mäsqäl, the cutting of hay in the
tion was rather bad among the citizens, because spring, ÷Témqät, as well as games of ÷gugs and
immediately after the trial they acted also as ex- military reviews. Significant military reviews
ecutioners at the Addäbabay square before the were held there in 1903 (honouring the dead
crowd of spectators. of the Italian War 1895–96, with a 300,000-men
Src.: BassÉt 76; BlunChr 431 (tr.); DombrChron 202 military review), in 1909 (to declare lég ÷Iyasu
and n. 365, 234, 270; GuiVoc 759; GuiIohan 64, 224, 227 heir) and in 1916 after the battle of ÷Sägäle. G.M.
(text) = 68 (tr.), 238, 241 (tr.), 346 (tr.); KaneDic 1867;
BeckHuntAlvar 153; Joseph Varenbergh, “Studien zur
also played a significant role in the coronations
abessinischen Reichsordnung (ŠerŸata Mangešt)”, ZA 30, of Täfäri Mäkwännén as néguí in 1928 and then
1915–16, 1–45, here 24, 25 (text) = 40, 42 (tr.). emperor under the name of ÷Òaylä Íéllase I in
Lit.: CRStor 324ff.; PankHist I, 134f., 145, 147, 150, 177; 1930.
TadTChurch 270; Ghiyorghis Mellessa, “Gondar G.M.’s role was played down by the Italians
Yesterday and Today”, EthObs 12, 3, 1969, 164–76, here
167f., 171. during their occupation when they renamed it
Sevir Chernetsov – Red. the Hippodrome on their maps. After the Lib-
eration in 1941, it regained its stature as a major
public space for ase Òaylä Íéllase I and where
Gan Meda national religious festivals were celebrated and
The plain of G.M. (F#y y9 , loosely translated also military reviews were held. It also continued
as ‘field of the emperor’ [cp. ÷Ïan hoy]) became to be the country’s major race-course and polo-
a major public space in ÷Addis Abäba associ- ground. Throughout most of the period of the
ated with the name of ase Ménilék II after the Därg, it continued to be used for major public
foundation of the capital. There is evidence that celebrations, but began to encounter competi-
previous emperors had imperial spaces similarly tion from other public spaces.
684
Ganaalee
Src.: GueCopMen 454, 541, 620; Guida 489; HSLife 49, 56. Ganaalee
Lit.: Harold Golden Marcus, Haile Sellassie I: the
Formative Years, 1892–1936, Berkeley 1987, 24, 113. The G. (Amh. K!r Gänale; also Genaalee Dori-
Peter Garretson ya) is one of the major arteries of south-eastern
Ethiopia. The Italian explorer Vittorio ÷Bottego
added “Doria” to the name of the river in order
Gan Meda
G.M. (F#y y9 , ‘field of the emperor’) was the
name of a plain just to the east of ÷Däbrä Tabor.
It was here in April 1855, that the missionary
Johannes ÷Krapf met newly-crowned ase ÷Te-
wodros II. Krapf was accompanied by Johannes
÷Flad and ÷Maòdärä Qal, an Ethiopian who had
received European education. Krapf received the
encouragement of the Emperor and the acqui-
escence of the bishop, abunä ÷Sälama, to the
commencement of a new Protestant mission, this
one to be staffed by lay artisans. A year later the
artisans arrived and the Emperor settled them
close to G.M., at ÷Gafat, where they established
a workshop. At the end of 1859 it was here that
Tewodros received a visit from the Coptic Patri-
arch Qeréllos. The original emperor with whom
it was associated is unknown. However, given
its centrality at a commanding place in the high-
lands east of Lake ÷Tana, and the space which it to honour Marchese Giacomo Doria, the then
provided for a military camp, it must have served president of the Reale Società Geografica. After
as a military mustering point for quite some merging with the Dawa at Luuq Gaanaane in
time, not least in the reign of ase ÷Yohannés IV, Somalia, it becomes the Juba river, which flows
further into the Indian Ocean near Kismaayo.
who succeeded Tewodros in 1871 and who based
The G. originates from the confluence, in ÷Bale
himself for some years at Samara, close by.
kéflä hagär, of two rivers, the Genaalee Guddo
and the Genaalee Gambello, which come from
Mount Gurumba in the Southern Nations’,
Nationalities’ and Peoples’ Regional State (the
former Sidamo province). The ÷Wabi Šäbälle,
which also originates from this mountain, flows
northwards, whereas the G. runs southwards
into Oromiyaa. The river bends its course pro-
gressively to the south and runs deeply into the
plateaux built upstream of Precambrian volcanic
rocks and downstream of Mesozoic sedimentary
strata. Its canyons are interrupted by numerous
falls, including the Baratieri and the Del Verme
falls. On its left bank the G. collects numerous
tributaries originating from the very wet high
mountains of Bale; among these rivers are the
Genaalee Dida, the Welmel, the Wabi Mäna and
finally the Wabi Gestro (Wäyb) at Dolo in the
Somali kéllél, near the Ethiopian-Somali border.
÷Missions; ÷Protestantism It was on the shores of the G. that, from October
Src.: Johann Ludwig Krapf, Travels, Researches, and 1935 to January 1936, ras ÷Dästa Damtäw re-
Missionary Labours during an Eighteen Years’ Residence sisted ÷Graziani, who came from Dolo/Doolow,
in Eastern Africa, London 1860, 451ff.; ZanLitTheo 29. trying to reach Nagallee following the valley.
Donald Crummey ÷Gänale
685
Ganaalee
Src.: CSA 2000; Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Gänäzo
Carta dell’Africa Orientale Italiana, scala 1: 1000000,
Milano 1937(?); Ethiopian Mapping Authority, The name G. (K|x Gänzo, also K#w Gänz) is first
Ethiopia, scale 1:2000000, Addis Ababa 1986; EMAtlas; mentioned in the “Soldiers’ Songs” in honour of
Guida 463, 485, 597; MesfAtlas; MesfGeogr 46. ase ŸAmdä Séyon (r. 1314–44), in which it is stat-
Alain Gascon ed that the Emperor defeated numerous enemies,
including the “Täta of Ganz” (HuntAmd 129).
Gänale Whether “Täta” is a title of the ruler of this terri-
tory or a personal name cannot be established. In
The G. (K!r ) awragga takes its name from the the Chronicle of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68),
÷Ganaalee River (s. map for the river). It occupied the ÷gärad of G. is quoted in a list as a member
the right bank of the ÷Wabi Šäbälle, the left bank of an alliance of enemies that was beaten by the
forming, to the north, the border with the ÷Célalo Emperor (PerrZarY 17f.). During the time of his
awragga (Arsi region) and, to the west, that with successor, ase Bäýédä Maryam (r. 1468–78), G.
the ÷Gämgäm awragga (Sidamo region). Before must have lived under the strict control of the
the awragga disappeared with the administrative Christian state. The Emperor entrusted his sons
reform of 1991, its capital city was Dodola, located to the leader of G., zändäraba (or gäräd) Mate-
over the road coming from the Rift. wos, to take care of their education and they grew
The censuses of 1970 and 1984 gave for G. up in his country (ibid. 155f.; PerrEsk 345ff.). In
120,300 (14,8 inhabitants/km²) and 223,691 in- 1532 G. was invaded by ÷ŸAbdannasir, a gen-
habitants (21,6 inhabitants/km²), respectively. eral of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi from the
The low numbers of 1970 reflect in all prob- Hadiyya. He defeated the Christian troops that
ability the effects of the agrarian crisis which were under the command of the governor Aiker,
devastated highland Bale between 1963–67. In converted the remaining population by force to
1984, the urban population was remarkably low: Islam and adopted the title Ganz gärad (Bass-
17,926 inhabitants, including 8,287 in Dodola. In Hist 392ff.). After the wars of Ahmad b. Ibrahim
2000, Dodola and Adäbba reached 18,616 and al-Ëazi G. does not seem to have persisted as an
13,436 inhabitants, respectively (CSA 2000), important territorial and/or ethnic entity.
over a total population of more than 40,000, It is difficult to identify the precise location of
comprised in the four wäräda which formed part G. It was presumably situated in the Rift Valley
of the old G. awragga. The wäräda of Kokossa between ÷Wäg to the east and Kämbata to the
(164,5 inhabitants/km²), Dodola (94 inhabitants/ west. Clans called G. or Gänz still exist among
km²), Adäbba (57,3 inhabitants/km²) and Nän- the Qabeena, Gurage, Yäm and Kambaata. Be-
säbo (33,7 inhabitants/km²) have nearly 300,000 sides other similarities, all share the taboo on
inhabitants. The western part, near Gämgäm, is khaki-coloured cattle, explaining this custom
more densely populated than the eastern, which by a legend which states that, during a time of
has higher elevations. The territory has now be- starvation, their ancestors mistook a donkey for
come the Bale National Park. It was affected by a cow, slaughtered it and ate the impure meat.
fires in spring 2000. Src.: BassHist 392ff.; HuntAmd 129; PerrZarY 17f., 155f.;
The high population densities in Kokosa and PerrEsk 345ff. (text) = 362 (tr.).
Dodola recall the nearby mountainous regions Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, Islamic History and Culture
of the Southern Nations, Nationalities and in Southern Ethiopia. Collected Essays, Münster 2004
Peoples’ Region (kéllél), where the cultivation (Göttinger Studien zur Ethnologie 9), 47-55 (Lit.), 104
(map); Id., Die Kambata: Geschichte und Gesellschaft ei-
of énsät and coffee are dominant. On the other nes südäthiopischen Bauernvolkes, Wiesbaden 1983 (SKK
hand, the densities of the other wäräda are com- 65), 18f., 22f., 192.
parable to those of Bale, a subdivision of the Ulrich Braukämper
Oromiyaa Region. The area is populated mostly
by Oromo farmers, joined by new settlers, being
neighboured to the west by the ÷Gideýo and the Gända
÷Sidaama. G. (C#9 ) in ÷Dämbéya was the country seat of
Lit.: CSA 1984; CSA 1998; CSA 2000; EMAtlas; GasEth; the Ethiopian bishops, possibly from as early
Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia: Power and Protest. Peasant Re-
volts in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge 1991; Guida;
as the 1630s through into the 1860s. There the
MesfGeogr. bishops had tributary lands and a palace and
Alain Gascon were buried. Of the palace nothing remains. The
686
Gandolfi, Primizio Remigio
French traveller Charles Jacques ÷Poncet may

have visited abunä ÷Marqos there in 1699.
In 1860, with the permission of ase ÷Tewo-
dros II and the support of his bishop, abunä
÷Sälama, protestant missionaries led by Jo-
hannes Martin ÷Flad and supported by the
÷London Society for Promoting of Christianity
among the Jews, established a station there, di-
rected to the conversion of the local ÷Betä És-
raýel population. In 1862 a controversy between
the missionaries and the Betä Ésraýel broke out
at G. The missionaries left Ethiopia in 1868 with
the withdrawal of the troops of General ÷Na-
pier. However, in 1874 Ethiopian converts took
over the staffing of the mission, which remained
a centre of the Betä Ésraýel.
This area acquired a short-lived political and

military significance on 1 February 1896, when
ase Ménilék II occupied it before taking ŸAdwa,
which had been previously occupied by the Ital-
ian General Oreste ÷Baratieri on 28 December
1895 and evacuated six days later on 2 January
1896.
Lit.: George Fitzhardinge Berkeley, The Campaign
of Adowa and the Rise of Menelik, London 1935, 67, 238;
Augustus Blandy Wylde, Modern Abyssinia, London
1901, 174.
Sevir Chernetsov

G. (b. 11 July 1865, Bagnolo San Vito, Mantova,
Src.: Charles Jacques Poncet, A Voyage to Ethiopia in d. 24 November 1939, Asmära) was an Italian in-
the Years 1698, 1699, and 1700, London 1709 [repr. in:
William Foster (ed.), The Red Sea and Adjacent Coun- dustrialist who worked as a mason in France and
tries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century …, London Germany before he arrived in Eritrea in 1887. He
1949 (Hakluyt Society, ser. 2, no. 100), 89–165, here 123]; came as part of the military expedition headed
Henry Aaron Stern, Wanderings among the Falashas in by General ÷San Marzano and established
Abyssinia together with a Description of the Country and
its Various Inhabitants, London 1862, 253–55.
himself in Massawa. There he began his build-
Lit.: James Quirin, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews. ing activities, being engaged in the construction
A History of the Beta Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadel- of the Massawa–Asmära railway line in the ar-
phia 1992, 154ff., 178, 181ff., 194. eas of Massawa, Säýati, GindaŸ and ŸArborobuŸ.
Donald Crummey After the completion of the construction of the
Sabarguma – May Atal road, G. moved in 1898
to Asmära, where he received agricultural con-
Gändäbta cessions and constructed major water-supply
G. (K#6-K ) is a village to the north of ÷ŸAdwa systems. As part of his work, in 1905 he was en-
on an ancient trade route to ÷Massawa. This gaged in the construction of the governor’s pal-
settlement always existed in a shadow cast by ace and the May Cehot water-wells as sources of
the nearby Ÿ÷Adwa as the main commercial and water-supply for the city of Asmära. He planted
administrative centre in the region. the telegraphic lines linking Massawa to Asmära,
687
Märäb and Addis Abäba. In 1912 G. was trans- that he was also well-respected by Ethiopian
ferred to Libya, where he continued construction Christian scholars. D’Abbadie noted there were
work. After 1922 he returned to Eritrea where he 15 Betä Ésraýel households in G. and 20 priests
created further agricultural concessions. on the mountain of Hohwara (d’Abbadie 1845:
Lit.: Giuseppe Puglisi, Chi è? dell’Eritrea: dizionario 45f.; 1851:261f.). ÷Flad, the Protestant mis-
biografico. Con una cronologia, Asmara 1952, ad nomen. sionary to the Betä Ésraýel, noted Hohwara was
Giancarlo Stella an important place of pilgrimage and that 200
monks lived there (Flad 1869:29).
Several 19th-cent. travellers to north-western
Ganfänkära Ethiopia mentioned either G. or the mountain
G. (F#D#g= ) is a district in the eastern part of of Hohwara, or included the locations on their
the region of ÷Armacého. Located north-west maps, but few seem to have actually visited the
of Gondär and south-west of Dabat, down the place. These include Ferret and Galinier, Samuel
escarpment toward the west, G. was historically Baker, and Guillaume Lejean (Ferret — Galinier
a principal settlement-area of the ÷Betä Ésraýel. 1847, atlas; Baker 1870:131; Lejean 1867:364).
According to tradition, Mount Hohwara in the In the 1860s, the Jewish scholar Halévy vis-
G. district was the site of a Betä Ésraýel mon- ited G. He counted eight Betä Ésraýel villages
astery, said to have been established by abba surrounding the mountain of Hohwara and 15
÷Sabra in the 15th cent. (Quirin 1992:66f.; 1988; “hermits” living on the mountain and indicated
d’Abbadie 1845:49, 72; Leslau 1974:625f.). that some of the people still spoke their own
In the 17th cent., ase ÷Susényos fought several Agäw language rather than Amharic (Halévy
battles against the Betä Ésraýel and their leader, 1877:227–31; 1869:282). In his second voyage
÷Gedewon. After one of these conflicts in 1617, to Ethiopia in 1908–09, ÷Faitlovitch visited the
the Emperor ordered the Betä Ésraýel in several holy site of Hohwara (Faitlovitch 1910:88f.). G.
districts, including G., to be killed (PerChron remained one of the Betä Ésraýel holy sites into
vol. 1, 155f.; Quirin 1992:83f., 247, n. 238). the post-World War II period (Leslau 1975:636).
In the 19th cent., one of the leading Betä Ésraýel Src.: PerChron vol. 1, 155f.; Antoine d’Abbadie, “Ex-
trait d’une lettre de M. Antoine d’Abbadie sur les Falacha
religious officials was abba Yéshaq from Ho-
ou juifs d’Abyssinie”, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie
hwara in G. He was evidently a monk, but was ser. 3, 4, 1845, 43–74, here 45f., 49, 72; Id., “Reponses des
also considered one of the four “high priests”, or Falasha dits juifs d’Abyssinie”, Archives Israélites 12,
principal Betä Ésraýel leaders. Abba Yéshaq was 1851, 179–85, 234–40, 259–69, here 261f.; Joseph Halévy,
a main source of information on the Betä Ésraýel “Travels in Abyssinia”, in: Albert L. Löwy (ed.), Mis-
cellany of Hebrew Literature, vol. 2, London 1877,
for the French traveller and scholar Antoine 175–256, here 227–31; Id., “Excursion chez les Falacha,
÷d’Abbadie in the 1840s; d’Abbadie indicated en Abyssinie”, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie ser. 5,
17, 1869, 270–94, here 282; Jacques Faitlovitch, Quer
durch Abessinien, Berlin, 1910, 88f.; Johannes Martin
Flad, The Falashas (Jews) of Abyssinia, London 1869,
29; Pierre Victor Adolphe Ferret – Joseph Germain
Galinier, Voyages en Abyssinie, 3 vols., Paris 1847, atlas;
Samuel Baker, “Exploration des affluents abyssiniens du
Nil”, Le Tour du Monde 21, 1870, 129–60, here 131, map;
Guillaume Lejean, “Notes d’un voyage en Abyssinie”,
ibid. 15, 1867, 353–400, here 364.
Lit.: James Quirin, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews:
a History of the Beta Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadel-
phia 1992, 66ff., 83f., 118, 149, 153, 189f., 192, 196, 247;
Id., “The ýAyhud and B{ta ýEsrăý{l-Falăshă in Fifteenth
Century Ethiopia: Oral and Written Traditions”, NEASt
10, 2–3, 1988, 89–104; Wolf Leslau, “Taamrat Emanuel’s
Notes of Falasha Monks and Holy Places”, in: Saul Lie-
berman (ed.), Salo Wittmayer Baron: Jubilee Volume on
the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday, Jerusalem 1974,
vol. 2, 623–37, here 624ff., 631f., 636; Steven Kaplan,
The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia: from Earliest Times
to the Twentieth Century, New York 1992, 95, 110.
James Quirin
688
Gänna
Gangäro ÷Yäm might then be chosen, though the same area

was often used annually. The players might then
Gangule ÷Harro select their respective captain, known as abbat
(!+M ), i.e. ‘father’, though in other variations
Gänna ÷Lédät of the game it was the captains who selected the
teams. These sometimes chose a collective name,
Gänna such as Färäs (‘horse’) or Bäqlo (‘mule’), or two
G. (K! or O! genna) is a traditional Ethiopian different types of rifle: Sänadér (the Sneider) or
÷game. Similar to hockey, it is named after the Wägigra (Fusil Gras). The two captains would
word for Christmas (÷Lédät) in GéŸéz and other then together identify a “house” or spot in
Ethiopian languages. The appellation was chosen the middle of the field, where they would dig
because Christmas was the period when the a small hole with their G.-sticks. These would
game was most frequently played by boys and be sometimes in the shape of a cross. There
grown men (÷Feasts). They might start a week they would place the G.-ball, which was often
before the festival and continue until Epiphany a gnarled, round piece of wood, a piece of skin
(÷Témqät). stitched in the shape of a ball or, for youngsters,
In Ethiopia, G. is widely played and known, a wad of cloth. The two captains would begin
with local variations, not only in the Highlands the game by ritually hitting each other’s sticks
by the Amhara and Tégrayans, but also among three times, after which they, and later the
the Oromo (as qalle or qile), e.g., in Wälläga other players, would try to knock the ball in the
and Arsi, and among the Hadiyya, Sidamo, direction of their opponents’ part of the field. In
Gurage etc. (VSAe II, 183f.). It is not known, certain circumstances it was also permissible to
however, when G. started to be played. The pick up the ball. The side which hit it as far as
most important evidence is the appearance of their adversaries’ rear boundary (marked, e.g.,
G. in traditional paintings: from ca. the 17th cent. by a tree, hollow or elevation) scored a goal.
onward, the game is sometimes included in the The game is often played all afternoon until
Nativity scene (Chojnacki 1974:41f.). dusk, as long as the players are able to see the
The rules for G. are traditional and were never ball. Games were often repeated day after day,
codified. Players would usually begin by dividing the last game in some localities being between
themselves into two teams ();# , budén), each a team of bachelors and newly weds against
representing a different locality or quarter of long-married old men. The game was generally
a town. A playing-field, often a market-place, accompanied by ritual insults (Griaule 1935;
Boys playing gän-

na on a stubble
field near Hossäy-
na, Hadiyya; pho-
to 1999, courtesy
of Dirk Bustorf
689
Gänna
from Addis Abäba on the road to the Blue Nile.

It is situated on a plateau overlooking the
÷Gämma river. The original building is believed
to date from around 1821. Church officials state
that it was founded by néguí Íahlä Íéllase’s son
÷Säyfu. Others state that the existing circular
edifice was erected half a century or so later by
Säyfu’s younger brother, ase Ménilék II’s uncle
ras ÷Darge Íahlä Íéllase. Originally thatched, as
seen in the Duchesne-Fournet report (vol. 1, 77),
the building was subsequently covered with cor-
rugated iron in the early 20th cent. on the order of
étege ÷Zäwditu.
The church’s paintings, many of them execut-
ed by the notable church artist aläqa ÷Òéruy of
Dima Giyorgis, are in an excellent state of pres-
ervation, and include pictures of ase Ménilék and
étege ÷Taytu, and ras Darge and his family, as
well as a fine representation of an equestrian St.
George. The church’s possessions include a sil-
ver hand-cross reputed to have belonged to abba
÷Täklä Haymanot, and a fine roundish proces-
sional cross presented by ras Darge. A nearby
building, long since demolished, was for a time
Nativity of Jesus and shepherds playing gänna; triptych, the place of imprisonment of Ménilék’s grandson
central panel; 17th/18th cent.; IES no. 3523; from Raunig and chosen successor lég ÷Iyasu.
1973: 135 Lit.: Jean Duchesne-Fournet, Mission en Ethiopie,
Samuel Alamayahu 1959; any social distinction 1901–1903, vol. 1, Paris 1908, 77ff.; ChTana 315; Ethio-
between the players was considered invalid); pian Orthodox Church, Heritage Worth Saving: 181
Year-old Church at Fetche, Addis Ababa 2002.
being tough and relatively rough, it might result
Richard Pankhurst
in injuries, sometimes serious, which were,
however, considered incidental and therefore not
subject to compensation.
Src.: KaneDic 2000; KWKDic 289; Marcel Cohen, Jeux Gännätä Iyäsus
abyssins, Paris 1912, 22ff.; Walter Raunig (ed.), Religi- G.I. (K|H y #YBF , ‘Paradise of Jesus’) is the
öse Kunst Äthiopiens. Religious Art of Ethiopia, Ausstel- name of a Catholic church in ÷Azäzo (13 km
lungskatalog, Stuttgart 1973, 135 (ill.).
Lit.: Stanisław Chojnacki, “The Nativity in Ethiopian
south of Gondär) built by the ÷Jesuit Pedro
Art”, JES 12, 1, 1974, 11–56, esp. no. 28, 29; 36f., 39f., 50, ÷Paez. Together with the accompanying Jesuit
56; Marcel Griaule, Jeux et divertissements abyssins, residence, it was planned in 1621 at the request
Paris 1935, 85–91; Eugen Mittwoch, “Abessinische of ase ÷Susényos and built on a small hill called
Kinderspiele”, Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientali- Ase Wägän, about 450 m to the west of the
sche Sprachen 2, 13, 1910, 107–40; Samuel Alamayahu,
“The Game of Ganna”, Ethnological Society Bulletin 9, ÷Azäzo Täklä Haymanot church.
1959, 9–27; VSAe II, 183f.; Richard K.P. Pankhurst, On 9 November 1621, eight days after the Ethi-
“Secular Themes in Ethiopian Ecclesiastic Manuscripts: a opian royal clergy formally accepted the Catholic
Catalogue of Illustrations of Historical and Ethnographic formula about the two natures of Christ (÷Hulät
Interest in the British Library”, JES 22, 1989, 31–64,
here 59; Craven H. Walker, The Abyssinians at Home,
lédät), the Emperor, accompanied by his son, the
London 1933, 81f. future ase ÷Fasilädäs, laid the foundation stone
Richard Pankhurst for the new church (BecRASO III, 386f.). In
1623, G.I. was consecrated in the presence of the
Emperor (BecRASO II, 493). The Chronicle of
Gännätä Giyorgis Susényos relates in great detail the story of the
G.G. (K|Hy M_?MF ) is the renowned church at construction, reporting on the dimensions of the
÷Fióóe, the principal settlement in Sälale, 112 km building (PerChron 258f. [text] = 199 [tr.]). Be-
690
Gännätä Mänäkosat
sides the church, the compound included a royal

residence, an orchard and a garden (BecRASO
VI, 387f.), a water-cistern and a pavilion with a
fountain, and was endowed with land-grants by
the Emperor.
Azäzo was part of the “royal space”, a territory
under the direct authority of the Emperor (though
in those days the true “royal camp”, kätäma,
was in ÷Dänqäz). Thus, the construction of a
Catholic church there was a clear manifestation of
Susényos’s political choice in favour of the Jesuits
and a result of growing Portuguese influence.
After the abdication of Susényos (1632),
ase Fasilädäs transferred the land given to the Palace of Gännätä LéŸul, main entry; photo courtesy of
Jesuits, included that of the Church of G.I., to the IES (no. 30 G2)
the monastic community of ÷Däbrä Libanos
of Šäwa. Susényos and Fasilädäs were buried A royal residence, it was also used as a guest
in G.I., but Fasilädäs’s body was moved later to palace for Crown Prince Gustav Adolph of Swe-
÷Daga Éstifanos. The complex is not preserved, den, during his state visit to Ethiopia in January
but some fragments of the foundation are still 1935 (ZerEth 488; HSLife 207f.). The building
visible above ground level. later served as the administrative headquarters
Src.: BecRASO II, III, VI; PerChron 534–37, ch. 65. of two successive Italian viceroys, ÷Badoglio
Lit.: Ian Campbell, “The Royal Fortress at Azazo”, in: and ÷Graziani, and later as the residence of the
PICES 12, vol. 1, 6–15; Id., “Portuguese and Indian In- third, di ÷Savoia, Duke of Aosta. The attempt
fluence on the Architecture of the Lake Tana Region: an on Graziani’s life, in February 1937, was made
Inquiry into the Role of Gänäta Iyäsus”, in: Manuel João
Ramos – Isabel Boavida (eds.), The Indigenous and the on the palace’s front doorsteps.
Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art. On Portuguese-Ethio- After Ethiopia’s liberation, G.L. was reoc-
pian Contacts in the 16th-17th Centuries, Aldershot 2004, cupied by Òaylä Íéllase as a royal residence and
37–48; Hervé Pennec, Des Jésuites au royaume du Prêtre centre of government, and was the location for
Jean (Éthiopie): stratégies, rencontres et tentatives d’implan-
tation 1495–1633, Paris 2003, 188-203; PankHist I, 110ff.
many formal state occasions. It was in the pal-
Mulatu Wubneh
ace’s “green salon” that the ministers were shot
during the abortive ÷coup d’état of December
1960 (Talbot 1955:134-40; Greenfield 1965:428-
31). The Emperor shortly afterwards presented
Gännätä LéŸul the building and surrounding compound to the
The G.L. (K|Hy s&s, lit. ‘Garden of the Most then Òaylä Íéllase I University (later ÷Addis
High’) Palace (÷Gébbi) was built for Emperor Ababa University). Part of the former build-
÷Òaylä Íéllase I in 1935 and was known prior to ing then became the University’s administative
his coronation as the Little Gébbi or New Gébbi centre, while the remainder was occupied by
(name chosen in distinction to the larger, and the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies library and
older, palace of ase Ménilék II). It was located on museum.
land in Addis Abäba inherited from his father ras Lit.: ZerEth 73f., 200, 289, 488; Ladislas Farago, Ab-
Mäkwännén (other parts of this land were allocat- yssinia on the Eve, London 1935, 75−79; HSLife 207f.;
ed to the Étege Mänän school and ÷Berhanénna David Talbot, Haile Selassie I. Silver Jubilee, The Hague
1955, 134−40; Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: a New
Sälam Printing Press). The building was designed Political History, London 1965, 428−31; Aman Worji,
by E. Kametz, engineer from the Ethiopian Min- From Palace to University: a History of Addis Ababa
istry of Public Works who worked under the University Main Campus, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa
Minister fitawrari Taffäsä Habtä Mikaýel. G.L. University 1988; “From Palace to University: a Historical
was a simple two-storey building of modern Perspective”, Bulletin of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies
29, 2002.
design that was later expanded on numerous oc-
Richard Pankhurst
casions; it was supplied with electricity, and fur-
nished by the London firm Waring and Gillow
(ZerEth 73f., 200, 289; Farago 1035:75−79). Gännätä Mänäkosat ÷Monastic literature
691
Gännätä Maryam
Gännätä Maryam upper eastern ridge of the Mount Émäkina (Ger-

The church presently known as G.M. (K|Hy ster 1970:109f., plates 100–08; Heldman 2000).
x?\z , ‘Garden of Mary’) is situated on a broad Christological scenes, which include the An-
ledge of Mount ÷Émäkina, overlooking the vast nunciation, Baptism, Transfiguration, and the
gorge of the Täkkäze River in ÷Bugna (Lasta), Washing of the Feet, occupy faces of the piers,
about 16 km east of ÷Lalibäla. A free-standing although the Wedding at Cana is found at the
structure carved from living rock, the church west end of the north aisle, and the Entry into
was erected and decorated in the last quarter of Jerusalem and the Presentation to the Temple are
the 13th cent. for ase ÷Yékunno Amlak, founder painted on the east wall (Heldman 2000). The
of the ÷Solomonic dynasty. Crucifixion is no longer extant, and perhaps was
Among the murals, there is a unique dedicatory never a part of the Christological cycle.
portrait of the patron Yékunno Amlak flanked Pairs of angels decorated the vault of the nave,
by two abbots of the church. The inscription and on the walls of the side aisles and the soffits
indicates that the church was originally dedicated of the arches are portraits of saints – frontal fig-
to abba MättaŸ (÷Libanos): “It is I who has [this ures standing within an abbreviated frame, as in
church] built, [I,] Yékunno Amlak, whom God the 13th-cent. Coptic murals at the monastery of
made king by his [good] will. My father, Néhyo St. Anthony at the Red Sea (Bolman 2002, figs. 4:
Bäkréstos, was an agent for me to have this church 39, 5–32). ÷Equestrian saints include St. George,
built in the name of MättaŸ. May God have mercy St. Mercurius, and St. Cyriacus. Old Testament
upon me in the Kingdom of Heaven with my figures include individual portraits of Moses and
fathers Mähari Amlak and Néhyo [Bäkréstos]” Aaron on the south aisle wall, and the Sacrifice of
(Heldman – Getatchew Haile 1987:3f.). Abraham (Gen. 22–23) and Dinah (Gen. 34) with
The church is an oriented basilica with a her father Jacob on the north-east wall (Jacob is
narthex that opens into the central nave. At the inscribed “Jacob grieved [very] much.”). Sarah,
east end of the nave is a dome-covered rectan- mother of Isaac, painted on the adjoining north
gular sanctuary, from which open two smaller wall, relates to portraits of exceptional women
chambers at the north and south. Heavy piers arranged farther west along the north wall – the
separate the central nave from the side aisles mother of George the Deacon and St. Sophia
(Gerster 1970:115). The church sits upon a podi- with her three virgin daughters. Narrative scenes
um, a typical feature of Aksumite ÷architecture. of St. Mary of Egypt (north aisle) and St. Mamas
Its exterior colonnade of piers and the gabled (south aisle) and portraits of the luminaries of
roof carved with a frieze of arcade-framed cross- Egyptian and Ethiopian monasticism provide
es are distinctive architectural features copied exemplary models for the monastic life. Portraits
from the church of the Redeemer or Mädòane painted on the soffits of the arches that run along
ŸAläm at Lalibäla (Heldman 1992:230ff.). the north and south axis of the nave include
All the upper portions of the walls and piers some of the Nine Saints – ÷Gärima, ÷YémŸata
– including the soffits of the arches, the ceiling and ÷Päntälewon – along with abba ÷Shenute,
of the nave, and the sanctuary – were originally the 5th-cent. reformer of Egyptian monasticism;
covered with murals, most of which survive Arsenius, the famed Egyptian ascetic; and abba
albeit in a damaged and faded condition. Nev- Näfér (Onophrius), the great Egyptian hermit.
ertheless, the murals, inscribed in a formal GéŸéz Egyptian monastic saints on the wall of the north
script, provide an invaluable example of a rela- aisle include Daniel of Scetis, whose visit with
tively complete scheme of monumental painting. the ascetic Emperor Honorius is commemorated
The walls of the sanctuary are painted with the on 16 Òédar (BudgeSaint I, 252–55), and St.
24 Priests of Heaven, St. ÷Anthony, founder Samuel, founder of the monastery of Qalamun,
of Egyptian monasticism, St. Stephen the Dea- along with female hermits and monastics, St.
con, the priest-king Melchizedek (Gen 14) and Mary of Egypt and St. Marina (anbä Märina) of
abba MättaŸ. The small central dome, presently Scetis. The Egyptian martyrs St. Barbara and St.
devoid of paint, was probably painted originally Juliana are painted on the adjoining pier.
with Christ enthroned among the Four Heav- Many of the portraits are inscribed with sim-
enly Creatures, as within the sanctuary dome ple prayers – such as “St. George, pray for us.
of Émäkina Mädòane ŸAläm, a small 13th-cent. May your prayer be upon us” and “St. Barbara
basilica church built within a large cavern in the with Sister Juliana. Pray and supplicate for
692
Gännätä Sége Giyorgis
près de Lalibela”, Arte medievale 12–13, ser. 2, 1998–99,
193–209; Ead., “Wall-paintings in the Sanctuary of Gän-
nätä Maryam near Lalibäla”, paper presented at the 7th
International Conference on the History of Ethiopian
Art, Leipzig, 24th–26th June 2005; Lino Bianchi Barri-
viera, “Le chiese in roccia di Lalibelà e di altri luoghi del
Lasta”, RSE 19, 1963, 66–71, pl. 52; Elizabeth Bolman
(ed.), Monastic Vision: Wall Paintings in the Monastery
of St. Antony at the Red Sea, New Haven 2002, 37–90;
David Buxton, “The Christian Antiquities of Northern
Ethiopia”, Archaeologia 42, 1947, 1–42, here 31f., pl. X;
André Caquot, “L’homélie en l’honneur de l’archange
Ouriel [Dersana Uraýel]”, AE 1, 1955, 61–88, here 77, 87;
Georg Gerster, Churches in Rock: Early Christian Art
in Ethiopia, London – New York 1970, 115–18, pl. 130–43;
Marilyn Eiseman Heldman, “Architectural Symbolism,
Sacred Geography and the Ethiopian Church”, Journal
of Religion in Africa 22, 3, 1992, 222–41, here 31f.; Ead.,
“Wise Virgins in the Kingdom of Heaven: a Gathering of
Saints in a Medieval Ethiopian Church”, Source: Notes in
the History of Art 19, 2, 2000, 6–12; Ead. – Getatchew
Haile, “Who is Who in Ethiopia’s Past, Part III: Found-
ers of Ethiopia’s Solomonic Dynasty”, NEASt 9, 1, 1987,
1–11; Claude Lepage, “Peintures murales de Ganata
Maryam (rapport préliminaire)”, Abbay 6, 1975, 59–83;
Alessandro Augusto Monti della Corte, Lalibelà.
Le chiese ipogee e monolitiche e gli altri monumenti me-
dievali del Lasta, Roma 1940, 104ff.; Roger Sauter, “Où
en est notre connaissance des églises rupestres d’Éthiopie”,
AE 5, 1963, 235–92, here 270; UhPal 169f., nos. 165f.
Marilyn E. Heldman

Gännätä Maryam; abba Šenute (Apa Shenoute) on the G.S.G. (K|Hy eOy M_?MF ; also known as
soffit of the arch, to the left on the east wall Jacob and Qéddus Giyorgis, or Männagäša Qéddus
Dinah; photo courtesy of the author
Giyorgis) in the Arada district, near Ménilék
us”, – which suggest that these iconic portraits Square, is one of the principal churches of Addis
served as devotional images for all who worshi- Abäba. Before the establishment of the present
ped in the church. A few inscribed prayers are church, the French Missionary Taurin ÷Cahagne
more specific, such as “St. Mercurius, martyr of had obtained permission from Ménilék of Šäwa
Christ. Pray and supplicate for Yékunno Amlak to settle in the area called Birbi(r)sa (÷Fin-
and Néhyo Bäkréstos. Amen.” finnee). Ruins of an ancient church could be then
A later historical note refers to the church as still seen nearby; according to the local tradition,
the “monastery of Yékunno Amlak” (Caquot it had been destroyed during the time of imam
1955:77, 87). The preponderance of portraits of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (Foucher 1987:35),
monastic saints, female as well as male, suggests but was still revered by the local people.
that a dual monastic community was attached After Ménilék was crowned Emperor, Ca-
to the church. The murals are closely related hagne was requested to leave the area. It was
stylistically to the better preserved murals of decided to establish there a church dedicated to
÷Émäkina Mädòane ŸAläm. The murals of G.M. St. ÷George of Lydda, one of the most venerated
as well as the murals of Émäkina Mädòane ŸAläm saints. On 30 July 1894 the ÷tabot consecrated
reflect the style of the early 13th-cent. murals in the name of St. George was brought and
at the monastery of St. Anthony, executed by placed in the house built by Cahagne, which
a team of painters led by the master Theodore served as a u64 (mäqañño, a temporary dwell-
(Bolman 2000:37–89). ing for a tabot). The first ÷gäbäz of the church
Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “Les peintures mu- was ras ÷Mäkwännén Wäldä Mikaýel, the cousin
rales de l’église rupestre éthiopienne Gännätä Maryam of Ménilék (Haile Gabriel Dagne 1972:69, 73).
693
Church of Gännätä Sége Giyorgis during the coronation of Empress Zäwditu, 1917; photo from the estate of Maurice
de Coppet, Helsinki University Library, no. E 2392
On 30 September 1895, before the campaign of ing by clergymen) and the Emperor allotted to
÷ŸAdwa, the tabot was transferred to a new and the church several land-estates, most of them in
larger building, which, although a temporary Šäwa. An important event came in 1903 when a
hut, was consecrated and is still considered the huge celebration of the anniversary of the ŸAdwa
first G.S.G. church. It is said that, as the begin- victory was held in the church compound.
ning of the campaign was approaching, Ménilék The foundation of a new church building was
came and vowed that if he returned from the laid in February 1907 in a ceremony presided
battle safely he would establish a new modern over by the Metropolitan abunä ÷Matewos.
building for St. George church as a commemo- The architect was the Greek Orphanides and
ration. Following the old tradition, Ménilék it was erected by the Italian engineer Castagna.
and his army were accompanied by the tabot In order to facilitate work, Ménilék himself
of G.S.G. (the miraculous help of St. George, brought a steam-roller (yätis babur) from Eu-
as well as the presence of the tabot[s] near the rope. Construction was financed by the Palace,
battlefield are motifs frequently recalled in the but the faithful also contributed money and, in
traditional ŸAdwa-pictures). particular, labour-services. Shortly thereafter
The battle of ŸAdwa, in which Ménilék was Ménilék fell ill and had to withdraw from ac-
victorious, coincided with the monthly celebra- tively managing the administration of the place.
tion in honour of St. George on 23 Yäkkatit After his death in 1913, it was his daughter, étege
1888 A.M. [2 March 1896 A.D.]. On his return, ÷Zäwditu, who completed the construction
Ménilék wanted to fulfil what he had promised to of the church in 1916 – a beautiful octagonal
the church, but the construction of a new build- building with a high round dome. As in other
ing did not begin for about a decade. The church, traditional Ethiopian ÷church buildings, the
however, continued to provide the service for the interior is divided into three sections. The inte-
faithful. A new mäqañño was built in the middle rior contains paintings from the Ethiopian artists
of the graveyard (it is still used today as a dwell- Afäwärq Täkle and ÷Émäýalaf Òéruy.
694
Gara Mulläta
In the following years, the importance of the

church increased: it was here that the corona-
tions of Zäwditu (11 February 1917) and ras
Täfäri Mäkwännén as ÷Òaylä Íéllase I (2 No-
vember 1930) took place. As a result, the word
u!K# (männagäša, ‘royal residence’) was added
to the name of the church.
The establishment of G.S.G. had an impact
on the further development of Addis Abäba.
With its erection the city appeared to develop
in a westerly direction from the Palace (÷Gébbi;
PankEcon 702).
Src.: Addis Ababa Municipality (ed.), Mirror of Addis
Ababa, Addis Abäba 1942 A.M. [1949/50 A.D.]; GSMen
372, no. 2, 524f., s. index; Metropolitan Methodios of
Aksum, “A Contract between the Ethiopian Government
and Panayotis Myriallis Concerning the Construction of
St. Georges Cathedral in Addis Ababa”, Abba Salama 2,
1971, 17–21; Girma Fisseha – Walter Raunig, Mensch
und Geschichte in Äthiopiens Volksmalerei, Frankfurt/
Main 1985, no. 38; Pittura etiopica tradizionale, Roma Lit.: Roger Sauter, “Où en est notre connaissance des
1989, no. 9. églises rupestres d’Éthiopie”, AE 5, 1963, 235–92, here 277;
Lit.: ŸAlämayyähu Mogäs, Y!8Fy !(+y !;+=M (Yäýad- Antonio Mordini, “Il convento di Gunde Gundiè”, RSE
dis Abäba adbarat, ‘Churches of Addis Abäba’), Addis 12, 1953 [1954], 29–70, here 47f., n. 3; KinBibl 78, no. 85.
Abäba 1963 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.]; Edward Gleichen, Osvaldo Raineri
With the Mission to Menelik, 1917, London 1898 [repr.
1971], 133ff.; Haylä Gäbriel Dagne, “The Gebzenna
Charter 1894”, JES 10, 1, 1972, 67–80; Id., “The Establish-
ment of Churches in Addis Ababa”, in: CentAddis 57–78, Gara Mulläta
here 64f.; Emile Foucher, “Birbirssa, 1868–1869”, ibid. G.M. (N=y vnK, Gara Muläta, also Gara Mul-
33–39; Hilda Mannes, Places of Worship: Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1968; PankEcon 702; Harold lata, Oromo Gaara Muldhataa; ca. 3,400 m A.S.L.)
Golden Marcus, Haile Sellassie I: the Formative Years, is a flat-summit mountain at the northern end of
1892–1936, Berkeley, CA 1987, s. index; TSTarik 4. a volcanic range running from the north-west
Mersha Alehegne – Red. to the south-east and ending at Mount Geyle
at an altitude of over 3,000 m A.S.L. The range
Gänz ÷Gänäzo towers above lakes Adäylä and Haromayya
(2,069 m A.S.L.), situated on the pass followed
Ganza ÷Mao by the Harär-Dérre Dawa highway. G.M. can
be reached by a track which branches off the
Gär Íéllase Alämayya–Gérawa road at Kurfa Cäle.
G.Í. (C?y TqE ) is the monastery founded, ac- On the piedmont sorghum and coffee are
cording to tradition, by the holy monk ÷Iyasu grown, but since the 1960s agriculturalists have
of G.Í. It is situated in the district of Énsaro pioneered the expansion of ÷cat cultivation
(Dännäba, Gärru, Šäwa), north-east of the fa- (deema variety) fot the market in Somaliland
mous monastery of ÷Däbrä Libanos; it takes ca. (Ezekiel Gebissa 2004:132). On the slopes rem-
eight hours to walk from there to G.Í. Several nants of forests include junipers, olive and euca-
manuscripts are reported to be preserved in the lyptus trees which have been partially cleared to
monastic library; the underground church of make room for fields of barley up to an altitude
Mäkanä Päraqlitos Amlakénä is certainly that of 2,800 m. The top is covered with tree heath, a
mentioned by Antonio Mordini (1953:47f., n. 3). typical plant of the afro-alpine strata.
The church school of G.Í. receives boys from the In order to protect ÷Harär from southern
villages nearby (where in the 1980s there was still invasions, ras ÷Mäkwännén built a fortified
no governmental school). position on a rocky table above Grawa. In 1932
Src.: Osvaldo Raineri, Atti di Habta Maryam († 1497) ÷Òaylä Íéllase I detained lég ÷Iyasu inside the
e di Iyasu († 1509), santi monaci etiopici, Roma 1990 (Or- fort, until in 1935 he was taken to Addis Abäba
ChrA 235), 165–265. and killed (Monfreid 1933). Towering above the
695
Gara Mulläta
1975, 220; A. Gingold Duprey, De l’invasion à la libera-
tion de l’Ethiopie, Paris 1995, vol. 1, 621–25.
Alain Gascon
Gärad
G. (K=; ) is a title carried by Ethiopian local rul-
ers of both Islamic and Christian faith. The ety-
mology of the word G. remains unclear: Leslau
(1979: 291) speaks of a generic Cushitic origin
without any further specification. Nowadays
the word G. can be found in several languages
spoken in Ethiopia, indicating a title of chiefs or
rulers of different rank.
In ÷Sélti (Gutt – Hussein Mohammed Mussa
1997: 769f.), garaad means ‘chief, king (of the
Sélti people)’ and is used also as a ‘title or ref-
erence form’; saar garaad is the ‘candidate for
chieftainship or kingship’, while walab garaad is
Harär–Dérre Dawa main road, the G.M. moun-
‘spokesman of the chief or king’.
tains have also been a stronghold for several
In ÷Harari, garaad has the meaning of ‘tribal
guerrilla wars and ÷šéfta bands. As soon as the
chief lower than damin’ (Leslau 1963:75) and
Italians occupied Harär and Dérre Dawa (8 and
yäýakkababi aläqa ‘chief of a locality’ (Abdurah-
9 May 1936), fitawrari Million and some rem-
man Mähammäd Qorram 1991/92: 184).
nants of its defeated army entrenched in these
With respect to ÷Amharic, the word G. seems
area (Del Boca 1982:703, 729 note), where they
to have been only used by Guidi (GuiVoc 729) and
were pursued by the Italian Air Force (Gingold
Kane (KaneDic 1940) in an historical context, as it
Duprey 1995:621-25). In 1942, after the Libera-
appears in ancient ÷GéŸéz texts, indicating the “ti-
tion some bands of šéfta launched sporadic at-
tle of the governor of Hadiyya and Gänz”. Kane
tacks upon Amhara settlements of the Gursum
(ibid.) also uses to the word gärada or gäräda (ap-
awragga (Gilkes 1975:220). In 1977–78, among parently an Oromo form: though no dictionary of
the Ethiopian troops and militias entrenched in Oromo has the word G.), deriving it from Eadie’s
the mountains, were the Western Somalia Lib- Amharic Reader where it describes a “tribal no-
eration Front and the Somalian Army, who had table of Harärge”, or a “land proprietor”.
taken Alämayya and besieged Harär and Dérre In ÷Somali garaad means ‘tribal chief’
Dawa. From the villagization campaign which (Agostini et al. 1985:256, ‘capo tribù’). It also
was edicted by the Därg in 1986–87 till the be- means ‘intelligenza; discernimento; capacità di
ginning of the 2000s, some limited but violent comprendere’. The semantic affinity between
clashes opposed the Oromo Liberation Front “understanding” and “chiefdom” in Somali is
maquis against the regular Ethiopian troops. not unusual, as it is also attested in the word
Src.: Ethiopian Mapping Agency, Diré Dawa, Ethiopia, Ÿaaqil (ibid. 76), itself coming from Arabic Ÿaqil
NC 37–12, scale 1 : 250,000, Addis Ababa 1979 (reprinted
1985 and 1999); EMAtlas. (‘clever, rational’). Nowadays the title garaad is
Lit.: Ezekiel Gebissa, Leaf of Allah. Khat and Agricul- commonly carried by Somali local leaders and
tural Transformation in Harerge Ethiopia 1875–1991, warlords.
Oxford – Addis Ababa – Hargeisa – Athens 2004, 132; Looking back in history, as far as we know,
Alain Gascon, “Intégration économique, intégration na-
the title G. is mentioned for the first time in the
tionale et irrédentisme: le Harär, la rivalité somalo-éthio-
pienne et l’emprise de Djibouti”, NEASt 13, 2–3, 1991, Chronicle of ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob (PerrZarY 16ff.), as
51–67; Guida 449f.; Henry de Monfreid, Vers les terres a title carried by the governor of Hadiyya, who
hostiles de l’Éthiopie, Paris 1933, 98–160; Tesfaye Gebre was tributary to the Christian Emperor. Zärýa
Sellassie, “Harer Awraja”, Ethiopian Geographical Jour- YaŸéqob summoned the Hadiyya gärad – appar-
nal 5, 1, 1967, 37–46; Angelo del Boca, Gli Italiani in
Africa Orientale, vol. 2. La conquista dell’Impero, Roma
ently a Muslim called Mahiko, son of G. Meh-
– Bari 1979, 703, 729 note; Patrick Gilkes, The Dying mäd and brother of the ite Ïan Zela, the qäññ
Lion: Feudalism and Modernisation in Ethiopia, London ÷bäŸaltehat queen – to pay the tribute due to the
696
GärŸalta
Emperor. Mahiko refused and declared a revolt. also had the title of farašaham and amir (BassH-
A subordinate of G. Mahiko, the governor of Gä- ist 55, n. 1), which appear to be its equivalent.
dayto who also carried the title of G., revealed to Src.: Abdurahman Mähammäd Qorram, Cuqti kétab
Zärýa YaŸéqob the Hadiyya gärad’s war prepara- – Haräri amaréñña mäzgäbä qalat, Addis Abäba 1984
A.M. [1991/92 A.D.], 184; BassHist 10, 55, 93, 141f.;
tions and told the Emperor that many local chiefs
DillmZarY 13; Francesco Agostini et. al., Diziona-
were ready to help Mahiko. The Gädayto gärad rio somalo-italiano, Roma 1985, 76, 256; Eeva Gutt
mentioned the following allies of G. Mahiko, – Hussein Mohammed Mussa, Siltýe – Amharic – English
who all carried the title of G.: Gudola gärad, Dictionary (with a Concise Grammar of Siltýe by Dr. Er-
Diho gärad, Hadäbo gärad, Gänäzo gärad, Säga nest-August Gutt), Addis Ababa 1997, 769f.; GuiVoc 729;
KaneDic 1940; Wolf Leslau, Etymological Dictionary
gärad, Gäb gärad, QäbŸen gärad, Gogälä gärad of Harari, Berkeley – Los Angeles 1963, 75; Id., Etymo-
and Haläb gärad. From the list mentioned above, logical Dictionary of Gurage, vol. 3: Etymological Section,
we may infer that the title G. was also used for a Wiesbaden 1979, 291; PerZarY 16ff., 112, 140f., 165f.
low-ranking ruler who governed a district. Lit.: TadTChurch 277; TrIslam 78, 84.
The Gädayto gärad advised Zärýa YaŸéqob to Alessandro Gori
appoint Mahiko’s uncle, Bamo, to the office of
Hadiyya gärad in place of his nephew, and to Garäd Kénfu
fight the rebel governor. G. Mahiko was thus
Lég G.K. (N:;y l#E , horse name Abba Gélbét;
defeated and killed.
d. 1860) was the son of däggazmaó ÷Kénfu who
In the Chronicle of ÷Bäýédä Maryam, the title
ruled ÷Dämbéya province from 1831 until his
G. is carried by the ruler of Bali. Bäýédä Maryam
death in 1839. Through him, G.K. was related
sent the Bali gärad ÷Ïan Zeg to fight in the
to ase ÷Tewodros II, Kénfu’s half-brother. We
country of Gam where he died in battle (Perr-
know that G.K. himself had two brothers, Yélma
ZarY 140f.). Another Bali gärad mentioned in
and Mäkwännén, who were active in contesting
the Chronicle of Bäýédä Maryam is Gäbrä Iyäsus
the legacy of Kénfu after their father’s death.
(possibly the successor of Ïan Zeg) who was also
G.K. lived and acted in their shadow. During
a ÷bitwäddäd. He defeated many local Muslim
the rainy season of 1856 he and Mäkwännén dis-
chiefs of ŸAdal (íéyyumanä ŸAdäl) among whom
turbed Gondär. He is noted as one of the rebels
were: an Eror gärad, a Geday gärad, a Kwäšem
against Tewodros, in Dämbéya and Wälqayt. In
gärad, a Hargay (or Harägay) gärad and another
1860 he emerged as an ally of däggazmaó Agäw
Geday gärad (PerrZarY 165f.; ms. also adds a
Néguíe (÷Néguíe Wäldä Mikaýel), at the time the
Täläg gärad and an Adgo gärad).
most prominent opponent of ase Tewodros II. In
During Bäýédä Maryam’s reign, G. also became
a skirmish outside Gondär, G.K. killed the Brit-
the title given to the governor of Gänz (PerrZarY ish Consul, Walter Chichele ÷Plowden. He, in
112), which was previously ruled by an higano turn, was killed in revenge later that year in a
(DillmZarY 13). The sons of the Emperor grew battle in Waldébba by the Emperor.
up in Gänz under the guardianship of G. Mate-
Src.: FusTeo 2, 16, 20–23 (text) = 66, 82, 87–90 (tr.);
wos (TadTChurch 277). It thus seems that at this CRNuov 9.
time the title was variously and independently Lit.: RubInd, s. index; RubTew 24, n. 79.
used by both Muslim and Christian authorities Donald Crummey
for local governors, and that its attribution was
not specifically restricted to the Muslim vassals
of the Christian empire (as reported in BassHist GärŸalta
10, n. 3 and TrIslam 78, 84, n. 3). G. (K?(sK ) is a district in the sandstone escarp-
In the 16th cent., the ÷Futuh al-habaša men- ment of south-central Tégray, to the north of
tions many individuals carrying the title G. historical ÷Tämben and ÷Éndärta (the latter
Among them were: G. Aboñ, at whose service later became an awragga encompassing G.-
the young imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi wäräda). The district is approximately half-way
started his career, and who died as a martyr, along the western side of the main Mäqälä-
fighting against the sultan Abu Bakr; G. Nasr ŸAddigrat road; ÷Hawzen, some 22 km to the
b. Bali, a close companion of the imam, who west of this road, abuts the northern flank of
was, according to the text of the Futuh (BassHist the area, also accessible from ÷ŸAbiy ŸAddi to
141f.), the son of the governor of Bali; G. ŸUôman the south-west. In such a predominantly rugged
b. Gawhar (BassHist 93, n. 2) and G. Din, who mountainous zone, crossed by the Salet river,
697
GärŸalta
the major foci of settlement are the villages of Plant 1985, nos. 15-16); Giyorgis and Mikaýel
÷Dégum and Ségäräda (the district’s administra- (Qwéraro; Sauter 1976, no. 1208A/B; Plant 1985,
tive centre). Special attention attaches to G.’s rich 25-26); Mikaýel Arägawi (÷Ténsoõe; Sauter
ecclesiastical patrimony, both along the escarp- 1976, no. 1209).
ment itself and within the valley plains, where Lit.: Roger Sauter, “Églises rupestres au Tigré”, AE
a characteristic landscape contains one of the 10, 1976, 157–75; Ruth Plant, Architecture of the Tigre,
most important concentrations of ÷rock-hewn Ethiopia, Worcester 1985.
churches in Ethiopia. Niall Finneran – Red.
Moving from the south-east, on the east-fac- GärŸalta history
ing arm of the escarpment, to the north-west, the The beginnings of the history of G. could be con-
key churches include: Däbrä Mikaýel in ŸAbiy nected to the South-Arabian migration to Ethio-
ŸAddi (Sauter 1976, no. 1223; Plant 1985, no. 12); pia (8th–7th cent. B.C.), if the name of the village
Énda Qéddus Yohannés, ÷MäŸaquddi (Sauter of ÷Hawzen is in some way reminiscent of the
1976, no. 1221; Plant 1985, no. 13); Énda Kidanä South-Arabian place-name HWZN. It is pre-
Méhrät, YaŸid (Sauter 1976, no. 1220; Plant 1985, cisely in this district of Hawzen that Aksumite
no. 11); ArbaŸétu Énsésa churches in Mätäri pottery remains (next to ÷Dégum) and the early
[May Säbari], disused, (Sauter 1976, no. 1222); Ethiopic inscription of ŸAnza (2nd–3rd cent. A.D.)
in Gundo (Sauter 1976, no. 1225; Plant 1985, no. were found, confirming the participation of
17) and ÷Qämär (Plant 1985, no. 18); Kidanä south-eastern Tégray in one of the most ancient
Méhrät and Abunä Abréham in ÷Däbrä Séyon; phases of Ethiopian civilization.
Énda Maryam Ayräfäda and the Íéllase churches According to hagiographic traditions, ÷Gwéh
(÷Dégum, Sauter 1976, nos. 1218, 1215A/B; in G. is the place where ÷Yémýata of Qoséyat,
Plant 1985, no. 10; nos. 8-9); Abunä Gäbrä one of the Nine Saints, established his own com-
Mäsqäl and Abunä Abréham (÷Däbrä MäŸar); munity in Aksumite times. One of the several
Däbrä Maryam Pappasäyt(i) (Sauter 1976, no. almost-contemporary groups of ÷Sadqan (the
1213; Plant 1985, no. 3) and another Maryam “Righteous ones”) are the so-called Sadqan of
church on an eastern outcrop at Gulbéša (Sauter Hawzen.
1976, no. 1216; Plant 1985, no. 19); Mikaýel in During the ÷Zagwe period, G. was crossed by
Harägwa (Sauter 1976, no. 1212); Abunä Zärýa one of the country’s major routes, connecting
Buruk [Zärýabruk] (Sauter 1976, no. 1211; Plant the new capital city, ÷Lalibäla, with ÷Aksum,
1985, no. 20); Maryam Mägdälawit (÷Mary via Lasta, Wag and Tämben. The role played
Magdalene) in Mänguda (Sauter 1976, nos. 1229; by the medieval G. as a political and cultural
Plant 1985, no. 21), Däbrä Danéýel (÷Qorqor) centre is documented by the impressive bulk of
and Yémýata (÷Gwéh). The escarpment switches monuments still visible. Its remarkable churches
south-east after the pinnacle at Gwéh. Moving – namely the rock-hewn exemplars in the Bäraqit
southwards, the first church to be encountered and Dégum areas – show architectural elements
on the plain is Maryam Mägdälawit at Bäraqit going back to the Aksumite period, thus also re-
(Sauter 1976, no. 1204). On the escarpment vealing G.’s archaic cultural features.
proper, there are the churches of Abba Gärima G.’s medieval hagiographic traditions are very
(÷SéllaŸ; Sauter 1976, no. 1205); Giyorgis and rich and interesting, though still little fathomed.
Mikaýel, ŸAngwa (Sauter 1976, no. 1226A/B; We only know such personalities as Abréham of
Rocky outcrop of GärŸalta, view from the Hawzen plain towards south; photo 2000, courtesy of Michael Gervers
698
GärŸalta
Däbrä Séyon, who flourished towards the end

of the 14th cent., and Gäbrä Mäsqäl, the founder
of Däbrä MäŸar, who lived in the 14th–15th cent.
Much better known is ÷Danéýel, abbot of Däbrä
Maryam on Mount ÷Qorqor, for he is celebrated
as the spiritual father of ÷Ewostatewos of Däbrä
Särabi, the founder of the monastic movement of
÷Ewostateans.
Lit.: TadTChurch 80ff.; SerHist 118; KinBibl 60f., no. 5;
74f., no. 66; 68, no. 36; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Teofilo
Indiano, Ravenna 1992, 9f., n. 19; LusStud 7f., 27, 54f.,
70, 98; Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Historical Elements in
the Gadla Danýel”, in: PICES 12, vol. 1, 1275–81; Id.,
“A New Source for the History of GarŸalta. The Life of
Danýel of Dabra Maryam on Mount Qorqor (KRZ 36)”,
Quaderni utinensi 8 [15/16], 1990 [1996], 345–52.
GärŸalta churches
Unlike other churches of Tégray, those of G. are first group, with the complexes of ÷Dégum and
relatively well-known. As a general rule, they Bäraqit Maryam alone, is characterized by very
are rock-hewn, with uneven degrees of internal regular plans (mostly basilical), small dimen-
complexity. sions, skilled stonework, clear forms, modest
Presently, some 30 G. shrines are recorded, decoration and the presence of archaic elements
most of them cut in the craggy sandstone es- typical of early Christian monuments, e.g., a
carpment. They display a wide variety of plans, crypt or a stepped baptismal fount excavated
dimensions, structural features and decorative in the floor. Moreover, architectonic elements
system; to date, only one attempt at establishing of buildings of Aksumite origin are imitated in
a preliminary typology has been made (Buxton these churches with both exactness and precise
1971). Also, the problem of chronology remains understanding of their original function: e.g., the
unsolved. In some instances, foundation dates friezes running above the massive rock-lintels or
may be estimated with the help of historical along the entire length of the walls, the stepped
notes preserved in the manuscripts (÷Däbrä bracket-capitals and various forms of ceilings.
MäŸar, ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl), or on the basis of the The authors of architectural texts in Gerster
stylistic and iconographic analysis of the murals (1968:129ff.) presented a hypothesis, developed
they include (÷Qorqor Maryam, ÷MäŸaquddi by Lepage (1971:177f.; 1972:161, 177), that this
Yohannés Wäldä Nägwädgwad). Sometimes, events type of churches might have served as the funeral
described in the ÷hagiography may provide chapels or the chapels housing the relics. Oral
interesting clues (÷Däbrä Séyon, Énda Kidanä tradition is silent on that matter.
Méhrät, Gwéh Yémýata). In general, however, all The churches of the second category have gen-
such chronological pointers are absent. A further erally a basilical ground-plan (central nave and
difficulty, which hinders scholarly interpreta- two aisles, preceded by hewn or constructed pro-
tion, is the inaccessibility of the sanctuary. As naos, tripartite sanctuary). However, layout and
to the interiors, the proper exploration of these dimensions here often depend on the geological
monuments has recently been complicated by the formation of the mother rock. They may be cut
unfortunate, but popular, habits of whitewashing either parallel (Dégum Maryam Ayräfäda, Gundo
the carved decoration and the ancient paintings ArbaŸétu Énsésa) or at right angles to the rock-
(ŸAbiy ŸAddi Mikaýel, Däbrä MäŸar) and adding face (÷Qwéraro Gäbrä Mikaýel, Angwa Giyorgis);
wooden and constructed parts so as to replace or encircled on three sides by ambulatories (Däbrä
support the deteriorating sandstone. Séyon) or passages (Qämär ArbaŸétu Énsésa)
Buxton and Plant (Plant – Buxton 1970:167) hewn into the rock; they may be approached
divide G.’s rock-hewn churches into two catego- through three regular entries from west, north
ries: those situated in the valleys and those exca- and south (Abunä Zärýabruk), or only by a single
vated on different levels in the mountains. The one from the west (÷Gwéh Yémýata); they may
699
GärŸalta
have very large (Däbrä MäŸar, with 3 m diameter) between the bays of the sanctuary and those
or strikingly thin (Abunä Zärýabruk, 23 x 23 cm) of the naves: e.g., Qorqor Maryam, Yohannés
columns or pillars. However, everywhere in this MäŸaquddi, Dégum Íéllase, Däbrä MäŸar. The
group the imitation of Aksumite architectonic last group of Buxton, the “Tigrean Basilicas-Lat-
elements is poor. Their structural forms get lost er Series” (14th-15th cent.), is characterized by the
when unsystematically applied as decorative absence of a clear distinction between aisles and
motifs. Ornaments are most visible in the treat- nave, the disappearance of Aksumite features
ment of ceilings simulating wooden crossed and a multiplication of domes: e.g., Däbrä Séyon
beams, barrel vaults and lanterns. The ceiling can and Gwéh Yémýata.
consist of a series of domes, even with imitation Owing to lack of any restoration and preserva-
of pendentives (Qwéraro Gäbrä Mikaýel) and ribs tion programme, almost all churches of G. are in
(Qorqor Maryam). Most common are flat or a bad state. Most striking is the case of Harägwa
shallow cupolas (Gwéh Yémýata). Mikaýel, where the entire wall bearing precious
There is still another category of churches early 14th-cent. paintings has totally collapsed.
including those which were cut either as enlarge- Lit.: David Buxton, “The Rock-hewn and other Medi-
ments of a natural grotto (÷Qorqor Danéýel, eval Churches of Tigré Province, Ethiopia”, Archaeologia
103, 1971, 1–99; Otto Dale, “The Rock-hewn Churches
Harägwa Mikaýel) or in the form of one or more of Tigre”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 121–51, here 124–31,
grottos (Qwéraro Giyorgis, Angwa Mikaýel, 136ff.; Georg Gerster, Kirchen im Fels: Entdeckungen
Gulbéša Maryam). Some of these are very roughly in Äthiopien, Zürich ²1972, pl. 34–54 (ill.); Maria-Luise
carved (MändaŸ Mikaýel, YaŸid Kidanä Méhrät). von Graberg et al., “Chronologie der alt-äthiopischen
Relief decoration, usually representing crosses, kirchlichen Kunst”, in: Franz Altheim (ed.), Christen-
tum am Roten Meer, vol. 1, Berlin 1971, 474–83; Otto
is common for the entire second group, but even Jäger – Ivy Pearce, Antiquities of Northern Ethiopia,
figural variants occur (Qorqor Maryam, Abra- Stuttgart ²1974, 111–23, figs. 1–21; Claude Lepage, “Les
ham’s cell at Däbrä Séyon). Also, their interiors monuments chrétiens rupestres de Degum, en Éthiopie
are often extensively decorated with paintings. (rapport préliminaire)”, Cahiers Archéologiques 21, 1971,
167–200; Id., “L’Église rupestre de Berakit”, AE 9, 1972,
They were created at various times and represent 147–88; Ivy Pearce, “Pearce’s Pilgrimage to the Rock
different techniques (fresco al-secco, paintings on Hewn Churches of Tigray”, EthObs 11, 2, 1968, 77–120,
canvas), styles and iconographic programmes. here 84–106; Ruth Plant – David Buxton, “Rock-hewn
The oldest examples, from the 14th cent., are Churches of the Tigre Province”, ibid. 13, 3, 1970, 157–
preserved in Däbrä MäŸar and in Däbrä Séyon 267, here 186–211; Ruth Plant, Architecture of the Tigre,
Ethiopia, Worcester 1985, 41–75; Roger Sauter, “Églises
(first set); the most recent, from the 18th cent., in rupestres au Tigré”, AE 10, 1976, 157–75, here 165–68;
Qwéraro Gäbrä Mikaýel. High-quality paintings Teweldemedhin Josief, The Monolithic Churches of
of the second Gondärine style decorate SéllaŸ Tigray, Addis Ababa 1970, 21, 54.
Abba Gärima and ÷Maryam Pappasäyt while Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
the local 17th-cent. production is represented by
Yohannés MäŸaquddi.
In Buxton’s five-part typology of Ethiopian Gäramango
rock-hewn church architecture, none from G. G. (K=x#I ) refers to a spirit medium “cult”
is attributed to the earliest or “Archaic” period (÷Eqo; ÷Possession cults) in the ÷Käfa region
(10th to 11th cent.), while Lepage suggests, with of southern Ethiopia. Though the ideological
some reservations, that Dégum and Bäraqit onslaught and suppression of the post-1974 Därg
Maryam may belong to the 10th-12th cent. (1971: regime and its successor diminished the cult’s
177f.; 1972:177, 200). G.’s churches are equally importance, it is by no means dead. Within one
absent from Buxton’s second and third types: re- Käfióóo clan, the Hammo, there is an hereditary
spectively, “Inscribed-Cross Churches” (11th to line of mediums in which the G. spirits possess
12th cent.) and “Classic Ethiopian Basilica” (13th- one individual in each generation. According to
14th cent.?). They first appear in his fourth group certain sources (Lange 1975:116), the cult origi-
of the “Tigrean Basilicas-Earlier Series” (13th-14th nated among the ÷Yäm, who, like the Käfióóo,
cent.). Typical of this group is a progressive mis- are also a Gonga people. The spirit-medium is a
understanding of Aksumite building tradition charismatic figure whom the people consult for a
(with the exception of the ceilings, still faithfully variety of purposes: divination, migration, land-
reproducing several types of wooden construc- disputes, selection of suitable marriage-partners,
tions) and a lack of architectural differentiation fertility problems, serious illnesses and other
700
Gäräse
personal crises, apparently with some success.

The medium held “court” in a special compound
and was always consulted through intermediar-
ies. The G.’s central residence was in Goba-Cara,
a rural location two days’ walk from Bonga, but
he also had accommodations near the locality
of ÷Bonga. The incumbent possessed extensive
land-holdings, many wives and thousands of cat-
tle; he also had many people working for him.
The G. cult was a regional phenomenon ex-
tending into the areas of the Benc, Še, Meýen,
Cara, Nayi and Šekaóo peoples. It became a
religious world-view, especially among the Benc,
because neither (Orthodox) Christianity nor
any other religion was firmly established among Še-Maha, reverence to the Garamango shrine; photo
them. Many secondary spirit-mediums across 1972/74 by Werner Jürgen Lange; courtesy of the Froben-
Käfa were tributary to the chief G. medium, ius Institut, Frankfurt am Main (37-La035-40)
having received their formal power or author- the mid-1990s, Academic studies on spirit-pos-
ity from him. They built large compounds with session cults in general have been lacking, so that
“spirit houses” in their home-communities to re- scant material exists on the G. cult and its sub-
ceive and treat people. In return for their services sidiaries. The political situation has made it diffi-
they too were rewarded and consequently accu- cult to remedy this. The ethno-historian Werner
mulated substantial wealth for themselves. The Lange devoted some attention to the G. in his
people brought yearly payments or transfered works on the Gonga and the Benc peoples (1975:
gifts and property to the G. cult-centre in Käfa 113–17; 1982). Though recent years have seen a
(e.g., livestock, grain and in more recent years renewed interest in the subject of spirit-posses-
money). Additionally, young boys and girls were sion by several Ethiopian researchers, little has
offered to work for the medium. The mediums been published on the subject.
thus formed a network throughout Käfa and Lit.: Gezahegn Petros, “The Kah of Shashintet: Spirit
beyond that is still in existence today. Possession Cult in Eastern Bench”, in: PICES 11, vol.
During the Därg regime the G. cult was 2, 115–24; Nicholas Gildas, The Dizzu of Southwest
Ethiopia: an Essay in Cultural History based on Reli-
labelled as “baseless superstition” and “decep- gious Interaction, Ph.D. thesis, University of California,
tive”; consequently, the regime persecuted its Los Angeles 1976; Werner Jürgen Lange, Gimira:
followers severely. In 1976 the revolutionary Remnants of a Vanishing Culture, Bamberg 1975; Id., A
Zämäóa students in Bonga and Käfa purposely History of the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia),
Wiesbaden 1982.
desecrated the G.’s utensils in his home and
Jon Abbink
humiliated him. A number of G. followers later
took revenge when they killed a group of these
students by surrounding and burning down a Gäräse
school where they were gathered. In 1978 the G. (also written Garassè [Scott 1950-51:110f.,
incumbent G. (Lange 1982, fig. 36) was himself 155] or Ghereze [Vannutelli–Citerni 1899, tavola
killed by government forces, and many of his 3a] and pronounced Gäräsä) is the name of a
followers were also persecuted in the following town in the southern part of Central ÷Gamo. It
years. Following these acts of persecution, the was a mékéttél wäräda administrative centre for
cult went underground. many years under Kämba wäräda administra-
Today, though the era of powerful spirit-medi- tion in ÷Gardula awragga. It was later on given
ums has all but disappeared, a form of the G. cult wäräda-centre status for Bonke administration
still exists in the south-western countryside. The in ÷Gamo Gofa (formerly Northern Omo)
current mediums, however, take a much lower province.
profile, because the state authorities continue to G. has been a trading centre for a long time.
view them as superstitious and backward. They Its location at two important routes that extend
also face mounting competition from expanding from Lake ÷Camo to Gofa and to the Omo and
Evangelical Christianity (÷Protestantism). Until from ÷Šäwa through the heart of Gamoland
701
Gäräse
south to Gidole (Gardula) and beyond made it Lit.: Hugh Scott, “Journey to the Gughe Highlands
an important camping-centre for trade caravans. (Southern Ethiopia), 1948–49”, Biogeographical Research
at High Altitudes. Proceedings of the Linnean Soci-
G. is also a traditional territorial unit (dere) of ety of London 163, 1952, 85–189; Lamberto Vannutelli
the Gamo, constituted by G. and the neighbour- – Carlo Citerni, L’Omo: seconda spedizione Bottego,
ing settlements of Dambille, Mele, Algude, Zame, viaggio d’esplorazione nell’Africa Orientale, Milano 1899.
Zaziýe, Bode, Monne, Dambala, Zillo, Zemute Wolde Gossa Tadesse
and Urga. The open market at Zillo is the central
market and traders come from surrounding parts
of Gamo with lowland and highland crops on Gäräsu Duki
Tuesdays and Saturdays, the two market-days. G.D. (K:By 7i ; b. ca. 1904/05, d. 7 June 1966)
Zillo dubuša is the main assembly-place where was an Oromo patriot. He was born in the Wäliso
matters of interest to the settlements listed above area, some 100 km south-west of Addis Abäba.
are discussed. Scott refers to G. as a village. During the ÷Italian war 1935–36, he fought
The guta neighbourhoods listed above centred the Italian army as a vanguard soldier in the bat-
around G. consider themselves as belonging to tles of Tämben and ÷Maycäw. After the Ethio-
Zato son of Onte, their founding ancestor. The pian army was defeated, he moved to his native
last official kawo ritual king of this place was the area in western Šäwa and started his career as a
late Coqo Conde. patriot in the ÷Resistance movement. He fought
for five years in Wäliso, Baóo, Mäcca, Ammayya,
Nonno, Botor, Cäbo, Dilala, Gurage and Soddo,
as well as in other areas. G.D. was given the title
of ÷ras by his followers during the resistance,
but dropped it during the restoration. He hanged
an Italian spy, Castagna, who was sent to him by
the Italian General ÷Martini pretending to be an
envoy of peace.
G.D. was a warrior who fought through all the
five years of the Italian rule. At the end of the
Liberation campaign in 1941, he was the one to
head the campaign for the liberation of ÷Gimma
on 17 June 1941.
Emperor Òaylä Íéllase I gave G.D. the title of
däggazmaó some time after the Liberation and
appointed him as governor of the provinces of
Arsi, Gamo Gofa and Illubabor, successively.
Later G.D. was appointed senator. He died in
1966 and was buried in Wäliso (MahHorse 279).
Today G. is the administrative centre of the Src.: GSMen; GueCopMen, s. index.
Lit.: Kenneth Cecil Gandar Dower, Abyssinian Patch-
wäräda of Bonke. According to Wändémmu work, London 1949; Richard David Greenfield, Ethio-
Gäzzahäñ (personal communication), the popu- pia: a New Political History, New York 1965; Taddässä
lation of the town, and the wäräda is 109,441. Zäwälde, 3<#y K:uby Y!?(4,y K<l (Qärin
Prior to the choice of G., Bazza was the admin- gärrämäw: Yäýarbäññoóó tarik, ‘Those who Survived were
istrative town also known correctly as Bonke Amazed: a History of the Patriots’), Addis Abäba 1960
A.M. [1967/68 A.D.]; MahHorse 279.
Bazza. Bazza was a well-fortified garrison town
Tabor Wami
of the conquering soldiers of ÷Ménilék II, locat-
ed high in the mountains. Other garrison towns
within close range of G. include Balta Qara,
Gulta, ÷Cenóa, ÷Koddo and Ezo in Gamo Gardafui
country and ÷Gardula further south. They were Cape G. (also Guardafui, 11 ° 44 ' 12'' N –
administered by high ranking military officers. 51 ° 13 ' 24'' E; Somali Raas Caseyr) forms the
÷Dace eastern end of the Somali peninsula and of the
Src.: interview with ato Wändémmu Gäzzahäñ from African continent. Mount Hooda (1,400 m
Gäräse, ca. 56 years, Arba Ménc, 9 September 2000. A.S.L.), a prolongation of the mountain chain
702
Gardula
14–20; Guida; Jörg Janzen, “Ländliche Entwicklung in
Somalia: Strukturen, Probleme, Tendenzen”, Geographi-
sche Rundschau 38, 11, 1986, 557–64; David D. Laitin
– Said S. Samatar, Somalia, Nation in Search of State,
Boulder, CO – London 1987; Ioan Myrddin Lewis, A
Modern History of Somalia: Nation and State in the Horn
of Africa, Harlow 1980 (²1982).
Alain Gascon
Gardula
G. (also Gardulla) is the name of a mountain, a
town and an awragga, which included a wäräda
by the name of G.
The mountain of G. (2,521 m A.S.L.) is locally
known as Horoma Kalo in the language of the
÷Diraašša people. The Diraašša form one of the
four or more ethnic groups living around this
mountain. G. mountain lies west of the town of
Gidole (Amh.; Diraašša: Kitoole), which is locat-
of Somaliland, falls to the sea, forming a 244-m ed at an elevation of around 1,538 m A.S.L. on the
cliff which separates the Gulf of Aden from the western escarpment of the rift valley. G. ceased to
Indian Ocean to the west and east, respectively. be the name of the town – founded as a military
During the Italian colonization, a lighthouse camp – when it was moved downhill to its present
was built on the top of the cape, named after the location and named Gidole during the brief Ital-
Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi, responsible ian occupation (Hansamo Hamela 2000:138).
for the offensive that concluded disastrously at According to Gäbrä Íéllase’s map of 1930
÷ŸAdwa in 1896. The site protected the strait (GueCopMen), G. was an administrative centre
between Somalia and the island of Soqotra in of the ÷Boräna region, then a large territory
the Yemen. governed by fitawrari ÷Habtä Giyorgis, ase
On the coast of the Indian Ocean, 200 km to Ménilék II’s War Minister. Boräna territory as
the south, the Società Saline e Industrie della shown on the map comprised the people and
Somalia Settentrionale (Majurteen) built on both territories of Cäbo, Soddo, Gurage, part of
sides of the peninsula of Ra’s Hafun (Somali: Wällamo, Qutóa, Boreda, Guèmo, Konso and
Raas Xaafun) the largest salt-works in the world. Boräna. In this capacity, G. was the name of a
The firm, constituted in Milan in 1922, built a town on Mount G. which was established after
town for 5,000 inhabitants called Dante and
started production in 1931. This gigantic project,
a symbol of Mussolini’s colonization, went
bankrupt in 1935. The hinterland (province of
Bari) was the territory of the sultan of Majeer-
teen – name of the clan eponym, – a subdivi-
sion of the clan-family of ÷Daarood. Since the
de-facto independence of ÷Somalia, there have
been sporadic combats with the “Puntland” for
the possession of the port of Boosaaso, in the
Gulf of Aden.
Lit.: Lee Vincent Cassanelli, The Shaping of Somali
Society: Reconstructing the History, of a Pastoral People.
1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982; Margaret Castagno,
Historical Dictionary of Somalia, Metuchen 1975; Marcel
Djama, “Trajectoire du pouvoir en pays somali”, Ca-
hiers d’Études Africaines 147, 37, 2, 1997, 403–28; Alain
Gascon, “Crise nationale et crise spatiale en Somalie”, in:
The Tragedy of Somalia, Toronto 1991 (Refuge: Canada’s
Periodical on Refugees, special issue on Somalia 12, 5),
703
Gardula
The wäräda territory that took the name of G.

was constituted by Diraašša, Mosiye and Haralle
peoples.
Today the name G. has been narrowed down to
represent its original referent, the mountain west
of the town of Gidole, after the rearrangment of
the whole ethnic-territorial complex of Ethiopia
during the last decade of the last century.
Recently the phrase Konso-Gardula has
reappeared in archaeology to denote a palaeo-
anthropological area discovered by the 1991
palaeo-anthropological inventory of Ethiopia in
View over Gidole kätäma towards the Gardula mountains;
the Southern Main Ethiopian Rift.
photo 1950/52 by Eike Haberland, courtesy of the Froben-
ius Institut, Frankfurt am Main (023-Ha66 030–12) Src.: GueCopMen.
Lit.: Hermann Amborn, “History of Events and Internal
the conquest of the territory in the late 1890s. A Development: the Example of the Burji-Konso Cluster”,
travel account by Harrison (1901:269) testifies to in: PICES 8, 751–61; Birhane Asfaw et al., “The Earli-
est Acheulean from Konso-Gardula”, Nature 360, 1992,
the use of G. as the name of an administrative 732–35; Hansamo Hamela, (6)-y #M_1\y ]P!y
centre: “At Gardula we camped in the middle sx;z Y;=$y Bw-y K<l (Bädäbub Ityopya wägénna
of terraced gardens, all the hillside being leveled lémad; yädéraše hézb tarik, ‘Traditions and Customs in
up by thousands of low stone walls: none of the Southern Ethiopia. The History of the Diraaššaa People’),
Addis Abäba 1993 A.M. [2000 A.D.]; Arnold Wienholt
plots are more than 2 m wide, and yet hundreds Hodson, Seven Years in Southern Abyssinia, Weastport,
of miles are treated in this manner. Here we were Conn. 1970 [1st ed. 1927]; PankHist II, 199f., 252, 358; Ge-
courteously entertained by fitawrari Wäldo, org Kurt Rein, Abessinien: eine Landeskunde nach Rei-
who now represents the last Abyssinian outpost; sen und Studien in den Jahren 1907–1913, Berlin 1918–20;
Hugh Scott, Journey to the Gughe Highlands (Southern
owing to the fearful drought, the more advanced Ethiopia) 1948–9, London 1952; Ivo Strecker, Berimba’s
posts at Hamär Koki and on the Omo have all Resistance: the Life and Times of a Great Hamar Spokes-
been forced to retire. This officer has 1500 sol- man as Told by his Son Aike (Baldambe), ms., Mainz 2000;
diers under his command, who spend all their Yohannes Zeleke, “The Early Acheulean of Africa with
Pick: a Case Study at KGA4 A2 Assemblage Konso-
time killing elephants for the emperor; he told us
Gardula (Ethiopia)”, paper presented at the 5th World
they alone have sent 1500 tusks to Addis in the Archaeological Congress, Washington, DC, June 2003.
last two months, which possibly accounts for the Wolde Gossa Tadesse
few we found.”
Hodson, the British Consul who lived in G.,
also used the name in the sense of a garrison Gärima
town: “… I wished to call upon Fitaurari Waldi, Abba G. (K<x ; also known as Yéshaq) was one
the Governor of Boran, whose headquarters of the so-called ÷Nine Saints – holy monks of
were at Gardula” (Hodson 1970:33). foreign origin who came to Ethiopia in Aksum-
Hansamo Hamela (op. cit. 22f.) uses the term G. ite times, between the 5th and 6th cent. A.D.
as a town-name as well as the name of an adminis- In traditional sources both the composition
trative territory which includes many entities. of this group and the chronology of individual
Immediately after the withdrawal of the Ital- Saints have some variations. The main source
ians, Gidole was made the administrative capital on G. is a Homily (÷Dérsan, in this case not
of ÷Gamo Gofa for a brief period of time. The much differing from a Vita or ÷gädl) in his
centre was later transferred to ÷Cenóa. From honour written, according to the text, by a
that time until 1991, G. remained one of the four certain ÷Yohannés, eppisqoppos of Aksum
awraggas of Gamo Gofa. It included the wärädas (the memorial reading in the ÷Sénkéssar for
of Gumayde, Konso, Kamba, Bonke and G. 17 Säne is thought to have been extracted from
During the Därg rule the number of wärädas the Homily, s. GuiSyn I, 626–29). Here, the
was rearranged and was limited to three. Saint’s father is Masféyanos, “king of Rome
The population of G. awragga consisted of [÷Byzantium?]”; his mother, Séféngéya (or
÷Gamo, ÷Konso, ÷Gawwada and mixed com- Féngiya), remained barren for twelve years prior
munities of Konso, Diraašša, ÷Burgi and Kore. to G.’s birth. The child received the baptismal
704
Gärima
name of Yéshaq; he later succeeded his father

and reigned seven years. Then, following a call
from abba ÷Päntälewon, he left his kingdom
and went to ÷Aksum (Conti Rossini 1897:
153). Historically, this could have happened in
the late 5th cent. (CRStor 158–61; BrakKirche
127–31). Päntälewon initiated G. into monastic
life. At the request of a “noble from Aksum”
and in order to save Ethiopia from its king, the
“dragon” (÷Arwe), G. continued praying for 40
days together with the other Saints; thereafter,
the “dragon” was killed by a God-sent lightning
strike (Conti Rossini 1897:158) and the pious
÷Kaleb became “king of Ethiopia”. The inclu-
sion of the folklore legend of the “serpent king”,
more commonly linked with the legendary fig-
ure of ÷Ménilék I and pre-Christian times, is a
striking difference from other traditions (e.g.,
about ÷Päntälewon, ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi), in
which the arrival of the Nine Saints is put in the
time of AlŸamida/Al(Ÿa)meda (cp. ÷Éllä ŸAmida), Miracle of abba Gärima: the wondrous harvest; miniature
succeeded by ÷Tazena and ÷Kaleb (one of the from ms. Mashafä Íéllase; Óäläqot, Church of the Trinity;
mss. of the Homily has a passage aimed at lend- turn of the 19th and 20th cent.; photo 1993, courtesy of
ing chronological support to the unusual moving Michael Gervers
of the “serpent king” legend to the time of G., s. ca. 230–40 A.D.: ÷GRMT, found in Sabaean in-
Conti Rossini 1897:171f.). scriptions from ca. 230–40 A.D. (cp. Marrassini
When the Nine Saints decided to disperse 1999:328). Yet, no longer understood as such, the
throughout the country, G. went to ÷Mädära name was traditionally explained in connection
(near ŸAdwa), where he remained working with GéŸéz gärrämä (‘frighten, scare, astonish’).
miracles. At that place, called Däbrä Mädära According to the homily, when the Saint was
(or Betä Mäsqäl) in the homily, King ÷Gäbrä (falsely) accused of celebrating the mass without
Mäsqäl – the second successor of Kaleb – built a keeping a strict fast before hand, Päntälewon
church for G. (Conti Rossini 1897:167), which is wanted discretely to inquire him, and G. had
believed to be the nucleus of the celebrated mon- all the stones and trees around move far away.
astery of ÷Énda Abba Gärima. G. became liqä Deeply impressed, Päntälewon would have ex-
kahénat of Mädära; the homily vaguely reports, claimed: abba kébur gärrämkäni!, ‘Oh honour-
once, that G. “was beaten” (ibid. 169), thus pos- able father, you did astound me!’ (Conti Rossini
sibly alluding to some resistance that the Evan- 1897:165; a different story, though based on a
gelizers of Aksum’s vicinities had to face. similar sentence, is in the Gädlä Päntälewon, s.
The homily recounts a number of G.’s mira- Conti Rossini 1904:60). Nor does it seem more
cles, some of which became emblematic of his tenable that G. participated in the creation of the
personality and, in general, of the holy power Ethiopic ÷Bible, as it might be weekly surmised
of the Nine Saints: wondrous growth of cereals from a passage in the Homily (s. Conti Rossini
and grapes for Eucharistic bread and wine (Conti 1897:161f.; ÷Syriac influences).
Rossini 1897:161 and 168, where his spiritual In medieval Ethiopia, Yéshaq/G. was widely
children are said to have built “40 communities” venerated. The homily in his honour dates back
of 150 monks each), a fallen pen-qäläm sprout- to the 15th cent. (the brief introduction strongly
ing out (cp. Conti Rossini 1904:51f.; Guidi 1894: advocates the cult of St. Mary, Conti Rossini 1897:
62f.; YaqMist I, 122f.). 49). The name Yéshaq prevails in the homily and
A Syriac etymology of the name G. has been other texts, whereas G., seemingly, is favoured in
rejected in favour of an Ethiopic one (s. Conti popular devotion (Conti Rossini 1942:167, 201):
Rossini 1897:140). It is indeed an Aksumite it labels, among others, the images of G. in the
name, already borne by an Ethiopian prince in famous wall-paintings of Énda Abunä Yémýata
705
Gärima
(÷Gwéh, s. Gerster 1968, fig. 188) and a in frag- ian authorities twice imprisoned him in Gondär.
ment of canvas from ÷Däbrä Damo (Mordini He fought with British and Ethiopian forces in
1952). The 15th-cent. Acts of Zämikaýel Arägawi the liberation of Gondär and Bägemdér in Octo-
first speak of Yéshaq (nephew of Zämikaýel) and ber and November 1941 and was decorated for
later of “Yéshaq who is G.” (Guidi 1894:62, his wartime service. After the war, G.T. was a
63). However, G., not Yéshaq, is mentioned in lieutenant in the Gondär police force, and, from
a homily by “Julian [Luléyanos], bishop of Ak- 1946 to 1965, a public school administrator in
sum”, also praising ÷Yémýata and ÷Guba, that Óélgä and in Gondär.
is transmitted in ms. EMML 1763 (Getatchew G.T. devoted the remainder of his life to re-
Haile 1985) from Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos, dating searching and writing about 19th- and 20th-cent.
between 1336 and 1340 (cp. ms. London, BritLib Gondär. His best known works are: Gondäre
Or. 8192, fol. 119vb–20vb). Earlier attestations of bägaššaw, about the patriots in Bägemdér;
Yéshaq/G. are missing; it cannot be excluded that Abba Tatäq Kasa: Yäqwaraw anbäsa, about ase
this Saint is a conflation of two different histori- Tewodros II ; and Yämäkära däwäl käMéséwwa
cal persons: Yéshaq and G. éskä Mätämma, about the late 19th-cent. chal-
Src.: Ignazio Guidi, “Il ‘Gadla’ Aragâwî’”, MRALm ser. lenges posed by the Italians and the dervishes. He
5a, 2, 1894, 54–96; EMML 1834, fol. 11a–15b, 16a–20a, 96a; also wrote on other topics, including Gondär city
Carlo Conti Rossini, “L’omelia di Yohannes, vescovo history.
di Aksum, in onore di Garima”, in: Actes du IXe Con-
grès International des Orientalistes. Section Sémitique, Src.: Gärimä Taffärä, Q#6>y (N#b (Gondäre
Paris 1897, 139–77; Id., Vitae sanctorum antiquiorum, I. Bägašaw, ‘The Gondäre with his Shield’), Addis Abäba
Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Louvain 1904 (CSCO 26, 27 1949 A.M. [1956 A.D.]; Id., !+y K/8y jDy Y<=by
!#(D (Abba Tatäq Kasa: Yäqwaraw anbäsa, ‘Abba Tatäq
[SAe 9, 10]), 44, 51, 52, 60 (text) = 40, 46, 47f., 55f. (tr.);
Id., Proverbi, tradizioni e canzoni tigrine, Verbania 1942, Kasa: the Lion of Qwara’), Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969
A.D.]; Id., Yug=y 6]sy gze`y &Fgy uHx (Yämäkära
167, 201; CRAbb no. 129; KinBibl 75, no. 70; StrBritLib
däwäl käméséwwa éskä Mätämma, ‘The Harbinger of
91, no. 56 [Or. 8192]; YaqMist I, 122f. (text) = 74f. (tr.);
Adversity from Massawa to Mätämma’), Addis Abäba
GuiSyn I, 626–29; BudSaint 1009f.; Marius Chaîne, “Ré-
1963 A.M. [1971 A.D.]; interviews with Gärima Taffärä in
pertoire des Salam et Malkeýe”, ROC 18, 1913, 193–203,
Gondär, 1972–73, especially 4 May 1972; interview with
337–57, here 338, no. 200.
Gäbru Kasa Yéggézaw in Gondär, 16 November 2000.
Lit.: Getatchew Haile, “The Homily of Luléyanos,
Lit.: Y!Ny K<xy KD:y !O?y YB^]My K<l (Yäýato
Bishop of Axum, on the Holy Fathers”, ABoll 103, 1985,
Gärima Taffärä accér yähéywät tarik, ‘A Short Account
385–91; BrakKirche 127–31; CRStor 158–61; Osvaldo
of the Life of Gärima Taffärä’), ms., Gondär, 11 August
Raineri, “Garima, in: EncSan vol. 2, 971f. (Lit.); Georg
1982.
Gerster, Kirchen im Fels. Entdeckungen in Äthiopien, LaVerle B. Berry
Zürich 1968, fig. 188; DicEthBio 70; SerHist 118; Paolo
Marrassini, “Ancora sul problema degli influssi siriaci in
età aksumita”, in: Luigi Cagni (ed.), Biblica et Semitica.
Studi in memoria di Francesco Vattioni, Napoli 1999 (Isti- Garlic
tuto Universitario Orientale. Dipartimento di Studi Asia- G. (Allium sativum; Amh. |O y %#h?M näc
tici, Ser. Minor 59), 325–37, here 328; Antonio Mordini, šénkurt, Tgn. c*9 y %L?J saŸda šégurti, Oromo
“Un’antica pittura etiopica”, RSE 11, 1952 [1953], 30–32; qullubbii adii) belongs to the family Liliaceae
Marc-Antoine van den Oudenrijn, La Vie de Saint Za
Mika’êl ’Aragawi, Fribourg (Suisse) 1939, 10ff. and has its origin in Central Asia and in the
Denis Nosnitsin Near East. The plant was used more than 5,000
years ago by the Sumerians and later in Egypt
and India. It is one of the oldest cultivated plants
Gärima Taffärä and is widely grown and used in many parts of
G.T. (K<xy KD: , b. 24 June 1912, d. 11 August Ethiopia and Eritrea. Ethiopia ranks among the
1982, Gondär) was a priest, teacher, patriot, 20 countries with the highest G.-production (av-
administrator and author with profound knowl- erage annual production in 2004, 71,000 million
edge of the history and society of ÷Gondär and tons).
Bägemdér. A relatively small main bulb of G. is sur-
He received a traditional church education and rounded by a number of subsidiary bulbs, all en-
became an Orthodox priest and a public school closed by white husks forming a large bulb that
teacher. During the Italian occupation 1935–41, can become as big as a fist and is of plump shape
he joined the patriots, reporting on Italian activi- with flattened-out basis. The membranous skin
ties in Gondär and carrying intelligence between of the G.-bulb encloses up to 20 edible bulblets,
Khartoum and Bäläsä, activities, for which Ital- called cloves. G. is grown as an annual crop and
706
Gärmame Néway
is propagated by planting cloves or top bulblets. Nutrition 131, 2001, 1027–31; Khalid Rahman, “Histor-
It has a powerful, onion-like aroma and pungent ical Perspective on Garlic and Cardiovascular Disease”,
ibid. 977-79; Richard S. Rivlin, “Historical Perspec-
taste and is used in many national cuisines as a tive on the Use of Garlic”, ibid. 951–54; Lulu Muhe
relish. – Yemane Kidane – Desta Shamebo – Ingela Krantz
G. contains about 0.1 % essential oil, the prin- – Lennart Freij, “The Butajira Rural Health Project in
cipal components of which are diallyl disulfide, Ethiopia: Mothers’ Perceptions and Practices in the Care
of Children with Acute Respiratory Infections”, Interna-
diallyl trisulfide and allyl propyl disulfide, which tional Journal of Health Sciences 5, 3, 1994, 99–103; A.
have a positive effect on certain health disorders. Gebre Selassie, “Rituals of Childbirth in the Tigrigna of
However, only in recent times has G. been sub- Ethiopia (Axum Area)”, Newsletter of International Afri-
jected to scientific research. The four main areas can Committee for Traditional Practices affecting Health
of Women and Children 2, 1986, 9–11.
of research have covered G.’s effects on diseased
Anke Weissenborn
organisms (antimicrobial effects), its effects on
heart and blood-vessels (cardiovascular health),
its antioxidant effects and its potential for cancer
prevention. Positive effects have been demon- Gärmame Néway
strated in both animals and humans, though G.N. (K?xyy #`^ , b. 1924, Addis Abäba, d.
there is a need for more well-designed clinical 24 December 1960, near Addis Abäba) was the
trials, the better to determine therapeutic value, son of an ecclesiastical official from Goggam.
dosage levels and duration of treatment. Through his mother he belonged to the Moga
In Ethiopia and Eritrea G. bulbs are used family of the Šäwan nobility. His elder brother
either sliced or ground to flavour all kinds of was Brigadier General ÷Mängéítu Néway, com-
sauces, stews and salad dressings. It is generally mander of the Imperial Body Guard (1955–60).
mixed into all blended sauce-powders, such as After receiving primary education at Täfäri
÷bärbäre. Mäkwännén School in Addis Abäba, G.N.
Since ancient times, G. has been used in many joined the ÷Òaylä Íéllase I Secondary School.
cultures throughout the world as food, but also The Crown Prince ÷Asfa Wäsän sponsored his
as a folk remedy for various ailments. People in higher education in the United States, where he
Ethiopia and Eritrea, especially in rural areas, earned his B.A. degree from the University of
prize the healing effect of G. and make use of it Wisconsin (Madison) and his M.A. from Colum-
in different ways. E.g., mothers make their baby bia University. His M.A. thesis on land aliena-
smell G. when they notice that the child does tion in colonial Kenya was a veiled critique of
not feel well. G. is used together with honey class exploitation in his own country.
and butter, or in combination with other plant After his return from his studies, G.N. strove
remedies, in the treatment of malaria, eczema, to organize his fellow intellectuals with a view
and snake bites (Dawit Abebe – Ahadu Ayehu to inducing administrative reform. He first set
1993). Other authors report the use of G. in up a discussion group known as the “Qäcäne
the treatment of the common cold, (whooping) Club” (after the house in that neighbourhood
cough (Lulu Muhe et al., 1994) and pulmonary in the capital given to him by the progressive
tuberculosis (Dawit Dikasso – Tadesse Mola ras ÷Émméru Òaylä Íéllase). When that group
Tito 1999), as well as of influenza and symptoms failed to hold together, he sought to exert pres-
of gout. In the Tégréñña traditions, G. and rice sure through an alumni association of Kotäbe
are used together with kohl as a wound-dress- graduates.
ing when a child has been circumcized (Gebre Apprehensive of his radical views and his pre-
Selassie 1986). dilection for organization, the government tried
Src.: Food and Agriculture Organization, Major to remove him from the centre by appointing
Food and Agricultural Commodities and Producers, from him successively governor of Wälaytta and then
the FAO internet site.
Lit.: Dawit Abebe – Ahadu Ayehu, Medicinal Plants Giggiga. G.N. translated these posts of banish-
and Enigmatic Health Practices of Northern Ethiopia, ment – for they were little short of that – into
Addis Abeba 1993; Dawit Dikasso Dilbato – Tadesse models of equitable administration. Probably re-
Mola Tito, “Medicinal Preparation and Use of Garlic by alizing the inadequacy of such isolated measures,
Traditional Healers in Southern Nations Nationalities and
Peoples States, Ethiopia”, Ethiopian Journal of Health
he took the step that put him into the history
Development 13, 2, 1999, 93–99; John A. Milner, “A books. He is generally believed to have been the
Historical Perspective on Garlic and Cancer”, Journal of moving spirit behind the abortive ÷Coup d’état
707
Gärmame Néway
1960, led by his brother, Mängéítu, and enjoy- Lit.: HerTar 88; Bairu Tafla, “Four Ethiopian Bi-
ing the active support of ase Òaylä Íéllase I’s ographies: Däggazmac Gärmamé, Däggazmac Gäbrä
Egziabhér Moroda, Däggazmac Balóa and Käntiba Gäbru
security chief, Colonel ÷Wärqénäh Gäbäyyähu. Dästa”, JES 7, 2, 1969, 1–10; MahHorse 279f.; Òaylä
After the failure of the coup, G.N. and Mängéítu Zälläqa, Y6Fwx,y K?xyy K<l (Yädäggazmaó
managed to escape, but were hounded and dis- Gärmame tarik, ‘The History of Däggazmaó Gärmame’),
covered some weeks later at their hideout not ms. IES, n.d., 1–40.
far from the capital. G.N. died in the course of Bairu Tafla
the shootout; Mängéítu was captured, tried and
hanged. Garo ÷Käfa/Käfióóo
Lit.: Addis Hiwet, Ethiopia: from Autocracy to Revolu-
tion, London 1975, 90ff.; BZHist 211–15; Bahru Zewde, Garra
“The Intellectual and the State in Twentieth Century G. (F= ) is the name of a river that runs eastwards
Ethiopia”, PICES 12, 483–96; Christopher Clapham, from the highlands into the Awaš. A little to the
“The Ethiopian Coup”, Journal of Modern African Stud-
ies 6, 4, 1968, 495–507; Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: a north, the border between Šäwa and Wällo runs
New Political History, London, 1965, 336–418; Tekeste along the Borkäna river, another Awaš tributary.
Melake, The 1960 Coup d’Etat in Ethiopia, M.A. thesis, The river gave its name to a small village on a
Addis Ababa University 1990. bridge crossed by the Däse–Addis Abäba road
Bahru Zewde and to an awragga in Šäwa (up to 1974), with
Fursi as its capital. The village of G. is so small
that it did not find any mention either in the
Gärmame Wäldä Hawaryat Guida, or in the CSA censuses of 1970, 1984 or
Däggazmaó G. (K?xyy ]s6y =`?\M , b. ca. 2000. At the beginning of the 1970s, the awragga
1810, Tagulät, Šäwa, d. 1899, Qäóäma, Awaš val- was renamed as Yéfat–Témmuga, a name bor-
ley) served ÷Íahlä Íéllase, ÷Òaylä Mäläkot and rowed from the emirate of Ifat, with Efeson/
÷Ménilék II as a military commander, provincial Ataye as its capital.
governor and royal counsellor. Hardly anything The territory of the awragga of G./Yéfat-
is known about his formal education, but he was Témmuga (10,900 km²) included parts of the
admired as the most intelligent and successful highlands (÷Däga) inhabited by the Christian
strategist by European travellers and Ethiopian ÷Amhara, practising cereal agriculture, and the
writers. lowlands (÷Qwälla), occupied by the Muslim
G. quelled through a stratagem rebellions of ÷ŸAfar, nomads and stockbreeders. In-between,
the Oromo in the region from Sälale to the Awaš along the bordering escarpment of the Rift Val-
valley in 1848–49 and made his seat at Qäóäma. ley, there are the ÷Oromo and ÷Argobba, the
He submitted to ase ÷Tewodros II in the late latter claiming descent from Muslim merchants.
1850s and stayed at his court until mid-1865 They are farmers, cultivating the slopes.
when he, together with a few other officials from
Šäwa, smuggled out Ménilék from Mäqdala.
Upon his return to Šäwa, he resumed the admin-
istration of his old province, which was, how-
ever, limited this time to the Awaš valley.
In 1876, G. was assigned to act as regent when
néguí Ménilék travelled to Bägemdér. He foiled
the coup attempt of märéd azmaó Òaylä Mikaýel
and wäyzäro Bafäna and pacified Šäwa before
the néguí returned.
Unlike many of his peers, G. preferred landed
property and the storage of grain to anything
else. During the great famine of 1888–92, he was
the only notable who could supplement the de-
pleted granaries of the imperial palace. He died
of illness and was buried at the Lalibäla church
cemetery of Qäóäma.
Src.: GueCopMen, s. index.
708
Garre
With the administrative reform of 1991, the

awragga disappeared: the lowlands were incor-
porated into the ŸAfar kéllél and the highlands
into the Amhara kéllél (North Šäwa Admin-
istrative Zone). Between 1970 and 1984, its
population more than doubled, from 141,500
(14 inhabitants/km²) to 331,271 inhabitants
(32.8 inhabitants/km²). By adding the wärädas
of the highlands, including Ansokiya and Gänz
(225.4 inhabitants/km²), Efrata and Gädäm
(281.9 inhabitants/km²), Mafud Mäzazo Mog
and Nadära (132.8 inhabitants/km²), as well as of
Qäwät (151.5 inhabitants/km²), the population
reaches almost 500,000 inhabitants.
Lit.: CSA 1998; CSA 2000; CSA 1984; Élisabeth Chou-
vin, Gestion des ressources végétales et pratiques paysan-
nes en Éthiopie Centrale. Le cas des oélagineux, thèse
d’ethnobotanique, Musée d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris
2003; Dessalegn Rahmato, Famines and Survival Stra-
tegies: a Case Study for Northeast Ethiopia, Uppsala 1991; Hawiye” family, who had preceded the ÷Haw-
Éloi Ficquet, “À la découverte des amhariques. Langues iye in a very early migration from the north of
et histoires éthiopiennes en regard”, Cahiers d’Études
Africaines 41, 163–64, cahiers 3–4, 2001, 497–515; EMAt- Somalia. Local traditions investigated by Mo-
las; Guida; MesfGeogr. hamed Nuuh Ali (1985) and already referred to
Alain Gascon by Cerulli (1957) and Turton (1975) ascribe to
the G. (or a part thereof) a central role in the “So-
malization” of the Lower Juba and of the coastal
Garre area around its mouth. In the course of their
G. (also referred to in the literature as Garreh, migrations, the G. came into contact with the
Gerra, Gherra, Garri etc.) is a Somali clan found Northern-Swahili-speaking Bajuni of the Bajuni
in southern Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya. Ac- Islands (certain Bajuni sections claim a G. origin)
cording to Lewis (1955:27), the G. inhabit at least and dominated the whole area until the Orma
four different locations: the lower reaches of the invasions of the 16th cent. The most important
Šäbälle river near Awdegle, in southern Somalia; linguistic result of the G. presence in what is
two areas in Ethiopia: around the border town of today southern Somalia and northern Kenya has
Dolo in the Upper Juba and bordering and inter- been the Somalization of the Boni (or Aweera), a
mingled with the ÷Arsi in an area between the hunting and gathering group of a few thousands
Wabi Gestro (Wäyb) and the Wabi Mäna; and living in the forest belt stretching along the coast
further to the south in northern Kenya between of the Indian Ocean, immediately to the south of
the Aguraan and Digodia Somali. the Somalia-Kenya border (Tosco 1994b).
Except for those G. living along the lower While nothing specifically links the G. to the
course of the Šäbälle river in southern Somalia north, there does not seem to be any evidence
and who speak a distinctive Somali variety, all either of an ancient southward migration, all
the other G. are to a greater or lesser extent or- pointing to a “southern” origin of the G. in an
omized and are part and parcel of those groups of area of strong Oromo/Somali (and Rendille)
“Proto-Rendille-Somali” culture which, accord- interaction. The internal clan-structure of the
ing to Schlee (1989), have undergone “Boorani- G. supports this view: like many groups of the
zation” after the 16th cent. While Booranization area, the G. divide themselves into two moieties,
is apparently complete as far as language is which among the G. are called Tuuf and Quran-
concerned, the G. consider themselves and are yow; many almost identical names of sections
considered Somali. are further found among the Rendille (cf. Schlee
As to the agnatic position of the G. within the 1989 and Tosco 1994a).
Somali clanic families, Colucci (1924), followed Linguistically, the G. of southern Somalia
by Lewis (1955), considered them to represent speak a distinctive variety of Somali (Tosco
the numerically most important clan of the “pre- 1989), which Lamberti (1985) classifies within
709
Garre
his highly heterogeneous “Digil group” of tached from each other. The G. disappears in the
dialects (although, agnatically speaking, the G. arid lowlands north of ÷Kassala in an interior
have nothing to do with the Digil clanic family). delta, the G.-Delta, its waters reaching the Nile
Giving credit to the historical traditions referred drainage system underground in periods of great
to above, the language of the G. (i.e. of the G. water flow and joining the ÷Atbara. The lower
of southern Somalia) finds its closest linguistic G. has water between 70 to 110 days a year (end
relative, not among any other Somali dialects, of June to mid-September). However, the soil
but in the Boni language. The most important holds the water for about half a year, assuring
and unique isogloss linking G. and Boni is the intense cultivation, especially in the G.-Delta.
devoicing of initial /d/ and /g/ (whereby these Starting from the beginning of the Egyptian
G. call themselves Karre and their language Af- expansion in the 19th cent., the G. attracted some
Karre). interest among the new Egyptian-Sudanese
All the other G. groups, as anticipated, speak leadership due to the fertile soil and its regular
varieties of (Southern) Oromo. irrigation in the rainy seasons. The lower G. was
Lit.: Mohamed Nuuh Ali, History of the Horn of Af- included in the Egyptian realm in 1840 (and at-
rica, 1000 B.C.–1500 A.D.: Aspects of Social and Economic tached to Kassala), while the upper G. was only
Change between the Rift Valley and the Indian Ocean,
Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, CA later annexed. In the 1860s the upper G. served as
1985; Enrico Cerulli, Somalia: scritti vari editi ed inedi- a border between the Egyptian ÷Taka province
ti, Roma 1957; Massimo Colucci, Principi di diritto con- and French-Ethiopian-ruled Bogos (÷Bilin).
suetudinario della Somalia Italiana Meridionale, Firenze Òidiw IsmaŸil baša mentioned in 1863 to a Brit-
1924; Marcello Lamberti, Die Somali-Dialekte,
Hamburg 1985; LewPeople 27; Günther Schlee, Iden-
ish diplomat that he had no claims to Bogos or
tities on the Move: Clanship and Pastoralism in Northern other Ethiopian territory “on the other side of
Kenya, Manchester 1989; Mauro Tosco, Schizzo gram- the G.” (contradicting, however, earlier claims),
maticale del dialetto Karre di Qoryooley, Roma 1989; Id., but on the Kunama. In 1869 he still seemed to
“Notes on the Agnatic Structure of the Garre (Southern
Somalia)”, Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli 54, 3,
accept the frontier marked by the G. (Longrigg
1994a, 401–06; Id., “The Historical Reconstruction of a 1945:105), while in 1872 the latter ceased to exist
Southern Somali Dialect: Proto-Karre-Boni”, Sprache as a border when Bogos was formally annexed
und Geschichte in Afrika 15, 1994b, 153–209; E. Romily and, together with Taka, ÷Barka and G., at-
Turton, “Bantu, Galla and Somali Migrations in the tached to the Red Sea Coastal Province of the
Horn of Africa: a Reassessment of the Juba/Tana Area”,
JAH 16, 4, 1975, 519–37. Ottoman empire (÷Habeš).
Mauro Tosco In the 1880s the advance of the ÷Mahdists was
stopped close to the G. by ras ÷Alula Éngéda,
who integrated the area into the ÷Märäb Mällaš
Gaš in exchange of his alliance with Great Britain.
The G. (Arab. tB¥ªA ja, Òur al-Qaš, in the Sudan However, following Italian colonial advance,
pronounced Òor al-Gaš; Kunama Sona, Soba) is Kassala was occupied by Italian troops. Sub-
a seasonal river running through Eritrea and the sequently, the whole upper G. region (with the
Sudan. About 680 km long, it originates in the Kunama and Nara) became Italian. For the rec-
Eritrean highlands south-west of Asmära (called
there ÷Märäb). In dialectology the term “G.”
designates a Bega dialect; the G. region is an an-
cient settlement-area, allowing a local dialect to
develop (s. Morin 1999).
Debates among 19th-cent. European geogra-
phers on whether the G. and the Märäb were one
river were solved by ÷Munzinger on his expedi-
tion to the Kunama (Munzinger 1890:359). From
Arakebu on, the Märäb leaves the mountains and
enters into the plains, in the beginning flowing
underground. At this stage it is known under the
name G., respectively Sona or Soba (ibid. 360,
map). Hydrologically it is the same river, but The Upper Gaš, Kunama area, Eritrea; photo April 1993,
in local tradition and naming both parts are de- courtesy of Paul B. Henze
710
Gaš
ognition of these new territories, Italy left Kas-

