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Developments and Changes in the

Demographic Structure of Macedonian
Cities between the 18-19 Centuries
Shener BILALLI
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
International Balkan University
Skopje, North Macedonia

Abstract:- The research dealing with the development of expansion could not be done equally in all parts of the
the demographic situation in Macedonia between the 18- Balkans, and due to the small reserves of the Turkish
19 centuries will be examined in general terms. In this population, the colonization policy will be directed towards
study, the Islamization of the Ottoman Empire starting points of vital strategic importance [4]. According to the
from the classical periods and its effects on the cities will knowledge of the author L. Villari, with the colonization, the
be analyzed by analyzing and the Islamization process of Ottoman sultans tried to make these places strong and solid
the local people is mentioned. The other aim of our fortresses [5]. According to the historian M. Minoan, the
research is to review the social and economic changes and colonized places or colonies served as the ears and eyes of
dynamics in the new and existing Macedonian cities and the Ottoman rulers [6].
their effects will be mentioned. As a result of this change,
our research will examine the change in people's living The position of Macedonia represents a vital strategic
standards, and urbanization and historical development place, which played an important role as a geopolitical area,
will be examined by mentioning the marketplaces, which with several military and trade routes [7]. However, despite
are the ancestors of the consumption logic and the the colonization changes, this situation could not guarantee a
shopping center concept. more reliable ethnic basis for the Ottoman rule over the
Balkan areas. It is also interesting to underline that with such
Keywords:- History, Demographics, Urbanization, a colonizing policy, it could not establish a certain
Development, Social and Economic Structure, Consumption. quantitative balance with the Balkan Christian population [8].
The process related to the Islamization of Macedonia
I. INTRODUCTION developed much earlier in the cities, because the
concentration of the settled Turkish population was much
 Change in the Religious Status of the Indigenous higher than in the villages [9].
Population
One of the key and most significant consequences According to the author, A. Stojanovski:,,The results of
regarding the permanent establishment of Ottoman rule in the Islamization of the city population, which lasted with
Macedonia, according to the author D. Gjorgiev, in addition variable intensity throughout the entire time of the Ottoman
to Islamization, as the strongest factor that influenced the rule in Macedonia, can hardly be precisely determined [10].
formation of the "demographic appearance of the Balkan In other words, intensive Islamization in the urban centers of
Peninsula", in any case, it was also the "colonization of the Macedonia, according to many travel writers, was recorded
Turkish ethnic element"[1]. in all periods, that is, according to them, Macedonian cities
during the period of Islamization had an oriental character
The new inhabited element on the territory of [11]. According to a certain number of ethnographers from
Macedonia played a big role, from the point of view of the 19th century, especially V. Kančov, some of the
cultural, social, ethnic, and also from the religious aspect [2]. Islamized cities became large urban centers, as was the case
The purpose of such a systematized and planned historical
process and state-legal act was to form and create as solid a
basis as possible for the permanent occupation of the [4] The same, 33.
[5] L. Villari, Races, Religions and Propagandas, New
conquered territories, which should also serve for a more York, 1905, 129.
successful and faster presentation of offensive action [3]. [6] M. Minoski, Liberation Movements and Uprisings in
With the further spread of Ottoman rule in the Balkans, Macedonia 1564-1615, Skopje, 1972, 41.
Turkish colonization also spread. However, this kind of [7] More about colonization in Macedonia: A.
Stojanovski, The cities of Macedonia from the end of
the 14th to the 17th century, 33-40.
[1] Dragi Gjorgiev, Skopje from the Turkish conquest to [8] The same, 39.
the end of the 17th century, 37. [9] The same, 39.
[2] Aleksandar Stojanovski, The cities of Macedonia from [10] The same, 40.
the end of the XIV to the XVII century, ..., 33. [11] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
[3] The same, 33. ..., 45.

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Volume 9, Issue 3, March – 2024 International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology
ISSN No:-2456-2165 https://doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt/IJISRT24MAR264

