History Without Borders

Geoffrey C. Gunn

Published by Hong Kong University Press, HKU

Gunn, Geoffrey C.
History Without Borders: The Making of an Asian World Region, 1000-1800.
1 ed. Hong Kong University Press, HKU, 2011.
Project MUSE.muse.jhu.edu/book/32160.

For additional information about this book

https://muse.jhu.edu/book/32160

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10
East-Southeast Asia in the Global
Ceramic Trade Networks

Nothing better exemplifies the linking of the East and Southeast Asian
states and polities into a coherent regional complex of producers and
consumers than the ceramic trade networks. The production and quality
of earthenware, including ceramics, is often viewed as an index of civi-
lization — and the esthetic and technical quality of Chinese ceramics
was held as equal to none. High-fired glazed ceramics and porcelains
were produced by sophisticated processes hitherto unknown in Europe.
Jingdezhen was the world’s largest porcelain production site during
1350–1750. The production, marketing, and transport to local, regional,
and long-distance markets engaged tens of thousands of workers in
numerous large-scale production sites — this called for a high degree
of proto-industrial activity and organization, even if it fell short of a
capitalist revolution. Alongside production sites in China, such other
production centers as Champa, Dai Viet (Vietnam), Siam, Burma, and
Hizen-Arita on Kyushu Island followed suit, finding regional and long-
distance markets according to market niche. Unlike textiles and many
other traded goods, durable ceramics remain as examinable objects
and can serve as veritable time capsules of long lost or poorly recorded
exchange networks. The expanding field of marine archaeology helps us
understand the nature of these exchanges, from provenance to geochem-
istry. The analysis of specialized ceramic production sites can be a highly
sensitive “proxy of political, social as well as economic change” (Grave
et al. 2005: 165).
A number of studies in English have focused on the traded ceramics
(Impey 2002); particular regions (Guy 1986); the VOC trade in ceram-
ics (Volker 1971); kiln technology (Ho 1990); and the correlation of
complex production cycles among Japan, China, and Vietnam (Ho 1994).
264 History Without Borders

This chapter seeks to highlight the global trade in East-Southeast Asian

ceramics — the identification and examination of the primary, second-
ary, and tertiary destinations of highly prized commodities turned objets
d’art and, even, objects of sacred veneration. We seek to throw light on
the production and exchange dynamics of East-Southeast Asian ceramic
production and consumption, especially with regard to our broader aim
of identifying proto-capitalist industrial activity. We also test the theory
that the European invasion caused a crisis in production cycles during
the 17th century.

Chinese Ceramics Production

The Southern Song (1127–1279) actively promoted the export of Chinese

ceramics to address the drain on silver stemming from the flow of high-
value imports from the long-distance India trade. Some 400 kilometers
inland, but connected to the coast via the Yangtze River and other water-
ways, Jingdezhen in present-day Jiangxi province was for centuries the
major global ceramic production and export center. Dating from the 6th
century CE, its status as a production center was consolidated under
the Song. By Ming (1368–1644) times, production of high-quality por-
celain at Jingdezhen surged; it became the procurement center for the
royal household, and also met the needs of the thriving export market.
Owing to local disorder, production stopped in 1506–21 and again in
1567–72, when the government orders failed. Jingdezhen was also tem-
porarily closed in 1650–80 during the Ming-Qing transition. Under the
Qing (1644–1911), Jingdezhen furnaces were revived as “imperial kilns,”
under the close attention of the emperor and high officials (Watson and
Ho 2007; Encyclopedia Britannica Online 2009). It was also the princi-
pal source of export porcelain for the Dutch.
Driving European interest in Chinese ceramics were the published
accounts of such European visitors to China as the Dominican Gaspar da
Cruz in 1569 and the Spanish Juan de Mendoza in 1586. Undoubtedly,
the most sensational text of this kind was the quite detailed account
of the porcelain production process — then practically unknown in
Europe — in the “Jesuit letters” sent by François Xavier d’Entrecolles
from Jingdezhen in 1712 and 1722. This entered various texts, including
the influential work on China by Jean-Baptiste du Halde, published in
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 265

1735 (Gerritsen 2009: 123). Europe had already sought independently

to master the process of manufacturing porcelain: the credit goes to the
chemist Johann Friedrich Böttger, employed by Augustus the Strong,
elector of Saxony (r. 1694–1733) and king of Poland (r. 1697–1706).
In 1710, Augustus founded the Meissen porcelain factory, which soon
began to produce imitations of Chinese and Japanese porcelain (Hobson
1908, chap. 13).
Writing at the end of the Kangxi reign (r. 1661–1722), d’Entrecolles
observed that, while other centers of production existed in China,
“[Jingdezhen] alone has the honor of supplying all parts of the world;
even the Japanese come to China for it” (Gullard 1908: 274). To British
diplomat George Staunton, part of Lord Macartney’s embassy to China in
1793–94, the spectacle of several hundred factories belching flames into
the night sky was awesome As he learned, the furnaces employed some
one million male workers. The production of a single teacup involved the
labor of 50 different hands, from the quarry to the furnace. The painting
alone was divided among half a dozen persons. The most beautiful speci-
mens attracted premium prices at imperial command (Staunton 1798:
viii) (Plate 9).
Involving a series of complex industrial and craft processes, transport
logistics, and “outsourcing,” ceramic production in China was obvi-
ously an important index of industriousness, if not of the “sprouts of
capitalism.” Having access to kaolin and other resources, Jingdezhen
was strategically connected to the Grand Canal. Other production sites
emerged, such as the maritime trade-oriented south Fujian (Minnan)
region, together with long-distance trade under the Song. In contrast to
the imperial chokehold over the kilns of Jingdezhen, the Fujian ceramic
industry has been seen by some analysts as integral with the urbaniza-
tion, commercialization, and success of this outward-looking coastal
zone (Clark 1991: 166–67; So 2000; Ho 2001: 237).
Acknowledging the archaeological data collected by Chinese research-
ers from the 1950s on, notably the Fujian Cultural Relics Team, Ho
Chuimei (2001) has sought to identify the growth and geographic distri-
bution of ceramic production sites in the Minnan region during the Song
and Yuan periods. In these periods, celadon production was concentrated
in coastal areas of Fujian, Tong’an, Nan’an, and Quanzhou, as well as
other centers further north. Certain wares were crafted expressly for the
266 History Without Borders

Southeast Asia market, notably kendi, or spouted pouring vessels, made

at Dehua, Anxi, and Cixao. During this period, some 100,000 people,
or 10 percent of the Minnan population, were engaged in the ceramics
industry.
In the Ming-Qing period, as internal markets expanded, produc-
tion increased dramatically in the inland mountainous areas, closer to
sources of clay at Anxi, Dehua (known for high-value wares), and nearby
Jinjiang. The local kilns at Dongmen, close to Quanzhou, stopped pro-
duction (Pearson et al. 2001: 192–93). Ho (2001) has tracked a shift
from coastal sites to inland areas, positing the collapse of the Song at
the hands of the Mongols as a likely reason. There could also have been
economic factors for the shift, such as rising taxes, transport logistics,
kaolin clay availability, or even competition with other industries for
such resources as wood. The shift to the interior was marked by a change
in ceramic glazes, vessel types, and firing technology.