sala to the British. This exchange of territories
was realized legally by the 1902 border treaty
(÷Boundaries).
Originally the G.-Delta was a savanna, domi-
nated by tamarisk trees, that served as an impor-
tant grazing-ground for the local Tégre and Beni
ŸAmér herders. Already in the 1840s a canal had
been built to irrigate the vast plain west of Kas-
sala, abandoned in about the 1870s. Then about
3,000 ha were irrigated by the G. waters (Won-
dimeh Tilahun 1979:129). The first culture in the
G.-Delta, still existing today, was cotton. In the
period of the Mahdiya state it was largely re-
placed by durra and later, when it was under the
British, again by cotton. In ca. 1901 about 600 ha
were irrigated, as only small canals remained in
use. By 1910 this had increased to 2,000 ha due
to the construction of the new Kassala canal in between Italy and Great Britain. In 1901 Italy
1905/06. Further canals followed until the 1920s, declared that, while keeping her right to the
the irrigated area increasing to 6,000 ha (ibid. G., the use of the water would be regulated “in
129f.). In addition to cotton-plantations, the G. accordance with the principle of good neighbor-
waters flooded wells, grazing-grounds and fields ship” (Wondimeh Tilahun 1979:69). In 1924–25
with food-crops. the Eritrean Governor Jacopo Gasparini and the
Today the G.-Delta is still one of the most Governor-General of the Sudan regulated in de-
important agricultural centres of the Sudan (cp. tail the use of the G. waters, following the project
Geographisch-Kartographisches Institut Meyer of a huge dam, built in 1924-27 by the Italians
1968). An irrigation system consisting of five near Täsänäy (s. ibid. 121–34). British and Italian
main channels, starting from the eastern branch experts then prepared the agreement that water
of the G., provides water for the plantations dur- up to the discharge of “5 metres cube per second
ing the rainy season. The Delta comprises about will be entirely at the disposal of the Govern-
280.000 ha, up to 50 % of which can be irrigated; ment of Eritrea for the works at Tessenei” (ibid.
over 20.000 ha are irrigated yearly, the distribu- 127), while the surplus was to be shared with the
tion of water changing on a yearly basis. Cotton Kassala Province (e.g., when 20 m/second would
dominates (up to 80 % high-quality cotton), be reached, 10 m³ would “be passed on for the
with an additional of ca. 20 % of the products Province of Kassala”). The Sudanese Govern-
consisting of barley and, in small quantities, cas- ment was paying an annual share of the sums
tor-oil plant and vegetables in smaller gardens. earned from the irrigations to Eritrea.
During the dry season fields traditionally be- In Italian colonial times the Commissariato di
come camel-grazing areas again. Gasc-Setit, named after the two rivers border-
Following the former British rules, the grounds ing it, was created in 1909, encompassing the
are redistributed yearly on the basis of rents paid Kunama and other groups at the G. (÷Eritrea,
by local half-sedentary farmers and migrant- administrative division). Merging with the Com-
workers. A relatively high percentage of these missariato di Barca in the 1930s, the region was
are migrants from Western Africa (25%, ibid.), then called Bassopiano Occidentale. Only in
especially ÷Hausa, who settled here in the 19th the 1960s was the province of G.-Setit created.
and 20th cent. in the course of their pilgrimage to Within the modern Eritrean state, the Province
Mecca. The traditional trans-African pilgrimage of G.-Setit existed from 1991 until 1995. It main-
route crosses the G.-Delta. ly comprised the Kunama-land, the Nara and
As the G. is of crucial importance for the some Tégre and Beni ŸAmér territories. In 1995
irrigation of the cultures both in the Eritrean the administrative division was reshaped and it
÷Täsänäy and Sudanese Kassala regions, it merged with Barka Province. Now it forms the
has been subject of several exchanges of notes G.-Barka.
711
Gaš
Src.: Kassala Province Files, National Records Office, Gabal Walad al-Baraq, suggesting that G.-group
Khartum, Sudan. communities may have existed in the western
Lit.: Didier Morin, Le texte légitime: pratiques littéraires
orales traditionnelles en Afrique du nord-est, Paris 1999 lowlands of Eritrea. The position of the G.
(Langues et Cultures Africaines 25); Geographisch- group settlements between the Nile Valley and
Kartographisches Institut Meyer (ed.), Meyers Konti- the southern Red Sea regions may have been
nente und Meere: Daten – Bilder – Karten, Afrika, Mann- vital to the development of the nascent cultural
heim – Wien – Zürich 1968, 147; Werner Munzinger,
Studi sull’Africa Orientale, Roma 1890, 359ff.; Stephen
complexity evident at sites such as Mahal Teg-
Helmsley Longrigg, A Short History of Eritrea, London linos. Rodolfo Fattovich, one of the principal
1945, 105; Wondimneh Tilahun, Egypt’s Imperial Aspi- investigators of G.-group archaeological sites in
rations over Lake Tana and the Blue Nile, Addis Ababa the ÷Kassala area, has argued that the G.-group
1979, 67–72, 121–34.
culture was a central component within a com-
Wolbert Smidt
plex inter-regional exchange network that linked
communities from the Egyptian and Nubian
Nile Valley areas (÷Nubia), the northern Horn
Gaš group of Africa and the southern Arabian Peninsula.
G. refers to the ancient agro-pastoral communi- Lit.: Anthony John Arkell, “Four Occupation Sites at
ties that existed between ca. 2700 B.C. and 1400 Agordat”, Kush 2, 1954, 33–62; Anthony E. Marks – Ka-
B.C. in the ÷Gaš river delta and adjacent areas rim Sadr, “Holocene Environments and Occupations in
the Southern Atbai, Sudan: a Preliminary Formulation”,
near the town of Kassala in the southern Atbai in: John Bower – David Lubell (eds.), Prehistoric Cul-
region of east-central Sudan. The G. group may tures and Environments in the Late Quaternary of Africa,
have developed from the earlier Butana-group Oxford 1988, 69–90; Rodolfo Fattovich, “The Late
culture of the southern Atbai (ca. 3800–2500 Prehistory of the Gash Delta, Sudan”, in: Lech Krzyza-
B.C.). G.-group-culture-period settlement-sites niak – Michal Kobusiewicz (eds.), Late Prehistory of
the Nile Basin and the Sahara, Poznan 1989, 481–98; Id.,
range in size from 0.5 to 12 ha in total area and “The Stelae of Kassala: a New Type of Funerary Monu-
are characterized by large residential villages ments in the Eastern Sudan”, Archéologie du Nil Moyen
surrounded by smaller more ephemeral occupa- 3, 1989, 55–69; Id., “Evidence of Possible Administrative
tions. The most complex G.-group settlement Devices in the Gash Delta (Kassala), 3rd–2nd Millennia
investigated to date is the site of Mahal Teglinos B.C.,” ibid. 5, 1991, 65–76; Id., “At the Periphery of the
Empire: the Gash Delta (Eastern Sudan),” in: W. Vivian
near Kassala. Clay-stamp seals, sealings, and to- Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to
kens have been found at Mahal Teglinos, suggest- Islam, London 1991, 40–48; Id., “The Contribution of the
ing that the site may have served administrative Recent Field Work at Kassala (Eastern Sudan) to Ethio-
functions within the region. Mahal Teglinos also pian Archaeology”, in: PICES 10, 43–51; Id. – Anthony
E. Marks – Abbas Mohammed-Ali, “The Archaeology
contains a formal burial-ground with three dis-
of the Eastern Sahel, Sudan: Preliminary Results”, The
tinct types of monolithic stelae marking graves. African Archaeological Review 2, 1984, 173–88; Karim
Subsistence remains recovered from archaeo- Sadr, The Development of Nomadism in Ancient North-
logical excavations at G.-group sites suggest that east Africa, Philadelphia 1991.
G.-group communities kept cattle and goats/sheep, Matthew C. Curtis
hunted wild animals, fished, gathered wild plant
resources and may have cultivated cereal crops Gasame/Gatame ÷Harro
such as barley. The G.-group ceramic (÷Pottery)
tradition is believed to be a regional and tempo- Gaséóóa ÷Däbrä Bahréy
ral variant of the larger Atbai ceramic tradition
(late 5th millennium B.C. to early 1st millennium Gasparini, Armido
A.D., ÷Atbara) of east-central Sudan. G.-group G. (b. 19 August 1913, Lizzana, Bologna, d. 21
ceramic assemblages are dominated by a high October 2004, Addis Abäba) was an Italian mis-
frequency of scraped ware, but also contain dash sionary. He attended elementary school in his
roulette, horizontal zig-zag and punctate-zoned home town and thereafter joined in Brescia the
rim-band decorative motifs. Ceramic sherds minor seminary of the Congregation founded by
similar to those of the G.-group ceramic tradi- Daniel Comboni. From 1934 to 1938 he studied
tion have been documented in surface scatters Theology at the Urban College of the ÷Sacra
at a number of archaeological sites surround- Congregatio de Propaganda Fide in Rome. He
ing the Eritrean town of Aqordät, including the was ordained priest in the Basilica of St. John
sites of Kokan, Ntanei, Šabeit, Dandaneit, and Lateran in Rome on 16 April 1938.
712
Gasparini, Jacopo
By October of 1938 G. had reached Gondär, mz.~y Y!I<6b\#y =`?\ (Abunä Komboni yäýafri-
where Pietro Villa was Apostolic prefect. During qawéyyan hawaréya, ‘Abunä Komboni, the Apostle of
Africans’), Aímära 1951 A.M. [1958/59 A.D.]; Id. (ed.),
that period of turmoil due to the war, he worked Y87Fy xLcFy ]#Os (Yäqéddus Matewos wängel, ‘The
as the Prefect’s secretary and engaged himself Gospel of St. Matthew’), Aímära 1957 A.M. [1964/65
in the study of ÷Amharic. He was also active A.D.]; Id., gue=Iy 87Fy YHb22y u#DD_y MzW?M
in trying to establish contacts with the clergy (Kämäshaf qéddus yätäwtatta mänfäsawi témhért, ‘The
and the monks of the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Spiritual Teaching Emanating from the Holy Bible’),
Awasa 1969 A.M. [1976/77 A.D.]; Id., Grammatica pra-
Täwahédo Church. However, the Italians were tica della lingua sidamo, Awasa 1978 [mimeographed];
defeated and he was made a prisoner of war. Id., Sidamo–English Dictionary, Bologna 1983; Id., w!#y
In 1941 G. moved to Asmära in the capacity H:M#y zFq#y !^y39{M (Zénnan tärätén méssélan nay
of superior of the Comboni Fathers in Eritrea. qädamot, ‘Amusing Stories, Tales and Proverbs of the
Ancients’), Aímara 1989 [repr.]; Id., Grammatica Gede’o,
In 1946, under his direction, construction work Trieste 1994 (Bibliotheca Africana 6); Id., Gujji Grammar,
began of the prestigious Comboni College (now 1979; Gede’o Grammar, 1. Exercises, 2. Proverbs, Folk
renamed “Barka School”), which was to be one of Tales, 1985; Rules of Handmaids of the Church, Amharic
the most-shining academic institutions in Eritrea tr. by Tedros Abraha, 1986.
and win nation-wide approval. From 1959 to 1973 Lit.: ErDizBio 141; Osvaldus Raineri, Codices Com-
boniani Aethiopici, Città del Vaticano 2000 (Bibliothecae
G. was in Rome as General Procurator of the Apostolicae Vaticanae codices manu scripti recensiti 47),
Comboni Missionaries to the Holy See. In 1960 viii, 308.
he was appointed Consultor of the then Sacred Tedros Abraha
Congregation for the Oriental Churches. On 16
February 1973 he was elected administrator of the
Apostolic prefecture of ÷Awasa (Sidamo). On 15 Gasparini, Jacopo
March 1979 the Prefecture of Awasa was raised to G. (b. 23 March 1879, Volpago del Montello,
an Apostolic vicariate: as its first bishop, G. was Treviso, d. 1 July 1941, Asmära) was an Italian
in charge until 20 December 1993; and, on ac- civil servant and Governor of the colonies of
count of his dedication he was asked to stay in his ÷Somalia and ÷Eritrea. After obtaining a degree
post well beyond the age limit of 75 in force for in law, in 1902 G. joined the Italian Ministry of
Catholic bishops. He spent the rest of his lifetime the Interior. In 1910 he became head of the Civil
between Awasa and Addis Abäba in the houses of Affairs of the Somali colonial Government and
formation of the “Handmaid of the Church”, a responsible for legislative and juridical reforms.
female religious congregation he had founded in From 1913 he was Governor ad interim until
1988. On his death he was buried in Awasa. 1919, when he was given the title and honorary
G. enjoyed the fame of being a skilful ad-
status of Secretary. From 1 June 1923 to 1 June
ministrator and organizer. He was not only a
1928 he was Governor of Eritrea. During this
prominent churchman, but an extraordinary
time G. set up a programme of land reclamation
linguist and polyglot who, besides in his na-
in Tessenei for cotton-plantation. In parallel, he
tive Italian, was also fluent in English, Hebrew,
fostered diplomatic relationships with the gov-
Arabic, GéŸéz, Amharic and Tégréñña. During
ernments of the Arabian peninsula, especially
his stay in Sidamo, he learned Sidaama, Guggi-
the ÷Yemen, with whom he signed a treaty of
Oromo and Gideýo, writing useful grammars of
friendship and commerce in SanŸaý. On 22 De-
these languages. In 1954–58, during his stay in
cember 1928 he was named senator and from 1
Asmära, he acquired several important Ethiopic
July 1931 president of the Società Imprese Afri-
manuscripts, some of which go back to the 15th
cane, that was engaged in the Tessenei project. In
cent.; the great majority are now deposited in
1936 G. was again in SanŸaý to renew the agree-
the ÷Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, “Fondo
ment of 1926.
Comboniani” and have recently been catalogued
Src.: Jacopo Gasparini, “L’Eritrea nella politica Colo-
(Raineri 2000:vii, 308, nos. 13, 15, 18, 41, 71, 81, niale italiana”, Gerarchia 1927.
82, 84, 126, 128, 172, 202, 205, 209, 222). Lit.: Roberto Cantalupo, “Jacopo Gasparini”, Gli An-
Src.: Archives of the General Curia of the Comboni Mis- nali dell’Africa Italiana 4, 1941, 686; Luigi Federzoni,
sionaries, Rome; Armido Gasparini, Y#M_1\y K<l| “Commemorazione di Jacopo Gasparini”, ibid. 5, 1942,
g:Avy +O;y YHb22 (Yäýityopya tarik. Käräïïému 291–93; Giuseppe dall’Armi, “Jacopo Gasparini”, Rivi-
baccéru yätäwtatta, ‘A History of Ethiopia. The Lengthy sta delle Colonie 1941; Giuseppe Puglisi, Chi è? dell’Eri-
Exposed in Brief’), Aímära n.d.; Id., “Di due vocaboli trea, Asmara 1952, ad vocem.
etiopici oscuri”, RSE 5, 1946 [1947], 79–82; Id., !)|y Gian Carlo Stella
713
Gašša
Gašša Gätär
G. (N# ) is an Amharic term meaning ‘shield’ G. (K/? ) has two meanings: ‘countryside, sub-
which came to designate a (measured) plot of cul- urb’, and, by extension, ‘a countryside church’.
tivated land – in particular, landholding granted to It is a typical ecclesiastic structure of the ÷Ethio-
soldiers for their services – and then, by extension, pian Orthodox Täwahédo Church.
a unit of rural land measurement. G. abound, as sub-parish churches, where
The term, in the meaning of landholding or fief, the presence of such ecclesiastic institutions as
was widely used already for land measurement in ÷gädam or ÷däbr is scarce. Unlike the latter
the ÷Gondärine kingdom (CrumLand 172). One two, founded by emperors, kings, queens and
G. consisted of eight to nine médér (a primary members of the royal family, noblemen, bishops
unit of arable land, i.e. the area a ploughman could or the ÷éccäge, G. are founded by the common
cover in one day). The actual size of a médér, and folk, their number depending upon how many
thus of G., could therefore vary greatly depending people live in the area. Before the Revolution of
on the quality of soil, the terrain and other geo- 1974, when the Church was not separated from
graphical and ecological characteristics. the state, gädam and däbr had their own land
The first land measurement outside Bägem- and the G. had none.
dér was instituted by Ménilék (future ase Services in a G. differ from those in a gädam
÷Ménilék II) in Šäwa in 1879−80, who entrusted or a däbr. In the two latter, the prayers of the
sähafe téýézaz ÷Gäbrä Íéllase with the work. liturgy (÷Qéddase) – ÷säŸatat, ÷maòlet – are
G. was the basic unit employed. It was meas- conducted every day, whereas in the former the
ured with the aid of a special cord, qälad, ca. liturgy is performed only on Sundays and impor-
133 cubits long. One cubit (kénd) is tradition- tant holidays, maòlet and säŸatat only conducted
ally believed to have been fixed by the arm of a occasionally. In the gädam and däbr there are
certain Baymot. “Cubit Baymot” equalled to ca. church schools and teachers, but not usually in
66.5 cm, one qälad therefore approximated to ca. G. Only in exceptional cases do the inhabitants
88 m. The actual size of one G. (on the average, hire teachers by providing them food.
ca. 1,200 m x 800 m) could vary from 12 x 8 to 20 In the G. there must be deacons (÷Diyaqon),
x 9 qälad, depending on the fertility of the land assistant deacons and priests (÷Qäsis). In their
and the kind of grain it yielded: a G. of fertile absence, the service cannot be held and such a G.
land was smaller than a G. of barren land. All is considered täf – a church where the service is
lands, in particular those newly incorporated by discontinued. Most of the G. churches hire nei-
Ménilék into the empire, were to be measured in ther ÷däbtära-cantors nor ÷märigeta.
G., gašša märet becoming a usual term for meas- Lit.: abba Gorgoryos, Y#M_1\y '?N<lFy H`B<y
ured landholdings. ,Hy l?FM\#y K<l (Yäýityopya ortodoks täwahédo
In 1941, the size of G. was fixed. A G. of land betä kréstéyan tarik, ‘The History of the Ethiopian
was equalled to 400,000 m² or 40 ha. Orthodox Täwahédo Church’), Addis Abäba 1974
÷Measurement; ÷Land tenure A.M. [1981/82 A.D.], 188ff.; Aymro Wondagegnehu
– Joachim Motovu (ed.), The Ethiopian Orthodox
Src.: KaneDic 691, 1960; THMDic 124; DTWDic 317; Church, Addis Ababa 1970, 142; liqä séltanat Habtä
GueCopMen 168, 209. Maryam WärqÉnäh, 4#K_y Y#M_1\y T?(Hy
Lit.: Berhanou Abbebe, Evolution de la propriété au Shoa MzR?M (Téntawi yäýityopya íérŸatä témhért, ‘The An-
(Ethiopie) du règne de Ménélik à la Constitution de 1931, cient Order of Ethiopian Learning’), Addis Abäba 1963
Paris 1971; BTafA 919, s. index; CrumLand 172f., 175, 177, A.M. [1970/71 A.D.], 304.
s. index; Gebre Wold Ingida-Work, tr. by Mengesha
Gessesse, “Ethiopia’s Traditional System of Land Tenure Merawi Tebege
and Taxation”, EthObs 5, 4, 1962, 302–39; MaÒtämä
ÍÉllasse Wäldä Mäsqäl, Fn#M_1\y Yu>My T<My Gato ÷Kusuma
!FH96?!y P-? (Séläýityopya yämäret íérrit astädadärén-
na gébr, ‘About Ethiopian Land Holding, Administration
and Tax System), Addis Abäba 1953 A.M. [1960/61 A.D.]; Gawe
Id., “The Land System of Ethiopia”, EthObs 1, 8, 283–301; The G. (Jawe), a branch of the ÷Boorana Oromo,
MahZekr 105f., 110–13; Richard Pankhurst, State and migrated during the 16th cent. from far southern
Land in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1966 (Monographs in
Ethiopia through ÷Wäg and (Old) ÷Damot
Ethiopian Land Tenure 3); Id., “A Preliminary History of
Ethiopian Measures, Weights, and Values (Part 1)”, JES 7, to the southern banks of Abbay. They are first
1, 1969, 31–54, here 52f.; PancEcon 152ff., 161. mentioned in late 16th cent. Christian records in
Aberra Jembere – Red. which they are called the Dawe, a word close to
714
Gäwla
the GéŸéz term for ‘sickness, scourge’, an indica- cision of däggazmaó Beša, after some years the
tion of the dread with which they were regarded administrative capital was moved to G. Beša was
by their opponents, and nearly identical in sound replaced as its head by däggazmaó Lämma, who
with their name, gawwee, ‘serpent’ in Oromo. in his turn was followed by däggazmaó Märéd.
The G. were probably part of the army that ase The latter moved the administrative centre to
÷Susényos used to claim the throne in 1604 (1605 Barza and, by the time of étege Taytu’s death
or 1607 according to different sources), and they (1918), to Bulki.
were among the soldiers whom Susényos settled The choice of G. as the centre of the new ad-
in ÷Dära and Wéddo, districts east and south- ministration was inspired by its central location
east of Lake Tana, in the early 1620s. and its proximity to other highland areas such as
During the 17th and 18th cent., the G. converted ÷Malo, ÷Basketo and ÷Aari country. Besides,
to Christianity; they also enrolled as cavalrymen Muslim slave-traders had a thriving slave mar-
in the army of (New) Damot, marching regularly ket in G. which was later strengthened by the
in royal campaigns, serving as palace guards, and conquering army. The elevation and centrality of
enjoying a fearsome reputation. In 1704, ÷Iyasu G. facilitated access to the highland garrison-cen-
I settled them on the north bank of the Abbay tres. G. was a centre for nearly ten years. It was
in Damot as a bulwark against attacks by other composed of the settlements of Gore Oda, Wuga
Oromo living south of the Abbay. ÷Dawit III Maštala and Bélala Arketa. G. had twice-weekly
allowed them to massacre some 100 monks in market days on Wednesdays (bigger market) and
Gondär when the clerics taunted him in 1721, on Sundays (smaller market). Based on Gofa po-
and in 1732, G. forces from Damot helped rescue litical tradition, G. was administered by a repre-
÷Iyasu II from rebels in Gondär. The G. are lit- sentative of the Gofa kings (later balabbats), the
tle mentioned as a separate people in post-1800 woraba. Between the woraba and the grass-roots
records. leaders, known as bitante were in ascending order
Src.: BassÉt II, 165f., 189f., 307 (tr.); BeckHuntAlm 113f., the mocona and the guda.
123f.; BegCron 79f., 102f. (tr.); GraggDic 233, 457; GuiIo- G. weavers were well-known for their skills in
han 21, 37f., 47, 103f., 221–24; GuiIyas 45ff., 56, 79, 122–25,
weaving cotton products. They made madda cos-
138f., 181; CRHist 196f., 203f. (tr.); MHasOr 28 (map), 40f.;
PerChron 200 (tr.); BTafA 280f., 396f., 418f., 424–27, 919. tumes for high-ranking officials, as well as gonpa
LaVerle B. Berry and bunguza for men for use as shorts.
G. was connected to trade routes linking
it to the highland areas as well as to the low-
Gawla lands south of Maale (a source of ivory) and to
G. (s. map for Gawwada) is the name of an old ÷Dawro across the Omo River, to where much
settlement in ÷Gamo Gofa which used to be cotton clothing, a large number of slaves, animals
one of the seats (gadýo) of the ÷Gofa kings. G. and sorghum were taken. In return, G. imported
was also one of the sections of the autonomous iron, gold, horses and other essential items. Since
kingdom of Gofa. The other sections, ordered by the time when G. was a trading post, a number
seniority as usual for the territories of Omotic- of Muslim families, headed by the nagade godo-
speaking people, were Wurki, Sanga, Kenóo, Oll chief, lived in G. The kings of both Dawro and
Wuzate, Anko Waco and Badiri Ballo. In G. the Gofa and the kings of the small autonomous
king offered sacrifices in the sacred forest of territories were involved in inter-ethnic trade.
Korra Wuga. Elaborate treaties between the various autono-
The historical capital of the Gofa kings used mous groups of the area kept a balance between
to be on top of a mountain in a location known periods of peace and trade and moments of war.
as Sanga. When in 1891 the last king of the Gofa, In general, good relations were maintained be-
Kamma, refused to surrender to Ménilék’s gen- tween the nobility of the autonomous groups
eral ras ÷Wäldä Giyorgis Abboyye, Sanga was and between their subjects.
devastated. More than 3,000 were killed or taken After the conquest of Gamo Gofa in the 1890s,
captive. After Kamma’s death in battle, the vic- St. Mary church was established, which grew
tors looted property in the battle of Óaqo Qode. popular both among both Christians and the
Sanga was turned into a garrison centre of the non-Christian local majority.
conquering army. It became the first centre of At the beginning of the 20th cent. G. was de-
the new administration in the late 1890s. By described by Bourg de Bozas as a “settlement of
715
Gäwla
400–500 huts ‘lost in the clouds’ at an altitude of From the lexical point of view, here too there
2,700 metres” (s. PankHist II, 194). do not seem to be any clear boundaries of dis-
Src.: interviews with Tesfaye Belgige and a group of crete Dullay dialects. Nevertheless, there is a set
elders; Gamo Gofa administration. of words characterizing the Harso-Dobase dia-
Lit.: Donald Lewis Donham, Marxist Modern: an Eth- lects, on the one hand, and Gollango-G., on the
nographic History of the Ethiopian Revolution, Berkeley
1999; GueCopMen; PankHist II, 194. other (cf. Amborn et. al. 1980:58 for examples).
Wolde Gossa Tadesse Information on G. can be found in the works of
Moreno (1943), Black (1976a on G.), Amborn et
al. (1980, predominantly on Harso-Dobase) and
Gawwada
Hayward (1989 on Samay). The author’s own
G. (also Gawada, Gawata, Gauwada, Kaw- data on G. were collected in Ethiopia in 1984–85.
waakko) is an Afroasiatic language belonging to Src.: author’s own data.
the ÷Dullay cluster (s. Dullay for location). G. Lit.: Hermann Amborn – Günter Minker – Hans-
speakers (probably a few thousands) live in the Jürgen Sasse, Das Dullay: Materialien zu einer ostkus-
former province of ÷Gamo Gofa in and around chitischen Sprachgruppe, Berlin 1980 (Kölner Beiträge
zur Afrikanistik 6); Paul Black, Lowland East Cushitic:
the town G., south-west of Lake Camo. The G. Subgrouping and Reconstruction, Ph.D. thesis, Yale Uni-
people share with their closest neighbours, the versity 1974; Id., “Werizoid”, in: BendNonSLang 222–31;
other Dullay speakers, several cultural peculi- Id., Werizoid, ms. 1976b; Marcello Lamberti, “Some
arities that have been described by Amborn et Konsoid Etymologies”, Anthropos 82, 1987, 529–41; Id.,
“Cushitic and Its Classifications”, ibid. 86, 1991, 552–61;
al. (1980:20–54). Martino Mario Moreno, “Notizie sul Ghidole e sul
Black (1976a:222) differentiates two varieties Gowazé”, Annali IUO nuova ser. 2, 1943, 234–37; Rich-
of G. that he calls “Gawwada of Išarkuta” and ard J. Hayward, “Comparative Notes on the Language
“Gawwada of Dalpeena”. Išarkuta is a village in of the Sýaamakko”, JAAL 1, 1989, 1–54.
the middle of the G.-speaking territory, while Marcello Lamberti
Dalpeena is a river that crosses the Doobase and
Gorrose territory, before it flows southwards Gayént
into the ÷Sagan River and forms in some places G. (N^#M ) is an area situated in the southern
the eastern frontier of the G. country. During the part of Gondär (÷Bägemdér) province. It is
Italian occupation, the G. people succeeded in bordered by Libo awragga to the north (s.
shifting their northern frontier at the expense of ÷Cäcäho), Mota awragga of Goggam to the
the neighbouring Gorrose. The peculiar mixed south, the rivers Täkkäze and Bäšélo in the east
character of Black’s “Gawwada-Dalpeena” and Farta in the west. The region is character-
forms could therefore depend on the fact that ized by däga, wäynä däga and qwälla ecological
this variety is actually to be ascribed to Gorrose zones. G. was always known due to its good
(cf. Amborn et al. 1980:57). farmland; the peasants of ÷Sémäda in G. used to
cultivate séyyét (a high-quality white ÷tef), not
only for their own livelihood, but also for the
imperial court of Ethiopia. The qwälla areas of G.
also contain some of the most ÷malaria-ridden
areas in Ethiopia; even today, malaria remains a
chronic health problem for the inhabitants of G.
Historically, G. served as a shelter for numer-
ous Christian Orthodox churches and monaster-
ies. Among the churches of G. the best-known
are ÷Betä Léhem Maryam, ÷Zuramba Sérha
Maryam, Wuqro Giyorgis, Satila Maryam, Sä-
goda Maryam, Mäsäna Mädòane ŸAläm, Lida
Giyorgis, Šewla Giyorgis and Yäkuwas Abbo
Betä Léhem; the monastery of Däbrä Qätin is
situated on the hill overlooking the western
bank of Täkkäze. Betä Léhem Maryam is an
early church that illustrates the transition from
the traditional rectangular structures to the later
716
Gaz
round ones (Henze 1977:35). Local Christian

tradition claims that Sérha Maryam of Zuramba
was founded by the 6th-cent. abunä ÷Zämikaýel
Arägawi, one of the Nine Saints, and associates
this church with ase ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl.
In the 16th cent. ase ÷Gälawdewos seems to
have reorganized his forces against the army of
imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”) in
the ragged terrain of G., before defeating him at
Zäntära, near Lake ÷Tana, on 22 February 1543.
During the war some buildings of Zuramba were
damaged, but the monks were able to appease
Grañ by offering him precious objects owned
by the monastery. The monastery was repaired
by ase ÷Íärsä Déngél, who also had old pillars
replaced in the church.
In May 1799, Libän Amäde (d. 1815), one
of the hereditary governors of Wärrä Himäno
(÷Yäggu), led an incursion into G. that resulted 1, 7–8, 1925, 449–90; PerChron 326 (text), 252 (tr.), 590;
in the burning of several churches (Conti Rossini RubActa II, no. 248, 363, 366.
1917:13, 89). Ase Tewodros II seems to have con- Lit.: Domenico Brielli, “Ricordi storici dei Uollo”, in:
tributed to the revival of Zuramba Sérha Maryam; Carlo Conti Rossini (ed.), Studi etiopici, Roma 1945,
he and his close associate fitawrari Gäbréyye 102; TadTChurch 193f.; MahZekr 148; Hussein Ahmed,
Islam in Nineteenth-Century Wällo, Ethiopia: Revival,
(÷Gäbrä Héywät Goššu) are said to have taken Reform and Reaction, Leiden 2001, 124; Paul B. Henze,
Holy communion at the monastery. However, Ethiopian Journeys: Travels in Ethiopia, 1969–1972, Lon-
in 1867 Tewodros personally took part in pillag- don 1977, 35; Id., Layers of Time: a History of Ethiopia,
ing the G. regions of Farta and Guna (as däbtära London 2000, 88; ZUFIL (a Bi-Annual Bulletin of Guna
Bashilo Development Association) 1, 16–24.
÷Assäggaõäñ reported to Antoine d’Abbadie, s. Ahmed Hassen Omer
Conti Rossini 1925:467; RubActa II, no. 248).
From the reign of ase ÷Ménilék II until the
÷Italian war of 1935–36, G. was divided into Gaz
two large districts – G. and Sémada – for purely G. (Tgn. [varieties spoken in Wäggärat and
economic reasons: to facilitate the collection of Rayya Azäbo] Nw ; ŸAfar: Galla qarim [‘Raid-
÷taxes and the annual ÷Ÿaírat-tithe. During the ing against Galla = highlanders’], Amh.: Y!9sy
occupation, the Italian rule faced strong resistance ru* yäýadal zämäóa, ‘Raiding against ŸAfar’])
from both the local people of G. and the patriots. was a traditional system of raiding that mainly
In imperial times and well into the Därg occurred on the border regions between north-
period, G. was included as an awragga in the ern Amhara, Tégréñña-speaking areas and ŸAfar
Bägemder/Gondär province, with Näfas Mäwca lowlands, especially in southern Tégray and
as its capital, and subdivided into q^y N^#M northern Wällo. The phenomenon is not con-
(Lay Gayént, ‘Upper G.’) and K,y N^#M (Taóó fined to a single ethnic group (cp. Getachew Mer-
Gayént, ‘Lower G.’) wärädas. After 1974, G. essa 1998). A G. may be prepared by either small
became a district belonging to the South Gondär or large local communities; such groups elect:
Zone. The last population census of G., in 1994, an abbo G. (‘father of the raid’) as a temporary
numbered 472,841 inhabitants, most of whom leader, with lieutenants at his side; the alänga tay
live in rural areas. Formerly, G. was a particu- (Amh.; Tgn.: gärafi halängi, ‘one who flogs with
larly inaccessible part of southern Bägemdér; the a whip’); the was täri (Amh. ‘guarantor’); and the
recently constructed 300-km Wärräta–Wäldéya got azmaó (Amh. ‘village commander’). Anyone
road now links the region to the wider transport reputed for his fighting skills could be elected
network of Ethiopia. on the basis of the local assembly’s decision (the
Src.: SalTrav 293; Carlo Conti Rossini, La cronaca
reale abissina dall’anno 1800 all’anno 1840, Roma 1917 [=
qanci system, Tgn. [variety spoken in Wäggärat]
RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916, 779–922], 13, 89; Id., “Epistola- ‘equality’). Alternatively a sorcerer (Amh.:
rio del debterà Aseggachègn di Uadlà”, RRALm ser. 6a, déngay tay, Tgn.: wäqaŸi émni, ‘one who throws
717
Gaz
a stone’) may use a ritual involving the casting of of the Political History of Wollo, 1872–1916, M.A. thesis,
pebbles in order to select the abbo G. This ritual Department of History, Addis Ababa University 1983;
Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia: Power and Protest in the 20th
also predicts the success or failure of a G.; in the Century, Cambridge 1991; GÉrma Elyas, Wäggärat qanci
latter case it is postponed. wana, unpublished ms.
G. were carried out periodically until the early Tarekegn Gebreyesus Kaba
1940s, when they were interdicted and raiders
persecuted. One of the starting points for the
1943 ÷Wäyyane rebellion was the government’s Gazzera, Pietro
campaigns against local raiding in Wäggärat and General G. (b. 11 December 1879, Benevagienna,
Raya. Anything from 100 to as many as 50,000 Cuneo, d. 30 June 1953, Ciriè, Torino) was a
males (gazäyte, ‘raiders’), comprising a whole re- colonial officer. G. had a smooth military career.
gion’s confederacy of related communities, could Lieutenant in 1900, in 1905 he was admitted to
participate in a G., which could take months to the School of War, from where he graduated in
complete. There have been reports of G. travelling 1908 and joined the General Staff. Promoted
by foot from Moõoni, Wäggärat or Alamata up to Captain in 1910, the following years he par-
Mäýisso near Assäbe Täfäri or the Awaš River. The ticipated in the Turkish–Italian War (1911–12).
raiders profited economically through their loot- Later, he taught at the School of War and was
ing of cattle, sheep, goats and camels. mobilized during World War I, where for his ex-
Socially, G. was a stabilizing factor. A “hero”, ceptional war merits he was promoted to Briga-
as reported in Wäggärat, who had killed and dier-General. Named Commander of the School
mutilated an ŸAfar, extended his prestige over of War from February 1926, in 1928 he was in
his family, especially his wife, who would, for command of the Genova Division. Promoted
example, receive priority over all other women General of Division in March 1928, he joined
when fetching water at a spring, or would be the later the staff in the Ministry of War, which he
first to receive food and beverages at weddings. himself headed from 12 September 1929 to 22
A successful raider is distinguished by clothing July 1933. On 31 July he was promoted Army
and hairstyle; his wife would also wear distinc- General and was named senator on 30 October.
tive clothing (šawro in Wäggärat and Raya). In 1938 G. moved to Africa. Between 12 Au-
Traditionally a raider had to present mutilated gust 1938 and 6 July 1941, he assumed the office
male organs to his wife. However, because the of Governor of the “Galla and Sidamo” region,
raiding often took a long time, informants agree with the capital in ÷Gimma. After the viceroy
that this was replaced by showing the trophy to Amedeo di ÷Savoia, Duke of Aosta, surrendered
the lieutenants of the abbo G. as witnesses, then ÷Ambalage on 23 May 1941, G. became Gov-
burying it. In place of the trophy, a symbolic ernor-General of the ÷Africa Orientale Italiana.
representation (the bark of a tree, the hinto) of He remained in this office until 6 July 1941,
the mutilated organ would be put on a stick, when he was captured at ÷Dambi Dolloo. In
where the number of hintos would symbolize custody for two years in India and in the United
the number of mutilated organs. This stick would States, he returned to Italy in 1943. From 1943 to
finally be suspended under the roof of the raider’s 1945 he functioned in the capacity of High Com-
house, so that it could be seen and admired by missioner for the prisoners of war.
visitors. As opposed to this, a “cowardly” raider, Src.: Pietro Gazzera, Guerra senza speranza. Galla e
who had deserted his fellow raiders during the Sidama (1940–1941), Roma 1952.
Lit.: Piero Capello, “La vita del generale Pietro Gazzera
G., would be dressed as and considered a woman nei ricordi del figlio Romano”, Gente 1982.
and his property would be destroyed (his cattle Gian Carlo Stella
slaughtered and house burned). As a consequence,
even his family could disintegrate. Performing a
“heroic” deed in a subsequent G. would, however, GDR(T)
fully restore his pride and honour. A ruler of ÷Aksum, GDR, is the author of the
Lit.: Getachew Meressa, The Gaz Tradition among oldest surviving royal inscription in GéŸéz, RIÉ
the Raya and Afar, B.A. thesis, Department of History, 180, found at ÷ŸAddi Gälämo: gdr / ngíy / ýksm /
Addis Ababa University 1998; Fekadu Begna, Land
tbŸl / mzlt / lýrg / wllmq, the meaning of which is
and Peasantry in Northern Wollo 1941–1972: Yajju and
Rayaa Qobbo Awrajas, M.A. thesis, Department of His- highly uncertain (cf. Kropp 1994; Drewes 1999:
tory, Addis Ababa University 1990; Asnake Ali, Aspects 186–89). Since the obscure mzlt is inscribed on a
718
Ge
‘boomerang-like object’, the function of which and Aksumite troops in the southern highlands
has been convincingly explained by Drewes of Yemen, the alliance between these two powers
(1999) as “insigne de la royauté, sceptre”, and if seems to have come to an end.
ýrg and lmq are toponyms or possibly sanctuar- GDRT is the first Aksumite king mentioned
ies, this text could perhaps be translated: ‘GDR, in Sabaean inscriptions and probably the first
king of Aksum, gave (this) sceptre into the pos- Aksumite king to interfere in South Arabian
session of (the sanctuaries) ýRG and LMQ’. politics. In the passages cited above, he is called
According to the palaeographical dating mlk / hbštn and mlk / hbšt / wýksmn, but in line 15
of RIÉ 180, GDR must be prior to 300 A.D of Ja 631 his GéŸéz title ngšyn (with the Sabaean
(Drewes 1962:78–83). Should GDR be identi- determination-marker -n) is used. GDRT enters
fied with the anonymous king of the ÷Monu- South Arabian history around 200 A.D. as an
mentum Adulitanum and be one and the same ally of the Sabaean king ŸAlhan Nahfan, but dur-
Aksumite king as GDRT mentioned in two ing the reign of ŸAlhan’s son ŠaŸirum ýAwtar (ca.
Middle-Sabaean inscriptions, his reign could be 210–30 A.D.), the relationship between Aksum
put more precisely between ca. 200 and ca. 230 and Sabaý deteriorates: although in the beginning
A.D. The first inscription, CIH 308 from Riyam, of ŠaŸirum’s reign they seem to be allied against
was set by the Sabaean king ŸAlhan Nahfan and Hadramawt (Ry 533/21–22), until ca. 225 A.D.
his two sons and co-regents ŠaŸirum ýAwtar and GDRT manages to control vast parts of western
Yarim ýAyman (undated, around 200 A.D.). It Yemen – the Tihama, Nagran (Ja 635/23–24),
mentions in lines 10–14 that GDRT sent a diplo- MaŸafir (Ja 631/33), Zafar (Ja 631/21–25) and parts
matic mission to ŸAlhan Nahfan in order to form of Hašid territory near Òamir in the northern
an alliance with Sabaý: bît/nbl/wbltn/bŸbrhw highlands (Ir 12) – the expansive policy of both
11 gdrt / mlk / hbštn / ltýòwn / bŸmhw / wstkml / hý /
Ethiopians and Sabaeans leads to a confrontation
ýòwnn / byn 12 hmw / wbyn / gdrt / wmsr / ýbšn / … that is to dominate the whole 3rd cent. A.D.
13 … ytýòwnn / slhn 14 wzrrn / wŸlhn / wgdrt / kl /
In the Ethiopian tradition, the memory of
Ÿbrthmw, ‘because GDRT, king of Ethiopia, had GDR was possibly preserved in the traditional
sent a diplomatic mission to him [sc. ŸAlhan] in “king lists” (CRList 284, 277, 286, 299), in which
order to form an alliance with him and to achieve his name appears with variants: e.g., Gédur (list
friendship between them [the Sabaeans] and C, in the 3rd place), Zägduru (list E, in the 6th
GDRT and the troops of the Aksumites … (and) place), or Zägdur (list B, in the 3rd place, after
that Salhin [the royal palace in Marib] and Zrrn Ébnä Hakim [s. ÷Ménilék I] and Tomay), the
[i.e., the royal palace in Aksum?], and ŸAlhan and latter form (with the relevant list) having hence
GDRT will be allied in all their bilateral relations’. passed into at least one hagiographic work (s.
That such an alliance was not only concluded CRList 274) and the “short chronicle” as well (s.
but did work in case of war is confirmed by the DombrChr 145).
Himyarite inscription NNAG 13+14 in which ÷Arabia
Sabaý, Hadramawt, Qataban and Aksum are allied Src.: CRList 274, 277, 286, 299; DombrChr 145; CIH 308;
against ÷Himyar. The second Sabaean inscrip- NNAG 13+14; Ja 631, 635; RIE 180; Ry 533.
tion, Ja 631 from the sanctuary ýAwam in Marib Lit.: Abraham Johannes Drewes, Inscriptions de
l’Éthiopie antique, Leiden 1962; Id., “La fonction gram-
was set up during the reign of LuhayŸaôt Yaròum maticale des noms royaux dans les inscriptions axou-
(perhaps around 235 A.D.), but relates events mites”, Semitica 49, 1999, 179–90; Manfred Kropp, “Ein
that happened during the last period of ŠaŸirum Gegenstand und seine Aufschrift, RIE 180 = JE 5”, in:
ýAwtar’s reign (around 230 A.D.). The dedicant EtRicci 129–43; Walter W. Müller, “Abessinier und
ihre Titel und Namen in vorislamischen südarabischen
mentions that ŠaŸirum ýAwtar had sent him on
Inschriften”, Neue Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik
a diplomatic mission to GDRT: bkn / nb 12 lhw / 3, 1978, 159–68; Christian Robin, “La première inter-
mrýhmw / šŸrm / ýwtr / mlk / sbý / wîrydn / Ÿdy / ýr 13 vention abyssine en Arabie méridionale (de 200 à 270 de
d / hbšt / bŸbr / gdrt / mlk / hbšt / wýksmn, ‘because l’ère chrétienne environ)”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, 147–62.
his lord ŠaŸirum ýAwtar, king of Sabaý and îu Ray- Alexander Sima
dan, has sent him on a diplomatic mission to the
land of Ethiopia, to GDRT, king of Ethiopia and
the Aksumites’. The result of these negotiations Ge
are unknown, but since the same text continues G. occurs in several Ethio-Semitic languages
with a description of the war between Sabaean with the meaning ‘home area, home place’. The
719
Ge
word is probably to be connected with Hebrew

gay (status constructus: ge), ‘valley’ and Ar. giwaý
‘valley’ (LesCDic 174). The other possibility is
to derive it from Gr. gh÷, ‘earth, land’ through
loaning.
In ÷Harari gey refers to the city of ÷Harär
and denotes characteristic features of the city
and its inhabitants, i.e. the speaker of gey sinan
‘Harari language [i.e. ‘the language of the city’]’;
gey gar ‘house built in the Harari style’, gey usuý
‘inhabitant [usuý, ‘man, somebody’] of Harär’.
In ÷Sélti gee, geye means ‘native country, home
place’, e.g. gee-ka heeda, ‘he went to his [-ka]
home area’, ya-gee nibaarat, ‘country life’ (Gutt
– Hussein 1997:795f.).
In Amharic O is used only in compounds, as
=FO rasge, ‘head part [esp. of a bed]’ (cf. Harari
urus ge), titles: ÷éccäge, ÷étege, asege (÷Ase),
and place names, e.g., Gurage, Däräsge (Kan- wards with Badda Roge (3,245 m A.S.L.), Toke
eDic 1876). (2,690 m A.S.L.), ÷Wänci (3,387 m A.S.L.) and
In Gafat -gä, ‘to, at’ has become a postposi- Dändi (3,268 m A.S.L.). Rising between the Ad-
tion, e.g. aléggä gä, ‘to my brother [alä]’, éggä dis Abäba – Läqämte highway to the north and
gä, ‘together’ (éggä, ‘one’ is cognate with GéŸéz Addis Abäba – Gimma to the south, these recent
ahadu, Amh. and). (cenozoic) volcanoes tower above the Ambo-
In GéŸéz, O ‘territory’ is not (well) attested (cp. Gudär graben to the north, with rivers running
however, Fiaccadori 1992:76f.). In an indirect into the Abbay, the Upper Awaš depression to
way the element G. is also contained in GéŸéz the east and the Omo-Gibe basin to the west
KR|z gähannäm, ‘hell, Gehenna’ (in this or a and south. The Gébat-Mäcca awragga (with the
similar form in modern Ethio-Semitic languages capital in Hagärä Héywät, or ÷Ambo), a sub-
such as Tgn.: KR|- gähannäb and Amh. N|- division of the Šäwa province, derives its name
gannäb), which goes back via Ar. gahannam to from Mount G.
Hebrew ge(ý) hinnom (which is abbreviated from This high and remote range has a population of
geý ben hinnom, ‘valley of the son of H.’) and ÷Mäcca Oromo agriculturalists and pastoralists
its Jewish Aramaic form ge hinnam. The place and has preserved large juniper-forests, notably
outside Jerusalem where in former times people on its southern slopes (Last 1965). Under Òaylä
were sacrificed became a prophetic symbol for Íéllase I the junipers began to be felled; and un-
the final judgement and hence for hell. der the Därg investors from South Yemen devel-
Lit.: LesCDic 174 (Lit.); Wolf Leslau, Etymological Dic- oped large-scale sheep-breeding for export.
tionary of Harari, Berkeley – Los Angeles 1963 (Univer- The G. range can be accessed, though with
sity of California Publications, Near Eastern Studies 1),
66f.; Id., Étude descriptive et comparative du Gafat (éthi- difficulties, from the ÷Gudär through a hardly
opien méridional), Paris 1956, 200; Gianfranco Fiac- passable path running between the Toke to the
cadori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna 1992, 76f.; Eeva H.M. north and the Roge to the south through the
Gutt – Hussein Mohammed, Silt’é – Amharic – English depression of Téqur Incinni and Šänän, an area
Dictionary, Addis Ababa 1997, 795f.; KaneDic 1876.
regularly flooded during the rainy season. This
Rainer Voigt
track, which followed the old caravan route to
Gimma (via Nonno), was improved when the
high-voltage line linking Addis Abäba and the
Gébat Gélgél Gibe hydroelectric power plant was con-
G. (H+M) is the name of a mountain in Šäwa ris- structed (planned as early as 1985, but completed
ing to over 3,000 m A.S.L. (EMAtlas: 3,017 m only in 2004).
A.S.L.; Carta dell’AOI: 3,072 m A.S.L.). It forms The mountain is reported to have been sur-
the western summit of a volcanic mountain- rounded by legends, relating that the 15th-cent.
range by the same name, which continues east- ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob built a “castle” on the top,
720
Gébbi
where miracles are said to happen. In any case, individual buildings (KaneDic 1969). The late
the old Christianity must have vanished there emergence of this usage is apparent from the fact
due to the migration of the Oromo (cp. BTafA that it is not mentioned in Guidi’s Vocabolario of
709ff.). During the reign of Ménilék II, in the 1901 (GuiVoc), but is included in its supplement
1890s, at the foot of the mountain there was a of 1940 (Guidi 1940:217).
residence of däggazmaó Òaylä Maryam, brother A typical Ethiopian royal or provincial G.,
of ras Mäkwännén (Bulatovich 2000:7f.). A or palace, consisted of two main buildings: an
Franco-Ethiopian archaeological expedition &sI3 (élféñ; KaneDic 1117f.), or private apart-
found on G. the remains of a “palace” (Anfray ment of the monarch or ruler, inner chamber also
1965:13), but up to now no excavation has been used as a reception room, and an !9=% (addaraš;
attempted. KaneDic 1306), or large reception hall where the
Src.: BTafA 709–15, s. index; Jules Borelli, Éthiopie méri- ruler gives audiences and banquets.
dionale, journal de mon voyage aux pays amhara, oromo et The term élféñ is found extensively in Ethiopi-
sidama, septembre 1885 à novembre 1888, Paris 1890, 445;
Alexander Bulatovich, Ethiopia through Russian Eyes,
an royal literature. One of the earliest references
ed., tr. by Richard Seltzer, Lawrenceville, NJ – Asmara is in the Chronicle of ase ÷Iyasu II, which, refer-
2000, 7f.; Consociazone Turistica Italiana, Carta del- ring to the death of ase ÷Bäkaffa, in 1730, tells
l’Africa Orientale Italiana, scala 1/1 000 000, Milano 1938; of the deceased’s body being carried from the
Ethiopian Mapping Agency, Akýakýi Besekýa, Ethiopia élféñ to a nearby church. References to élféñ, at
NC 37–14, Ørjo, Ethiopia NC 37–13, scale 1:250,000, Ad-
dis Ababa 1979; EMAtlas; GueCopMen 565 (Lit.). Ankobär, Éntotto and Addis Abäba, are likewise
Lit.: AbbGeogr 215f., 221; Francis Anfray et al., “Chro- to be found in Gäbrä Íéllase’s Chronicle of ase
nique archéologique (1960–1964)”, AE 6, 1965, 3–26, here Ménilék II. The élféñ of Ménilék II’s G., due to
13, pl. X; Alain Gascon, “Recherches géographiques sur its shape, received the name of ÷Énqulal Bet.
le Mécca d’Ambo”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 739–45; GasEth; The importance of the royal élféñ is evident
Guida 499; Eike Haberland, “Bemerkungen zur Kultur
und Sprache der ‘Galila’ im Wonci-See (Mittel-Äthiopi- from the use of such court titles as &sI3y
en)”, RSE 16, 1960, 5–23, here 11, 13; Geoffrey C. Last, !%g? (élféñ aškär, ‘servant of the inner cham-
A Geography of Ethiopia for Senior Secondary School, Ad- ber’) or &sI3y !Fgsj^ (÷Élféñ askälkay,
dis Ababa 1965, 154f.; TadTChurch 204, 277, 298. ‘chamberlain’). It can also be seen in the naming
Alain Gascon of churches by the vicinity of the royal élféñ, e.g.,
Élféñ Giyorgis at Gondär or Élféñ Gäbréýel in
Addis Abäba.
Gébbi Addaraš is the Amharic term for a large hall
G. (P* ) designates a compound, including a often employed for banquets and festivities
palace compound, and by extension a palace in (GueCopMen I, 158). The Chronicle of ase
general. The term is derived from the Amharic ÷Yohannés I used the word in the 17th cent. for
verb ‘to enter’, i.e. K+ (gäbba, ‘he entered’; s. a royal tent in the Gondär palace compound.
also ÷Gémb); it gained currency in the late Ase Bäkaffa’s Chronicle, however, later applied
ase ÷Ménilék II period, when it was primarily it to a royal throne room, apparently a built-up
applied to the Emperor’s palace compound in structure, and also referred more explicitly to an
÷Addis Abäba, and, it should be noted, to the !9=%y A3q (addaraš säqäla), or long rectangu-
compound as a whole rather than to any of its lar addaraš (GuiIohan 175, 312, 335).
Part of Ménilék’s gébbi complex: addaraš;

postcard from 1909; from the collection of
Lorenz Jensen
721
Gébbi
Säqäla (A3q ; KaneDic 507) probably origi- xli) was thus in a long-established Ethiopian
nally a rectangular marqee tent, from the Amharic tradition.
säqqälä (‘he hung [tent hangings]’) is the term for Apart from the élféñ and addaraš, there were
a long rectangular building, already mentioned by however usually several essential ancillary build-
Alvares in the early 16th cent. (BeckHuntAlvar ings. These would include a x*;y ,M ( maŸd
vol. 2, 507) and by the chronicler of ase ÷Íärsä bet, ‘kitchen’, KaneDic 319), a D:Fy ,M ( färäs
Déngél (CRHist 43). The distinctive character of bet, ‘stables’, KaneDic 2279) as well as sundry
the säqäla was reported almost a century later by antechambers, servants’ quarters, craftsmen’s
Almeida, who reports that whereas “most” Ethi- workshops, etc. Of these, AK|M (sägännät, Kan-
opian houses were round, there were also long eDic 584) was of particular importance. It was a
ones, called säqäla, a word which had come to building or pavilion which served as a tribunal
mean a “palace of the king and grandees” (Beck- and court of appeal, and was presided over by
HuntAlm 85). The term was also widely used in the monarch or ruler (GueCopMen I, 90). The
18th-cent. Gondär. The Chronicle of ase Bäkaffa importance of Ménilék’s sägännät in Addis Abäba
thus refers to a ]?8y A3q (wärq säqäla, possibly was underlined by the fact that it was dominated
a säqäla decorated with gold) and speaks of it as by a prominent watch-tower (Vanderheym 1896:
a “sweet-smelling” palace, which the Emperor 105, 216). The whole establishment would ini-
and all his courtiers and princesses attended for a tially be surrounded by a fence of branches which
banquet (GuiIohan 328, 334, 344). would later be replaced by a sturdy wall.
Large rectangular banqueting halls were in The above functional arrangement of buildings
widespread use in 19th-cent. Ethiopia. One such was apparent in one form or another at most 19th-
room in a nobleman’s palace in Tégray was il- cent. Ethiopian palaces. At ÷Däbrä Tabor, e.g.,
lustrated in a Henry Salt engraving (Annesley the G. compound contained three round houses
1809, vol. 3, 135). More impressive was the great standing behind each other, like chambers in a
hall in King Sahlä Íéllase’s palace compound at multi-roomed building. The first consisted of an
Ankobär. Bernatz (1852, vol. 2, 9) depicts the antechamber; the second, somewhat larger, was a
monarch, lying on his ÷alga, many courtiers banqueting hall, i.e. addaraš; and the third, the
seated at table, soldiers with swords and shields monarch’s private chamber and reception room,
in attendance, and musicians and dancers enter- or élféñ (PankHist II, 75f.). The palace at Däbrä
taining. Not so different was one of Ménilék II’s Marqos was likewise reported to comprise a large
pre-Addis Abäba banqueting halls reproduced structure, serving as an armoury and store, as well
in Cardinal Massaja’s memoirs (MasMis vol. 9, as ten huts, one of which was used for banquets,
139). Ménilék’s great rectangular three-gabled i.e. as an addaraš, and another as a court of jus-
addaraš at Addis Abäba (GueCopMen II, pl. tice, i.e. sägännät (PankHist II, 147f.).
Part of Ménilék’s gébbi

complex: élféñ (right) with
énqulal bet (left); photo
1919/20, estate of Maurice de
Coppet, Helsinki University
Library, archive no. 50
722
Gébér
Palace of ase Yohannés IV,
Mäqälä; in the foreground
ruins of the old gébbi; from-
Wencker-Wildberg 1935
The typical royal or provincial G. employed installations in part by the 1905 German diplo-
a staff of many officials, or courtiers, each with matic mission to Ethiopia. Besides being the seat
a special title, as well as innumerable servants, of Ethiopian government the G. was the site of
workers and craftsmen. The most important pal- many great banquets, where as many as 20,000
ace officials thus included the ÷blatten geta, or visitors would be fed, in four or five services
master of the pages (D’Abbadie 238f.; KaneDic (Gleichen 1898:143–47; de Castro 1915:192–95;
867); the ÷bägérond, or treasurer (KaneDic PankHist II, 205–11; for a description of the G.
940); and the ÷aggafari, an officer responsible in the royal chronicle s. GueCopMen 465–70).
for arranging appointments with the monarch With the rise of Täfäri Mäkwénnen (÷Òaylä
(d’Abbadie 342ff.). There would also be offic- Íéllase I) it became customary to speak of his
ers with the status of ÷bäŸaldäräba, who served residence and compound (÷Gännätä LéŸul, now
as intermediaries with the ruler (KaneDic 869), the main campus of ÷Addis Ababa University
as well as ÷asallafi, or waiters (KaneDic 1116), and site of the ÷Institute of Ethiopian Studies)
responsible for serving various items of food and as the Upper (Lay Gébbi) or Small G. (Ténnéšu
drink, the name of which would be added in the Gébbi), as opposed to the earlier, and much larg-
title, e.g. tägg asallafi, or mead-waiter (Plowden er G. of Ménilék (Tallaqu Gébbi; ZerEth 73–76;
59; GueCopMen 224). Farago 1935:72–79).
G. was used as the name for the palace of ase Src.: GuiVoc; KaneDic; BeckHuntAlvar; BeckHuntAlm;
Ménilék II in Addis Abäba. His original palace AbbSéjour; CRHist; Ignazio Guidi, Supplemento al
buildings, erected in 1889, were accidentally de- vocabolario amarico-italiano, Roma 1940, 217; GuiIohan;
GueCopMen passim; Count Edward Gleichen, With the
stroyed by fire in 1892, but were rapidly rebuilt. Mission to Menelik 1897, London 1898, 143–47; Walter
The palace grounds, according to Mérab (1921– Chichele Plowden, Travels in Abyssinia, London 1868;
29, vol. 2, 23f.), then covered a stretch of land George Annesley Viscount Valentia, Voyages and
two km long by one km and a half wide, and had Travels in India, Ceylon, the Red Sea, Abyssinia and Egypt,
London 1809; Johann Martin Bernatz, Scenes in Ethio-
a permanent staff of almost 7,000 people, 2,000
pia, London 1852; MasMis; Jerome Gaston Vanderheym,
in the personal service of the Emperor and his Une expédition avec le négous Ménélik, Paris 1896.
consort. The compound as a whole, which was Lit.: Lincoln de Castro, Nella terra dei Negus, pagine
more important than its individual buildings, raccolte in Abissinia, 2 vols., Milano 1915, vol. 1, 192–98;
contained innumerable structures. The most Paul Mérab, Impressions d’Éthiopie, Paris 1921–29;
PankHist I, II; Ladislas Farago, Abyssinia on the Eve,
notable were, as usual, the élféñ and addaraš, London 1935, 72–79; ZerEth 73–76; Aman Worji, From
which, according to Ménilék II’s chronicle, could Palace to University: a History of Addis Ababa University
hold 7,000 persons. Among other buildings there Main Campus, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1988;
was a small summer house, a saddlery, smithy Friedrich Wencker-Wildberg, Abessinien, Berlin 1935.
and joinery, a mint, pharmacy and dispensary, Richard Pankhurst
an arsenal, weaving and embroidery booths,
and innumerable sheds of every shape and size,
as well as a vegetable garden, ploughed fields, Gébér
herds of cattle and sheep, a vineyard, and a lion The underlying meaning of G. (P-? , GéŸéz lit.
cage. The palace’s water supply was installed by ‘act’, ‘work’, ‘workmanship’, ‘produce’, ‘tribute’,
Ménilék’s Swiss craftsmen ÷Ilg, and the electric ‘force’, ‘compulsion’, ‘necessity’, ‘banquet’, ‘feast’)
723
Gébér
Gébér presided over by néguí Íahlä Íéllase,
from ms. EMML 2097, early 19th cent.
(probably produced by order of Íahlä
Íéllase), fol. 130b; Mitäq Täklä Haymanot,
photo 2000, courtesy of Donald Crummey
lies in the field of acting, doing, making. However, ers or ÷bérr) and/or in gold (wäqet). G. might
in the historical record its use has two primary, at be paid to an individual (e.g., a holder of church
first glance highly contrasting, meanings: ‘tax’ or rim land) or to a representative of the state.
‘tribute’, ‘rent’, and ‘banquet’ ‘feast’. Reconciling At different historical periods and in different
these two meanings is not easy. From one angle, places, through the interplay of political, social
the holding of feasts was dependent on the prior and cultural forces, the payment of G. could be
receipt of tribute; from another angle, feasts were as highly personalized as the payment of rent
occasions for the re-distribution of tribute. In its to a landlord, or as broadly institutionalized as
first sense of the payment of tribute or taxes, it a collective payment to the representative of an
is closely related to the associated words gäbbar institution (such as the church) or the state.
‘tributary’ and gäbbare ‘farmer’. This, in turn, In the ÷rést-÷gwélt system of northern and
reflects the fact that the historic Ethiopian society central Ethiopia, the tendency was towards
and the state associated with it, were rooted in annual payment of a fixed collective sum by
the land, in agrarian relations. The great court particular territorial units or settlements. In the
feasts were institutions, which brought together gäbbar-madäriya system of central and southern
everyone involved in the court and dependent on Ethiopia, particularly as it evolved under the rule
it – the payers and the receivers of tax and tribute of Ménilék as néguí of Šäwa, and then, from 1889,
– in such a manner as to re-enforce the relations as néguíä nägäít of Ethiopia (÷Ménilék II), G.
of inequality on which the regular payment and was paid individually on the size of land holdings.
receipt of tax and tribute relied. That means the state could make a land-survey or
G. as tax and tribute refers to the regular pay- census to increase the tax rate and, consequently,
ment of tax based on land and on the product of the size of its revenue. The administration of G.
land. Conceptually, it was held to bestow on the was also different in the two systems. In the rést-
payer ownership and/or use-rights to the land gwélt system, tax/tribute rested on the holding of
or to confirm the prior existence of those rights. overrights in land as gwélt and was administered
Historically, it was paid in kind (grain, honey, by a gwéltäñña, who might think of his or her
beer), in the form of money (Maria Theresia thal- rights as hereditary, or who might be a recent
724
Gébrä Hémamat
appointee, while in the gäbbar-madäriya system over the feast. The scale of resources invested
it was administered by a mälkäñña. Originally and consumed was great. Early accounts speak of
the mälkäñña were hereditary landlords and so court provisions for 33,000 people (presumably
they continued to be in parts of Šäwa (Weissleder not all distributed in one banquet; Kropp 1988:
1965); but in the parts of Šäwa more recently 55). Annually the royal court of ase MénilékII
brought under Ménilék’s rule, the mälkäñña was expended around 350,000 bérr for banquets, an
an appointed officer accountable to the king. amount that was equal to the annual salaries of 97
G. as tax/tribute made possible the holding of expatriate teachers (Tsegaye 1996:175).
G. as banquet. Banquets or feasts were held by the Src.: Richard Pankhurst – Denis Gérard, Ethiopia
royal court and by great notables, whose courts Photographed: Historic Photographs of the Country and
its People Taken between 1867 and 1935, London – New
mirrored those of the néguí. We have accounts of York 1996, 99 (ill); EMML 2097.
the organization of the court and of royal feasts Lit.: Wolfgang Weissleder, The Political Ecology of
in the texts of ÍérŸatä gébér, which date at least Amhara Domination, Ph.D. thesis, University of Chi-
to the mid-15th cent. (Kropp 1988). It seems that cago, Chicago, IL 1965; Harold Golden Markus,
G. was inseparable from the basic organization of “The Organization of Menilek II’s Palace and Imperial
Hospitality (after 1896)”, Rural Africana 11, 1970, 57–62;
the royal camp of the itinerant Solomonics or the Tsegaye Tegenu, The Evolution of Ethiopian Absolutism:
palaces of Gondär and the modern era and that the Genesis and the Making of the Fiscal Military State,
the principal court officials were managers of the 1696–1913, Uppsala 1996 (Lit.); Manfred Kropp, “The
royal household rather than state officials (Kropp SérŸatä Gébr: a Mirror View of Daily Life at the Ethiopian
Royal Court in the Middle Ages”, NEASt 10, 2–3, 1988,
1988:57). Space and staff were allocated to manage 51–87; Gebre Wold Engida Worq, “Ethiopia’s Tradi-
workable goods such as textiles and leather and tional System of Land Tenure and Taxation”, EthObs
consumables such as fuel-wood; and to store and 5, 4, 1962, 302–39; Käbbädä Tässäma, YK<ly xFK]#
process cereals, pulses, meat and beverages. The (Yatarik mastawäša, ‘Historical Memoirs’), Addis Abäba
1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D.], ch. 10; MahZekr ch. 2.
ÍérŸatä gébér speak of a great annual feast given
just after the Ethiopian New Year, but the details Tsegaye Tegenu – Donald Crummey
concerning this feast seem applicable to other
great celebrations of the principal festivals of the Gébrä Hawaryat ÷Apostles, acts of
Christian Church: Easter, Epiphany, the Feast of
the Cross. The texts of the íérŸatä gébér document Gébrä Hémamat
an “astounding … variety of bread, vegetables,
G.H. (P-:y BxxM , ‘Acts of the Passion’, lit.
and drinks”, not to mention meat, which were
‘Service of the Sufferings’, gébr meaning here
prepared for the daily royal table (Kropp 1988:
‘liturgical service’, DillmLex 1163) usually des-
54). Our principal accounts of royal feasts insist
ignates the liturgical book with the readings for
on the replication of hierarchy and social privi-
the Holy Week (hence the designation Mäshafä
lege nobles ate and drank more refined food and
gébrä hémamat). This book embraces the ordi-
drink from more valuable vessels than did their
nary of the whole Holy Week, from the Palm
social subordinates.
Sunday vigil to the 12th hour of Easter Sunday
During the time of Ménilék II, there were
(i.e. after the mass of the Resurrection, ÷Fasika).
two types of royal banquet. The élféñ (÷Gébbi)
However, some manuscripts merely begin with
banquets were held daily for the royalty, higher
the evening of Monday in the Holy Week, or
ranking court nobility, governors-general and
even otherwise. The G.H. is the equivalent of
children of the nobility brought up at the court.
the Egyptian Coptic book of the Basòa (Arabic,
The addaraš banquets were held weekly and on
from Coptic pasya < Gr. Pavsca < Aramaic pa-
significant holidays for the clergy, court troops
sha < Hebrew pęsah), which gives the readings
and their commanders; the total number of par-
for the “Week of the Sufferings and of the Glo-
ticipants was estimated at over 8,000. One account
rious Feast of Easter” (for a presentation of the
tells us that at Ménilék’s great feasts, the palace
Ethiopian Holy Week, s. Habtemichael Kidane
guards ate first, after which they were dispatched
1997; Fritsch 2001:211–60, §§ 407–579).
to control the crowds who flocked in after them,
in successive waves (Marcus 1970). The great no- Celebrations
bles, the mäkwannént, kept their own schedules Like its Coptic model – and far from the antique
and ate on a dais with Ménilék himself, who, by liturgy of Jerusalem, with its many processions
contrast, never ate in public, but rather presided – the Ethiopian Holy Week liturgy is very so-
725
Gébrä Hémamat
ber. It is composed mostly of psalms, readings (÷Térgwame); e) a paraphrase of the Gospel

and hymns that are often rhapsodies of biblical called ;i:y ]#Os (déòrä wängel, lit. ‘after the
verses. The ordinary services are distinguished Gospel’); f) exegetic homilies (commentaries of
from the solemn services. ÷John Chrysostom on the Gospels and on the
I. Ordinary services letter to the Hebrews, and other Church Fathers:
The ordinary services are the “hours” of Holy ÷Epiphanius, ÷Athanasius, ÷Cyril of Alexan-
Week: between the end of the mass on Palm dria, ÷Jacob of Serug etc.).
Sunday and Easter day, each day comprises ten (3) Ascetical texts: g) brief exhortations on
services called “hours” (first, third, sixth, ninth, Christian virtues (forgiveness of offences, love
eleventh hour of the day or night, accordingly), for the poor, mutual charity etc.), coming from
all of which have more or less the same structure the Coptic tradition.
(cp. Mäshafä ÷säŸatat). Good Friday has an ad- (4) Excerpts of dogmatic scope: h) the ÷Haymanotä
ditional twelfth hour of the day. abäw and sometimes i) the ÷Didésqélya.
It is well known that the ÷Ethiopian Ortho- (5) Readings common to the Ethiopian tradition,
dox Täwahédo Church follows strict rules con- namely: j) the ÷Täýammérä Maryam and k) the
cerning ÷fasting, especially during Holy Week, ÷Täýammérä Iyäsus.
where certain Christians practise a fast called Once a day, for the sixth hour, the G.H. has a
!lG^ (akfay or akfélot), which lasts 55 hours reading from the ÷Sénkéssar. During the Holy
from the end of the mass on Holy Thursday until Week there are practically no N.T. readings apart
Easter morning (cf. Habtemichael Kidane 1997: from the Gospel (with a few exceptions).
125 n. 107, 99; Fritsch 2001:239, n. 64). On Good After the readings, the service moves on to
Friday, those who do not eat at all take some its conclusion, which follows the order of the
bread with gulban (Ls+# , or gwälban, cooked ÷MéŸéraf and is fairly long: intercessions, suppli-
crushed beans; cf. Fritsch 2001, § 511) after all cations etc., concluded by 41 Kyrie Eleison with
services have been sung. prostrations and final hymns. For the most part,
The daily hours are generally grouped togeth- one can find these elements, in one or another
er, in accordance with the practice of the Coptic form, in the Coptic Church (more detailed de-
and almost all other Oriental Churches. scription in Habtemichael Kidane 1997:107–21).
The introduction is invariable; amongst other
II. Solemn services
elements, it includes the reading of 30 psalms, as
well as a number of prayers and biblical canti- These exceptional moments in the liturgical year
cles, followed by the “Doxology of the Lamb” include many distinctive and often very ancient
(s. Rev 5:12), which has its origin in the Coptic features. One may note that, unlike the Greek
text Thine is the power … (in the Coptic usage, and Coptic Churches, the Ethiopian one has no
it replaces the 12 psalms of each hour, whilst in exact equivalent for the “Saturday of Lazarus”.
Ethiopia it is simply added to the rest). Palm Sunday shows more peculiarities than the
All hours have a minimum requirement of one normal Sunday and comprises a procession with
Scripture reading from the O.T. (notably from palms, during which the relevant passages from
the Prophets): a psalm verse (zF+l mésbak) the four Gospels are read. Immediately after the
called 8;uy ]#Os (qédmä wängel, lit. ‘before mass, the Absolution for the Dead (÷Féthat) is
the Gospel’) introducing the Gospel reading. recited for all those who might die during the
Many hours have one or more supplementary forthcoming week, since during the Easter pe-
readings between the O.T. reading and the psalm riod it is forbidden to perform any services other
preceding the Gospel. These readings fall into than those of the G.H. (cf. Habtemichael Kidane
various categories: 1997:103–07; Fritsch 2001, §§ 411–55).
(1) Biblical: a) a passage from one of the books Mass is never celebrated on Monday, Tuesday,
of the Law of Moses (Orit; ÷Octateuch); b) an Wednesday or Friday of Holy Week. Only the
excerpt from one of the ÷Wisdom Books (Wis, “hours” are taken. There are services proper
Prov, Ecc, Job); c) another O.T. passage (in prac- to each of the last three days of Holy Week
tice only Josh 5:10–12ab and Ruth 2:11–14a, which – Thursday, Friday and Saturday (Habtemichael
are read on the ninth hour of Good Friday). Kidane 1997:121–32; Fritsch 2001, §§ 467–530).
(2) The commentaries on the biblical read- Holy Thursday is characterized by the cer-
ings: d) the commentaries on the O.T. readings emony of the Washing of the Feet, opened by
726
Gébrä Hémamat
the solemn blessing of the water and followed by

the eucharistic celebration commemorating the
Last Supper and the betrayal by Judas.
On Good Friday, by tradition, everyone comes
to the church – even those who do not frequent it
otherwise. Long and magnificent services fill the
day. For example, at the first hour of the night,
the “Gospel of the Paraclete” (Päraqlitos, Jn 13:
21–17:26) is read. At the ninth hour a commemo-
ration of the prayer of the Good Thief is made.
Lk 23:42 is chanted three times “in Greek” (the
words are somewhat deformed for having made
their way into Ethiopic via Coptic and Arabic):
“Remember me, Lord [second time: Remember
me, Holy One; third time: Remember me, Mas-
ter] when you come into your kingdom” (cf.
Raineri 1980). The service follows each successive
step of the narrative of the Passion, read from the
four Gospels. This day ends exceptionally with
a twelfth hour, during which a commemoration
is made of the Burial of the Lord, followed by
beautiful chants; it culminates in the popular Ms. Gébrä Hémamat; 15th cent.; fol. 18r; church of Täklä
ritual of extinguishing the last candle, which is Haymanot, Säýase, ŸAgamä; photo 2004, courtesy of
Michael Gervers
meant to represent Judas (the chanters therefore
vie with each other in attempting to strike it Gospel (according to the three Synoptic Evange-
with their sticks). Immediately afterwards, the lists) and the Easter zs2# (méltan), a proces-
service of Holy Saturday starts with the Canticle sion is formed. At the end of the service, all come
of Moses, #E-Cy n&Pt!-A? (Nésebbého forward to kiss the cross held by the celebrant in
läýégziýabéher, ‘We praise the Lord’; Ex. 15:1b– his hands, whilst exchanging the Pascal dialogue
20) sung to the rhythm of the drum (÷Käbäro). (this is done up until Pentecost): “Christ is risen
The Resurrection has not yet been explicitly pro- from the dead! – With great force and power.
claimed, but it is already perceptible. – He has bound Satan – And delivered Adam
On Holy Saturday, reeds are distributed at – Peace! – Peace! – Henceforth – There is joy and
the end of the service as a sign of the coming peace!”. Once midnight has passed, the Easter
Resurrection of the Lord. According to certain mass may begin (cf. Fritsch 2001, §§ 544–79).
authorities, a mass may be celebrated on Holy
Saturday, but in practice this is hardly ever Mäshafä gébrä hémamat
the case (cf. Habtemichael Kidane 1997:102f.; The most ancient manuscripts of the G.H. do
Fritsch 2001, § 520). not date any farther back than the 15th cent. The
On Easter night, the worshippers gather in the translation of this Coptic liturgical book is usual-
church for a very long series of readings: namely, ly attributed, perhaps mistakenly, to abba ÷Säla-
the entire ÷Revelation of John, the entire ma “the Translator”. According to Getatchew
÷Psalter – distributed amongst all the partici- Haile, it is possible that he rendered into GéŸéz
pants – and the entire Gospel of John, readings only certain homilies, but not the entire liturgical
from the O.T. and other ecclesiastical works, book. By that time, an Ethiopian liturgy of Holy
all interspersed with appropriate chants. Before Week must have already existed. Today we can
the Trishagion, the celebrants and the assembly only reconstruct it through different hypotheses
alternately sing the Pascal hymn (corresponding (cf. Habtemichael Kidane 1997:132; Zanetti in
to, but not identical with, the Easter troparion of PICES 11, 774f.). A translation of the G.H. in
the Byzantine Churches): “Christ is risen from the multicultural milieu of ÷Dayr as-Suryan
the dead. He died and trampled death under during the mid-14th cent. has also been suggested
foot. To those who were in their tombs, He has (Proverbio 1998:106ff.). Five manuscripts of the
given a life of eternal rest.” After the resurrection G.H. have been described in catalogues: three of
727
Gébrä Hémamat
them date from the 15th cent. (EMML 1765, 4434, On the other hand, with the possible excep-
4752) and two are more recent: London, BritLib, tion of the biblical commentaries, the sections
Orient. 2080: between 1694 and 1706 A.D.; that are read appear to originate from a foreign
Paris, BN, Griaule 72: 20th cent. A collation of source, even though they have been perfectly
these manuscripts (plus the 17th–18th-cent. ms. adopted and adapted. Besides the Holy Scrip-
Paris, BN, d’Abbadie 11 which was examined ture, one finds homilies and exhortations from
de visu) has been made, also in comparison with well-known Copto-Arabic collections. The
the text of the only printed edition, produced Déòrä wängel, for example, is a translation of
by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in 1980 the Copto-Arabic tarh (a kind of psali). In the
(described in Boussygina 1999). The readings Ethiopian services for the Holy Week there is
of the manuscripts consulted quite often agree no shortage of readings from apocryphal works:
with each other, in spite of displacements and the Täýammérä Maryam, the Täýammérä Iyäsus,
minor variations; on the whole, the manuscript the ÷Laha Maryam and the Mäshafä ÷dorho.
tradition they represent appears to form a unity The Sénkéssar, as well as the Haymanotä abäw,
– which may lead one to surmise that an attempt originate from Egypt. Most of the prayers, too,
at “normalization” was made at some point. In are taken from the Coptic repertoire. This, how-
so many respects does the 1980 G.H. text differ ever, does not exclude the possibility that some
from the one transmitted in those manuscripts prayers are of Ethiopian composition. Whatever
that an origin in a different manuscript tradition the distant origins of the various sections may be,
can be assumed for the printed edition. the actual G.H. has been perfectly assimilated
The “normal service”, to which the manuscripts and “Ethiopianized” and profoundly expresses
refer, contains for the ordinary hours certain ru- the Ethiopian religious feelings.
brics, a number of variable readings from the O.T. Src.: Ethiopian Orthodox Church (ed.), P-:y
– sometimes accompanied by a commentary – a BxxM , Addis Abäba 1949/50 A.M. [1957 A.D.], repr.
psalm-verse and a passage from the Gospel, with 1972 A.M. [1980 A.D.], new ed. 2004; EMML 1765, 4434,
one or two homilies in the morning (÷Sébhatä 4752; StrBritLib 57–71, no. 40 [Orient. 2080]; StrGriaule
nägh), one at the ninth hour and possibly another 5–9, éthiopien 376 [Griaule 72]; CRAbb 116, no. 80
[d’Abbadie 11]; Getatchew Haile, letter to the author,
at the eleventh hour (with a few exceptions). 6 March 1991.
This service corresponds (even if not fully) Lit.: Oswald Hugh Ewart Burmester (ed., tr.), Le
to that of the Coptic Church, especially for the lectionnaire de la semaine sainte, 2 vols., Paris 1933, 1934
Scripture readings (cp. the concordance of Bur- (PO 24, 25), vol. 1, 169–294, vol. 2, 175–485; Id., “The
mester 1934:475–85). The Coptic lectionary does Homilies or Exhortations of the Holy Week Lectionary”,
Le Muséon 45, 1932, 21–70; Marina Boussygina, Études
not provide a commentary and comprises in its sur le Gébra Hémamat (Semaine sainte éthiopienne),
present state brief exhortations (ed. Burmester Mémoire, Louvain-la-Neuve 1999; Emmanuel Fritsch,
1932); the longer homilies presently found in The Liturgical Year and the Lectionary of the Ethio-
the 1980 G.H. edition, however, are also part of pian Church. The Temporal: Seasons and Sundays, Addis
the Coptic liturgical tradition (cf. Sauget 1987; Ababa 2001 (Ethiopian Review of Cultures, special issue
9–10); Habtemichael Kidane, “La celebrazione della
Zanetti 1983). The other supplementary readings Settimana Santa nella Chiesa Etiopica”, in: Antonius
have all passed over into the service in Ethiopia Georgius Kollaparampil (ed.), Hebdomadae Sanctae
itself. Additionally, Ethiopic manuscripts have a celebratio. Conspectus historicus comparativus, Roma
number of Scripture readings and homilies not 1997 (Bibliotheca “Ephemerides Liturgicae”, Subsidia
found in Coptic manuscripts, whilst on the other 93), 93–134; Delio Vania Proverbio, La recensione
etiopica dell’omelia pseudocrisostomica de ficu exarata
hand, they omit a few texts and show peculiar ed il suo tréfonds orientale, Wiesbaden 1998 (AeF 50),
anomalies (s. Zanetti – Boussygina). 94–108; Osvaldo Raineri, “Luca 23,42, greco, nella
liturgia etiopica del Venerdì Santo”, Ephemerides Li-
Literary composition
turgicae 94, 1980, 271–77; Joseph-Marie Sauget, “Une
Many books are used during the Ethiopian Holy ébauche d’homéliaire copte pour la semaine sainte”, Pa-
Week. Those sections which are chanted are nor- role de l’Orient 14, 1987, 167–202; Ugo Zanetti, “Is the
mally of Ethiopian composition and originate Ethiopian Holy Week Service Translated from Sahidic?
from the ÷Somä déggwa, the MéŸéraf or from Towards a Study of the Gebra Hemamat”, in: PICES
11, vol. 1, 765–83; Id., “Homélies copto-arabes pour la
other collections. The majority of them are ap- Semaine Sainte”, Augustinianum 23, 1983, 517–22; Id.
parently made up of verses taken from Holy – Marina Boussygina, “Gébra Hémamat ou Semaine
Scripture, in particular from the Psalms or from Sainte éthiopienne”, in preparation.
other Church compositions. Ugo Zanetti
728
Gédém
Gédém
G. (P;z , lit. ‘surrounding place/area’) is the
name attributed to an area in north-east Šäwa,
about 280 km north-east of Addis Abäba. Its im-
mediate neighbours are the Oromo populated-
district of Gillee Dugugguru in the east, Mänz
in the west, Efrata in the north and Qäwät in the
south.
The earliest mention of G. in the sources is
in one of the soldiers’ songs in honour of ase
÷ŸAmdä Séyon I (HuntAmdS 129; Guidi 1889),
perhaps an indication that it was one of the key
provinces conquered and controlled by the 14th-
cent. Ethiopian monarch and that the province
existed long before that.
In the 15th cent., during the reign of ase ÷Zärýa
YaŸéqob, G. seems to have been one of the most-
important provinces in the ruler’s vast empire.
On one occasion he appointed one of his own where he fought a fierce battle at Gädéllo in
daughters, Sofya, governor of G. Later he re- G. with Tewodros’s appointee over Šäwa,
moved her from that office and for much of his däggazmaó Bäzzabéh Wärq. It was Ménilék’s
reign his loyal governors bearing the title of :8y victory at G. which finally cleared his way into
uA> (räq mäsäre) governed over G. (PerrZarY Ankobär and let him proclaim himself king of
13, 16, 47, 71, 93, 95). The ÷óäwa troops often Šäwa on 22 August 1865.
camped there. Zärýa YaŸéqob’s son and successor, During the rise of Ménilék’s power, G. as-
÷BäŸédä Maryam I, appointed governors of G. sumed a low profile, until it reappeared on
bearing the title of !6#A# (aqansän). His ÷Gan stage during the battle of ÷ŸAdwa in 1896.
Amora contingent was also stationed there. It is reported that when Ménilék reached G.
Throughout its history, G. has been inhabited on his way to ŸAdwa with the tabot of Arada
by both Christians and Muslims. Šihabaddin Giyorgis in Addis Abäba, he changed his mind
ŸArabfaqih, the chronicler of ÷Ahmad b. and took the tabot of Bärgébbi Giyorgis instead.
Ibrahim al-Ëazi’s campaigns, mentions G. sev- He reportedly remembered a vow his mother
eral times (BassHist 280f., 283, 285, 287, 338f., wäyzäro Éggégayyähu made to the church
403, 408). His war-commanders, such as Goyta of Bärgébbi Giyorgis if her son Ménilék won
Nur, Wärýay ŸUôman, gärad Abgad, Addole against Tewodros’s appointee over Šäwa. Even
and others, marched over G. and converted the on his way back from ŸAdwa he brought the
local population to Islam. They burned down tabot of Bärgébbi and kept it in the church of
Kässayäh Abba Ewostatewos, one of the monas- Arada Giyorgis.
teries in G., which housed about 1,000 monks. In the first two decades of the 20th cent., G.
In the 16th cent. the area of G. fell into the was at one time part of the province of ÷Mänz
hands of the Oromo. Later, in the 17th–18th cent. and, at another, part of that of ÷Yéfat. It was one
it became one of the autonomous provinces of of the cores of Resistance against the Italian oc-
Šäwa and throughout the 19th cent., at different cupation (1936–41), notably under the leadership
times, a district and a province. The missionaries of the Mänz patriot lég Gézaóóäw Òayle and the
Isenberg and Krapf, as well as the French travel- patriot of Efrata and G., däggazmaó Damtäw
ler Rochet d’Héricourt, report that G. was an Mäšäša. After the liberation of Ethiopia in 1941,
important political unit, especially during the G. was either a district (wäräda) or sub-district
reign of ÷Íahlä Íéllase (1813–47). The governor (mékéttél wäräda) until 1974. It was integrated
of G. under néguí Òaylä Mäläkot of Šäwa was into the district of Efrata-Gillee of Yéfat-
defeated by the army of ase ÷Tewodros II, who Témmuga until 1991.
entered Šäwa via Gässe, Efrata and G. Later, in Src.: Charles Beke, Diary Written during a Journey to
1865, the future ase ÷Ménilék II entered Šäwa Abyssinia …, London 1846, 230, 238; GSMen 57f.; BTafA
via Kosobär in Efrata. He proceeded south, 493, 523ff.; IsKrapf 288; Charles François-Xavier
729
Gédém
Rochet d’Héricourt, Voyage sur la côte orientale de la 98; Manfred Kropp, Die Geschichte des Lebna-Dengel,
mer rouge …, Paris 1841, 264f.; HuntAmdS 129; PerrZarY Claudius und Minas, Lovanii 1988 (CSCO 503, 504 [SAe
13, 16, 47, 71, 93, 95, 112, 137; BassHist 280f., 283, 285, 287, 83, 84]), 17 (text) = 16 (tr.); Jules Perruchon, “Notes
338f., 403, 408; Ignazio Guidi, “Le canzoni geŸez-amarina pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie. Le règne de Lebna Dengel”,
in onore di re abissini”, RRALm 4, 4, 1889, 53–66. RevSem 1, 1893, 274–86, here 277, 283; Id., “Notes pour
Lit.: AbPrince 147, 181; BZHist 30; DTWDic 238; Ahmed l’histoire d’Ethiopie. Règnes de YaŸqob et Za-Dengel
Hassen Omer, Aspects of a History of Efrata Jillé (Shoa (1597–1607)”, RevSem 4, 1896, 355–63, here 358, 361;
Region) with Particular References to Twentieth Century, BassÉt I 17, 329f., II, 100; BegCron 21; CRHist 122f.,
B.A. thesis, History Department, Addis Ababa University 170f.; PerChron 116ff., 136, 146, 209, 215–18 (tr.).
1987, 8–11; Id., A Historical Survey of Ethnic Relations Lit.: Steven Kaplan, The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia:
in Yefat and Temmuga, North-East Shawa, 1889–1974, from Earliest Times to the Twentieth Century, New York
M.A. thesis, History Department, Addis Ababa University 1992; SerHist 164ff.; Merid Wolde Aregay, Southern
1994, 1–4, 71f., 87; Hussein Ahmed, Islam in Nineteenth Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom, 1508–1708, Ph.D.
Century Wallo: Revival and Reaction, Leiden 2001, 6, 12, thesis, University of London 1971; James Quirin, The
112; THMDic 1192; Merid Wolde Aregay, “Political Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: a History of the Beta Israel
Geography of Ethiopia at the Beginning of the Sixteenth (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia, PA 1992; BecRASO II-III.
Century”, in: PICES 4, vol. 1, 613–31, here 622f. James Quirin
Ahmed Hassen Omer
Geeraa
Gedewon
G. was the last Oromo state to be formed in the
G. (O:c# ) is the name and/or title that over the
÷Gibe region (for map s. Gibe). It was bordered
centuries used to bear the leader of the ÷Betä
by ÷Käfa in the south, ÷Gimma Abbaa Gifaar
Ésraýel. In Ethiopian Christian traditions on the
in the east, ÷Gomma in the north and ÷Guum-
legendary ÷Ménilék I (recorded in Mondon-
maa in the north-west. Like other states in the
Vidailhet 1904), G. was one of Ménilék’s three
Gibe region, the nucleus of G. was formed prob-
most important governors.
ably during the last decade of the 18th cent. and
During the reign of the Aksumite ruler
most definitely existed during the first decade of
÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl, another G. was known in
the 19th cent. However, the lack of adequately
Christian tradition as the uncle and teacher
recorded traditions on the origins of the Oromo
of abba ÷Yared, a man known for his musi-
states prevents us from establishing a clear pic-
cal notation and compositions. In Betä Ésraýel
ture of the formation of G. (It was not until 1974
traditions, Yared is remembered as a son of G.
that extensive oral tradition was collected in the
(Quirin 1992:25).
region, shedding light upon the process of state
After 1270, G. was often the name (or title) of
formation in G.)
the Betä Ésraýel leader as remembered in the Ethio-
In pre-state G. the different Oromo clans lived
pian chronicles and/or Betä Ésraýel oral traditions,
under their own elected ÷gadaa leaders, such as
such as during the reigns of ase ÷Yéshaq, and ase
÷abbaa bokkuu and ÷abbaa dulaa. The most
÷Lébnä Déngél. Finally, in the last stages of Betä
famous abbaa dulaa of G. was Gungi, an out-
Ésraýel political independence between 1563 and
standing warrior, described as a tall, well-built,
1632, one of the principal leaders (brother of
brave and handsome man (Guluma Gemeda
÷Gwäšén) was again G. A woman named Harago,
1980:33). His organizational ability, leadership
who was probably his sister, became the mistress
qualities and strong ambition enabled him to
of ase ÷Íärsä Déngél in the 1580s, and was the
create the nucleus of the state of G. His death
mother of the Emperor’s four sons. During the
short regency of ase ÷YaŸéqob, one of these sons, (most probably in a battle against one of the
G. was appointed governor of Sémen. During the more powerful neighbouring states) made a last-
next two decades he supported several pretenders ing impression on his people.
and rebels against ase ÷Susényos. He was finally Gungi’s son and successor, Tulluu Gungi,
killed by Susényos about 1625. completed and consolidated the process around
Src.: Francois Marie Casimir Mondon-Vidailhet,
1835. According to oral tradition, Tulluu Gungi
“Une tradition ethiopienne”, RevSem 12, 1904, 259–68; was an intelligent leader, a clever politician, a
Carlo Conti Rossini, Vitae sanctorum antiquiorum I. warrior king and a good administrator (JOT, fol.
Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Paris 1904 (CSCO ser. alt. 17); 7), who spread the fame of G. in and beyond the
Id., “Due squarci inediti di Cronaca Etiopica”, RRALm
Gibe region.
ser. 5a, 2, 1893, 804–18, 806, 810; Concetta Foti, “La
Cronaca abbreviata dei re d’Abissinia in un manoscritto G. was a land with flourishing agriculture. An-
di Dabra Berhan di Gondar”, RSE 1, 1941, 87–123, here tonio ÷Cecchi described it as “a basin surround-
730
Geerarsa
ed by softly notched hills with gentle slopes” Lit.: Charles Tilstone Beke, “On the Countries South
(CecZeila vol. 2, 263). The fertile valleys of G., of Abessinia”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society
13, 1843, 254–69; CecZeila vol. 2, 263, 280f., 541f.; Igna-
naturally watered with many streams, yielded zio Guidi, “Strofe e brevi testi amarici”, Mitteilungen des
abundant tef, maize, sorghum, énsät, finger-mil- Seminars für orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin 10, 1907,
let, and several varieties of beans and peas. Also 167–84; MHasOr 117; Bairu Tafla, “Three Portraits:
known for the abundance of coffee (MHasOr Ato Asmä Giyorgis, Ras Gobäna Daói and Sähafé Tezaz
117) and the variety of its spices (CecZeila vol. Gäbrä Selassé”, JES 5, 2, 1967, 133–50; CerFolk 161.
Mohammed Hassen
2, 280f.), G. was and still is famous for its eight
different qualities of ÷honey (JOT, fol. 27). Of
these, ebióaa, named after the plant from which Geerarsa
the bees extracted the nectar, was considered the
best honey in the Gibe region. It was known as G. is one of the most wide-spread genres of
royal honey, from which da¦i (‘mead’) was made ÷Oromo folk poetry. Traditionally, it was a war-
for the kings and great dignitaries to drink. rior song, boasting about an individual’s deeds
The wealth of G. attracted the attention of and (military) skills (from geraru, ‘sing before go-
its more powerful neighbour, ÷Onóo Gilóa ing to war’, TilHDic 258; cp. ÷Fukkära). It was
(1810–30s), king of Guummaa, who wanted to sung by single warriors, unlike the farsa, sung
control G. by overthrowing Tulluu Gungi and by a group or a clan as a whole (s. CerFolk 58,
replacing him by his half-brother, Abbaa Baso MHasOr 12). The G. was included as a separate
(1836–38). The power struggle between the two poetic genre by Onesimos Näsib in his ÷Galqa-
ended in Tulluu Gungi’s defeat and capture. De- ba barsiisaa. Leengiso Diiga, an ÷Arsi leader of
spite the sending of ambassadors to Guummaa the late 19th cent., is reported to have composed
by the leaders of ÷Limmu Énnarya, Gomma and the following G. (Abbas Haji 1995):
Gimma Abbaa Gifaar, Onóo Gilóa executed Tul- Koloobni gadii gatee
Abeetni guddifatee
luu Gungi. The ambassadors on their turn were Waan boru biyyaa tayuu
soundly beaten, imprisoned and forced to grind Waan boru Arsii tayuu
corn (Guidi 1907:181; Cerulli 1922:161) – an Leenjoon ardhumaa mul‘dhifatee
ultimate insult to the leaders of the surrounding ‘The Kolloba did not care of him
states. The latter not only waged wars against The Abeeta reared him up
What he will do tomorrow for the country
Onóo Gilóa, but also launched an effective prop- What he will do for the Arsi
aganda campaign depicting him as a monstrous Leenjiso has shown it today.’
tyrant and the embodiment of cruelty (Beke G. were traditionally sung by Oromo warriors
1843:259; CecZeila vol. 2, 541f.). during major ÷gadaa gatherings (e.g., gadaa
The wealth of G. also attracted Muslim trad- gindaa, or duula guuto, the ‘killing feast’), in
ers, instrumental in the spread of Islam. Thus, a order to win both the respect of the participants
merchant called Abbaa Garo established a good and the hearts of their mistresses.
relationship with King Abbaa Rago (d. 1848), A boasting couplet sung by hunters before or
cemented by mutual commercial interests. Ab- after a successful hunt (÷Hunting) can also be
baa Garo became the first Muslim king of G. called G. Killing an ÷elephant, for example, was
During the reign of his son and successor, ÷Ab- a feat of great bravery that deserved composing a
baa Magaal (1848–68), Islam took deep root. special G. (÷Meritorious complex).
According to Cecchi, Abbaa Magaal became a The genre has undergone a considerable func-
zealous Muslim towards the end of his life as a
tional and thematic transformation, whereas the
result of a letter from the guardian of the tomb
term G. has acquired a wider meaning. Today,
of the prophet in Medina in 1866.
almost any song can be called G., whether boast-
In 1882 ras ÷Gobäna Daci, ase Ménilék II’s
ing or not, and whether sung individually or in a
great empire-builder, forced the submission of
group. It may express different sorts of emotions,
Gummiti Gane, Queen-regent for Abba Rosa, the
not only traditional bravery and heroism: it may
young king of G. (Bairu Tafla 1967:147), bringing
also mourn over the “good old days” or narrate
to an end the independent existence of G.
of the real facts of life. Through G., one can talk
Src.: The 1974 Jimma Oral Traditions Project [JOT], fol.
7, 27; Guluma Gemeda, Historical Traditions of the Gibe virtually about everything: one’s socio-economic
States: a Preliminary Review of the Jimma Oral Tradition position, experiences, nostalgia, misgivings, the
Project, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1980, 33. wish for a brighter future etc. When the individ-
731
Geerarsa
ual feels mistreated by the authorities, or even by version of the Ethiopic script. G. was used for
his friends or neighbours, it is a means to try to all literary purposes during the Aksumite period.
tackle the situation by expressing his disapproval The only direct evidence of G. of Aksumite peri-
or protest and at the same time his commitment od can be found (apart from scarce G. words on
to overcome it (cp. ÷Éngwérgwérro). A well- the Aksumite coins) in the inscriptions. The lan-
known example of a G. one sings about being guage of the inscriptions differs in some aspects
poor, showing one’s determination to get rid of from the classical language of the post-Aksumite
poverty through work, is: period. A number of inscriptions are written in
Deega koo yaa farrisaa what is customarily defined as “pseudo-Sabaic”,
afi amman si fannisaa that is, G. imitating Sabaic by using certain
muka damee hinqabneetii
akka badde hingaleetii
Sabaic words (bn instead of G. wäld ‘son’, mlk
instead of G. néguí ‘king’) and (probably purely
‘My destitution, you are ugly.
You just wait, I will hang you graphic) mimation.
on a tree with no branches After the rise of the ÷Solomonic dynasty, G.
so that you never climb down and come back to me.’ maintained its overwhelming importance as a
Src.: Awag Onesimos – Aster Gannoo, Cs3(y (?CDy written language, and as the language of formal
&#Ay uJDy 7*By (?CA}#y !E#y '@{M (Jalqaba communication, e.g., in the liturgy. With few
barsiisaa: innis macafa dubbisuu barsiisanun afaan exceptions (e.g., Old ÷Amharic, ÷Harari, ÷Ara-
Oroomotti), Moncullo 1894; TilHDic 258.
Lit.: Abbas Haji, “Arsi Oromo Political and Military bic), G. was the only written language in Ethiopia
Resistance Against the Shoan Colonial Conquest (1881- until the 19th cent. As the language of the ÷Ethio-
6). Part 2”, Journal of Oromo Studies 2, 1995; Addisu pian Orthodox Täwahédo Church, G. still holds
Tolesa, Geerarsa Folksong as the Oromo National Lit- great prestige. It is also the liturgical language of
erature: A Study of Ethnography, Folklore, and Folklife
in the Context of the Ethiopian Colonization of Oromia,
the ÷Betä Ésraýel. The influence that G. exerts on
Lewiston, NY 1999 (Lit.); CerFolk 19, 58f., 102, 144f.; modern Ethio-Semitic languages can be traced in
Jeylan W. Hussein, “The Functions of African Oral Arts: educated loan words and “learned” constructions;
the Arsi-Oromo Oral Arts in Focus”, African Study Mon- e.g., the first Ethiopian passenger plane (1938) was
ographs 26, 1, 2005, 15–58, here 20ff.; MHasOr 12f., 152f.; named #F:y #M_1\ (Nésrä ýItyopya, ‘Hawk of
Philipp Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas,
Teil 2. Die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl, Ethiopia’), with the G. marker of construct state
Berlin 1896, 165, 180, 257; Claude Sumner, Proverbs, -ä instead of the Amharic genitive construction
Songs, Folktales: an Anthology of Oromo Literature, with yä-. For “educated” words in Amharic, G.
Addis Ababa 1996; Tessema Taýa, Hambaa Weedduu orthography is often retained. The position that
Oromoo: Some Oromo Traditional Songs, Finfinee 2000;
Alessandro Triulzi, ”Social Protest and Rebellion in
G. holds in Ethiopia has often been compared to
Some Gabbar Songs from Qellam, Wallaga”, in: PICES 5, that of Latin in Europe.
177-96; VSAe II, 209f., 604.
Bekele Gutema – Red. 2. Phonology
The inventory of the Proto-Semitic consonants
is reduced in G. through the merger of the Se-
GéŸéz mitic interdental fricatives (or affricates) with
1. Significance, affiliation, history the respective sibilants (*ô, *š, *s > s; *d, *z >
G. (P*w ) is the classical language of Ethiopia. z; *t, *s > s; s. Voigt in PICES 8 and 1994), and
Names used in European literature are “Classical the disappearance of Semitic *ë, which probably
Ethiopic”, “Old Ethiopic” or simply “Ethiopic”. merged with *Ÿ into Ÿ (Weninger 2002). On the
G. is not, as was stated by earlier researchers, an other hand, two new phonemes were integrated,
offshoot of Old South Arabian (Appleyard 1996). p and p, but these occur only in loanwords. The
The Semitic languages of Ethiopia (÷Ethio-Se- lateral obstruants ì and í are retained (Weninger
mitic) form an independent subgroup of the ÷Se- 1998), although in G. of the post-Aksumite
mitic languages. Within Ethio-Semitic, G. belongs period they are often in free graphic variation
to the North-Ethiopic group, together with ÷Té- with s and s respectively (other graphemes that
gre and ÷Tégréñña (Hetzron 1972:15–21). are often interchangeable in classical G. are h, h
G. was spoken in the kingdom of ÷Aksum. and ò; ý and Ÿ). The introduction of labialized ve-
The earliest extant texts are ÷inscriptions of the lars (kw, gw, òw, qw) was perhaps due to Cushitic
3rd cent. A.D., written in an unvocalized ÷script. substratum (Leslau 1945:62). The Semitic vowel
Later inscriptions were written in the vocalized system, which was characterized by quality and
732
GéŸéz
quantity distinctions (*a, *i, *u, *a, *i, *u), was according to person, gender (masc., fem.) and
transformed by way of mergers and monoph- number (sg., pl.). Verbal inflection in G. is very
thongization into a system characterized mainly regular.
by quality distinctions (ä, é, a, i, u, e, o [Correll Perfect, imperfect and jussive which build the
1984; Diem 1988]). To what extent the traditional basis of the verbal system are formed with differ-
pronunciation of G. nowadays preserves traces ent inflectional bases, e.g., in stem Ø1 qätäl- (per-
of the original pronunciation is still open to dis- fect), -qättél- (imperfect), -qtél- (jussive). The
cussion (Mittwoch 1926; Brockelmann 1929; Ul- perfect is inflected with suffixed morphemes: -ä
lendorff 1955:29–32; Makonnen Argaw 1984). (3 sg. masc.), -ät (3 sg. fem.), -kä (2 sg. masc.), -ki
(2 sg. fem.), -ku (1 sg.), -u (3 pl. masc.), -a (3 pl.
3. Morphology fem.), -kému (2 pl. masc.), -kén (2 pl. fem.), -nä
3.1. Pronouns (1 pl.). Imperfect and jussive are inflected with
The pronominal system is rather conservative. prefixed and suffixed morphemes: yé-…-Ø (3
The independent personal pronouns are: ýanä, sg. masc.), té-…-Ø (2 sg. masc.), té-…-Ø (3 sg.
‘I’, ýantä, ‘you’ (sg. masc.), ýanti, ‘you’ (sg. fem.), fem.), té-…-i (2 sg. fem.), ýé-…-Ø (1 sg.), yé-…-u
néhnä, ‘we’, ýantému, ‘you’ (pl. masc.), ýantén, (3 pl. masc.), yé-…-a (3 pl. fem.), té-… -u (2 pl.
‘you’ (pl. fem.). The third person pronouns are masc.), té-…-a (2 pl. fem.), né-…-Ø (1 pl.).
partly innovations: wéýétu, ‘he’, yéýéti, ‘she’, A typical innovation of Ethio-Semitic is the
ýémuntu, ‘they’ (masc.), ýémantu, ‘they’ (fem.). converb (gerund, verbal infinitive). It evolved
Parallel to the classical Semitic tongues of West- from an infinitive in the adverbial accusative
Asia, G. has a set of suffixed pronouns indicating and is inflected with the suffixed personal pro-
possessors at the noun and objects at the verb: nouns. The converb is hardly ever negated and
-yä, ‘my’, -ni, ‘me’ (at the verb), -kä (2nd pers. sg. occurs only in verbal sentences. The converbial
masc.), -ki (2nd pers. sg. fem.), -hu (3rd pers. sg. clause denotes preceding actions or concomitant
masc.), -ha (3rd pers. sg. fem.), -nä (1st pers. pl.), - states of the situation of the main clause: ]Aw+y
kému (2nd pers. pl. masc.), -kén (2nd pers. pl. fem.), #LTy Hgry 43 (wäsämiŸo néguí täkkäzä
-homu (3rd pers. pl. masc.), -hon (3rd pers. pl. téqqä‚ ‘when the king heard [this] he became
fem.). These pronouns are subject to mergers to a very sad’), where the converb sämiŸo denotes the
large extent, e.g., bet, ‘house’ vs. bet-u, ‘his house’ preceeding action ‘having heard’ and täkkäzä is
(nominative), and betä, ‘house’ (accusative) vs. the verb of the main clause (‘he became sad’).
bet-o, ‘his house’ (accusative), qätälä, ‘he killed’ Auxiliary constructions with the verbs of be-
vs. qätäl-omu, ‘he killed them’, qätälki, ‘you ing hallo, konä and näbärä are largely due to
(fem.) killed’ vs. qätälkéyy-o, ‘you (fem.) killed foreign (i.e. Greek, Arabic or Amharic) influence
him’. G. developed also an independent posses- (Weninger 1999; 2001:256–307).
sive pronoun on the basis of ziýa- (sg. masc.),
ýéntiýa- (sg. fem.) and ýélliýa- (pl.), e.g., ziýa-hu ‘his 3.3. Nouns and adjectives
own [possessions, home etc.]’. Demonstrative Common nominal patterns are qätl (e.g., ]s; ,
pronouns are formed with the elements z(é/ä/a)-, wäld, ‘son’), qétl (e.g., -?M , bért, ‘copper’),
éll-, -t-, (ý)ént-, -ku and nominal endings. qätäl (e.g., (:; , bäräd, ‘hail’), qétal (e.g., B\b ,
héyaw, ‘alive’), qétul (e.g., *;8, Ÿéruq, ‘naked’),
3.2. Verbs qätil (e.g., /*- , täbib, ‘wise’), qättal (agent
G. has preserved the Semitic root-structure of noun, e.g., K+? , gäbbar, ‘worker’, cf. K(: , gäbärä,
nominal and verbal morphology. The derivational ‘to work’), mäqtäl (tools, vessels and products,
system of the verb has produced more verbal e.g., us(F , mälbäs, ‘clothing’, cf. n-A , läbsä,
stems than the Asian Semitic languages by free ‘to clothe’), méqtal (nomina loci, e.g., zT\4 ,
combination of the inherited morphological ele- méíyat, ‘market’, cf. S/ , íetä, ‘to buy’), qätali
ments, e.g., !FH6Hn (ýastäqatälä, ‘to incite to (agent nouns, e.g., ==C , harasi, ‘plowman’, cf.
kill’), combining historical long *a (> a) in the =:A , haräsä, ‘to plow’). Patterns with mä- are
first syllable with the prefix ýastä- (s. Waltisberg used in participles. Feminine endings are -at and
2001). The use of some derivational morphemes -t. G. has broken plurals for masculine nouns.
is restricted to weak verbs or verbs with more Common plural patterns are: qétäl (e.g., &w# ,
than three consonants, e.g., ýan- (e.g., !#GA], ýézn, ‘ear’, pl. &r# , ýézän), qätält (e.g., #LT ,
ýansosäwä, ‘to walk around’). Verbs are inflected néguí, ‘king’, pl. |KTM , nägäít), ýaqtélt (e.g.,
733
GéŸéz
%^# , Ÿayn, ‘eye’, pl. !*^#M , ýaŸyént), ýaqtal (e.g., copula: &Fuy :@-y ^&Jy z;?y 8;yXv
l#I , kénf, ‘wing’, pl. !l!I , ýaknaf), ýaqtul (e.g., (ýésmä rähab yéýéti médr qédmehomu, ‘for spa-
RK? , hagär, ‘town, country’, pl. !WL? , ýahgur). cious is the land before them’; Gen 34:21), where
The Semitic nominative *-u and genitive *-i have yéýéti, ‘she’, agrees with the subject médr, ‘land’,
merged in G. resulting in a system with two and functions as the pronominal copula.
cases: bet, ‘house’ (nominative-genitive) vs. betä 4.3. Verbal clause
(accusative), nolawi‚ ‘shepherd’ (nominative-
G. syntax has a rather flexible Verb–Subject–Ob-
genitive), vs. nolawe (accusative). Nouns ending
ject (VSO) word order in the verbal clause. The
in -a, -e and -o are inflectible. G. has an inflect-
accusative of the object is often replaced by the
ible construct state formally identical to the accusa-
analytic construction with lä-, especially when
tive: betä néguí, ‘the house (nominative/genitive/
the object is determined: 3Hty n-&C (qätälo
accusative) of the king’. A supposed Proto-Se-
läbéýési, ‘he killed the man’, lit. ‘killed-him to-
mitic absolute case *-a has been proposed as the
man’).
etymon of the G. construct state (Tropper 2000).
Endings of the sound plural are -an (masc.) and 4.4. Clause linking
-at (fem.). In some cases the plural ending -at is The most frequent coordinating conjunction
affixed to broken plurals, e.g., nägäít-at, ‘kings’. linking main clauses is wä-. Relative clauses have
3.4. Prepositions and particles relative pronouns: -&Cy (#Y;Drzy rFvy
Fz+# (béýési bäýIyärusalem zäsému SémŸon,
G. has prepositions, some inherited from Semitic
‘a man in Jerusalem whose name was Simeon’;
prepositions, like bä-, ‘in’, lä-, ‘to’, laŸlä, ‘upon,
Lk 2:25). Other subordinate clauses always have
over’; some newly developed, like maýkälä,
a conjunction at the beginning, like, e.g., gu
‘in the midst of’, wéstä, ‘in, into’. Compound
(kämä, ‘so that’), G( (sobä, ‘since, as, when’),
prepositions like ýém-òabä, ‘from the side of’
&#r (ýénzä, ‘while’), etc.
(< ýém-, ‘from’, òabä, ‘towards’) are common.
There are no postpositions, but there is a variety 5. Lexicon
of conjunctions and discourse particles in enc- The lexicon has numerous cognates with the
litic position, e.g., -éssä, ‘but’, -nu (interrogative lexicon of the Asian Semitic languages, especially
particle), -ke, ‘now, then’. in the field of the core vocabulary (body parts,
4. Syntax kinship terms, verbs). Cushitic loan words are
G. syntax and style frequently reflect Greek, Ar- also frequent (Leslau 1988:84–88). There is also a
abic or Amharic models, depending on whether substantial body of words in the G. lexicon with
the text in question is a translated text, whether unclear etymology, which are nevertheless to be
found in other Ethio-Semitic languages, and other
it is an Aksumite classical or post-classical text,
words shared with Cushitic, where the direction
and on whether its milieu is monastic or courtly.
of borrowing is unclear (Leslau 1988). Greek loan
4.1. Noun phrase words are quite numerous in the ancient transla-
G. has no article. The basic word order within tion literature, but often occur only as isolated
the noun phrase is Noun–Attribute (NA). That hapax legomena. Loans from Syriac and other
this basic word order is rather flexible can be varieties of Aramaic often have religious connota-
seen in the translation texts of the Aksumite tions (Nöldeke 1910; Polotsky 1964; Marrassini
period, where usually the Greek word order is 1990). Arabic loans are quite numerous in some
retained in G. texts. Attributive adjectives agree post-Aksumite texts (cf. Weninger 2004). Loans
with their head nouns in case. Agreement in gen- from Coptic and Latin (Weninger 2000) are rare
der and number is restricted to persons. A ten- and often have intermediate sources (usually
dency to analytic constructions is visible in the Arabic). Amharic loans as designations for every
marking of possessors with the preposition lä-: day items on the one hand and for titles and other
,Iy n#LT (betu lä-néguí, ‘the king’s house’, administrative terms on the other, occur quite
lit. ‘house-his to-king’). frequently in the post-Aksumite royal chronicles
and in documentary texts (for a history of the G.
4.2. Verbless clause lexicon, cf. Weninger, in press).
In verbless clauses (nominal clauses) an in- The ten word list is: ýahadu, ‘one’; kélýettu,
dependent personal pronoun is employed as ‘two’; íälästu, ‘three’; ýésat, ‘fire’; may, ‘water’;
734
GéŸéz
warò, ‘moon’; ìähay, ‘sun’; dam ‘blood’; léssan, the Problem of the ‘Syriac Influences’ on Aksumite Ethi-
‘tongue’; sénn, ‘tooth’. opia”, JES 23, 1990, 35–46; Eugen Mittwoch, Die tra-
ditionelle Aussprache des Äthiopischen, Berlin 1929 (Ab-
6. Typology essinische Studien 1); Theodor Nöldeke, “Lehnwörter
in und aus dem Äthiopischen”, in: Id., Neue Beiträge zur
G. shares many typological features with other semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg 1910, 31–66;
classical Semitic languages like Arabic, Hebrew Hans Jakob Polotsky, “Aramaic, Syriac and GeŸez”, JSS
or Syriac. But there are also a few typological 9, 1964, 1–10; Josef Tropper, “Der altäthiopische Status
characteristics shared by G. and modern Ethio- constructus auf -a aus sprachvergleichender Sicht”, Wie-
Semitic. Most of the typological features of ner Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 90, 2000,
201–18; Edward Ullendorff, The Semitic Languages
modern Ethio-Semitic however are innovations, of Ethiopia: a Comparative Phonology, London 1955;
at least partly triggered by intense language Rainer Voigt, “The Development of the Old Ethiopic
contact with Cushitic. E.g., G. shares its VSO/ Consonantal System”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 633–47; Id.,
NA-word order with other classical Semitic “Die Entsprechung der ursemitischen Interdentale im
languages against modern Ethio-Semitic with Altäthiopischen”, in: Wolfhart Heinrichs – Gregor
Schoeler (eds.), Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65.
its SOV/AN-word order. The same applies to Geburtstag, Beirut 1994 (Beiruter Texte und Studien 54),
prepositions in G. vs. modern Ethio-Semitic vol. 1, 102–17; Michael Waltisberg, Die St-Stämme
with its many postpositions. On the other hand, des Altäthiopischen, München 2001 (LINCOM Studies
the converb is a feature that is shared by G. and in Afro-Asiatic Linguistics 8); Stefan Weninger, GéŸéz,
München – Newcastle 21999 (Languages of the World/
modern Ethio-Semitic. Features such as the rela-
Materials 01) [Lit.]; Id., “Zur Realisation des d (< î) im
tive verb, widespread use of cleft sentences, or Altäthiopischen”, Die Welt des Orients 29, 1998, 147f.;
palatalized consonants are innovations of mod- Id., “On Performatives in Classical Ethiopic (GéŸéz)”, JSS
ern Ethio-Semitic. The beginnings of some of 45, 2000, 91–101; Id., “Lateinische Fremdwörter im Äthi-
the typical modern Ethio-Semitic features can opischen”, Biblische Notizen 102, 2000, 141–45; Id., “Vom
Altäthiopischen zu den neuäthiopischen Sprachen”, in:
already be traced in G., like compound verbs or Martin Haspelmath et al. (eds.), Language Typology
the article (on the development of Ethio-Semitic and Language Universals 2, Berlin 2001a (Handbücher
typology, s. Weninger 2001a). für Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaften 20.2),
G., with its enormous body of texts and its 1762–74; Id., Das Verbalsystem des Altäthiopischen …,
long history of research, is among the best stud- Wiesbaden 2001b (Veröffentlichungen der orientalischen
Kommission 47); Id., “Was wurde aus *ë im Altäthio-
ied Semitic languages. Nevertheless, a compre- pischen?”, in: Norbert Nebes (ed.), Neue Beiträge zur
hensive modern historical grammar and a critical Semitistik: Erstes Arbeitstreffen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft
dictionary, especially one covering the non- Semitistik der DMG, Wiesbaden 2002 (Jenaer Beiträge
biblical material undocumented by Dillmann zum Vorderen Orient 5), 289–98; Id., “Anmerkungen
(DillmLex) are among the desiderata. zu den arabischen Fremdwörtern im Äthiopischen”, in:
StudAeth 361–69; Id., “Das Wortschatz des klassischen
Src.: DillmLex; LesCDic; Gabriele de Maggiora, Äthiopisch”, in: Bogdan Burtea et al. (eds.), Studia Se-
Vocabulario etiopico-italiano-latino, Asmara 1953; Au- mitica et Semitohamitica: Festschrift für Rainer M. Voigt
gust Dillmann, Ethiopic Grammar, tr. by James A. anlässlich seines 60. Geburtstages, Münster 2005.
Crichton, London 1907 [repr. Amsterdam 1974]; Tho- Stefan Weninger
mas Oden Lambdin, Introduction to Classical Ethiopic
(GeŸez), Missoula 1978 (Harvard Semitic Studies 24).
Lit.: David Appleyard, “Ethiopian Semitic and South
Arabian: Towards a Re-Examination of a Relationship”, GéŸéz
Israel Oriental Studies 16, 1996, 201–28; Carl Bro- G. (P*w ) is one of the three categories of melody
ckelmann, “Zur Kritik der traditionellen Aussprache (÷Zema) or mode (FsM , sélt) that constitute the
des Äthiopischen”, ZSem 7, 1929, 205–13; Christoph
Correll, “Noch einmal zur Rekonstruktion des altäthi- Ethiopian Christian musical system, the creation
opischen Vokalsystems”, Linguistische Berichte 93, 1984, of which is traditionally ascribed to St. ÷Yared.
51–65; Werner Diem, “Laryngalgesetz und Vokalismus. Assuming the name from the liturgical language
Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Altäthiopischen”, ZDMG of the prayer-texts it carries, G. zema is the most
138, 1988, 236–62; Robert Hetzron, Ethiopian Semitic:
common of the three categories of melody. It is
Studies in Classification, Manchester 1972 (Journal of
Semitic Languages Monograph 2); Wolf Leslau, “The used for most occasions in the annual liturgical
Influence of Cushitic on the Semitic Languages of Ethio- cycle, sometimes in alternation with ÷araray. G.
pia: a Problem of Substratum”, Word 1, 1945, 59–82; Id., zema is used on its own for the liturgy of roga-
“Analysis of the GeŸez Vocabulary: GeŸez and Cushitic”, tion ceremonies (zWq , méhélla).
RSE 32, 1988, 60–109; Lockot I, 253–61; Lockot II,
350–62; Makonnen Argau, Matériaux pour l’étude de
Characterized by Ethiopian musicians as “the
la prononciation traditionelle du Guèze, Paris 1984 (Mé- first” zema, G. is described by musicians as
moire 44); Paolo Marrassini, “Some Considerations on “strong” and “dry”. In terms of its metaphorical
735
GéŸéz
significance, G. is linked to God the Father, an with the Aksumite age when Christianity was
association derived from traditional accounts of introduced, ca. 330–900 A.D. From the literary
the life of Yared. point of view, this phase can be characterized
The repertory of short melodic patterns in G. as the Greek one. Although a great deal was
zema constitutes the largest of the three divi- achieved in the fields of art and architecture,
sions of the indigenous Ethiopian notational there is not much to report about the literary
system. Each G. melody is represented by a sign activities that took place under the ÷Zagwe
(÷Mélékkét) derived from the G. syllabary. dynasty that succeeded the Aksumite kings, ca.
The musical content of G. can be described as 900–1270. Most of the literature, both transla-
drawing on a pitch-set that is based on a series tions and original works that have survived,
of thirds, which are represented in Western staff was produced during the next, the so-called
notation as A–C/C#–E. However, the distance ÷Solomonic, dynasty, with its two houses, the
between the first two pitches in this series var- House of ÷Amhara (1270–1560), followed by
ies from an interval that is often slightly larger the House of ÷Gondär (1560–1770). Although
than a minor third to that of a major third; all this dynasty resumed its rule from Šäwa (1889
of the pitches can be, and often are, embellished – 1974), after the decline of Gondär the place of
by chromatic neighbouring notes. G. zema is GéŸéz as a living literary language had been taken
further characterized by distinctive vocal slides over by Amharic. Thus, since the turn of the 19th
(?l?l , rékrék). cent., GéŸéz continued only as the liturgical lan-
Lit.: Tito Lepisa, “The Three Modes and the Signs of guage of the Church and for the composition of
the Songs in the Ethiopian Liturgy”, in: PICES 3, vol. poetic qéne. From the point of view of literary
2, 162–87; Kay Kaufman Shelemay – Peter Jeffery, history, the period from 1270 to 1770 may be
Ethiopian Christian Liturgical Chant, 3 vols., Madison,
WS 1993–97; VelMe II, 75–98. referred to as the Arabic one.
Kay Kaufman Shelemay
Greek period
During this period, the Christian kingdom of Ak-
GéŸéz literature sum was at its zenith in civilisation and political
GéŸéz (or Classical Ethiopic) has been the writ- power. It was the time when most of the Christian
ten language of Ethiopia at least since the begin- East, including the ÷Coptic Church of Alexan-
ning of the Christian Era. Therefore, when in the dria, used Greek as its main written language. It
first half of the 4th cent. ÷Christianity reached was also the period during which, according to
the country, the latter was ready to receive its tradition, missionary monks came to Ethiopia
teaching in writing – which marked the begin- from the Mediterranean world “with their books”.
ning and subsequent fortunes of G.l., one of the The Christian literature brought to Ethiopia dur-
most peculiar features of Ethiopian civilization. ing this time was inevitably the Greek literature of
G.l. is the main reason why historians include the Copts, besides a few works produced in the
Ethiopia among the nations of the Mediterra- contemporary Palestinian milieu (Bausi 2000–02:
nean world. Ethiopia shares with this world not 78, n. 7; Fiaccadori 2003:253, n. 34).
only the tradition of writing but also the content Ethiopia’s close relationship with Alexandria
of its literature, Judeo-Christian. throughout its Church’s history has encouraged
Apart from the chronology and the relevant Ethiopian pilgrims, especially monks, to visit
historical context, a major problem in the study ÷Egypt and live in the Egyptian monasteries,
of the history of G.l. is the identification of the worshipping with the Copts, or even building
authors of the works composed locally and of the their own monasteries. The continuous presence
translators of the imported ones. Ethiopian men of Ethiopians in Egypt and the hardly ever inter-
of letters attach little importance to recording in rupted tradition of having a Copt as Ethiopia’s
titles and colophons their names and the dates metropolitan meant for the Ethiopian Church
of their works. In most cases, the latter must the translation into GéŸéz of the literature of the
be assessed by circumstantial evidence found in Coptic Church and its importation to Ethiopia.
chronicles and in the works themselves. This included doxologies, such as the ÷Wéddase
Traditionally a survey of G.l. is presented in Maryam, ascribed to ÷Ephrem the Syrian, and
chronological sequence, according to the periods some (not all) of the eucharistic ÷Anaphoras,
associated with the ruling dynasties. One begins some 20 of which are known to exist, even though
736
GéŸéz literature
only 14 are in current use by the Church. Even lation, as some sources suggest, or because the
the melodies for chanting may have originated in books were obtained from his personal library, as
Egypt and were adapted possibly by St. ÷Yared. others imply, is not clear. Nevertheless, tradition
Works transmitted during this period include credits him with translations of the Lectionary
first and foremost the biblical books, the N.T. for Passion Week, the ÷Gébrä hémamat; several
from the Lucianic recension used by the Syrians lives of saints (÷Gädl); a homily by ÷Jacob of
at Antioch, and the O.T. from the Septuagint; the Serug and another by ÷Cyril of Jerusalem; the
÷Fisalgos; the collection of homilies by the early Testaments of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, ascribed
Church Fathers titled ÷Qeréllos (that is, ÷Cyril to ÷Athanasius; the ÷Filkésyos, one of the three
of Alexandria, who has several homilies therein); books of the monks (Mäsahéftä mänäkosat, s.
the monastic rules of Abbot ÷Pachomius; The ÷Monastic literature); and the ÷Lahä Maryam.
Shepherd of ÷Hermas; the Ascension of ÷Isaiah; The funeral ritual, Mäshafä ÷génzät, also con-
and the Books of ÷Enoch and ÷Jubilees. The last tains a homily attributed to Sälama himself.
three are extant in their entirety only in GéŸéz. The role of the monastery of ÷Däbrä Hayq
The liturgy is believed to have been firmly Éstifanos in enriching the Ethiopian Church
founded as Ethiopian by St. Yared, the musi- with hagiographic literature is unequalled by any
cian and priest who flourished during the reign other centre. Lives and miracles of saints (desert
of Gäbrä Mäsqäl (r. ca. 530/31 or 538/39–48). fathers, martyrs) and angels, including the
Tradition ascribes to the saint the composition of ÷Gädlä hawaryat and the ÷Gädlä sämaŸétat,
the hymns of the ÷Déggwa, the antiphonary for were translated from Arabic by the monks of this
the year, and their music. The Déggwa contains monastery. Apophthegmata Patrum (known in
beautiful hymns, some rhyming, for God and GéŸéz as Zena abäw qéddusan, ‘The Story of the
the saints of the Church – angels, martyrs, desert Holy Fathers’), the ÷Sénkéssar, the two sources
fathers and mothers. Some are sung on the eve of Ethiopian canon law (the ÷Senodos and
and some on the day of their commemoration. ÷Didésqélya), the Zena Éskéndér (÷Alexander
The Wéddase Maryam and the ÷Anqäsä bérhan, the Great), the Mäshafä ÷säŸatat and one of the
ascribed to Yared, are part of the Déggwa. The Mäshafä ÷fäws mänfäsawi were all among the
content of the Déggwa has been considerably products of that age.
extended to include hymns for the saints who The years 1340–1500 mark the evident inter-
flourished after Yared. est of local (Ethiopian) scholars in writing on
topics that the imported literature did not deal
Arabic period with satisfactorily. Three authors are worth
Some Christian Arabic literature from Alexan- remembering. The first is ÷RétuŸa Haymanot,
dria seems to have reached Ethiopia during the the nom de plume of an unidentified scholar
Zagwe dynasty. The ÷Kébrä nägäít, which relates who seems to have flourished ca. 1375. A col-
the story of how the people of Ethiopia became lection of homilies for different feasts is ascribed
the chosen people of God in place of Israel, is to him and bears his name. The second author is
an example. But the work remained, according abba ÷Giyorgis of Sägla or Gasécca (d. 1476),
to its colophon, in its Arabic original until a to whom a number of important works are as-
dynasty favourable to its translation into GéŸéz cribed, including among others the ÷Arganonä
took power. Following the overthrow of the Za- Maryam, the ÷Égziýabéher nägíä, the Mäshafä
gwe dynasty in 1270 and the establishment of the säŸatat, the ÷Òoòétä bérhan and the Mäshafä
Solomonic dynasty, the clergy were ready to im- ÷méstir. The third author of this period was ase
port the Arabic Christian literature of the Copts ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68), who was not only
and to translate it into Ethiopic. They also began the head of state but also was the de facto head of
to compose original works in the same language. the Church and her principal theologian. Works
The Chronicle of ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon I must have coming from his time suggest that he had a scrip-
been written at the beginning of this period. torium in his palace where books were com-
The Church had then abunä Sälama the “Trans- posed, translated, and copied in large numbers
lator” (1348–88) as the metropolitan, interested in and distributed to the important monasteries.
enriching it with service books and hagiographi- Zärýa YaŸéqob notably had the collection of the
cal works, hence his nickname. Whether that was miracles of the Virgin Mary, the ÷Täýammérä
because he was personally involved in the trans- Maryam, expanded (the translation of which was
737
GéŸéz literature
begun by his father ase ÷Dawit II) by adding Among works translated during this period
other stories, some of them translated and others are the ÷Zena Ayhud by Joseph ben Gorion;
composed locally. These stories are small literary the ÷Fétha nägäít, a collection of ecclesiasti-
masterpieces, and those that deal with local is- cal and civil laws which the state used until the
sues are valuable historical sources. first half of the 20th cent. and which the Church
Questions such as the observance of the Satur- continues to use; ÷Giyorgis Wäldä ŸAmid, the
day-Sabbath, the theology of the Trinity and the universal history of Girgis b. al-ŸAmid; and
image of God, the number of the canonical scrip- the ÷Abušakér, another historical source, that
tures, and the veneration of icons and the cross includes a section on computing the movable
were points of serious dissensions among the feasts and fasts of the Church.
clergy of the time; and Zärýa YaŸéqob was a ma-
jor player in each controversy. He (and probably The years of the national crisis (1500–1632)
his scholars at the royal camp) produced the fol- During this period, while the Christian empire
lowing highly interesting works: the Égziýabéher was invaded by the forces of imam ÷Ahmad
nägíä, the ÷Sébhatä féqur, the Mäshafä ÷bérhan, b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”) from the east and
the Mäshafä ÷milad and the Mäshafä ÷íéllase, overrun by the migrating ÷Oromo from the
the Mäshafä ÷bahréy, the ÷TäŸaqébo méstir, the south, three scholars made names in the field of
÷Tomarä tésbéýét, the Kéhdätä säytan and the G.l.: ÷ŸÉnbaqom, ÷Arkä Íéllus and ÷Bahréy.
Dérsanä mälaýékt. ŸÉnbaqom was a Yemenite merchant who,
Most of these were composed in defence of as a Muslim, was well versed in the Islamic re-
Zärýa YaŸéqob’s theological and Christological ligion. He embraced Christianity and became
positions. Some are highly polemical in refut- a celebrated teacher and spiritual leader of the
ing the views held by others. Our knowledge of Ethiopian Church, promoted as far as to become
the views of most of the scholars the Emperor the éccäge of ÷Däbrä Libanos. In addition to the
refuted with such force come precisely from books he helped to translate into GéŸéz – such as
his refutations, unfortunately not directly from the other two monastic books, the Mar Yéshaq
their defenders themselves. Either their works (by ÷Isaac of Nineveh), and the ÷Arägawi män-
(sometimes together with the authors) were sup- fäsawi by John Saba – he wrote a book entitled
pressed or their views were not expounded in ÷Anqäsä amin, in which he attempted to prove
writing. Only the ÷Stephanites (the followers of the divinity of Christ even from the Islamic lit-
the monk ÷Éstifanos), who refused to give un- erature, including the ÷Qurýan, and to invite the
due reverence to Zärýa YaŸéqob (as the anointed invading Muslims to Christianity and the apos-
ruler), the Icon of the Blessed Virgin and the tates to repentance.
Cross, as demanded by the Emperor, have left us Such theological works as the ÷Haymanotä
literary expressions of their beliefs. They main- abäw, the ÷Tälmid and the Mäshafä ÷hawi were
tained that the metropolitan of the time agreed all translated during this period, to which the
with their positions, but fearing the wrath of the translation from Arabic of the Mäshafä ÷fälasfa
Emperor, could not contradict him. In fact, they täbiban most probably also belongs. ŸÉnbaqom
reported that Zärýa YaŸéqob attacked the metro- and a certain Salik of Däbrä Libanos must have
politan when the latter supported them. had a hand in the translation of these works.
Although it is not known for certain how The allusions to many sources found in the
it started, the composition of ÷mälkéý hymns chronicles of Gälawdewos (r. 1540–59), Minas
seems to have begun during this period. (r. 1559–63) and Íärsä Déngél (r. 1553–97), per-
Furthermore, Zärýa YaŸéqob’s quotation from haps made in part by Bahréy, and of Susényos (r.
the ÷qéne of one of his opponents indicates that 1607–32), made by Täklä Íéllase and ÷Méhérkä
the practice of using this type of hymn in church Déngél, reveal the high level of the literary life of
services must have started before this time. At the country at that time. Despite Grañ’s devas-
present, there are up to 20 types of qéne hymns, tating war and the destructive migration of the
identified by the number of the lines, which vary Oromo in progress then, the doctors of the local
from two to eleven, the rhythm, and the melody Church were active in translating works from
to which they are sung. In every major church, the Christian Arabic of the Coptic Church.
one of the clergy composes a qéne song for the The ÷Mäwaíéýt and the ÷MéŸéraf hymns are
occasion to be sung during the service. contributions of this period. Furthermore, it
738
GéŸéz literature
was then that the musical notation, the Déggwa, or more such texts were composed for most of
was reportedly introduced into the Church’s the nationally venerated saints. Of these, the
hymnody. ÷Mälkéýa Maryam and the ÷Mälkéýa Iyäsus, are
Although little is known about his identity and part of the daily prayers of the clergy. Some of
his monastery (if he was a monk), the poet ÷Arkä the “images” are of high literary quality, but as
Íéllus must have flourished during this period, as not all were composed by “licensed” theologians
Bahréy mentions him in his hymns for the saints. they may violate the Church’s teaching.
This religious poet is remembered in the Church The Gondär clergy developed a new collection
as the author of the five-line hymns to the saints of hymns for the saints, the ÷Ziq. The individual
found in the Sénkéssar. His work, titled by his ab- hymns are composed of lines from the mälkéý
breviated name, ÷ŸArke, has become a model of and Ÿarke for the saint, and a new hymn of two
hymn composition. The Ÿarke hymns have been or more lines, the ziq, is added as a refrain. The
gathered in a single volume as a collection, and the ziq has its own musical notation.
individual hymns are inserted at the end of each Although the service with qéne hymns had
Sénkéssar entry for a particular saint. The Ÿarke become a tradition centuries earlier, it certainly
hymns for the saints who lived after Arkä Íéllus reached its peak during the last period of G.l. The
are, of course, the compositions of other authors. qéne genre was originally intended to praise God
Another important author was abba Bahréy and his saints with new songs (Ps. 95:1 and 97:1),
(b. 1535/36 A.D.). His works show that he was but in the course of time it has been used for pan-
a ÷liq, an erudite, with a vast knowledge of the egyrics to flatter people of power and authority.
literature and a writer of great talent. It is now The oral composition and use of qéne contin-
clear that most of the contents of the manuscript ues to this day, but writing in GéŸéz has virtually
BritLib Orient. 534 (WrBriMus 84), especially ceased. The interest in secular literature and the
the ÷Mäzmurä Kréstos, the ÷Mälkéýa Gäbréýel foreign missionaries’ use of vernacular languages
and the ÷Sälamä qéddusan, are the works of this to attract followers have inspired writers, includ-
monk. The Mäzmurä Kréstos was modeled after ing Church scholars, to use Amharic in place of
the Psalms of David, with each of the 151 Psalms GéŸéz.
of Christ corresponding in the number of lines A treatise on the existence of God and his
and of words on each line to its counterpart in nature ascribed to a certain Zärýa YaŸéqob, and
the 151 Psalms of David. Bahréy quotes from its continuation, ascribed to his disciple, Wäldä
almost all known (and two unknown) GéŸéz Héywät, are said to have been written towards
sources, noting them on the left margin of the the end of this period. It is known today as
page where the quotations occur. Unlike the ÷Òatäta Zärýa YaŸéqob and is accepted by
GéŸéz version of Psalms of David, the Psalms of modern scholars with skepticism. Unlike what
Christ rhyme. As for his Sälamä qéddusan, the we observe in the works of Ethiopian teach-
model for it is Arkä Íéllus’s ŸArke. ers, the author of this treatise reaches, by his
Abba Bahréy is well known and highly ac- own reasoning, a knowledge of the existence
claimed among modern scholars as the author of God and of this God’s relationship to man.
of the chronicle ÷Zenahu lägalla, copied on less In the process he rejects the teachings of the
than three folios of ms. BritLib Orient. 534 and established religions, Christianity and others.
on the margins of ms. Wien, Kaiserlich-Königli- This rational approach has made some schol-
che Hofbibliothek, Aeth. 4 (Rhodokanakis 1906: ars, especially Conti Rossini, conclude that he
69). The text is an ethnography of the Oromo, was not an Ethiopian, but a Catholic mission-
which he wrote during the height of their migra- ary who did nor want to reveal his new faith to
tion into central Ethiopia. This short account of his superiors. The language of the Òatäta Zärýa
the social structure of the Oromo and the man- YaŸéqob is that of what Ethiopians would call a
ner of their migration, written by an eyewitness Dawit dägami or one whose daily prayer (and
observer, is unique and of immense importance reading) is the Psalter. Unlike the writings of the
for the history of the Horn of Africa. liqawént, the Òatäta is not enriched with ideas
The latter part of this period (1632–1770) is from traditional literature. Whatever quotations
marked by the continuation of the tradition are added here and there from the scriptures,
of chronicling the emperor’s deeds and by an they would not put the author on a par with
increase in the number of mälkéý texts. One Ethiopian teachers or with a Catholic mission-
739
GéŸéz literature
ary of the caliber of Giusto Da ÷Urbino, who who believed that enemies were using charms
had received the education of his Church. The to destroy him, took the harshest measure to
time was as conducive for that author to ask destroy magic literature and magicians. He
theological questions as it was for abba Bahréy informs us in his Tomarä tésbéýét that he had
to ask why a few Oromo with inferior weapons destroyed a voluminous manuscript contain-
could defeat the Ethiopian government. He ing such prayers, which he found in his palace.
seems to be an Ethiopian rebel whose education But there is no indication that he did more than
had not gone beyond the elementary grade of a that. The literature still flourishes underground
qéne school. The reason why his treatise is void as well as aboveground. The prayers of Mary
of biblical quotations outside the Psalter is most and the ÷Léfafä sédéq, both sanctioned by the
probably because the author was not versed in Church, has many “secret names” of God and
them, rather than because he rejected them. The Jesus Christ.
Òatäta Zärýa YaŸéqob is, thus, by any criteria ÷Hagiography; ÷Historiography; ÷Hymns;
part of G.l. ÷Manuscripts; ÷Monastic literature; ÷Prayers
Src.: BassÉt; WrBriMus; EMML; ZotBNat; DillmZarY;
The underground literature MarrAmdS; PerChron; PerrAmdS; PerrZarY; GuiIohan;
ŸEnbAqom, Anqasa Amin (La Porte de la Foi). Apologie
The Christians’ belief that prayers heal the éthiopienne du Christianisme, contre I’Islam à partir du
faithful from their sickness (James 5:14) has Coran, ed., tr. by Emeri Johannes van Donzel, Leiden
been stretched, to include the word or the spell 1969; CRRic; Ignazio Guidi (tr., ed.), Il Fetha Nagast
as a cure or curse or charm (÷Magic scrolls; o “Legislazione dei Re”, Codice Ecclesiastico e Civile di
Abissinia, Roma 1899; Nikolaus Rhodokanakis, “Die
÷Prayers). This is a phenomenon that can be äthiopischen Handschriften der k.k. Hofbibliothek zu
observed in non-Christian communities as well. Wien”, Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen
In Ethiopia, biblical texts, such as John 1:1–5, are Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 151,
commonly copied on a piece of parchment and 1906, 1–93; Lanfranco Ricci, “Le Vite di &nbaqom e
di Yohann<s, abbati di Dabra Libanos di Scioa”, RSE 12,
carried on the neck. 1955, 91–120; ibid. 14, 1959, 69–107; Kurt Wendt, Das
Not realizing that words such as Adonay, Mashafa Milad (liber Nativitatis) und Mashafa Sellase
Alšaday, Elohim have non-GéŸéz forms because (Liber Trinitatis) des Kaisers Zarýa YaŸqob, Louvain 1962
they have no GéŸéz equivalent, many of the cler- (CSCO 221 [SAe 41]).
Lit.: Alessandro Bausi, “Alcune osservazioni sul Gadla
gy assume that they have been preserved because Hawaryat”, Annali IUO 60–61, 2000–01 [2002], 77–113;
they have spiritual, in fact, magical power to heal Enrico Cerulli, “The ‘Kalila wa-Dimnah’ and the Ethi-
the sick, protect the healthy and destroy the en- opic ‘Book of Baralaam and Josaphat’ (British Museum
emy if invoked in prayers or carried copied on MS. Or. 534)”, JSS 9, 1964, 75–99; CerLett; CerMaria;
Marius Chaîne, “Répertoire des salam et malke’e conte-
parchment or paper. This comes from the belief
nus dans les manuscrits éthiopiens des bibliothèques d’Eu-
that God has numerous secret names (÷Asmat) rope”, ROC 2e sér. 8, 18, 1913, 183–203, 337–57; Carlo
that would oblige him to hear prayers faster and Conti Rossini, “Note per la storia letteraria abissina”,
respond favourably when they are repeated the RRALm ser. 5a, 8, 1899 [1900], 197–285; Id., “Lo Òatata
number of times prescribed. Some GéŸéz sources Zarýa YaŸqob e il Padre Giusto da Urbino”, ibid. ser. 5a,
29, 1920, 213–23; Id., “Il libro di re Zarýa YaŸqob sulla
imply that Jesus Christ himself used these Custodia del Mistero”, RSE 3, 2, 1943, 148–66; CRHist;
“powerful words” when he healed the sick and Roger W. Cowley, Ethiopian Biblical Interpretation:
raised the dead. Furthermore, they claim that he A Study in Exegetical Tradition and Hermeneutics,
revealed these secret names, including his own, Cambridge 1988, 385–431; Gianfranco Fiaccadori,
“Un’epigrafe greca aksumita (RIÉth 274)”, in: Vincenzo
to his mother, Mary, and to his disciples when he Ruggieri – Luca Pieralli (eds.), Eujkosmia. Studi mis-
sent them to preach his gospel. cellanei per il 75˚ di Vincenzo Poggi S.J., Soveria Man-
Magical prayers, like these, must be common nelli (cs) 2003, 243–55; Getatchew Haile, “The ‘Kalilah
among Muslims and the clergy of the Coptic wa-Dimnah’ and the ‘Mazmura Krestos’”, in: PICES 5b,
Church because some of the Ethiopian ver- 373–86; Id., The Different Collections of Nägí Hymns in
the Ethiopic Literature and Their Contributions, Erlan-
sions have Arabic words that must derive from gen 1983; Id., “Religious Controversies and the Growth
Christian and Islamic Vorlage, e.g., bismilýab and of Ethiopic Literature in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
aŸuzu billahi, respectively. Centuries”, OrChr 65, 1981, 102–36; GuiSLett; Déborah
The Church would have liked to suppress this Lifchitz, Textes éthiopiens magico-religieux, Paris 1940;
Enno Littmann, “Zu A.W. Schleicher’s ‘Geschichte der
literature, but it has not succeeded because the Galla’”, ZA 9, 1938, 389–400; Jacques Mercier, Ethio-
chief culprits are themselves members of the pian Magic Scrolls, New York 1979; Eugen Mittwoch,
clergy who practice it in secret. Zärýa YaŸéqob, Die amharische Version der Soirées de Carthage mit einer
740
Genealogy
Einleitung: Die angeblichen abessinischen Philosophen By the late 19th or early 20th cent., ase ÷Méni-
des 17. Jahrhunderts, Berlin – Leipzig 1934 (Abessinische lék II dispatched officials throughout the country
Studien, vol. 2); RicLett; Claude Sumner, Classical
Ethiopian Philosophy, Los Angeles ²1994. to staff G.b., overseeing the collection of taxes and
Getatchew Haile their transfer to Addis Abäba. Written records of
deposits and expenditures, often kept in Arabic as
well as in Amharic, were designed to minimize cor-
Gémb ruption, though little is known of how successful
The term G. (Pz- ) has the meaning ‘wall’, such efforts were. In the provinces, government
‘castle’, ‘tower’, or even designates masonry in officials and soldiers were paid out of G.b. stores,
a stone building. It is attested in GéŸéz docu- though the details of actual practice likely varied
ments (Tgn. variant: Pz* gémbi, but standard in time and place. In Harär in the early 1930s, the
Amh.: génb), first and foremost in the names of G.b. accepted taxes in the form of grain or stock,
(today often ruined) Gondärine “castles” and but often sold the products for cash, which was
antiquities, such as ÷Bahréy Gémb, Gémb Giy- then at the government’s disposal.
orgis, and ÷Maryam Gémb. The palace of ase An ancient institution, the G.b. eventu-
÷Fasilädäs at ÷Gondär is commonly referred ally foreshadowed the Ministry of Finance (“the
to as Fasil Gémb (lit. ‘G. of Fasilädäs’), and the government’s G.b.”), created by ase Ménilék II
nearby chancellory of ase Yohannés I as Waräqät in 1906. The finance minister was then, theoreti-
Gémb (lit. ‘Paper G.’, or ‘Archive house’); the cally at least, responsible for tallying the regis-
“Turkish bath” of Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogä- ters of all the G.b. in the provinces and had the
sa) as Wäšäba Gémb (‘G. for steam-bathes’; authority to inspect their stores and registers at
s. GuiVoc 758-62). The traditional structures any time. This system ensured a degree of central
with egg-shaped domes are referred to ÷énqulal government control over the country’s finances,
gémb. but granted local administrations some fiscal
÷Architecture; ÷Forts freedom. In 1931, for example, the expenses for
Src.: KaneDic 1912; LesCDic 196; THMDic 1184; provincial celebrations held to mark ase ÷Òaylä
GueCopMen 50; GuiVoc 716, 758–62. Íéllase I’s coronation in Addis Abäba were cov-
Lit.: Ghiorgis Mellessa, “Gondar Yesterday and To-
day”, EthObs 12, 3, 1969, 164–76; Francis Anfray, “Les
ered by local G.b. rather than the Ministry of
monuments gondariens de XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: une Finance in the capital.
vue d’ensemble”, in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 9–45. Src.: CRHist 64 (text); GueCopMen; Ignazio Guidi,
Ill.: Mario di Salvo, Churches of Ethiopia: The Monas- “Due nuovi manoscritti della ‘cronaca abbreviata’ di
tery of Narga Sellase, Milano 1999, fig. 116f.; Guy An- Abissinia”, RRALm ser. 6a, 2, 1926, 337–421, here 359;
nequin, “Le lac Tana et ses îles. Trésors méconnus d’une BeckHuntAlvar 444, 553; [Register of] The Imperial
thébaide à l’abandon”, Les dossiers d’archéologie 8, 1975, Ethiopian Secretariate of Harär and its Environs, 2
80–115, here 81, 83. Miyazya 1925 E.C. – 29 Mäskäräm 1926 E.C., Addis
Richard Pankhurst Ababa, IES, ms. 933; MahZekr.
Lit.: Harold Marcus, The Life and Times of Menilek II,
Lawrenceville – New York 1995.
Gémga bet Tim Carmichael
G.b. (PzFy ,M , lit. ‘silk house’) was histori- Génbot ÷Calendar, Christian
cally the imperial treasury or storehouse, and
thus a part of the ÷Gébbi compound. It was also Genealogy
known as PzFy `# (gémga wašša, ‘treasure Socio-cultural role of genealogy
cave’), a term hinting at the antiquity of the insti- G. is both the history of descent of a family or
tution, or PzFy 6(! (gémga däbäna, ‘treasure descent groups and the system describing it. In
tent’). According to Alvares, the G.b. was part both senses it plays a crucial role in written and
of the palace complex in early 16th-cent. Šäwa, oral ÷historiography among the ethnic groups
where the bäŸalä gémga tents housed the em- in the Horn of Africa. Knowledge of G. is of
peror’s wardrobe and treasures (BeckHuntAlvar utmost importance for culture and local politics,
444). G.b. was headed by the ÷bägérond. Over having to some degree very practical purposes,
time, G.b. were established throughout the being in no way a privilege of the mäsafént
country and were employed to store taxes, trib- (÷artistocracy). A G. may serve, e.g., to prove
ute, weapons and sundry, other goods belonging one’s rights to (landed) property or to participa-
to the national or provincial government. tion in (local) decision-making processes.
741
Genealogy
Forms and structure of genealogies boundaries resulting in ÷inter-ethnic clan rela-