of Enidze Vardar, which was located between the cities of demographic statistics [19]. According to the same author,
Thessaloniki and Voden [12]. Hence the conclusion, that the the distribution of the region was 92.4% in rural areas, and
Islamization of Stretje, towards the end of the second half of only 7.6% in urban regions, but still the biggest effect of the
the 16th century, was greater and, therefore, it is possible to decline in the number of the non-Muslim population was the
see that the number of the Muslim population in the cities dynamics of the conversion process.
was more than the non-Muslim population [13]. For the
movement of Islamization, one of the most important Islamization and colonization in the cities will
destinations was the following: starting from Drama, it invariably continue within the different time periods and
continued through Serez, Petrich, Strumica, Shtip and Skopje areas. As an obvious example, it is possible to state that the
and went all the way to Thessaloniki [14]. Islamization and colonization of Kriva Palanka, which
continued during the 17th century, as well as in the case of
In the middle of the 17th century, the Islamization of Gostivar during the 18th century.
the Balkans entered the third phase. According to the author
A. Minkov: "It is very difficult to make the Islamization in One of the types of Islamization was the formation of
the 17th century, the disintegration of the timar system will Muslim "neighborhoods" present in the various locations of
also bring a reduction in the registration of the timars. For the cities. The term "neighborhoods" meant a settlement with
this reason, for the research of demographic changes in the Muslim believers, who were brought from other regions and
17th century, the researchers were oriented towards studying settled, that is, they were integrated into the new settlements
the jiziye registrations as a source [15]. As an example, based and the same families were accommodated in the rural and
on the mentioned sources, the author E. Grozdanova made an urban areas [20]. The newly arrived residents were not
assessment of demographic changes in the 17th century, defined according to their nationalities, but were organized as
where she used information on taxpayers for more than 4,500 a group of people of different nationalities, but mainly as
cities in the Balkans [16]. Muslims. They were located next to important and strategic
places for the Ottoman Empire and its administration [21].
According to the analyzes made, it is possible to state So, for example, in January 1878, in the city of Strumica, 1/5
that, in the first part of the 17th century, there was a certain of the Christians were displaced from their places of
degree of decline of 33.7% of the non-Muslim population in residence because of newly arrived Muslims in this city.
the cities. Also, in the second half of the 17th century, a 70% During the month of May 1879, around 100 immigrant
(table no. 29) decline of the non-Muslim population was families were accommodated in the city of Skopje. The
registered [17]. mentioned Islamization was carried out 60 rural locations of
Skopje [22]. Being a Muslim in the empire, on the other
Table 1 Changes in the Non-Muslim Population in the hand, made it possible to use the privileges of the state,
17th Century [18]. regardless of whether the Islamization was done arbitrarily or
by force, the population was automatically transformed into
another level of privileges [23]. Islamization happened
quickly and planned, so that except in extreme situations,
once Islamized, they did not return to the previous situation
[24]. In some historical sources, one can see and state a re-
About the decline of the non-Muslim population, conversion from Islam to the old religion, whereby two
according to E. Grozdanova, there were many reasons, such places, such as Galicnik and Reka, can be taken as an
as infectious diseases, immigration to other countries, as well example. So for example, in the beginning of the 17th
as large conversions to Islam. According to the cited author, century, 30 families were converted to Islam in different
conversion to Islam played the biggest role in the changes in ways, but in 1843 the Tomo Tomoski kaya, responsible in
Galicnik and the F kaya F. Gurcin Kokaleski, responsible
person in Lazaropole, both of them succeeded in reconverting
the Islamized families [25]. After a short time, this event will
continue to be transmitted from one Macedonian generation
[12] C. Kanchov, Macedonia ethnography and statistics,
Sofia, 1970, 347.
[13] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
KIsve Bahasi Petition and Ottoman Social Life, 1670- [19] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
1730, volume 30, Brill Leiden-Boston, 2004, 83. KIsve Bahasi Petition and Ottoman Social Life, 1670-
[14] HF Tozer, op. cit. pp. 369-370; N. Liman Oski, Islam 1730, volume 30, Brill Leiden-Boston, 2004, 55.
kata Religion i Izlamizırnite Makedonija [The Islamic [20] Ömer Sevinçgül, Küçük Lugat 11000 Kelime, Zafer
Religion and the Islamized Macedonians], Skopje, Yayınları, İstanbul, 1990, 143-144.
1989, p. 72. [21] Ömer Sevinçgül, Küçük Lugat 11000 Kelime, Zafer
[15] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans, Yayınları, İstanbul, 1990, 143-144.
..., 53. [22] G. M. Mac Kenzie and IP Irby, the Slavonic Provinces
[16] The same, 53. of Turkey in Europe, London, 1866, 34.
[17] The same, 54. [23] Marija Pandevska, Forced Migrations in Macedonia in
[18] In the table, only the information about the cities in the Years of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1881),
Macedonia is given, it is not given for other countries. Skopje, 1993, 64-65.
It should be noted that in the original version of the [24] The same, 65.
table by the author A. Minkov covers all the Balkan [25] The same, 74.
states. [26] The same, 75.

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Volume 9, Issue 3, March – 2024 International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology
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to another. The method of transmission was the poem written Table 2 The Ethnic and Religious Situation of the
about the said event which read: Area of Gorna Župa
The area of Gorna ŽUPA - DISTRICT OF Debar 1890.
 "Where everything is heard, seen Villages Turks/ Muslims/ Christians/
 Turk faith to change houses houses houses
 Faith to change Oak trees 35-58
 Kaurin to get up'' You owe 10-12 7-8
Dolno Elevci 40 15
The methods related to the Islamization of the Gorno Elevci 160 10
indigenous population were not always equal and static, but Evla
according to the time and place where the Islamization was Carriages 55 20
carried out. Colonization was used for Islamization in some Kodzadzik 600-650
places, and in some places only Islamization or both methods Noats 70
together. In the region of Dolna, Mala and Golema Reka, Residence 40
only Islamization was done, and no colonization was done. Turkey
While in Gorna Župa mass colonizations were carried out, Shelter 45-50
and little Islamization [26]. Laundry 70 1
Village 100-110
In total 1,040 – 40 houses 198-214 houses
1,095

