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 PROCEEDINGS

edited by
Giuseppe Strappa, Paolo Carlotti, Matteo Ieva
with the collaboration of
Francesca Delia De Rosa, Alessandra Pusceddu

5th ISUFitaly International Conference

Rome, 19-22 February 2020

URBAN SUBSTRATA &

CITY REGENERATION
Morphological legacies and design tools
http://www.isufitaly.com/
 Contents

Presentation 6.

Organization 7.

Conference Themes 9.

Contents 11.
Presentation

URBAN SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION

Morphological legacies and design tools

The fifth Isufitaly Conference will focus on the notion of the substratum
in its various aspects.
First, the typological one, as a set of rules inherited from the built
landscape that allow reading and conscious transformation. We
cannot reduce, of course, the complexity and richness of our ancient
heritage to universal interpretational patterns that classify types and
processes in a kind of taxonomy of the Ancient (that is true for any built
environment). Instead, the identification of a few common criteria
that allow us to interpret these phenomena through an architect’s
eyes, tracing the many outcomes back to the general rationales that
produce them, can prove useful to morphological studies.
Then, the physical shape of the historical layer, which in many
ancient cities has determined the structure of the current settlements.
Substratum is, from this point of view, the part beneath the current
built landscape that has no longer a function but still contribute to
the form of new fabric. It is the prolific layer that gives rise to multiple
organisms. We could then consider a ‘substratum’ as the composition
of elements that once belonged to a built fabric or architectural
organism. ‘Substratum’ despite having lost both their relationship
of necessity that bound them together (their purpose and original
organicity), and the continuity between the different phases of
change and development, still transfer specific characters to the
buildings originated by them.
Finally, the intangible aspect, the heritage of projects, experiences,
and researches that constitute the working legacy on which current
study can be based.
The notion of substratum could be, therefore, more than a specific
issue, a way of seeing the built reality useful to the contemporary
project.
The term not only includes the ideas of rooting and transmission; it also
refers to the means, the tools we can use to reach the essence of the
form, of its universal being. This universality, a quality that the actual
building did not possess, constitutes a fertile abstraction: a reading
as well as a project, how we give a new unity to the multiple and
scattered forms of the remains we have inherited.
Furthermore, another theme, which is complementary to the substrata
one, is that of urban regeneration. It is a topic extensively investigated
by urban research which, in this context, could be reconsidered
differently and innovatively.
In continuity with the previous Isufitaly meetings, the theme of the
conference proposes a debate on the topics of the urban form
transformation at different scales, in the light of our cultural heritage
understood as a design tool.
The conference will take place at Palazzo Mattei di Giove, built on the
ancient remains of the Teatrum Balbi, in one of the Rome areas where
the relationship between the present city and the ancient substratum
is more evident, even in its contradictions (the Porticus Octaviae, the
Teatrum Marcelli, the archaeological area of Largo Argentina).
Organization

Conference Chair
Giuseppe Strappa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Paolo Carlotti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Matteo Ieva, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy

Scientific Committee
Michael Barke, Northumbria University, United Kingdom
Carlo Bianchini, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Alessandro Camiz, Özyeğin University, Turkey
Renato Capozzi, ‘Federico II’ University of Naples, Italy
Alessandra Capuano, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Paolo Carlotti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Orazio Carpenzano, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Giancarlo Cataldi, University of Florence, Italy
Vicente Colomer Sendra, Polytechnic of Valencia, Spain
Anna Irene Del Monaco, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Carlos Dias Coelho, University of Lisbon, Portugal
Wowo Ding, University of Nanjing, China
François Dufaux, University of Laval, Canada
Daniela Esposito, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Loredana Ficarelli, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy
Luigi Franciosini, Roma 3 University, Italy
Pierre Gauthier, Concordia University,Quebec
Małgorzata Hanzl, Lodz University of Technology, Poland
Matteo Ieva, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy
Hidenobu Jinnai, Hosei University, Japan
Anna Agata Kantarek, Cracow University of Technology, Poland
Nadia Karalambous, University of Cyprus, Cyprus
Kayvan Karimi, The Bartlett School of Architecture, United Kingdom
Aise Sema Kubat, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey
Irina Kukina, Siberian Federal University, Russia
Pierre Larochelle, University of Laval, Canada
Teresa Marat-Mendes, University of Oporto, Portugal
Marco Maretto, University of Parma, Italy
Nicola Marzot, University of Ferrara, Italy, and TU-Delft, The Nether-
lands
Carlo Moccia, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy
Wendy McClure, University of Idaho, United States
Gianpiero Moretti, University of Laval, Canada
Giulia Annalinda Neglia, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy
Hans Neis, University of Oregon, United States
Dina Nencini, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Vitor Manuel Araujo Oliveira, University of Oporto, Portugal
Attilio Petruccioli, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Carlo Quintelli, University of Parma, Italy
Ivor Samuels, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom
Giuseppe Strappa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Fabrizio Toppetti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Tolga Ünlü, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom
Anne Vernez Moudon, University of Washington, United States
Federica Visconti, ‘Federico II’ University of Naples, Italy
Jeremy Whitehand, University of Birmingham, United Kingdom
Michele Zampilli, Roma 3 University, Italy

Organizing Committee
Anna Rita Donatella Amato, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Antonio Camporeale, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Nicola Scardigno, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy

Conference Office
Anna Rita Donatella Amato, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Francesca Delia De Rosa, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Alessandra Pusceddu, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Conference Themes

Urban Form Theories

A.2 Urban Form Theory

Urban Form Reading

A.1 Urban Substrata and New Meanings

A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools
A.4 Landscapes in Transformation
A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces
PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context
PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues
PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Urban Form Design

A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies
PH.4 New Trends in Urban Form Interpretation
PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration
B.1 Reading/Design Study Cases
 A.1 Urban Substrata and New Meanings

25 Urban Fabric and contemporary dwelling in the Greek-Roman centre

of Naples
Federica Visconti

33 Micro-urbanism – additional tool for urban heritage determination

Éva Lovra

39 Documenting the disappeared Rome: the San Marco district

Chiara Melchionna, Francesca Geremia

51 Underlying, extended and updated Rome in Valencia:

the historic definition of Ciutat ella as the core city
César D. Mifsut García

61 Why an Atlas?
Reading of the cultural substrata of the Portuguese urban fabric
José Miguel Silva, Sérgio Padrão Fernandes, Carlos Dias Coelho

71 The concept of morpho-typology in the Alberobello urban organism

Matteo Ieva, Miriana Di Gioia, Francesco Maria Leone, Rossella Regina,
Fausta Schiavone

79 Metamorphosis of Urban Form in A Historical Nutshell;

A Critical Perspective
Selen Karadoğan, cem Kutlay

87 Transformation processes and the teaching of Urban Form Morpho-

logical legacies and Design tools
Nicola Marzot

A.2 Urban Form Theory

99 The acant City as the contemporary substratum.

Why and How the crisis enables regeneration processes
Nicola Marzot

113 Giovannoni s diradamento as a congruent transformation of ur-

ban continuity. Applications and limits of a philological device for
core city regeneration
Maria Vitiello

125 Shifting point-attractors: the central-symmetric exi of via Flaminia

and via Clodia near pons Milvius, Rome.
Alessandro Camiz

12 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

135 Urban aesthetics: the haussmannian urban form and the configura-
tion of the city of Erechim/RS, Brazil
Camila Nardino, Piccinato Junior Dirceu

147 Coincidentia oppositorum.

The building of the urban form in O. M. Ungers
Vincenzo d’Abramo

155 An Examination of The Morphological Change of the Roman Main

Axis-Case of Adana Turkey
Beliz B ra ahin, Fazilet Duygu Saban

A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

165 Industrial heritage as an overlooked potential in urban heritage.
Case study Miskolc-Di sgy r.
Zoltán Bereczki, Éva Lovra

177 The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly

Mark David Major

191 Lasting transformation of Erenkoy

Burak Ozturk

201 The effects of planning decisions on the traditional urban fabric of a

historical city: The case of Gaziantep in 1968-2008
Fatos erve idiroglu, bru Firidin Özg r

213 Transitional Morphologies in the Global South: Sub-Saharan Africa

Ana Ricchiardi

225 Morphological features of small Morphological specifc features of

postindustrial small towns industrial towns
Iuliia Viktorovna Bushmakova, Svetlana Valentinovna Maksimova

237 Gridded Urban Morphologies, sub-Saharan Africa and Senegal:

Research Historiographies and Present-day Realities
Liora Bigon, ric oss

A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

247 Transitional form of industrial mixed-use
Martina Crapolicchio

257 Urbanscape as andscape Emanation of East Adriatic Coast

Ana Sopina, Bo ana Bo ani bad itaroci

SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 13

 271 The role of Pulp and Paper mills in the uebec City s urban develop-
ment: the first observations.
Maxime Nadon-Roger , François Dufaux

279 Dyads of an operating thought:

modification continuity project morphology
Nicola Scardigno

287 The Spatial ogic of the Arabian Coastal City:

The Case of Doha, State of atar and Muscat, Sultanate of Oman
Heba O. Tannous, Mark David Major

305 orgo Taccone. From the fragment to the weave

Giuseppe Francesco Rociola

A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

317 The curvilinear substrate.
From the phenomenon of dequantification to deformation of the type
Cristian Sammarco

327 Ancient planned structures in Lake Bracciano area

Michele Magazzù

337 The City of enice. The Form and the Space

rmelinda Di Chiara

347 One new fragment: The Archaeological Museum by Egizio

Nichelli (1954/1964)
lisa alentina Prusicki

359 The city of walls: how military architecture has shaped Baghdad and
the citizens
Rossella Gugliotta

369 ayered Morphologies and Topographic Structures. Substrata and

Design Writing
Laura Anna Pezzetti

383 Place Royale: An heritage to rediscover

Luiza Cardoso Santos

A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

393 Public Space in São Paulo: The fair as a form of urban land occupation
Denise Antonucci, Gabriela Lamanna Soares

14 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

403 Regeneration of Sanctuaries in Ancient Cities: Pergamon Example
Özlem Balc

411 The Country Magnet Garden Cities aesthetic background

Antonio Blanco Pastor

423 Mapping Urbanities. From morphologies to ows a new reading of

Public Space
Greta Pitanti

429 A green legacy: the transformation of eighteenth century parks

into the new ritish universities of the 19 0s
Marta García Carbonero

439 olumes of the past, lines in the present. Ouzai square, on the traces
of the invisible streetscape of eirut
Marlène Chahine

PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

447 Emerging perspectives on urban morphology: collaborative
learning activities fostering combined approaches
Nadia Charalambous

457 From past to present.

Shiraz historical texture and its morphological structure
Farzaneh Nahas Farmaniyeh, Ali Sokhan ardaz

483 Historical walls of segregation: a comparative approach on fringe

belt as a tool of regeneration
Deborah C. Lefosse

495 Morphological development in historic context German of St Francis

Convent development 20 0
Gisela Loehlein

503 The concept of trullo type in the formation of Alberobello

urban organism
Matteo Ieva, Greta Indrio, Davide Lasorella, Gianpiero Gorgoglione

509 Gravina in Puglia: City substratum as a Process of Invention and

Transformation of the Territory
Francesca Delia De Rosa

519 orgo of Chiaravalle Milanese: project tools and strategies for the
recovery and protection of the historical center
Maria Chiara De Luca, Carla Galanto, Ileana Iacono, Antonetta
Nunziata, Idamaria Sorrentino

SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 15

 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues
531 Rethinking marginal areas: urban growth and inequality in informal
settlements, the case study of Usme district, Bogotá
Nelcy cheverr a Castro

543 Morphological layers in Bucharest based on the spontaneous interior

courtyards
Andreea Boldojar

555 A Gentrifying Pattern of a Global City. Case of Karakoy, Istanbul

eyne Tulumen

565 The urban redevelopment project of San orenzo district in Rome

Rosalba Belibani

577 Urban Morphological Forms of Informal Areas in Tirana;

Strategies of Intervention
Irina Branko, Andi Shameti, Juljan Veleshnja

587 Morphological legacies and informal city: understanding urban dy-

namics in the Vetor Leste do centro in São paulo
Ambra Migliorisi

PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies

595 Design strategy and urban configuration: morphological study of
two new towns in mid-twentieth century Brazil
Maria Luiza Sorace Grande Tavares

601 Spatial Ambiguity in Singular uildings. Timeless composition princi-

ples interpretation.
João Silva Leite, Sérgio Barreiros Proença

613 Shiraz and Kashan. Substrate and Urban form knots, road and
band of pertinence for the Morphological Analysis
Paolo Carlotti

623 isbon porosity decoding.

Delayering the substrata of Almirante Reis avenue.
Sérgio Barreiros Proença, Ana Amado

PH.4 New Trends in Urban Form Interpretation

635 Urban recurrences as spaces generators
Santiago Gomes, Maddalena Barbieri

16 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

645 Landscape analysis for digital description of urban morphology of
Upper Kama region towns
Anastasia vgenievna Semina, aksimova alentinovna Svetlana

PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

655 Morphologie des écoles primaires québécoises : Débat entre le mo-
d le, le type et le projet d architecture des coles d apr s-guerre
Daniel Olivier-Cividino

665 Urban morphology education in Serbia: Origin, genesis and new ten-
dencies
ladan D oki , ilica ilo evi , Aleksandra D ord evi , laden
Pe i

675 Morphological Reading as a Catalyst for Conservation:

Results from an urban conservation course in Penang, Malaysia
effrey illiam Cody

683 Schools of Municipality I of Rome: reading of the derivation process

from the special type: the palace and the convent
Cinzia Paciolla

689 Schools as Elements to Regenerate the Communities in the Contem-

porary Cities. Case Study: Kashan, Iran
lham Karbalaei assani

PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration

701 From urban tissues to special buildings and public squares:
architectural design experimentation in Pera, Istanbul
Alessandro Camiz, Özge Özkuvanc , Cemre Uslu

709 Urban morphology and critical reconstructions:

the case of Friedrichstadt
Ilaria Maria Zedda

721 Munich DistURBANce and Urban Sponge

Pathways from a Residence City to a Resilient City
Markus Stenger

735 Read to create and create to design. Urban Morphology as a guide

to the transformation process of the 21st century city
Francesco Scattino

SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 17

 B.1 Reading/Design Study Cases
741 On Methods.
Towards an operative reading of city morphological legacies ordi-
nary-building and building-type
Sérgio Padrão Fernandes, João Silva Leite

751 Designing for Productive Urban andscapes. Applying the CPU City
concept in Lisbon Metropolitan Area
Teresa Marat-Mendes, Sara Silva Lopes, João Cunha Borges

761 Reproduction of the Edge as a itrine in Odunpazar Historic District,

Eski ehir
Acalya Al an, asan Unver

771 Trisungo: a typological-procedural research for the recovery of a vil-

lage hit by the 201 /201 earthquake.
Michele Zampilli, Giulia Brunori

785 Chelas one J revisited: urban morphology and change in a recove-

ring neighbourhood
João Cunha Borges, Teresa Marat-Mendes, Sara Silva Lopes

797 The Campidanese House and its housing typology.

Studies and strategies for an integrated recovery of Sardinian
historical centres.
Alessandra Pusceddu

809 Alphabetical index

18 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

INTRODUCTION TO THE CONFERENCE
Giuseppe Strappa
Sapienza University of Rome
President of the Isufitaly Scientific Society
gstrappa yahoo.com

Thanks to the Sapienza University ice Rector for his inspiring presentation of our Con-
ference and thank to the Director of the Center for American Studies for hosting Isufitaly
2020 Conference in this magnificent venue.
Palazzo Mattei di Giove is an ideal place for our meeting devoted, as it has become
tradition for our debates, to the transformation of the existing city.
This site is a perfect interpretation of the title of our Conference, a true explanation of
the notions Substrata and Regeneration.
All this huge block, the so called Insula Mattei, was built on the site of the former Te-
atrum Balbi, not demolishing it, but transforming the ancient remains. It is a real text of
Urban Morphology.
Today it is impossible to recognize the shape of the theatre, but if we take a look to
the ground oor map of the block, we can realize that the theatre reappear buried in the
basement structure as an underlying layer. It give form to the geometry of the new fab-
rics, even giving them their architectural character. Not by chance all this block, based
on the consumption of an organic structure, is composed by special building, mostly
palazzos, while the one just in front of it, based on the consumption of the serial structure
of the Cry ta, gave rise to base building composed mostly by merchant row houses.
All the ancient structures are also a morphological lesson about the notion of a regenera-
tion process. The whole area is an almost didactic evidence of the transformation phases
of nature into architecture, where nature is however, we could say, artificial, made up of
ancient remains.
Using Muratorian categories, the passage from matter to material is testified, a few
meters from here, by the presence of a calcara, a furnace intended to produce lime
using the remains of ancient columns, oors, architraves. The reuse of entire structures or
of whole organism, such as the Marcellus theatre transformed by Peruzzi in Palazzo Orsini,
is also evident.
It is obvious that the ruins have always had a great fascination for architects. Also
a risky fascination, in my opinion, as ruins (from the latin ruere) means something fallen
down, dead.
I believe that it is much more useful for us, as Urban Morphology scholars and architects,
the notion of substratum (from the Latin sub sternere,), the still vital layer on which new
organisms originate.
Substratum is the part lying below the present built landscape that no longer has any
practical purpose but can still contribute to the life of the new fabric, creating up to date
building types. It is the distant and fertile foundation that gives rise to modern organisms.
The question was raised by Saverio Muratori who enumerated the criteria to be used
when examining the cultural characters that make up the built environment (rational-
cultural, economic-technical, ethical-political, aesthetic-historic), identifying four
different ages of change in the Rome urban organism, of which no less than two (Royal
Republican and Imperial) concern the development of the ancient city. Muratori was
particularly referring to Rome, though it is well known that he believed that the method
he proposed was generally valid (and studies concerning existing city substrata outside
Europe, for that matter, have shown how an analysis of the historic layers proves to be an
important resource even in areas culturally very different).
In the same years Gianfranco Caniggia used his in uential study on the city of Como
to build up a method of interpreting the change from a domus substrata to a modern

SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 19

 residential organism using type-based phases: tabernisation , infilling, development from
single-family to multiple-family house. In the same years that
But the notion of substratum also includes a second, immaterial aspect: the legacy
of ideas, design, research which constitute the deep layer to contemporary action.
For this reason we decided to organize our meeting with an opening plenary session
devoted to the first aspect: to the concrete, solid, historical and archaeological substrata.
It will be dedicated to the relation between the work of the architect and the one
of the archaeologists. A problematic relationship, which in my opinion has recently
produced some good results, but also several disasters.
From the architect s point of view, I must admit that often the archaeological area
(and more generally the historical intervention site) is considered the backdrop for refined
objects that testify the creativity of the author. The culture of the architect-archaeologist,
which for a long time has oriented the interventions congruently with the needs of the
excavations and of the urban spaces, has been unfortunately lost.
For a true interdisciplinary collaboration there are considerable problems, however,
also for archaeologists, who often seems to tend, today, to consider the archaeological
excavation site as a laboratory. On the contrary excavation is architecture, transform
the urban space. I would say clearly that the results of the recent excavations of the
Imperial Forums, for example, as they are displayed today, are an extraneous and
incomprehensible part of the city.
The closing plenary sessions will be devoted to the second aspect: to the immaterial
substrata, namely our tradition of studies and designs. The sessions will be dedicated
to the memory of the masters , on the occasion of the missing of two eminent urban
morphology scholars
Tradition is also a project. it is not inherited passively; it is rather a choice. Also, master is
not just the author of seminal studies: he is as well a figure in which a scientific community
recognize common ideals and aspirations.
And in this sense, remembering together Gian Luigi Maffei and Antonio Monestiroli
has a profound meaning for those who know the stories of long divisions of the Italian
morphological schools.
Thank you for your attention and have a successful conference.

20 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

SUBSTRATE AND REGENERATION
Paolo Carlotti
Sapienza University of Rome
Conference Chair
paolo.carlotti uniroma1.it

Substrate and regeneration, two terms that express the beginning and end of the
history of the city, appeared to us significantly useful to perimeter the scope of discussion
in this conference, within the Italian section of the ISUF International in 2020.
Not new terms, but current and particularly felt by urban morphology researchers;
always at the center of the debate and field of confrontation between historians,
archaeologists and architects. Words that we wanted to emphasize, in the opening
conference, inviting to discuss some exponents of historical culture and the design
discipline. Architectural Substrata and Archeological Design was therefore the title of
the opening conference, which was attended by Paolo Carafa and Alexander Schwarz.
Paolo Carafa in his opening plenary session speech Archeology of Architecture
and andscape: History and Storitelling urged us to re ect first of all on the value of the
substrate in the ow of the city s history:
To study either an ancient city, or medieval, modern, or contem orary ones as
well, means de ning the ow of its changing landsca es This means, to tell its story
through the reconstruction of its urban structure and to ogra hical lay-out in different
phases.”(Carafa, 2020);
This is true for the entire history of the city as for every single element for that it means
and for how much it is significant for the unitary and current understanding of the city.
Paolo Carafa (editor with Carandini of the Atlas of Ancient Rome ), one of the main
exponents of Roman archaeological culture, addressing a plethora of architects and
urban morphologies, in his lecture, explained exhaustively how every single archeological
fragment is more important if reinserted within of its original context, inside of the urban
organism framework and in the own owing of time.
eyond any doubt historical and documentary value, the archaeological fragment
can prove particularly useful for re-imagining the overall scenario - which unfortunately
many times lack the important and indispensable pieces to recompose the unitary
framework of the architectural and urban image that made up every single phase
relatively finished.
A part of the whole that can reveal it to us the profound meaning that it had at
the origin of the transformations of the city, understandable only if you can restore the
entirety of the finished image which from time to time constituted a phase of the inner
transformation, from the moment in which the first rules have been defined up to the
present, when the complexity and rapidity of the changments can make us appear the
urban metamorphoses rather simple expressions of chance.
As the ancient landsca e was an integrated hysical reality com osed by com lete
elements, that is buildings in the broadest sense, the log-ical core of the system is
a construction or a clue of it. It doesn’t matter how large or small, complex or simple,
rich or oor it was Any real ob- ects can be classi ed as constitutive elements of the
landscape.”(Carafa, 2020)
It seemed that urban morphology can express all its operational potential right here,
proving to be a useful tool to understand how much of the past is lost or reused and
how much can still return to being contemporary. Starting from the breakthrough street
footprints, and from the topological variants that represent the most recent and still
perfectly recognizable elements we can, in fact, by regressive analysis, leafing through
the different layers of history and urban form, Highlight what has remained or regenerated
in the present and what is instead possibly attributable to a more or less remote past.
Recovering the common thread that from time to time has guided the transformation of
SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 21
 the building fabric, but which can still be regenerated in building type, architecture and
the city.
Alexander Schwarz urged discussion on the theme of the project by addressing the
difficult relationship between inheritance and future. A relationship that has architecturally
placed the center in the reinvention project of the center for erlin. Just starting from
the idea that the city is, as already claimed by C.O. Sauer in 192 , a complex and
articulated body. A project, the one for erlin, which has shown us how important are
the forms and centralities of the past in order to reinvent the city of the present. Schwarz s
ecture Museuminselsel, erlin. The invention of an ideal Historic city center has been
particularly effective in showing how the urban history, even that of a modern and global
city like erlin, can become active in the architectural project and helpful to define or
regenerate e new or renewed urban centralities but also to help us elaborate complex
architectures that go well beyond the simple definitions of a palace or special building.

22 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

HIDDEN ΟὐΣΊΑ AND URBAN RIGENERATION
Brief summary of the 5th ISUFItaly International Conference

Matteo Ieva
Dipartimento DICAR, Politecnico di ari, ari, Italy
Conference Chair
matteo.ieva poliba.it

It is difficult to propose a complete balance of the proposed themes because the set of
contributions, hosted in the proceedings, ranges over very different issues, concentrated
- in most cases - on contemporary, often problematic, views in which it is possible to
recognize the essence of what is meant by sostrato.
Giuseppe Strappa has already outlined the meaning of this term, combining it in
different possible meanings especially in the field of urban morphology.
His article substrata. morphology of the ancient city, beyond its ruins published
in n. 9-10 of Urbanform and Design explores the topic with scientific depth, without
neglecting any meaning.
The proposed re ections can be considered possible themes to be developed, having
already dealt with Strappa s definitions, principles, process.
If one goes beyond the concept of the only materiality referred to the sostrato, the
potential interest to explain this phenomenon immediately emerges as something that
is immanent in what is considered as being below . Which means grasping a sign in
the existing structure, a trace, which can be conceptual and / or conscious, which is the
permanence of an antecedent that shows itself in the present and produces concrete
effects on reality.
But since sostrato is ὐ , that is, substance, we must contemplate what is hidden
within the sensitive thing as its ontological foundation.
For this reason, our task is to reveal it as pure truth, that is, as alètheia that offers itself
(says Heidegger) precisely for its non-hiding if we are able to perceive it in its real
material or incorporeal scope, considering it a potential resource precisely for a new
forecast starting from the ancient.
Recognizing this assumption, which leads to affirming the existence of a ow that
precedes the inversion of something that still exists only in potential, means asking oneself
what effects it produces on a conceptual level even before becoming other and, at
the same time, how it can be an announcement of an eidos that comes to inform the
real, that is to give shape to the project.
This operation should not be considered solely as an interpretation of an existing
that is given to the operator interested in grasping the outcome of the construction
it is because, retracing the traces of its being the transmission of a past that emerges in
tangible form, it is simultaneously the basis for a hypothesis of project, of idea launched
into the future.
In parallel with the research on the urban substratum, the theme of regeneration has
been proposed a theme which is very TOPICA today
Many contributions have crossed this topic and a wealth of opinions and solutions
have emerged .
Such opinions and solutions have welcomed the sessions we launched with the call
with great sensitivity and interest.
Interpreting regeneration in the heredity dialectic project means understanding that
our work must always deal with a legacy that is not only pure physicality but is testimony
to the work of a culture whose essential traits must be re-read so that a re-generation can
be proposed that starts from what has been generated. Imagining a morphology that
is not built from scratch, from a blank slate that is not a specific attribute of the world of
architecture but is a privilege of the visual arts.
The papers proposed in recent days have opened numerous focuses and I am sure
SUBSTRATA & CITY REGENERATION|morphological legacies and design tools 23
 that the publication of the documents will be able to give well-founded answers - given
the multiplicity of cases offered for common re ection - and open up further fields of
critical reasoning.
Although the creative period of modernity has been recorded today, a frightening
condition of disorientation and stagnation in which the productivity of thought seems to
be found.
Many ideas were inevitably provided in the plenary sessions starting with the initial one
coordinated by Paolo Carlotti with speakers Alessandra Capuano, Paolo Carafa and
Alexander Schwarz. Rich dialectical comparison on the theme of Architectural Substrata
and Archeological Design.
Always with the same scholars we attended the round table, coordinated by Carlos
Dias Coelho on the theme Archaeological Reading / Architectural Design.
The presentation of the Urbanform and Design urban morphology magazine and the
books was proposed by itor Oliveira, Fabio Di Carlo and Federica isconti.
Finally, the memory of the Masters Gianluigi Maffei and Antonio Monestiroli proposed,
respectively, by Marco Maretto, Giancarlo Cataldi, Paolo accaro, Ivor Samuels and me
and by Renato Capozzi, Tomaso Monestiroli, Raffaella Neri and Federica isconti.

24 5th ISUFitaly|International Seminar on Urban Form_Italian Network

 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Urban Fabric and contemporary dwelling in the Greek-Roman

centre of Naples
Federica Visconti
University of Naples “Federico II, DiARC- Department of Architecture
Keywords: historical fabric, dwelling block, Naples

Abstract

The paper concerns a research-didactic activity having as object the Greek-Roman

historical centre of Naples. The general Urban Plan of the city allows the demolition and
the reconstruction of the main part of an insula where there is now a high building of
speculation except the monument – Pio Monte della Misericordia – that occupy the
head of the block along the decumano.
If the insula is the project-area, the study area is extended to the whole ancient cen-
tre where the relationship between building typology and urban morphology exhibit the
idea of a compact city that became too dense over the time but still ‘porous’ because
of the voids of the courtyards, above all of the huge monumental complexes and of the
monasteries.
The theme of the projects is the reconstruction of the dwelling block with many further
degrees of com le ity related to the conte t of a strati ed and rich of history fabric that
represents, in Naples, the Word Heritage ‘monument’ more than the single buildings that
constitute it.
Through the projects, it was possible to verify the possibility to introduce, in one of the
more asphyxiated part of the ancient centre of Naples, a different idea of inhabiting,
based on the introduction of ‘degrees of exterior spatiality’, trying to make space be-
tween the things but also to make cleared the support surface of the building in order to
realize soil permeability and green areas: an idea of city able to recognize the values but
also to formulate a critical judgement on the current situation and thus an architecture
that wants to express the continuity of the history but without renouncing to expresses
itself in the contemporaneity.

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 Premise – Building in the built
Building in the built is an expression that has become today a kind of slogan that, in a
really generic way, is referred to a condition of our totally anthropized territories and cities
to which recovering the existing heritage – extensively understood – is asked for, limiting
the consumption of soil: in this way the expression tends to include any act of the archi-
tectural work. On the contrary, the expression is much more full of meaning and appears,
probably for the first time, as title of a book s chapter by Renato De Fusco in 199 (De Fu-
sco, 199 ) to define the characteristics of the operation carried out by the Extraordinary
Residential uilding Program (Programma Straordinario di Edilizia Residenziale Pser) de-
veloped after the Irpinia s earthquake of 19 0, a plan implemented through many rede-
velopment interventions realized through punctual insertions – sometimes of completion
sometimes of reconstruction – in the historical centres of the metropolitan area of Naples.
In fact, already a few years earlier, De Fusco used the expression building in the built in a
collection of short essays (De Fusco, 1992), making it a possible category for intervention
in the historical centres, referring explicitly to the definition of architecture as modi cation
by ittorio Gregotti (Gregotti, 19 ). The relevant interest in De Fusco s re ections is in the
fact that the Neapolitan historian underlines – regarding the intervention in the historical
centres that he feels as increasingly unavoidable for their redevelopment – both the ‘de-
ficiency of culture of conservation and the inadequacy of a case by case logic, often
understood as the only possible answer to the question of architecture that historical ur-
ban fabrics put in order to continue to be inhabited . These re ections must be shared. In
fact, on one hand, there is no doubt that the architectural attention to contexts made
sensitive by the presence of relevant values – historical but even more formal – is a speci-
ficity of the Italian architectural culture, consolidated during the second half of the twen-
tieth century especially in the disciplinary area of architectural and urban composition
(Rossi, 19 ; Aymonino et al., 19 0). However, on the other hand, it must be recognized
that the elaboration of an original theoretical thought has not been accompanied by an
equally significant and extensive experimentation linked to architecture and its making,
precisely because of the affirmation of a culture of conservation that, in a conspicuous
paradox, seems to renounce that our age can express its own greatness, renouncing, in
this way, to recognise that the wealth of values that our cities and our territories express
derives properly from their uninterrupted stratification. Perhaps it is exactly this con ict
between culture of conservation and project of the architecture of the city (Rossi, 19 )
that has often determined the appearance of the case by case logic that, associated
with a pervasive idea that the architecture is on the market as any other product, has
allowed the advent of enlarged design objects in the historical centres of our cities (Gre-
gotti, 200 ).
Instead, working on urban heritage is an operation that requires going back to rea-
soning about the relationship between knowledge and design, as two moments of the
architectural action that can not be intended as different from each other. Architectural
design is the instrument, in our discipline, of knowledge of the world, the tool through
which a critical judgment on the reality can be expressed, in view of its modification. For
this reason, the design in the built environment of the city has to do with time and space.
Marguerite ourcenar, in The Mighty Sculptor, Time, wrote some beautiful pages in whi-
ch, with reference to the ancient statuary, talked about the work that time has done on
the works of art that we admire today in a form that is never the original, different after
the sculptor has finished his work and the work of time overlapped ourcenar states
making those works sublime. But it is not the category of sublime, the uncanny, the cate-
gory that belongs to architecture, it is rather the beauty, as Cacciari would remind us, in
the Greek sense of the term – kalón – that has in itself the sense of a good construction, of
staying erect , of being destined for a long duration (Cacciari, 200 ). Our cities appear
beautiful because, during history, the architectural, contemporary project has always
been practiced, with urban sensitiveness, to realize a single collective construction: the
city as architecture, as Leon Battista Alberti stated, and as Aldo Rossi wrote in The Ar-
chitecture of the City. Only if architecture is able to produce this collective work, the
danger that Ortega y Gasset in the 19 1 Darmstadt conference reminds us with words

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that seems to describe the current condition – can be avoid: « a city built by brilliant
architects who, however, foresee each one on their own with a different personal style
where the buildings can also be magnificent individually, but the whole will be bizarre
and intolerable because in their lines we would seem to see the impertinent profile of a
gentleman who felt like doing it like this (Ortega y Gasset, 19 2).
Therefore, the time of the architecture of the city is not a time that we can let pass
without making choices or that can be frozen at a certain moment but it is a synchronic
time that reifies and materializes itself in the space of the city as the place of a physi-
cal accumulation, in the present, of the long time of the history. However, if the time of
architecture and the city is a synchronic and continuous time, perhaps its space could
today not necessarily be so. In a city that has sometimes become suffocating and has
partially lost its form, producing inadequate living conditions for its inhabitants, it would
be necessary, through the project of the new, to re ect on the possibility of introducing
ways and forms capable of reinterpreting the reassuring continuity of the historical city,
on one hand, but also to work, on the other hand, on unprecedented possible relation-
ships between the things capable of associating places of an interior spatiality that we
well know, and places characterized by an exterior spatiality, capable of dialoguing with
the open dimension of the nature (Schr der, 201 ).

Methodology of the urban analysis

These re ections were the basis of the work carried out in the context of a aboratory
of architectural design in the second year of the Degree Course in Sciences of Archi-
tecture at DiARC Department of Architecture of the University of Naples Federico II
that addressed the theme of a collective residential building within the urban fabric of
the ancient centre of Naples.
The project-area is that called of San Carminiello ai Mannesi , where the insula whi-
ch hosts the archaeological remains of the Roman age, discovered after the collapses
caused by the bombings of the Second World War, and the adjacent insula, on which
a very modest building of speculation is placed, are indicated by the Urban Plan of the
Municipality of Naples as a possible area of redevelopment through the demolition of
the residential building and the revamping of the archaeological excavations.
The study-area extends to the entire Greco-Roman centre of Naples where the re-
lationship between building typology and urban morphology describes a clear idea of
a compact city, that has become too dense over the centuries, even if it remains ‘po-
rous because including the voids of the courtyards and especially of the huge convents
and monumental complexes. This feature of the city emerges looking at some drawings
that represent codified tools of the urban analysis. Straßenbau – road system map – and
Schwarzplan figure-background plan describe the relationship between the urban
morphology and the buildings that are always aligned along the streets and define the
form of the rectangular blocks, approximately by 1 0 metres. In such a compact city
the two drawings – Straßenbau and Schwarzplan (Fig.1) are one the negative of the
other due to the rules of the soil occupation without gaps. There is not void in the dense
urban fabric that it is possible to call piazza, but only widenings or incisions that are small
fa ade s retreats or of the block s head (Savarese, 1991). Nevertheless, there is another
important feature of the urban fabric of the ancient centre of Naples that emerges cle-
arly looking at the Topographic Map by Giovanni Carafa Duca di Noja of 1 where
entrances, atria, courtyards with their porticos – both of main civic and religious buildings,
together with churches are represented in their typological plan. This is the porosity
described by Walter enjamin when, in a comparison with the quality of tuff stone, wrote
«As porous as this stone is architecture. Building and action interpenetrate in the cour-
tyards, arcades and stairways. In everything they preserve the scope to become a thea-
ter of the new, unforeseen constellations uildings are used as a popular stage. They
are all divided into innumerable, simultaneously animated theaters. Balcony, courtyard,
window, gateway, staircase, roof are at the same time stage and boxes. ( enjamin and
acis, 192 ). ut it is not only a human atmosphere, that described by enjamin, it is a
quality of the spatiality of the Neapolitan urban fabric that emerges in the reading of the
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 features of the spaces – through the Rot-blau plan related to their quality of interior or
exterior spatiality (Schr der, 201 ) and their morphological or architectural boundaries:
the narrow streets of the ancient centre are uncovered but they are outer spaces deli-
mited by urban forms and also the courtyards, with their architectural boundaries and
their inclusive dedication are a sort of enlargement of the public space of the city inside
the blocks (Fig.2). The analysis, in this way, added further degrees of complexity to the
theme of the collective residence that derived from the task of building an intervention
within a layered urban fabric, full of history, that constitutes in Naples, perhaps more than
the individual buildings or, however, in a different way, the real monument heritage of
humanity (Fig. ).

Ideas of contemporary city for the ancient city of Naples

The different concepts elaborated for the projects allude to precise typological
structures, always in relationship with the orientation of the buildings and the heliother-

Figure 1. The Greek-Roman centre of Naples. Straßenbau and Schwarzplan

Figure 2. The porosity of the urban fabric. Rot-blau plan: general and detail
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mic axis. Moreover, the schemes share the aim of making space between the things
in order to realize better living conditions for the inhabitants of this urban part, where so
strong is the relationship between the building typologies and the whole forma urbis,
working on both the continuity and the progressive feature of our work. Certainly, talking
of continuity, all the hypotheses are based on the analysis that revealed the rules of the
process of formation of this part and its structure even if, beyond this unavoidable rea-
ding and in the belief that today not only a continuation of the process of urban fabric
formation is necessary but also the introduction of a discontinuity, other solutions have
been explored.
A first hypothesis is that using the courtyard as typological choice: isolating it from the
two heads of the block or duplicating and opening it, mirroring two different building
on the axis of a central open space. A second hypothesis entrusts to high buildings the
role of recomposing the façade along the decumano, concealing a portion of fabric of
patio houses. In the third hypothesis a long building define the alignment along vico dei
Carbonari while several orthogonal buildings define a curtain along vico dei Zuroli cha-
racterized by a rhythmically alternation of full heads and open spaces. Finally, in the last
hypothesis buildings following the two different orientations of decumani and cardines

Figure 3. Monuments of the Greek-Roman centre of Naples. Typological map

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 are composed à redan.
In all the different hypotheses, some methodological qualities are shared, represen-
ting the fundamentals of a theoretical approach to this kind of revamping intervention
in the historical city (Fig. ). First of all, the typological structures were defined looking for
the most adequate for distributing the ats, preferring traditional multi-storey buildings if
with east-west oriented fronts and, if with north-south oriented fronts, common walkway
access buildings or placing vertical connections and services on the long side in order to
reduce the surface of the worst oriented façade. Almost all the projects are composed
of different building typologies that pursue the creation of a typological mix: an archi-
tectural concept to which the idea that this small portion of the ancient centre could
be able to accommodate different categories of inhabitants corresponds. Finally, all the
projects had to face the subject of the relationship with the form of the ground, which
here has a not inconsiderable inclination and, thus, it became an opportunity to define
the design of the public space between the buildings, with different degrees of natu-
rality, or to create unexpected crossings of the block giving to the projects a significant
articulation also in their transversal section.
Thus, designing in the historical centre, the relationship between project and history is
a central theme, regarding the idea of city the project wants to develop and the typolo-
gical form it chooses: moreover, it is a subject that concerns the architectural language.
But if one feels distant from conformist positions that look to the past as a refuge, the
same happens for an avant-garde attitude that interprets progress as a refuse of history.
The projects for San Carminiello ai Mannesi represent a re ection on the character that
the buildings had to assume, simply by working on the two main systems – the masonry
and the tectonic one sometimes used simultaneously to define pieces and parts of the
buildings first of all the base, body and crowning and, in some cases, to denounce
their spatial and typological structures, following the lesson of all the history of architectu-
re and assuming references from it. This is the right way to find adequate forms: those
where the architectural character corresponds to the theme and to the methods of
composition, forms that it is possible to call responsive (Monestiroli, 2002; 2010), avoiding
the idea that the architectural character can be reduced to the drawing of a skin for the
building and, on the contrary, working, inside a field of normal architecture , looking for
new forms of adequacy able to express an ethical responsibility towards our cities.
Overall, the design experimentation wanted to re ect on the possibility of working
on, within one of the most asphyxiated and compressed parts of the ancient centre of
Naples, a different idea of inhabiting, based on the introduction of some discontinuities
and openings, trying to make space between the things and, in this way, introducing
pieces of exterior spatiality in the interior spatiality of the urban fabric, also leaving lar-
ge parts of the support surface in a condition of permeable soil. This is an idea of a city
that, with significant attention to the existing and recognizable urban values, without
contradicting them but by applying a critical judgment on reality, aims to achieve bet-
ter living conditions, through an architecture that can express itself in the continuity of
history but without renouncing to be authentically contemporary, meaning the project
as a tool capable of revealing the existing order systems – the values of the architectural
and urban fact and, at the same time, of building new orders which can indeed
must – include the values of our present. Against the idea – unfortunately today largely
spread – that it should be better only preserve and not build in the historical area of our
city, there is another way, looking at Architecture as an optimistic discipline, which, like
politics, deals – or should deal – with reality, with the aim of giving a better reality to future
generations. Today, politics has renounced this task, becoming an exercise of individual
power rather than an expression of thought among ίσοι within a community. Even part
of architectural culture, individualistic and self-referencing, did the same thing. In the
present time, our ancient discipline has an even more important task: not to photograph
reality, but to try to imagine a better reality where the man can still recognize himself in
the architecture.

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Figure 4. Morphological schemes and Projects for San Carminiello ai Mannesi insula
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 References
enjamin, W. and acis, A. (192 ) Neapel , Frankfurter eitung, 19 August. Now in enja-
min, W. (19 9) Re ections (Harcourt race Jovanovich, New ork) 1 -1 .
Aymonino, C. et al. (19 0) a citt di Padova. Saggio di analisi urbana (Marsilio, Padova).
Cacciari, M. (200 ) a citt (Pazzini editore, illa erucchio-Rimini).
De Fusco, R. (1992) Dentro e fuori l architettura. Scritti brevi (Jaca ook, Milano).
De Fusco, R. (199 ) Napoli nel Novecento (Electa Napoli, Napoli).
Gregotti, . (19 ) Architettura come modificazione , Casabella n. 9 / 99.
Gregotti, . (200 ) ma l architettura non un arte ornamentale, a Repubblica, 1 Sep-
tember.
Monestiroli, A. (2002) a metopa e il triglifo. Nove lezioni di architettura ( aterza, Ro-
ma- ari).
Monestiroli, A. (2010) a forma rispondente. ezione breve di architettura (Ogni uomo
tutti gli uomini, ologna).
Ortega y Gasset, J. (19 2) Pasado y porvenir para el ombre actual , Revista de Occi-
dente, Madrid. It. tr. In Id. (200 ), Il mito dell uomo nell epoca della tecnica (Ogni
uomo e tutti gli uomini, ologna).
Rossi, A. (19 ) architettura della citt (Marsilio, Padova).
Rossi, A. (19 2) The Architecture of the City (The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts,
and ondon, England).
Savarese, . (1991) Il centro antico di Napoli. Analisi delle trasformazioni urbane (Electa
Napoli, Napoli).
Schr der, U. (201 ) Pardi . Konzept f r eine Stadt nach dem eitregime der Moderne
A Concept for a City after the Time Regime of Modernity ( erlag der uchhandlung
Walther K nig, K ln).

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Micro-urbanism – additional tool for urban heritage determination

Éva Lovra
University of Debrecen, Faculty of Engineering, 02 Debrecen, temet str. 2- .
lovra.eva eng.unideb.hu
Keywords: micro-urbanism, urban morphology, urban heritage

Abstract

The urban morphological analysis of historical urban fabric and the built environment
is in the focus of the current study as the main tool for urban heritage determination. The
paper is going to discuss the results of the micro-urbanism analysis within the framework
of heritage evaluation.
The morphological regions and their more complex notion, the urban tissue types
were designated as a base of urban heritage determination. Thus the raison d’etre of
urban morphological studies focused on morphological regions as the ensembles of the
built environment, are indisputable.
The studied towns (mainly the historic core from the period of Austria-Hungary) be-
long to not only one, but to six countries nowadays (Hungary, Serbia, Slovakia, Romania,
Ukraine, Croatia). Thus it is recommended to create amendments of the principles, that
were established by a common UNESCO-ICOMOS platform. The lessons learned by de-
tailed theoretical analyses of the UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines and charters point out, that
the urban morphological research and its different strata (urban forms, structural com-
ponents, built environment, urban tissue and their interaction) act as background and
fundaments to constitute urban heritage proposals. Proposals for structural development
and transformation of the built environment in the urban heritage environment (not ex-
clusively rotected by law, but considered as heritage rimarily re ects on the sustained
cumulative lessons The com le structural layers of s eci c urban tissue ty es have to
be understood, due to keeping and maintain the character of the urban fabric and built
environment, thus the identity of the town as a whole.