G. are preserved in both oral and written form, tions. Persons who are genealogically connected
the most traditional model for the latter being consider themselves “brothers” or “sisters”.
the biblical one, i.e. “X begat Y, Y begat Z, etc.”. This establishes a strong tie, which results in the
G. are often written on the margins, though quasi-impossibility of refusing mutual help. G.
there are examples of manuscripts entirely dedi- can also be of practical economic importance,
cated to a G. They may be regularly amended, being the key instrument to legitimate a family’s
e.g., the ancient manuscript of the descendants or group’s right to land. In the context of local
of the wag šum, still in possession of the family. disputes on land, G. is a legal instrument. Elders
Leading families in particular had their G. kept (÷Šémagélle), who are the keepers of customary
in their “house churches” or monasteries linked law, may also preserve genealogical knowledge.
with them, e.g., the G. of däggazmaó ÷Säbagadis Contradictions between G. can be resolved in
Wäldu is kept in religious manuscripts at the meetings with elders from other groups, who
monastery of ÷Gundä Gunde. Such lists do not compare their knowledge.
differ visually from ordinary text pages (fig. 1). A new genealogical link through a “politi-
Another form of G. is graphic, introduced cal” marriage between two descent groups can
perhaps in the 19th cent. only, linking names help in ending conflicts (Oromo: ÷gumaa). The
written on a large manuscript scroll with lines “discovery” of an ancient genealogical link can
symbolizing descent. This model is known from be used in the course of a peace-making proc-
European medieval manuscripts. An example ess or to achieve a political goal. Among the
of such type is the nine-meter-long scroll with Oromo and other Cushitic-speaking peoples
an Amharic G. of the descendants of Prophet the adoption of non-Oromo individuals or
÷Muhammad kept at the Institute of Ethiopian even (ethnic) groups (÷Guddifaóaa; ÷Moassa)
Studies’ archive (fig. 2). Modern publications has the function of establishing a permanent
with G., especially on dynasties, often contain relationship, based on the idea of fraternity. Such
graphic representations, e.g., a round circle, with an adopted group may even claim a genealogical
néguí Íahlä Íéllase in the centre, for all descend- link to the adoptive group, even if non-histori-
ants of the Šäwan dynasty (cp. Mahtämä Íéllase cal. Comparable procedures can also be observed
Wäldä Mäsqäl n.d.). among northern groups. Some G. are social G.,
The main principle of G. in the Horn of Af- not historical: a newcomer family in a village in
rica is patrilineality. There are few exceptions to Tégray, for example, may have been included in
this pattern, as in cases when a specific right was the village’s G. in order to allow access to land
introduced into a male line by a woman, or in for the immigrants’ descendants. Another case
the case of such matrilineal ethnic groups as the are the Tégréñña-speaking villages within the
÷Kunama. A genealogical list may also contain Bilin territory; even if not speaking the same
the names of all the sons of a certain forefather, language, Bilin assemblies have recognized their
especially if they are founding fathers of settle- inhabitants as descendants of the Bilin founding
ments or played an important role in politics. In fathers.
some cases daughters are also included, particu- G. serve to stabilize a group’s identity, in-
lary if through their marriages important genea- cluding its ideological and religious basis. As
logical links were established. a wide-spread phenomenon, many Ethiopian
Traditional ÷naming rules reflect the central genealogical narratives set up a connection – in
role of G., the second name being patronymic the case of Christians – to the “Israelites”, and,
among most Ethiopian peoples, sometimes fol- more specifically, to King ÷Solomon, or – in the
lowed by a third name, that of the grandfather. In case of Muslims – with Arab descent groups and
a way, such names are a simplified G. the Prophet Muhammad. Like the ÷Solomonic
dynasty, the ethnic groups of the northern high-
Genealogies as a legal and social instrument lands in general trace their descent back to the
A G. is an important political instrument for “Israelites” who are said to have come to Ethio-
enforcing solidarity within the group and pia together with ÷MénilékI. Such genealogical
even across its borders. Through genealogi- claims served to strengthen the self-identification
cal networks, descent groups get linked to one with the myth of the biblical origin of Ethiopia.
another. Such linkages may even cross ethnic G. also define the lineage (“sip”; ÷Énda) in
742
Genealogy
Fig. 1. Genealogy of ase Yohannés IV, linking the Emperor to King Solomon and Adam; ms. of a Chronicle of ase
Yohannés, end of the 19th cent., pp. numbered 38, 45; Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase, ŸAdwa (cp. BTafY 18ff.), photo 2005,
courtesy of Wolbert Smidt
the narrow sense. Ethnic groups usually follow to a weakened identification with the original
a combination of endogamic and exogamic prin- descent group (÷Kinship). The effect is that
ciples; e.g., endogamic ethnic groups practice even a clear affiliation to an ethnic group may
exogamy on a lower level, members of one “sip” sometimes become blurred, children of mixed
not being allowed to marry each other, which is Gurage and Oromo background, e.g., identify-
guaranteed by the existence of a G. The defini- ing themselves rather with the “national” culture
tion of lineage is strictly patrilineal in the case (“Amhara”). As this example shows, the idea of
of Ethio-Semitic ethnic groups of the northern G. is closely connected with that of “belonging”,
highlands, e.g., Tégréñña-speakers and Amhara: but only if belonging is defined through descent,
those with a common patrilineal ancestor less which guarantees access to resources like land or
than seven generations away are considered offices or to the solidarity of the “own” group.
“brother and sister” and may not marry. On
the mother’s side, however, the relation can be Genealogy as a historical source
much closer (only about four generations). Until G. is an important source and instrument for
today this is the most common reason for which modern historiography. Any understanding of
even youngsters know at least about seven gen- individual networks – both between “locals”
erations of the father’s G. (the “seven names”), and rulers and between descent groups – needs a
this being a precondition for marriage. Among thorough study of G. Carefully interpreted, they
Muslim groups, on the contrary, marriage be- can give valuable evidence for population move-
tween cousins is allowed. ments and settlement history. They can even help
G. often quickly loses its social role among detect the approximate time of a ÷migration: the
urbanized people, especially in Addis Abäba number of generations regularly counted in G.
(starting from already the second generation in one region can reveal a population paradigm
of migrants to the city). Marriage rules of their change at the time of the apical ancestor(s):
original ethno-cultural groups lose partly or en- ŸAfar and Irob G., for example, count 24 genera-
tirely their significance. The loss of importance tions and go back to the ca. 14th cent. One may,
of G. is a symptom of the more general tendency combining this with other pieces of evidence,
743
Genealogy
Fig. 2. Genealogy of Prophet Muhammad, in Amharic, 20th cent. (detail); photo by Maki Momoka, courtesy of IES (IES
P5310046)
conclude that in this period their ancestors mi- Western researchers sometimes misinterpret
grated to the region, after a major population contradictions among G., depreciating them as
breakdown. Historical information can also be unreliable. This, however, can result from the
elicited from the appearance of names in differ- misunderstanding of the terms used for the con-
ent languages or with an identifiable geographic struction of a G. Especially in the case of forefa-
or ethnic background (cp. ÷Amaaro), or show- thers tracing back to more than seven or twelve
ing a change of religion (typical, e.g., for Bilin or generations, G. tend to be simplified for practical
Wällo G.). G. can also help reconstruct names of purposes. The aim of a G. is the documentation
local office-holders, often being the only sources of historic “truth”, but not the preservation of
to have preserved these names. every name and every generation. A filiation
744
Genealogy
(“son of”) does not necessarily mean that there Dynastic genealogy
is a distance of only one generation between the Any proprietary and social status of any free
two persons listed; the term “son” may simply Ethiopian was considered legal if inherited from
mean “descendant”. “The two sons of…” may the ancestors. This was the reason why everyone,
therefore well mean “the son and the [grand]son from peasant to emperor, knew and remembered
of …” as is the case in the medieval founding leg- their G. The perception of history was, too,
end of the Akkälä Guzay descent group. genealogical – from Adam for the mankind and
In many G., names of apical ancestors are not from the Old Testament Books of Kings for the
personal, but geographical or ethnic denomina- state. The G. of private persons were naturally
tions. This is a consequence of the traditional a private matter and were only made public on
identification of a territory with its “owners” the occasion, for example, of a court suit in
and of a descent group with its apical ancestor property questions. Dynastic G. were a differ-
and vice versa. Ethnic subgroups could be called ent matter as they were of public importance.
after their apical ancestor (e.g., the ÷Däqqi However, even under these circumstances they
Täššém), on the other hand, the place name, seldom were written down, and dynastic G. are
becoming the group’s name, could later get the a rare occurrence in Ethiopian ÷historiography,
function of an ancestor’s name (e.g., the G. Kuš > whether official or not. As a matter of fact,
Ityopis > Aksumawi). The legendary geographi- Ethiopian historiographers would only resort
cal origin of a migrant group is often reflected in to dynastic G. in exceptional cases, in order
their G. (e.g., the ÷Gurage coming from GuraŸ; to justify a breach in a custom (e.g., a dynastic
“Gura”, sometimes even “Akkälä Guzay” or overturn) by presenting it not as an instance of
“Erétra” also may appear as a personal name violation but, on the contrary, of the triumph
of an ancestor). In this sense both geographical of an eternal tradition of legal inheritance and
and genealogical concepts can be related to each continuity of power and ÷kingdom. This was
other. At the same time, names of far ancestors the real motivation behind such Ethiopian dy-
may correspond to historical reality (e.g., the nastic treaties as the ÷Kébrä nägäít or ÷BéŸélä
important ÷Hamasen ancestor “néguí” Märoni nägäít or the inclusion of G. into chronicles. The
Kébrä nägäít was meant to account fully for the
seems to correspond to a 13th-cent. historical
deposition of the ÷Zagwe dynasty in 1270 by
leader).
substantiating the far-from-the-obvious thesis
Src.: GueCopMen; KolTrad I–III; Anthony d’Avray,
Lords of the Red Sea: the History of a Red Sea Society
that the Ethiopian royal dynasty was the legal
from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries, Wiesba- (genealogical) successor of the Israelite dynasty
den 1996 (AeF 45); Id., The Nakfa Documents. The Des- of David and Solomon, that Solomon’s firstling
patches, Memoranda, Reports and Correspondence De- was his Ethiopian – and not Jewish – son, and
scribing and Explaining the Stories of the Feudal Societies that Ethiopia was thus the “new Israel”. Though
of the Red Sea Littoral from the Christian-Muslim Wars of
the Sixteenth Century to the Establishment 1885–1901 of
formally the BéŸélä nägäít was also devoted to
the Italian Colony of Eritrea, Wiesbaden 2000 (AeF 53); the events of the dynastic coup of 1270, i.e. the
Ruffillo Perini, Di qua dal Marèb (Marèb-Mellàsc’), “restoration of the legal power of the Solomonic
Firenze 1905; blatten geta MaÒtämä ÍÉllase Wäldä dynasty” represented by ase ÷Yékunno Amlak,
Mäsqäl, Wbs9y Mbs;y r#LFy DWny TqE (Hwélqo the real reason for the creation of the treaty was
téwléd zä-néguí Sahlä Íéllase, ‘The Number of Genera-
tions of King Sahlä Íéllase’), no date, no place; interviews
the necessity to account for the coming to power
with Maharänna Íéyyum, Asmära, August 1993; Käbbädä of a new branch of the dynasty, the descend-
Hordofa, Addis Abäba, May 2004; fitawrari Iyasu ants of ase ÷Susényos, in the new capital of the
Asbéha, Mäqälä, June 2004; néburä éd Elyas Abraha, Christian empire, ÷Gondär. This treaty clearly
Aksum, July 2004; néburä éd Bälay Märäsa, Aksum, reveals the miraculous elements that had become
July 2004; Muluwärq Kidanämaryam, Mäqälä, July 2004;
céqa šum Kämal SaŸid, Énticco, July 2004; Òaylä Mäläkot
characteristic for royal G.
Agizäw, Addis Abäba, July 2004; field notes of Dirk Bus- It is true that G. were the legal ground for any
torf from Gurage, 1999. proprietary or social claims, whether peasant or
Lit.: BTafY 18ff.; CrawItin 205–11 [Appendix II. “Asgade king; the character of these claims, however, var-
and the Habab tribe”]; Stephanos Pierre Pétridès, Le ied considerably. On the basis of his G., a peasant
Héros d’Adoua, Ras Mekonnen Prince d’Ethiopie, Paris
1963, 63; BrHad; BrKam; ShGurage; Didier Morin, Dic- could claim his share in common land heritage
tionnaire historique afar (1288–1982), Paris 2003. (the ÷rést of all the descendants of a common
Wolbert Smidt ancestor), a pretender to the throne, in his turn,
745
Genealogy
wanted to obtain the whole kingdom, and thus (÷Gädl) or even certain homilies, such as, e.g.,
claimed an exclusive right that cancelled the the ÷Dérsanä Raguýel, which contains, as a
rights of all other pretenders – descendants of the vaticinium ex eventu, a narration on the sons of
same ancestor. In disputable cases, this artificial ase ÷Lébnä Déngél. Archangel Raguýel foretells
situation resulted in artificial G., as they required the imminent downfall of the descendants of ase
an element that would unarguably prove one sin- ÷Minas, Lébnä Déngél’s third son, i.e. of the
gle pretender’s exclusive right. Such an element Gondarine dynastic branch, and the rise of the
was usually a miracle: a wonderful appearance, descendants of Lébnä Déngél’s youngest son
a prophecy of a saint, by all means something Yaýéqob who settled down in ÷Šäwa. Such was,
supernatural; and it was necessary to make this indeed, the political situation at the beginning of
miracle well-known, which is why such G. had the 19th cent., time of the final redaction of the
to be written down. In any case, it did not hap- Dérsanä Raguýel. Later, when the Šäwan dynasty
pen very often, as there were seldom doubts in reached supreme power in the Christian Empire,
the legitimacy of successorship on the throne. neither the text nor the Archangel found ob-
A disputable situation emerged in 1730 when, livion. Ase ÷Ménilék II dedicated a church at his
after the death of ase Bäkaffa, ÷Iyasu II, his son new residence to St. Raguel (÷Éntotto Raguýel),
by his youngest wife Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan and Taddäsä Zäwälde published his “Short His-
Mogäsa), was declared Emperor. This happened tory of the Descendants of abetohun YaŸéqob”
due to the efforts of a small group of nobles (Addis Abäba 1956, conceived as a continuation
from Qwara, relatives of Méntéwwab, who thus of the Dérsanä Raguýel – little wonder, as the
became regent of her underage son. Iyasu had then Emperor ÷Òaylä Íéllase I was considered
therefore the right to the throne thanks to his Yaýéqob’s direct descendant. The Emperor him-
father but could only perform this right thanks self did not neglect the opportunity to use G. in
to his mother (or, rather, her family). Such state his own political interests, and the second article
of affairs had to be somehow grounded, and this of the ÷Constitution of the Ethiopian Empire
need led to an innovation: a special G. of the clearly connects the imperial position of Òaylä
ruling monarch was written. The Chronicle of Íéllase I’s line with his “direct descent from
Iyasu II’s reign starts with the G. of Ethiopian the dynasty of Ménilék I, the son of Sheba, the
kings from Adam to Bäkaffa. It is followed by the Queen of Ethiopia, and King Solomon, King
G. of Queen Méntéwwab, where all those rela- of Israel”, i.e. with the dynastic myth from the
tives were mentioned who assisted Iyasu to the Kébrä nägäít.
throne and practically ruled the country during It can be concluded that dynastic G. were nev-
his younger years. In order to justify this actual er an independent subject of literary activity but
royal overturn, Bérhan Mogäsa’s G. contains dif- merely an instrument of the authors in pursuit of
fuse prophesies on “how Lord repeatedly kept their own political aims.
telling our fathers about Iyasu’s and Méntéwwab’s Src.: BezKebr; GuiIohan; GuiIyas; Ignazio Guidi, “Due
reign”. The first prophecy is ascribed to the fa- nuovi manoscritti della ‘Cronaca abbreviata’ di Abissinia”,
RRALm ser. 6a, 2, 1926, 357–414; Taddäsä Zäwälde,
mous Ethiopian saint ÷Wälätta Petros: persecut- \,NS#y \*9-y Mbs;!y !O?y K<l (Yabetohun
ed by the “apostate” ruler Susényos, she declares YaŸéqob téwléddéna accer tarik, ‘A Short History of the
to Méntéwwab’s ancestors that “a king shall be Descendants of Abetohun Yaýéqob’), Addis Abäba 1948
born by a daughter of a daughter who shall save A.M. [1956 A.D.]; André Caquot, “L’homélie en l’hon-
the people of Israel and by whom all the peoples neur de l’archange Raguel (Dersana Ragu’el)”, AE 2, 1957,
91–122 ; Boris Turaiev, “Bogatstvo Tsarei”. Traktat
of the earth will be blessed”. This narration is fol- o dinastióeskom perevorote v Abissinii v 13 veke (‘The
lowed by the prophetic visions of Méntéwwab’s Riches of Kings. The Account on a Dynastic Overthrow
grandmother, Méntéwwab herself and her brother in Abyssinia in the 13th cent.’), St. Petersburg 1901 (Za-
Wäldä Léýul. piski Vostochnogo otdeleniya Imperatorskogo Russkogo
Arheologicheskogo Obschestva II–III, vol. 13), 157–71.
One can say that most of the written dynastic Lit.: LaVerle B. Berry, “Factions and coalitions during
G. bear such pronounced literary character, even the Gondar Period, 1630–1755”, in: PICES 5b, 431–41;
if the goals their creators envisaged were neither Id., “Coalition Politics and the Royal Office in mid-18th
literary nor historical. Century Gondar”, in: PICES 10, 219–24; Sevir Cher-
In Ethiopia, all literary works devoted to netsov, “Medieval Ethiopian Historiographers and
Their Methods”, in: PICES 9, vol. 5, 191–200; Id., “The
the past were considered historical, whether Crisis of Ethiopian Official Royal Historiography and Its
chronicles, dynastic treaties, lives of saints Consequences in the 18th Century”, in: PICES 11, 87–101;
746
Genne Gummiti
Carlo Conti Rossini, “La caduta della dinastia Zagué disciple of Täklä Haymanot). In more recent G.
e la versione amarica del Beýela Negest”, RRALm ser. 5a, (after the 17th cent.), such very famous saints
20, 1922, 279–314; George Wynn Brereton Hunting-
ford, “‘The Wealth of Kings’ and the End of the Zagwe as Täklä Haymanot, Ewostatewos or ÷Gäbrä
Dynasty”, BSOAS 28, 1, 1965, 1–23. Mänfäs Qéddus are met with in the place for-
Sevir Chernetsov merly reserved to the earliest representatives of
Ethiopian ÷monasticism.
Monastic genealogy Src.: Ernest Alfred Thompson Wallis Budge (ed.),
Ethiopian monastic G., a part of ÷hagiography, The Life and Miracles of Takla Hâymânôt in the Version
of Dabra Lîbânôs …, London 1906, 189; Carlo Conti
are more or less original compilations formed by Rossini, “Il Gadla Filpos e il Gadla Yohannes di Dabra
sequences of names “enchained” to each other in Bizan”, MRALm ser 5a, 8, 1900 [1903], 61–170, here
a characteristic syntactic pattern: personal name 154ff.; Getatchew Haile, “The Monastic Genealogy of
(of the “spiritual father”) – wälädo lä (lit. ‘[he] the Line of Täklä Haymanot of Shoa”, RSE 29, 1982–83,
begot/generated [him]’) – personal name (of the 7–38; Id., “A Fragment of the Monastic Fathers of the
Ethiopian Church”, in: OrbAethChoj vol. 1, 231–37;
“spiritual son”). These G. can be found in the KurMoa 34–39 (text) = 28–31 (tr.); Gianfrancesco Lu-
Vitas of the saints (÷Gädl) or as autonomous sini, “Per una storia delle tradizioni monastiche eritree:
texts. They usually feature three different levels, le genealogie spirituali dell’ordine di Ewostatewos di
relevant to as many stages in the spreading of Dabra Sarabi”, in: Ugo Zanetti – Enzo Lucchesi (eds.),
Ægyptus Christiana. Mélanges d’hagiographie égyptienne
monasticism into Ethiopia; and cannot be used et orientale dédiés à la mémoire du P. Paul Devos, Bollan-
to date the actual lifetime of a monk according to diste, Genève 2004 (Cahiers d’Orientalisme 25), 249–72;
the position assigned to him within the text. Like Veronika Six (ed., tr.), Die Vita des Abuna Tadewos von
the hagiographers they are most often depending Dabra Maryam im Tanasee, Wiesbaden 1975 (VOHD,
upon, the Ethiopian compilers often placed a mo- suppl. 18), 42, 288, 290 (text) = 43, 289, 291 (tr.).
Lit.: Carlo Conti Rossini, [Review of Riccardo De
nastic leader into a prestigious ascendancy so as to Santis, “Il Gadla Tadewos di Bartarwa. Un contributo
link him to a particular movement or order, which allo studio della letteratura agiografica etiopica”, Annali
sometimes leads to chronological inconsistencies. Lateranensi 6, 1942, 9–116], RSE 3, 1943, 335–40; Marie-
The first – and most common – level of these Laure Derat, “Gäbrä Endreyas de Däbrä Qozät et les
généalogies monastiques du XVe au XIXe siècle: réecri-
G. refers to the Egyptian fathers of monasti- tures et réemplois”, AE 17, 2001, 229–55; Gianfranco
cism, and especially to ÷Anthony, Macarius Fiaccadori, “Nota su Yohannes Meíraqawi”, Quaderni
and ÷Pachomius; the second level, to the more utinensi 6 [11–12], 1988 [1991], 141–50, here 141 and n. 10,
prestigious Ethiopian monks of the early Chris- 145; LusStud 6–10.
tian period: the ÷Nine saints or the “isolated Marie-Laure Derat – Red.
saints”, as abba ÷Zämikaýel Arägawi or abba
÷MattaŸ. Lastly, the third level has its frame-
work in the monastic line or the community a Genne Gummiti
certain monk actually belonged in. For instance, G.G. (‘the lady from Guummaa’) was the
if he is presented as a disciple of ÷Iyäsus Moýa, daughter of Abbaa Dulaa, King of ÷Guummaa
one can find in his G. the name of Zämikaýel (1856–70), a fervent Muslim, who believed pas-
Arägawi, founder of the monastery of ÷Däbrä sionately in the spread of ÷Islam in Guummaa.
Damo where Iyäsus Moýa was initiated into In this she was helped by Abbaa Boka, King of
monastic life, then those of abba ÷Yohanni, ab- Gimma (1859–61), who sent Muslim teachers
bot of Däbrä Damo and teacher of Iyäsus Moýa, and preachers to Guummaa. Common interest
and Iyäsus Moýa himself, as the spiritual father in the spread of Islam resulted in a marriage alli-
of that monk. Hence, a few names of “spiritual ance between Guummaa and Gimma.
sons” can follow with reference to the monastic Accordingly, in 1860 G.G. married ÷Abbaa
community founded by the monk whose lineage Gomol, the son and successor of Abbaa Boka,
is reconstructed. Thus, among the numerous G., king of ÷Gimma (r. 1861–77). It was out of this
those of the followers of abunä ÷Ewostatewos marriage that ÷Abbaa Gifaar II, later a king of
and abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot can be easily dis- Gimma (r. 1877–1932), was born in 1861.
tinguished (÷Ewostateans). G.G. played a key role in the government of
Sometimes, the compiler adds a family G. to Gimma. Her husband, and later her son, sought
the spiritual one, in order to reinforce the link her advice on all matters. An extraordinary
between a monk and his relative master (e.g., in woman, endowed with a brilliant mind and
the hagiography of ÷Tadewos of Däbrä Maryam, generous hand, she was peace-loving, but also
747
Genne Gummiti
a strong-willed leader, passionately devoted to (s. Reckinger 1966; Dobberahn 1997). The time of
the welfare of her people. Thus, she encouraged composition of the M.g. is unknown, but texts for
the peaceful resolution of conflicts within the the funeral service – the ancestors of the M.g. –
Gibe region and between the Oromo and their might have been among those composed or trans-
neighbours and cultivated a friendly relationship lated from Greek in the early, possibly Aksumite,
with the nobility of Gimma, who served her with period (cp. Kropp 1999:170ff.; Fiaccadori 2003:
devotion and loyalty. 252, n. 34, for the Palestinian background and the
After the death of her husband in 1878, she relevant connections with the Nubian “Prayer
served as a regent for her young son Abbaa of the Deceased”). At least from the 14th cent.
Gifaar II. It was most probably under the influ- onward the book was enriched with additional
ence and guidance of G.G. and top officials that material, both indigenous and translated. The
Abbaa Gifaar II made the most important deci- commonly known version of the M.g. is clearly
sion of his reign in 1882, a peaceful submission linked to both such service books as Mäshafä
to néguí Ménilék of Šäwa (later ase ÷Ménilék II). ÷qändil and the Ethiopian ordo communis (s.
That decision not only saved Gimma from the Dobberahn 1997:659–62, 664–67). The ÷Senodos
destruction endured by the four other Oromo and the ÷Fétha nägäít are among the sources for
states that decided to resist Ménilék, but also the norms the M.g. sets for the funeral service (cf.
enabled the kingdom to enjoy a good deal of Bérhanä Mäsqäl Täsfa Maryam 1963:8).
internal autonomy up to the death of Abbaa The oldest extant manuscripts of the M.g., which
Gifaar II in 1932. allow an insight into the early stage of its textual
Lit.: Herbert S. Lewis, A Galla Monarchy: Jimma Abba tradition, are mss. BFBS 174 (Cowley 1982, no.
Jifar, Ethiopia, 1830–1932, Madison 1965; Hailemariam 38), dated by Cowley (1972) to the 15th cent.,
Goshu, The Kingdom of Abba Jifar II (1861–1934), B.A.
thesis, Addis Ababa University 1970; Richard A. Caulk,
Paris, BN Éth. 80, written in 1508, and Vat. Aeth.
“Territorial Competition and the Battle of Embabo, 51, dated to the 15th cent. Another important testi-
1882”, JES 13, 1, 1975, 65–88; Guluma Gemeda, Gomma mony is the 16th-cent. ms. EMML 1958, followed
and Limmu: the Process of State Formation among the by EMML 2487 and EMML 2791, belonging to
Oromo in the Gibe Region, c. 1750–1889, M.A. thesis, the 17th and early 18th cent. respectively. The other
Addis Ababa University 1984.
Mohammed Hassen manuscripts are from the 18th cent. onwards. Be-
ing an indispensable liturgical tool, the M.g. has a
very rich manuscript tradition. Therefore, the text
Génzät: Mäshafä génzät of the M.g. differs from one copy to another in
The M.g. (ue=Dy P#rM , lit. ‘The Book of the both contents and sequence of the parts: the more
[Corpse’s] Wrapping’) is a large collection of recent manuscripts present larger versions, as do
texts used for the funeral service, the prepara- the Ethiopian printed editions. A critical edition
tion of the body for the ÷burial being generally of the M.g. remains a desideratum.
known as génzät. The Amharic title of the book In its current version the M.g. is composed
is YIM=My ue=I (Yäféthat mäshaf, ‘Book of of eight parts (s. Dobberahn 1997:660–72): “the
Absolution’). Beyond the liturgical and practical watch over the dead” in the house of the deceased
functions of those texts, which ritualize the death (M.g. 1944, chs. 3–37); absolution prayers for
of the body and the separation of the soul from different categories of the dead according to their
this world (÷Féthat), the M.g. is supposed to gender, age and social status (priests, deacons,
grant the sins of the dead forgiveness. The M.g. monks and nuns; lay men and women, boys and
requires that the prayers begin from the house of girls etc.), corresponding broadly to the Coptic
the deceased, right from the “soul’s exit” from the ritual (chs. 38–99); the readings for the funeral
dead person, on to the church, and then continue procession to the graveyard, with seven stops,
in procession up to the graveyard; it contains also méŸéraf (lit. ‘stations’, chs. 100–27; the eighth is
the liturgy for the commemorations (÷Täzkar). in the church, the ninth at the grave); the funeral
The view regarding the M.g. as a purely Ethio- mass (chs. 128–39); the burial (chs. 140–52); the
pian composition is not supported by cogent commemorations (chs. 152–82); the memorial
arguments. It is commonly held that the M.g. is service (lTHM , kéítät; chs. 183–91); additional
of Coptic(-Arabic) origin, at least in its essential admonitions, didactic stories (chs. 192–200).
features, though the form of the Vorlage and its Extended biblical quotations are the substantial
relationship to the M.g. has yet to be established elements of the M.g. Purely Ethiopian elements
748
Geography
may be represented by the homily attributed to 1963 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.], 8; Carlo Conti Rossini, “I
abba ÷Sälama “the Translator” (d. ca. 1386) de- manoscritti etiopici della missione cattolica di Cheren”,
RRALm ser. 5a, 13, 1904, 233–86, here 247–52, no. 18;
scribing the Last Judgement (M.g. 1944, ch. 197; Ignazio Guidi, “Il Mashafa Genzat”, in: A. De Marchi
s. also Dobberahn 1997); a homily on the neces- (ed.), Miscellanea Ceriani, Milano 1910, 633–39, here 639;
sity of prayer; a homily for priests and deacons, GreTisVat 209–12, ms. Vat. Aeth. 51; SixDeu 162–65, no.
attributed to ÷Jacob of Serug (M.g. 1944, ch. 35); 57 (Lit.); ZotBNat 86f., no. 80.
Lit.: Friedrich Erich Dobberahn, “Das äthiopische
the seven “blessings” ()=k , burake) attributed Begräbnisritus”, in: Hansjakob Becker – Herman
either to ÷Samuýel of Kalamun, 7th cent., or to Ühlein, Liturgie im Angesichts des Todes: Judentum
÷Samuýel of Waldébba, who lived at the time of und Ostkirchen, Sankt Ottilien 1997 (Pietas liturgica 9,
ase Dawit II (M.g. 1944, ch. 148; cp. GuiSLett 10), vol. I [Texte und Kommentare], 137–316, 657–84
(Lit.); vol. II [Übersetzungen, Anhänge und Register],
28f.). The Ethiopian rite also added “the greeting 859–1036; vol. III [“Weitere Formulare zum äthiopischen
of the altar by the deceased”, with a correspond- Begräbnisritus”], 1397–1432, 1506f.; Gianfranco
ing prayer (M.g. 1944, chs. 1 [Téýézaz] and 128) Fiaccadori, “Un’epigrafe greca aksumita (RIÉth 274)”,
and more incense offerings. in: Vincenzo Ruggeri – Luca Pieralli (eds.), Eujkosmiva.
Studi miscellanei per il 75° di Vincenzo Poggi S.J., Soveria
Some pieces of the M.g. belong certainly to a
Mannelli (Catanzaro) 2003, 243–55, here 252, n. 34;
later period: regulations for the faithful which GuiSLett 28f. Ignazio Guidi, “Due antiche preghiere nel
should be observed, funeral prayers, a dis- Rituale abissino dei defonti”, OrChr new series 1, 1912,
course attributed to St. ÷Athanasius, the prayer 20–25; Piet van Breemen, The Readings in the Ethiopian
÷Mängädä sämay. The ÷Léfafä sédéq also is Burial Service, ms., Trier 1975; François Rekinger, Les
Funérailles éthiopiennes d’après les manuscrits Ethiopien
sometimes appended to the M.g. It is possible 80 et d’Abbadie 50 de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Ph.D.
that some additions were introduced during the thesis, Institut Catholique, Paris 1966; Roger Wenman
struggle with the ÷Jesuits in the 17th cent. Cowley, “Attitudes to the Dead in the Ethiopian
The ms. Vat. Aeth. 51 deserves special atten- Orthodox Church”, Sobornost 6, 4, 1972, 241–56; Id.,
“Ethiopic Manuscripts”, in: M. Rosaria Falivene
tion, for it is one of the oldest known testimonies – Alan F. Jesson (eds.), Historical Catalogue of the
of the M.g., significantly styled as “the book that Manuscripts of Bible House Library, London 1982,
came from Jerusalem” (fol. 24–30; cp. Guidi 66–121, no. 38; Manfred Kropp, “‘Glücklich, wer vom
1910:639); the manuscript also contains three Weib geboren, dessen Tage doch kurzbemessen, …!’ Die
altäthiopische Grabinschrift von Ham, datiert auf den 23.
formulae of absolution that have been in wide Dezember 873 n. Chr.”, OrChr 83, 1999, 162–76; abba
use ever since (fol. 33v–35v). Tecle Mariam Semharay Selam, De ss. Sacramentis
One of the major features of the Ethiopian fu- secundum ritum Aethiopicum, Ser‘ata Ghenzet, Romae
neral rite is the high number of täzkar. Whereas 1931, 101–06; Reginald Maxwell Woolley, Coptic Of-
fices, London 1930, 108–54; Gabriele Giamberardini,
the Coptic rite has three commemoration days
La sorte dei defunti nella tradizione copta, Cairo 1965.
(on the 3rd day, after six months and after one Tedros Abraha
year), accordingly, the Ethiopian rite has com-
memorative offices on the 3rd, 7th, 12th, 13th, 40th,
60th and 80th days, as well as in the sixth month Geography
after the death and on the anniversary. In the ÷Ethiopia (1,106,000 km²) and ÷Eritrea (ca.
M.g. both the value of absolution and the power 124,000 km2 including the ÷Dahlak and the
of the prayer for the deceased are stressed, while Haniš islands) occupy the central and northern
the high number and great importance of täzkar highlands of the ÷Horn of Africa (Ethio-
are linked to the primary religious belief that the Eritrean plateau); ÷Somalia (ca. 638,000 km²)
dead have to be sustained by the living. and ÷Djibouti (ca. 23,000 km²) occupy its
÷Funeral eastern and southern lowlands. The peninsula
Src.: ue=Dy P#rM (Mäshafä génzät, ‘The Book of the stretches on 16° N and from 32° E to 52° E. To
[Corpse’s] Wrapping’), Roma 1908 A.M. [1915/16 A.D.]; the west, mountainous ranges tower over the
ue=Dy P#rM| `tMy q*ny zbK# (Mäshafä génzät. Nile-Sudan basin and to the south, the Kenyan
Sälot laŸélä méwwétan, ‘The Book of the [Corpse’s] Wrap-
ping. Prayer over the Deceased’), Addis Abäba 1944 A.M. Rift. To the east, in the Indian Ocean, the Horn
[1951/52 A.D.], ²1979 A.M. [1986/87 A.D.]; Täsfa Gäbrä is penetrated by the Gulf of Aden, linked with
ÍÉllase (ed.), ue=Dy P#rM| `tMy q*ny zbK# the ÷Red Sea by the ÷Bab al-mandab straits.
(Mäshafä génzät. Sälot laŸélä méwwétan, ‘The Book of The steep coasts of Eritrea, Djibouti and
the [Corpse’s] Wrapping. Prayer over the Deceased’),
Somalia originated when they separated from
Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70 A.D]; BÉrhanä
Mäsqäl Täsfa Maryam (ed.), ue=Dy P#rM (Mäshafä the Arabic peninsula during the Cenozoic era.
génzät, ‘The Book of the [Corpse’s] Wrapping’), Asmära The north-south fractures of the East-African
749
Geography
Rift (÷Rift Valley) and the east-west faults of 1,840 m) and its tributaries (÷Märäb, Täkkäze,
the Aden graben meet at the western end of the Bašélo and ÷Didessa), runs through a series of
Gulf of Djibouti (÷Tagura), an area which saw deep gorges. Along with the ÷Baro river fur-
the birth of the Ardoukoba volcano in 1978. The ther south, it collects water, over 20 % of which
constant tectonic instability in the region creates comes from Ethiopian territory, channelling it to
volcanic activity, numerous thermal springs and the Mediterranean. In ÷Wälläga in the south and
earthquakes (such as Karäkore in 1953). This the Abbay canyon, the Precambrian basement is
expanse of intersecting faults in the centre of still visible, and partially covered with calcareous
the Horn of Africa has isolated the highlands, and sandstone strata dating back to the inferior
separating them from the Red Sea and the Indian Mesozoic and Paleozoic eras. In Tégray, Antalo
Ocean by a glacis of torrid, arid and desert limestone and ŸAddigrat sandstone have formed
lowlands. two massive table-top mountains (÷Amba),
In the north-east the vast arid tectonic depres- ŸAdwa and Däbrä Damo. In Eritrea the base-
sion of the ŸAfar Triangle (÷ŸAfar Depression) ment is dotted with sandstone and limestone
reaches a depth of -115 m B.S.L. at Lake Asälla patches, and slopes gently towards the ÷Gaš and
in the north and -153 m B.S.L. at Lake Assal in ÷Barka depression before rising again above the
Djibouti. Thick layers of marine and lacustrine Red Sea (÷Amba Soyra 3,031 m).
sediments as well as lava, scoria and travertines East of the Rift, the edge of the ÷Sidamo and
discharged by active volcanoes (ErtaŸale and ÷Arsi plateaus, and south of the ŸAfar Triangle,
Fäntale) have accumulated there. It was in this the rim of the ÷Harär mountains is lined with
area that remains of ÷Australopithecus afaren- ancient volcanoes that reach the same altitudes
sis and other important palaeoanthropological as those in the west (Bada 4,133 m, Qäóa 4,160 m
findings were discovered. This region (which is and Célalo 4,036 m A.S.L.). Limestone and sand-
considered an ocean in formation) is currently stone tables (Gara Mulläta 3,381 m) and chaotic
cut off from the Red Sea in the east by a moun- rocky terrains which extend into Somaliland
tainous horst (the Danakil Alps) formed from (2,408 m at Mount Buuraha) are still visible east
Mesozoic sedimentary rock covered by recent and south of Harär city. In Bale the volcanic
lavas culminating at Mount Musa ŸAli at an horst of Mount Batu (4,307 m) towers above
altitude of 2,051 m A.S.L. in Djibouti. The area the karst of the Sof Omar caves to the east. The
west of the ŸAfar Triangle is overlooked by the Mesozoic and Cenozoic plateaus and plains of
impressive cliff on the edge of the Eritrea, ÷Tég- the Ogaden slope gently towards the Benaadir
ray, ÷Wällo and ÷Šäwa highlands with a differ- in Somalia. The ÷Wabi Šäbälle (1,340 km long in
ence in altitude of ca. 2,000 m. Its southern base Ethiopia), its tributaries (Fafan and Erär) and the
is limited by the steep rim of the Harär and Arsi Juba river – formed by the ÷Ganaalee, Dawa and
plateaus and mountains. In the south-west, at the ÷Weyb – collect the waters of the eastern high-
latitude of Addis Abäba, the depression becomes lands (25 % of which are on Ethiopian territory,
a north-south rift, 10–15 km wide, at an altitude catchment area 205,407 km2) and carry them to
of 1,200 to 1,500 m which extends into Kenya. the Indian Ocean.
The Rift and the ŸAfar Triangle separate two In the Rift, endorheism prevails, and the south-
regions of highlands with differing areas and central region contains a number of volcanic
topographies. In the west, the solid plateaus lakes (÷Zway, ÷Šala, ÷Abyata, ÷Langano and
between 2,000 and 2,500 m A.S.L. consisting ÷Awasa). In the ŸAfar Triangle, the ÷Awaš river
of thick Cenozoic basaltic traps are topped by (1,200 km, catchment area 113,709 km2) collects
huge ancient volcanic cones that have been par- approximately 10 % of its water from Ethiopian
tially eroded (Ras Dašän 4,620 m, Abunä Yosef territory before disappearing into Lake Abbe.
4,190 m, Guna 4,231 m, Coqqe 4,154 m and The ÷Omo river (760 km) – formed by the
Abuyä meda 4,000 m). ÷Gibe rivers that originate from the volcanic
North from Addis Abäba, the highlands be- mountains in ÷Guduru, ÷Mäcca and ÷Gimma
long to the basin of the Blue ÷Nile (÷Abbay) – and its main tributary, the ÷Gogäb, cuts
and its tributaries (÷Täkkäze, ÷Bašélo, catch- deeply into the ÷Wälaytta and ÷Käfa plateaus
ment area 198,508 km2, i.e. 20% of Ethiopia). and curves around Mount Guge (4,203 m) to the
The Abbay, (spanning 800 km in Ethiopia) after west before it flows into Lake ÷Turkana near
it crosses Lake ÷Tana (3,600 km² at an altitude of the Kenyan border (catchment area 77,205 km2,
750
Geography
i.e. 6 % of Ethiopia ). The Bilate river, which patches of “primeval” forest that were cleared by
originates in the Gurage mountains (3,721 m), cereal cultivators in ancient times have been part-
runs into Lake ÷Abbayya. After the rains, the ly replaced by eucalyptus plantations (Gascon
water levels of these streams rise, irrigating and 1998). In the north and east, the remaining forest
fertilizing the lowlands of Ogaden, Somalia, Su- was replaced by coniferous trees (zégba and téd),
dan and Egypt. and in the South and West by broadleaf trees
Acting as a water reservoir for north-east Af- (sycamores, olive-trees, “willows”) and bamboo
rica, the Ethio-Eritrean highlands enjoy abun- forests on the Sudanese side. The slopes above
dant rains that predominantly fall from June an altitude of 2,800 m are home to ÷koso trees;
to September, with a short rainy season from tree-like heather, asta (Erica arborea), grows on
February to March. This orographical rainfall, elevations above 3,000 m, and at ca. 4,000 m afro-
which increases with altitude, is more regular alpine prairie dominates (÷Climate).
and intense in the south-west (Daniel 1977). For In the highlands, ÷famines are regular, often
7 to 9 months there are more than 2 m of rainfall worsened by ÷epidemics and wars. Neverthe-
in Wälläga, Käfa, Sidamo and Arsi, and more less, since antiquity the north has seen the birth
than 2.5 m for 10 to 12 months in ÷Illubabor. of an agrarian civilisation based upon rain-fed
In Šäwa, ÷Goggam, Wällo and ÷Gondär there cereal cultivation with ox-drawn ploughs. Be-
is 0.8–1.2 m of rainfall for four to six months; tween Addis Abäba and Asmära open fields and
Tégray and Eritrea receive approximately 0.6 m, grouped settlements prevail. To the south-west
mainly in summer. In the north and east, in the and east, there remains a stronghold of intensive
“Croissant aride” (Gallais 1989), rainfall is not horticulture with digging-sticks where ÷énsät
only less abundant, but more irregular and does and ÷coffee are grown (÷Agriculture). These
not refill phreatic ground water supplies that are regions have notable ÷population density. As a
needed for plant life. During the rains, overflow- result, there is continuous competition for arable
ing rivers become brown, and the sticky mud land which prompts the clearing of ÷forests, the
slows the speed at which the water flows. Hy- last reserves of wild fauna land. In the north and
dromorphic black cotton soil is difficult to till in the south, in spite of frost risks above 3,000 m
and turns into dust during the dry season. Farm- A.S.L., ÷barley fields gain ground to the detri-
ers favour red soil, whether volcanic or sedimen- ment of heatherland and of the alpine pastures
tary, in which water percolates more freely. for sheep. Since its acclimatization, the ÷euca-
Temperatures decrease with altitude: frost is lyptus has, among other consequences, permit-
not unknown between 1,800 and 2,800 m, while ted and sustained the expansion of towns.
above 2,800 m frequent night frost makes coffee Despite many obstacles (canyons, mountains,
growing impracticable. The ÷ecological zones at rains, floods) the highlands have been crossed by
various altitudes are: ÷qwälla, a lower climatic caravan routes, linking the important markets
tier up to 1,800 m A.S.L. that is hot (average on the periphery (e.g., ÷Bati in Wällo, ÷Aléyyu
temperature 20° C), dry and prone to ÷malaria Amba in Šäwa) to the coasts. In order to acquire
and trypanosomiasis (sleeping sickness); ÷däga, weapons, ÷Ménilék II, in 1894, launched the
an upper tier that is wet and cold (above 2,400 m building of a ÷railway. Finalized in 1917, it
A.S.L., average temperature 14–16° C); and connects Addis Abäba and Djibouti via ÷Dérre
÷wäyna däga, a middle tier (between 1,800 and Dawa and the Awaš valley. From 1935/36 to
2,400 m A.S.L.) with milder temperatures. In the 1941, in order to secure their conquest, the Ital-
south, because the middle tier is less conspicu- ians equipped Eritrea and Ethiopia with a road
ous, the generally admitted distinction between network radiating from the capital that cleared
the three tiers is not recognized as easily as in the the major obstacles of the relief. Italian road con-
north. The 30–50 % variations in the total rainfall struction linked Addis Abäba to Asmära; other
should be attributed to the varying exposures to roads reached Gimma, Läqämte and Mogadishu
the humid winds from the Sudanese depression. through Dérre Dawa and Harär. Until the 1960s
While it is easy to describe the vegetal species of the Italian road system had been maintained with
the qwälla (prairies, bush land with acacias and difficulty and extended to the south-western cof-
thorn trees), it is more difficult to imagine the fee regions and to the southern Lake region. De-
“primeval” flora of the highlands when early termined to secure the Ethiopian unity, the Därg
human occupation began there. The remaining sought to open the countryside by improving
751
Geography
the main roads. Since 1991 the government has the commonly accepted definition of historical
asphalted the major trunk roads, developed the G. implies the general study of the influence
radial links and established relations with Sudan, of economic life, social relationships, politics
Djibouti, Somaliland and Kenya. and culture upon the environment, if possible
÷Geology; ÷Geomorphology with the help of statistical surveys, graphs and
Src.: EMAtlas; GasEth; Guida; MesfAtlas; MesfGeogr; maps. From this, one must distinguish historical
Giotto Dainelli, Geologia dell’Àfrica Orientale, ÷topography – a similar but narrower discipline
Roma 1943; Youssef Abbul-Haggag, A Contribution
mainly focusing on place-names, their etymolo-
to the Physiography of Northern Ethiopia, London 1961;
Daniél Gamachu, Aspects of Climate and Water Budget gies and their transformations or substitutions in
in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1977; Amilcare Fantoli, the course of time, as well as their correspond-
Contributo alla climatologia dell’Etiopia, Roma 1965; ence to historical sites, in order to detect linguis-
Reinhard Fichtl – Admasu Adi, Honeybee Flora of tic stratification within a certain territory.
Ethiopia, Berlin 1994; Jean Gallais, Une géographie
politique de l’Éthiopie. Le poids de l’État, Paris 1989;
Within the general African context, an inquiry
Alain Gascon, “Éthiopie, Érythrée, pays de la longue into historical G. is particularly difficult due to
durée”, in: Alain Dubresson – Jean-Pierre Raison the lack of sources. In contrast, Ethiopian set-
– Jean-Yves Marchal (eds.), Les Afriques au sud du tlements have left sufficient linguistic and mate-
Sahara, Berlin – Paris 1994, 286–94; Alain Gascon, “La rial evidence harking back to different epochs.
forêt perdue d’Éthiopie, un mythe contemporain”, in:
Monique Chastanet (ed.), Plantes et paysages d’Afri-
Thus, the studies in historical G. must resort to
que. Une histoire à explorer, 383–409, Paris 1998; Id., “La different disciplines and scientific operations:
‘riche Éthiopie’ et la Géographie Universelle (1938)”, in: interpretation of archaeological reports, analy-
Alain Rouaud (ed.), Les orientalistes sont des aventu- sis of narrative or pictorial representations of
riers. Guirlande offerte à Joseph Tubiana par ses élèves landscape (even if only ideal), examination of
et ses amis, Saint-Maur 1999 (Bibliothèque Peiresc 12),
137–42; Id., “Croissant ‘aride’ et Éthiopie ‘heureuse’: la written sources (documentary, annalistic and
‘montagne le plus peuplée du monde’ face aux crises”, in: hagiographic) and linguistic inquiry into mod-
François Bart — Serge Morin — Jean-Noël Salo- ern languages, with special attention paid to the
mon (eds.), Les montagnes tropicales: identités, mutations, physical and ergologic vocabulary.
développement, Pessac 2001 (Espaces tropicaux 16), 193–
204; Geoffrey Charles Last, A Geography of Ethiopia
In the literary tradition of Christian Ethiopia,
for Senior Secondary Schools, Addis Ababa 1965; Daniel the representation of the earthly G. strictly de-
Lemordant, Les plantes éthiopiennes, Addis Abäba 1959; pends upon biblical narratives and the accom-
Paul A. Mohr, The Geology of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa panying descriptions of eschatological places.
1963; Henry Fred Murphy, “A Report on the Fertility In the Ethiopic Book of the Mysteries of Heaven
Status of Some Soils of Ethiopia”, in: Experiment Station
Bulletin 1, Alemaya 1959; Carl Troll, “Die Kulturge- and Earth (Mäshafä ÷méítirä sämay wämédr),
ographische Stellung und Eigenart des Hochlandes von the apocryphal apocalypse and exegetical treaty
Äthiopien zwischen dem Orient und Äquatorial Afrika”, on Genesis written by Bäòaylä Mikaýel during
in: PICES 1, 29–45; Friedrich von Breitenbach, The the reign of ase ŸAmdä Séyon (1314–44), the
Indigenous Trees of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 1963; Jörg
Janzen, “Ländliche Entwicklung in Somalia. Strukturen,
section devoted to the history of the “peoples
Probleme, Tendenzen”, Geographische Rundschau 38, 11, of the flood” (säbýa ayò) relates the names of the
1986, 557–64; Chris Kutschera, Érythrée. Eritrea, Paris earthly peoples divided into the three big “eth-
1994; Gilles Pison, “Tous les pays du monde (2003)”, no-linguistic” families descending from Noah’s
Population et sociétés 392, juillet–août 2003; Xavier sons. While amplifying and interpreting the data
van der Stappen, Æthiopia, pays, histoire, populations,
croyances art et artisanat, Bruxelles 1996. of the biblical tradition, in his list of the sons
Alain Gascon of Ham, after ÷Egypt and ÷Nubia, Bäòaylä
Mikaýel counts names of peoples and regions of
Geography, historical central and northern Ethiopia: Habäsi “namely
In its broader sense, historical G. is the study Tégray”, Zagwa, Hazo, Dänkelén, Sewa, Angot,
of the changes – induced by human presence, Mänbärta, Endérta, Bégwéna, Liban, Sire, Läg-
whether settlements, different forms of land go, Wäqärt. The geographic horizon of Bäòaylä
tenure or exploitation of natural resources – in Mikaýel is limited in the south by the Liba, liv-
environment and landscape. Originally, this his- ing west of the Zärawiyan and the “mountains
torical science, closely associated with ÷cartog- of fire”, and by the Bali, dwelling east of the
raphy, was limited to the reconstruction of po- Yafet, with women at the head of a monarchy.
litical and ÷administrative divisions or to the il- Several manuscripts, mostly historical and
lustration of battle fields and courses. Nowadays chronographical miscellanies, contain illustra-
752
Geography
tions summarizing the geographical knowledge

of Ethiopian scholars. The scheme reflects the
plan of a church, with three circles inserted one
into another, and in the centre, in the place of
the ÷mäqdäs, a square with the word aksum.
The space between the innermost circle and the
median one is divided into eight sectors contain-
ing the writings (clockwise from top) méŸérab,
bahér, sämen, azeb, méíraq, liba, däbub and
mäséŸ; the space between the median circle and
the outermost one is divided into twelve sectors
with the names (clockwise from top): särawe,
hamasen, bur, säméý, agame, anba sännäyat,
gärŸalta, éndärta, sahart(a), abärgälle, tä(m)ben
and šire. This representation has some empirical
grounds, but chiefly aimed at depicting Ethiopia
as the Holy Land; its symbolic structure is based
on the equivalence between ÷Aksum, whose
cathedral houses the Tablets of the Law, and the Traditional map of Ethiopian provinces, with Aksum
mäqdäs of a church, the central room where the as centre; ms. Orient Rüpp. Ib, fol. 201, replotted; from
Goldschmidt 1897: 103
÷tabot is kept.
According to an authoritative reconstruction the Arabian peninsula. In fact, the existence of a
based on linguistic palaeontology, the Ethiopian coastal Afro-Arabian cultural complex beginning
highlands were originally populated as a conse- in the first half of the 2nd millennium B.C. has been
quence of the ÷desertification of the Sahara re- proved by recent archaeological findings (e.g.,
gion, some time around the 8th millennium B.C. Fattovich 1997). These brought to light important
During that period the ÷Afroasiatic linguistic cultural features – as in the case of the ÷ŸOna cul-
unit split into several branches, such as Berber, ture in Eritrea – connecting the Arabian Tihäma to
Chadic, Egyptian, Semitic and Cushitic (includ- the Tégrayan Plateau in Eritrea and the Eritrean-
ing Bega and Omotic). Of these, the Cushitic Sudanese lowlands. Moreover, an inquiry into the
branch spread to the south-east and gave birth morphology of the North-Ethiopic languages, e.g.
to settlements over a wide territory, including Tégre, reveals the existence of a Semitic stratum
north-eastern Sudan, the Ethio-Eritrean high- more ancient than Sabaic (÷Epigraphic South
lands and the Somali plateau, where contacts Arabian), and allows one to conclude that the
with the African peoples of the Nilo-Saharan South Arabian influence, tracing back to the 8th–7th
phylum that were already in the region were cent. B.C., involved a territory already connected
presumably established. From the 4th millen- to the Arabian peninsula as a result of more an-
nium B.C., new relationships between Ethiopia cient economic and cultural exchanges.
and the ÷Nile valley became possible due to the After a close examination of archaeologi-
growing trade circuit that connected Egypt to cal, epigraphic and linguistic evidence one can
the Ethio-Sudanese lowlands, the Ethio-Eritrean exclude the hypothesis that urban civilization
highlands and the western coast of the Red Sea. was introduced into Ethiopia by the Sabaean im-
Egyptian geographical documents dating back to migrants. The South-Arabian settlements known
the 18th dynasty (about 1450 B.C.) connect the up to now seem to belong to the typology of
÷Punt Land to WÎLÔ harbour, possibly the site “villas” or “farms”, equipped with devices for
in Eritrea where in Hellenistic times the port of water-supply, namely basins for gathering and
÷Adulis was built. preserving seasonal rainwater. Even in ÷Yéha,
In the course of a long process, stretching for where a dynasty of political leaders most prob-
over a thousand years, the culture unit of the Cus- ably ruled (maybe the mukarrib of ÷DŸMT,
hites, originally keepers of livestock, underwent who also used the royal title), the ruins of civil
a considerable transformation with the develop- buildings do not exceed the dimensions and the
ment of new forms of agriculture, probably not shape of a rural settlement. The Sabaean pres-
least because of a steady cultural relationship with ence in Ethiopia has left clear archaeological and
753
Geography
Ethiopian town was Adulis, the Eritrean harbour

whose monumental ruins can be dated back at
least to the 4th cent. B.C. The historical and cul-
tural setting for the emergence of this advanced
urban centre was the trading system promoted
and controlled by the Egyptian dynasty of the
Ptolemies (331–23 B.C.), within the framework
of the trade route connecting Alexandria with
the regions overlooking the Red Sea coast. Liter-
ary and epigraphic documents (÷Periplus of the
Erythraean Sea [ed. Casson 1989:51ff.]; ÷Cos-
mas Indicopleustes’s Christian Topography II,
51–63 [ed. Wolska-Conus 1968, vol. 1, 360–79])
illustrate the role played by Adulis from the 1st
cent. onwards, after the monsoons cycle was
“discovered”, which enabled long-distance trade
between Egypt and the Indian Ocean. In this
context, before the introduction of ÷Christi-
anity, the port maintained a strong political au-
tonomy from the bordering powers and claimed
Traditional representation of the world, Somali; from sovereignty over the ÷Sahél coast.
Burton 1894, vol. 1, 25
According to literary traditions (Liber Axumae
linguistic evidence for water regulation: e.g., the [Mäshafä ÷Aksum; ed. CRAxum] §1: Zähagär
monumental ruins of Safra, on the ÷Qohayto wägäbäzä aksum), apparently confirmed by
plateau, a big reservoir delimited by a squared- modern archaeological surveys, considerable
stones dam for the use of the dwellings scattered groundworks underlay the construction of the
around. The place-name Qohayto itself has been city of Aksum, particularly ÷land drainage,
etymologically interpreted in light of the South that allowed settlement on the marshy plain at
Arab. root QLH, ‘raised water-channel’, and the the foot of ÷Betä Giyorgis (3rd–1st cent. B.C.).
reconstructed form *Qolah-(t)a, inspiring the Following the development of the Aksumite po-
Gr. ÷Coloë (Kolovh) as a phonetic adaptation litical authority (1st cent. A.D.), the urban civi-
of the Semitic name. Thus, the Sabaean legacy lization spread across the highlands of Eritrea
in Ethiopia apparently consists of the use of ad- and Tégray. This process has left monumental
vanced agricultural techniques for more efficient remains in Aksum and in the areas along the
exploitation of water resources and food storage. road connecting the city with Adulis, via Coloë,
However, the period of the Sabaean presence the Qohayto plateau, Mätära and Toõonda. The
marked the change from “pastoral” to “agricul- hydrological techniques and intensive cultiva-
tural” landscape: skilfully carved stone buildings, tion methods, borrowed from the Sabaeans,
waterworks, terracing and land divisions are the were further developed thanks to new contacts
material results of the short, yet intense, Sabaean with Yemen, dating back to at least the 2nd cent.
activity on Ethiopian soil. The epigraphic evi- A.D. The agrarian economy of Aksum needed a
dence suggests the existence of two main strata or commercial outlet, a role assumed by the port of
groups in Sabaeo-Ethiopian society (“reds” and Adulis. The agrarian character of the Aksumite
“blacks”), but the absence of defensive structures economy also accounts for the big “state” expe-
or traces of destruction suggests that the coexist- ditions for goods such as gold and slaves to be
ence between emigrés and local people was rather sent to the “free” port of Adulis and the struggle
peaceful. against what was then left of the ancient Suda-
A complex urban civilization appeared in nese kingdom of ÷Meroë (ca. 350 A.D.), still a
Ethiopia during the intermediate period between serious rival on the trade route to Egypt.
the end of the Sabaean presence (8th–7th cent. Beginning with the time of ÷ŸEzana’s reign
B.C.) and the establishment of the economic and (335/40–365/70), military expeditions, mainly to
political leadership of Aksum (1st cent. A.D.). Eritrea, are documented. Their aim was to secure
The most ancient (and for centuries the only) additional manpower for the regions under the
754
Geography
emperor’s control (RIÉ 185, 270, 185b, 270b). of the coast with the interior. From the ÷Dahlak
This form of “resettlement” was necessary to islands and ÷Massawa, caravans moved to north
provide sufficient human resources for ration- Eritrea and east Tégray, bringing ÷Islam to the
ally organized agriculture as well as for large- Bega, Saho and ŸAfar. From ZaylaŸ and the Gulf
scale public works, the monumental remains of of Aden a commercial expansion started toward
which can still be seen. Šäwa and the valleys of the Awaš and Webi, in-
With the change from a polis to a territo- habited by the Sidaama. In 283 H. [896/97 A.D.]
rial state, the face of the empire was increasingly a sultanate, ruled by the ÷Maòzumi dynasty,
marked by the strong relationship between the was founded in eastern Šäwa. At the same time,
interior and the coast as well as between different the Christian state expanded into central Tégray,
regions. An essential part in this process was the Wag and Lasta. These regions, already connected
construction of a road network. The differences to Aksumite civilization, were in the hands of lo-
in shapes and sizes of private houses indicate cal pro-Zagwe nobility, whose power was based
that the society was notably stratified as a result chiefly on land ownership. The events of the late
of work division. Documentary sources pos- 13th cent. were the result of this economic, social
sibly originating from the 6th cent. (Liber Axu- and cultural competition. In the Christian state,
mae documents 3–4; Golden Gospel of Däbrä the last Zagwe rulers were deposed by ÷Yékunno
Libanos documents 1–5 [ed. CRDLib]) – even if Amlak in 1270, and the myth of the Solomonic
the available text collections and copies date back “restoration” was created. In Muslim Šäwa, in
to the 15th cent. at the earliest – indicate that, after 1285, Wali AsmaŸ, founder of the ÷WalašmaŸ
the Christianization of Aksum, ecclesiastic insti- dynasty, deposed the last Maòzumi and became
tutions received control over part of the state the first ruler of ÷Ifat.
land in accordance with a general plan of organi- Through these political and social changes and
zation and social control of state territories. The a long series of conflicts which culminated in the
political and social collapse of Aksum in the 7th campaigns of ŸAmdä Séyon and the conquests of
cent. signified the end of urbanized civilization Zärýa YaŸéqob, the Christian state stretched to
and loss of the know-how of South Arabian and the Eritrean coast in the north, Bägemdér and
Alexandrian origin. Goggam in the west, and Amhara and Šäwa in
Beginning with the 10th cent., a new phase the south. This expansion was the response to a
of economic and territorial expansion of the growing need for new cultivable lands, resulting
Christian Ethiopian state brought about a tech- from the human-caused ecological problems on
nological revival, which culminated in the years the one hand, and increasingly high costs of a
of the political leadership of the ÷Zagwe dynasty. social structure based on the privileges of lead-
A possible element of continuity between the ership on the other. The rapid decrease of soil
Aksumite period and the following ages is found fertility in the fields forced villages to shift fre-
in land tenure. In the “legal” documents ascrib- quently, and the wars of conquest were a politi-
ing themselves to the Zagwe era (Liber Axumae, cal solution. This was the time when the greater
documents 5–6; Golden Gospel, documents 6–8), part of the northern highlands was deforested
land is granted by the emperor to his secular (÷Forests), in order to obtain larger areas of cul-
or ecclesiastic subjects according to the same tivable land and to produce wood for building
practice as before. The architectural accomplish- and heating. Literary sources ascribe religious
ments in ÷Lalibäla bear witness to complex so- meaning to the process: e.g., in the hagiographic
cial organization and control over large material texts, the establishment of a new monastery is
and human resources. The rock-hewing reveals often followed by forest destruction, justified by
advanced building and hydraulic techniques, the presence of non-Christian cults within it.
sometimes originating from ancient traditions, The conquered territories were integrated
most probably connected to the presence of into the lands controlled by the empire, the
foreign workers, coming perhaps from Egypt nobility (÷cäwa) and the ecclesiastic institutions
or Yemen. (÷Churches and church administration). A vil-
From the 9th cent. onward, growing influence lage’s common property (Amh. yäwäl märet,
from the islamicized Arabian peninsula instigated Tgn. ÷desa) formed the basis of the ÷land
a new development of ancient trade routes con- tenure system, quite possibly in a more ancient
necting the sultanates and the economic centres form, parental groups shared agrarian and pas-
755
Geography
toral resources through the annual allotment of opment in their building techniques. Among the
the best fields. The notion, if not the institute, innovations of the time were stone bridges and
of hereditary land (Amh. ÷rést, Tgn. résti) was two-storey houses (därb or därb bet), a preroga-
probably introduced as early as the Aksumite tive of upper classes.
period. From the Zagwe period onward, military Ethiopia acquired its modern shape largely
leaders, who were at the same time tax-collectors during the new economic and political phase
and nominal representatives of the emperor’s that began in the second half of the 19th cent.,
authority over the new territories, received chiefly with the reign of ÷Ménilék II, mainly as
privileges for their services that were valid for a result of conflicts with the European colonial
both themselves and their sons. A larger part of powers (÷Colonialism). During this period, the
new territories became crown property (Amh. introduction of technological and institutional
yänéguí märet, Tgn. médri néguí), and they were innovations accelerated changes in many social
often used as temporary grants to individuals, spheres, from fire-arms to money, from land re-
villages or ecclesiastic institutions (Amh. ÷gwélt, form to scientific medicine. Many aspects of eve-
Tgn. gwélti). The assimilation programme for the ryday life reflected European models. The Italian
subject populations was facilitated by establish- occupation changed the landscape of several Eri-
ing a network of new churches and monasteries, trean districts: foreign settlers introduced new
with the relevant privileges (Amh. yämäsqäl species for cultivation, such as cotton and fruit-
märet, Tgn. médri mäsqäl) granted both by the trees. At the same time, Eritrean and Ethiopian
emperor and by local political authorities. The towns were re-organized to ensure segregation
population was charged with church mainte- of local people. The period after ÷World War II
nance through assigning the priests lands, which was that of wild urbanization. Its consequences
were previously in common possession (to be were depopulation of a great part of rural areas
cultivated or rented), or through giving them a and the emergence of shanty towns and slums.
definite amount of goods (÷Rim). ÷Itineraries
In the first half of the 16th cent., the military Src.: Abraham Johannes Drewes, Inscriptions de
campaigns of ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi and l’Éthiopie antique, Leiden 1962, 30–64; Richard F.
÷Nur b. Mugahid, and the subsequent expan- Burton, First Footsteps in East Africa, vol. I, London
1894, 25 (ill.); RIÉ vol. 1, nos. 185, 185bis, 270, 270bis;
sion of the ÷Oromo brought the economic and Lionel Casson (ed., tr.), The Periplus Maris Erythraei,
social system of the Christian state into a critical Princeton, NJ 1989, 51–53; Wanda Wolska-Conus (ed.,
situation. The toponomastics and the land tenure tr.), Cosmas Indicopleustès, Topographie Chrétienne, Paris
system underwent a deep change because of the 1968, vol. 1, 360–79; CRDLib 177–219; CRAxum; Alula
Pankhurst, “An Early Ethiopian Map of Tigré”, PICES
political and military events of this period. Par- 8, 73–88; Ignazio Guidi, “Gli archivi in Abissinia”, in:
ticularly, the landscape was then shaped by the Atti del congresso internazionale di scienze storiche, Roma,
development of small landed property, due to 1–9 aprile 1903, vol. 3: Atti della sezione II…, Roma 1906,
the sedentarization of several Oromo clans. Thus, 651–98; Lazarus Goldschmidt (ed.), Die abessinischen
beside ÷monasteries (that also attracted non-ec- Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Frankfurt am Main
(Rüppell’sche Sammlung): Nebst Anhängen und Auszü-
clesiastics), large villages or “trade centres” with gen, Berlin 1897, 63–67, no. 18 [Orient. Rüpp. 1b], 103
important markets, and small villages inhabited (ill.); Jules Perruchon, Le Livre des Mystères du ciel et
by farmers (mostly tenants of the surrounding de la terre, Paris 1903 (PO 1, 1), 21–26.
fields), a new, fourth settlement type emerged Lit.: Igor Mikhailovich Diakonoff, Afrasian Lan-
guages, Moscow 1988; Abraham Johannes Drewes,
and spread, i.e. the “open” villages, formed by Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique, Leiden 1962, 71–107;
scattered houses in which the owners of the Rodolfo Fattovich, “The Contacts between South-
small land-plots lived. This is typical of the ern Arabia and the Horn of Africa in Late Prehistoric
wealthy areas around Lake Tana (Bägemdér and Early Historical Times: A View from Africa”, in:
and Goggam), where in the first half of the 17th Alessandra Avanzini (ed.), Profumi d’Arabia, Atti del
Convegno, Roma 1997, 273–86; Federico de Romanis,
cent. the Christian emperors established their Cassia, cinnamomo, ossidiana, Roma 1996; Andrea
new capital. With the foundation of ÷Gondär, Manzo, Culture ed ambiente. L’Africa nord-orientale nei
the Ethiopian court once again settled in a fixed dati archeologici e nella letteratura geografica ellenistica,
place, after almost four centuries of “moving capi- Napoli 1996 (Annali IUO, Supplemento 97); Paolo
Marrassini, “The Semites in Abyssinia: Onomastic and
tals”. The Gondärine period, largely influenced Lexicographical Notes”, in: Leonid Kogan (ed.), Studia
by the contacts with the European missionaries Semitica, Moscow 2003, 141–51; Rainer Voigt, “Kolovh
(1557–1632; ÷Catholicism), saw a drastic devel- und Koßayto (‘Auf-/Ausblick’). Studien zur äthiopischen
756
Geology and geomorphology
Toponomastik. 1”, Aethiopica 2, 1999, 90–102; Roberto and low-grade metamorphic rocks. These rocks
Paribeni, “Ricerche nel luogo dell’antica Adulis”, can be divided into three complexes; the Lower,
Monumenti antichi dell’Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei
18, 1907 [1909], 437–572; Francis Anfray, “Deux villes Middle and Upper Complex.
axoumites: Adoulis et Matara”, in: PICES 4, 745–65; Ugo The Lower Complex mainly comprises of high
Monneret de Villard, Aksum. Ricerche di topografia grade gneisses, schists, migmatites and minor
generale, Roma 1938 (Analecta Orientalia 16); Maxime granulites. This complex is exposed in southern
Rodinson, “Les nouvelles inscriptions d’Axoum et le
and western Ethiopia.
lieu de déportation des Bedjas”, Raydan 4, 1981, 97–116;
Enrico Cerulli, “Il sultanato dello Scioa nel secolo XIII The Middle Complex is characterised by me-
secondo un nuovo documento storico”, RSE 1, 1941, dium metamorphic grade (amphibolite facies)
3–36 [repr. in: CerIslam 207–43]; Carlo Conti Rossini, gneisses and schists. It is exposed in Wadera area
Principî di diritto consuetudinario dell’Eritrea, Roma of southern Ethiopia.
1916, 97–161; Id., “Geographica”, RSE 3, 1943, 167–99;
Gianfrancesco Lusini, “Note linguistiche per la storia The Upper Complex is characterised by low-
dell’Etiopia antica”, in: StudAeth 67–77; Id., “Scritture grade meta-volcanic and meta-sedimentary rocks
documentarie etiopiche (Dabra Deòuòan e Dabra Sege, with numerous intrusive rocks. This complex is
Saraýe, Eritrea)”, RSE 42, 1998 [1999], 5–55; Vinigi widely exposed in northern and western Ethio-
Lorenzo Grottanelli, Missione di studio al Lago Tana,
pia and also occurs as North-South trending lin-
II: Ricerche geografiche ed economiche sulle popolazioni,
Roma 1939; TadTChurch; HuntGeogr; Richard Pan- ear belts sandwiched between higher grade rocks
khurst, State and Land in Ethiopian History, Addis in southern and parts of south-western Ethiopia
Ababa 1966; PankBord; CrumLand; DerDom; Alula (Kazmin 1972; Mengesh Mengesh Tefera et.al.
Pankhurst, “An Early Ethiopian Manuscript Map of 1996). The Upper Complex also contains a few
Tegre”, in: PICES 8, 73–88; Rüdiger Unger, “Eine jün-
gere Handschrift des mazmûra Dâwît”, in: OrbAethChoj narrow (1 to 3 km across) linear belts of mafic
187–217; Manuel João Ramos – Isabel Boavida (eds.), and ultramafic rocks of ophiolitic character
The Indigenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian which are commonly confined to major shear
Art. On Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the 16th–17th zones marking the contact between the contrast-
Centuries, Hants – Burlington 2003, 66ff.
ing lithological units (Seife Mikael Berhe 1990;
Tadesse Tarekegn et al. 1999).
Lower and Middle Complex rocks are consid-
Geology and geomorphology ered part of the Mozambique Orogenic belt that
extends from Mozambique to southern Ethiopia
Geology
and Uganda (Kazmin 1972). The low grade Up-
The geological makeup of Ethiopia is a product
per Complex rocks are stratigraphically and
of tectonics and accompanying sedimentation
structurally equated to the Pan-African, Ara-
and volcanic activities that have been operating
bian-Nubian Shield which extends from Saudi
since more than 950 million years ago (y.a.). The
Arabia and Egypt through the Sudan to Ethiopia
geological units of Ethiopia are categorised into
(Kazmin 1972; Seife Mikael Berhe 1990). Cur-
four age groups: (1) the Precambrian (950–550
rent understanding on the lithological, geo-
million y.a.), (2) the Paleozoic (550–230 million
chemical, geochronological and tectonic setting
y.a.), (3) the Mesozoic (230–265 million y.a.), (4)
of the Precambrian G. of Ethiopia indicates that
the Tertiary to Quaternary (65 million y.a. to the
both the Mozambique Belt and Arabian-Nubian
present).
Shield rocks are products of plate tectonic proc-
The Precambrian esses similar to those which are operational in
Precambrian G. is characterised by metamorphic Phanerozoic orogenic belts (Seife Mikael Berhe
rocks, commonly known as basement rocks. 1990; Tadesse Tarekegn et al. 1999). The proc-
These rocks are exposed in the northern, western ess started with the rifting Archaean cratonic
and southern parts of the country, covering ap- mass and subsequent opening of oceanic floor
proximately 17 % of the landmass. The central (at ca. 950 million y.a.) and ended with closure
and eastern parts of the country are covered by a of the ocean through subduction, islands arc
thick succession of Paleozoic to Quaternary sed- formation, lateral accretion of the island arcs
imentary and volcanic deposits, hence in those by continuous compressional stress and final
areas the metamorphic rocks are only exposed collision of the initially rifted continental mass
along deeply incised river valleys. Two distinct that occurred ca. 500 million y.a. (Seife Mikael
metamorphic rock types characterize the Pre- Berhe 1990; Stern 1994). The time span from
cambrian basement rock types; the high-grade 950 to 500 million y.a. is termed as Pan-African
757
(Seife Mikael Berhe 1990) and the orogeny that Mesozoic rock exposures are found in three areas:
produced the Precambrian geological framework the Ogaden Basin, Mäqäle Basin and Blue Nile
called East African Orogen to account for simi- Basin. The base of the Mesozoic sequence is a
lar contemporaneous geological developments in clastic sedimentary rock unit (Lower Sandstone
eastern Africa and Arabia (Stern 1994). or Addigrat Sandstone). The Lower/Addigrat
The variation in Precambrian rock types and Sandstone is covered by thick marine sedimentary
associated structures made it a favourable host rock, which includes alternating layers of lime-
for a variety of metallic and non metallic miner- stone, shale, marl and gypsum, that together make
als including: gold, silver, zinc, lead, Colombo up the bulk of the Mesozoic sequence. These
tantalite, volcanogenic massive sulfide, shear marine sediments were deposited as a result of
zone hosted multi metallic deposits, gemstones, Jurassic Indian Ocean transgression towards the
industrial minerals and dimension stones (Jelence east African landmass (Blanford 1870; Bosellini et
1966; Solomon Tadesse et al. 2003; Tibabu Ming- al. 1997). Late Mesozoic to early Tertiary uplift of
istu — Hailemichael Fantaw 2003). Of these, the landmass, due to mantle plume underneath the
only one gold mine, one Colombo-tantalite then united African and Arabian plate, triggered
mine and a number of small-scale stone (marble, the regression of the Indian Ocean to south-east.
granite) quarries are commercially mined. During the regression, the upper clastic sedimen-
tary unit (Amba Aradom Formation; Cretaceous-
The Paleozoic
Eocene) was deposited on top of the Jurassic
The Paleozoic G. is poorly understood, with the marine sedimentary sequence.
exception of the well documented Permo-Trias- The Mesozoic sedimentary rocks unconform-
sic Karoo sediments at the base of the Ogaden ably overlie the Paleozoic sedimentary and the
Basin in Eastern Ethiopia and presumed Ordo- Precambrian metamorphic rocks. The G. of this
vician glacial deposit in northern Ethiopia (Ka- era is an important source for construction and
zmin 1972; Mengesh Tefera et.al. 1996). Because
industrial raw materials. The region potentially
the Paleozoic rocks are overlain by the Mesozoic
hosts source rocks for petroleum and natural gas
and Tertiary rocks, their real extent of areal cov-
in Ethiopia.
erage is not known.
The Karoo sediments were deposited in a Karoo The Tertiary-Quaternary
rift, which subsequently gave rise to the sea floor The Tertiary-Quaternary G. covers more than
spreading and birth of the Indian Ocean. Other 60 % of the country’s landmass. It comprises
occurrences are restricted to localised, North- rock types of volcanic products including basal-
South elongated basins within the Precambrian tic to felsic flows, tuffs, ignimbrigtes, rhyolites
terrain. These are all non metamorphosed, mainly and scoria together with inter-volcanic, clastic
clastic sedimentary rocks which unconformably and evaporitic sedimentary rocks, much of
overlie the Precambrian Metamorphic rocks. The
which are concentrated along the Main Ethiopi-
Karoo sediments at the base of thick Mesozoic
an ÷Rift Valley. The Tertiary to Quaternary G. is
sedimentary rocks in the Ogaden basin are poten-
related to the evolution of the East African rift-
tial source and reservoir rocks for hydrocarbon in
ing system. The voluminous basaltic eruptions
the country. An economically important amount
that formed the Central Ethiopian Highlands
of natural gas has been discovered in the Calub
erupted following the Afro-Arabian crustal
area of the Ogaden basin (Mengesh Tefera et al.
uplifting and subsequent fracturing as a result
1996; Solomon Tadesse et al. 2003; Tibabu Ming-
of mantle plume ca. 30 to 22 million y.a. (Coulie
istu — Hailemichael Fantaw 2003).
et al. 1998; Chernet et al. 2003, Wolfenden et al.
The Mesozoic 2004). Following the eruption of basaltic lava,
The Mesozoic G. is characterised by thick the three rift systems (the north-west–south-
marine and continental sedimentary sequences. east Red Sea, east–west Gulf of Aden, north-
Together with lower Tertiary sedimentary rocks east–south-west Main Ethiopian Rift) developed
(at the easternmost part of the country) it cov- into a triple junction in the ŸAfar region ca. 10–13
ers over 24% of the country’s landmass. These million y.a. Two of the rift arms (Red Sea, Gulf
sedimentary rocks are only exposed in areas that of Aden) have been active ever since, and caused
the Tertiary volcanic rocks did not cover dur- the separation of Arabian and African plates.
ing eruption and subsequent erosion. The major The third arm, the Main Ethiopian Rift segment,
758
although active, has been relatively quiet and is present, there is active volcanism in the northern
commonly referred to as a failed rift arm in the sector of the Main Ethiopian Rift (s. Wolfenden
east African rift system. et al. 2004) as well as in a series of volcanoes in
The volcanic activity evolved from basaltic the ÷ŸAfar Depression. The presence of active
eruptions through fault controlled fissures that volcanism in the Rift Valley is also exemplified
covered central and south-eastern plateaus of the by various hot-spot activities (e.g., hot springs
country to alternating episodes of basaltic and and high geothermal gradient). Volcanic rocks
felsic lava flows in restricted centres that resulted also vary in composition from older plateau-
in outstanding relief such as the ÷Sémen moun- forming flood basalt to the younger, rift floor
tains. Although volcanism began ca. 30 million succession, which is characterised by interflows
y.a., the majority of the older eruptions cover- of basalts, ignimbrites and pyroclastic falls.
ing the central and south-western Ethiopian Within the thick volcanic pile, numerous intra-
plateaus began 30 million y.a. and continued for volcanic lacustrine sedimentary deposits (lake
4 million years in successive pulses (Courtillot et deposits) have been identified. These sedimen-
al. 1997). The volcanic activity migrated towards tary rocks are now an important source of coal
the rift centre with time (Aronson et al. 1990). At and oil shale occurrences for the country. Since
759
ŸAddigrat formation; photo
courtesy of Robert Bussert,
Technische Universität Berlin
the Main Ethiopian Rift Valley was initiated in Annual Review, Earth and Planetary Science 22, 1994,
the Late Miocene (15 million y.a.), the Depres- 319–51; Tarekegn Tadesse et al., “Geochemistry of
Low-grade Metavolcanic Rocks Form the Pan-African
sion created an ideal condition for the ponding of Axum Area, Northern Ethiopia”, Precambrian
of lakes and accumulation of sedimentary rocks Research 99, 1999, 101–24; Solomon Tadesse et al.,
from the plateaus and volcanic derived clastic “Geology and Mineral Potential of Ethiopia: a Note
materials into the low lands. Thick diatomaceous on Geology and Mineral Map of Ethiopia”, Journal of
deposits, potash, soda ash, salt and marly depos- African Earth Science 36, 273–313; Tibabu Mingistu
— Hailmichel Fantaw, Industrial Minerals and
its represent the major Quaternary sedimentary Rocks Resource Potential of Ethiopia, Ministry of Mines,
rock types of the Rift Valley. These thick sedi- Geological Survey of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa 2003; A.
mentary rock deposits interbedded with volcanic Bosellini et al. (eds.), “The Mesozoic Succession of the
rocks in the Rift Valley reveal that it is one of Mekele Outlier (Tigre Province, Ethiopia)”, Memorie di
scienze geologiche 49, 1997, 95–116; Tadiwos Chernet
the most active places on earth where G. is in
et al., “New Age Constraints on the Timing of Volcanism
the making. The geological, sub-surface hot spot and Tectonism in the Northern Main Ethiopian Rift-
activities and structural features of the Rift Val- Southern Afar Transition Zone (Ethiopia)”, Journal of
ley sequence give it a tremendous potential for Vulcanology and Geothermal Research 80, 1998, 267–80;
industrial minerals such as diatomite, potash and Emmanuel Coulié et al., “Comparative K-Ar and Ar/Ar
sating of Ethiopian and Yemenite Oligocene Volcanism:
soda ash, as well as geothermal energy that the Implications for Timing and Duration of the Ethiopian
country has yet to exploit. Traps”, Earth and Planetary Science Letters 203, 2003,
Lit.: William Thomas Blanford, “Report on the 477–92; Ellen Wolfenden et al. (eds.), “Evolution of the
Geology of Parts of Abyssinia”, Journal of the Geological Northern Main Ethiopian Rift: Birth of a Triple Junction”,
Society of London 25, 1870, 401–06; Seife Mikael Berhe, Earth and Planetary Science Letters 224, 2004, 213–28.
“Ophiolites in Northeast and East Africa: Implications Tarekegn Taddesse
for Proterozic Crustal Growth”, ibid. 147, 1990, 41–57;
James L. Aronson et al., “Geology, Geochronology and
Rift Basin Development in the Central Sector of Main Geomorphology
Ethiopian Rift”, Bulletin. Geological Society of America
102, 1990, 439–58; Vincent Courtillot et al., “Timing
The G. of Ethiopia and Eritrea is conditioned
of the Ethiopian Flood Basalt Event and Implications by their position within one of the most active
for Plum Birth and Global Change”, Nature 389, 1997, extensional zones in the world (Wolfenden et al.
838–41; Danilo A. Jelenc, Mineral Occurrences of 2004). Eritrea occupies the south-west margin of
Ethiopia. Addis Ababa 1966; V. Kazmin, The Geology the ÷Red Sea, a branch of a triple junction area,
of Ethiopia, Ethiopian Institute of Geological Survey,
note no. 821–051–12, Addis Ababa 1972; Mengesh the origin of three large plates (African, Somalian,
Tefera et al., Explanation of the Geological Map of Arabian), that has its centre in the ÷ŸAfar (Danak-
Ethiopia, Scale 1:200000, Addis Ababa 1996; Paul A. il) Depression. Another branch runs from west to
Mohr, “The Ethiopian Flood Basalt Province”, Nature east and originates in the Gulf of ÷Aden. The Red
303, 1983, 577–84; Id., The Geology of Ethiopia, Addis
Ababa 1962; R. J. Stern, “Arc Assembly and Continental
Sea and the Gulf of Aden have almost the same
Collision in Neoproterozoic East African Orogen: width of ca. 300 km. A narrower branch contin-
Implications for the Consolidation of Gondwanaland”, ues in a north-east–south-west and north–south
760
direction creating the Main Ethiopian Rift, one of Aden become narrower and shallower until
of the longest tectonic depressions in the world. they reach the Strait of ÷Bab al-mandab. To the
Its width varies between 50 and 100 km. Close to north of ÷Massawa and to the east of Djibouti,
the Kenyan border, it splits into different minor the narrowing of the sea branches is compen-
branches joining Lake ÷Turkana. Lake Turkana sated by the increase in width of the emerged
occupies the northern part of the Western Rift, lowlands. These consist of hilly terrain with
another very long tectonic depression that contin- large plains and isolated ridges and hills (e.g.,
ues into Kenya, Tanzania and Malawi. Danakil Alps) but also with depressions located
The G. of the Rift is quite similar: the centre up to 110 m B.S.L. (Dolol-Asale district). There
part is depressed while the margins are uplifted. are also large lakes (÷Asälla, Af¥era, Abhe etc.)
The uplifted parts are usually occupied by large and a series of depressions with hyper-alkaline
plateaus (Somalian to the east and Ethiopian conditions and salt precipitation (Gasse — Rog-
to the west). The plateau increases in elevation non 1980). Diffusely preserved in this area are
moving from Eritrea to northern Ethiopia, the oldest sediments in the world that bear
where it reaches mean elevations of ca. 3,000 m ÷hominids (Australopithecus, Homo erectus and
A.S.L. To the west (Sudan) and to the east (So- Homo habilis).
malia) the plateau decreases progressively down The Rift floor increases in elevation south-
to large plains located below 500 m A.S.L. The ward up to ca. 1,700 m A.S.L. The central part of
presence of inselbergs, corresponding with hard- the Rift, is occupied by a series of lakes: Turkana,
er rocks, interrupts the continuity of the plain, ÷Awassa, ÷Langano, ÷Šalla, ÷Abyata, ÷Zway,
generating a landscape typical of Sudan (e.g., ÷Abaya, ÷Óamo, Cäw Bahér etc. Some of these
Kassala, Baro-Akobo area) and Somalia (Buur occupy deep tectonic depressions (Turkana,
Region). Two main escarpments characterise the Abaya), but others have been created by the col-
transition between the plateau and the depres- lapse or the deformations associated with large
sions. These escarpments are usually subdivided calderas (e.g., Šalla, Langano, Abyata) or by the
by a series of minor escarpments, also with op- damming of the valley by lava flows (i.e. Zway,
posite down-throw, associated with a staircase of ÷Qoqa; Le Tordu et al. 1999). The latter process
faults, sometimes over 20 km wide. The tectonic also generated the larger Ethiopian lake outside
and the seismic movements along these lines are the ÷Rift valley: Lake Tana. A series of large
responsible for the activation of huge landslides, volcanoes rise above the plateaus (i.e. Mt Bada
sometimes many kilometres long and wide and 4,139 m; Mt Batu 4,307 m; Mt Kaka 4,180 m; Mt
hundreds of metres thick. Guge 4,200 m; Mt Gurage 3,721 m) or the Rift
The depressions in the Red Sea and Gulf of floor (e.g., Mt Alutu, Mt Zéqwala). Ethiopia and,
Aden are occupied by sea branches that are ex- to a lesser extent, Eritrea, have plenty of smaller
pected to enlarge and become oceans. Approach- volcanoes, from strato-volcanoes, domes and
ing the triple junction, the Red Sea and the Gulf calderas to small craters and cones, from ca. 4
The valley of the WärŸi, traditional

border between Tämben (here: Qwälla
Tämben, with DéggéŸa Tämben moun-
tains in the background) and ŸAdwa
awragga (in the foreground) photo
2005, courtesy of Wolbert Smidt
761
million years old to very recent ones (Wolde- that generated large pediments and alluvial fans.
gabriel et al. 1980). The recent activity is recog- The larger ones are located at the feet of the main
nizable because of the fresh morphology and the escarpments, in the Danakil lowlands and along
scarce vegetation. Some of the oldest volcanoes the coast of the Red Sea, north of Massawa.
have eroded down to skeleton shapes with only Huge alluvial fan deposition also occurred out of
the necks below the old craters rising above the the Rift, in the western lowland, where the rivers
plateau (as, e.g., in the Däbrä Marqos, ŸAdwa and dissecting the plateau enter the Nile valley.
Aksum areas). In the Rift, during the beginning of the Last
The volcanic products of lava flows, ign- Glaciation (80-40 thousand y.a.), severe dry-
imbrites and pyroclastic deposits occupy large ar- ness led to the widespread deposition of aeolian
eas. In the south-eastern part of the country the deposits. ÷Salt marshes and hypersaline lakes
longest lava flow in the world is documented: the increased in the lowlands but precipitation of
lava entered some major valley tributaries of the gypsum is documented also in the lake regions
River Juba (÷Ganaalee) and continued to flow (Coltorti et al. 2002). However, the most com-
for over 400km almost reaching the Indian Ocean mon feature of this area was the rising and
(Abdirahim et al. 1993). Nowadays the side of the lowering of the lake levels that run parallel to
old valleys has been eroded and deepened, the the retreat and advance of the coastline. Dur-
original valley bottom forming a ridge. However, ing the Interstadials (40−30 thousand y.a.) of the
the largest volcanic products came from fissural last glaciation, as well as at the beginning of the
activity in the Miocene and Early Pliocene eras Holocene, a Megalake (Groove − Street 1975;
and generated the Ethiopian Traps, one of the Le Tordu et al. 1999) occupied the area between
largest basalt lava fields in the world. Earlier Qoqa and possibly Awasa, with Zway, Abyata,
acid eruptions are evident from the immense ign- Šalla and Langano lakes joined together.
imbrite fields. Lava fields and ignimbrites, more The investigations of the mollusc fauna and
than 500m thick in places, occupy large parts of pollens found in lake cores constitute some of
the west and the eastern plateau, and generated its the most complete records of climatic and hy-
very flat morphology. At the same time, a series drological changes in Northern Africa (Lamb et
of lava sheets (sills) intruded inside the basement al. 2000). These large basins began shrinking ca.
and the sedimentary cover. The following dis- 5,000 y.a. and the process is still active. At the be-
section of the plateau by river erosion created a ginning of the Holocene, along the coastline of the
series of cliffs that correspond with the harder Red Sea, the corals kept pace with the rising sea
rocks (basalts and limestones) and flat surfaces level creating a continuous coral reef. Almost the
(structural benches) over the softer marly terrain. whole country was covered with a dense forest
This is the origin of the ÷amba landscape, typical and river incision was the main process at work.
of the Ethiopian highlands. Travertines were deposited that corresponded
The smaller-scale morphology in the region is to springs (Bard et al. 2000). A major change in
influenced by local factors and by their interac- these processes came with the arrival of the first
tion with the dynamics induced by the Quater- agricultural and pastoral activities in the Neolithic
nary climatic changes. During the cold periods and Eneolithic, possibly entering the country
the higher mountains were glaciated, from ca. from the Nile Valley. A series of plants (tef, énsät,
3,200 m A.S.L. up (Kaser — Osmaston 2002). etc.) were domesticated along the shores of the
During Interglacials these regions were covered Ethiopian lakes of the Rift Valley. Since 6 million
by a thick tropical forest to the south, alpine years, the progressive deforestation interrupted
forest in the highland and dry-monsoonal for- the travertine deposition and the incision of many
est to steppe in the lowlands. The Red Sea rose rivers. This was due to the increased sediment
and deposited marine sediments inland from the loads coming from the erosion of the slopes that
present day coastline. During the glacial times had been ploughed bare (Bard et al. 2000).
the sea lowered again and rivers entered the The deforestation (÷Environment) increased
now submerged part of the continental platform. during the following millennia, parallel to the in-
During the last glacial maximum, and possibly crease in population. This process was stronger
also during previous glaciations, the area under- in the northern most densely settled area. Many
went severe dryness and the whole region was valleys were filled with sediments and the slopes,
affected by widespread denudation processes progressively deprived of natural fertiliser, were
762
George of Lydda
affected by increased soil erosion. Thin soil lay- 1998, 633; Woldegabriel Giday – James L. Aronson
ers discovered inside the valley filling suggest – Robert Curtis Walter, “Geology, Geochronology,
and Rift Basin Development in the Central Sector of
that, at least in the Tégray plateau, this proc- the Main Ethiopian Rift”, Geological Society of America
ess was interrupted at the fall of the Aksumite Bulletin 102, 1990, 439–58; Ellen Wolfenden et al.,
kingdom (Bard et al. 2000). Today, with the “Evolution of the Northern Main Ethiopian Rift: Birth
increased population, these processes are even of a Triple Junction”, Earth and Planetary Science Letters
more widespread (Nyssen et al. 2004). In the 224, 2004, 213–28 [Lit.].
Mauro Coltorti
highlands only a few pockets of the original for-
est, apart from the emperor’s hunting reserve,
Männagäša, survive in the less accessible areas. George of Lydda
Along the very steep slopes, and inside church Cult and Hagiography of St. George
grounds, monasteries and cemeteries, huge figs, The first information about St. G. (M_?MF ,
sycamores, podocarpus, junipers, acacias and Giyorgis), one of the most famous saints in
olive trees constitute the relicts of the original both Eastern and Western Christian traditions,
forest, but their capacity to prevent soil erosion is given by Theodosios Periegetes (ca. 530 A.D.),
is extremely limited. The deforestation and the who reports about the veneration of G.’s tomb
associated soil erosion is now at work along in Lydda (Diospolis, Palestine). This was con-
the flanks of the plateau as well as in the more firmed by the itinerary under the name of An-
depressed parts of the Rift Valley where, in the toninus of Piacenza (ca. 570 A.D.): a basilica was
past, human expansion was blocked by the major built on that tomb and dedicated to G., whose
diseases (malaria, yellow fever, tse-tse fly, etc.). remains were believed to lie there. This basilica
Large areas (e.g., Tana-Bäläs) have been defor- is considered by some scholars to belong to the
ested and occupied by thoas who were forced age of Constantine the Great; the Greek ms. 954
to resettle during the Därg period. However, in the National Library of Vienna containing the
some successful interventions of re-forestation legendary passio of G. is dated to the beginning
over large areas have now been undertaken in the of the 5th cent. (s. Balboni 1965:512).
northern region of the country, on the most bare Among different versions of the Vita of G., the
and non-productive lands. one in ms. Vat. Gr. 1660 (916 A.D.) had a large
Lit.: Abdirahim Mahamud Mahamed et al., “Geomor- diffusion and was also translated into Arabic,
phological Evolution of the Upper Jubba River (Southern
Somalia)”, in: Ernesto Abbate et al. (eds.), Geology and hence possibly into GéŸéz, in 1487/88 (GuiSLett
Mineral Resources of Somalia and Surrounding Regions, 64). A shorter version of the Vita is included in
241–50, Firenze 1993; Kathrin Bard et. al., “The Envi- the ÷Sénkéssar on 23 Miyazya (BudSaint 813f.;
ronmental History of Tégray (Northern Ethiopia) in the ColSyn XII, 563–69). It states that G. was born
Middle and Late Holocene: a Preliminary Outline”, Afri-
can Archeological Review 17, 65–86; Mauro Coltorti in Cappadocia (present-day central Turkey). At
– L. Corbo – G. Sacchi, “New Evidence for the Late the age of 20, he went to king Dadyanus, “em-
Pleistocene and Holocene Climatic Changes in the Lake peror of Persia” (Doîiyanès, Dacianus/Dacian
Region”, in: Proceeding of the Symposium of the Interna- in other traditions), to take over the military
tional Geomorphologist Association on “Climate Changes,
Active Tectonics and Related Geomorpologic Effects
office of his father. But, having realised that the
in High Mountain Belts and Plateaux”, Addis Ababa, King was a worshiper of idols, G. decided to
9.–10.12.2002, 30–35; Françoise P. Gasse – Pierre free his own slaves and give away his riches to
Rognon, “Quaternary History of the Afar and Ethio- the poor. Having done that, he professed to be
pian Rift Lakes”, in: Michael A.J. Williams – Hugues
Faure (eds.), The Sahara and the Nile, Rotterdam 1980,
a Christian himself and refused to worship the
361–400; Alan T. Grove et al., “Former Lake Levels and idols. He survived a murder attempt by poison
Climatic Change in the Rift Valley of Southern Ethiopia”, from the magician Athanasius, who in turn also
The Geographical Journal 141, 1975, 177–202; Georg embraced Christianity and suffered martyrdom.
Kaser – Henry Osmaston, Tropical Glaciers, Cambridge G. was cut to pieces with a saw, boiled in tar and
2002, 207; Caroline Le Turdu et al., “The Ziway-Shala
Lake Basin System, Main Ethiopian Rift: Influence of squeezed with a press. He died three times and
Volcanism, Tectonic and Climatic Forcing on Basin on every occasion was raised up to life by Christ.
Formation and Sedimentation”, Palaeo 3, 1999, 135–77; Finally, he was beheaded and is said to have been
Jan Nyssen et al., “Human Impact on the Environment received into the Kingdom of Heaven. His body
in the Ethiopian and Eritrean Highlands. A State of Art”,
Earth-Science Reviews 64, 2004, 273–320 (Lit.); Bruce H.
was buried in Lydda by one of his slaves and a
Purser – Dan W.J. Bosence (eds.), Sedimentation and church was built above his tomb, where miracles
Tectonics in Rift Basins: Red Sea - Gulf of Aden, London were to happen. The story of the young girl who
763
George of Lydda
was freed by G. from a dragon seems to have missal (÷Qéddase); prayers and supplications to
originated at the time of the Crusades. Some G. are found in ÷magic scrolls.
scholars consider 284 A.D. to be the year of the Src.: Victor Arras, Miraculorum s. Georgii Megalo-
Saint’s martyrdom, whilst others date it much martyris collectio altera, Louvain 1953 (CSCO 138, 139
[SAe 31, 32]); liqä täbbäbt Ayyalew TammÉru (ed.),
earlier: 249–51 A.D. Still, “others, identifying
ue=Dy K;ny M_?MF (Mäshafä gädlä Giyorgis, ‘The
Dacian with Diocletian, move it to 303” (Bal- Book of the Life of George’), Addis Abäba 1960 A.M.
boni 1965:516). The last hypothesis seems to be [1967/68 A.D.]; BudSaint 813f.; Ernest Alfred Wallis
the most plausible. Budge, George of Lydda. The Patron Saint of England:
The beginnings of the veneration of G. in a Study of the Cultus of St. George in Ethiopia, London
1930; Gérard Colin (tr.), Le livre éthiopien des miracles
Ethiopia may date to Aksumite times; in later de Marie (Taamra Mâryâm), Paris 2004, 115ff.; ColSyn
times the Saint was always popular in the coun- XII, 563–69; Marius Chaîne, “Répertoire des Salam et
try. Apart from the annual feast on 23 Miyazya, Malkeýe”, ROC 18, 1913, 193–203, 337–57, s. index; K;ny
as in the cases of only a few of the most venerated M_?MFy ]H!z=JSy rzFny usl!y M_?MF (Gädlä
Giyorgis wätäýammératihu zäméslä mälkéýa Giyorgis,
saints, G. is honoured by the monthly commem-
‘The Life of George and his Miracles with the Images of
oration on the 23th day. Many churches are dedi- George’), Addis Abäba 1961 A.M. [1968/69 A.D.]; Gir-
cated to St. G., among them such famous ones ma Fisseha – Walter Raunig, Mensch und Geschichte
as Betä Giyorgis, Lalibäla and Bilbola Giyorgis in Äthiopiens Volksmalerei, Frankfurt/Main 1985, no. 38;
in Lasta (Bianchi Barriviera 1963:53–61, 74–77). GuiSLett 64; Pittura etiopica tradizionale, with notes and
introduction by Lanfranco Ricci, Rome 1989, 158–62,
St. G. Cathedral in Addis Abäba (÷Gännätä Sége no. 9; Täsfa Gäbrä ÍÉllase (ed.), usl!y M_?MFy
Giyorgis) was built in 1896 to commemorate the rAr9y {KFz p#AIy ]usl!y T6Zy nM_?MF (Mälkéýa
victory in the battle of ÷ŸAdwa of the same year. Giyorgis zäsäleda mogäs, ìénsätu wämälkéýa íéqayu
In fact, the battle took place on 23 Yäkkatit (1 lägiyorgis, ‘Images of George, the Display of the Grace;
March, 1896), that is on the day of the monthly his Conception and Images of the Passions of George’),
Addis Abäba 1949 A.M. [1956/57 A.D.]; WrBriMus 190f.,
commemoration of G.; and, according to tradi- no. 289 [Orient. 716].
tion, was won “through the power of the Lord Lit.: Victor Arras, “La collection éthiopienne des
and the aid of George, who appeared to the Ital- miracles de saint George”, in: PICES 1, 273–84; Dante
ians in the guise of a giant riding a white horse” Balboni, “Giorgio, santo, martire”, in: Bibliotheca San-
ctorum, Roma 1965, vol. 6, 512–25; Lino Bianchi Barri-
(Raineri 1998:99). G. is frequently included in viera, “Le chiese in roccia di Lalibelà e di altri luoghi del
the traditional depiction of the battle of ŸAdwa Lasta”, RSE 19, 1963, 5–118; Osvaldo Raineri, “La bat-
(e.g., Girma Fisseha – Raunig 1985, no. 38). taglia di Adua secondo Cerulli Etiopico 318”, Aethiopica
The book of the Acts of G., very common in 1, 1998, 85–100, here 53–61, 74–77; Christopher Wal-
both manuscript and printed editions, which is ter, “The Origins of the Cult of Saint George”, Revue des
études byzantines 53, 1995, 295–326.
read during the feast of the Saint (23 Miyazya), Osvaldo Raineri
usually includes the following parts: 1) the hom-
ily (÷Dérsan) on the Saint ascribed to ÷Theo- Iconography of St. George in Ethiopia
dotos of Ancyra; 2) the Vita of G., attributed to Although ÷Abu Salih mentions an image of G.
his servant Séqratés (both translated into GéŸéz in about 1200 in Ethiopia, the oldest presently
from Arabic in the mid-15th- beginning of the known representations of him date to the end of
16th cent.); 3) a discourse called the Book of the 13th cent. (some century-older anonymous
Admiration (ue=Dy !#l@, Mäshafä ankéro), ÷equestrian saints in the churches ÷Yémrähannä
an anonymous story about G.’s birth; 4) an Kréstos, Lasta, and Betä Maryam, Lalibäla may
anonymous homily called Mäshafä ÷aòbéro, very well refer to him). The 13th-cent. represen-
commemorating G.’s and the Virgin Mary’s tations of G., on the murals in the churches of
bodies’ translation (on 16 Nähase); 5) Miracles ÷Gännätä Maryam and ÷Émäkina Mädòane
(÷Täýammér) of G.: there are 12 canonical mira- ŸAläm near Lalibäla and ÷Waša MikaŸel, near
cles, but their whole number amounts to 80 (e.g., Gašena (Wällo), show the Saint performing dif-
in ms. BritLib Orient. 716; s. Arras 1953), com- ferent miracles: delivering deacon George (i.e.
piled in at least two stages – in the first quarter the “youth of Mytilene”) to his mother; getting
and end of the 15th cent.; 6); the story about the a beam from the poor widow’s hut to sprout
Virgin Mary healing G. during his martyrdom, leaves; punishing Euchius (the destroyer of G.’s
found in the ÷Täýammérä Maryam (s. Colin church). Thematically similar wall-paintings are
2004:115ff.); 7) ÷Mälkéý, ÷sälam chants in hon- preserved in the churches of ÷GärŸalta dated to
our of G. (Chaîne 1913), also included into the the 14th and 15th cent.: MikaŸel Harägwa, Abba
764
George of Lydda
Danéýel and Maryam of ÷Qorqor, and ÷Däbrä

Séyon (in the latter, G. is depicted killing a
snake). One of the oldest miniatures of G., dated
to 1382-88, decorates the ÷Gädlä samaŸétat ex-
ecuted in Däbrä Hamlo monastery near Aksum
(EMML 2514, fol. 157v) and shows him as a
mounted warrior armed with a spear. This type
also appears in the earliest paintings on wood,
from the end of the 15th cent. In some paintings
G. wears a diadem or a crown, the attributes
which recall his martyrdom.
The other formula, introduced at the end of
the 15th cent. in many kinds of paintings, shows
G. killing the dragon. The scene refers to the res-
cue of a “princess” or “the maiden of Beiruth”
(Birutawit), which, according to G.’s Vita, oc-
curred when he was still an army officer. When
depicted, she holds the dragon by a cord; in the
18th cent. she is perched on a tree. Sometimes
the formula includes G.’s attendant Séqratés,
the legendary author of the Saint’s Acts (for the St. George on horseback; diptych, left panel; 15th cent.;
complex development of this motif s. Fiaccadori Monastery of SamuŸel Zä-Qoyäsa, Tégray; photo 2000,
2001:283ff.). In the 17th cent., G. is accompanied courtesy of Michael Gervers
by his relative Éndréyas (e.g., Addis Abäba, IES augmented by Ethiopian painters who tried to
315) who, according to a legend, founded the first closely follow the text. In the absence of appro-
shrine of G. in Lydda, and Lulis and Sirfas who priate models, they used their own imagination
helped to bury the body of G., as mentioned in and created scenes with curious torture imple-
the Homily of Theodotos. ments. The selection of events depicted varies
Unlike the “rescuer-of-the-youth” type, which from work to work. Generally, every torment
seems to disappear between the 16th and 17th cent. is introduced separately, but some scenes appear
(to occasionally be back in fashion much later), more often than others and the arrangements of
the “dragon-slayer” type has lasted throughout pictures seems to be at random.
the centuries. The representations differ in de- Extensively illustrated manuscripts which
tail: in the 15th and 18th cent. G. may wear rich include G.’s Vita, Martyrdom and Miracles ap-
clothes and his horse has lavishly decorated trap- pear from the middle of the 18th cent. and belong
ping which reflect the dress of Ethiopian nobles, to the so-called second Gondärine style: 177
while in most of the pictures produced between miniatures in a manuscript from Arhanä Kidanä
the mid-15th and the beginning of the 16th cent. Méhrät, near Célga; 99 in a manuscript recorded
he is wearing foreign attire; the horse is trotting in Mercier 2000:183 (no reference to the place);
until the end of the 16th cent.; in the 17th cent. 55 in a manuscript from Kébran Gäbréýel
it stands on hind legs, the forelegs raised; while (Kebran 17); 48 in a manuscript from Téra
from the 18th to the late 19th cent. it is galloping. Gädam, Bägemdér, and in mss. London, BritLib
The dragon is depicted with or without wings; Orient. 713 and 715.
in the 17th cent. it often lies on its back, while in The paintings on wood of the 17th cent. always
the 18th cent. a small figure of a demon emerges place G. as the dragon-slayer in the lower half
from its coils. A hybrid-dragon with the features of the left panel (diptych) or left wing (triptych).
of “six animals” is represented and “described” The martyrdom usually occupied the central
in a dyptich (ca. 1500; Mercier 2000:83). panel of a triptych (e.g., IES, nos. 6724, 4191,
The account of the martyrdom of G. was 4432, 4233, particularly 4188, with 26 scenes of
extensively illustrated. It cannot be excluded tortures), but is not represented in the 17th cent.
that this pictorial tradition was introduced to, In churches with the outer walls of the
or renovated, in Ethiopia by Nicolò ÷Bran- ÷mäqdäs extensively decorated, G. is often rep-
caleone (cf. IES 4191). His choice of events was resented three times: on the north wall among
765
George of Lydda
such an arrangement is clear in the Sénkéssar (16