The Marine Archaeological Evidence

Some of the most exciting research in the field of the historical ceramic
trade stems from advances in marine archeological research. Needless
to say, mounting expeditions is fraught with financial and legal risk; the
stakes are high for those who venture the capital as well as for prize
claimants, both individual as well as national (Ruppé and Barstad 2002).
Researchers like Roxana M. Brown (2005) have led the way in interpret-
ing the often conflicting evidence.
Chinese ceramics entered the ancient silk roads as traded items. As
Abu-Lughod (1989: 327) points out, Chinese ceramic shards are found
strewn along the coastal zones of the Indian Ocean. The same is true of
Southeast Asian waters and terrestrial sites. But the first long-distance
traded ceramics arriving in Southeast Asia were undoubtedly produced
in south India, in the “Indian transfer” of the 1st to 5th centuries CE.
The tradition was carried forward by Muslim traders reaching the coast
of China.
The influence of West Asian techniques on Chinese pottery may have
been significant, as with the importation from Abbasid Persia of cobalt
oxide, vital for the production of blue and white porcelain. While the
original source of cobalt was Persia, that arriving by sea was known as
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 267

Sumali (Su Bo Ni Qing) or Sumatra Blue, used for creating a rich dark
blue pigment. Also known as Su Ma Li Qing (Samara Blue), it was first
conveyed to Ming China by envoys from Sumatra (Srivijaya) in 1426,
1430, 1433 and 1434, or by the returning fleets of the Zheng He mis-
sions (Hobson 1923). Recent research on the cobalt-blue pigment used
in Jingdezhen official porcelain around the end of the Xuande reign of
Ming (1426–35 CE) has confirmed the sourcing of cobalt ores of differ-
ent types from different places (Du and Su 2005).
An important link was the recovery in the late 1990s of the Belitung
Wreck, a dhow-type ship laden with Changsa ceramics dating from
the Southern Tang (937–75 CE), known for their distinctive brown
and straw-colored glazes (Flecker 2000; 2001). A wreck excavated off
Cirebon on the north Java coast in 2004–05 yielded a wealth of Yue
ceramics (olive- or brownish-green celadon) with strongly Buddhistic
motifs. It included a range of glass and other objects with Arabic and/
or Islamic inscriptions, possibly of Syrian or Persian provenance, as well
as two gold-plated daggers with Sunni Arab inscriptions. With its mixed
Chinese and Arab cargo, the provenance of the ship is open to interpre-
tation, though it may well have transited Srivijayan ports. This was not
a Chinese vessel and possibly neither Arab nor Indian; rather, its lashed
lug-and-dowel construction strongly suggests Austronesian origins (Tan
Y. 2007).
The maritime trade was dominated by foreign shipping, at least until
after the 8th century, when the first large oceangoing Chinese vessels
began to appear. The Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) saw the construction
of large naval vessels, explicitly for entering Southeast Asian waters, as
in the invasion fleets sent to Japan in 1281, Dai Viet and Champa in
1283–88, and Java in 1292.
Significantly, there is no maritime archaeological evidence for Chinese
vessels from the 8th to the 12th centuries. Even so, the discovery in 1987
and excavation in 2007 of the “Nanhai No. 1” or “South China Sea
No. 1” wreck off the coast of Yangjiang, 240 kilometers southwest of
Guangzhou, offers new data for contextualizing the long-distance Chinese
maritime trade. Dating from the early Southern Song (1127–1279), the
wreck contained some 80,000 porcelain items, believed to have been
manufactured in folk kilns in Fujian and Zhejiang. The Nanhai vessel
also carried ceramics plausibly crafted for the Middle Eastern market
268 History Without Borders

(South China Morning Post 2007). By contrast, the Quanzhou Wreck,

discovered in 1973 at the estuary of Quanzhou Bay, dated to c. 1275,
was carrying a cargo of pepper and aromatic wood, evidence that it was
returning from a Southeast Asian destination (Guy 2001: 295).
The early role of Korea (and Japan) in the East Asian trade networks
deserves attention. In this regard, the Sinan Wreck, discovered off the
southwest coast of Korea in 1976, offers rare evidence of the scale and
organization of the China, Korea, and Japan trade, not only in ceram-
ics but also in Chinese coins. Probably on its way back to Hakata in
northern Kyushu from China when it sank in 1223, the Korean-built
ship carried over 120,000 pieces of high-quality ceramics. Hakata hosted
a Chinese merchant community at this time. According to Stargardt
(2001: 366), the main entrepreneur responsible for the cargo was the
Higashiyama Temple in Kyoto.
The earliest identified wrecks of Chinese junks in Southeast Asian
waters are the Turiang Wreck from around 1400, found in the Straits of
Singapore; the early 15th-century Bakau Wreck, found on the western
edge of the Karimata Strait (broadly separating the islands of Borneo and
Sumatra); and the Binh Tuan Wreck, c. 1608, in southern Vietnam, con-
taining a cargo of Zhangzhou porcelain and cast iron. The Zhangzhou
porcelain was definitely intended for Southeast Asian markets.
Excavations conducted at the 13th-century Majapahit capital of
Trowulan in east Java have added to our knowledge of the ceramic trade.
The oldest Chinese ceramics identified here are from the 9th century,
predating the foundation of the kingdom. They include Yue ware ceram-
ics (olive green), originating from Zhejiang, usually attributed to the Wu
Yue kingdom (907–78 CE) and typically associated with the long-dis-
tance trade to the Persian Gulf (Dupoizat and Harkantiningsih 2004).
The marine archaeological evidence of European ships engaged in
the export of Asian ceramics provides another lens on the subject. For
example, the Spanish ships San Diego (1600), wrecked off Luzon, and
Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (1639), sunk off Saipan, offer mixed
south China and Thai assemblages, including “heirloomed” or chrono-
logical outliers (Grave et al. 2005: 181). When Portuguese ships enter the
picture, we begin to see Jingdezhen porcelain expressly crafted for the
European market. The “Fort San Sebastian Wreck,” recovered in 2001
off Mozambique Island, is notable. Identified as the Portuguese carrack
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 269