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 Introduction
Towns have a life history. Their development together with the cultural history of the
region in which they lie is written deeply into the outline and fabric of their built-up areas
(Conzen, 19 0/19 9, p. ). M.R.G. Conzen s thoughts remain valid, although as a result
of globalization, architectural uniformity and omnipresence of analogous forms, towns
are facing a kind of partial identity loss (Gospodini, 200 ); development of a harmonic
urban concept in mind with built heritage and contemporary needs, identification and
mapping the values, that have been preserved in the urban regeneration processes are
not only questions of identity-preservation but in their complexity, these are also issues of
contemporary planning which have to be solved, however, the problem1 belongs not
only to contemporary society but arises again and again. The problem and an attempt
to solve it created the Italian school of urban morphology, and according to a contem-
porary interpretation (Whitehand Gu, 2010), the basis of the urban heritage protection
and evaluation is the determination of boundaries and properties of the morphological
regions (phenomenon defined by M.R.G. Conzen). This interpretation addresses the im-
portance of the practice of the Italian urban morphology school, which takes into ac-
count historical changes as significant factors that form the built environment. Complex
evaluation and protection of urban heritage date back only to 2006, when the UNESCO
introduced the World Heritage Cities Programme, and from this perspective, it cannot
be denied that the raison d etre of those urban morphological studies are focused on
morphological regions as the ensembles of the built environment.
The studied towns (mainly the historic core from the period of Austria-Hungary) belong
to not only one, but to six countries nowadays (Hungary, Serbia, Slovakia, Romania, Ukrai-
ne, Croatia). In case if we consider examining the fact how the lessons and guidelines
were outlined by the fundaments of the urban tissue typology and micro-urbanism, fit
into the legislation of these countries, we are going to lose the essence of the work so
far: it would become case and country-oriented rather than to be realized the unified
management of the joint town-creating past manifestations. Thus it is recommended to
create amendments of the principles, that were established by a common platform. The
lessons learned by detailed theoretical analyses of the UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines and
charters point out, that the urban morphological research and its different layers (urban
forms, structural components, built environment, urban tissue and their interaction) act as
background and fundaments to constitute urban heritage proposals.

Urban tissue typology, micro-urbanism and the related UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines

The general lessons that can be formulated regarding the results of the urban tissue
typology and micro-urbanism analyses in the former Habsburg (Austro-Hungarian) towns
also can be found in the studied UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines.
Five statements are selected, according to the general conclusions we can point out
based on the results of the analyses (urban tissue types, micro-urbanism), which can be
also outlined by the relevant UNESCO-ICOMOS documents:
1. ualities to be preserved include the historic character of the town or urban area
and all those material and spiritual elements that express this character, especially: Urban
patterns as defined by lots and streets; Relationships between buildings and green and
open spaces; The formal appearance, interior and exterior, of buildings as defined by
scale, size, style, construction, materials, colour and decoration; The relationship betwe-
en the town or urban area and its surrounding setting, both natural and man-made; and
the various functions that the town or urban area has acquired over time. (Charter for
the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas - Washington Charter)
2. Modern towns and urban areas are complex phenomena that have resulted from
the historical stratification of cultural values imprinted in their wider natural environment.
Nowadays, the urban phenomenon, much more so in the historic urban areas, cannot
be diagnosed without reference to all physical and cultural, tangible and intangible pa-
rameters, through which their particular identify is shaped: the built-up environment, as
shaped through time by man, along with its particular morphological features, the va-
riety of volumes and intermediate free spaces; (The Valletta Principles for the Safeguar-

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ding and Management of Historic Cities, Towns and Urban Areas)
. Such contemporary architecture, making deliberate use of present-day techni-
ques and materials, will fit itself into an ancient setting without affecting the structural
and aesthetic qualities of the latter only in so far as due allowance is made for the ap-
propriate use of mass, scale, rhythm and appearance. (Resolutions of the Symposium
on the introduction of contemporary architecture into ancient groups of buildings, at the
3rd ICOMOS General Assembly)
. An understanding of the history and significance of a site over time are crucial ele-
ments in the identification of its authenticity. The material fabric of a cultural site can be
a principal component of its authenticity. (The Declaration of San Antonio)
. Understanding, documenting and interpreting the setting is essential to defining
and appreciating the heritage significance of any structure, site or area. (Xi’an Decla-
ration on the Conservation of the Setting of Heritage Structures, Sites and Areas)
Addition: The architectural heritage includes not only individual. buildings of excep-
tional quality and their surroundings, but also all areas of towns or villages of historic or
cultural interest. (The Declaration of Amsterdam)
The lessons learned by detailed theoretical analyses of the UNESCO-ICOMOS doctri-
nes and charters and the practical examination of the results of the urban tissue typology
and micro-urbanism analyses results point out, that the urban morphological research
and its different layers (urban forms, structural components, built environment, urban tis-
sue and their interaction) act as background and fundaments to constitute general ur-
ban heritage conservation and protection proposals.

The related urban tissue typology and micro-urbanism

The urban morphological features (urban tissue types and spatial relations) were de-
termined by the development of the spatial changes and the interaction between the
components of the urban fabric for the better understanding of the historical movements
and driving forces, which led to the unique urban and architectural manifesto .
The micro-urbanism studies as supplementary analyses of the urban morphology of
the studied towns deal not only with the urban structure but also with the architectural
context of the urban tissue: how the building itself and the built environment, in general, is
related to the structure and vice versa, thus how the townscape changes and interacts.
The mutual effect is a phenomenon of micro-urbanism. As it is based on the taxonomy of
the urban tissue type, urban regulation principles and the built environment, it suggests
urban rehabilitation principles and the contemporary architecture.
Urban structure and architecture, be it a unique manifestation or a coherent ensem-
ble, can only be examined in the interaction of each other if the goal is to create a com-
plex image on the level of micro-urbanism. It is of an interdisciplinary nature and deals
not only with the structure but also with the architectural context of the selected towns
through macro and micro scales; how the building relates to the structure and vice ver-
sa. Macro scale represents the urban structure with the urban tissue types together with
the additional green spaces, the micro scale is the vertical articulation of the building
fabric and their specific elements, thus the analytical system still follows the cognitive
approach of M. R. G. Conzen, with a combination of Caniggia s research methodology
(architectural typology).
The townscape changes can
be followed as specific imprints of a certain time period. In the case of these towns, si-
milar townscape characters have evolved between 1 191 , as specific combination
of structure and built environment, and urban ensembles (micro-urbanism).
The quantitative studies are complemented with the qualitative studies; the study of
the elements, structure systems and connection with the spatial layout. These include:
corners and intersections as building elements and spatial features – morphology and
types, connection; street junctions with extending morphological elements. The analysis
uses practical examples
of typology and takes into account the architectural, urban design and systemati-
zation determinants of the era (Josef St bben, Camillo Sitte, Pal czi Antal, etc.) in the
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 region; the morphology of infill how the infill was resolved in a certain period of its crea-
tion, how it reacts with a particular urban fabric and architectural environment; a combi-
nation of architectural elements together with the quantitative analyses.
The urban tissue typology had to deal with the green spaces in order to create a more
accurate taxonomy, but the micro-urbanism takes the various types of greenery into ac-
count as part of a townscape – an element which changes the perception of the space
together with landmarks (secular, sacral).

Micro-urbanism as additional tool for urban heritage determination

The basis of the urban heritage protection and evaluation, according to a contem-
porary morphological interpretation by Whitehand Gu (2010), is the determination of
boundaries and properties of the morphological regions. Micro-urbanism is a complex
area in the field of architecture and urbanism. It acts as a new discipline and approach
in urban morphology.
Appreciation of morphology, analysing the evolution and change in traditional urban
space and the typology that defines zones and urban pattern are the key elements
in considering local patterns in the nominative processes of urban development. The
mutual effect of urban structure and the architectural context is the phenomenon of
micro-urbanism.
Micro-urbanism studies are based on the urban tissue type taxonomy, the urban regu-
lation principles, the built environment, towards urban rehabilitation principles and con-
temporary architecture of nowadays. The fundamental aspects, based on the spatial
relations between physical objects include the natural environment and the built envi-
ronment, and the built environment is essentially embedded within the natural environ-
ment. Therefore, the chosen case study areas should combine historical and contempo-
rary factors determining the towns unique character: abandoned and well preserved
urban heritage, various urban tissue character, possible urban rehabilitation area, former
greenfield development, the changing urban and natural landscape.
The micro-urbanism analyses read the town according to the combinations of the
elements of the structure, urban tissues and building fabric, which creates a collage via
a unique combination of the repeating elements.
The collage nature of each town allowed us to examine the forms of urban areas and
the whole structure has been read as an entirety. The similar spatial arrangement of the
forms and similarities in the built environment serve as a set of evidence to evaluate the
towns in pursuance of similar criteria based on micro-urbanism.
Caniggia and Maffei conclude, the typological process as the micro-urbanism also
belongs to the typo-morphology has to be interpreted as succession of changes in
time, distinctions and applicable mutual spatial in uences ( ) (Caniggia Maffei, 2001,
p. ). The comparison takes the main urban identity-shaping urban forms and relation-
ships into account, which created the specific character of the town and its identity in
the research period. The theoretical aspects of the typo-morphology (in our case) are
the town s spatial/geographic characteristics, as well as the historical and the archi-
tectural components. Type combines the volumetric characteristics of built structures
with their related open spaces to define a built landscape type.
The practical result of the micro-urban analyses is a complementary study of urban
morphology with typology, inter-relations and site-specific examples of the planning de-
cisions. In the interest of an urban regeneration/rehabilitation or a new design project
in a particular urban environment implemented appropriate quality, it has to be under-
stood and mastered the urban heritage of the urban ensemble. The essence of rehabi-
litation programs is the revitalization of the cities in an architectural and social sense via
preservation of the original architectural structure, maintenance of residential buildings,
rehabilitation, or possible demolition and construction of new buildings. Therefore, it is
necessary to understand the architectural, urban design structure of the territory, as well
as its morphology, but besides these technical features, the interests and opinions of the
residents living in the area can not be ignored. A rehabilitation process or construction of
a new building could be a socially sustainable investment and could become an accep-

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table project in a given social context if the involvement of society takes place.
The contemporary urban heritage character based on its urban tissue typology can
be defined by studying the urban development of the city during the period of its evolu-
tion into contemporary urban patterns.
Any proposals for structural development and transformation of the built environment
in the urban heritage environment (not exclusively protected by law, but considered as
heritage) primarily re ects on the sustained cumulative lessons,2 and have to beseem to
the complex structural layers of some specific urban tissue types, due to keep and main-
tain the urban fabric, thus the identity of the town as a whole.

Conclusions
The study of the given towns not only explores the urban tissue types but also disco-
vers the factors creating urban identity in a wider context. In the Habsburg period, their
modern image was created, while the built heritage and the inherited town structure
together represent a valuable inheritance of the contemporary towns and defines the
townscape. The following micro-urbanism analyses could act as individual studies, but
the combination of these could code the urban and architectural planning activities
and enrich the general urban knowledge of the era (1 191 ) with supplementation
of the planning principles and historical and social aspects. The research opens a new
chapter in urban and architectural research: a combination of urban morphology and
architectural typo-morphology research.
The urban character as a platform of revitalization projects. The phenomenon of so-
cial inclusion (inclusion of the community) in different steps of the decision-making pro-
cesses has become over the recent years an essential practice to achieve the success
of urban regeneration interventions. Assessment and selection of projects based on the
preferences of the community subjects were tested in important historic centres (Miccoli
Finucci Murro, 201 , pp. 1 -1 ), economic evaluations of major infrastructure were
applied through the involvement of the local community. Finally, even the enhance-
ment of the landscape and urban agriculture interventions, when this element becomes
a perceptual element, are evaluated according to an inclusive and social approach.

Acknowledgements
The current complex study and the conference paper was supported by the National
Talent Program (NTP-NFT -19- -00 2). The micro-urbanism research was funded by the
Akcija lade AP Pravo na prvu ansu . Project: Microurbanism Interaction between
Architecture and Urban Structure in Central Europe (1 -191 ) .

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 Footnotes
1
In the case of the Italian towns are already at the beginning of the 20th century, espe-
cially in the fascist era, the problem occurred due to attempts of forced reconciliation
of modern and traditional. That was prompted the creation of the Italian morphologi-
cal school and bridging the gap between architecture and urban planning. They were,
with Gustavo Giovanni on the forefront, striving to the contextual thinking, the harmony
between the original/traditional urban tissue and the less significant modern urban forms,
instead of the systematic transformation of urban centres and integration of e Corbu-
sier-inspired skyscrapers into the traditional fabric (Marzot, 2002).
2
Relevant UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines and charters: 1. Charter for the Conservation
of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (Washington Charter), 2. The alletta Principles for the
Safeguarding and Management of Historic Cities, Towns and Urban Areas, . Resolutions
of the Symposium on the introduction of contemporary architecture into ancient groups
of buildings, at the 3rd ICOMOS General Assembly, . The Declaration of San Antonio, .
i an Declaration on the Conservation of the Setting of Heritage Structures, Sites and Are-
as, . The Declaration of Amsterdam, . European Charter of the Architectural Heritage.

References
Caniggia, G. and Maffei, G. . (2001) Architectural Composition and Building Typology:
Interpreting Basic Building, Alinea Editrice, Firenze.
Conzen, M.R.G. (19 0) Alnwick, Northumberland: a study in town-plan analysis. Tran-
sactions and Papers, Institute of British Geographers, (2 ); reprinted with minor amend-
ments and Glossary, 19 9.
Gospodini, A. (200 ) Urban morphology and place identity in European cities: built heri-
tage and innovative design , Journal of Urban Design, 9(2), pp. 22 - 2 .
Marzot, N. (2002) The study of urban form in Italy , Urban Morphology (2), pp. 9- .
Miccoli, S., Finucci, F. and Murro, R. (201 ) A direct deliberative evaluation procedure to
choose project for via Giulia in Rome , Pollack Periodica 10, pp. 1 -1 .
UNESCO-ICOMOS doctrines and charters https://www.icomos.org/
Whitehand, J.W.R. and Gu, K. (2010) Conserving Urban andscape Heritage: a Geo-
graphical Approach , Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 2( ), pp. 9 - 9 .

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Documenting the disappeared Rome: the San Marco district

Chiara Melchionna1, Francesca Geremia2
Roma Tre University, DARC - Department of Architecture, Rome
1,2

1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: San Marco district - architectural restoration - urban history - cultural heritage -
historic centre

Abstract

The research concerns a lost part of Rome: the San Marco district, along the slopes
of the Capitol. The evolution of the inhabited area began in the Middle Ages, based on
an archaeological substratum of Roman era, and continued to develop until the end of
the nineteenth century, when they began demolition of the historical fabric. This breaks
the urban continuity, switching from a dense housing fabric, varied in building types, to
one of ceremonial and celebratory spaces. This research studies the historical formative
and ty ological rocess, and the rede nition of the urban fabric using the hilological
restoration methodology extended both to the whole pattern and to the single building.
The reconstruction of the district before the demolitions uses 1871 as the time limit,
corresponding to the update of the Urban Gregorian Land Registry.
The information base consists of documentary data, such as archival, iconographic
and photographic sources, associated with the typological reading of the fabric. This
provides a reconstruction of the urban consistency through the critical analysis of sourc-
es. The restitution of the urban fronts and of the building facades arises as a necessary
outcome: this work of interpretation and redrawing translates into a re-design process.

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 The area of the work we present1 is known as the “district of San Marco” named after
the church dedicated to San Marco that represented its fulcrum and that, at least in
certain phases of urban development, generated its evolution.
It was an urban zone that, re-read on the toponymy recorded on the Gregorian ur-
ban cadaster, was included between the streets: Via di Marforio, Via della Ripresa dei
Barberi, Piazza Venezia, the southern stretch of Via del Gesù, Via di San Venanzio, Piazza
dell’Aracoeli and, along the northern side of the Capitol, Via della Pedacchia.
Therefore, it was mainly part of the Campitelli district, including also to the north some
blocks of the Pigna district and bordering on the east with the Monti district and on the
west with the S.Angelo district.
As can be observed in the cadastral map, but also in the many views that represen-
ted it even quite recently, it was a thick urban fabric, dense and tightly connected with
the surrounding structures; furthermore, several architectural features characterized it,
contributing to connote its physiognomy.
Among others, we can cite the complex of the Aracoeli convent, the Tower of Paolo
III and the annexed viaduct connecting to Palazzetto Venezia, the house of Giulio Ro-
mano on Via della Pedacchia (for a certain time entitled to the renaissance architect)
and, on the same road, the palace of Pietro da Cortona, or the houses that belonged to
Giacomo della Porta which bordered the eastern side of Piazza dell’Aracoeli. This is just
to mention some of the architectural elements that defined the urban fabric of this part
of the town that was sacrificed in the name of a single, irrational, objective: to make this
area of Rome a perspective backdrop to the mass of the monument” (Racheli, 1979).
Perhaps because of its very exceptional nature, this site has been the subject of impor-
tant studies and research that have investigated both the transformation process and
the urban and architectural texture of the demolished building fabric. Firstly, the archival
research and analysis by A.M.Racheli then, not secondarily, that carried out by M.Bran-
cia di Apricena aiming to recompose the district and the historical and constructive
events related to the Capitoline hill, last but not least that of M.R.Coppola concentrated
on the Vittoriano building and its construction process.
This work is part of a more general field of studies concerning the analysis of urban
transformations to which it also refers, documenting, as well through the graphic restitu-
tion, the disappeared urban fabric. The work thus contributes to reconstructing not only
the lost urban structure but also the meanings associated with it and recognizes the iden-
tity of the places compromised by these transformations.

Historical and formative notes

The urban fabric we are analysing was formerly located outside the Servian wall, the
area that includes part of the region VII (between Mount Pincio and Via Lata) and IX
(Campo Marzio) separated by the Via Lata (today Via del Corso) and extended to the
north of the VIII region (Campidoglio, Arx, Forum and Velabro). The walls ran along the
slopes of the hill which was probably equipped with artificial terraces and additional
autonomous fortifications, but adjacent to the urban perimeter and maybe related to
them (Cifani, 2012).
Only as a result of imperial planning, the region north of the Capitol towards the wider
area of the Campo Marzio, began to be systematically urbanized, taking advantage of
some of the routes which were already drawn and mainly still in use: Via Lata coming
from the north then running along the eastern side of the Capitol to the Forum, the route
of Via Salaria which continued along the northern slopes of the hill and then crossed the
river at the Tiberina Island and the vicus Jugarius bordering the southern slopes of the hill.
The Campo Marzio was also crossed by the Vicus Pallacina, east-west oriented, that
led to the sacred area of Largo Argentina and by other routes parallel to the course of
the river forming with Vicus Pallacina that urban triangle that still characterizes the area.
The region was included in the pomerium only during Claudio’s rule, continuing to
be frequented and renewed still between the th and the first half of the th century
A.D. and, unlike other areas, the urban contraction determined by the depopulation of
late th early th century A.D., did not result in its complete abandonment. Instead, the

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post-classical landscape of this region gradually starts to take shape when the Campo
Marzio plain becomes the heart of the high-medieval Rome.
In A.D. Pope Marco instituted the titulus and built the asilica of San Marco within
the pre-existing structures of the district, then followed by the construction of other chur-
ches and religious buildings.
Next to abandoned and despoiled monuments, used to extract building materials,
a network of crossing routes begins to be formed. On this will arise the building fabric
characterized by the presence of small buildings next to fortified structures such as the
castrum aureum (Manacorda, 2001), built on the theater of Balbo sediment area or the
one built by the Pierleoni family using the remains of Marcello’s theatre.
There was a renewed interest in the area around the Capitoline hill when in 1144 it
became the seat of the Commune and place of political and commercial activities as
well as the church of Santa Maria de Capitolio (in Aracoeli).
The main streets crossing the area can be recognized following the medieval proces-
sional itineraries that, if on the one hand confirm the permanence of certain routes of
foundation, on the other, testify the urban structure thickening and the creation of new
streets inside the Tiber bend towards the Sant’Angelo bridge between the 8th and 12th
centuries.
Here converged the Via Papalis that arrived at San Marco and the Via lata, which in
turn reached the Roman Forum via a route coinciding with the previous Roman one: the
Clivus Argentarius - in medieval times called Ascesa Proyhi (Passigli, 1989) - to be consi-
dered an element of continuity of the ancient road system up to the modern age. Within
this network, the basilica of S.Marco certainly had a key function, being configured as a
pole of aggregation and attraction determining the urban evolution of the area.
At least the layout of Via delle Botteghe Oscure– Via di S.Marco and Via Capitolina
(in its original direction before the sixteenth-century restructurings) was already formed
between 8th and 9th century, ensuring the connection between the inhabited areas in
the bend of the river and the northern slopes of the Campidoglio.
Undoubtedly, also in this area urban renewal commenced in the 15th century after
the definitive transfer to Rome of the Papal seat.
And the decision of Cardinal Pietro Barbo to build in this place the palace which,
once he become pope with the name of Paolo II, became the seat of the papal resi-
dence and was completed with the construction of the viridario with hanging gardens,
creating the architectural complex of Palazzo and Palazzetto Venezia connected to
the church of San Marco. The interventions carried out at that time also concerned the
arrangement of Via Lata, which from that moment began to be called Corso taking a
central role in the urban organization of Rome, and also that of Piazza San Marco and
Piazza Venezia (Simoncini, 2004).
The interventions promoted by Paolo III Farnese were significant. He activated the
general requalification of the Capitoline Hill by building the overpass connecting the Pa-
lazzetto Venezia and later the papal palace, known as the Tower of Paolo III, establishing
the general layout of the slopes towards Piazza del Campidoglio, towards the Fora and
the district of San Marco, renovating the ancient routes such as the medieval Ascesa
Prothi, which was transformed into the sixteenth-century Via di Marforio, along which
passed the imperial procession of Charles (April , 1 ).
In 1538 the arrangement of Via Capitolina began, whose renovation work would be
achieved only at the end of the century (Andreani, 2005). During this period the urban
structure is enriched with new noble palaces: that of the Astalli, the Muti, the Fani, the
Massimo di Rignano families overlooking Piazza dell’Aracoeli.
We can notice the gradual but significant modelling of the urban fabric by observing
the Bufalini map of Rome (1551), and the subsequent drawings depicting the Renaissan-
ce city.
The minor building fabric described by Mario Cartaro in 1 testifies the permanence
of the medieval features of the original layout and shows the Capitoline hill almost confi-
gured as a citadel surrounded by renewed roads.
The view of Stefano Du Pèrac in 1577, taken from an unusual point of view, offers the
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 opportunity to observe the urban fabric from the Quirinal with, in the foreground, the bu-
ilding fronts along Via Marforio, and the overpass of Paolo III with houses under its arches.
In the view of Antonio Tempesta in 1593 we note that the overpass still seems to
overhang the buildings destined to incorporate it following their growth, whilst we reco-
gnize the new palaces defining the architectural scenes of Piazza dell Aracoeli.
At the end of the 1 th century the urban fabric appears to be substantially delineated
in its conclusive forms, followed only by the precise architectural interventions that we
can see in the views of Greuter (1 1 ) of Maggi (1 2 ), of Falda (1 ) up to the funda-
mental graphic document of the Giovan Battista Nolli map of Rome that, in 1748, repre-
sents the city at the end, we can say, of its physiological developments.
In the same period, the views of Giuseppe Vasi contribute to visually narrate the urban
and architectural consistency of this urban fabric that is definitively described in the plan
of the Gregorian urban cadastre and in the attached brogliardi, made between 1818
and 1824.
The urban development continued here, as widely in Rome, with those typical proces-
ses that led to an urban appearance that was incoherent with the evolution typicity as-
suming connotations of building infill, excessive growth in height, transforming the typical
features. However, it still preserved in the structure and the texture, as well as in the minor
urban fabric, the memory of the formative historical process.

The demolition
The district was gradually demolished: the construction of Via Nazionale started im-
mediately after the proclamation of Rome as the Italian Capital, whose route, although
located on mostly not yet built land, involved demolitions downstream for the enlarge-
ment of Via della Pilotta, Vicolo dei Colonnesi and Via di San Romualdo, thus beginning
to erode the block of Palazzo Parracciani-Nepoti and Palazzo Del Nero-Bolognetti then
Torlonia destined to be definitively razed to the ground in 190 when it was decided to
enlarge Piazza Venezia.
But the decision, however not original (see the plans of Scipione Perosini for an Impe-
rial Palace on the Capitoline hill dedicated to Napoleon in 1810) to place the Monu-
ment to ittorio Emanuele II on the Capitol, implied the most significant and devastating
transformation among the many completed after the unity of Italy that triggered a suc-
cession of interventions leading to the definitive alteration of the whole area.
On December 0, 1 , the stripping of the Capitoline hill began: among the first buil-
dings to be demolished, there were the houses at the foot of the hill both on Via di Mar-
forio and on the side of Via della Pedacchia, then came the demolition of the Aracoeli
monastery, the Tower of Paolo III (1 -1 ) and the two blocks between the slopes of
the hill and the Palazzetto Venezia.
Within 1905 and 1910 two blocks of buildings were demolished between Via di Marfo-
rio and Via di Testa Spaccata.
The demolition of the Torlonia block and the consequent reconstruction of an urban
backdrop designed by Sacconi in forms borrowed from the symmetrical Palazzo Vene-
zia, was followed by the decision to “move” the Palazzetto Venezia to replace the two
blocks - between Via di Madama Lucrezia, Via del Gesù, Via di San Marco and the ho-
monymous square - that were then demolished in 1910.
The dismantling and reconstruction of the building caused the definitive demolition
of the overpass which connected this building to the Tower of Paolo III passing over Via
di San Marco and Via della Pedacchia and characterizing the views towards the Trajan
column.
The photographs taken in 1919 by airship, kept at the Archivio Capitolino, show the
situation at that time, but also show the breadth of the incipient transformations.
On the eastern side, the demolition of the building fabric on Via di Marforio and of the
blocks facing Piazza della Colonna Traiana is to be completed, the Trajan markets are to
be liberated, followed by the complete demolition of the Alessandrino district (Geremia,
2015, 2018).
On the western side from 1928 the demolition begins of the surviving buildings along

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Via della Pedacchia and the remaining blocks towards Piazza dell’Aracoeli, and subse-
quently the demolition of the buildings on the slopes of the hill along Via Tor de’Specchi
and then the whole quarter around Piazza Montanara and again towards Bocca della
Verità.
The graphic restitution of the demolitions carried out during a fifty-year period highli-
ghted on the Gregorian urban cadastre is as impressive as it is incredible.
On the one hand extensive plots of historical fabric have been definitively erased,
on the other there is the loss of identity of places that still exist but are mutilated of their
significance. This is evident in particular urban scenarios such as Piazza dell Aracoeli who-
se characteristic shape, conceived to visually frame both the staircase leading to the
church and the “cordonata” to the Capitol, is today confused by the loss of the eastern
backdrop not sufficiently resolved by the arboreal arrangement, which seems a useless
palliative to an irreparable urban gap that today we wish to fill with at least the memory
of what we have lost.

Recomposition of the San Marco disappeared district

For the scientific recomposition of the San Marco district urban fabric, many different
historical sources were critically analysed. The most important reference were the histo-
rical documents kept at the Capitoline Archive where it was possible to find both icono-
graphic and documentary data.
The archival documents within the funds of the Pontifical Comune Archive (1 -1 0)
and of Post-unification Comune Archive (1 0-1922) allow tangible evidence of the buil-
ding and urban transformations that took place in Rome starting from the second half of
the nineteenth century.
The archival collections Titolo and Titolo 2 are particularly interesting, they are
related to the entire period: before and after the unification of Italy; together with the
“Ispettorato Edilizio” (1887-1930) and the Piano Regolatore repertories. Within “Titolo 54
- uildings and ornaments, nomenclature and civic numbering and Titolo 2 - Waters
and streets, licenses and fines , the requests of building permission are collected. These
documents were made by private individuals or different institutions, for the issuing of va-
rious types of licenses, e.g. building transformations, merging and recasting, restoration or
new constructions (Titolo 54), and for the occupation of public land with different types
of structures (Titolo 2).
The Ispettorato Edilizio was the Institution which had the task of verifying the consisten-
cy of the projects submitted by the owners with the current Building Regulations; while all
the interventions carried out among the general development plan would be recorded
into the Piano Regolatore. This brief overview highlights the value of “urban memory”
and the scientific importance that the historical documentation assumes when evalua-
ting and understanding urban transformations at the different scale of intervention, and
when redesigning, in a physical and scientific sense, a part of the city that has comple-
tely disappeared.
The building applications, subject to assessment by the competent Authorities, are
often accompanied by various iconographic contents. In addition to plans and site
maps, it is very common to find the description of the facades, representing both the
survey of the current state of the building and the planned project. The most frequent
work were the architectural redefinition of the fronts, or the addition of new oors, with
consequent transformation of the pitched roof into at roof with terraces. These interven-
tions determine a new configuration of the urban skyline (Geremia, 201 ).
Having taken 1871 as time limit for the reconstruction of the urban fabric, reference is
made from time to time to the first or second drawing, based on the date of the building
license application. If prior to 1871, the last transformation will be considered, therefore
the post-operam. Conversely, in the event of changes subsequent to 1871, the ante-o-
peram will be used as the reference, without considering the design project. The car-
tographic basis used as a reference for redesigning the map of the district is the urban
land-register, the Catasto Gregoriano, updated to 1 1. Compared to the first map of
1824, the most recent one is completed with the indication of the street numbers and
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 records the reunification of more properties in single buildings, the new constructions or
the demolitions occurred. The cadastral map is taken as a fixed basis on which is then
overlapped the redrawing of the plans contained in the archival documents, suitably
adapted to the nineteenth-century map so as not to alter the data considered.
The work is supported by a continuous practice of interpretation, evaluation and cri-
tical comparison between the various documents, projects and iconographic sources.
Since the 1871 land registry establishes an unambiguous image of the city immediately
prior to demolitions, the Brogliardo associated with it is considered as a reference pla-
tform to which interface data from other sources.
In fact, the Brogliardo as a cadastral register, provides a complete and accurate
description of each building parcel. In our case, the interest mainly focuses on the de-
scription of the number of oors, necessary for the reconstruction of the building fronts of
the single parcels and of the urban fabric in which it is located. This information is taken
as an essential basis in order to proceed with the comparative analysis of the archival
material acquired.
Every archival drawing is evaluated in its coherence with the related description repor-
ted in the Brogliardo itself. If it is inconsistent, the redesign of the building front has always
coincided with the data of the nineteenth-century register, assuming that the practice
had failed or that the changes in progress had differed from the submitted project.
In addition to this study procedure, we have considered many other historical sources,
that give us a likely image of the nineteenth-century city and are useful for critical inter-
pretation. The urban layout of the city and its transformations are highlighted in the many
historic views such as the Giuseppe Vasi view of Rome or the contemporary paintings of
Vanvitelli and later of Roesler Franz.
Even the photographic repertory represents a further important source: useful repre-
sentations of everyday life that moves on the background of the ancient fabric of the
district. Also worth mentioning, the aerial photographs, taken by the airships, which are
relevant for evaluating the development in height of the urban fabric and the conver-
sion of the roofs of the buildings.
In some cases, reference was made to the finding of material relating to single buil-
ding units preserved in historic documents, other than the Archivio Capitolino ones, or pu-
blished by authors who did the planimetric and elevation survey of the buildings. In many
cases, these are often architectural exceptionalities or the houses of important persona-
lities and families, such as the case of Pietro da Cortona’s home in via della Pedacchia,
(particles 34-35) (Lugari, 1885). The Collezione Disegni e Mappe - Collezione I, of the Ar-
chivio di Stato di Roma, provided documentary material for the design changes to the
Sturbinetti house (particles 2- ) and the arigioni property (particle 2- ), both in via
della Pedacchia. Palazzo Santacroce-Gamberucci, previously belonged to Giacomo
della Porta, in Piazza dell’Aracoeli, is recorded in Letarouilly’s drawings (Letarouilly, 1874).
The archival documents, the design and photographic material does not exhaustively
cover the entire area of interest. Where this material is incomplete or completely absent,
we have chosen to proceed assuming a redesign of the fronts in analogy with the bu-
ilding types and of therefore of the characters proper to them, as found in the nearby
urban fabric in which the building unit is located. The identification of the building type,
together with the information provided by the nineteenth-century cadastral document,
the site map and the Brogliardo for the description of the building height, therefore allows
to proceed with a real redesign of the fronts of the single unit and subsequently for the
overall achievement of the entire palimpsest of San Marco district.

Conclusion
The work of redesigning of the building fronts is still in progress, it will find its completion
in the definition of a D-model, aiming at acknowledging the consistency of the ancient
building fabric and the extent of the demolitions accomplished in this part of the city. The
perception of the urban transformations made in the San Marco area becomes funda-
mental to give back an image of a city altered in its original function and spatial articula-
tion. Here the dense medieval urban fabric and the previous street network were repla-

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ced by large spaces for ceremonial use (currently sadly configured as a road junction).
The actual configuration leaves gaps of memory and meaningless places which can
be filled by understanding the urban development and considering its recent past. In this
sense, the work we are carrying out aims to facilitate any urban redesign and reconfi-
guration of spaces, consistent and focused on respecting the surrounding environment.
Furthermore, the scientific accuracy and effectiveness of the representation make
our outcomes accessible to both expert researchers and curious public of visitors.

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Figure 1. Extract from the maps of Rione Campitelli, Monti, Trevi, Sant’Angelo.

Figure 2. Archivio Storico Capitolino, Archivio Fotografico, extract from the picture n.2 2.

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Figure 3. Piazza dell’Aracoeli.

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 Figure 4. Via della Pedacchia.

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Footnotes
1
This work reports the results of the research carried out in Department of Architecture
University Roma: “Documentation and virtual restitution of the disappeared urban fabric
in the central archaeological area of Rome”, (responsible F.Geremia), and it has been
object of the case-study analysed within the course held by F.Geremia, M.G.Cianci, V.
arano: la Struttura della Citt in the 201 -201 and 201 -201 editions, it is also now
part of the University Research: “The webgis descriptio-romae expanded. A dynamic
Atlas for knowledge, prevention of seismic and hydrogeological risk, the fruition of the
historic city”, coordinated by A.Pugliano.

Captions
Figure 1. Archivio di Stato di Roma, Presidenza generale del Censo, Catasto urbano Gre-
goriano, extract from the maps of Rione Campitelli, Monti, Trevi, Sant Angelo. Identifica-
tion of the area object of the work: 1) Via di Marforio, 2) Via della ripresa dei Barberi, 3)
Piazza enezia, ) ia del Ges , ) ia di San enanzio, ) Piazza dell Aracoeli and ) ia
della Pedacchia. In yellow the identification of the demolished urban fabric.
Figure 2. Archivio Storico Capitolino, Archivio Fotografico, extract from the picture n.2 2:
“Rome seen from above, Campo Marzio between Pantheon and Chiesa del Gesù, be-
fore the construction of Largo Argentina”, Stabilimento Costruzioni Aeronautiche Roma,
first quarter of the 20th century.
Figure 3. Piazza dell’Aracoeli: restitution of the building fronts. Illustration of the method
through the comparison between the Brogliardo (Catasto urbano Gregoriano) archive
documents and historical sources.
Figure 4. Via della Pedacchia: restitution of the building fronts. Illustration of the method
through the comparison between the Brogliardo (Catasto urbano Gregoriano) archive
documents and historical sources.

References
Racheli, A.M. (1979), ‘Sintesi delle vicende urbanistiche di Roma dal 1870 al 1911’ (Facol-
tà di Architettura di Roma – Istituto di Progettazione, Roma).
Racheli, A.M. (1981), ‘Ricerca d’archivio e progetto urbanistico. Piazza Venezia 1878-
1911’, in Parametro, 102.
Brancia di Apricena, M. (2000), ‘Il convento dell’Aracoeli sul Colle Capitolino’ (Quasar,
Roma).
Brancia di Apricena, M. (2002), ‘Il quartiere di San Marco a Roma’, in Bollettino d’Arte,
s. , , 21- .
Ercolino, M. G. (2013), ‘La città negata. Il Campo Carleo al Foro Traiano: genesi, crescita
e distruzione’ (Ginevra Bentivoglio EditoriA, Roma).
Cifani, G. (2012), ‘Le mura serviane’, in Carandini, A. (ed.) (2012), ‘Atlante di Roma anti-
ca’ (Electa, Milano), 81-84.
Manacorda, D. (2001), ‘Crypta Balbi. Archeologia e storia di un paesaggio urbano’
(Electa, Milano).
Passigli, S. (19 9), Urbanizzazione e topografia a Roma nell area dei Fori imperiali tra I
e XVI secolo’, in Mélanges de l’école française de Rome, nn.101-1, 273-325.
Lugari, G. B. (1885). ‘La via della Pedacchia e la casa di Pietro da Cortona: memoria’
Roma, Tip. del cav. A. Befani.
Geremia, F. (2018), Restituzione virtuale del quartiere Alessandrino a Roma, in Theatro-
deisis, vol. IV, 41-50
etarouilly, P. M. (1 ). difices de Rome moderne ou Recueil des palais, maisons, glis-
es, couvents et autres monuments publics et particuliers les plus remarquables de la
ville de Rome, Paris, Morel.

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Underlying, extended and updated Rome in Valencia:

the historic definition of Ciutat Vella as the core city.
Ph.D. Arch. César D. Mifsut García
EVHA – Entitat Valenciana d’Habitatge i Sòl, Vinatea 4, 46001 Valencia, Spain
[email protected]
Keywords: Valencia, historical urban patterns, preexistences, regeneration process

Abstract

The historical city in Valencia, Ciutat Vella, appears as a single unit into the whole
city, but into the former walls there are three main areas from the same number of ages
in history. So, there’s Roman foundation as the core city until the 3rd century, a Muslim
extension into a “C” shape around the 10th century and, nally, an embracing Christian
precinct from the 15th century. Each one develops a single urban pattern, according to
the territory being occu ied omans chose an island in river Turia uslims lled it u al-
most as a total built area; and Chirstian city absorbed part of the irrigation system around
the city All those re-e isting lines sha ed each urban attern, and they can also be
red in the present city. That 15th century wall precinct became almost the whole city of
Valencia till the 19th century, when it had to be u dated because of its unhealthy situa-
tion and bad sanitary conditions. On the other hand, updating was also a requirement
from the Government to develop new extension areas of the city out of the walls: the
Ensanche plans. So, in 19th and 20th centuries two main urban renewals were developed
in a aussmannian style, with a s ecial attention to the re-e isting urban attern and
heritage The analysis of the underlying city centre of Ciutat ella de nes almost a sort of
historical urban develo ment model on the large river ood lains all over the editer-
ranean area in Europe.

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 Valencia city in history
Valencia is the third city in Spain and the third metropolitan area as well, both in
population and extension. It has a total of near 1,7 million of inhabitants, whose half live
in the core city. So, Valencia is the centre of activity for other 46 municipalities around it,
and is also the administrative capital city of the region (VV.AA., 1994). A deeper look to
its urban morphology and history show an inner complexity further the appearance of
unity initially foreseen.
In a first glance on a current map of the city, the general structure of alencia and its
parts are easily recognizable. All the city is organized around a central core, extended
through history all over the river ood plain fed by Turia river in whose main, ancient island
the city was founded by the Romans. But even a look into this core centre three periods
in history developed its current configuration.
Indeed, nowadays the core centre of Valencia looks a more or less homogeneous
patchwork or urban patterns, in contrast to the rest of the city. This current central city
was almost the total one until the mid-19th century, and it was evident a different part
of the city after the hard developing of the 60s and 70 that occurred in all the big cities
in the country. In addition, that almost circle outline, the oldest part of Valencia was
named Ciutat Vella, “the old city”.
An in-deep look on a Ciutat Vella aerial view shows the existence of a series of inner
urban fabrics into that apparent unit, in correspondence with the three main extension
periods of the city from Roman, Muslim and Christian re-conquest times. These papers will
analyze the persistence of those three historical urban patterns in the current city, and
how the different morphologies are still present in the current streets and urban places.
They are the origin of their own urban scenes, and they were the basis for the main urban
renewals executed in the final 19th century and mid-20th century that followed the 19th
century renovation principles. As a conclusion, a series of morphological examples in
every existing urban pattern will be collected.

Valencia three main extension moments

Roman Valentia
The origin of alencia is the Roman foundation of Valentia by the Romans in 138 BC.
It became an important centre in the middle of the initial Roman conquest of the Iberian
Peninsula, and it became soon one its main centres. Its foundation re ects perfectly the
military mastery of Romans conquering a new territory: they did not absorb an existing
tribal centre whose control should become exhausting and con ictual. Instead of
choosing of the two main Iberian tribal centers -Saguntum on the coast (current Sagunt)
and Edeta in the hinterland (current Llíria)- they created a new urban settlement on a
-then- great island in Turia river km inland. This location, in the middle of an unhealthy
coastal marsh, offered a perfect defensive protection for this new centre. Curiously, the
name of Valentia for the new city comes from its main objective to be the retirement
place for those who demonstrated a real courage (valentia, in atin) on the battlefields.
In fact, the first known coat-of-arms for the city was the Fortune cornucopia with the
lightning of Gods as the symbol of a warrior prize.
The Roman development of Valentia had two periods, corresponding to both
republican and imperial times. An initial city pattern in the Republic was enlarged to the
East under the Empire, when a great circus was implemented. The Republican alentia
was created on an urban pattern obviously based on two central axis, Card ma imus
and Decumanus maximus, and a Forum area in the middle of this one. All three elements
area more or less still present in nowadays urban pattern in this part of Ciutat Vella –
especially the Roman city gates as the points where both axis got the walls are easily
located in the existing Ciutat Vella (Pecourt, et alt., 1999).
The Republican Roman basic urban pattern of Valentia consist of insulae or blocks
sized between 35x40 to 35x70 meters, in a roughly East-West direction. In general, there is
a constant North-South size for all the insulae, but they get longer in an East.West direction
as they locat on the farer row from the centre. The Imperial Roman extension continued
this pattern to the East until the Circus.

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 The other Roman territorial element is the presence of the road connecting Valentia
in the territory. the Via Augusta. It got the city in a non-rectangle angle in relation to the
urban pattern. History confirmed this important axis arriving to the city, and became one
of the current streets in Valencia. It has been a continuously extended axis out of the city
in its several growing conurbations. This axis reinforced it significance due to Saint incent
–the current name of this street- who was martyrized along this way in the Late Empire
becoming one of the foremost known persons from Valentia.
But the Roman fall caused the factual abandon of the city that was occupied again in
Visigoths’ times. Several municipal archaeological studies show that the new occupation
was made by the demolition of the abandoned city and the constructions of the new
one over a lay of ruins. That is the main reason why the correspondence between the
original Roman urban pattern and the new alignments are not coincident at all, but a
hard relationship re ects the Roman lines beneath. Figure 1

uslim Bal nsiya

The isigoth period in alencia sustained the relative importance of the city in the
general scene of the Iberian Peninsula, but with no highlights in relevance. It maintained
for around three hundred years as a cultural and religious center around the personality
of Saint Vincent the Martyr, until the Muslim conquest. In 711 Muslim troops entered the
Peninsula and by the year 900 Valencia was under the Muslim rule. In that moment
Valencia became Bal nsiya. It became a high cultural centre among the Muslim
sovereignties in the Iberian Peninsula. In this period the city was widely enlarged covering
the most of the original Roman settlement island.
By the 10th century a new Muslim wall precinct was completed, by embracing
the Roman city in its East, South and West sides. The original 10th century walls were
refurbished one century later, by the 11th century remarking the importance of the city
by the construction of a barbican –a second lower wall- all along the precinct and
transforming the squared towers into rounded ones (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). In both of
them, the main gate was the Southern-West one, Bab-al-Baytala or Portal de la Boatella,
the nearer gate to the place of conquerors provenance. This area became the main
trade and economic centre in the Muslim city – that commercial origin stayed in the area
for centuries and was the seed for the huge trade centre in Valencia in the Middle Ages.
So, Bal nsiya merged both by reusing the Visigoth-Roman city, with the reuse of former
buildings, by converting churches into mosques, and building a new castle -al- a r- for
the local king. On the other hand, the new area between the ancient city and the new
walls was occupied by extending the former main urban axis and building a Muslim urban
pattern in the spaces among them. So, the main characteristics took place, such as culs-
de-sac or dead end streets and the presence of huge green courtyards into the houses.
Those two characteristics will remain in the city, as can be seen nowadays.
The new Muslim urban pattern does not have any gradation and it develops a sort of
spontaneous and informal fabric of streets just to serve walking throughout the city. As
can be shown, the new public spaces appear a living entity in an irregular net-shaped
pattern where some of the nuts become small squares. The big public spaces stay were
the Roman ones were.
Out of the walls, three suburbia -ravals- grew by the city: Raval de Roters in the North-
West, Raval de Boatella in the South and Raval de la Xaria in el East. They had a Muslim
urban pattern as well, that have remained in these areas of Ciutat Vella and can be
easily identified. Figure 2

Christian Valencia
Into the process of the reconquering march to the South by Christian troops all over the
Iberian Peninsula, in 1238 the King Jaume I from Aragon Crown took the city of Valencia,
and a new rule was established creating the independent kingdom of Valencia into the
Aragonian Crown. After the city was re-conquered, the same proceeding of recovering
old buildings and places was developed. Former mosques were converted in churches
and old palaces by the centre were occupied by the knights coming with the king.
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 After the conquest, the increasing relevance of the city into the Crown improved a
wide, definitive huge precinct finished in the 1 th century. In this case, as happened in
Muslim times, the main gate of the city was situated on the nearest gate to the conquerors
place of provenance, in the Northern gate. So, on the Muslim Bab-al- ntara or bridge
gate -current Portal de Serrans- an exuberant example of gothic civil architecture was
erected looking to North.
As the former case of urban growing, the space between the Muslim walls and the
new ones were partially covered in two phases. In a first step, the main urban axis were
extended until the new walls, and a continuum of buildings provided an urban scene till
the gates (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). Among such corridors, several vacant spaces remain
for future urban developments until well into the 19th century.
The whole old city was precisely drawn by P. Tosca in 1 which is the first, liable
map of the city in history. Not for nothing was named “geometrical map” of Valentia
Edetanorum, due to its accuracy that makes it to be a staff-photography of the city
in that time (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). In fact, its high resolution and rich detail improve
the location of archaeologic elements in the city, such as towers of the 11th century in
Muslim walls that were hidden into the blocks.
In that 1768 plan a huge space in the centre of the city can be found: that is the Market
square -Plaça del Mercat- the biggest in the city. And, as it couldn’t be in other way, the
main, huge trade square grew on the Muslim Boatella trade area by the Southern Muslim
gate (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). As the trade had a great increase in the young royal city, a
modern new building was built to house the first bank in Europe: La Llotja -the loggia-. Its
origin consists in the garden bank -or banca- used to change coins between merchants
and moneylenders. La Llotja finally is a civil gothic masterpiece building constructed by
the same master builder in Portal de Serrans gate, Pere Comte.
On a nowadays aerial view of Ciutat ella appears the final result of the urban pattern
formation into this last urban area between Muslim and Chrstian precincts. A total of 9
main different urban grids fulfilled that space from North-West to South and East. Those
orthogonal grids adapt to the orientation of main ways out of the city, and develop sizes
between 70x70 m the bigger one to 30x20 m in the smaller, with medium seize of 60x40
m. The detailed areas along that arch are Sogers (70x70 m), Mercaders (60x60 m),
Velluters Nord 860x30 m), Velluters Sud (60x40m), l’Eix Boatella (70x50 m), Sant Pau (70x30
m), Peixcadors (30x20 m), Universitat (50x30 m) and Sant Bult (70x25 m).
Thus, these urban grids shaped a collection of urban patterns within the city walls that
became the apparently unified Ciutat Vella area. They show a sort of patchwork formed
by the old vacancies of land between the ranges of ways out of the city. Some of these
way out streets extend original Roman main axis as an urban continuum - in this case, the
extension of Decumanus maximus and Via Augusta are easily recognizable as uart and
Sant Vicent Màrtir streets in nowadays city. Figure

Valencia urban renewal updating

In the 19th century the city started to collapse because of an uncontrolled growing
in horizontal and in vertical ways, on the oor and in height. Thus, an extensive filling-in of
the urban pattern built every vacancy space into the walls as the inner free spaces into
the blocks were also occupied by the extension of the buildings deep into the lots. On
the other hand, buildings were raised from 2 or 3 until 5 or 6 story high, what made the
streets get darker and less ventilated. As a result, bad conditions increased in the urban
space and in the city living conditions as well. That was the start for developing a general
Inner City Renewal Plan -Proyecto de Reforma Interior-, where a general sanitation of the
city in the way of the urban renewal interventions in the Haussmannian Paris originated
by keeping sanitary measures.