Nähase, s. GuiSyn III, 340f.).
Src.: IES nos. 315, 4188, 4191, 4233, 4432, 6038, 6724;
BudSaint 1224; Stanisław Chojnacki, Ethiopian Icons:
Catalogue of the Collection of the Institute of Ethiopian
Studies, Addis Ababa University, Milano 2000, s. index;
Basil Thomas Alfred Evetts (ed., tr.), The Churches
and Monasteries of Egypt and Some Neighbouring Coun-
tries Attributed to Abû Sâlih, the Armenian, Oxford 1895,
287; GuiSyn III, 340f.; Ernst Hammerschmidt, Illumi-
nierte Handschriften der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer
Kulturbesitz und Handschriften vom Tanasee, Graz 1977,
94f., pls. 76, 120–27; HamTana I, 121ff. [ms. Tanasee 17 =
Kebran 17]; Jacques Mercier, L’Arche Éthiopienne: Art
Chrétienne d’Éthiopie, Paris 2000, 183, no. 83; WriBriMus
191f., no. 290 [Orient. 713]; 192, no. 291 [Orient. 715].
Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, “The Wall-paintings of
Wuqro Mäsqäl Church near Sokota”, Africana Bulletin 50,
2000, 115–33, here 118ff., 124–27, figs B, C, 8–10; Claire
Bosc-Tiessé – Anaïs Wion, “Inventaire des peintures
Martyrdom of St. George: the Saint consoled by St. Mary
datées du XVIIe au début du XIXe siècle: Questions sur
appearing to him in the shape of a dove; miniature from
l’art gondarien (Éthiopie)”, in: Autre sources, nouveaux
the Täýammérä Maryam ms., late 18th cent.; fol. 82v;
regards sur l’histoire africaine, 1998 (= Cahiers de recher-
Tégray, Maryam Ténsaýe, treasury of the Trinity Church;
ches africaines 9, 1998), 215–42; Stanisław Chojnacki,
“The Iconography of St. George in Ethiopia”, JES 11,
the equestrian saints and at both sides of the 1, 1973, 57–73; 11, 2, 1973, 51–92; 12, 1, 1974, 71–132;
Id., “Note on the Early Iconography of St. George and
main entry to the sanctuary: on one side as the Related Equestrian Saints in Ethiopia”, ibid. 13, 2, 1975,
dragon-slayer and on the other as the megalo- 39–55; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Album di pittore. Ms.
martyr, mounted and wearing a crown and rich Parm. 3853 [= Mordini 20]”, in: Cum picturis ystoriatum.
attire (as in ÷Däbrä Sina, Gorgora). The martyr- Codici devozionali e liturgici della Biblioteca Palatina,
Modena 2001, 282–87, no. 60; Otto Jäger, “Ethiopian
dom is rarely a subject of murals and rare exam-
Manuscript Painting”, EthObs 4, 1960, 354–91, here 376–
ples date to the end of the 18th cent. (churches 379; Osvaldo Raineri et al., Santi guerrieri a cavallo:
Wéqro Mäsqäl, Soqota; Qéddus Giyorgis, Féóóe; tele etiopiche. Warrior Saints on Horseback: Ethiopian
Abréha and Asbéha, Émmanuýel, Balói). Paintings, Clusone (Bergamo) 1996, 92–99; Veronika
From the 15th cent. the representation of a Six, “Der Heilige Georg und das Mädchen: ein orien-
talische Motiv und sein Weg nach Äthiopien”, AuÜ 77,
mounted G. sporadically appears on ÷crosses 1994, 9–30; Stefan Strelcyn, “Les nouveaux manuscrits
(cf. IES 6038 where G., assisted by an angel, kills éthiopiens de la Bibliothèque Royale de Bruxelles”, JES
the snake), but in the 18th cent. and later they are 11, 2, 1973, 169–88, 182–86, no. 13.
very common. Selected scenes of his martyrdom Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
also are found from time to time.
G. spearing the snake or dragon belongs to
the figures often present in ÷magic scrolls. The George the New
picture is usually added to a prayer for protec- G. (Eth. M_?MFy =8F , Giyorgis Haddis; Arab.
tion, which, according to the legend, the Saint Girgis al-Muzahim; birth name Muzahim [Eth.
uttered during his martyrdom. Since he endured Mäzahém]; d. 13 June 978) was an Egyptian mar-
many tortures, died and was resuscitated seven tyr. A son of GamiŸ al-ŸAtwi (Eth. var. ZaméŸ),
times, this prayer is believed to be particularly a Muslim from Darwa, in Damira al-Qib-
effective against misfortunes (cf. Paris, BN Éth. liya, Egypt, and of a Christian mother, Muzahim
432), while the Saint’s depiction works as a visual wanted to become Christian since early years. He
equivalent of the popular spell “let the evil be converted by marrying a Christian named Siyula
pierced by the lance of George”. (Eth. Säwla). Denounced as a convert to Christi-
In many cases the image of G. is juxtaposed anity, he and his wife were imprisoned, tortured
with that of St. Mary, particularly often on dip- and exiled. In Mahallat Ruò (Méhéla), he received
tychs and on the western wall of the mäqdäs baptism again, and took the name of “George the
(in both cases G. is placed on the left side and New”, to honour ÷George of Lydda.
Mary on the right), in possible connection with G. was again imprisoned by the governor of
the translation festival. The recommendation of Dämira but despite pressures and tortures he
766
Gérmaóóäw Täklä Hawaryat
preserved his faith. He was then transferred to Gérmaóóäw Tä-

viceroy ŸAdi (ŸAddiy). It is said that in his prison klä Hawaryat;
photo courtesy
G. was visited by Lady Mary who healed his of the IES (no.
wounds. The caliph ordered by letter to save 21 G4, 3)
the life of the prisoner. The viceroy intended
to release him but the crowd insisted on having
him killed. His remains were thrown into the
sea. Some of them were collected by a Christian
woman who took them to Siyula. The urn with
his remains was then sent to a local bishop and
became a pilgrimage attraction.
The cult of G. came to Ethiopia with the trans-
lation of two works from Arabic, ÷Sénkéssar
and ÷Gädlä SämaŸétat. His Acts also form part
of the Ethiopian tradition. His feast is commem-
orated in the Ethiopian Church on 19 Säne.
Src.: Osvaldo Raineri, Gli Atti etiopici del martire
egiziano Giorgio il Nuovo (978), Città del Vaticano 1999
(Studi e testi 392); GuiSyn I, 633–36; BudSaint vol. 4, at the Alliance Française of Dérre Dawa and Ad-
1013ff.
Lit.: Joseph-Marie Sauget, “Giorgio e Basiela”, in: dis Abäba, he accompanied his father to France,
Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vol. 6, Roma 1965, 545; Wadi where he served as minister. G. finished his high
Abuliff, “Girgis (Giorgio) Al-Muzahim”, in: Enciclope- school studies in Grasse, southern France, and
dia dei Santi. Le Chiese Orientali (Bibliotheca Sanctorum then attended the Collège Stanislas, near Nice,
Orientalium), vol. 11, Roma 1999, 2–3.
where he received his Bachelor’s degree (Bac-
Osvaldo Raineri
calauréate) in 1935, perfectly mastering French.
Gérar ÷Acacia When Italy occupied Ethiopia, in the spring of
1936, he fled to Djibouti. In early 1937, he de-
Gere cided to return to Addis Abäba and was soon
A G. is a rattle, in the form of a string of pods arrested by the Italians, along with many others
or pellets, found in Gambella and the surround- educated Ethiopians, following the attempt on
ing region. Variants of this musical instrument ÷Graziani‘s life. He was sent to Italy and spent
can be seen throughout Ethiopia and Eritrea. It six years in prision.
commonly consists of seedpods or metal-alloy G.’s desire to be a social reformer is reflected in
pellets tied individually or strung together by a his writings: the clash between forces of progress
leather thong that is worn around the lower part and conservatism is the theme of ÷Arýaya (1942);
Lc;@F (Tewodros; 1950) is a historical drama
of the leg, usually around the ankle. These pods
or pellets, affixed or strung together, make con- centred on the struggle waged by ÷Tewodros II
cussive sounds when struck against one another, to unite and modernize Ethiopia; (;` (ŸAdwa)
while the incised opening in the shape of an “+” is centred on the historic battle of ÷ŸAdwa.
amplifies the sound. G.’s unpublished book-manuscripts include
Lit.: Tesfaye Lemma, Ethiopian Musical Instruments,
Arýaya II, a continuation of Araya [I], which
Addis Ababa 1975, 42. depicts the evolution of the society until the
Cynthia Tse Kimberlin Revolution of 1974; Al-Habaša (currently being
edited), as well as his own autobiography.
Gergere ÷Dullay G. persued also a prominent carreer in govern-
ment, attaining a number of positions: Director
Gérmaóóäw Täklä Hawaryat of the Press (1943–45); Director General of the
G. (P?x'by Hlny =`?\M ; b. 1915, Hirna, European Department; Ministry of Foreign Af-
Harärge, d. 5 November 1987) was a novelist, fairs (1945–49); Chargé d’affaires at the Ethio-
playwright and a prominent member of the gov- pian Embassies in Stockholm (1949/50-54/55)
ernment. His father, bägérond ÷Täklä Hawaryat and Rio de Janeiro (1955–57/58); Ambassador
Täklä Maryam, instilled in him the values of to Italy (1958–60) and West Germany (1960–61);
discipline, hard work and patriotism. Educated Minister of Information (1961–64); Governor
767
Gérmaóóäw Täklä Hawaryat
General, Illubabor Province (1964–65); Minis- The German Reformation movement, directed
ter of Agriculture (1965–68); Minister of Pub- against the supremacy of the Pope and the illiter-
lic Health (1968–70); member of the ÷Crown acy of both clergy and lay population, also took
Council (1970–74). Together with other officials interest in Ethiopia, a Christian country that did
of the ancien regime, the Därg confined G. in not acknowledge the Pope. Peter ÷Heyling, a
prison. After eight years, he was released as his lay missionary who lived at the Ethiopian court
health started deteriorating (MolLit 68). starting from 1634, translated several GéŸéz
Src.: Pierre Comba, “Le roman dans la littérature éthiop- manuscripts into Amharic and assumed high po-
ienne de langue amharique”, JSS 9, 1964, 173–86; personal sitions at the court. His followers (÷Zämaryam
interview conducted at G.’s residence, 5 April 1983, Addis of Azäzo) played an important role in the con-
Abäba, and information from his family.
Lit.: MolLit 62–72. troversies between the ÷qébat and the ÷sägga
Daniel Kendie lég doctrines (they were called the mänafqan
däqqu légärmän, ‘disciples of the German’, in
the early-19th-cent. [?] monastery records; s.
Germany, relations with Kindeneh Endeg 2004).
G. appears in modern Ethiopian texts as Gärmän Several German Orientalists of the early mod-
(from English); in the 19th cent. it was also ern period learnt GéŸéz (e.g., Athanasius Kirch-
known as Almanya (and similar spellings, from ner, who wrongly claimed to have deciphered
French via Arabic), or Nämsa (an older term of the Egyptian hieroglyphs). Among them, Hiob
Slavic origin, introduced probably via Ottoman ÷Ludolf was the most prominent Ethiopisant.
Turkish and signifying the German Empire; also Following the invitation of the Duke ErnstI of
used for ÷Austria in the 19th cent.). A history of Saxe-Gotha, his most important informant abba
relations between G. and Ethiopia starts with the ÷Gorgoryos travelled to Thüringen in 1652 and
scholarly interest German theologians took in stayed with Ludolf for months, laying the foun-
this country in the late medieval period (÷Ethio- dations for the latter’s works. In 1683, the Duke
pian studies). Much later, in the mid-19th cent., tried, with Ludolf’s help, to organize an alliance
missionary undertakings became a crucial factor of Christian kingdoms, including Ethiopia,
for the German-Ethiopian relations. Diplomatic against the Turks, who had invaded the Austrian
and commercial contacts started comparatively Empire.
late, with the permanent diplomatic relations be- In the context of a new philosophical-an-
ing formerly established in 1905. thropological discourse in the 18th cent., led by
Ethiopians and their country occasionally fea- Immanuel Kant (who created a modern clas-
ture in early medieval German literature, e.g. the sification of peoples and “races”, with Africans
12th/13th-cent. Parzival epos (possibly adapting judged as culturally inferior), Ludolf’s research
the Queen of Sheba myth), or travel literature became crucial for the preservation of a positive
dealing with crusades or pilgrimages to ÷Je- image of Ethiopia.
rusalem (cp. the 15th-cent. pilgrims Rieter and German scholarly ÷expeditions started in the
÷Breydenbach). The existence of a Christian 1820s. The first ones reached only the coastal
people far south, with possibly Biblical origins regions (Massawa, Tégray). In 1830–34, Eduard
(÷Prester John), aroused speculations whether ÷Rüppell carried out metereological, zoologi-
their culture or language might have preserved cal and ethnographical studies, in 1837 he was
the wisdom of the early Biblical fathers. The followed by the zoologist Wilhelm ÷Schimper,
hope to discover the “lost” Chaldaic (Aramaic) who even settled permanently in Tégray and be-
language seemed to be confirmed when the first came a governor of ÷Énticco under däggazmaó
samples of the Ethiopic ÷script were published Wébe Òaylä Maryam. He and his assistant Edu-
in G. (by Breydenbach in 1486), and later the ard ÷Zander later entered into the services of ase
first manuscript(s) reached German theologians. Tewodros II, Zander as a military advisor. The
In the early 16th cent., Johannes ÷Potken from Deutsche Afrika-Expedition of 1861, led by von
Cologne, who had learnt GéŸéz from abba To- ÷Heuglin and the Swiss ÷Munzinger, was main-
mas Wäldä Samuýel in Rome (÷Santo Stefano ly carried out in Bogos (Bilin), Tégray, Kunama
dei Mori), believing that the language could in and Sudanese areas. Its results were published in
fact be identified with Chaldaic, published the Gotha, which, thus, once again became a centre
Ethiopic ÷Psalter. of research on Ethiopia. In 1862, Duke Ernst II
768
Germany, relations with
of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha as the first head of state

visited the “northern borderlands of Abyssinia”,
on a hunting expedition, accompanied by several
scholars.
The 1840s were a crucial period for the rela-
tionship between G. and the ÷Oromo, most of
whose areas were still outside the control of the
Ethiopian emperors. The liberation of Oromo
slaves in this time could be seen in the context
of the traditional interest of the German courts
in “curiosities”, their entertaining and “instruc-
tive” value. The Prince Pückler-Muskau, an
adventurer at the court of Muhammad ŸAli of
Egypt, purchased and later married “Machbuba”
(Bilillee), a kidnapped Oromo. Another noble
traveller, John von Müller, brought a former
Oromo slave (Pauline ÷Fathme) to G., who
became a key figure for the first German Oromo
mission, her published biography including a call
for launching a mission to “Ormania”.
Two South Germans induced a permanent
public interest in G. in this people: Lorenz
÷Tutschek and Johann Ludwig ÷Krapf. Tut-
schek, funded by a prince, was teaching former Celebration of the Kaiser Wilhelm II’s birthday at the Ger-
Oromo slaves in Munich, the most important man Legation in Addis Abäba, 1914, in the presence of con-
sul Jensen and the Turkish envoy Mazhar bey (both left),
being “Osman” or Akaafadee Dallee and “Karl
German envoy von Syburg in front of the Kaiser’s portrait;
÷Habasch”, learning ÷Oromiffa from them photo from the collection of Lorenz Jensen
and documenting their oral literature. He thus
initiated Oromo studies. But it was mainly the expulsion at the beginning of the Šäwa military
German missionaries’ interest into the Oromo, campaigns against ÷Arsi in 1886. In 1927 the
who were believed to have a culture similar Oromo mission was re-initiated by the ÷Her-
to the ancient Germanic tribes, that led to the mannsburger Mission.
creation of the Oromo written literature (first Christian Ethiopia and the ÷Betä Ésraýel at-
in Latin characters, later in fidäl) and laid the tracted German missionaries, too. The British-
basis for continued scholarly research. The first and Swiss-funded Protestant mission in Ethiopia
important contributions came from Krapf from was mainly carried out by Germans. The first
Württemberg, who in the 1830s resided in ÷An- were Carl Wilhelm ÷Isenberg and Krapf in the
kobär and translated parts of the New Testament 1830s in Tégray and Šäwa. Their mission was
into Oromiffa together with his Oromo assistant closed down after Isenberg provoked a doctrinal
Barkii. On his request, the German missionaries dispute, and reopened again in 1856 following an
of ÷Mätämma sent an Oromo slave ÷Ruufoo invitation of ase ÷Tewodros II, who was willing
from Guummaa to Krapf, in order to finalize to introduce European technical know-how (cp.
the translation of the ÷Bible, the first portions Arén 1999). German lay missionaries founded a
of which were published starting from 1870. The German artisan’s colony in ÷Gafat, and also set-
idea of a future Oromo mission also accompa- tled in Gända among the Betä Ésraýel, the “Fala-
nied the establishment of the ÷St. Chrischona sha Mission” there being directed by Johannes
Pilgermission in 1856, conceived as a first step Martin ÷Flad. The Emperor even married two
on the way to the Oromo. In 1867 the first Prot- of his relatives to the missionaries Theophil
estant missionaries, Stamm and Deiß, reached ÷Waldmeier and Karl ÷Saalmüller. The mis-
÷Beni Šangul and Oromo areas (Gubbe). In sion’s aim was mainly the promotion of a reform
1871 a permanent Protestant Oromo mission in of the Orthodox Church from within. They set
Šäwa was established. It was headed by the Ger- up schools, at which also German was taught.
mans Johannes ÷Mayer and Greiner until their Starting from 1865, however, Tewodros’s discon-
769
Germany, relations with
÷Littmann during the 1905/06 Princeton Ex-

pedition recorded ÷Tégre traditions and songs,
mainly together with ÷NaffaŸ wad ŸEtman.
His Deutsche Aksum-Expedition carried out
detailed archaeological and philological research
at ÷Aksum in 1906 (÷Archaeology). The Semit-
ist Eugen ÷Mittwoch in Berlin – closely col-
laborating with Ethiopian scholars like blatten
geta ÷Òéruy Wäldä Íéllase – and the Africanist
August ÷Klingenheben in Hamburg initiated
Ethiopian studies at their institutes, the chair in
Hamburg becoming the only purely Ethiopianist
chair in Europe under Ernst ÷Hammerschmidt.
The ethnological expedition of Leo ÷Frobenius
German President Heinrich Lübke together with Òaylä in 1915 had scholarly but also political aims. His
ÍéllaseI in the Mäkwännén Hall, Addis Abäba; photo 1964, successors (e.g., Adolf ÷Jensen in 1934, ÷Hab-
courtesy of the German Cultural Institute, Addis Abäba
erland and the ÷Frobenius-Expedition in the
tent with European politics and the subsequent 1950s) provided a valuable contribution to the
arrest of all Europeans resulted in the 1867/68 development of anthropological thought in G.
British military intervention (÷Napier) and the Parallelly to the revival of Ethiopian studies,
subsequent expulsion of the Europeans. diplomatic connections were finally established.
Several Ethiopian students were then brought The involvement of G. started hesitantly, as it
to Jerusalem (to stay at a German-directed had no colonial or economic interests in the re-
school, “Das Syrische Waisenhaus”), and later gion. Since 1872 ase ÷Yohannés IV tried to gain
continued their education in St. Chrischona and support of the emperors Wilhelm I and II for his
Württemberg (among them ÷Mikaýel Arägawi, claims over “lost territories” of his Empire (Bairu
÷Gäbrä Égziýabéher Dästa and ÷Wäldä Íéllase Tafla 1981:188ff.). The resulting diplomatic mis-
Kénfu). The first to study in G. was Éngéda Éšät sion of the German envoy Gerhard Rohlfs in
(son of the zoologist Schimper by his Tégrayan 1880/81 stayed without practical consequences.
wife): after attending theological courses in St. It was only in 1905 that G. concluded a Treaty of
Chrischona, he studied at the Polytechnicum Trade and Friendship as a result of the diplomatic
at Karlsruhe (1872–77); later he worked as an mission of Friedrich ÷Rosen, followed by the
engineer in Eritrea and served, e.g., as the inter- establishment of a permanent German Legation
preter of the ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedition in at Addis Abäba. In 1907 a diplomatic mission led
1906 and at the court of ase Ménilék II in 1907. by däggazmaó ÷Mäšäša Wärqe visited Berlin and
The 1907 court interpreter ÷Gäbrä Òéywät was received by Wilhelm II; one consequence
Baykädäñ, who had grown up in Austria and was the facilitation of weapons export to Ethio-
studied in G., was also known under his German- pia. Germans got quickly involved in Ethio-
Austrian name “Gabrihet Soernej”. When G. for- pian affairs on different levels, encouraged by
mally established permanent diplomatic relations Ménilék. Following his demands, the economic
with Ethiopia, the Emperor sent a university consultant of the Rosen mission, Carl Bosch,
teacher to the Oriental Seminar at Berlin Uni- sent artisans, among whom the architect Carl
versity, aläqa ÷Tayyä Gäbrä Maryam. His only Haertel became a prominent personality at the
student, Lorenz ÷Jensen, later served as German court (building, among others, Ménilék’s mauso-
diplomat in Addis Abäba, Harär and Däse (at the leum in 1927, cp. ÷Graves). Concessions were
courts of néguí Mikaýel and lég ÷Iyasu). also given to Germans, the first being Arnold
The late 19th cent. saw the rebirth of Ethio- ÷Holtz. The Halls, starting with Moritz ÷Hall
pian studies in G. August ÷Dillmann created and his wife ÷Wälättä Iyäsus (née Zander), who
his GéŸéz dictionary, followed by a grammar, had become a court lady, were an important
and laid a foundation stone for the modern presence. Their son Jakob Hall become the Em-
philological ÷research; Franz ÷Praetorius peror’s advisor and interpreter, and David ÷Hall
published linguistic works on ÷Ethio-semitic greatly facilitated European-Ethiopian contacts
languages which are still important today. Enno in the 1930s-50s. The end Ménilék II’s reign
770
Gerontocracy
was marked by a permanent rise of German in- Lit.: Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia and Germany, Cultural,
volvement, Ménilék using G. to counterbalance Political and Economic Relations, 1871–1936, Wiesbaden
1981 (AeF 5); Zewde Gabre-Sellassie, “The Contribu-
the (semi-)colonial interests of Great Britain, tion of Non-Ethiopian Scholars to the Development of
France and ÷Italy. After Alfred ÷Ilg had left, Ethiopian Studies: The Role of Jerusalem and Adwa”,
the Emperor appointed Alfred Zintgraff as the paper presented at the Orbis Aethiopicus Conference
state councillor; Steinkühler became his personal 1996; Hans Werner Debrunner, Presence and Prestige:
Africans in Europe, A History of Africans in Europe be-
physician, and Pinnow taught the heir to the fore 1918, Basel 1979, 29f., 54ff., 265–69, 307–22; Gustav
throne, lég Iyasu. The later alliance of Iyasu with Arén, Envoys of the Gospel in Ethiopia in the Steps of the
Germans played a potentially dramatic role in Evangelical Pioneers, Stockholm – Addis Ababa 1999;
÷World War I, when Iyasu was preparing anti- Wolbert Smidt, “Five Centuries of Ethio-German
Relations”, in: Embassy of the Federal Republic of
colonial uprisals in the neighbouring states. The
Germany (ed.), Ethio-German Relations, Addis Ababa
coup d’état of 1916 put an end to this alliance. 2004, 6–14; Eike Haberland, Three Hundred Years
Political relations, with an interruption from of Ethiopian–German Academic Collaboration, Addis
the Italian occupation until G. regained its sov- Ababa 1985 (Sonderschriften des Frobenius-Instituts 2);
ereignty (1936-54) were predominantly friendly. Zeitschrift für Kulturaustausch 1973 (Sonderausgabe Äthi-
opien); Ulrich Braukämper, “Der Beitrag der deutschen
A high-ranking delegation of the regent Täfäri Ethnologie zur Äthiopien-Forschung”, in: Piotr Scholz
(led by his uncle däggazmaó ÷Òaylä Íéllase (ed.), Von Hiob Ludolf bis Enrico Cerulli, Warszawa – Wi-
Gugsa) visited G. in 1924, and in 1954, ÷Òaylä esbaden 2001 (Bibliotheca nubica et aethiopica 8), 159–70;
Íéllase I himself became the first head of state Haile-Gabriel Dagne, “The History of Ethio-German
Cooperation in Research and Higher Education”, in:
to visit G. after World War II. The West-Ger- AAU–DAAD Conference on Problems of Man and His
man Federal President Heinrich Lübke and his Biosphere, October 14 to 16 – 1987, Proceedings, Addis
foreign minister Walter Scheel payed a return Ababa 1987, 1–5; Brigitta Benzing, “Ethiopian–Ger-
visit in 1964. Engineers, teachers, merchants man Cooperation in Cultural Anthropology”, ibid., 7–17;
Gerd Fröhlich – Brigitte Fröhlich, Hochland unter
and medical doctors from G. entered into the Tropensonne, Leipzig 1986; Harald Möller, DDR und
services of Ethiopia. Starting from the 1980s, this Äthiopien. Unterstützung für ein Militärregime (1977–
was followed by massive involvement in ÷devel- 1989): Eine Dokumentation, Berlin 2003.
opment aid through inter-state agencies like the Wolbert Smidt
“Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit”
(GTZ) and private associations like “Menschen
für Menschen” from the Western part of G., and Gerontocracy
technical, military and political consultants sent Most societies of Ethiopia share an outstanding
from the Eastern part after the ÷Revolution of esteem for old people. Old men particularly are
1974. In Berlin (East) talks between Eritrean shown attention and privileges which can be
rebel forces and representatives of the govern- regarded as features of a gerontocratic ideol-
ment took place in the late 1970s, but failed. The ogy. Old age is principally correlated with an
Medical College in Gondär, as well as numerous advanced experience and wisdom, more or less
important industrial undertakings (a cement regardless of the extent to which individuals of
factory, the production of agricultural machin- old age actually possess these qualifications. In
ery etc.) were largely funded by the German tradition-oriented societies elders dominate the
Democratic Republic (GDR). In return, ÷coffee administrative and juridical councils and occupy
was exported to the GDR. A series of state visits key positions in political decision-making.
from the unified G. starting from the 1990s, by Younger people, even if better informed in the
two Federal Presidents and later by the Chancel- respective topics of a debate, are only allowed
lor, underlined the continuation of the “special to talk in a public meeting when permitted by
relationship” between the two countries. the elders. However, this principle was partly
Src.: Johann Heinrich Michaelis, Sonderbarer Leb-
violated in the course of the so-called ÷zämäóa
ens-Lauff Herrn Peter Heylings, aus Lübec, Und dessen (‘raid’) of 1975, when the government ordered
Reise nach Ethiopien …, Halle 1724; Kindeneh Endeg the academic staff and the students to instruct
Mihretie, The Role of Qebatoó in the Christological the population all over the country about the
Controversy within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church aims of the Ethiopian ÷Revolution.
(1620–1764), M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 2004,
ch. 1; Felix Rosen, Eine deutsche Gesandtschaft nach
The acts of deference with regard to older peo-
Abessinien, Leipzig 1907; interview with Federal Presi- ple are manifold and to some extent standardized
dent Walter Scheel, April 2000. according to a pattern which seems to have been
771
Gerontocracy
spread by the ÷Amhara. When older people en-

ter a house, young people must stand up and re-
main standing until the old ones are seated. They
have to rise whenever the older persons get up.
Insulting an older person is severely punished.
If the insult is reciprocated, the younger person
is supposed to accept it in silence without retort-
ing. The curse of older people and particularly
grandparents was, and is, greatly feared. Elders
are called to tell stories to people at social gather-
ings and to children on various occasions. They
are expected to teach the “wisdom” of their Silver coins of Gersem, diametre from 20 mm to 15.5 mm,
drawing courtesy of Stuart Munro-Hay
groups, as well as to conserve their ÷oral tradi-
tions, genealogies and ÷customary law. for his existence. The ÷coinage inscribed with
The elders authority is asserted through vari- the Biblical name of G. (cp. Ex 2:22), already
ous levels of assemblies in the neighbourhood, divided between two different kings, is listed
the village or the clan. It does not necessarily under one single reign in modern studies.
require a special function or title, but its quality G.’s coinage consists of gold, silver and bronze
in this respect depends to a notable extent on the specimens. There are two gold types (145, 146,
fact whether the respective society is character- s. Munro-Hay – Juel Jensen 1995:256ff.): one is
ized by a sophisticated socio-political hierarchy a unique piece, while the other is known from
or by egalitarian standards. six examples at least. Both have the Greek legend
The Amharic word %xPr (šémagélle) refers BAÇILI AZwMI [obv.] GERÇEM [rev.], i.e. ‘King
to a mature man who is an honoured member of of the Aksumites / G.’. The silver bear in unvo-
his group and whose advice is respected. He may calized GéŸéz script K:Au [obv.] |KO [rev.] (grsm
not be very old, probably in his forties, although / ngí), i.e. ‘King GRSM’ (Type 147, ibid. 258ff.).
his reputation usually grows with the number of There are two bronze issues: one is labelled in
his years. Similar concepts and equivalent terms the same way as the silver issue, its legend being
of elder status are to be found in many Ethiopian occasionally vocalized (Type 150, ibid. 263f.); the
societies, e.g., loýmanšo ‘old [and implicitly wise] other has the GéŸéz inscription, also occasionally
man’ as an honorary form of address among the vocalized, |KOyK:Au [obv.] (g:AHAy Yu]!
÷Hadiyya. The oldest brother within a family [rev.] (ngí grsm / bkrsts ymwý), i.e. ‘King GRSM
(Oromo: angafa) usually keeps a privileged posi- / (he) conquers through Christ’ (Type 148–49,
tion. It has to be emphasized that phenomena of ibid. 260ff.). From the general quality and style
G., mainly associated with the male and to a much – in some cases facing busts betraying a rather
lesser extent with the female sex, are deeply rooted Byzantine imprint – it seems that G. may even
in the socio-political life of Ethiopian people. have been the last of all kings of Aksum to issue
÷Age group systems; ÷Gadaa gold coins.
Lit.: Uri Almagor, “Raiders and Elders: a Confronta- Src.: DAE I, 54f.; Stuart Munro-Hay, The Munro-Hay
tion of Generations among the Dassanetch”, Senri Ethno- Collection of Aksumite Coins, Napoli 1986 (Annali IUO
logical Studies 3, 1979, 119–45; Donald Lewis Donham, 46, 3. Supplemento 48), 79–83, s. index; Id. – Bent Juel-
“Elders, Juniors and Women in Malle, Southwest Ethio- Jensen, Aksumite Coinage, London 1995, 256–65.
pia”, EJDR 5–7, 1, 1983, 13–22; Reidulf Knut Molvaer, Lit.: Richard Pankhurst, “Gersem”, in: DicEthBio 73;
Socialization and Social Control in Ethiopia, Wiesbaden MHAksum s. index.; Wolfgang Hahn, “Noe, Israel und
1995 (AeF 44), s. index. andere Könige mit biblischen Namen auf axumitischen
Ulrich Braukämper Münzen. Der Gottesbund als Legitimation der christli-
chen Königsherrschaft im alten Äthiopien”, Money Trend
33, 12, 2001, 124–28, here 126f.; Gianfrancesco Lusini,
“Note linguistiche per la storia dell’Etiopia antica”, in:
Gersem StudAeth 67–77, here 67f. and nn. 4f.; Francis Amadeus
Karl Breyer, “Ein frommes Wort- und Schriftspiel auf
G. (GRSM) was a Christian king of ÷Aksum einer Münze des Negus Gersem”, Aethiopica 8, 2005, in
who can tentatively be dated, together with preparation.
÷Ioel, ÷Hataz and ÷Armah, to the later 6th or Stuart Munro-Hay – Red.
early 7th cent. A.D. He is in fact associated with
the last period of coin issues – the sole evidence Géšän Maryam ÷Amba Géšän
772
Géssawe: Mäshafä géssawe
Gešo memorations, plus the ÷wazema, Matins and

Rhamnus prinoides, of the family Rhamnaceae, Procession of Palm-Sunday.
known as G. (O&), or related forms in many In association with Mäshaf the term géssawe
Ethiopian languages, is a small indigenous tree means ‘explanation’, ‘exposition’. In lessons
found at an altitudinal range of 1,400–3,200 m of the ÷Sénkéssar translated from Arabic (on
A.S.L. in grasslands, rain-forests and margins of 10 Mäskäräm [10 Tut], Nativity of Mary the
evergreen forests. Its leaves, with finely toothed Mother of God; 17 Òédar [17 Hatur], Death of
margins, are shiny and dark green and its berries John Chrysostom; 12 Génbot [12 Bašans], Ap-
blackish-purple when mature. parition of the Cross), it is found as a translation
It is widely grown around homesteads or in for the Arabic dallal, used in the same sense. In
cultivated fields, where it is reduced to a shrub fact, the spelling P-ca (gébsawe, cp. GéŸéz:
by frequent cutting. The dried and pounded Gébs ‘Egypt’, Gébsawi ‘Egyptian’) has also been
leaves, branches and stems are commonly sold found in an ancient source (Jeffery 1993:209, n.
at the market and are considered a cash crop. 32), which refers to the Coptic origins of this
They are mainly used, like hops, as flavouring book. The Ethiopian work has widely preserved
in brewing ÷tälla and ÷tägg. The fermentation- the system developed in the ÷Coptic Church
starter comes from the malt, which is usually (more probably that of Upper Egypt rather than
germinated ÷barley, but can also be germinated that which is applied today: cf. Zanetti 1985:20f.).
÷sorghum, or finger millet. The cathedral Divine Office (mainly the ÷Dég-
In traditional medicine G. is used as a laxative gwa), especially with its cycle of 20 fixed seasons
or diuretic and in syphilis prevention. The leaves of a distinct Ethiopian character (÷Calendar),
are put in children’s mouths to relieve pain after in the course of time deeply affected M.g. and
removal of the uvula. Crushed berries and leaves the liturgy of the Word of the Sundays, which
are rubbed on to the skin to cure ringworm and best reflect those seasons, as well as the feasts of
other mild fungal infections. The roots are used Ethiopian saints.
to purify the blood. More modest lectionaries eventually came
Lit.: Azene Bekele-Tesemma, Useful Trees and Shrubs to be composed, as has been also the case in
for Ethiopia, Nairobi 1993, 380–81; Reinhard Fichtl the Coptic Church, in order to offer liturgical
– Admasu Adi, Honeybee Flora of Ethiopia, Weikersheim readings at a minimum cost. This lesser work
1994, 384f.; Inga Hedberg – Sue Edwards (eds.), Flora is the ue=Dy !Fs1 (Mäshafä asélti; from
of Ethiopia, vol. 3, Addis Ababa – Asmara – Uppsala 1989,
390; Legesse Negash, Indigenous Trees of Ethiopia, Ad- !Fn/ , aslätä, ‘to accomplish, to make useful’,
dis Ababa 1995, 255–58. hence the meaning ‘handy manual’). Such works,
Rita Pankhurst infrequent in catalogues and occasionally sim-
ply called M.g., propose readings for a smaller
number of occasions, which may vary from one
Géssawe: Mäshafä géssawe work to another. Apart from the Virgin Mary,
M.g. (ue=Dy Pca , lit. ‘Book of Exposition’) the readings for saints are grouped in “Com-
is both a perpetual liturgical ÷calendar and a mons” for angels, apostles, martyrs, virgins,
lectionary, either plenary, i.e. with the text of the the righteous, etc. Such commons may also be
biblical lessons written in full, or partially, i.e. in prepared for a whole particular liturgical season
the form of an index or directory of the readings. (e.g., “the Flower”) or even several seasons (e.g.,
It gathers two types of documentation, very dif- the Fasts). In the manuscripts, such works can be
ferent in nature and history: (1) the daily com- indexes or plenary lectionaries, but also may in-
memorations and feasts with the readings match- dicate the references of the lessons through their
ing them, month by month and day by day (the incipit (cf. Zanetti 1985:73). The principle used
Sanctoral), and (2) readings for, possibly, Fridays for the Commons is rooted in the Coptic tradi-
(evening), Saturdays and, always, Sundays. The tion and is reflected in the Ethiopian monthly
current definition of the M.g. points to the daily commemorations, also of Coptic origin (cf.
commemorations and feasts of the Sanctoral and Zanetti 1985:249ff.; ÷Calendar). Such a Mäshafä
the seasons of the Temporal of the liturgical year, asélti prepared by aläqa Wäldä Rufaýel of Däbrä
as well as the biblical lessons to be proclaimed at Bizän, a plenary lectionary with readings for 34
Mass on every Sunday and calendar day of the occasions, happens to have been the first lection-
year and at Matins (÷Maòlet) on the major com- ary printed (cf. Fritsch 2001:44f., 359–70).
773
Géssawe: Mäshafä géssawe
Two printed M.g. lectionaries are presently The M.g. edition of 2002 is original insofar
in use in the ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo as it features the musical signs (mélékkétoóó,
Church, published in 1953 and 1986 respec- Amh. pl. of ÷Mélékkét) of the Psalm-versicle
tively. (mésbak), adds the Tuesday and Wednesday of
The M.g. of 1953 is an index of 152 pages in 3 Nineveh as well as the Wednesday and Thursday
parts (cf. Fritsch 2001:45–48): of Nicodemus, presents additional occurrences
1) the Lectionary of the Days (Pcay rr]M? , of feasts falling on a Sunday and a Mäzmur for
Géssawe zäzzäwätr); the Sanctoral (Mäshafä the Assumption.
géssawe 1953, 9–124). The lists of saints are older The M.g. of 1986 is the other lectionary (cf.
and relatively independent of the Synaxaries, as Fritsch 2001:50ff.). Organized as a full lection-
is the case with the Déggwa. The references of the ary, with very short readings with no connection
different lessons follow, with incipit and desinit. to the Sanctoral (except for the great Feasts,
On 112 occasions, there is a morning service which could not be left aside), it aims at having
(Zänägh), including a Psalm-versicle (÷Mésbak each year the whole of the four Gospels and of
or Qédmä wängel, the latter term recalling the the Pauline epistles read, regardless of the rep-
prokeímenon of the Greek Church and of the etitions in the readings of the Catholic epistles
Sahidic lectionaries; Zanetti 1985:20) and a Gos- and the Acts of the Apostles entailed. Meant to
pel. The texts prepared for the mass (Zäqéddase) replace the editions of 1953 and 1986, it does not
include passages from St. Paul, a Catholic epistle seem to enjoy large success.
and the Acts of the Apostles; a Psalm-versicle A third M.g. has been published (2004) at the
and a Gospel; the mention of the anaphora; initiative of mämhér Yared Fanta. It is a ferial
2) a Supplement for the mobile Festivals and Fasts index ignoring most of the saintly commemora-
(Mäshafä géssawe 1953, 125–27) is concerned tions of the Days in order to develop the specific
with the days of the Cycle of the Resurrection character of the liturgical year of the Déggwa.
that do not fall on a Sunday and the ÷Méhélla; In addition, it features a daily reading from the
3) the Lectionary of the Sundays provides in- O.T., which is meant to enrich the communi-
dications for both the Mäzmur, or Psalm-verse ties’ evening or morning prayer, as well as the
characteristic of the Sunday (128–49) to read and homilies.
the relevant part(s) of the ÷Déggwa according The manuscript tradition of the M.g. has not
to the liturgical year. The Sundays are inserted yet been properly studied. A first list of 39 man-
within this framework, from which the Mäzmur uscripts (including both lectionaries and indices)
is drawn – hymn of reference of Matins proper has been provided by Fritsch 2001:40ff. Few
to each Sunday and which always matches a spe- ancient documents are shown there, all within
cific set of readings. The incipit of the Mäzmur, reach since those not at the British Library or
therefore, serves as a title or name for the Sunday the Vatican Library have been filmed by EMML.
to which it belongs and helps in sorting out the Other ancient texts surely exist. It would be
variances brought about by the ÷aqwaqwam worthwhile to compare them systematically,
schools (cf. Fritsch 2001:87–90). The Sundays are both among themselves and with the Coptic
numbered from 1 to 80, the expected number of documents, so as to assess the exact nature and
52 Sundays being well exceeded because of both contents of the Egyptian origins, as well as the
the many provisions arranged for all the possible lines along which the “Ethiopianization” of the
occurrences and the 10 supplementary sections M.g. has been achieved.
of the office of Palm-Sunday. Src.: aläqa Wäldä Rufaýel, ue=Dy !Fs1 (Mäshafä
The M.g. edition of 1953, besides its reprints, asélti, ‘Manual’), Asmära 1914 A.M. [1921 A.D.]; ue=Dy
has received two other presentations, in 1984 and Pcay r^M|(-y !z(uMy &Fgy (uMy ]rA!-My
rYd-?y zFny uwv=M (Mäshafä géssawe zäyétnäbbäb
2002.
émŸamät éskä Ÿamät wäzäsänabét zäyäòabbér méslä
The M.g. of 1984 (Fritsch 2001:48f.) is a plena- mäzmurat, ‘Lectionary of what is to be Read from Year
ry lectionary totally written in GéŸéz (hardly in to Year and of the Sundays, together with the Mäzmur’),
use since the readings are generally performed in Addis Abäba 11945 A.M. [1953 A.D.], ²1958 A.M. [1966
Amharic). It corresponds to the 1953 edition of A.D.], ³1973 A.M. [1981 A.D.]; Täsfa Gäbrä ÍÉllase
(ed.), ue=Dy Pcay g(uMy &Fgy (uMy (89E!y
the M.g., which it corrects at places and comple- (xirMy Mvy (r]M?!y (*nMy A#(My Yw|(-y
ments with the in extenso inclusion of the Psalm +B:y RD- (Mäshafä géssawe käŸamät éskä Ÿamät
and ÷Sälam of the Sundays, in modern print. bäqéddasenna bämaòlet gize bäzäwätrénna bäŸélät
774
Géšše
sänbät yämminnäbbäb. Bahrä hasab, ‘Lectionary of what that he set out for Maýékäl Serfa in Mänz and
is to be Read from Year to Year, at Mass and at Matins, on went to G., where he was welcomed and received
the Days and on the Sundays. Computus’), Addis Abäba
11976 A.M. [1984 A.D.], ²1994 A.M. [2002 A.D]; ue=Dy with joy by the ÷sähafe lam of Amhara.
Pca (Mäshafä géssawe, ‘The Lectionary’), Addis Abäba In the 16th cent., having arrived at Massawa,
11977 A.M. [1985 A.D.], ²1978 A.M. [1986 A.D.]; mämhér the Portuguese mission to Ethiopia set out at-
abba TÉýumä LÉsan Kidanä Maryam Wäldä Sämuýel tempting to visit the court of the “Prester John”
Wäldä AýÉlaf, ue=Dy Pcay g|y zslIy (2*uy
– Emperor ÷Lébnä Déngél. According to Fran-
vxy r6-:y %+^ (Mäshafä géssawe kännä mélékkétu
bätaŸémä zema zädäbrä ŸAbbay, ‘Lectionary with the cisco ÷Alvarez, the mission visited the church
Musical Notations According to the Pleasant Music of of ÷Mäkanä Íéllase in G. on 1 January 1520 (its
Däbrä ŸAbbay’), Addis Abäba 1994 A.M. [2002 A.D.]; ruin is situated about 12 miles southwest from
aläqa Asnaqä, “Index for the Sundays of all the Year”, in: Wärrä Illu). Alvarez indicates that his mission
MäÍärät SÉbHat Läýab, MbFK_y dD(y ru#!y K<hy
(#M_1\y ,Hy l?FJ\#y !<z (Téwfitawi òasabä
accompanied Lébnä Déngél, who on that very
zämänénna tariku bäýityopya betä kréstiyan aqwam, ‘The day transferred the bones of his father, Emperor
Traditional Computation and its History in the Position ÷NaŸod, from another church where he was
of the Church of Ethiopia’), Addis Abäba 1981 A.M. buried, to rest forever in Mäkanä Íéllase.
[1988 A.D.], 221–28; Yared Fanta, ue=Dy Pcay
The strategic importance of G. became clear
=8Fy rHA!!]y (!?+*Iy lIqHy !wx# (Mäshafä
géssawe haddis zätäsänaýawä bäýarbaŸéttu kéflatä azman, in the first half of the 16th cent. When the wars
‘New Lectionary that Matches the Four Seasons’), Addis of imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”)
Abäba 1997 A.M. [2004 A.D.]. shattered the political and economic foundation
Lit.: mamhér LÉýulä Qal, T?(Hy !zsmy r'?N<lFy of the Ethiopian empire between 1527 and 1543,
H`B<y g(uMy (uMy (*nHy &>;y A#(M [Pca!y
F-gM ] (ÍérŸatä amléko zäýortodoks täwahédo. KäŸamät
part of the royal family seem to have taken their
–Ÿamät bäŸélätä éhud sänbät [Géssawenna sébkät], ‘The refuge in the valley of Ïäma-Adabay river basin
Worship of the Orthodox Täwahedo. From Year to Year, and into the inaccessible mountain ranges of G.,
on the Sunday [The Lectionary and Preaching]’), vol. Mänz, ÷Gédém, Efrata and ÷Ansokiya.
1, Atlanta, GA 1994 A.M. [2001/02 A.D.], 314; Peter G. has occupied a key place in the history of
Jeffery, “The Liturgical Year in the Ethiopian Déggwa
(Chantbook)”, in: Ephrem Carr et al. (eds.), Eulovghma: the kingdom of Šäwa as the monastery of Gäme
Studies in Honor of Robert Taft S.J., Roma 1993 (Studia Giyorgis in Géšše Däga seems to have hosted
Anselmiana 110), 199–234; Emmanuel Fritsch, “The ÷YaŸéqob the son of Lébnä Déngél, to whom
Liturgical Year of the Ethiopian Church, I. The Tempo- members of the Šäwan dynasty claimed their dy-
ral: Seasons and Sundays”, Ethiopian Review of Cultures nastic origin. Though it is sometimes indicated
Special Issue 9–10, 2001; HabUff; Ugo Zanetti, Les
lectionnaires coptes annuels – Basse Egypte, Louvain-la- that YaŸéqob was hiding himself in the mon-
Neuve 1985. astery of Gäme Maryam, situated in the cliffs
Emmanuel Fritsch – Ugo Zanetti near ÷Afqära in Mänz. He may have stayed in
Gäme Giyorgis of Géšše Däga. The problem
in the sources seems to be the confusion be-
Géšše tween Gäme Giyorgis of Géšše Däga and Gäme
G. (P$ , also PE , Gésse) is a region situated in Maryam of Afqära in Mänz. In fact, the young
northern Šäwa, bordered by ÷Wärrä Illu (Wällo) fugitive may have taken his refuge at both mon-
in the north; it occupies the high plateau north of asteries in Mänz and G. Both the areas of Mänz
the Qaccine river and extended as far as the river and G. can be recognized as the nucleus for the
Wäncit. Dayär, the local stronghold, is some- birth of the kingdom of Šäwa and its leadership,
times also called G. It is not impossible that the whose family dominated the Ethiopian political
place was called G. by the Christian settlers who scene until the Revolution of 1974.
wanted to associate it with Géšän of ÷Ambässäl After Ahmad Grañ’s wars and the subsequent
(Wällo) and the monastery of ÷Amba Géšän. ÷Oromo population movements, Šäwa disin-
The history of G. is known only from the 14th tegrated into rival principalities. A mountain-
cent. onward. Local tradition asserts that it was ous area of G. at the time seems to have been a
ase ÷Dawit II who Christianized this fringe of principality on the edge of Qäccine river as far as
Šäwa as G. in the late 14th cent. In the 15th cent. Wayet which separated it from Wällo. The he-
ase BäŸédä Maryam (1468–78) seems to have reditary ÷balabbat of G., who probably lived in
left Däbrä Bérhan around 1469 for ÷Däbrä the 17th cent., was Awsabe or Awsabéyos. It was
Métmaq in Tägwélät to celebrate the annual feast an autonomous principality and known to have
of ÷ŸÉräfta on 21 Mäskäram. It was from there been a traditional rival for Mänz throughout the
775
Géšše
was sent to Gurageland. The authority over this

area and its environs including Mänz, Gédém,
Efrata and Ansokiya remained in the hand of
Wälde’s son däggazmaó Mäšäša right throughout
early 20th cent.; he also led the Amhara of G. and
the surrounding region against néguí ÷Mikaýel
of Wällo and his son lég ÷Iyasu in 1916. During
the Italian occupation of Ethiopia in 1936–41, G.
was a strong resistance base of the grandsons of
ras Wälde such as däggazmaó Damtäw Mäšäša
and his brother Zäwgä as well as other local pa-
triots. In the provincial administration of post-
war modern Ethiopia (1941–74), it was a wäräda
within the awragga of Mänz. A historical role of
G. as a resistance base reappeared as such again
in the 1970s following the fall of the imperial
regime. It was a prominent stronghold of Bruke
Dämisse, one of the stubborn enemies of the
17th and 18th cent. In the early 18th cent. G. was Därg Regime and the successor of the sons of
once ruled by ras ÷Démetros, the Gondärine ras ÷Bérru Wäldä Gäbréýel, Märýéd and Mäsfén
royal appointee of ase ÷Tewoflos, who estab- Bérru, who took up armed reistence in Afqära
lished his capital near the hill of Dayär. It was (Mänz); they all, however, were systematically
later controlled by the rulers of Šäwa though the defeated by the Därg.
traditional chiefs of G. had not always been loyal Src.: interview with MakwännÉn Gaššanäh, Atayye,
to the Šäwan kingdom; yet they gave support to July 1986, December 1993; interview with Aklilu
YÉfru, Addis Abäba, December 1993; interview with
the Imperial army of ase ÷Iyasu II of Gondär, MakwännÉn Rätta, Karra Qore, July 1986; Araya
under the command of ras ÷Waldä LéŸul and ras ÍÉllase Wärrota, Yu#wy K<l (Yämänz tarik, ‘A
÷Wädago, during the war against märédazmaó History of Mänz’), ms. in possession of the author,
Abéyye of Šäwa. In late 18th and early 19th cent. 1937 A.M. [1944/45 A.D.], 1–3, 7; PerrZarY 115f.; Beck-
G. was under the sway of märédazmaó ÷Asfa HuntAlvar 236, 582; Edmond Combes – Maurice Tami-
sier, Voyage en Abyssinie dans le pays des Galla, de Choa
Wäsän of Šäwa, who controlled it through the et d’Ifat, Paris 1843, vol. 2, 283; GueCopMen 63, 82, 96;
army of one of his officers (abägazoóó) and his DTWDic 317, 319; Eduard Rüpell, Reise in Abyssinien,
own skilful leadership. Frankfurt am Main 1838–40, vol. 2, 360; BegCron 13, 5,
Under néguí ÷Íahlä Íéllase of Šäwa (r. 1813– 90ff.; Charles Wilhelm Isenberg – Johannes Lud-
47), G. was under warrior chiefs who could wig Krapf, Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and
Krapf, Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society,
resist the challenges from the Oromo ÷Warra Detailing Their Proceedings in the Kingdom of Shoa…,
Qallu and ÷Argobba of Wällo. Sämmu Néguí London 1968, 288, 314–20; BTafA 420f., 520–23, 742f.,
governed G. in 1835–40, he was then dismissed 887; AWTarik.
from power because he helped his rebellious Lit.: Ahmed Hassen Omer, Aspects of the History of
brother to escape. In 1840 ato Zäwde, Íahlä Efrata-Jille Wareda (Shoa Region) with Particular Refer-
ence to the Twentieth Century, B.A. thesis, Addis Ababa
Íéllase’s other governor, was imprisoned for kill- University 1987, 4f., 46ff.; Id., A Historical Survey of Eth-
ing Ali Bérru, the son of Bérru Lubbo of Warra nic Relations in Yefat and Temmuga: Northeast Shäwa,
Qallu who, though in good terms with Íahlä 1889–1974, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1994,
Íéllase, had troubles with the frontier governor 87–91; Id., “Close yet Far: Northern Shäwa under the
Derg”, in: Wendy James et al. (eds.), Remapping Ethio-
of G. Zäwde was succeeded by a certain Lenca
pia: Socialism and After, Oxford 2002, 80f.; BudHist vol.
(1841–42) who was, however, soon dismissed 2, 434ff.; EgeClass 18, 25ff., 37, 150, 166–69, 173.
from the office and replaced. A certain Habtä Ahmed Hassen Omer
Mikaýel and Garra Mätäko were governors of G.
at different times in 1842.
In 1870s G. was plundered by the forces of ase Geta
÷Yohannés IV; another important event was the Däggazmaó G. (OK , full name OKy !*Yy
appointment over G. of ras ÷Wälde Aššagari (d. Ts2# , Geta Abiyyä Íéltan; 18th cent.) was an
1908) by Ménilék in the 1880s, before the former uncle of étege Méntäwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa).
776
Gétém
He was the grandson of ras Niqolawos and This incident transformed G.A.’s status as a war
the cousin of Énkoyye, Méntéwwab’s mother. leader, before the occupation, to an obscure of-
The accession of étege Méntéwwab’s son, ase ficial under Italian viceroys.
÷Iyasu II, was opposed by a rebellion in 1732, in In 1941 G.A. submitted to Òaylä Íéllase at
the suppression of which G. was active. In 1739, Féóóe, on the latter’s victory journey from Däbrä
G. was appointed däggazmaó of Bägemdér, Marqos to Addis Abäba. He was sent to gézot
when he began to stand out as a prominent (banishment) in Gimma and then in Kämbata
military campaigner. In 1755, he helped smooth where he died on 8 September 1950. His remains
the accession of ase ÷Iyoýas I. In 1767, he was were, however, later transferred to Addis Abäba
appointed ÷bitwäddäd, but in this leading office (MahHorse 287).
was unable to stem the tide running against his Src.: MahZekr; MahHorse 287; Gäbrä Wäld ÉngÉda
faction and faded from the scene in the 1770s. Wärq, x^Jb (Maycäw), Addis Abäba 1947 A.M.
[1954/55 A.D.], 97, 103, 117, 125, 133; Käbbädä
Src.: GuiIyas, passim; BlunChr 8, 17.
Täsämma, YK<ly xFK]# (Yätarik mastawäša,
Lit.: CrumLand, s. index.
‘Historical Memoirs’), Addis Abäba 1962 A.M. [1969/70
Donald Crummey
A.D.], ²1963 A.M. [1970/71 A.D.], 145, 166, 337, 416f.;
ÒÉywät ÒÉdaru, \)y 3#y H:D, (Yaóói qän täräsaóó,
Getaóóäw Abatä ‘Is that Day Forgotten?’), Addis Abäba 1967 A.M. [1974/
75 A.D.], 28f., 34, 45; ase Òaylä ÍÉllase I, B^]L!y
Ras G.A. (OKQby $+H , b. Wällo, d. 1950) was Y#M_1\y &?zF (Héywätenna yäýityopya érméga, ‘My
the son of ras ÷Abatä Bwayaläw and was also Life and Ethiopia’s Progress’), Addis Abäba 1965–66
related to Empress ÷Mänän Asfaw, the wife of A.M. [1972/73–73/74 A.D.], vol. 1, 40, 98, 176f., 229–33;
ase Òaylä Íéllase I. He grew up at the Impe- vol. 2, 27, 309 (tr. as HSLife).
Lit.: PerGov 83f., 321f.; Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: a
rial Court together with Iyasu, Täfäri and other New Political History, New York 1965, 200, 216, 222f., 237;
sons from aristocratic families. He attended MockWar 113–18, 121f., 133f., 136, 151, 391; BZHist 167.
÷Ménilék II School (MahHorse 287). Seltene Seyoum
When his father died in 1917, G.A. was already
an important official of the Zäwditu-Täfäri gov-
ernment, and was instrumental in Täfäri’s con- Gétém
solidation of power afterwards. From 1917 to G. (P4z ) is an Amharic term meaning ‘poetry,
1933 he received a number of quick promotions lyrics, poem, verse’. It has the verbal counterpart
and soon became a leading dignitary, second to in the verb gättämä meaning ‘to compose poetry’,
ras Kaía Òaylu. but, first, ‘to join/be joined together, to match’.
Before World War II, G.A. held various of- Ethiopian ÷poetry can most generally be divided
fices: minister, ambassador and administrator. into ÷qéne and G., the latter being defined as
In 1918 däggazmaó G.A. led a delegation, sent secular poetry composed in Amharic, oral or
by the Ethiopian government, to congratulate written. In practice, the division is not very sharp,
the victors of the war. He was a signatory of the as the Amharic poetry may well be religious and
1931 ÷Constitution, and in 1933 was promoted is also sometimes called qéne, the latter term,
to ras and became governor of ÷Käfa. As gov- however, being mostly reserved by its definition
ernor, G.A. moved soldiers recruited from Käfa for religious poetry in ÷GéŸéz, composed upon
to the northern war front to defend the country traditionally established and precise patterns.
against Italian assaults. In a way, G. is a “modernizing” term, since
At the battle of ÷Maycäw, G.A. was one of G., being originally nothing else but the oral
the three principal commanders Òaylä Íéllase texts of (folklore) ÷songs, are usually sang or
designated to lead the Ethiopian army. After the at least recited, and thus usually appear as an
Emperor’s defeat, G.A. accompanied him to Ad- integrative part of the songs (Fäqadä Azzäzä
dis Abäba. From there, he travelled with Òaylä 1999:84f.; cp. the neologism qalgétém ‘oral po-
Íéllase into exile in Palestine. During the sum- etry’). Since the traditional Ethiopian culture
mer of 1936, G.A. was selected as a prominent has no clear-cut distinction between G. and the
member of a secret imperial mission sent to Gore songs (except for the mode of performance), the
to help ras ÷Émméru Òaylä Íéllase reorganize term gättämä originally refers to the technical
the Provisional Government there. But when operation of composing verses (cp. DTWDic
he reached Cairo, G.A. submitted to the Ital- 252f.; GuiVoc 784), mostly rhyming them in the
ian authorities and returned to Addis Abäba. final syllable, carried out, e.g., by ÷azmari (who
777
Gétém
can immediately apply G. to a melody and sing exactly when the first written poem appeared. For
or recite a song on a given subject), ÷lalibäloóó, example, oral poems in praise of some Ethiopian
dirge-singers (alqaš; ÷Funerals) or less profes- emperors known as “royal songs” (Guidi 1889)
sional individuals involved in the event in which were probably composed as early as in the 14th
different songs are performed. At the same time, cent., but were written down later. The rhymed
the scholars who describe traditional (Amharic) “strophes” recorded by Antoine d’÷Abbadie
poetry and its metrical patterns usually give point to the high skill of composing epic poems,
indications regarding the type of music or an in- but they were written down by chance only (Ber-
strument which accompanies these patterns (like hanu Abbebe 1970; 1985); the 19th-cent. “versed
÷bägäna, ÷mäsinqo or ÷kérar). Vita” of St. Cyriacus in Amharic, composed by a
The poetry (i.e. G.) plays a major role in the certain Yämaryam Barya, appears to be one of a
life of the Amharic-speaking highland agricul- few exceptional cases (Sengal 1945; RicLett 854).
turalists (this being valid, in fact, for almost all Nowadays, though the tradition of written poetry
societies of Ethiopia), and those who can recite is spreading in Ethiopia, speaking of G. we most
traditional poems and compose new ones en- often mean oral poetry composed by rural society
joy respect (about East Goggam or Southern which is mostly identified with “folk poetry”.
Wälläga, s. Pankhurst in PNCES I, 462; Getie Next to the “folk poetry”, there is poetry
Gelaye 2000). Consequently, people compose composed in a written form by Ethiopia’s intel-
and recite different kinds of G. during the ag- lectual elite. This poetry is represented, e.g., by
ricultural activities, journeys, at weddings and ÷Mängéítu Lämma’s YP4zy L+% (Yägétém
funerals and other important occasions, when gubaýe, ‘Collection of Poetry’), ÷Käbbädä Mi-
feeling lonely or sad, when facing injustice, or kaýel’s -?U|y Bp! (Bérhanä héllina, ‘Light of
to express their feelings and share them with the the Mind’), ÷Däbbäbä Säyfu’s Y-?U#y I8?
others. Therefore, a large variety of oral poetry (Yäbérhan féqr, ‘Love of Light’) and Sälomon
genres appeared, defined as, e.g., YT=y P4z Deressa, whose volume sH|M (Légénnät,
(yäíéra gétém, ‘work poetry’), YO?Py P4z ‘Childhood’), published in Addis Abäba in 1969
(yäíärg gétém, ‘wedding poetry’; Taddäsä Mu- A.M., is written in blank verse.
lat 1970), Yn8Gy P4z (yäläqso gétém, ‘funeral Some attempts of classification have been done
poetry’) or YsI,y P4z (yälégoóó gétém, ‘chil- regarding the structure of G., i.e. the number of
dren’s songs’; Getie Gelaye 1999, 2000:110; cp. syllables, the type of rhyme, the rhythmical pat-
Fäqadä Azzäzä 1991:87). The genres of oral po- tern and the number of lines in a verse. Starting
etry differ depending on the socio-political con- from distinguishing G., modern Amharic poets
ditions of the people composing it. The semantic came to the discussion on the theory of Amharic
categories most recurrent in Ethiopian folk po- versification and developed its terminology (also
etry are: love, death, God, suffering, bread, cour- drawing upon the technical terminology of qéne
age, violation of sex norms, time, land, cowardice poetry). The following elements can be distin-
etc. (Araaya Hailu 1972:339). According to the guished in G.: A#3 (sénnéñ) – the rhythm/run of
subject, Amharic poetry can be divided into, e.g., a poem (lit. ‘the well-sounding’); =:P (haräg) –
historical, love, educational and political poetry a half of a sénnéñ (MärséŸe Òazän Wäldä Qirqos
(KaneLit 16). Historical and political streams 1948); ,M (bet) – the verse (lit. ‘house’, hense
seem to be the most vivid and intensively ex- betun mätta ‘to rhyme’, lit. ‘to hit the house’).
ploited, with the use of the traditional ÷säménna Bet and sénnéñ have close meanings. One line of
wärq technique, which is particularly suitable G., a bet, is counted according to the number of
for expressing a critical attitude towards political characters of the syllabary, whereas for the sén-
reality by hiding it under the cover of metaphors, néñ the number of syllables is counted (which is
allegories, allusions and word plays. important to distinguish rhythmical patterns).
Due to the scholarly efforts starting from the MärséŸe Òazän Wäldä Qirqos (1948:212ff.)
19th cent. onward a large corpus of the Amharic defines eight patterns of G.; Mängiítu Lämma
poetry has been collected, but only a few analyti- presents 13 patterns of G., but reduces them
cal works have appeared since that time. During to three basic rhythmical patterns, i.e. )Vy (o
the same time, G., being originally oral, has (buhe bälu) with eight syllables in a two-line
undergone a process of diversification into writ- verse, 6#(1 (dänbäñña) with twelve syllables in
ten and oral compositions. Yet, we do not know a verse and A#Qy uK# (sängo mägän) with ten
778
Getesemane Maryam
syllables in a verse. The same classification pro- extreme north-east of ÷Goggam (approximately
poses an additional group of ten mixed rhythmi- 11º 10' N, 38º 40' E).
cal patterns which are combinations of the above Once an important monastic establishment, it
three basic patterns, each mixed type being a is now in decline. The early history of G.M. has
representation of some sort of zäfän (‘song’). been little studied, and the monastery seldom vis-
For example, the bägäna sälamta G. pattern is ited by Ethiopian or foreign travellers or schol-
a combination of all the three basic patterns; a ars. Documents in manuscripts at ÷Däbrä Wärq
hégä-wät bet is a combination of sängo mägän indicate that the area around G.M. was given
and dänbäñña bet. Neither bägäna sälamta or to the former by ase Dawit II (ca. 1380–1412),
hégä-wät bet rhymes (Mängéítu Lämma 1963: while traditions of ÷Däbrä Libanos attribute the
148f.). In fact, the list of mixed patterns is not yet foundation of G.M. to ÷NaŸod Mogäsa (late 14th/
closed: in the process of collecting oral literature, early 15th cent.). Yet, the monastery seems to have
new examples of G. and zäfän are provided. On been established only after the middle of the 15th
the basis of MärséŸe Òazän Wäldä Qirqos 1948 cent. as a satellite of Däbrä Wärq. Hagiographies
and Klingenheben 1959, Kane recognizes up to kept at the latter place mention the names of two
19 G. patterns (KaneLit 25f.). monks active in its early period: the monastery’s
Src.: Berhanu Abbebe, “Hamina: distiques amhariques founder abunä ÷Íärsä Petros from the district of
d’après une transcription d’Antoine d’Abbadie”, AE 8, Énnäbäse, a disciple of mämhér Täklä Maryam of
1970, 89–101; Id., “Une chronique rimée, d’après un texte ÷Märtulä Maryam, who lived during the reign
recueilli par Antoine d’Abbadie”, ibid. 13, 1985, 45–53,
pl. i–iii; DTWDic 252f.; THMDic 1097f.; Ignazio Gui- of ase ÷Bäýéda Maryam I, and abba Robel, who
di, “Le canzoni geez–amariña in onore di Re abissini”, may have been a younger brother of Íärsä Petros.
RRALm ser. 4a, 5, 1889, 55–66; Elena Sengal, “Poemetto An iron abbot’s staff shown to visitors at G.M. is
amarico in onore di San Quirico”, in: Carlo Conti Ros- said to have belonged to abbot Robel. G.M. soon
sini (ed.), Studi Etiopici, Roma 1945, 41–58. came to enjoy royal favor, for the Chronicle of
Lit.: Araaya Hailu, Ten Semantic Categories most
Recurrent in Ethiopian Folk Poetry, their Sociolinguistic ase ÷Lébnä Déngél mentions his visit to it in the
Bases, Ph.D. thesis, Georgetown University 1972; GuiVoc 21st year of reign, i.e. 1529, in the course of a royal
784; Getie Gelaye, “Contemporary Amharic Oral Poe- tour that included several other monastic forma-
try from Gojjam: Classification and a Sample Analysis”,
Aethiopica 1999, 2, 124–43; Id., Peasants and the Ethio-
tions of north-eastern Goggam. The monastery’s
pian State: Agricultural Producers’ Cooperatives and importance is attested by the fact that it was
Their Reflections in Amharic Oral Poetry; a Case Study selected to receive one of the St. Luke icons alleg-
in Yetnora, East Gojjam, 1975–1991, Münster 2000 (For- edly brought by ase Dawit “from Egypt”.
schungen zu Sprachen und Kulturen Afrikas 7); Fäqadä
G.M. appears to have attracted the Italian artist
Azzäzä, YT|–6s uz<\ (Yäíénä qal mämriya, ‘Intro-
duction to Oral Literature’), Addis Abäba 1991 A.M. Nicolò ÷Brancaleone, who was active in Ethio-
[1999 A.D.]; KaneLit 25f.; August Klingenheben, “Zur pia in the late 15th-early 16th cent. and may have
Amharischen Poesie”, RSE 15, 1959, 5–20; MängÉÍtu spent several years there. Icons signed by him
Lämma, “Y!x?1y P4z ” (Yäýamaréñña gétém, ‘Amharic and others unsigned but in his style have been
Poetry’), JES 1, 2, 1963, 133–50; MärsÉŸe Òazän Wäl-
dä Qirqos, Y!x?1y A`Fb (Yäýamaréñña säwaséw, discovered there. Several of these are now in the
‘Amharic Grammar’), Addis Abäba 1948 A.M. [1956/57 possession of the Museum of the ÷Institute of
A.D.], 212–20; Alula Pankhurst, “Amakkelech Denkýu, Ethiopian Studies in Addis Abäba. Brancaleone’s
the Amazing Jigger Flea: Amharic Couplets Interpreting a richly illustrated 33-folio modelbook is kept
Settler Environment”, in: PNCES 1, 461–78; Säyfu Mät-
tafäriya, “YJ lt? (1)y uwK(y 6qM – 4#3=y 8;u - in the nearby monastery of Wafä Iyäsus. It has
wP HM (Yäfoklor [1] mäzgäbä-qalat qédmä-zéggét, ‘A close affinity with the G.M. icons. The register of
Folklore Dictionary: a Preliminary Collection’)”, JES ÷gwélt possessions in the church at Däbrä Mar-
26–1, 1993, 73–116; Taddäsä Mulat, “(O?Py rD$,y qos reveals a late-19th-cent. dispute over seniority
bF4y YwKZy Y!x?1y P4{, (Bäíärg zäfänoóó wést
yämmitayyu yäýamaréñña gétémoóó, ‘Amharic Verses among the monasteries of north-eastern Goggam
Appearing in the Nuptial Songs’)”, JES 8, 2, 1970, 155–70; to which G.M. was a party. It seems to have been
RicLett 851f. [“Letteratura in lingua amarica”]. settled by néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam.
Laura Łykowska Src.: interview with Habtamu Mängéíte, 2002; Paul B.
Henze, Trek into the Gojjam Back Country, 25 Jan–5 Feb
1995, ms., 1995.
Getesemane Maryam Lit.: ChojPaint 61, 110, 126, 161, 237, 293f., 315, 384,
388–92, 428, 443f.; Stanisław Chojnacki, “Field Trip
G.M. (OLEx"y x?\z , also Getisemani) is a to Eastern Gojjam”, IES Bulletin 4, 1995, 6–10; Marcel
monastery in the Gonca gorge (Mota), in the Cohen, “Dabra Warq”, in: Mélanges René Basset. Études
779
Getesemane Maryam
The verb agrees with the subject and with a

efinite object. There are no case-, number- or
gender-markers on the noun. However, there are
few words where the singular is different from
the plural, e.g. ära, ‘a cow’ vs. array, ‘cows’.
The independent pronouns are: éya, ‘I’, ina,
‘we’, aòä, ‘you (masc. sg.)’, aòýa, ‘you (fem. sg.)’,
aòwa, ‘you (masc. pl.)’, aòma, ‘you (fem. pl.)’,
òwuta, ‘he’, òýita, ‘she’, òuno, ‘they (masc.)’ and
òénäa, ‘they (fem.)’. Demonstrative pronouns
are: zé, ‘this, these’ and òa, ‘that, those’.
The copula in its present tense is suffixed to
its complement: gwad-u ‘it is white’, dengya-no
‘they are boys’. In the past and future tenses,
it is an independent word: gwad banätä ‘it was
white’, dengya yiòrošä/yiòärote ‘they may/will
be boys’.
The G. elementary ten word-list is: aat ‘one’,
òwet, ‘two’, soýost, ‘three’, ésaat, ‘fire’, iòa,
‘water’, ayät ‘sun’, bänä ‘moon’, dä, ‘blood’,
anäät, ‘tongue’, šén, ‘tooth’.
G. is a Subject-Object-Verb language, e.g.
Maruta diinóa qäpärä
Maruta potato plant
‘Maruta planted potatoes’.
Lit.: Wolf Leslau, Etymological Dictionary of Gurage
View over the Gonca Gorge from Getesemane Maryam; (Ethiopic), vol. 1: Individual Dictionaries, Wiesbaden
photo 2002, courtesy of the author 1979, 619–750; Robert Hetzron, The Gunnän-Gurage
Languages, Napoli 1977 (Ricerche IUO 12).
nord-africaines et orientales, Paris 1923 (Publication
de l’Institut des Hautes Études Marocaines 10) , vol. 1, Degif Petros Banksira
143–62, Diana Spencer, “In Search of St. Luke Icons
in Ethiopia”, JES 10, 2, 1972, 67–96; Ead., “Travels in Geto ethnography
Gojjam: St. Luke Icons and Brancaleon Rediscovered”, The G. (also Gyeto, Gyäta, Geta or Yäcärät)
ibid. 12, 2, 1974, 201–20.
Paul B. Henze
were a member-group/district of the confed-
eration of Amést bet ÷Gurage (‘Five Houses of
Gurage’) and later joined the Säbat bet Gurage
Geto (‘Seven Houses of Gurage’) confederation. The
Geto language G. district is surrounded by the territories of
The G. language (one of the Säbat bet ÷Gurage, the ÷Gumär, ÷Éndägañ, ÷Énnämor, ÷Óaha
s. map for Gurage) is known as G. by linguists, and Azärnät-Bärbäre (÷Sélti). Today G. is part
while its speakers, as well as the other Säbat bet of Gumär and Geta wäräda of Gurage Zone
Gurage, call it Gyäta, or Gyät-ina. G. is classified (formerly it was part of the ÷Cäbo – Gurage
as part of the Peripheral Western Gurage branch awragga). The G. part of the wäräda is formed
of the South ÷Ethio-Semitic languages. G. is by around 13 qäbälä. The most important settle-
spoken south of ÷Óaha, east of ÷Énnämor and ment is Qabul on the Éndébér–Hossäyna road.
west of ÷Sélti. Other significant locations in G. are Qwante
Palatalized and labialized velar consonants Ségba, the place of the traditional G. assembly,
are phonemic. Some suffixes trigger processes and the churches of Abo Giyorgis and Agata
of palatalization and labialization of all velar Maryam. In the 1920s G. was the residence of the
consonants. E.g., the suffix of the 2nd pers. sg. Soddo Gurage princess wäyzäro Wällätä Íéllase,
fem. subject causes palatalization, the suffix of a mistress of ase Ménilék II (Azaïs – Chambard
the 3rd pers. sg. masc. brings about labialization 1931:151ff.). The most-important river in G. is
and the impersonal suffix occasions both the river Wenqe. G. is characterized by a high
palatalization and labialization. population-density (today 366 inhabitants per
780
Geyz
km²), and intensive agriculture with a strong role ÷däbo or qérre system common in other parts
for ÷énsät cultivation. of Ethiopia (Aspen 1993; Kebebew Daka 1978).
The G. migrated from Óaha and over a long G. is an institution by means of which interested
period of time expanded eastwards, starting from farmers pool together labour and other resources
Qwante Ségba. The G. maintained a constant such as farm implements and construction tools
peaceful as well as hostile relationship with their in a work party that they organize, usually on a
neighbours, such as the Gumär and Azärnät- neighbourhood level. The main purpose of G. is
Bärbäre (and other Sélti-speaking groups), with to facilitate help among farmers during peak ag-
whom they competed for the fertile highland ricultural seasons. A G. work party could also be
west and north of Mount Mugo. organized to help poor households or others who
Like the other Gurage “houses”, G. is com- may need the help of such a group. Thus, house-
posed of a number of sub-groups of different holds headed by women and others that have
origin which have inter-group/inter-ethnic capacity constraints may get help through G.
clan-relations with other regions in Gurage and According to a study conducted in 1998,
beyond. The two main ancestors of the G. are among 300 households surveyed in the Óaha
Märawédäñe, who, in oral tradition, is linked to wäräda of Gurage zone, 91 % of farming house-
the army of ase Zärýa YaŸéqob (r. 1434–68), and holds relied on others’ help to perform major
a certain Bäräséye. Bäräséye’s origin is said to be agricultural activities. From among the various
either “Arabic” via šayò Bašir, a co-combatant of labour sources, the largest proportion of house-
Umär, the father of haggi Aliyye of Sélti, or, less holds’ labour access is facilitated by collective
supported by oral tradition, Oromo (Dénbäru work arrangements. In the main agricultural
Alämu et al. 1987:85f.; ShGurage 104). The Idik production season preceding the survey, G. con-
clan, which has a certain sacral role in traditional stituted the main labour source in land prepara-
Gurage religion as well as in Islam, also derives tion for 37.2 % of the respondents, in ploughing/
itself from the line of šayò Bašir. digging for 38.1 % of them, in planting/sowing
Trimingham (TrIslam 186; cp. also ShGurage for 23.4 % and in weeding for 28.1 % of them
36) reports a majority of “paganism” and (Or- (Getinet Assefa 1999).
thodox) Christianity, but additionally Islam is In a typical G. group, an average of 8 to 12 men
the most recently established since the campaigns work jointly in main agricultural activities. G. op-
of imam ÷Hasän Éngamo and the conversion to erates on a tacit understanding and agreement be-
Islam of the late G. leader abagaz (then imam) tween people who want to help each other on such
Hamdéno from the Humarad clan at the end activities. A neighbourhood level of organizing G.
of the 19th cent. Today, various Protestant and is a common practice, although all neighbours may
Catholic denominations are to be found as well. not necessarily work together in such an institu-
In the G.-Gurage folk-religion the spirit ÷Waq tion. It could be observed that the formation of a
is called Mando (Shack – Habte Mariam Marcos G. at a neighbourhood level offers advantages of
1974:54, note). economy of time and better access to farm animals
Src.: author’s own data from Cäncän and Sabola, Geto, and implements (author’s own field-notes).
November 2004.
Lit.: ShGurage 40, 104; William A. Shack — Habte G.-based work is performed for group mem-
Mariam Marcos, Gods and Heros, Oral Traditions of bers on a rotational basis. When ready with his
the Gurage of Ethiopia, Oxford 1974, 124, 126f., 134–41; land, food and drinks to be provided on the
BrHad 168, 189f., 190, 202; DÉnbäru Alämu et al., QQMz work party, an individual member requests his
YL=Oy -h:A-y K<ly +Ws!y <#< (Gogot. Yägurage
béòeräsäb tarik, bahélénna qwanqwa, ‘Gogot, the History, G. partners to help him on a particular day. Usu-
Culture and Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 ally, work schedules are agreed upon in advance.
A.M. [1994/95 A.D.], 85f.; P. R. [François] Azaïs – Rog- Most G.-based works are started in the morn-
er Chambard, Cinq années de recherches archéologiques ing and last for several hours, depending on the
en Éthiopie, Paris 1931, 151ff.; TrIslam 186.
amount of work. A particular work party is
Dirk Bustorf
concluded with coffee and qolo (roasted grain or
Géyon ÷Wäliso beans) or wusa (koóóo, s. ÷Bread) at the host’s
house. While having the coffee, the participants
Geyz discuss the program for the next G. work and
G. is a rural production-oriented institution anything related thereto.
which serves as the ÷Gurage counterpart of the ÷Agriculture
781
Geyz
Src.: author’s own field-notes. during the archaeological expeditions had been
Lit.: Harald Aspen, Competition and Cooperation: recorded in the Annales d’Éthiopie, a museum
North Ethiopian Peasant Households and their Resource
Base, Uppsala 1993 (Working Paper on Ethiopian Devel- where the items could be displayed and safe-
opment 7); Kebebew Daka, The Cooperative Movement guarded was conceived. G. was the founder of
in Ethiopia, Addis Ababa University 1978; Getinet the Ethiopian National Museum and its first
Assefa, Indigenous Institutions and Local Development Director. The museum was located in the present
Initiatives: Cases from Gurage Areas of Ethiopia, M.A.
thesis, School of Graduate Studies, Addis Ababa Uni-
Bankers Club, which was close to the office of
versity 1999. the Archaeological Institute.
Getinet Assefa G. retired in 1972. During his service as a
governmental civil servant he was awarded two
Gézaw Òaylä Maryam Gold Medals and a certificate of Merit from the
Ethiopian Government. He was buried at the
G. (Puby g^ny x?\z ; b. 1910 Kabi, d. 1989,
Gännätä LéŸul Iyäsus Church in Addis Abäba.
Addis Abäba) was a scholar and politician. Son
of ÷Òaylä Maryam Íärabiyon and wäyzäro Src.: GÉzaw Òaylä Maryam, Y'@{y K<l (Yäýoromo
tarik, ‘The History of the Oromo’), ms.; Id., Y!dy R^ny
Mirgiya Zämädkun, he was baptized in Sey- TqEy !O?y K<l (Yäýase Haylä Íéllase accér tarik, ‘A
adäbrä Lédätä Maryam, northern Šäwa. After Short Biography of Emperor Òaylä Íéllase’), 2 vols., ms.;
completing the first grade of traditional church Id., Y!lBzy K<l (Yäýaksum tarik, ‘The History of
education and Ménilék II Elementary school, Aksum’), ms.; Id., (!;`y !b=Fy YHK1y YK<ly 8?F
(Bäýadwa awragga yätägäñña yätarik qérs, ‘Historical
G. was sent to Switzerland in 1923 for studying. Artefacts that are Found in Adwa’), Addis Abäba 1952
From there, G. moved to Germany to pursue his A.M. [1959 A.D.]; Id., Y#M_1\y u#PFMy Y4#K_y
education in agricultural science, but soon had K<j_y 8?Fy !FH96?| Y!?g_nEy :G@ (Yäýityopya
to return to Ethiopia due to the political turmoil mängést yäténtawi tarikawi qérs astädadär. Yäýarkäyologi
following Nazi accession to power. Qwéfaro, ‘Administration of Ancient Ethiopian Cul-
tural Heritage. Archaeological Expedition’), Addis Abäba
During the Italian occupation (÷Italian war 1966; Id., “(!lBzy s<\y (zqx!y (u<Oy FnHK/My
1935) G. had to flee to a remote village in the 4#Kb\#y YK<ly *6c,y uPnM Objects Found in
district of Géndbärät (western Šäwa) where he the Neighbourhood of Aksum”, AE 1, 1955, 43–51; Id.,
founded the first water mill and a dairy farm. Fn#M_1\y T|y e>Iy &?zF| Y#M_1\y K6xMy
Upon Òaylä Íéllase I’s return G. got a post in (T|y e>Iy Y|(='by !KsPnM (Séläýityopya íénä
séhuf yänäbbäraóóäw agälgélät, ‘The Progress of Ethiopi-
the Ministry of Pen; later on he was transferred an Literature. The Contribution of the Ethiopian Church-
to the office of ÷Täýammérat Amanuýel as a es towards Ethiopian Literature’), Addis Ababa 1963; Id.,
senior advisor. In a few years G. was transferred 6Px_y z~sly gK<j'by &!y gv\'b (Dagmawi
to the Department of Antiquities and National Ménilék kätarikaóóäw énna kämuyaóóäw, ‘Ménilék II
Library. from his History and his Deeds’), Addis Abäba 1956
A.M. [1963 A.D.]; Id. (tr.), “Y6)-y 4zy ;#N_,y
From 1954, G. took an active part in the (Q`!y (C9{z (6)-y #M_1\y FnHK/My RbsN,y
French-Ethiopian archaeological investigation, Y3:(y !/?y \ny 4!M!y z?z?y (I=#CFy !#I
cooperating with Francis Anfray, Roger Sch- The Stelae of South in Šäwa and Sidamo, a Short Study
neider and other French archaeologists – mainly and Investigation about the Stelae Found in the South of
Ethiopia, by Francis Anfray”, AE 12, 1982, 9–42; Id. (tr.),
due to his good knowledge of GéŸéz, Sabaic, “!#;y eBIMy \n(My Y%u!y ;#N^ ( RbsM ) (@@y
Amharic, Tégréñña and Oromiffa, as well as of %!^6? A Stela of Ezana Bearing an Inscription, by Roger
foreign languages such as French, German, Eng- Schneider”, ibid. 12, 1982, 225–29; Id. (tr.), (Y=y YH6:
lish and Italian. The historical and archaeological Ky Y!?g_nEy :G@| (I=#CFy !#I>y HcD (BäYäha
activity took him to historical places of Aksum, yätädärrägä yäýarkäyologi qwéfaro. BäFransis Anfre
täsafä, ‘The Archaeological Excavations Carried out in
Yéha, Zula, Gondär, Sidamo, Harär and Šäwa Yéha. Written by Francis Anfray’), Addis Abäba 1963.
(Awaš, Mälka Qunture) for over 16 years. Lit.: Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 6, 1007.
As a result of these archaeological expeditions Mekonnen Retta
and painstaking work G. produced several his-
torical works and articles (e.g., his manuscripts Gézrät ÷Circumcision
on the History of Oromo or the History of Ak-
sum); he also translated the resumes of Anfray’s Ghistele, Joos van
and Schneider’s articles into Amharic for the G. (b. 1446, Gent, d. 17 April 1516, Zuiddorpe)
÷Annales d’Éthiopie. was a Flemish nobleman and knight in the service
After the collection of ancient manuscripts, of Charles II the Bold, Duke of Lorraine. In Co-
coins, statue, and various artefacts assembled logne Cathedral, where the supposed relics of the
782
Ghistele, Joos van
÷Magi (Mt 2:11) were kept, he read a booklet in and scarification (to mark off Christians; ÷Body
which it was said that any pilgrim from the Low ornamentation). The Christian “Indians” always
Countries would be well received in the land of carry or wear a ÷cross and are privileged in
the ÷Prester John if he were to bring gifts which comparison to the “pagans” in everyday life. The
had been in contact with the relics of the Three priests wear black cloaks which remind G. of Por-
Wise Men. Together with the chaplain Jan (van) tuguese style (÷Clothing) and headwear (“draped
Quisthout and his friends Joris van Ghistele, Jan blue bandages”). In Book II, 18 and 24 (Gaspar
van Vaernewijck and Joris Palijnck, G. decided 1998:88, 96) G. describes the Ethiopian monastery
to travel to ÷Abyssinia. He departed on 15 Sep- in Jerusalem (÷Dayr as-Sultan) and the chapel in-
tember 1481 and returned on 23 June 1485. He side the church of the Holy Sepulchre.
travelled to Palestine (÷Jerusalem), ÷Egypt, the G.’s account (Book III, 18, Gaspar 1998:192)
Sinai, Perim (Aden; ÷Yemen), Syria, Northern mentions the role the Nile (÷Abbay) played in
Persia, the Greek Archipelago and North Africa, relations between Abyssinia and Egypt. The
never reaching the realm of Prester John. From sultan greatly fears “pape Jan’s” alleged ability to
1492 to 1494 G. was the Lord Chamberlain of change the river’s course – for if the Nile would
Gent. The coat of arms of his home town of not flow across Egypt most of the country
Zuiddorpe (in Axel), three exotic plants on a yel- would be inhabited and barren – and therefore
low field, is meant to illustrate G.’s travel. tries to entertain friendly relations with the
G. recorded what he saw and heard in the ac- Christian ruler by sending him every year fine
count he completed upon his return, ca. 1490. gifts and presents. Abyssinians in Egypt also
Tvoyage van Mher Joos van Ghistele consists of enjoy great privileges. In Book III, 27 (Gaspar
eight books, subdivided into altogether 210 parts 1998:207ff.), G. provides a detailed description
and containing many details he collected from of a large monastery in “De Almarach” (÷Dayr
the Ethiopians he met in Cairo and Jerusalem. al-Muharraq; Gaspar 1998:231 n. 139) where
In Book I, 2 (Gaspar 1998:34f.), dealing with Mary and Jesus are said to have lived during their
Oriental Churches, G. gives a description of the stay in Egypt, with ca. 30 “Abassinen”, Greeks
“Abassinen” or “Indians” (÷“India”). Chris- and Jacobites.
tians living in various kingdoms of Ethiopia G. writes that from Aden merchants travel to
and Nubia under the jurisdiction of “pape Jan” Hormuz, and southwards to the lands of Abys-
(Pope John, i.e. Prester John), they grow black in sinia, in particular to the city of “Senwa” where
the course of life because of the burning sun, but “pape Jan” usually resides (Book VI, 12; Gaspar
are never as dark as the Saracens i.e. the ÷Moors. 1998:253ff.). The designation “Senwa” resembles
Healthy-looking, fine-limbed, lean and woman- “seuwa” of the 14th-cent. Historia Trium Regum.
like, they are sparing with words, usually bare- Gaspar (1998:269, n. 53) brings this latter term in
footed, hard-working and living frugally. relation with “Saba” which on the basis of Psalm
G.’s “Abassinen” are devout and resemble the 68:30 and 72:9–10 may be considered as the place
Jacobites in many respects. Their ÷eucharist is of origin of the Three Wise Men. If, however,
made of leavened bread, they give communion Senwa/Seuwa, as the latter form suggests, can
to young children, and at their services three be identified with the well-known kingdom of
stand together at the altar in honour of the three ÷Šäwa, G.’s information appears extraordinarily
Magi, who are kept in high reverence because accurate.
they came from their lands. Laymen, priests and Another merchants’ destination is “Egrijso-
clerics perform the ceremonies with chanting, hulla”, a place south-south-east of Aden where
jumping and hand-clapping, most of them hold- the body of St. Thomas is said to rest. According
ing sticks in their hands (÷Däbtära). At all their to Johannes van Hildesheim (ch. 11, cp. Gaspar
services they use censers (÷MaŸétänt) to please 1998:269, n.54), it was a very famous island in
the Lord with the ÷incense. the former kingdom of king Caspar of Tharsis.
G. finds the Ethiopian church in Jerusalem Gaspar (1998:149, n. 5) states that according to
most resembling a northern European one. He the legend St. Thomas first preached on the is-
praises the Ethiopians’ austerity and abstinence land of ÷Soqotra and successively in India.
Src.: R.J.G.A.A. Gaspar (ed.), Ambrosius Zeebout,
which they esteem above all other virtues and
Tvoyage van Mher Joos van Ghistele, Hilversum 1998
remarks upon their practices of ÷circumcision Lit.), 34f., 88, 96, 192, 207, 213 n. 139, 149 n. 5, 253, 269
(in reverence of Christ who was also circumcized) n. 53, n. 54; Renée Bauwens-Préaux (ed., tr.), Voyage en
783
Ghistele, Joos van
Egypte de Joos van Ghistele 1482–1483, Le Caire 1976;
Joannes of Hildesheim, Historia Trium Regum. The
Three Kings of Cologne, ed. by Carl Horstmann, Mill-
wood – New York 1972; Henry Yule – Henri Cordier
(ed., tr.), The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Venetian: Con-
cerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East, London
1903, 81f., 239.
Lit.: Jules de Saint Génois, Les voyageurs belges du XI-
IIe au XVIe siècle, Brussel [1846], 155–92; Philip Blom-
maert, De Nederduitsche schryvers van Gent, Gent 1861,
30–39; J. Stecher, “Josse van Ghistele”, in: Biographie
nationale vol. 7, Brussel, 1880–83, col. 733–38; Marie-
Therèse Lenger (ed.), Bibliotheca Belgica. Bibliographie
générale des Pays-Bas, vol. 3, Brussel 1964, 215–21.
Emeri van Donzel
Gibälla
The G. (E(q ) mountains, to the south-west
of ÷Däbrä Marqos, are part of the volcanic
plateau of ÷Goggam (2,400 m A.S.L.), crossed
by rushing streams that join the ÷Abbay more 67,450 km² (second largest in Ethiopia), which
than 1,000 m below. The G. are flanked by the flows into Lake ÷Turkana at the end of its 829 km
Mutara mountains, which give way to the can- course. The Gélgäl G. (‘Little G.’) is formed by
yon of the Blue Nile. This region belong to the the Lagamara G. originating in Mount Gorocän
Däbrä Marqos awragga until the administrative (3,276 m A.S.L.) to the north, of the Énnarya G.
reforms of 1991. Today, it is part of the Däbrä to the west and of the Gimma G. to the east, both
Marqos wäräda in the East-Goggam zone (Am- running down the Sadderro mountains, which
hara kéllél). overlook the town of Gimma. The three G.,
after winding across the marshy ÷Guduru and
Gimma plateaus, run through a number of falls,
particularly downstream from Gimma.
The hydroelectric power-plant at Gélgäl G.
was planned to make use of the important level
differences and of the abundant flow of the G.,
which are supplemented by their left bank tribu-
taries, such as the Walga river descending from
the Dändi-Wänci. This plant is now in use, a
high voltage line linking the capital to Gimma
has been erected and taken in operation.
The Oromo kingdoms of ÷Gomma, ÷Guum-
maa, ÷Geeraa, ÷Gimma Abbaa Gifaar and
÷Limmu Énnarya emerged from 1810 to 1830.
They nest in the loop of the G. which act as a
protection to the north and they are separated
from the former kingdom of ÷Käfa by the deep
÷Gogäb valley. To the east the former kingdom
of Gangäro, where an Omotic language is spoken,
Lit.: Consociazione Turistica Italiana, Carta del- enjoys the same natural protections. Their pros-
l’Africa Orientale Italiana (scala 1:1,000,000), Milano perity has relied upon the trade of coffee, ivory,
1938; CSA 2000.
slaves, musk, hides and skins sold in important
Alain Gascon
markets (Sappa, ÷Hirmaata) in the hands of the
÷afkalas. These gradually converted to Islam
Gibe the kings (÷Mooti), who, however, welcomed
G. (M, ) is the name of the ÷Omo river north of the Catholic mission of Guglielmo Massaja.
÷Wälqite. It is an endorheic river with a basin of Frequently at war, the sovereigns never united
784
Gidaada Solon
either behind ÷Abbaa Bagiboo I or behind the inhabitants of Harär to extradite all Oromo de-
kings of Gimma in order to resist the Šäwan serters. But G. called ŸUôman’s attention to the
conquest. From 1882 to 1891 they had to submit Qurýanic prohibition of handing over Muslims
to Ménilék II’s generals (ras ÷Gobäna Daci; ras to the enemy. Although ordered by ŸUôman to
÷Wäldä Giyorgis Aboyye). ÷Abbaa Gifaar II, implement the treaty, G. refused to do and re-
by paying a heavy tribute to the Emperor, kept belled against him.
his state autonomous up to his death in 1932. G. successfully gathered followers from Awsa
Lit.: AbbGeogr; BendLang; Gaétan Bernoville, and ÷ZaylaŸ. He managed to defeat ŸUôman’s
L’épopée missionnaire d’Éthiope, Mgr Jarosseau et la mis- army under the command of the sim garad Bäläw
sion des Gallas, Paris 1950, 212–19; CSA 2000; EMAtlas; Muhammad near ZaylaŸ (May 21, 1569) but died
GasEth; Alain Gascon, “‘Fair Borders’ for Oromiyaa”,
in: PICES 13, vol. 3, 362–78; Guida 501, 521, 530; Hunt-
in the battle. ÷Talha b. ŸAbbas proclaimed
Gal; Geoffrey Charles Last, A Geography of Ethiopia himself head of the rebellion and brought it to
for Senior Secondary Schools, Addis Ababa 1963; Her- a final victory. G. was buried near the sanctuary
bert Samuel Lewis, A Galla Monarchy, Jimma Abba of ÷Baròadle Yusuf al-Akwan, on the road be-
Jifar (1830–1932), Madison 1965, 24, 40; MesfAtlas; tween Harär and Fadis.
MesfGeogr; MHasOr; John W. Tiffin, “Janjero. A Field
Study”, Ethiopian Geographical Journal 3, 2, December Such is the conflict between ŸUôman and G.
1965, 21–42. as told by the Storia dei rei. The legendary His-
Alain Gascon tory of Nur b. Mugahid, however, gives a totally
different account: ŸUôman resigned and G. took
over the rulership in Harär. Shortly afterwards
Gibril G. killed ŸUôman. Bäläw Muhammad retreated
Gärad G. (d. 1569) belonged to the Somali tribe into the country of the Nole Oromo (÷Qottu).
of ÷Garre. He was the brother of ÷Nur b. G. fought against him and forced him to flee into
Mugahid’s wife. G. is first mentioned in the leg- the Erär Valley. There Bäläw Muhammad was
endary History of Nur b. Mugahid (Getatchew captured by G. and died shortly after in prison.
Haile – Wagner 1989) as one of the generals of Src.: Enrico Cerulli, “Documenti arabi per la storia del-
l’Etiopia”, MRALm ser. 6a, 4, 2, [328], 1931, 39–101, here
Nur, who participated in a battle near Burqa,
53f., 63f. (text) = 58f., 66f. (tr.) [repr. in: CerIslam 135–206,
in the Cärcär, against the Christians. This must here 153f., 165ff. (text) = 159ff., 169f. (tr.)]; Kurt Wendt,
have happened when Harär was raided by the “Amharische Geschichte eines Emirs von Harar im XVI.
army of ase ÷Gälawdewos (the legend speaks Jahrhundert”, Orientalia nuova ser. 4, 1935, 484–501,
anachronistically of Zärýa YaŸéqob), between here 492, 494f. (text) = 498, 500 (tr.); Getatchew Haile
– Ewald Wagner, “Die Geschichte von Nur b. Mugahids
1550 and 1559. von Harar oder The History of Aze Zärýa YaŸeqob”,
The next information can be found in the ZMDG 139, 1989, 43–92, here 46, 49f. (Arab. text) = 55, 60,
so-called History of the Kings (Storia dei re; s. 62 (tr.), 71, 77, 80 (Amh. text) = 85, 87, 90 (tr.).
Cerulli 1931). After Nur’s death, in 1567/68, Lit.: TrIslam 96.
gärad G. remained a defender of the strictly Ewald Wagner
Muslim policy of Nur. Such a policy was to be in
complete contrast to that of Nur’s successor, the
Ethiopian renegade and former slave, ÷ŸUôman. Gidaada Solon
ŸUôman was licentious with respect to Islamic Qes G.S. (b. 1901, Aläqa Sotalo, near Sayyoo
law. He negotiated a treaty with the non-Muslim [Dambi Dolloo], Western Wälläga, d. 25 January
Oromo which gave them permission to hold a 1977, Dambi Dolloo) was a prominent evangeli-
market in the territory of ÷Harär. He appointed cal pastor. He lost his eyesight at the age of five as
gärad G. to supervise the Oromo market. G. a result of a smallpox infection; two of his broth-
did so, but once the market was over he did ers and his sister died in the same epidemic. All
not return to Harär. Instead, in 1569, he went attempts of his parents to have his sight restored
to ÷Awsa, where he started a protest against through the qaallu-priests were costly and with-
ŸUôman’s non-Islamic behaviour. out result. As a boy G.S. spent some of his time
An open conflict broke out when a woman, with his grandmother, who had a remarkable
who originally had been Muslim, left the Oro- memory for Oromo folklore and local history.
mo, sought refuge with G. and finally converted The young G. steeped himself in these memories,
back to Islam. The treaty between ŸUôman and becoming himself an authority on the history of
the Oromo had a paragraph that obliged the Western Wälläga. At the age of 20 he encoun-
785
Gidaada Solon
activities, he got a chance in 1953 to talk to ase

÷Òaylä Íéllase I and obtain from him permis-
sion to reopen eight of the evangelical churches
in the Sayyoo area.
In 1954 G.S. volunteered to go to Gémira and
take up pastoral and evangelical work there.
Based in Gémira, he also visited other places
for preaching, counselling and teaching. In 1965
G.S. retired and returned to his native Dambi
Dolloo, where he continued advising people
until his death.
G.S. and his wife Dinse Šoli (whom he married
in April 1924) had eight children. Three died in
early childhood; the remaining sons held leading
positions in the Federal Democratic Republic
of Ethiopia. One of them, Solomon, became
Ethiopian ambassador to London (d. 17 June
2003), another, Nagaaso, was President of the
Federal Democratic Republic between 1995 and
2001, and the third, Elsai, was an administrator
in Wälläga.
Src.: Gidada Solon, The Other Side of Darkness, New
York 1972.
Lit.: ArEvang; Debela Birri, History of the Evangelical
Church Bethel, Ph.D. thesis, Chicago 1995.
Johannes Launhardt
Gidaada Solon; photo courtesy of Nagaaso Gidaadaa
tered Thomas ÷Lambie. G.S., who wanted to Gidaamii

beg for money from him, was deeply impressed G. (or M9w, Gidami, 1,928 m A.S.L.) was previ-
by the words of the American missionary. G.S. ously the centre of G. wäräda, part of the Qällém
started attending the Bible lessons for beggars. awragga in the ÷Wälläga province. Since 1991 it
When the missionaries became aware of G.S.’s has become the capital of the Gimma-Gidaamii
proselyting skills, they invited him to move to wäräda in the East Wälläga zone in Oromiyaa. It
the mission compound and preach to the patients is a small town on the first slopes of Tulluu-Wäl-
at the clinic. He was enrolled in school, learned läl, a sacred mountain for the Oromo ÷Leeqa
Amharic and English and, later, to read Braille Qällém, in the very west of Oromiyaa close to
in English and Oromo. During the rainy season its border with the Beni Šangul-Gumuz kéllél.
he preached at Burka Badessa, on the main trade It is poorly connected to the regional centre,
route to Gambella. G.S. became an influential ÷Dambi Dolloo.
evangelist and counsellor. He was ordained The inhabitants of the surroundings of G. are
priest on 3 March 1940. On 8 August 1940 G.S. agriculturists. They grow cereals on the territo-
was arrested by the Italian authorities and taken ries cleared from forest. Coffee has been increas-
to Gimma, together with qes ÷Mammo Óorqa, ingly cultivated in the area, but progress is being
both accused of espionage. They were freed by hindered by the lack of proper infrastructures.
the British troops on 3 June 1941. The area was already under Ethiopian domi-
During the 1940s G.S. did not merely render nation in the 1890s and it was used as the base
pastoral and educational services in Qéllém in the offensive against the ÷Beni Šangul, led
awragga, he also played a leading role in found- in 1898 by ras ÷Mäkwännén Wäldä Mikaýel. To
ing the Evangelical Church Bethel in 1947 and the south of G., däggazmaó ÷Gootee Tulluu
in the Conference of Ethiopian Evangelical launched the attack against the Italian expedition
Churches, which tried to form a United Evan- of 1897 in which its leader, Vittorio ÷Bottego,
gelical Church in Ethiopia. After much local was killed (Guida 507). During the Italian occu-
harassment and even arrest for his religious pation the place was only a “large village”. The
786
Gideýo
population then grew considerably till the 1980s, they were absorbed by the Oromo and Somali.
reaching 3,540 in 1984 (CSA 1984); since then it Oral tradition (as related by aw Abu Bakr) re-
has stagnated: in 1999 the number of inhabitants ports that these two principalities were located in
was 3,762 (CSA 2000), in 2004 it reached 4,557 the area of Gaarso-Oberra. Braukämper (2002:
(CSA 2004). 33) places Hubat, G. and Hargaya on the Harär
plateau as sub-provinces of ŸAdal. According to
Mahdi, these names have survived in the Nole
region.
Mahdi also reports the oral tradition of a
certain amir G., a brother of Hargaya, who was
fondly remembered in Harär for putting on a big
marriage ceremony. A popular wedding song is
also associated with G.:
Gidaya šamina ‘G. is from Sham [Syria]
Aminina He was an honest man
Märtuw zišeläwa Decorated his daughter’s hair
Wäíaraw zäboräda And performed a wonderful
marriage for his daughter called Sara.’
Tradition links the destruction of Šäwa, Sim,
G. and Hargaya with a 16th-cent. famine and
Oromo expansion after the wars of ÷Ahmad
b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi. Wazir Muhammad Hargaya
was appointed by amir ÷ŸUôman b. Badlay for
the rule of Harär in his absence.
Src.: CSA 1984; CSA 2000; CSA 2004. Src.: interview with aw Abu Bakr, Harär; BassHist vol. 1,
Lit.: Lambert Bartels, Oromo Religion: Myths and Rites 99, vol. 2, 173.
of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia. An Attempt to Under- Lit.: Ulrich Braukämper, Islamic History and Culture
stand, Berlin 1983, 22, 380; EMAtlas; GasEth; Alain in Southern Ethiopia, Hamburg 2002, 33; Mahdi G.
Gascon, “ ‘Fair Borders’ for Oromiyaa”, in: PICES 13, Gadid, Feudalism in the Emirate of Harar upto 1887,
vol. 3, 362–78; Guida 507; MHasOr; MesfAtlas. Senior Essay, Addis Ababa University 1979; HuntAmdS;
Alain Gascon HuntGeogr 89f.; CerIslam.
Ahmed Zekaria
Gidaya
Gideýo
G. (arab. “ÕAfU, Gidaya, Amh. P9\ , Gédaya) is
a historical Muslim region mentioned in the Gideýo language
14th-cent. Chronicle of ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon and G. (also Gedeýó, Gedeo, in Amh.: Därasa) be-
in the ÷Futuh al-Habaša (BassHist I, 99 = II, longs to the Highland East ÷Cushitic languages,
173). The Emperor reportedly sent his army to formerly called the Sidaama group, and is there-
all the lands of the Muslims, those “which are fore closely related to Sidaama, ÷Kambaata,
called ÷Kwélgora, G., Kubät, Fadse [Fadis in ÷Allaaba, ÷Hadiyya, and ÷Burgi.
today’s Harär?], Qädse, Hargaya and Béqul- The at least 700,000 G. speakers live in the
zar” (HuntAmdS). These regions might have western part of what was ÷Sidamo province,
been part of the ÷Ifat and later of the ÷ŸAdal south of the ÷Sidaama people and east of Lake
states. Most of them have not yet been identified. Abbayya (called Gidióóo by the G.).
Wright suggests that all of them were located be- The phonological system of G., besides voice-
tween Kwélgora and Béqulzar (the latter being a less emphatic stops (p, t, q) and an emphatic
Harari term, meaning ‘vegetation along a river’; affricate (c), contains an implosive ¦, e.g., roopo
HuntGeogr 90). ‘hippo’, ge¦ebo ‘sheep’. Vowel length is distinc-
In ÷Harär G. still exists as a family name, with tive. G. is not a tone language. Stress placement
oral traditions connected with it. According to depends on grammatical/syntactical functions
the research of Mahdi G. Gadid (1979), G. and and vowel length (ýisó ‘he’ vs. ýisóóýo ‘him’).
Hargaya were two Muslim principalities which The personal pronouns are (with object and
were predominantly populated by Hararis, until subject case): sg.: 1st pers. object ýané, subject
787
Gideýo
Derived verb stems are formed through af-

fixation of -(i)s(s)/-sis/-išš/-ess/-óó (causative), -(e)¦
(reflexive) and -em (passive); e.g., meýý- ‘go’ >
meýý-išš- ‘cause to go’, ýib- ‘fall’ > ýib-is- ‘cause to
fall’; ýanš- ‘wash’ > ýanš-e¦ ‘wash oneself’ (*ýanš-
e¦-nanne-n > ýanš-eý-nanne-n ‘we washed our-
selves’), fil- ‘comb’ > (*fil-¦ý- >) fiýl- ‘comb one-
self’; ýeebb-is- ‘bless’ > ýeebb-is-em- ‘be blessed’.
The word order is typically Subject-Object-
Verb. Adjective, relative clause, genitive etc. pre-
cede their head-noun. There are postpositions,
e.g. hadi-ýa ‘at (-ýa) home’, hiyy-a-ýni ‘as (-ýni) he
said (imperfect-present) so’.
G. ten-word list: mitte, ‘one’, lame, ‘two’,
sase, ‘three’, giira, ‘fire’, wedeýe, ‘water’, ýarisso,
‘sun’, ýagengo, ‘moon’, ýisso (sg. ýissióóo), ‘tooth’,
munde, ‘blood’, ýarrabo, ‘tongue’.
Lit.: Ernesta Cerulli, Peoples of South-West Ethiopia
ýaní, 2nd pers. object ýaté, subject ýatí, 3rd pers. and its Borderland, London 1956 (Ethnographic Survey
of Africa, North-Eastern Africa 3); Barbara Grimes
object ýisó, masc. subject ýisí, fem. isé, pl.: 1st (ed.), Ethnologue. Languages of the World, Dallas, TX
pers. noýó, 2nd pers. haýnó, 3rd pers. insaýné. The 142000, vol. 1; Armido Gasparini, Grammatica gedeýo,
demonstrative pronouns for near objects are: Trieste – Roma 1994; Grover Hudson, “Highland East
masc. object konne, subject kunni, fem./coll. Cushitic”, in: BendNon, 232–77; Id., Highland East
Cushitic Dictionary, Hamburg 1989 (Cushitic Language
object tenne, subject tinni; for far objects: masc. Studies 7); Charles W. McClellan, “The Ethiopian Oc-
object ýokkone, subject ýikki, fem./coll. object cupation of Northern Sidamo – Recruitment and Motiva-
ýettene, subject ýitti. The k/t dichotomy is found tion”, in: PICES 5b, 513–24; Martino Mario Moreno,
elsewhere, but cf. masc. anki with fem. anti “Appunti sulla lingua Darasa”, RRALm ser. 6a, 13, 1937,
‘mine’. A noun is determined by -a (object case), 211–40; Klaus Wedekind, “Sidamo, Gedeo (Derasa),
Burji – Phonological Differences and Likenesses”, JES
-i (subject case): object woraabeessa, subject -i 14, 1976–79 [1980], 131–76; Id., “Derasa Verb Morphol-
‘hyena(s)’. There is a singulative suffix: haqqe ogy and Morphophonemics”, AAP 2, 82–109, 142–43;
‘wood’ > haqq-ióóo ‘stick, tree’, garba ‘slave’ > Id., Generating Narratives [in Gedeo, Burji and Sidamo],
garb-ióóa. Berlin – New York 1990.
The suffixes of the present-future tense are Rainer Voigt
characterized by -a, e.g. barat-a, ‘I learn, study’,
-ta, ‘you’, -a, ‘he’, -ta, ‘she’; (*barat-na >) Gideýo ethnography and history
baranta, ‘we learn’, barat-tina, ‘you (pl.) learn’, The G. (also Därasa) are a people and terri-
(*barat-na >) baranta, ‘they learn’. In the past tory along the eastern slopes of the Rift Valley
tense the characteristic final vowel is -e: barat-e, escarpment, directly opposite Lake Abbayya,
-te, -e, -te; barante, barat-tina, barante. The jus- which constituted Därasa (after 1974 – Gideýo)
sive has final -o: barat-o, -to, -o, etc. To these ba- awragga in Sidamo province of the Southern
sic forms several suffixes and auxiliary verbs are Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region.
added, cf. the actual present form: barat-a-ýenne, The awragga consists of Dilla, Yérga Cäffe and
‘I really learn, I am learning’, barat-ta-ýette, Amaaro wäradas with Dilla as the administrative
‘you’, barat-a-ýnee, ‘he’, barat-ta-ýnee, ‘she’ etc.; centre. Ethnically G. borders the ÷Sidaama to
the actual perfect form: barat-e-ýenne, ‘I (have) the north and the ÷Guggi Oromo elsewhere.
learnt’, barat-te-ýette ‘you’, barat-e-ýee ‘he’, Population pressure, land expropriation and
barat-te-ýee, ‘she’ etc. The suffixed -t (of 2nd pers. economic opportunities pressured G. expansion
sg. and pl. and 3rd pers. fem. sg.) is assimilated to towards the town of Hagärä Maryam and Lake
the final consonant of the root morpheme: bt > Abbayya in recent generations.
bb, tt > tt, ¦t > tt, but mt > nd, lt > ld, ýt > t; -n (of The G. claim descent from a common ancestor,
the 1st pers. pl.) undergoes a metathesis with the Därässo, and his seven sons, who fathered the G.
preceding root consonant: gn > ng, tn > nt, but clans (torbanigosa): Darašša, Gogošša, Hanoma,
rn > rr, ln > ll. Doobba, Hembaýa, Lagoda and Bakarro (Wede-
788
Gideon Force
kind 1990:22), or in Gasparini’s version (1994: Western Christianity arrived. Although resisted
ii): Gedeýo, Rikýata, Subbo, Bakarro, Hanuma, initially, Christianity was fully embraced by
Dobboýa, and Gorgorša. Cerulli (1965:119) some, an effort to “modernize”, while resisting
gives the following seven tribes: Emma, Logoda, “Ethiopianization”. Western Christianity erod-
Bakarro, Daraša, Dobbo, Anuma, and Gorgoša. ed traditional G. institutions such as polygamy,
Two asymmetrical moieties of three and four gadaa and animism. Missionaries introduced
clans respectively resided dispersed over three the first Western schools and clinics, building a
territorial divisions (sasseroga). Each clan claimed strong and vibrant Western-Christian presence.
territory, but migration and intermarriage have Lastly, the overthrow of the Ethiopian impe-
disguised settlement patterns. Only males in- rial system after 1974 also weakened traditional
herited land; unique G. land-measurement units institutions, substituting new ones that have
existed. Under the rule of the Ethiopian Empire, not taken (and may not take) permanent hold.
these traditions gave way to cultural practices The G. aspire to fuller integration into the na-
originating in the north. tion as equals, while resisting domination from
The G. shared many similarities with the the centre, particularly policies that destroy or
Guggi. They practised their autochthonous reli- diminish their unique culture, language and local
gion, centring on the god of creation (÷Waaqa). economic resources.
Mediums remain important, expediting interac- Lit.: Adolf Ellegard Jensen, Im Lande des Gada,
tion with spirits. Historically, the most powerful Stuttgart 1936, 96–125, 315–34, 413–17, 493–558; VSAe
religious figure was the Guggi ÷qaalluu the G. II, s. index; Ernesta Cerulli, Peoples of South-East
Ethiopia and its Borderland, London 1956 (Ethnographic
consulted and gave gifts to. Like the Oromo, Survey of Africa, North Eastern Africa 3); Charles W.
the G. maintained a ÷gadaa system. Although McClellan, State Transformation and National Integra-
unique, theirs compared strikingly with that tion: Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire, 1895–1935, East
of the Guggi in organization, ideology, and Lansing, MI 1988; Id., “The Tales of Yoseph and Woransa:
Gedeo Experiences in the Era of the Italo-Ethiopian War”,
function. The ÷abbaa gadaa and subordinates in: Melvin E. Page et al. (eds.), Personality and Political
influenced politics substantially. The abbaa Culture in Modern Africa, Boston, MA 1998, 181–94; Id.,
gadaa bore responsibility for G. well-being and “Coffee in Centre-Periphery Relations: Gedeo in the Ear-
mediated, but the heiyóa (esteemed elders who ly Twentieth Century”, in: Donald Donham – Wendy
performed the function of local ritual leaders and James, The Marches of Southern Ethiopia: Essays in His-
tory and Anthropology, Cambridge 1986, 175–95; Albert
mediators) handled local affairs, resolving most E. Brant, In the Wake of Martyrs: a Modern Saga in An-
ordinary conflicts. Their relevance outlasted that cient Ethiopia, Langley 1992; Klaus Wedekind, “Sidamo,
of the abbaa gadaa under the rule of the Ethio- Gedeo (Derasa), Burji – Phonological Differences and
pian Empire, and they remained vital late into Likenesses”, JES 14, 1976–79 [1980], 131–76.
the 20th cent. Charles W. McClellan
Traditionally subsistence farmers, the G. culti-
vated primarily ÷énsät, in addition to sorghum,
corn, potatoes, yams and other vegetable crops.
Sheep, goats, and chickens were domiciled in G. Gideon Force
homesteads with an occasional cow, horse or On 7 November 1940, Major Orde ÷Wingate,
donkey, providing easy access to manure, essen- Royal Engineers, arrived in Khartoum and
tial for énsät production. G. farmers exchanged started to organize an army that he called G.F.
énsät with the Guggi for bovine products The unit eventually comprised 50 British of-
and also for animal-salt (bolee) from the Lake ficers, 20 British non-commissioned officers,
Abbayya marshes. In the early 20th cent., coffee the 2nd Ethiopian battalion (800 troops) and a
became an important G. cash-crop as farmers Sudan Defence Force Frontier battalion (800
semi-domesticated wild trees to meet increasing troops).
Ethiopian and international demand. In late January 1941, the unit crossed into
Events in the late 19th and early 20th cent. Ethiopia at Umm ŸÉdla, where ase ÷Òaylä
brought considerable change to the G. The con- Íéllase I joined the G.F. Less than four months
quest in 1890 by ase ÷Ménilék II forced the G.’s later, on 5 May 1941, Wingate accompanied the
incorporation into the Ethiopian Empire, requir- Emperor on his triumphant return into Ad-
ing dramatic social, political and economic reori- dis Abäba. On 1 June 1941, General Alan G.
entation. Following the Italian War of 1935–41, ÷Cunningham, fearing that Wingate would get
789
Gideon Force
involved into Ethiopian politics, informed him

that G.F. no longer officially existed.
÷Italian War 1935–36
Lit.: Anthony Mockler, Haile Selassie’s War: the
Italian-Ethiopian Campaign, 1935–1941, New York
1984, 293, 310, 338, 340–59, 382; Trevor Royle, Orde
Wingate: Irregular Soldier, London 1995, 192ff.; David
Shirreff, Bare Feet and Bandoliers, London – New York
1995, 77f.
Thomas P. Ofcansky
Gidióóo
G. (M8- ) is a mountainous island (mainly basalt
relief with rhiolotic arees) in the northern part of
Lake ÷Abbayya. According to McClellan (1988:
24), the ÷Gideýo use the word “G.” to refer to
the entire Lake Abbayya. The highest elevation
of the island measures 1,242 m A.S.L., 73 m
three villages are situated at the eastern shore-
above the lake. The soils are rather poor and
line.
shallow and subject to very intense erosion, both
While the B. cultivate small fields on the island
in the mountains and at the coastal part.
and trade ÷cotton-cloth to either side of the lake,
Haberland (VSAe II, 688) reports having seen
the Haruro are said to live on ÷hippopotamus
traces of terraces and thus presumes an ancient
hunting, ÷fishing and ÷weaving (Haberland
intense agriculture. According to Raunet (1977),
– Straube 1979:110). Goats, sheep and donkeys
only the eastern part is suitable for some land
are left running free on the whole island.
use. The natural milieu here consists of semi-
G. is also the name of the local variety of the
humid combretum-savannah while thorn thicket
÷Harro language.
(÷acacia, ÷euphorbia, aloe, sansevieria) presides Lit.: Eike Haberland – Hermann Straube, “Nordost
in the western part. In 2000, the dry surface of Afrika”, in: Hermann Baumann (ed.), Die Völker Afri-
the whole island distinguishes it clearly from its kas und ihre traditionellen Kulturen, Wiesbaden 1979,
neighbouring islands, which are covered with 69–156; VSAe II, 688f.; Michel Raunet, Ethiopia:
thick forest. Streams or sources are not men- Southern Rift Valley: Sidamo Province: Gidabo Basin
Morpho-Pedological Survey, Vivrières 1977; Charles W.
tioned, while the salty lake water is hardly suit- McClellan, State Transformation and National Integra-
able as drinking-water. tion: Gedeo and the Ethiopian Empire, 1895–1935, East
The island is inhabited by two ethnic groups, Lansing, MI 1988, 24.
÷Bayso (sometimes also referred to as G.) in Nicole Poissonnier
the villages of Bayso and Šigima and Haruro
(÷Harro) in the village of the same name. All Gidole ÷Diraaša ÷Gardula
A view from the north over hamlets

of Bayso village (Gidióóo); Lake
Abbaya and Amaaro mountains
in the background, photo by Eike
Haberland, 1954/55, courtesy of
Frobenius-Institut, no. 27-Ha074-14
790
Gifts
Gifts which it is wrapped after baptism. For the occa-

