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In this case, the matrix event time, the actual time of the parents’ belief, is then two hours;however,
the embedded event time (the time of the exam according to the parents’ belief ) is onlyone hour.
Comrie, Bernard. 1985. Tense. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Condoravdi, Cleo. 2001.
Temporal interpretation of modals: Modals for the present and for the past. Another context where
the two views may make different predictions is given in (72). The editors will have a look at it as
soon as possible. The resulting interpretation then is one where thetime of the meal is a NOW
relative to John’s telling. The analysis proposed has consequences for the composition of tense and
aspect, the syntax of infinitives, and the way selection is determined. Roughly, in try-infinitives
theembedded event is not realized at the time of trying, but is understood to continue as part of the
subject’s beliefs (similarto modal readings of the progressive). Among the determining factors are the
position of the verb (preceding or following the subject), the type of NP (pronoun, proper name,
lexical NP) and the internal syntactic structure of the subject (coordination of full NPs vs.
Semantically, the deleted tense variable then gets bound by a ?-operator (see (18c)).Following Heim
(1994), the bound tense variable is then interpreted as a relative NOW with respectto the matrix
predicate, which yields the desired simultaneous (i.e., nonpast) interpretation in(18) (i.e., the
pregnancy time will be a NOW relative to Leo’s finding-out time). Page 11. Proceedings of the
Olomouc Linguistics Colloquium 2014: Language Use and Linguistic Structure, ed. If a reference
time interval must be syntactically present for aspect to be computed (whereas tenseand modals can
be related to a contextually understood time), it would follow that bare AspP infinitives can only
beembedded in verbal contexts. Page 41. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, Graduate Linguistic
StudentAssociation. Thus, the embedded event time would be properly included in the matrix event
time,and hence the conditions of perfective would be met if it was the matrix event time that is
relevant.As shown in (65), however, a bare (nonprogressive) embedded VP is clearly impossible in
suchcontexts as well. The extraction of subjects is marked differently on the verb than the extraction
of non-subjects. Since graduating he has held a permanent position at KU Leuven, where he was
promoted to Professor of Dutch Linguistics in 2019. In Syntax: An international handbook of
contemporary research, ed. Raising structures with these verbs are unique in that they permit
different subject positions and an agreement pattern that is not found otherwise in the language. With
the former, I argue that restructuring involves incorporation, however, in contrast to complex head
(V—V) approaches, I argue that only the voice head of a restructuring complement undergoes
incorporation. To account for various extraction asymmetries found in Tagalog infinitives, a PF
evaluation approach to locality and other syntactic violations is adopted, which, in addition to
covering differences between raising and control, movement of full NPs and clitics, and other
extraction phenomena in Tagalog also provides a way to implement movement restrictions such as
improper movement, competition among different elements at the phase edge, and various
intervention effects. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA.Landau, Idan. 2000. Elements of
control: Structure and meaning in infinitival constructions. Accord-ing to the proposal made in this
article, there is only one structure for a sentence like Johndecided to leave, namely, (72a). His
research interests include the morphosyntax of functional categories, movement and locality, the
syntax of adverbial expressions, and NP-ellipsis. Instead the difficulty associated with constructing
non-clause-bound inverse scope interpretations is attributed to increased processing costs arising for
covert (but not overt) movement, which is calculated based on the complexity of the structure,
specifically the number of syntactic domains crossed. Following Bresnan (1972) and Pesetsky
(1992), examples such as (7b) arethree-ways ambiguous. Paper pre-sented at the Workshop on
Infinitives (Sonderforschungsbereich 471: Variation and Evolution in theLexicon), University of
Konstanz, Konstanz. Furthermore, inWurmbrand 2013, to appear (see also section 5), I propose that
the type of infinitive is locallyselected by the matrix verb via a feature valuation mechanism
applying at Merge. The distribution of agreement is shown to be dependent on the properties of the
controller and the target, as well as the type of agreement dependency. This fact clearly shows that it
cannot be assumed that infinitivesinvolve a silent would. She has been the Chair of GLOW
(Generative Linguistics in the Old World) since 2022, and is a member of the Academia Europaea.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2006. Probes, goals and syntactic
categories.