19th Carrer de la Pau

In that context, two main interventions represent both 19th and 20th centuries updating
of Ciutat Vella in modern times (Aymamí, 1912). In the last decade of the 19th century
a new straight, “wide” street was opened to connect the city with the sea: Carrer de

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la Pau. It was built between 1883 and 1903, and it is a perfect sample of Haussmannian
urban renewal intervention in both the trace and the aesthetics (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). It
is the first absolute straight line between the central area of the old city and the East gate
to the sea. In addition, it collects a series of buildings in a homogeneous late 19th century
style that gives the street a modern, metropolitan-in-that-time atmosphere.
The new Carrer de la Pau Street covers an area south to the Roman city, but whose
urban pattern is a southern extension of it. So, in a way, this new street adapts and
updates the Roman pattern in the 19th century, because of the same angle to North
direction than the original Roman orthogonal urban grid.

20th Avinguda de l’Oest

On the other hand, in the beginning of the 20th century a bigger avenue on the West
of Ciutat Vella was thought and planned after the successful execution of Carrer de la
Pau. In this case, an ambitious program covered a wider avenue with higher buildings
crossing the whole Ciutat Vella from South to North-West, connecting the ancient
Via Augusta with one of the bridges in the riverbed, the Pont de Sant Josep (Sánchez
Lampreave, Monclús and Bergara, 2011). It was planned in three phases due to its size,
almost the double of one of its forerunner interventions in Paris, the Avenue de l’Opéra
(Benevolo, 1978).
But the money, and the coming of the Spanish Civil War delayed the project that
was finally approved just near the war, in 19 1. It was finally started in the beginning of
the 40’s with new rationalist architecture samples, on a proposal of the 30s following the
late 19th century town planning technics. Although its extemporary proposition, all those
components produced a unique mix of city and architecture over a medieval lot area
that represents one of the richest modern urban spaces in Europe.
The old, mediaeval blocks in Velluters quarter were cut to host the new buildings to
form both façades of Avinguda de l’Oest (Pecourt, et alt., 1999). The adaptation to
the existing mediaeval urban pattern created a majority of lots in sharp corners whose
geometric issue became fashionable round corners tailored to host further rationalist
expressionist buildings.
But the huge effort of the project, in a post-war time economically depressed produce
a continuous delay of the buildings. They merged in an offset arrangement, without
following an original plan ordered from the municipal administration. Instead, buildings
were erected independently in the blocks, at least only in the first of the set of three
phases of the original plan. So, in the beginning of the 0 s, when the first phases were
completely build, the municipality decided to continue the avenue throughout the old
town. In this time started to appear the first protection theories on architectural heritage,
what led an increasing opposition to continue the avenue. It was definitively abandoned
in 1975, leaving an uncompleted urban space as a main road to nowhere (Colomer et
alt., 2002).
Despite the problems and circumstances in the avenue execution, its set-up on the
mediaeval urban fabric produced a certain unification of South-West part of Ciutat Vella.
Surprisingly, this new line in the historical city connected the two extension of Roman axis
described above, the Decumanus maximus and Via Augusta or uart and Sant Vicent
Màrtir streets in current city. Figure

Conclusion
The Roman urban pattern of Valentia is still readable into the central core of Ciutat
Vella by studying the almost orthogonality and proportions of many blocks in the area.
The fact of the total destruction of Roman city and recovering into isigoth one is the clue
of the geometrical mismatch among them. The two main urban axis in Roman Valentia
remain extended in every period of the city enlargements, especially in both extensions
of Muslim and Christian city walls.
In a way, the Roman city has been characterized as ubiquitous all over the centuries.
Decumanus maximus and Via Augusta are the direct samples of that updated presence
of the Roman city for subsequent centuries. In addition, the second one became one of
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 the current longest streets in Valencia.
The final updating of Ciutat Vella core city along the 19th and 20th centuries are in
close connection to Roman urban pattern. The 19th century urban renewal - Carrer de la
Pau- lays in parallel to Roman grid, while the 20th century urban intervention -Avinguda
de l’Oest- is a new axis connecting the extension of the two main axis in Roman Valentia.
Those points show the perpetuation of the Roman settlement more than 2.000 years
ago, what is a certain case of updating of the extended underlying Rome in Valencia.
Figure

Figure 1. Original Roman urban pattern and the new alignments.

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Figure 2.

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 Figure 3.

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References
Aymam , Federico (1912). Mejora y reforma del interior de la ciudad (Ayuntamiento de
Valencia, Valencia).
Benevolo, L (1978). Dise o de la ciudad - l arte y la ciudad contem or nea (Gustavo
Gili, S.A., Mexico).
Colomer Sendra, V. et alt. (2002). Registro de Arquitectura y Espacios Urbanos del Siglo
XX de la Comunidad Valenciana (COAC - COPUT I E, alencia).
Pecourt García, J. et alt. (1999). 5 años ( CARO CTA , alencia).
Sánchez Lampreave, R., Monclús, J. & Bergara, I. (2011). La Gran Vía de Zaragoza y otras
grandes vías (Ministerio de Fomento ampreave, aragoza)
VV.AA. (1994). Atlas histórico de ciudades europeas, Península Ibérica (Centre de Cultura
Contemporània de Barcelona, Salvat Editores, S.A., Barcelona)

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Why an Atlas?
Reading of the cultural substrata of the Portuguese urban fabric
José Miguel Silva1, Sérgio Padrão Fernandes2, Carlos Dias Coelho3
University of Lisbon, Lisbon School of Architecture
1,2,3

1
[email protected], 2 [email protected], 3 [email protected]
keywords: Atlas, Inventory, Urban Morphology, Portuguese City

Abstract

The present paper aims to demonstrate the importance of a morphological atlas in

the characterization of the urban elements that composed the present city, particularly
on the reading of the cultural substrata of the Portuguese urban fabric. This work intends
to be a synthesis of the research project Portuguese City Morphological Atlas under con-
struction over the past decade, considering the public and private components of the
urban fabric the s uare, the street, the urban block and in its currently nal hase the
built typologies - refracted through the “common building” and “singular building”.
The project aims to build an interpretative database that will be an irreplaceable tool
for reading, research and even to intervene in the urban fabric. In this sense, the work as
a whole and in each of the parts that compose it, seeks to achieve two main objectives:
The rst is to rovide an educational tool for the study and teaching of architecture and
urban lanning The second is to rovide an instrument for re ection and ractice of
urbanism, a collection of types made from concrete and known examples, treated and
assumed as typological basis for the conception of new interventions.
In graphic terms, the work has as an objective to characterize each case study in an
identical and comparable way, i.e. using the same representation codes and the same
scales, from a series of reference drawings, interpretative diagrams, photographs and
texts, addressing to the built fabric and its components from the viewpoint of genesis,
morphology and primary uses.

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 1 Theoretical framework
Subject
The city is a complex object, place of memories consolidated by reinterpretation proces-
ses of the built past in a long time. The city is no longer an object that grows indefinitely, but a
built physical support constantly renewing. The current city cannot be the same as the 19th
century, remaining only a few timeless elements that comprise fragments – a memento – of
a previous moment.
The philosophy of intervention in cities and the idea of the city itself have been displaying
less utopian signs than in bygone eras, due to several factors. These include the Modern
Movement crisis and its models, and getting back to cities as points of reference, as well as
the perspective of, if not disjunction in cities, then at least their illegibility in terms of traditional
urban morphologic concepts.
The uncontrollable expansion of urbanisation and the unsustainable nature of the tra-
velling linked to it, the distance to public amenities, all in all the lack of urbanity has meant
that serious attention is being paid to the design and sedimentation forms and processes
of consolidated cities. For this phenomenon to have a positive effect, it cannot imprison ur-
banity in the historical centre, nor should it be inevitable that rebirth need fall back on past
forms. However, the built examples that we have inherited and that are part of our city lives
will always be models that act as drivers for new spatial concepts, and the processes behind
their origins methods for the sedimentation and restructuring of urban fabrics.
Although the use of graphic illustrations as a base for studying and divulging knowledge
of urban forms goes back to the initial German treatises on urbanism that were published
at the end of the 19th century, particularly the works of Camillo Sitte and Joseph Stübben,
classificatory studies appeared much later, the most important being the work published by
Pierre Lavedan in 1936.
Of particular note, are the works of Robert Auzelle and Saverio Muratori, especially be-
cause of their importance between several others in uences that this Morphological Atlas
received. It was in the “Encyclopédie de l’Urbanisme” (AUZELLE, 1950) that Auzelle approa-
ched the issue of the different morphological features making up the urban fabric by metho-
dically analysing them in a standardised way. Despite the cases represented being grouped
by category, so as to transmit a precise, clear and complete idea about them, they take
on the autonomy of the feature shown not confirming or exemplifying any thesis or order.
In the other hand, for the building typologies is the work conducted after the war by a
series of Italian figures such as Saverio Muratori s work (MURATORI, 19 9) that stands out as
a crucial analytical re ection on the physical component of Italian cities. He tried to define
tools for analysing urban morphology from the concepts of type and typology, setting out
concepts of growth, typology and morphology.
After these, a series of studies has gone to the printing press over the last twenty-five years,
contributing significantly to re ection on cities through looking at their forms. More tangibly,
for the effects of the topic suggested for this project, one can highlight as illustrative the wor-
ks of Philippe Panerai in France, the works of Giancarlo Cataldi in Italy, those of Manuel de
Solà-Morales and Xavier Montes in Spain, those of Anne Vernez-Moudon and Mario Gandel-
sonas in the U.S.A and also the Dutch Urban Block Atlas coordinated by Susanne Komossa,
Han Meyer or even the atlas of Urban Grids edited by Joan Busquets and among others.
In order to develop the Morphological Atlas of the Portuguese city, the Formaurbis LAB
research group was created in 2006 at the Faculty of Architect of the Technical University of
Lisbon. Its creation arose from the educational work carried out by teachers and students in
the study of public spaces of excellence in Portugal – the square. The results of this work have
been published in 2005 for the study of cases in the Azores (DIAS COELHO et al. 2005) and in
2007 for the Mainland inventory (DIAS COELHO et al. 2007). This relationship with education,
particularly in the approach to urban form, aims to transform the Morphological Inventory
into a pedagogical tool. The students are involved in a process of collection, graphic restitu-
tion, illustration and description of the diversity of elements that make up the urban fabric of
Portuguese cities.
It is important to highlight, due the inventory morphological intention time and the diffe-
rent composition phases of the elements in analysis are not excluded. Despite their graphic

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representation being made in the found shape and space, their different stages of sedimen-
tation and their possible relationship with other similar cases are always considered.
In this sense, two fundamental axes for the reading of the city are considered according
the theory of Ferdinand de Saussure: the succession and the simultaneity. The first means
time or evolution, expresses the process of transformation of the city in a long time, identifying
each movement of is sedimentation process. In the other hand, the simultaneity means the
synchrony has to do with the possibility of the same phenomenon occur in different realities
at the same time, it allows the comparation of convergent and divergent situations. The
classification process is a rational and scientific method that allows to group heterogeneous
spaces and buildings by families, in this particular case morphological characteristics related
to the nature of the urban form.
Through this wide research it will be possible to compile for the first time an atlas of urban
forms in Portugal. Although supported by methodologies that have been used in previous
international research works, this approach deals with all features of the urban form in a
cross-cutting and integrated way, and has never been developed or even attempted el-
sewhere. It includes tackling the urban layout, the two main features making up public spa-
ce and private spaces in the city, approached first from the series unit of the built fabric and
in the current final stage the typological study of the buildings, both ordinary and singular.

Objectives
The Morphological Inventory, both as a whole and in each of its constituent parts, aims to
satisfy three main objectives. The first is to provide a didactic and pedagogical tool for the
study and teaching of architecture and urbanism that will prove as fundamental as carto-
graphy itself. The second is to provide a tool that can be used for re ection and practising
urbanism, not by proffering models that are immediately operational, rather by providing
types that consist of tangible, well-known examples that are dealt with is such a way that
they can be taken as reference points for the conceptual stage itself. The third and most
ambitious objective is to set up a thorough database of readily available, high quality infor-
mation, which will enable not only the research group, but all.
The selection of cases is supported by a strict methodology based on archive search, ar-
chitectural survey and bibliographic reading. Specialists in this subject area to have access
to a unique source of material for conducting and extending research on urban morpholo-
gy topics, standing as a resource bank of material on Portuguese cities.
In methodological terms, researching and producing the features are based in an exhau-
stive fieldwork in which the whole country is visited. This research includes analysing existing
information available in bibliographic references and archives of technical departments of
the different municipalities, and central administration services, sheets of cases considered
to be the best for typological representation its drafted.
Regarding the selection of case study, in each phase, a classification table is construct
considering criteria such as the morphological characteristics, topological relations, the ori-
gin and formation processes, the historical context of its production, and also the spatial
organisation and functional structure. For the construction of the inventory, about 100 cities
in Portugal, homeland and islands, are considered.
This inventory needs to translate the diversity and wealth of situations present within the
scope of the study universe, selecting examples that are representative of different periods
or the result of lengthy sedimentation, of different morphological characteristics, functions
and typologies and their distribution throughout the country.
In terms of the graphics, the aim is to characterise each case study identically and com-
parably, i.e. using the same representation codes and on the same scale, using a series of
bespoke reference pieces, interpretative diagrams, photographs and explanatory texts.

Methodology
The encyclopaedic objective of the research means the examples studied need to be
handled synthetically and follow a standard model in order to enable comparison between
the various selected cases, and depiction of their cellular nature in making up the urban
fabric and building typologies. In this sense, the case studies are then represented in two
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 complementary systems: systemic decomposition and elementary decomposition.
The systemic decomposition consists in the representation of the systems of the city throu-
gh the urban fabric, namely the urban layout, the topography and the plot pattern. This
draw features vary from a scale 1:5000 to a 1:1000.
In the elementary decomposition, are addressed the public and private components
that compose the urban fabric: square, street, urban block and the buildings organized in
common buildings and the singular buildings. For each one is identified his morphological
region, a specific group in a heterogeneous urban fabric with similar, constructive or typolo-
gical characteristics. The drawings are represented from the 1:1000 to the 1:200 scale.
These graphic elements features are accompanied by axonometric perspectives that
show the relation of built form and the private and public spaces; occupation ratios graphi-
cs that will be used for comparison purposes; photographs of the environment considering
the perspectives deemed to show the spatial characteristics of the space; and exceedingly
concise descriptive interpretative texts that delve into the urban element origins, morpholo-
gical description, spatial organisation and its functional structure.

2 Phases of development
The Morphological Atlas of the Portuguese city is organized in two parts - the public city
and the private city -, implemented in past decade in four individual research projects. The
public space is study through the representation of the street and the square, both research
projects are completed. The private space, was first approached by the built fabric unit - the
urban block, project also concluded; and in this current and final phase the building typolo-
gy. In each phase, the city is study and graphically represented acknowledging the urban
fabric and the urban layout diversity.

The Square
The first phase1 of the Morphological Inventory started in 1998 based on a work develo-
ped in the two academic years in the urban design studios at Lisbon School of Architecture.
The project had an educational objective, aiming to involve students in the study of the
urban form through the inventory, graphical synthesis and analysis of the squares. The idea
was to build a graphical table of morphological classification of the space and a metric
table of its absolute dimensions from the characterization of this exceptional public space.
Through the inventory, it was possible to construct a graphic and comparative synthe-
sis of the typological diversity of the squares, including their integration in the urban fabric,
evolution, dimension, use and formal hierarchical enhancement with the building or other
elements that compose them.
Thus, a set of synthesis drawings were made considering: the three-dimensionality of the
square integrated in its urban context, represented by an aerial photograph and an axono-
metry; the urban layout, a two-dimensional abstract representation that makes it possible to
represent the relationship between the constructed and the void, in the scale 1: 5000. And,
the square was represented by classical representation elements, such as plans, sections
and elevations in the scales 1: 1000 and 1:500.
Another important contribution was the construction of the squares and urban layouts
comparative tables. Draw on the same scale the tables are essential conclusion for an
extensive knowledge and interpretation of the existing diversity, considering issues such as
typology and shape variations.

The Street
The aim of this second part2 of research project was to create a graphic and descriptive
inventory of the urban element “Street” in the Portuguese context. The approach was one
of taking public spaces that are generically labelled streets, even if the varied terminology in
Portuguese differentiates between them, such as: “avenida”, “alameda”, “calçada”, “zbe-
co”, “escadinhas” which in English equate to “the street”. Spaces that typologically act as
a close space, like a square, where excluded. If spaces, originally or at one time or another,
had a clearly identifiable sub-type or affectation, as they developed the clarity of these di-
stinctions often became foggy.

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 As urban features, the selected spaces are an integral part of the urban fabric, possessing
a formal, functional hierarchical relationship with the other features that they comprise. In
this way, analysis could not ignore the context, and the spaces chosen were always appro-
ached as being part of a whole.
From an ensemble of some 300 cases, bearing in mind criteria such as the object’s quality,
typological representativity and physical area, were selected a final of 1 0 cases studies for
graphic restitution and bibliographical fact-finding. The representation methodology of was
embedded in the established criteria for the Morphological Inventory, above explained.

The urban block

This third phase3 of the morphological study of Portuguese cities intended to represent the
private facet of cities from their urban organisation unit, the urban block.
Following the methodology establish for the Atlas construction and sedimented in the
previous phases, it was produced a classification frame considering its typological, morpho-
logical and functional nature of importance as regards the surrounding urban nucleus and
representative of the national territory diversity. Additionally, the characterization addressed
both the urban feature, the urban block, as well as its relationship with the public space.
As a sample for the inventory, were selected 80 case studies to developed a graphic
synthesis in digital format. This synthesis drawings have a degree of detail that implies the
execution of each urban layout from a blueprint scale of 1:5000, showing the relation betwe-
en the urban block and its urban context; one figure-ground plan at 1:1000 scale, showing
the occupied area vs. the free space of the urban block; one representative oor plan and
sections of the selected urban block at a scale of 1:500 with its context, in order to enable the
relation between different occupations/partitions of the private space and the immediate
surrounding public space to be evaluated.
With the research it was possible to provide insight on urban block occupation, their hi-
story, organisation of the buildings and the relationship with free private spaces and with
public space itself.
Complementarily it was produced a comparative typo-morphologic table consisting of
each class of the Portuguese reality, allowing the depiction of similarities and variants, mor-
phological dimensions considering time and shape, constituting a synthesis of the morpholo-
gic diversity of the Portuguese city urban block.

The building typology

This undergoing final phase4 has the proposes to study the building typologies, providing
insight on their origin and evolution, spatial organisation and functional structure, dimension,
density and occupation, and the relationship with free private spaces and with the public
space itself, concluding the projected universe for the morphological atlas of cities in Portu-
gal.
Using prior information collected from the previous phases of this Morphological Inven-
tory, but mainly through exhaustive field work and materials available in the technical de-
partments and archives of local municipalities, also in public libraries, is being developed a
graphic restitution of the main examples of building typologies – as portrayed by the com-
mon building and the singular building. These two categories will need to take in very diffe-
rent situations when applied to consolidated and sedimented urban fabrics, buildings stem-
ming from concepts linked to different periods of construction, transformation or many other
contemporary situations with which the research will have to tackle with.
The methodology established so far intended to define the selection criteria and previous
classification of the case studies, based on the representativeness of the Portuguese territory
of the continent and its diversity.
A previous selection of case studies aimed to identify the universe of about 1000 case
studies and to previously select a set of 250 built typologies, 120 of which will be part of the
final inventory. The selection of case studies was based on evaluation criteria that consider
geographic representation, historical, typological, morphological features and the state of
progress of each built typology taken individually.
Thus, the buildings are represented by classically drawn features, one urban context plan
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 at a scale of 1:1000, representing the layout of the built fabric and configuration of the pu-
blic space; plans at a scale of 1:200, representing the entrance level and a typical oor;
one elevation and one cross section at a scale of 1:200 portraying the façade composition
and how the different oors fit on each other and how the building relates to the public and
private spaces;
Complementarily, as it was done in the previous phases, a first approach to a type-mor-
phological classification table is being carried out intending to relate the identified cases
with an architectural type hypothesis. The table is intended to be a synthesis of the morpho-
logic diversity of the Portuguese city building typologies, considering: the building types and
their variations; the buildings timeline, underlining the sedimentar or project-based origin of
each building; comparative charts of three-dimensional diagrams and accessibility systems
and dwelling organization.

e o ic n cientific ef ne
Pedagogical usefulness
The pedagogical approach that has been carried in classes by the professors involved
in the research group, is a translation of the work developed in the research laboratory,
adapted to the level of the students and the aim of the discipline. In the classroom, the
interpretation of the urban object is subdivided in steps, each one an elementary exercise
with simple rules that stimulate student’s creativity and autonomy within a precise code of
representation and model building. The coded representation of reality in plain mono mate-
rial models allows reducing the complex nature of the city, extracting essential layers for its
understanding and aiding students learn to interpret and also to select the project composi-
tion themes by rational abstraction.
In the first cycle of studies (bachelor degree), emphasis is placed on the interpretation
and decoding of the urban shape; in the second cycle of studies (Master degree) the useful-
ness of the interpretation translates in innovative design proposals based on the codes of the
existent city shape; third cycle students (PhD degree) are encouraged to use a comparative
approach based on systemic and elementary decomposition of study cases to test research
hypothesis, thus allowing to sustain their research on a grounded methodology that uses an
essential disciplinary tool, drawing.
Simultaneously, scholarship students are integrated in order to enable them to get a fo-
othold in this subject matter and aid their own progression through their own paths. The stu-
dents take a privileged hands-on role with the vast amount of fieldwork, archive work and
quality control of the obtained results. Fieldwork surveying and subsequent graphic restitution
is the particular responsibility of the scholarship students.
Through the research the students have access to a compiled support bibliography, se-
lection of documents, which in some way are shown to be useful while carrying out the
study, broken down into main areas encompassing reference works, monographs and car-
tography and planning studies.
For example, in each phase of the construction of the Atlas, where produce Master and
PhD theses, such as: (i) a study about the reciprocal relationship between the monument
and the urban context in the transformation of the squares in the Portuguese heritage in-
tervention context; (ii) The “Rua Direita” (Portuguese Strait Streets) in the Portuguese cities
producing a typo-morphological reading of the urban element in nowadays; (iii) Through
a typo-morphological reading of 12 urban blocks of the city of Lisbon, is being developed
a PhD study that approach the urban block as a basic system of urban production of the
contemporary city; (iv) or in the research of the roman building typologies and its in uence
in the Portuguese urban forms, its persistence and its process of transformations through time.

Scienti c usefulness
The Formaurbis A began working on the topic of urban morphology roughly fifteen
years ago and since then has conducted different pieces of research, both individually and
as a group, interlinking the different morphological elements that compose the urban fabric
and disseminated the results.
Nevertheless, prominence should be given to the “morphological atlas of the Portuguese

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city . After concluded, as can be seen from the already finished phases that have been
published, will enable the study and dissemination of the topics through the selected metho-
dology, i.e. tackling the urban fabric and its components through classical representation
methods of the structures, as well as through using auxiliary graphic, photographic and de-
scriptive tools, examined with all the due rigour of our field, yet remaining legible to the ge-
neral public.
Complementarily, the publication on “Cadernos de Morfologia Urbana - Estudos da Ci-
dade Portuguesa” that is a collection about notebooks on study of the Portuguese urban
form, consists on a series of transversal researches conducted by scholars with distinct per-
spectives that articulate and use the different concluded parts of the morphological inven-
tory. In 201 (DIAS COE HO et al, 201 ) the first volume was published and was dedicated to
the Urban Elements and focused on the elementary decomposition of the urban fabric. In
2014 (DIAS COELHO et al, 2014) published the second volume of the same book collection,
dedicated to the Time and Shape of the city, which focused on the role of time in the forma-
tion of the urban form.
So, at the end, this interpretative database will thus constitute an irreplaceable tool not
only for analysis, research and intervention in cities in this century, but also for architectural
composition and creation. Furthermore, the relevance of the tool is enhanced due to being
launched in a period when the growth of cities is no longer the paradigm in developed
countries, but rather the reinterpretation and reutilisation of the existing built structures.

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 Figure 1. Elementary decomposition of the urban fabric, Monsaraz. in Dias Coelho, C.
(ed) (2013), Os Elementos Urbanos. Cadernos de Morfologia Urbana, Estudos da Cidade
Portuguesa n.º 1, Lisboa, Argumentum, p.34

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Footnotes
1
The first phase of the Research Project - Squares in Portugal. A public Spaces Inventory
- was funded by the Directorate General for Land Planning and Urban Development for
the mainland (2005) cases research; and the Regional Directorate for Land Use and Wa-
ter Resources in the cases of the Azores (2007).
2
Second phase of the research project: “The Street in Portugal. Morphological inven-
tory”, funded by the FCT with the reference PTDC/AUR/65532/2006 and developed from
2007 to 2011.
3
Third phase of the research project: “Urban Fabric in the Portuguese City. Morphological
inventory”, funded by the FCT with the reference PTDC/AUR-URB/111835/2009 and deve-
loped from 2011 to 2014.
4
Fourth phase of the research project: “Building Typology - Morphological Inventory of
Portuguese City” and funded by the FCT with the reference PTDC/ART-DAQ/30110/2017.
The project was started in 2018 and is expected to end in 2021.

References
AAVV, ed. Benoît Jallon, Umberto Napolitano, Franck Boutté (2017), Paris Haussmann,
Zurich: Park Books.
Argan, Giulio Carlo (1963), “On the Typology of Architecture”, in Architectural Design 33,
no. 12, pp. 564-565.
Auzelle, R., Jankovic, I. (1950), Encyclopédie de l´urbanisme, Paris, Fréal et C. Editeurs.
Caniggia, G.; Maffei, G.L. (1979), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia, Vene-
zia.
Name, Surname (year), Volume Title, City, Publishing.
Dias Coelho, C. (ed) (2013), Os Elementos Urbanos. Cadernos de Morfologia Urbana,
Estudos da Cidade Portuguesa n.º 1, Lisboa, Argumentum.
Dias Coelho, C. (ed) (2014), Tempo e a Forma. Cadernos de Morfologia Urbana, Estudos
da Cidade Portuguesa n.º 2, Lisboa, Argumentum.
Dias Coelho, C., Lamas, J. (coord.), (2007), Squares in Portugal, Mainland, A Public Space
Inventory, Lisboa, DGOTDU.
Christ, E. and Gantenbein, C. (2012), Typology – Hong Kong, Rome, New York, Buenos
Aires, Zurich: Park Books.
Durand, J.N. . (1 01), Recueil et parall le des difices de tout genre, anciens et moder-
nes, Paris, Chez l’Auteur.
Eisenman, P. (200 ), Diez edificios can nicos 19 0-2000, arcelona, UPC.
Lopes, D. S. (2014), “Speaking in Tongues: The return of typological studies” in Barbas
Lopes Arquitectos [on line] http://barbaslopes.com/np4/30/ (last access on May 30,
2019)
Moudon, A.V. (1989), “The role of typomorphological studies in environmental design
research” in The Environmental Design Research Association, Proceedings, EDRA 20,
Oklahoma.
Muratori, S. (1960), Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, IPS, Roma.
Panerai, P.; Depaule, J. C.; Demorgon, M. (1999) Analyse Urbaine, Marseille, Éditions Pa-
renthèses.
Strappa, G.(1995), Unittà dell’organismo architettonico, Bari, Dedalo.

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

The concept of morpho-typology in the Alberobello urban

organism
Matteo Ieva1, Miriana Di Gioia2, Francesco Maria Leone3, Rossella Regina4,
Fausta Schiavone5
1,2,3,4,5
Politecnico di Bari, DICAR (Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Ingegneria Civile e
dell’Architettura), Via Orabona 4, 70125, Bari, Italy
1,2,3,4,5
[email protected]
Keywords: Tessuto storico, Percorsi, Pertinenze

Abstract

The proposed topic on the city of Alberobello is the result of research carried out with-
in the Degree Thesis Laboratory promoted in the Dicar Department of the Bari Polytech-
nic. The analysis carried out at the settlement scale follows the aim of reconstructing the
development phases starting from the formation of the original nucleus up to the mature
structure conquered in the 19th century.
The city was born close to a “blade” and is made up of two different nuclei charac-
terized by irregular paths conditioned by the morphology of the soil. The original structure
of the city has been reconstructed from a historical map, from the beginning of the 17th
century, in which some rural aggregates appear on the promontory of Aia Piccola and,
near the paths drawn longitudinally to the topography, in the slope of the Rione Monti
(both the nuclei are part of the UNESCO perimeter). The connection logic of the bands
pertaining to the linear trullo1 systems seems to be comparable to that typical of medie-
val systems with an initial construction on a “matrix” path, a subsequent one on planting
path and, sometimes, with the closure of the block through the building on the con-
necting ath Similarly to other similar con gurations, the hierarchical relationshi of the
routes may vary in relation to the coexistence of several pre-existing or planned routes,
determining a different role of the built.
ith the reading of the relevant areas and the hierarchical de nition of the routes,
the relationship that was established between the aggregates that make up the blocks
present especially in the Monti district was reconstructed. This critical operation, carried
out by recognizing the building types and the aggregative method with which they re-
late, despite the scarce documentary elements available, will make it possible to suggest
a perspective of possible urban recovery by providing for the integration of all functions
and attitudes residence, services , commercial activities, etc that de ne the urban
organism. Thus trying to reverse the current trend in which all the fabric is destined only
for tourist-accommodation purposes that deny the typological-functional mix that would
make it a city in the proper sense.

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 Introduction
The research about Alberobello city produced as part of the activities of the Thesis La-
boratory, coordinated by Professor M. Ieva and by students Di Gioia Miriana, Leone Fran-
cesco Maria, Regina Rossella and Schiavone Fausta at Polytechnic of Bari. It reconstructs
the formation of the different construction phases of the famous city of Valle d’Itria.
The typological-procedural analysis performed at the various scales of the anthropi-
zed space allowed us to recreate the dynamics of the cities’ formation included in this
territorial context.
The method applied to the territorial scale, extended to an area which includes the
central and the southern parts of Puglia, highlights the birth of the first settlement as a pro-
gressive union of rural cores, close to a natural impluvium, at the con uence of important
territorial rules.

Formation of the settlement and urban core

The urban development of Alberobello began in the 17th century and, without in-
terruption, continued until the early 20th century. An undoubtedly important date was
May the 27th 1797, when Alberobello gained the status of royal city and independent
municipality.
Among the first decisions, it was authorized the construction of houses with the use of
bricks and mortar, as the houses were previously built only with drywalls.
Subsequently, new expansions were planned and organized on regular links and new
road systems that would change the structure of the urban poles. An important historical
fact, which helps us to interpret the conformation of the city, is the Regulatory Plan for the
expansion of August 1 by the architect Antonio Curri, designer of the unfinished Church
of SS. Medici.

Formative phases of urban fabric

At the end of the survey of Rioni Monumentali road fronts and the setting up of the ground
oors, a study was carried out on the building fabric. The purpose of this analysis was to ela-
borate a hypothesis on the formation phases of the urban organism, through the study of the
hierarchy of the routes and the related relevance bands. From a summary analysis of the
urban fronts and the ground oors, the buildings present a free facade for external facing
and access in addition to an opposite front, often the result of aggregations of basic units,
which overlooks the area of relevance or on another road.
Each building can be reached through paths along which you can sometimes observe
the modularity of the overlooking units.
After the study of the relevant areas, from which the hierarchy of the routes was dedu-
ced, the structure of the urban fabric was hypothesized. In the case of Alberobello, five pha-
ses of the formation of the urban organism have been reconstructed, starting precisely from
those aggregates which, by their conformation, have spontaneous characters. This training
certainly precedes the construction of the trulli1 defined by a planned aggregation law.

Phase 1
In the first phase of formation it s possible to notice how, in both districts, small agglome-
rations develop a small internal courtyard configuring the idea of the so-called neighborho-
od”. These buildings appear located on top of the two sides of a little natural depression that
forms a canal for the water’s collection from which farmers initially obtain supplies. The paths
which connect the canal to the buildings are almost straight and longitudinal to the slope.
This regularity does not conceal a spontaneous form since the same, classifiable as matrix
pathways, may have undergone a rationalization of their structure at the time of tissue im-
plantation.
In this first formative phase, the spontaneous character is distinguished, which turns out to
be more evident in Aia Piccola, compared to Rione Monti. In any probability, the formation
of Aia Piccola seems to anticipate the others; in fact, it is possible to admit a first trace in the
current structure of the city. In addition to the extension along existing paths, new matrix pa-
ths are created where new buildings are installed on.

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Phase 3
The composition of the historical settlement keeps up developing in a manner which
is common to many settlement systems of cities in the nearby. New buildings are built on
new routes taken as a building matrix with a series of trulli planning.
Some of these paths are recognizable in the fabric and exhibit a behavior similar to
the planting paths, that is, those paths born from the need to implant further habita-
tions on paths lined with the main matrix; on the other hand, other buildings, initially set
themselves on pre-existing paths and subsequently turned into plant paths, as in the ca-
ses of via Monte San Michele and via Monte Pasubio.

Phase 4
In the next step a process of clogging the spaces begins. The development of fabri-
cs leads to the progressive definition of the current blocks, with the consequent closure
of some internal paths to courts and with the realization of new connection paths. The
latter, as detect Gianfranco Caniggia and Gianluigi Maffei, are to be defined to meet
the further need to promote the distance between two system paths. This progressive
maturation of the fabric brings about the completion of Aia Piccola and the now com-
plete definition of the cardinal paths of the Rione Monti, with the complete occupation
of both fronts facing the paths. In addition, it starts a first batch process increase built in
the relevant areas that also clogs the internal areas of the blocks.

Phase 5
The last hypothesized phase records the completion of the blocks of the Rione Monti
and Aia Piccola districts, as they currently stand with the exception of some buildings da-
ting back to a later period. The watershade which was the dividing boundary between
the two Monumental districts was completely buried and the new Largo Martellotta road
was configured. This new route has the features of a matrix route and becomes the road
axis of connection with the cities of Locorotondo and Putignano, thus assuming a role of
considerable interest. Also in this case, it is a matrix route since the buildings settle there
and conclude the blocks by blocking the free spaces next to the shape. The realization
of the new matrix path of argo Martellotta redefines the value of all the paths of the two
monumental districts.

Analysis and structure of the aggregate

After defining the hierarchy of the paths, the relationship that is established between
the set of aggregates was analyzed. Note that the aggregate is not only the union of
several buildings because it also represents the component of the urban organism that
inevitably establishes relationships with the systems with which it interacts and establishes
scalar relationships. Going to specifically study the individual blocks, it can be seen how
trullo buildings develop inside them, often with similar characters to each other.
Also in this case, modularity is a key concept of construction that allows you to read
the relevant bands with a development in the facade and in depth consistent with the
time phase and the current building type, often defining serial aggregations along the
paths. The case study taken into consideration refers to a block in the Rione Monti, in whi-
ch a planning process is more evident, which includes several characteristics dependent
on the block and its position in the district.

Block A1.5
Located between the streets of Monte San Michele, Monte San Gabriele and Duca
d’Aosta, the block A1.5 (Fig. 5) presents all three types of path mentioned and you can
immediately notice a difference between the buildings in relation to the structure of the
path. Starting right from via Monte S. Gabriele, it can be seen that the building fol-
lows a trend that is anything but straight, with the buildings that always organize neigh-
borhood areas enclosing themselves in small courtyards. In this aggregation, in some
spontaneous places, the built lot stands between 6 and 9 m on the facade with a depth
between 8 and 12 m, with the exception of some cases such as the angular variant or as
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 the buildings that mediate the relationship between two road directions where the size
is larger or smaller than the standard range. The plant path, however, present in a small
portion on via Duca D’Aosta, presents buildings with fronts between 9 and 10 m and with
a depth of 8-9 m, slightly larger than those present on the matrix path, for highlight once
again the temporal succession of construction between the two streets. Finally, the con-
nection path, with a particular meaning, connects the matrix path to the plant path by
setting the buildings with a front and depth very similar to those of the matrix path, with
the exception of some particular variants.

Analysis of the lots in relation to the routes

The next step in the analysis of the aggregation body involved the study of the rela-
tionship of the individual lots built on the path belonging to several blocks. The paths in
question are via Monte S. Michele and via Monte Sabotino, which enclose block 8 but at
the same time connect blocks 5 and 6 on one side and blocks 9 and 11 on the other. By
addressing the cases separately, it is possible to understand both the prevailing building
modularity and the development over time of the trullo type.
In via Monte S. Michele there are different modules, identified by the letters a, b, c
and d, which indicate the width of the building on the facade since it is not possible to
study it in depth considering the excessive irregularity of the area of relevance present in
the different blocks. As mentioned above, the routes can be placed in Phase III of urban
formation, when city planning is in progress as evidenced by the high percentage of mo-
dule b, in which there is a facade between 6 and 8.5 meters. Modules a and c, on the
other hand, occur mainly at the in ection points of the path and at the angular points
of the block. In the in ection points, the built lot has an almost trapezoidal shape with a
facade of variable width, going from a range between 4 m and 5.5 m (module a) to a
range between 9 m and 10.5 m (module c ).
In via Monte Sabotino, on the other hand, the modularity varies between the different
dimensional ranges of the facade where one of the modules does not prevail. All these
buildings are, as mentioned above, on one of the oldest matrix paths in which sponta-
neous conscience behavior still prevails which originated a building not conditioned by
written regulations and rules. Based on the study in via Monte S. Michele, the prevailing
module is that b which, however, is not found in a high percentage but is presented in
equal measure with the a and c modules which continue to be mainly those buildings
that occur in correspondence of a curved section of the route or at the end of the block.
Mention should also be made to module d which exceeds the facade size of 11 m and
represents that category of buildings built later and in more recent times respecting the
dimensional standards typical of the phase in which urban planning took place.

Analysis of the lots in relation to the routes

The next step in the analysis of the aggregation body involved the study of the rela-
tionship of the individual lots built on the path belonging to several blocks. The paths in
question are via Monte S. Michele and via Monte Sabotino, which enclose block 8 but at
the same time connect blocks 5 and 6 on one side and blocks 9 and 11 on the other. By
addressing the cases separately, it is possible to understand both the prevailing building
modularity and the development over time of the trullo type.
In via Monte S. Michele there are different modules, identified by the letters a, b, c
and d, which indicate the width of the building on the facade since it is not possible to
study it in depth considering the excessive irregularity of the area of relevance present in
the different blocks. As mentioned above, the routes can be placed in Phase III of urban
formation, when city planning is in progress as evidenced by the high percentage of
module b in which there is a facade between 6 and 8.5 meters. Modules a and c, on the
other hand, occur mainly at the in ection points of the path and at the angular points
of the block. In the in ection points, the built lot has an almost trapezoidal shape with a
facade of variable width, going from a range between 4 m and 5.5 m (module a) to a
range between 9 m and 10.5 m (module c ).
In via Monte Sabotino, on the other hand, the modularity varies between the different

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dimensional ranges of the facade where one of the modules does not prevail. All these
buildings, as mentioned above, stand on one of the oldest matrix paths in which sponta-
neous conscience behavior still prevails which originated a building not conditioned by
written regulations and rules. Based on the study in via Monte S. Michele, the prevailing
module is that b which, however, is not found in a high percentage but is presented in
equal measure with the a and c modules which continue to be mainly those buildings
that occur in correspondence of a curved section of the route or at the end of the block.
Mention should also be made to module d which exceeds the facade size of 11 m and
represents that category of buildings built later and in more recent times respecting the
dimensional standards typical of the phase in which urban planning took place.

Conclusions
In conclusion, it can be said that the building typology of the historic core of Arbor
Belli, consisting of the elementary cell with focarile and alcove, does not comply with
today’s housing standards consolidated in this geographical area in our time. Therefore,
there must be a form of evolutionary delay of the type, compared to what appears in-
stead in the cities of the same cultural context.
However, this limitation today also represents its critical fortune having become a re-
source that has determined a form of wealth induced by a growing cultural tourism,
intrigued by this primordial form of housing. Positive trend that if, on the one hand it is a
comfort to the economy of the community, on the other it poses a question on the role
assumed by this part of the building, now no longer considered authentically city becau-
se it lacks the main function of each urban organism that is the residence.

Figure 1. Evolution of the route system in Puglia, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar,
Politecnico di Bari, 2020.
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 Figure 2. Historical phases of Alberobello, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar,
Politecnico di Bari, 2020.

Figure 3. Formative phases of Alberobello and paths hierarchy, Thesis Laboratory/Final

Workshop, Dicar, Politecnico di Bari, 2020.

Figure 4. Analysis of the lot (A 1.5) in relation to the routes, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop,
Dicar, Politecnico di Bari, 2020.
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Footnotes
1
Trùllo, s. m. ‘Round shaped stone house e conical roof, typical of the Salento peninsula‘

References
Ambrosi, A., Radicchio, G., Panella, R. (1997), ‘Storia e destino dei trulli di Alberobello: il
prontuario per il restauro’, Bari, p. 14.
Jatta, A. (1985), La Puglia preistorica – contributo alla storia dell’incivilimento nell’Italia
meridionale, Arnaldo Forni Editore, Bologna.
Mirizzi, F. (1990), Architettura in pietra a secco: atti del 1. Seminario internazionale
Architettura in pietra a secco, Trulli e Pagliari nell’Alta Murgia, Noci-Alberobello.
Morea, D. (1882), Chartularium del Monastero di San Benedetto di Conversano,
Montecassino.
Esposito, G. (1983), Architettura e storia dei trulli, Roma.
Caniggia, G., Maffei, G. L. (1979), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia. Lettura
dell’edilizia di base, Venezia, Marsilio Editori.
uizzi, G. (199 ), Alberobello le radici di un toponimo in Umanesimo della pietra , Martina
Franca.
Notarnicola, G. (19 0), I trulli di Alberobello - dalla preistoria al presente, ari, Unione
Editoriale d’Italia.
Strappa, G., Dimatteo, M. A., Ieva, M. (2003), La città come organismo. Lettura di Trani
alle diverse scale, Bari, Adda Editore.
Ruta, R. (1983), I Romani nella selva: ricerca sull’ager Ignatinus e sul popolamento antico
del sud barese, Archivio storico pugliese, Bari.
Rocco, L. (1992), Inventario di forme seriali e nodali riconosciute nell’ambiente territoriale
del piano Alto Murgese, in l immagine nel rilievo di Cundari C., Roma, Gangemi
Editore.
Rocco, M. G. (199 ), Il disegno per l esigenza della definizione, ari, Mario Adda Editore.
Marraffa, M. (1976), I trulli di Alberobello, Roma.
Ieva, M. (2018), Architettura come lingua, Processo e progetto, FrancoAngeli Editore,
Milano.
Gioia, P. (1973), Conferenze Istoriche sulla origine e sui progressi del Comune di Noci in
Terra di Bari, Prima edizione Napoli, 1839-1842, ristampa Bari, Edizioni Laterza, Volume
III, Conferenza Vigesima.

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Metamorphosis of Urban Form in A Historical Nutshell; A Critical

Perspective
Selen Karado an1, Ecem Kutlay2
1,2
Orta Dogu Teknik niversitesi Mimarl k Fak ltesi ehir ve lge Planlama l m
niversiteler Mah. Dumlup nar ulvar No:1, 0 00, ankaya, Ankara/T rkiye
1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: Urban form, metamorphosis, social psychology, contemporary city

Abstract

Urban form is the interface between the social life and the physical environment of
the city. Form based practices, cannot be thought without human dimension. It is people
and their living styles that shapes the urban character in a place. Urban form as, commu-
nizing tool, a uni er to identify one s reign and land that em hasizing democracy and
e uity It also em hasizes familiarity through an urban code information rovided by
the intersections of different urban layers or elements in various cases. Form was created
for natural reasons and human based reasons. In ancient city forms and formations, the
site selection of settlements seems only dependent to the topography, they are not any
different than the primordial instinct of human (Rykwert, 1976). However, in time with the
increasing number of population and the concern of managing the resources, urban
forms started to be shaped by various dynamics. Accordingly, form-based study of this
paper includes different paradigms and perspectives appropriate to the time period
studied. Ancient urban form, its generation process and the metamorphosis experienced
in route to contem orary form and its own dynamics are the two main research elds of
the study By doing this, after the identi cation of two mentioned hases, a critical review
of change rocess of urban form is focused on At the very nal, reimagination of urban
form generation will be discussed for further.