The fact that the giving of G. or G. exchange is sion the guests bring different kinds of food.
not only part of an economic system, but also a The Fétha nägäít distinguishes between dona-
social system in which the items exchanged take tions which are made to those who are not poor
on a social significance beyond their net worth and ÷alms which are given to the poor. The
was one of the most important insights Marcel former is considered less commendable than the
Mauss provided in his seminal anthropological latter (Paulos Tzadua 1968:156ff). Prominent
work Essai sur le don (1925). By giving G. one in this respect were offerings given to churches
demonstrates that one is generous and worthy of and other ecclesiastical institutions (÷Donors).
respect; by accepting them one shows respect for These ranged from royal donations of land
the giver; by reciprocating the G., one shows that (÷Gwélt), books and church vessels to G. of
one’s honour is equal to that of the original giver. money, food and animals offered by even the
G.-giving and G.-exchange in Ethiopia is, very poor on feast days and other holidays. In
therefore, best understood as a prism for the the 15th cent. Zärýa YaŸéqob forbade payments
understanding of social and political relations. to priests in return for services such as baptism,
Among the Arbore, the transition of power from but permitted the giving of presents (Getatchew
one ÷age group to another is marked by the act Haile 1992:136–39).
of rewarding with a G. of coffee the generation Among the Oromo votive G. brought to a
leaving power. Among the Mugugi (Kwegu- ÷qaallu represent an important contribution to
Mugugi) and the Hor (Arbore) bond-friends or his income. ÷Salt bars are often given by those
partners traditionally exchanged G., in the case who seek his advice or assistance.
of the former most commonly ÷honey because The refusal to accept G. implied a criticism of
it is their special product. The Betä Ésraýel gave the honour or legitimacy of the giver. Thus, in
G. of knives to their Christian neighbours’ wed- the 14th and 15th cent. rebel clergy seeking to ex-
dings, while the Christians bring live sheep as G. press their independence of secular rulers often
to weddings of the Betä Ésraýel. refused their benefices. In the course of time, as
One of the most common occasions of G.- relations improved, G. were accepted.
giving in Ethiopia is at the time of ÷marriage. G., however, should not be idealized or ro-
According to the ÷Fétha nägäít (Paulos Tzadua manticized. Items exchanged and labelled as G.
1968:138–41), presents are given both to mark an are often a form of taxation or other payment
engagement and on the day of the marriage. The described as a G. to disguise the less-than-vol-
former belong to the betrothal and if the mar- untary nature of the giving. In northern Šäwa on
riage does not take place they are to be returned the eve of the 1974 revolution, it was customary
to her intended spouse. In contrast, G. given for landlords and government officials to receive
on the day of the marriage belong to the bride. G. of sheep, butter, wood, défo dabbo (a kind of
Similarly, betrothal G. can be taken by creditors, bread) and honey on holidays, ÷weddings etc.
but not the dowry. In Dokko, the bride’s clan- Peasants who did not submit such G. could be
sisters do not let her be taken away by the groom evicted from their land.
until they receive G., traditionally butter (÷Milk Among south Ethiopian peoples, such as the
and milk products) and more recently money. Bäšada and Hamär, the custom of miska shows
Pankhurst (2002:135) notes that the practice of how G.-giving defines social relations and even
grooms offering brides G. of clothing was dis- serves as a form of economy. Bäšada women can
rupted during resettlement under the Därg but ask each other to give goods they are in need
re-instituted (in some cases even retroactively) as of (salt, coffee or pepper). There is only gen-
a sign of commitment to marriage. eral reciprocity, things just can be given to other
Another occasion for G.-giving is the birth of women. The one who does not take part in the
a child: neighbours and relatives provide good miska circulation causes wupha (‘gossip’; Ep-
food (e.g., chicken, flour for gänfo porridge, ple 1995:83f.). In times of poor harvest, people
yoghurt) or money. In different areas (e.g., visit relatives and bond-friends in other regions
in Goggam, Sélti) it is common to give a cow as their miska partners. Preferably, relatives are
(yäýaras lam) as a present for the new-born child asked for a miska G., but also unrelated women
to supply it with milk. A child is provided by can be asked. The amount of G. demanded can
the godfather with clothes, including the cloth in be considerable. In a case observed by Epple
791
Gifts
(1995:83f.), miska demanders from a starving area the Amhara soldiers. According to James Bruce,
stayed for an entire week and took one-third of the defeat of Mikaýel was due to the Lasta troops’
the sorghum. defection, who joined the side of their kinsman,
Although G. are mentioned in many ethnog- Wänd Bäwäsän. These soldiers could very well
raphies of Ethiopian peoples, they have yet to be the troops of G.
be the subject of systematic study, either as the Lit.: BlunChr 18, 81, 88; BruNile vol. 2, 543; vol. 4., 50f.,
organizing theme of a work or as a comparative 63, 105, 111f., 152, 203; GuiIyas 128–32, 139–43, 148, 164,
theme. 169, 176f., 197, 221, 228, 252f.; Wudu Tafete Kassu, A
Political History of Wag and Lasta, c. 1543–1919, M.A.
÷Sacrifice; ÷Dérgo thesis, Addis Ababa University 1995, 88–91, 96f.
Lit.: Marcel Mauss, Essai sur le don: forme et raison de
l’échange dans les sociétés archaiques, Paris 1925; Alula Wudu Tafete Kassu
Pankhurst, “Surviving Resettlement in Wellegga: the
Qeto Experience”, in: Wendy James – Donald L.
Donham – Eisei Kurimoto – Alessandro Triulzi Gigar
(eds.), Remapping Ethiopia Socialism and After, Oxford
– Athens, OH – Addis Ababa 2002, 133–50; Dena Free- Ase G. (MN? , r. 1821–26, 1826–30) claimed
man, Initiating Change in Highland Ethiopia: Causes and Solomonic descent from ase ÷Fasilädäs. He was
Consequences of Cultural Transformation, Cambridge a brother of his predecessor, ase ÷Iyoýas II. G.
2002, 62; Hagar Salamon, The Hyena People: Ethio- ruled at the height of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént,
pian Jews in Christian Ethiopia, Berkeley – Los Angeles,
1999, 41–45; abba Paulos Tzadua, The Fetha Nagast: when power was held, not by the emperors, but
the Law of the Kings, Addis Ababa 1968, 138–41, 156ff.; by a constellation of regionally-based nobles.
Getatchew Haile, The Mariology of Emperor Zärýa G. was placed on the throne by ras ÷Gugsa
Yaýeqob of Ethiopia: Texts and Translations, Roma 1992 Märsa. He was briefly displaced, in 1826, in the
(OrChrA 242), 136–39; KapMon 37; Susanne Epple, Life
in Gunne. Social Relationships in a Village in Bashada,
struggles which followed the latter’s death in
South Ethiopia, M.A. thesis, Johannes Gutenberg-Uni- 1825, but then restored to rule until 1830, when
versität Mainz 1995. he was deposed by ras ÷Dori Gugsa.
Steven Kaplan – Dirk Bustorf The only European to meet G. was Samuel
÷Gobat, who claimed that G. had previously
been a monk. Gobat was told that G. was 86
Gigar years old, but estimated rather that he was
“somewhere between 65 and 70”. Gobat’s
Wag šum G. (MN? , r. 1747–71) was the son of
summary judgement was that “… he has neither
wag šum ÷Näýakwéto Läýab. When ase ÷Iyasu II
temporal grandeur, nor spirit, nor heart” (Gobat
led an expedition to subdue Wag, Näýakwéto
1834:89f.).
Läýab and his son G., who was an official under
G. made a number of land grants which are
his father, confronted the Emperor’s army. They
recorded both in the Liber Axumae (Mäshafä
were defeated, however, and retreated into the
÷Aksum) and in the marginalia of manuscripts
region of Wäfla, east Wag. Iyasu then removed
in the British Library. Some of these grants
Näýakwéto Läýab from office and appointed one
were made to individuals, the most prominent
of the latter’s kinsman as wagšum. Within a very
of whom was däggazmaó ÷Säbagadis Wäldu
short while, G. and his father submitted to the
of Tégray, a grant which G. made in consort
Emperor, and G. was appointed wagšum.
with ras Gugsa Märsa (CRAxum 54f.). He
In the early period of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént,
made grants directly to churches, one of them
G. refused to pay tribute to ras ÷Mikaýel Séhul,
in Tégray. A number of his grants to individuals
king maker in Gondär, instead he joined forces
were on behalf of the Gondär churches ÷Däbrä
with the governor of Bägemdér. G. frequently
Bérhan Íéllase and Gémga Bet Maryam. There is
changed alliances, and in December 1770 he
essentially no literature about him.
allied with ras Mikaýel and allowed Mikaýel to
Src.: WrBriMus, mss. 139, 327, 350, 365 [Orient. 549, 745,
march through Wag to Gondär. In the final 777, 799]; CRAxum 54ff. (text); CRNuov 13, 19, 23f.,
struggle against Mikaýel at the battle of Sar- 365, 368, 371, 377; Carlo Conti Rossini, “La cronaca
bakusa (1771), G. assembled his troops on the reale abissina dall’anno 1800 all’anno 1840”, RRALm ser.
side of Mikaýel. Nevertheless, G. did not want 5a, 25, 1916, 779–923, here 836, 847, 897, 905; Samuel
Gobat, Journal of a Three Years’ Residence in Abyssinia
to fight against his countrymen, the troops of in Furtherance of the Objects of the Church Missionary
Lasta – under daggazmaó ÷Wänd Bäwäsän, rival Society, London 1834, 89f.
of Mikaýel – and was instead positioned against Donald Crummey
792
Gigiga
Gigiga
G. (Amh. EEN , Somali Jigjiga, 1,696 m A.S.L.),
is the capital of the Gigiga zone in the ÷Somali
kéllél. It is located on the piedmont of the Harär
mountains, at the edge of the Ogaden plateau. It
lies 150 km east of Harär and 150 km west of the
Somali–Ethiopian border. Thus, it is an impor-
tant strategic point on the road to ÷Hargeisa,
capital of Somaliland, and ÷Berbera, principal
port of the area. G. is also the starting point of
the road, laid by the Italians, that connects the
valley of the ÷Wabi Šäbälle and Mogadishu.
Before the conquest of Harär by ÷MénilékII
in 1887, G. was a significant commercial cross-
road, visited by stock-breeders and farmers
of the ÷Daarood clan-family, who inhab-
ited the valley of the seasonal Gärrär river. Ras
÷Mäkwännén Wäldä Mikaýel made G. the base
for his expeditions to Ogaden to subjugate the forced the Somali army to withdraw. Until the
Somali. In 1900, sayyid ÷Muhammad ŸAbdallah signing in 1988 of the peace treaty between the
Hasan (known by the British as the Mad Mul- two countries, G. (23,183 inhabitants in 1984)
lah) defeated the Ethiopian garrison of G. At remained a garrison town, also having camps for
the time of the Italian–Ethiopian war (1935–36), refugees driven out by the drought and the civil
däggazmaó ÷Nasibu Zäýemanuýel, commander war in Somalia. In 1987 it was attached to the
of the Ethiopian army in Harär, made G. his Somali autonomous area of Dérre Dawa.
headquarters. In 1938, the town, then attached Since the federal administrative reform of
to the government-general of Harär, had 11,000 1991, the town belongs to the Somali region;
inhabitants, a high estimate which also included G. replaced Gode in Ogaden as the capital of
the Italian garrison (Guida). In 1940, the Italian the regional state. Its population reached, in
troops left the place to conquer British Soma- 2004, 89,531 inhabitants, having, thus increased
liland, which had been pre-emptively evacuated by nearly four times since 1984. The military
by the British. The next year, they positioned at activities remain paramount (barracks, deposits,
G. to stop the advance of the liberation armies aerodrome, residences). The place is used by the
coming from Mogadishu. Ethiopian army to keep a watch on the political
Following the Italian defeat, G. was ruled by a instability in Somalia. Besides, the town shelters
British officer who controled the “Reserved Ar- many assistance agencies and non-governmental
eas” before their return to Ethiopia in 1948. This organizations engaged in helping the refugees
was the occasion for violent Somali demonstra- fleeing from food-shortages, famines and from
tions, which were renewed when Ethiopia re- the fights in Ogaden. Hotels, garages, restaurants
covered Hawd in 1954. G. was then divided into and representatives of the Ethiopian administra-
two areas: the Somali town, with its mosques tion are also found in G.
and tombs of saints, and the town that housed Src.: CSA 1998; CSA 2000; CSA 2004; Central Statis-
the Ethiopian army, with its own barracks, bars, tical Office (Provisional Military Government of
churches and schools (Nega Mezlekia 2001). Ethiopia), Results of the National Sample Survey, 2nd
During this time the road to Harär suffered round, vol. 5: Land Area and Utilization, Addis Ababa
1975; Guida 438–41; EMAtlas.
several attacks by Somali guerrilla fighters, who Lit.: Lee Vincent Cassanelli, The Shaping of Somali
enjoyed the support of the population. Smug- Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People,
gling was also a flourishing activity, especially to 1600–1900, Philadelphia 1982; Marcel Djama, “Trajec-
Somalia and Djibouti. In July 1977, the Somali toire du pouvoir en pays somali”, Cahiers d’Études Afri-
caines 146, 37, 2, 1997, 403–28; GasEth; David D. Laitin
offensive forced the Ethiopian troops to evacu-
– Said S. Samatar, Somalia, Nation in Search of State,
ate their garrison. However, in the spring of the Boulder, CO – London 1987, 34, 55, 57, 65, 142f.; Ioan
following year, a parachuting counter-offen- Myrddin Lewis, A Modern History of Somalia. Nation
sive, with Soviet, Cuban and Ethiopian troops, and State in the Horn of Africa, Harlow 1980 [²1982], 71,
793
Gigiga
89, 102, 106, 108, 116, 129f., 230ff., 238f., 245; MHasOr; The uniqueness of Ethiopia in Islamic tradition
MesfAtlas²; Nega Mezlekia, Dans le ventre d’une hyène. stems from the initial story of ÷Muhammad’s
Mon enfance en Éthiopie, tr. by Lori Saint-Martin
– Paul Gagné, Montréal – Arles 2001, 13–240; Evelyn mission. All Islamic sources agree that the
Waugh, Waugh in Abyssinia, London ²1984, 61–80. Prophet was appreciative of Ethiopia as a land
Alain Gascon of a monotheistic religion. When his first group
of followers, the sahaba, were persecuted by
Mecca’s rulers, he told them to seek asylum
Giglio, Carlo with the nagaši, the néguí of Aksum “a king
G. (b. 1911, Apecchio, d. 1976, Milano) was an who oppresses no-one”. The first emigration of
Italian historian of Africa and ÷colonialism. Muslims (”ªÀ‹A –jV»ªA, al-Higra al-ula) left for
G.’s early studies were dedicated to Britain and Ethiopia in 615 A.D. and was given shelter by
British imperialism. He praised the high per- nägaíi ÷Ashama. The Ethiopian King righteous
formance of white civilization and shared the not only saved Islam, but, according to Islamic
ambitions and ideals that led to the foundation of sources, later in 628 A.D. personally accepted
the Italian empire in 1936. Nonetheless, G.’s ap- Muhammad’s call and embraced Islam. In grati-
proach to the history of Africa through the his- tude, the Prophet ordered his believers to “leave
tory of European colonialism was adamantly sci- the Ethiopians alone as long as they leave you
entific, based on documents and written sources. alone” (Abu Daýud 1988:4, 112 [hadiô 4309]; s.
He engaged later in a fierce polemic with Sven van Donzel in StudAeth 109–14). This hadiô was
Rubenson on the legal effects of article 17 of the interpreted by most Islamic jurists as implying
Wécale Treaty (÷Italo–Ethiopian convention; s. that Ethiopia was exempted from G., that she
Giglio 1965). had the right to exist in spite of her Christianity,
After the end of the Italian empire, he presided as long as she does not take the offensive against
over a committee for selecting, publishing and Muslims. Thus Ethiopia constituted a third case,
editing documents on Italy’s presence in Africa; in between the two aforementioned spheres,
a number of volumes concern Ethiopia and the usually called Dar al-hiyad, ‘land of neutral-
Red Sea. G. held the first chair of African His- ity’. There were very few similar cases, namely,
tory at the University of Pavia, thus introducing neutrality declared by the Muslims themselves,
in Italy the teaching of Africa’s history from a and the Ethiopian case was considered the clas-
post-colonial – albeit not necessarily anti-colo- sical one.
nial – perspective. None of the major Islamic dynasties declared
Src.: Carlo Giglio, L’impresa di Massaua (1884–1885), a religious war on Ethiopia. The rašidun, the im-
Roma 1955; Id., “Article 17 of the Tretaty of Uccialli”, mediate successors of the Prophet, turned their
JAH 6, 2, 1965, 221–31. attention away from the Red Sea area. They
Giampaolo Calchi Novati avoided invading Ethiopia because of military
and practical considerations and also because
of the aforementioned legal and moral exemp-
Gihad tion. The same was true of the Umayyads of
According to Islamic tradition and law, the Damascus and the Abbasids of Baghdad. The
world is divided into two spheres. The first, Dar Islamic dynasties of Egypt, the ÷Fatimids and
al-Islam, the ‘land of Islam’, is the part in which the ÷Mamluks, never sent armies to the Horn
Muslim rulers implement the law and traditions of Africa. Because of their concern for the Nile
of Islam. The other, Dar al-harb, the ‘land of as a water supply, they were more appreciative
war’, represents the part that remains to be an- of Ethiopia’s power. The Ottomans (÷Ottoman
nexed to the land of Islam, preferably by peace- Empire) also “left the Ethiopians alone”, with
ful persuasion (–Ãße, daŸwa), but alternatively the exception of their occupation of Massawa
through the holy war, G. (eB»U). The “holy war” (1557) and establishing the Habeš eyaleti (‘Prov-
against non-Muslims was accepted at the very ince of Ethiopia’) along the coast. However, the
beginning of Islam as one of its fundamental Ottomans invested little in this enterprise with
principles and continued to determine much respect to both manpower and religious motives
of Islamic foreign relations. In this context, and were duly defeated.
however, Ethiopia, though a Christian state, has The next invasion of a Middle Eastern army
enjoyed a special status. occurred three centuries later. Egypt’s òidiw
794
Gihon
IsmaŸil (1863–79) dreamt of a Nile–African em- Notwithstanding modern nationalistic con-

pire and threatened to occupy northern Ethiopia cepts of the 20th cent., Middle Eastern–Ethiopian
before he was defeated by ase ÷Yohannés (the history continued to recycle this old inner-Is-
battles of ÷Gundät and ÷GuraŸ, 16 November lamic argument about Ethiopia’s legitimacy. It
1875 and 7–9 March 1876). However, this Egyp- was forcefully raised in the 1930s when Mus-
tian campaign was initiated by a spirit of western solini declared war and destroyed the Christian
Imperialism and was not a religious conquest, Empire. With the resurfacing of radical Islam in
nor a declaration of G. on Ethiopia. the mid-1970s, the proper interpretation of the
The early formative story of the nagaši– nagaši–Muhammad story continues to fuel the
Muhammad dialogue, however, also left a dif- discussion of Ethiopia and G.
ferent message: Ethiopia’s illegitimacy. Two There is no evidence that throughout history
elements in the legacy of that episode combined any Ethiopian statesman was aware of this Is-
to justify a G. against Ethiopia. One was the lamic conceptual complexity regarding Ethiopia.
contention that the nagaši converted to Islam Many Ethiopian rulers conceived Islam uni-di-
and that Ethiopia was therefore already a part mensionally, acting on the premise that Islam
of the “land of Islam”. The refusal of the Ethio- was just after waging a holy war against them.
pians to follow their Muslim king was seen by In modern times this was especially true of ase
the Muslim radicals as Islam’s first defeat. They Tewodros II, Yohannés IV and Mängéítu Òaylä
advocated the Islam an-nagaši policy, calling for Maryam.
the installation of a Muslim king over Ethiopia. ÷Higra
The second element was the conditional nature Src.: MuHammad ŸAbdalfattAh ŸAlIyAn, Al-higra ila
of the famous hadiô to leave the Ethiopians alone l-Habaša wa-munaqašat qadiyat Islam an-nagaši (‘The
“as long as they leave you alone”. Since Christian Higra to Abyssinia and the Discussions of the Issue
Ethiopia departed from the righteousness of the concerning the Islam of the nagaši’), Cairo 1987; AHmad
HifnI al-QinAýI, Kitab al-gawahir al-hisan fi taýriò al-
nagaši and oppressed Muslims, she must face G. hubšan (‘The Book of Beautiful Jewels in the History of
This counter-argument about Ethiopia’s il- Abyssinians’), Cairo 1321 H. [1903 A.D.]; BassHist vol. 2,
legitimacy was raised by the more militant 32, 40; AbU DAýUd SulaymAn b. AšŸaÔ, Sunan, vols. 1–4,
Muslims whenever the country was on their Cairo 1408 H. [1988 A.D.].
Lit.: Haggai Erlich, Ethiopia and the Middle East,
agenda. But it was mainly Ethiopia’s immediate
Boulder, CO 1994; Id., The Cross and the River: Ethiopia,
Muslim neighbours who actually declared holy Egypt and the Nile, Boulder, CO 2002; Peter Malcolm
wars against her. The most important instance Holt, The Mahdist State of the Sudan, 1881–1898, a
occurred with Ethiopia’s conquest (1529–43) Study of its Origins, Development and Overthrow, Ox-
by imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi (Grañ), ford 21970; IsmAŸIl b. ŸAbd al-QAdir al-KurdufAnI, At-
tiraz al-manquš bi-bušra qatl Yuhanna malik al-hubuš
who had united the Muslims of today’s southern (‘The Coloured Brocade: on the News of the Murder
Ethiopia and was inspired by both the rise of the of Yuhanna King of Ethiopians’), ed. as: MuHammad
Ottomans in the Red Sea and the influence of al-QaddAl – MuHammad AbU SalIm (eds.), Al-Harb
Muslim holy men from Arabia. The chronicle al-Habašiyya l-Sudaniyya (‘The Ethiopian-Sudanese
War’), Bayrut 1991; Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in
of the conquest, ÷Futuh al-Habaša, is replete
the Law of Islam, Baltimore 1955; TrIslam; Émile Tyan,
with G. phrases (e.g., BassHist vol. 2, 32, 40). “Djihad”, in: EI2, vol. 1, 538–40 (Lit.); Emeri Johannes
Another important instance was the war on van Donzel, “‘Leave the Ethiopians Alone as Long as
Ethiopia launched in 1888 by òalifa ŸAbdallahi they Leave you Alone’, utruku l-habaša ma tarakukum.
at-TaŸaýiši, the leader of the ÷Mahdist state in Some Reflections on a hadiô”, in: StudAeth 109–14.
the Sudan. The Mahdi’s chronicler of the war left Haggai Erlich
a description of a discussion held in the òalifa’s
court on the principal issue of G. against Ethio-
pia. The òalifa announced that the Prophet told Gihon
him in a dream that, in spite of the hadiô to “leave According to the ÷Bible, the G. (GéŸéz P_# ,
the Ethiopians alone”, he could and should fight Géyon) is one of the four rivers of Eden or
Ethiopia because of her aggression. A somewhat Paradise: Pison, Hiddekel (or Tigris), Euphra-
different justification to islamicize Ethiopia tes and Gihon (Gr. Giwvn, Lat. Gehon, Gyon
given in a dream through special authorization with variants; Hebr. Gîhôn). In Gen 2:13, the
from the Prophet himself was described by the G. flows round the land ÷Kush, the name of
chronicle of Grañ. which is rendered in GéŸéz version as Ityopya
795
Gihon
(‘Ethiopia’; ÷Aithiopía): ]Fvy njs&y DnPy other works, such as the ÷Aksimaros (Trumpp
P_#y rY%b;y ?ty z;:y #M_1\ (wäsému 1882:190, 234) or the Vita of ÷Filmona (de la
läkaléŸ fäläg Géyon zäyäŸawwéd kwéllo médrä Fuÿe 1958:12) the G. is equally deemed to be one
Ityopya, ‘And the name of the second river is of the rivers of Paradise.
Gihon, which flows round the whole land of In some sources the geographical dimensions
Ethiopia’). In the Bible G. has also connections of the G. appear more precise: in a miracle of
with Jerusalem (2 Chr 32:30, 33:14; in 1 Kings Mary (÷Täýammérä Maryam) the G. is men-
1:33, 38, 45 it is a toponym). In the Ethiopian tioned as a river the Virgin saw from above
tradition, G. was used as a name for the ÷Abbay, when flying on a cloud over Ethiopia (Six 1999:
i.e. the Blue ÷Nile. 55). In fact, the Ethiopian apocryphal Vision of
Interested in the earthly identity of the four Mary (÷Dérsanä Maryam) depends upon the
rivers of Eden (which appear frequently in Apocalypse of Paul (chs. 13–44), in which the
early Christian art as life-giving streams flow- G. is described as a river flowing through Egypt
ing from the foot of the Cross or from the and Ethiopia (chs. 23, 45; s. Duensing 1989:668;
Fountain of Life), the Church Fathers locate Chaîne 1955:65; Erbetta 1981:455–70). The iden-
the G. in Ethiopia (e.g. Severianus of Gabala, De tification of the biblical G. with the Nile could
creatione mundi), and equate it with the Nile, as also mirror the belief that Ethiopia had the au-
do Josephus (Arbel 2000:105), St. Ambrose and thority to interrupt the Nile’s flow (UllBibl 2, 5;
St. Augustine (Vantini 1999:343). Medieval writ- Pontani 1985:324; Six 1999:66).
ers seek out the source and stream of the Nile In this connection, and hardly fitting with its
in the Red Sea and Ethiopia respectively. In the origin from Paradise (yet directly applying the
12th cent., Gervase of Tilbury openly states: “The name G. to the Abbay), some Ethiopian docu-
Gihon, also called the Nile, rises near Atlas but ments present the G. as a source of troubles and
is soon absorbed back into the earth, and runs a border-river or natural frontier separating the
through a hidden channel underground until it re- Christian empire, mainly ÷Gondär, from the
emerges again on the shore of the Red Sea; it then non-Christian regions, such as that of the Mäcca
heads eastwards and flows round Ethiopia, and so Oromo. The “short chronicle” describes how in
it comes to glide through Egypt until, dividing 1682 ase ÷Iyasu I arrived at the bank of the G.,
into seven channels, it enters the Great Sea near looking for the Oromo (DombrChr 213, 235,
Alexandria” (Otia imperialia, II, 13, after the De 244). In addition, in Ethiopian history the G. is
imagine mundi of Honorius Inclusus in Leibnitz chiefly related to the province of ÷Acäfär and
1707:911; s. also Gervase of Tilbury 2002:182f.). the Gélgäl Abbay (‘Little Abbay’), important for
In the first half of the 14th cent., Jacob of Verona the province of Goggam (Bairu Tafla 2000:156).
did not hesitate to qualify the Nile as “Giyon, According to a local tradition still known around
one of the four rivers of the paradise” (Liber per- Lake Tana, G. is a name for the Nile springs (Ul-
egrinationis, 5, in Monneret de Villard 1950:60). lBibl 2). G. also designates a small town to the
The 15th-cent. Anonymous of Loos simply says: south of ÷Addis ŸAläm.
“Le fleuve que l’en dit en Latin Gion et en com- Src.: James C. Vanderkam, The Book of Jubilees, Lou-
vain 1989 (CSCO 510, 511 [SAe 87, 88]), 52–55 (text);
mun parler le Nille, qui part du Paradiz Terrestre Hugo Duensing, “Aurelio de Santos Otero, Apokalypse
…” (Moravillé 1905:83f.; CerPal vol. 1, 225). The des Paulos”, in: Wilhelm Schneemelcher (ed.), Neu-
equation G./Abbay was accepted by European testamentliche Apokryphen in deutscher Übersetzung,
travellers to Ethiopia until the 17th cent. (Lobo Tübingen 1989, vol. 2, 644–75, here 668; Marius Chaîne,
Apocrypha de B. Maria Virgine, Roma 1909 [repr. Louvain
1728:105; Pais 1945, vol. 1, 214; BecRASO I, 1955] (CSCO 39, 40 [SAe 22, 23]), 51–80, here 65 (text);
274). Hiob ÷Ludolf was the first to distinguish Maurice Allotte de la Fuÿe, Actes de Filmona, Lou-
between truth and legend, considering the Nile vain 1958 (CSCO 181, 182 [SAe 35, 36]), 12 (text); Mario
just as a most significant, but earthly river (Lu- Erbetta, Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, Bologna
1981, vol. 3, 455–70; DombrChr, s. index; LudHist
dolf 1681:76–102). 76–102; Hiob Ludolf, Ad suam Historiam Aethiopicam
In the Ethiopian tradition, apart from the Bi- antehac editam Commentarius, Francofurti ad Moenum
ble, there is a number of texts referring to the G. 1691, 119–21; Veronika Six, “Water – the Nile – and
as a river of Eden, cp., e.g., the pseudo-epigraph- the Täýamrä Maryam. Miracles of the Virgin Mary in
ical Book of ÷Jubilees (Jub 8:15, 23; Vanderkam the Ethiopian Version”, Aethiopica 2, 1999, 53–68, here
65f.; Ernst Trumpp (ed.), Das Hexaëmeron des Pseudo-
1989:52–55). In local commentaries to the O.T. Epiphanius. Aethiopischer Text verglichen mit dem arabi-
(÷Térgwame), especially to Gen 2:13, and some schen Originaltext und deutscher Übersetzung, München
796
Gildessa
1882 (Abhandlungen der königlichen bayerischen Akade- Gildessa
mie der Wissenschaften, I. Cl., XVI., II. Abth.), 190, 234;
Jeronimo Lobo, Voyage historique d’Abyssinie, Traduite G. (Amh. Es:D , also Fs:D , Galdessa,) is
du Portugais, continuée de plusieurs Dissertations, Lettres a small town situated about 45 km north of
et Memoires par M. Legrand, Paris – Den Haag 1728, 105; ÷Harär at 9° 42' N 42° 10' E and at an elevation
Péro Pais, História da Etiópia, Porto 1945, vol. 1, 214; of 1,065 m A.S.L. Its name is derived from the
BecRASO I, 274; Godefridus Guilielmus Leibnitz,
Scriptores rerum Brunsviciensium, Hannover 1707, vol. 1, Oromo word for monkey (jaldeessa, ‘monkey,
911; Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia: Recreation for baboon’; GraggDic 232), which were plentiful in
an Emperor, ed., tr. by S. E. Banks – J. W. Binns, Oxford that area. Its population is mixed and consists of
2002, 182f.; Jacopo da Verona, Il Liber peregrinationis, Somali, Oromo, Amhara and other peoples.
ed. by Ugo Monneret de Villard, Roma 1950, 60 ; H.
Moravillé, “Un pèlerinage en Terre Sainte et au Sinaï au
The town was founded by the Egyptians after
XVe siècle”, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 66, 1905, their conquest of Harär in 1875 as a fort to se-
70–106, here 83f. cure their logistics from the coast. They chose a
Lit.: HuntGeogr, s. index; CerPal vol. 1, 225; Osbert Guy place in a valley naturally provided with water,
Stanhope Crawford, “Some Medieval Theories about though of poor quality, in the territory of the
the Nile”, The Geographical Journal 114, 1949, 6–29; Ul-
lBibl 2, 5; Anna Pontani, “Paralipomeni dei Turcica: gli ÷ŸIssa Somali, just bordering on Nole (÷Qottu)
scritti di Giano Lascaris per la crociata contro i Turchi”, lands. Here the camels and the drivers had to be
Römische Historische Mitteilungen 27, 1985, 213–338, changed because the Somali were not allowed
here 324ff. (Lit.); Benjamin Arbel, “Renaissance Geo- to enter Oromo territory and vice versa (Harris
graphical Literature and the Nile”, in: Haggai Erlich
1894:359). The Egyptians built a caravanserai or
– Israel Gershoni (eds.), The Nile: Histories, Cultures,
Myths, Boulder 1999, 105–19; Bairu Tafla, “The Father fortification of stones and thorn-hedges (zariba)
of Rivers: the Nile in Ethiopian Literature”, ibid., 153–70; in which they stationed a contingent of Sudanese
Giovanni Vantini, “La conoscenza del Nilo nei classici soldiers with an Egyptian officer.
greci e romani”, Nubica et Aethiopica 4/5, 1999, 337–46, The place soon emerged as an important centre
here 343.
of trade on the route from the coast to Harär,
Verena Böll
Šäwa and Käfa. A market was established and
people erected their huts, the Somali on one
side of the caravanserai and the Oromo on the
Giila other. Also, the ugas of the ŸIssa, Roble Farah,
G. is an Oromo word for any sacred ceremony or transferred his kraal to G. The number of inhab-
festival, of which normally an animal ÷sacrifice itants grew to 1,500, which doubled or tripled on
is an essential component. G. range from short market days.
and simple family festivals to complex national When the Egyptians had to leave Harär in
ritual journeys and ÷pilgrimages which require 1885, the British took possession of G. and
a series of ceremonies and sacrifices and may last placed there a garrison of 19 Indians and about
several months as, for example, those to the ÷ab-
baa muudaa or ÷qaalluu. The word G. has been
reported as also being applied to the pilgrims
themselves. Since the time of d’Abbadie most
travellers and ethnographers have mentioned
pilgrimages (Knutsson 1967:142–55). The Impe-
rial Government actively discouraged pilgrim-
ages but nevertheless the ÷Boorana, ÷Gabbra,
÷Guggi- and ÷Arsi, using discretion, managed
to maintained those to the abbaa muudaa. Since
the fall of the Därg pilgrimages, along with other
aspects of Oromo tradition, have been enthusi-
astically and actively revived in some parts of
Oromo lands.
Lit.: P. Mario Borello, Dizionario Oromo–Italiano,
Hamburg 1995; MHasOr; Karl Eric Knutsson, Au-
thority and Change: a Study of the Kallu Institution
among the Macha Galla of Ethiopia, Göteborg 1967.
Paul T.W. Baxter
797
Gildessa
20 Arabs and Somali. These soldiers, however, Charles Michel, Mission de Bonchamps, vers Faschoda.
were taken prisoner by the troops of the amir à la rencontre de la Mission Marchand a travers l’Éthiopie,
Paris 1900, 48; Herbert Vivian, Abyssinia: through the
÷ŸAbdullahi b. Muhammad of Harär when they Lion-Land to the Court of the Lion of Judah, New York
proceeded northwards to fight the ÷Porro expe- 1901, 90–97.
dition. Before the massacre of the Italians on 9 Lit.: Giacomo Buonomo, “Protocollo anglo-italiano
April 1886, G. was the place of some unsuccess- de 5 Maggio 1894 relativo alla delimitazione delle sfere
d’influenza fra l’Italia e l’Inghilterra nel Golfo di Aden”,
ful negotiations between the commander of the Bolletino della Società africana d’Italia 13, 1894, 61–64;
Harär troops and Umberto Romagnoli from the A.G. Rozis, “Une Mission commerciale en Abyssinie”,
Italian side. Shortly afterwards, the ŸIssa revolted ibid. 1, 1886, 156–60; Id., “Rapporto sul massacro della
in G. and freed the British soldiers. nostra spedizione”, ibid. 169–72; Sotiros Konstantinu
Chryseos, “Lettera sull’eccidio della spedizione Porro”,
After ase ÷Ménilék’s occupation of Harär in
ibid. 175–77; Id., “Über die Ermordung der Porro’schen
1887, G., along with Darmi and ÷Giggiga, be- Expedition”, Das Ausland 59, 1886, 439–40; Guida 430;
came one of the Ethiopian border forts against Nelson P. Valdés, “Cuban Foreign Policy in the Horn
the Somali. It often had governors of foreign of Africa”, Cuban Studies 10, 1980, 49–89; Richard
origin (Harris 1894:359), like the Armenian Pankhurst, “The History of Ethiopian–Armenian Rela-
tions 3: the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centu-
Sarkis Terzian, who led from G. several success- ries”, Revue des Étude Arméniennes 15, 1981, 355–400;
ful campaigns against the ÷Ogaden (Pankhurst PankHist II, 187; 270; Rosanna van Gelder de Pineda,
1981:367f.). Le Chemin de fer de Djibouti à Addis-Abeba, Paris 1995;
Though much afflicted by the ÷famine in Marc Fontrier, Abou-Bakr Ibrahim – Pacha de Zeyla,
marchand d’esclaves: Commerce et diplomatie dans le
the early 1890s (Harris 1894:360), G. remained Golfe de Tadjoura 1840–1885, Paris 2003, 18, 43, 160.
an important place of trade on the route from Ewald Wagner
÷ZaylaŸ to Harär. The route is mentioned in
several treaties of the European powers, which
proposed that G. should be open for interna- Gilo
tional traffic. Though this was repeated in the
The river G. is, together with the Akobo, Pi-
Anglo–Italian Protocol of 5 May 1894, G. itself
bor and Baro, a tributary of the ÷Sobat, which
was ceded to Italy as part of its sphere of influ-
downstream joins the White Nile at Malakal in
ence (Buonomo 1894:62). Already in 1890 Crispi
the Sudan. With a length of more than 300 km,
had asked Ménilék to be allowed to hoist the it collects the abundant rainfall over the western
Italian flag in G. to prevent a British or French highlands of ÷Illubabor (now divided between
advance in that area (Salimbeni 1956:151f.). The the Oromiyaa and the Gambella regions to
Italian aspirations, however, were not realized the east and west, respectively). The G. flows
at the time. The building of the ÷railway up to westwards, leaving on its right bank the swamps
÷Dérre Dawa in 1902 diverted part of the trade covering most of the Baro salient. This area was
from G. The custom was transferred from G. to
Dérre Dawa (van Gelder de Pineda 1995:269ff.).
Even then, the transit traffic did not totally col-
lapse at once because the British subsidized the
camel caravans from ZaylaŸ to Harär, to make
them cheaper than the railway (Rozis 1908:473).
In the long run, nevertheless, the importance of
G. diminished, together with that of ZaylaŸ.
During the Somali–Ethiopian war, Somali
troops conquered G. in the fall of 1977. It was
reconquered by the Ethio–Cuban offensive in
February 1978 (Valdés 1980:55).
Src.: Augusto Salimbeni, Crispi e Menelich nel diario del
Conte Augusto Salimbeni, ed. by Carlo Zaghi, Torino
1956; Alfred Bardey, Barr-Adjam. Souvenirs d’Afri-
que Orientale 1880–1887, Paris 1981, 129–32; Philipp
Paulitschke, Harar: Forschungsreise nach den Somal-
und Galla-Ländern Ostafrikas, Leipzig 1888, 153–66;
Walter Burton Harris, “A Recent Visit to Harrar”,
Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 156, 1894, 350–69;
798
Gimira
annexed to Ethiopia at the end of the 19th cent.

by ras ÷Täsämma Nadäw.
Up to the Italian conquest, coffee and skins
produced in the western regions were exported
along the Baro and the Nile to Khartoum
through the fluvial port of Gambella. The banks
of the upstream G. are inhabited by the Oromo.
The plains are the home of the Nuer, whilst in
the confluence with the Akobo dwell the Añwaa
(Guida 510). These Nilotic-speaking peoples
are mainly dedicated to agro-pastoralism and,
during the high waters of summer, to fishing. Al-
though they have recently acquired the status of
a national park, the swamps are gradually being
eroded in their outer parts by cotton-plantations
and Sudanese refugee settlements.
Src.: EMAtlas; Guida 510f.
Lit.: Donald L. Donham – Wendy James (eds.), The
Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History
and Social Anthropology, Cambridge 1986 (African Stud- slowed down considerably so that there were
ies Series 51), passim; MesfGeogr; ZerEmp. only 13,098 inhabitants in 1984 (CSA 1984). The
Alain Gascon census of 2003 counts 33,329 inhabitants (CSA
2004). It was primarily a result of the competi-
tion with Neqemte and Gimma: both closer
Gimbi to Addis Abäba, the towns overshadowed G.,
G. (Amh. Pz* Gémbi, also Giimbii; 1,930 m which at that time had no administrative func-
A.S.L) is a town in western Ethiopia, built on a tion at the provincial level (Neqemte being the
plateau between the Diddessa basin to the east capital of the Wälläga region). It was only the
and the Dabus basin to the west. G. is where the capital of the G. awragga, a subdivision of the
road from Neqemte and Addis Abäba divides region. In 1991, however, G. became the capital
into two branches, the northern leading to Asosa of the wäräda by the same name in the West
and the southern to Gambella. Wälläga zone of Oromiyaa kéllél.
According to d’Abbadie (AbbGeogr 232), G. Despite its important coffee production, West
was the name of a king. It first appears on the Wällägga suffers from its location next to Beni
1903 map by Hughes Leroux as Mount G. The Šangul-Gumuz and to Gambella. These two
town was most probably founded in the 1910s. peripheral kéllél are sparsely populated and have
First it served as a gébbi of the local Oromo been land-locked since the closing of the Suda-
Leeqaa administrators of ÷Gäbrä Égziýabéher nese border.
Moroda (cp. Balsan 1947:131). During the time Src.: CSA 2000; CSA 1984; CSA 2004; EMAtlas; Guida
of the Italian occupation, there was a Catholic 505; AbbGeogr 232.
mission in the vicinity. Lit.: Donald L. Donham – Wendy James (ed.), The
G. is one of the larger collecting-centres of Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in His-
tory and Social Anthropology, Cambridge 1986 (African
coffee, hides and skins. The Oromo of western Studies Series 51); GasEth; MesfGeogr; François Bal-
Wälläga have been forced to extend coffee-cul- san, Poursuite vers le Nil blanc, Paris 1947, 131; Jean
tivation, mainly by the new masters of the land, Bruncteau, Des pyramides au “guébi” du négus. Odyssée
who were granted concessions by the conquer- automobile (Égypte–Soudan–Éthiopia), Paris 1931, 193,
196; Lambert Bartels, Oromo Religion: Myths and
ors from Šäwa. Cattle-breeding is practised on
Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia – an Attempt to
the lowlands to the west, near the Dabus river. Understand, Berlin 1983, 59, 359.
The area also boasts deposits of precious and rare Alain Gascon
metals, which are occasionally mined.
G. had as many as 6,000 inhabitants in 1938
(Guida). It was a well-known market which Gimira
attracted foreign merchants, mostly Greeks. G. (Amh. Mw= , also Pw= , gémira) was the
After the war of 1936–41 the population-growth name given by outsiders to three Omotic-speak-
799
Gimira
country was also raided for other resources, such

as cattle and various forest products (e.g., civet
cats for their musk and skins). Soon after imperi-
al rule was established, the ÷gäbbar system was
introduced. The plight of the G. people was re-
corded by Montandon, a contemporary observer
who travelled the area in 1910. A notorious event
in G.’s history was the large slave-raiding expedi-
tion led by lég ÷Iyasu shortly after he was des-
ignated ÷Ménilék II’s successor (1912). After a
devastating campaign, tens of thousands of G.
(mostly Benc and Nayi) were taken away to the
north (BZHist 93; GebMolIyas 335).
Within the G. area, spirit-possession cults such
as ÷Gäramango were widespread. The cult-lead-
ers played an important role in redistributing the
area’s economy. Apart from spirit-mediums, the
Benc and Óako in particular also had powerful
local chiefs who, unlike those in the Ometo-
ing groups in south-west Ethiopia, who called
speaking areas, were not considered divine kings.
themselves ÷Benc, ÷Še and Mer (also known
Most peoples in the G. area had a dual structure
collectively as Dizu). The Šeko (Óako), Nayi
of high, aristocratic clans and commoner clans.
(Naýo) and Cara are also considered G. groups
Today, the G. country is a densely populated,
(also named Tolu). The Benc are the largest
productive farming area in which most of the
group, with ca. 173,000 people (CSA 1998:66),
original forests have disappeared. The people
while the Še and Mer are numerically modest
are predominantly sedentary subsistence-cul-
and are being absorbed among the Benc and the
tivators who also keep livestock and engage in
÷Käfa. The Ethiopian census (ibid.) identified
small-scale trade. A form of shifting cultivation
13,290 people as “Še” and 1,370 as “Mer”. In
is also practised, the main products being énsät,
addition to the groups mentioned above, across
maize, beans, pumpkins, cereals, fruits, tubers,
the G. area lives a hunting-caste, called the Band
cabbages and peppers; some cotton and cof-
or Menga.
fee are produced as cash-crops and apiculture
Since the conquest and inclusion of these peo-
is also widespread. The énsät culture, while
ples into the Ethiopian Empire in 1897–98, their
important, is much less developed than among
territory has been referred to as G. The term
the Gamo and Gonga peoples. Some large state
probably derived from the old word “Gimbir”,
coffee-plantations are also found in the area, e.g.,
a word that several neighbouring peoples, such
Bebeqa. Until ca. 1992, G. was an awragga in the
as the Meýen, use for the Benc and related high-
Käfa Region. At present there is no longer any
land people, but without a derogatory intention.
administrative division or group called G.
Others assert that G. was the name the Oromo
Src.: CSA 1998.
applied to the local people when they arrived Lit.: BZHist 93; GebMolIyas 335; VSAe III, 11–71; Geor-
(Lange 175:4f.). Today G. has meaning only as a ges Montandon, “Notes sur l’ethnographie des Ghimir-
historical term and its use is widely rejected. The ra”, Revue d’Ethnographie et de Sociologie 3, 1912, 149f.;
district town of Šäwa-G. was renamed Šäwa- Id., Au Pays Ghimirra, Neuchâtel 1913; Werner Jürgen
Lange, Gimira (Remnants of a Vanishing Culture), Frank-
Benc in 1994. furt a. Main 1975; Id., “Geburts- und Totenfeiern bei den
About a century ago, the G. region was Cheka in Äthiopien”, in: Kleine Beiträge aus dem Staat-
considered an “uncivilized” country of dark- lichen Museum für Völkerkunde Dresden 6, 1984, 29–35;
skinned people from which slaves and serfs could Girmaye Kebbede, An Exploratory Study of Production
be taken. Before that, G. was the area where the Practices among the Bench, Addis Ababa 1993.
kingdom of Käfa took most of its slaves. The Jon Abbink
post-1898 imperial domination and exploitation
by highlanders and traders seriously affected the Gimma
region, leading to a severe economic disruption Located 335 km from Addis Abäba at 1,750 m
and substantial loss of life. At this time the G. A.S.L., G. (Ex, or Hx, Gémma, 144,748 in-
800
Gimma
habitants in 2004) is the most important town

in south-western Ethiopia and one of the big-
gest urban centres in Oromiyaa. It is the capital
of the G. Zone, which has a population of 2.4
million inhabitants on an area of 18,000 km²,
hence a density of 127 inhabitants per km² (in
three wärädas it reaches over 240 inhabitants
per km²).
The present attraction of this urban area goes
beyond the limits of the Zone and of the former
kingdom of ÷Gimma Abbaa Gifaar to cover
part of the territory of the ÷Käfa region, of
which it was the capital from 1942 to 1987. (This
is not to be confused with the kingdom of Käfa
south of the ÷Gogäb river, which had Bonga
as its capital.) G.’s exclusive influence stretches
over the Highlands, limited by the course of the
Gogäb to the south, of the ÷Didessa to the west
and of the loop of the ÷Gibe river to the north.
al market of Hirmaata, and the Royal Residence
The mountains, which seldom culminate above
at Giren. In accordance with the 1938 racial laws,
3,000 m, have largely kept their forest cover.
a grandiose urban plan was to establish a strict
Small farms which were partly developed at the
segregation between the Italians and the natives.
expense of pre-existing forests and are still dot-
This architectural heritage, which was unfinished
ted with the occasional huge remnant of a syca-
due to the fall of the ÷Africa Orientale Italiana,
more, produce cereals and ÷énsät as staple crops,
was taken over by the Ethiopians, who find it
but mainly coffee as a very lucrative cash-crop.
difficult to maintain in a hot and humid climate
These products are harvested in the rich region
all year round. Nevertheless, it gives G. a decisive
of western Oromiyaa as well as in the Southern
advantage in imposing itself as a capital, not only
Nations’, Nationalities’ and Peoples’ region and
of western Oromiyaa, but also of the highlands
reach the town through a converging network of
and lowlands as far as the ÷Abbay to the north
roads and tracks.
and the Rift to the south.
In order to promote the modernization and
expansion of the agricultural sector, the Gimma No other town south-west of Addis Abäba,
College of Agriculture (second in importance in with the possible exception of Awasa much
Ethiopia after ÷Alämayya) was founded and further south, can hope to rival G., which relies
served as a nucleus for the development of the on its prosperous agricultural area. In this con-
University. G.’s airport has daily flights to Addis text the recent opening of an all-weather road
Abäba and is also the gateway to other towns between G. and Soddo through the spectacular
further west. In the town-centre a monumental Omo gorges provides a new outlet for its surplus
cityhall, topped by a lofty bell-tower, overlooks agricultural production.
a rectangular piazza. The surrounding arcade Src.: CSA 2000; CSA 2004; EMAtlas; MesfAtlas.
Lit.: AbbGeogr 63, 70, 78ff., 90, 95, 98, 101f., 111, 117,
and the converging wide and straight avenues 119, 122, 134f., 213, 258, 284, 295, 311, 390; CerEt; Enri-
could not offer a better setting for military pa- co Cerulli, “Gimma”, in: Enciclopedia Italiana, vol. 17,
rades and reviews. This urban character, which Roma 1933, 116–17 (Lit.); GasEth; Alain Gascon, “Les
boasts a cinema as well as the urban landscape, ‘bastides’ d’Éthiopie : les villes fortes de Menilek dans
in general bears the lasting imprint of Italian-in- le sud de l’Éthiopie et l’urbanisation contemporaine”,
in: Benoît Antheaume – Florence Pinton (eds.),
spired architecture. Tropiques. Lieux et liens: Florilège offert à Paul Pelissier et
It has to be remembered that in order to build Gilles Sautter, Paris 1989, 435–44; Id., “‘Fair Borders’ for
their capital of the “Governo di Galla e Sidama”, Oromiyaa”, in: PICES 13, vol. 3, 362–78; Id., “Éthiopie,
the Italians had restored the kingdom of Gimma Érythrée: la ville, expression d’un destin messianique en
hautes terres rurales”, in: Jean-Louis Chaléard – Alain
Abbaa Gifaar, already annexed by ÷Òaylä Dubresson (eds.), Villes et campagnes dans les pays
Íéllase I in 1932. The European town was to be du Sud: Géographie des relations, Paris 1999, 151–68;
erected a short distance away from the tradition- Guida 522–26; HuntGal; Geoffrey Charles Last, A
801
Gimma
Geography of Ethiopia for Senior Secondary Schools, was the emblem of his authority. As such, the
Addis Ababa 1963; Herbert Samuel Lewis, A Galla bokku represented the independence of the ten
Monarchy, Jimma Abba Jifar (1830–1932), Madison 1965;
MesfGeogr; MHasOr; John W. Tiffin, “Janjero. A Field clans of Gimma Kakka and served as a symbol
Study”, Ethiopian Geographical Journal, 3, 2, December of their unity, common government and com-
1965, 21–42. mon law.
Alain Gascon During the second half of the 18th cent., all
major clans, such as the Diggo, the Badi, Lalo,
Harsu, Hagalo and five others, each started
Gimma Abbaa Gifaar having their own bokku and abbaa bokkuu
G.A.G. was the name of a famous Oromo king- (Guluma Gemeda 1996:72). This growing disas-
dom that flourished in the ÷Gibe region for sociation of the clans undermined the peace in
more than a century (ca. 1790–1932; for detailed Gimma Kakka: to deal with inter-clan conflicts,
map s. Gibe). wars replaced the peaceful dialogue. Under this
Before the formation of the nucleus of the circumstances during the last two decades of the
state, the Oromo clans Diggo, Badi, Lalo, 18th cent. the institution of motumma (‘king-
Harsu, Hagalo and five other clans had a com- ship’) developed in the Gimma Kakka area.
mon ÷caffee assembly at a strategically located The nucleus of the state was formed some time
place known as Hulle. Every eight years the ten in the early 1790s. According to a popular tradi-
clans elected gadaa leaders, who settled disputes tion, all the clan members assembled at the Hulle
among themselves, marshalled their resources caffee assembly, where they chose Abbaa Farroo,
for common cause, declared war and concluded probably an ÷abbaa dulaa of the Diggo clan, as
peace. Their territory was known as Gimma their new leader (Guluma Gemeda 1996:17;
Kakka (‘Gimma of common oath’), probably Tesema Taýa 1986:87f.). Oral tradition presents
because the ten clans had taken an oath to de- Abbaa Farroo as a humble person; however, he
fend each other and their territory. The ten clans was able to provide what the caffee assembly
of Gimma Kakka had common ÷abbaa gadaa failed to ensure: safety, security, law and order.
(i.e. ÷abbaa bokkuu) and, correspondingly, a The caffee had no unified army to enforce its
common ÷bokku. While the abbaa gadaa was decisions. With the support of the Diggo clan,
the president of the caffee assembly, the bokku at that time the most powerful clan in Gimma
Kakka, Abbaa Farroo was able to maintain a
permanent military force (Guluma Gemeda
1996:72). The army not only helped him execute
his power by establishing systems of taxation,
corvee labour and trade, it also ensured his suc-
cess in the conquest of further territories. The
first to be conquered was that of the Lalo clan
(Guluma Gemeda 1996:73, Tesema Taýa 1986:88).
On their land, in ÷Giren, Abbaa Farroo estab-
lished his capital (Tesema Taýa 1986:88f.). After
Abbaa Farroo’s death, his eldest son, ÷Abbaa
Magaal, succeeded to power, legitimizing he-
reditary rule in Gimma Kakka. He defeated the
Badi clan, with its fertile lands around the great
market of ÷Hirmaata. Abbaa Magaal was suc-
ceeded by his son Sanna (÷Abbaa Gifaar I), who
gained considerable experience in the war of his
father. His military abilities and diplomatic skills
enabled him to defeat all the Gimma Kakka war
leaders one after another (Abbaa Goobir n.d. 33;
MHasOr 111f.). Gradually, the name of Abbaa
Gifaar eclipsed that of Gimma Kakka, and the
King Abbaa Goobir of Gimma Abbaa Gifaar, Girän,1972/
74; photo by Werner Jürgen Lange; courtesy of the Froben- kingdom became known as G.A.G. after its
ius Institut, Frankfurt am Main (37–La045–14 M–ON) king.
802
GindaŸ
The fertility of the soil, combined with in-

telligent activities in the fields of agriculture,
commerce, industry and trade, made G.A.G. a
land of great wealth and the centre of Islamic
learning during the second half of the 19th cent.
(cp. Grühl 1922:166). It was with that wealth that
÷Abbaa Gifaar II was able to obtain internal au-
tonomy from néguí Ménilék of Šäwa in 1882.
The autonomy was abolished in 1932, when ase
Òaylä Íéllase I detained King ÷Abbaa Goobir
Abbaa Dulaa and appointed Amhara governors
over G.A.G., which became an awragga of the
Käfa region; but then restored by the Italians
(÷Gimma).
Src.: unpublished ms. of Abbaa Gobir Abbaa Dula, the
last King of Gimma [in possession of the author]; Cec-
Zeila vol. 2; MasMis vol. 6, 5f.
Lit.: Herbert S. Lewis, Jimma Abba Jifar. An Oromo
Monarchy: Ethiopia 1830–1932, Asmara 2001; Guluma
Gemeda, Land, Agriculture and Society in the Gibe Re-
gion: Southwestern Ethiopia, c. 1850–1974, Ph.D. thesis, reached G. in 1904. The workers lived in an area
Michigan State University 1996, passim; Max Grühl, called today still Färobiya (from It. ferrovia).
The Citadel of Ethiopia: the Empire of the Divine Em- In 1874 G. became the capital of a new prov-
peror, London 1932, 166; MHasOr 111f.; Tesema Taýa,
The Political Economy of Western Central Ethiopia from
ince. Ase ÷Yohannés IV accorded the “life-gov-
the mid-16th to the Early 20th Centuries, Ph.D. thesis, ernorship of Ghinda” to his general (däggaó)
Michigan State University 1986, 87ff. John Charles ÷Kirkham, as a reward for his dip-
Mohammed Hassen lomatic efforts to obtain support against Egyp-
tian expansion in the 1870s. This title was an im-
plicit challenge to Egypt, G. being a border town
GindaŸ claimed by ÷Egypt (Longrigg 1945:107; KolTrad
G. (M#9* , ital. Ghindà), a small town and rail- II, 165). Kirkham’s governorship included the
way-station in Sämhar, Eritrea, lies half-way coastline from Annesley Bay to Anfile Bay, Zula,
between Asmära (50 km) and Massawa (70 km), the Saho and Arho country up to the edge of
in the mountains between the highlands and the the highlands, joining the district of G. south of
hot ÷Sämhar plains, 890 m A.S.L. The city’s ŸAylät. This appointment was, however, partially
name is etymologically connected to the gindaŸ theoretical, the coast being controlled by Egypt.
plant (Calatropis procera), a slightly poisonous The project of a new sea province, tributary to
bush with air-filled green fruits, which grows Ethiopia, aimed at the creation, as an alternative
abundantly in the area. to Egyptian Massawa, of an Ethiopian port with
G. enjoys a favourable climate. Due to its geo- British help (÷United Kingdom of Great Britain
graphical position, in May and July to September and Northern Ireland). Kirkham established his
it receives the highland rains and in November to seat in G. and in December 1874 ran up the Brit-
February the rains of the rainy season of the low- ish flag. The idea of establishing a neutral British
lands. Therefore, it has a rich vegetation. In 1904 territory between Ethiopia and Egypt in this
G. is described as lying in a valley, surrounded new G.-Anfile province, however, was not fol-
by forests of sycamores, acacias, fig trees etc. lowed by Great Britain (Dye 1880:127).
(Schoenfeld 1904:23). In addition to different Facing growing tension with Egypt, Kirkham
grains, sisal was produced in an agave plantation was called to ase Yohannés’s capital ŸAdwa in
(Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana 1956:333). October 1875. Only a few days later G. was
The population (1,250 in 1956, 15,000 in 1998, occupied by the Egyptian forces under Colonel
s. KilHDic 232) originally was Saho and Tégre, Arendrup and the English flag substituted with
but today it is composed mostly of Tégréñña the Egyptian (ibid. 128). After the ÷Egyptian-
speakers, the first of them having migrated to Ethiopian war of 1875-76, G. was claimed by ras
G. during the construction of the railway, which Alula. Ras ÷Wäldä Mikaýel of Hamasen, who
803
GindaŸ
joined the Egyptians, stayed for some time in Maki and later the ÷Omo River. Located on
1876 in G. (KolTrad II, 169). After ÷Italy had the south-western edge of ÷Aari country, G.
taken over the Massawa province from Egypt in is 785 km by road from Addis Abäba and today
1885, G. was incorporated into the Italian protet- has a three-time weekly flight connection with
torato (later Colonia Eritrea) and a fort was built Addis Abäba via Arba Ménc and a daily bus
above G. in 1889 (KilHDic 231). Later, agricul- service connecting it with Arba Ménc.
ture in G. was promoted through concessions, G. was preceded by the nearby Bakko as a
e.g. for citrus crops. The railway, destroyed in political and military centre. The southernmost
the 1970s, has partially been reconstructed and garrison-settlement on the Buska hills, Koke,
reached G. in 1999. received commands from Bakko. It was later
Src.: KolTrad II, 12, 165, 169, 194, 196f. totally abandoned and left without a trace in
Lit.: KilHDic 231f.; Guida 191; Istituto della favour of Dimeka and Turmi. From Bakko
Enciclopedia Italiana (ed.), Dizionario enciclopedico many däggazmaóes (governors) have taken turns
Italiano, vol. 5, Roma [1956], 333; William McE[ntyre]
Dye, Moslem Egypt and Christian Abyssinia, or Military to manage the area between Bakko, Lake Cäw
Service under the Khedive, in his Provinces and beyond Bahér (at that time Lake Stephanie) and the bor-
their Borders, as Experienced by the American Staff, New derlands to colonial Kenya and the Anglo-Egyp-
York 1880, 126ff.; Dagobert Schoenfeld, Erythräa tian Sudan. G. was established as an inheritor of
und der Ägyptische Sudan, Berlin 1904, 23f.; Stephen
Hemsley Longrigg, A Short History of Eritrea, Oxford
that tradition, but its role was limited. Its man-
1945, 107. date was the pacification of the pastoral peoples
Wolbert Smidt of the region.
Prior to G.’s constitution under the Gamo
Gofa province, it was administered by the gov-
Ginka ernor-general of the ÷Käfa province from the
G. (E#j , also Alga) was the administrative capi- then capital Gimma. It was the late däggazmaó
tal of the Gäläb and ÷Hamär Bakko awragga of Amméro Íéllase Abäbbä who negotiated with
÷Gamo Gofa province. When Gamo Gofa in the the imperial court for its proclamation as admin-
late 1980s was divided into the provinces of North istrative capital of the Gäläb and Hamär Bakko
and South Omo, G. became capital of South awragga. The choice of G. instead of Bakko
Omo. Today G. is the administrative capital of brought hope to the people, who associated
South Omo Zone within the Southern Nations’, Bakko with their traumatic experiences after
Nationalities’ and Peoples’ Regional State. Ménilék II’s conquest, such as the loss of their
G. is a small thriving town established in the autonomy, terror, slavery and fief-service, only a
early 1950s along the Neri River, which flows few decades earlier. At the initial stage, G.’s role
through the town to the lowlands to join the was that of a police-garrison from where attacks
could be launched on pastoral peoples whenever
there were inter-group clashes.
The ultimate expression of state power in
Ethiopia, that of confining people crudely in
a prison for pastoralists, has been one defining
feature of G. The prison, located across the Neri
River since the establishment of G., became a
way through which members of pastoral groups
could understood not only the meanings of state
power, but also what other distant pastoralist
groups are. As inmates in the G. prison, they,
as the first of their communities, learned the
Amharic language, weaving, sewing, basket- and
mat-making.
With the increasing number of students from
pastoral areas and of educated former pastoral-
ists holding government positions, G. is begin-
ning to be more friendly and welcoming to the
surrounding people.
804
Ginn
G.’s attracts the surrounding pastoralists and Ginn

the Aari and ÷Maale agro-pastoralists with the G. is an Arabic word occurring in the Qurýan,
weekly market, where they sell honey, cattle and together with its synonym gann, with a collective
small stock, coffee, butter, spices, clay pots and meaning (sg. ginni; fem. ginniyya) and of very
pans and various natural products. In exchange, uncertain etymology (Arab lexicographers have it
the G. market offers people various essentials, derive form igtinan, ‘to be hidden’; the hypothesis
“exotic” meals and alcoholic beverages. Former of a loan-word from Latin genius is not entirely to
slave-traders and ivory-poachers have gradually be dismissed; cf. Nöldeke 1910:63, who highlights
evolved into ivory-, spices- and coffee-traders the link between ginn/gann and Ethiopic ganen
and have added old-style rifles and Kalashnikov [÷Demons] without going any further).
assault rifles to these trade goods. A small Mus- According to preserved Islamic tradition, as
lim group of merchants controls much of the kept in the Qurýan, the G. are a group of reason-
trade in G. and in the pastoral lowlands as itiner- ing beings God created from smokeless flame
ant firearms-traders. (sura 55:15 – min marigin min nar). They are
Today G. accommodates a number of religious made of vapour, air or fire, are normally invis-
institutions, such as Protestant chapels, a newly ible, but show themselves to humans by appear-
built mosque, a number of Ethiopian Orthodox ing under different forms. G. can not be seized,
churches, a museum (the South Omo Research but can work and they can even manage to do
Centre), a hospital built by the Mekane Yesus hard tasks.
Church with Norwegian assistance, a Catholic The Prophet Muhammad, after he came back
Mission, around four hotels and a couple of from his unfortunate stay in Taýif in 620, was sent
petrol stations. to preach to the G. (sura 46:29). Some of them
For the tourists, G. has recently become the consequently accepted Islam (sura 72:1) and in
window to the indigenous cultures of the South their turn spread the faith among their kin (sura
Omo area, who have not yet begun fully to 46:29–32). These Muslim G. will therefore enter
reap the benefits from this development. G. is paradise. The Qurýanic data are not univocal
increasingly becoming the gateway to the Mago about the relationships between the G. and Iblis
National Park and Omo National Park (÷Na- (sura 2:32; 18:48), thus giving way to the flour-
tional Parks), which are abundant with game and ishing of conflicting hypotheses and legends.
cattle. On the basis of the Qurýanic passages, Islamic
Src.: Alexander Bulatovich, Ethiopia through Rus-
tradition even nowadays fully recognizes the
sian Eyes: Country in Transition 1896–1898, tr., ed. by
Richard Seltzer, Lawrenceville, NJ – Asmara 2000; J.G. existence of the G., at its learned as well as at its
Vanderheym, Une expedition avec le negous Menelik: popular level.
Vingt mois en Abyssinie, Paris 1896. In particular, Islamic Law discusses the legal
Lit.: Henry Darley, Slaves and Ivory in Abyssinia: a status of the G. As they are considered to be able
Record of Adventure and Exploration among Ethiopian
Slavers, New York 1935, ²1969; Donald L. Donham, to have relations with human beings and also to
History, Power, Ideology: Central Issues in Marxism and have sexual intercourse with them, questions re-
Anthropology, Cambridge 1990; Id., Work and Power in lated to marriage and property are examined in
Maale Ethiopia, New York 1994; Id., Marxist Modern. An detail. Saints are considered to have a privileged
Ethnographic History of the Ethiopian Revolution, Oxford
way to get in touch with the G. Many different
1999; Donald L. Donham – Wendy James, The South-
ern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History and classes of good and evil G. are believed to exist,
Social Anthropology, Cambridge 1986; Jean Lydall – Ivo especially in popular belief (ëul, Ÿifrit, siŸlat) and
Strecker, The Hamar of Southern Ethiopia, 2 vols., Ho- their role in magical practices of healing, fortune-
henschaftlarn 1979; Alexander Naty, “Memory and the telling and governing the future of individuals
Humiliation of Men: the Revolution in Aari”, in: Wendy
James – Donald L. Donham – Eisei Kurimoto – Ales-
cannot be overestimated (Panetta 1940:16–59).
sandro Triulzi (eds.), Remapping Ethiopia: Socialism As for Ethiopia, the available data (Griaule
and after, Oxford 2002, 59–73; Wolde Gossa Tadesse, 1930:135ff.; Leris 1934:339; 1934b:99; 1958:14;
“Evading the Revolutionary State: the Hor under the Rodinson 1967:60f.) seem to indicate that the
Derg”, ibid., 37–58; Id., Warfare and Fertility: a Study word H# (génn, also E# ginn, E~ ginni,), a loan-
of the Hor (Arbore) of Southern Ethiopia, Ph.D. thesis,
London School of Economics 1999; T. Widlok – Wolde word from Arabic, lost its Islamic religious con-
Gossa Tadesse, Property and Equality, vol. 2: Encapsula- notation and is currently used in magic to name
tion, Commercialization, Discrimination, New York 2005. the spirits of waters, that dwell in rivers, brooks,
Wolde Gossa Tadesse pools, lakes and the like.
805
Ginn
These spirits sometimes make their presence bordered to the south-west by the course of the
known by the sound of a kettledrum. Ethiopian Wäyb in the high plateaus of carstified limestones
génn may attack people who cross water, who crossed by the caves formed by the underground
wash their clothes and who go to take water. river of the Sof Omar.
They prefer to strike at noon and their favourite The G. awragga is inhabited by the Oromo,
targets are travellers and foreigners. The person mainly farmers. Its present borders coincide with
possessed by G. fells ill and must have recourse the historical areas occupied by the Oromo be-
to a magical medical treatment. People try to fore the migrations of the 17th and 18th cent. The
gain the favour of the génn in order to avoid their tomb of šayò ÷Husayn is the centre of a great
possession by throwing grass in the water before pan-Oromo pilgrimage which gathers together
crossing a river or a pool. all the Muslims of southern Ethiopia. Between
÷Spirits 1963 and 1967, the province was the scene of
Lit.: Marcel Griaule, Le livre de recettes d’un dabtara combats between groups menaced by deporta-
abyssin, Paris 1930 (Université de Paris. Travaux et Mé- tion and the army. The G./Wäbe awragga covers
moires de l’Institut d’Ethnologie 12); Michel Leiris, an area of 27,000 km², and its population grew
L’Afrique fantôme, Paris 1934; Id., “Le culte des zârs a
Gondar (Ethiopie septentrionale)”, Aethiopica. Revue
from 181,000 inhabitants (6.5 inhabitant/km²) in
Philologique 2, 1934, 96–123 and 125–36; Id., La posses- 1970 to 184,800 in 1984 only. The stagnation of
sion et ses aspects théâtraux chez les Ethiopiens de Gondar, the population was due to the disorders caused in
Paris 1958 (L’Homme, Cahiers d’Ethnologie, Géographie the province by the settlement in the area of a few
et Linguistique, nouvelle série, 1); D.B. Macdonald (H. troops of the Somali-Abbo Front. In addition, the
Masse), “Djinn”, in: EI²; Theodor Nöldeke, Neue
Beiträge zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strasbourg government of Mängéítu Òaylä Maryam banned
1910; Ester Panetta, Pratiche e credenze popolari libi- for a time the pilgrimage to ÷Šayò Husayn.
che. Testi in arabo bengasino tradotti e annotati, Roma The G. town, a caravan station, had 3,500
1940; Maxime Rodinson, Magie, médicine et possession inhabitants in 1938. It was not connected by
à Gondar, Paris – La Haye 1967 (Le monde d’outre-mer
an asphalt road until the 1970s. In 1984, there
passé et présent, 2ème sér., Documents 5).
were 8,594 inhabitants (11,200 in all the Wäbe).
Alessandro Gori
By 2000, the population doubled and reached
16,225. Before 1991 it was the capital of G./Wäbe
awragga, today it is the administrative centre of
Ginnir
eastern Bale. The disparities in the density of
G. (M~? ; 1,986 m A.S.L.) is a town, a wäräda and population between the different wärädas are
an awragga in the ÷Bale kéflä hagär. In 1978 the significant: 50 inhabitants/km² in G., 45.1 in
awragga took the name of Wäbe (], ) after the Gasära – Gololóa and only 7.7 in ÷Läga Hida.
river ÷Wabi Šäbälle, whose higher course forms Lit.: CSA 1998; CSA 2000; Central Statistical Office,
its northern and eastern borders. Its territory is Results of the National Sample Survey, 2nd round, vol. 5:
Land Area and Utilization, Addis Ababa 1975; EMAtlas;
GasEth; Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia: Power and Protest.
Peasants Revolts in the Twentieth Century, Cambridge
1991, 125–29; Guida 468; MHasOr; MesfAtlas².
Alain Gascon
Giovio, Paolo
G. (b. 1483 or 1486, Como, d. 1552, Florence),
after studying medicine, was active first as a
teacher and then as a diplomat at the pontifical
court in Rome since ca. 1512, under the protec-
tion of Popes Julius II and Leo X; ÷Clement VII
appointed him bishop of Nocera de’ Pagani
(today Nocera Inferiore, Salerno). He had the
opportunity of travelling widely abroad at the
service of Cardinal Ippolito de’ Medici, after
whose death in 1535 he was protected by Car-
dinal Alessandro Farnese. Pope Paul III refused
806
Girän
to give him the bishopric of Como, where from History of Ethiopian Art …, London 1989, 44–52; T.C.
1537 to 1543 he had his “Museo” built, a gallery Price Zimmermann, “Giovio, Paolo”, in: Dizionario
biografico degli Italiani, vol. 56, Roma 2001, 430–40.
of painted portraits of famous men, including
Alessandro Bausi
ase Dawit III, i.e. ÷Lébnä Déngél, whose deeds
he had described in short inscriptions or Elogia
(‘Encomiums’) – first appended to the portraits
and then published in two series (Basle 1546 and Girän
1551). G. left Rome in 1549 and spent his last G. was a royal settlement 5 km north-east of
years in Florence at the court of Cosimo I. modern ÷Gimma. Established by the early-19th-
As an erudite collector and a man of large cent. Oromo leader ÷Abbaa Magaal, founder of
political and international experience, G. wrote the Gimma Abbaa Gifaar kingdom, on the flank
numerous works devoted to the history, politics of the Ginóo mountains, the town expanded
and biographies of personalities of his time. In significantly during the reign of his son ÷Abbaa
his main work, the Historiarum sui temporis libri Gifaar I, also known as Muhammad b. Dawud.
(2 vols., Firenze 1550–52), on contemporary his- G. was not, however, described until the late
tory (1494–1544), he devoted a large part of book 1880s, when it was visited by Jules Borelli and
XVIII (ed. Visconti 1957:415–56) to Ethiopia, Leopoldo Traversi. The town, on a small hill,
mixing reliable news with medieval legends and was then the site of many houses. The most
beliefs (cf. Lefevre 1941). In his Elogia (1551) he important, the palace of ÷Abbaa Gifaar II, was
gives a physical, moral and historically reliable an immense circular structure, with a tall pointed
portrait of Lébnä Déngél (ed. Meregazzi 1972: thatched roof. The building was divided into
473f.; cf. Tedeschi 1985:105ff., 1989). two concentric rooms. The inner, presumably
G. also has a part in the fortunes of ÷Alvares’s the monarch’s abode, was occupied by the chief
materials and writings on Ethiopia: on the occa- eunuch and servant girls; the outer, a large gallery
sion of the Bologna concistory in 1533, where he with columns, served as the throne, reception,
also met the Portuguese envoy, he translated into and dining room. It was decorated with carpets,
Latin Lébnä Déngél’s four Portuguese letters coloured curtains, mirrors, and buffalo horns, and
brought by Alvares and addressed to the kings had Abbaa Gifaar’s favourite rifle and spear on the
of Portugal Dom ÷Manoel and Dom ÷João III, wall. The ruler sat on a throne cut in the wall, his
and Pope Clemens VII (and then published by courtiers on three-legged wooden stools in two or
Damião de ÷Góis in his Fides, religio moresque three lines to his right and left. In the palace he
Aethiopum). G. seems to have been also charged devoted his time to government affairs, receiving
with the never-accomplished translation of a visitors, and dispensing justice. In close proxim-
large work in five volumes devoted to the geog- ity to the main building, were those of the king’s
raphy, nature, history and institutions of Ethio-
pia, written by the same Alvares and presently
lost, the long-disputed existence of which seems
now well established (cf. Tedeschi 1985:97–102;
Beckingham 1987:174f.).
Src.: Pauli Iovii Opera, cura et studio Societatis histo-
ricae Novocomensis denuo edita, III: Historiarum tomus
primus, ed. by Dante Visconti, Roma 1957; VIII: Elogia
Virorum Illustrium, ed. by Renzo Meregazzi, Roma
1972.
Lit.: Charles Fraser Beckingham, “European Sources
for Ethiopian History before 1634”, Paideuma 33, 1987,
167–78 (Lit.); Renato Lefevre, “Realtà e leggenda
dell’Etiopia nelle «Historiae» di Paolo Giovio”, Gli An-
nali dell’Africa Italiana 4, 1941, 1189–99; Salvatore
Tedeschi, “Paolo Giovio e la conoscenza dell’Etiopia nel
Rinascimento”, in: Atti del Convegno “Paolo Giovio. Il
Rinascimento e la memoria” (Como, 3–5 Giugno 1983),
Como 1985 (Società storica comense. Raccolta storica 17),
93–116 (Lit.); Id., “Le portrait inédit du negus Lebnä-
Dengel ayant appartenu à l’historien Paolo Giovio”, in:
Proceedings of the First International Conference on the
807
Girän
Girän, palace of the sultan of Gimma; photo 1972/74 by Werner Jürgen Lange, courtesy of the Frobenius Institut,
Frankfurt am Main (37–La045–68)
wives, separated from each other by tall fences, Girirra
and, on slightly lower ground, smaller houses for The G. (also sp. Gariirre, Garirrä, Gherirre, and
the principal chiefs, head of the provincial gov- Gerire) are a little-known Somali tribe whose
ernors (÷Abbaa qorro), and the king’s brothers. main group lives near ÷El Käre, between the
The finer structures were decorated with ostrich ÷Wabi Šäbälle and the ÷Weyb in present-day
eggs, which, Traversi says, gave a “fantastic ef- southern Oromia. According to Mohamed
fect”. The palace compound was surrounded Abdi Mohamed (1990:961) they are one of the
by a high bamboo fence, and divided into five so-called “pre-Hawiye” lineages that claim to
large courtyards. The central were for the king, be direct descendants of Samaale, like the bet-
courtiers and palace personnel, the last but one ter-known Irir, Mayle, Yahaabur, Gardheere
for travellers under royal protection, and the and Garre. Cerulli (1957:67, 164) mentions local
outer for the soldiers. Each palisade had a gate, traditions depicting the G. as the offspring of
guarded by armed guards. The palace com- ÷Digil groups that did not move further south
pound like that of other Ethiopian potentates, into the interriverine plains of central Somalia.
was crowded by hundreds of people, including The G. are farmers and pastoralists. Besides
courtiers, merchants and envoys, servants, eu- sorghum and maize, they also cultivate barley
nuchs, and labourers. and wheat, which are said to have been intro-
Herbert Lewis noted in 1965 that because duced only in the first decades of the 20th cent.
G., with a diameter of about one kilometre, has by Hasan Ali of the Zenbur subclan, when he
existed “only to serve the king” and had never was their ugaas (chief). There are also tanners,
been “a centre of trade”, it had soon declined. blacksmiths and potters, as well as adopted
Thirty years after the death of Abbaa Gifaar “lit- groups of different origin, called giši. According
tle” of the former royal settlement thus remained to Abdurahim Aden (1993:1) the G. are looked
(Lewis 1965:61f., 72). down on by the surrounding Somali and Oromo,
With the growth of post-World War II urbani- with whom they do not intermarry. Yet this may
zation G. is in fact being gradually enveloped by apply only to the lower castes of the G. Small
the town of ÷Gimma. groups of G. are also known to live among the
Lit.: Jules Borelli, Ethiopie méridionale. Journal de mon ÷Boorana as traders and herdsmen. According
voyage aux pays Amhara, Oromo, et Sidamo. Septembre
1885 à novembre 1888, Paris 1890, 286–90; CerEt vol. 1, to Askale Lemma (1994:1) their main political
69ff.; Herbert S. Lewis, A Galla Monarchy: Jimma Abba gatherings take place at the Ba¦¦ana, while their
Jifar, Ethiopia 1730–1932, Madison 1965, 68–73; Leopol- most important religious meeting-place is the
do Traversi, “Excursione nel Gimma”, Bollettino della Obowu-sanbur, where they also come together
Società Geografica Italiana 25, 1888, 901–23; Guida 526f.
every five years for the initiation ceremonies of
[map]; PankHist I, 314f.; II, 250; MHasOr 158, 173.
Richard Pankhurst
young people. Yet they are all Moslems and sev-
eral religious settlements (Somali gameŸo) were
founded by them.
Girgis al-Makin b. al-ŸAmid ÷Giyorgis Aspects of the language of the G. were de-
Wäldä Amid scribed only by Abdurahim Aden (1993), who
808
Giulietti, Giuseppe Maria
also provided a short word list, and by his wife ÷ŸAsäb via the ÷Awaš valley. As the opposition
Askale Lemma (1994). Their data show that G. of ÷Abu Bakr Ibrahim Šahim made the project
has lost the pharingeals *h and *Ÿ, e.g., in madi, unfeasible, G. crossed by himself the desert from
‘head’, siddi, ‘three’, migi, ‘name’, gini, ‘hand’, ZaylaŸ to ÷Harär, producing an impressive re-
and has causatives in -š- and -s- like ga-š-, ‘to port of his journey (Giulietti 1880b).
cut’ or k’ib-is-, ‘to break’. Its peculiar palataliza- G. moved to ŸAsäb where he was to direct
tion pattern is shown by šeý-, ‘stand up’ (cf. Ren- the local activites of the ÷Rubattino company
dille kah-, Somali kaŸ-, Oromo ka’-), while the – which gave him the opportunity to perform
original velar stops are preserved in kýib-is-, ‘to geological and natural surveys of the neigh-
break’ (cf. Rendille and Somali geb-i-, Oromo bouring regions. In June 1880 he had to return
cab-s-), kýanin-, ‘to bite’ (cf. Rendille khaniin-, to Italy, but towards the end of the year he was
Somali qaniin-, Oromo cinin-), and gilib, ‘knee’ appointed secretary to the “regio commissario”
(cf. Rendille and Somali gilib, Oromo gilba). of ŸAsäb, Giovanni Branchi.
The items of the ten-word list are the following: G. was entrusted with preparing a mission to
hal, ‘one’, namo, ‘two’, siddi, ‘three’, dab, ‘fire’, ÷Muhammad “Illálta” (Hanfa¥é) of ÷Awsa, so
biyi, ‘water’, eri, ‘sun’, bil or hidgini, ‘moon’, ¦iig, as to open a new trade-route from ŸAsäb to Šäwa
‘blood’, enrab, ‘tongue’ and ilig, ‘tooth’. trough the Oromo territories. The diffidence of
More research is needed both on their lan- the local rulers, who had even mistaken G. for
guage, that seems to have rather peculiar features a brother of Werner ÷Munzinger (killed by
within the Somali cluster, and on their culture. the ŸAfar in 1875) impeded the mission. It was
Almost no other Somali group has periodic only on 10 April 1881 that G., escorted by ten
initiation ceremonies that mark entrance into sailors from the ship “Ettore Fieramosca” under
adulthood. the command of Vessel Lieutenant Giuseppe
Src.: Anon., “I Gherire”, Il Corriere della Somalia, 6 Biglieri and accompanied by two Italian work-
January 1954; Abdurahim Aden, The Phonology of ers, a Sudanese interpreter, a servant and two
Girirra, M.A. thesis, School of Graduate Studies, Addis local guides, could set off. Ten days later G. and
Ababa 1993; Askale Lemma, “Word Formation in
Girirra”, M.A. thesis, School of Graduate Studies, Addis
his companions arrived at ÷Baylul, then under
Ababa 1994. Egyptian sovereignty, and on 2 May they headed
Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, Somalia, vol. 1, Roma 1957, 67; to the ŸAfar sultanate of Bi¥u advancing into
vol. 2, Roma 1959, 167; VSAe II, 265; Mohamed Abdi the Gwalima valley. At the beginning of June it
Mohamed, La Somalie aux hautes periodes, Besançon, became known that the entire group had been
Ph.D. thesis, Université de Franche-Comté 1990.
massacred by the ŸAfar in the night of 25 May.
Giorgio Banti
The slaughter might have been a result of under-
evaluated divergences with the sultan of Baylul,
Muhámmad Akito, and his son Omar, possibly
Giulietti, Giuseppe Maria offended by G. undiplomatic and tactless man-
G. (ŸAfar Kuledá; b. 18 December 1847, Casteg- ners.
gio [Pavia], d. 25/26 May 1881, þa¥¥aŸtó [ŸAfar]) The two subsequent Egyptian enquiries into
was an Italian traveller and explorer. He studied the matter proved to be useless. In 1929 Riccar-
at the Collegio Nazionale in Pavia; in 1866 he do ÷Franchetti, crossing the ŸAfar/÷Danakil
volunteered for Giuseppe Garibaldi’s military territory, found the exact place of the massacre at
campaign to annex the Austrian Trentine region þa¥¥aŸtó, in the zone of Egrerr (where he left an
to the newly-born Italian state. Since 1870, he inscribed memorial stone), and took the remains
devoted himself to commerce in Genoa. There of the victims to Italy. The nearby Lake Af¥era
he frequented the cultural milieu around the was then renamed Giulietti in memory of G.’s
Museum of Natural History, befriending with unfortunate expedition.
the illustrious naturalist Giacomo Doria, later Src.: Giuseppe Maria Giulietti, “Viaggio di GMG da
president of the Società Geografica Italiana, and Zeila ad Harar”, Cosmos 8 1880a, 370-82; Id., “Lettera da
the Lazarist Father Giuseppe ÷Sapeto. On ac- Harar”, Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana ser.
count of these acquaintances, G. was able to join 2a, 17, 1880b, 55; Id., “Una lettera e due disegni”, ibid.
18, 1881, 844-51; Id., Memorie, pubblicate dalla sorella
at ÷ZaylaŸ the expedition that was led by Count (Elena Giulietti Venco), Firenze 1882.
Pietro ÷Antonelli and supposed to reach Mar- Lit.: Ludovico Mariano Nesbitt, Abyssinia Unveiled:
quis Orazio ÷Antinori in Šäwa and return to Desert and Forest, Hamburg – Paris – Bologna 1935, 8;
809
Giulietti, Giuseppe Maria
Guida 336; Alessandro Volterra, “Giulietti, Giuseppe Giyorgis the Egyptian
Maria”, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, vol. 56,
Roma 2001, 792–94 (Lit.); Didier Morin, Dictionnaire G. (M_?MFy rP-e , Giyorgis zä-Gébs) was a
historique afar (1288-1982), Paris 2004, 112–17, 169. member of the delegation which, in 1744, dur-
Gianfranco Fiaccadori ing the reign of ase ÷Iyasu II, was sent to the
Patriarch of Alexandria in order to obtain a new
metropolitan to replace ÷Kréstodolu III, who
had died in 1735 or 1738. Iyasu II’s chronicle
Giyorgis suggests that a special role was played by Iyasu’s
G. (M_?MF , Ar. Girgis), a monk of Dayr Anba mother Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa). From
Maqar (Wadi Habib), was consecrated Bishop of all over the country 450 ounces of gold had
Ethiopia by Patriarch ÷Michael IV of Alexan- been collected as a present for the authorities in
dria (1092–1102) in the year 818 of the Coptic ÷Egypt. Other members of the delegation were
calendar [1102 A.D.]. According to the History aläqa Tewodros of Däbrä Sälalo, abba Lukyanos
of the Patriarchs, his appointment was meant of ÷Azäzo and three Muslims (Éslamoóó):
to comply with the urgent request for a metro- ÉmädŸali (Ahmad ŸAli), ŸAbdäla (ŸAbdallah) and
politan by an unnamed Ethiopian emperor. G. ŸAbdalqader (ŸAbdalqadir). They travelled from
was probably the immediate successor of abunä Gondär to Hamasen where they spent the rainy
Sawiros. Yet, as soon as he reached Ethiopia, season because the Muslims refused to proceed
his behaviour caused him to be arrested by the to ÷Massawa. No reason is given for the refusal.
king of Ethiopia for “infamous affairs and … Fearing to disobey the Emperor’s orders, the
vile deeds” unbecoming to his rank (SawHist Muslims finally descended to Massawa, where
394). He was then sent back to Egypt by the they quarreled with abba Tewodros because he
same emperor, with an explanatory note asking had gone to Massawa without them. While they
that he be punished. Thus, the Egyptian wazir were there, Iyasu and Méntéwwab ordered ras
al-Afdal consigned him to the “Prison of the ÷Mikaýel Séhul, däggazmaó Basélyos and bahér
Guard” in Cairo, where G. remained for several nägaš Solomon to attack Massawa. When the
years. news reached the ÷naýib – the Annals call him “a
Src.: SawHist vol. 2, part 3, 394 (tr.). devil incarnate” (Šäytan séggawi) – and the mer-
Lit.: Arthur K. Irvine, “Giyorgis”, in: DicEthBio 74; chants of the port, they put the members of the
TedEthPrel [ii] 1006; MHAlex 160f.
delegation, said to be five in number, in chains
Stuart C. Munro-Hay
and threatened them with their weapons. If the
delegation, while in Massawa, indeed counted
five members only, it would seem that G. was no
Giyorgis longer among them. After six months they were
G. (M_?MF ) was a ÷Zagwe-period bishop who released because Iyasu in a letter had promised to
appears in two interesting contexts. He is men- spare the inhabitants if the envoys were set free.
tioned in the colophon of the ÷Kébrä nägäít Half of the Emperor’s money, which had been
as the bishop at the time when the colophon taken from them, was then restored.
was written during the reign of Lalibäla Gäbrä The journey to Jedda took a month and seven
Mäsqäl, year of Mercy 409 [1224/25 A.D.]. He days. The ships for Egypt had already left. A few
is also named with the three ecclesiastics qalä days on their arrival, abba Lukyanos embraced
pappas Abet, the qes haìani Zäýdonaya and the Islam because of a disagreement with Ahmad
eppisqoppos Harayo, in a 16th-cent. copy of a ŸAli. Lukyanos made many allegations against
land grant of ÷Lalibäla on 25 March 1225. He abba Tewodros and the three Muslims before
apparently was the successor of Metropoli- the šarif of Jedda, but without success. The en-
tan ÷Yéshaq I, consecrated on 11 Barmahat voys also quarrelled with ŸAbdalqadir because he
[4 Mäggabit] 926 [1202] A.M. [7 March 1210 had squandered the Emperor’s money. The šarif
A.D.]. The date of the end of his metropolitan- ordered him to return the money and, when he re-
ate is unknown. fused, put him in chains for a year and six months.
Src.: BezKebr 172 (text) = 138 (tr.); CRDLib 190. After a ten-months stay in Jedda, abba Tewodros,
Lit.: Arthur K. Irvine, “Giyorgis”, in: DicEthBio 74f.; ŸAbdallah and Ahmad ŸAli embarked for Egypt.
TedEthPrel [ii] 1008f.; MHAlex 187. ŸAbdallah died at sea and Ahmad ŸAli in Suez, on
Stuart C. Munro-Hay the seventh day of the journey. The delegation
810
Giyorgis
spent three months and seven days at sea. In Alex- After a short exile in the Sudan at Kässälä, G.
andria the remaining part of the Emperor’s money came back to Gondär. He was then under the
and his letter were handed over to the Patriarch protection of ras Adal Täsämma, governor of
Yohannés. After three months, the Patriarch, in Goggam, the future néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot.
an assembly of the metropolitans, bishops, priests At the end of the 1870s, when G., during his
and deacons, appointed ÷Yohannés, a monk of fighting against the Oromo in Gimma, defeated
the monastery of Scete (Askät), against his own the governor of Nunu, fitawrari Qädida Wäna-
will, Metropolitan of Ethiopia. bet, Adal granted G. the title of ÷balambaras .
With abba Tewodros Yohannés left for Jedda, Later on, G. had close relationships with däg-
from where they took ŸAbdalqader in chains gazmaó ÷Gäbrä Égziýabéher Moroda. In 1888
with them to Massawa. They informed ase Iyasu, G. initiated the construction of the Däbrä Séyon
étege Bérhan Mogäsa and ras ÷Wäldä LéŸul of church in Neqemte, but during the work he
their arrival, but the naýib held them in custody. quarrelled with Gäbrä Égziýabéher. In 1896 he
After five months abba ÷Ewostatewos and abba was still present on the battlefield at ÷ŸAdwa on
Gäbrä Maryam arrived from Däbra Bizän. At Ménilék’s side. After the ŸAdwa battle the Em-
the demand of abba Tewodros they assisted Met- peror gave him a pension and G. lived for some
ropolitan Yohannés in escaping from Massawa years in Addis Abäba with his family.
during the night. He took with him the meron G. had been a very close friend of the Irishman
or Holy Oil, priestly garments and the Book of MacKelby, who assisted him in his numerous
Rituals for the consecration of the tabot and the activities. Together they had been gunsmiths and
ordination of priests and deacons. He stayed in also merchants, selling weapons, hides and skins
Däbrä Bizän for two months. Meanwhile the and antiquities, among other goods.
naýib had put Tewodros in shackles for having As he knew Greek, GéŸéz, Amharic, Arabic
assisted Yohannés in his escape and several times and Italian, G. was employed as an interpreter,
threatened to kill him. After two months abba but also worked as a physicianand wrote some
Tewodros, by paying a ransom of sixty ounces of historical and astronomical texts (mss. Addis
gold to the naýib and the Turkish paša, was able Ababa National Library 199; Vat. Aeth. 128)
to leave Massawa by way of Dägsa. The Metro- and four autobiographical works. Two of these
politan in his turn went from Däbrä Bizän to are composed of pictures (ms. BN Éth. 205; 210)
Hamasen, where he remained for a few days. In and the other two are collections of songs (ms.
Särawe (÷Säraye?) he met with abba Tewodros. Vat. aeth. 113; 118).
Both were well received by At Anbäsa and then Src.: ChMonV 10f., 13f. [mss. Éth. 205, 210 ]; GreTisVat
by Émòabä Ab, who accompanied them as far as 436–43, 475–79, 504–19 [mss. Vat. Aeth. 113, 118, 128];
Kébrä ahégur wä-Kébrä nägäít, ms. 199, Addis Abäba
Adyabo. They finally met the Emperor in Šire. National Library; Gustavo Bianchi, Alla terra dei
Src.: GuiIyas 127 l. 25–130 l. 40; TedEthPrel II, 1028ff. Galla. Narrazione della spedizione Bianchi in Africa nel
Lit.: TrIslam 105. 1879–80, Milano 1886, 528; Simone Breton-Gravereau
Emeri van Donzel – Danièle Thibault (ed.), L’aventure des écritures.
Matières et formes, Paris 1998, 118 [BN Eth. 205, note
by Anaïs Wion]; Alexander Bulatovich, Ethiopia
through Russian Eyes: Country in Transition, 1896–98, tr.
Giyorgis by Richard Seltzer, Lawrenceville, NJ – Asmara 2000;
Balambaras G. (M_?MF ; Greek: Geórgios Fo- Edward Gleichen, With the Mission to Menelik, 1897,
London 1898, 206; Lincoln de Castro, Nella terra dei
tis; b. ca. 1815/30, d. between 1910 and 1920, Negus, Milano 1915, vol. 1, 224; Paul Mérab, Médecins
Neqemte) came from ÷Greece to Ethiopia at a et médecine en Ethiopie, Paris 1912, vol. 2, 17, 33, 187;
young age, between 1865 and 1870. There he met Jacques Mercier (ed.), Le Roi Salomon et les maîtres du
Kaía Mérca (later ase ÷Yohannes IV). Accused of regard: art et médecine en Ethiopie, Paris 1992, 28; Percy
stealing something from Kaía’s camp, he was ex- Horace Gordon Powell-Cotton, A Sporting Trip
through Abyssinia …, London 1902, 118–19; Achille
pelled from Tégray and arrived in Gondär. There Raffray, Afrique Orientale: Abyssinie, Paris 1875–77, 4
he married Bogaläóó, by whom he had more vols., 304; Augusto Salimbeni, Crispi e Menelich, nel
than six children, and pledged allegiance to ase diario inedito del conte Augusto Salimbeni, ed. by Carlo
÷Täklä Giyorgis II. Zaghi, Torino 1956, 119–26, 147; Jean-Gaston Vande-
rheym, Une expédition avec le négus Ménélik, vingt mois
In July 1871, in ŸAdwa, G. fought with Täklä en Abyssinie, Paris 1896, 99; ZerEth 467.
Giyorgis against Kaía, but Täklä Giyorgis was Lit.: Théodore Natsoulas, The Hellenic Presence in
defeated and Kaía was crowned as Yohannés IV. Ethiopia: a Study of a European Minority in Africa, Ath-
811
Giyorgis
ens – Addis Ababa 1977, 8, 131; Richard Pankhurst his theological views and court intrigues, G. was
– Tsehay Berhane Selassie, “Balambaras Giyorgis and imprisoned. When pardoned, he received a land
his Scholarship”, Abba Salama 2, 1971, 179–88; Lanfran-
co Ricci, “Una nuova narrazione amarico-g<Ÿ<z de fatti grant at Gasécca, the site of ÷Bäsälotä Mikaýel,
di Nagran”, Annali IUO, 1949, 3, 417–29; Id., “Balam- where he became the abbot of the monastic com-
baras Giyorgis a Laqamti”, Paideuma 36, 1990, 216–47; munity and was buried.
Stephan Strelçyn, “Un magicien grec en Ethiopie”, JA G.’s writings pose a problem. His principal
239, 1951, 175–91; Anaïs Wion, “Un Grec en Ethiopie à
work is undoubtedly the Mäshafä ÷méítir.
la fin du XIXème siècle: le balambäras Giyorgis”, AE 16,
2000, 309–38. Written ca. 1424, this voluminous theological
Anaïs Wion opus, which shows a deep acquaintance with
ancient sources and can be in some ways con-
Giyorgis Haddis ÷George the New sidered the Ethiopian Summa theologica, had
a remarkable impact on Ethiopian culture and
religious thought. Numerous copies of the text
Giyorgis of Sägla went quickly into circulation and its language in-
G. (M_?MF ) of Sägla was one of the most prolific fluenced that of G.’s Acts. Some of its arguments
Ethiopian authors of religious texts in GéŸéz, were used in the 17th cent. during the religious
with liturgical and pastoral works as well as doc- conflicts between the ÷Jesuits and the ÷Ethio-
trinal tracts. This profusion of works may have pian Orthodox Church.
been one of the sources of confusion concerning Besides, G.’s Acts ascribe the following works
G. of Sägla and G. of Gasécca, Sägla and Gasécca to the Saint: Arganonä wéddase (÷Arganonä
being historical sites in Šäwa lying next to each Maryam); ÷Fékkare haymanot; Wéddase mäsqäl
other (Schneider 1983:106; ÷Däbrä Bahréy). (‘Praise of the Cross’); Wéddase déngél (‘Praise
Today it is generally believed that there was only of the Virgin’); Wéddase hawaryat (‘Praise of
one G., a contemporary of emperors Dawit II, the Apostles’); Mäshaf sébhat zämäŸalt wäzälelit
Yéshaq and, maybe, Zärýa YaŸéqob (cp. TadTCh- (‘The Book of the Glory of Day and Night’, usu-
urch 222; EMML V, 339; Colin 1987:vi–ix; Derat ally identified as the Mäshafä ÷säŸatat, the work
in OrbAethChoj 51). Some scholars, however, to which the problem of G.’s “double identity”
still contend that G. of Gasécca was another is linked) and Sälotä fättéto (‘The Prayer of the
person who lived during the time of ÷ŸAmdä breaking [of the bread]’). There is also a reference
Séyon I, several decades before his namesake to some (untitled) minor ÷hymns and homilies
from Sägla (YaqBeyGiy I, v). of G. (s. Colin 1987:xf.). One particular type of
G. is venerated as saint. His life is recounted in the ÷Égziýabéher nägía is also ascribed to G.
his Acts (÷Gädl), written in the 15th cent., short- Other sources provide slightly differing lists
ly after his death. His father, Hézbä Séyon, was of G.’s works (s. EMML V, 339f.; KurMoa 35);
a “priest of the tabernacle” (kahénatä däbtära), in many cases, the attributions remain uncertain
one of the clergy at the royal court. His mother, whereas some texts mentioned in the sources
Émménä Séyon, came from the ruling family of have not been yet identified. It cannot be exclud-
÷Wäläqa. G. was educated in the monastery of ed that more G.’s works will be discovered. A
÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos. He succeeded his fa- thorough study of his writings, with the analysis
ther as a kahénatä däbtära and became the tutor of language and style, remains a desideratum.
of the Emperor’s sons and their companions. His Src.: Gérard Colin, Vie de Georges de Sagla, Louvain
appointment as ÷néburä éd of ÷Däbrä Damo 1987 (CSCO 492, 493 [SAe 81, 82]); YaqBeyGiy I, II;
by Dawit II permitted him to travel the coun- EMML V, 339f., no. 1838 (Lit.); KurMoa 35 (text) = 28
(tr.), s. index; GuiSyn II, 209.
try visiting monasteries and hermits. From his Lit.: TadTChurch 222; GuiSLett 49, CerLett 195; Roger
childhood, G. demonstrated a unique devotion Schneider, “Notes éthiopiennes”, JES 16, 1983, 105-14;
to the Virgin ÷Mary, reflected in certain of his Marie-Laure Derat, “La sainteté de Giyorgis de Sägla:
writings and in the sälam dedicated to him in the une initiative royale?”, in: OrbAethChoj 51-62, here 51.
Sénkéssar for 7 Hamle (GuiSyn II, 209). Gérard Colin
In opposition to the communities of ÷Däbrä
Libanos of Šäwa and Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos,
G. played an active part in the establishment of Giyorgis Wäldä ŸAmid
the celebration of the first ÷Sabbath, a practice G. (M_?MFy ]s6y (w; or Ar. fŒ¿®ªA ≈I ≈Œ∏¿ªA oUjU,
enforced by ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob. On account of Girgis al-Makin b. al-ŸAmid, or Ibn al- ŸAmid,
812
Giyorgis Wäldä ŸAmid
Al-Makin; b. 1206, Cairo, d. 1273) was a of ase Lébnä Déngél”. The information about
Christian Arab historian, whose works were the ÷Zagwe dynasty, otherwise rather scanty, is
incorporated into Ethiopian tradition (÷GéŸéz complemented by a legend emphasizing that this
literature). dynasty was descended from Moses.
There is limited information about G.’s life. A In order to refute the allegation that their own
descendant of an Iraqi merchant, he held, like his dynasty was illegitimate and usurpatory, the
father, high offices in the military administration Zagwe rulers circulated a legend focusing on the
under the Ayyubids in Egypt and in Damascus. Biblical passage (Num 12:1) in which Moses mar-
In Syria he spent several years in prison. The rea- ried an “Ethiopian” woman. Details of this mar-
sons for that are unknown, but there seems to be riage are given in the history of G.: while Moses
a connection with the takeover of the Mamluk was in Egypt war broke out between Ethiopians
sultan ÷Baybars I in 1260. Although he never and Egyptians. The Ethiopians tried to divert the
returned to his homeland, G. remained in close course of the ÷Nile by building a dam on the
contact with other Egyptian scholars like the Täkkäze River. The Pharaoh called Moses to lead
Awlad al-ŸAssal (÷Fétha nägäít). an expeditionary force with 200,000 men against
Between 1262 and 1268 G. wrote his uni- the Ethiopians, defeated them and destroyed the
versal chronicle ∫iBJ¿ªA ©¿V¿ªA (al-MagmaŸ dam. Moses then married the daughter of the
al-mubarak, ‘The Blessed Collection’), gener- Ethiopian king (SerHist 241; for the relevance
ally known by the title of History, which was for Ethiopian ÷historiography s. also Kropp
translated during the reign of ase Lébnä Déngél 1986:319).
(1508-40) as K<gy ]s6y (w; (Tarikä Wäldä Different parts of the History (chronology
ŸAmid, ‘The History of Wäldä ŸAmid’). The or historical notes) are found in several manu-
work is divided in two major sections: the pre- scripts, especially in connection with lists of
Christian history from Adam to Tiberius Caesar kings and other chronological items (e.g., mss.
and the Christian history with a description of EMML 2114, fol. 32b-33b; 2345, fol. 54b-62a;
the life of Jesus Christ followed by the succes- 3981, fol. 102a, 145a; London, BritLib, Orient.
sion of Roman emperors down to Heraclius. The 814, 815). The text also indicates its source for
sources of this part are above all biblical, but also the biographies of Alexandrian patriarchs: e.g.,
literary data of Hellenistic, Roman and Byzan- ÷Cyril of Alexandria and ÷John Chrysostom.
tine origin are involved. The book shows the interest the Ethiopians of
The second part of the History seems largely the time took in this kind of literature, which is
dependent on the famous Arab historiographer attested not only by the transmission into GéŸéz
at-÷Tabari (838–923). It describes the history of of Arabic historiographical works, but also by
Islam from the life of the Prophet ÷Muhammad the composition of indigenous chronicles.
to the succession of the Umayyad and Abbasid Src.: Anne-Marie Eddé – Françoise Micheau (tr.),
caliphs and the Muslim dynasties in Egypt, Al-Makin ibn al-ŸAmid, Chronique des Ayyoubides
(602–658/1205–6–1259–60), Abbéville 1994 (Documents
ending with Baybars II. Besides, G. used more
relatifs à l’histoire des croisades publiés par l’Académie
recent sources concerning the history of Egypt des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 16); EMML 2114, 2345,
and Syria. There are also frequent correspond- 3981; WrBriMus 226f., no. 339 [Orient. 815]; 293f., no.
ences between Ibn ar-Rahib’s Kitab at-Tawariò 388 [Orient. 814]; SixTana III, 144-47, no. 25 [Tanasee 136
(‘The Book of Chronicles’), another Christian = Daga Estifanos 25], (Lit.).
Lit.: Claude Cahen – René-Georges Coquin, “Al-
universal history written in Arabic from the 13th Makin ibn al-ŸAmid”, in: EI², vol. 6, 143–44; Claude
cent., and G.’s own work. Cahen, “La chronique des Ayyoubides d’al-Makin b.
Chronological lists concerning historical al-ŸAmid”, Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales 15, 1958, 109–84;
events outside Ethiopia are integrated with Id., “Al-Makin ibn al-ŸAmid et l’historiographie musul-
Ethiopian dates from the conversion of the mane: un cas d’interpénétration confessionelle”, in: J.
M. Barral (ed.), Orientalia Hispanica, sive Studia F.M.
Aksumite kings to Christianity to modern times Pareja octogenario dicata, vol. 1: Arabica – Islamica,
(÷Chronography). Further to the lists of kings, Pars Prior, Lugduni Batavorum [Leiden] 1974, 158–67;
the History provides information on political Manfred Kropp, “Arabisch-äthiopische Übersetzungs-
and ecclesiastical history in Ethiopia. The section technik am Beispiel der Zena Ayhud (Yosippon) und des
Tarikä Wäldä ŸAmid”, ZDMG 136, 1986, 314–46; Otto
dealing with the series of the Patriarchs of Alex- Neugebauer, Chronography in Ethiopic Sources, Wien
andria is extended by the Ethiopian translator to 1989; Id., Abu Shaker’s ‘Chronography’. A Treatise of the
the 95th patriarch Gabriel, “who sat in the time 13th Century on Chronological, Calendrical, and Astro-
813
Giyorgis Wäldä ŸAmid
nomical Matters Written by a Christian Arab, Preserved view, the payment of the G. represented for each
in Ethiopic: a Summary, Wien 1988; SerHist 241. non-Muslim the acknowledgement of being a
Ute Pietruschka subject of Islamic rule and a citizen of an essen-
tially lower status.
Gizya In Ethiopia, we may logically surmise that
G. is an Arabic term (“ÕlU,‘tax’, from the verb Muslim rulers conformed to the traditional Is-
‘lU, gaza, ‘to reward’, but probably originat- lamic practice of levying on non-Muslim subjects
ing from Aramaic) used to indicate the poll-tax G. whenever they had the political and military
which, according to the traditional Islamic law strength to do so. However, many of them were
(÷ŠariŸa), has to be levied on individuals of often obliged to pay a tribute to the Christian
the communities of the so-called ahl al-kitab emperor. After ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi’s
(‘people of the Book’, i.e. adherents of a revealed conquest of the Christian lands, Muslims had the
religion, Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians) who opportunity to collect G. (TrIslam 88) and the
live under Islamic rule. ÷Futuh al-Habaša bears witness of the circum-
The origin of the term and of the legal concept stances in which non-Muslims submitted to such
is most likely to be found in the Qurýanic pas- a rule: the people of Wag and Gäbärge, who sur-
sage 9:29. The last section of this verse contains rendered without fighting (BassHist 267 [text]
the theological basis of the practice of taxing non = 363 [tr.]); after the conquest of Abba Gärima
Muslims permanently dwelling in the Islamic (ibid. 321 = 425); in the region of Däbrä Hallelo
world. The passage has long been subject of in- (Däbrä Halleluya), whose inhabitants were given
terpretations by traditional Islamic commenta- full security (aman; BassHist 335 = 445:46); after
tors and Western Islamologists. The most reliable the final conquest of Säraye (ibid. 337 = 448);
exegetical hypothesis is that the Qurýanic verse the Fälaša (÷Betä Ésraýel) in Sémen (ibid. 343 =
intended the G. as a concrete sign of gratitude 459; in this passage the Qurýanic verse 9:29, re-
due by non-Muslims, for they had their lives lated to the G., is expressly quoted); the whole of
spared by the Islamic government and they could conquered Bägemdér (ibid.); as for Aksum, the
remain followers of their ancestors’ religion. G. Futuh (322 = 428) relates that the monks asked
could also represent a kind of compensation that the imam to extend his stay in the town so that
non-Muslims had to pay as they did not embrace they could pay him the G. in gold, but Ahmad
÷Islam. It is true that by paying the G. non- rapidly moved on to Mäzäga.
Muslims living in Islamic territories were granted Src.: BassHist.
the status of îimmi (‘protected’), which allowed Lit.: Meir Max Bravmann, “A propos de Qurýan IX–9:
them a certain religious freedom and personal Hatta yuŸtu l-gizyata wa-hum saëiruna”, Arabica 10, 1963,
94–95; Claude Cahen, “Îjizya”, in: EI²; Id., “Coran IX,
security. Converts to Islam were automatically 29: Hatta yuŸtu l-gizyata Ÿan yadin wa-hum saëiruna”,
exempted from the payment of the G. The G. as Arabica 9, 1962, 76–79; Id., “A Note to Meir M. Brav-
a poll-tax was levied every lunar year on mentally mann, à propos de Qurýan IX–9: Hatta yuŸtu l-gizyata
and physically sound adults, free men, women, wa-hum saëiruna”, ibid. 10, 1963, 95; Antoine Fattal,
Le statut légal des non-Musulmans en pays d’Islam, Beirut
children, slaves, lunatics, old, handicapped, poor 1951; Shlomo Dob Goitein, “Evidence on the Muslim
people, beggars, whilst needy monastic commu- Poll Tax from Non Muslim sources. A Geniza Study”,
nities were exempt. Non-Muslim foreigners who Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 6,
did not stay permanently in lands under Islamic 1963, 278–95; M.J. Kister, “‘ŸAn yadin’ (Qurýan, IX/29).
rule were obviously not obliged to pay the G. An attempt at interpretation”, Arabica 11, 1964, 272–78;
Franz Rosenthal, “Some Minor Problems in the
Christians, who were sometimes enrolled in the Qurýan”, in: Abraham G. Duker et al., The Joshua Starr
Islamic army, were also exempted from it during Memorial Volume: Studies in History and Philology, New
the period of their military service. York 1953, 68–72; Rudi Paret, Der Koran. Kommentar
G. was normally collected at the beginning of und Konkordanz, Stuttgart 1971; TrIslam 88.
the Islamic lunar year (under the Mamluk rule Alessandro Gori
in ÷Ramadan) and was paid in cash (but pay-
ment in kind was also possible). Since the tax was
imposed on individuals, the collection of the G. Glaser, Eduard
was carried out by the financial administration G. (b. 15 March 1855, Deutsch-Rust, Bohemia, d.
on the basis of a previous census of the non- 7 May 1908, Munich) was an Austrian orientalist
Muslim population. From the political point of and explorer of South Arabia. G. studied Arabic,
814
Goa
other Semitic languages, especially ÷Epigraphic links were strategically important for the builder
South Arabian, and astronomy in Vienna. Be- of the Portuguese empire in the east, Afonso de
tween 1882 and 1894 he made four extensive ÷Albquerque, who conquered the town on 25
journeys to the ÷Yemen, where he explored the November 1510 from the Sultan ŸAdil Šah of Bi-
country, acquired Arabic manuscripts and col- japur, after a failed attempt some months earlier.
lected nearly 1,800 Sabaean, Minaean and Qata- Prior to the Portuguese, the town had seen over
banian inscriptions. After his travels, G. lived in a dozen different ruling dynasties, both Muslim
Munich, evaluating his researches in the Yemen, and Hindu. G. was the first territory in the East
publishing inscriptions and writing works on the to come under direct Portuguese sovereignty. In
history and geography of Arabia. 1530 it became the headquarters of the Portu-
In his book Die Abessinier (1895), G. rea- guese “Estado da Índia”, in 1533 was created the
sonably compared the proper name hbšt in G. Diocese, raised to Archdiocese in 1577, with
Sabaean inscriptions with the Arabic al-habaša suffragan dioceses scattered all over the East, as
and thus provided the explicit epigraphic proof part of the Portuguese “Padroado” (ecclesiastical
for the connection of these two terms (÷Abys- jurisdiction) in the Orient. G.’s jurisdiction ex-
sinia; ÷Habašat). He also made the first detailed tended to four provinces until the late 18th cent.,
reconstruction of pre-Aksumite Ethiopian when seven other provinces were added as “New
history with particular reference to South Ara- Conquests”.
bian sources. In the publication Zwei Inschriften The “Old Conquests” of G. were subject to
(1897) he treated for the first time the famous an intense missionary drive, particularly since
inscription CIH 542 of King ÷Abraha from the the arrival of the ÷Jesuit Francis Xavier in 1542.
year 544 A.D. which reports on the restoration The first printing-press reached G. from Portu-
of the Marib dam and other historical events. gal in 1567 (Rodriguez 1931:537, n. 3). Originally
Src.: Eduard Glaser, Skizze der Geschichte und Geogra- meant for the Jesuit Ethiopian mission, due to
phie Arabiens von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Propheten political problems it was retained in G. and con-
Muhammad nebst einem Anhange zur Beleuchtung der tributed to the intensification of the missionary
Geschichte Abyssiniens im 3. und 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. activities. In the Jesuit College of St. Paul (cre-
auf Grund der Inschriften, der Angaben der alten Autoren
und der Bibel, vol. 2, Berlin 1890; Id., Die Abessinier in ated about 1541) resided the first contingent of
Arabien und Afrika auf Grund neuentdeckter Inschriften, missionaries aiming at Ethiopia, together with
München 1895; Id., Zwei Inschriften über den Damm- the “Patriarcha” João Nunes Barreto (d. 1562).
bruch von Marib, Berlin 1897; Lockot I, index. The college became a main regional centre that
Lit.: Otto Weber, Eduard Glasers Forschungsreisen
in Südarabien, Leipzig 1909; Egon v. Komorzynski,
provided education to a multiethnic commu-
“Eduard Glaser (1855–1908)”, in: Grosse Österreicher. nity – including “Abyssinian” children (s. Wicki
Neue Österreichische Biographie ab 1815, Wien 1957, 1948:89) – and offered as well a full univer-
96–106; Walter Dostal, Eduard Glaser – Forschungen sity curriculum (theology, arts and pilosophy) to
im Yemen: eine quellenkritische Untersuchung in ethno- most of the missionaries sent to preach the Ori-
logischer Sicht, Wien 1990 (Österreichische Akademie
der Wissenschaften. Philologisch-historische Klasse, ent. Among the Jesuits who preached in Ethiopia
Sitzungsberichte 545, Veröffentlichungen der Arabischen having studied there were Manoel de ÷Almeida,
Komission Nr. 4); Walter Wilhelm Müller, “Der böh- ÷Barradas, ÷Lobo and ÷Paez (on the role of G.
mische Südarabienreisende Eduard Glaser (1855–1906) for this mission s. Pennec 2003:73–100).
und seine Bedeutung für die Erforschung des antiken
Jemen”, in: Schriften der Sudetendeutschen Akademie
The suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1759
der Wissenschaften und Künste Band 23: Forschungsbei- resulted in a decline of the missionary activity.
träge der Geisteswissenschaftlichen Klasse, München 2002, This was further reduced later with the rise of
195–220. liberal politics in Portugal and the suppression
Walter W. Müller of other religious orders in 1832–34. Portuguese
colonial rule ended on 19 December 1961 and
in 1974 Portugal’s new democratic regime rec-
Goa ognized the integration of G. into the Indian
G. is a town in India and former capital of the Union renouncing its Padroado rights over the
Portuguese dominions in the East. Its situation Indian Church. In 1986 G. became the 25th State
at the centre of the west coast of the Indian sub- of the Indian Union, with Konkani as its official
continent (15° 48' –14° 53' N, 74° 20' –73° 40' E), language.
natural resources, and privileged commercial ÷Portugal
815
Goa
Src.: Iosephus Wicki (ed.), Documenta Indica, vol. I At the end of the 16th cent., following Oromo
(1540–1549), Romae 1948, 89. invasions into the Harärge, the amir of ŸAdal
Lit.: V.T. Cune (ed.), Goa, Daman and Diu District Gaz-
etteer, Panaji 1979; Amaro Pinto Lobo (ed.), Memória
took refuge in the Awaš area, taking the name of
histórico-eclesiastica da Arquidiocese de Goa, Nova Goa “sultan of Awsa”.
1933; A. da Silva Rego, O Padroado Português no During the 18th and 19th cent., the ŸAfar re-oc-
Oriente e a sua historiografia, Lisboa 1978; Teotónio R. cupied large regions of G. south-east of Lake
de Souza, Medieval Goa, New Delhi 1979; Id., Goa to Abbe and in the valley of the Awaš. The Debne
Me, New Delhi 1994; Francisco Rodrigues, Historia
da Companhia de Jesus na assitencia de Portugal, Tomo gained control from there of one of the trade
I, vol. II, Porto 1931, 537 n. 3; Hervé Pennec, Des Jé- routes which, with the aid of caravans using
suites au Royaume du Prêtre Jean (Ethiopie), Paris 2003, the pass of Yokobi and the Abbé depression,
73–100. connected the port of Tagura, via Lake Assal
Teotónio R. de Souza – where salt was and is still today collected
– with the Awaš. This was a period of prosperity
for the sultanate, which – with Tagura, Rahayta
GèbaŸád and Awsa – was one of the four powerful ŸAfar
The ÷ŸAfar Sultanate of G. occupied approxi- chiefdoms.
mately the western territory of the present-day The sultanate was a political and territorial
Republic of ÷Djibouti. This old traditional unit, with the sultan, chosen from the Arbahinto
chiefdom was populated by the pastoral ŸAfar family (not by direct father-son but by collat-
groups Debne and ŸAbdarrasul. The Debne eral succession, the brother succeeding the late
and ŸAbdarrasul belong to the ŸAdohyammára sultan), as the supreme head. The sultan had
‘white men’, who constitute one of the two a fixed residence in the date-grove of Dikhil
moieties into which the ŸAfar society is divided, and, assisted by a council of elders, governed,
the other being the ŸAsahyammára ‘red men’ decided on issues of peace and war and refereed
(÷ŸAdohyammára and ŸAsahyammára). litigations. In addition, he had an assistant, the
The Debne were nomads dwelling in the plain vizier, who was one of his younger brothers.
of G. and the plateau of Dakka. The ŸAbdarrasul The sultan, as protector of the country, was also
populated the south of Hanlé, an important a landlord. After payment for a right of use and
date-grove in ÷Dikhil, with a well and pasture, keeping for himself a right of way on the caravan
the plain of Gaggadé and the area of Ghoubet traffic, he granted the use of the lands to tribes
and Lake Assal. Besides pastoralism (with herds and factions.
of goats, sheep and camels), trade was also an The G. sultanate, which covered the south of
important activity: the ÷salt collected from the the ŸAfar area up to the gulf of southernmost
salt-works of Lake Assal (÷ŸAfar Depression) Tagura, to the depressions of Lake Abbe, was a
was transported abroad in caravans; merchan- buffer zone. Stockbreeders from G. were there
dise from the port of ÷Tagura was transported in direct contact and shared pasture areas both
to central south-western Ethiopia; and the area with the ŸAfar from the sultanate of Awsa and
also forwarded exports from Šäwa and ÷Awsa with the ÷ŸIssa, which was a cause of rivalry and
(cereals, butter, leather, slaves etc.). disputes. Frequent clashes used to arise between,
The political evolution of G. has gone through on the one hand, the ŸAdohyammára of G. and,
several ups and downs, before its definitive on the other, the ŸAsahyammára of Awsa and
decline in the 1930s due to the French coloniza- the Somali ŸIssa. However, at times, alliances
tion. Until the end of 15th cent., the ŸAfar “na- between the ŸAfar from G. and the ŸIssa devoted
tion” was split into two kingdoms: ÷Dankali against the powerful sultanate of Awsa were also
in the north and ÷ŸAdal in the south. With the secured.
fall of these two kingdoms in the 16th cent. came French colonization profoundly affected
the emergence of the sultanates as autonomous traditional polities. Initially, the relations with
political entities. The southern border of the ter- the French were peaceful. Thus, the governor
ritory suffered also a double pressure, from the Léonce de ÷Lagarde, a month after his arrival at
÷Oromo and the ÷Somali. After the defeats en- ÷Obock, contacted sultan Hummad ÷LoŸoyta,
dured by the imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi and on 9 August 1884 signed a friendship-treaty
(Grañ) against Christian Ethiopia, the southern by which the sultan engaged himself to protect
ŸAfar were confronted with Oromo expansion. the passage for French caravans as well as to
816
Gobäna Daci
facilitate their recruitment of caravaneers. In the ŸAsahyammára of the sultanate of Awsa, the
exchange, the sultan would receive a thaler per latter ruled by Muhámmad Yayyó (who in 1927
animal and per European traveller. However, had succeeded his father Yayyó Muhámmad Il-
on 2 January 1885 a second treaty was signed, lalta Hanfa¥é), a skilled player both with the
transforming the former declaration of friend- French established in the CFS and the Italians
ship into an official donation. There the sultan from ÷Eritrea. The sultans of G. of the Arba-
obliged himself “to give his country to the hinto family were fervidly hostile to any direct
French government who in its turn would pro- negotiation between the Awsa and the French
tect the sultan from foreign intruders”. This was administration, because it would have reduced
a direct reference to the ŸIssa and ŸAsahyammára their role as intermediaries.
ŸAfar who, stronger than the G., used to invade As a consequence, LoŸoyta, hostile to the
the Debne lands and make raids on herds. French presence, fomented resistance among
The protectorate was finally transformed his subjects. In 1930, he and his vizier Hagg ŸAli
into a colony in 1896 and new political borders were deposed and, accused of endangering the
were drawn. Whilst the southern border ratified safety of the State, were convicted to ten years
the separation between the ŸAfar of the Côte of detention and deported to Fort Dauphin,
française des Somalis (CFS) and the Somali of Madagascar. The sultan died in exile on 19 July
Somaliland, its concrete design, ratified in the 1932. Since his death, both the titles of sultan
convention of 20 March 1897, stipulated that and of vizier ceased to exist and the sultanate was
“the border between Ethiopia and the CFS is abolished.
fixed according to a line on the basis of the An- Lit.: Édouard Chédeville, “Quelques faits de l’orga-
glo-French border at Djalelo, passing through nisation sociale des Afars”, Journal of the International
Kahali, Gobaad, Airoli, the edge of Lake Abbé, African Institute 36, 2, 1966, 173–95; Colette Dubois,
Mergada, the edge of Lake Alli …”. This meant L’or blanc de Djibouti. Salines et saunier XIXe– XXe
siècles, Paris 2003; M. Albospeyre, “Les populations de
the de-facto division of the territory of the la Côte française des Somalis”, in: Id. [et al.], Mer Rouge,
sultanate of G. and the placement of the sum- Afrique orientale: études sociologiques et linguistiques,
mer-pasture areas within Ethiopian territory. In préhistoire, explorations, perspectives d’avenir, Paris 1959;
addition, the opening of the railway (÷Railways) Ioan Myrddin Lewis, “The Afar”, in: LewPeople 155–
connecting Djibouti to Dérre Dawa in 1902 had 73; Mohamed Elmi Osman, “Chronologie de la Corne
orientale de l’Afrique 1820–1980” [Institut Supérieur
a negative effect on Dikhil. The new railway- d’Études et de Recherches Scientifiques et Techniques,
station at ÷Ali Sabieh drained the trade, to the Djibouti], August 1988; Philippe Oberlé – Pierre Hu-
detriment of the caravan trade which used to call got, Histoire de Djibouti. Des origines à la République,
at the traditional halt in the oasis of Dikhil. As a Paris – Dakar 1996.
Colette Dubois
consequence, the resources and means of control
of the sultan dramatically deteriorated.
As long as colonial administration was distant,
focused in the capital Djibouti, sultan LoŸoyta Gobäna Daci
and his vizier Hagg ŸAli showed a good disposi- Ras G.D. (Q(!y 9L , Orom. Goobana Daacii,
tion towards the French. However, as from 1924, horse name Abba Tégu; b. 1821, d. 1889) was an
the interest of the governor Capon-Baissac in the Oromo military and political figure who played
interior areas became manifest: in March 1928, a an important role in modern Ethiopian history.
colonial station was opened in Dikhil, where the He was born to an Oromo chiefly family that
sultan of G. resided, a move that encountered was converted to Christianity and was allied
the opposition of the sultan. Following this, by marriage to néguí ÷Íahlä Íélasse of Šäwa.
France replaced the traditional authorities in When néguí Ménilék (later ase ÷Ménilék II),
control of the strategic area, in the limit of the the grandson of Íahlä Íélasse, escaped from
zones occupied by ŸIssa and ŸAfar groups and ase Tewodros’s prison in 1865 and returned
the borders of the contiguous CFS of Ethiopia. to Šäwa, G.D. not only submitted to him but
Beside territorial control, the colonial authori- also put his wealth at the disposal of Ménilék.
ties aimed at stopping the slave-trade, which still Ménilék, in return, invested G.D. with the title
existed in the area of Dikhil. The position and of ÷abägaz. This was the beginning of G.D.’s
power of the sultan was therefore in jeopardy. spectacular rise to power. Ménilék, perceiving
His territory was jammed between the ŸIssa and G.D.’s remarkable talent, promoted him to the
817
Gobäna Daci
rank of ÷däggazmaó, commander of the armed The policy of working against the interest of
forces. In 1878 G.D. was made ÷ras, the highest its own people is still known among the Oromo
title below the rank of prince. He was probably as the “Gobanist phenomenon”.
the first Christianized and culturally Amharized Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Three Portraits: Ato Asma Giyorgis,
Šäwan Oromo to receive such a title. Ras Gobäna Daói and Sähafé Tezaz Gäbrä Sellasé”, JES
5, 3, 1967, 133–50; BTafA, s. index; Arnoldo Cipolla,
Inspired by his own career, G.D. launched the
“L’Abissinia e Menelik”, La Lettura 12, 1908, 989–98; Ge-
conquest of his own people, becoming Ménilék’s tahun Delibo, Emperor Menelik’s Ethiopia, 1865–1916:
greatest empire-builder. He won for Ménilék the National Unification or Amhara Communal Domination,
battle of ÷Émbabo in 1882 and was responsible Ph.D. thesis, Howard University, Washington DC 1974;
as well for the peaceful submission of all Oromo Jules Borelli, Éthiopie méridionale, Paris 1890; Ales-
sandro Triulzi, “The Background to Ras Gobäna’s
leaders in the ÷Gibe region, in ÷Wälläga and Expeditions to Western Wälläga in 1886–1888: a Review
÷Illubabor – the three richest regions which of the Evidence”, in: USCES 143–56; Guluma Gemeda,
henceforth became the economic backbone of Gomma and Limmu: the Process of State Formation
Ménilék’s empire. Ménilék rewarded G.D. by en- among the Oromo in the Gibe Region, c. 1750–1889,
M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa 1984; Mohammed Hassen,
trusting him with the administration of the Gibe “The Oromo Nation and its Resistances to Amhara Co-
region and also appointed him néguí of ÷Käfa, a lonial Administrations”, in: Hussein Mohamed Adem
province which was not yet conquered. – Charles Lee Geshekter (ed.), Proceedings of the First
His popularity and rapid career-growth International Congress of Somali Studies, Atlanta 1992,
546–99; MHasOr; CerFolk.
aroused envy among the officials around the
Mohammed Hassen
Emperor. As a result, Ménilék not only with-
drew the title of néguí of Käfa from G.D., but
also removed him from the administration of
the Oromo Gibe region. A rebellion of the Gobat, Samuel
Oromo followed. After it was suppressed, only G. (b. 26 January 1799, Crémines, Switzerland,
the kingdom of Gimma survived. The territories d. 11 May 1879, Jerusalem) entered the seminar
of Limmu Énnarya, Gomma, Guummaa and of the Basel Mission, then in close contact with
Geeraa became a part of Ménilék’s empire. the ÷Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.) in
G.D., whose son Wädago was married to the England, at the age of 22. In 1825 G. was sent
daughter of Ménilék and whose descendants to London to prepare for a C.M.S. mission to
were integrated into the heart and soul of the Ethiopia. As part of his preparation G., who al-
Ethiopian system, is a controversial historical ready knew Arabic and Hebrew, studied GéŸéz.
figure. On the one hand, as a general and a fore- In 1826 he and his colleague Christian ÷Kugler
most empire-builder he is regarded as a hero in arrived in Alexandria. During the trip G. learnt
modern Ethiopian history. On the other, for the Amharic from an Ethiopian monk.
Oromo he is a traitor, who worked against the In February 1830 the missionaries reached
interests of his people. For Oromo nationalists ŸAddigrat and were cordially received by the
G.D. was the “Trojan horse” that was planted at ruler of Tégray, däggazmaó ÷Säbagadis Wäldu,
the heart of Oromiyya to destroy the unity and whose friendship G. immediately won. In March
the nation from within. he travelled to Gondär in order to see the country
and distribute the Amharic Bibles the missionar-
ies had brought with them. There G. committed
himself to persuading priests and lay people of
the need to reform the Orthodox Church. He
spent his time discussing religious questions,
most prominently the nature of Christ and the
sinfulness of the Virgin Mary.
The reforms G. advocated comprised the in-
stitutionalizing of theological education, the re-
newal of the establishment of several Ethiopian-
Gobäna Daci at held bishoprics (s. ÷Eppisqoppos), the removal
the head of the
Oromo cavalry;
of images from Ethiopian churches and the abo-
from Cipolla 1908: lition of the veneration of saints. Despite being a
989 convinced Protestant, G. won the sympathy of
818
Gobat, Samuel
many Ethiopians; as a result he was even consid-

ered, according to his own account, as a candi-
date for the vacant Ethiopian bishopric (Gobat
1884:149). The missionary’s ample knowledge
of the Scriptures attracted the admiration of the
Ethiopian clergy, among them éccäge Filéppos.
In Gondär G. made the acquaintance of Habtä
Íéllase, son of the Šäwan ruler ÷Íahlä Íéllase,
who asked him to send a mission to the “hea-
then” Oromo in Šäwa, a task that was to occupy
G. and his successors for many years.
G. left Gondär in October 1830 and returned
to ŸAdwa, Tégray. There, the circumstances
were less favourable to his mission. Since G.
did not understand Tégréñña, he remained
isolated from the population. Soon after G.’s
return, Kugler died in a hunting-accident. In
early 1831 Säbagadis Wäldu fell in battle. His
death threw Tégray into turmoil and G. had to
flee ŸAdwa and spend the following months hid-
ing in ŸAddigrat and in the monastery of ÷Däbrä
Damo. His missionary activity was more or less
confined to two young men of respectable back-
ground, Hädarä and Kidanä Maryam, whom he
had accepted as disciples.
When his health deteriorated during 1832, G.
returned to England. There he managed to gain
support for his plan to renew missionary activity
in Ethiopia.
In 1834 he and his young Swiss wife left for
Ethiopia with the intention of setting up a mis-
sionary station. They were accompanied by
Carl Wilhelm ÷Isenberg, another Basel Mission Samuel Gobat; courtesy of Basler Mission21 (QS–30 003
graduate. During the journey, G. fell seriously ill 0042 01)
and subsequently had to give up his dream of be- by sending the Pilgrim missionaries Christian
ing a missionary in Ethiopia. ÷Bender and Johannes ÷Mayer back to Tégray.
Nonetheless, Ethiopia remained central to Their work, however, bore no fruit. During his
his missionary outlook. In 1846 he was chosen last years G. concentrated on missionary work
as bishop for the newly established Anglican in the Levant.
Lutheran bishopric of ÷Jerusalem, which in-
Src.: Samuel Gobat, Journal d’un séjour en Abyssinie pen-
cluded “Abyssinia” as well. In this function he dant les années 1830, 1831 et 1832, Genève 1834, 149; Id.,
was asked by ras ÷Ali Alula in 1850 to supervise Evangelischer Bischof in Jerusalem: sein Leben und Wirken
the Ethiopian Convent in Jerusalem. Under meist nach seinen eigenen Aufzeichnungen, Basel 1884; Ar-
G.’s direction, four young missionaries of the chives of the Basler Mission 21, Basle, Switzerland.
Lit.: CrumMis; ArEvang; Martin Luckhoff, Anglika-
÷St. Chrischona-Pilgermission near Basle took
ner und Protestanten im Heiligen Land: das gemeinsame
up missionary work again in Ethiopia in 1856. Bistum Jerusalem 1841–1886, Wiesbaden 1998 (Abhand-
Yet contact between the brethren and the mis- lungen des Deutschen Palästina Vereins, Band 24); Bar-
sion-board in Jerusalem headed by G. was only bara Strebel, ‘… den blinden Abessyniern die Augen
sporadic. In 1868, after years of political unrest, aufzuthun’. Chrischona-Pilgermissionare in Äthiopien
(1856–1868): Geschichte eines gescheiterten Missionspro-
in the course of which ase ÷Tewodros II im-
jektes, Lizentiatsarbeit Universität Zürich 1999; Id., “Le-
prisoned the missionaries, the mission had to be ben auf dem Missionsfeld. Chrischona-Pilgermissionare
abandoned. Only a few months later G. under- in Äthiopien (1856–1868)”, Aethiopica 4, 2001, 121–57.
took a last attempt at evangelizing the Ethiopians Barbara Strebel
819
Gobaze
Gobaze ÷Dullay [÷Gébbi] stood on top of a hill with the town

climbing up its slopes” (Maurette 1906:144).
Gobäze Gäbrä Mädòén ÷Täklä Giyorgis II Däggaó LéŸul Sägäd was still living in the for-
tress, which, at an altitude of 3,020 m A.S.L.,
overlooked and controlled the town down below.
Gobba
With the imposition of the “Pax Aethiopica”, the
G. (Q+ , also Goba) is the capital of the G. wäräda authorities abandoned both gébbi and kätäma.
and the Bale zone within the Oromiyaa kéllél, In 1938, G. had a population of 3,000 inhabit-
housing the administrative and commercial servants (Guida 464) and in 1970, after the revolt was
ices of a still-remote highland region. It is located over, the figure stood at 11,776. In 1984, like the
at 2,500 m A.S.L., on a mountain pass between population of the Mändäyo awragga as a whole,
the upper ÷Wabi Šäbälle to the west and the it had doubled to 22,693 inhabitants. The 1987
basin of the Wälmäl and Wäyb rivers running administrative reform confined the Oromo-
east towards the Juba. Standing at the bottom populated territory of Bale to the highlands. The
of the Mount Batu range in the ÷Bale National 1991 federal partition kept these boundary lines,
Park, G. boasts a new touristic function due to but reduced Bale to the status of a “zone”. A few
its proximity to the Sof Omar caves in the Wäyb Oromo Liberation Front fighters have sought
valley. to settle in the mountains, but they seem to be
G. was the capital of the Bale region and of the a lesser threat than the fires which damaged the
÷Fasil/Mändäyo awragga from the late 1950s forests on the outskirts of the town in 2000. The
to 1991. It was not served by an all-weather expansion of G. has continued and the popula-
road until the mid-1960s, when the road from tion reached 38,089 inhabitants in 2000 and
Šašämänne was opened, while aeroplanes had to 46,106 in 2004, with an increase-rate higher than
land on a field in the middle of the town. Between the rest of the wäräda (CSA 2004). Administra-
1963 and 1970, following a rebellion of Oromo tive buildings, hotels and housing, both planned
farmers who had only survived precariously as and spontaneous, have gradually urbanized the
tenants since they were defeated by Ménilék’s former airfield.
troops, Òaylä Íéllase I’s government used G. as Src.: Office of the Population and Housing Census
a military base. The town, for a time, regained Commission, Ethiopia 1984. Population & Housing Cen-
the status of a fortified settlement, as it had been sus Preliminary Report, vol. 1, 1, Addis Ababa 1984; CSA
during the Šäwan conquest at the end of the 19th 2000; CSA 2004; Central Statistical Office, Results of
the National Sample Survey, 2nd round, vol. 5: Land Area
cent. (Dehérain 1931:56, 79; Gascon 1989). and Utilization, Addis Ababa 1975; EMAtlas.
In 1901, the du Bourg de Bozas scientific Lit.: Henri Dehérain, Figures coloniales françaises et
mission described it as a “a crowded sprawl of étrangères, Paris 1931, 56, 79; Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia:
huts housing a dense population … The ‘guébi’ Power and Protest. Peasants Revolts in the Twentieth
Century, Cambridge 1991; Jean Gallais, Une géogra-
phie politique de l’Éthiopie. Le poids de l’État, Paris 1989;
Alain Gascon, “Les ‘bastides’ d’Éthiopie. Les villes for-
tes de Menilek dans le sud de l’Éthiopie et l’urbanisation
contemporaine”, in: Florence Pinton (ed.), Tropiques.
Lieux et liens: florilège offert à Paul Pélissier et Gilles
Sautter, Paris 1989, 435–44; GasEth; Patrick Gilkes,
The Dying Lion. Feudalism and Modernisation in Ethio-
pia, London 1975; Guida 464; MesfAtlas2; MesfGeogr;
Fernand Maurette, Mission scientifique du Bourg de
Bozas, de la mer Rouge à l’Atlantique à travers l’Afrique
tropicale (octobre 1900-mai 1903), Paris 21906, 144.
Alain Gascon
Gobédra
G. (Q-;= , also Gobo Dura) is a prominent
200 m-high rocky ridge/hill area located ap-
proximately 4–6 km west of ÷Aksum, just north
of the main Aksum–Gondär road in Tégray. G.
contains a variety of archaeological sites rang-
820
Godinho, Nicolao
ing from Stone Age lithic scatter areas to post-