Conectar com o Google Desconectar Comentar Conferencista Susanne Wurmbrand Susanne
Wurmbrand Susi Wurmbrand is a Privatdozentin at Universitaet Wien and a Visiting Professor at
Harvard University. With the former, I argue that restructuring involves incorporation, however, in
contrast to complex head (V—V) approaches, I argue that only the voice head of a restructuring
complement undergoes incorporation. Adverbials such as at 5 p.m. restrict the reference time to the
time denoted by theadverbial. Save to Library Edit Compare Citation Rank Readers Related Papers
Mentions View Impact. Verbs in central temporal clauses take the non-subject extraction
morphology, while verbs in central conditional clauses show the morphology found in subject
extraction contexts. At 2:30 their clock stopped, for exactly one hour, then started again,but John’s
parents didn’t notice (they don’t have a good sense of time). Lastly, I argue that different word
orders in verb clusters can be derived either by syntactic movement (in which case locality
conditions have to be obeyed and new Agree(ment) relations are formed) or by PF-linearization of
sister nodes (in which case no locality effects are observed and no new Agree(ment) relations are
established). Submitted to: Current developments in Slavic Linguistics—Twenty years after, ed. I
nevertheless include a short discus-sion for completeness. Theconstructions in (6b) do not allow
temporal modifiers referring to a time different from the matrixevent time, and they can only receive
a simultaneous interpretation (see section 4.4 for furtherdetails). In all these cases, episodic
interpretations areonly possible in the future interpretations; they are prohibited under the
simultaneous construals. Page 32. Save to Library Edit Compare Citation Rank Readers Related
Papers Mentions View Impact. If one’s theory requires a syntactic head for eachmorpheme, the
options would be InfP (Kayne 1989), an aspectual projection (Travis 1994, 2000), or infinitival v. 9
There are two other options, which would also account for the differences between finite and
nonfinite futurestatements presented in this section: (a) nonfinite future involves a zero tense (as
suggested for instance in Kratzer 1998for embedded attitude contexts in general); (b) infinitival
future is either PRES?woll or PAST?woll. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA.Cowper,
Elizabeth. 1998. The simple present in English: A unified treatment. He is the (co-)author of
numerous articles on theoretical and comparative syntax, co-editor of several books on generative
syntax, and co-author of four volumes of Syntax of Dutch. SOT refers to contexts in which a
morphologically realized tense is semanticallyvacuous. Download Free PDF View PDF Proceedings
of the thirty-eighth Western Conference On Linguistics IJN Sign Language Group Download Free
PDF View PDF See Full PDF Download PDF Loading Preview Sorry, preview is currently
unavailable. Save to Library Edit Compare Citation Rank Readers Related Papers Mentions View
Impact. I also thank three reviewers for very useful and constructive feedback. Since the attitude
NOW is a short interval,the embedded event time cannot be included in the reference time, and
perfective is impossiblein (70b,d). Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo.Portner, Paul. 2003. The (temporal) semantics
and (modal) pragmatics of the perfect. The account is based on a top-down definition of Agree,
namely the claim that an unvalued feature is valued by the closest c-commanding element with the
appropriate valued feature. The restriction thatwould-contexts must be interpreted as future with
respect to the local evaluation time (tonight in(29a)) is not violated in this case, yet the example is
impossible. An interpretation where the time ofpregnancy is after the finding-out time but before the
utterance time is not available. (17) a. Leo found out that Mary is pregnant. absoluteb. Leo found out
that Mary will be pregnant. Furthermore, if thefuture modal woll situates the time of telling after that
PAST time, but not after the time ofpromising, an interpretation similar to a simple PAST could
arise. However, the contrast between infinitives and overt would is still indicative. Page 10. The
topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure, from
mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon. Wurmbrand, Susi. To appear. The Merge
Condition: A syntactic approach to selection. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics
Club.Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and Susi Wurmbrand. 2005. The domain of agreement. The
assumption that infinitives aretenseless predicts that SOT should not apply to PRES in contexts such
as (32a).