About Islamization during the 18th century, among the

best sources can be seen in the work of B. McGowan [28].
As sources for Islamization, more widely in the territories of
the Balkans, and more specifically in the Macedonian
settlements, the jizye (cizye) registers, which were registered
in the 18th century, were used. Here it is possible to mention
the fact that according to B. McGowan: "We have different
information about Islamization according to the centuries,
there is a big difference between before the eighteenth
century and in the eighteenth century" [29]. The analyzed
changes are also reflected in the demographic position of the
population in cities and villages. After the 18th century, the
gradual decline of the non-Muslim population will take place,
according to the author A. Minkov, the reason for the decline
of the non-Muslim population in the Macedonian settlements
was the Islamization that began since the 15th century [30].
About the Islamization and the growth of the Muslim
population, the author B. McGowan, for his part, claims that
migrations from the south, natural growth, and Islamization
in Bosnia and Serbia were the key factors [31]. Due to the
process of the continuation of Islamization, the growth
continued in 1720, by 7.2%; and between 1720-1815, the
growth even reaches 25%. But it must be mentioned that the
growth of Islamization will continue until the first half of the
18th century. After the process of the mentioned phase,
Islamization will begin to flow more and more slowly and
will reach the phase of lagging behind [32]. Although
individual conventions will continue to last until the 19th
century. It is necessary to emphasize that Islamization in the

[29] Bruce McGowan, “Head Tax Data for Ottoman

Fig 1 The Religious Distribution of Dolna/Mala Europe, 1700–1815,” in idem, Economic Life in
Reka in 1900 [27]. Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade, and the Struggle
for Land, 1600–1800 (Cambridge, 1981), 80–104.
[30] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
[27] Shtiljan Trajanov Chaparoski (1870-1934), Localities ..., 5 7.
from Debar District, Catalog Number NR54, 11. [31] The same, 59-60.
[28] Stillman Trajan Chaparoski (1870-1934), Places in the [32] Bruce McGowan, "Head Tax Data for Ottoman
Debar region, document from the Macedonian Europe, ... ninety-one.
Academy of Sciences (MANU) archive, Catalog [33] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
Number NR54, 90. ..., 60.