Aksumite settlement sites. Re-deposited Early
Stone Age (late Acheulian) and Middle Stone
Age lithic artefacts are documented at localities
on the north-eastern and southern flanks of G.
hill, suggesting early human occupation of the
zone. Several rock shelters and a number of
Late Stone Age lithic scatter areas recorded by
archaeological surveys in the early 1970s and
mid-1990s suggest a significant late-prehistoric
human presence at G. In 1974 the deepest strata
of a 4-m² test excavation of the “G. rock shelter”
on the southern side of G. hill revealed a Mode 4
long-blade lithic industry, which was dated by an
associated charcoal radiocarbon sample to 8,000
± 140 B.C. This Late Stone Age Mode 4 industry
is overlain by a microlithic industry with two
phases, the more recent of which is associated
with pottery and dates (via associated bone apa- Ethiopian/Eritrean Highlands: a Case Study from Aksum,
tite) to ca. 5,000 B.C. Non-carbonized seeds of Tigray, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University 1999; DAE
I, 73f., fig. 155; Joseph W. Michels, “Regional Political
finger-millet and a single camel tooth were found
Organization in the Axum-Yeha Area during the Pre-
in the earliest ceramic-bearing stratum of the G. Axumite and Axumite Eras”, in: PICES 10, 61–80; David
rock-shelter test excavation. However, a sub- W. Phillipson, “The Excavation of Gobedra Rockshelter,
sequent accelerator mass-spectrometry (AMS) Axum”, Azania 12, 1977, 53–82; Id. (ed.), The Monuments
date of the finger millet suggests that the seeds of Aksum: an Illustrated Account based on the work in A.D.
1906 of the Deutsche Aksum-Expedition …, Addis Ababa
are intrusive to the stratum and, rather, date to 1997, 160ff.; Id. – Andrew Reynolds, “The B.I.E.A. Exca-
the post-Aksumite period. Possible cattle faunal vations at Aksum, Northern Ethiopia, 1993–1995”, Azania
remains (genus Bos) were found in association 31, 1996, 99–147; Jillian B. Phillips – Jennifer P. Ford,
with pottery, microliths and scrapers in the up- “The Aksumite Quarries at Gobedra Hill and Adi Tsehafi”,
in: David W. Phillipson (ed.), Archaeology at Aksum,
per portion of the rock-shelter test excavation Ethiopia, 1993–97, London 2000, 229–46; David W. Phil-
and may date to the first millennium B.C. lipson – Jacke S. Phillips 1998, “Excavations at Aksum,
A number of other archaeological sites have 1993–96: a Preliminary Report”, JES 31, 1998, 2, 1–56.
been documented in and immediately adjacent Matthew C. Curtis
to G. A regional archaeological survey investiga-
tion performed in 1974 located 15 archaeological God-kings ÷Kingship, divine
sites dating from the pre-Aksumite, Aksumite,
and proto-Aksumite culture periods. Among Godinho, Nicolao
these sites are hamlets (less than 1ha) and village-
sized settlements (1–3ha), lithic workshops and G. (also Godigno, b. 1561, Lisbon, d. 7 December
elite residences. A large carving of a lioness on the 1616, Rome), albeit not a missionary, produced
face of a boulder at G. measures 3.27m long and the first comprehensive history of the ÷Jesuit
may date back to the Aksumite period. Research mission to Ethiopia. G. joined the Society of
performed in the mid-to-late 1990s suggests that Jesus in Coimbra when he was 14 years old. In
five ancient rock-quarry locations are also present this renowned University he taught Humanities,
at G. These quarries most likely provided raw Philosophy and Theology. Later he was called to
materials for the monolithic stone stelae of Ak- Rome, where he worked for his last ten years as
sum. In addition, some of the quarries may have censor of the works written by the Portuguese
provided material for building-blocks, lintels and Jesuits. In the papal capital he had access to the
ceiling- and paving- slabs used in the construction numerous accounts from the overseas missions,
of buildings in the Aksum area. among which were those coming from Ethiopia.
G. published in 1612 a history of Gonçalo da
Lit.: Francis Anfray, “L’archéologie d’Axoum en 1972”,
Paideuma 18, 1972, 60–78; Niall Finneran, Post-Pleis- Sylveira, a Jesuit missionary martyred in Mono-
tocene Socio-Economic Developments in the Northern motapa (Makaranga, nowadays Zimbabwe).
821
Godinho, Nicolao
Three years later, stimulated by the cartas an- and from the comparative notes of Cerulli (1929)
nuas he was encharged to revise and by ÷Urreta’s and Alemayehu Abebe (1993).
“anti-Jesuitic” diatribe (1609), G. issued his De The (common) Ometo five short vowels, i, u, e,
Abassinorum rebus (1615). This was a global o and a, and the longer counterparts of these are
Latin compilation of facts on “Abyssinia” and present in G. The consonant inventory includes
the Jesuit missionaries, the first of its kind, as until bilabial and alveolar implosives (¤ and ¦ ) and a
then this had only been partially treated by such series of ejectives and affricates (s, 1⁄4, ó, c, and q).
chroniclers as de ÷Barros or the historians of the Two morphological core cases are identified:
order, Giovanni Pietro Maffei and Fernão Guer- 1) the nominative, which is marked by -i on
reiro. The De Abassinorum rebus, in three books, masculine singular and all plural nouns and by
opens with an accurate overview chapter on all the -a on feminine nouns; 2) the absolutive, which
material so far published on Christian Ethiopia. is marked by –a on masculine singular and all
G. is particularly critical of ÷Sägga Zäýab’s Con- plural nouns and by –o on feminine nouns. The
fessio (s. Uhlig – Bühring 1994:49–52; ÷Góis) and Genitive is marked by juxtaposition, in posses-
Urreta’s book. 18 chapters follow, which contain sor-possessed order. Peripheral cases (“adposi-
extensive treatments of the geography, political tions”) include: instrumental –ra, Ablative –pe,
nature and structure of the “Abassinorum Imper- dative –s and locative bolla. Nouns are marked
ium”, as well as hints at flora and fauna. for plural-number (singular is unmarked) by the
With its 414 pages, the De Abassinorum rebus suffix –ta, e.g. ketta ‘house’ vs. kettata ‘houses’.
is an outstanding work, an intelligent summary The verb in G. makes person, number and
of the main informations Europe had so far gath- gender distinctions of the subject as well as im-
ered on the Ethiopian Christian kingdom, and an perfective, perfective and future tense/aspect dis-
example of the erudition and literary skills of the tinctions. For example, for b- ‘go’, the following
Jesuits. The work also provided Europe with perfective forms are reported: badsi, badsa, bidsi
some of the first references to Ethiopian literary and badsu, respectively, used with 1st, 2nd, and
works, such as the ÷Kébrä nägäít (Budge 1932: 3rd (masc./fem.) pers. sg. subject (‘I/you [sg.]/
xxxii). It can be seen as the starting point of the he/she went’). The plural counterparts of these
subsequent comprehensive accounts on Ethiopia are: bidsa, bidseta, bidsona ‘we/you[pl.]/they
by Manoel de ÷Almeida, Pedro ÷Paez, Alfonso went’. The imperfective form of b- ‘go’ differs
÷Mendes and others. from the perfective only by the absence of -d-,
Src.: Nicolau Godinho, De Abassinorum rebus, dèque thus: basi, basa, bisi, basu, bisa, biseta, bisona,
Æthiopiae Patriarchis Ioanne Nonio Barreto, & And- ‘I/you/he/she/we/you[pl.]/they go’. The future
rea Oviedo, libri tres, Lugduni 1615; Siegbert Uhlig
form is invariably marked by -ana. Accordingly,
– Gernot Bühring (eds.), Damian de Góis’ Schrift über
Glaube und Sitten der Äthioper, Wiesbaden 1994 (AeF baana, ‘will go’ is used with all subjects. 2nd pers.
39), 49–52 (tr.) = 90 (text). sg. and pl. imperative is indicated by -a and –ite,
Lit.: Carlos Sommervogel (ed.), Bibliographie de la Com-
pagnie de Jésus, vol. 2, Bruxelles – Paris 1892, 1520; Ernst
Alfred Wallis Budge (tr.), The Queen of Sheba and her
only Son Menyelek (i), London 11922 [²1932], xxxii.
Andreu Martínez
Gofa
Gofa language
G. belongs to the North-Ometo branch of
Omotic. It is spoken by 230,685 speakers in
south-west Ethiopia (CSA 1994). According
to Bender (2003), G. shares 100 % lexical cor-
respondence with Wälaytta and Gamo, 96 %
with Kullo and 94 % with Dorze. The only
published materials on G. are Moreno (1938)
and Alemayehu Abebe’s preliminary analysis,
published on the website of SIL. Data for the
present report are drawn from these two sources
822
Gofa
whereas the optative mood for 3rd pers. sg. masc.,

fem. and pl. are respectively marked by –oo, -uu
and –ona. Examples: ma ‘eat [2nd pers. sg.]!’,
mite, ‘eat [2nd pers. pl.]!’; moo, muu and mona,
‘let him/her/them eat!’.
The following subject, object and possessive
pronouns are reported for G.: tani/tana/ta (1st
pers. sg.), neni/nena/ne (2nd pers. sg.), ýi/ýa/ýa(3rd
pers. masc. sg), ýa/ýo/ýi (3rd pers. fem. sg.), nuni/
nuna/nu (1st pers. pl.), ýinte/ntena/ýinte (2nd pers.
pl.) and ýenti/ýentina/enti (3rd pers. pl.). Question
words in G. include: ýone, ‘who?’, ýays, ‘why?’,
ýode, ‘whose?’, ýawde, ‘when?’, ýawna, ‘where?’ Gofa landscape, view from Fälägä Néway; photo by Eike
and ýaybe, ‘what?’. Only two demonstrative Haberland, 1970–71, courtesy of the Frobenius Institut,
forms are reported in Alemayehu’s work: ha Frankfurt am Main (034–Ha007–08)
and hini, used as in ha miizza/miizzata, ‘this Zala (÷Gamo) people. The country is densely
cow/these cows’, hini miizza/miizzata, ‘that populated, and the highland area is well watered,
cow/those cows’. However, in Moreno (1938) providing fertile soils and good pasture for live-
we also find háysa, ‘this [masc.]’. stock. The G. keep a limited amount of livestock
The word order in simple clauses is Subject– and cultivate énsät, maize, tef, sorghum, taro,
Object–Verb; accordingly modifier-head order is yams, potatoes, tobacco and cabbage. Iron bars
attested in noun, adjective and verb phrases. An (margo) were used as an important means of ex-
example from Moreno (1938:71): change and could effectively be described as the
ta gú¿a macca naý-íya hayq-ana-s han-aus local ÷currency of the past.
1sg:GEN village fem. child-F:ABS die-FUT-DAT happen-3FS:IPF G. was a kingdom with a sacred or “divine”
‘In my village a girl is going to die’ king whose court was in Lote. Legitimacy for
Sample word-list of G. from Alemayehu (1993): this ÷kingship was based on claims of super-
‘one’ issino ‘moon’ agena natural origins from the Gošanaa, a trans-ethnic
‘two’ nammýa ‘sun’ awa clan also found among neighbouring peoples
‘three’ hee¿a ‘blood’ su1⁄4a like the Konta (Dawro). Though G. had contacts
‘fire’ tama ‘tongue’ in1⁄4arsa with the Ethiopian highland state and was partly
‘water’ ha1⁄4e ‘tooth’ aóóa inspired by its religious and kingship ideology,
÷Gamo Gofa G. was an independent state. Since the mid-17th
Lit.: Alemayehu Abebe, “Ometo Dialect Survey: a Pilot cent., G. notably expanded towards the south
Survey Report”, S.L.L.E. Linguistic Reports 4, 1993; Id., from its original core area of Wurki, near the
Notes on the Gofa Language, SIL 2005; M. Lionel Bend-
Omo River. Its biggest expansion, however, oc-
er, Omotic Lexicon and Phonology, Carbondale 2003;
Enrico Cerulli, “Note su alcune popolazioni Sidama curred after the late 18th cent. under the kings
dell’Abissinia meridionale 2: I Sidama dell’Omo”, RSO Gamo and Ole. The last king of the Gofa, kawo
12, 1929, 1–69; Martino Mario Moreno, Introduzione Kamma, who descended from a long royal line
alla lingua ometo, Milano 1938; CSA 1994. – Gamo, Goba, Zulla, Kansa, Dada and Quste,
Azeb Amha
– was killed fighting ase Ménilék II’s army in
Gofa ethnography 1891, and the expansion stopped. Kamma’s son
G. (QG ) is one of southern Ethiopia’s least- Ayge was baptized and became the local ÷balab-
known ethno-cultural groups that linguisti- bat. Also the other successors in the line, Loqa
cally forms part of the wider North Ometo unit and Sinsa, later served as representatives of the
(within Omotic). The 1994 Ethiopian census Ethiopian emperor.
mentions the G. as a subdivision of the Wälaytta, The old leadership-system of the G., like among
numbering 241,530 people (CSA 1998:67). The several related Ometo-speaking societies such as
population of the “Gofa Zuriya wärädä” (with the Dawro and Gamo, was marked by a dual
its capital Bulki) was listed at 166,050 (CSA structure with a “land chief” or king (kaýo or
1998:27), the vast majority of whom can be pre- kati) and a “rain king” (ira-kati) responsible for
sumed G. The G. region is bordered by the Omo rainfall, with the latter predominantly residing in
River and the ÷Dawro, ÷Malo, ÷Basketo and the lowlands (the former developed into the G.
823
Gofa
divine kingship). Each represented a different de-

scent-line within the dominant clan. The kati had
a range of advisers and administrators below him.
When G.’s existence as a political entity ended, the
position of the rain king increased in importance.
They were, however, prohibited from performing
their ritual activities during the Därg period, but
have staged a cautious revival since 1991.
G. was an hierarchical society, with the potters
(oto mana), tanners (wogatše) and blacksmiths
(gita mana) occupying the lowest ranks, despite
their importance in performing ritual functions.
The G. have ca. 60–70 patrilineal clans, six of
them “indigenous” and the remainder “new-
comers”. They had an intricate customary legal
(woga) system, which has now been largely su- The Gogäb river bridge, from Bieber 1948:127
perseded by modern state law. The G. (which some scholars identify with the
Src.: CSA 1998, 66. Gädäb of historiographic sources) had historical
Lit.: Eike Haberland, “Mündliche Überlieferungen über significance for Käfa kingdom as its northern
die Geschichte von Gofa”, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 100, border (with ÷Énnarya and later with the Gibe
1975, 27–39; Friedrich Klausberger, “Die Bedeutung
von Religion und Magie im Rechtsleben der Gofa”, Archiv
states, namely those of ÷Geeraa and ÷Gimma
für Völkerkunde 28, 1974, 45–59; Id., Woga – Recht und Ge- Abbaa Gifaar). After the ÷Oromo migration
sellschaft in Süd-Äthiopien, Bern 1981, 20–87 [“Die Gofa”]. of the 16th cent., the G. played a role as a line
Jon Abbink of defence against many intruders of the north,
particularly from the Oromo that occupied the
Gimma area during their south-westerly migra-
Gogäb tion. Many Oromo, on the other hand, fled to
The G. (QC-) is a major tributary of the ÷Omo. Käfa across the G. escaping internal rivalries and
It has its source in the north-western hills of wars. G. was also an important trade route for
Käfa (Mt. Geša or Gäsäya) at about 7° 30' N the ÷Afkala and ÷Gäbärti traders, in particular
and 35° 40' E. After flowing for about 230 km the former during the first decades of the 19th
eastwards, forming border between the Käfa and cent., enjoyed a near monopoly of the trade
Oromiyaa provinces, the G. joins the Omo. The beyond the G.
G. is home to ÷fish and ÷hippopotamus. A town One of the miracles of šayò ÷Husayn of Bale
on the G. northern shore bears the same name. tells that on his flight from Käfa to Gomma he
crossed the flooded G. by striking the waters
with his staff and dividing them.
Src.: GueCopMen 462, 581; MasMis vol. 5, 11; PerChron
33, 46, 48; DillmZarY 13; Guida 536; CecZeila vol. 2, 239.
Lit.: BTafA 251, 921f., 932, 935, 988; MHasOr 49, 56, 78ff.,
91, 115, 139f., 148, 155, 180, 192; Otto Bieber, Geheimnis-
volles Kaffa: Im Reich der Kaiser-Götter, Wien 1948, 127.
Amanuel Karlo Gano
Gogälä
A group called G., personified by the ÷Hadiyya
title ÷gärad, is referred to in the Chronicle of ase
÷Zärýa YaŸéqob. It is listed among the allies of the
Muslim Hadiyya leader Mahiko who revolted
against the rule of his Christian sovereign. After
Mahiko’s defeat, the G., unlike most other groups
of this alliance, do not seem to have persisted as
an important territorial or ethnic entity. The name
824
Goggam
is not remembered in the oral traditions of the

Hadiyya or neighbouring groups.
Src.: PerrZarY 18.
Ulrich Braukämper
Goggam
G. (QFz , also Gwäzzam, Gwäïïam or Goïïam)
is a major region of Ethiopia, immediately to the
south of Lake ÷Tana. It is separated from the
rest of the country in the north-east, east and
south by the immense curve of the ÷Abbay, or
Blue Nile, which takes its source around the lake
and, after running ca. 1,000 km in the deep gorge,
crosses the Sudanese border. To the west of Lake
Tana, the river Šinfa, a tributary of the Abbay,
rising some 15–20 km west of Lake Tana, forms
the border of G. with ÷Célga awragga (histori-
cal ÷Qwara). The landscape of the western part the river’s curve to the west. Occasionally,
of G. is shaped by the ÷Coqqe mountain chain Zan(a)kémér, who was ruling around 1323/24
(with the peaks of Arat Makaraka, 4,150 m and (TadChurch 191, n. 2, referring to a record in the
Amädamit, 3,619 m A.S.L.), which are intersect- 17th-cent. ms. Kebran 19), appears to have been
ed by the Abbay’s numerous tributaries. To the unfriendly to abba ÷Yafqérannä Égziý (Wajn-
east, the mountain slopes crossed by the ravines berg 1936:18f.). Gan Óuhay, the local íéyyum
of the Gélgäl Abbay (“Small Abbay”), Tämca, of the ÷Agäw, arrested abba ÷Zäyohannés and
Dura, Bäläs, Dinder and other rivers open into imprisoned him at Adämamit; but he was killed
the Sudanese plains. by the host of ŸAmdä Séyon (Schneider 1972:
The remarkable ethno-linguistic composition 15ff.). Wédém, another nägaíi of G., seems to
of the Goggame population is a product of sev- have greatly respected abba Yafqérannä Égziý
eral large-scale migrations and many centuries (Wajnberg 1936:24–27). The same Wédém is
of intermixing. At least as early as in the 14th likely to appear as a commander of troops from
cent., the name G. seems to refer to the eastern G. in the army of ŸAmdä Séyon (MarAmdS 114f.;
and south-eastern part of the later province only cp. TadChurch 192, n. 1, 2). The Vita of Näýak-
– the area along the Abbay, populated mainly by wéto Läýab mentions yet another traditional ruler
the Semitic- (Amharic-) speaking people who of G., Ìärä Qémés – a name “translated” by the
were migrating from beyond the Abbay. The hagiographer as ‘the enemy of God’ – and his son
account about ase ÷ŸAmdä Séyon’s campaign MäŸat Goni (s. Conti Rossini 1943:141). In fact,
against the Muslims mentions the nägaíi of Gog- “Ìärä Qémés” may be an epithet for Zankémér
gam (MarAmdS 52f.) as the monarch’s official in (TadChurch 191), but MäŸat Gone appears as
the area, possibly having submitted in ca. 1316–17 the “nägaíi of Gozzam” and a contemporary of
(TadChurch 189f.). Later, the troops from G. abunä ÷Bärtolomewos also in ase ÷Dawit II’s
were included in ŸAmdä Séyon’s army (MarAmdS decree concerning the commemoration of his
114–17), though he had to carry out a (punitive?) father Säyfä ArŸad (s. ms. Kebran 1, fol. 3ra).
campaign against G. before the campaign against Though in the 15th cent. “the proper G.” was
÷Ifat in 1332 (ibid. 86–89; TadChurch 190). Be- neither a political nor a religious centre of the
sides, one should recall also Zan Õémér of G. in Ethiopian monarchy, it certainly was one of the
the old-Amharic “soldier songs” (Guidi 1889: important provinces. In the 15th cent. royal gov-
62f.; Zankémér may also be an old title of the ernors were sent to G., but there was apparently
traditional G. rulers, cp. ibid., 64). a political equilibrium with the local ruling fam-
Around the same time, monks from the ily (perhaps represented by the nägaíi/nägaš).
monasteries on Lake Tana initiated the Evan- G. seems to have been relatively stable and less
gelization of the “proper G.” – the area from involved in the political upheavals. While the
Lake along the western bank of Abbay up to “proper G.” and the areas around Lake Tana
825
Goggam
were dependencies of the Christian monarchs, the source of the Nile – Géš (Gélgäl) Abbay, and
large territories to the west and southwest, may have origins in the old Agäw religious prac-
populated predominantly by the Agäw, were out tices (Kriss – Kriss-Heinrich 1975:56–66).
of the Emperor’s reach. Imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi’s troops in-
Attempting to unify and centralize the admin- vaded G. in 1534 and 1536, each time coming from
istration of the provinces, ase ÷Zärýa YaŸéqob Dämbéya. According to the Futuh al-Habaša,
appointed a governor with the title raq masäre Gregory (Gorgoryos?), the goggam nägaš, was
(÷Särag masäre) in G. and settled contingents of captured by the Muslims in the battle of Ayfärs
÷cäwa there; later he appointed over G. his rela- (31 March, 1531); he soon managed to fle but later
tive wäyzäro Asnaf Sämra (PerrZarY 15, 47, 95). was killed (BasHist 203, 205). Another goggam
When ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam revealed the plot of nägaš, Täklä Hawaryat, was also killed (BassHist
the cäwa-regiment of Tannac, he resettled them 264f.) while fighting in the south of the Empire.
from ÷Bale to G.; later he entrusted the future But on the whole, G. suffered from the wars less
emperor Éskéndér to Anbäsa Dawit, nägaš of G. than the other regions of the Empire due to its
(PerrZarY 160f.). However, Taddesse Tamrat (in: natural isolation through the Abbay.
PICES 12, vol. 1, 959) suggests that ase Hézbä After the Muslim wars, the first consequence
Näñ (÷Täklä Maryam), might have had sub- of the large-scale migrations of the ÷Oromo
stantial support through family ties in eastern during the Mulýata gadaa (1578–86) was the
G., unlike his successor Zärýa YaŸéqob. When resettlement of portions of the “old” ÷Damot
Hézbä Näñ was enthroned, he brutally punished population across the Abbay, establishing the
abba Sinoda of Däbrä Sémmuna as a supporter “new” Damot. They were followed by some
of Zärýa YaŸéqob. other Omotic-speaking communities (such as the
Although 15th-cent. hagiographies sometimes ÷Gonga) and the ÷Gafat people, who settled,
mention G. as a region where the spread of apart from the territory that became known as
÷Christianity was hampered by the deeply Gafat, also in ÷Wämbärma, ÷Aóäfär and Damot
rooted traditional beliefs and magical prac- (MHasOr 50f.). In 1587, ase Íärsä Déngél struck
tices, important monasteries, churches and royal a heavy blow on the Warantiša Oromo (History
residences were established there. Gonó (Gong) of the Galla, in: BeckHuntAlm 122; CRHist 127;
and ÷Qwälala were the old domain of étege DombrChr 186) who penetrated deeply into G.
÷Éleni while her residence was at the church territory. Later the emperors utilized G. in their
of Mängéítä Sämayat. Later, étege Säblä Wängel campaigns across the Abbay, but from the late
hid the young Íärsä Déngél there from the rebel- 16th cent. onwards Oromo pressure was grow-
lious nobles. Mängéítä Sämayat still was a royal ing. As the centre of the Christian monarchy
residence in the time of ase ÷Minas. The church moved to the Lake Tana, the situation in G. was
of ÷Mértulä Maryam (in Énnäbäse) was founded more stable than in the southern provinces.
– or rather refounded – perhaps around 1510 by The emperors were frequently successful
étege Éleni (s. Bell 1988), who is reported to have in their fight against the Oromo, though the
been associate to the local nobles of Énnämay and raids could not be stopped for all. In 1603 ase
Énnäbse (Taddesse Tamrat in: PICES 12, vol. 1, ÷Zädéngél defeated the Liiban in G. (Dom-
959). Other local foundations were ÷Getesemane brChr 189; yet it was also in G. that ras Zäíéllase
Maryam (in Mota, traced to ÷NaŸod Mogäsa, but organized a mutiny against the Emperor, ibid.,
probably not prior to the 15th cent.), ÷Däbrä n. 284). Ase ÷Susényos undertook expeditions
Mäwiý (Yélmana Densa), ÷Dima Giyorgis (Én- against the ÷Aw¡i-Agäw of Dangéla and also
nämay, ÷Béóena) and Däbrä Sémmuna. While against the Oromo, who regularly invaded G.
÷Däbrä Wärq (and then a few other monasteries) The stone bridge over the Abbay, built around
claimed affiliation to abba ÷Ewostatewos and 1626, improved communications between G.
the movement of the ÷Ewostateans, most local and Dämbéya, the royal domain, yet some time
foundations considered themselves to belong to around 1628 the Oromo killed däggazmaó Buko,
the monastic line of ÷Täklä Haymanot; as early sähafe lam of Damot (DombrChr 195). Already
as the 16th cent. ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa exerted Zädéngél’s campaign against the Liiban demon-
some direct influence on the south-eastern part strated a new pattern: having fought the Liiban,
of G., in Šäbäl (EMML 2134, fol. 139). Among Zädéngél led his troops against Agäw Anbäs
few Goggame saints, the most celebrated is abunä Gama, to reward the soldiers with booty. While
÷Zärýa Buruk of Sima, whose cult pivots around the Oromo danger remained vital, this event
826
Goggam
marked the extension of the Christian monarch’s in October 1707 (DombChr 245).
power into the Agäwland, which was intensi- From the 18th cent. onwards, the ruling fam-
fied during the reign of ase ÷Fasilädäs. One can ily of G. became prominent, stemming from
recall, e.g., the combined campaigns of 1639–41, the marriage of ÷Wälättä Ésraýel (daughter of
with the invasions led into ÷Mätäkkäl behind Méntäwwab [÷Bérhan Mogäsa] and grazmaó
the Agäwmédér and Dura rivers and repeated Iyasu, son of ase Iyasu I) and däggazmaó
attacks against the ÷Šanqélla (÷Šinašša), further ÷Yosedeq Wäldä Abib, obviously of Basso-
to the west of the Agäw. In 1644 Fasilädäs went Oromo origin (GuiIyas 12; BTafA 426–29, 994).
through the entirety of G. and crossed the Ab- His son daggazmaó (later ras) ÷Òaylu Yosedeq
bay, successfully fighting the Akako-Oromo; “the Great” was one of the principal rulers of the
in 1645 he defeated the Hankäša-Agäw and re- ÷Zämänä mäsafént. Ras Òaylu’s son ÷Märéd
turned to ÷Zage, Tana (DombChron 199). The died in 1799, fighting, along with ras ŸAírat, the
later Gondärine emperors intensified their raids latter’s brother ras ÷Wäldä Gäbréýel – an event
against the Agäw: in 1671–72 ase ÷Yohannés I in- which endorsed the establishment of the ÷Yäggu
vaded Mätäkkäl, pillaging Dén, Säqut, Banga and dynasty’s direct influence in Gondär. Märéd was
Gam, and repeated the raid in 1672 when he learnt succeeded by his son däggazmaó Gwalu, who was
that the Agäw of Cara and Mätäkkäl rebelled. waging war with däggazmaó ÷Zäwde of Damot.
However, in 1680 “Óéhway, chief of Mätäkkäl”, After Tädla Gwalu, G. was ruled by däggazmaó
together with some Oromo, was dispatched by ÷Goššu Zäwde, son of Dénqénäš, daughter of
the King to raid the Šanqélla (GuiIohan 14f., 17, Märéd, until he fell in November 1852, fight-
46). In the Chronicle of ÷Iyasu I, Óéhway is ing däggazmaó Kaía, the future ÷Tewodros II.
depicted as the King’s true servant, providing a Tewodros appointed over G. Tädla Gwalu, who
secure base for his campaign against the Šanqélla soon rebelled. Adal Täsämma (since January
and Gonga (GuiIohan 114, 142, 178, esp. 225). 1881 known also as néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot)
Some Oromo groups remained in G. and in was the great-grandson of Dénqénäš, in child-
the next two centuries were gradually involved hood being cared at by Tädla Gwalu, who, in
in the politics of the ÷Gondärine kingdom, al- fact, was never subdued by Tewodros. Already
lying with the emperors and fighting in their the age of 19, Adal started to fight Tädla, enjoy-
campaigns, but sometimes participating in the ing popular support, especially in Damot.
mutinies against them or in feuds. They were After the short reign of däggazmaó Néguíe
gradually assimilated, intermixing with the (one of Tädla’s sons), prolonged rebellion and
Amhara, Agäw and Gafat: the Gawi of Damot, a number of battles, Adal Täsämma captured
Basso, Gudru, Mäcca and Elmana Densa. The däggazmaó Dästa, Tädla’s other son, and de-
flourishing of the Gondärine kingdom influ- livered him to ase ÷Täklä Haymanot II. Adal
enced G.: new churches and monasteries were Täsämma was than appointed governor of the
built, especially around Lake Tana; e.g., after entire of G., and married the Emperor’s sister in
successful campaigns, Fasilädäs founded Gémga 1870. He was loyal to ase Yohannés IV too, grad-
Bet (Maryam) and Iyäsus churches in Dérdéra ually becoming the most powerful local ruler of
and gave large land grants to ÷Däbrä Daga Ésti- Ethiopia. This brought him to serious rivalry
fanos and ÷Kébran (DombrChr 200). ÷Yébaba with Ménilék of Šäwa, also in the matter of ter-
on the southern cost of Lake Tana became the ritorial expansion (cp. ÷Däräso Tabo, ÷Gobäna
place of important church councils. In the 18th Daci), which culminated in the 1882 battle of
cent., however, the political struggle in Gondär ÷Émbabo. After defeat, he withdrew and spent
and religious controversies in which G. remained some years consolidating the administration of
the fortress of the ÷Qébat movement (÷Chris- his realm, building his capital ÷Däbrä Marqos
tology; ÷Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahédo (÷Dämbäca and ÷Mota being two other impor-
Church) started to charge G. with heavy costs. tant settlements) and churches and improving
After Iyasu I’s assassination on 10 October 1706, the state of trade and communications (e.g., the
the bridge of Fasilädäs was destroyed by the ad- second bridge across the Abbay was constructed,
versaries of ase ÷Täklä Haymanot I. He himself with the help of Gustavo ÷Bianchi, cp. Guidi
was killed in Agäwmédér only two years later, 1891:285–91). Due to the isolated position of
this having been preceded by an almost full-scale G., communications with the European powers
war and the defeat and massacre of the allied were somewhat difficult. The position of Täklä
forces of Täklä Haymanot’s Goggame enemies Haymanot deteriorated after his unsuccessful
827
Goggam
campaign against the ÷Mahdists (followed by Iyäsus Waqgera, Ph.D. thesis, SOAS University of London
the destruction of Gondär in January 1888). 1991; Ignazio Guidi, “Le canzoni geez-amariña in onore
di Re abissini”, RRALm ser. 4a, 5, 1889, 55–66, here 62f.;
Angered, Yohannés invaded G., but had to inter- Id., “Documenti amariña”, ibid. 7, 1891, 285–300; GuiIohan
rupt his punitive expedition to go to ÷Mätämma 14f., 17, 46, 114, 142, 178, 225f., 236 (text); GuiIyas; HamTa-
for his last battle (Bairu Tafla 1973). As to Täklä na I, 84–91, Tanasee 1 = Kebran 1, fol. 3ra; 126, ms. Tanasee
Haymanot, he managed to preserve his authority 19 = Kebran 19; HuntGeogr s. index; MarAmdS 51f., 85f.,
114–17, 133f., 161f.; PerrZarY 15, 47, 95, 160f.; PerChron;
and the status of G. also in Ménilék II’s time.
Madeleine Schneider, Actes de Za-Yohannes de Kebran,
During a period of instability in the time of ras Louvain 1972 (CSCO 332, 333 [SAe 64, 65]), 15–17 [text] =
÷Bäzzabbéh Täklä Haymanot, Ménilék made 14–17 (tr.); Isaak Wajnberg, Das Leben des Hl. Jafqerana
cautious attempts to dismantle the large prov- ýEgziý, Roma 1936 (OrChrA 106), 18f., 24–27.
ince, but due to his illness he could not complete Lit.: Abdussamad Hajji Ahmad, Gojjam: Trade, Early
Merchant Capital and the World Economy, 1901-1935, Ph.D.
this task. Ras ÷Òaylu Täklä Haymanot, one of thesis, University of Illinois 1986; Sevir B. Chernetsov,
the most controversial figures in Ethiopian his- Efiopskaja feodalnaja monarhija v XVII veke (‘The Ethio-
tory, was able to consolidate his power over the pian Feudal Monarchy in the 17th Century’), Moskva 1990,
entire province of G. (with a population of ca. 2 s. index; Stephen Bell, “The Ruins of Mertulä-Maryam”,
in: PICES 8, vol. 1, 125–29; Alessandro Lusana, “L’Ace-
million) in lég ÷Iyasu’s reign. A powerful and
fer e il Meccià”, Gli Annali dell’Africa Italiana 1, 2, August
cruel ruler, he accumulated immense wealth, but 1938, 595–615; Rudolf Kriss – Hubert Kriss-Heinrich,
was hated because of his heavy and sophisticated Volkskundliche Anteile in Kult und Legende äthiopischer
taxation. Òaylu was engaged in a strategic game Heiliger, Wiesbaden 1975, here 56–81 (Lit.); Taddesse
with ras Täfäri Mäkwännén; his strategic miscal- Tamrat, “Ethiopia in Miniature: the Peopling of Gojam”,
in: PICES 12, vol. 1, 951–62; TadTChurch, s. index; Bairu
culation led him to participate in the attempt to Tafla, “Two of the Last Provincial Kings of Ethiopia”, JES
organize lég Iyasu’s escape, which resulted in 11, 1, 1973, 29–55; MHasOr, s. index; ZewYohan, s. index;
Òaylu’s deposition and imprisonment in 1931. BZHist 173ff., s. index; Gebru Tareke, Ethiopia: Power
Subsequent events demonstrated that G. is and Protest: Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century, Ox-
ford 1991 (African Studies Centre 71), 160–92.
much more than its ruling house. During the
Denis Nosnitsin
Italian occupation, G. soon became an area
where the ÷Resistance raged, producing such
outstanding leaders as daggazmaó ÷Bälay Gogot
Zälläqä, and the guerrillas managed to keep large G. is the term that comes from the Sélteñña
territories out of Italian control. In January 1941 language where it means “alliance for waging
Òaylä Íéllase I entered Ethiopia through G. and war between ethnic groups” (Gutt — Hussein
went to Addis Abäba via Däbrä Marqos. How- Mohammed 1997:813).
ever, soon the joy at the Liberation gave place to The decline of the central power during the
bitterness and resentment, as in the subsequent Zämänä mäsafént (ca. 1769–1855) affected also
years the population of G. witnessed exploitation the ÷Gurage region. Quarrels regarding the
and a growing tax burden, as well as arrogance, usage of land, cattle-raiding and religious cam-
corruption and large-scale abuses by the police paigns yielded a situation of ongoing warfare
and imperial administrators (such as däggazmaó between the several Gurage groups and between
÷Sähayu Énqwä Íéllase, the governor of G. in the Gurage and their neighbours (s. Dénbäru
1960–68). The imperial officials were tighten- Alämu et al. 1987 A.M.:216f.).
ing their grip on the province (formed, in the In the second half of the 19th cent. ÷Ménilék II
early 1960s, by Agäw Médér, Bahér Dar, Béóäna, used these quarrels in his expansion policy to-
Däbrä Marqos, Mota and Métékkél awraggas), wards the south and started to rule in this area.
considering it one of the most independent and At least at this time Gurage elders and famous
obstinate regions. This state of affairs resulted warriors (bearing the title of abägaz) from sev-
in prolonged peasant revolts that reached their eral subdivisions of the Gurage started to strug-
peak in 1968–69 and, in the end, contributed to gle for a unified Gurage people and the establish-
the fall of Òaylä Íéllase’s regime. ment of peace in the area. The Késtane (÷Soddo)
Src.: BasHist, s. index; BeckHuntAlm, s. index; BTafA, s. Solla Odda (also Sill Odda) played an important
index; ChTana passim; DombrChr 186, 189, 195, 200; Car- role among them. Probably at the end of the 19th
lo Conti Rossini, “Gli Atti di Re Naýaku<to La-ýAb”, in:
Scritti dedicati alla memoria di Francesco Gallina, Roma cent. Solla Odda persuaded most of the Gurage
1943 (= Annali IUO, nuova ser. 2); EMML 2134; Girma to take part in a peace assembly (Dénbäru Alämu
Getahun (ed., tr.), The Goggam Chronicle by aläqa Täklä et al. 1994/95:218). The first assembly of all Gur-
828
Gogot
age-speaking groups – except the ÷Mäsqan and ond language by other Gurage peoples and due
÷Sélti, who were quarrelling on border matters to this sociolinguistic situation it belongs to the
at that time – took place at the Mulg plateau endangered languages of Ethiopia.
in Mount Zäbidar in the bordering area of the G. is a Gunnän-Gurage language but its ge-
÷Dobbi and ÷Muòér (ibid. 218). This assembly netic affiliation is still controversial (cf. ÷Gurage
was named G. (ibid. 219). languages). According to Hetzron (1972:119) G.
The main result of this assembly was a treaty to and Soddo build a subgroup within the n-group
stop the mutual raids. If now one group tried to of Outer South Ethiopic, which is relatively
invade its neighbour’s territory, all of the remain- far from the Western Gurage languages. Les-
ing members of the G. alliance had the duty to lau (1992 [1968]:248), however, classifies G.,
punish the invader (Dénbäru Alämu et al. 1994/ Muòér and Mäsqan together as one branch of
95:218f.). This treaty was re-established during a Western Gurage. Based on typological features,
second assembly in Boïïäbär and again during a especially on the survival of the so-called main
third meeting in Atazo in the ÷Geto region (ibid. verb markers, Hetzron (1968; 1972:6, 57ff.; 1977:
219). The last G. assembly, known as the “Big 23f.) postulates a convergence area consisting of
Gogot”, was held in ÷Énnäqor in 1928 A.M. Soddo, Muòér and G., which he called Northern
[1935/36 A.D.]. All Gurage groups, as well as the Gurage. Furthermore, Grimes (2000:109ff.) clas-
neighbouring Hadiyya, Allaaba, Kambaata, Qa- sifies Késtane and G. together as two varieties of
beena and the Amhara governors or representa- a single Soddo Gurage group.
tives took part in it. Beside the reconfirmation of G. has seven vowels (ä, a, e, é, i, o, u) and two
the peace treaty in the Gurage area, possibilities vowel clusters (eyä, eya; Leslau 1979:xvi). The
of resistance against the Italian invaders were vowel clusters emerged due to the phonetic
also discussed (ibid. 219ff.). After the last as- reduction of the lateral *l to ey in base-final posi-
sembly no further meeting of the G. took place tion, as in däbbey-ä ‘add, repeat’ < *dbl (Leslau
but as a term G. is sometimes used also for later 1979:liii; also Hetzron 1977:76). With regard to
military alliances.The existence of G. as a unifica- consonants, the existence of rounded labials (bw,
tion alliance of different Gurage groups and their fw, mw) and velars (gw, kw, qw, xw) is remarkable.
neighbours is not commonly accepted. Except In some verbs a diachronic change from gemi-
Dénbäru Alämu (1994/95) only Braukämper nated ll to n(n) took place (s. Hetzron 1968:157),
(BrHad 185) mentions the G. alliance. e.g. bänna-m < *bälla-m ‘he ate’ vs. ýambeya <
Lit.: BrHad 185; DÉnbäru Alämu et al., QQMz YL=Oy *ýan-bäla ‘he did not eat’. The sound change
-h:A-y K<ly +Ws!y <#< (Gogot: yägurage béòeräsäb from *l to n also occurred with the benefactive
tarik, bahélénna qwanqwa, ‘Gogot: the History, Culture and complement suffix (-n- < *-ll-) and with the
Language of the Gurage People’), Wälqite 1987 A.M. [1994/ negative marker in the perfective (ýan- < *ýal-; s.
95 A.D.] 218−21; Eeva H.M. Gutt − Hussein Moham-
med, Siltýe–Amharic–English Dictionary (with a Concise Hetzron 1968:157, 162; 1972:121; 1977:40).
Grammar by Ernst-August Gutt), Addis Ababa 1997. The so-called main verb markers (MVM) are
Ronny Meyer a remarkable feature in the morphosyntax. They
are suffixed to a main affirmative verb in the
perfective and imperfective to make it finite. The
Gogot shape of the MVM (-i, -u or -n) is phonologically
G. (or Goggot) is the name used by linguists (s. conditioned (Hetzron 1968:158f., 1977:88ff.).
Grimes 2000; Hetzron 1977; Leslau 1979) for the The verb can appear in three different paradigms
language spoken by the ÷Dobbi, who refer to that are basically used to express a perfective, an
their language as yädobbi qal or yädobbi qwanqwa imperfective and a jussive/imperative (Hetzron
(‘language of the Dobbi’; s. map for ÷Gurage). 1977:83ff.). G. has an innovative suffix -nä as an
The name G. originates from a unity-treaty of additional marker for the 1st pers. in the imperfec-
several Gurage groups. Alternative names are tive and jussive (s. Hetzron 1972:119ff.). Subject
Däga-Dobbi, Dobbi-Gogot. G. is spoken by agreement markers distinguish gender in the sec-
approximately 4,000 people (Grimes 2000) in ond and third persons singular and plural. There
an area west of Butagira. The entire population are two sets (light and heavy) of object agreement
is bilingual. Besides G. they know ÷Muòér, markers on the verb (Hetzron 1968:161).
÷Wäläne, ÷Soddo or ÷Mäsqan and also ÷Am- While affirmative type A verbs in the perfec-
haric as second languages. G. is not used as sec- tive have a geminated second radical, negative
829
Gogot
type A verbs do not geminate (säccä-m, ‘he A gender distinction seems only to exist in
drank’/ýan-säcä, ‘he did not drink’). Type B regard to humans. Female animals agree with the
verbs are either marked by a vowel e after the 3rd person masculine on the verb: ýénnam-i ýäga
first radical (seffä-m, ‘he sewed’) or by a palatal- yé-säc-u (cow-the water 3sg.masc.-drink:IPV-
ized radical word initially or medially (Hetzron MVM) ‘The cow is drinking water’.
1977:70). The negative marker for the 3rd sg. Demonstrative pronouns do not distinguish
masc., for the 3rd pers. pl. masc., and for the 3rd gender. The pronoun zi refers to near and za to
pl. fem. in the imperfective and jussive, is ýe-: far object(s) or individual(s): zi méss, ‘this man’,
ýe-säbér, ‘he will not break’. All other persons za mišt, ‘that woman’. Plural can be optionally
have the negative marker ýa(n)-, which assimi- marked by prefixing nä- to the respective demon-
lates to the prefixed subject marker: ýattésäbér strative pronoun: näzi ýénšéta, ‘these women’.
(< *ýan-t-säbér), ‘she/you [sg.masc.] will not The present tense copula consists of an ele-
break’ (Hetzron 1977:87). The main verb in the ment -n(ä)- with suffixed agreement markers
affirmative perfective can either appear with suf- (s. Hetzron 1977:105). In the 3rd pers. sg. masc.
fixed MVMs to express a perfective (e.g. säbbäro no agreement marker appears: kwa näggade-n
< *säbbärä-u, ‘he broke’) or with a suffix -m to (he trader-COP), ‘he is a trader’. For the nega-
express a perfect (säbbärä-m ‘he has broken’; s. tive the verb kwänä ‘to be’ is used in the negated
Hetzron 1968:158f). The suffix -m is also used as perfective: kiya näggade ýan-kwän-ät (she trader
converb marker. NEG-be:PV-3sg.fem.), ‘She is not a trader’.
With regard to nouns there seems to be no Question words can appear as basic inter-
morphological plural marking. The plural mark- rogative pronouns (méýe ‘what’, ma ‘who’, ýet(t)
er -oóó mentioned in Hetzron (1977:52) is most ‘where (direction)’, mäóä ‘when’) or as derived
probably an Amharicism. Plural is often indicated forms (yä-ma ‘whose’, yä-méýe ‘why’, mén-käm
by the quantifier béïïä, ‘many’: béïïä säb (many ‘how’, b-et(t) ‘where’). The basic word list con-
man), ‘men’. Some nouns and adjectives, how- tains the following items: one ýatt / quna, ‘two’
ever, mark plurality by reduplication: gälléf (sg.) òwett, ‘three’ sost, ‘fire’ ýésat, ‘water’ ýäga, ‘sun’
vs. gällalléf (pl.), ‘long’ or gobbe (sg.) vs. gobbabit cet, ‘moon’ tärraqqa, ‘blood’ däm, ‘tongue’ ýal-
(pl.), ‘brother’. Certain nouns have a lexical plural lämät and ‘tooth’ sénn.
form, e.g., there exist different words for singular There exists no comprehensive grammar of
and plural of the same entity, e.g. tékä (sg.)/denga the language. However, there is some scattered
(pl.), ‘child’ (Hetzron 1977:53). information available, especially in Hetzron
The definite article is a suffix -i. The accusa- (1968, 1972 and 1977) and Leslau (1979 and 1992
tive marker is an optional prefix yä-: käbbädä [1968]; 1979:531ff. contains a word list on G.).
yä-ýalmaz wäddä-na-m (K. ACC-A. love:PV: The only published texts in G. are three folktales
he-her-PF), ‘Käbbädä has been loving Almaz’. (s. Hetzron 1977:158–67).
This prefix functions also as genitive and dative Src.: interview with Tärräfä Täfäri, G. native speaker
from Butagira, ca. 52 years old in 2001.
marker (Hetzron 1977:54). Lit.: Barbara F. Grimes (ed.), Ethnologue: Languages of
The basic word order is Subject–Object–Verb. the world, online version 2000; Robert Hetzron, The
Genitives, relative sentences as well as adjectives Gunnän-Gurage Languages, Napoli 1977; Id., Ethiopian
precede the head noun. There are prepositions Semitic: Studies in Classification, Manchester 1972; Id.,
“Main Verb-markers in Northern Gurage”, Africa 38, 2,
and postpositions. The preposition bä is used 1968, 156–72; Wolf Leslau, “Toward a Classification of
to express both locality ‘in, inside, from’ (e.g. the Gurage Dialects”, in: Id., Gurage Studies: Collected
bä-bet, ‘inside the house’) as well as the instru- Articles, Wiesbaden 1992 [1968], 246–59; Id., Etymological
mental (bä-qällät, ‘with the spear’). A preposi- Dictionary of Gurage (Ethiopic), vol. 3, Wiesbaden 1979,
xv–xcii, 531–618.
tional phrase can be also marked by using post-
Ronny Meyer
positions: bä-bet-kuta ýiftlift (from-house-his in
front), ‘in front of his house’, bä-óéban-i mwärä
(from-pillar-the around), ‘around the pillar’. Di- Goha Sébah
rection is expressed by a circumposition tä-…-t, G.S. (QUy e+W , ‘The Dawn’) is a book written
‘towards’: tä-gäbäya-t, ‘to the market’. and published in 1919 A.M. [1926/27 A.D.] by
The personal pronouns for the third persons blattengeta ÷Òéruy Wäldä Íéllase. With 294
are: ‘he’ kwa, ‘she’ kiya/kya, ‘they (fem.)’ kén- pages, the work is composed of eleven major
näma and ‘they (gender unmarked)’ kénnämw. sections. In the preface, the author lauds the
830
Góis, Damião de
quest for knowledge through the reading of and Renaissance humanist, was the author of one
diverse books, idea that forms the foundation of of the first comprehensive narratives on Ethio-
the entire work. pian Christianity.
The title can be said to reflect Òéruy’s view The son of Rui Dias de Góis and Isabel de
of the epoch in which he lived: the opening of a Limi, of Flemish origin, G. was born to a noble
new era. He used it in other ocasions: in a literary family serving the Portuguese kings – his grand-
journal he published in 1917 and that knew only father, Gomes Dias de Góis, had been in the en-
one issue (Pank Econ 677); in the establishment tourage of Prince Henry the Navigator. In 1511,
of the Goha Sébah printing press, that he helped G. joined the service of Dom ÷Manuel I, first as
to found (MolLit 18); in the paper entitled Atbiya page and later as moço da câmara. In 1523, Dom
Kokäb, which was run by the well-known Greek ÷João III sent him to Ambers as secretary and
Kavvadias (÷Greece, relations with). treasurer of the Portuguese feitoria (commercial
The various essays in each section of the office). Thereafter, carrying out different mis-
book deal with an assortment of worldly and sions for that king and guided by his curious and
spiritual issues of seminal importance to the open mind, G. travelled widely (Poland, Lithua-
author. Chapter one deals with Genesis, the Ten nia, Denmark, Germany, Sweden, France, Italy)
Commandments, the six commandments of the and met important figures, including Sebastian
Gospels (Matt 5:21–24), and the books consid- Münster, Erasmus – who entertained him in
ered holy in the Orthodox Church. Chapter two Freiburg, – Ramusio, Melanchthon, Luther, Al-
deals with an assortment of religions and beliefs, brecht Dürer, Joan Lluís Vives and Pietro Bembo;
including matters concerning: prayer, fasting, in Portugal he was a friend of the writers João
ségdät (‘genuflection’), alms, love, téhténna de ÷Barros and André de Resende. G. attended
(‘modesty’), and férhat (‘fear of God’). The courses at the Universities of Louvain and Padua,
third chapter concentrates on the palace and the wrote on a variety of topics (e.g., the condition
church. Numerous issues are addressed in the of the Laponians) and translated some classical
fourth chapter: a brief history of Constantine’s works (including Cicero’s Cato maior or De
life and the feud between Christians and pagans, senectute) into Portuguese. He was also a com-
the power and honour of bishops, the education poser with some musical pieces to his credit and
and the knowledge of the kings, the light of the the owner of a private collection of paintings.
Gospel, and marriage and hermitage. Chapter At the request of his friend Johannes Magnus
five focuses on married life and issues related (Gothus), archbishop of Uppsala, G., always
to fertility. Matters associated with spiritual and interested in the Portuguese overseas exploits,
bodily health, the idea of rulers and the ruled in translated into Latin a Portuguese opuscle on
this world, the merits and demerits of health, and ÷Mateus’s embassy to Portugal. The translation
the value of good and bad news are treated in the appeared, without his consent, in 1532 in the
sixth chapter. The seventh deals with the natural book Legatio Magni Indorum Imperatoris Pres-
tasks of animals, while the eighth covers issues byteri Ioannis (Góis 1532; s. 1540:16f.), which
pertaining to the nature of growth and change also included a summary of Ethiopia’s faith and
in both knowledge and ignorance. Chapter nine the famous “Letter of Prester John”: i.e. ÷Éleni’s
addresses slavery and being black, and the tenth letter to Dom Manuel I (1509). John More, the
chapter concerns the futility of worldly life. The son of another “utopianist”, Thomas More, pro-
last chapter is about the reward of Heaven, the duced an English edition of it (London 1533; the
punishment of damnation, and the place where two are published in Blackburn 1967; s. Uhlig
one performs penance and purgatory. – Bühring 1999:31, note 59).
Src.: ÒÉruy Wäldä ÍÉllase, QUy e+W (Goha Sébah, ‘The In 1533, during an official visit to Lisbon, G.
Dawn’), Addis Abäba 1919 A.M. [1926/27 A.D.]. met and befriended ÷Lébnä Déngél’s envoy
Lit.: MolLit 1–27; PankEcon 677–84. ÷Sägga Zäýab (Góis 1926, part III, chs. 40–41).
Fekade Azeze
The latter engaged himself in writing a treatise
on the Ethiopian faith that G. should translate
into Latin. The text, an extraordinary and solid
Góis, Damião de defence of Ethiopia’s religious traditions, reached
G. (also Goes; b. 1502, Alenquer, Portugal, d. 30 G. in Padua, where he studied from 1534 to 1540
January 1574), agent of the Portuguese crown (Góis 1926, part III, ch. 40), and was published
831
Góis, Damião de
was opened against him – he was soon acquited,

though. Likewise, Jesuit historians like ÷God-
inho and ÷Tellez openly refuted Säga Zäýab’s
religious contentions as “false” and “heretical”.
In 1548, G. was named head keeper (“guarda
mor”) of the Torre do Tombo (Royal Archives)
and ten years later was entrusted by Cardinal Dom
Henrique to write the chronicle of Manuel I’s
reign. The work, completed in some seven years,
was his major achievement. It unfolds further
details on Christian Ethiopia and the Portuguese
relationships with the Solomonic dynasty (Góis
1926, part III, chs. 58–62). In 1571, a new inquis-
itorial process opened against G., who was then
sent to jail. He died shortly after, free but ill, in
obscure conditions. G. had eight sons.
Src.: Damião de Góis, Legatio Magni Indorum impera-
toris Presbyteri Ioannis ad Emanuelem Lusitaniae regem
…, Antwerp 1532 [new ed. in: Elizabeth B. Blackburn,
“The Legacy of ‘Prester John’”, Moreana 4, 1967, 37–98];
Id., Fides, religio, moresque Aethiopum : sub imperio Pretiosi
Ioannis …, Lovanii 1540 [German tr. by Siegbert Uhlig
– Gernot Bühring, Damian de Góis’ Schrift über Glaube
Possible portrait of Damião de Góis attributed to und Sitten der Äthiopier, Wiesbaden 1999 (AeF 39), esp. 22–
Albrecht Dürer, Österreichische Staatsgalerie Albertin, 52, 164]; Id., Crónica do Felicíssimo Rei D. Manuel, Lisboa
from Hirsch 1967, frontispiece 11566–67, ²1619, Coimbra 1926, part III, chs. 58–62.
Lit.: Jean Aubin, “Damião de Góis dans une Europe

in 1540 as the main section of his famous Fides, Évangelique”, in: Id., Le latin et l’astrolabe, Lisboa – Paris
religio, moresque Aethiopum (Góis 1540:54–88). 1996, 211–35; Marcel Bataillon, “Le cosmopolitisme
In the book, Éleni’s letter to Dom Manuel I de Damião de Góis”, in: Id., Etudes sur le Portugal au
was reprinted, along with four other missives temps de l’humanisme, Coimbra 1952, 149–96; Id., “Dam-
of Lébnä Déngél (1521, 1524) translated from ião de Góis”, in: Marcel Bataillon – Jose V. de Pina
Martins (eds.), Damião de Góis: humaniste européen,
their Portuguese version by the Italian human- Paris 1982, 1–16; Jorge Borges de Macedo, “Damião
ist Paolo ÷Giovio. Thus, the Fides, written in de Góis et l’historiographie portugaise”, ibid. 55–243;
Latin and more than an original account, was a “Góis, Damião de”, Grande Enciclopédia Portuguesa e
“stage” from which Ethiopian personalities were Brasileira, vol. 12, Lisboa – Rio de Janeiro 1932, 494–97;
BeckHuntAlvar 5−9; Roberto Almagià, Contributi
enabled to reach the wider European public. G. alla storia della conoscenza dell’Etiopia, Padova 1941;
held at the time an exemplar of Francisco ÷Al- Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, Damião de Góis: the Life
vares’ text (Góis 1540:51), which was to serve as and Thought of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502-1574, The
the main source for Ramusio’s edition (Beck- Hague 1967; Congresso Internacional: Damião de Góis:
HuntAlvar 5–9). However, he does not seem to na Europa do Renascimento. Actas, Braga 2003.
Andreu Martínez
have positively met Alvares whilst the later was
in Bologna (on a possible use of Alvares’s text by
G. s. Uhlig – Bühring 1999:164, n. 42).
The Fides enjoyed widespread diffusion in Eu- Gold
rope, in both Catholic and Protestant circles, and The presence in Ethiopia of both local and
had subsequent editions (Uhlig – Bühring 1999: imported G. is attested to in the archaeological
34). Its main section by Sägga Zäýab, however, evidence from pre-Aksumite and Aksumite sites
also earned G. the criticisms of the powerful car- (÷Aksum), mostly in the form of coins (÷Coin-
dinal infante Dom Henrique, who, as inquisidor age). In the 6th-cent. account of the Aksumite
geral of Portugal, banned its circulation in the kingdom by ÷Cosmas Indicopleustes, caravans
kingdom (ibid. 36f.). The ÷Jesuits proved to be of local and foreign traders went to exchange
equally critical; G. was accused of Lutheranism iron, cattle and salt to the “G.-panning country
before the Inquisition by their Portuguese proof Sasu” − region along the Sudan border south-
vincial, Simão Rodriguez, and in 1545 a process west of Lake Tana (cp. Fiaccadori 1992:76f.). A
832
Gold
Berta women washing gold; photo courtesy
of Christof Herrmann
round-trip journey from Aksum required six and extent of this trade in G. is difficult to as-
months (Wolska-Conus 1968:362; Munro-Hay sess. When ÷Ménilék II expanded his empire,
1989:210, 221; MHAksum 35, 146, 174). Trade especially to the west and south in the last two
for G. from the south using cattle, salt and other decades of the 19th and the first of the 20th cent.,
commodities is also reported in the 17th-cent. ache granted mineral concessions to European in-
count of the Jesuit Manoel de ÷Almeida (Beck- terests to prospect and mine G., silver, iron, cop-
HuntAlm 149). per and nickel. These concessions were located
Except for references to the Sudan border- principally in central and western Wälläga where
lands, the precise locations of G. and other both alluvial and reef-G. was found along the
mineral deposits in Ethiopia are not well docu- many tributaries of the Abbay, Dabus and Baro
mented. Most early travellers referred only to G. rivers. In none of the concession-areas, however,
coming from the “interior”. Mansfield Parkyns were foreign interests to prevent the local peo-
in the 19th cent. is the most specific, noting that ples from searching for and collecting G. as they
the G. found in Ethiopia came in three distinct had always done (PankEcon 231–35). Under
forms: rings or links that he called Sinnar G. ÷Òaylä Íéllase I, the mining industry expanded
from the Sudan; G. in grains or beads; and also in further and for the first time included indi-
ingots from Ethiopia (Parkyns 1856, vol. 1, 338; vidual Ethiopian concession-holders (PankEcon
Silverman – Sobania 2004). Areas where G. was 235ff.). Today individuals in parts of Ethiopia
found in the past may be indicated by locations still pan for G. and exploration to discover new
of G. deposits known today: central and western fields continues, but there are no large-scale de-
Eritrea, the western borderlands of Goggam posits and G. makes only a small contribution to
and the Sudan, central and western Wälläga, the the country’s overall economy.
lowlands of western Käfa and central Sidamo G. was used in the past, as it continues to be to-
(EMAtlas, map 56). Historically, the vast ma- day, for adornment (÷Goldsmiths; ÷Jewellery),
jority of G. found in Ethiopia was obtained by coins and for the fabrication of ecclesiastical
searching along, or panning, in river-beds, and and ceremonial objects, although iron, bronze,
not from mines (PankEcon 232). Only in Sidamo brass, copper and silver were more commonly
is G. mined, at sites that today include Adola and employed. When G. was used for processional
Laga Dimbi (Ofcansky – Berry 1992:192). ÷crosses, it was rarely the entire cross, but used
Throughout the 19th cent., G. was among instead to gild other metals. Likewise, crowns
the most sought-after items that traders from of G. used in coronation rituals are described in
Gondär procured from the Gibe states, Käfa and some chronicles, as is the scattering of G. among
Gangero, in exchange for salt, mules and sundry the people, but the authenticity of such accounts
imported textiles (PankEcon 351–55). Similarly, is sometimes questionable. What is clear is that
G. was also reported as a principal export-item G. was hoarded, used in long-distance trade and
passing through ŸAdwa in the second half of the worn for the prestige.
century (PankEcon 355f.), but, as with the trade Src.: BeckHuntAlm 149; EMAtlas map 56; Mansfield
that passed though Gondär, the actual value Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia, being Notes Collected during
833
Gold
Three Years’ Residence and Travels in that Country, 2 of a small river in the Meýen country south of
vols., 1856; Wanda Wolska-Conus (ed.), Kosmas In- Baóuma that formed the border between the Ben[
dikopleustes. Topographie chrétienne. Introduction, Texte
Critique, Illustration, Traduction et Notes, vol. 1, Paris and the Meýen in the 19th cent. The Käfa and some
1968 (Sources chrétiennes 141), 362. of the Ometo-speaking groups also used the term
Lit.: Gianfranco Fiaccadori, Teofilo Indiano, Ravenna G. for the Meýen people, who were then powerful
1992, 76f.; MHAksum 35, 146, 174; Stuart Munro-Hay, and often raided the highland peoples.
Excavations at Aksum, London 1989, 210, 221; Thomas P.
Ofcansky – Laverle B. Berry (eds.), Ethiopia: a Country
Very few written sources referring to the G.
Study, Washington, D.C. 1992, 192; PankEcon 232, 235ff., exist. It first appears as a reference to the terri-
351–56; Raymond Silverman – Neal Sobania, “Gold and tory of the Meýen (called “Šuro”) in Antoine
Silver at the Crossroads in Highland Ethiopia”, The Inter- d’Abbadie’s Géographie de l’Ethiopie, an ac-
national Journal of Ethiopian Studies 1, 2, 2004, 76–104.
count of his travels in Ethiopia during the 1840s
Neal Sobania
(AbbGeogr). Bulatovitch (1900), citing local oral
traditions, refers to the G. as a powerful territo-
Goldiya rial unit. The oral traditions of the Konta people
G. (Qs8\ , also Golda) is the name of a district recorded by Haberland in 1974 (Haberland
in the ÷Käfa area. Up until 1991 it formed an 1981) frequently refer to the G. (even to a G.
awragga together with the ÷Magi district. Ac- king) and state that the Konta kingdom finally
cording to the Ethiopian census of 1970, the defeated them and drove them to the western
Goldiya-Magi awragga covered an area of lowlands along the Omo river; from this posi-
15,900 km² and had 131,200 inhabitants. The tion of retreat, however, they continually raided
1984 census only lists 59,974 inhabitants, with the Koyša highlands.
the density of population down from 8.2 to 3.7 After the 1991 political changes in Ethiopia and
inhabitants per km². the concomitant redrawing of local administrative
The name G. probably originates from the boundaries, the term G. disappeared, although
÷Konta people who live east of the G. region, the Konta and ÷Dawro peoples in the Koyša
across the Omo River. The ÷Meýen agro-pasto- area still refer to the lowland Meýen as such.
ralists who moved into the lowlands along the The latter are still feared as raiders, and the
Omo in the early 19th cent. were called “G.” by last major confrontation between these groups
the Konta. Ras Wäldä Giyorgis Abboyye, a gen- occurred in 1999. In spite of the Konta and
eral of ase Ménilék II, conquered the area in 1898 Dawro’s reference to the lowland Meýen, there is
and founded the present village of Baóuma. This currently no official G. people or identity.
village was later also called G. by local people Src.: AbbGeogr 118; CSA 1970; CSA 1984.
living east of the Omo. Lit.: Eike Haberland, “Notes on the History of Konta:
The meaning and origin of the term G. is not a Recent State Formation in Southern Ethiopia”, in:
2000 Ans d’Histoire Africaine. Le Sol, la Parole et l’Écrit
certain, but one tradition claims it was the name – Mélanges en Hommage à Raymond Mauny, Paris 1981,
740–43; Alexandre Ksaverievitch Bulatovich, “‘Dall’
Abissinia al Lago Rodolfo per il Caffa”, Bollettino della
Società geografica italiana ser. 4a, 1, [24], 1900, 121–42.
Jon Abbink
Goldschmidt, Lazarus
G. (b. 17 December 1871, Plungiany, Lithua-
nia, d. 1950, London [?]) was a versatile Jewish
Semitist who in his early career made a number
of contributions to Ethiopian studies.
G., whose original Jewish name was Eliezer ben
Gabriel, received a traditional rabbinical educa-
tion in a reputable Talmudic school in Slobodka
(Kaunas) in his native Lithuania. Thus shaped by
one living Semitic tradition, he went to Berlin in
1890 to study Semitics academically. G. remained
in Germany (Berlin?) until 1933 when, after the
834
Goldsmiths
Nazis’ ascent to power, he emigrated to London. highlands. Silver, which today sells for roughly
G.’s early scholarly preferences lay with GéŸéz one-twelfth of the price of gold, has been the
and Ethiopian literature, to which he devoted metal of choice for commoners, especially those
himself under the guidance of August ÷Dillmann. living in rural areas. Three categories of gold or
As a result, between 1892 and 1897 in quick suc- silver objects are produced by G. (Amh. !#4:1 ,
cession he published four works concerned with antéräñña; Tgn. !#4:^! , antéräyna): political
topics from these fields (Goldschmidt 1892; 1893; regalia (including crowns), ecclesiastical para-
1897; Goldschmidt – Esteves Pereira 1897). phernalia (including processional crosses, hand-
After 1897 G. turned away from Ethiopian crosses, neck-crosses, “golden drums”, which
studies. From that time onwards he devoted his were most probably made of silver and gilded,
scholarly efforts mainly to the monumental task chalices, ornaments for processional umbrellas
of translating into German, for the first and only and the baskets that hold the Sacrament, gilded
time, the entire Babylonian Talmud; this was silver covers of religious texts and prayer-stick
achieved in 1936. Another major accomplish- finials), and a wide variety of jewellery (includ-
ment of G., in yet another linguistic and cultural ing different types of bracelets, armlets, anklets,
domain of Semitics, was his translation of the necklaces, pendants, earrings, rings, pins and
Qurýan into Hebrew (1916). ear-picks). The price of objects made of gold (and
Src.: Lazarus Goldschmidt, Das Buch Henoch aus dem silver) is based on weight — all G. sell their wares
Äthiopischen in die ursprünglich hebräische Abfassungs- at a regulated fixed price (per gram) that incorpo-
sprache zurückübersetzt, Berlin 1892; Id., Bibliotheca rates the cost of the metal, labour and overheads.
Aethiopica. Vollstaendiges Verzeichnis und ausfuehrliche
Beschreibung saemmtlicher Aethiopischer Druckwerke, With the exception of archaeological mate-
Leipzig 1893; Id., Die abessinischen Handschriften der rial, the oldest surviving examples of gold (and
Stadtbibliothek zu Frankfurt am Main (Rüppell’sche silver-work) are processional crosses dating from
Sammlung) …, Berlin 1897; Lazarus Goldschmidt – the 12th–13th cent. that are maintained in various
Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira, Vida do Abba Daniel
do mosteiro de Sceté. Versão etiopica, Lisboa 1897. churches in Ethiopia and in museums and private
Lit.: Gotthard Deutsch – Lazarus Grünhut, “Gold- collections around the world. These early crosses,
schmidt, Lazarus”, in: Isidor Singer – Cyrus Adler (eds.), being products for the Ethiopian Orthodox, share
The Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. 6, New York – London 1904 affinities with objects coming from other parts of
[repr. 1965], 26; “Goldschmidt, Lazarus”, in: Cecil Roth the Orthodox world (i.e. Eastern Mediterranean).
(ed.), Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 7, Jerusalem 1971, 370.
However, many forms unique to Ethiopia have
Michael Kleiner
evolved over the centuries. Jewellery, similarly,
reveals a mélange of local and foreign tradi-
Goldsmiths tions. Some of the most sumptuous works utilize
Evidence of the fabrication of ÷gold objects filigree designs that were introduced by Greek
in the northern highlands of Ethiopia reaches and Armenian G. who emigrated to Ethiopia in
back to the last half of the first millennium B.C. the 18th cent. Some of these foreigners lived and
Archaeological research has yielded gold finger worked in ÷ŸAdwa and Aksum, two towns in
rings, earrings and beads from the pre-Aksum- Tégray that are renowned for their fine gold-
ite sites of ÷Yéha and ÷Hawélti (MHAksum work. Indeed, these two towns have been for
240ff.). More abundant evidence of local gold- several centuries the source of the country’s best
working has been found at Aksumite sites (÷Ak- G. A recent survey (Johannes Kinfu 1997:73) on
sum; ÷Aksumite culture). To date, the most im- G.-working in Addis Abäba showed that the ma-
portant find is a cache of gold ÷jewellery discov- jority were from Tégray.
ered at ÷Mätära in a 6th-cent. A.D. bronze vase Proscriptions against the use of gold in Muslim
that included gold necklaces, pendant ÷crosses, societies are manifest in the use of silver instead
beads and Roman coins fitted with small suspen- of gold in Muslim communities throughout
sion loops. These and other finds demonstrate Ethiopia. The melding of foreign and local
that pre-Aksumite and Aksumite smiths utilized traditions is seen in the jewellery worn by the
a number of metalworking technologies, includ- ÷Harari, ÷Somali and ÷Argobba in eastern
ing hammering, gilding, casting, wire-pulling, Ethiopia. Jewellery, worn primarily by women
riveting and soldering/welding. in this region, has close affinities with forms
Until recently, gold has been a prerogative of produced by Bedouin and Jewish silversmiths of
the political and religious elite in the Christian the Arabian Peninsula, evidence of a long history
835
Goldsmiths
of exchanges between Muslim peoples from both Status in a Peasant Society and Transitional Economy”,
sides of the Red Sea. in: PICES 13, vol. 3, 71–88; Raymond Silverman – Neal
Sobania, “Mining a Mother Lode: Early Ethiopian Travel
Throughout the highlands of Ethiopia, G. tra- Literature and the History of Precious Metalworking in
ditionally have been members of an endogamous Highland Ethiopia”, History in Africa 31, 2004, 335–55;
group of artisans with whom the concept of the Iid., “Gold and Silver at the Crossroads in Highland
“evil eye” (÷Buda) is associated. Despite their Ethiopia”, International Journal of Ethiopian Studies 1, 2,
2004, 76–104; Iid., “Silverwork in the Highlands: the Life
importance in the towns in which they live, they and Work of Gezahegn Gebre Yohannes and Abib Saýid”,
have been socially marginalized, often forced to in: Raymond Silverman (ed.), Ethiopia: Traditions of
live in segregated communities and denied many Creativity, Seattle, WA – East Lansing, MI 1999, 183–99;
of the rights (such as owning land) aforded to Ronald A. Reminick, “The Evil Eye Belief among the
Amhara of Ethiopia”, Ethnology 13, 1, 1974, 279–91.
farmers and the clergy. At present, the antiquity of
Raymond Silverman
these cultural values is unknown, however there
is documentary evidence that they are at least as
old as the 15th cent. It seems that the social stigma Golga Nablä
attached to working gold and silver has relaxed to G.N. (QsFy !-n ; b. ca. 1863, Zaydäkolom,
some extent. Today, one finds non-hereditary G. Säraye, d. 1939, Mändäfära [ŸAddi Wégri], Säraye)
working in cities and towns who have taken up was one of the trusted followers of däggaó
the trade because of its economic benefits. Kéfläyyäsus, one of the major Eritrean resistance
Outside Addis Abäba, most jewellery produced leaders during the Italian occupation. The per-
by G. shows forms that have been popular for at sonal attachment and harmonious relationship
least several hundred years. However, new “mod- with him lead to a family bondage: G.N. became
ern” designs are also part of the G.’s repertoire. Kéfläyyäsus’s son-in-law.
But in the capital, the preferences seem appar- After all Eritrean resistance was suppressed
ently to have changed. Recent discussions with and däggaó Kéfläyyäsus, together with several
several G. working in Addis Abäba revealed that, other Eritrean chiefs, had been made prisoner in
whereas ten years ago roughly 70 % of the jewel- Naõura, G.N. submitted to the Italian governor
lery they sold was locally produced, today 90 % of Eritrea. He joined the Italian army and the
of the sales are imports that the G. resell. governor appointed him šaläqa in the 4th Ital-
Lit.: MHAksum 240ff.; Johannes Kinfu, “The An- ian Battalion. With the Italian army G.N. took
teregnoch in Ethiopia: Jewellers from Axum. Role and part in the battles of KoŸatit, Halay, Mäqälä,
Ambalage, ŸAqordät and ŸAdwa. For his brave
actions, which later gave birth to legends about
his military skills and physical strength, he was
awarded several silver and bronze medals.
In 1897, G.N. was made the head of Däm-
bälas district. Later, between 1899 and 1928, he
served in the same position in Zaydäkolom, his
native district. He received several important
titles from the Italian authorities, including
those of barambaras (1896), azmaó (1902) and
däggazmaó (1920). In 1928, accused of abuse of
authority, G.N. was dismissed from the office.
Src.: ErDizBio 157.
Mussie Tesfagiorgis
Gollango ÷Dullay
Gomma
G. was one of the earliest Oromo ÷Gibe states
to be formed – probably before the 1770s – and
the first whose ruling dynasty accepted ÷Islam
Goldsmith Täwäldä Bérhan Wäldä Maryam working on
a pedant in his shop in Aksum (detail); photo December and championed its cause. According to tradi-
2001, courtesy of the author tion, the founder of the G. state and its ruling
836
Gona
dynasty, Awalani, was a Muslim ÷holy man. In

reality, Awalani was the clan that started the dy-
nasty, one of the nine G. clans (each with its own
÷caffee and leaders elected every eight years).
The tradition was invented to enhance the Islamic
credential of a dynasty instrumental in the spread
of Islam in the Gibe region.
The founder of the nucleus of the state of G.
in the second half of the 18th cent. was Abbaa
Bokke, ÷abbaa dulaa of the Awalani clan. Oral
tradition depicts him as a wise and respected man
(Guluma Gemeda 1984:50), with power, wealth,
knowledge of Oromo law, organizational capac-
ity and the ability to inspire his followers and
Abbaa Fuugi, the king of Gomma in the late 19th cent.;
take timely decisive action. He was able to defeat drawing by Henry Audon, 1889; from the collection of
every rival clan leader, emerging as the most Volker Matthies
powerful leader in the land. Abbaa Bokke made
himself a hereditary leader, thus challenging and an Islamicized society, and to abolish slavery.
ignoring the ÷gadaa principle of rotating office. Following G.’s example, all the Gibe kings
The caffee assembly recognized the land he cap- abandoned the practice of enslaving their own
tured in military campaigns as his private prop- people.
erty so he could distribute it among his followers G. thus became the first state in the Gibe region
and those who sought his protection (The Jimma where Islam became a universal religion (HarAeth
Interview Program 1974:17, 35). Thus, in G., like vol. 3, 601), profoundly altering the spiritual life
in other Gibe states, the state power crystalized and ideological orientation of the people, having
around access to land and the struggle to control fully replaced the traditional Oromo religion.
more lands (MHasOr 11). Src.: CecZeila vol. 2, 238f.; HarAeth vol. 3, 601.
Lit.: Guluma Gemeda, Gomma and Limmu: the Process
The task of uniting the region of Qottu with of State Formation among the Oromo in the Gibe Region,
G. was left upon Abbaa Bokke’s death to his c. 1750–1889, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1984,
youngest and ablest son, Abbaa Maano. He 50; MHasOr; The Jimma Interview Program, ms. 1974,
came to power at the mature age of 40 in 1800 17, 35.
(Guluma Gemeda 1984:50) and ruled for four Mohammed Hassen
decades. He provided G. with ideological unity,
political stability and economic prosperity. With
its agriculture, rich coffee fields, extensive trade Gona
and abundant cattle, G. earned a reputation for a G. (Q! ) is an area of more than 500 km² in the
high degree of civilization (CecZeila 238f.). west-central ŸAfar region, Ethiopia. The G. area
Abbaa Maano also immortalized his name in contains sedimentary exposures of the ÷Awaš
the history of the Gibe region as the promoter of River basin and includes Plio-Pleistocene sedi-
Islam. He built mosques, established schools and ments with abundant artefact and fossil-bearing
attracted Muslim scholars to G. and other states, deposits. Between 1992 and 1994, the Paleoan-
provided land to the Qadiriya and Tiganiya thropological Research Project’s (GPRP) archae-
brotherhoods and encouraged them to intensify ological and geological surveys and excavations
proselytization. recovered more than 3,000 lithic artefacts of the
Abbaa Maano found in Islam an ideologi- Oldowan tool tradition from 15 site locations
cal justification for abolishing such Oromo east and west of the Kada Gona river. Radio-
traditional celebrations as ÷buttaa festivals, sotopic (40A/39A) and magnetostratigraphy dat-
which were pivotal to the gadaa system and the ing suggest that the Oldowan assemblage from
traditional religious cycle. He also first stopped G. dates to between 2.6 and 2.5 million years
sending gifts by the hands of ÷giila who went to ago. The Oldowan lithic assemblage from G. is
the land of ÷abbaa muuda in southern Ethio- characterized by simple cores, whole and broken
pia. G. was the first Gibe state to ban offerings flakes and angular fragments; it is generally simi-
to ÷Waaqa, marking the definite transition to lar in composition and form to Plio-Pleistocene
837
Gomma
beginning with ase ÷Särìä Déngél in the 1570s,

to locate their capitals on Lake Tana’s north-
eastern flank, along with a concern for safety
in view of ÷Oromo conquests in the central
highlands. Situated about 35 km due north of the
lake in the midst of Kémant country, G. was on,
or close to, the point at which the main caravan
track from ÷Mätämma to Tana joined the route
from Énnarya to the Red Sea. Other advantages
were a semi-circle of mountains that afforded
protection, nearby fertile agricultural lands and a
permanent water supply. Popular legends, how-
ever, maintain that Fasilädäs was led to the site
by prophecy and miraculous events.
Tradition holds that Fasilädäs purchased land
on a small plateau between the ÷Angäräb and
Qaha rivers from two peasants, Wäyne and
Sayne, on which he constructed a stone castle.
Close by he founded two churches, Gémga Bet
Oldowan assemblages documented elsewhere in
Maryam and Élféñ (also Makkabäbiya) Giyorgis,
eastern Africa.
and surrounded the whole with a stone wall, the
Lit.: Sileshi Semaw, “The World’s Oldest Stone Artefacts
from Gona, Ethiopia: their Implications for Understand- beginning of what would become a substantial
ing Stone Technology and Patterns of Human Evolution royal enclosure during the next century. Further
between 2.6–1.5 Million Years Ago”, Journal of Archaeo- afield, he established five other churches, includ-
logical Science 27, 2000, 1197–1214; Id. et al., “2.5-million- ing Mädòane ŸAläm and Fit Abbo (the latter close
year-old Stone Tools from Gona, Ethiopia”, Nature 385,
1997, 333–36.
to the church of ArbaŸétu Énsésa, one of the four
Matthew C. Curtis
local churches that predate G.’s founding). The
pleasure-pool with stone pavilion beside the
Qaha river known as the “Bath of Fasilädäs” and
Gondär several bridges are also commonly attributed to
The town of G. (Q#6? , also H#6? , Gwändär; him. In 1648 a Yemeni envoy, ÷Hasan b. Ahmad
12° 61' N, 37° 46' E), one of the largest cities in al-Haymi, found Christians and Muslims resid-
Ethiopia, is located in the historical ÷Bägemdér ing in separate communities and living in straw
province (today North Gondär Zone). It evolved huts, whereas the castle was “… a lofty struc-
from an obscure 17th-cent. market-town into the ture, among the most wonderful of splendid
flourishing capital of the Ethiopian monarchy, constructions and … built of stone and lime …
passed through an era of decline and destruction This castle … is on the outside of the city and
and underwent a slow renaissance in the mid-20th at the highest spot in it; it comprises numerous
cent. buildings and large squares” (DonHaySirat 149,
The term “G.”, apparently of ÷Kémant origin, 151). Fasilädäs’s son, ase Yohannés I (1667–82),
is first mentioned during the reign of ase ŸAmdä and grandson, ase Iyasu I (1682–1706), elected
Séyon (1314–44) as the name of a regiment of to remain at G., building their own castles and
soldiers stationed most probably in ÷Wägära churches. By the late 17th cent., G. had become a
to guard nearby trade routes and to control a permanent and sizeable settlement where Ethio-
restive population (MarAmdS 68f.; TadTChurch pia’s rulers resided when not campaigning and
91, 192f.). It subsequently designated a small- where the Empire’s pre-eminent commercial,
market town inhabited by Muslim traders and political and religious classes gathered around
Fälaša craftsmen (÷Betä Ésraýel). In 1636/37 ase the throne, in contrast with the peripatetic camps
÷Fasilädäs selected G. as his camp, certainly for of pre-17th-cent. rulers.
the purpose of directly supervising the collection From the beginning, the population of G. fell
of customs on the Red Sea – Tana – Énnarya into two broad groupings — the royal household
trade routes. This was seemingly the same rea- and nobility, on the one hand, and merchants,
son that induced his immediate predecessors, craftsmen and commoners, on the other, all
838
Gondär
eventually residing in separate neighbourhoods.

In 1668 Yohannés decreed that the Muslims and
the Fälaša (Kayla) should live separately from
Christians throughout the whole ÷Gondärine
kingdom. The decree, reissued in 1676, meant
that almost all Muslims in G. subsequently resid-
ed in the lower part of the town beside the Qaha,
a quarter known as Éslam Bet or Éslamge. The
Betä Ésraýel were assigned four quarters, two of
them, Abärra and Kayla Meda, beside the Qaha.
Aside from the royal enclosure, known as the
Makkabäbiya or Fasil Gémb, other significant
quarters were the Addäbabay, a public square
on the south of the royal compound, a place
of assemblies and the Monday market; ÷Abun
Bet, north-west of the castles, residence of the
abun, or Metropolitan, and a place of asylum;
÷Éccäge Bet, west of the castles, residence of the
÷éccäge and also a refuge for offenders; Qäññ havens of asylum and refuge. Ecclesiastics, a
Bet, east-south-east of the castles and home to prominent part of the population, attracted large
many nobles; and Déngay, further south-west numbers of students, who studied reading, cal-
and inhabited by Christian merchants. To the ligraphy, law, theology and such liturgical speci-
far south-south-east lay the main (Saturday) alities as ÷aqwaqwam and sankwa (clerical chant
market and beyond it, Éslamge at the foot of the with instruments and movement). A distinctive
G. plateau. style of painting evolved that was used to illu-
Trade and commerce, the economic mainstay minate icons, manuscripts and interior walls of
of the city, lay in the hands of G.’s Muslims churches. ÷Crosses, sistra (÷Sänasél), and other
(÷Êäbärti). They organized the caravan trade liturgical implements were locally manufactured
north to the Red Sea coast, west to Mätämma to supply the large demand. Churches and their
and south to Énnarya, as well as trade within the parishes determined the geographic bounds of G.
kingdom. They made G. the major emporium At its greatest extent, “G.” encompassed parishes
of northern Ethiopia beginning in the 17th cent., within the city itself, on the mountain ridges to
importing foreign manufactures in exchange the east, west and north of the city and as far
for civet, coffee, gold, hides and slaves. By the south as Ménzaro, a distance of almost 30 km.
mid-19th cent., G. was home to a large number These parishes, 44 in all, became known as the
of traders, the majority Muslims. Retail transac- “44 churches of G.”. Among them was Azäzo
tions lay in the hands of Christians as well and Täklä Haymanot, home of the monastic com-
were carried out partly by itinerant hawkers in munity of ÷Däbrä Libanos that, like the royal
weekly markets and partly in merchants’ houses. court, relocated from Šäwa to Lake Tana region.
Salt bars (÷Amole) served as the medium of Two officials, both appointed by the reign-
exchange. Aside from long-distance traders, the ing monarch, helped to administer the city. The
commercial class encompassed Muslim weavers, ÷näggadras, “head of the merchants”, was a
tailors, millers, weapons-makers, tanners and Muslim who resided in Éslamge. He organized
leather workers and Fälaša potters and smiths. all caravans, collected customs from traders
G.’s Muslims also organized royal military and adjudicated civil, but not criminal matters.
expeditions but were not themselves warriors. The ÷käntiba was the governor of ÷Dämbéya
Muslims belong either to the Hanafi or ŠafiŸi before becoming in effect the mayor of G. in the
law school. The Hanafies venerate a number of 17th cent. He supervised local markets, levied
shrines dedicated to local sheikhs, most of them taxes, dispensed justice and maintained public
in Éslamge, a source of tension with the ŠafiŸies, order with a force of up to several hundred sol-
who object to such veneration. diers. As central authority declined during the
G. gained fame for its churches, which served 19th cent., the käntiba assumed responsibility for
as educational and cultural centres, as well as the city’s defence.
839
Gondär
Gondär, view from the Goha−Hotel on the palaces and a part of the city; photo 2004, courtesy of Merdassa Kassaye
During the 18th cent., the royal compound was By mid-century, additional G.-style structures
completed with the construction of castles by had been built close to the “Fasilädäs Bath”
÷Dawit III (r. 1716–21), ÷Bäkaffa (r. 1721–30) on the Qaha and étege Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan
and ÷Iyasu II (r. 1730–55), the church of Attata- Mogäsa), wife of Bäkaffa and regent to Iyasu II
mi Mikaýel by ÷Dawit III and various subsidi- and Iyoýas (1755–69), had completed a third
ary buildings, the whole surrounded by a double complex farther west at Qwésqwam consisting
wall with twelve gates and reinforcing towers. of a reception hall, small apartments and the
The castles and churches in G. were constructed adjacent church of ÷Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam.
almost entirely by local Fälaša craftsmen, assisted North-east of the royal enclosure, a miniature
by Kémant and Muslim workmen and by at least castle known as the Ras Bet or Ras Gémb served
some foreign artisans and architects. Although as headquarters for various noblemen who, by
fashioned in an architecture of semi-military this era, effectively governed the kingdom. In
style known today as Gondärine architecture, 1770 the Scottish traveller James ÷Bruce re-
the castles were not intended as defensive struc- ported that “Gondar … consists of about ten
tures. Rather, these two-storey, stone- (basalt) thousand families in times of peace; the houses
and mortar- buildings with domed corner tow- are chiefly of clay, the roofs thatched in the form
ers and battlements were seemingly designed to of cones … On the west end of the town is the
celebrate the identity and achievements of each king’s house, formerly a structure of consider-
of the kings who built them and to enhance the able consequence … [a] great part of this house
“image” of Solomonic kingship. Royally com- is now in ruins” (BruNile vol. 3, 380). Bruce
missioned churches, built of stone and mortar mentions that other quarters, including Éslam-
and encircled with battlemented walls with tow- ge, comprised of 3,000 dwellings (elsewhere he
ers as at ÷Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase, enhanced their speaks of only 1,000), “some of them spacious
founders’ claims to distinction and piety. and good” (ibid. 198).
840
Gondär
No more castles were built after the reign of early 20th cent., the population had dwindled to
Iyasu II, although at least nine major churches perhaps 1,000 or fewer. Muslims still controlled
were commissioned in the later 18th cent. (among the caravan trade, which was confined mostly to
them, e.g., Bäýatä Lämaryam). By then, control the regional level, and some had begun to settle
of the city had passed into the hands of a pro- in the upper town close to the castles. A German
vincial nobleman, ras ÷Ali Gwangul, and his traveller Felix Rosen labelled G. “a dead city
heirs, who governed from Däbrä Tabor from the that belongs wholly to the past” (1907:399). The
second decade of the 19th cent. G. remained the 1920s, nonetheless, brought some rebuilding of
ceremonial, commercial and religious centre of churches and also, it appears, of Éslamge, known
the ÷Gondärine kingdom, but emperors were by now as ÷Addis ŸAläm. The population of a
reduced to figureheads without means for main- few thousand was clustered around Éccäge Bet
taining their courts or the city’s monuments. Pil- and the Saturday market.
laging and destruction became common. In the On 1 April 1936, Italian troops occupied G.
early 1830s, the German traveller Eduard ÷Rüp- For the next five years, the city served as the cap-
pell found only abandoned ruins in the royal ital of Amhara Province, one of six that formed
compound, the reigning monarch holding court the ÷Africa Orientale Italiana. Italian colonial
in quite modest quarters beside the Fasilädäs cas- officials set about remoulding the city along lines
tle. The city had shrunk to about 1,000 houses that are familiar even today. Local inhabitants
with perhaps 6,500 inhabitants, 2,000 in Éslamge, were segregated into districts west and south of
1,300 in Éccäge Bet, and 400 in Kayla Meda. The the castle enclosure, Italians settling in northern
population doubled or tripled on market-days and north-eastern areas. New commercial and
or in times of trouble, when the city offered a government buildings were erected north-east
measure of security to a fearful populace (cf. of the castles and a retail district, known hence-
PankHist; Crummey in CentAddis). forth as the “piazza”, was laid out adjacent to
G.’s fortunes declined further as the locus of the castle compound, all in 1930s “modernist”
the kingdom shifted south-east to Šäwa. After architecture. A central artery linked the Italian
the mid-1850s, no more emperors reigned in G. quarters, piazza, Ethiopian merchant quarter,
Ase ÷Tewodros II refused to live there and he and Saturday market. Another new road ran
suspected its population of disloyalty. In early west of the Fasilädäs “bath” and on to Azäzo,
1864, he sought to compel Muslims to convert to where a landing-strip provided an air service
Christianity, a decree that fell heavily upon G.’s with Asmära. Other new roads connected the
numerous Muslims, most of whom complied, if city with Goggam and with Eritrea, the latter a
only nominally. Later that year, Tewodros sent paved, all-season roadway. Colonial authorities,
his soldiers to sack the city. Confronted with seeking to curry favour with local Muslims, built
further opposition, Tewodros and his army a mosque (for the first time with minaret) beside
plundered and burned G. in December 1866. the Saturday market, authorized the appoint-
Most churches were looted and destroyed and ment of a qadi for matters involving the ÷ŠariŸa
their treasures – gold and silver crosses, chalices, and permitted Muslims to settle outside Addis
nearly 1,000 manuscripts etc. – were carted off to ŸAläm. The castle enclosure was converted into
Däbrä Tabor, Tewodros’s capital, that he intend- a park and in May 1938 restoration work was
ed to become the “new G.” (most of these manu- initiated on the Fasilädäs castle and “bath” and
scripts eventually ended up in the collections of later on the Ras Gémb, seat of the Italian Vice-
the ÷British Library). Yohannés IV, renewing Regal authority. In 1938 G.’s population totalled
Tewodros’s drive for religious uniformity, razed 14,000, 2,000 of them Italians.
the mosque in Éslamge in 1881 and in its place After the defeat of the Italian forces in 1941, G.
built the church of Égziýabéher Ab. In response, became the capital of the Province of Bägemdér
many Muslims fled both the city and the king- and Sémen. The imperial government took over
dom. Yohannés also compelled the metropolitan the Italian government buildings and established
and éccäge to reside in his camp, so that they, like a municipal administration under a käntiba
him, were henceforth absent from G. and a council with both Christian and Muslim
In January 1888 and again in June 1889, the members. Muslims and, increasingly, Christians
Sudanese Dervishes (÷Mahdists) burned what engaged in commerce and trade and the city’s
was left of G., including even Éslamge. By the markets continued to flourish. Although Addis
841
Gondär
Gondär, royal enclosure; sketch after Monte della Corte 1938, adapted from Doresse 1972: 64f.
ŸAläm remained the principal Islamic quarter, NY, ²1990, 115–30; interviews with Gärima Taffärä,
Muslims began to diffuse throughout the upper Gondär 1972; Felix Rosen, Eine deutsche Gesandtschaft
in Abessinien, Leipzig 1907, 398–433; Eduard Rüppell,
city. Primary schools and a new secondary school Reise in Abyssinien, 2 vols., Frankfurt am Main 1838–40,
were opened and in 1953 a public health college vol. 2, 79–126, 236ff.; Henry A. Stern, The Captive Mis-
was established on the grounds of the former Ital- sionary: Being an Account of the Country and People of
ian Consulate. In April 1946, ÷Ethiopian Airlines Abyssinia, London 1868, 175–83, 298ff.; Jean Doresse,
initiated a service to G. and in early 1964 the last La vie quotidienne des éthiopiens chrétiens aux XVIIe et
XVIIIe siècle, Paris 1972, 64–65 (ill.).
segment of the all-weather road to ÷Bahér Dar Lit: Abdusammad Ahmad, “Trade and Islam: Relations
was completed. Foreign tourists began to visit the of the Muslims with the Court in Gondar, 1864–1941”,
city’s monuments, which in 1969 were undergoing in: PICES 13, vol. 1, 128–37; Bahru Zewde, “A So-
major restorations with the help of UNESCO. By cial Profile of Gondar Town in the Early Twentieth
Century”, in: PICES 10, 603–10; LaVerle B. Berry,
1974 G. had an estimated population of 43,000
“Gondar-style Architecture and its Royal Patrons”,
(ca. 81,000 in 1980) and had begun to recover in: Richard Pankhurst (ed.), Proceedings of the First
from two centuries of neglect and decline. International Conference on the History of Ethiopian
Src.: AbbSéjour vol. 1, 159–71; BassEt 134, 181, 185 (tr.); Art, London 1989, 123–30; Donald Crummey, “Some
BegCron 49, 81f., 92, 95, 99f., 107 (tr.); BlunChr 319–32, Precursors of Addis Ababa: Towns in Christian Ethiopia
358–63, 390ff., 418, 428–32, 449–55, 470–78, 488–92; Bru- in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries”, in: Cen-
Nile vol. 2, 622f., 633, 573, vol. 3, 195–247, 380ff., 622ff., tAddis 9–31; CrumLand 73–114, 144–61; Frederick
vol. 4, 77–83; 112f.; 138 (map), 276f., 683; DonHaySirat Gamst, The Qemant. A Pagan-Hebraic Peasantry of
143–51; GuiIohan 8, 16, 25, 37, 40, 60, 82–89, 99, 176f., Ethiopia, New York 1969, frontispiece, 9–16; Marilyn
191, 237, 313f., 335f. (tr.); GuiIyas 89f., 95–114, 127, Heldman, “The Late Solomonic Period: 1540–1769”, in:
227, 236 (tr.); MarAmdS 68f., 205; RasTheo vol. 1, 230f.; AfrZion 193–255; Mellessa Ghiyorghis, “Gondar Yes-
J.H. Arrowsmith-Brown (ed., tr.), Prutky’s Travels terday and Today”, EthObs 12, 3, 1969, 164–76; GuiVoc
in Ethiopia and Other Countries, annot. by Richard 758–62; Guida 350–62; Merid Wolde Aregay, “Gondar
Pankhurst, London 1991; Henry Blanc, A Narrative and Adwa: a Tale of Two Cities”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2,
of Captivity in Abyssinia; with Some Account of the Late 57–66; PankHist I, 115–38, 142–79, 247–64; II, 41–56,
Emperor Theodore, his Country and People, London 342–46; Alessandro Augusto Monti della Corte,
1868, 1970, 312–16; Ethiopia, Central Statistical I castelli di Gondar, Roma 1938, 11–62, 99–102; Stuart
Office (ed.), Statistical Abstract, 1976, Addis Ababa Munro-Hay, Ethiopia. The Unknown Land. A Cultural
1975, 32; William Foster (ed.), The Red Sea and Ad- and Historical Guide, London – New York 2002, 69–164;
jacent Lands at the Close of the Seventeenth Century as James Quirin, The Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: a
Described by Joseph Pitts, William Daniel and Charles History of the Beta Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia
Jacques Poncet, London 1949 (Publications of the 1992, 49f., 89–109; RubTew 73–79, 81f.; Solomon Addis
Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, part 2, no. 100); Millwood, Getahun, “Addis Alam: Nucleus of Gondar”, in: PICES
842
Gondär-style architecture
13, vol. 1, 3–16; TrIslam 147, 102–05; TadTChurch 91, with positive memories of the period. In their
192f. only written chronicle, dating from the time of
LaVerle B. Berry ÷Ménilék II, they recalled that “during the reign
of all the kings of Gondar, Israel lived in peace
Betä Ésraýel in Gondär and welfare” (Leslau 1947:80).
The city of G., founded in the early 17th cent., Src.: GuiIohan; GuiIyas; Hiob Ludolf, A New History
played a key role in transforming the relation- of Ethiopia being a Full and Accurate Description of
ships of the ÷Betä Ésraýel with the Ethiopian the Kingdom of Abessinia …, tr. by J.P. Gent, London
state and broader society. The city was in fact 1682.
built in the midst of the area of the Betä Ésraýel, Lit.: Wolf Leslau (ed.), “A Falasha Religious Dispute”,
Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research
who since the 14th cent. had had contact and con- 16, 1947, 71–95; James Quirin, “Caste and Class in His-
flict with the State. torical North-West Ethiopia: the Beta Israel (Falasha) and
After their final military defeat in the 1620s, Kemant, 1300–1900”, JAH 39, 1998, 195–220; Id., The
the Betä Ésraýel began to be incorporated into Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: a History of the Beta Is-
rael (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia 1992; Steven Kaplan,
the political-economic structure of the new The Beta Israel (Falasha) in Ethiopia: from Earliest Times
city. They continued their previous occupations to the Twentieth Century, New York 1992; Richard
as blacksmiths, potters and weavers, but also Pankhurst, “Notes for the History of Gondar”, EthObs
developed somewhat more prestigious roles as 12, 1969, 177–227; Ghiorghis Mellessa, “Gondar Yes-
terday and Today”, ibid. 164–76.
carpenters, masons and soldiers, working under James Quirin
royal patronage. Both oral and written sources
suggest that they provided the skilled carpen-
ters and masons building the royal castles and Gondär-style architecture
churches for which G. became famous. They G.a. initially appeared in the later 16th cent. in the
also formed separate squadrons of soldiers under Lake ÷Tana basin, so far as present evidence in-
Emperors Fasilädäs, Yohannés I and Iyasu I. dicates. Almost all Gondär-style buildings were
A secular elite among the Betä Ésraýel in the subsequently built on the northern, eastern and
greater G. area was rewarded with new land southern shores of Lake Tana during the next
rights, titles such as ÷azmaó and ÷bägérond two centuries, although a few examples of the
and a degree of respect from the dominant so- style are found as far north as ÷Aksum, as far
ciety higher than they had at any time before or south as central ÷Goggam, and on Lake Tana’s
since. Despite these roles and rewards, the Betä western shore. Some construction may have
Ésraýel even in the city area maintained a high continued into the 19th cent. bridges, castles,
degree of physical, social and cultural separation, and churches were erected in this monumental
enforced by their own desires and by royal seg- style, but the castles embody the features of the
regation decrees when necessary, such as those style most completely and are themselves a ma-
by Yohannés I. jor innovation associated with this architecture.
They lived in three major enclaves – Kayla Building-materials consisted of rough brick-
Meda, Abwara and Däfäca – near the two riv- sized pieces of basalt and lime mortar, the latter
ers that enclose G. They also lived in two areas in use in the northern highlands for the first time
near the Christian churches, a little further out in perhaps a millennium. Walls are uncoursed
of town, of Abba Éntonyos and Gondäroóó and were left in the rough, the brown basalt
Maryam. and white mortar producing a mottled, sombre
Despite their working for and close to the appearance characteristic of Gondär-style con-
emperors, and a certain degree of social interac- struction. Some interior walls were finished with
tion with Christians and others in the urban en- lime plaster.
vironment, their traditions assert that they kept Castles resemble two-storey keeps and feature
their societal integrity, including an indigenous round corner-towers with domes and a slight
÷Agäw language and special religious practices. batter, battlemented parapets, square towers
The Betä Ésraýel outside of greater G. maintained that rise high above terraced roofs, monumental
an even higher degree of separation under the entrance staircases, doors and windows in full,
leadership of their traditional priests and monks. decorated arches resting on double-bracket
The strength of the State and the royal sup- capitals, string courses, wooden balconies and
port for the Betä Ésraýel in the G. area left them barrel-vaulting. Churches, both round and rec-
843
Gondär-style architecture
castle of ase Fasilädäs in Gondär, ca. 1640, is a

virtual copy of Guzara except that it is larger
and better proportioned. It was the first of
eight castles, numerous churches and subsidiary
buildings constructed during the next century in
or near the royal enclosure, on the Qaha River,
and at Qwésqwam (÷Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam)
an ensemble so prominent that the architecture
has become known as “Gondärine style”, even
though its earliest examples lie elsewhere.
The origins of G.a. remain to be investigated,
but it was clearly imported into the kingdom. It
has no direct antecedents in Ethiopian monu-
mental architecture. No developmental or in-
termediate stages in its creation are known and,
when it first appeared, it did so in full-blown
form. The style underwent only minor evolu-
tion in its two-century course. It is probably
no accident that it appeared within two decades
after the Ottoman Turks arrived in the southern
Red Sea and fortified the island of ÷Massawa,
Gondär, Palace of Méntéwwab; photo 1993, courtesy of Déhano on the opposite shore and ÷Débarwa
Michael Gervers on the edge of the Tégrayan escarpment, all on
tangular (÷Church buildings), are noteworthy the main trade route into the northern high-
for encircling stone-walls with battlemented lands. These Turkish fortifications may have
towers and monumental entrance gates, the same inspired or served as models for the new style of
as those surrounding the castles in ÷Gondär. architecture. Merchants and soldiers would have
Among the few still extant, ÷Aksum Séyon, brought news of them to Íärsä Déngél’s camp,
Däqwa Kidanä Méhrät and Gondär Attatami and “Turks” are sometimes identified as having
Mikaýel resemble fortresses more than churches, built some Gondär-style buildings. Whatever
whereas Kébran Gäbréýel and ÷Narga Íéllase in the specific models or agents, it seems clear that
Lake Tana typify the graceful aspect of the style. G.a. drew on eclectic architectural traditions of
Bridges, all in ruin today, consisted of roadways the Red Sea-Indian Ocean area traditions with
resting on arched piers strengthened by but- which it shows strong affinities.
tresses. Other features included parapets and The builders were Ethiopians and foreigners.
bastions, possibly battlemented, at one or both Fälaša (÷Betä Ésraýel) masons and carpenters,
entrances. The oldest is probably the single arch particularly from the Kayla clan, certainly played
over the Gärno (Arno) River in Énfraz. a large role, as did the ÷Kémant and doubtless
The earliest G.a. seems to be the castle that local skilled Muslims. ÷Indians, Egyptians,
ase ÷Íärsä Déngél built ca. 1575/76 at Guzara ÷Armenians, ÷Greeks, “Arabs”, “Turks” and
(÷Gubaýe) in Énfraz (traditions that attribute others were also involved at various times,
the present church of ÷Bahréy Gémb Qéddus perhaps most importantly in the architecture’s
Mikaýel at Ménzéro to the early 16th cent. are in early stages. By the mid-17th cent., design and
all likehood apocryphal). Although it displays construction seem clearly to have lain in Ethio-
all of the distinguishing features of G.a., the pian hands, at which time an Ethiopian master
building is not well proportioned and looks as builder, Wäldä Giyorgis, erected castles for the
if it were an experiment in new materials and Emperors ÷Yohannés I and ÷Iyasu I.
design. Subsequently, castles in stone and mortar The significance of G.a. appears to be twofold.
were constructed at ÷Ayba for ase Íärsä Déngél First, each Gondär-style castle and church testi-
in 1589/90 and at ÷Dänqäz for ase Susényos fies to the achievements and status of its spon-
in 1628/29, the latter by Egyptian, Indian, and sor. For this reason, all Gondär-style buildings
Levantine workmen, who introduced innova- are individually distinct. They are monuments
tions not duplicated in later constructions. The to the reign and deeds of the specific emperors
844
Gondärine kingdom
who built them. Second, and more importantly, of Ethiopian Art from Ancient Axum to the 20th Century,
the architecture seems to have been consciously London 1993, 83–92; LaVerle Berry, “Ethiopian and
Jesuit Monumental Stone Architecture in the Lake Tana
used to enhance the image of Solomonic king- Basin: a Preliminary Assessment”, in: Manuel João
ship, an institution that enjoyed a reputation of Ramos – Isabel Boavida (eds.), The Indigenous and the
near-military invincibility before the disastrous Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: on Portuguese–Ethio-
Muslim wars of the mid-16th cent. By the reign pian Contacts in the 16th–17th Centuries, Hants 2004,
16–29; Fasil Giorghis, “Foreign Influences and Local
of Íärsä Déngél, the reconsolidation of the king- Contribution in Gondarian Architecture”, in: ibid. 30–36;
dom was well under way. At this crucial point, a Carlo Conti Rossini, “I castelli di Gondar”, Bollettino
semi-martial style of architecture was introduced della Reale Società Geografica Italiana ser. 7a, 4, 1939,
into the kingdom. Íärsä Déngél, apparently real- 165–68; Jean Doresse, Ethiopia, London ²1967, 186-
91; Otto A. Jäger – Ivy Pearce, Antiquities of North
izing its symbolic potential in the reconstruction Ethiopia, Stuttgart ²1974, 35-82; Ghiyorghis Mellesse,
of the royal office, seems to have enlisted the new “Gondar Yesterday and Today,” EthObs 12, 3, 1969,
style in an effort to restore the warrior image of 164–76; Jules Leroy, L’Éthiopie: archéologie et culture,
the kingship and to strengthen his possession of Bruges 1973, 221–37; Bernhard Lindahl, Architectural
it. He seems to have employed it in a deliberate History of Ethiopia in Pictures, Addis Ababa, 1970, 68–86;
Merid Wolde Aregay, “Society and Technology in
effort to impress and overawe his subjects by Ethiopia: 1500–1800”, JES 17, 1984, 134–37; Alessandro
raising first one, and then a second castle that, Augusto Monti della Corte, I castelli di Gondar,
like all later such buildings, projected an image of Roma 1938, 11–62, 105–11; Stuart Munro-Hay, Ethio-
might and majesty, even if the martial aspects of pia, the Unknown Land: a Cultural and Historical Guide,
London – New York 2002, 69–164; PankHist I, 95f., 99,
the architecture were purely decorative and not 115–38, 142–79, 247–64; Richard Pankhurst, “A Tale of
functioned. His successors apparently under- Four Cities: Late-16th and Early 17th-Century Ethiopian
stood these twin applications of the architecture, Capitals and their Turkish, Portuguese and Indian Con-
for during the next two centuries every monarch nections”, in: ibid. 5–15; Ruth Plant, Architecture of the
Tigre, Ethiopia, Worcester 1985, 15; James Quirin, The
who could afford to build a castle and one or Evolution of the Ethiopian Jews: a History of the Beta
more churches in the Gondärine style, did so, Israel (Falasha) to 1920, Philadelphia, PN 1992, 89–109;
producing the panoply of monuments to be seen Mario Di Salvo, Churches of Ethiopia: the Monastery of
in and around Gondär today. Narga Íellase, Milano 1999, 97–131.
G.a. was a royal prerogative. When the monar- LaVerle B. Berry
chy lost all pretence to power and military func-
tion in the mid-18th cent., the patronage that had
sustained monumental construction evaporated Gondärine kingdom
as well, resulting in the abandonment of the G.a. From the 1630s to the 1760s, the city of ÷Gondär
tradition. It survives, however, in some motifs was the capital of the Ethiopian empire, its insti-
of contemporary art and architecture that are tuions being, in large part, in continuity with
reminders of deeply held cultural values and of those of the first Solomonic period (1270–1527).
the achievements of the Gondärine age. In addition to political capital, Gondär played
÷Architecture the role of religious, cultural and intellectual
Src.: BassEt 117, 119, 134 (tr.); BégCron 35f., 38, 49 (tr.); capital, retaining the latter status into the 1850s,
BruNile vol. 2, 622f., 633, 663f.; vol. 3, 195–247, 380ff., long after the G.k.’s political eclipse. The king-
386, 622ff.; vol. 4, 77–83, 112f., 276f., 683; CRHist 89, 95, dom lasted roughly 130 years, a period which,
133, 148, 156 (tr.); DonHaySirat 143–51; GuiIohan 60, 89,
237, 334ff.; GuiIyas 52ff., 89f., 95–114, 127; PerChron 224,
combining both political and cultural criteria, we
239–42 (tr.); interview with Gärima Taffärä, Gondar, may subdivide into three: 1) foundation, 1630s to
20, 23, 30 March, 6 May, 29 June, 5 October 1972. 1706; 2) transition and insecurity, 1706 to 1720s;
Lit.: Francis Anfray, “Vestiges gondariens”, RSE 28, 3) revival, 1720s to 1760s.
1980–81, 5–22; Id., “Les monuments gondariens des 1) Gondär was founded by ase ÷Fasilädäs, son
XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: une vue d’ensemble”, in: PICES,
8, vol. 1, 9–45; Id., “Chronique archéologique (1960–
of ase ÷Susényos. The accession of Fasilädäs was
1964),” AE 6, 1965, 17–25; Guy Annequin, “Trésors preceded by intense conflicts arising from his fa-
méconnus d’une Thébaïde à l’abandon”, Les dossiers de ther’s formal conversion to Catholicism and his
l’archéologie 8, 1975, 81–115; LaVerle Berry, “Gondar- attempts to impose the new faith on his subjects.
style Architecture and its Royal Patrons”, in: Proceedings These conflicts continued into the new era and
of the First International Conference on the History of
Ethiopian Art, London 1989, 123–30; Id., “The Bahri it was not until 1646 that Fasilädäs succeeded in
Gemb and the Genesis of Gondar-style Architecture: a suppressing the violent opposition of his rebel-
Review of the Evidence”, in: Paul B. Henze (ed.), Aspects lious brother ÷Gälawdewos (Wion 2005). Prior
845
Gondärine kingdom
to the 1630s, Gondär was already a site of some its reach extended to the northern edge of the
importance, marked both by a major market and plateau. With the movement of the centre of
by a church dedicated to Jesus (Merid Wolde Ar- the kingdom towards the north-west, the lands
egay in PICES 8). Its choice, in the mid-1630s, as on and below the western escarpment acquired
a new capital was built on these assets, was also new strategic importance and Iyasu campaigned
driven by the desire to escape from the increas- regularly there.
ing outbreaks of disease (principally ÷malaria), 2) The death of Iyasu I in 1706 brought to
which now afflicted the lower regions, closer to the fore the factionalism and conflict (Berry in
Lake Tana, favoured by Ethiopia’s rulers begin- PICES 5b), which had simmered since the death
ning with imam ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi of Fasilädäs. Iyasu was assassinated at the insti-
(“Grañ”). Gondär is situated over 400m above gation of court figures associated with Goggam
the level of the lake and less susceptible to malar- and with the ÷Qébat doctrinal tendency, which
ia. For much of the period, certainly throughout was particularly strong in Goggam and amongst
the 17th cent., Gondär was essentially a rainy-sea- the ÷Ewostateans (the monastic followers of
son residence, the court re-enacting the ancient abba ÷Ewostatewos). It was generally opposed
practice of dry-season itineration. Associated by the monastic followers of abunä ÷Täklä
with Gondär were two dry-season royal camps, Haymanot, the house of Däbrä Libanos (of
÷Aringo and ÷Yébaba, similarly positioned on Šäwa), with their centre established at ÷Azäzo.
the high plateau east and south-east of the Tana Conflicts internal to the Ethiopian Orthodox
basin. History remembered these as the sites Church over ÷Christology had broken out
from which the court drew seasonal tribute and during the reign of ase Susényos and grew in in-
sustenance from different hinterland territories tensity through the century. None of the Gondär
(ZanLitTheod 27ff.). In founding the town, rulers proved able to master these controversies,
Fasilädäs built a castle, which was to become although some tried to avail themselves of the
the centre of a royal compound, and established, support of one or another of the parties to the
near to the castle, the Church of Mädòane ŸAläm disputes. Continuing intense conflict within
(CrumLand 77). His successors, to the bit- the church was a major factor undermining
ter end, emulated him by building palaces and the G.k. Iyasu was succeeded by three sons (
establishing churches, starting with his son ase ÷Täklä Haymanot; ÷Dawit III; ÷Bäkaffa), a
÷Yohannés I and grandson ase ÷Iyasu I. Iyasu I brother (÷Tewoflos), and a more distant relative
founded the rich and influential ÷Däbrä Bérhan ( ÷Yostos). Their reigns were unsettled, marked
Íéllase. These foundations were essential fea- by social unrest and by the appearance of rebels
tures of the G.k. and created the greatest, fixed and pretenders. For a period the palace guards
concentration of political and cultural resources determined the succession. Like his father, Täklä
since at least the days of ÷Lalibäla, and possibly Haymanot was assassinated. Tewoflos and Da-
since ÷Aksum. wit both supported Qébat, doctrinal conflict
The throne passed peacefully from Fasilädäs reaching a pitch of intensity at the end of the
to his son and grandson. However, a major ex- reign of Dawit in an episode in which as many
pedition by Iyasu south of the ÷ŸAbbay, in 1704 as one hundred monks of Däbrä Libanos were
(GuiIohan 220ff. [text] = 233ff. [tr.]), made clear killed by palace troops (BassEt 73, 187–90; Guidi
just how radically the territory under the rule of 1899:19f.). The accession of Bäkaffa in 1721 in-
the Gondär kings had shrunk to the lands within augurated five decades of dynastic stability.
and north of the great bend of the ŸAbbay. None 3) Bäkaffa contributed less to this achievement
of Iyasu’s Gondärine successors were to venture than did his consort (she was never his wife),
so far. The Christians of Šäwa were now cut Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa), mother of his
off from Gondärine rule by intervening lands son Iyasu II. On Bäkaffa’s death, Méntéwwab
controlled by the Oromo. The core of the G.k. and her kin controlled the succession and, with
was the land within the great bend of the Abbay, the coronation of her son, Méntéwwab followed
the highlands east and north of Lake Tana, and suit and had herself crowned as ÷étege, with
central Tégray, including ŸAdwa and Aksum, the regnal name of Bérhan Mogäsa. Méntéw-
where Fasilädäs re-built the church of Aksum wab, through the skilful deployment of kin,
Séyon of Zion, which had been destroyed during known collectively as the qwaräññoóó (the
the Ahmad Grañ’s gihad of the 1530s, although Qwarans) after their home province of ÷Qwara,
846
Gondärine kingdom
dominated the G.k. throughout the reigns of a centre of religious learning, a status which it
her son ase ÷Iyasu II and grandson, ase ÷Iy- retains to this day. The patronage of the royal
oýas I. Her major ecclesiastical foundations, court and the churches supported a flowering of
÷Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam and ÷Narga Íéllase, the arts-building (÷Gondär-style architecture)
were notable contributions to the tradition of and painting most notably, but also music, po-
royal churches. They were also Qébat in their etry, metal-working and weaving.
doctrinal orientation. The rich lands with which Politically, the G.k. turned away from the
they were endowed provided for the support, West, epitomised by Roman Catholic Jesuit mis-
not only of the clergy serving these churches, sionaries, and back to the Solomonic legacy. Ase
but also of Méntéwwab’s numerous kin and Fasilädäs pursued an active foreign policy, seek-
retainers (CrumLand, ch. 4). She was an active ing links with the Yemen (DonHaySirat) and to
patron of the arts and fostered the flowering of the major regional Muslim powers: the Turks in
what has become known as the second period Istanbul; and the Mughals in India. The 17th-
of Gondärine ÷painting. Of particular interest cent. rulers were also interested in commercial
is the portrait of herself and her family, which relations with the Dutch (DonMurad). By the
she commissioned (Bosc-Tiessé 2005). With the 18th cent. the rulers Yostos and Méntéwwab
marriage of her grandson, Iyoýas, to an Oromo were again prepared to entertain the possibility
woman from Wällo, the Oromo were inte- of relations with the European Catholic powers,
grated into the factional conflicts of the court. but their overtures in this direction were rapidly
However, the death of key qwaräññoóó, not least curtailed by popular opinion (CrumMis 7ff.;
Méntéwwab’s brother, ÷Wäldä LéŸul, in 1767, Prutky 1991:306-23). Political and religious con-
and of her cousin, Éšäte, the following year, and servatism did not, however, preclude innovation
the ageing of Bérhan Mogäsa herself meant an in- in many fields, including that of Orthodox theol-
creasing loss of control and a gradual descent into ogy, the entire period being marked by the strife
conflicts no longer centred on the court, but driv- of clerical factions. At the height of the G.k., the
en by the ambitions of powerful regional nobles, Gondärine market was probably the largest mar-
the prototype of whom was ras ÷Mikaýel Séhul ket anywhere in the highlands. The G.k. declined
of Tégray, who, called to Gondär by Méntéwwab rapidly in the late 1760s and, in 1769, it plunged
to strengthen her hand against the increasing in- into decades of political conflict, power now be-
fluence of Iyoýas’s Oromo in-laws, ended up by ing held by provincially based noblemen.
assassinating the king and provoking still more Src.: BassÉt 73, 187–90; Ignazio Guidi, “Uno squarcio
intense opposition, and initiating a downward di storia ecclesiastica di Abissinia”, Bessarione [anno 5]
8, 49–50, 1900, 10–25; GuiIohan 220ff. (text) = 233-36
spiral in the power and prestige of the royal court
(tr.); GuiIyas 221–27 (text) = 231–37 (tr.); BruNile vol. 2,
(GuiIyas 221–27; BruNile vol. 2, 660–700). 660–700; DonMurad; DonHaySirat; Remedius Prutky,
Gondär came to have a notional 44 churches, of Prutky’s Travels in Ethiopia and in Other Countries, tr.,
which at least 14 were richly endowed with aged. by J.H. Arrowsmith-Brown, annot. by Richard
ricultural lands, the revenue from which allowed Pankhurst, London 1991, 306–23; ZanLitTheod 27ff.
Lit.: LaVerle Berry, The Solomonic Monarchy at
them to retain hundreds of clergymen. Leading Gonder, 1630–1755: an Institutional Analysis of Kingship
foundations of the Gondärine period were: in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia, Ph.D. thesis, Bos-
Mädòane ŸAläm (Fasilädäs); Tädda Égziýabéher ton University 1976; Id., “Factions and Coalitions during
Ab (Yohannés I); Däbrä Bérhan Íéllase (Iyasu I); the Gonder Period, 1630–1755”, in: PICES 5b, 431–41;
Claire Bosc-Tiessé, “Mentewwab in her Mirror:
Hamärä Noò (Tewoflos); Lédäta (Yostos);
Polysemic Images and Reflections of Royal Power of an
Assassame [Attattame] Qéddus Mikaýel (Dawit Eighteenth-Century Ethiopian Queen”, Journal of Early
and Bäkaffa); Däfäóa Kidanä Méhrät (Bäkaffa); Modern History 8, 3/4, 2004, 294–316; CrumLand 7ff.,
Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam (Méntéwwab); BäŸata 77 [ch. 4]; Sevir B. Chernetsov, Efiopskaya feodalnaya
(Täklä Haymanot II); and Däbrä Métmaq (Täklä monarhiya v XVII veke (‘The Ethiopian Feudal Monar-
chy in the 17th Century’), Moscow 1990, s. index; Donald
Giyorgis). The lands which they received for the Crummey, “Gondarine Rim Land Sales: an Introductory
support of their clergy were known as ÷rim, Description and Analysis”, in: PICES 5b, 469–79; Crum-
and, from the 1740s onwards, a lively market Mis 7ff., s. index; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Un «atto
in rim-land developed (Crummey in PICES 5b; feudale» del negús Bakâffâ (1721–30)”, in: MiscAethKur
63–69 (Lit.); Merid Wolde Aregay, “Gondar and Adwa:
Bausi – Dore – Taddia 2001). Many of the clergy
a Tale of Two Cities”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, 57–66; Alessan-
were distinguished scholars of Ethiopia’s Chris- dro Bausi – Gianni Dore – Irma Taddia (eds.), Mate-
tian tradition and their presence made the town riale antropologico e storico sul “rim” in Etiopia ed Eritrea,
847
Gondärine kingdom
Torino 2001; Anaïs Wion, “Why did King Fasilädäs Kill 99, 103–07, 110–17, 121–26; BassÉt [II] 294ff.).
his Brother? Sharing Power in the Royal Family in Mid- Following this defeat, G.T. lost its leadership
Seventeenth-Century Ethiopia”, Journal of Early Modern
History 8, 3/4, 2004, 259–93. in the Qébat party and never again played an
Donald Crummey important role in synods opposing Qébat to
÷Täwahédo.
During Iyasu II’s reign, mämhér Sewa Déngél
Gong Tewodros of G.T. was chosen to represent the monastery.
The monastery (gädam) of G.T. (full name He found a place in the monastic ÷genealogy of
Q#Hy Lc;@Fy 6-:y 4+-, Gong Tewodros famous qébat intellectuals as the spiritual son of
Däbrä Tébab) is located in western Goggam, the sons of the monks Zékre and Pawli, active
Addet wäräda. The main tabot is dedicated to during ase Gälawdewos’s reign (GuiIyas 16). The
Tewodros, the second to ÷Kidanä Méhrät. G.T. monastery possesses a short modern manuscript
has a renowned ÷qéne school, following the tra- with mälkéý and sälam to Gérma Íéllus and Sewa
dition of Täwanäy, which is entitled to confer a Déngél (ARCCH no. G-IV-346). The two monks
diploma (yäqéne mésäkér). G.T. rivals the other are depicted together on 18th-cent. mural paintings.
prominent and near-by qéne school of Wašara. This association of the first mämhér Gérma Íéllus
As far as ÷zema is concerned, G.T. used to sing with Sewa Déngél can be interpreted as a way of
qomi zema, but is now turning to betäléhem dismissing the unpleasant memory of Täbdän.
zema. An exceptional portrait of abba ÷Ewostatewos,
There are no written sources for the history of present among the murals that ornate the western
its foundation, the oral tradition dating it back wall of the mäqdäs, confirms the rehabilitation of
to the 13th cent. A Mäshäfä näbiyät (‘Book of the Qébat commitment of G.T.
the Prophets’) of G.T. contains a list of the first The monastery was looted in 1862/63 after
49 liqawént. The first mämhér, abunä Gérma the defeat of ÷Tädla Gwalu by the forces of
Íéllus, is commemorated on 10 Mäskäräm. ase ÷Tewodros. G.T. still managed to preserve
G.T. has been mentioned in literature since the its patrimony, including two triptychs of the
early 17th cent. Its head, abba Lébso or Lébsä Virgin with the Child, possibly of Italo-Cretan
Kréstos, headed the ÷Qébat party at the coun- origin, dating to the 15th or 16th cent., at least one
cil of Fogära, held in 1620 by ase ÷Susényos of them being a royal endowment (ARCCH nos.
(PerChron I, 237, II, 182). In the years to follow, G–III–20 and 38).
G.T. became a Catholic stronghold (BecRASO IV, Src.: BassÉt [II] 294ff.; BecRASO IV, 15; XII, 277; XIII,
15; XII, 277). Lébsä Kréstos was even ordained a 110; GuiIohan 99; GuiIyas 16; PerChron I, 237, II, 182;
Gädlä Ewostatewos, ms. from Gong Tewodros, ARCCH
Catholic priest by the Jesuit patriarch ÷Mendes;
[Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural
on account of that, in ca. 1636 he was sentenced to Heritage], no.G–IV–364 = EMML ms. no. 8577, fol. 121rv;
death and executed by ase ÷Fasilädäs (BecRASO Sénkéssar, ms. from Gong Tewodros, ARCCH G–IV–334 =
XIII, 110). A giant sycamore on the cliff above EMML 8523, fols. 15v–16r; Mälkéý Gérma Íéllus wä-Sewa
G.T. still bears his name: Abba Lébso. It also Déngél, ms., ARCCH G–IV–346, 10 fols.; Féthä nägäít,
ms., ARCCH G–IV–343 = EMML 8584, fols. 193v–194r.;
marks the place where the first Kidanä Méhrät Mäshafä näbiyät, ms., ARCCH G–IV–363; interviews with
church is said to have been erected. After the res- afä mämhér Bérhanu Šéffäraw, märigeta Haymanot and
toration of the Orthodox faith, ase Fasilädäs and ato Kasahun Mängéítu, Gong Tewodros 2004.
above all ÷Yohannés I donated numerous objects Anaïs Wion
and manuscripts to the church. The patriarch
abunä ÷Kréstodolu is buried there. His grave is
located in the northern part of the qéddést. Gonga
During ase ÷Iyasu I’s reign, religious councils Gonga languages
turned to the advantage of the Unionist doctrine G. (Amh. Q#N , also Käfoid) is a small ÷Omotic
and in 1686 a strong religious and political crisis, language family of west and south-west Ethio-
headed by däggazmaó Wäle from Mäóóa, erupted pia. There are three main varieties, following in-
in Goggam. The spiritual leader of the rebels was formation mainly from Bender (2000:96f.; 2003:
mämhér Täbdän Déngél from G.T., also a head 2) and Hudson (1999): 1. so-called Southern G.,
of the Qébat party at this time. In 1688, after a comprised of ÷Käfa, with ca. 570,000 speakers,
long and difficult synod, Täbdän and his follow- including its dialect ÷Šakaóo (s. Fleming 1976);
ers were excommunicated and exiled (GuiIohan 2. Central G.: ÷Anfillo, with ca. 500 speakers
848
Gonga
(Grimes 1996:257); 3. Northern G., including

÷Šinašša, a dialect cluster of south-west Gog-
gam and west Wälläga as well as the dialects or
regions Amuru, Guba, Naga, Wämbära, spoken
by ca. 20,000 people (Hudson 1999).
The above varieties form a language family,
not a dialect cluster. In Bender (2003:156), the
three varieties are calculated to share from 50 %
to 57 % common basic lexicon, well below the
mutual-intelligibility level.
Of the three varieties, Käfa has been desig-
nated as an official literary language and has
some translated ÷Bible portions. The sources on
G. languages may be second in quantity only to
those on Ometo within Omotic. (The bibliogra-
phy to this article is not intended to be exhaus-
tive. Brief mentions with little linguistic content
are not included here. For more details, s. the
individual languages: Käfa, Anfillo, and Šinašša.)
A Proto-Käfoid segmental phonology, based tull+, big oog-, ‘black’ aaq-, ‘bone’ šawuš+o, etc.
on Fleming (1985), is presented in Bender (2003: Within the ta/ne family, G. is found in a group
181ff.): with Macro-Ometo and Gimira, but a bit closer
Stops: b, p, d, t, g, k, ý Fricatives: f, z, s, š1, š2, h to Gimira than to Macro-Ometo, while ÷Yäm is
Ejectives: p, t, (t)s, c, q Nasals: m, n more distant.
Implosives: ¤, ¦,  Liquids: l, r Lit.: Marvin Lionel Bender, Comparative Morphol-
Affricates: 1⁄4, ó Semivowels: w, y ogy of the Omotic Languages, München 2000 (LINCOM
Vowels: i, ii, e, ee, a, aa, o, oo, u, uu Studies in African Linguistics 19); CerStud IV; Harold C.
The consonant inventory is somewhat exten- Fleming, “Kefa (Gonga) Languages”, in: BendNonSLang
351–76; Id., “Proto – Gonga Consonant Phonemes: Stage
sive, but Fleming lists as “probable” alternatives: I”, in: Hans G. Mukarovsky (ed.), Leo Reinisch: Werk
p or f; p or ¤, s or 1⁄4, t or ¦, ó or 1⁄4 , q or , and und Erbe, Wien 1987, 141–60; Barbara F. Grimes (ed.),
as “possible” r. In addition, š1 may merge with Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Dallas 121996; Grov-
s. The vowels are a typical system for the area. er Hudson, “Linguistic Analysis of the 1994 Ethiopian
Gemination of consonants is probable in Proto- Census”, NEASt 6, 3, 1999, 89-107; Marcello Lamberti,
“Some Phonetic Laws of the Gonga Languages, Part 1”,
G. and a two-tone system is likely. RSE 36, 1992, 57–76; “Part 2”, ibid. 37, 1993, 89–114; Id.,
G. languages share the well known ta-ne char- Die Shinassha-Sprache: Materialien zum Boro, Heidelberg
acteristic of having independent pronouns 1st/2nd 1993 (Studia Linguarum Africae Orientalis 4); Lemma
pers. sg. of form ta/ne. 3rd pers. sg. usually has Alga – Micha Wedekind, “Boro Wordlists”, S.L.L.E.
b, while plural is typical Afrasian 1st/2nd pers. pl. Reports 26, 1995, 42–52; Wolf Leslau, “Moóa: a Tone
Language of the Kafa Group in South – Western Ethio-
no/i(n)t. Gender-marking in nouns masc./fem. pia”, Africa 28, 2, 1958, 135–47; Id., A Dictionary of Moóa,
o/e is strong, though not universal. The attempt Berkeley – Los Angeles, CA 1959; Martino Mario
to correlate this with Afrasian k/t is unconvincing Moreno, “Appunti di caffino”, RSO 18, 1940, 373–85;
for lack of supporting evidence. Several derived Herma Plazikowsky-Brauner, “Schizzo morfologico
dello šinaša”, RSE 9, 1950, 65–83; Leo Reinisch, Die
forms are reconstructable in G.: infinitive/verbal
Kafa-Sprache in Nordost-Afrika, 2 vols., Wien 1888 (Sit-
noun *+o, causative *s, passive/reciprocal *y, and zungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Classe der
perhaps others (Bender 2000:142). Syntax is based kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 156); Franz
on the universal Subject–Object–Verb order of Rottland, “A Sketch of Shinasha Morphology”, in: Ri-
Omotic languages (÷Ethiopian Language Area). chard Hayward (ed.), Omotic Language Studies, London
1990; Klaus Wedekind, “Note on ‘Amuru’”, S.L.L.E.
Lexically, Bender (2003) is more concerned Linguistic Reports 29, 1995, 1–7; Micha Wedekind, “A
with larger groupings and there is no listing of Survey of Boro (Shinasha)”, ibid. 26, 1995, 37–41.
distinctive G. lexical items. But Lexicon 4 (ibid. M. Lionel Bender
158–78) reveals many candidates. Among the
list of ten used for comparison in these articles, Gonga ethnography
three stand out: ‘blood’ sa1⁄4+, ‘one’ ikk-, and The name G. (Q#N ) is essentially a linguistic term
‘two’ gut-. Others are not hard to find: ‘ashes’ and refers to a number of related Omotic-speak-
849
Gonga
ing peoples, some of whom formed independent was plentiful and much used for house-build-
states in south-central and western Ethiopia: the ing, fencing and furniture. Other aspects of G.
÷Käfa (Käfióóo), Boša, ÷Šinašša, ÷Énnarya material culture were also well-developed; for
(called by the G. Hinnaryo), ÷Anfillo, ÷Šakaóo example, Käfa and Šeka had their own centres
(or Moóa) and Šeka. The original G. area was for iron-smelting and gold-production. Animal
between the Blue Nile (÷Abbay) and the Omo husbandry (cattle, sheep and goats) was an im-
River. portant subsidiary activity and often performed
In his monograph (1982) Lange mentions four by lowland peoples. Overall, the Käfa kingdom
important G. states: Boša, Käfa, Hinnaryo and was an especially rich and important regional
Šeka, which were not natural allies, but often centre, respected by many of the surrounding
vied for supremacy. The G. were one of the few kingdoms.
groups—along with a few of the Gurage—who The G. religion recognized a sky god (Yero),
resisted the large-scale Oromo migrations and a caste of priests and ritual officiators and a
conquests of the 16th and 17th cent. In 1540, for variety of initiation- and possession-cults. The
instance, the Käfa kingdom defeated a large Oro- G. states were partially introduced to Christian-
mo army, forcing them to move northwards. In ity via trade and other contacts with the central
subsequent years, however, a series of victories Ethiopian highland state from the late 15th cent.
by the Oromo caused many of the G. groups to onwards – before the Oromo expansion – but
be incorporated into Oromo society; only Käfa especially since the late 18th cent. The political
escaped this process. Hinnaryo was defeated by elite was predominantly of immigrant origin (the
the Oromo in the early 18th cent. and Boša in ca. Bušašo and Mingo).
1880 by the Gimma Oromo (after that date it The G. states declined after domination and
was called Garo). Šeka, the most western G. state conquest by the Oromo (from the 16th cent. on-
that surrounded today’s Bonga, was defeated by wards) and the imperial Solomonic state (late 19th
the Oromo in the mid-18th cent., but survived cent.), after which the memory of Hinnaryo and
and revived as a state. In 1898, however, the Šeka Boša was virtually extinguished.
king, Teói Goýeói, had to succumb to the imperial During ase Òaylä Íéllase I’s reign (1930–74)
Ethiopian army. and the Därg (1974–91), Käfa was a province
G. kings were the symbolic centre of the state of Ethiopia. In the post-Därg period, Käfa
and had several golden regalia (bracelets, rings, ceased to be an administrative designation and
breast plates, necklace etc.) and a gold-plated the region was incorporated into the Southern
throne. They had to appear physically and men- Ethiopian Nations, Nationalities and Peoples
tally perfect and were usually separated from the Regional State in 1994. Pockets of G.-speak-
common people when eating and travelling. ing people still live across western Ethiopia.
Among the G., the kingdom of Käfa was the Lange (1902:1) mentioned that in the 1970s a
most important state; it had a fully-fledged cen- small community of Hinnaryo existed in cen-
tralized state with an elaborate court and hier- tral Käfa just south of Gogäb river. The Käfióóo
archical structure in addition to a “divine” king. and Šakaóo and other groups still exist, but the
There was a free peasantry, but also extensive ethnic term G. is only used in the oral traditions
slave- and serf-labour, as in the other G. states. of the oldest generation: there is no longer an
Many surrounding peoples paid tribute to Käfa. ethnic or territorial unit of that name.
The Käfa state under its last king ÷Gaki Šeroóo Lit.: Friedrich Julius Bieber, Kaffa. Ein Alt-Kuschiti-
was conquered in 1898 by the imperial forces of sches Volkstum in Inner-Afrika, 2 vols., Münster – Wien
Ménilék II. 1920–23; Werner Jürgen Lange, Dialects of Divine
Historically, the G. states were densely “Kingship” in the Kafa Highlands, Los Angeles 1976; Id.,
populated, intensely hierarchical and had a History of the Southern Gonga (Southwestern Ethiopia),
Wiesbaden 1982 (SKK 61); VSAe III.
high level of agricultural development. Their Jon Abbink
agriculture was characterized by stone-ter-
raced fields, crop-alternation, irrigation, natural
fertilization and a rich diversity in crops (e.g.,
coffee, fruits, énsät, grains, cabbage, spices and Goote Tulluu
various tuber-crops). In addition to the high- Däggazmaó G.T. (Amh. ILy Io ; d. 1918) was
quality wood from indigenous trees, bamboo the ruler (÷Mooti) of the ÷Leeqa Oromo of
850
Gordon, Charles George
÷Qällém in western ÷Wälläga during the second Src.: Mersýé Hazen Wolde Qirqos, Of What I Saw
half of the 19th cent. It is reported that his father, and Heard, The Last Years of Emperor Menelik II and
the Brief Rule of Iyassu, ed., tr. by Hailu Habtu, Addis
who was from Goggam, left G.T.’s mother who Ababa 2004, 121.
then married a ÷Leeqa. G.T. grew up among the Lit.: BTafA 924 (Lit.); Lambert Bartels, “Studies of the
Leeqa. Bartels (1970:146) suggests that Tulluu Galla in Wälläga”, JES 8, 1, 1970, 135–60; Woldetsadik
was the name of his “adoptive father”. G.T.’s Terrefe, “The Unification of Ethiopia (1880–1935):
Wälläga”, JES 6, 1, 1968, 75–86, here: 75, 80f., 84;
centre of power first was Qumbabi and later the
Alessandro Triulzi, Salt, Gold and Legitimacy: Prel-
nearby market settlement of ÷Gidaamii. ude to the History of a No-Man’s Land Bela Shangul
G.T.’s opponent in the north was šayò Wallaga, Ethiopia, Napoli 1981, 148ff., 157–69; 176; Id,
÷Òwagali of Asosa who frequently made slave “Trade, Islam, and the Mahdia in Northwestern Wallaga,
raids into his territory, especially the Beggi area. Ethiopia”, JAH 16, 1, 1975, 55–77, here: 66f; Bahru
Zewde, “Dejasmach Jote Tulu (1855–1918)”, 4th-year-es-
Nonetheless Asosa was an important counter- say, Department of History, Haile SelassieI University,
part for the maintenance of trade to the Sudan. Addis Ababa 1970; BZHist 19; Negaso Gidada, “The
G.T. had, initially, little military power, but suc- Introduction and Expansion of Orthodox Christianity in
ceeded to gather wealth by gradually gaining Qellem Awraja, Western Wälläga, From About 1886 to
1941”, JES 10, 1, 1972, 103–12.
control over trade routes, which he exploited
vigorously. Probably in the early 1880s, G.T. Merdassa Kassaye – Red.
submitted to néguí Ménilék of Šäwa and started
to pay tribute to him but retained partial inde-
pendence. He helped ras ÷Gobäna in extending Gordon, Charles George
the Šäwan power in the region. G. (b. 1833, d. 1885) was a British soldier and
In 1886 the ÷Mahdists started a gihad against administrator who became arguably the most-
G.T. For a short time he accepted Mahdist su- important figure in the history of the 19th-cent.
premacy and, according to some oral traditions, Egyptian presence in the ÷Sudan and the
for some time nominally converted to Islam. ÷Horn of Africa. Having distinguished him-
Trapped between Mahdist oppression and ÷An- self in the Crimean War and in the service of
fillo attacks G.T. had to flee to his father-in-law, the Chinese government (1860–64), Colonel G.
the Leeqa leader ÷Moroda Bakaree. The joint was appointed by Khedive ÷IsmaŸil in 1874 as
forces of Gobäna, Moroda and G.T. defeated the the Egyptian governor of the Equatorial Prov-
Mahdist forces and subjugated the area includ- ince of the White Nile sources. In early 1877 he
ing the territory of ÷Anfillo. In 1896 G.T. was was made governor-general of the entire Sudan,
granted the title of däggazmaó and a year later to which later that year were annexed also the
his troops killed Vittorio ÷Bottego. Egyptian-occupied territories of the Red Sea.
G.T. became a promoter of Orthodox Chris- After the deposition of IsmaŸil by the Powers
tianity in Qällém. His family was the first to be in 1879, Gordon was re-appointed by Khedive
baptized and some of his kinfolk and subjects Tawfiq, but soon after, in early 1880, resigned
followed. During his rule twelve churches were and returned to British service. In January
built in the area. 1884, as the ÷Mahdist forces were defeating the
In the course of time G.T.’s reign became Egyptians in the Sudan, G., now Major-General,
increasingly oppressive and cruel. His harsh was sent by London to evacuate the besieged
treatment of his own subjects, oppression of the garrisons. Re-appointed by Tawfiq as governor
Busase dynastic clan of Anfillo and his overween- general, G. reached ÷Khartoum, but instead of
ing ambition led to his downfall. His territories evacuating as instructed, he decided to defend
were taken from him and he was summoned to the capital, hoping that London would come
Addis Abäba where he was kept in prison until to the rescue with enough forces to defeat the
after the death of Ménilék in 1913. G.T. was rein- Mahdiya. In January 1885 Khartoum fell to the
stalled as ruler of Qällém in the same year and lég Mahdi and G. was killed. British forces, under
Iyasu even married his daughter Askalä. When the Egyptian flag, would come to destroy the
Iyasu lost his power this affected G.T.’s posi- Mahdiya state only in 1896–98.
tion and in 1917 he was deposed. In March 1918 G.’s relevance to Ethiopian history was two-
däggazmaó Bérru established direct Amhara rule fold: firstly, in the context of the border dispute
in Qällém. In the same year G.T. died. between the Egyptian Sudan and Ethiopia in
÷Dambi Doolloo the territories of today’s Eritrea. While ase
851
Gordon, Charles George
÷Yohannés IV, especially after the ÷GuraŸ vic- duced in various languages. For Ethiopians he
tory over the Egyptians, demanded ÷Massawa was the kind of Western imperialist they met as a
and the country of Bogos (÷Bilin), G., well neighbour, rather than a ruler.
familiar with the vitality of these lands to the ÷Egypt, relations with; ÷United Kingdom of
Egyptian imperial presence in the Nile Valley, Great Britain and Northern Ireland
refused to compromise. He fortified the Mas- Src.: William Winstanley, A Visit to Abyssinia, London
sawa – Bogos line and came twice to negotiate. 1881.
Lit.: Haggai Erlich, A Political Biography of Ras
In March 1877 he met with ras ÷Alula in GuraŸ
Alula, 1875–1897, Michigan, MI 1982; ZewYohan;
and offered free trade in Massawa, the importa- George Birckbeck Hill, Colonel Gordon in Central
tion of some arms, facilitating the sending of a Africa, 1874–1879, London 1881; Richard Hill, A Bio-
new Patriarch (÷abun) and arresting ras ÷Wäldä graphical Dictionary of the Sudan, London 1967; Alice
Mikaýel, Alula’s Egyptian-supported local rival Moore-Harell, Gordon and the Sudan: Prologue to the
Mahdiyya, 1877–1880, London 2001; RubInd; NaŸum
in ÷Hamasen. Yohannés, however, insisted on Šuqayr, Taýriò as-Sudan al-qadim wal-hadiô (‘Ancient
Bogos and Massawa and the situation along the and Modern History of the Sudan’), Cairo 1903.
undemarcated border went on deteriorating. Haggai Erlich
In September 1879, following indirect nego-
tiations, G. came again to see Alula and then
Yohannés. He was equally uncompromising, Gore
insisting that he be not seen as a British media- The town of G. (8°09' N, 35°33' E) is situated
tor: “Here I could only be looked as the Envoy in Illubabor province and is the capital of the G.
of the Khedive, and a Mussulman for the time”. awragga. G. lies on a narrow ÷amba of 2,007 m
When G. resigned upon returning to Khartoum, A.S.L. which barely leaves enough space for an
the Ethio-Sudanese border dispute remained airfield. Founded by ras ÷Täsämma Aímärom
unsolved and would disastrously influence the to be a ÷kätäma, it overlooks the watershed
histories of Egypt, the Sudan, and Ethiopia. between the ÷Baro and ÷Diddessa rivers.
The second Ethiopian aspect of G.’s impact Until the Italian invasion G. served as a group-
was more indirect. After the Red Sea possessions ing centre from where foreign trading companies
were annexed to his government, G. in May 1878 exported goods to the Nile through the British
inspected the coastal towns and ÷Harär. Harär free port of ÷Gambella in the banks of Baro
had been captured by the Egyptians in 1875 and river. At the end of 1936, the ÷Téqur Anbässa
had since been governed by the tough and ef- resistance movement attempted to establish a
ficient soldier ÷Muhammad Raýuf baša. Raýuf provisional Ethiopian government in G.
managed to subdue the Oromo around Harär The decline of the town started with the end
and introduced the modernization of nearly all of the free zone and the construction of roads
systems, striving to make the town a model for which were to channel products (coffee, hides
Egyptian imperial progress. G., however, was and skins) towards the ÷Red Sea ports. The Ital-
less impressed with Raýuf, whom he had dis- ians, and later the Ethiopian government, could
missed from office in the Equatorial Province. not allow that trade and customs duties were in
G. hastily blamed Raýuf for being a slaver and danger of being lost for them to the benefit of the
a corrupt administrator and summarily removed Sudan. The political situation in Southern Sudan
him from office. After G.’s visit the Egyptian en- prevents any revival of this export route. From
terprise in Harär never regained its initial drive. 1938 to 1970 the population of G. declined from
In 1884, as the British decided to evacuate the 25,000 inhabitants to 8,381 and again to 6,642 in
Egyptians from the Sudan, they did the same 1984, before rising to 11,568 in 2004, the sign,
in Harär. Following the Egyptian withdrawal of perhaps, of a recovery.
1885, the exhausted Harari community was ripe The airfield is the only activity remaining from
to be annexed to Ethiopia by Ménilék II’s army the brilliant past of the town, now the capital of
(January 1887). the Ale wäräda. All the administrative services
Brilliant and capricious, courageous and pa- have moved to ÷Metu, the capital of the Illuba-
ternalistic, pious and self-righteous, efficient and bor zone of the Oromiyaa state-region. Nowa-
erratic, G. has caught the imagination of many days, when the visitor stands outside this small
interested in African history. A vast amount of town clustered on its amba almost like a “ghost-
literature dealing with his legacy has been pro- town”, he finds it difficult to imagine it was once
852
Gorgora
churches of Mädòane ŸAläm and ÷Däbrä Sina.