The account is built on the concept of phase-extension triggered by verb movement and offers a new
way to derive the voice marking system of Tagalog and the extraction restrictions related to voice
marking. However, as shown in (71d), both approaches run into a problem regarding (71b).That is,
both approaches would predict only an absolute interpretation, contrary to fact. As shown in (4),
however, this cannotbe maintained. He is the recipient of several research grants from the Dutch
Science Foundation and was co-applicant of the EU-funded research project Advancing the
European Multilingual Experience. However,as (6b) shows, there are also control infinitives that do
not allow a future interpretation. Only imperfective is possible, as in (53c). (53) Is John available
tomorrow at 5 p.m.?a. Probably not. He expects to work tomorrow. It seems that the mere presence
of a matrix experiencer doesnot necessitate an attitude holder’s NOW, but the to-phrase could also
simply denote a true experiencer—that is, anindividual about whose inner experience we are
informed. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, Graduate Linguistic StudentAssociation.
Dordrecht: Reidel.Dowty, David. 1982. Tenses, time adverbs, and compositional semantic theory. I
also thank three reviewers for very useful and constructive feedback. While obligatory control is
compatible with a subjectless (i.e., PRO-less) infinitive, non-obligatory control requires the presence
of a syntactic PRO subject. You are eligible for a refund within 30 days if dissatisfied due to a
bookseller error or if your book fails to arrive. Toyield an interpretation where the time of the relative
clause is before the time of the infinitive,the NP including the relative clause must move outside the
scope of the future operator (. If, on the other hand, imperfective is used in the matrix predicate,
thesentences in (69c) are grammatical. Subject infinitives, infinitival interrogatives, andrelatives are
not discussed. In Proceedings of the 7th annual Tokyo Conference on Psycholinguistics, ed.
Dordrecht: Kluwer.Ogihara, Toshiyuki. 2007. Tense and aspect in truth-conditional semantics. A
common view is that syntactic (LF) structure transparently reflects (certain) semanticproperties of a
sentence. Other possible structures are object control or a non-ECM structure where theinfinitival
subject receives case from a silent for (see, e.g., Bresnan 1972, Chomsky 1981, Pesetsky1992,
Bo'kovic 1997, Martin 2001). (7) a. Yesterday, John wanted Mary to leave tomorrow.b. Yesterday,
John expected Mary to leave tomorrow. 4 In English, propositional control infinitives are very rare.
While certain claims about the structural composition of infinitival comple-ments are tentative, the
strength of the current system is that it covers a very diverse set ofinfinitival constructions (without
ignoring exceptions), it offers a way to account for selectionalrestrictions of different infinitive-
taking predicates, and it allows a unified account of several(partly unrelated) phenomena such as
SOT and episodic interpretations. As noted by Abusch (1988) and Ogihara (1995a, 1996, 2007)
among others, would triggersSOT for embedded PAST. That is, John’s parents think that only one
hour passed duringwhich they thought that John might be doing his exam, when in fact two hours
passed. Instead the difficulty associated with constructing non-clause-bound inverse scope
interpretations is attributed to increased processing costs arising for covert (but not overt) movement,
which is calculated based on the complexity of the structure, specifically the number of syntactic
domains crossed. Importantly, both (39b) and (39c) involve a futureoperator, which is exactly what
allows us to use the binders associated with the matrix verb andthe future element separately. In
additionto the various versions of expect discussed there, expect-constructions can have yet another
inter-pretation (though this interpretation is somewhat marked): a simultaneous propositional
interpreta-tion. In section 5, I providereasons for not adopting either of these alternatives. Page 13.