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mentioned century will play the role of a strategic point in In the case of the implementation of the said
Macedonia, in a state with other places of the Ottoman Islamization, through the institutions or taking defshirme,
Empire. such practice was the highest scale for the realization of
Islamization. The Defshirme system was based on the basis
According to the knowledge of the author A. Minkov, of conversion in such a way that the children taken from the
the Muslim community in the Balkans never achieved the non-Muslim population were trained in training as soldiers,
goal of being dominant, because the Islamization in the 18th something similar to the Janissary Corps. The defshirme
century will be largely suppressed [33]. These situations are system was regulated only by more recently issued, religious
also indicated by the situation, that Islamization was stopped and state, sultanic laws (kanun i ), or in some specific cases,
at the time when the halfway point of this process was small boys were collected at the end of military events, or
reached, and the reasons for such a situation were as follows: were orphaned children, who were collected by of the central
the non-Muslim population began the phase of obtaining its authorities of the Ottoman Empire [38]. In this case, it is
independence from the empire during the second half of 19th possible to accept the fact that in the 17th century, there were
century, when Islamization within the entire Ottoman Empire also many tendencies for the non-Muslim population to join
reached 40%, i.e. when the central power of the state in this the janissaries. The stated tendencies were followed with
century will pass into the hands of the local governors, where willfulness or acceptance of voluntary Islamization, with the
in this case it will pass into the hands of the well-known objective: to enter the janissary corps [39].
ayans (ayanlar) [34].
Analyzing the issue of voluntary entry into the janissary
In order to understand the essence of the Islamization of corps, as an objective example we can cite the data from the
indigenous heritage within the Balkans and in Macedonia tax books from 1723, in connection with the Nevrokop estate,
during the 18th and 19th centuries, it is necessary to know especially for the village of Nison-iste, where 30 janissary
about the method and methods of Islamization. There are households were registered, with a total of 73 inhabitants.
various opinions and theories about the way and methods of telis and the village of Koprivlani with 30 Janissary families
Islamization. Some are stereotypes, and some of these with 46 inhabitants [40]. During the development of the
theories and opinions are objective and based on specific process of Islamization, as a direct method for its realization,
historical facts. The majority of the authors agree in only one it is possible to specify the determined punitive measures
opinion about the Islamization of the indigenous population, [41]. Also, marriage can be mentioned as a very influential
that it was direct and indirect or economic Islamization. By method for Islamization, because the marriages concluded
direct Islamization is meant the Islamization done by with the non-Muslim, native population brought with it the
applying institutional methods, such as slavery and devşirme conversion to Islam [42]. Newly born children from such
, that is, this type of Islamization was controlled by the marriages, as under a regime of certain automatism, were
central government [35]. This kind of Islamization was not
too much allowed for "arbitrary" Islamization. During the [39] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
application of indirect Islamization, the method of arbitrary KIsve Bahasi Petition and Ottoman Social Life, 1670-
1730, volume 30, Brill Leiden-Boston, 2004, 68;
Islamization was practiced, that is, the central government Pakala, M. Zeki; " Pericak " mad desi, Osmanlı Tarih
was not an indicator, but through its institutions it Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, MEB Istanbul 1983,
sympathized with the conversion to Islam. According to the C. II, s. 766-767; Uzunyans’ll, İ. Haki, Osmanlı
knowledge of the author A. Željazkova, the Islamization of Devleti Difficulty Medhal, TTK Ankara 1989, s. 13-
53-54-100-101 yd.; Uzunçarşılı. İ. H.; Osmanlı
the Balkans was carried out from the beginning through the Devletinde Kapıkulu Ocakları, TTK. Ankara1989, C.
system of slavery, that is, during the conquest of the new I, s. 16-17; Pakalın, Z.; " Devşirme " mad desi, e, C. I,
territories by the Ottoman Empire, the captured hostages s. 445448; Uzunçarşılı İ. H.; Osmanlı Tarihi, TTK.
were treated as slaves. These slaves were freed if they Ankara1989, C. I, S. 508; Köprülü, Fuat; Osmanlı
Devletinin Kuruluşu, TTK Ankara 1987, s. 108 see;
converted. This type of Islamization allowed a certain Yavuz, Ercan; " Devşirme Sorunu ", Be//eten XVIII,
amount of Islamization of the native population [36]. A. s. 712-713; Tarih- i Selaniki, Selaniki Mustafa Efendi,
Željaskova, for her part, emphasizes the fact that slaves were Haz. Mehmed İpşirli, İstanbul 1989, C. II, s. 263;
Ercan, m., s. 713 Mür’i’tTevarih; Fındıklılı
not always forced to convert, but other factors also Şamdanizade Süleyman Efendi, Neşr. Münir Aktepe.
influenced the conversion, such as becoming a member of a İstanbul 1976, s. 58 see; Pakalın, e., s.446-447;
social group, as a freed slave, there were incentives to the Uçunçarşılı, Kapıkulu Ocakları, s. 16-22; Uzunçarşılı,
slaves are Islamized [37]. e., s. 26-28, Ercan, m., s. 717; Bozkurt, Gülnihal;
Gayri Müslim Osmanlı Citizens Hukuki Durumu,
TTK. Ankara 1989. s. 7-29 Ercan,.m., s. 716; Ergin,
Osman; Türk Maarif Tarihi, İstanbul 1977, C. 1, s. 11-
12.
[34] The same, 62. [40] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkans,
[35] The same, 62-63. ..., 75.
[36] The same, 65. [41] The same, 75.
[37] Antonia Zelyakova, "Nekotorie aspekti [42] Antonia Zelyakova , "Nekotorie aspekti
razprostraneniya islama na Balkanskom poluostrovev razprostraneniya islama na Balkanskom poluostrovev
XV–XVII vv. [Some Aspects of the Spread of Islam XV–XVII vv. [Some Aspects of the Spread of Islam
on the Balkan Peninsula]] In VI Danailov, MS Mejer on the Balkan Peninsula]] In VI Danailov, MS Mejer
and SF Oreshkova, ed. Osmanskaya imperia: Sistema and SF Oreshkova, ed. Osmanskaya imperia: Sistema
gosudarstvenigo upravleniya, socialninie an gosudarstvenigo upravleniya, socialninie i
ethnorelogioznie problems. Moscow, 1986, 103–116. ethnorelogioznie problems. Moscow, 1986, 103–116.
[38] The same, 259-260.