G. is connected through its port (to the east of
the peninsula) by a weekly boat to the island of
Däq and to Bahér Dar in the south, and by road,
through Dähna (÷Dékana), to Gondär. (For a
further description s. Berry – Smith 1972:1f.).
Jesuit residence
G. gained prominence under the ÷Jesuits as
a missionary residence and the site of a major
Catholic church. The origins of this founda-
tion lay in a temporary land grant – probably
a ÷gwélt – given to the Latin missionaries by
ase ÷Susényos in 1607, immediately after his
rise to power; a community of “Portuguese”
had already been granted lands nearby by his
predecessors ÷Íärsä Déngél and ÷YaŸéqob
(BecRASO XI, 145). The Emperor seems to
have soon turned the right into a perpetual one
the commercial capital of Western Ethiopia, – rést – through an ÷Ÿawag, described in de-
where even a consular agency resided. tail by ÷Paez (Pais 1945–46, Livro IV, ch. 23).
Src.: CSA 2004; CSA 1984; CSA 1996; Central Statis- Thanks to the involvement of Susényos’s fervent
tical Office (ed.), Report on a Survey of Shoa Province, pro-Jesuit brother ras ÷SéŸélä Kréstos and to
Addis Ababa 1966; Id., Survey of Major Towns in Ethio-
pia, Addis Ababa 1968; CSO 1971. a number of skilled priests, G. became, along
Lit.: EMAtlas; GasEth; Alain Gascon, “Les ‘bastides’ with ÷Féremona in Tégray, an active missionary
d’Éthiopie. Les villes fortes de Menilek dans le sud de center (s. Tewelde Beiene 1983:103).
l’Éthiopie et l’urbanisation contemporaine”, in: Benoít G. had a “bilingual” seminary (education was
Antheaume et al., Tropiques. Lieux et liens, Paris 1989,
435–44; Id., “‘Fair Borders’ for Oromiyaa” in: PICES 13, provided in Portuguese and Amharic), serving
vol. 3, 362–78; HuntGal; Geoffrey C. Last, A Geogra- mainly offspring of the Portuguese and rival-
phy of Ethiopia for Senior Secondary Schools, Addis Ababa ing with Féremona in the number of students:
1963; MesfAtlas²; MesfGeogr; PankHist II; ZerEth 366ff. around 1614 it had 34 children and ten years
Alain Gascon later, ca. 50 (Arquivo Distrital de Braga, doc.
XVII, 107v; doc. XXXV, 258r). The missionaries
officiated initially in a church made of straw and
Gorgora adorned with European images: the Roman Vir-
G. (Q?Q= , also H?Q=; 1,850 m A.S.L) is a pe- gin of St. Lucas from Santa Maria Maggiore and
ninsula on the north of Lake ÷Tana (s. Duch- a portrait of St. Ignatius (BecRASO XI, 414). In
esne-Fournet 1908, map); it has some 12 km 1618 works began on a new church designed by
of width in its southern part and stands on a Pedro ÷Paez (Braga doc. XXIII, 32r), which was
strategical location, an elevated rocky promon- completed in 1621 and dedicated to the Virgin of
tory overlooking the lake and next to a series of the Assumption. Built in stone and mud, it col-
islands suitable for providing shelter. The region, lapsed shortly after (BecRASO XI, 402f., 485).
now populated predominantly by Christian Following a move of the epicentre of the
Amhara, in the past was home to pagan ÷Agäw Christian empire to the north-west, in 1611
populations, and formed part of the ÷Dämbéya Susényos abandoned his sites at Qoga and
province. The name G. is attested as early as Dékana and established a ÷kätäma at G. From
in ase ÷Bäýédä Maryam I’s time, when the site there he conducted several raids on neighbour-
probably started playing an important role in ing groups of the Agäw, ÷Gedewon, chief of the
the expanding politics of Christian Amhara up Betä Ésraýel, and the Boorana Oromo, as well
to the 17th cent. (Tedeschi 1991:177). A church as into distant areas in ÷Šanqélla and around
and a monastery are found in the nearby island of ÷Sinnar (Perruchon 1897). The area was also
÷Gälila Zäkaryas, whilst the peninsula is the site important for trade with Sinnar (÷Fung; Per-
of the monastery of Mändabba and the important Chron, chs. 39–46).
853
Gorgora
VIII, 190; XII, 270f.; PerChron 78). Its ruins,

still visible today, bear the peculiar imprint of
Jesuit overseas architecture: single-storey nave,
fine floral and geometrical designs. At New G.
the Jesuits officiated stunning celebrations and
plays, bringing for some years to Ethiopia the
typical elements of their – worldwide – mission-
ary culture (s. BecRASO XII, 271).
After the restauration of Orthodoxy, New
G. was the first residence to be abandoned by
the missionaries. Its buildings and images were
destroyed and in 1665 ase ÷Fasilidäs ordered the
burning of the “books of the Franks”, probably
the remains of what might have been an impor-
tant Catholic library (LudHist, lib. III, ch. XIII,
4; BegChron 53). Before the expulsion, because
of unhealthy climate, the Christian court had
progressively transferred northwards, in search
of more elevated sites, such as Dékana, Dänqaz
This in fact placed the Jesuit residence at the and ÷Gondär (s. PerChron ch. 52).
heart of the Christian empire. Its lands were in- Later, an Orthodox church under the local
creased – the fathers owned also an island where name of ÷Maryam Gémb was erected on the site
they sheltered in times of war (BecRASO XI, of the Jesuit church; it was active until Ménilék
416) – and generous royal fundings were pro- II’s time (Berry 2004:19–22; s. also Guida 367).
vided (Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, doc. Whilst nothing remains of the buildings in Old
31, f. 352r; s. also Pennec 2003:167ff.). The Jesu- G. the important ruins at New G., which reveal
its, in their turn, acted as “royal clergy” when by the use of lime mortar, have not been the object
1617 Susényos (Perruchon 1897:174) and some of serious archeological investigation. The Mis-
noblemen reportedly began to communicate “in sione di studio al Lago Tana, directed by Giotto
secret”. As the residence of the head of the mis- ÷Dainelli, visited them in 1937, later followed
sion, G. became the focal point of a network of by other expeditions.
Jesuit posts in Dämbéya and Goggam (÷Azäzo,
Src.: Arquivo Distrital de Braga, ms. 779, “Cartas anuais
÷Dänqäz, ÷Énfraz, Qwälläla) and witnessed das missões da Etiópia”, doc. XVII [numeration follows
a fervent intellectual activity, with Paez com- Maria da Assunção Vasconcelos, “Inventário das
posing his História and Luis de Azevedo and cartas anuais das missões da Etiópia”, Braga 1984]; doc.
Antonio Fernandez translating – with the help XXIII; doc. XXXV; Archivum Romanum Societatis
Iesu, doc. 31, f. 352r.; BecRASO I, 126f., 352; VIII, 190;
of abba Akalä Kréstos – Spanish Jesuit treatises
XI, 145, 414; XII, 271; XIII, 274f; BegChron 53; Jules
into “Ethiopic”, i.e. Amharic (BecRASO I, 126f., Perruchon, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Ethiopie: règne de
352; XI, 415, 419f.). Susenyos ou Seltan-Sagad (1607–1632)”, RevSem 5, 1897,
Around 1621, Susényos asked the Jesuits to 75–80, 173–89, here 174f; LudHist, lib. III, ch. XIII, 4;
build a royal palace a few kilometres to the Pêro Pais, História da Etiópia, Porto 1945–46, 3 vols.,
Livro IV, ch. 23; PerChron, ch. 39–46, 52, 78; Salvatore
south-west, a strategically better place, where Tedeschi, “Una storica croce processionale etiopica
probably his kätäma was already located (Pank- conservata in Italia”, Africa (Roma) 46, 2, 1991, 163–82.
Hist I, 103f.; in a royal text the date is 1618, Per- Lit.: Guida 367; PankHist I, 102–07; Tewelde Beiene,
ruchon 1895:175). Once the missionaries from La politica cattolica di Seltan Seged I (1607–1632) e la
“Old” G. moved there around 1622, the place, missione della Compagnia di Gesù in Etiopia: precedenti,
evoluzione e problematiche, Roma 1983, 103; Hervé
known as New G. and considerably enriched Pennec, Des Jésuites au royaume du Prêtre Jean (Éthio-
with lands by Susényos (BecRASO XII, 274f.), pie): stratégies, rencontres et tentatives d’implantation
expanded into a complex of habitations and fa- 1495–1633, Paris 2003, 167ff., 205; LaVerle Berry,
cilities (water-cistern, walls, castle). An imposing “Ethiopian and Jesuit Monumental Stone Architecture
in the Lake Tana Basin: a Preliminary Assessment”, in:
church of lime and stone, lavishly decorated, was Manuel João Ramos – Isabel Boavida (eds.), The In-
erected between 1627–29 under the guidance digenous and the Foreign in Christian Ethiopian Art: on
of the Jesuit brother João Martins (BecRASO Portuguese-Ethiopian Contacts in the 16th–17th Centuries,
854
Gorgoryos
Burlington 2004, 16–29, here 19–22; LaVerle Berry
– Richard Smith, “Churches and Monasteries of Lake
Tana, Ethiopia, 1972”, Africa 34, 1–2, 1979, 1–34, here
1f.; Vinigi L. Grottanelli, Missione di studio al Lago
Tana, vol. 2: Ricerche geografiche ed economiche sulle
popolazioni, Roma 1939, esp. 89, 93ff.; Giotto Dainelli,
Il Lago Tana, Milano 1939, 101–04; Jean Duchesne-
Fournet, Mission en Ethiopie (1901–1903), vol. 1: His-
toire du voyage, Paris 1909, 142–45, vol. 3: Atlas, Paris
1908 (map); Carlo Conti Rossini, “Il convento di Tsana
in Abissinia e le sue laudi alla Vergine”, RRALm ser. 5a, 19,
1910, 581–621, here 589f.
Andreu Martínez
Gorgoryos
Abba G. (Q?Q?_F , also known as Gregory, Gre-
gorius, d. 1658) was a traditional Ethiopian schol-
ar and the main informant of Hiob ÷Ludolf. G.
claimed to be a descendant of a famous Amhara
lineage (nägädä kéburan) from ÷Mäkanä Íéllase
– a lineage of mäkwanént (÷Aristocracy) and of
numerous advisers to the emperors – and once
wrote: “I often spoke with the Emperor [ase
÷Susényos], the mäkwanént and the mighty
ones” (s. his letter to Ludolf of 6 October 1650;
Ludolf 1681:11, 17f.; 1691:35ff.). In his Theologia Abba Gorgoryos; engraving by Elias Ch. Heiss, Wien
Aethiopica Ludolf describes G. as “Ephor of the 1691; from Ludolf 1691, frontispiece
noble courtiers at the court of the king of the
Ethiopians” (Uhlig 1983:85, 210), pointing to arrived in Gotha (central Germany). G. greatly
G.’s elevated education and teaching functions, as impressed his host and the latter’s entourage. He
well as to his influence on the Emperor. stayed at Duke’s court till September, involved
When G. converted to the Roman Catholic in extensive discussions on Ethiopian history,
faith, the Jesuit Patriarch Alfonso ÷Mendez ap- culture and religion, prepared on the basis of
pointed him as his secretary. After the abdication the then-available literature on Ethiopia (Uhlig
of Susényos in 1632 and the restauration of the 1983:34–37, 42–47). G.’s answers were briefly
traditional Ethiopian faith, G., together with the jotted down in German (ibid. 48–75); their
Jesuits, was persecuted and had to flee to India Ethiopian version was edited by Ludolf in his
(Ludolf 1691:29). During a new trip to Ethiopia Theologia Aethiopica.
another persecution in 1634 forced him into ex- In 1658, on his way from Rome back to Ethio-
ile again, this time he fled via Egypt to Rome, pia, G. drowned in the Mediterranean Sea. Lu-
where, together with other Ethiopians, he found dolf reports: “The fate of this man is only to be
shelter in the Collegium Aethiopicum of ÷Santo lamented, as he, back on his way to Ethiopia at
Stefano dei Mori. the expenses of the Duke … had to be surprised
In Rome G. met Ludolf, who was there on a by a death so cruel as drowning near Alexan-
diplomatic mission. Between March and May drette [near Aleppo, Syria]” (Uhlig 1983:38f.).
1649, they met very often. G. helped Ludolf When calling Ludolf the “Father of Ethiopian
learn GéŸéz and later Amharic and gain many studies”, one has to remember that his works on
insights into Christian Ethiopian culture (Hab- Ethiopian culture would not have been possible
erland in PICES 3, vol. 1, 133). The encounter without G., to whom Ludolf devoted several
with G. became a turning-point for Ludolf, as grateful lines. It was due to the fortunate encoun-
from this moment on he assidiously devoted ter with G. and his knowledge of the Orbis
himself to ÷Ethiopian studies. Aethiopicus that Ludolf 350 years ago laid the
On 10 June 1652, following an invitation from foundation of Ethiopian studies as a scholarly
Duke Ernst von Sachsen-Gotha-Altenburg, G. discipline. Later critical remarks by Jeronimo
855
Gorgoryos
÷Lobo (1789:188), who characterized G. as a Divinity on 15 June 1976 from the University of
“very bad guide” to Ludolf and “very ignorant in Athens. G. went to ÷Jerusalem and started his
his own religion”, are neither just nor justified. service at Däbrä Gännät Kidanä Méòrät. Dur-
Src.: Hiob Ludolf, Historia Aethiopica, sive brevis et ing his stay there, he was certified by the Greek
succincta descriptio Regni Habessinorum …, Francofurti Theological College in Jerusalem.
ad Moenum 1691, 11, 17f. [Prooemium]; Id., Ad suam In 1978, abunä ÷Täklä Haymanot, the third
Historiam Aethiopicam antehac editam Commentarius
…, Francofurti ad Moenum 1961, 28–47 and passim; Id., Patriarch, offered G. a position in the Patri-
A New History of Ethiopia, being a Full and Accurate archate. In February 1979, G. was appointed
Description of the Kingdom of Abessinia, Vulgarly, though Bishop of the Diocese of Šäwa. He became the
Erroneously Called the Empire of Prester John. In Four Secretary of the Holy Synod, and Private As-
Books […] with the Life of Gregorius Abba, London
²1684; Jeronimo Lobo, A Voyage to Abyssinia, by Fa-
sistant to the Patriarch. In the latter function G.
ther Jerome Lobo, a Portuguese Missionary …, London drafted a new church regulation which was then
1789 [repr. New York 1978], 188; Siegbert Uhlig, Hiob approved by the Holy Synod.
Ludolfs “Theologia Aethiopica”, Wiesbaden 1983 (AeF Later G. chose to concentrate on his diocese
14), passim (Lit.). duties; he resigned from the additional posi-
Lit.: Eike Haberland, “Hiob Ludolf: Father of Ethio-
pian Studies in Europe”, in: PICES 3, vol. 1, 131–36; tions and moved his office from Addis Abäba
Richard Pankurst, “Gregorius and Ludolf”, EthObs to Lake ÷Zway where he soon established the
12, 1969, 287–90. Zway Hamärä Bérhan Qéddus Gäbréýel Mon-
Siegbert Uhlig astery and Clergy Training Centre. There G.
provided orphans with shelter and education.
He developed a curriculum and invited clergy-
Gorgoryos men from other regions to his diocese. He also
Abunä G. (Q?Q?_F , b. 1947, Däse, Wällo; d. attracted university and college students for the
29 July 1990, Meki) was a bishop of Šäwa and time of summer vacations (many of them later
a prominent ecclesiastic. Son of ato Gäbäyyähu formed the religious youth association Maòbärä
Éssayye and wäyzäro Asälläfäóó Kaía, G. began Qéddusan). Besides, G. was evangelizing people
traditional church ÷education at the age of six in within and beyond his diocese. He even offered
the nébab bet of his parish of Däbrä Mädòanit scholarships to foreigners who were interested
Mädòane ŸAläm. After completing the first stage, in learning about the Ethiopian Church and be-
he went to a ÷qéne bet in Kutabär, 20 km away coming Orthodox Christians.
from Däse. For his sharp mind his teachers are Paulos Mar Grigorious, an Archbishop of In-
reported to have nicknamed him Mäzgäbä Íéllase dian Orthodox Church and the previous General
(‘treasure of the Trinity’). Ordained ÷diyaqon Secretary of World Council of Churches, highly
by abunä Yéshaq, the then Archbishop of Wällo, evaluated G.’s missionary activities (Märša
G. joined the monastic community of ÷Däbrä Aläõäññ 2004:31).
Libanos in Šäwa, where he stayed for two years. Since G. could speak at least five foreign
Thereafter, G. continued his qéne studies with languages, he actively participated in a number
mäggabe méítir Afä Wärq Mängäšä in Addis of international Church councils. G. also con-
ŸAläm and, later, went to Däbrä Sége Maryam to tributed to the Church by writing three books
learn ÷andémta, ÷zema and ÷qéddase. which are still highly demanded. Abunä G.
G. was ordained priest together with abunä died on his way to Qéddus Giyorgis and Qéd-
Basélyos, the first Patriarch of the ÷Ethiopian dus Mikaýel churches in Meki (East Šäwa) for
Orthodox Täwahédo Church, and appointed preaching, and was buried in the Hamärä Bérhan
preacher in the parish of Harär Mädòane ŸAläm. Qéddus Gäbréýel.
During his stay in ÷Harär G. completed his Src.: abunä Gorgoryos, uO:Hy &z|M (Mäíärätä
secondary education; besides, G. was assigned émnät, ‘The Basis of the Faith’), ms.; Id., Y#M_1\y ,Hy
l?FJ\#y K<l (Yäýityopya betä kréstiyan tarik, ‘His-
as Chief Administrator of ÷Qullébi Gäbréýel tory of the Ethiopian Church’), ms.; Id., Y,Hy l?FJ\#y
Church. K<ly ((nzy u;:l (Yäbetä kréstiyan tarik bäŸaläm
Abunä ÷Tewoflos, the future Patriarch and mädräk, ‘General Church History’), ms.
then Archbishop of Harärge, had a high regard Lit.: Hamär zäýorthodoks täwahédo [Addis Abäba], 6,
1989 A.M. [1996 A.D.]; Mäläkät [Addis Abäba], 7, 1984
of G. and sent him to ÷Greece for further edu- A.M. [1991 A.D.]; SémŸa sédéq zäýortodoks täwahédo
cation. G. got a diploma from the Theological [Addis Abäba], 6 Hamle 1989 A.M. [1996 A.D.];
School of Patmos and obtained his Master of MaÒbärä QÉddusan (ed.), “v!y -a*y !)|y Q?Q?_F”
856
Gosa
(Zena bésuŸ abuna Gorgoryos, ‘History of the Blessed écrits pseudépigraphes admis par les Falachas ou Juifs
Abunä Gorgoryos’), Pamphlet, Addis Ababa, July 1989; d’Abyssinie, Paris 1902, XXVII–XXX, 97–107, 210–19.
MärŠa AläÕäÑÑ, v!y //DM y #M_1\b\# (Zena Lit.: Getatchew Haile, “On the Identity of Gorgoryos
pappasat ityopyawyan, ‘History of the Ethiopian Patri- and the Provenance of the Apocalypse”, in: PICES 11, vol.
archs’), Addis Abäba 1997 A.M. [2004 A.D.]; Solomon 1, 625–39; Jean Doresse, “Survivances d’écrits gnostiques
WändÉmu, “-a* y !)| y Q?Q?_F y js& 1932–1982 dans la littérature guèze”, in: PICES 3, vol. 2, 213–16.
E.C.” (BésuŸ abuna Gorgoryos kaleý 1932–1982 E.C., ‘The Steven Kaplan
Blessed Abunä Gorgoryos the Second’), Hamär zäýor-
todoks täwahédo (Addis Abäba), 5–8, 1994 A.M. [2001
A.D.]; Wäldä Rufaýel FätaHi, “-a*y !)|y Q?Q?_Fy Gorrose ÷Dullay
!:E” (BésuŸ abuna Gorgoryos arräfu, ‘The Blessed
Abunä Gorgoryos Has Departed’), Zena betä kréstiyan
zäýItyopya 135, 1982 A.M. [1989 A.D.]; Id., “Y-a*y Gosa
!)|y Q?Q?_Fy \?(1y3#y `tHy IM=My YM<\?hy
(HK/(My HDù ”(Yäbésuý abunä Gorgoryos yarbäñña
G. (Oromo, ‘ethnic group, tribe’ [GraggDic 183],
qän sälotä féthat patriyarku bätägäññubbät täfässämä, also used in Amh.) has a wide range of meanings.
‘The 40th Day Absolution Prayer for Abunä Gorgoryos It can simply mean type, group, kind, breed,
Has Been Performed in Presence of the Patriarch’), Zena genus, variety or species when used of things,
betä kréstiyan zäýityopya 134, 1983 A.M. [1990 A.D.].
activities and creatures which appear to share
Mersha Alehegne
distinctive characteristics, as for example, gosa
biyee, ‘soil type’, gosa dhiigaa, ‘blood group’,
Gorgoryos, apocalypse of gosa hojii, ‘type of work’ (Tamene Bitima 2000:
129) or gosa saýaa, ‘breed of cow’ (TilDic 272).
The G. (Q?Q?_F ) is a ÷Betä Ésraýel work
G. is used similarly, but with added complex-
concerned with the fate of the soul after death.
ity and moral intensity, of groupings of humans
Although thematically similar to such Ethiopic
who are perceived as having common charac-
works as the Apocalypse of ÷Mary, the Apoca-
teristics, especially shared patrilineal descent
lypse of ÷Paul, the Apocalypse of ÷Baruch
(whether real or by adoption, ÷moggaasa), such
and the Mäshäfa ÷mälaýékt, it does not appear
as nation, people, tribe, clan or patrilineage. The
to be dependent upon any of these works. No
extent of the socio-political grouping referred to
Ethiopian Christian version of the G. has been
is determined by the context in which the word
found; portions exist in a 15th cent. manuscript.
is used, so its range of meanings does not cause
Doresse (1970) suggested that the text originated
confusions in conversation. G. is commonly
in Christian-Arabic literature.
used between people who are seeking to estab-
The book begins with G.’s request that the
lish the social distance between them, as in Ati
archangel Michael reveal the mysteries of death
gosa tam?, ‘What G. are you?’.
and the fate of the soul. The angel shows him a
Every Oromo belongs to a descending order
good man’s bright soul being received by a host
of G., so it is essential to the understanding of
of angels and welcomed into the presence of
Oromo social relationships. G. in the sense of
God. He then shows him the soul of a bad king
nation which shares distinctive characteristics,
being denied Divine grace. Michael then takes G.
may even be used to distinguish the G., Oromo
to Paradise, where he sees the temple and the ark
from the other G. or nations, of Ethiopia. G. is
and to Hell where the souls of the evil are being
also used of each of the numerous peoples which
punished. G. is then returned to earth, where he
make up the Oromo nation, such as the ÷Arsi,
records what he has seen. Rather surprisingly,
÷Boorana, Karrayyuu, ÷Ittuu, ÷Anniyya,
two further speeches of the angel and the preach-
÷Gabra, ÷Guggi, ÷Témmugaa, ÷Mäcca or
ing of G. follow.
÷Tuulama. Indeed, in a pan-Oromo context, the
According to Betä Ésraýel tradition, G. was a
Oromo nation can be viewed as an association of
14th-cent. monk. Christian sources identify G. as
related G. Similarly, G. can be used as the generic
a Persian hermit who lived in both Syria and Cy-
name for the innumerable clans of which each of
prus, while there is a mention in the ÷Täýammérä
the Oromo major subgroups is composed; the
Maryam of a G. “who saw hidden things”. The
Arsi, for example, consist of at least two hundred
÷Sénkéssar commemorates G. on 2 Mäggabit (cf.
clans. Traditionally such clans were exogamous,
Getatchew Haile in PICES 11, vol. 1, 627).
mainly patrilocal, and were the units within
Src.: Wolf Leslau, Falasha Anthology, New Haven
– London 1951, 77–91; Joseph Halévy, Teýezâza Sanbat which, or between which, local disputes were
(Commandements du Sabbat), accompagné de six autres settled; but these local limits are being eroded
857
Gosa
by urbanization and changes in land tenure and Hayq Éstifanos (EMML vol. 5, 293–301) is the
the administration-system. Members of the same earliest dated manuscript (1280/81 A.D.).
G. share undeniable obligations to render each The Ethiopic G. was for the first time translat-
other mutual assistance and support which, as in ed from a Greek original not later than the 5th or
most clan and lineage systems, become stronger early 6th cent. (BrakKirche 146). When, 500 years
and more binding the closer the connections. later, the earliest manuscript evidence emerged,
G. is not normally used of those lower levels the G. of Matthew appeared to exist in two dis-
of descent group, such as lineages balbala and tinct versions, “A-text” (mss. Abba Gärima I and
families warra, within which patrilineal kinship III) and “B-text” (ms. Däbrä Maryam 1), the A-
can be traced and in which mutual obligations text obviously being the earlier one. In the other
are specific rather than generalized. G., although it may differ slightly from manu-
A G. cannot exist on its own or as a part script to manuscript, the early texts are basically
of a duality, but only as part of a complex of of one type, close to Matthew’s A-text.
similar groupings. G. is not used of Boorana or The main characteristics of the G. text in the
÷Baarentuu, the two major Oromo divisions at earliest retrievable form are: a strong harmoniza-
the beginning of the 17th cent. which are mention, both synoptic and contextual, the addition
tioned by Bahréy (BeckHuntAlm 112); nor of of explicit subjects and objects to verbal forms,
the Sabbo and Goona moieties of the contempo- preference for parataxis, the rendering of passive
rary ÷Boorana (Bassi 1990:45) or the Siko and forms by means of the third person plural of
Mando moieties of the contemporary Arsi. the active form and the addition of emphasiz-
Src.: BeckHuntAlm 111–29; GraggDic 183; KaneDic ing words like “all” and “much” (÷Bible). The
1954; Tamene Bitima, A Dictionary of Oromo Technical B-text (the G. of Matthew), almost from verse to
Terms, Köln 2000, 129; TilDic 272.
Lit.: Marco Bassi, I Borana: Una società assembleare verse, removes many of these translation liber-
dell’Etiopia, Milano 1990; MHasOr; VSAe II; HuntGal. ties and renders much more literally in accord-
Paul T.W. Baxter ance with the Greek. If there is any influence of
a Syriac version (UllBibl 53), it is in the B- rather
than in the A-text.
Gospel(s) Ethiopian scribes and theologians must have
Manuscripts with Ethiopic (÷GéŸéz) G. (sg. been very hesitant to omit any part of the sacred
]#Os , Wängel) normally include the Four text as received in their manuscripts. In the 13th
Gospels. There exist a number of manuscript cent. a process of continuing conflation begins. At
containing only the G. of John. Apart from first only the A-text and the B-text were skilfully
that, manuscripts with one single G. are rare. conflated (e.g. in ms. EMML 1832), but later, from
In a complete Ethiopic Tetraevangelium the the 15th cent. onward, elements from other sources,
order is always Matthew – Mark – Luke – John, notably Arabic, have been added. Conflations of
with the exception of ms. London, BritLib, four or five readings are no exception. Correction
Add. 16,190 (DillmLond 7f., no. 8) where Mark of these hybrid texts begins in the 16th/17th cent.
is moved to the end. The total number of Ethi- on the basis of Arabic texts. Manuscripts from the
opic G. manuscripts presently known is close to 18th cent. and later are usually eclectic. Ethiopic G.
500, about 250 of which have been investigated manuscripts in general, unlike, e.g., the Syriac G.,
(Zuurmond 1989, vol. 1, 240–55). They usually exhibit an immense variety of textual readings.
contain several “Introductions”, among them Since there is a gap of half a millennium at least
the Pcay T?(M (Géssawe íérŸat, ‘Synopsis of between the original translation and the earliest
classes’), the Letter of ÷Eusebius to Carpianus, manuscript evidence and in view of conspicuous
the Ten Eusebian Canons (÷Canon tables), a list inconsistencies in the tradition of the text (e.g.,
of Tituli/Kephalaia and the Stichometry (Zuur- many dual readings even within one paragraph),
mond 1989, vol. 1, 6–31). one should be extremely careful in assuming
Ethiopic G. manuscripts are among the earliest that any text, either from an early manuscript
extant documents in GéŸéz. Three manuscripts or reconstructed, would necessarily be identical
from ÷Énda Abba Gärima (Abba Gärima I–III), with the earliest translation(s). Consequently, it
notable for early palaeography and orthography is rather hazardous to establish which type of
(UhPal), were probably written as early as the Greek text underlies the Ethiopic Version(s).
11th or 12th cent. Ms. EMML 1832 from ÷Däbrä Readings in the earliest retrievable texts usually
858
Gospel(s)
correspond to the Greek “Majority text”, but 293–301; DillmLond 7f., no. 8 [Add. 16,190]; GreTisVat
there are also many independent readings. The 127–31, no. 25 [Vat. Aeth. 25].
Lit.: BrakKirche 146; Michael Knibb, Translating the
value of the Ethiopic version for textual criticism
Bible: the Ethiopic Version of the Old Testament, New
of the Greek N.T. may differ from book to book York 1999 (Lit.); UhPal; UllBibl.
and is subject for further research. Rochus Zuurmond
The earliest edition of the G., as part of the
N.T., was published in Rome by “Petrus Æthi- Gospel illustration
ops” (÷Täsfa Séyon) in 1548 from ms. Vat. Aeth. The oldest evidence for illustrated G. Book is
25 (13th/14th cent.). It contains a huge number of provided by the manuscripts known as the Abba
printing errors and was reprinted in Walton’s Gärima G. I–III (from ÷Énda Abba Gärima),
Polyglot (1657) with most of these errors. The possibly of the 11th/12th cent. (with a most
text of Matthew is of the B-type. The most com- incertain dating proposal to the 7th/8th cent.)
monly used edition was prepared by Thomas Decorated with the Canon tables of Eusebius and
Pell Platt for the ÷British and Foreign Bible So- the portraits of the ÷Evangelists, they include
ciety in London (1826). The text is eclectic to a elements allowing us to connect them with the
high degree. Zuurmond (1989) published a text- late antique or early Byzantine tradition also
critical edition of the G. of Mark on the basis of evident in Coptic, Syriac and Armenian books of
the Abba Gärima manuscripts, followed in 2001 the early Middle Ages (Byzantine Empire).
by the G. of Matthew in four versions. There The large group of Ethiopian illuminated G.
exist at least ten more printed editions of the G. that appears at the end of the 13th cent. and dur-
and/or ÷New Testament in GéŸéz (Zuurmond ing the first half of the 14th cent. adds a Chris-
1989, vol. 1, 224–39). tological cycle to the Canons and the prefatory
Editions of the G. in other Ethiopian languag- portraits of the Evangelists. It was transmitted
es have since the 19th cent. been published by in two recensions. The first one introduces
the British and Foreign Bible Society and more only three scenes: the ÷Crucifixion, the Holy
recently by the United Bible Societies. Sepulchre and the Ascension (rendered as the
÷Bible ÷Maiestas Domini), a “short cycle” compara-
Src.: Petrus Aethiops [Täsfa SÉyon] (ed.), Testamen- ble with the decoration of the eulogia from the
tum Novum, cum Epistola Pauli in lingua Gheez, Romae
1548; Thomas P. Platt (ed.), ]#Osy 87F (Wängel Holy Land (e.g. in the ÷Däbrä MäŸar G. Book,
qéddus, ‘Holy Gospel’), London 1826 [many reprints]; dated to 1341). The second recension includes a
HamTana II, 50–53, ms. Tanasee = Däbrä Maryam 1; sequence of episodes of the life of Christ that are
Rochus Zuurmond, Novum Testamentum Aethiopice: of liturgical significance (e.g., in the G. Book of
the Synoptic Gospels. i. General Introduction, ii. Edition
÷Ïir Ganela, with 18 scenes). The miniatures are
of the Gospel of Mark, Stuttgart 1989 (AeF 27) (Lit.);
Id., Novum Testamentum Aethiopice. iii. The Gospel of always displayed full-page and grouped before
Matthew, Wiesbaden 2001 (AeF 55); EMML 1832, vol. 5, the text, being thus placed immediately after the
Peter’s Denial and Seizure of Christ;

miniatures from the Gospel Book
of Kréstos Täsfanä, 1280/81; Däbrä
Hayq Éstifanos; fols. 21v-22r; photo
2000, courtesy of Michael Gerves
859
Gospel(s)
Canons – an arrangement ultimately deriving chéologiques 2), 74–87; Claude Lepage, “Reconstruction
from the 5th/6th-cent. illuminated Mediterranean d’un cycle protobyzantin à partir des miniatures de deux
manuscrits éthiopiens du XIVe siècle”, Cahiers archéolo-
G. lectionary. In Ethiopia, the first type of G. il- giques 35, 1987, 159–96; Jacques Mercier, “Les sources
lustration seems to vanish at the turn of the 14th/ iconographiques occidentales du cycle de la vie du Christ
beginning of the 15th cent., while the second one dans la peinture éthiopienne du dix-huitième siècle”, JA
lasts for some hundred years or more. 287, 2, 1999, 374–94; Kurt Weitzmann, “The Narrative
and Liturgical Gospel Illustrations”, in: Merril M. Parvis
The G. Books produced from the end of
– Allan P. Wikgreen (eds.), New Testament Manuscript
the 15th cent. in scriptoria of the ÷Stephanites, Studies, Chicago 1950, 151–74, 215–20; Klaus Wessel,
centred at ÷Gundä Gunde, show a gradually “Evangelienzyklen”, in: Reallexikon zur Byzantinischen
reduced and finally abandoned Christological Kunst, vol. 11, Stuttgart 1968, 434–51, here 434–45.
cycle. Instead, the ancient type of illustration Ewa Balicka-Witakowska
limited to the lavishly decorated Canons and the
portraits of the Evangelist reappears.That cycle
is usually enriched with the image of St. Mary Goššu
with Child flanked by two archangels – which G. (Q! ; d. ca. 1786) was a prominent political
probably reflects the increasing importance of figure in the second half of the 18th cent. An
the Marian cult within the Ethiopian liturgical Ethiopian aristocrat of royal descent, grandson
year (÷Calendar). of ras ÷Yämanä Kréstos, great-grandson of ase
Outside the Stephanite milieu, in the 16th cent., Susényos, his father ras ÷Wädagge became a he-
the ornamented Canon tables also withdraw, reditary ruler of the Amhara province, where G.
only the full-page portraits of the Evangelists had a strong local power base. Both ase ÷Iyoýas I
being left at the beginning of their respective and étege Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa) had to
G. This scheme was widely applied in the 17th take this into account and a successful career at
cent. (seeming exception is ms. London, BritLib the ÷Gondärine court was guaranteed for G.
Or. 481, in fact a copy of a 15th cent. book from On 26 September 1758, the then däggazmaó G.
Amba Géšän with 21 christological scenes). was appointed ÷liqä mäkwas. In October 1762 he
The luxury G. books produced in the so-called became governor of Goggam and on 18 October
First Gondär Style (ca. 1620–1700), with the text 1763 was granted the title of ÷bašša, together
of each G. extensively illustrated in spite of the with the office of ÷käntiba. To promote G. was in
obvious repetition of scenes, find their models the best interests of Méntéwwab, the actual ruler
in engravings from European printed books of the ÷Gondärine kingdom, for both she and her
(chiefly, the Evangelium Arabicum, Rome 1591, grandson Iyoýas badly needed his services. On 16
and the Evangelicae historiae imagines, Anvers September 1764, G. was appointed governor of
ca. 1593). The same models seem to have inspired Amhara province and six years later he received
the painters who produced the rare, but exten- the title of ras ÷bitwäddäd, the highest rank in the
sively illuminated G. in the so-called Second empire, next only to the sovereign himself.
Gondär Style of the 18th cent. From the 19th cent. G. served ase Iyoýas loyally and almost every
onwards, the selection of miniatures, however year took the field on his orders. Thus, on 16 Jan-
haphazard is no longer limited to G. subjects. uary 1769 he captured a pretender to the throne
Lit.: Ewa Balicka-Witakowska, La Crucifixion sans (an associate of ÷Yämaryam Barya), who was lat-
Crucifié dans l’art éthiopien. Recherches sur la survie de er executed. However, when ras ÷Mikaýel Séhul,
l’iconographie chrétienne de l’Antiquité tardive, Warszawa
– Wiesbaden 1997 (Bibliotheca nubica et ethiopica 4),
dissatisfied with the growth of influence of the
123–33; Alessandro Bausi, “Some Short Remarks on the Oromo relatives of ase Iyoýas, ordered that he be
Canon Tables in Ethiopic Manuscripts”, Studi magrebini strangled on 14 May 1769, G. became a supporter
26, 1998–2002, 45–67; Éthiopie: Manuscrits à peinture, Paris of the mighty new ruler. In Ethiopia a new era be-
1961; Marylin Heldman, “The Kibran Gospels: Ethiopia gan, the so-called ÷Zämänä mäsafént (‘Era of the
and Byzantium”, in: PICES 5b, 359–72; Jules Leroy,
“L’Évangéliaire éthiopien du couvent d’Abba Garima et ses Princes’), when morals lost their value, vows were
attaches avec l’ancien art chrétien de Syrie”, Cahiers archéo- no longer kept and neither emperors nor high of-
logiques 11, 1960, 131–43; Id., “L’Évangéliaire éthiopien ficials held office for long (Tekle-Tsadik Mekouria
illustré du British Museum (Or. 510) et ses sources icono- in PICES 8, vol. 2, 205).
graphiques”, AE 4, 1961, 155–68; Id., “Un nouveau évan-
géliaire éthiopien illustré du monastère d’Abba Garima”,
In 1771 G. was one of the commanders at the
in: Synthronon. Art et archéologie de la fin de l’Antiquité battle of ÷Sarbakusa. G. and ÷Wänd Bäwäsän
et du Moyen Âge, Paris 1968 (Bibliothèque des cahiers ar- defeated ras Mikaýel, but decided to keep Täklä
860
Goššu Zäwde
Haymanot II on the throne; G. retained his rank 1830s and early 1840s, G.Z. waged numerous
of ras bitwäddäd. successful campaigns against the Mäcca Oromo
Src.: GuiIyas; BruNile, vol. 4, 95ff.; BlunChr 17ff., 228f. as far as the borders of ÷Énnarya. Later, how-
Lit.: Tekle-Tsadik Mekouria, “Histoire abregée de ever, the Oromo achieved a sort of peace with
Haylou Esheté (Degiazmatche)”, in: PICES 8, vol. 2, the Goggam ruler, who even exchanged presents
189–213, here 205.
with ÷Abbaa Bagiboo I.
Sevir Chernetsov
After G.Z. had arranged marriage between
Bérru Goššu and the sister of ras ÷Ali Alula, the
Goššu Zäwde latter decided to disinherit the sons of the recently
Däggazmaó G.Z. (Q!y rb:, also Gwäššu, horse deceased däggazmaó ÷Kénfu Òaylu in favour of
name Abba Kanno; b. ca. 1780s/90s, d. 27 No- G.Z. and his son Bérru. Kénfu’s children objected,
vember 1852) was governor of ÷Goggam and so G.Z. claimed his right in the battle of Qwénzéla
Damot during the first half of the 19th cent. A (Déngél Bärr) on 4 October 1839. G.Z. was victo-
member of the ruling Goggam dynasty, he was rious. Soon, however, Ali transferred Kénfu’s land
one of the major lords during the last decades possessions to his mother ÷Mänän. Displeased
of the ÷Zämänä mäsafént. His father, Zäwde by G.Z.’s lack of ambition, Bérru Goššu rebelled
Séltan (Zäwde Tullu in RubActa I, no. 31; against his father and allied with Wébe Òaylä
however, däggazmaó Tullu was most possibly Maryam who was seeking to overthrow Ali.
Zäwde’s maternal grandfather) was a descendant In 1847, G.Z. invaded Bägemdér and looted
of the ÷balabbats of Damot. Nicknamed Kästi Gondär, annoyed with the treatment abunä
Zäwde (s. Girma Getahun 1991:87), he married ÷Sälama received from the inhabitants of the
Dénqénäš, daughter of ras ÷Òaylu Yosedeq and city and above all from éccäge Mahíäntä Mikaýel,
sister of ÷Märéd Òaylu. G.Z. was therefore a who was arrested and taken to Goggam in chains.
great grandson of étege Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Towards the end of the campaign, in 1848, G.Z.
Mogäsa) and grazmaó Iyasu, a member of the obtained the rank of ras from ÷Íahlä Déngél
÷Solomonic dynasty. G.Z. married wäyzäro who was in Gondär at that time.
Sahlitu Énqu, a distant descendant of Lébna G.Z. was on friendly terms with foreigners
Déngél’s daughter Tadra from Täläzämo, and who came to his court. Arnauld d’÷Abbadie, a
had two sons by her, Yälemtu (Élemtu) Goššu close friend, spent the whole of 1839 at G.Z.’s
and Täsämma Goššu. court, and remained in regular contact with G.Z.
Among G.Z.’s first military campaigns was until at least 1848. The Belgian consul ÷Blondeel
an expedition against the Kutay/Gändabarat van Coelebroeck was also a frequent visitor in
Oromo. In the early 1820s, G.Z. defeated the Goggam. In 1841, G.Z. asked him, among other
army of ras ÷Gugsa Märsa, headed by his ap- things, for missionaries to be sent to Goggam
pointee däggazmaó Gubäna. In 1827, in the (RubInd 100, cp. RubActa I, no. 40).
battle of Kosso Bärr, the combined army of Lég Kaía Òaylu (later ÷Tewodros II) was
G.Z. and däggazmaó ÷Maru of Dämbéya was early in his career in the service of G.Z., who
defeated by däggazmaó ÷Wébe Òaylä Maryam as already at that time an ally of ras Ali Alula.
of Sémen and ras Yémam Gugsa. Maru was Probably this happened shortly after Kénfu’s
killed in battle and his possessions were given death. Kaía was successful as a soldier; after one
to Yémam’s brother, ras ÷Maréye Gugsa. G.Z. of the first military actions he took part in G.Z.
escaped and fled into the mountain fortress of awarded him with a horse and a ÷lämd. It was
Gébäla. Next year, G.Z. attempted a military through Kaía’s service in G.Z.’s army that he ob-
campaign against däggazmaó MaŸétäntu, an tained access into Ali’s house and family.
appointee of ras Maréye, but failed, and was When lég Kaía turned against his father-in-law
imprisoned in Qwami Cärq cave (Mota). Accord- and became a šéfta, G.Z. remained loyal to ras
ing to the Chronicle of Goggam by aläqa Täklä Ali. In January 1852, G.Z., together with his son
Iyäsus (Girma Getahun 1991:92f.), G.Z.’s (ille- Bérru Goššu, attempted to conquer Gondär, at
gitimate) son ÷Bérru Goššu freed his father and that time already under lég Kaía’s control, but
defeated Maréye shortly thereafter in the battle retreated without offering a fight after looting
of Sägädit. In any case, the forces of G.Z. fought Fogära and destroying the monastery of Qwära-
aside Wébe and Maréye in the latter’s campaign ta. Later the same year Ali sent G.Z. at the head
against ÷Säbagadis Wäldu in 1831. During the of his army against Kaía. The campaign ended
861
Goššu Zäwde
with the battle at ÷Gur Amba, Dämbéya, in

November 1852; G.Z. was defeated and killed. A
famous poem was rhymed by a mourner (Mon-
VidTheod 2 [text], cp. BTafA 444 [text], Girma
Getahun 1991:111):
Gwäššu éndä Oryo Ali éndä Dawit
Yätént aydällämoy tälko mämot
G. like Uriah, Ali like David
Is it not like in old times to be sent to die?
Mondon-Vidailhet suggests that the poem might
allude to an amorous connection between Ali
Alula and G.Z.’s wife (MonVidTheod 3 [tr.]).
Of G.Z.’s sons, Bérru Goššu played the most
important role in the political theatre of that time, Hermann Götz’s farm in Arsi, photo courtesy of the
Frobenius-Institut, Frankfurt am Main (13-KB006-12)
being a political and military rival both to his fa-
ther and to Kaía Òaylu. Another son, fitawrari G. married an Amhara wife and had a daughter.
Täsämma, governed ÷Gawe in Damot and had His two sons died at an early age.
his capital in Cago, birth place of his ancestors. When after World War I ostrich feathers fell out
He fathered the future néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot. of fashion, G. and Jannasch began raising cattle.
Soon upon the death of G.Z., Täsämma was cap- This aroused conflicts on grazing land with the
tured by Tewodros and died in the prison of Arba neighbouring Oromo and, after a trial in Addis
Amba ca. 1860 (RubActa II, no. 109). There is no Abäba that found them guilty of mistreating
further record of Yälemtu Goššu. Oromo peasants, Jannasch was obliged to leave
Src.: BTafA 445–49; BlunChr 185-96, 486; AbbSéjour the country. G., however, returned to Adaamii
passim; ZanLitTheod 6, 13f. (text); FusTew 7ff. (text);
MonVidTheo 1ff. (text); RubActa I nos. 31, 39f., 45; Tulluu and associated with Walter Zahn (“hakim
RubActa II nos. 28f., 109, 219; Enrico Cerulli, “Gli Zahn”) – a German pharmacist from Addis Abäba
abbati di Dabra Libanos capi del monachismo etiopico, and his son-in-law-to-be – in the production of
secondo le liste recenti (sec. XVIII–XX)”, Orientalia nuova butter on a commercial scale. To transport their
ser. 14, 1945, 143–71, here 158f.; Carlo Conti Rossini,
“La cronaca reale abissina dall’anno 1800 all’anno 1840”,
products to Addis Abäba they cleared a road to
RRALm ser. 5a, 25, 1916, 779–923; CRNuov 371, 394f., Mogo railway station, which later became the
404f.; Girma Getahun (ed., tr.), The Goggam Chronicle highway from the capital to Šašämänne. In 1927,
by aläqa Täklä Iyäsus Waqgera, Ph.D. thesis, SOAS Uni- due to various reasons G. and Zahn parted.
versity of London 1991, 84-119. At the beginning of the Italian occupation the
Lit.: RubInd 84, 90, 97–102, 136; TSMTarik IV, 5; Ab-
Prince 34-37, 82, 108ff., 115, 126, 129. conflict between G. and the Oromo increased.
Evgenia Sokolinskaia The Oromo attacked his farm and G. had to
escape to Gälila, an island in Lake Zway, finding
shelter among the ÷Zay. Adaamii Tulluu
Götz, Hermann then became an Italian fortress and, after the
G. (b. 21 August 1878, Schwäbisch Gmünd, d. 2 occupation, G. again took refuge on Gälila,
September 1970, Adaamii Tulluu) was a German fearing to be accused of collaboration with the
entrepreneur. The son of a lower-class craftsman, Fascist Italians. Between 1946–55 he worked as
G., together with his friend Hans Jannasch, en- a veterinarian on the state farm near Adaamii
tered Ethiopia via Djibouti in 1902. After a stay Tulluu and, thanks to the Emperor’s permission,
in Harär, in 1904 they reached Addis Abäba, continued raising cattle.
where they offered their skills as craftsmen to G. – also known as “Papa Götz”, “Opa
the nobles. Jannasch was even employed as mili- Götz” or “Muse Götz” – appears in many
tary instructor by ase ÷Ménilék II (Bairu Tafla travel descriptions of that region (s. VSAe II,
1981:172). Later, following a grant of land from 651; Zahn 1951; Jannasch 1930) and is today still
ase Ménilék, both set up a farm to domesticate remembered by the Zay.
ostriches and built a house in Adaamii Tulluu (lit. Src.: interview with Bädhane Tibeso, Zay elder from
‘cactus hill’) on a hill to the south of Lake ÷Zway, Gälila, ca. 75 years old, Zway town, 1999.
Lit.: Bairu Tafla, “Opa Götz, 1878–1970”, Zeitschrift
near the ÷Bulbula. Their first ostriches were für Kulturaustausch, Sonderausgabe Äthiopien 1973, 188–
probably also provided by the Emperor (ibid.). 89; Id., Ethiopia and Germany, Wiesbaden 1981 (AeF 5);
862
Government
VSAe II, 651; Hans Jannasch, Im Schatten des Negus, a ÷monarchy and an aristocratic class who
Vierundzwanzig Jahre in Abbessinien, Berlin 1930; Wal- derived their power from a complex set of ob-
ter Zahn, Adami Tullu. Apotheker, Pionier und Zauberer
im Landes des Negus, Stuttgart 1951, 159–216. ligations based on control over land and the
Ronny Meyer peasants who worked it, and legitimated by the
Christian religion. As in feudal Europe, even
though the emperor was in principle supreme,
Government regional or provincial rulers were able to exer-
In traditional Ethiopia, which has a historical cise a significant level of autonomy. These rulers
trajectory significantly different from those in in turn depended on subordinate noblemen, who
the West, no distinction was made between a likewise enjoyed a measure of autonomy that
G. and a political system. The term u#PTM derived from the obedience of local peasantries.
(mängéít, lit. ‘kingship’) and the “political sys- A hereditary aristocracy was, however, far less
tem” revolved around the P* (÷Gébbi, ‘[im- evident than in Europe: even though the sons
perial] court’) with the #POy |KTM (néguíä of great lords were better placed than anyone
nägäít; ÷néguí, ÷ase) at the centre and the else to assume their fathers’ dignities, they had
ruling gentry comprising of the landholders, the to establish their own personal authority if they
gwéltäñña (÷Gwélt) and the réstäñña (÷Rést), the were to succeed; otherwise, they were liable to
÷céqa šum (‘village headmen’) and the ÷mésläne be displaced by rivals who might come from the
(‘district prefects’) scattered throughout his lesser nobility, or indeed from still further down
realm (÷Titles, ranks and functions; ÷Aristoc- the social scale. Graded titles of nobility, these
racy). The institutions of the state and the head were not inherited but had to be bestowed on
of G. were also fused. At the root of imperial each individual.
authority lay the claimed Solomonic descent of The nobility who commanded a peasant army,
the royal dynasty (÷Solomonic dynasty) and the and the church, which bestowed or disallowed
legitimizing authority of the ÷Ethiopian Ortho- religious legitimacy by qébýa mängéít (anoint-
dox Täwahédo Church as elaborated upon in the ing) or by gézzét (excommunication), could
÷Fétha nägäít. The church taught its flock that both challenge the emperors. Throughout long
the néguíä nägäít, chosen by God, is a supreme periods of the history of the Christian state,
authority in all matters, secular and spiritual, the absolute power of the néguíä nägäít stayed
and the people agreed with the premise without rather theoretical. He had to rely on the support
fail (cp. ÷Kingship, divine). In this capacity, the of often highly autonomous regional lords. All
néguíä nägäít was perceived as the guarantor of this notwithstanding, no permanent administra-
peace and security, symbol of national sover- tive structure had ever evolved.
eignty and unity, conferrer of material benefits Until a fixed capital was established at
and lifelong honorific titles, head of state and ÷Gondär in the 17th cent., the medieval imperial
government, source of law and judicial author- G. was characterized by its mobility. European
ity (÷Law and judiciary), supreme military visitors describe a remarkable tented capital that
commander and guardian of the state religion moved around the highlands from one place to
(÷Christianity). another. This system had two main functions:
first, it enabled the emperors to maintain con-
History prior to 1855 trol over the dispersed provinces of the empire
The early rulers in the northern highland areas through their own physical presence; and second,
of E. derived their power from a combination of it spread the economic burden of maintaining the
control over ÷trade with the ability to tax a rela- central G., which could scarcely have remained
tively densely settled peasantry. In other areas, permanently in the same place without exhaust-
systems of governance ranged from small-scale ing local supplies. At the same time, it prevented
and highly egalitarian societies through to cen- the development of any institutional structure of
tralized states that differed only in scale from the G. that was in any way separate from the person
empire that progressively extended its rule over of the emperor: the G. moved with him and was
the highland areas north of the Rift Valley. dependent on him. The physical lay-out of the
The extent to which this empire could be imperial camp was clearly organized: as soon as
described as “feudal” has been disputed by the emperor’s tent was pitched, all the subordi-
scholars (÷Feudalism). Certainly, it possessed nate officials knew where their own accommo-
863
Government
dation would be. There was also a complex set of G. itself. Before that time, however, modern po-
titles and offices, including the ÷sähafe téŸézaz, litical institutions were intended to increase the
the ÷afä néguí and the ÷liqä mäkwas. However, powers of the emperors by providing them with
these remained individual positions, in the gift of trained staff and effective organizations.
the emperor, and did not lead to the creation of The first emperor to appreciate the need for
any permanent bureaucracy. change in the way in which the G. worked was
The establishment of a permanent capital at ÷Tewodros II, who availed himself of the serv-
Gondär under ase ÷Fasilädäs, from 1636 on- ices of foreign advisers. These did not, however,
wards, did little to change this pattern of G. One establish any new G. institutions. ÷Yohannés IV
significant factor was that this coincided with a made much more sparing use of such advisers.
decline, both in the territory and resources that ÷Ménilék II, who had a much more acute sense
the empire controlled, and in the authority of of Ethiopia’s need to adapt to the demands of the
the emperors. It followed the destruction of the outside world, recruited a number of advisers, by
empire as a result of the invasions of ÷Ahmad b. far the most important of whom was the Swiss
Ibrahim al-Ëazi (“Grañ”) in the early 16th cent. engineer Alfred ÷Ilg, who was given the tradi-
and the steady encroachment of the ÷Oromo tional title of ÷bit wäddäd and the more modern
peoples on areas previously controlled by the one of Chancellor of State. Ilg was extensively
empire. It also coincided with the internal divi- involved in diplomatic correspondence and con-
sions prompted by the arrival of ÷Portuguese ducting negotiations with foreign powers.
missionaries and their attempts to convert lead-
ing elements to ÷Catholicism. A further con- Government Institutions, 1907–35
sequence of the Gondärine monarchy was the The formal appointment of G. ministers dates
increasing inability of the emperors to control from 1907, when Ménilék created Ministers of
the outlying provinces, a trend that was most Justice, War, Interior, Commerce and Foreign Af-
visible in ÷Šäwa, in ÷Tégray and elsewhere. fairs, Finance, Agriculture, the Pen, Public Works
Whereas previously, emperors had travelled and the Imperial Court. In some cases, notably
around the highlands in order to control sub- sähafe téŸézaz, who became “Minister of the Pen”,
ordinate rulers, now the provincial lords – such this involved only giving a new title to an existing
as ras ÷Mikaýel Séhul of Tégray – brought their office. Similarly, the afä néguí became Minister of
own armies to Gondär in order to intimidate and Justice. A Minister of Posts and Telegraphs was
control the emperor. This process culminated in appointed later. Several of these men, such as the
the ÷Zämänä mäsafént (1770-1855) when no Minister of War fitawrari ÷Habtä Giyorgis, were
Ethiopian central G. existed. powerful in their own right, but becoming minis-
ters did little to increase their power. There were
History after 1855 no ministries, in the sense of G. bureaucracies,
Introduction for them to direct and they had little idea of their
The increasing encroachment of European pow- responsibilities. Mahtämä Íéllase’s report that the
ers on Ethiopia from the mid-19th cent. onwards Minister of Posts and Telegraphs was responsible
led successive Ethiopian G. to reorganize their for delivering telegrams to the emperor indicates
own structures so as to enable them to cope how subordinate their role was. In a wider politi-
more effectively with the new demands that cal sense, the ministers were unable to compensate
were being made on them – initially very largely for the declining effectiveness of the central G. as
in order to manage relations with foreign G. and Ménilék himself became increasingly unable to
the increasing number of foreigners who came rule. They were included in the ÷Crown Council
to live in Ethiopia, but also and increasingly to that in 1909 was established to govern on the em-
promote economic, social and political changes. peror’s behalf, but the most influential roles in the
These changes were invariably introduced under ensuing struggle for the succession were played
the close supervision and control of the existing by those with military forces at their disposal.
political authorities, notably the emperors, and During the following seven years, ministers
were never permitted to challenge their pow- are frequently referred to in the diplomatic cor-
ers, at least until the moment when the forces of respondence and were appointed or dismissed in
modernity, established in the newly created state accordance with the changing balance of power
institutions, superseeded the imperial system of among the factions who competed for control
864
Government
over the G. There is, however, no indication inviolable and his power indisputable”. For all
that they exercised any significant powers that practical purposes, command over central and lo-
could be related to their offices, rather than to cal government, the legislature, the judiciary, and
the influence that they held as individuals. G. re- the military remained with the néguíä nägäít. The
mained as before a matter of personalities rather constitution was essentially an effort to provide a
than institutions. legal basis for replacing the traditional provincial
After lég ÷Iyasu’s overthrow in October 1916, rulers with appointees loyal to the emperor and
the situation became more conducive to the the process was put in motion to limit the power
construction of G. institutions, largely because of the regional nobility, and to enhance reliance
these suited the ambitions of ras Täfäri Mäk- on modern bureaucratic forms of administration.
w
ännén, who sought to establish a control over
G. that would be independent of the Empress The Structure of Imperial Government, 1941–74
÷Zäwditu. Whereas the ministers, who had Òaylä Íéllase’s modernization efforts were tem-
become a constraint on Täfäri’s power, were all porarily halted with the ÷Italian war of 1935/36
dismissed in March 1918, he appointed younger (÷Africa Orientale Italiana; ÷Colonialism). The
officials, including ÷Òéruy Wäldä Íéllase and liberation from Italian rule in 1941 provided the
÷Täklä Wäldä Hawaryat, to the Addis Abäba opportunity to establish a structure of G. that
municipality and tax-collecting officials with survived in its basic form until the 1974 ÷revo-
the rank of ÷näggadras to the leading commer- lution and in important respects well beyond
cial centres. During the 1920s and early 1930s, then. An official G. gazette, ÷Nägarit Gazeta,
the outlines of a modern administrative system was first published in March 1942 and carried all
became increasingly clear as permanent offices legislation, together with orders regulating the
were established and newly educated Ethiopians powers of G. agencies, and other information
were appointed to staff them. Several of these, including official appointments. The Ministers
including ÷Mäkwännén Habtäwäld at Finance (Definition of Powers) Order of 29 January 1943
and ÷Wäldä Giyorgis Wäldä Yohannés at the formally established the Council of Ministers
Ministry of the Pen, would become leading min- and laid down the powers of the different min-
isters after 1941. Greatest attention was paid to istries. These were the Ministries of Agriculture,
the ministries of Foreign Affairs, where Òéruy Commerce and Industry, Communications and
Wäldä Íéllase became Director-General in 1927 Public Works, Education and Fine Arts, Finance,
and later Minister, Commerce, Finance, and Foreign Affairs, Interior, Justice, the Pen, Posts,
Posts and Telegraphs, all of which were closely Telegraphs and Telephones and War. There was
associated with Ethiopia’s relations with the also a Minister of the Imperial Court, but this
outside world. By the early 1930s, there were did not have any assigned duties under the Or-
foreign advisers at the Ministries of Finance, der. The Office of Prime Minister, not provided
Foreign Affairs, Interior and Justice and at the for in the original Order, was established on 30
newly established Ministry of Education. September 1943 and ras bitwäddäd ÷Mäkwännén
The 1931 Constitution led to the creation of Éndalkaóóäw was appointed to it.
Ethiopia’s first formal legislative institutions, A Ministry of Public Health was established
with a two-chamber Parliament consisting of on 30 March 1948 and on 25 September 1953 the
the Senate (YBPy u]A1y zl?y ,M, yähégg Ministry of War became the Ministry of National
mäwässäñña mékér bet), which was appointed Defence. Ministries of Pensions, Stores and Sup-
directly by the Emperor, and the Chamber of plies (abolished in 1964), National Community
Deputies (YBPy uz<\y zl?y ,M, yähégg Development, Mines and State Domains (1958)
mämriya mékér bet) which, “temporarily, and and Information were also set up during the
until the people are in a position to elect them 1950s. Ministries of Land Reform and of Planning
themselves” (Art. 32), was to be chosen by the and Development were created in July 1966.
nobility and local chiefs. Both constitutionally The Emperor continued to take the main role
and in practice, these had only limited powers. in the day-to-day management of the G. and
Practically, this constitution reasserted the Em- the most powerful individuals and institutions
peror’s status. It reserved imperial succession were those most close to him. During the period
to the line of ÷Òaylä ÍéllaseI and declared that between 1941 and 1955, the most important min-
“the person of the emperor is sacred, his dignity ister was the Minister of the Pen, sähafe téŸézaz
865
Government
Wäldä Giyorgis Wäldä Yohannés, rather than of ministers whose responsibilities most closely
the Prime Minister, who had a largely ceremo- related to the work of the agency concerned,
nial role. Subsequently, in 1959, an institution together with a number of technical experts and
called His Imperial Majesty’s Private Cabinet were placed under the executive control of a
was created to provide a secretariat for the director or general manager. They also provided
Emperor, independent of the ministers; but a mechanism through which foreigners could be
this declined in power after one of its leading given responsibilities beyond a status of advisors.
members, ÷Wärqénäh Gäbäyyähu, was killed The ÷Parliament established under the 1931
fighting for the rebels during the abortive Coup Constitution was revived after 1941, but exer-
d’état of December 1960. Another institution, cised no discernible power, its most visible mani-
the Crown Council, was formally recognized by festation being its ceremonial annual opening by
the Revised Constitution of 1955, in which it was the Emperor in November each year. Until 1957,
given sensitive powers relating to the possible there were five Deputies for each province and
incapacity of the Emperor or the Crown Prince a total of about 30 Senators. Under the Revised
and the establishment of a regency. There is little Constitution of 1955, the Chamber of Deputies
evidence that this played any significant role. was for the first time directly elected, while the
The first Prime Minister, ÷Mäkwännén Senate continued to be appointed by the Em-
Éndalkaóóäw, held office until 1957, when he was peror and Parliament’s powers were increased;
appointed President of the Senate. His successor it now had to approve legal proclamations and
was ÷Aklilu Habtäwäld, previously Minister the budget, although decrees could be promul-
of Foreign Affairs and one of three influential gated by the Emperor while Parliament was not
brothers, the eldest of whom was Mäkwännén sitting, subject to its later approval. The execu-
Habtäwäld, long-time Minister of Commerce. tive remained exclusively under the Emperor’s
Until 1961, Aklilu was designated only as acting control and matters concerning the internal
Prime Minister and the Minister of Defence, ras organization of the G. were regulated by impe-
÷Abbäbä Arägay, presided over meetings of the rial orders, which did not require parliamentary
Council of Ministers. Following ras Abbäbä’s approval.
assassination (along with Mäkwännén Habtäwäld The first direct elections to the Chamber of
and other leading officials) during the attempted Deputies were held in 1957 and these followed
coup, Aklilu became full Prime Minister in early at four-year intervals until the 1974 revolution.
1961 and held office through until February 1974. However, no political parties were formed, even
In April 1966, the Prime Minister’s powers were though these were not explicitly prohibited, and
enhanced by giving him the power to choose elections at the constituency level were contested
and dismiss the other ministers, but in practice on the basis of personalities. The Senate served
this made little difference to the composition largely as a place of semi-retirement for distin-
of the G., which was drawn from a small group guished former officials, and despite attempts to
of courtier-politicians, none of whom had any increase the role of Parliament by a number of
source of power independent of the Emperor. ambitious deputies, which extended to the occa-
In addition to the ministries, the imperial G. sional rejection or amendment of G. legislation,
established a large number of specialized agen- it remained marginal to the political process.
cies. The best known of these was ÷Ethiopian The most significant legislative change was the
Airlines, established in 1948, while other agen- codification process, carried out under the super-
cies in the area of communications and public vision of a Codification Commission established
works included the Ethiopian Electric Light and in 1954 (÷Criminal codes; Maritime Code;
Power Authority (1956), the Imperial Board of ÷Civil Code; ÷Commercial Law; ÷Criminal
Telecommunications of Ethiopia (1952) and the Procedure Code; ÷Law and Judiciary). From
Imperial Highway Authority (1951). Further early forms of arbitration, which were still kept
specialist organizations were responsible for active and encouraged particularly for the rural
specific areas of economic management, includ- areas (÷Customary law), a legal system devel-
ing the Tobacco (1942), Grain (1950), and Coffee oped gradually into a formal system.
Boards (1957) and the Awaš Valley Authority The structure of provincial G. was also thor-
(1962). These were generally under the supervi- oughly reorganized after the liberation. Under
sion of a board of directors, consisting largely a decree of August 1942, the national territory
866
Government
Inaugural meeting of the
Council of Ministers in
April 1966 headed by Òaylä
Íéllase I; from ClapHS 130
was divided into twelve regions or téqlay gézat: began to accept payment of land taxes as proof
Arsi, Bägemdér-Sémen, Gamo Gofa, Goggam, of ownership and the local nobility was quick to
Harärge, Illubabor, Käfa, Šäwa, Sidamo, Tégray, grasp the chance: collecting as before the state
Wälläga and Wällo, each subject to a Governor tax from the peasants together with their trib-
appointed by the Emperor. Bale region was utes, they made sure to keep tax receipts in their
subsequently created from the part of Harärge own names. Peasants, unaware of this change,
between the Ganaalee and Wäbi Šäbälle rivers, saw how landlords put their lands on sale or
while ÷Eritrea, which had a special status as a brought them as a share into a “joint venture”
self-governing unit at the time of its unification with foreign investors. Only when peasants were
with the rest of Ethiopia in 1952, was made an told to leave, did they realize that they had been
ordinary téqlay gézat in 1962. Each téqlay gézat effectively disowned of their inherited claims to
was placed under an ÷éndärase (deputy gover- the use of land (Pausewang 1983:46, 81).
nor) in the case of commoners holding the posi-
tion and téqlay gäž (governors-general) in the Centralization
case of aristocrats ruling the provinces, all ap- Centralization of G. drew the nobility increas-
pointed directly by Òaylä Íéllase. Each province ingly into the centre, to join the court, staff the
was subdivided into awragga (sub-provinces), administration and lead the growing standing
wäräda (districts), and mékéttél wäräda (sub- army. Many of them left their local functions
districts). This structure remained broadly intact unattended to join the new G. structures in the
until the introduction of the short-lived Consti- centre. But they kept their local privileges, in
tution of 1987 (÷Administrative division). particular their rights to tributes from “their”
During Òaylä Íéllase’s reign, “modern” aspects peasants who, by this, had to finance the expen-
of G. ruled mainly only in the centre, both geo- sive urban life of the nobility. This happened not
graphically and socially. In distant regions, the only in the southern provinces, conquered by
éndärase continued often to rule as in the times Ménilék, but also in the ÷rést areas in the north.
of Ménilék and in the villages the nobility kept This indirect shift of resources to the centre must
its privileges and allowed little or no recourse to be seen economically as a central part of Òaylä
the law or the modern court system. As long as Íéllase’s reforms: it allowed to build up a modern
they paid their tribute and did not rebel, villages administration in the centre at the expense of the
were largely untouched by any aspect of modern peasants.
G. Òaylä Íéllase knew his rule depended on the A standing military force was built up in a sys-
support of the local nobility and allowed them to tem of different units balancing each other: the
continue their own way. Even in Addis Abäba, standing army was the ÷Imperial Body Guard,
the poor were hardly reached by any aspect of the reserve forces of a “territorial army”, the Air
modern law. But the land-owners class and local Force and the small naval force. In the civilian
nobility tried to expand privileges and rights. G., Òaylä Íéllase balanced in an equally thor-
After his return from exile, Òaylä Íéllase ough fashion the ambitions and animosities of
enacted new laws establishing “freehold” as a his ministers and civil servants against each other.
first form of private property on land. Courts Frequent reshuffles did not allow any group to
867
Government
become too strong, a balance of powers being arm of the central G., forcing upon the peasants
the most important weapon for the Emperor to a series of unpopular measures: a National Grain
safeguard his control. Board forced the peasants to deliver obligatory
The attempted Coup d’etat of 1960 showed quota of their crops at a fixed low price. New
the importance of such precautions. Profiting taxes were levied and contributions for differ-
from an absence of the Emperor on a state visit ent campaigns and proclaimed national purposes
abroad, the Imperial Body Guard attempted to were imposed. Many peasants were forced into
form a new G. Aided by university students, the collective farms and others could not escape the
leaders tried to convince other military units and feared resettlement to remote regions. The hated
the public at large of the need to establish a new villagization programme forced them to move
rule. But the regular army remained loyal to the their homesteads into arbitrarily designed villag-
Emperor and foiled the coup. es. The immensely detested forced recruitments
Since the students’ support for the failed coup, to the army also made use of the peasant-asso-
the land question became the biggest challenge. ciation leaders as local mediators. Through this
Student demonstrations took up yearly the is- system and for the first time the G. established its
sue of the depressed situation of peasants. Their local presence in all villages. Peasant associations
slogan “Land to the tiller” became the central became – remaining till today – the structure of
programme-issue of the opposition. When in state control over the peasants.
1973 Òaylä Íéllase attempted to hide a famine in When, in 1991, the military G. was defeated,
northern Ethiopia from the urban public, unrest the ÷Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Demo-
flared up in the capital, eventually turning into a cratic Front (EPRDF) took over the local G.
revolution. The new G., still appointed by Òaylä structure. Peasant associations became the basic
Íéllase, in an attempt to quell the unrest, ordered unit of local G., the cadres of the old Workers
a group of experts to draft a proclamation for Party of Ethiopia were replaced by cadres of the
a land reform. But by the time their draft was new ruling parties in each region, dependent on
ready, power relations had already changed. A the ÷Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)
group of young experts, recently graduated from as the leading force in the coalition EPRDF. The
the university, drafted a new proclamation. country was re-structured according to ethnic
The land reform of 5 March 1975 nationalized borders. Just as in 1973 no G. could expect to
all rural land and gave peasants the right of ac- win public support without solving the land
cess to farm land. It did not redistribute much question, in 1991 no one could win support and
land. But it did create a radically different local G. loyalty without granting ethnic groups more
administration. Peasant associations were formed freedom and self determination.
in every village, with elected leaders, occupied in The new regions proceeded to build up region-
overseeing a land distribution “as far as possible al and local G. with more administrative capacity
equal” within the village. Freed from all tributes than earlier. Regional, zonal and wäräda-admin-
and contributions to the landlords, the peasants istrators had to be recruited, mostly locally as the
had substantially better living conditions. But new law demanded that they speak their region’s
the urban population felt the difference as prices languages. The new local cadres know that they
for food rose sharply and food became scarce in owe their positions solely to their membership
towns and the resources for both the army and in the ruling party and act accordingly. Lines of
the central G. threatened also to dry out (Pause- communication come from the top and orders
wang 1983:105–25). are executed without questioning. Communi-
The new military G. found a smart way to cation upwards is mainly concerning reports
tame the peasant associations: a new law de- of successful execution, leaving out negative
manded that a chairman of a peasant association or shameful information. Local representatives
must be able to read and write. This excluded the consider any illoyality as an offence, any criti-
older distinguished farmers to the advantage of cism as treason. A hierarchic “culture of power”
youngsters who had gone to school, but had lit- (Tronvoll – Vaughan 2003) developed in prac-
tle experience in agriculture and no confidence tice, in spite of a democratic decentralization in
among peasants. Their only way to assert their theory. Central power remains unchallenged by
new authority was to lean towards the new central regular elections which do not offer any chance
administration. They became, thus, the executive to organize an opposition able to challenge it.
868
Granary
The court system endured expansion and de- Cereals are stored in various ways. In some
centralization. Courts are established down to cases the grain is simply stored in baskets, some-
the level of the wäräda. The reform of 1991 de- times sealed with dung and clay, in the house
manded recruiting a huge number of judges and itself. In the ÷hédmo-type houses in Tégray and
lawyers who speak local languages. Since they Eritrea the grain is stored in tube-like containers
are recruited by the local party, it is difficult to integrated into the wall separating the different
expect them to be independent. In fact, a recent parts of the house.
study (Tronvoll − Vaughan 2003) revealed that There exist underground as well as over-
most local judges do not want to be independent, ground G. (Amh. HH= gwätära, or gotära). The
preferring to consider themselves part of local ad- under-ground stores consist of large holes dug in
ministration and accountable to it. Thus, there is the ground and are also known as gwédgwad.
little division of powers in practice. Local G. and Most types of over-ground G. roughly have in
its administration has become more sophisticated, common that they consist of the part containing
but as yet not more accountable. the grain, a platform keeping the container from
÷Constitutions; ÷Taxation the ground and a roof. Variations can be observed
Src.: HSLife; ZewYohan; RubTew; BruNile. in the height of the platform, the character of the
Lit.: ClapHS; AbPrince; CrumLand; Christopher container and the shape of the roof. Some G. re-
Clapham – James C.N. Paul, Ethiopian Constitutional
Development: a Source Book, vols. 1–2, Addis Ababa semble traditional Ethiopian round ÷houses en
1971; Donald N. Levine, Greater Ethiopia: the Evolu- miniature standing on a platform (e.g., drawings
tion of a Multi-Ethnic Society, Chicago 1974; MahZekr; of G. in Baka, Basketo, Maale, VSAe I, Tafel 4,
John Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional 1., 2., Tafel 9, 8.). In other cases the container is
Polity, New York 1974; David Mathew, Ethiopia: the
a huge basket, sometimes covered with dung and
Study of a Polity, 1540–1935, London 1947; Richard
Pankhurst, A Social History of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa clay, or a large clay vessel. G. can also be simpler,
1990; Paulos Milkias, “Traditional Institutions and consisting only of a large bamboo basket, with
Traditional Elites: the Role of Education in the Ethiopian or without roof, a platform without roof (e.g.,
Body Politic”, African Studies Review 19, 3, December s. pictures of G. in Aari, VSAe I, Tafel 33, 1., 2.;
1976, 79-93; Siegfried Pausewang, Peasants, Land and
Society: a Social History of Land Reform in Ethiopia, VSAe III, Tafel 17, 2.) or a vessel standing under
München – Köln – London 1983; Kjetil Tronvoll a roof (e.g., in Dorze, VSAe III, Tafel 7, no. 8).
– Sarah Vaughan, The Culture of Power in Ethiopian Monarchs often controlled extensive G. These
Political Life, Stockholm 2003 (SIDA); Paul Henze, Lay- were supplied from the taxes and used to dis-
ers of Time: A History of Ethiopia, London 2000; PerGov;
Harold G. Marcus, A History of Ethiopia, Berkeley
1994; Tsegaye Tegenu, The Evolution of Ethiopian
Absolutism: The Genesis and the Making of the Fiscal
Military State, 1696-1913, Stockholm 1996.
Christopher Clapham –
Siegfried Pausewang – Paulos Milkias
Gozza ÷Aari
Graffity ÷Inscriptions
Grañ ÷Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ëazi
Granary
One of the main concerns in agriculturist econ-
omy is the conservation and protection of its
products. The harvested field-crop has to be kept
dry. Vermins such as rats, mice, bugs, locusts and
army worms, as well as bigger animals have to be
prevented from damaging it. The products have
to be kept under the control of the household
Gwätära; photo courtesy of Peter the Great Museum of
member responsible for the distribution of the Anthropology and Ethnography, St. Petersburg (photo
food and they must be protected from theft. no. 2097–81)
869
Granary
pense grain to the ruler’s followers, as well as ÷Agriculture

to the general public in time of ÷famine. The Src.: BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 189; GuiIohan; HarAeth vol.
Chronicle of ase Iyasu I states that in 1706 starv- 3, 33; GuiVoc 751; Great Britain, House of Commons,
Correspondence Respecting Abyssinia 1846–1868, London
ing peasants came to Gondär to ask the ruler to
1868, 115; Clements Robert Markham, A History of
save them from hunger. The monarch “gave re- the Abyssinian Expedition …, London 1869, 357; Henry
lief to innumerable people for two months, while Blanc, A Narrative of Captivity in Abyssinia …, London
others were supplied by the nobles acting on his 1868, 209.
orders”. He reportedly freely offered his help Lit.: PankHist II; Wilhelm Goldmann, Das ist
Abessinien, Leipzig 1935, 106; PankSoc 143; Conrad
and is said to have provided charity without dis- Keller, Alfred Ilg, sein Leben und sein Wirken, Frauen-
criminating against any part of society (GuiIohan feld 1918, 94; VSAe I; VSAe III.
231f.). Grain storage was no less significant in the Richard Pankhurst
19th cent. Harris (HarAeth vol. 3, 33), the British
envoy to Šäwa, tells of a famine in the late 1820s
during which provisions could “alone be obtained Grassland
from the royal granaries”. Large monasteries such G. defines a formation of vegetation without or
as ÷Däbrä Libanos also had large G. with only a low portion of wood. In the tropics it
G. were equally important for the upkeep of includes all types of savannah, semi-deserts and
the soldiers. In the mid-19th cent. ras ÷Ali Alula some parts of highland areas. Naturally evolved
was reported to have whenever possible supplied and evolving, G. is generally the result of climatic
his troops with a monthly allowance of grain conditions and climatic changes. In some places
from his G., though the men frequently relied on specific edaphic conditions may also provoke G.
a “half-plundering license” to live on the peas- Depending on the length of the rainy season and
antry (House of Commons 1868:115). annual rainfall, the types of tropical G. can vary
Ase ÷Tewodros, in his attempt to establish considerably: from short grass not fully covering
a modern, paid army, built several large grain the soil up to high grass (approximately 400 cm)
stores for his troops (PankHist II, 59). One of interspersed with bush, trees and forests. In gen-
these was at his palace at Mäqdäla, which, ac- eral the average annual temperature is quite high
cording to Markham (1869:357), was filled with (above 20° C), with low variations from month
grain. Blanc (1868:209) reports that there were to month (typically 5° to 10° C). In highland
also “half a dozen large huts, protected from the areas natural G. is the result of low temperatures
rain by a double roof. They contained barley, tef, preventing trees from growing.
beans, peas, and a little wheat. All the grain was In Ethiopia G. is primarily to be found below
kept in leather bags piled up until they reached 1,500 m A.S.L. (÷ecological zones of bäräha
almost the roof”. These supplies could report- and ÷qwälla), in the wérc and high wérc (above
edly last the garrison “for at least six months”. 3,200 m A.S.L.), but also in parts of the dry
Pits containing grain, according to the early-19th- ÷wäyna däga (1,500 m to 2,300 m A.S.L.) and
cent. British observer Pearce, were in many cases ÷däga (2,300 m to 3,200 m A.S.L.).
carefully covered up to prevent their discovery Because of the long-established pastoral and
by marauding soldiers. ox-plough systems, it is probable that many of
Ase Ménilék II in the years immediately prior Ethiopia’s G. today are man-made, especially in
to the ŸAdwa campaign (1896–97) strengthened the wäyna däga and däga, with areas cleared of
his army and reduced the threat of its looting shrub, trees and forests over the last 2,000 years
the countryside by establishing special G. for or longer. Depending on socio-cultural and
his troops. These stores were set up in the main demographic patterns, in certain regions land
area of anticipated conflict, namely Tégre and use may have suffered several changes, shifting
Wällo. According to Keller (1918:94), these G. between grazing and cropping areas.
later proved of great value during the subsequent Today G. is important in all agricultural sys-
fighting with the Italians. tems which depend on grazing. However, two
Considerable storage in G. likewise took serious problems threaten the regions concerned
place on the eve of the Italian Fascist invasion of and their households: 1) soil degradation through
1935–36, as evinced by a dramatic photograph of overgrazing and soil erosion make G. vulnerable
burying grain in a hole in the ground (s. Gold- to climatic and socio-economic instability; 2)
mann 1935:106). when a growth in the population is not natched
870
Graves
his son Philippe. At the UN he acted as an expert

on questions related to war criminals and crimes
against mankind. Member of the international
Pen-Club, he was also a productive writer,
earning several prices.
G.’s son was also involved in the development
of the Ethiopian law system. From 1954 he was
his father’s assistant in Addis Abäba and later was
appointed secretary of the Imperial Commission
of Codification. After his father left Ethiopia in
1956, Philippe Graven was appointed lawyer of
the law faculty, in which time he worked on the
Grassland in the Amaaro mountains, photo 1934/35, application of laws and the Criminal Procedure
courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt am Main Code. He also taught criminal law and criminal
(13–KB029–04 M–IP) procedure law, even before the foundation of
by an analogous growth of agricultural produc- the university, at the University College and at
tivity, G. tend to be considered as resource-areas the Police College. He wrote a commentary on
for intensifying land use. This option may lead to the first 84 articles of the Ethiopian Penal Code
land conflicts between the pastoralists, farmers, (s. Aberra Jembere in EAE vol. 1, 813f.). From
communities and institutions concerned. 1967 to 1993 he taught criminal law and criminal
÷Environment; Pastoralism procedure law at Geneva University.
Lit.: Food and Agriculture Organization (ed.), Src.: Jean Graven, “De l’antique au nouveau droit pénal
Grassland Resource Assessment for Pastoral Systems, éthiopien”, La Vie Judiciaire [Paris] 445, 25 October 1954,
Roma 2000 (FAO Plant Production and Protection Paper 18–23; ibid. 446, 30 October 1954, 25–30; Id., “Vers un
162) [Lit.]; Hans Hurni, Soil Conservation in Ethiopia. nouveau droit pénal éthiopien. (De la plus ancienne à la
Guidelines for Development Agents, Addis Ababa 11986, plus récente législation du monde)”, Revue internationale
²1995 (Lit.); Hartmut Leser (ed.), Diercke-Wörterbuch de criminologie et de police technique [Genève] 4, 1954,
Allgemeine Geographie, München – Braunschweig 1997 250–80; Id., “Le jubilé du couronnement impérial et la
(Lit.); Alfons Ritler Forests, Land Use and Landscape nouvelle législation éthiopienne”, La Vie Judiciaire [Paris]
in the Central and Northern Ethiopian Highlands, 1865 to 525, 30 avril–5 mai 1956, 1–6; ibid. 526, 7s–12 mai 1956,
1930, Bern 2003 (Geographica Bernensia, African Studies 6; Id., La personnalité du délinquant dans le Code pénal
Series 19) (Lit.); Heinrich Walter – Siegmar-Walter suisse et le Code pénal éthiopien, Luxembourg 1959
Breckle, Vegetation und Klimazonen: Grundriß der glo- (Cours de la Faculté internationale de droit comparé
balen Ökologie, Stuttgart 71999 (Lit.). de Luxembourg); Id., “The Penal Code of the Empire
Alfons Ritler of Ethiopia: Introduction”, Journal of Ethiopian Law
1, 2, 1964, 267–98 [tr. in Amh.: ibid., 207–66]; Id.,
“L’enseignement du droit pénal éthiopien: Préface”, in:
Graven, Jean Steven Lowenstein, Materials for the Study of the Penal
G. (b. 27 April 1899 Sion, Valais, d. 31 December Law of Ethiopia, Addis Abeba – Nairobi 1965, VII–XVI;
Le Code pénal de l’Empire d’Ethiopie du 23 juillet 1957,
1988, Genève) drafted the Ethiopian criminal law avec une introduction de Jean Graven, Paris 1959; “Penal
codes (÷Criminal Codes, ÷Criminal Procedure Code of the Empire of Ethiopia of 1957, Proclamation
Code). After carrying out humanistic studies at No. 158 of 1957”, Nägarit gazeta, Extraordinary Issue
the Collège de Sion, G. attended the Faculty of 1, 1957; “Criminal Procedure Code of the Empire of
Law, at Geneva University. There he obtained Ethiopia”, Nägarit gazeta, Extraordinary Issue 1, 1961.
Lit.: Etudes en l’honneur de Jean Graven, Genève 1969
his degree and later his Ph.D., with a dissertation (Mémoires publiés par la Faculté de droit de Genève 25)
on the development of the law of the Valais until (Lit.; bibliography: 157–81); Aberra Jembere, “Criminal
1798, which earned him a prize. Codes”, in: EAE I, 813–14.
From 1930, G. worked at the Federal Swiss Heinrich Scholler
Insurance Tribunal at Lucerne, and then between
1943 to 1969 as a Professor of Law at Geneva
University, being its Rector between 1963–65.
Graves
Between 1954–56 he was also in Ethiopia, where Grave culture in antiquity
he moved in 1957 to draft the Ethiopian Penal As elsewhere in North East Africa, G.-fields in
Code, following an invitation by ase ÷Òaylä the region of the ancient ÷Aksum were marked
Íéllase I. In 1961 G. was involved in the drafting by ÷stelae (some of them dated to 5,000–2,000
of the Criminal Procedure Code together with B.C.; Phillipson 1998:95). The earliest known
871
Graves
Ethiopian G. date back to pre-Aksumite times; kings Kaleb (÷Énda Kaleb) and ÷Gäbrä Mäsqal,
it has been claimed that an underground G. which consist of two underground granite
near the ancient temple at ÷Yéha dates from ca. chambers, with a double superstructure, and a
750–500 B.C., and perhaps belonged to a pre- 40 m long facade, with two columned halls set
Aksumite ÷DŸMT ruler (Phillipson 1998:45). on a platform reached by a staircase (MHAksum
The funerary monuments of the Aksumite, 125–33). It seems that tradition to cut this type
composed of man-made stone platforms and of mausoleum-like G. continued until the end
stelae, are usually associated with three main of the Aksumite epoch and perhaps later, as it is
types of tombs: a) pit-G.; b) shaft-tombs; c) witnessed by structures in ÷Dégum, Bäraõit and
staircase tombs. ÷Hawzen.
Pit-G. consists of a) a circular pit, over 2 m Since the beginning of archaeological research
deep, cut in the bedrock at the bottom of the of the region by the ÷Deutsche Aksum-Expedi-
platform, or b) two rock-cut shafts. Shaft-tombs tion, substantial burial deposits (pottery, iron,
are rock-cut tombs, and consist of a quadrangular bronze, silver and glass artifacts, coins etc.) were
shaft, 3 m to 8 m deep, at the bottom of which are unearthed almost intact: e.g., in the Tomb of the
one or more burial chambers, usually round or Brick Arches, burials at the so-called Gudit Stelae
roughly square in plan. Staircase tombs consist Field (near ÷Dungur), in some shaft-tombs and
of rock-cut burial chambers entered by staircases elsewhere (however, most of the G. were opened
cut in the bedrock. Constructed tombs are either and their contents robbed many centuries ago).
excavated tombs with masonry lined walls or It has been postulated that the dead of high rank
tombs covered with soil. would be buried ornately dressed, with their
Proto-Aksumite and Aksumite stone plat- jewellery, and laid in individual stone coffins;
forms were erected as a superstructure to pro- persons of lower status would be buried more
tect the elite tombs and as a place for the votive
offerings to the deceased. Pottery basins often
placed on the surface of platforms demonstrate
the latter function. The stelae, most distinctive
monuments in the Aksum area, were most likely
erected to commemorate lineages rather than
individuals. They vary from simple unshaped
natural monoliths found on ÷Betä Giyorgis hill,
to dressed, symmetrical and sculptured stones at
Aksum, and range in height from about 2–3 m to
over 30 m (all of them bear no inscriptions).
One of the most remarkable Aksumite G.,
dating from the 3rd cent. A.D., was at ÷Näfas
Mawca. This G. is covered by a gigantic block
of stone, measuring 17m x 7m x 1m. Also of
interest is the “Tomb of the Brick Arches”, a G.
of the early or mid-4th cent., which lies under a
structure of mud-mortared stones, and a horse-
shoed arch of square bricks. Also dating from
the same period was the “Brick Vaulted Tomb”,
constructed of bricks, held together with mortar.
An even larger tomb, now called the Mausoleum,
was entered through a massive 15 m square gran-
ite doorway, and flanked by ten adjacent rooms.
Of somewhat later construction is the “Tomb of
the False Door” (with a false door facade), prob-
ably dating from the late 4th or early 5th cent.,
of a typical Aksumite shape with symmetrical Aksumite grave near Aksum; in the background, a stele as
recessed facades. Long better known were the a tomb marker; photo 1972/74, courtesy of the Frobenius
tombs attributed by tradition to the 6th-cent. Institut, Frankfurt am Main, ODT.02.05.01 0044
872
Graves
modestly, without a coffin, and with only few Gondär. Néguí ÷Täklä Haymanot of Goggam,
artefacts, perhaps only pottery, glassware and who died in 1901, was buried at the church of
few iron tools (MHAksum 255ff.). This practice that name at ÷Däbrä Marqos (ChTana 36).
demonstrate that the Aksumites believed in the In the monasteries the problem of burial was
next world and were “deeply concerned with the solved in different ways. In some places G.
well-being of their kings and other citizens after were cut directly in the rocks around the estab-
death” (ibid. 125). lishment (÷Däbrä Damo); sometimes natural
Lit.: DAE II; Francis Anfray, “L’archéologie d’Axoum caves were used for this purpose (÷Gwéh). In
en 1972”, Paideuma 18, 1972, 60–78; BrakKirche 42 (Lit.); some places there are funeral chapels, or the
Rodolfo Fattovich – Kathryn A. Bard – Lorenzo
large caves with many graves on different levels
Petrassi – Vincenzo Pisano, The Aksum Archaelogical
Area: A Preliminary Assessment, Napoli 2000; DAE II; (÷Däbrä MäŸar). Often more than one body was
David W. Phillipson, Ancient Ethiopia: Aksum, its An- put in a grave. Some of them are overcrowded
tecedents and Successors, London 1998, 45, 95; MHAksum and treated more as the ostoaria then the graves.
125–33, 255ff., s. index. As ostoaria were also used clay vessel, sometimes
Rodolfo Fattovich many meters large and high (Saida Gäbrä Gälila
Maryam in Wag).
Grave culture in Christian regions According to an old Christiam custom, the
The coming of ÷Christianity brought about new G. are deprived of inscriptions or other signs
features in burial practice and G.-culture, which identifying the defuntes. In case of important
became particularly prominent with the gradual persons, including emperors and high ecclesias-
decline of the Aksumite ÷architecture (and, lat- tics, the identity of remains is usually preserved
er, with the movement of the centre of the Ethio- by the local tradition only (cp. the burial of abba
pian state to the south). No more stelae were Sälama Käíate Bérhan at ÷Énda Abba Sälama).
erected; burial places moved towards churches. Devout Christians, both nobles and commoners,
Characteristics of the newly emerged G.-culture were completely “depersonified” in their corpo-
were influenced by the Christian doctrine with ral death (this being “balanced” by the hope for
its concerns over the soul, its destiny after the eternal life of the soul). It was not uncommon
death, the Resurrection and the Last Judgement for them to order, as the last will, their bones be
(÷Dägém mésýatu läkréstos; ÷Eschatology). carried for re-burial or deposition at some holy
The funeral ceremony retained some pre-Chris- site, usually a church or a monastery (the most
tian features, but it was regulated, first of all, pious cherishing the dream of being buried in
according to the Mäshafä ÷génzät (÷Féthat; ÷Jerulsalem). These sites where the ÷relics of
÷Funerals); the rituals following thereafter were saints were kept or which were famous as par-
aimed on the care of the soul of the dead (÷Täz- ticularly holy places show a concentration of
kar). The main (but strict) requests was that the graves of different kinds, for instance ÷Lalibäla
corpses of the dead should not remain unburied, or ÷Yémréhannä Kréstos (at some of them, like
and that the burial should not take place “with- ÷Däbrä Libanos of Šäwa, large depots of bones
out the Church” (Dillmann 1884:66). have been recorded).
Ethiopian Christian rulers of post-Aksumite The tradition of burial in mausolea probably
times often had their G. in prominent churches, dates back at least to the ÷Gondärine kingdom
many of which they had themselves erected. and its architectoral tradition. The bones of the
Ase Bäýédä Maryam was buried in the church “king-martyr”, ase ÷Iyasu I, and of the members
of ÷Däbrä Nägwädwad (Amhara), and NaŸod of his family were deposited on Mésraha island
in that of ÷Mäkanä Íéllase (BeckHuntAlvar (in Lake ÷Tana) in a “big rock-and-mortar
vol. 1, 257). Remains of some other monarchs building with an arched roof and stone steps
rest on islands in Lake Tana. The emperors going down twelve feet to the vaults” (ChTana
Dawit II, Yékunno Amlak, Zärýa YaŸéqob and 190f.). This notable development was maintained
Zädéngél, as well as the subsequent Gondärine in the second half of the 18th cent. in ÷Šäwa,
rulers Fasilädäs and Bäkaffa, were laid to rest in as a mausoleum was erected at Ankobär for
÷Daga Éstifanos (ChTana 142f.). The body of märédazmaó ÷Amméòa Iyäsus. Märédazmaó
étege Méntéwwab (÷Bérhan Mogäsa), her son ÷Wäsän Sägäd reportedly erected his own
ase Iyasu II and grandson Iyoýas were preserved mausoleum decorated with paintings showing
at the church of ÷Däbrä Ìähay Qwésqwam, near battles and the hunting of wild animals (Rochet
873
Graves
Some use was however also made of sänbäte

bet, or communion houses, i.e. “burial-houses”
erected over the actual G., with the floor “cun-
ningly smoothed over with plaster so that none
would know that a body lay buried beneath”
(Walker 1933:64f.). Some such houses, for per-
sons of status, might be of stone, but without
windows. The largest of such houses might be
eight cubits square (ibid. 54f.).
Traditionally, cemeteries are placed near or
in the parish churchyard. The assigned area for
G. reflects the socio-religious hierarchy. Priests,
monks and other servants of the church as well
Mausoleum of Sägga Zäýab, Étissa, Däbrä Sélaléš; photo
as pious Christians are buried inside the outer
2004, courtesy of Denis Nosnitsin fence; people of higher standing are buried closer
to the church, inside the inner fence or inside the
d’Héricourt 1841:215ff.). The 19th and even more church itself. Persons who have died by drown-
so the 20th cent. witnessed the construction of ing, by falling from a cliff, by being eaten by wild
larger and finer stone mausolea. Néguí ÷Íahlä beasts, or by committing suicide are not buried
Íéllase is reputed to have erected stone mausolea in the churchyard and are not entitled to church
for the relics of Sägga Zäýab and Égziý Òaräya, rites (Fassika Bellete 1957:21). G. for Muslims
parents of 13th-14th-cent. abba Täklä Haymanot, are normally set apart from those of Christians.
at ÷Étissa Däbrä Sélaléš, in Bulga. Däbrä Libanos The G. is dug by members of the burial asso-
of Šäwa became a site of imposing mausolea for ciation (÷Éddér and Y!D? y 8> , yäýafär qére) in
ras ÷Darge Íahlä Íéllase, who died in 1900, and an east-west direction. It has a rectangular shape
ras ÷Abatä Bwayaläw in 1917. Stone mausolea which narrows from east to west. It is rather shal-
were also built in other parts of the country, low, about three feet deep, and is just long enough
notably at ÷ŸAdwa (Bent 1896:127). In Addis to accommodate the corpse (Fassika Bellete 1957:
Abäba, one of the earliest stone mausolea was 22f.). The head is pointed east (Shack 1974:43). If
that of käntiba Zäýamanuýel, who died in 1918. relatively flat stones are available, they may be
Much more imposing, however, was that for used on the floor of the G.; they may also be used
ase Ménilék II, Empresses Taytu, Zäwditu, and on top of the corpse if there is n o coffin. The poor
of Princess Ìähay Òaylä Íéllase in the Bäýata cannot afford coffins and are buried wrapped in
Church, constructed by the engineers who were a cloth. In earlier days coffins were made of
also responsible for the construction of the Dji- either hollowed acacia trunks or of acacia bark
bouti railway (Karl Haertel, a German, being (Aspen 2001:90f.). The G. may have some ritual
one of them). significance at the later memorial services (Debe-
The G. of Christians of ordinary rank, in the bew Zellelie 1957:29f.); after the Mass, the täzkar-
late 19th-early 20th cent., were situated in the commemoration continues in private homes and,
vicinity of churches, without headstones (Rey for the priests, in “dedicated houses” (6C y Aqz ,
1923:79). Today, the G. of Christian Amhara dägä sälam) in the churchyard.
may be marked with headstones if the family can The principal graveyard for Ethiopian as well
afford it; they may be covered with concrete, or as European Catholics, Armenians, Greeks, and
they are just protected with a sheet of corrugated other foreigners was established at Gullälle, on
iron (Aspen 2001:89-102). The tombstones for the borders of Addis Abäba, around 1906, the
individuals, or occasionally families, may be year when the Russian envoy General Lishin
inscribed in Amharic with the name of the de- was buried there. Tombstones with photographs
ceased, and the date of death (or, in some cases, of the deceased became more common after
with a kind of epitaphy; ÷Éngwérgwéro). Rural Ethiopia’s Liberation in 1941, when they also
G. may be marked with a circumference of rocks tended to be larger and more ornate. Church G.
around it, allowing it to gradually disappear by buildings, in which coffins were packed side by
the growth of the surrounding bush and by the side on shelves, came into use towards the end of
impact of rain (Messing 1985:232). the imperial period.
874
Graves
Src.: DillmZarY 66; KaneDic; ChTana 36, 142f.; Craven sometimes assume the structure of an imposing
Howell Walker, The Abyssinian at Home, London funeral building.
1933, 54f., 64f.; James Theodore Bent, The Sacred
City of the Ethiopians, London 21896, 127; Rochet Gravestones with Islamic funerary ÷inscrip-
d’Héricourt, Voyage sur la côte orientale de la Mer tions, belonging to a lapse of time between the
rouge, dans le pays des Adels et le royaume de Choa, Paris 11th and the 16th cent., were found in various re-
1841, 215ff.; Achille Raffray, Abyssinie, Paris 1880, gions of Ethiopia. A small amount of twin stelae
196ff.; BeckHuntAlvar vol. 1, 111, n. 1 (Lit.), 257.
has also been discovered: in fact, an Islamic G.
Lit.: Charles Fernand Rey, Unconquered Abyssinia as it
is today..., London 1923, 79f.; PankSoc 98, 196; Harald may have two tombstones, one at the head and
Aspen, Amhara Traditions of Knowledge, Wiesbaden another at the feet of the buried person. All the
2001 (AethFor 58), 89-102; Debebew Zellelie, “Täskar gravestones show a certain degree of variety in
or kurban”, Ethnological Society Bulletin 1, 7, 1957, 29–34 calligraphic and ornamental patterns, which re-
[repr. in: Alula Pankhurst (ed.), Addis Ababa Univer-
sity College. Ethnological Society Bulletin vol. I, nos. 1–10
flect the different level of technical capability and
and vol. II, no. 1. Reprint, Addis Ababa 2002, 212–15]; of artistic sensibility of the craftsmen. In particu-
Fassika Bellete, “The Death Customs among the Am- lar, some of the gravestones of the necropolis of
haras of Šäwa”, ibid. 29–34 [repr. in: ibid., 204–11]; Negga ÷Dahlak are remarkable for their refined beauty
Tessema, “The Death Customs in the Province of Tigre”, (Schneider 1983:51-58), while others are very
ibid. 1, 5, 1955, 13–24, here 16 [repr. in: ibid., 108–15, here
111]; William A. Shack, The Central Ethiopians Amhara, simple and coarse. The language used to indicate
Tigriña and Related Peoples, London 1974 (Ethnographic the name of the buried person and the date of his
Survey of Africa, Part 4, North-Eastern Africa), 43. decease is exclusively ÷Arabic, everywhere in
Richard Pankhurst - Harald Aspen Ethiopia. Other elements very often present in
the epitaphs are: 1) a number of Arabic eulogical
expressions for the departed; 2) the standardized
Grave culture in the Muslim regions
formulas of blessings upon the prophet Muham-
According to Islamic traditional law two kinds
mad; 3) Qurýanic quotations, in particular of
of G. are acceptable: the lahd, the lateral G.
verses dealing with death and life in the hereafter
which is dug down the side of the body, ori-
(e. g. sura 3:182 or 55:26-7).
ented towards ÷Mecca, and the šaqq, in which
Nowadays, at least in the major towns, the
the pit is located in the middle of the tomb.
name and date of death of the deceased are in-
As the Prophet ÷Muhammad was buried in a
scribed in Arabic/Amharic on tombstones.
lahd, most Muslims prefer the lateral G., using
Lit.: Abdulla Abdurahman, “Harari Funeral Cus-
the šaqq only when obliged by the friability of toms”, Ethnological Society Bulletin 1, 1, 1953, 23–26;
the soil or by the size of the corpse. No uni- ibid. 1, 2, 1953, 2–4 [repr. in: Alula Pankhurst (ed.),
versal consent was reached by the four major Addis Ababa University College. Ethnological Society
Islamic legal schools on the depth of the G. The Bulletin vol. I, nos. 1–10 and vol. II, no. 1. Reprint, Ad-
dis Ababa 2002, 16–18, 21–24]; YUsuf RAËib, “Structure
ŠafiŸis, who represent the majority of Ethiopian de la tombe d’après le droit musulman”, Arabica 39, 3,
÷Islam, favour a deep G. (up to 2,50 m) while 1992, 393–403; Madeleine Schneider, Stèles funéraires
the Malikis, who are widely present in Eritrea, musulmanes des îles Dahlak (Mer Rouge), I: Introduction,
prefer more superficial G. (60 cm). A great disa- Documents et Indices, II: Tableaux et planches, Le Caire
greement exists on the materials to be used for
the building of a G., even though all the Islamic
jurists unanimously consider green bricks as
lawful. As for the exterior shape of the G., a
great part of the Islamic legal scholars teach that
a G. should be a span high, convex (a flat G. be-
ing a characteristic of ŠiŸi Muslims) and made
easily recognizable by stones or pieces of wood.
Burial pits are normally dug for only one person,
but collective G. are not uncommon. Since many
believers are persuaded that the blessing power
of a saint (÷Saints) can take them to paradise,
they are eager to be buried near G. of ÷holy
A Muslim shrine in Arsi; photo by Ulrich Braukämper,
men. Many Islamic cemeteries thus grew near courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, Frankfurt am Main
the shrine of a wali (qubba, maqam), which may (037–Br026–06)
875
Graves
1983 (Textes arabes et études islamiques 19/1, 19/2), vol. fall on the dead man’s face” (Schulz-Weidner in
1, 51–58; Janine Sourdel-Thomine – Yvon Linant De Jensen 1959:153). Other groups, like the Hamär,
Bellefonds, “Kabr”, in: EI², vol. 4, 352–55.
Alessandro Gori Banna, Bäšada, Suri and ÷Meýen, lay the dead in
a simple round hole.
According to the reports, no enduring funeral
Grave culture in southern Ethiopia deposit seems to be placed into the tombs, ex-
Although G. culture differs largely among the cept that Koorete high officials are supposed
several groups of southern Ethiopia, some com- to be buried with their ÷kallaóóa. Basketo and
mon features can be distinguished. G. are mostly Dime cover the ground of the G. with leaves of
individual, without access and below the earth. énsät before posing the dead. Boorana, Dime and
Exceptions are the “death-huts” in which kings Konso spill some blood of sacrificed animals in
or ritual leaders are kept to be buried later on the G., whilst the Southern ÷Gonga spill honey
(e.g., ÷Basketo, ÷Komo, ÷Konso and ÷Maale), and milk.
or in which the dead are placed for their final rest In many southern societies, the dead body is
(e.g., ÷Bäšada, ÷Hamär, ÷Šeko). Šeko-leaders buried in a crouched position, but some, like
are wrapped in énsät leaves and left on poles in a the ÷Kambaata, Konso, ÷Nayi, have adopted
designed area in the bush. the Christian way of burial. Among the Maale
The marker of the tombs are usually mounds, and the Boorana, a man is laid on his right side
either of earth or of stones. The Hamär, ÷Banna (in Boorana facing east), a woman on her left
and Bäšada additionally place a small stele (baba) side (in Boorana facing west). The Aari bury a
on this mound when the tomb is of a married body so that the feet point in the direction of
man or of woman with children. The Samay the supposed origin of his clan. In Samay the
mark the place of the dead’s head by erecting dead should face the direction of his clan-origin,
a stone and in some areas of Konso each tomb which, however, should never be west. Neither
is marked with a wooden statue depicting the of the groups bury adults completely naked,
defunct. rather covering the bodies with a cloth or tie
Among several groups – ÷Koorete (Amarro), them into a skin.
÷Arsi, Basketo, Berb-Burun, Komo, ÷Dime, In societies with a ÷gadaa system, the location
Gumgum, ÷Käfa, Konso, Maale, ÷Mao, of burial depends largely on the grade the de-
÷Mabaan, Šeko, Uduk etc. – the G. has been re- funct achieved in this system before his death. In
ported of consisting of a pit with a lateral niche in other societies, the location may differ according
which the dead is placed. Among the ÷Boorana, to the rituals that had been accomplished at the
it is reserved for rich and influential persons. In time of the death, such as birth-ritual, ÷circum-
÷Sidaamo, this type of tomb is known to have cision and initiation. In ÷Burgi, ÷Gidióóo, some
existed since about the 12th cent. The northern regions of Konso, Samay and Šeko, we find
÷Guggi as well as the ÷Aari construct a rim in cemeteries, often organized by clan affiliation.
the tomb, on which wooden sticks are placed Among Banna, Bäšada, Meýen, Hamär and some
before closing the G. “to prevent the earth to Konso the G. are dispersed in the bush. The
Meýen, Suri and Šeko bury common people near
to the dead persons’ hut, whilst the deceased of
the Dizi are buried underneath their hut.
Remarkable are the cenotaphs – reminiscences
of deceased enemy-killers or hunters of fero-
cious animals (÷Meritorious complex). Some
÷Arsi G. of such men are surmounted by high
tumuli and surrounded with decorated stele.
Anthropomorphic stelae with spears and other
signs mark many ancient G. in the region which
is today called ÷Gurage; in Sidaama, ancient ste-
lae have been found in great number. Still today,
the Gawwada and Konso erect stelae to remem-
Sidaama grave (of an uncircumcised man); photo 1954/55
by Elisabeth Pauli, courtesy of the Frobenius-Institut, ber a killer of men or of dangerous animals. The
Frankfurt am Main (027–Pa005–28) Koorete, Gideo, Wälaytta, Burgi, Guggi, Leeqaa
876
Graziani, Rodolfo
(÷Leeqaa Neqemte), Boorana hang the trophies Graziani, Rodolfo