Espadarte, which sank in 1558 on the return journey from India, the
wreck yielded quantities of Ming dynasty blue-and-white porcelain from
the Jiajing period (1522–66). Surprisingly, the Dutch ship Mauritius,
wrecked off West Africa (1609), and the Portuguese ship São Gonçalo,
wrecked off the Cape of Good Hope (1630), reveal Siamese and Burmese
martaban (jar) assemblages (Grave et al. 2005: 181).
The next recorded wreck in Southeast Asian waters, the Vung Tau
Wreck, is a lorcha, a hybrid Portuguese-Chinese vessel that sank in c.
1690, off Con Dao Island in southern Vietnam, carrying blue-and-white
Jingdezhen porcelain for transshipment to Batavia and Europe (Flecker
2005: 145).
From the beginning of the 17th century until the mid-19th century, the
only recorded wrecks in Southeast Asian waters with cargoes of ceramics
(several European vessels aside) are Chinese vessels, representing a resur-
gence in the Chinese junk trade. A common item found on these wrecks is
iron, wrought or cast, in a variety of pans and cauldrons, usually with the
ceramics were stacked on top. The ceramics found in these wrecks were
largely for utilitarian use as opposed to luxury consumption. However,
Flecker (2005: 156) points to ceramics used in funerary practice or
buried with the dead, as found in the Breaker Shoal Wreck southwest of
Palawan Island, in the present-day Philippines. Destined for Borneo or
Sulawesi, it is unclear who used this type of ceramic.
According to Brown (2005: 78–79), the shipwrecks reveal a substan-
tial shortage of Chinese ceramics in the early Ming dynasty. This “Ming
Gap,” as it was dubbed by Tom Harrisson (1958), dates from 1380 to
1487. From the evidence, China maintained a near monopoly in trade
ceramics from at least the 9th to the early 14th centuries. But, from about
1368 to 1424–30, the cargoes yield only 30 to 40 percent Chinese ceram-
ics, plunging to 5 percent in the mid-15th century. A bubble appears in
the Hongzhi period (1488–1505), but a moderate shortage remains until
the Ming ban on overseas travel is lifted in 1527. Shortages in the 16th
century were not as severe as in the preceding century — not enough
to lure Burmese and Vietnamese producers back into the market. But,
between 1510 and 1580, Siamese kilns competed with Chinese, until
China regained its monopoly.
As Brown (2005: 80) explains, the Siamese and Vietnamese ceram-
ics in shipwreck artifacts represent a loss for China but a “golden age”
270 History Without Borders

for Southeast Asian exporters. Even so, following the period of Chinese
monopoly, there is a century-long gap in the marine archaeological
evidence before the first mixed cargoes appear. But once they do, the
Chinese monopoly is broken for two centuries. The plunge in Chinese
exports emerges precisely after the last of Zheng He’s voyages (1405–
24, 1433). The “Ming Gap” exposes a dearth of blue-and-white porce-
lain corresponding to a 135-year period from 1368–1487. This, Brown
(2005: 87) believes, can be attributed to closure of the Jingdezhen kilns
by Yuan military activity. Among the Southeast Asian exports, Siamese
ceramics dominate for 200 years, especially celadon, although northern
and central Vietnam were also significant exporters.

The Siamese and Burmese Ceramics Trade

Archaeological research at Ban Chiang in northeastern Thailand, from

the 1960s and 1970s to today, has offered special insights, not only into
the prehistorical origins of Siamese ceramics (Labbe 2002), but also into
the regional linkages, influences, and cultural practices associated with
these productions (Guerin and van Oenen 2005). Our understanding
of Siamese kilnware is also advanced by recent research derived from
marine archaeology.
Flecker (2005: 18) confirms that, as a direct result of the scarcity of
Chinese ceramics in the Southeast Asian market, Siamese ceramic export-
ers moved in. The northern kilns of Sukhothai and Sawankhalok, already
producing glazed stoneware by the 10th–11th centuries CE, raised their
production levels as kiln technology evolved and organization became
more centralized. Building on a Mon tradition of stoneware production,
Sawankhalok produced celadons with their characteristic green glaze.
The major production site of Sisatchanalai, some 50 kilometers north of
Sukhothai, mass-produced large martaban jars, Buddhist statuary, and
other items, many for export. Products from these kilns reveal strong
Chinese influence, though it is not clear if indigenous or Chinese potters
were involved. Hein (1990) makes a claim for indigenous technology or
at least a lack of foreign technology from the 10th century onward.
As Ayutthaya moved into the production of export-ware, the pace of
ship construction increased to service the trade. Ships were of Chinese
tradition (notably incorporating bulkheads and an axial rudder) and
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 271

used teak in the construction; in the Southeast Asian tradition, they

also employed dowel-edge joining. These shipwrecks offer a great many
examples of Siamese ceramics, but are also the best preserved, owing to
their worm-resistant teak construction. In fact, the abundance of Siamese
wrecks is matched only by the dearth of Chinese wrecks from the 14th
to the 16th centuries. The Turiang Wreck is a case in point, revealing
an assemblage of Sukhothai and Vietnamese black underglaze ware but
no blue-and-white porcelain (Sjostrand and Barnes 2001). By the end of
the 15th century, the Siamese kilns had virtually ceased production for
export, as Chinese blue-and-white returned to the international market
(Wade 2003: 30).
The Burmese trade in martaban jars was significant. From the 11th
century, Mon people around the Gulf of Martaban in Lower Burma influ-
enced the production of pottery in Pagan, as ports around the Gulf serv-
iced the porcelain trade linking India and China, as well as the export of
Sawankhalok and other Siamese wares. As Patricia Gutman (2001) has
demonstrated, Arab, Chinese, and European sources track the Burmese
martaban trade from the 14th century until its decline in the 18th. Under
the Toungoo dynasty (1486–1752), the mainland production sites were
transferred from the Siamese kingdoms to Burma. As Grave et al. (2005:
172) have hypothesized, martaban production and export from Burma
in the late 16th and early 17th centuries can be directly linked to Dutch
agency. Given that conditions for marine archaeology in Burmese waters
are not yet optimal, future discoveries may await us.

The Vietnamese and Cham Ceramics Trade

Northern Vietnam emerged as a major ceramic production site during the

period of Chinese domination (111 BCE–938 CE) over the Dai Viet state.
The major production centers were along the Red River, from Thang
Long (Hanoi) to Hai Duong province, with sites extending into the
Haiphong delta and reaching the historical island port of Van Don, north
of Ha Long Bay. Guy (2005: 110) describes Chu Dao, the major center
of high-fired ceramics in Hai Duong province, as a veritable Vietnamese
“Jingdezhen.” Firmly under Ly (1009–1225) state-backed enterprise, the
Chu Dao kilns were designed especially to compete with Chinese wares
in the Southeast Asian marketplace.
272 History Without Borders