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 GENESIS OF THE URBAN FORM
uilt environment contributes to meet some of our needs. We create this environment
with our experiences, and we perceive them. That s why built environment has a sym-
bolic meaning which comes from primitives. According to Jung (19 ), symbols are the
outcomes of collective possession. So, collective possession has an important role on
creating built environment. On the other hand, the built environment observed through
the history have faced certain changes. For example, street-structure relations of today s
cities could be different in its original time as in the case of Rome and ondon. With col-
lapse of buildings and tradition of building one top on another, actual heights of ground
levels and accordingly topographic structures have changed. Morris calls this process as
regeneration process of city cells (Morris, 201 ). At this point, it is necessary to elaborate
on the relationship between the people, their beliefs and myths, and the urban form sha-
ped by these dynamics to have a better understanding of the metamorphosis of urban
form.

Form, Myth and People

Field of psychology offers a broad perspective on the human behavior. Accordin-
gly, people behave through some signs and symbols. According to Sperber (as cited in
Rykwert, 19 ), symbolism is the same no matter what the origin is, they integrate them-
selves into a single system within a given individual. It can be understood that the idea of
founding a city was the same in all. At this point, human needs to step in. Humans tend
to find an answer to the question where they come from, because they want to belong
somewhere or to something. That question led to the emergence of rituals when they
found ancient cities. For example, they used templum (kind of a template) when they
found Rome. In India they used mandala. There are several examples like this, but the
point is their meaning. They were abstractions of earth and users of these, the founders
are combining their body with the template so that can integrate with the universal or-
der and become god. efore, each family had their own god. In time, they defined their
territories and started to create tribes, societies and a city. Thus, gods belonged to larger
number of people. As soon as the families, the phratries, and the tribes had agreed to
unite and have the same worship, they immediately founded the city as a sanctuary for
this common worship, and thus the foundation of a city was always a religious act (Fu-
stel de Coulanges, 1 ). The foundation of a city was a sacred act. Founders were cho-
osing the site for the new city. This decision was made by gods. Therefore, the decision
making, and implementation process was controlled by natural rules; existing ow of life
that were assigned to Gods. Namely, the founder of a city was considered as gods (what
cannot be explained was from holly sources as it is practiced today) (Rykwert, 19 ).
In order to please the gods or not make them angry, there were several rituals. At
the genesis, form and physical shape of the city was dependent to rites (Rykwert,19 ).
Rituals strengthened the bond between the physical world and spiritual that created
performative spaces for such activities. Thus, space became an attachment that was
resulted in sense of belonging. This need for belonging was tried to be solved by assi-
gning some meanings to the city. City gates, city walls and some components had also
sacred meanings. For example, when they plough a ditch called mundus, mouth of hell
or mouth of the underworld, they defined in and out of the city according to the soil whi-
ch goes right or left. Plough was a symbol used as an instrument of fertilization. In other
words, ploughed land was representation of a fertile woman. Also ploughing round the
boundary served to define the towns as a legal unit of territory. (Rykwert, 19 ). Each
city had their founders buried in the center of the city. It was because they believed, if
they burry the founder in the center, they can guarantee that the city will continue to
live. If new- founders want to mark their territories to be colonized, they visit hero founder
and take the clod of earth to throw into mundus, the mouth of hell. As mentioned, rituals
are the performances that shaped the physical environment. Assigning meanings to spa-
ces, to routes clarified the role of the places. Thus, first element that is known effective
on environment is ritual. In envying to the Classicism in Renaissance, urban form was the
major element that wanted to be copied. In the first esh, people that continues the

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rituals of their ancestors however they lack of something that prevents them to prolong
the urban experience of their places.

Places of People
At the very beginning, aggregation of people their position on land was no different
than animal tribes (Morris, 201 ). It was the conditions of natural environment that con-
trolled human life. And these conditions were dominant over people where people did
not have any power until their persistent settlements emerge as a sign of resistance to
unknown structure of nature. History of the urban form is studied with what Morris calls
determinants ; the first group is about nature; topography, climate, location and mate-
rials. Topography is effective on future macroform trend and third dimension of the city.
Rome is an exception for suitable topography. Climate is related with temperatures and
air conditions that affects heights, closeness and movement patterns in the city. Material
and construction technologies stand both as a tradition and limitation which is bound
to local material and knowledge while remains to stay in human dimension. And the
second group includes human intervention; that both includes organic (fortification walls
etc.) and planned settlements. It is more complex than natural phenomenon but usual-
ly categorized as economic, political, social and religious. Wheatley (19 1), states that
what exist in the root of urban form is ceremonial complex rather than any other type.
That is correlated to rituals . Rituals not only remained as ancient performances but as
continuous actions that are not limited to neither paganism nor any other religion. After
the shift to Christianity urban form is adopted to new belief system and its requirements.
Change occurred in a metamorphosis cycle that experienced in functions. Therefore,
city is not re-designed but existing structures are transformed to pragmatic facilities that
new belief system requires. Form follows function is transformed after Christianity; functio-
nal and symbolic structures of Rome and others were turned to facilities proper for new
religious living which brought functions fitted into already existing structures. Namely, the
change in urban form basically started with functions and then the structures within time
rather than the actual layout. That is why the process referred as metamorphosis which
does not strict on the urban form but accepts relatively small changes from very be-
ginning. Changing heights of buildings are quite well examples for that; it is known that
Pantheon had an obvious height, an entrance while today it remains in street level which
does not create major changes in urban plan.

CONTEMPORARY CITY
Today, modern writers always consider the choice of a site for a ton in terms of eco-
nomy, hygiene, traffic problems and facilities...In ancient times they thought in those ter-
ms only after having translated them into mythical terms (Rykwert, 19 ). MH TS are the
representatives of archetypes. In the modern world, when it is said common space, the
street or square, people directly think their architectural vision, independently from the
symbol, which should be the main element that creates them. This may show that things
are getting worse, it is now only the visuality that matters. Actually, this is a double-action
system. If people cannot reach the self, cannot live it properly they cannot create their
own environment, thus they confined to the environment which is imposed. Here, an em-
phasis is needed to the shift from places of people, which is the harmony between the
self and the place, to the disharmony or clash between the self and place itself, or as we
call it people for places .

People for Places

The directing effect of the symbol is thus accomplished through consciousness. If
the symbol becomes the center of consciousness and if it is experienced inwardly with
an estimate sense of personal identification it becomes the focus of the major energies
of the individual. On the other hand, if the individual does not take up the symbol from
within, if it does not come to him naturally, but if he/she comes to it merely through the
eternal signs by which it is communicated in society, it does not really function as a sym-
bol for him/her. ( arlas, 200 ).
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 That may lead to social neurosis. If an environment is imposed to an individual or a
society which they did not create themselves, they won’t adjust to the environment.
However, the worst part is they won t be aware of it and they will continue to live like it
is normal. We are forced to live in monotypic square shaped buildings which does not
include the systems of health, security or belonging like in the bird-nest form, comes from
primitive s symbolic pattern. It can be one of the reasons for having social depression.
At this point, Richard Sennett (1992) offers an impressive deduction about the rituals,
faith and the genesis of the urban form in his book The Conscience of the Eye . As he
discusses, ritual practices had an important role for religious people s understanding of
the city. What was protestants looking for They were looking for their truths in the streets.
They were searching an order which will be a solution to their inner-outer discrimination.
If they neutralize the city, there won t be any destruction for them which makes them
curious. So, they won t face with a chaos which con icts with their inner order. ecause
Puritans as a protestant sect were looking for purity. For Puritans the most valuable person
was the one who is not keen on his/her pleasures. According to the puritan space ethi-
cs, Roman grid turned into something without any reference, value, it was just a system
which can be developed infinitely. Thus, people could not understand which space was
valuable which was not. This was basically a step for creating unidentified urban spaces
(Sennett, 1992). In time with capitalism, modern world view and other factors, the system
continued to deteriorate. Urban pieces were seen as a good which can be bought- sold.
Urban center lost its meaningful concept and turned into unidentified nodes.
According to uckhardt, what creates modern society was awakening from the col-
lective possessional illusion. Rykwert (19 ) was mentioning that the basic idea of towns
was that collective possession. So, it can be said that, with modern system, the meaning
behind the idea of towns has vanished. Cities started to form randomly. Thus, individual
lost himself, became unaware of the self, cities became unidentified and the whole con-
cept turned into a vicious circle.
We are forced to live in monotypic square shaped buildings which does not include
the systems of health, security or belonging like in the bird-nest form, comes from primiti-
ve s symbolic pattern. It can be one of the reasons for having social depression.
At this point, Richard Sennett (1992) offers an impressive deduction about the rituals,
faith and the genesis of the urban form in his book The Conscience of the Eye . As he
discusses, ritual practices had an important role for religious people s understanding of
the city. What was protestants looking for They were looking for their truths in the streets.
They were searching an order which will be a solution to their inner-outer discrimination.
If they neutralize the city, there won t be any destruction for them which makes them
curious. So, they won t face with a chaos which con icts with their inner order. ecause
Puritans as a protestant sect were looking for purity. For Puritans the most valuable person
was the one who is not keen on his/her pleasures. According to the puritan space ethi-
cs, Roman grid turned into something without any reference, value, it was just a system
which can be developed infinitely. Thus, people could not understand which space was
valuable which was not. This was basically a step for creating unidentified urban spaces
(Sennett, 1992). In time with capitalism, modern world view and other factors, the system
continued to deteriorate. Urban pieces were seen as a good which can be bought- sold.
Urban center lost its meaningful concept and turned into unidentified nodes.
According to uckhardt, what creates modern society was awakening from the col-
lective possessional illusion. Rykwert (19 ) was mentioning that the basic idea of towns
was that collective possession. So, it can be said that, with modern system, the meaning
behind the idea of towns has vanished. Cities started to form randomly. Thus, individual
lost himself, became unaware of the self, cities became unidentified and the whole con-
cept turned into a vicious circle.

Contemporary Urban Form

As mentioned previously, basing on Sennett s (1992) argument, neutralizing the city
may lead to for the unidentified city parts. In ancient cities places were created through
the experiences and rituals, so the self was the part of places where people live.

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 However, throughout time, the population has increased. Inevitably, this led a new
organization pattern in cities. As a starting point of the history for contemporary cities,
capital accumulation and accompanying dynamics are worth to mention. Accordingly,
with the increasing population, stock of products has increased and followingly trade
between various settlements has started. Meanwhile, increasing accumulation of capi-
tal gave notice about the new structures for economy, society and city ( y kcivelek,
201 ). In 1 th century, new developments in the modes of production started to change
the labor force into the machine force. So, with the industrial revolution, the production
got faster. This paradigm change led to the emergence of new urban structure. As
y kcivelek (201 ) notes that with the industrial revolution, production functions started
to be separated from the urban functions, which led to the economic, social and for-
mal changes in the city. Shift from the artisan production to the mass production mode
has alienated producers to the products. Meanwhile, there was a migration from rural
to urban, which later on led to the density in the city. As Wirth (19 ) asserts that after
the differentiation has started between urban and rural life, behavior pattern of society
has changed into more introverted, alienated and differentiated from one another. This
mass population movement created a housing problem in the city. However, the main
issue was not the housing problem, rather it was the capitalism which controls the urban
space and society, and affects them deeply ( y kcivelek, 201 ). Mentioned problems
led the reorganization in the city itself both regarding the needs of society and benefit
of capital owners. In this context, there exists two examples of reorganizing the city as
metamorphosis and transformation.
In addition to these examples, with the changing dynamics in market mechanism,
city form has shaped with the effects of neoliberalism. In this context, Harvey (19 9) says
that cities are formed with regard to the global scale concerns. So, they could survive in
the neoliberal era by maintaining the capital ow. Also, complexity of modern societies
and cities, changing urban forms and leading factors (technology, transportation, daily
routines etc.) disconnected the form and the function.
Changing organization of labor and work patterns simultaneously changes the urban
form. As experienced in industrial revolution, new definitions for work along with new
technologies affected the daily life. The appearance of new technologies leads simul-
taneously to new ways of organizing production and to new ways of organizing urban
space. ( efebvre, 201 ). With modernity, social life and interactions have changed si-
gnificantly in urban centers. Daily life habits, perception of world and dynamics of social
life all experienced grandiose changes. Therefore, change is the key word. It is legible
that generation of urban form also shares a similar destiny that motivation behind place
making has shifted from needs of people to need of capital. Previous practices reasoning
the natural events and human interventions simply because of needs to adopt natural
environment is abandoned rather, already produced trends tried to internalize people.

Critical Review of Metamorphosis of Form

Urban form generation is studied by human dimension. Previous practices of pla-
ce-making are considered human centric. People themselves shaped their environmen-
ts due to their physical and spiritual needs. Rituals accompanied the journey inherited
from space-human relationship. In contemporary conditions, daily life of people is disin-
tegrated from needs but rather, people are tried to be fit in existing conditions. Office
blocks of metropolitan areas exemplifies the situation; day by day they become prison
of people since lack of harmony with human nature. Rather than, welcoming nature in
our produced places, imitation of real nature is hanged up at the walls of closed boxes.
Two well-known examples are used to clarify the difference between contemporary
urban form reorganization; arcelona of Cerda and Paris of Hausmann for their appro-
aches on historical city centers ( y kcivelek, 201 ). Urban form is a tool for collective
control by standardization (Mumford, p. 2 ) that is what Hausmann aimed by changing
the lay-out pattern (form) of Paris. What Cerda planned for the area got references from
existing and tried to combine the old and the new not in geometry but preserved cha-
racter of place as a metamorphosis process.
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 The latter excluded the value of the historic center and approached the area as a
transformation project. oth urban area changes are not dependent on only form, but
form is used as powerful tools to shape the general conditions of their cities. This com-
parison between two is not putting one another but to clarify the extent of differences
metamorphosis and transformation create.
The key word, change is subject to urban morphology studies. A glimpse to the history
of urban form there are two major themes related to change; the first one is transfor-
mation and the second one is metamorphosis. Urban transformation is referred as initial
change on urban environment that enables to recognize previous forms and reduces the
connection between the place and the self . In other words, each of the attempts that
removes traces of identity are considered in category of transformation. On the other
hand, metamorphosis includes relatively smaller changes, similar organizational patterns
that emphasizes recognizability, familiarity and legibility. For example, contemporary di-
scoveries on ancient sites approves the idea of recognizability; a roman city is perfectly
distinguishable from others. ut how Is it the power of the form or the idea behind that
created the form
Process of transformation creates a new assemblage that requires a new identity and
loses past experiences. Therefore, transformed places usually are not preferred since they
lack parts from inner self of collective consciousness; it is not result of layered changes but
a completely new designed area. In this case, metamorphosis offers a relatively higher
connection between the city and the self and parts of inner-self and thus, increases the
chance of frequent visits.

RE-IMAGINING URBAN FORM GENERATION

This study aims to understand contemporary urban form generation and problems
of harmony between components of urban form. It is not only under consideration of
morphology but also, psychological and social dimensions have crucial roles. That is the
main motivation that the study bases ancient generation even if it seems irrelevant, the
connection is the human centric approach and the harmony of human s inner and outer
self which occurs naturally, unintentionally and primordially. Thus, here the main discour-
se is that form is the re ection of the inner-outer duality on space. Accordingly, con ict
between them, an unbalanced situation is the first step of emergent problems between
human and its environment. No doubt, contemporary urban form organization will requi-
re something else than the rituals shaped by religion; however, the main concern that
people look for will be the same, which is their self . Namely, to overcome this concern,
roots are to be studied to imagine a better future for cities and simply for people.

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Figure 1. Conceptual Scheme of the Flow.

Figure 2. New Conceptual Scheme of Urban Form Generation

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References
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(Eds.). Kent Planlama mge Kitab ay nevi. Ankara.
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Mumford, . (19 1). The city in history: Its origins, its transformations, and its prospects ( ol.
). Houghton Mif in Harcourt.
Rykwert, J. (19 ). The Idea of a Town: The Anthropology of Urban Form in Rome, Italy and
the Ancient World. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey.
Wheatley, P. (19 1). The pivot of the four quarters: a preliminary enquiry into the origins
and character of the ancient Chinese city.
Wirth, . (19 ). Urbanism as a Way of ife. American journal of sociology, (1), 1-2 .

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 A.1 Urban Substrarta and New Meanings

Transformation processes and the teaching of Urban Form

Morphological legacies and Design tools
Nicola Marzot
DA-Architecture Department, University of Ferrara
Keywords: crisis, vacancies, waiting lands, displacement, rearrangement.

Abstract

The teaching of urban form, since its inception, has been widely affected by the con-
dition of existence of the current city. To a deeper investigation, it becomes explicit how
Urban Morphology and Building Typology was progressively established as a new dis-
ci linary eld in order to ful ll the re uirement of a knowledge framework- regarding
the conception, construction and transformation of the city itself. This necessity suddenly
manifests itself when facing the urge of city rehabilitation and/or conversion after its fall-
ing into crisis, due to damages or simply because not anymore responding to societal
aspirations. This is even more evident as we analyze the urban history of the last century,
characterized by a considerable number of destabilizing traumatic events, such as wars
and socio-economic turmoil, heavily affecting its essence as well as its material coher-
ence. This paper aims to demonstrate how transformative processes are responsible of
generating a continuous loop, whose phenomenological appearance the study of form
has to translate into a discrete se uence of hases to classify and understood, for the
bene t of the design teaching The modality of this translation is furthermore res onsi-
ble of the principles, methods, instruments and languages upon which the discipline is
grounded and its own legacy established.

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 The present condition of Urban Morphology
To re ect on methodological and content wise innovation in the teaching of Urban
Morphology and Building Typology implies to ask ourselves through which historical con-
dition we are expected to guide our students nowadays. The situation we are currently
experiencing is, in that respect, a critical one. Undoubtedly, if over the last decade we
have been witnessing the decline of the global capitalism, dropped down since the
financial bankruptcy occurred as a consequence of the sub-prime scandal in 2007, pes-
simism is increasing in a period just preliminarily affected by the drama of coronavirus
on a worldwide perspective, accompanied by the initial perception of its forecasting
economic effects.
This consideration bring us to reconsider precedents. imiting ourselves to re ect on
what had been happening over the last century, we will find evidences of the fact that
Urban Morphology, intended as a strictly ruled discipline, has been appointed by the ne-
cessity to react to a period of crisis, leading the expectation to overcame it. Of course,
what considerably changes in the subject matter is the nature of the crisis itself (whether
it is natural and/or caused by human being decisions) and the different interpretation of
it given by the humans into different socio-historical constrains.
This observation should not be surprising, since any crisis urges transformation, whether
it preliminary affects tangible or intangible aspects of the existing society and, conse-
quently, it claims for a coherent update of the artificial environment, which hosts the
community, to new expectations and the related requirements. Therefore, innovation
forces us to retrospectively find in the far-reaching and recent past evidences regarding
the necessity of transformation of the existing natural and/or artificial condition, and whi-
ch beneficial effects we can derive for the near future of our discipline.

On transformation processes
To further develop this challenging approach we do preliminarily have to discuss how
transformation should to be intended in general and, more specifically, what it ought to
be with respect to the disciplinary field of Urban Morphology and uilding typology. Of
course, this would necessarily imply to critically re ect on its constituting language, once
again taking into consideration the differences characterizing the distinctive schools and
the related member interpretations.
The transformation (from the ancient Greek metabolole, , derived from the
verb , meaning to through beyond ) is a process of constantly changing po-
sition. It therefore implies a mutual relation between a body , whether it is animated
(a living one) or not (a thing subject to movement), and the environment it interferes
with (whether it is natural and/or artificial) (Marzot, 201 ). As such, transformation almost
simultaneously affects as well the specific modality of the encounter/interference as the
implied entities.
Consequently, it becomes evident the inherent complexity of any transformative
process, since it is both the premise of any change (always occurring at the level of
the mutual state of coexistence of the aforementioned entities) and its result. In other
terms, if transformation generates the change, the change extend the transformation
itself. Within a transformative process, therefore, change follows change, according to
an endless sequence of bifurcations (Meillassoux, 200 ). Once one assumes that any
transformation is immersed within the continuity of the phenomenological appearance
of the change itself, it can be imagined as a potentially infinite ow of changes due to
mutual interference between entities.
If we do accept to live in a permanent condition of transformation, intended as a
mutual interference between us and our hosting environment, we are however entitled
to perceive a condition of stability every time we do experience the same modality of
interference. In that perspective, stability stays as a specific modality of appearance of
the transformation in the form of a change repetition: we mutually relate in the same
way. This assumption is fundamental within any anthropological process: the continuo-
usly changing interplay between the living body and its specific environment (the tran-
sformative process) can ultimately reach such a level, which is assumed as worthy to be

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repeated for the presumed benefit of the mutually implied entities (Marzot, 201 ).
We do exercise any time we do deliberately repeat a certain state, or change, of
the transformative process, presuming to be aware of its consequences, assumed as va-
luable to both the implied entities. The repetition is therefore responsible of the deriving
unity among the aforementioned entities: unity always refers to the mutual relation. Even
more, unity stays for a stable (ex) change between entities.
Crisis occurs at any time the stability conventionally shared in relation to a mutual
changing condition is approaching to an end, because of one of the implied entities.
Consequently, we can witness a change happening in the chain of changes through
which we do experience transformation, because of the body or the environment
inability/impossibility/unavailability to behave as previously expected. As a consequen-
ce, crisis interrupts the conventional stability of the (inter) change, being responsible of
the unity (referred to the reciprocal affection) progressive or sudden lost.

Urban Morphology and transformation processes

The pedagogical method followed by Urban Morphology and uilding Typology im-
plies the disassembling (analysis) and reassembling (project) of its own object of investi-
gation, whatever it is its own level of complexity, in order to generate a self-consistent
disciplinary body of knowledge instrumental to the design activity. Through the repetition
of the whole cycle, the student, via trials and errors, therefore acquires a critical and pro-
active ability, i.e. a technique to empower his/her own imagination, progressively com-
prehending the corresponding subject matter underlying mechanism of functioning.
During the early stages of his/her education, the student behaves as a kid, who disas-
sembles any object under observation, to understand its hidden set of rules, then perfor-
ming a seminal process of appropriation. Due to lacking of experience as well as limits
of knowledge, after the dismembering phase he/she is not able any more to reassemble
the obtained features, generating absurd if not hilarious results. Paradoxically, due to this
structural inability, unconsciously he/she is expressing an almost absolute level of creativi-
ty, since the pursued process is relieved of any prejudicial conditioning.
On the contrary, becoming more mature, the student tends to behave as an adult.
Through the sheer repetition of the exercise, he/she shows an almost completely secure
self-confidence in handling the dissection/reconstruction process, succeeding in com-
pleting the assigned commitment. However, being satisfied and gratified by the achie-
ved success, he/she is not aware of having performed a protocol of normalization, which
ultimately results in a minimal lever of creativity, having achieved a full control of the
object functioning.
We should not underestimate the appearance of an analogical relation between the
student’s exercise, and the corresponding pedagogical method, on one side, and the
socio-historical conditions, which have induced the emergence of a new disciplinary
field, on the other. As we already came across in the premise, reasons of it ought to be
traced back to the urge for reconstruction after major damages occurred to the existing
city, following traumatic events, which have determined its crisis.
This assumption is of a capital importance, since it offers us the possibility to state that
the education to the architecture of the city grounded on disassembling and recom-
posing its constituting elements simulates, through repetition, the condition of existence
of any anthropic space in its attempt to create a suitable world for living, inducing the
transformation of the existing condition. This is why to site-specific historical approach do
correspond symmetrically different interpretations of the transformation process itself.
Since transformation generates the change (i.e. the interplay between the body
and the environment ), then enabling the technique, which is the ability apprehended
during the transformative process itself, the project, which is also a problem to resolve
(from the ancient Greek rob ll , to throw forward ) comes out of it as the
most challenging result to further develop. Since technique is therefore responsible for
the project/problem statement, any time it reveals itself, then technique symmetrically
manifests its conjunctive power. On the opposite, when the project/problem state-
ment has to be resolved (from the ancient atin verb resolvere, to release ), then tech-
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 nique shows its disjunctive power as well. This circularity is fundamental and give us the
possibility to understand the variety of approaches to the study as well as to the design
of urban form.

Rehabilitating the European city after World War II

When looking backward to the dramatic pictures of ondon s Saint Paul area, Rot-
terdam s Coolsingel, erlin s Kulturforum, among others, after the destruction of bom-
bing and the removal of the remaining ruins, if not to the Tokyo bay, anyone is sud-
denly overwhelmed by an all-encompassing suspended atmosphere. The perception
of estrangement, displacement, isolation, loneliness and, even further, incompleteness
generated by the few survived vacant buildings and waiting lands, once deprived of
their own originating whole, induces panic and a widespread sentiment of indetermi-
nacy. The lost urban unity, which was responsible of the previously existing individual
urban block and monumental architecture meaningfulness, embarrassing asks for reha-
bilitation. Modernity, at that time, has already completed its own pioneering apprentice
and therefore claims for an immediate assumption of responsibility for the reconstructing
phase. However, looking retrospectively to its own more compelling Manifestoes, it reve-
als a quite ambiguous relation to the war s tribute as well as effects. e Corbusier s Ville
Radieuse (19 ) counteracts the Haussmannian dense urban tissue of Paris by replacing
it with an indefinite green field, imagined as a displacing new kind of urban soil, discon-
tinuously punctuated by the sheer emergence of isolated vertical slabs. ater on, to find
scientific arguments to support his thesis, in continuity with Cerda s Teoria general de la
urbanització (1 ), he will be explaining the dissolution of the urban block to give rise
to the architecture of the machine age ( e Corbusier, 19 ) in order to guarantee
the sanitization of the Ilot insalubre. udwig Hilbersheimer grafts its own sample of the
Gro stadt in the Friedrichstad highrise city (192 ) to evoke the necessity to extract and
abstract the new architecture from the resolution of the old one, then deprived of any
historical value. The striking juxtaposition of the two, similarly to e Corbusier s approach,
is implicitly evoking a sheer analogical relation between industrialization process and
naturalization ones (FIG. 1). The reduction of the historical to the ideal is assimilated
to a ruining condition. In both cases, what clearly emerges is the seductive power of the
palingenesis prompted by the war itself, which seems to represent the industrial process
latent ambition. The lost unity, supporting bourgeois conventionality, should therefore be
replaces by a new neutrality , mimicking the natural one. When leaving the propagan-
da of Manifestoes, in practice the European city reconstruction follows completely dif-
ferent strategies, which are surprisingly taking into account what was already there as a
source of inspiration. However, approaching the rehabilitation process, three concurrent
strategies outstand among others. The reconstruction of the historic center of Warsaw
opts for a strategy as it was where it was , completing the scarce remaining traces,
also taking into account some cadastral maps and II century aerial view of the city by
the Italian painter Bernardo Bellotto. This decision, although legitimate in the conscious
attempt to get rid of the recent past and its visible scars, on the contrary is based on the
unconscious removal of the present condition, upon which should be grounded any de-
sign prospection, and from which solely any knowledge regarding the past and prevision
towards the future is ultimately possible. In Dresden, the political decision to maintain
the Cathedral of the Holy Trinity in a persisting state of ruins, as a living witness of the war
outrages committed by the bourgeois enemy, on the opposite confirms a displacing
condition of incompleteness as an even more dramatic premonition of the near coming
widespread of the modern Nihilism. The shopping center in ijnbaan, at Rotterdam, by
an Den roek akema (19 1-19 ) develops an approach, which is destined to beco-
me a new paradigm in urban reconstruction strategies. The architects, in fact, recognize
the urban block can still play a crucial role in it. In fact it guarantee a practical and easy
negotiable solution between land use management, under the control of the public
administration (which rent out its stocks corresponding by percentages to what originally
owned by the privates), and the necessity of updating the living standard of both dwel-
ling and working spaces. The existing street pattern capacity can, therefore, be tested

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and verified in the light of the new achievements in the field of modern architecture and
building construction, supporting the emerging entrepreneurship dynamicity, pushing
the former limits to an extreme.

The post-industrial city relocation process

Since the second half of the 0, the European city had been witnessing a second
widespread crisis, prompter by the increasing dismissal of former industrial areas, under a
systematic process of relocation in order to adjust themselves to the changing size of the
international market and the consequent urge for new infrastructural investments. e-
cause of that, many strategic areas, positioned in the close vicinity of city centers, beco-
me vacant and release unexpressed energies and unpredictable potential at the mercy
of urban concentration s destiny. In that perspective, the Masterplan for the Olympic Vil-
lage in arcelona by M M Architects (19 0-92), for the AC Bercy in Paris by Jean Pierre
uffi (19 -200 ), and Hans Kollhoff Arthur Ovaska s ohn ark am Berlin useum, Block
in erlin-Kreuzberg for the I A program (19 -19 ), among others, seem to offer the
opportunity to verify the pioneering urban prototype already envisioned in Rotterdam on
a larger as well as systematic scale. Of course, it implies to take into account the site-spe-
cific limitations, which introduce necessary variations on the shared approach, assuming
the dialectical relation between the street pattern, critically inherited from the tradition
of the European city, and the urge for a radical revision of building type solutions. The
achieved results confirm the existence of a common and solid cultural background, and
the consequent profusion of dedicated literature in favor of a truly international audien-
ce, boosting the leading disciplinary role of Urban Morphology ad uilding Typology and
confirming the existence of a European legacy. However, one has to recognize that this
very successful trend has produced a generalized normalization of the design practice
as such. Its unquestionable evidence, compared to the post WW2 reconstruction phase,
is not confirmed by practices, but on the contrary by the uncontrolled proliferation of
Retroactive Manifestoes , quoting a successful urban essay by Rem Koolhaas (Koolha-
as, 19 ). In fact, almost simultaneously to the consolidation of the European way to the
modern society crisis, radicalism starts contesting the soliloquy of the Single Thought .
Neo-Avant-gardes, in that respect, coexist with a complete revaluation of some past
pioneering surprising extra-disciplinary formulations, together with attempts to contrast
the morpho-typological homogenization, critically re ecting on urban history to take into
account site specific constrains and limitation. Pierre Patte s fictional Plan of Paris for Louis
XV’s monument (1 ) challenges the designers to figure out the subversive power latent
in clustering imagined solutions and locations for a place royale, independently from any
historical premise, envisioning the precognition of an ante-litteram network city (FIG.2).
Oswald Mathias Ungers, Rem Koolhaas, Hans Kollhoff, Peter Reimann and Artur Ovaska s
The city in the city. Berlin: a green archipelago give us the chance to imagine how shrin-
king phenomena generate a transformative process according to which previously exi-
sting urban feature undergoes an ontological transfer. In fact, they become mutually
isolated fragments, expression of ideal formal identity, then stimulating cross-references
and far-reaching creative design associations. Il Campo Marzio dell’Antica Roma by
Giovan attista Piranesi (1 2), together with Aldo Rossi s La città analoga (19 ) and
Hans Kollhoff’s City of composite presence (19 ), confirm the ability of collage tech-
nique to perform the disjunctive power of any stable and unite configuration, allusive
to conventional system, condemning the corresponding relation to ultimate resolution.
Consequently, all fragments precipitate into a state of coexistence and indeterminacy,
to the benefit of unexpected possibilities, obvious premonitions of the post-modernity
destiny. The Diocletian Fortress under transformation in Split, from Robert Adam (1 );
The anonymous XVIII century engraving of Arles’ roman amphitheater (during medie-
val time); JM Gandy s surprisingly imaginative Aerial cutaway view of Soane s Bank of
England (1 0), reducing very famous conventional building to a landscape of ruins,
suspended in their own deliberate incompleteness, all evoke the overwhelming creative
power of transformation to generate change and, beyond that, unlimited design possibi-
lities through their own implicit techniques. Arata Isozaki s Incubation process (19 2) and
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 Superstudio’s Monumento continuo (19 9) for Rome s Coliseum, finding archeological
evidences and typological analysis support in many recent and far-reaching substrata (
anciani, 1 9 -1901; Caniggia and Maffei, 201 ), claim the design always results from the
never-ending provocation made possible by concretely and mentally evoking the past
ruins, bringing them forward the present time, to help us imagine the near future. ast,
but not least, Giovanni Antonio Canal s masterpiece Ca riccio con edi ci alladiani
(1 -1 9) deserves a special attention in its unrevealed capacity to make us awake of
the subtle rhetoric underling any outspoken claim in favor of the vacancy interpreted as
a gap to be filled by conservation strategies. The design challenge, therefore, appears
as an enigmatic presence to be resolved; a condition of displacement to take care of,
being aware of its unavoidable recidivity; a subtle combination of unconscious expecta-
tions, conscious values and unlimited desires; a dancing relation between corporeal
interaction and intellectual pleasure, contingency and transcendence. Architecture
belongs to the all-encompassing domain of transformation and not to the narrow one
governed by the oppositional categories of the Rationale. To rediscover this, we need to
lose control over the real to claim it back, and vice versa, according to an endless loop.

The Network city and the deterritorialization process

Causes of relocation processes prompter by post-industrial society where not questio-
ned at all until it was clear to anyone the emergence and subsequent consolidation of a
new generation urban configuration, taking advantage of the multimodal infrastructural
investments made possible in order to support a value chain progressively extended to a
worldwide perspective. Potentially ubiquitous and dynamically wide spreading in order
to exploit the maximum level of opportunity possible, the Network city was clustering all
together those global hubs acting as attractors of energy ows- materials as well as im-
material. y forcing people, finance, services, goods and natural resources to constantly
move, for the benefit of the generated hyper-structure itself, redistributing them accor-
dingly to the changing necessity of its complex and intricate logistic, its mostly congested
hot spots increasingly become the inhabitable repositories to guarantee energy conti-
nuous storage, relocation and consumption. The network city’s performance therefore
requires and imposes over the continuous pre-existing territorial extension a systematic
process of displacement, division, estrangement, isolation, of the most profitable parts
of it, putting into crisis its framework internal unity, articulation and achieved stability. If
fragmentation is the immediate symptom of any unitary system fall into crisis, in this case
what ultimately result relieved from any original constrain has to be immediately captu-
red within the network system of relation cage, while unprofitable features are abando-
ned and then doomed to an edging condition. The Network City affects all the global
surface, discriminating opportunities according to its sheer and severe inner logic. In that
respect, OMA’s Euralille Masterplan (19 9- ) in ille, France has fueled, because of the
development of the high-speed train system, the cluster wise arrangement of the most
important capital city of the north Europe, deactivating the conventional relations within
their own territory. Ove Arup’s Channel Tunnel ail Link (200 -0 ) and Stratford Centre
station (200 - ) in conjunction with KCAP s London lym ic Park Masterplan (200 -10) in
the Greater ondon Area, England, has generated an unpredictable new urban conur-
bation, capable of connecting the all Thames estuary zone to the Gran Paris Metropo-
litan Area. In such a way, it was giving existent, after almost two century, to Napoleon’s
unconceivable vision to cross over national borders. The Randstad in The Netherlands,
since the 0 onward, succeeded to give increasing imagination to an urban system
potentially capable of competing with the most important European city, at the cost of
dramatically altering the existing territorial relation, without achieving any administrative
recognition. ast, but not least, Öresund City, after the opening of the homonymous bri-
dge in 2000, in synergy with Klas Tham s Masterplan of O 01, in Malm , Sweden (2001- ),
has guaranteed the most impressive daily migration- of people, finance, natural resour-
ces, services and goods- ever happened within the Old Continent- almost profiting of
the structural imbalance between the richer Denmark and the poorer Scania (FIG. ). If
the hubris (from the ancient Greek u , h bris), with the significance of arrogance

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and excess , presumes the will to exceed any given limit, whatever its nature is, being
generated by the disjunctive power of transformative techniques, which manifest them-
selves through the resolution of a previously existing coherent structure (or system of
relation among its constituting components), igness (Koolhaas, 199 ) clearly expresses
its conjunctive counterpart. In fact igness requires, as its unavoidable premise, the de-
lirious wandering of the component part from its constituting whole, reducing it to an
isolated ( from the ancient atin s l tus, meaning released ) fragment. Therefore, the
ontological status of the fragment is that of absoluteness , since it is deprived of any
bond, then corresponding to a material atom (from the ancient Greek tomos, ,
meaning indivisible , composite of - ,alpha privative, and t mnein, , to cut ).
In such a condition, the hubris becomes the substratum of the Bigness, its implicit value-
less object of reclamation. The fragment incremental value is therefore emerging by the
conjunctive power of the available transformation techniques (recompose, recollect,
rearrange, etc..) in compliance with unpredictable experimental strategies. Again, the
descending chain of changes, which generates the fragment as well as the ascen-
ding one, which is leading to its possible recollection to achieve a new sort of unity is
never autonomous, or self-responsible of its own rule, but always strictly prescribed by the
unstable Network City horizon, confirming its unquestionable and unpredictable soverei-
gnty (Marzot, 201 ).

Crisis of globalization and the shrinking city phenomenon

The crisis of the financial capitalism, forecasted by the sub-prime mortgage scan-
dal in 200 , has increasingly relieved those building stocks previously captured by the
new urban configuration infrastructural network, whether they were part of previously
well-established territorial unity or vacant fragments/waiting lands inherited from former
post-industrial relocations (Cavallo, Komossa, Marzot, erghauser Pont and Kuiper, 201 ).
ecause of that, they have been progressively precipitated into an astonishing as well as
enduring condition of incompleteness, remaining suspended in between a not anymo-
re , the clustered civilization process fueled by the worldwide market, and a not yet ,
the expected community to be (Agamben, 2001). Dropped down into an unpreceden-
ted scenario, they were potentially condemned to rest in an almost eternal standstill,
simply to save the related financial statement expectations, waiting for fully reestablished
originating conditions. However, the corresponding state of exception would ultima-
tely admits the meanwhile uses of those vacancies, since they were not putting into
discussion the existing ownership system (Agamben, 200 ). On the contrary, they would
eventually operate in favor of the existing conditions, indirectly promoting them, free of
any additional charge for the property, since the building stock was offered temporarily
at no lease, if not to cover basic expenses. In such a way, allowing its use by all those,
mostly associations or private partnership, with a limited investment capacity, deman-
ding vacancies for social innovation and cultural purposes, would eventually guarantee
an informal facility management and maintenance of the building stock, not obstructing
the legitimate aspiration for its major transformation for the time being. Those opportu-
nities had been also encouraged by the local municipalities, happily supporting expe-
riences of bottom-up participation capable to integrate successfully the public service
deficiencies, due to the administration debt limitation imposed, in the meantime, by the
European Community. However, many of those experimental strategies were progressi-
vely envisaging the possibility to regenerate vacancies and waiting lands, instrumentally
using them to explore the coming into existence of new form of community, self-gene-
rating economy, sociality, counterculture and radical politics as well, well beyond the
initial motivations ( onetti, Roversi Monaco and Marzot, 201 ). The project Estonoesun-
solar, by Gravalos Di Monte in Saragozza, Spain (2010-1 ) took the opportunity, thanks
to the local administration financial support to retain unemployment rate after the 200
crisis, to turn an art festival into an acupuncture strategy affecting a wide network of
plot vacancies, letting the citizenship to start imagining a different urbanity for the time
being. Eva de Klerk s NDSM shipbuilding warehouse redevelopment (2000- ) in Amster-

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 dam north, The Netherlands, was taking the chance of the building marked drop down,
and the unexpected availability of unused ex-industrial archeological evidences, such
as the Kromhouthal and the IJ-Hallen (FIG. ), to insert ephemeral apparats to transform
the former into temporary exhibition spaces and market hall. The whole operation was
giving rise to the progressive emergence of a widespread urban staging strategy, further
on used by the real estate system to start an in depth renewal project taking advantage
from the already successful trials. US s Luchtsingel in Rotterdam, the Netherlands (2012
onwards) was transforming an abandoned office building of the 0 into a creative hub,
encompassing a wide range of design services, offering them a synergetic environment,
responsible of a suspended pedestrian infrastructure crowdfunding initiative, aspiring to
stitch incrementally additional vacancies and waiting lands for the benefitting of the lo-
cal neighborhoods. The ex-freight Ravone regeneration process (2012-) in ologna, Italy,
by PERFORMA A U is responsible to have imagined, adopted and finally prototyped, for
the first time within the national Planning history, the adaptive reuse of existing warehou-
ses, left abandoned after the original industrial activity relocation. From 2019 onward,
the launch of Dum O ( ologna s Multifunctional Urban District), is testing the meanwhile
use strategy to envision a wide range of building configuration to be migrated, when
successful, within the Implementation Plan, under development, as an experimental bot-
tom-up value chain trigger (Marzot, 2019). Those proposals, among others, witness the
capacity of regeneration processes to simulate the coming into existence of a real com-
munity, encouraging active participation of wide strata of the civil society to become
directly responsible of the urban environment. This is happening out of any nostalgia
towards the past as well as any utopist vision towards the future, being all explorations
radically embedded within the existential duration of the present time.

The Coronavirus effect and consequences

This paper has been revised in the due course of a dramatic pandemic effect, to
which every nation is differently reacting. Notwithstanding this, a seminal speculation on
possible common effects and consequences is helpful in the light of the subject matter
under discussion here. In fact, the virus widespread has generated a widely accepted
lock down and consequent frontier closure, established by individual nation. This clear-
ly stays for an indubitable claim for State sovereignty affirmation in opposition to a still
alive overwhelming power aspiration, exercised by globalization processes. Among the
immediate results, one records the sudden drop down of the building market, over the
last years heavily affected, on a worldwide perspective, by massive touristic ows, which
are currently completely frozen. In addition, there is an increasing expectation of a virus
recrudescence just after summer time and, beyond them, it is still perceived the risk cau-
sed by people assemblage even in the case of a partial unlock, urgently asked by entre-
preneurs to avoid an even worst social and economic crisis, following the sanitary one. In
the light of this picture, the related building stock will remain almost completely vacant
for the time being. We also have to imagine a probable economic de ection, due to
the overabundance of the supply, originally doped by global imbalance. Consequently,
part of the mentioned stock will progressively move in favor of a rental demand, still re-
mained unsatisfied from the precedent period, due to the unbearable competition with
the one generated by the mentioned touristic ow, taking into consideration the not-exi-
stence of any public policy in support of it. However, assuming a realistic increasing im-
poverishment of families, a consistent part of the stock will remain vacant. To avoid an
even more dramatic de ection, to mobilize vacancies will require an institutional role to
come into play. Focusing on the Italian situation, for instance, we have to consider that
all the Universities had been suffering a lot from the building market shrinking due to the
Airbnb competition (Gainsforth, 2020), being the city as a whole explicitly intended as a
Campus. Assuming the current transformation, Universities, or their dedicated agencies,
could start claiming a mediation role to mobilize the suffering stock, also comprising the
accommodation capacity, using the same strategy adopted by futures in the commodi-
ty market. By guaranteeing to the ownership system a negotiated income for a predeter-
mined time (not necessarily continuous), in compliance with the performance of a cer-

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tain standard, simultaneously they would immediately boost the economy, also helping
student family to face the crisis, preserving the expected educational level. The scatte-
red hotel strategy could eventually become a repeatable one, increasingly involving
intermediate institutional parties (the same municipalities among others), performing a
temporary social dumping for the beneficial of the all system. With the financial support
of banks, the institutional debt could be guaranteed by the emission of social bonds, in
favor of private investors, and/or seeking help to specialized ethic funds. This mechanism,
of course, would eventually require a strong and shared political decision, to fertilize as
much as possible the all-societal strata.

Some fin con i er tion

During a period of persistent crisis, vacant buildings and waiting lands multiply. The bu-
ilding stock, independently from its former quality, is then doomed to lose its own value,
not solely economic. This justifies because it is finally relieved from its community bond ,
and the related responsibilities, not being anymore instrumental to give material eviden-
ce to the previously existing society expectations. Remaining temporarily suspended into
a new ontological status of incompleteness/displacement/isolation/estrangement/diso-
rientation, among others, this stock is destined to become, literally as well as metaphori-
cally, a landscape of ruins . To rescue it back from the unavoidable condition of decline
into which it precipitates, a regeneration process is then required. Its success depends
upon its capacity to involve as many as possible stakeholders, not just to share the related
responsibilities, but also mostly to promote a corresponding fertilization process. In that
respect, regeneration simultaneously implies both the urban and the human condition,
where the two are continuously turning into each other from being the proponent and
the beneficiary as well, encompassing all the societal aspects. In that perspective, to
inhabit is a heuristic and experimental strategy, aiming at exploring unsuspected possibi-
lities, in case of success, fully to exploit. Value, in the due course of the process, eventual-
ly comes out from the changing conditions prompted by the transformation itself, and
manifests as an emerging ability commonly shared among those involved in the process
as a generating service to acquire self-confidence, awareness and mutual recognition
(Agamben, 2012). Those abilities are therefore techniques, which enable the coming into
existence of a community, whose members will claim the right to make an instrumental
use of them to develop, growth and widespread. The possible occurrence of all that will
stays as the confirmation of new value possess to reproduce. Architecture, in this respect,
will have completed its originating mission and role, leaving room and space to the sheer
repletion anew of the building chain purposes.

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 Figure 1. udwig Hilbersheimer, Friedrichstad highrise city, erlin, 192 .

Figure 2. Pierre Patte, Plan of Paris for ouis s monument, 1 .