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brought up within the framework and scope of the Islamic Table 3 Macedonian Cities in the 18th Century [46].
religion, culture and tradition. Towns Number of Religions
population
According to the methods of Islamization of the Thessaloniki 33,000 Christians, Muslims, Jews
indigenous population applied in practice, it is necessary to Skopje 10,060 Christians, Muslims, Jews
analyze the factors for conversions in Macedonia and in the Ber 4,000 Christians, Muslims, Jews
Balkans in general. The unknown factors for Islamization can Ceres 4,000 Christians, Muslims, Jews
be defined and determined in three main areas, such as: Bitola 3,000 Christians, Muslims, Jews
economic, psychological-social and religious factors. skeleton 2,500 Christians, Muslims, Jews
Strumica 2,040 Christians, Muslims
Regarding the economic factors of Islamization, the Serfidze 1,800 Christians, Muslims, Jews
author A. Zhel-jaskova states the following opinion: "The tax
Yanina 1,500 Christians, Muslims
character as the biggest economic factor for Islamization was
Lerin 1,500 Christians, Muslims
the factor of the empire's fiscal system." In the area of the
empire's fiscal policy, the best Islamization factor was the
Table 4 The Total Number of Population in the
taxes, which were paid by the non-Muslim population [43].
XIX Century [47].
The same opinion is presented by the famous Turkish
historian H. In-aldzik, who states the following objective
conclusion: "The tax system of the empire also played the
role of the mass Islamization of the Balkans even in the later
centuries [44]. Within the above table, we show only the cities from
Macedonia, that is, the cities from other provinces are not
In terms of economic factors, according to tax policy, taken into account.
other economic factors also played a significant role in
Islamization: such as trade, where local merchants through Table 5 The Population in the Sanjaks of the Bitola Vilayet
Islamization from local capital, using the benefits as loyal Since 1895 [48].
citizens of the empire, for their part, they increased the Wife and Men In total
capital's capacity through the Islamization of a certain part of Bitola 170,513 179,188 349,701
the non-Muslim population, that is, members of Christians Serfidze 86,257 93,994 180,251
and Jews. Gorica 81,847 90,395 172,242
Debar - 43,081 43,081
As for the social factor in relation to Islamization, it Elbasan 7,692 31,182 38,874
began with great speed, because the main reason for the In total 346,309 437,840 784,149
influential Islamization of a social character was the
conversion of the well-known and respected domestic Table 6 The Population in the Vilayet, Sanjaks and Center of
aristocracy of the region [45]. For the realization of Thessaloniki in 1895 [49].
Islamization, the general factors were the above-mentioned
factors, in addition to the above, there were also factors of a
religious nature as well as factors of a cultural nature. In that
case, in the following, the new demographic situation of the
cities of Macedonia will be presented, shown in tabular  M – Men; Z – Women
conditions.  Total population in Thessaloniki Sanjak:
In the tabular display of statistical data, it is necessary
to find a place and data from the properties of religious and
ethnic characteristics of the city population from the 18th and
19th centuries. In these tabular views, all city settlements
from the specified period are taken into account, therefore all
source data will be displayed within the presented tabular [46] Elias Kolovos, Phokin Kotzageorgis, Sophia Laiou
views. and Marion’s Sariyyannis, The Ottoman Empire, the
Balkans and the Greek Lands: Toward a Social and
Economic History, The ISSIS Press, Istanbul, 2007, 1
41.
[43] The same, 92. [47] Kemal H. Karp at, Ottoman Population, Demographic
[44] H. (Inalcık, "Military and Fiscal Transformation in the and Social Characteristics, 1830-1914, University of
Ottoman Empire, 1600–1700,” AO, 6 (1980), 283– Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1985, 43.
337, and Evgeni Radushev, Agrarian institution v [48] Necdet Hayta, Salnamelere Göre Atatürk'ün Askeri
ostomanata imperia pres. 17–18 vek [Agrarian İdadiede Öğretim Gördüğü Yıllarda Manastır Vilayeti,
Institutions in the Ottoman Empire during the Atatürk ve Manastır Sempozyumu, Manastır, 1998,
Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries] (Sofia, 1995). 142.
[45] Anton Minkov, Conversation to Islam in the Balkas, [49] Nuri Yavuz, Birinci Balkan Harbi Selanik'in Kaybı,
KIsve Bahasi Petition and Ottoman Social Life, 1670- Gazi Yayınları, Akademik Bakış Cilt I, Sayı 2,
1730, volume 30, Brill Leiden-Boston, 2004, 102. Ankara, 2008, 142

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Z M During 1875, the total number of population in the

Jews 17,759 18,065 Bitola vilayet was 188,891 inhabitants , with according to the
Protestants 335 367 above-mentioned table, the largest number of the population
Latins 45 49 was made up of Christians. Half of the population were
Monophytes 7,767 8,622 Muslims, and the rest belonged to the Kyptians (Gypsies). In
Roma/non-Muslims 82 81 the following year 1876, the population grew to 229,676
Strangers 490 710 inhabitants . which increase can be seen from tables where
In total 261,437 291,544 there were visible changes among the Christian, Muslim and
In total 552,981 Cyptian populations, but such a situation did not occur
among the Jewish population.
Table 7 The Population of Thessaloniki in 1890 [50].
Table 9 The Population of the Bitola Vilayet in 1876 [52].
Ethnic Homemade Strangers
groups Men Women Men Women
Foreign 2 3 101 51
residents
Roma/non- 66 58 35 21
Muslims
Jews 23,215 23,583 275 249
Bulgarian 7 6 22 6
Protestants
Protestants 2 1 22 2
Bulgarian 13 11 24 13
Catholics
Catholics 12 16 74 6
Armenian 7 9 19 15
Catholics Table 10 The Population in Skopje Sanjak in 1875 [53].
Armenians 72 66 171 75
Greeks 5,300 5,313 2,931 1,463
Turks 11,677 12,452 2,919 26,555
Syrians 3 - 3 -
Protestant 4 - 1 -
Armenians
Greek 1 - 1 -
Catholics
Latins 10 5 4 7 Table 11 The Population in Skopje Sanjak in 1876 [54].

Table 8 The Population of Bitola Vilayet in 1875 [51].

The total number of the Skopje sanjak in 1875 was

104,524 inhabitants , that is, according to table no. 7. it can
be seen that the number of the Christian population was
higher compared to others in the sanjak. During 1876, the
population of Skopje Sanjak amounted to 112,510
inhabitants. From here you can see the fact that even due to

[52] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal

Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz
Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih
[50] Alimovski Safet, Temettüat Defterlerine Göre Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 117 .
Manastır Merkez Kazasının Sosyo – Ekonomik [53] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal
Durumu, Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Marmara Üniversitesi Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz
Türkiye Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Türk Tarihi Ana Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih
Bilim Dalıö Yakın Çağ Anabilim Dalı, Yüksek Lisans Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 11 9 .
Tezi, İstibul, 2005 [54] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal
[51] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz
Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih
Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 11 9 .
Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 117 .