of a defunct in trees near to the G. or a pathway, G. (b. 11 August 1882, Filettino, d. 11 January
and in Konso, killer-heroes are remembered by 1955, Rome) was an Italian officer who played a
erected groups of statues carved in wood which leading role in the Italian expeditions to Libya,
stand along a pathway or a communal place. The ÷Italian Somaliland and Ethiopia. He also took
Sidaama and Oromo of Wälaytta also used to part in ÷World War II, when Mussolini planned
place anthropomorphic wooden statues or re- to invade Egypt to renew the “glory” of the an-
productions of hunted animals from wood or cient Roman Empire.
énsät leafs on the G. or near the pathways. In He entered the army in 1904 and had a rapid
the Gamu highlands, the G. of such heroes are career. In 1908 he was dispatched to Eritrea as
surrounded with bamboo fences, those of the commander of the 1st Battaglione Indigeni at
Koorete heroes and high officials with pointed ŸAddi Wégri (÷Mändäfära). He was back to
wooden boards. The Burgi distinguish the G. Italy in 1912; in the next year, when he married
of hunters of buffaloes, which are decorated Ines Chionetti, he already was a captain. Dur-
with forked staffs, from those of hero-killers, ing World Wat I, at the age of 36 he became the
decorated with ostrich-eggs. As many passers- youngest colonel of the Italian army of the time.
by as possible should notice the cenotaphs and, As an officer, G. was notorious for his brutality
thus, remember the fame of the defunct. Several and toughness. In 1930 he was appointed by Mus-
groups plant trees at G. site (e.g., Meýen, Dita, solini as deputy to General ÷Badoglio in Barka,
Dorze: trees; Arsi: euphorbia; Bayso: sansivieria; Libya. There he succeeded in nearly eradicating
Oromo from Wälaytta: grass). On the cemetry the colony. Many inhabitants were killed or sent
of Tuto Fela, microlithic obsidian tools have to prisons. G. created special courts, the tribunali
been found in the graves, as well as a stone axe volanti, which gained him the local appellation of
and pottery that were probably positioned on “butcher of the Arabs”. There Libyan opponents
top (Jousseaume 1995:89). were condemned, with great dispatch, and sen-
Lit.: Jon Abbink, “Funeral as Ritual: an Analysis of tences were executed publicly. Wells were blocked
Meýen Mortuary Rites”, Africa [Roma] 47, 2, 1992, with cement and many of his opponents were
221–36; François Azaïs – Roger Chambard, Cinq thrown from planes and crashed to their deaths.
années de recherches archéologiques en Ethiopie, Paris
1931, 85, 245–56, 272; V. Chollet – H. Neuville,
In February 1935 G. was appointed gover-
“Note préliminaire sur les mégalithes observés dans le nor-general of Italian Somaliland and command-
Soddo (Abyssinie meridionale)”, Bulletin de la société er of the expeditionary force, in preparation for
philomathique de Paris 7, Paris 1905; “The Kesho Na- the invasion of Ethiopia, ordered by Mussolini
tionality: Burial Practices”, The Ethiopian Herald 55, in October 1935. Aiming less at the defeat than
1998, 20 December 1998; Eike Haberland – Helmut
Straube, “Nordost Afrika”, in: Hermann Baumann the total annihilation of the enemy, during the
(ed.), Die Völker Afrikas und ihre traditionellen Kultu- ÷Italian War 1935–36 G. deployed the most
ren, Wiesbaden 1979, 69–156; Eike Haberland, “Grab- deadly weapons, including gas, banned by in-
steine der Arussi und ihre Beziehung zu megalithischen ternational law. He was likewise proud to have
Denkmälern und Totenmalen anderer äthiopischer Völ- under his command the Libya Division, known
ker”, Acta Ethnographica 7, 1–2, 1963, 100–38; Arnold
W. Hodson, “Southern Abyssinia”, The Geographical for not taking any prisoners.
Journal 53, 1919, 65-80, here 76 (ill.); Adolf Ellegard G. reached Addis Abäba in May 1936, and was
Jensen (ed.), Im Lande des Gada, Stuttgart 1936, 143f., then appointed Marshal of the Italian army and
201f., 412–80; VSAe I, 84, 153, 167–87, 222, 259–62, 270, Viceroy of Ethiopia. In the latter capacity, at the
367, 412; II, 51f., 67f., 139, 203, 214, 223, 226, 253; Ro- end of the war, he also ordered the elimination
ger Jousseaume, Tiya, l’Ethiopie des Mégalithes, Chau-
vigny 1995 (Mémoire 11); Marcello Ricci, “Usanze
of the remains of the imperial army; and imple-
funerarie degli Arbore, degli Amar e dei Gheleba nel sud mented a wide range of suppressive measures,
etiopico”, RSE 3, 1943, 214–22; John Hamer, Humane especially against the local nobility. As a reaction
Development: Participation and Change Among the he became the target of an assassination attempt
Sadama of Ethiopia, Tuscaloosa 1987, 91; Dietrich (followed by the ÷Graziani massacre). On 6 Oc-
Heinrich Wassmann, Das Oromovolk auf unserm
tober 1937 he was removed from Ethiopia and
abessinischen Missionsfelde, Hermannsburg 1935, 48, 65;
Hellmut Wohlenberg, Im südlichen Abessinien: Rei- granted the title of Marchese di Neghellì.
seberichte von Oktober 1934 bis Mai 1935, Hildesheim Upon the launch of World War II, G. was
– New York 1988. re-appointed general commander of the Italian
Nicole Poissonnier army in Libya. After the war G. was sentenced
877
Graziani, Rodolfo
by an Italian jury to 19 years imprisonment for research done by Ian L. Campbell and Däggéfe
collaborationism, but was released shortly after Gäbrä Sadiq in the late 1990s, the actual number
in 1950. During his last years he participated probably was between 1,423 and 2,033.
actively in the re-establishment of Fascism with Whilst these summary executions were per-
the neo-Fascist party Movimento Sociale Italia- petrated, Graziani deported to Italy hundreds
no. G. wrote a number of books glorifying his of Ethiopian noblemen and imprisoned thou-
victories and the fascist ideology. sands of presumed opponents in the concentra-
÷Italian war 1935–36 tion camps of Noqra and Dänane, where 3,175
Src.: Rodolfo Graziani, Il fronte sud: con prefazione Ethiopians were killed. The excesses of Graziani
del Duce, Milano 1938; Id., Africa settentrionale, 1940–41, brought Mussolini, so far a supporter of his
Roma 1948; Id., Pace Romana in Libia, Milano 1934; Id., tactics, to replace him at the end of 1937 with
Una vita per l’Italia: “ho difeso la patria”: con un inedito
diario dei giorni della prigionia, Milano 1998; documents Amedeo di ÷Savoia, Duke of Aosta, whilst the
in the Archivio di Stato, Roma; ISIAO, Roma; Italian Fo- country was in full uprising.
reign Ministry’s archives; Libyan Centre for the Study of Lit.: Angelo Del Boca, Gli italiani in Africa Orientale,
the Libyan Struggle against Italian Occupation. vol. 3: La caduta dell’impero, Roma – Bari 1982, 77–106;
Lit.: Piero Baroni, Generali nella polvere: perché abbia- Id., “Un lager del fascismo: Danane”, in: Id., L’Africa nel-
mo perduto in Africa settentrionale (giugno 1940–febbraio la coscienza degli italiani: miti, memorie, errori, sconfitte,
1941), Gardolo di Trento ca. 1989; Giuseppe Bedendo, Roma – Bari 1992, 41–57; Ian L. Campbell – Degife
Le gesta e la politica del generale Graziani, Roma 1936; Gabretsadik, “La repressione fascista in Etiopia: la
Angelo Del Boca, “Graziani, Rodolfo”, in: Dizionario ricostruzione del massacro di Debra Libanos”, Studi pia-
biografico degli Italiani, vol. 58, Roma 2002, 829−35 (Lit.); centini 21, 1997, 79–128; Ian L. Campbell, “Il massacro
Federico Chabod, A History of Italian Fascism, London segreto di Engecha”, ibid. 24-25, 1999, 23–46.
1963; Ludwig Schaefer, The Ethiopian Crisis: Touch- Angelo Del Boca
stone of Appeasement?, Boston 1961, 38−55; Sandro
Sandri, Il generale Rodolfo Graziani, Roma n.d. Grazmaó ÷Azmaó
Shawki El Gamal
Grébaut, Sylvain
G. (b. 22 December 1881, Gournay-en-Bray,
Graziani massacre Normandy, d. 26 November 1955, Caen, Nor-
On 19 February 1937, whilst attending a cer- mandy) was a distinguished French Ethiopisant.
emony celebrated at the ÷Gännätä LéŸul palace, While attending the seminary of Rouen, he met
the Viceroy Rodolfo ÷Graziani suffered a failed Maronite students, who may have first inspired
assassination attempt. The perpetrators were his keen interest in Oriental studies. During the
two Eritreans, ÷Abréha Däboc and ÷Mogäs years 1904 and 1905 he studied at the Biblical
Asgädom, with the complicity of the taxi-driver School of Jerusalem, together with the future
SémŸon Adäfrés, who had provided them with Cardinal Eugène ÷Tisserant. On returning to
hand-explosives and a car. The attempt, in which France, in 1907 G. was ordained priest and
Graziani was seriously wounded, was followed in 1913 he was put in charge of the parish of
by a devastating reprisal. For three days, Italian Neufmarché.
and Eritrean soldiers and civilians ravaged the in- In 1926, Pope Pius XI sent G. to Ethiopia
digenous areas of Addis Abäba, killing more than with the task of acquiring manuscripts for the
4,000 people. The following days the more pro- ÷Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, where, at that
gressive members of the Ethiopian intelligentsia time, Tisserant was in charge of the Oriental
– including several foreign-educated ones – were manuscripts. The catalogue of both the 165
killed, as well as not less than 2,500 story- and manuscripts G. brought to Rome, mostly from
fortune-tellers who had pleaded guilty of having Šäwa, and those already in the old funds of the
announced from village to village the coming end Bibliotheca appeared in 1935–36 (GreTisVat).
of the Italian occupation. From 1926 to 1952 G. taught GéŸéz in the
Convinced that the perpetrators had enjoyed Institut Catholique in Paris. From 1941 he was
the help of the monks from ÷Däbrä Libanos of also giving complementary courses in various
Šäwa, Graziani ordered General Pietro Maletti subjects at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,
to advance towards the holy place. According under the directorship of Marcel ÷Cohen. From
to Graziani’s own account to Mussolini, the 1929 on he was a prelate of His Holiness.
number of monks, priests and deacons shot dead In the words of Tubiana (1965), G. was a
would have been 449. Yet, according to field “discreet, never-tiring and zealous” person
878
Greece, relations with
who “knew GéŸéz as a real däbtära”. He de- viz. Constantinople, and G. residing in Ethiopia
voted his scholarly life to philological works (ConzGal 158). Late in the 17th cent. Demetrius,
and translations that appeared in the Revue de from the island of Skopelos, rose to some political
l’Orient chrétien or ÷Patrologia Orientalis. His prominence at ÷Iyasu I’s court. According to the
catalogues and his supplement to Dillmann’s French Consul in Cairo De Maillet, he was “l’un
Lexicon (Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1952) are des premiers ministres” of the Emperor, and
valuable contributions to ÷Ethiopian studies. married one of the latter’s daughters (BecRASO
In addition to that, between the years 1922 and XIV, 38-49; Dapontes 1872:89). At the beginning
1938, time when there was no regular periodical of the 18th cent., a Greek fishing-boat captain
on Ethiopian studies, he created and nourished a was sent to Bombay on an unspecified royal
scholarly bulletin – influential in spite of its des- mission; in the 1720s néguí ÷Bäkaffa employed
ultory appearance and change of name: ÷Æthi- two Greeks known as Demetrius and Giyorgis
ops (1922–23), ÷Æthiopica (1933–36), Æthiops to construct a vessel on Lake Tana (BecRASO
(1936, 1938). XIV, 341f., GuiIohan 337f.).
Src.: Sylvain Grébaut, “Catalogue des manuscrits In the late Middle Ages, contacts also continued
éthiopiens de la Bibliothèque Ambrosienne”, ROC 29, on the Greek island of ÷Cyprus, which was to
1933–34, 3–23; Id., Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens de
house the Ethiopians who had left Palestine after
la collection Griaule. Tome second. Sections VII–IX. VII,
hagiographie. VIII, homélies-panégyriques. IX, MalkeŸe the fall of ÷Jerusalem to the Muslims in 1189.
et salâm, Paris 1941 (Miscellanea africana Lebaudy. Cahier They lived with the Copts in the monastery of
3); Id., Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens de la collec- St. Anthony of Famagosta. An Ethiopian com-
tion Griaule. Tome 3e. Sections 10–11. 10. Textes poétiques munity was then centering, at least from the 16th
divers. 11. Livres de plain-chant, Paris 1944 (Univer-
sité de Paris. Travaux et mémoires de l’Institut d’ethno- cent., in the church of the Holy Saviour at Nico-
logie 30); GrebSLex; GreTisVat; GrebGriaule. sia, the capital city of the island. This community
Lit.: Mémorial du Cinquantenaire: 1914–1964. École des was fairly large and at one point consisted of 50
Langues orientales anciennes de l’Institut Catholique individuals. There is also evidence of Ethiopian
de Paris, Paris 1964; Joseph Tubiana, “Notice sur les
farmers in the Nicosia area. There the Ethiopians
travaux de Sylvain Grébaut, 1881–1955”, JA 253, 1965,
123–49; Id., “Æthiops – Æthiopica – Æthiops, 1922–1938, collected local traditions incorporating them into
Sylvain Grébaut à la tâche”, Aethiopica 1, 1998, 7–26. their collection of the Miracles of Mary (÷Täýam-
Alain Rouaud mérä Maryam). In an Ethiopian manuscript of the
Vatican Library two such miracles taking place in
Cyprus are recounted (CerPal vol. 2, 1–11, 33–37;
Greece, relations with Cerulli 1970:178–86; Fiaccadori 1989:197f., n. 1).
Src.: BeckHuntAlvar 187, 275; BecRASO XIV, 341f.;
Early relations with Greece CerPal vol. 2, 1-11, 31-37, 43, 94, 155ff.; GuiIohan 337f.;
Since the beginnings of Ethiopian civilization, Enrico Cerulli, “Two Ethiopian Tales on the Christians
there existed connections with the Greek world, of Cyprus”, JES 5, 1, 1967, 1–8 [= Abba Salama 1, 1970,
especially through ÷Egypt: hence the ancient 178–86]; ConzGal 158; Kesarios Dapontes, “Historikòs
Ethiopic description for ‘Greece’ and ‘Greeks’ Katálogos”, in: K.N. Sathas (ed.), Meseènikì Bibliothíki,
vol. 5, Venetia 1872, 89.
Sér(é)Ÿ/-r(é)ý, which seems to have first indicated Lit.: P. Petrides, Tò méllèn toû Hellinismoû en Ethiopía,
Hellenized Egypt (Fiaccadori 2004:141f., 157; Athens 1945, 11; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Aethiopica
cp. ÷Färäng). Links between ÷Aksum and the minima”, Quaderni utinensi 7 [13–14], 1989 [1993], 145–69,
÷Byzantine empire existed in several areas of here 157f., n.1; Id., “Sembrouthes ‘gran re’ (DAE IV 3 =
RIÉth 275). Per la storia del primo ellenismo aksumita”, La
mutual interest. However, after direct ties were Parola del Passato 59, 2004 [2005], 103–57, here 141f. 157.
severed by the Muslim expansion in the eastern Theodore Natsoulas
Mediterranean and Red Sea, only sporadic rela-
tions existed between the Greeks and Ethiopia. Modern relations with Greece and Greek pres-
With the fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans ence in Ethiopia
in 1453, a number of Greeks is supposed to have From the 16th cent. to the mid-18th cent., Greek
sought refuge in Ethiopia (Petrides 1945:11). In the presence in Ethiopia consisted of isolated in-
16th cent., the Portuguese found there several for- dividuals who made their way to the central
eigners, and ÷Alvarez reports that the only non- highlands. There is some evidence of Greek mer-
Muslim merchants were “Roumes from Greece” chants, a royal adviser and physician and ship
(BeckHuntAlvar 187, 275f.). The chronicle of builders on Lake ÷Tana. In the mid-18th cent. a
÷Gälawdewos mentions foreigners from Rome, small number of Greek craftsmen and merchants
879
who fled from Smyrna and the Aegean islands therefore, a realm where they could express their
arrived in Ethiopia. They were involved in the identity and find self-realization. Greeks took
economic, social and political life of the country. employment with regional overlords during
Greek presence in Ethiopia is well attested since the first half of the century and with Ethiopian
at least the 18th cent., when the traveller James emperors later on. The 19th and the very first
÷Bruce testified that ase ÷Iyasu II was employ- years of the 20th cent. were the golden age for
ing Greek craftsmen in his capital ÷Gondär. those who were sometimes referred to as yä-
Intimately tied to the crown and fulfilling fun- färäng barya, the “white slaves”, since they were
damental roles in the courts of Iyasu II and his working in professions that Christian Ethiopians
successor, ÷Iyoýas I, they remained in service despised.
until 1771 – when the Ethiopian central author- Greek migrants were appreciated by Ethiopian
ity disintegrated. emperors and landlords for their manual skills
The two most prominent Greeks of this early and trading experience. Several were employed
period were George Brakos from Chios and as gunsmiths and armourers who manufactured
bägérond Janni from Rhodes. The former was ÷firearms and trained Ethiopians in their use.
a treasurer and confidant of Iyasu II. Often Others were involved in construction and me-
mentioned by Bruce, Janni had been Iyasu and chanical arts and built bridges, homes, palaces
Iyoýas’s representative in Tégray, and in 1770 was and even a watermill, for instance, for ÷Íahlä
as head of customs there, serving ras ÷Mikaýel Íéllase (1813–47), and for ase ÷Tewodros II
Séhul. The leader of the Greek community of the (1855–68). The Greek trade network was also
time of Bruce’s stay was Janni’s brother, Petros, well organized, and many craftsmen increased
who was Iyoýas’s chamberlain. their income through trade. In the mid-19th
Court positions of the Greeks varied from cent., Greek merchants were present and active
minor to important posts, such as that of royal in ÷Kassala, a commercial Sudanese town close
advisers, treasurers and chamberlains, in both to the western boundary of Ethiopia and a cross-
imperial and local courts. Less important posi- road for caravan-roads connecting Egypt and
tions included those of cook, guide, personal Ethiopia.
servant, and the like. In addition to official ap- During the reigns of Tewodros II and ÷Yo-
pointments, a few Greeks held high status by hannés IV, a number of Greeks became Ethio-
rendering some service to the Emperor. In re- pian advocates and pursued Ethiopian interests.
turn, they received land and titles. Greek crafts- Tewodros used to deal with a certain Marcopou-
men, including ÷goldsmiths and painters, were los. Ioannis ÷Koztikas was the most prominent
commissioned by Iyasu II to decorate his palace; of several Middle East Greek merchants who
they also renovated some of the principal build- unsuccessfully attempted to deter the British
ings of the capital. The Smyrnites introduced the invasion of Ethiopia in 1868. Regarded almost
art of filigree in both silver and gold, applied to as an Ethiopian patriot, Kotzikas contributed
this date in Ethiopia with notable success. 18th- to the formation of the image of Tewodros as a
cent. Greek settlers served in the army as officers hero by presenting in Athenian newspapers the
and were involved in training and command. Ethiopian side of the Ethio–British conflict and
They also repaired saddles, bridles, swords and defending the opinion that the retrieval of hos-
other such military equipment for the ÷cavalry tages could have been done without bloodshed.
(BruNile vol. 4, 122f., 133f., 211; SaltTrav 421; Other members of the Greek establishment
Dapontes 1872:339). are emblematic figures in the 19th-cent. Ethio–
The “tradition” went on in the 19th cent. How- Hellenic relations. Bälambaras ÷Giyorgis Fotis,
ever, in sharp contrast to the Smyrnites and the who arrived around 1870 with nothing and who
islanders, usually skilled and educated individu- died in 1910 in ÷Addis Abäba as a wealthy man
als, most of the Greeks arriving during the early with an Ethiopian family, is a symbol of the suc-
19th cent. proved to be an uneducated rough- cess that simple migrants could achieve.
hewn lot that showed scant interest for learning Another eminent figure was Demosthenes
or the arts. Even freed from the Ottoman rule, Mitsakis (Mitzakis), vice-consul of G. in Suez
after 1830, G. remained a very poor country and the first diplomat sent by the Greek govern-
and, being Orthodox Christians, the Greek had ment to Ethiopia. The British sent twice nego-
an ambiguous status in Europe. Ethiopia was, tiators on behalf of Egypt to conclude a treaty
880
with Ethiopia, and on both occasions Mitzakis originally were agents of foreign-based houses,
was negotiating on behalf of Ethiopia (Kotsikas but once in Ethiopia, although remaining repre-
1970; Mitsakis 1880). In 1879, during the nego- sentatives of the larger concerns, they established
tiations with ÷Gordon for the Ethio–Egyptian their own business. One of the largest interna-
peace treaty, he acted as a mediator between ase tional Greek firms was the Liverato Brothers,
Yohannés and the English general. In 1884, dur- whose representatives, such as I. Gerolimatos
ing the ŸAdwa treaty, he played the same role for and the Kalogeropoulos brothers, became suc-
the future ase ÷Ménilék II. For his assistance to cessful merchants on their own. The Greeks
the ÷Hewett mission, he received a medal from of Harär were involved in both domestic and
Great Britain. Mitzakis was also concerned with international trade. The small shopkeepers sold
the question of Church unity: on the Greek side, almost anything, though mostly dealing with
the purpose was to enhance the prestige of the metal wares, cloth, arms and ammunition. In in-
Greek Orthodox Church; on the Ethiopian side, ternational commerce, ÷coffee was their prima-
the project was used as a threat to obtain conces- ry export. They purchased it from local planters
sions from the Coptic Church. and/or had their own plantations and exported
Nicholas Parisis, a physician, who was in it to Greek houses in ÷Yemen and Aden that in
Ethiopia in 1885–86, is said to have been influ- turn shipped it throughout the world.
ential at Yohannés IV’s court. Like Mitzakis, For Ménilék II’s reign, two periods can be dis-
he was aware of the potential value of Ethiopia tinguished. From 1889 to 1902, Greek migrants
for Greeks and was genuinely promoting the were primarily young single men or married
country’s territorial integrity and independ- men who left their wives and families behind.
ence. Parisis, who was professor of pathology Their objective was to gain wealth as quickly as
and therapeutics at the National University of possible and return home. In the urban centres,
Athens, went to Ethiopia in December 1884 to where the majority of the Greeks settled, they
serve as the Emperor’s physician, but became attempted to recreate a “little Greece”, with
embroiled in Ethiopia’s disputes with ÷Italy. He their own communal organization, church and
detected immediately Italy’s colonial ambitions school. Although there are no precise figures, the
in north-east Africa, and counselled Yohannés number of Greeks in these years expanded rap-
about them. Sent by his government, Pari- idly. Prior to and immediately after 1896 most
sis would have had enough political support to Greeks resided in the eastern town of Harär,
gather information about Italian strategies and, and in the Italian occupied towns of ÷Asmära,
according to Carlo Conti Rossini, seems to have ÷Kärän, and ÷Massawa (Mérab 1922:108f.). In
helped preserve Ethiopia’s integrity. A colonized Eritrea approximately 180 Greeks were resident
and dismembered Ethiopia would have been at this time. In Harär, the figure was probably
dangerous for G.’s policy against ÷Turkey, as less than 100, most of them single men who
much as it could have endangered G.’s Red Sea were either merchants with ties to ÷Djibouti
commerce. During his stay, Parisis also scored in French Somaliland or workers engaged in the
major successes as a physician. He introduced Franco-Ethiopian Railroad (÷Railways). During
smallpox vaccination with serum brought from the first decade of the 20th cent., most gravitated
Europe. Parisis also combated ÷malaria, using to the capital.
for the first time in Ethiopia sulphate of quinine During these years, Greeks prospered consid-
as a prophylactic. Besides, he treated tapeworm, erably. Their participation in commerce, indus-
syphilitic ulcers, blennorrhea, and dermatic ul- try and construction contributed to Ethiopia’s
cers (Parisis 1888a; 1888b; ÷Diseases). economic growth. Besides, Greeks continued
The history of the Greeks in Ethiopia took a playing a political and public role. Some Greeks
different turn late in the 19th cent. From 1896 on- ran guns to Ménilék in the 1890s, one painted the
ward, their presence in the country became more portraits of Ménilék and his wife, and another
stable and community-oriented. Greeks began was the court dentist in the 1920s. Other Greeks
to come in larger numbers, gradually bringing had responsible positions in the Telephone, Tel-
their families with them, or establishing families egraphs and Telecommunications, Agriculture
in Ethiopia. and Commerce, and Foreign Ministry Depart-
Greek merchants had begun entering Ethio- ments.
pia through ÷Harär in the early 1880s. Many Among the prominent Greeks of these years
881
After 1902, with the railroad connection to

÷Dérre Dawa, the structure of the Greek com-
munity began to change. More and more poor
and uneducated migrants arrived, largely through
Djibouti, where they had worked on the French
railway. A first big influx occurred in 1905, with
large numbers of Greeks making their way to the
Ethiopian capital. At the very beginning of the
20th cent., the Greeks in Ethiopia numbered more
than 300 persons, possibly the largest foreign
community after the Armenians. The estimates
for Greeks in Addis Abäba rose from 65 in 1906
to 344 in 1910. Another calculation in 1910 com-
bined Armenians with Greeks and estimated that
the two comprised 80% of the foreign population,
totalling 1,000. Until 1916, Greeks lived in a limi-
nal situation, in which law and order were not al-
ways present. These early immigrants, essentially
individualistic and rugged, without communal,
familial, or religious ties, and living in a communi-
ty where civil authority was minimal, were often
in conflict with each other and with Ethiopians.
Those “poor whites” had problems with integrat-
ing into society and created serious competition
Interior of the Greek Church of Addis Abäba, Piyassa
with Gurage people, who also performed most
area, July 2004, photo courtesy of Wolbert Smidt
of the hard labour in Addis Abäba at this time.
were Christos Papadopoulos, counsellor of Ménilék tried to regulate their number. Conse-
Ménilék in 1890, followed by Athanase Sourvis, quently, in 1907, some criteria for admission were
his private secretary and translator. Andreas set up on the initiative of the Greek community
E. Kavvadias was the founder and editor of in Addis Abäba, who wanted to avoid any dif-
Ethiopia’s first Amharic-language newspaper, ficulties with Ménilék and Ethiopian authorities.
÷Aýéméro (‘Knowledge’), in 1902. In this pe- Migrants must be acquainted with a trade or
riod, George Zervudakis, a Greek banker in possess at least 100 Maria Theresia thalers over
Egypt, organized the arrival of Greek workers and above the sum required for their journey. No
and craftsmen in Ethiopia. diplomatic representative was sent by Athens at
The railroad was a vehicle for large-scale Greek this time. In July 1907, at the request of the Greek
penetration into central Ethiopia. Of the ca. 500 government, Britain agreed to assume protection
Europeans, the Greeks constituted the largest of Greek interests in Ethiopia (Natsoulas 1977:
group and were prominent in the construction of 134–42). A number of Greeks therefore worked
the railroad, employed in various positions. The for the British Legation in the capacity of vice-
most important were the approximately 15 sub- consul, consular agent and Oriental secretary.
contractors who vied with each other for parts The British consulate offered its services and pro-
of the line. Skilled workers were brought from tection to the Greek community until 1911.
G. to complete portions of the line. Greeks were The Commercial Bank of G. was founded in
also employed in other capacities, erecting bridges 1907 following the creation of the first Ethiopian
and trestles and setting up the first telephone and bank in 1906 (÷Banks, banking system). In 1909,
telegraph lines. In daily operations they filled Souvis played an important role in the foundation
such positions as drivers, station guards, stokers, of the Banque Nationale d’Agriculture et pour le
station masters, engineers, chief of districts, and Développement du Commerce. Greek entrepre-
mechanics. Greek repairmen were found not only neurs created factories, mills, bars and restaurants
in the central depots but were scattered along the (the Taytu Hotel was named Hotel Bololakos
entire line. Finally, they also established cafes and after the name of its first manager), while traders
inns along the most important depots. developed markets in Addis Abäba and in Harär.
882
Greeks were also gardeners, hair-dressers, tailors, (general store), Mastropetro (gun repair), Peka-
carpenters, masons etc. tos (watchmaker), Kourtessis (general store and
After 1916, more Greek families decided to set- café), Ortengatos (Café and restaurant), Balam-
tle in Ethiopia. The establishment of the Greek baras Giyorgis Fotis (curio shop). The first
community can be traced by a few key dates: European-style hotel, the Imperial, was run by
the first bishop was designated in 1908; the first Bololakos (Natsoulas 1989:219–42).
school built in 1915; the Greek consulate opened The growth of Addis Abäba attracted many
in 1918; the first Greek newspaper, “Ethiopikòs of the Harär and ÷Djibouti-based Greek mer-
Kósmos”, founded in 1927; a Greek church built cantile houses. Branches were established in the
in 1935. At this time, the Greek community capital and in many instances the headquarters
consisted of approximately 3,000 persons, which were transferred. Some of the Greeks became
made it the second foreign community after the agents of French and British commercial houses
Arabs. They were running some 30 factories, 2 that were centred in the Middle East. As in the
cinemas, 4 garages, 15 import-export enterprises past, they were principally involved in the export
and 20 retail shops. But in one way, this quite of coffee, and secondarily skins, ÷tobacco and
exclusive network of Greek institutions in an other products.
Ethiopian context prevented the Greek com- In the early 20th cent. western Ethiopia was
munity from a proper integration into Ethiopian another major area of Greek enterprise. A new
society, while some of its members developed international commercial route was established
a kind of superiority complex, which created through eastern Sudan and Khartoum. The first
some tensions between Greeks and Ethiopians. Greeks to come to ÷Gambella, the major eastern
A prominent personality of this time was Iakovos town, were those that had been active in the east-
(James) ÷Zervos who became ÷Òaylä Íéllase I’s ern Sudan during the 19th cent. and Greek from
physician and personal confidant. He never had Cyprus who followed the British after their con-
an official title, but the Emperor bestowed upon quest in 1898. Gambella was in the lowlands, so
him the title of ÷bitwäddäd for his services. Greeks tended to settle in the highland towns of
In Addis Abäba Greeks were principally in- ÷Gore, ÷Bure and, especially, ÷Dambi Dolloo.
volved in four types of enterprises: construction These towns became minor entrepots, and the
and building trades, small scale or light industry, entire area was opened to trade to Khartoum.
international and local trade and small shop-keep- In representing several large Sudanese firms as
ing and services. Of the ca. 200 European-style well as establishing their own, Greeks organized
houses that were constructed by this time, over the export/import trade of the area, coffee being
100 had been erected by Greeks. Some of the again the most important export commodity,
major public constructions in and around the followed by rubber and bee wax, whilst imports
city included St. George Church (÷Gännätä Sége included liquor, textiles and other manufacture
Giyorgis), constructed by Panayotis Myriallis, products. Some Greeks also received from the
following the design of Castagna, the Italian chief court special concessions to exploit the agricul-
engineer of the Emperor. Greek builders were tural and mineral wealth of the region, including
active in the immediate countryside where they coffee, Indian rubber, rubber, mica and gold.
constructed roads and bridges. E. Makras, anoth- The period between 1936 and the beginning of
er former railway sub-contractor, built the first the 1960s’ is poorly documented. One can men-
paved road from the capital to ÷Addis ŸAläm, tion Pierre Pétridès, counsellor in the Ethiopian
with a distance of about 50 km. The contractors embassies in Cairo and Turkey and adviser to the
and builders employed their own countrymen as Foreign Ministry (1955–74).
masons, carpenters and in other skilled capaci- The decline of the Greek community begins in
ties, while generally employing Ethiopians for the 1960s after the abortive coup d’état against
unskilled labour. Òaylä Íéllase. Most of its members began to
During the first two decades of the century, transfer their money out of Ethiopia, looking for
many Greeks opened small shops, ranging from a more secure place for their activities and feeling
groceries and bakeries to various repair shops. that the rise of African independence would not
Virtually all the eating places, inns and cinemas be favourable to them. In 1974, enterprises be-
in the capital were owned or managed by Greeks. longing to Greek people were nationalized and
These small enterprises included Antonopoulos their owners and their families left Ethiopia. But,
883
since 1991, some of them have concluded agree- “The Role of Foreigners in Nineteenth Century Ethiopia,
ments with the Ethiopian Privatization Agency prior to the Rise of Menelik”, Boston University Papers on
Africa 2, 1966, 181–214; Id., “The Emperor Theodore and
and have taken back their properties. This is the the Question of Foreign Artisans in Ethiopia”, ibid. 215–35;
case for instance of the famous Bambis super- Id., “Menilek and the Utilization of Foreign Skills in Ethio-
market in Addis Abäba. pia”, JES 5, 1, 1976, 29–86; Id., “Greek Land-holding in
In 1970 Abba Salama, a review of the Associa- Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Ethiopia”, ibid.
4, 1973, 36–39; Id., “Demetros and Giyorgis: Two Greeks in
tion of Ethio-Hellenic Studies was created, spon- 18th-Century Ethiopia”, ibid. 8, 1977, 248–55; Id., “Emperor
sored by the Commercial Bank of G. This review Tewodros and the Story of the ‘Skilled’ Greeks in an Ethio-
published ten issues until 1979. A large number pian Chronicle of Emperor Yohannes IV”, ibid. 10, 1979,
of articles were dedicated to inter-Orthodox and 227f.; Grigorios Papamichail, “Symvolì is tìn historían
tîs ekklisías Alexandrías stò XVIII eóna” (‘A Contribution
ecumenical dialog and to the history of Ethio- to the History of the Church of Alexandria in the 18th Cen-
Hellenic relationships since antiquity. tury’), Ekklisiastikòs Pháros 6, 1911, 177–84; ZerEth.
Src.: Great Britain, Public Record Office, Foreign Office, Theodore Natsoulas – Anaïs Wion
1, 403, 407; Greece, Archives of the Foreign Ministry, 1876,
1879; Voice of Ethiopia 2, 21 October 1961; BruNile, vol.
2, 633f., vol. 3, 11, 489, 549; SalTrav; Kesarios Dapontes,
“Historikòs Katálogos”, in: K.N. Sathas (ed.), Meseènikì Greek literature on Ethiopia
Bibliothíki, vol. 5, Venetía 1872, 89; [Ioannis Kotzikas], In G.l., Ethiopians (Aijqivope", Aithíopes, lit. ‘those
“Avyssiniakôn ékthesis aftoskédios” (‘An Extemporaneous
Account of Abyssinian Matters’), Abba Salama 1, 1970; having [sun]burnt faces’, cp. ÷Aithiopía) appear
Id. (Jean Cozzikas), Question d’Abyssinie au peuple de for the first time in the Homeric poems (ca. 8th
la Grand Bretagne, Constantinople 1867; Dimosthenes cent. B.C.), the Iliad (I, 423ff.; XXIII, 205ff.) and
Mitzakis, “Ek toû Himerologíou tîs is Ethiopían Periegí- the Odyssey (I, 22ff.; IV, 83; V, 282, 287). They
seos, 1879, toû Proxénou D. Mitzakis” (‘From the Diary of
the Journey to Ethiopia, 1879, of the Consul D. Mitzakis”, are portrayed as a people renowned for their pi-
Attikòn Himerologion, 1880, 404–43; Nicola Parisis, ety, dwelling in a land that is the preferred resort
L’Abissinia, Milano 1888; Id., Aethiopica: Hi Avyssinía apò of the gods and that coincides with the edge of
iatrikì épopsin (‘Abyssinia from a Medical Perspective’),
Athens 1888; Id., “He teleutée himére tîs diamonîs mou parà
the world. However, it is hard to assess what de-
tô Autokratori tîs Avyssinías, Ioanni” (‘The Last Days of my gree of real knowledge these references inspired.
Stay [at the court of] the Emperor of Abyssinia, Yohannés’), Homer’s division of the Ethiopians into two
Attikòn Himerologion 1888, 78–105; Socratis Procopiou, parts, those living where the Sun sets and those
Is ta vasília toû Menelik (‘In the Realm of Ménilék’), Athina
1924; Id., Neo-éllines stìn Asía kè Afrikí, (‘Neo-Greeks in where it rises, probably echoes the attribution of
Asia and Africa’), Athens 1930. the name Ethiopians to all dark-skinned peoples
Lit.: Eugène Combes – Maurice Tamisier, Voyage en Ab- east and west of the Erythraean Sea – as it was
yssinie, Paris 1838, vol. 1, 216, vol. 2, 8ff., vol. 3, 69; Carlo common among ancient Greeks.
Conti Rossini, Italia ed Etiopia dal Trattato di Uccialli alla
battaglia di Adua, Roma 1935, 37f., 45; Methodios Fouyas Ethiopians and their land occupy a consider-
(ed.), Symvolì is tìn historían tis ierâs Metropóleos Axoúmis able place in mythological tradition. Their piety
(‘Contribution to the History of the Sacred Metropolis of is reflected in the legend of the women warriors,
Axum’), Athina 1976; Peter P. Garretson, A History of the Amazons, who conquered the island of Hes-
Addis Abeba from its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, Wies-
baden 2000 (AeF 49), 59–64; Anestis John Ghanotakis, pera and destroyed all its cities, except for Mene
The Greeks of Ethiopia, 1889–1970, Ph.D. thesis, Boston (Mhvnh), the sacred city of the Ethiopians. Ethiopia
University 1979; D. Kallimarchos, “The Patriarchate of was also the remote country par excellence, as
Alexandria in Abyssinia”, Abba Salama 2, 1971, 151–60; An-
dreas Kavvadias, Hi Ethiopia kè hemîs (‘Ethiopia and Us’), implied in the fate of Eumolpos, son of Chione
Athina – Addis Ababa 1958; Evangelos Kofos, “A Greek (Ciovnh), whom Poseidon saved by entrusting him
Consul at the Court of Menelik”, Abba Salama 4, 1973, to the Ethiopians. It is also noteworthy that, in
191–284; Paul Mérab, Impressions d’Ethiopie. L’Abyssinie Homer, the goddess Athena hastened to intercede
sous Ménélik II, vol. 2, Paris 1922, 104, 108f. and vol. 3, Paris
1929, 393, 616; Methodios, Metropolitan of Aksum, “A with Zeus in favour of Ulysses when his enemy
Contract between the Ethiopian Government and Panayi- Poseidon was on a visit to far away Ethiopia, the
otis Myriallis Concerning the Construction of St. George’s south-easternmost land, near the Ocean.
Cathedral in Addis Abeba”, Abba Salama 2, 1971, 17–21; The association of Ethiopia – as the beginning
Theodore Natsoulas, The Greeks in Ethiopia: Economic,
Political and Social Life, Ph.D. thesis, Syracuse University and the end of the daily celestial journey of the
1975; Id., “Prologue to Modern Ties between Greece and Sun – with sunlight emerges in several myths.
Ethiopia: The Efforts of Ioannis Kotzikas, 1845–1868”, Hesiod (8th cent. B.C.) records that the goddess
NEASt 6, 1–2, 1984, 147–70; Id., “Yohannes’s Greek Advis- Heos ( {Ew", ‘Dawn’) took Tithonos to Ethiopia,
ers”, ibid. 7, 3, 1985, 21–40; Id., “Greeks in the Ethiopian
Court, 1700–1770”, Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 12, 2, where they had two sons, Memnon (Mevmnwn)
1985, 63–76; PankEcon, s. index; Richard Pankhurst, and Emathion (!Hmaqivwn), both of whom became
884
Greek literature on Ethiopia
kings of the Ethiopians (Theogony, 984f.). In a no longer extant, has been a source for Dio-
legend that locates the Garden of the Hesperides dorus and Artemitorus of Ephesus who, in turn,
not in the west, as was usually the case, but in served as a source for ÷Strabo. Agatharchides
Ethiopia, Hercules kills Emathion when the acknowledges the regions south of Egypt as
latter tries to prohibit him from obtaining the Ethiopia, speaks of the Ethiopian gold-mines,
golden apples. Memnon appears in the lost epic fauna, weaponry etc., and refers to the campaign
Ethiopis (possibly earlier than the Iliad) as an of the Egyptian monarch Ptolemy II Philadel-
ally of the Trojans, to be finally killed by the phus against Ethiopia (i.e., Nubia) in the 270s
Greek Achilles. Her mother pledges Zeus to B.C. Agatharchides describes several Ethiopian
grant him immortality and buries his body in his groups, such as the Ichthyophagoi and the Trog-
homeland. In this myth Ethiopia was originally lodytai. Among the attempts at identifying the
located in the east, and later, by the Hellenistic modern descendants of Agatharchides’ Ichthy-
period, in the Upper Nile Valley. ophagoi (!Icquofavgoi, ‘Fish-eaters’), the most
Ethiopia also appears in the labours of the likely seems to be that equating them to the
mythical hero Perseus (Perseuv"). Andromeda ÷Bega and with the Bisharin tribes, from the
(!Andromevda), the daughter of Kepheus (Khfeuv") Eastern desert and the coast of Sudan.
king of Ethiopia, was offered as an expiatory sac- Strabo (late 1st cent. B.C. – early 1st cent.
rifice to a sea monster sent by Poseidon to pun- A.D.) drew information from the cartographer
ish queen Cassiope for her arrogance. Kepheus Eratosthenes of Cyrene (2nd cent. B.C.) and
agreed with the king to save the girl and take her Artemidorus, asserting that he also reached the
as his wife in return. Ethiopian mountains. He mentions Meroes as
These mythological episodes were later used the capital city of the Ethiopians (apparently
by the great dramatists of the 5th cent. B.C. In his Nubians) and records that they were ruled by
Prometheus Bound and Prometheus Unbound queen ÷Candace, whose royal seat was ÷Napata
Aeschylus mentions the remote Ethiopia where (Geography, XVI, 4, 7 and 13; cp. also Pseudo-
the sun rests, and in his Memnon and Psychostasy Aristoteles, Problemata [898b], X, 66).
he elaborated on Memnon’s myth. Sophocles It was only by the 1st cent. A.D. that certain
wrote the Ethiopians and, like Euripides, com- references were being made not only to Nubia
posed an Andromeda. (e.g., the Ethiopian Candace mentioned in Acts
More precise information is preserved by the 8:27, was actually a Nubian sovereign), but di-
historians. Herodotus (5th cent. B.C., Histories) rectly to the Ethiopian kingdom of ÷Aksum.
declares that he had travelled up to Elephantine The kingdom is first mentioned in the work
(by the borders between Egypt and Nubia). Al- of an anonymous author, the ÷Periplus of the
though following the common use of the term Erythraean Sea (mid 1st-cent. A.D.), while Clau-
Ethiopian to denote dark-skinned peoples, he dius ÷Ptolemy (2nd cent. A.D., Geography) is
also identifies explicitly Ethiopia with Nubia, the first to mention the Aksumites, though he
and names ÷Meroes as its capital city. Moreover is silent about the city of Aksum. In two novels,
he records the Persian King Cambyses’ superfi- ÷Heliodorus’ Ethiopica (3rd cent.) and Pseudo-
cial campaign against the Macrobian (long-liv- Callisthenes’s Romance of Alexander the Great
ing) Ethiopians and describes the Ethiopian war- (5th cent.; ÷Alexander the Great), the wisdom of
riors in the Persian King Xerxes’ army during the Aksumites is praised.
his unsuccessful campaign against Greece in 480 ÷Cosmas Indicopleustes (Christian Topogra-
B.C. (Histories, II, 29f., 89, 104, 106, 134-40, 152; phy) visited the kingdom of Aksum ca. 518. He
III, 17-25, 97, 144; IV, 69f., VII, 61, 69f., 150; IX, considers the Ethiopians as descendants of Cush,
32). According to Diodorus of Sicily (ca. 1st cent. one of Noah’s sons who shared between them
B.C.), the Ethiopians claimed that they had colo- the entire earth up to the Ocean of Ethiopia. In
nized Egypt. He also narrates how Ergamenes, ÷Adulis, at the order of the Aksumite king ÷Ka-
a Meroitic king of Greek education, opposed to leb, he copied a now lost inscription – but prob-
the powerful priests of the country (Universal ably related to an Aksumite king (late 2rd/early 3rd
History, I, 33 and 37; II, 22; III, 2-34). cent. A.D.) – which celebrates the extension of his
The work of geographers is of great impor- sovereignty over the Ethiopian highlands and his
tance. Agatharchides of Cnidus (2nd cent. B.C.) campaign to South Arabia (÷Monumentum Adu-
wrote On the Erythraean Sea, which, although litanum). The king expounds his victories over
885
Greek literature on Ethiopia
several peoples, among whom the Gaze (Gavzh) Greek Illustrating the Ancient History of Nubia and Ethio-
nation, whom Cosmas (or perhaps a slightly pia (3rd Century B.C.–6th Century A.D.), Johannesburg
1984 (Monumenta Afro-Hellenica 1); Erich Bethe (ed.),
later interpolator) identifies with an Ethiopian Homer: Dichtung und Sage, Band 2, Teil 2, Leipzig 19292,
group of his times: the Agaze (!Agavzh), i.e. the 157–67 (Ethiopis); Stanley Burstein (ed., tr.), Agath-
÷AgŸazi. archides of Cnidus: On the Erythraean Sea, London 1989.
The Christianisation of Ethiopia is mentioned Lit.: Ioannes Theophanous Kakrides (ed.), Hellinikì
mythología (‘Greek Mythology’), Athina 1986, vol.
in several Greek texts. The early Byzantine his- 1, 224, 343f., 346; vol. 3, 28, 184ff.; vol. 4, 85ff.; vol. 5,
torian Socrates (late 4th-early 5th cent., Church 116–22, 239f.; Dimitris G. Letsios, Byzántio ke Erythrá
History) records a tradition that ascribes its Thálassa: Schésis me ti Noubía, Aithiopía ke Nótia Aravía
evangelization to the apostle Matthew, while hos tin Aravikí katáktisi (‘Byzantium and the Red Sea:
Gelasius of Cyzicus (5th cent.) speaks of the Relations with Nubia, Ethiopia and South Arabia until
the Arab Conquest’), Athina 1988; Nigel Groom,
apostle Bartholomew (Church History, III, 9, Frankincense and Myrrh: a Study of the Arabian Incense
2). Irenaeus of Lyons (2nd cent., Elenchus) and Trade, London – New York 1981, 55–95; Frank Martin
÷Eusebius of Caesarea (4th cent., Church His- Snowden, Before Color Prejudice: the Ancient View of the
tory) both state that Ethiopia was the first gentile Blacks, Cambridge, MA – London 1983; Athanasios N.
Papathanasiou, “‘Homeritarum Leges’. An Interpreta-
land to accept Christianity. Socrates, Sozomenos tion”, Proche-Orient Chrétien 46, 1996, 27–71 (Lit.).
(early 5th cent., Church History, II, 24, 1f.) and Athanasios N. Papathanasiou
Theodoretus (5th cent., Church History, I, 23),
possibly depending upon ÷Rufinus, describe the
missionary work of Frumentius (early 4th cent.; Greetings
÷Sälama Käíate Bérhan), while according to Phi- Greetings in Amharic
lostorgius (late 4th-early 5th cent.), an attempt at The traditional canons of Ethiopian etiquette are
introducing Arian Christianity into Aksum was well regulated and far from empty ceremonious-
made in the mid-4th cent. by ÷Theophilos the ness. Ethiopians are generally polite and show
Indian (Church History, III, 4, 7). Several texts consideration and respect to each other. When
refer to a possible re-evangelization and the war people meet on the road, they will inquire after
between Ethiopians and Himyarites in the first each other’s health, followed by inquiries after
half of the 6th cent. (Procopius, 6th cent., Wars, other members of the family. The exchange of the
I, 19f.; Malalas, 6th cent., Chronography, XVIII, formulae of G. may take fully a minute or two. A
433f., 458; ÷Nonnosus, 6th cent., Fragments, IV, low bow is a must in almost all instances. When
179; Theophanes, late 8th-early 9th cent., Chron- relatives or friends of either sex meet after a long
ography; Photius, 9th cent., Bibliotheca, I, 4, 24, separation, they usually kiss each other on the
147-52; VII, 134-89; Cedrenus, 12th cent., Synop- mouth or on both cheeks repeatedly, the older or
sis of Histories, I, 656). Information about 6th- superior in status kissing first. The handshake is
cent. Aksum is also provided by the texts related customary among equals. When hands are joined,
to the establishment of the Christian Himyarite they remain in this position throughout the entire
kingdom after the war with the Ethiopian and greeting. A younger or subordinate person often
the latter’s invasion of South Arabia (Martyrdom greets an older or superior person by putting his
of St. ÷Arethas; Laws of the ÷Himyarites; Life left hand under his stretched right forearm. When
of St. ÷Gregentius, Bishop of the Himyarites; people are sitting together, they usually greet an
Disputation with the Jew Herban). incoming person by rising from their seats.
Finally, innumerable are the references to Among the Amhara people the formula 3!y
Ethiopia and its people in Greek patristic and ^F4s3 (tena yéstélléññ, lit. ‘May He grant you
ascetic literature. In most cases they are exegeti- health for my sake!’) is the general greeting of
cal rhetorics, either conceiving the encounter of welcome or of parting and may be used any time
the Gospel with remote Ethiopia as the symbol for any person. The word Aqz (sälam, ‘peace’) is
of the Ecumenicity of the Christianity or using also used as a substitute for tena yéstélléññ, usu-
black colour as a metaphor for sin and vice. ally by the young people.
÷Geography, historical; ÷Historiography The other formulae are more specific in mean-
ing and their verbal forms differ according to the
Src.: [Richard] Pietschmann, “Aithiopia”, in: Paulys
Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, addressed person, i.e. the polite form (the form
vol. I, 1, Stuttgart 1893, 1095–102, here 1095ff. [complete 2nd pers. sg. masc./fem./pl.).
list]; Benjamin Hendrickx, Official Documents Written in The most common of the G. on meeting are:
886
Greetings
Good morning! – &#6z# [&#:M ] !6; [!6?l /!6?% / ýallo, ‘how is it going?’). All these questions
!6=,S ] (éndämén [éndet] addäru [addärk/addärš/
are today the most frequent opening greeting
addäraóóéhu], lit. ‘how did you [2nd pers. sg. polite/
masc./fem./pl.] pass the night?’); formulas.
Good afternoon! – &#6z#y ò [`sl /`s% /`q,S ] In the morning one refers to the previous night
(éndämén walu [walk/walš/walaóóéhu], lit. ‘how did with the understanding of a meeting one day be-
you spend the day?’); fore, i.e.: gu^y @8?j (kämäy hadirka [etc.]; also
Good evening! – &#6z#y !u! [!u%W /!u%% /!u#,S ]
gu^y @6?j, kämäy hadärka [etc.], lit. ‘How
(éndämén amäššu [amäššéh/amäššéš/amäššaóóéhu], lit.
‘how did you spend the evening?’); did you [sg. masc./fem./pl. masc./fem.] spend
How are you? – &#6z#y !o [ !nW / !n%/!q,S ] the night?’) or 6@#<y @8?j (dähando hadirka
(éndämén allu [alläh/alläš/allaóóéhu]). [etc.], lit. ‘Did you spend the night well?’).
Greetings on leaving are: In the late morning the converbal morpheme
Good night! – 6W!y ^6; [ &6? / &6< / &6; ] (dähna hadir- is substituted by !?F; (ýarfid-), in the
yédäru [édär/édäri/édäru], lit. ‘spend the night well’);
Good day! – 6W!y ^ò [`s /`^ /ò ] (dähna yéwalu
afternoon by b's (wéŸil-) and in the evening
[wal/way/walu], lit. ‘spend the day well’); by $zC (ýamsi-). When referring to a week or
Good evening! – 6W!y \z! [ !z! / !z" / !z! ] (dähna more one uses 3~ (qänni-; after the vowel, k of
yamšu [amšu/amši/amšu], lit. ‘spend the evening well’); the suffix is aspirated: qänni-õa [etc.]).
Good-bye! – 6W!y ^S} [ S# / S3 / S} ] (dähna yéhunu In the countryside one can refer to the respec-
[hun/ huñ/hunu], lit. ‘be well’);
So long! / See you! – (o [ (s / (^ / (o ] &Fl#K!3 (bälu tive seasons: gu^y 3_*j (kämäy qäwwiŸŸ-ka
[bäl/bäy/bälu] éskénnéggänaññ, lit. ‘until we shall [etc.], ‘how did you spent the harvest time?’,
come together again’). gu^y @M8 (kämäy hagi-õa [etc.], ‘how did
When greeting a person who has just arrived or you spent the dry season?’), gu^y `88 , (kämäy
come in, the following exchange of phrases char- säddi-õa [etc.], ‘how did you spent the season for
acteristically takes place: sowing?’), gu^y g<zj (kämäy kärim-ka [etc.],
– Welcome! – &#A#y 6W!y u0 (énkwan dähna mättu, ‘how did you spent the rainy season?’).
lit. ‘be glad you [polite] came safely’); In dialects, the plural masc. form -kum can
– Thank you! – &#A#y 6W!y 9Z (énkwan dähna qoyyu, be replaced in all cases by -õum or -õatõum;
lit. ‘be glad you [polite] remained well’). a more polite form would be -om (e.g., kämäy
Lit.: David Appleyard, Colloquial Amharic: a Complete hadir-om).
Language Course, London – New York 1995; KaneDic;
LevWax; Renate Richter – Mulugeta Eteffa, The answer to all these questions is &Pt$-
Deutsch–Amharisches Gesprächsbuch, Wiesbaden 1994; V?y ûFK#y 6@# [or simply ûFK$ ] (ýégz-
Edward Ullendorff, The Ethiopians: an Introduction iýabéher (y)émmäsgän, dähan [(y)émmäsgänno],
to Country and People, London 1973. ‘praise to God, well!’). The word for ‘God’ can
Renate Richter also be pronounced égzer, ézger, égzihar or
ézgéhar. The Muslims say alhamdullah(i) in-
Greetings in Tégréñña stead. A wide-spread response is 6@#y $t6 /
The traditional opening greeting expression in &Y (dähan ýalloõu / ýéyyä, ‘I am fine’) or 6@#y
Tégréñña is 4*!y Û(n^ (téŸénna (yé)habälläy, $t (dähan ýallo, ‘it is fine’). Naturally, the per-
‘May (God) give (you) health on my behalf!’). It son asked has to reciprocate by applying the
is still used in rural areas, in the first place in Tég- same formulas to the other person.
ray, predominately when addressing the elders. A more informal and more recent greeting ex-
What follows is a question (of both speech act pression is Aqz (sälam) or AqxM (sälamat, ‘greet-
partners) of how well the addressee is in general ings’). As response, these phrases are repeated.
or has been during a certain time span preceding The farewell expressions refer to the ap-
the current speech act. This time span may be (a) proaching time, be it the day, the evening, the
not more than one day, i.e., the night-time, the night, the week or a longer period of time: 6@#y
morning, the daytime, the evening, or (b) more b(s (dähan wéŸŸal [-i, -u, -a], ‘Have a nice
than one day, i.e., a week or a season. day!’), 6@#y $zC (dähan ýamsi [etc.], ‘Have a
The most usual questions, without specific nice evening!’), 6@#y B6? (dähan hédär [etc.],
time reference, are gu^y $t8 [-7 /-6z /-:#] ‘Have a good night!’), 6@#y 3~ (dähan qänni
(kämäy [ýa]lloõa [-õi/-õum/-õén], ‘how are you [etc.], ‘Have a good week/fortnight!’ [etc.]), and
[sg. masc./fem./pl. masc./fem.]?’), 6@#<y $t8 in general 6@#y h# (dähan kun [etc.], ‘Have a
[etc.] (dähando ýalloõa [etc.], ‘are you well?’), good time!’).
and slightly more informal gu^y $t (kämäy Rainer Voigt
887
Greetings
Greetings in Oromo Dizionario Oromo–Italiano, Hamburg 1995 (Kuschitische

A common feature of all ÷Oromo G. is wish- Sprachstudien 10); Gaetano da Thiene, Dizionario della
Lingua Galla. Con brevi nozioni grammaticali, Harar 1939;
ing each other peace (nagaa) and asking about Ton Leus, Borana Dictionary, Schijndel 1995, 290.
each other’s well-being. Conversation usually Andrea Nicolas
begins with Akkam girta/girtu? (‘How are you
doing?’), Akkam bulte/bultani? (‘How did Greetings in body language
you pass the night?’), or Akkam oolte/ooltani? G. is a basic feature of body language, marking
(‘How did you pass the day?’). the beginning of a social interaction and partially
The expected answer is usually: Gaarii (¦a) defining the social relation of the participants.
(‘well’); Fayyaa (¦a) (‘fine’) or Nagaa (¦a) (‘[in] In Ethiopia and Eritrea, gesticulatory forms of
health/good state’), to which is often added G. vary considerably from region to region and
galata Waaqaa (‘thanks to God’). The responding depend largely on kinship and class relations, as
person now asks the same question in return. well as relative age, gender, religion and other
There may also occur a direct exchange of determinants of status and situational roles.
question and counter-question: Akkam bulte? According to the social context and certain
– Akkam bulte?; Naguma! – Naguma! (‘Peace!’). “grammatical” rules, the different gestures of
Boorana often greet each other Bultini nagaa? G. (gesticulatory elements) can be combined.
(‘Have you passed the night at peace?’) – Nagaa, In informal situations, the freedom to combine
nagaa (‘[at] peace, [at] peace’; cf. Baxter 1990: these elements is much greater than in formal or
245; Leus 1995:610). As a rule, the polite ex- ritualised situations. The multi-ethnic and par-
change of greetings is extended according to the tially globalized society of today’s Ethiopia and
age and status of the individuals involved in the Eritrea allows the parallel or amalgamated usage
conversation. of G. forms of different cultural origins.
Greeting each other by use of the term nagaa The basic gesticulatory elements of G. are:
means in a larger sense: ‘may you be healthy’, shaking or holding hands (one or both hands
‘may you not become ill’, ‘may you experience involved), raising of one or both hands (show-
no fighting or disagreements with others’, ‘may ing palm[s], waving, saluting), hugging, kissing
you enjoy protection from harm’, ‘may you be in and bowing. The types of G. are differentiated
proper relationship with God (the sky) and the further by the intensity and quantity of gesticu-
earth, people and cattle’ (van de Loo 1991:278f.). latory elements. For example, if the participants
At farewells, the term nagaa is taken up again, in a conversation have not seen each other for a
for instance when wishing each other to return long period, the quantity is increased by repeat-
home in peace: Nagaatti gali/galaa. ing oral and gesticulatory G. Different intensi-
The Oromo hold a strong ideal of peace in so- ties are connected each with a different meaning,
ciety, at least within their subgroups. Peace exists ranging from only suggesting the full gesture to
where people observe their appropriate role in its theatrical exaggeration.
the community and respect the established order. For the hand-shake, the G. partners stand
Disturbing the peace of society would mean to face-to-face and hold each other with the open
disturb the peace of God (Baxter 1965:65f., 75). palms of their right hands. As a symbol of re-
Blessings and prayers for peace, mostly given by spect or subordination, the left hand supports
elders, are constantly invoked on occasions of this gesture by touching the right forearm or
Oromo ceremonies and meetings. elbow. It is considered polite to press the hand
Lit.: Paul Trevor William Baxter, “Repetition in Cer- of the partner only very gently. Hand-shaking as
tain Boran Ceremonies”, in: Meyer Fortes – Germaine well as raising the hands and showing the open
Dieterlen (eds.), African Systems of Thought, London palms in a Christian setting is often combined
1965, 64–78; Id., “Oromo Blessings and Greetings”, in: with bowing of the head or the upper part of
Anita Jacobson-Wedding – Walter van Beek (eds.),
The Creative Communion: African Folk Models of Fertil- the body. Muslims in general avoid bowing, for
ity and the Regeneration of Life, Uppsala 1990, 235–50; they reserve this gesture of devotion “for God
Mario I. Aguilar, Being Oromo in Kenya, Trenton – As- only”. Instead of nodding or bowing, Muslims
mara 1998; Lambert Bartels, Oromo Religion. Myths may lay their hand on the left side of their chest
and Rites of the Western Oromo of Ethiopia: an Attempt to
Understand, Berlin 1983; Joseph van de Loo, Guji Oromo where the heart is. Some Muslim women avoid
Culture in Southern Ethiopia: Religious Capabilities in the hand-shake (and eye-contact) with a stranger
Rituals and Songs, Berlin 1991, 278f.; Mario Borello, or give their hand only through their veil.
888
Gregentius
(shoulder[s], knees, hands, feet). The kissing of

the feet expresses deepest subjugation. Among
the Amhara and Tégray traditionally the child
up to the age of 15 had to kiss the feet of the
father and the servant had to kiss the feet of his
lord after washing them.
The kissing of the hand-cross of a priest, which
automatically involves bowing, can be understood
as a G., but the addressee of this action is more the
“sacral sphere”, in general, than the priest as a per-
son. Mainly among Muslims the palms of an elder
are kissed by those who received his blessing.
Here a similar interpretation can be made.
Bowing ranges from nodding to a full prostra-
tion. It can be a single gesture, but is often com-
bined with others. Equals can bow without any
indication of status difference, while asymmetri-
cal bowing is a clear sign of hierarchy. The low-
ranking person is expected to bend down con-
siderably lower than the higher-ranking person.
In the case of subject and emperor or king and
vassal and lord respectively, a full prostration of
the inferior expresses his/her total subjugation.
Lit.: Tilahun Paulos, “Forms of Greeting and other
Signs of Respect in Ethiopia”, in: Alula Pankhurst
(ed.), Ethnological Society Bulletin vol. I, nos. 1–10 and
vol. II, no. 1, 1953–1961, Addis Ababa 2002, 116–23;
Sidaama women greeting each other; photo 1954/55 VSAe III, 107, 109, 116, 121, 176, 225, 236, 241f., 305,
by Elisabeth Pauli; courtesy of the Frobenius Institut, 317, 339.
Frankfurt am Main (027–Pa017–37) Dirk Bustorf
Between equals or relatives it is common to

embrace each other. This can be combined with Gregentius
hand-shaking as well as kissing. There are vari- Archbishop of ÷Zafar (South Arabia) and saint,
ous forms of embracing. A characteristic form G. (Gr. Grhgevntio", Gregéntios, fl. second quar-
especially in the highlands with many regional ter of the 6th cent.) is chiefly known from his
variants is “shoulder-hugging” between mem- Greek Vita (BHG3 no. 705 [= CPG 7009], also
bers of the same sex. In this form of G., the two preserved in a Slavonic translation), according
partners touch the shoulder(s) of the other with to which he travelled from his native Moesia to
their own shoulder(s) subsequently. This can north and central Italy (including Rome), hence
be done a couple of times, either with the two sailing to Alexandria, where Patriarch Proterius
right shoulders or with right and left shoulders. (actually Timothy III) sent him as a bishop to
During “shoulder-hugging” the hand(s) hold the the land of ÷Himyar. This was to comply with
hand(s), arm(s) or shoulder(s) of the other per- the request of a bishop by the Aksumite king
son or he/she is embraced. ÷Kaleb Éllä Asbéha (!Elesboavm), who had just
Kisses are carried out by touching a body part gained total control over Himyar by defeating
of the other with both lips. Kisses are very often the Jewish king ÷Îu Nuwas (Dounaa'") – in
only implied by bringing the lips near to the 523/4 or 525 – as a reaction to the martyrdom of
other’s body, sometimes enforced by non-verbal Christians in ÷Nagran (Negrav).
sounds (e.g., in Tégray and Eritrea). Depending In his biography, G. appears to have played
on the relation between the participants, differ- an important role in the restoration of South
ent parts of the body may be kissed expressing Arabian Christianity: together with Kaleb, who
different grades of intimacy or familiarity (fore- went then back to Aksum, he consecrated sev-
head, cheeks, mouth) or subordination/devotion eral churches in Nagran, Zafar (Tafavr/Tefavr),
889
Gregentius
Qanaý (!Akavna), as well as in the obscure Atárph/ QAM; the Ethiopian capital city, !Amlevm (Am-
Atephár (!Atavrf/!Atefavr) and Legmía (Legmiva, lém) is Aksum: from Ar. *ýlýksm (= *al-Aksum,
s. Shahîd 1979:38-53 and Fiaccadori 1985:198f., exceptionally with the article) > ýlýlsm via Gr.
210f.). After remaining some thirty years in Za- *ALALÇM > (*ALALEM >) AMLEM; the
far at the side of ÷Abraha (!Abravmio"), the newly name of the place to which Kaleb retired on
appointed Aksumite viceroy of Himyar, G. died abdicating, !Ofrav (Ophrá), said to be a bounov"
on 19 December, and on this day his liturgical (bounós, ‘mount[ain]’), seems to conceal the
memory is celebrated in the Byzantine Church Ethiopic word ÷däbr: from Ar. *dbr (glossed
(Fiaccadori 1980:314, n. 79). as gabal, i.e. bounov"?) > *wfr, possibly hinting
Beside his Vita, known only from excerpts at the hermitage of his spiritual mentor abba
published by Vasiliev (1907, a complete ed. being ÷Päntälewon on a high däbr (‘mountain’) found
prepared by Albrecht Berger), two other Greek to the north of Aksum and simply designated as
hagiographic texts are traditionally linked with such in the 15th-cent. Gädlä Päntälewon (‘Vita
the name of G. and his staunch activity in re-es- of Päntälewon’, ch. 3: Conti Rossini 1904:45-
tablishing Christian orthodoxy all over Himyar 48, s. Nosnitsin in StudAeth 92, n. 6). Likewise,
and converting the Jews living there: the so-called as pointed out by Maxime Rodinson (1965/66:
Laws of the Himyarites, issued by him to the 140), the expression Mhdevkion (vars. Daikkevon,
benefit of his South Arabian flock at the request Dekkaiovn) a[ntron (Medékion ántron) includes
of Abraha, and the Disputation with Herban the the Arabic name of ÷Bab al-Mandab, Madiq (lit.
Jew (BHG3 nos. 706h-i and 706d [= CPG 7008 ‘Strait’), which is Madiq in the Ethiopic Acts of
and 7009] respectively), i.e. the record of the Arethas, translated from Arabic in the 13th cent.
contention about the true faith he held with the (Esteves Pereira 1899:115, s. 160 n. 1 on steno;"
Jewish law-teacher Herban. In fact subsequent tovpo", ‘narrow place’ in the Greek Acts). A simi-
compilations not always transmitted together, lar connection for the whole dossier – of which
both texts are of middle-Byzantine origin (the partial Arabic versions of uncertain age are barely
latter, though, seeming to echo juristic features known (GrafLit vol. 1, 370) – is advocated by
of pre-Islamic South Arabia, s. Irvine 1967:290f.), the name of Abraha’s son found in the Disputa-
and formally belong in the known hagiographic tion: Sev(r)dido", i.e. Seravil> o"/-ai>lv+ o" or Serivlo"
tradition that was shaped not before the late 9th (*ÇER[A]ILOÇ > ÇER[D]IDOÇ), correspond-
or early 10th cent. as a continuation of the Acts of ing to Šarahil, son of Abraha b. as-Sabah of the
÷Arethas. It was probably then that the end of Himyaritic tradition (von Gutschmid 1880:742f.;
the Vita was detached and placed after the Dispu- cp. Shahîd 1979:230).
tation, as a conclusion to the entire dossier. Src.: PG 86, 568-784 [“Disputation” and “Laws”];
Within such a belated and legendary dossier, Alexander A. Vasiliev, “Zhitie sv. Grigentija, episkopa
however, the final or “Arabian” section of the Omiritskago” (‘The Vita of St. Gregentius, Bishop of Him-
yar’), Vizantijskij Vremennik 14, 1907 [1909], 23–67; BHG3
Vita provides valuable information: if not on G. nos. 705-06; CPG 7008-09; Albrecht Berger, Life and
himself, certainly on Ethiopia and South Arabia at Works of Saint Gregentios, Archbishop of Taphar, with a
the time of the 6th-cent. Aksumite intervention(s). contribution by Gianfranco Fiaccadori, in preparation;
Part of the materials used here by the compiler, Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira (ed., tr.), Historia dos
especially in terms of historical topography, must Martyres de Nagran. Versão ethiopica, Lisboa 1899, 115
(text) = 160 (tr.); Carlo Conti Rossini (ed., tr.), Vitae sanc-
go back to the 6th cent. (a similar story on the torum antiquiorum, I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Lovanii
consecration of churches in South Arabia is, e.g., 1904 (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9,10]), 45–48 (text) = 41–44 (tr.).
in the Book of the ÷Himyarites). Yet, a certain Lit.: Alfred von Gutschmid, “Bemerkungen zu Tabari’s
impact of Arabic sources must be considered that Sasanidengeschichte, übersetzt von Th. Nöldeke”, ZDMG
ultimately accounts – by subsequent misreadings 34, 1880, 721–48, here 742f.; GrafLit vol. 1, 22f., 370;
Antonio D’Emilia, “Intorno ai Novmoi tw÷n @Omhritw÷n”,
and/or misspellings – for the Greek forms of a few RSE 7, 1948, 54–67 [= Atti del Congresso Internazionale
puzzling names, and can be traced to the Melkite di Diritto Romano e di Storia del Diritto (Verona, 27-29
bilingual milieus of 8th/9th-cent. Palestine and Si- IX–1948), vol. 1, Milano 1953, 181–97]; Arthur K. Irvine,
nai (s. Fiaccadori 2003:184f., 233f.). “Homicide in Pre-Islamic South Arabia”, BSOAS 30, 1967,
277–92, here 290f.; Evelyne Patlagean, “Les Moines
For instance, the son of Kaleb, called !Aqer-
grecs d’Italie et l’apologie des thèses pontificales (VIIIe–IXe
foqavm (Atherphothám) in the Vita, is none siècles)”, Studi medievali ser. 3a, 5, 1964, 579–602 [repr.
other than ÷Gäbrä Mäsqäl: from Ar. *Ëbrmsql in: Ead., Structure sociale, famille, chrétienté à Byzance,
> *ŸôrfôŸl via Gr. *AQERFOQAAL > AQERFO- London 1981, no. xiii]; Maxime Rodinson, “Ethiopien
890
Gregory of Nazianzos
et Sudarabique”, Annuaire de l’Ecole Pratique des Hautes of Nazianzos. In 379 he was summoned to serve
Etudes, ive Séction, 1965/66, 125–41, here 140 ; Irfan Sha- as bishop of the small Nicene community in the
hîd, The Martyrs of Najrân. New Documents, Bruxelles
1971 (Subsidia hagiographica 49), 230; Id., “Byzantium in see of Constantinople, whereas the majority
South Arabia”, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 33, 1979, 23–94, – congregation and priests – was Arian. At that
here 38–53; Vassilios Christides, “The Himyarite-Ethio- time G.’s great reputation as a theologian paved
pian War and the Ethiopian Occupation of South Arabia in the way for him to preside at the Second Ecu-
the Acts of Gregentius (ca. 530 A.D.)”, AE 9, 1972, 115–46;
Sergew Hable-Selassie, “Gregentius”, in: DicEthBio 75;
menical Council at Constantinople (381). How-
Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Proterio, Asterio e Timoteo ever, disappointed with ecclesiastical politics, he
patriarchi. Note di storiografia alessandrina”, Egitto e resigned and resumed the administration of the
Vicino Oriente 3, 1980, 299–315, here 314 n. 79; Id., “Ye- see of Nazianzos. In 383, when a new bishop
men nestoriano”, in: Sandro Filippo Bondì et al. (eds.),
was appointed there, he withdrew to pursue an
Studi in onore di Edda Bresciani, Pisa 1985, 195–212, here
198f., 210f.; Id., “Provsoyi", non provoyi": Efeso, Gerusa- ascetic life at his family estate in Arianzos, where
lemme, Aquileia (Nota a IEph 495, 1 s.)”, La Parola del he remained until his death (390).
Passato 58, 2003 [2004], 182–249, here 184f., 232ff. (Lit.); G. wrote a series of 45 Orations, some of
MHAlex [I] 80f., 85–91; Heinz Schreckenberg, Die which were funerary, and five of them, 27–31,
christlichen Adversus-Judeos-Texte und ihr literarisches
und historisches Umfeld (1.–11. Jh.), Frankfurt am Mein form the so-called Theological Orations against
– Bern 1982 (Europäische Hochschulschriften [Reihe 23.] contemporary heresies. He also left a series of
172), 397ff.; Athanasios N. Papathanasiou, Oi «Novmoi 245 Letters (of which 101, 102 and 207 are of
twn Omhritwvn». Ierapostolikhv prosevggish kai istorikhv- great theological importance) and a number of
nomikhv sumbolhv (‘The «Laws of the Himyarites». Mis-
siological Approach and Historico-Legal Contribution’), poems (e.g., the autobiographical De vita sua).
Aqhvna – Komothnhv 1994 (Forschungen zur byzantinischen As a theologian, G. was a champion of the
Rechtsgeschichte, Athener Reihe 7); Id., “‘Homeritarum Nicene (Neo-Nicene) orthodoxy and, together
Leges’. An Interpretation”, Proche-Orient Chrétien 46, with Basil, contributed to the development of
1996, 27–71; Walter W. Müller, [review of Papatha-
nasiou 1994], OrChr 80, 1996, 256–59; A. Berger, “Das
Trinitarian doctrine. His Orations were trans-
Dossier des hl. Gregentios – Ein Werk der Makedonen- lated into Latin, Slavonic, Armenian, Georgian,
zeit”, Buzantinav 22, 2001 [2002], 53–65; Denis Nosnitsin, Syriac, Coptic and Arabic.
“Gädlä Päntälewon: die literarische Verwandlung einer The following writings are attributed to G. in
Episode aus dem aksumitisch-himyaritischen Krieg”, in:
StudAeth 90–108, here 92, n. 6.
Ethiopia (none of them having been critically
Gianfranco Fiaccadori edited).
1. Several extracts are transmitted in the patristic
collection ÷Haymanotä abäw:
Gregory of Nazianzos a. Homily on the Equality (of the hypostases)
G. (Q?Q?_F, Gorgoryos, also P?Q?_F Grégoryos; in the Trinity ((&#Hy *<!y 8;FMy TqE ,
born ca. 329) was a native of Arianzos, a village of Bäýéntä Ÿérina qéddést íéllase, ‘On the Equality
Cappadocia near the episcopal see of Nazianzos of the Holy Trinity’);
(&#t!s , Énzinazu also !ut , Nazazi). He was b. Homily on the Son ((&#Hy ]s; , Bäýéntä
one of the three “Cappadocian Fathers”, together wäld, ‘On the Son’);
with his friend ÷Basil the Great and the latter’s c. another Homily on the beloved Son ((&#Hy
brother ÷Gregory of Nyssa. G. was a rhetor, poet ]s;y I4? , Bäýéntä wäld féqur), which is not
and saint, and due to the importance of his dog- an authentic work but a free adaptation of a
matic writings he was also known as “the Theo- homily by Patriarch Gregory of Antioch, d.
logian” (LcQtF , tewogolos; LcPtF , tewoglos; 592/3 (Graf 1937:379);
K'QtF , taýogolos; K`tQF , tawalogos). d. Letter to Cledonius (!8s8_F/ !8q#;_F),
G. was born to a wealthy Christian family; his an excerpt from “Letter 101”: To Cledonius (Migne
father was bishop of Nazianzos. After studies 1842, vol. 37, 177B–181A; CPG 22, no. 3032); this
in Athens, where he met and befriended Basil fragment is sometimes transmitted independently,
the Great, he returned to his family estate in as in ms. Tanasee 52, fol. 111rb–112rb;
Arianzos in ca. 357. Baptized in 358, he entered e. Homily on His (i.e. Christ’s) Nativity
monastic life in Iris, Pontos (358/59 – ca. 362). ((&#Hy s6I , Bäýéntä lédätu), which was taken
Whilst serving as a priest, he was ordained from Oration 38, §13 (Migne 1842, vol. 36, 325
Bishop of Sasima in 372, but never officiated B–D; CPG II, no. 3010);
there, and soon returned to monastic life. After f. in the Anathemata part of the Haymanotä
his father’s death in 374, he administered the see abäw there are 12 “Anathematisms” (6ny PuM,
891
Gregory of Nazianzos
qalä gézat) which are said to come from the Miniatures of G., from 1667–82, can be found in
Homily on the Letter to Cledonius, but are in EMML I, fol. 103v and in fol. 114v. According to
fact excerpts from G.’s Letter 101: To Cledon- the ÷Sénkéssar, G. is commemorated on 30 Térr
ius (Migne 1842, vol. 37, 177Bff.; CPG II, no. (5 February; BudSaint 569); in the Greek Ortho-
3032), which were “translated from Coptic into dox Church, on 19 and 25 January.
Arabic” (&zrH?Huy w#Iy &z8-1y d(y Src.: BudSaint 569; CPG II, 179–209, nos. 3010–3125;
sD|y (:* , émzätärgwämä zéntu émqébti òabä HamTana I, 204, Tanasee 52 [ = Kebran 52], fol. 111rb–
112rb; EMML I, 632, 1831, 1956, 2051; Grégoire de
léssanä Ÿaräbi); Nazianze, Discours, ed. and tr. by Jean Bernardi et al.,
g. it would appear that only a few manuscripts Paris 1978–95 (Sources chrétiennes 247, 250, 270, 284, 309,
of the Haymanotä abäw have additional “Tes- 318, 358, 384, 405); Id., Lettres théologiques, ed. and tr. by
timonies” (Fz(M, sémŸat), and these writings P. Gallay – M. Jourjon, Paris 1974 (Sources Chrétiennes
address the Incarnation and include a quotation 208); Id., Orationes, ed. and tr. by Jacques-Paul Migne,
Paris 1842 (Patrologia Graeca 35–38); Corpus Chris-
from G. (Graf 1937:402; s. ms. EMML 2051, fol. tianorum, series Graeca: Corpus Nazianzenum Turnhout
213r–216r). – Leuven, 1988-2004, vols. 1–17; GrebGriaule I, 159-64,
2. Homily … on the Holy Easter (;?D#y … ms. Éthiopien 329 [Griaule 25], here 163; Charles Gor-
(&#Hy 8;FMy GCj , Dérsan … bäýéntä qéddést don Browne – James Edwars Swallow (tr.), A Select
Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Chris-
fasika), extant in the Homiliary in BritLib Ori- tian Church: Second Series, Grand Rapids 1955, vol. 7;
ent. 775 (fol. 111v–118v, from the 15th cent.), GreTisVat 176–80, ms. VatLib Aeth. 39 (Lit.); WrBriMus
is either G.’s First or, more probably, Second 201f., no. 310 [Orient. 736]; 229f., no. 341 [Orient. 775];
Easter Oration (number 1 or 45 in the whole col- 232ff., no. 334 [Orient. 784]; ZotBNat 311, 329.
lection; s. CPG II, no. 3010); both Orations also Lit.: Ernst Hammerschmidt, Studies in the Ethiopic
Anaphoras, Wiesbaden ²1987 (AeF 25); Gianfrancesco
exist in Arabic (Graf 1937:330); Lusini, “Appunti sulla patristica greca di tradizione etio-
3. One of G.’s Homilies for Saturday is included pica”, Studi classici e orientali 38, 1988, 469–93; Georg
in the Homiliary for Lent in ms. EMML 1956 (fol. Graf, “Zwei dogmatische Florilegien der Kopten: die
57r–59r; from ca. 1400, ÷Däbrä Hayq Éstifanos); Bekenntnis der Väter”, OrChrP 3, 1937, 345–402; John
Anthony McGuckin, Saint Gregory of Nazianzus: an
G. is quoted in: Intellectual Biography, Crestwood, NY 2002; Justin
4. the Mäshafä ÷hawi (s. ms. BritLib Orient. 784); Mossay, “Gregor von Nazianz (gest. 390)”, in: Gerhard
5. the Catena Commentary on the Gospel Müller (ed.), Theologische Realenzyklopädie, Berlin
(÷Térgwame wängel) of Syriac origin (Lusini 1985, vol. 14, 164–73; Rose Ruether, Gregory of Na-
1988:473; s. ms. BritLib Orient. 736, fol. 37v); zianzus: Rhetor and Philosopher, Oxford 1969; Emeri
van Donzel, “Les ‘versions’ éthiopiennes des Discours
6. an extract On the Incarnation of the Logos de Grégoire de Nazianze”, in: Justin Mossay (ed.), II.
((&#Hy HOPcIy n&Pt!-A?y 6s , Bäýéntä Symposium Nazianzenum: Louvain-la-Neuve, 25–28
täíäggéwotu läýégziýabéher qal) by G., together août 1981, Actes du colloque international, Paderborn
with anathemas, appears in the 16th-cent. ms. 1983 (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums,
Neue Folge, 2. Reihe: Forschungen zu Gregor von Nazi-
Paris, BN, Éth. 113, fol. 341–44, and the 15th-
anz 2), 127–33.
cent. ms. EMML 1831, fol. 206r (perhaps the Witold Witakowski
same as item 1f. above), in addition to two quo-
tations on fol. 328 and three on fol. 337 (none of
these belong to the Book of Mystery of Giyorgis Gregory of Nyssa
of Sägla; van Donzel 1983:132); G. of Nyssa (Q?Q?_Fy %.Fy 92Fy r}CF
7. ÷Haymanot rétéŸt (cf. the 19th-cent. ms. Gorgoryos eppis qoppos zänusis, ‘G. the bishop of
EMML 632), containing many quotations from Nyssa’; b. ca. 335–40, Caesarea, Cappadocia, d. ca.
the fathers, and among them from G.; 395), one of the three “Cappadocian Fathers” –
8. the Anaphora called “of Gregory, brother of together with his elder brother, ÷Basil the Great,
Basil” (Q?Q?_Fy &i]y +Fs_F , Gorgoryos éòwä and ÷Gregory of Nazianzos – was a rhetor, theo-
Basélyos, ms. BN Éth. 329, fol. 96va-102ra; VatLib logian and saint. He was born to a wealthy family
Aeth. 39, fol. 76v–82), i.e. of Gregory of Nyssa, and educated at home by his brother Basil, his
often attributed to G.; in certain manuscript tradi- father, who was a rhetor, and his sister Macrina,
tions the attribution varies, referring to one of the a nun. In addition to Christian literature, G. was
other Gregories (Gregory of Alexandria, Gregory well, read in Greek philosophy. Although conse-
the Illuminator). Often, however, the attribution crated as a lector, G. left church life ca. 364, mar-
is just to “Gregory” without any further specifi- ried a woman by the name of Theosebeia (d. 385)
cation (Hammerschmidt 1987:23). and worked as a rhetor. Later, the other two Cap-
892
Gregory of Nyssa
padocians requested his assistance in ecclesiastical 4z3Iy n&Pt&| , Bäýéntä témqätu läýégziýénä,
and theological matters and ca. 371, somehow ‘On the Baptism of our Lord’), in fact a work by
forcing his will, he was consecrated as the second Patriarch Gregory of Antioch, d. ca. 592 (Graf
Bishop of Nyssa in Cappadocia. In 374, under 1937:372);
accusation of dissipating Church money, he was c. Homily on Phil 2:5–7 from the First Hom-
deposed by an Arian synod, but reinstated to his ily on the Blessings (dsZy r#Hy (!s+*lvy
position after the death of Emperor Valens, when z#My b&Iy #:M …, Òalléyu zäntä bäýalba-
Imperial support for the Arians ceased. After the bikému mént wéýétu nédet…, ‘Consider this
death of his brother Basil, G. was regarded as the with your hearts, what is poverty…’; CPG II,
head of the Nicenes (÷Nicaea). He was even tem- no. 3161);
porarily president of the Council at Constantino- d. Homily on Penance ((&#Hy #F@y ]rguy
ple in 381 and became thereafter one of the “nor- ^:l-y H;qy ]*:IH …, Bäýéntä nésséha
mative” bishops of Emperor Theodosius I. G. was wäzäkämä yéräkkéb tädla wäŸéräftä…, ‘About
active at the Imperial court and wrote, inter alia, the penance, and how one can reach the heavenly
funeral homilies for the wife and daughter of the pleasure and rest…’);
Emperor. He travelled to Jerusalem several times, 2. an Anaphora of G. (÷Anaphoras), often with
and even to Arabia on ecclesiastical missions. In no further specifications (Hammerschmidt 1987:
ca. 385 he withdrew from ecclesiastical politics. 25ff.), occasionally attributed to G. (Q?Q?_Fy
The most speculative and mystical writer of &i]y +Fs_F , Gorgoryos éòwä Basélyos, s.
the three Cappadocians, G. was renowned for VatLib Aeth. 39, fol. 76v–82), but in some
his Trinitarian theology and ascetic ideas. G. manuscripts traced to one of the other G. (G.
was a prolific writer. His numerous works can of Nazianzos, G. of Alexandria and G. the Il-
be divided into the following categories (for full luminator).
list s. CPG II): Quotations from G. can be found in:
1) Exegetical: On Creation, a supplement to the 3. Mäshafä ÷hawi (s. ms. BritLib Orient. 784);
Hexaemeron of Basil; On the Making of Man; 4. the Catena Commentary on the Gospel, i.e.
Apologetical Explanation on the Hexaemeron; ÷Térgwame wängel of Syriac origin (Lusini
Life of Moses; 15 Homilies on the Song of Songs; 1988:473; ms. BritLib Orient. 736, fol. 37v);
2) Polemical and dogmatic: Against Eunomius; 5. the treatise entitled ÷Haymanot rétéŸt, possi-
Antirrhetikos (against the Apollinarists); On the bly of the 18th cent. (e.g., ms. BritLib Ad. 16,199),
Holy Spirit against the Macedonians; The Great with many quotations from the fathers;
Catechism (a manual of dogmatics that was 6. Questions of G. to his Brother Basil the Great
greatly influenced by ÷Origen’s theology). concerning the exegesis of certain place-names
3) Trinitarian writings: To Ablabius (explaining in the New Testament (GrafLit vol. 1, 325, 335,
that there are not three gods); To the Greeks; n. 8; cf. 17th-cent. ms. Daga Estifanos 33, fol.
Against Eustathius (on the pneumatomachi). 32va–39rb.).
4) Ascetic and moral: Dialogue on the Soul and Additionally, G. is mentioned in compositions
Resurrection, in which his sister Macrina plays such as:
the role of “the Master”; Eight Homilies on the 7. Acts and Miracles of Mercurius, with an epi-
Blessings; On Virginity; Life of Macrina; funeral sode describing how Mercurius (÷Märqorewos)
homilies for the Princess Pulcheria and Empress helped Basil and Gregory when they were perse-
Flaxilla. cuted by Emperor Julian (ms. EMML 3290, fol.
The following writings are attributed to G. in 43v–46r, from 1865–1913);
Ethiopia (all unpublished): 8. ÷Täýammérä Maryam with an episode in
1. Four extracts are transmitted in the patristic which Mary appears to Gregory “Bishop of the
collection ÷Haymanotä abäw: Islands, brother of Basil (the Great)” (18th-cent
a. Fifteenth (in fact 13th) Homily on the Song ms. EMML 2058, fol. 164r–v);
of Songs (M?Kyy ue=Dy At{#y rb&Iy 9. Commemoration of the Death of Gregory,
u@sYy u@s^ , Térgwame mäshafä Sälomon Brother of Basil (s. ms. BN Éth. 339 [Griaule 35],
zäwéýétu mähaléyä mähaléy, ‘The Explanation fol. 44vb–45vb), that is composed in the style of
of the Book of Solomon, which is the Song of a ÷Sénkéssar entry; the latter work commemo-
Songs’; Graf 1937:371; CPG II, no. 3158); rates G. on 26 Òédar (BudSaint 289), but does
b. Homily on the Baptism of Our Lord ((&#Hy not provide his life story.
893
Gregory of Nyssa
Src.: SixTana III, 166, ms. Daga Estifanos 33; DillmLond in Mali among the Dogon and in Gondär. From
20f., no. 15 [Ad. 16, 199]; CPG II, 209–30, nos. 3135–3226 Ethiopia, despite numerous obstacles, it brought
(Lit.); GreTisVat 176–80, ms. VatLib Aeth. 39 (Lit.); Syl-
vain Grébaut, Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens de la back to France an important collection of manu-
collection Griaule, II, Paris 1941, 3–9, ms. Éth. 339 [Gri- scrits, paintings – copied by Gaston-Louis Roux
aule 35]; William Moore – Henry Austin Wilson (tr.), – and ethnographical objects, kept today at the
Select Writings and Letters of Gregory, Bishop of Nyssa, Musée de l’Homme – Trocadéro (to be moved to
Grand Rapids 1979 (A Select Library of the Nicene and
the Musée du Quai Branly; s. Jean Jamin 1996).
Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, 2nd ser., 5);
BudSaint 289; ColSyn VIII, 375; EMML 632, 2058, 3290; After the Italo–Ethiopian conflict began at the
WrBriMus 201f., no. 310 [Orient. 736]. end of 1934 (÷Italian war 1935–36), the facts
Lit.: Sebastian Euringer, “Die beiden gewöhnlichen presented in G.’s works were used by the adver-
äthiopischen Gregorius-Anaphoren”, Orientalia Chri- saries of Ethiopia to nourish their propaganda,
stiana 30, 2, 1933, 65–82; Margarete Altenburger
– Friedhelm Mann, Bibliographie zu Gregor von Nyssa: especially in a report presented by Italy to the
Editionen, Übersetzungen, Literatur, Leiden 1988; David League of Nations in 1935. G. reacted by help-
L. Balás, “Gregor von Nyssa (331/340 – ca. 395)”, in: ing the Ethiopian delegation in drawing up their
Gerhard Müller (ed.), Theologische Realenzyklopädie, response and producing a book where he elabo-
Berlin 1985, vol. 14, 173–81; GrafLit vol. 1, 325, 335, n. 8;
rated his advocacy of Ethiopia (1936).
Georg Graf, “Zwei dogmatische Florilegien der Kopten:
Die Bekenntnis der Väter”, OrChrP 3, 1937, 345–402; During the German occupation of France,
Ernst Hammerschmidt, Studies in the Ethiopic Ana- from 1940 to 1944, G. taught Amharic at the
phoras, Wiesbaden ²1987 (AeF 25), 25ff.; Gianfrancesco École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, replacing
Lusini, “Appunti sulla patristica greca di tradizione etio- Marcel Cohen, excluded due to his Jewish origin,
pica”, Studi Classici e Orientali 38, 1988, 469–93; Antony
Meredith, Gregory of Nyssa, London 1999. and additionally was appointed to the newly cre-
Witold Witakowski ated chair of Ethnology at the Sorbonne. After
the liberation of France, he abandoned Ethiopian
studies to concentrate on Western Africa and
Griaule, Marcel Henri specifically on the Dogon.
G. (b. 16 May 1898, Aisy-sur-Armançon, Yonne, Src.: Marcel Henri Griaule, “Mythes, croyances et
d. 23 February 1956, Paris) was a French ethnol- coutumes du Bégemder (Abyssinie)”, JA 222, 1928, 19-
124; Id., Le livre de recettes d’un dabtara abyssin, Paris
ogist. The son of a railway station-director, G. 1930 (Université de Paris. Travaux et Mémoires de l’Insti-
studied in the Parisian lycée Louis-le-Grand and tut d’Ethnologie 12); Id., Jeux et divertissements abyssins,
during World War I joined the air force, where Paris 1935 (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, Sc.
he became an officer and a pilot. Later, he joined religieuses 49); Id., Silhouettes et graffitis abyssins, Paris
the seminars of Marcel Mauss and Marcel ÷Co- 1933; Id., Les flambeurs d’hommes, Paris 1934; Id., La
peau de l’ours, Paris 1936.
hen – under whom he studied GéŸéz and Am- Lit.: Olivier Chambard, “Marcel Griaule: un ethnolo-
haric – at the École Pratique des Hautes Études gue français et le conflit éthiopien”, in: Denise Eeckaute
and the École des Langues Orientales Vivantes – Michel Perret (eds.), La guerre d’Ethiopie et l’opinion
(÷Institut National des Langues et Civilisations mondiale, 1934–1941: Actes du Colloque de l’INALCO,
Paris, 14 décembre 1984, Paris 1986, 75–84; Alain
Orientales), where he also defended his thesis. Rouaud, “Griaule, Marcel”, in: Pierre Labrousse,
After using local informants (among oth- Deux siècles d’histoire de l’école des langues orientales
ers, from ÷Bägemdér) in Paris, G. carried out vivantes, Paris 1955, 367f.; Jean-Paul Lebeuf – Annie
a first mission to the Goggam of ras ÷Òaylu Lebeuf – Léopold Sédar Senghor et al., Ethnologiques.
Täklä Haymanot with Marcel Larget in 1928–29, Hommage à Marcel Griaule, Paris 1987; P. Champion,
“Marcel Griaule (1898–1956)”, Journal de la Société des
during which he collected numerous materials. Africanistes 26, 1956, 267–71; Id., “Bibliographie de Mar-
An outcome of the mission were two scientific cel Griaule”, ibid., 279–90; Jean Jamin, “Introduction”,
works (1930, 1933) and a third piece of a more in: Michel Leiris, Miroir de l’Afrique, Paris 1996, 9–58.
literary character (1934). Alain Rouaud – Red.
Later, G. led a project from the Muséum Na-
tional d’Histoire Naturelle, a large-scale expedi-
tion that, mostly through the French possessions, GRMT
crossed Africa from west to east: the famous Mis- G. (South Arabian GRMT, conventionally ren-
sion Dakar–Djibouti that took place from May dered as Eth. Gärma[t], cp. ÷GDR[T] for -t; first
1931 to February 1933. The expedition, which half of the 3rd cent. A.D.) was the son of the Ak-
included in its team Michel ÷Leiris and – in sumite king *ŸAzba (South Arabian: ŸÎBH, also
Ethiopia – abba ÷Jérôme, made lengthy stays read WÎBH = Gr. OUAZEBAÇ, ÷Ouazebas,
894
Grottanelli, Vinigi Lorenzo
Eth. *WZB/÷WŸZB?), who sent him to South pendium of Ethiopic religious poetry (including
÷Arabia with an army, in terms of ÷Aksum’s al- ÷Mahletä sége, ÷Akkonu béýési and ÷Anqäsä
liance with ÷Himyar against Saba. He appears as bérhan) with philological commentaries and de-
wld ngšyn (mlk ýksmn), i.e. ‘son of the néguí [king tailed explanations which are a mine of useful in-
of the Aksumites]’, in two Sabaean inscriptions formation for the interpretation of other works
dating to ca. 230-40 A.D. and mentioning his of Ethiopian literature (1919). G. also worked
military operations, with “tribes from Abyssinia on Sabaic cultural history and during his later
[here the Ethiopian highlands] and Tihama”, at years on Arabic papyri and palaeography where,
the side of the Himyarite king ŠMR [YHHMD] beside publications of texts and inscriptions, two
(Ja. 577.3, 6 and 585.14f., s. Robin in PICES 8, works stand out (1954; 1969–71).
vol. 2, 147, 150f. [and n. 43], 153, 160). G. was Src.: Adolf Grohmann, “Die im Äthiopischen, Arabi-
defeated and, together with ŠMR, submitted to schen und Koptischen erhaltenen Visionen Apa Schenute’s
the Sabaean king ýLŠRH YHDB, but seems to von Atripe”, ZDMG 67, 1913, 187–267; ibid. 68, 1914,
1–46; Id., “Reste einer neuen Rezension der Kindheitsge-
have continued his war activities not far from schichte Jesu in den Taýamra ýIyasus”, Wiener Zeitschrift für
÷Nagran (CIH 314 + 954). His name, connected die Kunde des Morgenlandes 28, 1914, 1–15; Id., “Studien
with gärämä (‘be frightful, become fomidable, zu den Cypriacusgebeten”, ibid. 30, 1917–18, 121–50; Id.,
admirable’, cp. gérämt, gérma ‘terror, majesty’, “Über den Ursprung und die Entwicklung der äthiopi-
schen Schrift”, Archiv für Schriftkunde 1, 1918, 57–87; Id.,
with related onomastics: Gérma Asfär[e], G.
Äthiopische Marienhymnen, Leipzig 1919 (Abhandlungen
Giyorgis, G. Séyon, etc., Amh. Gérmaccéw), der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Sächsischen
is possibly found in the “Aksumite” form Akademie der Wissenschaften 33, 4); Id., Einführung und
÷Gärima – which might even suggest a suitable Chrestomathie zur arabischen Papyruskunde, Prag 1954;
vocalization for G. Id., Arabische Paläographie, 2 vols., Wien 1969–71.
Lit.: Hans Ludwig Gottschalk, “Adolf Grohmann”,
Src.: Albert Jamme, Sabaean Inscriptions from Mahram in: Almanach der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissen-
Bilqîs (Mârib), Baltimore 1962 (American Foundation for schaften für das Jahr 1978, Wien 1979, 331–41 [Obituary
the Study of Man 3), 76-83 [Ja. 577], 91ff. [Ja. 585], 319-23 and bibliography].
[commentary]; CIH tom. 1, fasc. 4, Parisiis 1908, 340-45
Walter W. Müller
[CIH 314]; ibid., tom. 3, fasc. 2, 1931, 280ff. [CIH 954].
Lit.: Abraham J. Drewes, Inscriptions de l’Ethiopie anti-
que, Leiden 1962, 102f., 106f.; Arthur K. Irvine, “Gär-
ma”, in: DEB 70; Id. – Roger Schneider, “ŸAdhba”, ibid., Grottanelli, Vinigi Lorenzo
12f.; MHAksum 41ff., 55, 71ff., 157; Christian Robin,
“La première intervention abyssine en Arabie méridionale G. (b. 13 August 1912, Avigliana, Turin, d. 30
(de 200 à 270 de l’ère chrétienne environ)”, in : PICES 8, May 1993, Rome) was an Italian anthropologist.
vol. 2, 147-62, here 147, 150f. [and n. 43], 153, 160. G. graduated in 1933 and 1935 in Economics and
Gianfranco Fiaccadori Law respectively from the University of Turin.
For his B.A. thesis in economic geography,
prepared under the supervision of the geogra-
Grohmann, Adolf pher Pietro Gribaudi, he carried out field work
G. (b. 1 March 1887, Graz, d. 21 September in Somalia studying the conflicts concerning
1977, Innsbruck) was an Austrian Oriental- indigenous labour in the lower ÷Wabi Šäbälle
ist. From 1907 G. studied Semitic philology area. Later, G. lectured in Rome, where he came
and Egyptology at the University of Vienna, into contact with the prestigious Scuola di Studi
where he received his doctorate in 1911 with a Orientali and attended seminars on Amharic and
dissertation on the visions of the Coptic monk GéŸéz by Carlo ÷Conti Rossini and on non-Se-
and theologian ÷Schenute of Atripe (published mitic languages of East Africa by Martino Mario
later in an enlarged version; Grohmann 1913). ÷Moreno. He became a close friend of the histo-
Between 1923–45, he held a chair in Semitic rian of religions Raffaele Pettazzoni, founder of
philology at the German University in Prague, the Istituto di Civiltà Primitive, the later Istituto
between 1949–56 a professorship in Ancillary di Etnologia, of which G. himself was to become
sciences to Islamic history at Cairo University, director. After World War II, he completed his
and after 1956, an honorary professorship at the education in ethnology in London.
University of Innsbruck. In the context of the colonial conquest of Ethi-
G.’s important contributions to ÷Ethiopian opia, in 1937 G. joined the interdisciplinary team
studies from his earlier years were a study on funded by the Centro Studi per l’Africa Orien-
Ethiopian script (1918) and a voluminous com- tale Italiana (and directed by Giotto ÷Dainelli)
895
Grottanelli, Vinigi Lorenzo
with the purpose of studying the Lake ÷Tana re- ous migrations and mixing processes that shaped
gion. As the member responsible of the anthro- the rich ethnic landscape in the Horn of Africa
pological-geographical section, G. studied both (whereas it also extended to such distant subjects
local markets, applying conceptual categories of as West Africa or Oceania). He was interested in
the marginalist school of economic thought, and understanding the way a social structure came
indigenous dwellings, using the surveying meth- into being and generated its own cultural fea-
odology of the Italian geographical school – i.e., tures. More oriented towards fieldwork than
chiefly, anthropometry, yet balanced by a strong theoretical reflection, in 1954 G. returned to
sense of history. Parallel to the main mission, Africa with the Missione Etnologica Italiana in
he conducted research in the western lowlands Ghana, which he directed until 1975, studying
amongst the ÷Kunama, and, in 1939, amongst the Nzema of western Ghana.
the ÷Mao (s. Grottanelli 1940) and ÷Koman Src.: Vinigi Lorenzo Grottanelli (ed.), Missione di stu-
of western Wälläga. Later, between 1951–52, he dio al Lago Tana, vol. 2: Ricerche geografiche ed economiche
sulle popolazioni, Roma 1939; Id., Missione etnografica nel
carried out field work in Somalia among the Wa- Uollega occidentale, vol. 1: I Mao, Roma 1940; Id., Pescatori
bajuni fishermen, the Kismaayu and the Lamu. dell’Oceano indiano. Saggio etnologico preliminare sui Ba-
It was then that he elaborated the category of giuni, Bantu costieri dell’Oltregiuba, Roma 1955; Id. (ed.),
“pre-Nilotes”, clearly bred into a rigid form of La figura umana nell’arte dei primitivi. Collezioni del Mu-
seo nazionale preistorico-etnografico Luigi Pigorini, Roma
historical diffusionism and much contested by 1956; Id. et al., Ethnologica: l’uomo e la civiltà, 3 vols., Mi-
contemporary scholars (Grottanelli 1955). lano 1965; Id., Gerarchie etniche e conflitto culturale. Saggi
In 1942, G. was appointed Professor of Eth- di etnologia nordest-africana, Milano 1976; Id., “Ethnology
nology at the University of Rome and Super- and/or Cultural Anthropology in Italy: Traditions and De-
intendent of Antiquities and Fine Arts. For the velopments”, Current Anthropology 18, 1977, 593–613; Id.
– Claudia Massari (ed.), Missione di studio al Lago Tana,
following 25 years, he was in charge of the study vol. 6: I Baria, i Cunama e i Beni Amer, Roma 1943.
and preservation of the ethnographic collections Lit.: Bernardo Bernardi, “Vinigi Lorenzo Grottanelli”,
of the National Museum Luigi Pigorini. Among Africa (Roma) 48, 1993, 424–26; Barbara Plankenstein-
his numerous scientific involvements, between er, Conte Vinigi Grottanelli: Ein theoriengeschichtlicher
Beitrag zur italienischen Ethnologie, M.A. thesis, Univer-
1946–68 he was member of the Executive Coun- sität Wien 1991; Pier Giorgio Solinas, “L’Italie hors
cil of the International African Institute and the d’elle même”, Ethnologie française 1994, 3, 602–14; Gian-
international scientific commission set up by franco Fiaccadori, “Prefazione”, in: EllLusAnt vii–xi,
UNESCO for the preparation of a General His- here viif., xi; Valeria Ribeiro Corossacz, “Grottanelli,
Vinigi Lorenzo”, in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani,
tory of Africa. He also taught at the ÷Istituto Roma 2003, vol. 60, 24–27; Lanfranco Ricci, “Vinigi L.
Universitario Orientale in Naples and the Pon- Grottanelli”, RSE 31, 1991 [1993, pub. 1994], 171–96.
tificia Universitas Urbaniana in Rome. Gianni Dore
G. placed himself at the intersection of differ-
ent ethno-historical traditions, being specially
influenced by the German and Austrian histori- Grühl, Max
cal-cultural schools, dominant in Italy during the G. (b. 1884, Pinneberg, d. 1941) was a German
1920s–30s (Wilhelm Schmidt) and the historical- ethnographer and author who organized several
philological tradition of Conti Rossini, ÷Cerulli ÷expeditions to southern Ethiopia. G. was origi-
and Moreno. He came also into contact with the nally a teacher at a commercial school and had an
historical-geographical school led by Renato Bias- Egyptological background, which inspired his
utti, the physical anthropology and palaeontology theory that remnants of the ancient Pharaonic cul-
practiced by the Florentine school of Mochi and ture are to be found in Ethiopia, especially in Käfa.
Biasutti himself and the historical-religious ap- In 1925–26 and 1928–29 he led two – mainly self-
proach of Pettazzoni. G. collaborated in the edi- funded – expeditions to areas between the ÷Ab-
torial team of the ÷Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, the bay and Lake Rudolph (today ÷Turkana), where
journal Africa (Roma, starting with the 3rd year of he carried out ethnographic research (Deutsche
publication) and the encyclopaedia Razze e popoli Nil-, Rudolfsee- und Kaffa-Expedition; Deutsche
della Terra (2nd ed., 1953–57), directed by Biasutti. Äthiopien-Expedition). His son Waldemar, then
He also directed the collective work Ethnologica, a secondary school student, accompanied him in
to which he contributed important sections. 1925 and kept a diary of this adventurous journey,
G.’s research was primarily focused on mate- which was published in 1929.
rial culture, religious and artistic life and the vari- G.’s interest in the improvement of trade rela-
896
Guba
tions between Ethiopia and Germany accompa- gischer Correspondent, 9 März 1927; Id., “Abessinien
nied his scholarly research. He was involved in und Deutschland”, Koloniale Rundschau [Berlin], 10
September 1927; Id., “Deutschland und Abessinien: Eine
the ambitious Lake ÷Tana project, the British wirtschaftliche Betrachtung”, Kölnische Zeitung, 9 Okto-
plan to built a dam in the lake in order to regulate ber 1928; Waldemar Grühl, Aus der Untersekunda ins
the water-flow to the Nile. In the mid-1920s he Innere Abessinien, Berlin – Minden – Leipzig 1929; Max
discussed German involvement with ras Täfäri Grühl, Faltboot-Safari in Afrika: Fahrten durch blaue
Meere, am Rand der Wüste und durch Urwalddunkel,
Mäkwännén and other officials and was com- Wien – Leipzig 1931; Id., Abessinien – ahoi! Vom heili-
missioned by German industrialists to study the gen Nil ins Reich des Negus Negest, Berlin 1935 [English
feasibility of the project. German banks finally tr.: Abyssinia at Bay, London 1935]; Id., The Citadel of
agreed to raise capital for a concession, but the Ethiopia: the Empire of the Divine Emperor, London
1932; Id., Abessinien, die Zitadelle Afrikas, Berlin 1935
necessary collaboration with the British was never [Italian tr.: L’Impero del Negus Neghesti, Milano 1935];
achieved (Bairu Tafla 1981:140f.). An outcome of Id., Schwarz gegen Weiß: Die Zange um Abessinien, Stet-
G.’s second expedition was the discovery in Mogo tin 1935; Id., Zum Kaisergott von Kaffa: als Forscher auf
of the “Mojo fever” by his travel companion, the eigene Faust im dunkelsten Afrika, Berlin 1938.
Russian physician Gavriloff of Addis Abäba. Lit.: Bairu Tafla, Ethiopia and Germany: Cultural,
Political and Economic Relations, 1871–1936, Wiesbaden
His recordings of Ethiopian music are still 1981 (AeF 5), 68, 140f.; Ernst Bauerochse, “Die Vision
kept in the Ethnological Museum Berlin. G.’s von Ludwig Harms erfüllt sich, die Arbeit in Äthiopien”,
books and film sequences (e.g., from a visit in: Ernst-August Lüdemann (ed.), Vision: Gemeinde
to the governor of western border areas šayò weltweit, 150 Jahre Hermannsburger Mission und Ev.-
luth. Missionswerk Niedersachsen, Hermannsburg 2000,
÷Òwagali) contain a wealth of data and impres- 585–709; Lockot I (Lit.); Thomas Zitelmann, Des
sions on Ethiopian personalities and peoples Teufels Lustgarten. Themen und Tabus der politischen
before the Italian invasion. His account of the Anthropologie Nordostafrikas, Habilitationsschrift, Fach-
journey to ÷Käfa (Grühl 1932; 1938) is espe- bereich Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften, Freie Universi-
cially important due to the scarcity of sources tät Berlin 1999, 136ff., 156.
Wolbert Smidt
on this region. It contains numerous data on oral
history, including translations of oral traditions
and on administration and social order. Guba
G.’s influence on the formation of a positive
Abba G. (L+ , also Gubba, I+ Gwébba) was one
image of “Abyssinia” in Germany, also during
of the ÷Nine Saints likely to have arrived in
the Third Reich period, was considerable. A
Ethiopia in the late 5th/early 6th cent. from the
writer especially popular among the youth for
eastern provinces of the ÷Byzantine empire.
his adventurous travel accounts, the political
Most obscure among them, G. is only men-
events of the mid-1930s gave him the opportu-
tioned in a few hagiographic sources (e.g., the
nity to publish a number of books, while public
Gädlä ÷Päntälewon, ed. Conti Rossini 1904:
interest was high. Several of them were rapidly
44); his own Acts have not been found yet. A
translated into English and Italian. His reports
Homily by “Julian [Luléyanos], bishop of Ak-
combine the “tourist” quest for adventure and
sum”, in which ÷Yémýata and G. are praised,
exotic peoples and scholarly curiosity. His com-
is transmitted in ms. EMML 1763 from ÷Dä-
mercial partner, Major Hans Steffen, a weapons
brä Hayq Éstifanos, dating between 1336 and
trader in the Near East, in 1927 established con-
1340 (Getatchew Haile 1985:389), as well as
nections with the Ethiopian leadership and then
became the Ethiopian Consul at Berlin, acting in the almost contemporary ms. EMML 8509
from 1928 to 1936 (Zitelmann 1999:136). In from ÷Tana Qirqos (Fiaccadori 1989:150 and
missionary history G. also plays a role; when n. 3], 161f., ill.). The “standard” version of G.’s
he returned from Ethiopia in 1926, he appealed story has it that he came from Cilicia (Qélqéya:
for the re-opening of the Protestant mission. The whence his purported “Syrian connection”, s.
appeal was received in a moment of re-orienta- ÷Syriac influences) and stayed for a while with
tion, was interpreted by missionary circles as a abba Päntälewon at Aksum. Then he went to
sign of God and quickly led to the establishment ÷Mädära, the same place as ÷Gärima, and set-
of the ÷Hermannsburger Mission in Wälläga in tled within a “three-day walk” from the latter
1927 (Bauerochse 2000:586). (Guidi 1894:63). The ÷Sénkéssar commemorates
÷Germany, relations with G. together with Afse and Yéshaq (Gärima), who
Src.: Grühl’s letters, Missionsarchiv, Hermannsburg; all are “of the assembly [éngélga] of the Nine
Max Grühl, “Abessinien und Deutschland”, Hambur- Saints”, on 29 Génbot (ColSyn XIII, 346f.). Ac-
897
Guba
cording to a most rare variant in a Sénkéssar ms. 1589, when it was replaced with ÷Ayba, further
(from ÷Däbrä Bizän) already in the possession north. At G., Íärsä Déngél had a palace “of nice
Giuseppe ÷Sapeto, G. “went out into the desert construction” (CRHist 50, 63, 95, 127, 133, 156).
of Baraka [÷Barka], and no one knows about his Afterwards, apart from a visit of ÷Susényos in
life or his tomb” (Sapeto 1857:410; cp. Dillmann 1607, the site does not appear anymore in the
1880:25 and n. 4). sources, at least under that name. The “short
Though G. surely belonged to the number of chronicles” of the 18th cent. draw a parallel be-
the Nine Saints, and is depicted as one of them in tween G. and Dobit, Dokit or Däbet (BassÉt
both murals (e.g., in the famous Yémýata church 117; Perruchon 1896:179, 214), where Fasilädäs
of Gwéh, s. Gerster 1972, fig. 188) and illumina- spent the rainy season in 1633–34 (BassÉt 133;
tions, there seems to be no monastic foundation Perruchon 1897:361f.; 1898:84).
claiming its origins from him; G.’s mission ap- Antoine d’÷Abbadie located the ruins of a cas-
parently “died out” (SerHist 118). This may tle at a place called Guzara near the Dabed river
explain why the Jesuit Pedro ÷Paez (BecRASO (d’Abbadie 1873, map 4; cp. EMA map no. 1237
II, 517) believed that G. was a name later given to d3, with Guzara and an area called “Gubay” situ-
“Abbâ Oz” (÷ŸOs, sometimes included among ated 5 to 10km to the south and the river “Dobito”
the Nine Saints). between), on account of which Annequin (1965:
Src.: Carlo Conti Rossini (ed., tr.), Vitae sanctorum an- 22–25) and Pankhurst (in PICES 5b, 415–20; Pan-
tiquiorum, I. Acta Yared et Pantalewon, Romae – Parisiis kHist I, 94–100) have surmised that the sites of G.,
– Lipsiae 1904 [repr. Louvain 1961] (CSCO 26, 27 [SAe 9, Guzara and Dobit are one and the same. In this
10]), 44 (text) = 40 (tr.); EMML 1763, 8509; Getatchew
Haile, “The Homily of Luléyanos, Bishop of Axum, on case, the ruined castle of Guzara could be the pal-
the Holy Fathers”, ABoll 103, 1985, 385–91, here 389 ace of Íärsä Déngél and thus the oldest example
(text) = 391 (tr.); Ignazio Guidi, “Il ‘Gadla’ Aragâwî’”, of the ÷Gondär-style architecture, more than 50
MRALm ser. 5a, 2, 1894, 54–96, here 48, 63 (text) = 89 years prior to the erection of the ÷Gondär castles
(tr.); ColSyn XIII, 346f.; BudSaint 944; Giuseppe Sapeto,
Viaggio e missione cattolica tra i Mensâ, i Bogos e gli (s. also Merid Wolde Aregay 1984:135f.). Yet, in
Habab, con un cenno geografico e storico dell’Abissinia, the absence of either a precise survey of this area
Roma 1857, 410 and n. 15; BecRASO II, 517. or excavations at Guzara, the question cannot find
Lit.: BrakKirche 129; August Dillmann, “Zur Ges- a definitive answer; all the more so, as the sources
chichte des Axumitischen Reichs im vierten bis sechsten of the first half of the 17th cent. clearly distinguish
Jahrhundert”, Abhandlungen der Königlichen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1880, [i], 3–51, here 24f. and between the city of ase Íärsä Déngél and the seat
n. 4; Gianfranco Fiaccadori, “Aethiopica minima”, of an audience by ase Susényos in 1607 (PerChron
Quaderni utinensi 7 [13-14], 1989 [1993], 145-64, here 150 II, 74ff.), G. or “Old G.” according to the Jesuits
[and n. 3], 161f., ill. (Lit.); Georg Gerster, Kirchen im (d’Almeida in BecRASO VI, 155f.), on the one
Fels: Entdeckungen in Äthiopien, Zürich ²1972, 135–38,
fig. 188; Arthur K. Irvine – Saifu Metaferia, “Guba”, hand, and the cities of ase ÷YaŸéqob, Dobit (Per-
in: DicEthBio 75f. (Lit.); Paolo Marrassini, “Ancora Chron II, 121) and Qoga (PerChron II, 87, 101)
sul problema degli influssi siriaci in età aksumita”, in: or the “New G.” (Paez in BecRASO II, 203f.) on
Luigi Cagni (ed.), Biblica et Semitica: Studi in memoria the other.
di Francesco Vattioni, Napoli 1999 (Istituto Universitario
Orientale. Dipartimento di Studi Asiatici, Ser. Minor 59),
325–37, here 327f.; Osvaldo Raineri, “Guba”, in: Enc-
San 142 (Lit.); SerHist 115f., 118f.
Stuart Munro-Hay – Gianfranco Fiaccadori
Gubaýe
G. (L+%) is a historical town in ÷Énfraz, a
region that attracted royal attention from the
second half of the 16th cent. There, in 1561, ase
÷Minas chose to spend the rainy season (Kropp
1988:59) and, in 1571, ase ÷Íärsä Déngél met the
governors of Bägemdér and Tégray. It is only in
1578, however, that G. really becomes the centre
of the government of the Ethiopian empire and Gubaýe: Guzara castle; photo 1992, courtesy of LaVerle
the ordinary residence of the emperor, until ca. Berry
898
Gubaýe qana
Fridays and ÷Lent. It is sung in the ÷géŸéz or

÷Ÿézél mode (Täsfa Gäbrä Íéllase 1979 A.M.:31;
HabUff 216) after the psalms ÷zäýamlakéyä (lit.
‘of my God’), named after the beginning of Ps
62/63 (also Ps 64/65 and Ps 91/92:5, s. Yéòeyyés
Wärqe 1960 A.M.:20). On Mondays, Tuesdays,
Thursdays and Sundays, the G.q. is replaced by
the three bet of qéne-type zäýamlakyä, sung after
the psalms zäýamlakéyä.
The G.q. may have references to Christ’s
suffering on the Cross: Fny Hrl@Hy uF3s
(sélä täzäkkérotä mäsqäl, ‘on the memory of
the Cross’). It is sung in the géŸéz mode also
during the celebration of the Sunday office
(÷Mäwäddés) after Ps 5, 41/42, 47/48, when the
Déggwa element ÷arbaŸét does not contain the
repetition of the closing part of the arbaŸét exe-
cuted on the same melody (the so-called méltan,
Src.: CRHist 50, 63, 95, 97, 109, 114, 116, 127, 129, 133, or héyäntä qéne; Admasu Gämbäre 1963 A.M.:
145, 156 (text); Manfred Kropp (ed., tr.), Die Geschichte 19; Yéòeyés Wärqe 1960 A.M.:14, 16).
des Lebna-Dengel, Claudius und Minas, Lovanii 1988 As to the meaning of the term G.q., scholars
(CSCO 503, 504 [SAe 83, 84]), 60 (text) = 59, n. 232 (tr.); offer divergent interpretations. Gubaýe is ‘as-
PerChron II, 74ff., 87, 101, 121; BassÉt 117, 133; Jules
Perruchon, “Notes pour l’histoire d’Éthiopie. Le règne
sembly’ and qana may be understood as Qan[n]a
de Sarsa Dengel ou Malak Sagad (1563–1597)”, RevSem zägälila (6!y rKpq, ‘Cana of Galilee’; Jn 2). Ac-
4, 1896, 177–85, 273–78, here 179, 274; Id., “Notes pour cording to one explanation, it refers to the name
l’histoire d’Éthiopie. Le règne de Fasiladas ou Alam Sagad of the feast (the Wedding at Cana), for which this
(1632–1667)”, ibid. 5, 1897, 360–72, here 361f. (text) = kind of poem was first composed by ase ÷Bäýédä
ibid. 6, 1898, 84–92, here 84 (tr.); Antoine d’Abbadie,
Géodésie d’Ethiopie, ou triangulation d’une partie de la Maryam I. Other interpreters maintain that just as
Haute Ethiopie exécutée selon des méthodes nouvelles, Jesus was surrounded by his disciples at the wed-
Paris 1873, map 4; Ethiopian Mapping Agency (EMA), ding at Cana, so do qéne students gather around
Map 1237 D3, 1:50 000, 1988; BecRASO II, 203f.; VI, their teachers, improvising this kind of qéne;
155f.
Lit.: Guy Annequin, “Chronique archéologique
both the verb 3|Y (qännäyä, ‘to give intonation,
(1960–1964)”, AE 6, 1965, 3–26, here 22–25 [“4. Château to compose, or to sing an hymn or a poem’) and
de Gouzara (pl. XIX–XXI)”] (Lit.); PankHist I, 94–100; the term qéne derive from the name of this biblical
Richard Pankhurst, “Three Urban Precursors of place. Still other liqawént prefer to trace the origin
Gondar: Emfraz, Gorgora and Danqaz”, in: PICES 5b, of G.q. to Qana, a small village in Šäwa, where
415–30, here 415–20; Merid Wolde Aregay, “Society
and Technology in Ethiopia: 1500–1800”, JES 17, 1984, ÷däbtära would have gathered to discuss qéne.
127–47, here 135f. When a student begins to learn and compose
Claire Bosc-Tiessé qéne and modulate his voice (yet another meaning
of the verb qännäyä) accordingly, it is G.q. that he
is concerned with (Admasu Gämbäre 1963 A.M.:
Gubaýe qana 18). Thus, the mastery of G.q. stands at the begin-
G.q. (L+%y 6! ) is one of the traditional forms ning of the career of the future däbtära.
of ÷qéne poetry. G.q. hymns are improvised ÷Qéddase
during the celebration of the Liturgy of the Src.: Admasu Gämbäre (ed.), ue=Dy 8"y wl:y
p6b#M (Mäshafä qéne zékrä liqawént, ‘The Book of
Hours. As with all qéne, G.q. hymns are &#P9y Qéne – the Heritage of Scholars’), Addis Abäba 1963 A.M.
;?AM (éngéda dérsät, lit. ‘guest-composition’) [1970/71 A.D.], 18f.; Täsfa Gäbrä ÍÉllase (ed.), z*=Iy
and unique, being performed only once and r6:Ay 87Fy \>;y #M_1\_ (MéŸéraf zädäräsä qéddus
never repeated. Yared ityopyawi, ‘MéŸéraf Composed by St. Yared the
This type of qéne, with double ,M (bet, Ethiopian’), Addis Abäba 1979 A.M. [1987/88 A.D.],
31; mämhér YÉÒeyÉs Wärqe, #+-y ]M?Kyy r8"\My
‘verse’), is known by its shortness and simplicity. !*x6y zT1=M (Nébab wätérgwame zäqéneyat
It is performed at the celebration of the ÷Sébhatä aŸmadä méítirat, ‘Text and Interpretation of the Qéne,
nägh (Matins or Lauds) on Wednesdays and the Pillars of Mysteries’), Addis Abäba 1960 A.M. [1967/68
899
Gubaýe qana
A.D.], 14, 16, 20; VelMe II 64f.
Lit.: Enrico Cerulli, “Di alcune varietà di inni della
Chiesa etiopica”, Orientalia nuova ser. 3, 1934, 294–305;
CRAbb IV, 222–32; ŸÉnbaqom Qaläwäld, Fny 8"y
MzW?M!y Fny 48v (Sélä qéne témhérténna sélä téqému,
‘About the Teaching and the Importance of the Qéne’), in:
PICES 3, vol. 2, 117–32; Ignazio Guidi, “Di alcuni inni
abissini”, RSO 1, 1907, 217–20; Eric Godet, “La métrique
du qene gueze”, Abbay 12, 1983–84 [1986], 117–203, here
123f., 141, 169, 172; HabUff 215f.
Habtemichael Kidane
Gubala
G. (L+q , also called Qeréllos; b. ca. 1696, d. after
1726), was the son and successor of ÷Maòdärä
Kréstos, a pretender from ÷Lasta, who challenged
ase ÷Yohannés I. G.’s main centre of activity was
the mountain stronghold of ÷Émäkina, in east-
ern Bugna, Lasta. Like his father before him, G.
had taken the title of ÷néguí and had established
south-north and is bordered by two recently ac-
alliances in his rebellion against ase ÷Bäkaffa.
tive volcanoes, Mount Tokke to the north and
In 1725 Bäkaffa led a campaign into Lasta and
Mount Wänci to the south. Their lava has cut
devastated the region, but his commanders were
the river, resulting in several falls, up and down-
unable to proceed to Émäkina.
stream of the city of G. (2,085 m A.S.L.). After
Ase Bäkaffa made another expedition into
collecting the waters from the slopes of Wänci
Lasta in 1726 and eastern Bugna suffered major
and the Ambo-Gudär depression, the G. flows
destruction. Unable to resist the larger imperial
northwards through narrow gorges into the
forces and because of the destruction of the re-
Wadessa plateaux. This very deep cut follows a
gion, G. sued for peace after 30 years of struggle,
which indicates that his rebellion had started be- graben covered upstream with recent lacustrine
fore the reign of Bäkaffa. Later in the same year, sedimentary deposits (Holocene), with traver-
G. travelled to Gondär with his son and formally tine and basalt. Dominated by the ÷Guduru
submitted to the Emperor. The court was satis- plateaux to the west and by those of Géndäbärät
fied with the submission of Lasta and G. and his to the east, the G. canyon joins the Abbay near
son were sent back to their area with honours. the Mälka Furi ford.
Src.: GuiIohan 298, 300–04, 311, 314 (text) = 319, 322–25, Caravans, obstructed by the narrowness of
333f., 337 (tr.); BassÉt I,402f. (text) = II, 357f. (tr.). these gorges and the endemic malaria, used to
Lit.: Getatchew Haile, “On the House of Lasta from travel across the highlands, in the west through
the History of Zena Gabriel”, in: PICES 9, vol. 6, 7–21; Asändabo or via Kaóisi in the east. The lower
Id., “Who Is Who in Ethiopia’s Past, Part II: the Zagwe
Royal Family after the Zagwe”, NEASt 7, 3, 1985, 41–48;
course of the G. is not a way of passage between
Wudu Tafete, A Political History of Wag and Lasta, c. Goggam, in the north, and Mecca, in the south.
1543–1919, M.A. thesis, Addis Ababa University 1995. Despite of its steep descent, the flow of the G.
Wudu Tafete is too modest to allow the installation of a hy-
droelectric power-plant, which was instead built
on the Finóaýa river, at the edge of the Guduru
Gudär plateau. In the final years of the Därg, the North
The G. (L6? ) river is a left-bank tributary Korean aid built an ammunition factory in the
of the ÷Abbay. The G. has its sources on the vicinity of G. that was closed in 1991.
slopes around Mount ÷Gébat, more than Src.: EMAtlas; Consociazone Turistica Italiana,
3,000 m A.S.L. south-west of Ambo. It flows Carta dell’Africa Orientale Italiana, scala 1:1,000,000,
Milano 1937; Ethiopian Mapping and Geography
into the Abbay at an altitude below 1,000 m Institute, map NC 37–10, scale 1:250,000, Addis Abäba
A.S.L. after running more than 150 km. Its up- 1969; Guida 499.
per course winds through the Šänän high basin, Lit.: GasEth; MesfGeogr.
which is flooded during the rainy season. It runs Alain Gascon
900
Gudela
Guddifaóaa On his return in 1966, G.T. was appointed

G. (also guddifadda) is an ÷Oromo term Executive Secretary of the EECMY. Besides
which means ‘foster or adoptive parents’ office work and preparation of documents on
and, by extension, those who have reared and theological and social issues (s. Aster Lensa
are responsible for a person or persons. It is – Paul Hoffman 2003), his concern was the ho-
sometimes used reciprocally. The verb guddisa- listic presentation of the Gospel to city dwellers.
ifta is used to mean ‘to make bigger, bring up, He was co-founder and the first chairman of the
make prosper, rear children’ (Leus 1995:370). Council of Lutheran Congregations in Addis
An individual may be adopted or fostered at any Abäba and became president of the Addis Abäba
age. The word may be generalized and used to Synod, formed in 1974.
express the economic and political relationship G.T. also became increasingly involved in the
between a dominant Oromo group and a group emerging Oromo political movements. His dis-
of non-Oromo who have been or are being tinguished appearance and physical magnetism,
incorporated and assimilat

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Table of Contents

Introduction .......................................................................................... Vll

Hamburg editorial team.............................................................................. Xl

Advisory board ....................................................................................... Xl

Field specialists ....................................................................................... Xl

Contributors .......................................................................................... Xll

Notes for the user .................................................................................... XVIll

Transliteration and transcription tables

Table 2. G;)c;)Z script .............................................................................. XIX

Table 3. Arabic script ............................................................................. XXI

Table 4. Epigraphic South Arabian ...................... ...................................... XXI

Key to detail maps ................................................................................. XXI

General abbreviations ................................................................................ XXll

Bibliographic abbreviations ........................................................................ XXIV

Biblical abbreviations ................................................................................. xxxix

The Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, a state-of- The Encyclopaedia articles present basic

scholarly discussion - remammg involved within the framework of a long-term proj-

* on the occasion of the Centenary of German-Ethiopian Diplomatic Relationships

Evgenia Sokolinskaia (1999-2005) David Emanuel

Boavida, Isabel Degif Petros

Freeman, Dena Heintze-Flad, Wilfred

Kurimoto, Eisei Metz,Manfred

Persoon, Joachim Seltene Seyoum

T esfaye Akalu Wei6enborn, Anke

Pharyngal, vel. 1:1

Table 2. G;,"az script

,.. Il- k"'a

Table 3. Arabic transcriptionltrartsliteration

[ g .) r ~ <;l ....i f .:, n

Table 4. Transliteration for Epigraphic South Ara-bian

0 c ~ f 't' 1)- ~ q 1. ~ 'l Y

Key to Detail Maps

I'lgllmii Historical region

abbr. abbreviation; abbreviated fasc. fascicle

Doctor of Philosophy suppI. supplement(ary)

AAP Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere, Koln 1985-2002

ChMonV MARIUS CHAINE, Catalogue des manuscrits ethiopiens de la collection Mondon-

DillmZarY AUGUST DILLMANN, "Dber die Regierung, insbesondere die Kirchenordnung

HabKon EIKE HABERLAND, Untersuchungen zum athiopischen Konigtum, Wiesbaden

KolTrad I-III JOHANNES KOLMODIN, Traditions de Tsazzega et Hazzega. Textes tigrigna,

Maryam, rois d'Ethiopie de 1434 a 1478, Paris 1893 (Bibliotheque de l'Ecole

PICES 10 CLAUDE LEPAGE - ETIENNE DELAGE (eds.), Etudes Ethiopiennes. Actes de la X

September 1994, 2 vols., Lawrenceville, NJ 1994

TilDic TILAHUN GAMTA, Oromo-English Dictionary, Addis Ababa 1989

O.T. Old Testament

N.T. New Testament

Daarood Arbore and Elmolo it forms the Western

Use of the language is intensive; most . are

designated place, horns were blown and drums

Other monasteries of the region disappeared, but

Däbrä Asbo Däbrä Libanos

and D.B., also resided for part of the year in the

Cloth mural painted about 1820; ceiling and

and projecting courses of walls are alternatively

acquired the title of n burä d, and became

Däbrä D ma Däbrä s ifanos Däbrä ayq s ifanos

Däbrä ayq s ifanos was conferred on the head of the community.

Däbrä ayq s ifanos, western

Gälawdewos and his successor a e är ä