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Figure 3. resund City in synergy with Klas Tham s Masterplan of O 01, Malm , Sweden .

Figure 4. Eva de Klerk, NDSM shipbuilding warehouse redevelopment, Amsterdam north, The
Netherlands, 2000 onwards.

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 Caption
Figure 1 - udwig Hilbersheimer, Friedrichstad highrise city, erlin, 192 . The scientific
model of the Gro stadt suddenly precipitates into erlin s Mitte, evoking its own reduction
to a fragmented sample. As such, it challenges the existing bourgeois city, suggesting the
necessity to extract and abstract the new architecture from the resolution of the old one,
deprived of any conventional value. The historical is then assimilated to the ideal .
Figure 2 - Pierre Patte, Plan of Paris for ouis s monument, 1 . A fictional transfor-
mation of Paris clusters proposed solutions and locations for a place royale as answers
to an official call by the Academy, acting as an ante-litteram Retroactive Manifesto .
The disjunctive power of generative techniques challenges the designer s imagination to
figure out unexpected possibilities by subverting the existing conditions.
Figure - resund City, after the opening of the homonymous bridge in 2000, in sy-
nergy with Klas Tham s Masterplan of O 01, Malm , Sweden (2001- ). An astonishing
transnational multimodal network has guaranteed the most impressive daily migration- of
people, finance, natural resources, services and goods- ever appeared in the Old Conti-
nent, capturing the socio-economic imbalance between the richer Denmark and the
poorer Scania.
Figure - Eva de Klerk, NDSM shipbuilding warehouse redevelopment, Amsterdam
north, The Netherlands, 2000 onwards. The unexpected availability of abandoned ex-in-
dustrial evidences, such as the Kromhouthal, follows the building marked drop down.
Incremental design policy profits of the meanwhile use to insert ephemeral apparats in
the vacancies, turning them into temporary exhibition spaces and market hall.

Reference
Agamben, G. (2001), a comunit che viene, Torino, ollati oringhieri.
Agamben, G. (200 ), Stato di eccezione, Torino, ollati oringhieri.
Agamben, G. (2012), Opus Dei. Archeologia dell ufficio, Torino, ollati oringhieri.
onetti, T., Marzot, N, and Roversi Monaco, M. (201 ), Frammenti per un codice del riciclo
urbano, Roma, Aracne.
Caniggia, G. and Maffei, G. . (ed.), Interpreting basic buildings, Firenze, Altralinea Edi-
zioni S.r.l.
Cavallo, R., Komossa, S., Marzot, N., erghauser Pont, M. and Kuijper, J. (ed.) (201 ), New
Urban Configurations, Amsterdam, IOS Press.
Gainsforth, S. (2020), Airbnb citt merce. Storie di resistenza alla gentrificazione digitale,
Roma, DeriveApprodi.
Koolhaas, R. (19 ), Delirious New ork: A Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan, New
ork, Oxford University Press.
Koolhaas, R. (199 ), igness or the Problem of arge , in OMA/Koolhaas, R. and Mau, .
(ed.) S, M, , , New ork, The Monacelli Press, pp 9 - 1 .
anciani, R. (1 9 -1901), Forma Urbis Romae, Milano, Ulrico Hoepli.
Marzot, N. (201 ), The relevance of process-based typology. The lifecycle of the cities
and the crisis in urban form , in Caniggia, G., Maffei, G. . (ed.) Interpreting basic buil-
dings, Firenze, Altralinea Edizioni S.r.l., pp1 -2 .
Marzot, N. (201 ) The Hybrid, the Network City and the Territory elsewhere. The contem-
porary fringe condition in North European urban phenomena , in Strappa, G. (ed.)
Observations on urban growth, Milano, Franco Angeli, pp 1 9-211.
Marzot, N. (2019) Il diritto all architettura come ricerca paziente. Forme del dissenso,
pratiche di rivendicazione dello spazio e potere del progetto , in Olmo, C. (ed.), Ri-
ghts. ARDETH , Torino, Rosemberg Sellier, pp -10 .
Meillassoux, . (200 ), Subtraction and Contraction: Deleuze, Immanence, and Matter
and Memory , in Mackay, R. (ed.), Collapse , Falmouth, Urbanomic, pp -10 .

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

The Vacant City as the contemporary substratum.

Why and How the crisis enables regeneration processes.
Nicola Marzot
DA-Architecture Department, University of Ferrara
Keywords: abandonment, claim, regeneration, convention, ra is

Abstract

The Vacant City is the heralded outcome of the crisis of former Urban Renewal pro-
cesses and later global densi cation strategies owever, this was not, as many were-
and are still- arguing, the effect of a conscious decision driven by nancial ca italism n
the contrary, it was the unconscious result of its legacy rogressive abandonment forced
by the eo le of the debt Because of that rocess, they became increasingly aware
of erforming simultaneously as victim as well as accom lices of the former erverse
mechanisms Conse uently, we have been witnessing the loss of the im licit convention-
al bond between the society s member behavior, their roductivity and the city s s atial
arrangement Assuming this framework as its e licit remise, the a er rst uestions the
nature er s of e isting building abandonment condition, tracing it back to its historical
recedents, and its functionality within the city s life cycle, analyzed it in the light of e -
isting ower-relation system criticism Secondly, it re ects on the fact that the conce t
of substratum, rom ted by the rocessual ty ology mainstream, is ine tricably related
to the emerging claim of vacancies and waiting lands as the immediate reaction to
a declared crisis Finally, to su ort those inter retations, the a er will resent some
contem orary emerging henomena, by which the reclamation of abandoned areas
is leading to un redictable regeneration rocesses To conclude, those actions will be
described as un recedented evidence of ra is, com ared to the traditional ones New
form of conventionality will eventually ourishing from this scenario

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 Planning aporias
The continuing post-crisis international economic and financial situation has produced
an alienating paradox in Italy, only partly attributable to the programmatic discrepancy
between Plan and Process. The first - understood as the instrumentum regni of territorial
transformation - expresses, in fact, an essence based on economic, social, and cultural
relationships whose stability and duration are presumed in the period under considera-
tion. It thus acts as interpreter and guarantor of requests from stakeholders who, within a
structurally “organic” perspective of meaning, become the protagonists of these, legiti-
mising them politically through specific role attributions firmly directed at implementing
their predictions. The Process, by contrast, intervenes as an unpredictable destabilising
factor to undermine the temporary certainties established by the Plan through tempo-
rally distinct, yet complementary, methods. One expresses itself surreptitiously, or in a
capillary and pervasive way, during planning activity, exhibiting the unstable equilibrium
of the conditions that underlie it and explain its conventional character. The other, howe-
ver, erupts into an interregnum phase, i.e. it occurs suddenly, whenever a problematic
phase of institutional vacancy occurs in which previously consolidated power relation-
ships are lacking and new, creative energies are consequently released, demanding a
degree of visibility on the urban scene and corresponding to a different interpretation of
the public function.
This apparent con ict, which should not be seen as dialectical in nature, can be resol-
ved in a desirable complementary relationship only if it is accepted that the two terms,
Plan and Process, merely express the oscillating polarity from which mutual recognition
derives the concept of civil history, seen as phenomenological epochè (from the Gre-
ek ἐ )1 , and – with it – existentialist philosophy, at least in Western thinking (Marzot,
201 ). However, in the type of case that we are experiencing, that healthy alternation is
mortgaged by the very nature of the interests at stake, born of a recent period in which
finance has changed from a necessary tool to support innovative forms of entrepreneur-
ship into a perverse concern for profit, generating chain distortions with the complicity of
the Plan itself, whose drive is unfortunately far from exhausted2.
These assumptions, material and immaterial, inevitably lead to a story that aspires to
a responsible redde rationem of the many persisting barriers to effective regeneration
policies for the city experiencing the crisis, generally expressed verbally but unable to
stand up to the facts.

Financial origins of the crisis

A spectre is haunting Europe: the Vacant City. This term effectively expresses the state
of the contemporary city, suspended between the “no longer” of the Network City3 , as a
complete expression of the creative finance - and the related excesses - that has driven
its development, and the not yet of the city to come, looked forward to as confirma-
tion that the crisis can be overcome. The Latin etymology from which the English term
derives can be traced to the verb vacare, conveying the idea of “moving away from”,
applicable to any form of operosity4 . However, the factors that have triggered the pro-
gressive stagnation and implosion of the property market are already latent in the crucial
transition from industrial to financial capitalism5, which paradoxically feeds on a persi-
stent state of crisis as its own condition of existence. This “exceptional” vacancy situation,
the expression of a programmatic “incompleteness”, must be elucidated in advance, in
order to reveal its unprecedented identification with a new, as well as perverse, condi-
tion of normality . Historically, this event coincides with the production system s view of
money no longer as a tool6 for the promotion of growth, development and employment,
but as the objective of its production strategies. Such a phase has begun, a sure indica-
tion of an entire economic cycle that has been steadily weakening since the subprime
mortgage scandal of 200 , in which financial services based on minimal investments in
research and development, and generating far greater profits than those produced by
traditional manufacturing or personal services, are spreading throughout the world in a
way never previously seen.
Over time, this changed perspective implies profound transformation of the nature
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and dynamics of the construction industry. In the year 2000, coinciding with a collapse of
the share prices of so-called Blue Chip companies in the information technology sector,
apparently in irreversible growth up to that point, there was a progressive shift of invest-
ments from intangible to tangible assets. Leaving aside the commodities sector, which
remains strategic, the construction sector immediately benefited from the favourable
circumstances associated with Europe s use of the new euro currency.
It can now be seen as a false dawn. Financialisation of the economy translates, in
fact, into a fanciful link to property development that purports to generate the multiple
transactions that are the real guaranteeing of investment7 profitability. In such circum-
stances, the apparently unlimited availability of financial resources at highly competitive
interest rates, with minimal guarantees offered by the beneficiaries, encourages new
operators to enter the property sector and induces existing ones to undertake business
initiatives essentially driven by growing expectations of income and growth with distant
prospects of success, having been developed in the absence of careful assessment of
market needs.
In other words, the necessary premises for the financing projects, though desirable, do
not currently exist, but are systematically deferred to a spatial and temporal “elsewhere”,
to be awaited with messianic faith8. The interpreters of this process, from promoters to
end users, are thus virtual, not real, entities, simply taken for granted, like the bank secu-
rities of which they become a prerequisite in a manner fully consistent with the principles
of financial mathematics and its algorithms.

Hybrid City and deterritorialisation

The perverse effects of a constantly deferred realisation of the expectations of pro-
perty development are amplified by the fact that the production of money, by its nature,
programmatically disregards the existence of defined territorial entities, or of political,
social, economic and cultural entities capable of governing their own affairs (Galim-
berti, 201 ). Furthermore, the related ows are transversal and supranational in nature
with respect to all forms of administrative limits, delegitimising their functions. In this way,
excessive financialisation of the economy seems to escape the control of the institutions,
unable to collaborate in a network context, and of the agents of transformation, unable
to match their expectations to local specificities.
The scenario is made even more complex by the contextual alteration of the very
concept of territory which, given current circumstances, coincides with the pervasive
loss of significance of the notion of the metropolitan area in favour of the prevailing
phenomenon of urban networks. The unprecedented increase in the mobility of financial
resources, goods, services and people, fed by growing investments in the infrastructure
sector, at least in the most virtuous cases, programmatically destabilises the maintenan-
ce of consolidated administrative boundaries, causing their identity characteristics to
implode, and compelling a review of all the links between active forces and related
systems of expectations based on relationships of geographical continuity. The conse-
quences of this process are of epochal significance and, from the urbanistic point of
view, widely underestimated even by latest-generation Plans.
Consequently, economic growth factors act selectively, favouring the most rewar-
ding locations - with regard to multiplication of relational opportunities in the economic,
social and cultural spheres, - in a highly logistical perspective. It follows that investments
mainly benefit companies that already possess high infrastructure standards, thus exa-
cerbating the discontinuity of economic rents. The apparently paradoxical effect of this
process is the creation of new settlement configurations, the aforementioned Network
Cities, no longer based on the hierarchical relationships of metropolitan cities, but on
the predominantly horizontal relationships between urban systems of similar specialised
levels, enabled to perform better in the international marketplace (Marzot, 201 ).
The programmatic disorientation of settlement as a synergistic outcome to the multi-
plication of transactions, shrewdly fuelled by creative finance, mirrors that of local politi-
cal forces, unable to manage interactions with interests that act on a global scale and
losing all sense of identity. In fact, the latter would require full assumption of responsibility
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 among the various interpreters through the establishment of local roots, something the
new production methods deliberately ignore.

The reaction of the property market

The picture painted above - in which the prerequisite for growth is a paradoxical “state
of permanent deficit - explains why the effects of the 200 debt crisis and the 200 finan-
cial crisis have had a dramatic effect on the European property market. The traditional
relationship between supply and demand in this sector has been completely altered by
a system of expectations, both incoming (i.e. of specialised operators) and outgoing (of
end users), totally independent of reality. The former have benefited from easier access
to credit, their eligibility guaranteed by mere expectations of transformation, written into
the balance sheet, rather than economic worth. The latter, likewise, have contracted
mortgages for the purchase of properties in the belief that solvency can be delayed,
based on an assessment of stable and lasting employment conditions, even if these are
not improving as hoped for. Both have thus been complicit in a life project based on de-
liberately misleading assumptions, its feasibility programmatically postponed according
to financial algorithms9.
The identification of money with new ways of production has quickly become an ag-
gravating factor, transforming the financial crisis into an economic one, with immediate
loss of employment and drastic falls in public and private spending; families, their saving
capacity gradually eroded until dwindling to nothing in a few years, have been com-
pelled to try to replace the networks of protection and social solidarity that the previou-
sly responsible institutions could no longer guarantee. This has proved to be particular-
ly difficult for Italy because of its chronic infrastructure deficiencies and chaotic public
expenditure out of control, allied to a programmatic inability and disinclination to attract
international capital.
If the national picture raises legitimate concerns, the regional one is no less alarming.
Recent research10 covering the whole of Emilia-Romagna reveals that local government
Structural Plans are still strongly characterised by expectations of growth that no longer
correspond to the new reality, with increasing calls11 for reduced land use and further po-
licies based on regeneration of existing resources. If the data in itself is unsurprising, given
the implicit inertia to modification of the Plan, with its programmatic mission of conserving
existing power relationships rather than relative modification, which cannot be attributed
to those conditions of stability that a shared project requires, it is interesting to analyse the
different behaviours demonstrated by those who claim a role as protagonists, in various
capacities, in the transformation process for the territory.

The Plan and its protagonists

Operators in the property sector, especially builders, who play a unique role in Italy12,
have a particular interest in the transformation process described above. In more inno-
cent times, i.e. prior to the speculative subprime bubble, and consistent with the gua-
rantees of expectations and territorial performance contained in the Plan, they have
allocated enormous resources, only nominally their own, to greenfield sites of new sett-
lement expansion, taking out mortgages in order to exercise onerous option rights in the
best cases or to purchase of land in the worst. For guarantees they have relied mainly on
expected, rather than real, transformation values either from the mortgaged properties
or virtually cascaded from previous financial transactions, or, because of tax relief, on
the underwriting of property shares. As a sign of the crisis, the high levels of credit granted
to them have inevitably led to an exponential increase in requests for repayment - by
the lenders, banks and financial institutions - of capital rendered unfruitful by the lack of
demand for transformation, and property operators have found themselves in a corner.
Despite the lesson of persistent stagnation and implosion of the property market created
by their own actions, and with numbers of unsold or vacant properties rising incessantly,
they have continued to seek further development of land merely to keep alive those
very expectations of transformation value offered as guarantee of their investments.
The administrators, who have directly participated in promoting and defending these

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same interests through the provisions of the Plan, have found themselves in an equally
uncomfortable situation. Having benefited in recent election campaigns from program-
mes geared towards drastically-reduced land use, including densification of the existing
city area, they have tried to redirect transformation towards brownfield sites. However,
the attempt has failed miserably for the same reasons that have led private operators to
demand compliance with forecasts that con ict with the new reality but are consistent
with the expectations expressed in the Plan, exacerbated if anything by the impossibility
of drawing on public funds. As If market stagnation and lack of demand, except in highly
specialised niche sectors, were not enough, private capital is not available, having been
locked up in areas of new expansion for reasons noted above.
As a corollary of the above, we may note the contribution, fortunately minimal, of
a highly ideological and radical chic intellectual elite who, in the face of the persistent
crisis and the apparent impossibility of reactivating the huge amount of unused proper-
ties awaiting transformation, cynically applaud the idea that they be abandoned to a
condition of romantic ruin, as a warning and perennial monument both of the failure of
the Plan, unable to adapt to changed boundary conditions with appropriate tools, and
of the evident implosion of financial capitalism, which has remained hostage to its own
perverse practices and equivocations.
While pursuing clearly biased objectives, they fail to realise that the intentional exclu-
sion of an important part of existing cities from any form of transformative forecast and
the deliberate refusal to acknowledge the widespread porosities produced by the crisis,
which are creating a new “negative” urban reality, according to an automatic writing
that acts outside any form of planning intentionality or agent legitimacy of the Plan,
consciously deprives the existing community of an emerging plural subject that demands
ever more visibility.

The new agents of transformation

If the crisis has severely affected the traditional production of property value and
protagonists of this process, it is equally true that it translates symmetrically into an un-
predictable and potential resource for all those excluded from the market because they
lack the minimum entry requirements or because they abruptly left it due to the crash
that followed. These tend to be the young, who experience structural difficulty entering
the world of work and face a chronic lack of social security (guaranteed only by what
remains of the public services), and those who have lost their jobs and now seek a new
career, i.e. the constellation of professionals and small businesses that has constituted
Italy s proverbial backbone since the immediate post-war era. This composite group
constitutes a new, heterogeneous and liquid “Third State” which, although still far from
conscious self-recognition and incapable of acting collectively, acts as a silent inter-
preter of the rebirth of the territories from the landscape of ruins into which they have
abruptly fallen. No longer able to operate within the framework of normality that the
traditional Plan legitimizes and embodies, its protagonists therefore demand new for-
ms of expression, outside the rules that applied previously. For them, realisation of the
expected valorisation of vacant property assets cannot be postponed. They seek not the
financialisation of construction, but work creation made possible by reinventing things in
line with contemporary moods and methods.
In other words, the revolution now underway implies emancipation from the condition
of structural suspension and deferral of the manufacturing moment in favour of the con-
ceptual one (although based on false assumptions), pursued through a radical reversal
of the very idea of planning, no longer intended as an intellectual forecast but as a
material prototyping (Ferraris, 201 ). The acant City then ceases to present itself as the
intentional expression of a “destituent” process, pursued by the hybris of financial capita-
lism, with the implicit objective of freeing the creative energies constrained by the Plan
and its system of rules and dissolving de facto its bonds established e -lege. On the con-
trary, it presents itself as a simple substantial presupposition, or substratum, of the imagi-
nable “city to come”, called by the “provocation” of the former to represent its ultimate
destiny, to be pursued through a silent transformation, experimental and unpredictable
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 in its possible outcomes, of the building heritage scandalously disposed of in the previous
phase and constituting the means of its continuing evolution.
This emerging and widespread reality, now dictated by the scarcity of available finan-
cial resources and the urgency and non-deferrable nature of the measures needed to
create new employment, interprets the theme of urban regeneration in terms of radical
and innovative experimentation - outside the acquired patterns of a world that no longer
exists - capable of building its own rules by its own efforts and becoming the expression
of a rediscovered “formativity”13. In this regard it needs suitable spaces, deprived of ori-
ginal conventional value, with which to recreate the conditions of possibility so that a
new form of collective planning takes shape and is actualised, through distinct and inter-
connected phases of transformation and self-recognition. It is the nature of such spaces,
therefore, to require a Plan moratorium in the form of a suspension of those conditions
of strict normativity, legitimated only by circumstances of stability and recognition of the
subjects, of which the Plan is an operative instrument.

Beyond the Vacant City, the urban ephemeral

The primary resources evoked already exist: they are the places of abandonment that
the crisis has multiplied – dissolving the “resistant” bonds of extended urban networks –
through the widespread porosity of the contemporary urban fabric; accidental wrecks
of a project that has exhausted its drive and de-territorialising function, awaiting new
interpretations; desirable promises of a possible city, as yet unrecognised by any instru-
ment. As the time frame of the Vacant City suddenly contracts, an evolving architecture
emerges at its edge through its very interstitial condition, formless, pervasive and capil-
lary. It stands between the “no longer” legitimised by the existing Plan, the “passive”
accomplice of urban networks, and the “not yet” of the Plan to come. In their bareness,
its spaces evoke those anticipated from recolonisation of the territory by the “Third State”
mentioned above, with minimum investment of financial capital and maximum return
in terms of transformation work14. The new Ephemeral City, changing in its experimental
transience, simply asks to be cultivated, recognised and interpreted, not as a marginal
and shunned reality but as a new centrality of the political agenda, capable of promo-
ting a network of new relationships based on claims of temporary use. Only time will tell
which will be able to “migrate” to a new horizon of relatively stable meaning in order to
legitimise their corresponding operating forces, giving them full public visibility and reco-
gnition.
Fortunately, successful experiences of this kind already exist15. However, they still con-
stitute initiatives of mainly cultural interest, sometimes driven to the limits of legality by
the lack of a regulatory framework that accepts them and legitimises their spontaneous
multiplication; testimonies of the change taking place, yet to reach full awareness of
their mission. In this regard, there seems to be something of value in the experience of
European countries with more solid traditions in the property sector, such as Holland,
England, Spain16 and Germany, where such claims have always been instrumental to
the generation of value, performing a fundamental trigger function. These cases involve
organic experiences in the construction and transformation of the Plan, understood as
a shared project despite its different local interpretations, whose social, economic and
cultural purpose is to provide an indispensable gestation laboratory sustaining the disci-
pline of urban planning in a pragmatic manner. This confirms the need for a systematic
openness to the new in the forms and times in which it reveals itself.
In these situations, the temporary regeneration of unused spaces responds to multiple
objectives and interests: it guarantees owners that properties suitable for transformation
will be maintained and their associated costs reduced; it allows the authorities to incre-
ase public safety in areas otherwise exposed to illegal activity and vandalism, with no
additional burdens on the community; and it acts as a source of minimum capital invest-
ments and a maximum in terms of generated labour and employment to offer emerging
entrepreneurial forces the conditions for implementing forms of free interpretation of spa-
ce and gaining awareness of their abilities, in the hope that they will be translated, at
least in part, into new shared and communicable practices. It also allows the Plan itself to

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test in advance new forms of economy, sociality and culture that it can come to encom-
pass for a non-traumatic renewal of its own instruments, by means of a transitory “project
in the absence of pre-established functions (Agamben, 201 ).

Bologna as a model of urban prototyping

If the Vacant City is the result of the progressive dissolution of the European city17, harri-
ed by the forces of global financial capitalism from the start of the post-industrial phase18,
it likewise constitutes the precondition of the processes of urban regeneration, which
multiplied in the old continent after the financial and economic crises of 200 . A neces-
sary, but not sufficient, condition for the inoperative building heritage to pass the baton
is the self-suspension, for a defined period of time, of the deontic function of the Plan,
which prescribes the fate of each area into which the territory is administratively divided,
establishing its uses, methods of intervention and eligibility criteria in order to protect the
collective interest. This seems to be the inspiration for the Emilia-Romagna Region s new
Urban Planning Law no. 24 of 2017, designed to curb land consumption, even in the
face of a now evident contraction of the property market. In article 16, the approved
text introduces, for the first time in the national urban planning discipline, the notion of
“temporary uses”, intended as innovative action to counter degradation of the city and
reactivate the abandoned and unused heritage by means of prior cataloguing on the
basis of the “Register of properties made available for urban regeneration” established
in article 1 . In this sense, and re ecting a process still in progress, the Region s legislation
constitutes the partial precipitate of one of the most advanced experiments of planning
culture at a European level in conditions of structural crisis. Its premises are traceable to
work carried out in 2010 at the former Ravone rail yard in Bologna as part of an invita-
tion-only competition, won by a combined team from PERFORMA A + U19 Design Studio,
Nomisma Srl, Unipol Merchant ank and the Delli Santi Partners law firm. The yard was
decommissioned by Rete Ferroviaria Italiana at the end of 2011, no longer being used for
its original purpose of rail freight, and transferred to its subsidiary FS Sistemi Urbani S.p.A.,
which was given responsibility for its redevelopment. Following installation of the new
Council, in 2012 the Administration asked the client to draw up a new Master Plan for
the entire area20 to replace a previous Detailed Plan no longer considered adequate
for the objectives of the new Structural Plan, which was delivered in 201321. However, the
continuing economic and financial crisis meant that the feasibility of the proposal as a
whole could not be guaranteed. On 9 July 2014 the Municipality signed a memorandum
of understanding with major stakeholders in the city s transformation the State Property
Agency, the State Railways, Cassa Depositi e Prestiti and Invimit. Mindful of changed
market conditions, it also began drafting a Municipal Operational Plan specifically dedi-
cated to public assets, including the Master Plan proposal for the former Ravone freight
yard mentioned above, the first such plan in Italy. From the outset, a need was seen for
a drastic reduction by about two thirds of the quantitative forecasts, to be implemented
in the five-year period of validity of the Municipal Operational Plan (POC) in order not to
further jeopardise a market already under stress and to maintain the value, now consi-
derably reduced, of unused assets. In concert with the technicians of the Public Admi-
nistration, the timescale for the developments outlined in the Master Plan was modified
in order to mitigate its likely impact22. However, the general opinion now was that the
minimum conditions for action to increase values did not exist under the rules inherited
from the previous stages of the urban plan. In this regard it is worth noting that by 2012
the planners had already suggested, both to the Administration and the client23, that the
interregnum phase from then until the time when, it was hoped, the enhancement phase
might begin, offered an opportunity to exploit the abandoned industrial buildings, which
were no longer required for railway operation and were still standing, and the associa-
ted shunting yards. These assets were known to be in a good state of repair, were highly
exible and would be immediately available after modest improvement work, the cost
of which would be compensated for by their intrinsic value, and which would prevent
the inevitable deterioration that abandonment would cause. With hindsight of the dra-
matic economic-financial crisis indicating that any idea of urban planning was destined
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 105
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 to fail at that time, becoming no more than a rhetorical exercise of style, it is clear that
intuition was the only possible approach given what was then known (Fig. 1). Through the
construction of animated simulations, the possibility of rescuing existing properties from a
condition of oblivion evolved progressively into a plausible prospect of enhancement24.
Therefore in 2018 the Client decided to publish an initial “Invitation to tender” for the
assignment of 9 properties with adjoining uncovered areas, for a total of 40,000 square
metres of gross surface area, on the basis of a two-year interest-bearing loan, under the
provisions of article , mentioned earlier, of ologna s Urban uilding Regulations (RUE).
Only one tender, invalid because it proposed a timescale double the one specified, was
received, but it persuaded the client to issue a new invitation for a 4-year project, which
was successfully awarded in 201925. At the same time, Studio PERFORMA A + U won a new
invitation-only competition for the Urban Planning Implementation of the Ravone sector,
under the provisions of the Regeneration of Public Heritage POC approved in 201 ,
becoming design consultants with responsibility for management of the area intended
for temporary use , which was officially announced to the press with the acronym Dum-
O (Multifunctional Urban District of ologna) and inaugurated on May 10 at the JOINT
outdoor event26.
Since then, the objective of the Ravone urban regeneration project, through the
drafting of a “Temporary Uses Master Plan”, has been to ensure, as had been foresha-
dowed from 2012 onwards, that procedures and effects resulting from ongoing experi-
mentation described as “temporary uses”, as per article 73 of the Building Regulations,
may migrate within the drafting of the Urban Implementation Plan (PUA), constituting
its trigger phase, to guarantee effective rooting in the socio-economic and cultural fa-
bric of the consolidated city (Fig. 2). In this context, and through continuous interaction
with the city s Urban Planning department, it has been established that the Master Plan,
now operating de facto to ensure governance of the regenerative process and the
corresponding system of rules, replace de jure the RUE starting from the approval of the
implementation tool. In strictly disciplinary terms, this is an extraordinary result, unprece-
dented in Italy. The decision, which will be ratified by the remarks to the Preliminary Ur-
ban Implementation Plan, delivered on 12 February 2020, implies that, for the first time in
Italian urban planning, through implementation of good practices put into operation in
the temporary laboratory of Ravone, a regenerative project - by its nature incremental,
collaborative and experimental- has been recognised as a legitimising process of the
Plan, and that the corresponding “document”, i.e. the “Master Plan for temporary use”,
defines its founding principle27, to which the whole implementation planning will be re-
quired to adhere, both in the articulation of spaces and in the temporal sequence of the
implementation phases. Ephemeral transformation of the Vacant City, freed from the
prescriptive cogency of old generation Plans, is thus confirmed as the tool with which to
create a circular model for the resilient city of the future, basing its vision of it on present
needs, taken in their competitive evolution (Fig. ).

Closing comments
The pioneering experience with the former Ravone rail yard in ologna confirms, if it
were needed, that the reaction to the crisis in the property market is already redesigning
the city according to ideas anticipating establishment of the Plan. The temporary mora-
torium is, therefore, a necessary but insufficient condition that allows the forces emerging
from the landscape of ruins left by the collapse of financial capitalism and the world
around it to find expression, in the wait for what is to come (Fig. ). In these circumstan-
ces politics has the task and responsibility of creating the suitable conditions that will al-
low this to start and develop, encouraging the promotion of a network of initiatives that
aspire to colonise growing urban porosities, cultivating them and monitoring their quality
and ability to stand the test of time. There are moments when one becomes aware that
the plan is indistinguishable from existence as a life experience. The current one is one of
these. It would be unforgivable not to seize its opportunities.

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 Fig 1

Figure 1. A decommissioned railway depot in the ex-freight yard Ravone is fictionally

adapted for hosting co-working activities. This scenario was proposed in 2012 to trigger
the imagination of the client and the local Administration in order to deactivate biases
still resisting to “meanwhile uses”.

TAV 1 CATALOGO DEGLI ELEMENTI

SPAZI E TEMI

EVENTI E SPORT E RICERCA E ECONOMIA

ARTE E CULTURA SPETTACOLO MUTUALISMO INTRATTENIMENTO INNOVAZIONE € COLLABORATIVA

MOSTRE D’ARTE WORKSHOP ALLOGGI TEMPORANI EVENTI ALL’APERTO CONCERTI FIERE AREA RELAX SERRE MERCATO DI QUARTIERE ORTO CONDIVISO SPAZI CONDIVISI ATTREZZATURE SPORTIVE AREE FITNESS LABORATORI FAB-LAB NEO-COOPERATIVISMO CO-WORKING

Fig 2
7
9

F
C

14
12
13
D
PIAZZA
B
14 DEGLI EVENTI

M H
G
P PIAZZA DELLO SPORT

E
16 17

N
I

O 20 J A INGRESSO
K PIAZZA DELL’ACCOGLIENZA

L
21

ACCESSO

EDIFICI AREE ALL’APERTO

superfici altezze superfici altezze superfici altezze

INGRESSO PIAZZA DELLE TESTATE COLLEGAMENTO
7 13 14 A 2995 mq (verde incluso) G 1115mq M 1210 mq
PT: 1495+165 tot: 12,7/8,7
PT: 2385+135 PT: 6,1/6,35
P1: 515 PT: 2,67 PT: 300 (cad.) PT: 4,28/5,58
P1: 98 P1: 2,8
P2: 395 P1: 2,5/2,34
P2: 7,07/3,09
PIAZZA DEGLI EVENTI COLLEGAMENTO COLLEGAMENTO
89,5 x 15,3 95 x 17,6 30,3 x 10,8 B 3660 mq
H N 975 mq
1130 mq

AREA DI PERTINENZA COLLEGAMENTO AREA DI PERTINENZA

12 17 20 C I 910 mq O 245 mq
PT: 1540 tot: 11,7/10 305 mq
PT: 1670 portico: 3,61 P1: 735 PT: 2,83 PT: 1205 rialzo: 1,2
P1: 1675 P1: 4,32/8,32 P2: 750 P1: 2,3 tettoia: 4,8/3,65
P2: 2,3 80,3 x 15 AREA DI PERTINENZA AREA DI PERTINENZA PIAZZA DELL’ACCOGLIENZA
80,3 x 15 D J 330 mq P 6415 mq
95 x 17,6 195 mq

SLARGO PIAZZA DEGLI EVENTI

16 9 21 E 1090 mq
K
73738 mq
PT: 1670 PT: 8/12,5 PT: 320 PT: 3,8
PT: 1220 PT: 4,28/5,58
P1: 204 P1: 3,08
P2: 135+75 (terr.) P2: 3,08 CONTROCOLLEGAMENTO CONTROCOLLEGAMENTO
F L
96,8 x 18,6 89,5 x 15,3 2185 mq 1810 mq

Figure 2. The “Temporary Uses Master Plan” was, since DumBO inception in 2019, is in-
tended as a in progress collage to engage the members of the scientific committee,
assumed as the most important stakeholders involved within the regeneration process.
As such, it was enabling the interplay among the available vacancies (the context), the
potential drivers of change (the actors) and the expected effects (the activities), presu-
ming design actions.

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 Figure 3. The area hosting DumBO, interpreted as a sample of Vacant City. The axonometric
view of the decommissioned warehouses, reciprocally isolated by an isotropic anonymous
surface, explicit quotation of Radical Avant-garde, effectively depicts the atmosphere of
incompleteness characterizing any brownfield.

1. Prototyping
The theatre of practices
To prototype implies the
exploration of unexpected
possibilities inhibited by a
pre-established set of
rules (to search for the
common good).

Figure 4. The Ephemeral City. The “theatre of practices”, study case series. The ra is is here
intended as a prototypical doing , based on a heuristic approach, finalized to the explora-
tion of unpredictable crafts emerging from it, both material and immaterial. Since experien-
ce guides the design according to a ”learning by doing” process, it deliberately excludes
any productive instance, notwithstanding it generated its unavoidable premise.
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Notes
1
No matter how paradoxical it may seem, the term should be understood as the im-
possibility of expressing a historical judgment in that one finds oneself on this side of the
same conditions of possibility that determine it.
2
It is worth remembering that financing means completing something. In this sense,
the concept expresses the instrumental value of a fulfilment that paradoxically remains
pending, or unfinished, in the interpretation given by globalised capitalism.
3
See Nicola Marzot, The Hybrid, the Network City and the Territory elsewhere. The
contemporary fringe condition in north European urban phenomena” in Observations
on Urban Growth, Editor Giuseppe Strappa, Publisher Franco Angeli, Milan 2018, pp.
189-211.
4
The term is understood here in the particular sense of its use by the philosopher Gior-
gio Agamben.
5
This process is clearly described in Cities in the Global Economy by Sassen Saskia, pu-
blished by Il Mulino, Bologna, 2003.
6
To be understood both as tax revenue and loans to businesses.
7
The securitization of CDOs (Collateral Debt Obligation) is relevant in this regard. The-
se securities are based on the growing expectation of the property market and on the
contextual reduction of variable interest rates on mortgages granted for the purchase
of properties.
8
The credit system, by its nature, implies a “trusting” attitude, or a willingness to “put
oneself in the hands of” someone who makes the investment fruitful (not surprisingly, the
of the ancient Greeks becomes, for their contemporaries, synonym of loan ). The
unprecedented question, in the financialisation of the economy, is precisely that the
object of the investment is presented sub-specie as a simulacrum (the mirage of home
ownership within everyone s reach), whose function is to extend as much as possible the
wait for a fulfilment that, not being founded on real expectations, risks not being able to
be realized at all.
9
In the face of a continuous expansion of the spatial/temporal dimension of expecta-
tions, based on the apparently unlimited availability of credit, the virtuality of the market
has in fact translated into the assumption of its own collapse.
10
This refers to an award-winning research project submitted to the Emilia-Romagna
SPINNER programme in 2013. Entitled “Progettare il costruito: nuovi modelli a qualità in-
tegrata per la città compatta”, it was presented by Prof. Carlo Quintelli of the Depart-
ment of Civil, Land, Environmental and Architecture Engineering, University of Parma,
Prof. Giovanni Pieretti of the Department of Sociology, University of Bologna, Prof Vanni
Codeluppi of the Department of Communication and Economics , University of Modena
and Reggio, and Prof. Nicola Marzot, Laura Gabrielli and Pietromaria Davoli of the De-
partment of Architecture, University of Ferrara.
11
Subsequently recognised in the provisions of Regional Urban Law 24, 2017.
12
The anomalous Italian situation, compared to the more mature European property
sectors, arises from the coincidence of ownership and real estate development, which
limits the degree of transformability of the investments and the ability to adapt them to
changed conditions of use.
13
This refers explicitly to the neologism first introduced by uigi Pareyson in Estetica.
Teoria della Formativit , first published in instalments in an aesthetics magazine between
1950 and 1954. In it, the Turin philosopher stigmatised the custom, widespread in the tra-
dition of western thought, from Aristotle onwards, to reduce artistic and creative activity
to a solely poietic dimension, assimilating it to mere production of objects, on the basis of
rules already given. Deeply in uenced by Existentialist philosophy, he instead declared
the need to re ect critically on creation as a process constantly seeking its own modus
operandi, which he defined as formativity .
14
Ontologically speaking, the nature of this “work” is still to be investigated. See Nicola
Marzot, “Stato di eccezione, spazi in transizione e rigenerazione urbana. Note per una
nuova cultura del lavoro”, in Paesaggio Urbano, Issue 3, Rimini, Ed. Maggioli, pp. 5-9.
15
In Emilia-Romagna, one remembers the activity of the Cultural Planimetry Associa-
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 109
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 tion, which has already promoted extremely interesting initiatives such as Spazio Senza
Filtro in Bologna. See Werther Albertazzi, “Usi temporanei e rigenerazione urbana. Note
per un autobiografia scientifica , in Urban andscape, Issue , Rimini 2019, Ed. Maggioli,
pp. 95-103.
16
In contemporary Spain, experiments in the temporary use of abandoned and unu-
sed spaces are now the principal means of urban regeneration, already recognised by
local administrations for their social, economic and cultural aspects of public interest. The
Estonoesunsolar pilot project, promoted by the Grávalos & Di Monte Architects studio, in
collaboration with the city of Zaragoz, is a signifcant example.
17
The position expressed corresponds to the thesis proposed by Vittorio Gregotti in
Identit e crisi dell architettura europea, Einaudi, Turin 1999.
18
This phase coincides with the decommissioning of manufacturing sites in Europe, whi-
ch began in the second half of the 70s.
19
In 2008, the Studio, with its CITTA ‘SOSPESA project, had already been selected from
twelve finalists in an international competition for the design of the new integrated com-
plex of the Bologna Centrale station, to join a temporary grouping of companies with
M RD (Team leader), Arcadis, Atelier 10 and Sota.
20
The proposal incorporates the provisions contained in an agreement signed on 18
July 2006 by FERROVIE DELLO STATO ITALIANE SPA, RETE FERROVIARIA ITALIANA SPA, FS SI-
STEMI UR ANI SR and MUNICIPA IT OF O OGNA containing economic/financial gua-
rantees for the construction of the new ologna High Speed Station.
21
In the period between task assignment and completion, Studio PERFORMA A + U,
mandated by the then Province, carried out important work as coordinator of the “Ur-
ban revitalisation and temporary uses” technical discussion panel for the Metropolitan
Strategic Plan of the City of ologna (2011-201 ). This panel was created in response to
an initial call for interested parties to develop innovative ideas for the future develop-
ment of the city, open to all individual stakeholders and opinion groups as a means of
sharing Plan development. As a result of its work, involving multidisciplinary collaboration
between local government and civil society, guidelines were drawn up following critical
analysis of experience at the local and national level, including the Ravone project.
Some of the results were subsequently incorporated in the modified Urban uilding Re-
gulations (RUE) of the Municipality of ologna approved in 201 . This stated that within
the Mixed Transformation Areas, regulated by Article 73, all uses were admissible in the
interregnum between adoption and approval of the Municipal Operational Plan (POC),
without this leading to changes in the standard.
22
Under this compromise solution. the only alternatives are to pursue the minimum
objective to which the stakeholders aspire through the legitimising action of the Plan, or
to retain the nominal values entered in the financial statements (which, although com-
pletely dissociated from reality, justify the support of the financial gearing, in a game of
mutual recognition that is completely self-referential).
23
Registering understandable reservations and resistances on both sides, attributable
to the relative inability to recognise temporary use strategies of vacant properties as a
means of generating value.
24
The experience acquired benefited from the valuable collaborative efforts of the
“Urban revitalisation and temporary uses” technical panel, including the pilot project for
the Evolved Popular District, presented in Sala Borsa in Bologna on 18 March 2016, and
drawn up by the same Studio PERFORMA A + U in association with Planimetrie Culturali
the Bologna Academy of Fine Arts and DCM. The same group was subsequently consul-
ted for its expertise by the drafters of the new Urban Planning Law of the Emilia-Romagna
Region, with the aim of defining innovative tools to support urban regeneration.
25
The successful bidder was the Open Group social cooperative, in partnership with
the private company Eventeria, already operating in the organisation of public enter-
tainment events.
26
Seventy events have been hosted within the DumBO area since its inauguration.
27
It will be the first time, in the history of Italian town planning, that the Master Plan for
temporary use document has officially been incorporated in the Plan.

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References
Agamben, G. (201 ), Creazione e anarchia. opera nell era della religione capitalista ,
Vicenza, Neri Pozza Editore.
Galimberti, U. (201 ), Avventure e disavventure della verit , Napoli-Salerno, Orthotes.
Ferraris, M. (201 ) Fare la verit : proposta di una ermeneutica neorealista , Rivista Italia-
na di Filosofia del inguaggio ol. 11, 1, 1 -199.
Marzot, N. (201 ), The relevance of process-based typology. The lifecycle of the cities
and the crisis in urban form , in Caniggia, G., Maffei, G. . (ed.) Interpreting basic buil-
dings, Firenze, Altralinea Edizioni S.r.l., pp13-24.
Marzot, N. (201 ) The Hybrid, the Network City and the Territory elsewhere. The contem-
porary fringe condition in North European urban phenomena , in Strappa, G. (ed.)
Observations on urban growth, Milano, Franco Angeli, pp 189-211.