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the increase in the population, by about 4,000 inhabitants, Table 15 The Population of Bitola Vilayet in 1892-93 [58].
there was still a decrease in the Muslim population in the Place Population
sanjak. Bitola 326,687
Serfidze 195,987
Table 12 The Population in the Debar Sanjak in 1875 [55]. Gorica 159,379
Say Surnames Muslims Christians Gypsies Debar 99,780
(Roma) Elbasan 56,554
Center 8,893 17,051 8,718 362 In total 838,353
Debrei 2,560 2,500 1,500 -
zir Table 16 The Condition of the Bitola Vilayet in 1896/97 [59].
Matt 318 8,170 - 84 Sanjatsi He said Men Women Total
Elbasan 6,280 21,500 2,300 - population
In total 17,979 49,221 12,518 446 Bitola only 71,478 68,589 140,067
TOTAL: 62,185 Bitola
Adhere 33,445 31,794 65,239
Table 13 The Population in the Debar Sanjak in 1876 [56]. Ohrid 28,541 28,267 56,808
Say Surnames Muslims Christians Gypsies/ Lerin 26,238 23,403 46,641
Cyptians Kichevo 18,886 18,459 37,345
Center 8,893 18,500 9,500 500 In total 178,588 170,512 346,100
Debrei 2,560 2,500 1,500 - Serfidze Serfidze 8,987 8,550 17,537
zir I settled 17,729 16,422 34,161
Matt 318 8,170 - 84 Leather 12,317 11,957 24,274
Elbasan 6.208 21,500 2,350 - Kylari 23,691 23,380 45,071
In total 17,979 50,670 13,350 584 Grabbed 17,834 16,203 34,037
TOTAL: 64,604 Alassonia 13,426 11,745 25,175
In total 272,583 256,769 180,255
The total number of population in Debar sanjak in 1875 Gorica Gorica 33,496 32,529 66,025
was 62,185 inhabitants, according to table no. 9., that is, the Cologne 8,457 7,662 16,119
number of the Muslim population increased. In 1876, the An island 12,870 12,544 25,414
population of the sanjak was also increased, or the Muslim skeleton 34,577 28,527 63.104
population amounted to 50,670, the Christian 13,350 and the
In total 361,982 238,031 170,662
Kibti 584. An increase in the Muslim population is also
Debar Gorni 21,805 0 21,805
observed in the Central Kaza and in Elbasan.
Debar60
A river 10,631 0 10,631
Table 14 The Situation in the Bitola
Province in 1881/82 [57]. Dolni 5,198 0 5,198
Debar61
Matt 5,447 0 5,447
In total 405,063 - 43,081
Elbasan Elbasan 18,278 0 18,278
Gamish 5,536 0 5,536
Pecklin 7,368 7,692 15,060
In total 436,295 345,723 38,814
GRAND TOTAL: 778,912

[58] The same, 124.

[55] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal [59] The same, 123.
Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz [60] According to Ottoman terminology, the mentioned
Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih city was registered in these statistics as "Debre-i Bala
Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 1 22 . " or Gorni Debar.
[56] The same, 1 22 . [61] Dolniod Debar was recorded in these statistics as
[57] The same, 123. Debre -i Zir .

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Table 17 The Population of Bitola Vilayet by age [62]. Muslim middle class [66]. With the formation of the new
middle class and the elimination of the classic "Ayan system"
in the country, the majority of the Muslim population was
largely satisfied. Parallel to the existence of the "middle
class", new social groups were formed, such as: ulema
families, small merchants, land owners and the new
intellectual class.