By the 8th century, as Bulbeck (2004: 319) observes, northern Vietnam

had emerged as the largest ceramic production site in Southeast Asia,
exporting large stoneware jars of a style indistinguishable from those
of southern China. The brief reoccupation of Vietnam in the early 15th
century by the late Yuan led to a tradition of Yuan-style motifs, including
blue-and-white wares, Buddhist statuary, and other vessels. Vietnam also
supplied blue-and-white tiles such as those found in Java at Trowulan
and other Majapahit sites. According to Dupoizat (2003), these were
clearly inspired by Middle Eastern, especially Persian, wares. Vietnamese
wall tiles, produced on commission, were used to decorate newly con-
structed mosques on the north coast of Java, as at Demak and Kudus,
and figure in buildings in Cirebon and Jepara.
As a maritime-oriented kingdom, Champa mastered ceramic produc-
tion and entered the export industry. According to Guy (2005: 118), the
Cham kilns, capable of producing high-fired glazed ceramics in commer-
cial quantities, were located at various sites near Quy Nhon, in present-
day Binh Dinh province of Vietnam. Cham wares are attested in Japanese
sites, as well as in the Philippines and Java. The emergence of ceram-
ics production under Cham control should be viewed in the context of
rivalry between the rising Dai Viet state and the Cham kingdoms for
access to the international maritime trade, at least until Dai Viet invaded
and absorbed Vijaya in 1471. With the rise of the Ly dynasty in the 11th
century and the restoration of the capital to Thang Long, Vietnamese
kings sought to mesh their economy with the external trade. The contest
with the Cham saw an expansion of shipbuilding. Even so, Cham ships
continued to operate in Southeast Asian waters after the capture of
Vijaya. Both Melaka and Ryukyu upheld trade relations with Champa.
According to Guy, the Cham ceramics export industry declined owing to
competition from China, when the Ming lifted bans on overseas trade
after 1571. But the Ly sought to integrate the Southeast Asian trade as
a tributary trade, bringing in, besides Champa, Laos, Siam, Java, and
Melaka.
Overall, as Guy (2005: 107) has demonstrated, a valuable “barom-
eter” of Dai Viet participation in international trade is the volume of
glazed ceramics exported in the 15th and early 16th centuries. The Hoi
An Wreck, discovered in the mid-1990s near the historic port city, con-
tained some 15,000 intact pieces along with 100,000 incomplete. It
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 273

offers, in the words of Guy, “the most complete profile of Vietnamese

export ceramics of this period to date.” Generally, Guy (2005: 115)
notes, what the Vietnamese lacked in technical skill they made up for in
decorative skill, as in richly colored polychrome wares “unlike anything
seen in the Chinese tradition.” The largest group of ceramics found in
the Hoi An Wreck were underglazed blue decorative wares, some match-
ing Chinese blue-and-white in quality; other items, as preserved in the
National Museum of Vietnamese History, include striking wine ewers,
kendi, dishes, and urns in underglaze blue with striking dragon and kylin
(kirin) patterns.
The Hoi An ship itself was in the Chinese style, but the teak timbers
and storage jars from kilns in Singburi suggest construction in Southeast
Asia, most likely at Ayutthaya. Guy hypothesizes that, as a Siamese
royal junk, the Hoi An vessel was returning either to Ayutthaya or pos-
sibly Java, having laden its cargo at a government-designated port such
as Van Don Island. Vietnamese ceramics have been attested at a range
of sites in maritime Southeast Asia (Aoyagi 1993; Guy 1997), includ-
ing the southern Philippines (Nguyen-Long 1999), and Japan (Hasebe
1993; Honda and Shimazu 1993). Vietnamese wares were also targeted
at Middle Eastern countries, as attested at archaeological sites in the Red
Sea, notably at Fustat, the first capital of Egypt under Arab rule, and
the Arabian/Persian Gulf/Hormuz region. Individual pieces appear in the
Iranian and Ottoman imperial household collections, including a famed
bottle in the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul, dated 1430 and produced in
Chu Dao.
As Guy concludes, the volume of cargo discovered in the Hoi An Wreck
reveals the highly organized nature of the ceramic production center of
the Red River. It points to a well organized system of production, mar-
keting, and distribution that obviously involved strong capitalization
with a massive investment of people and resources. The commissioning
agents obviously knew their market.

The European Ceramics Trade

Items of Chinese porcelain entered European collections from an early

age. The Doge of Venice (1461) was a collector, as Venice was con-
nected up with the ancient silk roads to China. Another was the Duke
274 History Without Borders

of Normandy (1363). But the very first export porcelain made exclu-
sively for European clients in China was commissioned in 1541 by Pero
da Faria, a Melaka-based Portuguese merchant. Examples remain in the
Topkapi Museum, the museum of the Duca di Martina in Napoli, and
the museum of the Rainha Dona Leonor in Beja, Portugal (Kiel 1942; Jin
and Wu 2007). Specially commissioned “Jesuit-ware” characteristically
featured an armillary sphere, the emblem of King Manuel I (r. 1495–
1521), the Portuguese coat of arms, and the Jesuit insignia in cobalt blue.
Dating from the Zhengde reign (1506–21), examples can be found today
in the porcelain room of Marques de Abrantes Palace (Pinto de Matos
1994) (Plate 8).
Early evidence of Portuguese interest in Chinese ceramics comes from
the 1554 São Bento Wreck off the east coast of South Africa (Auret and
Maggs 1982). Taken together with the 1558 wreck of the Espadarte off
Mozambique, it is clear that the Portuguese entered the porcelain trade
even prior to gaining a permanent trading base in China. With the estab-
lishment of Macau in 1557, the Portuguese were better positioned to tap
into the Chinese porcelain trade, especially as Guangzhou was then the
main center in south China for maritime trade and export. During this
period, Japan was still a market for Chinese porcelain, whether by the
Chinese junk trade or by the Portuguese Black Ships (Boxer 1963: 180).
As Lisbon took over the historical role of Venice as the European
emporium for Chinese products, so the first Chinese porcelain to arrive
in Portugal stimulated an aristocratic interest in Oriental objets d’art that
would later be associated with the fashion for chinoiserie. Portugal pio-
neered the commissioning of Chinese porcelain. Portuguese potters with
a long tradition in the production of faience, or glazed earthenware, were
the first in Europe to reproduce Chinese porcelain. The earliest known
Portuguese copy dates from 1623, though the process had undoubtedly
commenced in the last quarter of the previous century. In early 17th-
century Lisbon, some 17 traders specialized in importing Chinese porce-
lain (Monteiro 1994). Dutch merchants also sensed demand for Oriental
ceramics among the wealthy classes in Holland. Porcelain manufactur-
ing was then unknown in northern Europe; the imports were strikingly
esthetic as well as functional substitutes for local products. In a much
cited event, an auction in Holland of Chinese ceramics captured from two
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 275

Portuguese ships in 1602 and 1604 helped popularize blue-and-white

porcelain (Volker 1971: 54).
After this, porcelain regularly formed part of the VOC’s shipments.
Typically, it was sold at auction in the various VOC city chambers,
notably, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, and Delft (Volker 1971: 54). At first,
the Dutch procured Chinese kraak ware, thin-body porcelain painted in
underglaze cobalt-blue with landscapes, plant, or animal designs, but,
with a base secured on Taiwan from 1624, the porcelain trade became
more structured. Until ousted from the island in 1662, the Dutch made
indirect contact with mainland Chinese traders and, after 1634, com-
missioned porcelain to Western tastes. Wares of this period are known
as Transitional porcelains, owing to the turbulence associated with the
transition from Ming to Qing (Jorg 2006: 347). According to Volker
(1971: 59), between 1604 and 1637, three million pieces of porcelain
reached Europe, mostly of Chinese provenance. The temporary closure
of Jingdezhen from 1650–80 offered a special niche for Japanese potters
and exports.