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

Giovannoni’s “diradamento” as a congruent transformation of

urban continuity. Applications and limits of a philological devi-
ce for core city regeneration
Maria Vitiello
“Sapienza” Università di Roma, DSDRA (Dipartimento di Storia Disegno e Restauro
dell’Architettura), Roma
[email protected]
Keywords: Giovannoni, diradamento, urban regeneration, city core, sventramento (disem-
bowelment)

Abstract

The text that is proposed for the conference will focus on the primary role played by
iovannoni in de ning an original strategy for the rotection and enhancement of ur-
ban heritage in Italy in the early decades of the twentieth century It is in the ro ects of
the ten years of that he outlined the theory of thinning This theory is offered as an
alternative to the aesthetic and radical reclamation of the historic city, an urban policy
still wides read in the early twentieth century The discussion that will be develo ed is
related to the ossibility of inter reting today the measured and scienti c cut of the
building ro osed by iovannoni, as a way to follow for the regeneration of old centers
In this regard will be analyzed the lan for ome, com aring it with other signi cant e -
am les of this ty e of a roach to urban restoration from these e am les will try, nally,
to understand if rules can be drawn for the current lanning aimed at sustainable urban
regeneration of ublic s aces

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 Historical background
In 1913 on the pages of Nuova Antologia Giovannoni publishes two articles, in which
he specifies the terms of an innovative conceptual approach to solving the city s pro-
blems and coined a new watchword: diradamento edilizio - thinning building (Giovan-
noni 191 a, Giovannoni 191 b). With these two important works, Giovannoni defines a
conceptual scaffolding that moves between two opposing polarities: the integral preser-
vation of the existing building system, to which every historian aspires, and the necessary
modernization of the urban fabric, longed for by the engineers-hygienists. Between these
two extremes he proposes a third way, that of agreement, of mediation, of meeting, or,
using an expression dear to him, «of grafting the new onto the old» (Giovannoni 1913a).
This considered by giovannoni is a graft that, however, to the urban scale is not always
configured as an addition, on the contrary, it is often concretized as a subtraction, whe-
re modernity is understood as ease of movement, direct connection, wide and smooth
road system. The modernization of the city, in fact, at the end of the nineteenth century, a
time that in Italy coincides with the ost-uni cation rogressive ferment resent in all the
arts and also in the urban sector, is inter reted as the need to u date the e isting urban
structure through the identi cation of new directionality, the enlargement of s uares, the
liberation of monuments These renewal actions are linked to the ositive feeling of nov-
elty that ervades the olitical and cultural management of the new kingdom and are
interpreted by the men of the time (administrators, politicians and people of culture) as
gestures of ordinary administration , as linked to the desire to u date the infrastructure
system of the e isting urban structure
However, it is cultural will that always takes the form of demolitions, such as those
“cuts”, “insulations” and “road widenings” established in Rome with the planning of 1873
and 1883, whose forecasts concern exclusively the adaptation of the pre-existing road
layout to the new needs of the contemporary world (Quaroni, 1969; Sette, 2004).
(Quaroni, 1969; Sette, 2004).
In the characterization of the so called “building master plan”, which is the planning
inherent exclusively in the inner district, i.e. the site of the ancient city bounded by the
city walls (a planning that is different from the “building improvement plan”, prepared for
the expansion areas of the city), there are, in fact, only new straight lines with which new
axialities are identified and extensions of squares with which new polarities are defined.
These are, for example, the opening of Via Zanardelli, the tracing of the Lungotevere and
Corso Vittorio Emanuele, whose construction has a considerable impact on the fabric of
the city and, for this reason, must be made to fall - albeit with the necessary exceptions
- in the generic category of “disembowelment”.
However, alongside this kind of urban planning, which tends to break the links with the
past in the name of hygiene, light, fast roads, there are those who, in the name of the
uniqueness of the typical local characters, try to read the urban morphology not through
the lens of numerical data, housing and building density percentages, but from the point
of view of history and art, addressing the study of the existing through parameters that
cannot be quantified and not homologated, but necessarily related to the deepening
of the singularity of each case. Beyond the culture of hygienic engineers, on the pages
of Nuova Antologia a different way of observing the city is beginning to be outlined and,
within this perspective, also the clarification of policies to safeguard pre-existing urban
contexts.
In fact, at the same time as the great disembowelments carried out in many Italian ci-
ties following the promulgation of the legislative provisions in favour of the city of Naples,
which involve the loss of many buildings and historical contexts, many people are begin-
ning to talk about «cities, the historical-artistic identity of urban centres and the problem
of their protection and what is currently defined as the artistic environment ( ucconi ,
19 9, p. 2 ). Gaetano Moretti and uigi eltrami took to the field to defend enice, but
also other Italian cities such as Milan, Rome, Verona and Bologna, where the shadow of
the fascist “demolition pickaxe” is increasingly looming over them (Beltrami, 1892; Beltra-
mi, 1902a; Beltrami 1902b). In 1883 Camillo Boito denounces the dangers of tampering
with the local characters of individual urban contexts (Boito, 1883; ). In 1887 Giacomo

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 oni drew up a report in which he describes all those picturesque views and monumental
episodes that would have been lost if the restoration plan for Venice had been made
executive (Boni, 1887).
Beyond the individual personalities, in this context of increasing attention to the histo-
rical city with all its picturesque values, the Associations are beginning to play a funda-
mental role. The historical Lombard Society founded by Cesare Cantù in 1873 is active
in Milan, and the committee for Bologna’s historical-artistic Bologna is connected to the
extraordinary figure of Ambrogio Annoni. In Rome there is the Artistic Association among
the Culturers of Architecture (AACAr) of which Giovannoni is first a member (1910-1911)
and then becomes its president (1914-1924) (Spagnesi, 1997, p.18). The Roman associa-
tion was born, similarly to those present in the great Italian cities and mentioned above,
to «promote the study and raise the prestige of architecture» (Spagnesi, 1987, p.13), i.e.
with the main objective of studying the monumental heritage of the city and promoting
its protection. It is for this reason that within the Roman association a special Commission
is set up, with the task of cataloguing every single monument in the urban environment.
The promotion and dissemination of knowledge is interpreted by the association as a
fundamental act, because it is primary, as it anticipates and justifies any kind of pro-
tection and restoration of artistic episodes as such and in this perspective also requires
the preservation of the historical heritage and its context through choices to balance the
needs of modernization of the urban structure. From this point of view, the presence of
associations in the cultural fabric of the city of Rome is becoming increasingly important,
especially when it succeeds in introducing a series of foreign in uences into the Roman
environment.
The contacts, promoted precisely by Giovannoni and Maria Ponti Pasolini, with the
precepts of Charles uls and the in uence of Joseph St bben s thought, open the Ro-
man urban planning culture to an ‘environmental’ approach, which allows, through the
identification of an evolutionary path, the declination in different ways the continuity
with the tradition of places» (Stabile, 2017, p.136). The lesson on the aesthetics of the city
that Buls, called by the AACAr, gives in the Campidoglio in 1902 on the problems of the
Italian capital ( uls, 190 ; Galassi, 190 ), together with the words that St bben writes on
Architettura e arti decorative in 1909 about the debate around the new urban plan of
Rome, have a strong in uence on Giovannoni s thought. All this first of all with regard to
the planning of new areas of expansion of the city, such as those expansion plans desi-
gned for San Saba, the garden village Garbatella, Ostia Nuova and garden city Aniene,
in which it is possible to find the clear will to oppose the schematism of the rectangular
grid, detached from the orographic reality of places, with the adhesion to a project in
which there was a greater attention to “irregularities”, to “landscape views”, more eager
to use the picturesque effect of the apparently random for the formation of streets and
squares with various figures (St bben, 191 ). Therefore, on the basis of the teachings of
Camillo Sitte, Joseph Stubben and Charles uls for the design of the new city, Giovannoni
finds the keystone for a new interpretation of how to act on the existing city so as to make
it functional to the needs of modernity by declining in a picturesque sense the brutal
practice of “disembowelment”.

Il diradamento _ The thinning

The principle of thinning is proposed, in fact, as an alternative to the linear cuts of the
rectifiers drawn by the hygienists, as illogical and ineffective , since they are linked to
the vain illusion that the restoration of an area could be located on a line» (Giovannoni,
1913b). The rationality of thinning should be searched for, in fact, far from the a-priori
design of alignments, but in the interpretative capacity of the urbanist architect to trace
the ow of time, through the understanding of the formative logic of the city and its be-
coming. Therefore, having acquired the binding problem of sanitation and the need to
provide air and light to the densely populated areas, the Giovannoni’s solution is found
in a double register of actions: those aimed at improving «the street element» and those
aimed at «the home element» (Giovannoni, 1931). The conservation and protection of
open space, a place of perception of ancient space, is placed on the same level as
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 that of the historical building, for which a detailed study is required, house by house on
construction and compositional techniques, materials and their assemblages. This atten-
tion also reveals that the close morphological link between the road infrastructure and
the typological system of the settlement, so that it can be said that «there is no building
without a path» (Caniggia-Maffei, 1979) is perfectly understood by Giovannoni, who at-
tributes to the topographical scheme of the settlement a «spiritual value» (Giovannoni,
1931) to be preserved in the adaptation of the existing to new life. Building and road sy-
stem, in fact, are the two elements on which, therefore, must be placed with constancy
the attention of the architect restorer, who must be able to read the existing through the
lens of «style», to understand the forms of architecture, and «perspective» (Giovannoni,
1913b), to decipher the link between road and building and to verify the achievement of
the «economic and aesthetic value» of the internal nuclei of the city achievable through
thinning.
The valorisation of the existing urban system, he specifies, can, therefore, take place
«by freeing obliterated elements of art, others by restoring them, prudently removing
amorphous elements, opening up views and bringing back to the town the healthy and
fresh beauty of the vegetation» (Giovannoni, 1931). Obviously, all these operations are
complex, not obvious, nor linear, but they are the result of continuous mediation, con-
ciliation between the scope of the hygienic, economic, road traffic needs with those of
respect for the artistic aspect of the local structure. For these reasons the thinning out
must be the «patient and loving» fruit of a modest action, without «doing too much, nor
changing essentially the type, the order of the neighbourhood, by diffusion and linear
arrangement».
The urban restoration project will be given by the sum of many «small local measures»,
implemented without major economic commitments or with the sacrifice of large por-
tions of building, but «freeing without adding, improving without radically transforming»,
so as to obtain not a regular unity, but many «irregular enlargements, demolitions here
and there of a house or a small group of houses, with the formation of a small square or
a garden in their place ... adding variety and movement, associating contrasting effects
to the original type of building that will remain, thus, in all its character of art and environ-
ment» (Giovannoni, 1913b).
This is the method. As for the architecture Giovannoni theoretically indicates a mini-
mum approach to the restoration of historical core, based on «precise knowledge of the
elements of various kinds, relating to houses and historical events, which are unchanging
cornerstones, i.e. buildings of historical-artistic character that must be preserved the wor-
ks and groups whose environment must be respected» (Giovannoni, 1931). The metho-
dology unit is clear: thinning is a restoration action applied to the urban dimension of
architecture and for this reason it must respond to the principles of minimum intervention,
respect for all works of art and the environment, which is considered a «collective work of
art». To these general precepts, given the particularity of the restoration case, an additio-
nal prescription is added: following the fiber of the consolidated urban fabrics (Giovan-
noni, 1913b; Giovannoni, 1931) . This expression constitutes the watchword around which
Giovannoni indicates the ways in which to read and, consequently, compose the design
act. The following the fiber is a concept and at the same time an action, which implies
a deep knowledge of the object, is deciphering the existing and building an effective
thinning because it is connected to the history of places.
On the other hand, any action aimed at pre-existence, be it a single monument or a
historical city, for Giovannoni can only be restoration and restoration as such requires, as
a prodromal act, a deep knowledge of the thing to which it is addressed. Therefore even
thinning, as a gesture to be poured over the historical building and city heritage or a part
of it, is a restorative act and, therefore, cannot begin other than the exercise of reading,
understood as an understanding of the urban text.
It is not difficult to find in this cultural approach the echo of Geddes thoughts ( ivas,
2008; Spizuoco, 2019; Manzione, 2019), as well as the French Poete and Lavedan (Gio-
vannoni, 1931; Manzione, 2019). Both in the type of gaze to be reserved to the city, like
an immense book of memory in which are written the stories of individual buildings and

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the interconnectedness existing between them, and in the organic metaphor with which
Giovannoni arrives at describing the city, represented as a living organism whose overall
development is closely related to that of the individual parts.
Then, following the fiber could mean being able to identify the lines of development
of the historical city, understand the building systems, the building types, the characters
of the streets and their hierarchy within the urban morphology, the systematic links that
compacts the urban organism, the quality of the aggregation of the building type, its
mutations, its growths, its obstructions. However, the sense of protection present in the
action of thinning represents, unfortunately, a derived outcome, since it is linked exclusi-
vely to the conservation of “permanent” building and morphological systems.
While its main meaning remains that of destruction.
This, in fact, is a tool used by the architect to re-establish the correct relationship
between solids and voids, between built and open space, it is a means to restore the
views, to allow light and air to enter the houses to restore the hygienic-sanitary standards
necessary for a built-up area and for this reason it is concretized in a set of actions ai-
med at the demolition of those parts of the city that can be qualified as superfetations,
incongruous additions without morphological coherence. To explain the meaning of the
permanence Giovannoni uses the example of Bari that preserves its original scheme also
after the many transformations that occurred between the 10th and 18th century, with
the typical «permanence of the planimetric scheme» (Giovannoni 1932).
The urban morphology is the element of the urban system that offers continuity and
recognizability to the settlement; therefore the historical knowledge of the city in its
type-morphological development can allow the recognition of the «actual type of tho-
se parts of the city for which history is still a building reality». Here, however, the ground
becomes slippery, since the city is not a finished work and the additions constitute the
norm within its long duration . Knowing how to distinguish an adequate addition from a
super uous one, that is a pleonasm without necessity, is not an easy thing. It is possible,
perhaps, to use the categories of the firmitas, if constructively it lacks those characters
that meet the criterion of stability and good construction. Or those of the venustas, if the
added parts are such as to spoil the aesthetic appearance of the building itself or even
the surrounding environment.
However, for the restoration it is difficult to establish a definitive form for the formative
process of the city, even just a small part of it, because it never becomes a finished work,
«a fact of history and style» in Brandi’s words (Brandi, 1967). A work, that is, on which the
conscience of our time prevents us from intervening and, therefore, where every addi-
tion can only be superfetation and therefore identifiable as such. Giovannoni in this does
not help us to understand and act accordingly.
However, this approach, if it supports the idea that urban planning is awareness of the
city as an urban organism, it does not help to be aware of addition as a superfetation.
The principle of continuity in the history of urban planning can, instead, constitute a foun-
dation for the concept of custom, of tradition.
Tradition, in fact, is nothing more than a transmission hole in time, from one generation
to the next, of memories, news, testimonies; it is the permanence of customs, of habits
and customs, of models and norms. In the ow of time that connects the past and the
present, tradition is the continuity of the elements that characterize the environment;
for this reason Giovannoni interprets it as a fundamental element for the regulation of
thinning, which is proposed to us as a complex gesture composed of: protection, conser-
vation and transformation of the city. A gesture made in the continuity of the traditional
way of living and building. Tradition contains in itself, therefore, not only the tools for deci-
phering the historical building, but also those for its design; tools that Giovannoni specifies
in «style» and «perspective» (Zucconi, 1997). The urban project, in other words, must be
examined on the scale of architecture and based on what he calls «building art effects»,
which are based on the contrast of volumes, on the harmonious picturesque irregularity
and must be verified through the perspective effects they produce. Therefore, more
than indiscriminate cutting and morphological reshaping of the city, the thinning must
take place in the belly of the blocks, where the type of building has changed, increased
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 and clogged those spaces that should have been free, to give air and light to the houses.
In the text Vecchie città edilizia nuova, published in 1931, to evoke this kind of growth,
like Marc Antoine Laugier and taken up by Poëte and Lavedan, the biological metaphor
of the city as a forest is recalled, in which «historical facts become urban facts», since
they are recognized as significant within the evolutionary process of the city. However,
this intuition also becomes a risk, that of using history as a project system, applying the
knowledge that derives from it to discriminate what is considered essential, authentic or
“characteristic”, from what is not and that, for this reason, can also be removed from the
city palimpsest.
For Giovannoni, in fact, history in its universality and urban history in its particularity has
a strongly pragmatic connotation, since its deep knowledge allows the architect, like the
urban planner, to respond to a moral imperative: to know in order to act (Calabi, 2002).

The theoretical principle and practice

Since the translation of thinning from a general principle to a specific approach for
urban planning takes concrete form in the interpretation of the morphological process of
formation and transformation of the urban structure, it is only in the reading of the indivi-
dual ‘cases’ in which this practice has been implemented that it is possible to understand
the actual consistency of the achievable balance between ‘permanence’ and ‘tran-
sformation’ as well as the extent of the ‘grafting’ for the completion of the prospective
frameworks set up for design verification.
The plan for the redevelopment of the Roman quarter of the Renaissance (Giovan-
noni, 1946; Spagnesi,1997), for the accommodation of Bari vecchia (Giovannoni, 1932;
Pane, 2007; Mangone, 2019; Moschini, 2019), Bergamo alta (Giambruno, 2007), of the
accommodation program designed for Split, are some of the examples from which it is
possible to draw indications on the applied balance of actions between conservation,
innovation, reconstruction. In truth, there are many studies that have been carried out
over the years on such applications of the principle of Giovannoni.
Giovannoni s project for the area of the Roman Renaissance quarter around ia dei
Coronari, not unlike the one elaborated by Concezio Petrucci for Bari vecchia, is consi-
dered a fundamental ground for the experimentation of thinning theories. From their ob-
servation it is possible to deduce some fixed points around which the theoretical principle
is lowered in the practice of “case by case”.
The crossing roads, necessary for the fast circulation inside the city, must never cut
across the existing roads, but following the fiber of the neighborhood are formed as
non-uniform expansions of the existing routes «thus avoiding the division of blocks into
irregular and badly usable lots, but respecting the type and character of the city».
These expanded roads must respond to «a precise kinematic function». The cutting
of pre-existing building nuclei must respond to a logic of expansion of the city and the
crossing paths must signal the expansion lines of the new city districts. In order to identify
these routes within the dense old nucleus, it is necessary to identify the parts with the least
historical-artistic resistance. The demolitions, in essence, must involve buildings of lesser
value, and as little as possible, thus changing the pre-existing perceptive conditions as
little as possible.
These are apparently small measures, such as «removing bumps in the corners», «re-
ducing local bottlenecks , which facilitate vehicular traffic and allow public use of the
street and the square. These, in fact, should be furnished with owerbeds and fountains
snaking between greenery and owers , enriched with honorary monuments or bare
elements (Giovannoni, 1931).
Once again Giovannoni urges the green project according to its resilient capacity,
to interconnect the new with the old and to reconstruct that sense of singular intimacy
that only the old building can evoke ( itiello, 2019). This is a singularity that is re ected in
the building character of the existing one, which in turn requires the thinning out of the
houses, which in turn requires a restoration action capable of proceeding from the inside
of the houses to the outside of them.
The procedure is explained in the dialectical continuity between tradition and per-

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manence, where the search for the original characters takes place outside, on the skin
of the buildings and giving the elevations of new buildings composed to sew the cuts
generated by the new road system, the characters of acclimatization.
And inside the blocks, where the gutting becomes the dismantling of the superfeta-
tion, to be carried out in a perspective of typological brand that will then be fully deve-
loped in the planning of the seventies of the twentieth century, when the typological
restoration becomes the imprint of some operations on an urban scale.

Thinning and urban regeneration

Thinning is, in Giovannoni’s complex vision of the historical city, a form of enhancement
of the existing. It is a redevelopment that takes into account social, cultural, economic
and environmental issues that is implemented by calling for actions that are supported
by a public-private partnership, i.e., on the one hand, by public administrations and, on
the other, by “citizens’ committees” that, from below, promote and share certain urban
choices, which have repercussions on the housing, the social structure and the econo-
mic system of the city.
This complex reading of the historical city and of the actions that the restorer can
prepare for its conservation, which sometimes escapes, if one focuses only on the “cut-
ting” of the existing building that is part of the thinning out, is not unlike what is currently
practiced with urban regeneration.
The term is derived from the ecological discipline and indicates the self-repair capa-
city of a system, but has the same meanings and practical implications that Giovannoni
attributes to thinning. Today a “smart” and “green” economic-cultural model is added
to the original conceptual framework, more devoted to the sustainable dimension of the
city as a common cultural asset, as a whole, which is supported at a community level by
a series of initiatives and which want the city to be a real driving force for development.

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 Figure 1. Demolition plan for the formation of Corso Vittorio Emanuele in Rome. Non-strai-
ght stretch indicated by Giovannoni as a good example of urban thinning.

Figure 2. Rome 1885. Urban demolitions for the construction of Corso Vittorio Emanuele
and Largo di Torre Argentina. In red the buildings destroyed in the later years.

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Figure 3. Example of the arrangement of the inner courtyard of a group of buildings in Via
Emanuele Filiberto in Rome. Schematic plans before and after the arrangement with graphic
reworking of the A., by G. Giovannoni, ecchie citt . New building, 19 1, fig. 1 .

Figure 4. Bari old master plan. Concezio Petrucci’s project drawings 1936.

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

S iftin oint ttr ctor t e centr mmetric e i of i

mini n i C o i ne r on i i ome
Alessandro Camiz
zye in University, Department of Architecture, Istanbul
alessandro.camiz ozyegin.edu.tr
Keywords: urban morphology, attractors, repellers, architecture

Abstract

Recent urban morphology studies consider urban tissues as living organisms changing
in time (Strappa, Carlotti, and Camiz, 2016), moreover even roads may be considered
as organisms, and their diachronic deformations have been recently interpreted by the
theory of attractors Camiz, This a er analyses the e i on either side of the river
Tevere along via Clodia and via Flaminia near Pons Milvius in Rome, and interprets them
as the effect of the shifted position of a point attractor. The censor Gaius Flaminius Ne-
pos established via Flaminia in 220 BC (Messineo and Carbonara, 1992), the via Clodia,
running along an earlier Etruscan route, was instead paved in 225 BC. The pons Milvius,
also known as pons Mollis, connecting the two sides of the river, was built by M. Aemilius
Scaurus in 109 BC (Messineo and Calci, 1991), even though an earlier structure in wood is
mentioned as early as BC Palombi, A e us occurs along both the rectilinear
aths of the two streets, following a central-symmetry This central-symmetric con gu-
ration led to the reconnaissance of a differed attraction pattern within the trajectory of
the road that we inter reted as the result of the modi cation of the ram s of the bridge
occurred after the foundation. The cross comparison of documents, iconographic and
cadastral sources together with archaeological evidence lead to the con rmation of
the hypothesis, showing that the deformation and the consequent urban layering (Strap-
pa, 2018) happened after the demolition of the lateral ramps in two distinct phases. The
ram on the south side was demolished by a entius before the battle of Ponte ilvio,
held on October 28th 312 AD, the northern ramp was instead demolished during the
bridge’s restoration works accomplished by Giuseppe Valadier in 1805.

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 ttr ctor n re e er t e e on t e i mini
The attractor theory is a new experimental tool of analysis in the urban morphology
field, introducing the diachronic analysis of the route s configuration. Roads change in
time and we can interpret some of the deformations they follow as the result of the
attraction or repellence of certain artefacts, defined here as attractors and repellers.
Once an attractor appears into a network of routes, some paths could change their
configuration and deviate from their former position following the attractor. A repeller
is the inverse of an attractor, deforming the configuration of a path by repelling its traf-
fic. Once an attractor has disappeared, its existence and position may be inferred by
the formal analysis of the routes that have been deformed, determining a diachronical
urban stratigraphy. It is therefore possible to infer the presence, type and position of a
former attractor by recognising the deformations of the routes that were attracted by it
(Camiz, 201 ), (Camiz, 2019).
Despite the long title, this is a research about a crooked road. As you might notice, via
Flaminia coming out of Porta del Popolo at a distance of about 200 m from Ponte Milvio
deviates to the right of a distance of about m, therefore aligning with the bridge s axis.
The via Flaminia, or via ata as it was named inside the city walls in Roman times, has a
rectilinear configuration of , km from the Capitol hill where it begins all the way to the
bridge, aligning perfectly with the city s gate today known as Porta del Popolo (Cataldi,
201 ). Along via ata there was also another triumphal arch (Arco di Portogallo) now
disappeared. The Pons Milvius was built in different phases starting as a wooden structure
in 20 C, transformed into a stone construction in 109 C, and Augustus built a triumphal
arch built next to it to celebrate the restoration works of via Flaminia in 2 C. No surviving
image of this arch can prove its original position, but the image depicted in the denarius
argenteus (fig. 1 ) of Augustan times together with its twin arch built in the same time in
Rimini, now still standing, do suggest that the arch was designed so that the troops would
march under it and that is was therefore aligned with the bridge, either in the middle as
some suggest, or at the end.

e tr con fon e rc itect r mo e

Following this same arch tectural model, Arcadius, Honorius and Teodosius built
another triumphal arch at the end the Pons Triumphalis, on the atican hill s side, in me-
mory of Stilicho s victory in Pollenza in 02 AD against the Goths of Alaric. We can now
imagine the view of someone coming out of the city, along the rectilinear via Flaminia,
where at the end of the road, instead of seeing the arch, he could see nothing, while the
arch was on the side. The distance between the road axis and the bridge is m and not
10 centimetres, so it could not be interpreted as a mistake or a design miscalculation. It is
very difficult to imagine a highly symbolic street as via Flaminia not aligned with the triu-
mphal arch positioned at its end. This road and arch system followed a widely adopted
architectural model, that of the strada con fondale which starting from classical times
was widely employed in the middle-ages, in the Renaissance, all the way to aroque
and Modern times. The monument axially placed at the end of the rectilinear road was
framed by the monumental perspective given by the road itself, strongly enhancing its
symbolic meaning. What is also surprising in the Ponte Milvio case is that the same exus
configuration happens on the other side of the bridge, but inverted, forming all together
a central symmetric double exus. Therefore, both sides of via Flaminia, or Clodia as one
of the branches leading North was named, did not axially align with the bridge, and with
the triumphal arch. This paper is about this exus, or interruption of the rectilinear road
coming out of the city towards the north. It is based on the attractor theory which ba-
sically states that if we have an attractor, which usually is a building, or a function, or a
centre, or anything important, this is attracting the road. If the attractor changes position
in time, e.g. a city changes position, or a bridge is moved, then the road follows in time,
as attracted by the shifted attractor. ooking at the road, the attracted, we can notice
(fig. 1) another bridge North of Ponte Milvio, and that later, after the bridge had collap-
sed, the route originally leading there was deviated as attracted by Ponte Milvio, but this
is another topic, perhaps for the next paper.

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 ooking at cartographic sources we recognise in the - III century that the bridge
was characterised by two fortifications on either side. The drawing with the project for
the new ia di Porta Angelica, attributed to the De Rocchi (fig. 2), also shows via Flaminia
with the exus and the connection with the bridge.
The first hypothesis that we considered to interpret this anomaly was that the bridge in
some time was demolished and rebuilt in a slightly different position, and that instead of
tracing e novo the road leading to the bridge, the engineers decided to reconnect it
with the new axis resulting in the exus. This hypothesis was broadly contradicted by the
inverted position of the exus on the northern side. If the bridge had been moved the exi
would have been both on the same side of the road, forming a symmetric configuration
and not as they are with a central symmetric form (fig. 11 and 12). Therefore, it is not pos-
sible that the shifted bridge caused the road s deformation. We should notice that the
road level as it was in the II century on the southern side of the bridge, was some m
below the road level of the highest part of the crossing. In the side elevation of the bridge
(fig. ) we can recognise a wooden structure connecting the bridge to the Roman shore
of the Tiber: the last stone arch was missing in that time. On the opposite side instead
there was a lateral stone ramp connecting the last arch of the bridge to the road level
towards Tor di uinto.
The two fortifications were built in later times, eventually during the Gothic war by e-
lisarius (Palombi, 2011). The one on the North was called Tripizone, and we could not find
any information about the one on the South. oth the constructions belong to later times
and not to the classical phase of the bridge, which is known to be 109 C for the stone
bridge, and 2 C for its restoration with the addition of the triumphal arch by Augustus.
The fortifications and the lateral ramp were both removed in 1 0 when aladier re-
stored the bridge, and replaced the northern one with a neoclassical turret. A French
bombing severely damaged the bridge in 1 9 during the seize of the Roman Republic;
Francesco Azzurri restored it once more in 1 0 (Ciotta, 200 ).
The etching by Piranesi, which is dated 1 , shows the ramp still in place and the
drawbridge in timber on the opposite side (fig. ). On the Alexandrinian cadastre dating
to 1 00 (fig. ), we can clearly notice the side ramp, and what was left in that time of the
Tripizone: the drawing also takes clearly note of the tower on the opposite side as well of
the exus of via Flaminia. The construction of the almond shaped square in front of the
bridge with an axial view on the turret is attributed to aladier who also attempted diffe-
rent solutions for the arrangement of the exus on the southern side of the bridge (fig. 9).
Within his project for a Nuovo Campo Marzio in 1 0 he proposed a new street parallel
to the Flaminia aligned with the ridge.
ater in 1 09 for the project of the illa di Napoleone (fig. ) he proposed an exedra.
There is also another version of this project with a diagonal street as the continuation of
the deviated tract of the Flaminia. We can notice the four roads approaching the newly
designed almond square, all having exi, showing that they were deviated from their
original path, which was eventually on axis with the ramp, to align with the new turret.
aladier s project for the Flaminio area was never completed, but at the end of the I
century the new road iale Tiziano was accomplished, following one of aladier s solu-
tions and today is still there, perfectly aligned with the bridge (Ferri, 201 ).
If weconsider carefully the road s transformations, by comparing the Gregorian ca-
dastre with aladier s transformation, we can attempt the reconstruction of the entire
diachronical sequence. Archaeological findings in the area have shown a number of
tombs, aligned along the Roman road, as well as tracts of ia Flaminia s stone paving,
1. m below the actual road level. Along the deviated tract of the road, in 1 2 France-
sco del orgo designed the aedicule of S. Andrea, which in 1 was enlarged to be the
oratory and cemetery of S. Andrea, belonging to the Arciconfraternita della Trinit dei
Pellegrini (Cantatore, 201 ). On the western side of ia Flaminia, there was a villa named
occapaduli, probably dated to 1 as written on the entrance, which was aligned
with the rectilinear axis of the via Flaminia.

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 e tr con fon e rc itect r mo e
The other possible explanation is that there were two ramps on each side, as in Pons
Aelius in Rome (fig. 1 ), to reach gradually the bridge s higher level, but in this case the
ramps were orthogonal to the bridge instead of being parallel, and eventually with a
central symmetric configuration. On the southern side of the bridge, and maybe even
on the opposite one as the coin suggests, Augustus built a triumphal arch. This arch was
aligned with via Flaminia, but after passed under the arch the road would turn right and
climb some meters above gradually (10 of slope) with 0 meters of length, on the opn
posite side of the bridge it would turn to the right again and reach the level of the roman
ia Flaminia which was unearthed by archaeological excavations on both sides at 1.
meters below the actual street level ( irgili, 19 ), ( irgili, 19 ). With the demolition of
the last arch the ramp was dismantled and eventually also the triumphal arch. The brid-
ge was repaired several times in the following years but mostly using wooden structures
to connect it with the Flaminia on the southern side, this structure worked as drawbridge
and could be interrupted in case of an invasion from the North (Ciotta, 200 ). On the
other side the ramp instead survived and is clearly visible in many images (fig. , ).

Shifting point attractors

Shifting point attractors is introducing a new type of attractor to explain this transfor-
mation of the roads approaching to the bridge on both sides. The diagram illustrating the
double central symmetric exus of via Flaminia and ia Clodia is visible in the picture (fig.
12) and suggests that there were two lateral ramps connecting the level of the road with
the upper level of the bridge. The length of 0 m of these ramps seem to comply with a
raise of about metres, and a slope of approximately 10 . The demolition of the ramp
on the northern side is documented during the restoration accomplished by aladier
in 1 0 . We are here considering the hypothesis that the other ramp was demolished in
the wake of the battle of Ponte Milvio which happened on October 2 th 12 AD. The
day before Constantine had the famous dream with the vision of the cross in hoc signo
vinces . According to one of the sources (Svetonius, De vita Caesarum, ; Palombi,
2011, p. ) in that time Maxentius to defend Rome from the approaching armies lea-
ded by Constantine the great, demolished the last arch of the bridge towards Rome,
and therefore the ramp, replacing it with a wooden structure so to cut off the enemy.
He then committed a mistake by placing himself before this interruption and when Con-
stantine approached he was pushed back along the bridge which did not hold the
weight. Falling into the river and dying, Maxentius and his troops lost the battle, and as
a consequence Constantine became the sole emperor of a newly declared Christian
Roman Empire. Nevertheless, looking at the Gregorian cadastre, dated 1 1 , we can
reconstruct the diachronical sequence of the entire transformation, with the position of
the two side ramps, one of which is documented so its position and demolition is certain,
while the other one is for now hypothetical. The ia Flaminia was eventually rectilinear all
the way to the end of the ramp, where most probably stood the Augustus triumphal arch
acting as the meta of the road.
The property division is orthogonal to the streets in the different road parts, and still is.
In 12 AD the arch and the ramp were demolished, and in the subsequent times the road
was reconnected with the new entrance forming the exus: along this new restructuring
route the land division followed a rotated orthogonal direction (Caniggia and Maffei,
19 9). On the opposite side of the bridge, via Clodia, Flaminia and Tiberina were all
aligned with the entrance of the side ramp. The transformation designed by aladier
deviated all the roads so to reconnect them with the new design of Piazzale Ponte Milvio.
Following this hypothesis, the central symmetric configuration of the exi on the two
sides of the bridge is the consequence of the central symmetry of the ramps: after the
ramps were demolished the roads were attracted consequently. Surprisingly, photo-
graphical documentation provided by the Soprintendenza of unsure position, but descri-
bed in the caption as ia Flaminia, Ponte Milvio , have shown the Roman stone paving
of via Flaminia at a level of 1. m under the street level ( irgili, 19 ).
elow the road several masonry walls with a different orientation forming an angle

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with the axis of the road were revealed. This substratum seems to confirm our hypothesis,
when this new road was designed and paved it was superimposed on an existing urban
tissue, restructuring the grid and determining the angle with the lower substratum. Other
excavations along the river side have shown what has been interpreted as part of the
river quay, even though it could be the remains or the foundations of the above men-
tioned ramp (Palombi, 2011), ( irgili, 19 ). The level of the finding is -1. m consistent
with the Roman street level, and the stonework construction with connecting bronze
elements resembles closely that of the ramp of Pons Aelius, which was unearthed during
the construction work of the ungotevere. All the Roman bridges had ramps, but this one
had orthogonal ramps instead of parallel ones. August built his triumphal arch attached
to Pons Milvius in 2 C as a twin arch of another at the opposite end of the road in Rimi-
ni, and today still standing. A silver denarius from the times of Augustus shows what has
been interpreted as Pons Milvius, with the two triumphal arches at the ends. Even though
the coins usually provide an idealised picture of monuments, this image suggests, as it
shows the side, that the triumphal arch was a quadrarch and was placed at the end of
the ramp aligned therefore with ia Flaminia.
The application of the attractor theory to the study of the evolution of urban form can
provide further means of understanding, in this case if could provide a solid hypothesis re-
garding the evolution in time of the routes approaching to Ponte Milvio from either side.

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 i re (right) Pietro del Massaio, iew of Rome, from Ptolemy s Cosmographia, 1 1,
iblioteca Apostolica aticana, Ms. at. 02, fol. 1 r;
i re (left) artolomeo De Rocchi, Studio per l acesso al aticano dai Prati attraver-
so la via Angelica, 1 0-1 1, Gabinetto dei Disegni e delle Stampe degli Uffizi, Firenze,
UA2 r.

i re A. Chiesa, . Gambarini, C. Nolli, G. . Piranesi, Pianta del corso del Fiume Tevere,
e sue adiacenze, Rome, 1 , ASR, Disegni e piante, Coll. I, Tevere, cartella 119, n. 2
(detail: side elevation of Ponte Milvio).

i re Sviluppo della strada fuori di Porta del Popolo da Roma sino a iterbo, ASR, Pre-
sidenza delle strade, Catasto alessandrino, / , 1 0 (detail).

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 i re (right) Gian attista Piranesi, eduta del Ponte Molle sul Tevere due miglia lon-
tan da Roma, edute di Roma, Tomo I, tav. , Firmin Didot Freres, Paris, 1 ;
i re (left) Giovanni attista Piranesi, Pianta di Roma e del Campo Marzio, edute di
Roma, Tomo I, tav. 1, Firmin Didot Freres, Paris 1 .

i re (right) Giuseppe aladier, Pianta Topografica del Nuovo Campo Marzio, 1 0 ,

IASA, Coll. anciani, Roma, I,100/2, n. ;
i re (left) Giuseppe aladier, Pianta Topografica della illa di Napoleone, 1 09.

i re (right) Giuseppe aladier, Planimetria della sistemazione della Piazza di Ponte

Milvio, 1 0 ;
i re (left) ASR, Catasto Gregoriano, Agro Romano, 1 , ia Flaminia prima di Ponte
Milvio, 1 1 .

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 i re Plane symmetries: orthogonal axial symmetry (left); orthogonal central symme-
try (right), (Camiz, 2020).

i re Shifting central symmetric point attractors (bridge with lateral ramps); nodal
complex attractors (city walls and gate), (Camiz, 2020).

i re Guido Achille Mansuelli, outer elevation of Augustus arch in Rimini, 19 2 (left);

denarius argenteus, Augustus, OD IAE M NITAE S NT , private collection, (right).

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 i re Remains of the river quay at the Milvio bridge, ( irgili, 19 ) (left); ia Flaminia,
Ponte Milvio, stone paving of the roman road, and masonry constructions with a different
orientation in the lower layer, (right).

i re The ramp of Pons Aelius (Ponte S. Angelo) being demolished during the con-
struction works for the Tevere s embankment, 1 90 ca.

i re Diachronical sequence; 1) lateral ramps (2 C); 2) demolition of the first ramp

( 12 AD); ) first exus (post 12 AD); ) demolition of the second ramp (1 0 AD), (Camiz,
2020).
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 References
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ertical Connections in Historical Contexts , in Cavallo, Roberto; Komossa, Susanne; Mar-
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Amsterdam: IOS Press, pp. 22 -2 .
Camiz, Alessandro (201 ), Diachronic transformations of urban routes for the theory of at-
tractors , in Urios Mond jar, David; Colomer Alc cer, Juan; Portal s Ma an s, Ana eds.,
City and Territory in the Globalization Age, alencia: Editorial Universitat Polit cnica de
al ncia, pp. 1 9-1 9.
Camiz, Alessandro (2019), Attractors, repellers and fringe belts: origins and medieval tran-
sformations of Arsinoe, Ammochostos, al-Mau dah, Famagusta, Magusa , in Carlotti, Pa-
olo; Ficarelli, oredana and Ieva, Matteo eds., Reading uilt Spaces. Cities in the making
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ra nella Roma del secondo quattrocento , in Cantatore, Flavia; Fiore, Francesco Paolo;
Ricci, Maurizio; Roca De Amicis, Augusto and ampa Paola eds., Giornate di studio in
onore di Arnaldo ruschi, Roma: onsignori, pp. - .
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gy, 20,1, pp. - .
Cimbolli Spagnesi, Piero (199 ), Castel Sant Angelo la fortezza di Roma. Momenti della vicen-
da architettonica da Alessandro I a ittorio Emanuele III (1 9 -1911), Roma: Palombi.
Ciotta, Anna (200 ), Ponte Milvio in Rome. uilding techniques and history of restoration
work , in ouren o, Paulo .; Oliveira, Daniel . and Portela, Artur eds., Proceedings of
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Ferri, Paola (201 ), Il Paesaggio nella Citt : dal Parco pubblico del aladier al Parco sporti-
vo del Foro Italico , Il Tesoro delle Citt , Strenna 201 , Wuppertal: Steinh user erlag, pp.
122-1 .
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Marzot, Nicola (2002), The study of urban form in Italy , Urban Morphology, , 2, pp. 9 .
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sar.
Messineo, Gaetano and Carbonara, Andrea (1992), ia Flaminia tra Porta del Popolo e Pon-
te Milvio, ullettino della Commissione Archeologica di Roma, 9 , pp. 1 -1 .
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Soratte, Roma: uasar.
Palombi, Cinzia (2011), e dinamiche insediative del territorio compreso tra la via Flaminia
e la via Trionfale, dal Tevere al miglio, nella tarda antichit e nell alto medioevo, PhD
thesis. Universit degli Studi di Roma Sapienza , Italy.
Palombi, Cinzia (2019), e dinamiche insediative del territorio compreso tra la via Flaminia e
la via Trionfale, dal Tevere al miglio, nella tarda antichit e nel medioevo, Rome: Erma
di retschneider.
Spagnesi, Gianfranco (200 ), Roma: la basilica di San Pietro, il borgo e la citt , Milano: Jaca
book,
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banform and Design, 9-10, pp. -21.
Strappa, Giuseppe; Carlotti, Paolo and Camiz, Alessandro (201 ), Urban Morphology and
Historical Fabrics. Contemporary design of small towns in atium, Rome: Gangemi Editore.
irgili, Paola (19 ), Opere di arginatura a Ponte Milvio , Archelogia aziale, , pp. 12 -12 .
irgili, Paola (19 ), Ponte Milvio: studi e restauri , Archelogia aziale, II, pp. 1 -1 .

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

r n e t etic t e m nni n r n form n t e confi

guration of the city of Erechim/RS, Brazil.
Nardino Camila1, Piccinato Junior Dirceu2
1
Polytechnic School, PPGARQ-IMED (Master’s student of the Postgraduate Program in
Architecture and Urbanism - IMED), Rua General Prestes Guimarães, 304 - Vila Rodri-
gues, Passo Fundo - RS, Brazil, 99070-220
2
Polytechnic School, PPGARQ-IMED (Professor Postgraduate Program in Architecture and
Urbanism - IMED), Rua General Prestes Guimarães, 304 - Vila Rodrigues, Passo Fundo - RS,
Brazil, 99070-220
1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: rechim Tracing or hology Paris Urbanism

Abstract

The city of Erechim, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul came about from a planned
process, based on an urban plan resulting from the positivist ideas of Civil Engineer Carlos
Torre on alves, which was in uenced by the already consolidated city of Paris, France
With this, this article seeks to analyze the historical context that resulted in the conception
of the urban layout of Erechim and a comparative reading between the urban morphol-
ogy of the munici ality with the city of Paris, in France The tracing of the urban fabric, e -
tremely striking in both cities, becomes an important and historical legacy to understand
the evolution of a city The methodological rocedures refer to an e loratory research
ty ology of ualitative nature Initially, bibliogra hic research was develo ed through
secondary data in theses, books, and dissertations Primary data were also collected,
mainly in the Erechim Historical archive, fundamental to support and understand the
research In the com arative analysis, it is concluded that the similarities between the
planes are mainly in the inducing axes of all urban thought, outlined by the roads that
rioritize the circulation The differences between them ointed to the layout of Paris as
an in uencer, not a fully re licated model in the rechinese lands

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 Introduction
The city of Erechim, located in the north of Rio Grande do Sul, has a population of
96,087 thousand, according to the 2010 IBGE census. In the state, the municipality is ran-
ked 19th among the most populous cities (IBGE, 2019).
Recognized for its large, main avenue with central tree-lined ower beds, Erechim
had its urbanistic principles conceived in a planned way, as a result of the positivist ideas
of Civil Engineer Carlos Torre Gonçalves (PEZAT, 2003),
the city stands out for the urban layout of the blocks, strongly composed of straight
lines that were repeated forming a well defined urban fabric by the square or rectangu-
lar geometric shapes (FÜNFGELT, 2004; BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN AND
CIOTTI, 2008).
In uenced by the composition of the city of Paris, the creation of the urban planning
of Civil Engineer Carlos Torres Gonçalves positioned on the wide central avenue that
crosses the city on the north and south axis, a square, and a landmark of the city, in which
It is still located today, the political, administrative and religious center with the city and
church buildings. In this label of central and striking monumentality, also crosses two other
axes, ie two ways, which gain strength, further glimpsing the reference of the city of Paris
(FÜNFGELT, 2004; BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI, 2008).
Given this, this article seeks to analyze the historical context that resulted in the con-
ception of the urban layout of the city of Erechim, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul,
and comparative reading between the urban morphology of Erechim - RS and Paris, in
France.
The historical survey was necessary to understand the evolution of the processes that
occurred in the period, resulting in the conception of the urban plan for the city of Ere-
chim. Thus, the time frame is limited to the description of the beginning of the Erechim
Colony, in 1904 with the demarcation of the land division, following until the delivery of
the plan by Carlos Torres Gonçalves in 1914. It should be noted that after the delivery and
execution of the At the urban level, the city continued to evolve and expand its territorial
area, but what is sought in this study is to visualize the urban layout proposed at the time.
This layout of the urban fabric can be seen even today in the city, which becomes an
important and historical legacy to understand the entire evolution of the municipality. For
Fünfgelt (2004), urban memory must be preserved as a way to ensure that the identity of
the city, be it cultural or social, is built from the essence formed by the roots of the past.
As for the methodological procedures, this article deals with a typology of exploratory
research, of qualitative nature. This type of study with a qualitative approach is descri-
bed by Minayo (2011) to explore existential aspects, their meanings and the occurrence
of phenomena through observation of facts. As for the exploratory typology, Gil (2002)
justifies as a description of characteristics of a given phenomenon. Thus, this research
was selected as a way to understand the conceptions of the outline proposed by Carlos
Torres Gonçalves and thus further explore the subject. As for the data, bibliographic rese-
arch was developed through secondary data in theses, books, and dissertations, as well
as primary data from the Erechim Historical archive, which were fundamental to support
and understand the research in the description of this article.

Urban evolution of cities

For Santos (1997), urban space can be compared to a residence, which in this case is
formed not only by objects but by a sum of elements, being nature, people and objects
that, together with the other spaces form the residence. This also occurs in the urban
space formed by more than one element, such as streets, houses and public spaces that
together form the city, the essence of social space.
For Lefebvre (2001) the city was never static, on the contrary, it is a set of constructed
elements that relate to the existing society and over time build a history. Thus the author
characterizes the times and changes over time, explaining that when society changes,
the historical context of the city also changes.
For Fünfgelt (2004) these transformations are perceived in the landscape, which chan-
ges and sometimes is reconstructed leaving fragments of history or eliminating them.