After the second half of the 19th century, the formed

middle class was divided into two basic socio-economic
groups: in the first, the leading place was occupied by
farmers, who were represented in large numbers by Muslims,
and in the second group, composed of commercial-
entrepreneurs, who were located in the cities, usually
consisted of a large number of non-Muslim representatives
II. CHANGES IN THE WAY OF LIVING [67]. Thus, over time, the new bourgeois class was formed,
which became dominant in the Macedonian cities and in
Changes in the way of living have always been directly general in the entire Ottoman Empire. In order to obtain a
related to the social-economic position of the population. In better and clearer picture regarding the mentioned issue, we
the Ottoman Empire, the political and economic position of will attach several historical sources, which refer to "
the population, especially in the large cities of Macedonia, Temettuat Defter -lerı " [68]. According to these books, it is
largely depended on the introduction of reforms in the also possible to determine the amount of capital of the new
political system of government in the country [63]. Starting elite that emerged during the second half of the 19th century.
from 1839 , with the publication of " Gul ha ne Hatti
Humayun " , then in 1856 , publication of " Islahat Fermanot As was specified in the previous point, the city of
" , even in the extension of a period of 37 years , it Skopje after the Crimean War (1853-1856) was transformed
represented a period of reforms in the political, social, into a city with a lot of capacity for trade, and the
economic and military system of the state. Such reforms establishment of good relations with European merchants
contributed to the transformation of the classical system, contributed to the growth of the social-economic and cultural
towards the direction of transformation into a modern and - storage room in Skopje. During the second half of the 19th
European system in the Ottoman Empire [64]. One of the century, several factories were built in this city for the
many reforms, which for its part played the main role in the production of flour, ice and alcoholic beverages [69]. The
formation of the new bourgeois class and change in the way formation of the new bourgeois class in Skopje was
of living in the country, was the establishment of the system influenced by the khans and bazaars, which were a kind of
of the empire based on the equality and equality of the center for the movement of capital. Over time, the mentioned
population, regardless of of religion or nation [65]. city grew into one of the most important trade centers, as
other merchants from the Balkans began to settle in Skopje.
Also, the trade relations established between Europe These merchants were of different religious and national
and the Ottoman Empire played as an indicator of the change origins. According to the data from the "temettuad def-teri",
in the way of living in the cities. The transformation of the which refer to the collection of taxes in the Ottoman Empire,
"Property Law" into a liberal system, which was introduced in Skopje the mentioned merchants were located in this city
in 1858, played a major role in the growth and development for a minimum of 3 to 30 years [70]. Merchants were soon
of the aforementioned conditions and relations with Europe. recorded as a bourgeois domestic class. According to
With it, the economic code was regulated according to "temettuad defteri" in the 19th century, professional income
European standards, or the new capitalist system was per person was 1,396 gros. This figure for the non-Muslim
established, which in turn contributed to the formation of the population was 3,853.5 gros. Hence the fact that the
professional incomes of the non-Muslim population were
higher. For example, for 55 households of Muslim origin, the
income amounted to 47,158 groshis, and the professional
[62] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal
Yapı (1873-1912), Yüksek Lisans Tezi, TC Ondokuz [66] Kemal H. Karp at, Studies on Ottoman Social and
Mayız Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstütüsü Tarih Political History, Selected Articles and Essays,
Anabilim Dalı, Samsun, 1996, 1 22 . Volume 81, Brill-Laiden-Boston-Koln, 2002, 48.
[63] Bilal Eryılmaz, Osmanlı Devletinde Gayrimüslim [67] The same, 49.
Tebanın Yönetimi, Risale Basın-Yayın 2 Baskı-Mart, [68] A book of income from goods and properties in the
İstanbul, 1996 , 99 . empire in which all the villages and towns of the
[64] The same, 100. territory were listed.
[65] Bulent Ozdemir, The Great Ottoman Turkish [69] Emine Gül, XIX Yüzyılda Makedonya ve Üsküb
Civilization, A Local Perception of the Plural Kazası ( Maliye Nezareti Temettuat Defterlerine Göre
Ottoman Society: Muslim, Orthodox and Jewish 1260/1844)ö Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul
Communities of Salonica During the 1840`s, Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İktisat
University of Birmingham, Center for Byzantine, Fakültesi, Türk İktisat Tarihi Anabilim Dalı, Tez no:
Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies/ England, 176223, İstanbul, 1999, 52.
Ankara, 2000, 422. [70] The same, 53.