The Zheng Family Ceramics Trade

The ouster of the Dutch from Taiwan in January 1662 by the Ming loyal-
ist Zheng dynasty contributed to major changes in production and export
cycles, especially as the Zheng competed with the Dutch in the porcelain
export trade. As Ho (1994: 42–44; 47) affirms, the Zheng merchant net-
works continued to tap the production site at Jingdezhen despite Qing
interference. Additionally, the Zheng were also able to access low-quality
ceramics such as those produced at the Dehua-Anxi kilns, some 30 kil-
ometers from Xiamen in Fujian. As Japan was entering the ceramic pro-
duction market in a big way, so the Zheng sought to exploit this new
production center through importing high-end teapots and other items
destined for the luxury market. In fact, the Zheng actually preceded the
VOC in the lucrative marketing Japanese wares in 1658. In so doing, Ho
declares, the Zheng were able to transform a family enterprise into one
matching the VOC in terms of financial resources, military power, and
commercial strategies. Crucially, the Zheng maintained command over
intraregional shipping and privileged access to the ceramic production
276 History Without Borders

sites. By siding with the English East India Company, the Zhengs met
with fierce competition from the Dutch and the Qing into the 1680s.
The new political circumstances created by the rise of the Zheng com-
mercial empire impacted on ceramic production sites. As Ho (1994: 45)
has explained, during 1662–82, coinciding with shifts in the Zhengs’ for-
tunes, the focus of the Chinese ceramic trade shifted backwards and for-
wards between Guangzhou-Macau and Fujian. Only in 1676 and 1680,
when the Zhengs re-established themselves in Xiamen, were they able
to resume sending Fujianese cargoes to Southeast Asia. By contrast, the
kilns of Yaoping, the third-largest center for ceramic production in China
after Jingdezhen and Fujian, produced blue-and-white wares that com-
peted with Fujian wares. Another vector in the 16th- and 17th-century
trade in ceramics was the export of Zhangzhou or Swatow ware, found
in archaeological sites in the Philippines (Tan R. 2007). (See Map 10.1)

The Guangzhou Ceramic Export Trade

By the end of the century, the rise of Guangzhou as an open port of access
in tandem with the Guangzhou Trade System led to further changes
in ceramic production and export patterns. An increasing number of
international traders entered the market at Guangzhou — Portuguese,
Macau-based Chinese, English, independent Dutch burghers, Siamese
traders, and the Cantonese themselves. Southeast Asian ports from
Banten to Melaka also re-emerged as major markets in this mixed junk
and European trade. The Dutch were now obliged to act as intermediar-
ies rather than tapping the ceramics at their source. By this stage, the
Zheng monopoly was long gone (Ho 1994: 46).
The Guangzhou Trade System facilitated the direct export of Chinese
porcelain to Europe and, eventually, America, just as it facilitated the
trade in tea, sourced exclusively from China to meet surging demand
in Europe. Ceramics were stored at the lowest level in ships’ holds, pro-
viding not only ballast but also protection for more vulnerable cargoes
such as tea. But the tea trade also spawned a new genre of ceramics,
from teapots to teacups. From the second half of the 17th century, stone-
ware, including teapots from Yixing (120 kilometers north of Shanghai),
began to figure in VOC exports for the first time. These included “red
teapots” with floral patterns, including items earlier shipped from Macau
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 277

Tsushima
Imari
Hirado Arita (Hizen)
Nagasaki Kyushu
Shanghai coast N
Zhejian East
Yangtze River coast China
Jingdezhen Sea
Fujian
coast Ryukyu
Fuzhou
Pearl River Quanzhou
Zhangzhou/Yuegang Xiamen Tainan
Mekong River Guangzhou Gaoxiong
Chu Dao Macau Guangdong
Phohien coast
Dai Viet
coast South
China
Sukhothai Ban Sea Pacific
Hoi An
Chiang Ocean
Ayutthaya Quy Nhon Champa Manila
Oudong coast

Con Dao
Patani
Aceh Sulu
Borneo
coast Brunei
Melaka River
Johor Sarawak
River

Ambon
Java coast
Indian Banten Gresik/Surabaya Makassar
F. Durand, 2010.

Batavia
Ocean Solor

0 1000 Km

Map 10.1 Ceramic Production Sites and Junk Trade Ports, c.16th–19th centuries
278 History Without Borders

by Portuguese exporters. The popularity of Yixing teapots in Europe was

such that they were imitated. The first to be produced in the Netherlands
were by Lambertus Cleffius in 1672, followed by potters in England and
Saxony. Yixing teapots strongly influenced European ceramic art and
even the common shape of the European teapot (Lo 1990).

Japanese Ceramic Trade Networks

Japan’s participation in the 17th-century ceramics trade took many

dimensions: as importer of pottery techniques, innovator, or exporter.
Japan entered the global export porcelain trade via the maritime silk,
or rather porcelain, roads, in the wake of European expansion. China
came to be challenged by Japan as the premier historical manufacturer
and exporter of ceramics in the mid-17th century (Ho 1994). The history
of the Japanese ceramics industry is beyond the scope of this chapter;
suffice to say that, going back to the 4th century CE, Chinese, Korean,
and even Vietnamese influences all came into play with respect to both
techniques and designs (Hasebe 1993: 52).
In large part, global demand for ceramics had been met by Jingdezhen.
Nevertheless, its temporary closure during 1650–80 in the context of the
Ming-Qing transition offered a new opportunity for ceramic producers
on Kyushu — especially at the major production site of Arita (present-
day Saga Prefecture), then in the domain of Hizen — to service the needs
of Dutch importers. While authorities on Japanese export porcelain claim
a relatively short florescence for the Kyushu-based industry, from 1652
to 1680, Dutch records reveal the trade continued well into the early
18th century, certainly beyond 1757 (Volker 1971: 66; Vialle 2007: 145).
The eventual decline of the Arita export porcelain industry was con-
nected with the refurbishment of Jingdezhen and the Dutch return to
China as principal source of export porcelain. Another factor in the
decline of Arita-Hizen was the ability of Delft and Meissen to imitate
Oriental ceramics at lower cost. Such was the cachet of Arita ware,
dubbed Imari-ware in Dutch records after the port from which local
ceramics were initially shipped, that Chinese imitations entered the
global market.
Domestically, the Tokugawa, including local daimyo, were avid collec-
tors and connoisseurs of a range of ceramic styles, imported and local.
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 279

Meanwhile, the domestic pottery industry, Arita included, played its part
in the proto-industrialization of Japan. Demand for stylish ceramics coin-
cided with rising consumer demand on the part of townsfolk across the
country. As Uchiyama (2008: 11) has highlighted, traveling Imari-ware
merchants serviced urban demand during the late Tokugawa period. To
give some indication of the scale of the production and marketing of
Imari-ware, Edo in 1835 took 60,000 traditional straw bales of ceramics
(or 18.74 percent of national consumption); the consumption of nearby
Seki-Hasshu was similar; while Osaka took 36,000 or 11.25 percent,
with total production for the domestic market at 320,100 “bales.”