The argument Abuschgives for the syntactic presence of the future operator comes from examples
such as (36)(. I demonstrate that this view allows for a uniform treatment of the morphological and
syntactic properties of these constructions, which, so far, have been assumed to be unrelated. As
with seem, episodic predicates are possible when the matrix tense isPAST (see (69a)). Save to
Library Edit Compare Citation Rank Readers Related Papers Mentions View Impact.
The shifted interpretation is excluded, since eventhough the reference time interval for the embedded
aspect is shifted to a time before the attitudeholder’s NOW, that reference time interval is further
restricted by the when-clause to a very shorttime interval (the time of the mailman’s knocking).
Furthermore, if thefuture modal woll situates the time of telling after that PAST time, but not after
the time ofpromising, an interpretation similar to a simple PAST could arise. Finally, binding and the
interpretation of it-anaphors shows that the correlation between obligatory control and the lack of a
syntactic subject is only a one-way correlation and that the syntactic structure cannot be fully
reduced to the semantic proper- ties. It is shown that previous classifications of tense in infinitives
are insufficient in that they not cover the entire spectrum of infinitival constructions in English. The
impossibility of perfective in (70b) shows thatin such a situation, the reference time of the infinitive
is the attitude holder’s NOW. A detailed study of aspect in Serbo-Croatian and an analysis along the
lines proposed here is provided in Todorovic2012a,b. Page 26. At 2:00, they noticed that the music
stopped in John’sroom and they thought that he might be doing his exam then. The extraction of
subjects is marked differently on the verb than the extraction of non-subjects. Following Enc
(1991),the authors mentioned assume that eventive predicates contain an event variable that must
bebound by a modal or temporal operator other than PRESENT tense (or a generic operator in
thehabitual interpretation). Testing this prediction is rather complex, however,and I must leave it for
future research. A PRES embedded under a PAST must refer to a timespanning the higher PAST
and the utterance time. In this interpretation,the embedded event time interval (the time of reading)
can be included in the reference timeinterval (the time interval before the attitude holder’s NOW).
The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from syntax to information structure,
from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon. Save to Library Edit Compare Citation Rank
Readers Related Papers Mentions View Impact. Importantly, both (39b) and (39c) involve a
futureoperator, which is exactly what allows us to use the binders associated with the matrix verb
andthe future element separately. Accord-ing to the proposal made in this article, there is only one
structure for a sentence like Johndecided to leave, namely, (72a). The reference time forembedded
aspect is restricted to a short past interval because of the adverbial at 5 p.m., and henceperfective is
impossible. The analysis proposed has consequences for the composition of tense and aspect, the
syntax of infinitives, as well as the way selection is determined. In reality, John had indeed done his
exam from 2:00 to3:00, but after the exam was finished, he played computer games with
hisheadphones on. The analysis proposed has consequences for the composition of tense and aspect,
the syntax of infinitives, and the way selection is determined. Doctoral dissertation, MIT,
Cambridge, MA.Pesetsky, David. 1992. Zero syntax II: An essay on infinitives. Ms., MIT,
Cambridge, MA.Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2001. T-to-C movement: Causes and
consequences. In this approach, infinitival tense is required to license a PRO Page 3. Since English
infinitival complements do not include any overt tensemorphology, the lack of such tense
morphology was taken as an indication of the lack of syntacticand semantic tense. In previousworks
(Wurmbrand 2001, etc.), I have argued that long passive indicates the lack of case projec-tions in the
infinitive (see (40b)). Stowell 1982 was also the first work to suggest that the distribution of tense
can be predicted from the semantic properties of the selecting predicate. Submitted to: Current
developments in Slavic Linguistics—Twenty years after, ed. For more information, please see our
University Websites Privacy Notice. Katz, Graham. 2004. The temporal interpretation of finite and
non-finite complement clauses of attitudeverbs. Ms., University of Osnabruck. We have now seen
that there are a range of constructions that involve propositional attitudeinfinitives yielding
simultaneous interpretations. I cannot give a full formal semantic account of the distribution of
episodic interpretations,but I will summarize the main ingredients of such an account (see Todorovic
2012a,b for detailedsemantic derivations along the lines I will suggest).