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 factors that make individuals agents from whom planned actions operate shaping
the conformations of space (LEFEBVRE, 2002).
Corroborating this context Fünfgelt (2004) points out that society, besides transforming
space, suffers the inverse process, that is, it is also transformed from space, is a mutual
process of continuous exchange during the historical walk of the city, for example. often
overlapping layers formed by different moments that are drawn in history and leave the
marks urban memory.
Thus, the memory is not only made by the urban buildings introduced in the layout of
the city but in the daily lives of the population, in the customs of society and the form of
appropriation of public spaces (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
However, there is a lot of neglect on the part of public administrators and the popu-
lation itself that over time has considerably destroyed important historical elements of
cities, losing significant values to the city s urban memory and imposing new precepts
due to a discourse of progress and modernity (JEUDY, 1990).
In his statements, Jeudy (1990) clarifies that it is necessary to demystify the fact that
preservation nullifies progress so that there must be advances, new conformations, but
without abandoning everything that already exists. Preservation should be a joint effort of
society and public power to appropriate the city from its cultural meanings that are im-
portant and necessary as they are physical testimonies of the system of use, experiences
and historical accounts. It is these time-persistent cultural manifestations that will allow
future generations an indispensable cultural knowledge within the evolutionary process
of cities.
The statements of Fünfgelt (2004, p.6) further emphasize the importance of preserving
themselves, since “the memory of the city is also the memory of its inhabitants”. Thus
preserving the past is the possibility of exposing in the present a cultural reference of
memory.

r n mor o o of rec im S
The beginning of the Upper Uruguay Gaucho region occurred from the demarcation
of lands, more precisely in the year 1904, along with the opening of the railroad that con-
nected São Paulo / Rio Grande. The railroad, which started in the city of Santa Maria in
the state of Rio Grande do Sul, cut the state allowing the connection of southern Brazil
with the other states of the country (FÜNFGELT, 2004; BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI,
BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI, 2008).
As the railroad construction progressed, the new stations emerged. This attracted im-
migrants to the vicinity so that they would progressively give rise to small settlements. To
prevent the invasion of squatters, at the same time the official government agency pre-
pares the division of rural lots supporting immigrants (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
Decree 1 , dated July , 1900, defines an area of 2 hectares for each household,
including the tools necessary for cultivation work, establishing a grace period of up to five
years for debt to be repaid. Thus, the plots with a size of 25 by 100 meters were divided
between the total colony of the colony, taking as reference the existing topography and
watercourses (BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI, 2008).
This is how the Erechim colony was born. In figure 01, dated 191 the representation
of the division of land between the plots of the colony demonstrating the divisions in
sections and lines. In addition, this division already provided area reserves for future oc-
cupations (FÜNFGELT, 2004). Thus, in the government of Calos Barbosa, the Erechim Co-
lony was established on October 6, 1908 (BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN
AND CIOTTI, 2008).
Through the surveyor engineer named Severiano de Souza Almeida, who carried out
the demarcation of land, the headquarters of the colony was initially established near
km 110 of the railroad track (BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI,
2008).
This place, where the municipality of Getúlio Vargas is located today (Figure 02) was
then far from the center of the colony. Even so, in 1909, the first buildings were already
being built at the headquarters, with the office of the land commission, award, a wa-
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 the land commission required a new study to be carried out to redefine the colony
headquarters in a region closer to the station (F NFGE T, 200 ).
With an initial population of 36 settlers, thirst grew considerably over time. In 1911, the
colony already reached the population number of 10,000 people, coming from the most
diverse nationalities, being mainly Italian, German and French (DUCATTI NETO, 1981). In
the year 1912, the housing number reached 14,687 people (BENINCÁ, 1990).
Just as the region of the colony s headquarters grew significantly, the construction of
continuity to the railroad sections grew together. From 1909 to 1911, the Erebango, Ca-
poerê, Paiol Grande and Barro stations were established. Together with the stations, small
population groups formed that occupied the areas adjacent to the railroad (FÜNFGELT,
2004).
Even in 1912, in view of the current growing movement of immigrants, the Erechim
colony was becoming increasingly prominent in the state, but the initial location of the
headquarters, due to the need to settle quickly to meet immigrants, was poorly planned,
without previous and distant study of the railway (FÜNFGELT, 2004). With that, the discus-
sion of readjusting the headquarters to a new location is resumed, and the government,
indicating a more favorable and adequate position for the headquarters, opts for a
location near the village of Paiol Grande, which had the railway station (BIANCHINI, SAN-
TOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI, 2008).
With this context, the government decided to move the colony s headquarters to the
village of Paiol Grande (Figure 03), which, in addition to the proximity to the railway, had
other positive factors for the installation of the headquarters, such as being (... ) loca-
ted in the central region, in a bello chapadão, the highest point of the vast region of the
southern plateau (...), being the highest mountain station of the state network, with 768
meters ”(KARNAL, 1926).
The news generated many expectations among the population that requested for
new lots for production. The area of 2,300 hectares would be 50% parceled to lots. There-
fore, the new headquarters was in charge of the and Commission, which was located
in the city of Passo Fundo and planning took a long time to be finalized (F NFGE T, 200 ).
Erechim colony reached 18,000 inhabitants in full development in 1913. Agricultu-
ral production allowed families to support themselves and the conclusion of a bridge
between the state of Rio Grande do Sul and the state of Santa Catarina, in the region
near the colony, became an even greater facilitator in the coming of immigrants from
other states (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
Amid the government s confirmation that the new headquarters near the station
should be moved until the installation of the plan for what is now the city of Erechim
begins, the new buildings were forbidden to be built to prevent this from altering the
planning in progress. Even so, the small village of Paiol Grande already had 41 wooden
houses and 20 commercial establishments (BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI, BRESOLIN
AND CIOTTI, 2008).
The delay in setting up the new headquarters of the Erechim Colony meant that the
new immigrants arriving there were housed in a shed, subdivided between dormitories
and a hall, specially built to house foreigners before moving to the colony headquarters.
still in the vicinity of km 110 (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
The planning of the new headquarters resulted in complaints due to the late delivery
of the project, being justified by the Chief of the Directorate of ands, Civil Engineer Car-
los Torres Gonçalves in the face of the project revision, inserting the necessary adapta-
tions for the referred installation site (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
Engineer Carlos Torres Gonçalves, a member of the Land Commission, was responsi-
ble for preparing the project for the colony s new headquarters. Carlos Torres Gon alves
graduated in Civil Engineering from the Polytechnic School of Rio de Janeiro in 1898 and
has since then acted according to positivist ideals (PEZAT, 2003).
Thus the headquarters of the Colony was a planned project, unlike the other places
that grew in a disorderly way. Thus, in 1914 Vila received and implemented the project
that conforms to its central urban structure to this day (BIANCHINI, SANTOS, CAVALCANTI,
BRESOLIN AND CIOTTI, 2008; FÜNFGELT, 2004).

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Carlos Torres Gonçalves’s planning
The urban plan of Engineer Carlos Torres Gon alves for the new headquarters of the
Erechim colony was conceived as appropriate to the legislation that regulated the state
colonies at that time, through Decree No. 247 of August 19, 1899 (IOTTI, 2001).
Within the decree, two articles were guiding, art. 5º designated an area divided into
two identical zones, being separated by a 20-meter wide avenue. Already Art. 6 establi-
shed a central reference point for the village, such as a square, so that adjacent lots
would have a preference for schools and public buildings (IOTTI, 2001).
Thus, and following positivist ideas from which the engineer believed and spread the
guidelines planned by Carlos Torres Gonçalves, they were based on rationality and order,
strongly in uenced by the route that Haussmann proposed for Paris (F NFGE T, 200 ).
It was expected to occupy 15,000 inhabitants, divided among 2,500 lots, and alrea-
dy projecting a future territorial expansion. With rectilinear tracing, the checkered mesh
resulted in blocks of homogeneous dimensions (Figure 04). From the central avenue, for-
med by a square called at the time Christopher Columbus Square (now Flag Square),
overlapping diagonals that cut the checkered mesh modify the monotony hitherto re-
gular (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
To the east, the larger farms already demonstrated a sequence of the planned strai-
ght line along with the expansion. Farms could be fractional in the future, meeting a
demand for more lots. To the west, the description “area for future development” de-
monstrates the growth vision that could occur, but there is no installment design within
the proposal (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
On the sides of the square, it was foreseen the installation of the political, administra-
tive and religious center (Figure 05), materializing with the city hall, the cathedral, the
forum and the building of the “Land Commission” (FÜNFGELT, 2004) that until Today it is a
historical landmark in the city, popularly called “Castelinho”.
Planning is anchored in road layout as the main function of city circulation. Eight
squares were planned, by the central axes, creating perspectives from vanishing points.
The lots had a minimum size of 1,250 m² of the area determined by the Government.
The railroad did not interfere with the route, there is only a fragmentation in the area of
the railway, followed by the same route after crossing the limits of the train route. The
blocks along the railroad margins were adapted to the curves of the tracks, in addition
to tracing an avenue adjacent to the entire railway extension within the urban boundary
(FÜNFGELT, 2004).
The main avenue north/south was further divided with a square. All axes received the
nomenclature of avenues, thus extolling these roads of greater importance and domi-
nance over other streets (FÜNFGELT, 2004).
The urban layout was conceived from the principles of horizontality, and it remained
this way until the 1950s (Figure 06). After this period, more precisely between 1960 and
1980 verticalization gained strength in the urban environment (Figure 07). The intentions
were to show a developed city based on what the major centers were projecting in this
period (CHIAPARINI, SMANIOTTO, FÁBRIS AND HACHMANN, 2012).
Urban planning analysis
Graduated from the Rio de Janeiro Polytechnic School, where he approached the
positive ideals, Carlos Torres Gonçalves not only believed but lived the guidelines of this
current profoundly, both in his public actions and in his private life (PEZAT, 2003). It should
be noted that this same school also graduated two important engineers who worked in
Brazilian cities, making different plans, one of them Aarão Reis who came to design the
city of Belo Horizonte, also following the positivist ideals and Saturnino de Brito (FÜNFGELT,
2004).
Given its plan of urbanization of the Erechim colony, it is clear that the axes, that is,
the roads are strong and in uential elements in the layout, becoming the starting point
of the planning (Figure 08).
The rectilinear lines forming squares are replicated on both sides of the main axis. It is
interesting to note what the author Fünfgelt (2004) concludes in her studies, and Torres
Gon alves justified the delay in the project delivery due to the changes that were made
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 to suit the terrain topographic situation, however, this principle was not met as neces-
sary, since he inserted the checkered mesh over the physical territory thus imposing a
fixed stroke without considering the contours.
It may be that the adaptations according to the site, as described by Torres Gonçalv-
es only referred to the adjustments to the railroad margins, which in turn was limited to the
layout he was proposing. Figure 09 shows that the blocks adjacent to the railway route
were adapted, acquiring different shapes to checkered mesh. Even so, the following
courts already take up the principles of maintaining regularity and form.
Comparing with the urban layout of the city of Paris, France, source of inspiration for
Carlos Torres Gonçalves we can highlight some relevant aspects. Initially, both Paris and
Erechim, have well-outlined axes, marking the landscape and creating a focal point. In
this case, Paris is located the Arc de Triomphe and in Erechim the Place de la Flag. In this
respect, it is also worth highlighting an important and central element of Praça da Ban-
deira, a fountain that is still present today.
In Paris, the centrality is cut by six axes, being noticeably a major and larger one, con-
necting with other centralities. In Erechim, there are only three axes, one major main and
two other diagonals. It is possible to consider two more axes perpendicular to the main
axis because they also cut the central element, but these axes are of minor importance
and do not stand out like the others in the landscape.
Another important and distinct aspect between the planes is the shape of the blocks
adjacent to the axes (Figure 10). In Erechim, Carlos Torres Gonçalves imposed straight
lines forming rectangular or square blocks that differ only in size. With the axes, some of
them were split into two, cut in their largest direction resulting in two triangles that remain
with straight lines configuration. As previously described, the only blocks that suffered the
most adaptations were blocks near the railway line.
In Paris, the scenario is different. Even if in squares split by the intersection of the axes,
it is clear that the geometric shape does not follow a repetitive and sequential pattern.
Lines are generally straight but result in distinct geometric shapes with many facets. Also,
on some axes, a slight angle is noticed resulting in a more organic line.

Conclusion
Carlos Torres Gonçalves left an important legacy in the colonization mainly of the nor-
thern region of Rio Grande do Sul. His participation in the public positions he held in the
state was significant, including his assiduous and constant role in the urbanization of the
unoccupied lands. Torres proposed and built roads, bridges, urban settlement plans and
other public works (PEZAT, 2003).
Understanding the historical process of the construction of the first ideas of the city
of Erechim given its urban transformations that occur to this day, are striking features
at the local level and return to the subject of preservation in the face of historical facts
that must be remembered. Urban memory is part of the city, being an element formed
by different layers, sometimes overlapping, but seeking to understand the initial forms of
conception.
When comparative analysis shows that some important similarities such as the
fact that the axes are inducers of all urban thinking, outlined by the routes that prio-
ritize circulation and endowed with a dimension that allows the most striking visua-
lization and necessary for its understanding. Similarly, some differences between
the two strokes show how the Paris model was in uential, and only that. Carlos Tor-
res Gon alves has created new planning with stroke in uences executed in the
lands of Paris. It could only have been a fully replicated model in the Erechinese
lands, but it was not. Torres somehow created his project. With this, this configuration
of the elements leaves in the urban landscape the traces of Torres urban planning.

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Figure 1. Plant of the Erechim colony. In the section called Paiol Grande, there is already
an urban void. ater, it was in this place, where the new headquarters of the colony was
installed. Image Source: Erechim Historical Archive, 2019.

Figure 2. First headquarters of the Erechim colony (now Get lio argas city) in 1912. Image
Source: Erechim Historical Archive, 2019.

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 Figure 3. General view of Paiol Grande in 1912. Image Source: Erechim Historical Archive, 2019.

Figure 4. Map of Carlos Torres Gon alves proposal for the new headquarters of the Erechim
Colony, at Paiol Grande Station. Image Source: Municipal Historical Archive, 2019.
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Figure 5. Boa Vista do Erechim in the 1920s. In the center is built the wooden building of the
and Commission, today, popularly called Castelinho. One can see Flag Square, formerly
called Christopher Columbus Square. Image Source: Municipal Historical Archive, 2019.

Figure 6. Aerial view of Erechim, December 5, 1947. Image Source: Erechim Historical
Archive, 2019.

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 Figure 7. Aerial view of Erechim in 1993, indicating the strong verticality of the city. Ima-
ge Source: Erechim Historical Archive, 2019; 8. Aerial view of the city dated 1947. Image
Source: Erechim Historical Archive, 2019.

Figure 9. Drawing by Fünfgelt (2004) based on Carlos Torres Gonçalves original plan indicating
the strong hierarchy of axes and rectilinear tracing, which resulted in a checkered mesh. Image
Source: Fünfgelt (2004); 10. The first image is an aerial photo of the city of Paris, specifically the
region where the Arc de Triomphe is located. The image below, also an aerial view, refers to
the city of Erechim, with the centrality of Praça da Bandeia and higher above the region of
the former railway station that is currently inactive. Image Source: Adapted by the authors of
Google Earth, 2019.
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References
Benincá, D. (1990) “ Severiano de Almeida e sua história”, Berthier, Passo Fundo.
Bianchini, G. M.; Santos, V. R.; Cavalcanti, J.; Bresolin, R. R. and Ciotti, C. S. (2008) ‘‘Ere-
chim: A trajetória de Formação Urbana do Município’’. Anais. In: 1º Congresso Inter-
nacional de Tecnologias para o Maio Ambiente, Bento Gonçalves.
Chiaparini, E. J.; Smaniotto, M. L. C.; Fábris, N. Â. and Hachmann, R. (2012) ‘‘Erechim:
Retratos do Passado, Memórias do Presente’’. Graffoluz, Erechim.
Ducatti Neto, A. (1981)’’O Grande Erechim e sua História’’. Grafosul, Porto Alegre.
Fünfgelt, K. (2004) ‘‘História da paisagem e evolução urbana da cidade de Erechim –
RS . Disserta o (Mestrado em Geografia). Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina,
Florianópolis.
Gil, A. C. (2002) Como elaborar projetos de pesquisa . Atlas, S o Paulo.
IBGE, Cidades. (https://cidades.ibge.gov.br/) accessed 15 october 2019.
Iotti, L. H. (2001) ‘‘Imigração e Colonização Legislação de 1747 – 1915’’, EDUCS, Porto
Alegre.
Jeudy, H. (1990) ‘‘ Memórias do Social’’, Forense Universitária, Rio de Janeiro.
Karnal, O. C. (1926) ‘‘Subsídios para a história do município de Erechim’’, Livraria do Glo-
bo , Porto Alegre.
Lefebvre, H. (2002) ‘‘A revolução Urbana’’. UFMG, Belo Horizonte.
Lefebvre, H. (2001) ‘‘O direito à cidade’’. Centauro, São Paulo.
Minayo, M. C. S. (ed) (2011) Pesquisa social: Teoria, m todo e criatividade , ozes,
Petrópolis.
Pezat, P. R. (2003) ‘‘Carlos Torres Gonçalves, a família, a pátria e a humanidade: a re-
cep o do positivismo por um filho espiritual de Auguste Comte e de Clotilde de
Vaux no Brasil (1875-1974)’’. Tese (Doutorado em História). Universidade Federal do
Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre.
Santos, M. (199 ) Espa o e M todo , Nobel, S o Paulo.

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

Coincidentia oppositorum. The building of the urban form in O.

M. Ungers
Vincenzo d’Abramo
Università IUAV di Venezia, Dipartimento di Culture del Progetto, Santa Croce 191
Tolentini, 30135, Venezia, Italy
[email protected]
Keywords: Oswald Mathias Ungers, urban form, city-archipelago, Berlin

Abstract

In 1977 O. M. Ungers, with his assistants at Cornell University R. Koolhaas, H. Kolloff, P.

Riemann and A. Ovaska, publishes a plan-manifesto about the city of Berlin: “Die Stad in
der Stad”, in which is expressed a new model of development and composition for the
contem orary city the city-archi elago ith the aim to re ect about the roblems
and the issues of the urban form into contemporary, the research group draws up a pro-
grammatic plan where starting from the ‘given value’ of the structure of the urban form
deposited by the history and remained, more or less manifest after the bombing, is de-
veloped a new concept of city for parts, where each part is enhanced in its ‘singularity’
and where the green, the space of nature, assumes the role to connect/ untie the same
‘singularity’.
The research starting from the analysis of the plan and the theoretical lecture devel-
oped into the program-manifesto and focusing on the plans realized for Berlin later by O.
Ungers, aims at the re ection and the u dating of this e erience by its re-reading
The confused growth of the periphery, the alienation of the individual into the place in
which lives, the necessity to give answers to the form of the contemporary city, are still
open issues.
The research of Ungers is focused on the necessity to refound the problem of the form
of the city starting from the same architecture, basing on the identi cation of the substra-
tum, modern or ancient it is, looking the architecture as “coincidentia oppositorum” of
the contemporary city, giving them form, assuming its complexities and contradictions.

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 Models/ Archetype. Building for parts
The city is a complex system, testament of centuries of the human’s history, of tran-
sformations, of a continual leaning to a perfect scheme. But, although the continuous
will to build the “ideal city”, this has always eluded to the control of the architect-buil-
der of cities, except for the limited experience of the new foundation settlements. The
city evolves, changes, answers to the needs of the time by altering from time to time its
general physiognomy: “The form of the city is always the form of a time of the city; and
existing many time of the form of the city” (Rossi, 2015). The city is an artefact built by
parts, where every part illustrates its history, builds its geometries, affirms its singularity, and
every part contributes to affirm the whole that it is the image of the city itself. uilding the
city means to understand its invariant, its form, its history, the process of its architecture, or
understanding and affirming every its part. We could deduce that the city is dialectic
by definition, as Ungers defined it into the essay in 199 , because its evolution is based on
an alternate process of harmony and rejection compared to the previous models and
canons, on the dialogue with the pre-existed architecture. “The city as synthetic concept
has become increasingly disappeared during the history and it is become an enormous
device, almost nothing controllable, that always tends to higher growth, perversions and
disintegrations. In this inclination to the dissolution of the central city the single nameable
places have an important part” (Ungers, 1997). As the etching “The seven church of
Rome” by Antoine Lafréy of 1575, the city of Rome emerges through its obelisk and its
architectural work, in this way figuratively the contemporary city appear us through its
monuments and its significant spaces, symbols and aggregators around which revolve
defined parts of the city, parts that we can define again with Ungers nameable . The
city recognize itself in these parts, that represent the “places of lasting form” (Ungers,
1997). There is in this construction for part, in this assembling, overlapping, transforming of
the parts themselves, the true trait d’union of the urban experience, that connect cen-
turies and spaces. Every city takes from itself, from its significant places, from its elective
moments the sense of its transformation, so in the same city must be recognized every
possible transformative principle. In this thought, recurring and condensed into the expe-
rience of Ungers, there is a deep certainty: that the architecture isn’t a process of inven-
tion, but it is a discovery, a discovery that starts from the reading and the identification
of the experiences of the past city. In an essay about his works he writes: “Architecture
doesn’t mean inventing but discovering, interpreting with ever new spirit ideas that have
long been known, seeing the world with different eyes, living it in a new manner, recove-
ring and reviving it with unusual subjects. Creating architecture also means instilling to the
reality an idea, a modified perspective and a different nature (Ungers, 1991).
There is another way to interpret this fragmentary composition of the city. Its parts
aren’t only the different urban places, but, as we mentioned previously, also the “singu-
lar buildings can be recognized as concurrent parts that define the overall unity of the
urban tissue. The idea of the “city within the city”, or the idea of Leon Battista Alberti of
the building as a miniature city and the city as a big and complex building, it’s a dimen-
sional idea that surrounds from the whole urban form to the construction of the individual
building. Two are the architypes into the construction of the theory that Ungers carries
on during its architectural work: the Diocletian’s palace in Split and, not secondary, Villa
Adriana. The Diocletian’s palace in Split is emblematic not only for its adherence to the
idea of building-city, so symbol of the transformation of the architecture itself in the who-
le city, as the amphitheatre of Arles or the Lucca’s one, but also for the construction of
the plurality of the space: a building that contains inside it “architectural landscapes”,
that have a finitude and a concrete shape, linked together by the whole architectural
artefact. This architectural plurality is expressed more evidently by the example of Villa
Adriana. The complex could be read as a composition of individual architectures, fini-
shed places, settled and connected “dialectically”. Every space live independently, it
is expressible with its pure and completed form, but with other “architectural monads”
contributes to give completeness to the compositive sequence: every part is necessary
to each other when we read the morphological ensemble of the opera and the whole
appears incomplete if it is deprived of a part.

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 This idea that we can define of the finitude of the part, capable to be singular and
choral at the same time, it isn t only a theme that define the construction of the individual
building, but it invades overwhelming the architecture of the city too. The architectural
design is the instrument through which it is possible to build, what we can define as the
poetry of the fragment , a fragment that is both the finished and the completed part,
and the individual tile, nameable again, that contribute to define the whole.

Transforming the city. The city-archipelago

This definition of city for parts, or city-archipelago as it will be defined, materialises for
the first time in the work of Ungers in 19 . With his collaborators at the Cornell University
in Ithaca, as Rem Koolhaas, Peter Riemann, Hans Kollhoff and Arthur Ovaska, he decides
to organize the Summer Akademie of the university in Berlin. The theme of the laboratory
is the design of an “urban villa”, intended as a minimal morphological unit capable of
transforming pieces of city. The occasion to work on the city of Berlin allows to Ungers and
his assistant to think the reconstruction of urban form after the bombing of the Second
World War, and, more generally, about the condition of the contemporary city. In the ge-
neral plan that is created, the urban structure of erlin is decomposed into its significant
and recognizable parts, in different “urban island”, in cities within the city. The image that
Ungers and Koolhaas develop in the essay, accompanied by several analytic drawings
about the reading of the structure of the city, is a lagoon system, a city-archipelago,
where every “island” arises isolated, with its form and its identity, connected with the
whole, a part of the “lagoon” itself. The green is an instrument of connection between
the parts, as the water that connected the islands, it is the place of the infrastructures, of
the open space, of the transience, of the movement, while the parts of the city represent
the space of staying, the “stone” face of the city.
The necessity to decompose the city in parts comes from the awareness of the com-
plex and heterogeneous nature of the contemporary city. It isn’t possible to reduce it
to a unique model of development, as several theories and utopias of the modern tried
to do, but it needs to live and work with its polymorphic nature. It follows that the model
of the city within the city, or the city-archipelago, turns out to be already inside in what
that they call the “differential structure” of Berlin. Obviously, Berlin represents a model
for the group of research of Ungers. It is the model of the modern world’s capital, with its
complexity, its history, with the inability to reduce it to a scheme, to a unique form, with its
polycentric nature, multifaceted, witness of the impossibility to grab it in its totality.
But, even if every part arises as autonomous form, these parts can be reduced to ele-
mentary morphological schemes (linear city, city-theatre, radial city…). The recognition
of categories, of archetypes and references, inside or outside the city itself, is able to
transform the chaos of these realties into organised experiences. The design is already
into the formal identification, into the assuming of models, into the discovery of new and
original meanings. The city is not limited to the mechanical repetition of its copy, or in-
stead, in the constant research of the new, of the different at any cost. The city evolves
through the reading of its form. It’s paradigmatic as in the work of 1977, Ungers and his
assistant don’t propose a real and completed design for these different “urban island”,
but they decide to identify cases that interpret that particular morphological condition:
in this way the Unter den Eichen is assimilated to the linear city of Magnitogorsk created
by Leonidov, the regular tissue of the Kreuzberg becomes a “Mini-Manhattan” and the
radial structure of the Südliche Friedrichstadt becomes an analogous plan of the city of
Karlsruhe.
It’s possible to close these thoughts and these considerations through the words of
Aldo Rossi, when he describes the Analogous City: “[…] I think that the more serious way
to work on the cities, to understand them, that it isn’t so different, it’s is that to put a me-
diation between the real city and the analogous city. That the latter is the authentic de-
sign of the city. […] The real alternative is that to proceed to the construction of the ana-
logous city: in other words, to use of a series of several elements, linked between them
by the urban and territorial context, as hinges of the new city. […] the formal analysis is
not so much the genesis of the form – genesis that in several cases doesn’t exist – but the
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 analysis of the manner in which these forms are intended and are assumed” (Rossi, 2012).
The city assumed by Ungers isn’t only the material with which the city takes shape, but
it is the principles, the ideas, the places with which the city is represented. The material re-
mains there, static, and it’s only possible repropose it, as it appears. The meaning instead,
lies inside the formal question, ready to be caught, modified, expanded. The city, immo-
bile, always equal to itself, and always different, reading through the filter of the contem-
porary’s eyes, has in it the seed of its transformation. Maybe, using again the words of
Aldo Rossi, only in this way we can affirm that really the analysis of the characters of the
city already represents a design of it.

Enclosing/ Assembling. Two designs for Berlin

Berlin, with its monuments, its structure, its elective spaces, certainly represents a re-
ference model in the work of Ungers. The German architects realizes several designs,
competitions, buildings in the capital during his career, but only in few opportunities he
experimented the problem and the composition of the urban form as construction of a si-
gnificant part of the city into the erlin space. The most important occasion comes during
the ‘90s, when several competitions are promoting for the reconstruction of the capital,
united again. In this essay it will be analysed two design: one of the 1995 for the area of
the Humboldtkolonnaden and the another one of the 1991 for the area of Potsdamer
and Leipziger Platz.
The first design arises in the area of the ancient port of the Humboldthafen, an area
that during the competition appeared completely cleared, except for the building of
the station Lehrter Bahnof, under construction in that moment. But the site was marked
by the elbow drawings by the Spree that intersects at its apex the area of the port, a fun-
nel with a geometrical form perfectly recognisable. These two elements, the station and
the river bend, represent the elements by which the design takes its form. In fact, Ungers
decides to solve the composition through the construction of two squares: a water squa-
re, created by the definition of the harbour basin, enclosed on its four sides by a building
rested on pillars and that marks geometrically, with an arching on the façade, the river
bend; and the square of the station, an open square, composed by individual elements,
that incorporate and assume the directions of the existed building of the station and in-
troducing the building called “cubus”, opened on the Tiergarten, and a tower, located
in the vicinity of the Invalidenstraße. The design is closed through the construction of a
tissue of block buildings and an urban park, that fillet the area with the existed city. Untied
by predetermined directions and by a context situation inconsistent, Ungers defines the
design working on two elements: the topos, or the affirmation of the particular situation
of the place, and citing spaces of the historic city, typological and morphological affi-
ne. In fact, the reading and the interpretation of the site allows to the German architect
to affirm that particularity existed in the area but makes evident by the construction of
the architecture itself, and through a specific chooses of language. The construction of
the big courtyard building, that surrounds the water square, expresses the force and the
potentiality of the architectural form. The building, lying on the pillars, allows to enter, not
only materially but visually too, the Spree and the garden of the Tiergarten. The pillars
serve as filter between the open space of the park, the space of the station, destined to
the movement, the exchange, and the enclosed space of the water square, the space
of the staying. At the same time the square of the station is defined by the construction
of individua buildings. Every building contributes to define this space and simultaneously
is related with its particular situation. In this way, the building “cubus” sees to the Tiergar-
ten, or the area in front of the Humboldtkolonnaden dominated by the presence of the
Reichstag, and the tower defines along the axis of the Invalidenstra e an arrival point,
it locates precisely the square, and the entire design, on the urban axiality. The station
becomes a hinge, a real place of passage, exalting its privileged position. Thesis and
antithesis coexist to give to the design, in its geometrical clarity, a variety of spatial expe-
rience, joined although different. In this composition of squares echoes the sequence of
spaces of illa Adriana, places enclosed in itself, but that chorally defined a part of the
city, enriched by the “particular” value of the topos.

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 The second design is the purpose for the competition for the area of Potsdamer and
Leipziger Platz. Differently to the design analysed before, the site is located in an area
full of history and references, related to different moments of the Berlin architecture. Lei-
pziger Platz is a square with a well recognizable regular geometric form: a hexagon puts
on the conclusion of the tissue of the Federichstadt. This tissue joins to the area of the
Tiergarten and the Kulturforum’s one. Ungers assumes the urban grid that comes from the
Friedrichstadt, he completes it and extends it until the limit of the park. The Leipziger Platz
is rebuild into its representative form, defining it as an enclosed square, in opposition to
the Potsdamer Platz, generating as an open square that assumes the radial direction that
comes from the opposite part of the city. To the grind of the Friedrichstadt, Ungers pulls
together the grind defined by the particle tissue of the park of the Tiergarten, rotated in
comparison with the first. This invisible tissue, a mark on the ground, is making evident with
a “forest” of tower that emerges, casually, now intersecting the blocks that create the
urban tissue, now locating isolated. The indifferent continuity of the tissue is interrupted
by the presence of this high towers, that “silent” rebuild a hierarchy, previously just men-
tioned.
These two designs for Berlin of Ungers express, in my opinion, a strong actuality and
they could represent a great teaching for the manner with which it’s possible to see the
city. These his designs have never been an a priori definition of an architectural form. The
architecture is creating by the place, or in the place are already contained the answers
and the questions through which the design takes form. The architecture aims to affirm
the locus, the will of the place, but it doesn’t submit, the architecture exalts it, brings it
to the light, it can make visible the hidden trace too, when it is necessary. Transforming
the city doesn’t mean necessary denying it, and in a historic moment where the city lives
in the necessity of a its rethinking, where the value of the object try to dominate on the
value of the form, these designs contain in their essence a teaching extremely significant.
Ungers, through these designs, doesn t denying the city, he affirms it through an archi-
tecture “sired” to the place but anyway able to build spaces, previously unknown.

Figure 1. “The seven church of Rome” by Antoine Lafréy, 1575.

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 Figure 2. “The seven church of Rome” by Antoine Lafréy, 1575.

Figure 3. 1991, Potsdamer and Leipziger Platz. Concept.

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References
Aldo, Rossi (2012), I caratteri urbani delle città venete, in id., Scritti scelti sull’architettura e
la città 1956-1972, Macerata, Quodlibet.
Aldo, Rossi (2015), L’architettura della città, Macerata, Quodlibet.
Florian, Hertweck and Sebastien, Marot (2013), La ville dans la ville. Un manifeste (1997)
d’Oswald Mathias Ungers et Rem Koolhaas avec Peter Riemann, Hans Kollhoff et Ar-
thur Ovaska, Lars Müller Publishers, Zürich.
Francesco, Dal Co and Marco, De Michelis, Oswald Mathias Ungers. Opera completa
1991-1998, Electa, Milano.
Oswald Mathias, Ungers (1991), Commento generale ai rogetti e agli edi ci, in AA. VV.
(by), Oswald Mathias Ungers. Opera completa 1951-1990, Electa, Milano.
Oswald Mathias, Ungers (1997), La città dialettica, Skira, Milano.
Oswald Mathias, Ungers (2017), Morphologie City Metaphors, Verlag der Buchhandlung
Walther K nig, K ln.

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 A.2 Urban Form Theory

An Examination of The Morphological Change of the Roman

Main Axis-Case of Adana Turkey
eliz ra ahin1, Fazilet Duygu Saban2
1
Adana Metropolitan Municipality, Department of Urban Projects, Atatürk Avenue,
01120, Seyhan/Adana
2
Cukurova University, Faculty of Architecture, Department of Architecture, Cukurova
University Rectorate 01 0, Sar cam/Adana
1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: Adana, Abidin a a Avenue, main a is, decumanus ma imus, urban mor hology

Abstract

This study aims to examine the morphological change of the Roman main road and the
reasons behind the change focusing on 20th century urban development processes.
ithin this aim Abidin a a Avenue in the historic city of Adana Turkey, which is one of
the oldest city a es with a historical background of years and having a length of
700 meters is chosen for investigation. The Avenue is connecting the Roman Bridge over
the iver Seyhan with the western city gate and has hysical features similar to main a es
of the astern oman cities Due to its multi-layered structure, the avenue, which consists
of many buildings belonging to different eriods, has changed ra idly due to urban ol-
icies and the development processes of the city of Adana in the 20th century and the
change has shown its effects on both hysical and social means
The e amination was undertaken in three stages The rst stage involved the analysis
of the historical develo ment of the avenue using historical ma s, drawings and vari-
ous visual documents Secondly a mor hological analysis was carried out based on the
mor hological a roach develo ed by Conzen within a time s an of years
- And nally, the change in the s atial characteristics of residential buildings
is investigated focusing on two e am les using com erative analysis of ty omor hology
The study revealed that the street fabric was the least changing feature on the avenue
hile the hysical form and the length of the main a is has survived, it is ascertained that
the development pressure resulted in the construction of higher buildings having con-
tem orary functions The ndings of the study also showed that the ty omor hological
characteristics of traditional houses can be traced in modern buildings, although the
s ace organization, materials and construction techni ues have changed

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 Introduction
It is possible to observe various types of historic towns all around the world, while some
have survived almost intact and still show unique charasterstics of the period they were
constructed, such as Monteriggioni in Italy; some were developed adjacent to the
historic city without changing its original features, such as Berlin. Multi-layered towns,
on the other hand, embrace remains of several civilizations and very often it is not possi-
ble to thoroughly trace the urban structure of previous settlements. Furthermore, it can be
argued that combination of previous cultural and urban artifacts make such cities even
more interesting and appealing. The Anatolian Peninsula, within this context, is quite rich
in terms of the number of existent multi-layered towns, which embrace remains and
traces of civilizations that were once predominant in the area. While the urban form
and features from historic civilizations enrich the townscape and the spirit of place in such
towns, it is also possible to argue that the identification of unique features and
understanding of their change in the process is a complex issue.
Morphological analysis, developed by M.R.G. Conzen is generally accepted as the
leading method that can be used to understand the processes of change within a
historic town, focusing on the street form, land utilization and plot formation (Conzen,
1960). Whitehand argues that urban landscapes embody not only the efforts and aspira-
tions of the people occupying them at present, but also those of their predecessors, whi-
ch enable individuals and groups to take root in an area (Whitehand, 1981: 18). Since the
works of Conzen, urban morphogenetic tradition has evolved into research embracing
the transformation of not only the whole town but also neighbourhoods or smaller parts
of the physical structure aiming to thoroughly examine distinct features of settlements.
Still, such an examination can be undertaken by accessing historical documents, either
drawn or written.
Nevertheless, for historic multi-layered towns that no definite and robust records or
documents are accessible, morphological analysis has to be undertaken based on writ-
ten statements or assumptions supported with archaeological research. This study, at-
tempting to test whether morphological analysis can be used in order to understand the
change throughout the development process of a multi-layered town, focuses on the
city of Adana in Turkey. The city of Adana is in the heart of the Plain Çukurova (Ancient
Plain Cilicia), was surrounded with swamps until the end of the 19th century and had a
strategic importance for centuries because of being on the coast of the River Seyhan
and on the caravan route connecting the northern lands with the eastern civilizations.
The earliest settlement in the town was on the western coast of the river and on a land
comperatively high in altitude, called Tepeba . As the town could not be developed
towards arshlands, it was not until the beginning of the 20th century that the boundaries
of the town could be enlarged (Saban, 2017). As a result of this, all ancient civilizations
had to build their settlements on the very same plot and a multi-layered town comprised
of different layers of civilizations, starting from Late Bronze Age (Hittite Empire) had been
formed ( ahin, 201 : 1 -1 ).
This study, focusing on the multi-layered town of Adana examines the process of chan-
ge of the main axis believed to have survived from Roman Period, called Abidinpa a
Avenue in the historic town, which is surrounded with organic streets. The examination
aims to understand the underlying causes and scope of the process of change in the
20th century, through its most ancient street. Depending on the fact that the town has
undergone several changes in urban form throughout centuries, the study area Abidin-
pa a Avenue represents features both from Classical times and also from Middle Ages.
Therefore the examination intended to explore the extent of the use of methods deve-
loped for urban morphological analysis and to identify the level of change within the
context of multi-layered cities.

Methodology
The examination was undertaken in three stages. The first stage involved the analysis
of the historical development of the avenue using historical maps, drawings, press rele-
ases and various visual documents. Secondly a morphological analysis was carried out

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based on the morphological approach developed by M.R.G Conzen. And finally, the
cadastral map dated 1938, which is the oldest map containing the necessary data for
the study area, was evaluated comparatively with the map of 2018 in order to under-
stand the nature of change through the span of 80 years. Furthermore two dwellings sur-
vived from different years are also examined typomorphologically in order to discuss the
transformation and the processes of specific building types and the multi-layered texture.

n n ncient om n to n n i in en e
The city of Adana, is believed to have 4000 years of historical background, depending
on the archeological studies in Tepeba mound which is located in the historic city cen-
ter ( ahin, 201 ). The surrounding mounds revealed that the city of Adana was settled
during Hittite Period (Altay, 19 :1) and was also ruled by Assyrians, Persians and Salafis
until the Roman Age, which was known as the first golden age of the city when great
level of development had occurred (Adana alili i, 1991: 2 ). Although the city carries
traces from many civilizations, the most ancient building remains belong to the Roman
Empire and that the city of Adana was subject to a prosperous scale of development
during that time. Langlois (1861: 343-344) states in his writings about Adana that Emperor
Hadrianus had focused on beautifying the city and that during the period he ruled, the
city of
Adana strengthened its position. Langlois (1861: 344-347) also indicates that the Stone
Bridge, which still exists, was built in the time of Hadrianus, although the inscription with
this information has not survived until today. Furthermore, the statements in the Greek
inscriptions observed by Langlois during his visit, which are currently exhibited in Adana
Archeology Museum, indicate that the bridge was built by the architect Auxentius.
While it is estimated that city walls, colonnaded streets, temples, odeons, theaters
and baths as well as the Stone Bridge were built in Adana during the Roman Period (Hild
and Hellenkemper, 1990: 517), it is also argued that a hippodrome was also constructed
depending on the statements on an inscription belonging to the 4th Century A.C. (Da-
gron ve Feissel, 1987: 333). It is also known that River Bath built in 16th century A.C. was
constructed on the ruins of an ancient Roman bath (VGM, 1983: 39). Hild and Hellenkem-
per (1990: 1 ) argues that Abidinpa a Avenue starting from the west end of the Stone
Bridge may be the Roman colonnaded main axis, where many other physical traces can
be followed (Figure 1).
Kostof (1991: 2 2) defines the main axes in Roman cities as Cardo Maximus (in nor-
th-south direction) and Decumanus Maximus (in east-west direction). It was also indica-
ted that these colonnaded streets may be emphasized as one axis in eastern Roman
territories and directed to topographic features like rivers, and also known (Stambaugh,
1988: 244) to provide an entrance to the city, from the city gates. Considering the fact
that the town of Adana was initially located on top of the Tepeba Mound, had a pro-
sperous development in the rule of Roman Empire, Abidinpa a Avenue extended betwe-
en two city gates -named Tarsus Gate (west end) and Castle Gate (east end)- and con-
nected the western gate with the Stone Bridge over River Seyhan strengthens the idea
that Abidinpa a Avenue is an old Roman city axis called decumanus maximus (Saban,
2017). Furthermore, the discovery of the Orpheus Mosaic dated from the Roman Period in
the excavations undertaken in 1964 (Figure 1) supports this idea (Adana Archeology Mu-
seum). However, it is not possible to follow the Roman grid in the city, as a result of several
disasters that the city had faced and wars occurring in the area. The current street system
is organic in form which is believed to have survived from the Middle Ages (Saban, 2017),
as there are several cul-de-sacs and shaped according to the topography.
Abidinpa a Avenue has a length of almost 00 meters with a linear form in the cada-
stral map dated 1938. The current name was given to the avenue after the completion
of the enlargement works ( isa , 2019) undertaken by Abidin Pa a who was the gover-
nor of Adana in 1881. Although the name of the avenue has not changed since, it was
called in various other names in 20th century, depending on the predominant use of
buildings. While it was called as Doctors Avenue because of the existence of surgeries
until 1950s, the emergence of bank branches caused the avenue to be called as Banks
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 Avenue starting from 19 0s. Today, Abidinpa a Avenue remains as an important axis with
commercial use. Because of its rich history, various buildings belonging to different pe-
riods remain on the avenue, which make it possible to observe the multi-layered urban
texture ( ahin, 201 ).

Figure 1. Physical structures survived from Roman Period in Adana City Center on map of
1938 (edited from Saban, 2017:4).
or o o ic n i of i in en e
Conzen (19 0) defines townscape as the element where the morphological change
occuring in an urban space can be observed and the street system as an element of
the townscape which is most highly preserved. Urban morphology studies aiming to
understand physical transformation of urban space cover various types and
levels of urban fabric in differing scales (Conzen, 1960). Within this study, which aims to
examine the morphological transformation of the Roman main axis (Abidinpa a Avenue
in the city of Adana) between 19 and 201 , the study area is defined to comprise the
whole of the blocks creating Abidinpa a Avenue. Street system and the building fabric were
examined in the context of the development occured using figureground maps,
whereas the building fabric was examined through silhouettes of the avenue in 1938 and
2018.

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Transformation of the street system and the building fabric
As indicated above, the prevailing street system in and around the study area has
an organic texture similar to traditional Anatolian cities (Aktüre, 1989). The examination
of the blocks in the study area revealed that there are differences in terms of block sizes
and forms, however blocks facing the avenue are arranged in a linear line. In the map of
1938, it is seen that 23 separate blocks form the avenue and that all the blocks have sur-
vived until today. Whilst the number of street blocks remained the same since 1938, minor
physical differences are observed between 1938 and 2018. Street blocks numbered 177
and 257 are the ones that minor changes can be detected (Figure 2).
The examination revealed that the block numbered 177, which is located on the west
end of the avenue, where the Tarsus Gate of the city walls had once existed, became
larger in size and the form of the block had changed between 1938 and 2018. The reason
behind this transformation can be explained by the construction of a public space adja-
cent to the Kemeralt Mosque built on the ruins of the demolished gate in 1 th century.
The block numbered 257, on the other hand, was clipped from western side because of
the enlargement of a street directed towards north in 1960s, which resulted in the erosion
of the original block form in 19 ( ahin, 201 : - ).

Figure 2. Street System surrounding Abidinpa a Avenue in 19 and 201 (edited from
ahin, 201 ).

The comparison of the figurground maps prepared for the study shows that the low
density buildings with relatively smaller ground oor areas enabling larger open spaces in
19 have turned into fully built up plots in 201 facing Abidinpa a Avenue, depending
on the increase in the land value and the continuity of use of the Avenue as the major
area of commerce in the city centre. As part of the urban development processes in the
city of Adana, 1950s were the times that improvement of the city both physically and
economically was great with an excessive level of migration to the city center (Çopur-
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 o lu, 2009). Those improvements resulted in increased construction activities and intense
building fabric in the study area. The construction activities in the study area were reali-
zed not only by the construction of new buildings on empty plots, but also by the demo-
lition of the old ones and the construction of new buildings. Depending on this situation,
some historical buildings were lost, such as the Gregorian Church where Orpheus Mosaic
was found during the excavations made for the construction of Central Bank Building on
Abidinpa a Avenue ( ahin, 201 : 9 -9 ). The physical transformation on the Avenue can
also be seen in the silhouttes prepared for the study (Figure 3). Figure 3 shows the level
of change in the townscape within the time span of 80 years, where only two buildings
(both listed) have survived.

Figure 3. Figureground pattern and silhouettes of Abidinpa a Avenue in 19 and 201

(edited from ahin, 201 ).

Typomorphological analysis
Typomorphological studies analyze the changes occuring in different places at the
same time and in the same places at different times, apart from this a historical and
typological analysis method used for specified building types can also be used as a gui-
ding design approach (Caniggia ve Maffei, 1979: 9-11). Although it is evident that the
specified 0 year period selected for the study is not sufficient enough for a thorough
typomorphological analysis that requires longer periods, two dwellings built in different
years on Abidinpa a Avenue are examined typomorphologically within this study. The
evaluation consists of analysis of the relationship between the morphological change in
the study area and the typomorphological change for the specified dwellings. The listed
building numbered 118 as an example of late Ottoman period and Kurttepeli Apartment

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built in 1950s as one of the earliest modern apartment buildings in Adana are chosen for
typomorphological analysis, because of re ecting the cultural change of the city which
can be seen in the plans, space organization, materials and facades of the buildings
(Figure 4).
The listed building numbered 118 located in the northwest corner of the block numbe-
red 1 in the study area has a ground oor that has an independent entrance from the
Avenue for commercial use, where mezzanine oor and first oor for residential use have
a separate entrance. There are three rooms in total on the first oor. While one of them is
reached from the common oor hall, two other rooms and a balcony that overlooks Abi-
dinpa a Avenue are reached from the sofa which is one the main elements of traditional
Adana houses (Figure 4). The original plan scheme of the traditional house has been al-
tered with additions, while the ground oor of the house in commercial use is still actively
used, the upper oors for residential use are vacant and damaged ( ahin, 201 : 1 2-1 ).
On the other hand, Kurttepeli apartment which is located in the southwest corner of the
block numbered 19 is one of the first modern apartment buildings in the Avenue. The
apartment has a ground and a mezzanine oor in commercial use and five other oors
used for residential purposes. Commercial areas of the building have entrances from all
facades of the building on the ground oor, while the entrance of the residential units is
given from the western facade. Even though several different types of stores are seen in
the ground oor, the special characteristic of the building derives form the space orga-
nization of residential units. Each oor consists of three ats, however every at also has a
private residential unit connected with it. The corridors seen in the plans are an early inter-
pretation of the modern housing plans, but the traditional sofa is also seen as an element
of connecting all spaces, which exposes the transition from conventional to contempo-
rary (Figure 4). In the building, which is thought to bear traces of the local culture with the
plan organization, it is argued that this special space organization was designed to host
the employees of wealthy farm owners living in Adana, who occasionally came to the
city center to handle their daily businesses (Saban and Erman, 2011: 168-173).
The comparison between the listed building numbered 118 and the Kurttepeli apart-
ment shows that the periodic conditions are re ected in space organization and the
physical features of the buildings. While the listed bulding numbered 118 was built with
traditional methods, the construction technique of the Kurttepeli apartment includes a
mixed method using reinforced concrete with brick walls. Residential and commercial
uses, which are valid for both structures, are examples of continuity for both buildings.
The sofa as an element of traditional houses can be seen with a different setup in the
Kurttepeli apartment building, which may be argued that it was a result of the transition
occurring in the society. While the facade of the listed bulding numbered 11 re ects a
traditional Turkish house, Kurttepeli apartment stands out with its modern lines in terms of
facade characteristics, as a result of the developing techniques and changing condi-
tions in the 1950s. Although both of the selected buildings are similar in terms of covering
residential and commercial oors, and creating separate entrances for differing uses on
the ground oor, it is seen that the buildings have different forms and differentiated or-
ganizations. Although these differences are arguably a re ection of the distinctive con-
ditions of different periods, they also indicate the cultural transition occurring due to the
transformation processes and the development of the housing typomorphology.