The Dutch Ceramics Trade at Nagasaki

Commercial relations between Holland and Japan were officially initi-

ated in 1609; the first VOC trading post was established on Hirado Island
in present-day Nagasaki prefecture in September of that year, through
the good offices of Matsura daimyo. The Hirado period was formative
for the Dutch, witnessing the importation of a range of commodities
from Southeast Asia, traded against Japanese commodities. According to
Kato Eichii (1976), ceramics did not figure among Dutch exports during
this phase. This is confirmed by Volker (1971: 122–25), who neverthe-
less records that the Dutch observed a fairly intense trade of Chinese
porcelain into Japan, especially from Taiwan by Chinese vessels. From
their new base in Deshima in Nagasaki, the Dutch kept in close corre-
spondence with Matsura daimyo and, undoubtedly, tracked the rise of a
pottery industry in Hirado.
With the loss of Jingdezhen, the Dutch looked to the Arita kilns as
an alternative source of kraak porcelain. At the end of the 1650s, kilns
in Arita started to produce underglaze blue Chinese-style goods for the
Dutch, the design the Dutch were most familiar with. Close imitations
were soon followed by pieces in a more authentic Japanese style, or in a
mix of the two.
At a later stage, kilns in Arita-Hizen produced and exported a kind
of export porcelain with an overglaze enameled decoration. This was
dubbed Kakiemon after the name of a specialized workshop. Known
for its distinctive bright colors and striking patterns, Kakiemon was an
immediate success in Europe. Typically, Kakiemon-ware was painted with
280 History Without Borders

symmetrical designs of blossoming plum trees, dragons, and phoenixes

on a milky-white background. Generally decorated with an underglaze of
blue, red, and gold with touches of green, replete with landscape gardens
and animals, Kakiemon came close to Western baroque taste (Jorg 1982:
2006: 348). It should be noted that, until local substitutes were found,
Arita imported certain pigments from China. A range of products was
commissioned: simple plates, medical jars, butter dishes, more artistic
armillary designs for European royal families, and coffee paraphernalia
for the new vogue of coffee-drinking in Europe. Kakiemon-ware would
be emulated by a range of porcelain makers across Europe.
Silver and then copper traditionally dominated Dutch exports from
Nagasaki by volume. By the 17th century, however, ceramics, along
with camphor and lacquerware, joined the list of Japanese exports.
Lacquerware and porcelain are frequently mentioned together in the
Dutch reports. We learn from VOC Deshima diaries that the Arita por-
celain-makers visited the Dutch in Deshima rather than the other way
around. The Dutch could be fickle as about the price and quality of the
porcelain delivered: in November 1690, an order was rejected owing to
the low quality of the samples (Vermeulen 1986–90).

Primary VOC Trading Networks

Having been commissioned and manufactured in Arita according to

Dutch specifications, the prized porcelain was shipped from Imari port to
Nagasaki. As specially commissioned products, Japanese export ceramics
entered VOC shipping at Taiwan, Melaka, or Batavia, prior to reship-
ment through an intraregional trade network. Batavia was the first major
port of call for the home voyage via the southern Indian Ocean route;
following its foundation in 1652, Cape Town also entered the network,
with certain shipments filling local orders for company officials. Outside
official trade, VOC employees at Nagasaki indulged in a lucrative and
illegal kamban or private trade, especially in valuable ceramics (Chaiklin
2003; Vialle 2007).
According to Volker (1971: 34–64), amounts of 100,000 to 250,000
pieces per shipment are found on invoices of ships trading from Taiwan
(to Batavia). As the Taiwan junks supplied Nagasaki with a steady stream
of Chinese porcelain, so the loss of the VOC base on Taiwan and the
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 281

turmoil surrounding the Ming-Qing transition offered a new lease of life

for Arita-Hizen porcelain-makers as the Dutch stepped up procurement
in Deshima to meet the deficit.

European Demand and the Rise of Delft

Europe first began to produce porcelain under the patronage of Augustus

the Strong of Saxony. Alongside Chinese ceramics, copies of Japanese
porcelain were reproduced and decorated in the Kakiemon style at the
Meissen factory in Dresden. In 1723, hundreds of copies from Japanese
prototypes of sake bottles, teapots, vases, and bowls were produced for
the royal collection. Augustus sought not only to demonstrate the techni-
cal and artistic prowess of his artisans, but also to sell these high-demand
products to European courts. By 1745, confident in their technical virtu-
osity, Meissen craftsmen practically abandoned Oriental motifs in favor
of European designs (Pietsch 2007: 3–11).
Holland had a long tradition of producing faience, or tin-glazed
pottery, but from the early 17th century and on for 100 years, the great-
est influence on Dutch pottery would be Chinese motifs. Beginning in the
1570s with painted pottery in Haarlem, by the 1620s, potters in the city
of Delft saw a market for well-made, cheaper imitations of Chinese por-
celain. The new and fashionable Japanese pieces found a ready market
in bourgeois households, and were quickly followed by Delft imitations.
The result was the famed Delftware. From 1639, the faience manufac-
tory of Lambertus Cleffius in Delft was part of the trend in imitating
Oriental ceramics. Blue Delft, the product of long experimentation by
local potters to make thin earthenware, became an icon of the bourgeois
revolution in Holland. Elsewhere, these colored wares appealed to a wide
public; grand Imari vases and garnitures, large dishes and a multitude of
smaller objects still adorn palaces and country houses all over Europe
(Jorg 1982).
The same could be said of France, where porcelain production was
unknown until the last decade of the 17th century, and the ownership of
porcelain was restricted to royalty or the aristocracy. Works produced
in Chantilly, from 1730 the private factory of Louis Henri, Duke of
Bourbon, were strongly influenced by Japanese porcelain. Kakiemon, the
first Arita porcelain imported into Europe in the early 17th century, was
282 History Without Borders

according to Gullard (1908: 375) “imitated at every manufactory far and

wide, at Dresden and other German works, at St. Cloud: where every
specimen seems to copy the early Japanese ware; and at Chelsea, Bow
and Worcester.”
Toward the end of the 1662–82 period, the VOC was forced to
limit exports of blue-and-white Arita-ware, owing to the popularity of
Delftware (Plutschow 1983: 63). Where European chinoiserie took over,
appreciation of the Oriental product faded.

Cycles of Japan-Dutch Ceramic Trade Networks

The phases or cycles in Japanese export ceramics may be observed in

line with contemporary international developments, especially, the events
surrounding the Ming-Qing transition. The following is guided by Ho
Chuimei’s (1994) reading of Volker (1971), but with some added reflec-
tions on the decline of Arita-Hizen export ware with the rise of Qing
competition after 1683.

• Phase I (1602–44): This period marks the beginning of VOC involve-

ment in the ceramics trade with China, the beginning of large-scale
exports to Holland, and the creation of a Europe-wide demand for
Oriental porcelain. During this period, Japan was still a net importer
of Chinese ceramics; the VOC briefly experimented with exporting
Dutch earthenware to Japan. The period ends with the Ming-Qing
transition.
• Phase II (1645–61): During this period, Japan reduced its imports of
Chinese ceramics by one-fifth, while emerging as a major exporter in
its own right. The Dutch were ousted from Taiwan in 1661, forcing
the VOC to turn elsewhere for their ceramic supplies. By the end of
phase II, Delftware had begun to be exported to Asia.