She is an expert on syntax and the syntax?semantics interface, and has been the recipient of two
grants from the Austrian science foundation FWF. A common view is that syntactic (LF) structure
transparently reflects (certain) semanticproperties of a sentence. Thank you, for helping us keep this
platform clean. Temporaladjustment therefore takes place, reinterpreting the aspectual property of the
eventuality to avoid this mismatch. The examples in (54) involve construc-tions that do not allow a
future interpretation for the infinitive, as indicated by the impossibilityof future adverbials.23 22
Examples such as (53b) can again receive an inchoative interpretation (John started to work at 5
p.m.), which forsome speakers is easily available. His research interests include ellipsis, pronominal
doubling, complementizers and complementizer agreement, verb clusters, and derivational
morphology. Download Free PDF View PDF The syntax of semantic agreement in British English
Peter W. Motivation for a voice head in restructuring comes from the subject interpretation of the
embedded predicate, German stem allomorphy, and voice marking in several Austronesian
languages. We discuss consequences of this generalization for accounts of wh-in-situ in questions
with declarative syntax, and wh-movement in general, and provide a feature based analysis to derive
these questions. In principle, such an interpretation could arise if the PAST of would is notdeleted
and hence shifts the time of telling before the time of promising. First, following Abusch (2004), it
could be assumed that both propositional attitude infinitivesand future infinitives involve an
additional temporal argument corresponding to the attitude hold-er’s NOW. OK if inchoativecf. John
will be singing in the shower when the mailman arrives. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, MIT,
Cambridge, Mass. Dordrecht: Kluwer.Ogihara, Toshiyuki. 2007. Tense and aspect in truth-
conditional semantics. The question then is, What is the reference timefor the embedded aspect, such
that it is impossible for the embedded event time interval to beincluded in that reference time
interval. This then means, however, that in future infinitivesthere should be yet another option, a
structure without a PRES tense but with woll (semantically,this would be identical to the PAST?woll
structure). In section 3, we saw thatexpect can be interpreted as a future infinitive in both the ECM
and control variants. Since 2010 he has actively explored the interface between language and affect.
Conectar com o Google Desconectar Comentar Conferencista Susanne Wurmbrand Susanne
Wurmbrand Susi Wurmbrand is a Privatdozentin at Universitaet Wien and a Visiting Professor at
Harvard University. I argue thatthe three classes of infinitives are derived from the following proper-
ties: future infinitives are tenseless but involve a syntactically presentfuture modal woll;
simultaneous propositional attitude infinitives im-pose the NOW of the propositional attitude holder
as the reference timeof the infinitive; and certain simultaneous infinitives form a singletemporal
domain with the matrix clause. The topics in this series range from phonology to semantics, from
syntax to information structure, from mathematical linguistics to studies of the lexicon. Save to
Library Download Edit Compare Citation Rank Readers Related Papers Mentions View Impact.
Once ECMconstructions are taken out of the picture (e.g., they are excluded from nominalized
infinitival constructions for casereasons), the remaining question is why nominalized implicative
predicates cannot combine with infinitives (potentiallyalso factive predicates; I have set aside factive
infinitives throughout this article since the empirical distribution is rathercontroversial and unstable).
Eric Muszynski Download Free PDF View PDF See Full PDF Download PDF Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. However,as (6b) shows, there are also control infinitives that
do not allow a future interpretation. Leo believed Julia to be bringing the toys right then. The book
critically evaluates previous proposals from both syntactic and semantic perspectives and presents a
new analysis incorporating many recent developments in generative linguistic theory. At 2:30 their
clockstopped, for exactly one hour, then continued, but John’s parents didn’t notice (theydon’t have a
good sense of time). PRES in (21a) guarantees that finite futureconstructions are absolute, whereas
the lack of tense in (21b) has the effect that nonfinite future Page 12. Second, one could assume that
infinitival future corresponds not to willbut to would (Martin 1996, 2001).