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incomes amounted to no more than 85,741 groshis. But when potential of cities such as: Thessaloniki, Bitola, Skopje,
it comes to the non-Muslim population, for 9 households, the Drama, Seres, Veles, Prilep, Ohrid, Ka -vala etc. For
total income was 3,853.5 groshis [71]. And if a comparison is example, in the city of Bitola, during the 1870s, there was a
made of the incomes, which had an influence in the small group of people who were oriented towards foreign
formation of the bourgeois class in the Macedonian cities, the trade. In the mentioned years, two local companies were
largest part of the professional incomes was in the hands of established: ,, M a-mulat-ı Dahiliye-i İlamiye,, and ,, İktisad-ı
the newly arrived non-Slim merchants (at least three years Bakkaliye Şirketleri,, [75]. The formation of such local
settled in Skopje). In another case, from 46 households of companies initially oriented their capital at the local level,
newly arrived non-Muslim traders, located in Skopje for at and with the new capital also towards foreign markets, where
least three years, the total professional income amounted to economic conditions and opportunities appeared to form the
70,700 groshis. Also, there were cases in Skopje when new capitalist class within Macedonia. . The newly created
merchants from outside were accommodated, 4 Jewish class, for its part, contributed to the development of living
households and one Muslim household were accommodated standards and the way of living in the cities. The local
for at least three years. For a better understanding and population was already one step closer to the European
knowledge of the newly formed bourgeois class in Skopje, it bourgeois class, and according to historical sources, in the
is possible to look at the analysis performed below. period from 1850 to 1865, Austria, England, Russia and Iran
opened their ambassadorial residences in Bitola [76].
Table 18 Merchants During 1844, According to According to the mentioned consular reports, the Jewish
Ethnicity [72]. bourgeois class was also formed in Bitola. According to the
data from the author Solomo Albhoer, in the city of Bitola
during the 19th century there were many rich Jews such as:
Yehial Nachman Levy, Solomon Nachman Levy, Yaakov
Rachamim Nachimias, Yosef Moshe Irgas and Yosef Haim
Peres [77]. The emerging bourgeois class and its economic
strength was characterized by growth or decline, that is,
sometimes the Jewish class was on the rise, but sometimes
the Christian class was on the decline or rise. In the
During the second half of the 19th century, the beginning of the 19th century, due to the trade orientation
bourgeois class began to appear in various sectors of social- towards European countries, such as Austria and Russia, in
economic life, but the first steps of this class in the cities can the city of Bitola, according to the information contained in
be seen in trade. In the manufacturing sector, the growth of the "Temettuat defteri", the Christian bourgeois class was
the non-Muslim population can be observed, especially in growing and becoming more dominant. According to the
leather production, where, according to the "Temettuat mentioned ledgers, in Bitola at the beginning of the 19th
defteres", it was noted that out of a total of 212 households, century, of the total number of merchants, almost 37 were
116 were of Muslim origin, and 40 households of non- Christians, 15 Muslims and 4 Jews [78]. For more detailed
Muslim origin [73]. The income of leather production for information, it is possible to look in the second chapter under
Muslim producers was 31,482 grosz a (51.4 % ); the income headings 2 and 3 of our topic, in connection with the social-
of non-Muslim merchants 10,553 groshis (17.2%); the economic changes in the Ottoman Empire, as the main
income of those who came to Skopje from outside was 4,400 question more committed to the analysis related to the role
groshis (7.2%) and the incomes of non-Muslim traders, who and significance of trade and craft centers in Macedonia.
were in Skopje for more than 3 years, amounted to 14,830
groshis (24.2%). The same thing happened in the metallurgy For the development of the non-Muslim bourgeois class
sector, where out of the total number of workers, there were , how ethnocentric factor, migration movements from the
236 households, of which 173 were Muslim, i.e. (73.3%), and villages to the cities also played a corresponding role and
only 14 households were of non-Muslim origin [74]. The significance. The process of migrations from the villages to
above statistical information is given for the reason, to see the cities during the XIX century was mostly carried out by
the socio-economic situation of the entire population, as well the Christian population. Essentially, the process of the
as the diagram of the economic situation and the sectors in Macedonians' migration movements from the villages to the
the formation of the bourgeois class in Macedonia. In the cities contributed to the formation of the urban economy of
formation of the new bourgeois class, as a driver of the cities [79]. The Christian bourgeois class, installed in the
encouragement for the overall development of the Macedonian cities, over time grew into a leading social force
population, the role of production capacities and the rich and had a great influence in the work of the local

[75] Mucize Ünlü, Manastır Vilayetinin İdari ve Sosyal

[71] The same, 55. Yapı (1873-1912), ... , 29.
[72] Emine Gül, XIX Yüzyılda Makedonya ve Üsküb [76] The same, 29-30.
Kazası ( Maliye Nezareti Temettuat Defterlerine Göre [77] Shlomo Alboher, The Jews of Monastir Macedonia ...,
1260/1844)ö Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul 30.
Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, İktisat [78] Safet Alimovski, Temettüat Defterlerine Göre
Fakültesi, Türk İktisat Tarihi Anabilim Dalı, Tez no: Manastır Merkez Kazasının Sosyo-Ekonomik
176223, İstanbul, 1999, 5 5 . Durumu, .... , 23.
[73] The same, 59. [79] Andrew Rosso’s , Macedonia and the Macedonians ,
[74] The same, 60. ... , 70.

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administration, more precisely: trade, education, the important geopolitical and strategic place, through which
development of the church and cultural occasions of the several key military and trade routes passed through the
Macedonian people. etc. As an objective example of such an territory for centuries.
achievement, it is possible to cite the business activity of the
merchant Georgi Drndar. This merchant, who comes from Due to the logic contained in the multicultural and multi
the city of Veles, in the current year 1836, because of his - religious character of the cities in Macedonia, it stood for a
trading activity, received a special (imperial) berat issued different national mosaic. According to the mentioned
personally by Sultan Mahmud II., which referred to smooth national mosaic, once it oriented the population towards
travel abroad [80]. mutual discrimination, while between the religious groups it
also led to the homogenization of the community. Due to the
With the development of capital, the entire population development of these two reasons, primarily of a socio -
in the cities was reduced and a national awareness of cultural economic nature, there have also been contradictions in the
emancipation and civilization was formed. As trade relations between the communities. However, there was a
contributed to the development of trade relations with certain will for individual coexistence, especially in cities.
European countries, the historical process indirectly For the maintenance of coexistence, the reason was not only
encouraged the development of the national mentality of the socio - economic, religious, and cultural factors, but also
population. Parallel to that, European luxury developed, natural disasters, which strengthened the relations of
together with the elements of the national culture of the coexistence in the cities of Macedonia.
population. Those merchants, who had good relations with
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ISSN No:-2456-2165 https://doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt/IJISRT24MAR264

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