A cargo of coarse Japanese porcelain shipped to Xiamen is sometimes

mentioned as the starting point for the Japanese ceramics export trade.
Nevertheless, according to Volker (1971: 125), the first commissioned
Japanese porcelain was shipped to Batavia in 1653 on the Witte Valck,
which sailed for Batavia via Trinh Vietnam with 2,200 porcelain gal-
lipots (or drug jars) “for the apothecary’s shop at Batavia.” Other sources
suggest that the same vessel shipped “coarse porcelain” to Vietnam in
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 283

1750 (Sakuraba and Viallé 2009: 216). The order was repeated the fol-
lowing year, and again for the “surgeon’s shop in Batavia” in 1654, 1657,
and 1658; and in 1656, for the same purpose in Taiwan. One of these
blue-and-white “drug jars,” held in the Ashmolean Museum, is attrib-
uted to the Shimoshirakawa kiln of Arita-Hizen (Ashmolean Museum,
“Japanese Export Ware”).
As Volker clarifies, these separate shipments hardly indicated a large-
scale export industry. Nor does he set great store on the shipment of a
single case of Japanese porcelain to Bengal. However, an express order
from Batavia in 1659 commanded Deshima to contract 56,700 pieces for
export to Mocha, if possible “the next north monsoon via Formosa for
Melaka and from there to Mocha …” or by default to Batavia. As Volker
interprets, “the first order for abroad shows a marked predilection in
Arabia for blue and white.” Besides Mocha — then center of the lucra-
tive coffee trade and where a 500 percent profit could be earned — cases
were packed for Surat, Coromandel, and Bengal. Montanus, cited in
Volker, reveals that demand had increased in China for Japanese export
porcelain.
The years 1659–1660 marked the first shipments of Japanese porce-
lain to Holland. Notably, the consignment included teacups. Discussions
were conducted on design, crucially for an Islamic market, where human
and animal images were discouraged. In 1661, four ships sailed from
Deshima for Melaka and beyond, with 57,730 pieces of porcelain. A
VOC-chartered junk sailed to Siam.

• Phase III (1662–82): During these years, with the consolidation of

the Qing and the end of the Zheng regime on Taiwan, the major-
ity of shipments and pieces were sent to Batavia and/or Siam, Quy
Nhon (Nguyen Vietnam), or northern Vietnam under the Trinh, for
Southeast Asian consumption. After 1664, Sri Lanka dropped off the
list. Some 21 ships carried ceramics to Holland. Even so, cargoes were
small relative to the Southeast Asian trade.
• Phase IV (1683–1720): From 1683, with the political stability and
prosperity ushered in by Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722), porcelain
exports were resumed. In 1662, the famed Jingdezhen kilns under-
went major reorganization under imperial auspices coinciding with
the Ming-Qing transition.
284 History Without Borders

Orders for Japanese porcelain still came in strongly, averaging around

50,000–80,000 pieces a year (1670; 1671; 1677; 1679), diminishing in
the early 1700s, and steadying to around 10,000 items a year in the fol-
lowing decade. But, by 1712 onward, no porcelain at all was shipped
in certain years (Sakuraba and Viallé 2009: 228–30). By c. 1732, the
system of commissioning from Arita had evidently broken down. This is
confirmed by a Dutch record for November 1732, which mentions that,
in buying porcelain for the apothecary in Batavia, “it is much cheaper
to buy it at a stall rather than order it.” Perhaps, the Dutch memory had
faded; as the concerned Dutch official at Deshima, B. Coop a Groen,
wrote in 1736, the best porcelain was still made in the domain of Hizen
and, accordingly, he would solicit samples. In 1740, company offi-
cials ordered mundane butter jars and pickle pots (Van der Velde and
Bachhofer 1992). In 1754, Batavia ordered dishes and plates from three
visiting porcelain-makers, but not without protracted negotiations. Even
so, it would appear that demand for high-quality Imari-ware had faded
fast, just as considerations of quality and price often led to a breakdown
in negotiations with visiting porcelain-makers. According to Yamawaki
Teijiro, who has analyzed documents from the Arita side, the last ship-
ment of porcelain from Nagasaki was in 1757 (Sakuraba and Viallé
2009: 237).

• Phase V (1729–): The advent of the Guangzhou Trade System in

the late 17th century attracted all the European trading companies,
including the VOC from 1729. Tea was the prime commodity, but
silks and porcelain were also in high demand. The VOC commissioned
Chinese junks to haul porcelain and other cargoes direct to Batavia
(Van Dyke 2005: 148). To give some perspective on the volume and
value of the China trade, the VOC ship Geldermalsen, sailing from
Nanjing to Batavia in 1751 and foundering off Bintan Island adjacent
the Singapore Straits, was found to be carrying 200,000 pieces of por-
celain (along with 147 gold bars) when recovered in 1985.

Secondary Destinations: The Intraregional Trade

Not all trade items stayed in the major Asian ports but were trans-
shipped to other regional ports, by VOC ships or native craft, as part of
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 285

an intraregional ceramics trade network. From this second tier of desti-

nations, which Volker (1971) calls the interinsular trade, quantities of
ceramics, including Arita-Hizen trade items, were taken to the hinter-
lands, becoming burial objects, sacred items, or heirlooms. The intrare-
gional trade — lasting into very recent times in Indonesia — was serviced
by a great variety of local ships, including European-Asian hybrid vessels.
Small and swift, these vessels could range across the archipelago as well
as connect with the estuaries and rivers that penetrate island Southeast
Asia.
Most of our information about these items has been revealed by exca-
vations, galvanized by a renewed Japanese interest in maritime history.
The list of sites continues to grow but includes Deshima and other loca-
tions in Nagasaki, Intramuros in Manila, Pasar Ikan in Jakarta, the
former Japanese settlement of Oudong in Cambodia, Ayutthaya, Old
City Vientiane, Monte Fort in Macau, Melaka, Hoi An, the former
Dutch settlement at Tainan on Taiwan, and Old Singapore (Temasek).
Altogether, Nogami (2009: 349) offers 31 archaeological sites reveal-
ing a broad distribution of Hizen ceramics across East-Southeast Asia.
The largest assembly of Hizen-ware fragments discovered in Southeast
Asia has been uncovered at Banten, suggesting an intense, albeit indirect,
traffic from Japan to the Javanese sultanate. Notably, in 1993–97, joint
Indonesian-Japanese researchers collected large numbers of Hizen-ware
shards from excavation sites in Banten Lama/Old Banten as well as from
the royal palace at nearby Tirtayasa (Sakai 2000–01).
Summing up, in the final 23-year phase, only 190,000 pieces of
Japanese ceramics arrived in Holland, not high compared to the quantity
of Chinese porcelain. The reasons for this decline, whether profitabil-
ity, quality, or looming war with England, should not detain us here.
Still, 570,000 pieces of Japanese porcelain were exported by the VOC
during the final period to Asian markets outside of the Indonesian archi-
pelago (Volker 1971: 172, 192). From his reading of Arita documents,
Yamawaki offers a grand total of 1,233,418 items of Japanese export
porcelain (Sakuraba and Viallé 2009: 237), possibly suggesting a consid-
erable overflow of production entering the Chinese junk trade.
286 History Without Borders

The Chinese Junk Trade in Ceramics

The Chinese junk trade should be considered as integral to the intra-

Asian trade though, with the exception of Macau-based Chinese traders,
it seldom extended across the Bay of Bengal to India. With the delivery of
a cargo of Japanese porcelain to Xiamen in 1654, Japan finally became
an exporter of porcelain, ending a long-standing Chinese monopoly (Ho
1994). As Volker (1971: 128) speculates, this porcelain was actually
intended for re-export to Southeast Asian markets and not for China
per se (Plate 11).
As explained, the entry of Japan into this trade was initiated by
Chinese merchants under the Zheng family from their base on Taiwan,
then much encouraged by the VOC, owing to a decline in exports
from China. Examination of the tosen, or junk, trade radiating out of
Nagasaki suggests that it was various kinds. Besides the usual independ-
ent Fujianese junk networks, the VOC commissioned junks to service the
Batavia trade, especially among the Fujianese in Nagasaki, Manila, and
Batavia. Trade with Manila, of course, stood outside direct Dutch con-
cerns. Nogami (2006), who has researched the Hizen-ware discovered
in Intramuros in Manila, believes that it could only have arrived in the
Spanish-controlled city via the Chinese junk trade. It is unclear whether
Japanese ceramics arriving in Banten Lama were shipped via VOC chan-
nels or the junk trade.
As a rough estimate, according to Volker (1971: 154), Chinese trade
with Japan was twice that of the Dutch; it might be inferred that the
Chinese shipped twice as much ceramics as the Dutch, even though
their preference was for coarse alongside fine porcelain. However, a
law of 1668 forbade Chinese junks to unload their cargoes of porcelain
in Nagasaki; arriving junks were ordered home without being able to
unload. VOC records of 1686 mention several occasions when porcelain
was fished up from Nagasaki harbor, suggesting an illicit trade in this
item by Chinese, notwithstanding the draconian punishments handed
down for smuggling (Vermeulen 1986).
Toward the end of Phase IV (1683–1720), the VOC moved back to
Chinese wares, leaving the trade in Japanese porcelain to private Dutch
merchants. Soon, however, the VOC abandoned its Chinese porcelain
trade as well, because Chinese junks came to Batavia in great numbers,
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 287

offering an enormous variety of porcelain on the market. This made it

possible for both private merchants to buy and compete; within a few
years, this private trade became very extensive. In 1694, faced with a
decline in profits, VOC directors decided to stop all imports into the
Netherlands, leaving supply completely to others (Jorg 1982). As
Cynthia Viallé (2007: 141) has written in a detailed study of the private
trade, “they spoilt the market,” even though, from 1603, the VOC had
issued ordinances prohibiting private imports (though they were allowed
by the Japanese authorities from 1685). In a later period, the Chinese
junk traders sold Japanese porcelain at Guangzhou to English and other
European merchants such as the Danes and Swedes.

Conclusion

The ceramics trade, with its major production centers in Burma, Siam,
Vietnam, Champa, China, and Japan, not only contributed to the making
of a broader East-Southeast Asian trade complex linked by intricate net-
works of suppliers, producers, and consumers, but stood as an index of
early industrial activity. In other words, the intraregional trade in ceram-
ics welded the region together like no other commodity. It predated the
bullion trade — and postdated it, too. It involved technology transfers
(China and Korea to Japan, Vietnam, and possibly Siam) and both inter-
nal and external outsourcing (Ming China’s imports of Middle Eastern
and Sumatran cobalt, Japan’s import of pigments). It was the lifeblood
of the intraregional junk trade, connecting with a host of unrelated com-
modity chains. It catered for the luxury trade as well as to mass demand,
as with the millions of earthenware jars, plates, and chawan entering this
trade.
The ceramic trade networks reaching the various segments of the
regional trading system — the East China Sea, the South China Sea, the
Java Sea, the Bay of Bengal, and the coasts of India — helped to fire up
commerce and markets almost everywhere.
It was an ancient trade, entering the silk roads from antiquity, with
Middle Eastern wares traded eastward and Chinese wares traded west.
But, with the entry of Westerners into Asian waters, the ceramics trade
went global, as new markets for Asian ceramics opened in Europe and
the Americas. While Europe itself would imitate Chinese and especially
288 History Without Borders

Japanese porcelain, European competition would not dislodge Jingdezhen

as the global ceramics production center. Although Jingdezhen declined
during the middle Ming period, leaving China peripheral in the export
side of the global-regional ceramics industry, economic shifts occurred in
the transition period, before the European market became a major factor
in driving the external trade. In other words, ruptures in the age-old Asian
ceramics production system stemmed more from internal rather than
external events, as with the epochal Ming-Qing transition and the rise
of the Zheng family networks off the coast of China. Eventually, though,
under the Guangzhou Trade System, the Chinese ceramics export indus-
try underwent a resurgence, involving the livelihoods of hundreds of
thousands of workers and artists, not to mention transport workers and
shippers. There is no evidence to suggest that China’s cautious response
to European demand for ceramics led to its eventual peripheralization, as
other factors were obviously involved.
Similarly, the rise of a porcelain industry in Japan was entirely the
fruit of local agency, creativity, and enterprise, building on a long history
of ceramics production. Japanese manufacturers quickly responded to
elastic regional and global demand, created by the turmoil surrounding
the Ming-Qing transition. Although the ceramics industry in Japan was
the clearest example of an industry fired up by Dutch agency, Japan’s
own internal market was burgeoning, in line with rapid urban popula-
tion growth and general prosperity under the Pax Tokugawa (Nakai and
McClain 1991). The Arita-Hizen-based pottery industry was but a small
part of Japan’s industrious revolution.
On the Southeast Asian side, Champa-ware production had clearly
peaked prior to the early modern period, just as the collapse of Siamese
production centers in the mid-16th century occurred outside consider-
able European interest. Vietnam-ware as an export product was closely
tailored to Asian needs and not greatly exploited by the Europeans. The
martaban trade from Burma evidently gained a lease on life under the
VOC, but did not survive the transfer of the capital from Pagan to Ava.
While the Europeans came to command the long-distance trade in Asian
ceramics, outside the Bay of Bengal, they never completely supplanted the
intraregional junk trade connecting coastal China, Japan, and Southeast
Asia, which was founded on detailed commercial intelligence and serv-
iced by intricate supply networks.
East-Southeast Asia in the Global Ceramic Trade Networks 289

Although bullion served a dual role as traded item and currency, por-
celain in particular acquired a special esthetic value, differentiated across
civilizations and cultures. Notably, the European craze for things Japanese
followed from a broader European interest in chinoiserie. VOC interest
in Japanese ceramics was not entirely esthetic as profit was always the
bottom line, but the fashion of chinoiserie and genuine European admi-
ration for the wafer-thin, colorful glazed Arita porcelain, alongside more
familiar Chinese ceramics, stimulated demand and drove the industry on
the supply side. But our study has emphasized that Europe was only one
of a number of primary destinations for Arita-Hizen ware; the bulk was
shipped to Java or the two coasts of India or Persia, where it stayed, or
where it entered secondary networks.