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 Figure 4. ocations, oor plans and photographs of Kurttepeli Apartment and the listed
building numbered 11 (edited from ahin, 201 : 1 -1 Saban, Erman, 2011: - 1).

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Conclusions
This study aiming to examine the morphological change of the Roman main road
and the reasons behind its change focusing on 20th century urban development pro-
cesses in the multi-layered town of Adana focused on Abidinpa a Avenue, which is be-
lieved to be the Roman decumanus maximus. The examination undertaken with the use
of the maps dated 1938 and 2018, as well as other relevant historic documents revealed
that Abidinpa a Avenue is still the main road in the city centre, which embraces various
types of commercial spaces. Although the Roman main road (Abidinpa a Avenue) was
surrounded with organic streets formed in the Middle Ages, still it is interesting to see the
combination of a lineer Roman main road with the organic street system, which is spe-
cific to multi-layered cities. As the street system in the study area is mostly preserved, it is
possible to argue that Conzen’s idea concerning the street system as the most preserved
element of the townscape is supported with this study (Conzen, 1962). The examination
revealed that while change had occurred in the silhoutttes of the avenue, there are still
historic buildings re ecting the cultural richness of the study area. The development pres-
sure on the historic city center of Adana appears as a main factor in the study area that
causes loss of many historical builldings, however it is arguably also a consequence of the
increasing value of the land.
In terms of the extent of the use of methods developed for urban morphological
analysis, the findings of the study showed that it is possible to identify the level of change
within the context of multi-layered cities, depending on the documents accessed. As far
as the city of Adana is concerned, morphological analysis was helpful to understand the
level of change occurred within a limited period of time, as no documents were reached
that could give information about how the city was shaped during the Roman period.
Nevertheless, the reading of the morphological transformation in the study area within
80 years helped to understand the reasons behind the change of the image values de-
pending on the physical change. The findings of the study also revealed that the typo-
morphological characteristics of traditional houses can be traced in modern buildings,
although the space organization, materials and construction techniques have changed.

References
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Ahmet Nadir, isa (2019), Abidin Pa a Adana alisi, Ankara, Akademisyen Kitabevi.
eliz ra, ahin (2019), Adana Tarihi Kent Merkezinde Morfolojik ir Okuma; Abidinpa a
Caddesi nin 19 -201 llar Aras ndaki Fiziki De i imi, Adana, Cukurova University In-
stitute of Natural and Applied Sciences.
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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

Industrial heritage as an overlooked potential in urban heritage.

C e t i oc i r
Zoltán Bereczki1, Éva Lovra2
University of Debrecen, Department of Civil Engineering
1,2,

1
[email protected]
Keywords: industrial heritage, urban fabric, revitalisation, ungary, S ace Synta

Abstract

Industry has transformed towns signi cantly since the Industrial evolution This trans-
formation often took a negative turn, creating degraded landsca es, but it also has
ositive bene ts since industry might create value Built industrial heritage is an im or-
tant element of local identity for cities with signi cant industrial traditions iskolc is the
fourth-largest city in ungary today, it is situated in North- ast- ungary, km from the
ca ital Buda est The city s ironworks was founded in the s, and now its area is der-
elict and locked into the urban tissue The abandoned industrial area of about hec-
tares with numerous architecturally valuable buildings is causing serious roblems in the
structure of the settlement in the valley Through the e am le of iskolc-Di sgy r, the
study e amines the ossibilities of rotecting, revitalising and integrating endangered
industrial heritage Layers of erce tion lace the industrial areas in history and the ur-
ban conte t They oint out their uni ue and com le architectural features The urban
fabric surveys reveal the internal conditions and its relationshi with the town Through
e am les of foreign industrial areas and com ared with our case study, the feasibility,
resilience and economic otential are also highlighted

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 Introduction
Industral activities in the area of Miskolc date back to the 18th century. From 1770 the de-
velopment of the heavy industry had been continous, and finally the 1 foundation of the
new Di sgy r Ironworks provided a major growth due to which Miskolc-Di sgy r became
one of the most important heavy industrial areas of the Hungarian Kingdom.

The urban topography of the area of Miskolc before the Industrial Revolution
Urban development of medieval Miskolc had been fundamentally determined by its sit-
uation in a valley: it lies at the entrance of the valley of the Szinva creek, with connection to
both the Great Hungarian Plains and the northern, mountainous area of the country.1 The
growth of the town had been organic until the 19th century. By the end of the 18th century it
had almost filled the entire area available for development: on the north and south it started
to climb on the hillsides, on the west it had reached the legal border of Di sgy r (which was
a separate settlement at that time), and on the south-east the legal border of Hej csaba.
Only to the east had some empty area remained by the river Saj .

Industrial sites established in the 19th century and their effect on the urban tissue
As a consequence of the above, in the second half of the 19th century the industrial
sites of Miskolc were established mainly on the east side of the town. These plants (iron
foundries, machine factories, mills) were mainly in private ownership. (Dobrossy, 199 ,
63–146. p)
West of Miskolc, in the Szinva valley a large royal ironworks with imperial significance
was established in 1 . ( oros, 200 , 22. p) The location had several advantages: it was
in the ownership of the Crown, the raw materials were relatively close, and the connec-
tion to the national railway network was relatively easy to establish. (Kiszely, 199 , 21 2 .
p)
The factory site belonged legally to Di sgy r, topographically it was closer to Miskolc.
The new factory and its settlement (the so called colony) had filled the area between
the Szinva creek and the southern hillside quite quickly, thus the traffic access between
Miskolc and Di sgy r had become rather limited. On the map of the Second Military
Survey it can be clearly seen that at that time the valley of the unregulated Szinva creek
with its several branches was a ood-prone area, so besides the main route in the middle
of the valley two other routes were in use on a higher elevation: one close to the northern
hillside and another one close to the southern one. The southern one has been blocked
entirely by the ironworks. (Fig.1)
On the map of the Second Military Survey the side track of the factory is already dis-
played. It branches from the main railway line south of Miskolc, circles around the Avas
hill on its south side, and reaches the factory site through a tunnel. The reason for this
complicated solution is that it was impossible to lead the side track through the Szinva
valley, because its entrance was entirely occupied by the streets and houses of Miskolc.
The idea of an underground track under the city centre of Miskolc was also examined,
but it was rejected. (Porkol b, 200 , 1 . p)
In addition to the factory in the valley of the Szinva and its colony with its several pub-
lic institutions another entirely new settlement was established: Pereces, a miner’s village
north of the Szinva valley. In the beginning this settlement wasn’t accessible on road, the
inhabitants used the narrow-gauge mine railway connecting the mine with the factory.
In Pereces this track disappeared underground, and reached the surface after several
kilometres in the adjacent valley, where the factory also had mines with a smaller settle-
ment (Adri nytelep).
The plant and the colony developed quickly. In 1914 another production site was
established west from the colony, which was named later as Di sgy ri G pgy r, DIG P
(Machine Factory of Di sgy r). (Dobrossy, 2009, . p)
The selection of the location wasn’t a very lucky one, and not only due to urban plan-
ning reasons. A site north of Miskolc, in the valley of the Saj , near Saj szentp ter would
have been a better choice. Here larger amount of water was accessible, and this loca-
tion is better accesible both on road and rail. (Kiszely, 199 , 2 . p)

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The current situation
After the fall of the communist regime in 1989 the metallurgy and machine production in
Di sgy r has fallen in a crisis. The state-owned factories were privatised (the municipality had
no ownership over the areas). Due to permanent changes in the ownership now the areas
are totally fragmented: the site of the iron works has several hundred owners. Legally it is a
single, undivided plot of land, an undivided common property of the owners.
In the beginning of the 19 0 s the settlements of the factory (the colony and Pereces)
were handed over into the ownership of the municipality. By that time the infrastructure of
the areas had become obsolete, significant modernisation was needed, what the loss-ma-
king factory could not finance.2 In the following decades as a result of the lack of the main-
tenance the settlements has been continuously decayed, and they have become slums.
Among the two larger settlements Pereces is in a better shape, mainly because the former
miners and their families still live here, and have a strong local identity.
The lifecycle of heavy industrial sites usually consists of three phases: growth, decline, re-
covery. (N meth, 200 ) In Miskolc and Di sgy r the growth had lasted from the 1 th cen-
tury until the 1980s, the period since than has been an almost uninterrupted decline. It can
happen, that after the decline an industrial site revives in the same function. In the case of
Di sgy r this scenario has a very low probability, and because of the location and the archi-
tectural heritage of the area it would not be desirable. There has to be an other way for the
recovery.

Methodology
The methodology of the current study combines elements of traditional (Conzenian, Ita-
lian) urban morphology and the Space Syntax analyses. Space Syntax itself cannot detect
all of the morphological patterns recognised in the planning history of the site, thus the ur-
ban morphological study is focused on the construction patterns, landmarks (focal points),
morphological regions and periods. The two methods, not as a combination but additional
values work together towards a better understanding of the problems, features and future
potentials of the site. Space Syntax quantifies the spatial configuration efficiently and the
urban morphological study provides the background, as the following urban and historical
patterns and landmarks as potential densification areas.

Space Syntax analysis and urban morphology

Miskolc is traditionally a singe-axis city, with the Szinva creek as its axis. The main traffic
routes of the city run along the Szinva, and they are utterly overloaded. Next to the DIG P site
the city narrows to only three streets, these connect the 20000 inhabitants of Di sgy r to the
other parts of the city. Additionally, a fourth route also exists, bypassing the industrial sites from
south. Altogether these four routes connect this part of the city to the entire outside world (to
the west of Di sgy r there are the kk Mountains, without major roads or highways).
To the South of the Szinva valley, practically in the geometric centre of the current city a
hilly outskirt area can be found, called Magashegy. It is inhabited, but with very low density
and poor infrastructure. The adjacent neighbourhoods (Tapolca, Koml stet ) have almost
no connection to Magashegy and to each other, although they are only a few kilometres
away from each other. Miskolc is a city with a hole in the middle. The main reason for this hole
is that the industrial site entirely separates Magashegy from the Szinva valley.
A rough, Open Street Map data based (Krenz, 201 , Kolovou et al, 201 ) Choice-analysis
supports the above, even though its based solely on the street network, ignoring the terrain.
The city is extraordinarily unbalanced. In its street network only those routes have high choice
values which had been connecting the separate settlements in the Middle Ages: Miskolc
with Di sgy r in the Szinva valley and the main route connecting Miskolc with the capital
uda through Hej csaba. (Fig.2)
The rough Integration-analysis is also expressive. The most integrated part of Miskolc is
practically the territory of the 1 th-century town and the adjacent parts to the south and
west. In spite of its relatively central position the colony of the ironworks has lower values, and
the values of the aforementioned Di sgy r, Koml stet and Tapolca are even lower. On the
map the industrial sites are blank spots.3 (Fig. )
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 The urban morphology analyses (historic outline and junctions as the landmarks and
transport connections, physical and mental accessibilities of the territory, road network, in-
stallation into the urban tissue - built environment) together with Space Syntax analyses aim
to delineate diverse areas of urban development. In this case, the Space Syntax and the
Urban Morphology can not act separately, but in complementation of each other: spatial
structure analysis, installation character outside the industrial area, conclusions about the de-
velopmental history, drawing of the morphological periods of the wider area, as well as the
in uence of the location of the landmarks (church, more important buildings) on the urban
tissue and accessibilities.

Strengths and weaknesses

In the 1980s Miskolc was the second most populated city of Hungary with its 210000 inha-
bitants. Since then its population have been reduced by cca. 25%. The decline was mainly
due to economic reasons, but the identity crisis must have been an important factor too,
even though it is not easy to measure. In the decades following 1989 the city leaders, the
pr-professionals, and even a significant amount of the citizens had been desperately trying
to get rid of the image of the industrial city. ( ereczki and Kapusi, 2019, 2 . p) In turn, the
industry is an important component of the city’s past, even though its not the most important.
The more important architectural value of the colonies is their unity. (Olajos, 199 , e-
reczki, 2013) The general look of the buildings with their distinctive brick architecture forms
an architectural unity, from the small semi-detached workers’ houses to the grand public
buildings. Thus, the colony of the ironworks and its little brother in Pereces are important re-
presentatives of workers’ settlements of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, referred as exemplary
in the contemporary architectural journals. (Meissner, 1 9, Meiszner, 1 9)
In addition, on the factory sites several buildings have architectural values on their own
right. Discussion of those is beyond the scope of this paper.
Along with the architectural values the complex nature of the industrial heritage has to be
mentioned too. The still existing buildings, machines, devices, equipment are the witnesses
of their own era, conserving an already gone technical know-how, so they deserve to be
saved for the upcoming generations, at least partly.
In Miskolc (and in general in Hungary) the tourism industry and so the city marketing con-
centrates on the traditional destinations: castles, mansions, historic city centres, spas. In con-
trast, during the recent decades, partly as a response to the phenomenon of over-tourism,
new types of destinations have been catching the attention of the travellers. These include
industrial sites. Currently only the most dedicated travellers are able to overcome the obsta-
cles if they want to see the industrial values of Miskolc, but there are some examples.4 (Fig. )
The industrial facilities have a peculiar aesthetics, which makes them interesting without any
context.
Currently, the exploitation of the aforementioned opportunities is facing major difficulties.
First and foremost, the ownership is unclear. On a huge undivided plot owned by several
hundred companies and individuals it’s practically impossible to realise an all-round concep-
tion. With the words of Karl Kropf in effect, patterns of multiple ownership become much
more resistant to change than a single or no owner. (Kropf, 201 , 2 . p.)
Further problems stem from the enormous size of the areas, their contaminated soil, and
the poor condition of the buildings.

Possible solutions and wider context

Step zero toward a possible solution has to be the transfer of ownership of the sites to the
municipality. After that new access roads and plot structure have to be established, then,
based on a new regulation plan, some of the plots need to be privatised again. On a city
scale this opening could pave the way to the integration of Magashegy into the urban tis-
sue, and to the better integration of the outer city parts. The still operating, well maintained
industrial railway side track can be integrated into the existing public transport network of
the city without major technical difficulties, reducing the load on the main, Szinva-valley line.
The track, which once passed through uninhabited areas now reaches the Avas housing
settlement with 40000 inhabitants and the University of Miskolc with 9000 students. A south-e-

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ast road access to the ironworks is possible to be established without tunnels, on the path of
existing tertiary roads.
The map used for the Space Syntax analysis has become suitable for another Choice and
Integration analysis with the addition of a proposed rough road system and the roads of Ma-
gashegy. On the Choice analysis it can be seen that the city is still unbalanced, but the high
value of the Szinva valley route is slightly reduced, and new routes with relatively high values
begin to emerge. The single-axis town starts to become a network. (Fig. )
More significant changes can be seen on the Integration analysis. With the industrial sites
and Magashegy included, the values became much more balanced. The previously rather
isolated neighbourhoods next to the factory sites (including the colony) became much more
integrated, and so does Di sgy r. (Fig. )
With the reshaping of the internal road structure and its integration into the urban tissue
the rewriting of the sites’ hierarchies could begin, but it has to be enhanced by the establish-
ment of new points of densifications, attractions. The most valuable industrial buildings serve
as a good base for that: the East and the West Power Plant, the hall of the custom machine
plant (egyedi g pgy rt ), the hall of the former bolt plant (now extreme sports centre). Of
course the selection cannot be arbitrary: a comprehensive inventory of the values is nee-
ded. The rewriting of the hierarchy was one of the the first steps to the success in the case of
the UNESCO World Heritage Site ollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex (Essen, Germany)5
too. ( raae, 201 , 2 1. p)
The attraction analysis of Miskolc currently shows a rather unbalanced image.6 (Fig. )
The definition of only three new attractions in the new, integrated street network balan-
ces the situation remarkably: one on the territory of DIGÉP, one at the ironworks and one on
Magashegy (for example a larger public park). (Fig. )
The areas, especially the ironworks, are so huge, that they cannot (and should not) be
filled exclusively by public functions. Currently Miskolc is extending to the at lands on its east
side, unfortunately with very low-density new residential areas. To this direction the risk of the
emergence of a suburban sprawl exists. On the territory of the ironworks new urban blocks
could be established with 5–7 storey residential buildings, containing diverse functions on
their ground oors. A similar plan was made in Copenhagen (Denmark) on the territory of
the former Carlsberg rewery, although it hasn t yet been entirely realised. (P lsson, 2019,
134–138. p.) The proposed new residential areas offer a solution to the problem of the obso-
lete prefab housing settlements of Miskolc.
Discussing the strengths, the role of identity was already mentioned. The key concepts of
Essen s European Capital of Culture project based strongly on the industrial heritage were
urbanism, identity, integration. 7 Urbanism and integration are of special importance in the
case of Di sgy r as well, since the factory sites are urban enclaves, so in contrast to the ol-
lverein Park for example, they cannot be treated as green areas, landscapes.
In the process of the revitalising, reinventing of industrial sites storytelling has a special
importance.8 It’s a good thing, when strolling the streets, public areas not only the visitors,
but also the locals too almost automatically meet a narrative, the history of the area so far.
At the Di sgy r Ironworks site everything is present to establish a complex system similar to
the Unesco World Heritage Site laenavon (Wales, United Kingdom). On the Wales site all
the necessary elements can still be seen - coal and ore mines, quarries, a primitive railway
system, furnaces, workers homes, and the social infrastructure of their community. Similar
complexity is also present in Miskolc: old blast furnace, hammer mill, reservoir, pit head, sett-
lements, public buildings, buildings of production. They have to be linked by architectural,
administrative and touristic means to form a unified narrative spanning from the 1 th century
to the end of the 20th.

Student projects
Despite of their difficult accessibility and the lack of the base maps the factories do at-
tract university students. Most recently an international team made an urban scale plan
for the territory of the DIGÉP, tutored by the authors of this paper. The students of the Urban
Systems Engineering msc programme of the University of Debrecen examined the area with
fresh minds, without personal bias.
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 After exploring, surveying and photographing the area, the students outlined several dif-
ferent ideas. The ideas also responded to the problems of Miskolc: what functions and urban
values are missing in the city, what are the long-term plans for the development of the town’s
institutions, how could the deprived area be reintroduced into the city’s circulation. One of
the main goals is to reposition the declining industrial area which includes buildings of historic
value, to save these buildings unique to the region and to restore their economic significan-
ce. The economic potential is represented by tourism and the services provided in the area
(recreation, education, commerce). Recreation: extensive park and lake. Education: Facul-
ty of Architecture and Art and a Library. Commerce: shopping mall and services. Tourism: ho-
tel, dormitory. The students works are creatively using the existing Art Deco industrial heritage,
to which they associate the main functions, including the library, university and a museum.
The layout of open spaces and green spaces takes into account the range of users (families,
young people, the elderly) who use the features designed for the area. It also takes care of
the accessibility of each area within the planning site (max. walking distance), it also resolves
the urban-area traffic with an electric transport loop that provides access to major junctions.
There are also a few architectural theses, which did not focus on the area as a whole, but
on a single building or building complex in a wider context.
The plans focus on the social, cultural and educational functions that re ect the needs
and shortages of young professionals in case of the city of Miskolc. The selection of the visua-
lized functions can also be attributed to the trends prevailing in this area in Hungary ( zd,
P cs) or abroad.

Conclusion
Layers of research such as relationships and syntax, urban development and morpho-
logy, opportunities (foreign examples, student plans) pointed out that the history of factory
sites, the built heritage to date, and its identity-building power could represent new tourist
potential and retention power, in case transforming closed industrial areas into mixed-use
neighbourhoods that are extensively integrated into the urban fabric. This can be achieved
in several steps: breaking down the isolation between the city and the industrial area (public
transport, opening new roads), increasing accessibility, and the revitalisation and rehabili-
tation of green spaces, open spaces and inner connections; clarifying the terminology and
protective measures of industrial monuments and taking effective measures; functional ur-
ban rehabilitation through the coordination and implementation of monument protection.
The complex problem of the subject of the study demonstrates that the development of an
appropriate rehabilitation strategy cannot be limited to defining monument conservation
tasks. Urban development, economic and social conditions, transport and functional defi-
ciencies and opportunities for improvement, not least urban morphological patterns that are
re ected in the area (remaining buildings, new functions) must also be taken into account.

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Figure 1. Miskolc and Di sgy r on the map of the Second Military Survey of the Habsburg
Empire, with the seed of the ironworks. Source: mapire.eu

Figure 2. Choice analysis of the current situation.

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 Figure 3. Integration analysis of the current situation.

Figure 4. The cooling tower of the West Power Plant, from the 1930’s. Photo: Yves Mar-
chand and Romain Meffre.

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Figure 5. Choice analysis including the new roads.

Figure 6. Integration analysis including the new roads.

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 Figure 7. Attraction analysis of the current situation.

Figure 8. Attraction analysis of the proposed situation.

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Footnotes
1
On the medieval topography of the town see (Gyulai, 199 ), on the early modern
topography see (Gyulai, 199 ).
2
Information provided personally by Drótos László, who was the director of the factory
at that time.
3
Magashegy was not considered during the analysis, since legally it’s an outskirt and
consists of unpaved roads without through traffic.
4
Most recently ves Marchand and Romain Meffre professional photographers from
France – made impressive analogue photos at the industrial sites.
5
https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/975/
6
During the slightly arbitrary definition of the attractions we have chosen spots which
are interesting enough for tourists and inhabitants of other neighbourhoods alike to visit
on a regular basis.
7
https://ec.europa.eu/programmes/creative-europe/sites/creative-europe/files/files/
capitals-culture-2010-report_en.pdf
8
https://forum.savingplaces.org/blogs/sarah-rovang/2019/12/12/a-year-of-storytel-
ling-at-industrial-heritage-site

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 P lsson, K. (2019) ow to Design umane Cities Public S aces and Urbanity (DOM Publi-
shers, Berlin).
Porkol b, . (200 ) Forr sok Di sgy r- asgy r t rt net hez 1920-200 ( orsod-A-
ba j- empl n Megyei ev lt r, Orsz gos M szaki M zeum K zponti Koh szati M z-
euma, Miskolc).

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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly

Mark David Major
Historic Design Lessons and Contemporary Planning Failures in Savannah, Georgia USA
[email protected]
Keywords: environment, geometry, regulatory, suburban sprawl, urban grid

Abstract

Major (2018) argues James Oglethorpe’s Savannah ward plan is a synthesis of Roman
plan castrum and Spanish Laws of the Indies plan models with an American tendency to
elongate urban blocks for economic reasons. The ward plan also incorporates double, even
triple-loading of building/lot entrances along east-west streets (Anderson, 1989). Space
syntax analysis demonstrates this stabilised the topo- metric characteristics of the spatial
structure during the rst century of the growth in Savannah a or, In urban design
terms, this represents the instrumental power of Savannah’s plan for generating vibrant,
human-scale urbanism. However, urban history and planning literature often focuses on
the transitory mapping of the political structure in the ward plan. (Reps, 1965; Moholy-Nagy,
1968; Kostof, 1991; Wilson & Shay, 2014). Rarely if ever, does anyone discuss urban growth
in Savannah after the 19th century. This paper presents the results of space syntax modeling
of Metropolitan Savannah/Chatham County in 2019. Nearly 11,000 urban, suburban, and
rural streets represented as axial lines compose this model incorporating a metric area of
more than 1,600 square kilometers (or nearly 400,000 acres) and a population of nearly
300,000 people (Source: US Census Bureau). The paper argues urban growth in Metropolitan
Savannah represents a stark contrast to the compact, human scale of Oglethorpe’s original
vision for the town. What emerges is a radical increase in cul-de-sac sequences and loss
of inter-connectivity during urban growth of the late 20th and early 21st century due to
environmental regulations, modern transportation planning, and the economy of suburban
sprawl.

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 Introduction
Savannah in the United States is the oldest city in the State of Georgia, originally a British
colony founded in 1733 (before American Independence in 1783) and administrated by the
Trustees for the Establishment of the Colony of Georgia in America under a charter issued
and named for King George
II. The Trustees implemented a detailed plan, named after the colony s founder and first
governor James Oglethorpe, for an agrarian society of yeomen farmers and prohibited
slavery (later legalised by British royal degree in 1751) in the colony’s settlement. Oglethorpe
was a British soldier, Member of Parliament, philanthropist, and social reformer who hoped to
resettle Britain’s worthy poor in the New World, initially focusing on those in debtors’ prisons.
The focus of this detailed plan was the settlement of Savannah – simultaneously founded
with the colony – established on the bank of the Savannah River approximately 20 miles (32
km) upriver forming a strategic port near to the Atlantic Ocean.
Today, Savannah and Chatham County is a region of more than 100 diverse
neighbourhoods according to one estimate (Figure 1). Each year, the city Savannah attracts
millions of visitors to its historical areas including the downtown, which the federal government
designated as one of the largest National Historic Landmark Districts in the United States in
1966 (Figure 2). It includes the Savannah Historic District, Savannah Victoria Historic District,
and 22 public squares composing components of the original Oglethorpe Plan. Many
people including leaders of the Congress for New Urbanism (CNU) view historical Savannah
as a model of human-scale, vibrant urbanism: “Savannah is amazing with the town squares
and the hanging moss and the French Colonial houses. It’s brutally romantic” (Eaton, 2017).2
Savannah is the fifth-largest city and third-largest metropolitan region in Georgia with an
estimated population in 2018 of 146,000 and 390,000 people, respectively (Source: US Census
Bureau). The total land area of the city itself is 108.7 square miles (281.5 km2) of which 103.1
square miles (267.0 km2) is land and 5% or 5.6 square miles (15 km2) is water (Source: US
Census Bureau). The net land area of the city (exclusive of water) is 65,984 acres. Savannah is
in Chatham County, which has an estimated 2018 population of 289,000 people. This means
approximately 25% (+/-100,000 people) of Savannah’s estimated metropolitan population
live in the Hinesville-Fort Stewart areas further south outside of Chatham County. The total
land area of Chatham County is 632 square miles (1,640 km2), of which 426 square miles
(1,100 km2) is land and nearly 33% or 206 square miles (530km2) is water (Source: US Census
Bureau). The net land area of the county is 272,640 acres. The Savannah River to the northeast,
Ogeechee River to the southwest, and Tybee Island and US Intracoastal Waterway to the
east define the bounds of the county, which is inundated by multiple streams and wetlands
associated with the Ogeechee Coastal, Lower Ogeechee River, and Lower Savannah
River sub-basins (Source: Georgia Soil and Water Conservation Commission). In part, the low
percentage of water (5%) in the city of Savannah itself appears to be due to human-made
modifications to the topography over time including five ood-control canals and in-fill of
minor watercourses and wetlands. The city is prone to ooding due to abundant rainfall and
frequent but brief thunderstorms. It is also at high risk to storm surge associated with hurricanes,
being in a humid subtropical climate characterised by long, almost tropical summers. There
are short, mild winters with few days of freezing temperatures and rare snowfall each year.
The number of households in Chatham County was almost exactly 103,000 in 2010 (Source:
US Census Bureau). This is an average net density of 0.38 units/per acre. The average net
population density is 1.27 people per acre in the county. The housing and population density
seem to accurately re ect the diverse urban, suburban, ex-urban, small-town (such as Tybee
Island), and rural nature of Chatham County, all of which lies within a very short distance of
each other. The number of households in Savannah itself was nearly 53,000 in 2010 (Source:
US Census Bureau). This is an average net density of 0.80 units/per acre or slightly more
than two times denser in the city compared to the county. The average net population
density in the city is 2.2 people per acre in the city; +73% compared to the county, which
is inclusive of the population for the city. We could fairly characterise the city of Savannah
as a ‘boom town’ for much of the 19th century with a population growth of +28.2% per
decade averaged over the entire century (Table 1). There were significant growth periods
in population (>40%) before the US Civil War from 1830-1840 and 1850-1860 and afterward

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from 1880-1890 with only a small decline (-3%) from 1820-1830 – probably due to pre-industrial
protectionist policies impacting international trade and the local cost of goods in southern
port cities since USA population still grew
+33% during this decade – and relative slower growth (+9%) near the conclusion of
Reconstruction from 1870-1880. Population growth in Savannah and Chatham County was
relatively stable (+18-19% per decade) in the early 20th century until the 1960s. There was a
21% decrease in the city population with only a marginal increase (+2%) or relative stability
(-0.3) at the metropolitan and county level respectively from 1960-1970. Population growth
in the city resumed at its historical 20th-century pace (+20%) with growth still occurring in the
metropolitan region (+15%) and county (+8%) from 1970- 1980. There was another notable
drop in city population from 1980-2000 (-3.5% average over two decades) while population
growth in the metropolitan area and county remained consistent with post- 1980s increases
( 1 . and 9 from 19 0-201 , respectively) with a more significant increase occurring from
2000-2010 (+19% and +14%, respectively).

Table 1: Population growth and percentage change decade-to-decade for the (left) City
of Savannah, (center) Savannah, Georgia Metropolitan Statistical Area (record-keeping
began in 1960), and (right) Chatham County, Georgia with notable population increase
and decreases highlighted in dark gray (Source: US Census Bureau).

Collectively, this indicates a significant amount of urban growth occurred in the areas
outside of the city of Savannah after 1980, especially in the Pooler area along the Interstate
95 corridor to the west of the city and the Savannah International Airport, Georgetown area
at the intersection of Interstate 95/Orbital Highway 204 to southwest, and even further south
of the Ogeechee River in the Richmond Hill area. The westward and southward spread of
this urban growth is relatively clear in historical satellite imagery comparing 1984 and 2019
as well as the mapping of neighbourhoods in the Savannah/Chatham County region (refer
to Figure 1 and Figure 3). The purpose of this paper is to present the results of space syntax
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 modeling of this metropolitan growth pattern in the Savannah/Chatham County region.
Nearly 11,000 urban, suburban, and rural streets represented as axial lines compose this
model, incorporating a metric area of more than 1,600 square kilometers (or nearly 400,000
acres) and a population of nearly 300,000 people (Source: US Census Bureau). We argue this
urban growth in metropolitan Savannah/Chatham County represents a stark contrast to the
compact, human-scale nature of Oglethorpe’s original vision for the settlement of historic
Savannah. Instead, what emerges is a radical increase in cul-de-sac sequences and massive
loss of inter-connectivity during the late 20th and early 21st century due to environmental
regulations, modern transportation planning, and the economic benefits of suburban sprawl.

The Oglethorpe Plan

There are few town plans in the world as widely discussed as James Oglethorpe’s ward
plan for Savannah (Gallion and Eisner, 1963; Reps, 1965; Moholy-Nagy, 1968; Clay, 1973;
Bacon, 1976;
Kostof, 1992; Anderson, 1993, Major, 2001 and 2018; Wilson and Shay, 2014). Kostof (1991)
succinctly describes Oglethorpe’s plan: “The city grid was organized into wards, each with
its own square measuring some 315 x 270 feet (96 x 82 meters). On the east and west sides of
each square, lots were set out for public buildings like churches and stores. The other two sides
were divided into forty house lots… The tythings were grouped in two rows of five house lots,
back to back, sharing a lane or alley” (96) (Figure 4 far left). Major (2018) argues Oglethorpe’s
ward plan is a synthesis of Roman plan castrum and Spanish Laws of the Indies plan models
with an American tendency to elongate urban blocks for economic reasons (Figure 4 middle
left and right, far right). In this sense, the Savannah ward plan model represents a uniquely
American innovation based on a synthesis of European Renaissance planning principles in
the New World. By the time of Savannah’s founding, there had already been more than
150 years of settlement founding in North America, beginning with St. Augustine, Florida in
1565. Like the merging of Pre-Columbian town planning concepts in South America with
European Renaissance design principles in the Spanish Laws of the Indies, this represents
more than enough time for some distinctively American interpretations to emerge in colonial
town planning activities (Gasparini, 1993; Major, 2018). Of twenty large-scale, continuously-
inhabited American cities today, Savanah ranks as only the 17th oldest city in the United
States and 23rd oldest in North America (Sources: Nimvo/World Atlas).
Reps’ (1965) famous and replicated 1959 drawing of the historical growth of Savannah’s
ward plan from 1733 to 1856 often accompanies historical and planning literature discussions
about the settlement (Anderson, 1993; Major, 2001) (Figure 5). However, this famous drawing
represents an idealised view of what was occurring during the early growth of Savannah, based
on actual maps and surveys available in the historical record. The creation and subdivision
of parent parcels around the periphery of the ward plan had already occurred by 1790. It
includes the first instance of grid deformation to the shoreline of the Savannah River to the
west of the town, which represents the first significant deviation from the geometric uniformity
in the urban block pattern. By 1815, these western deviations became permanent despite
continual reliance on rectangular blocks and right-angle intersections between streets. By
1 1, further deviations occur in the east adjacent to the expanded ward plan with the first
segment forming of a major radial route (modern-day Wheaton Street) connecting at about
a angle into iberty Street at the eastern edge of the ward plan, traveling further to the
southeast. By 1865, Wheaton Street has emerged as a radial route to the southeast. More
significant deviations from the geometric uniformity of the urban block pattern occurred
in the western and southern peripheral areas of the historic ward plan. It also includes the
emergence of another radial route (modern-day Ogeechee Road) to the southwest at a
angle to the perpendicular and parallel relationships of streets in the original ward plan.
This route only tangentially connects – in contrast to the direct connection of Wheaton Street
to Liberty Street – to a western edge street (modern-day Martin Luther King, Jr. Blvd.) of the
ward plan. Collectively, all these urban pattern deviations indicate conscious abandonment
of the planning principles inherent in Oglethorpe’s ward model concept between 1840 and
1860.

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Savannah and Chatham County Today
Oglethorpe’s vision of the ward plan still draws focus about the city of Savannah in the
planning history literature today (Reps, 1965; Moholy-Nagy, 1968; Kostof, 1991; Anderson,
1993). At the same time, many lessons about the human-scale nature, livability, and vibrant
urbanism in historical Savannah also dominates the focus of architects and town planners
alike (Gehl, 2010 and 2011; Wilson and Shay, 2014; Duany and Klinkenberg, 2018). Rarely if
ever does anyone discuss what occurred in Savannah after effective abandonment of the
ward plan near the end of the 19th century, especially after 1970 with marginal population
growth in Savannah relative to large-scale development and population growth in the urban
fringe. There is infrastructure supporting large-scale development and growth in periphery of
Savannah today (Figure 6).
It is still an active, successful port town even as port activities migrated further away from
the historical areas of the town, primarily upriver to the west but also eastward towards the
Atlantic Ocean, and northward on the South Carolina side of the state border. An extensive
railroad network to move freight from the city inland continues to supplement these port
activities. The city has an international airport located west of the port and east of Interstate
9 (I-9 ) as well as an active military presence in Hunter Army Airfield south of historic
Savannah. Federal and state governments implemented an extensive interstate/highway
system with I-95 running north-south along the Atlantic Coast from Canada to Miami, Florida
and Interstate 16 (I-16) connecting Savannah to the largest city in the state, Atlanta. Other
significant highway infrastructure includes U.S. 1 (predecessor of I-9 ) running north-south
through the city/Georgetown and an inner orbital highway composed of Stater Highway
204, Veteran’s Parkway, and the Harry S. Truman Parkway. Finally, State Highway 80 runs east-
west from the beachfront town of Tybee Island through the enlarged center of Savanah
along Victory Drive and further to the west through Pooler to Statesboro, Georgia (basically
paralleling I-16). The small historic settlements of Georgetown, Pooler, Richmond Hill, and
(to a lesser extent) Tybee Island merged into the Greater Metropolitan Savannah Area with
urban growth over time. At the same time, the topography of the region is problematic for
large-scale urban development due to wet conditions and climate. Historically, resolution in
historical Savannah relied on human-made modifications due to in-fill activities. However,
this became prohibitively expensive and practically impossible after the US Government
adopted widespread environmental management requirements and protections in the
National Environment Quality Act (NEQA) of 1969 and Clean Water Act (CWA) in 1972.
For this study, we constructed the space syntax model of Savannah/Chatham County
in 2019. Nearly 11,000 urban, suburban, and rural streets represented as axial lines – the
longest and fewest lines of sight and movement (see Appendix) necessary to cover the
entire urban spatial network within the boundaries of Chatham County – compose this
model. In many ways, space syntax analysis demonstrates what most people might expect:
a highly-integrated, inter-connected regular grid in the pre-20th century areas of Savannah
at – supplemented by highway connections feeding to – the center of the metropolitan
area; and, a range from integration to segregation from this center to the edges of the
system, somewhat skewed inland to the west due to the in uence of I-1 and I-9 . Similarly,
local integration highlights again the regular grid in the oldest areas of Savannah as well as
the strong linear routes defining the urban pattern of Pooler (in the west) and Tybee Island
(in the east). Both were small historical settlements later incorporated into the urban growth
pattern of metropolitan Savannah itself (Figure 7). Space syntax analysis of global choice
also identifies the interstates, highways, and major roads including key distribution streets (i.e.,
arterials and collectors) in certain areas such as Pooler, Georgetown, and to Tybee Island,
Skidaway Island, Wilmington Island (east of Savannah but west of Tybee Island) and Coffee
Bluff along the Ogeechee River in the south of the county (refer diagram in Figure 6).
The most surprising results of spaces syntax analysis do not concern integration patterns per
se, but the stark evolution of the street itself over time in the metropolitan region compared
to the long, interconnected lines of sight and movement available everywhere in the regular
grid of historic Savannah. Nearly 33% of all streets composing the space syntax model of
Savannah/Chatham County are cul-de-sacs or cul-de-sac sequences. The latter is a series
of mostly two-connected streets that compose a long sequence of routes forming essentially
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 a cul-de-sac at the macro-scale. Movement on these sequences is mostly binary. There are
small-scale, intensively-local singular rings of circulation but the only purpose is to lead you
back to the original feeder route, usually a collector or local road in modern transportation
planning terms. Generally, this means you only have two choices: move forward or go
back the way you came. Critically, most (sub)urban development occurred after 1970. The
development pattern layers an almost extreme degree of segregation into the urban spatial
network of metropolitan Savannah due to a massive abandonment of inter-connectivity. The
reasons for this development pattern seem relatively straightforward. It is the composite result
of more than a half- century of environmental protections and stormwater management
system requirements indoctrinated by adoption of the NEQA in 1969 and CWA in 1972, and
the emergence of simplified modern transportation planning road classifications (highway,
arterial, collector, local, cul-de-sac). Collectively, private developers adopt these suburban
sprawl models in adjusting their real estate development business models to these regulations.
A small portion of such roads is also due to the continual existence of rural roads in the
metropolitan region, especially to the south and west of Chatham County (Major, 2018).
What is also interesting is the formal logic of the urban grid in historic and contemporary
areas. For example, we can examine six areas of the Savannah/Chatham County space
syntax model and detect three distinct approaches to designing the urban network (Figure
8). In historical Savannah and the beachfront town of Tybee Island, we see evidence of
widespread inter-connectivity, relative to overall settlement size, associated with the regular
grid in both areas. On Tybee Island, this tends to focus integration along Butler Avenue/State
Highway 80 running parallel with the Atlantic beachfront. However, like historic Savannah,
urban blocks are relatively small and compact in the area. Of course, historical Savannah is
physically much larger in metric area, so this tends to emphasise the interconnected nature
of streets in the entire regular grid instead of focusing primarily along one street. In contrast,
Pooler was an existing railway stopover between Savannah and Atlanta during the
US Civil War known as Pooler’s Station. Georgetown was an existing rural community due
to the Old Kings Ferry Bridge spanning the Ogeechee River on US 17 & State Route 25 to the
Richmond Hill rural community on the opposite shore of the river. All three became suburban
‘bedroom communities’ of Savannah in the late 20th century. Despite this growth, both Pooler
and Georgetown still bear the formal logic of a predominantly linear settlement (the former
even more so than the latter) consistent with their role as key transportation corridors in this
region of Georgia. Finally, both the Scottridge/Berwick Road and Skidaway Island areas
bear the formal logic of segregated suburban sprawl. The Scottridge/Berwick Road area
integrates outside-to-inside via its surrounding arterial roads as an interstitial component of
the metropolitan urban grid. The segregated nature of the spatial network on Skidway Island
is very isolated and borderline incoherent, which is in keeping with its real estate development
name of “The Hideaway.” It is not intended to achieve urban coherence as a spatial system
in the same manner as historic Savannah or the beach town of Tybee Island (Figure 9). The
areas primarily characterised by late 20th-century growth (Pooler, Georgetown, Scottridge/
Berwick Road, and Skidaway Island) share a ‘universal blandness’ of in their urban design
features. The contrast to historical Savannah and the beachfront town of Tybee Island
(despite its relative isolation in terms of metric distance from the rest of the metropolitan
region) could not be more striking.

Conclusion
Major (2018) argued James Oglethorpe’s Savannah ward plan is a distinctly American
synthesis of Roman plan castrum and Spanish Laws of the Indies plan models with a tendency
to elongate urban blocks for economic reasons. The ward plan also incorporated double,
even triple-loading of building/lot entrances along east-west streets. Space syntax analysis
demonstrated this stabilised the topo-metric characteristics of the spatial structure during the
first century of the growth in Savannah (Major, 201 ). In urban design terms, this indicated the
instrumental power of Savannah’s regular plan to generate vibrant, human-scale urbanism.
However, urban history and planning literature often focused on the transitory mapping of
the political structure in the ward plan. Rarely if ever, does anyone discuss urban growth in
Savannah after the 19th century. This paper presented the results of space syntax modeling

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of metropolitan Savannah/Chatham County in 2019. Nearly 11,000 urban, suburban, and
rural streets represented as axial lines composed this model, incorporating a metric area
of more than 1,600 square kilometers (or nearly 400,000 acres) and a population of nearly
300,000 people. The paper argued urban growth in metropolitan Savannah represents a
stark contrast to the compact, human scale of Oglethorpe’s original vision for the town. What
emerges is a radical increase in cul-de-sac sequences and loss of inter-connectivity during
the late 20th and early 21st century due to environmental regulations, modern transportation
planning, and the economic benefits of suburban sprawl.

Acknowledgements
Some portions of this paper are based on revised excerpts from Chapter 7, “Order and
Structure in the Regular Grid” in The Syntax of City Space: American Urban Grids (Major,
2018).

Dr. Mark David Major, AICP, CNU-A is an Assistant Professor of Architecture and Urban
Design in the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, at
Qatar University. He is the author of The Syntax of City Space: American Urban Grids and
the Poor Richard series (Forum Books, 2012, 2014, and 2017) of almanacs for architects and
planners. Mark previously taught at the Savannah College of Art and Design in Savannah,
Georgia USA and The Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning at University College
London in the United Kingdom.

Appendix: About Space Syntax Measures

To describe and analyze spatial configuration using space syntax, an axial map of the
open space structure of the urban space is necessary. Firstly, the open spaces are divided
into the fewest number of the largest ‘convex spaces.’ A convex space is a space through
which no tangent to the boundary can be drawn, which crosses any part of the space.
These convex spaces will consist of the least set of fattest ones that cover the whole system
of open spaces. For large urban systems such as cities with well-defined streets spaces, it
is usually not necessary to draw the convex map before drawing the axial map. You can
directly proceed to drawing the axial map based on the open space structure in a plan for
the minimum set of lines necessary to cover all the convex spaces as defined by building
facades. The procedure for the (a) open space structure, (b) convex space map, and (c)
the corresponding axial map (Figure A1).
An axial map represents the least set of the longest and fewest straight lines of sight and
access that pass through all convex spaces. Once an axial map is obtained, it can be
analyzed as a system of relations. Hillier and Hanson (19 ) define the relation of all axial
lines in the system as measured by two basic properties of “symmetry-asymmetry” and
“distributedness-nondistributedness.” What this means is the degree by which urban space
is composed of rings of circulation or sequences that form trees. Today’s software can auto-
generate axial maps using shapefiles, but there is still great value in researchers drawing the
axial map themselves in the computer to learn more about the urban morphology of the
settlement or city.

Connectivity: Connectivity is a simple measure of how many other streets does a single
street immediately connect to within the network.

Global Integration: Global integration is the relativised mean depth of a space in

relation to all other spaces in a network based on changes of direction. It represents how
integrated/shallow or segregated/deep is a space within the urban network. In this sense,
global integration represents where you are in relation to everywhere else in that network.
According to the theory of natural movement, spaces with higher levels of integration tend
to carry higher levels of movement and, hence, a greater potential to access different
varieties of land use (Hillier, 1996; Hillier et al., 1993). Globally integrated spaces tend to play
a larger role in the urbanity of a city. These spaces are not only more frequently visited as
destinations but also more intelligible for carrying through movement where people are
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 on their way daily from somewhere to somewhere else in the city. It is often useful to limit
the radius measurement of integration based on the relativised mean depth from the most
globally integrated street in the urban spatial network because it reduces – though not
necessarily eliminates completely - the ‘edge effect’ of global integration, i.e., spaces at the
edges of the urban spatial network tend towards segregation because of their location on
the edge. Integration shows the pattern of ‘to-movement’ in the sense of those streets that
are most likely to be utilised for segments of journeys from anywhere to almost everywhere
else in the urban network.

Local Integration: Local integration measures relativised mean depth up to three (3)
changes of direction away from an origin space. It is a more immediate measure of the local
catchment area of a single space within the network. The simplest way to understand local
integration is if a person imagines themselves standing in the middle of an intersection of two
or more spaces and look down the streets in all directions to see all other streets immediately
connected to those streets defining that intersection. In this sense, local integration is a
measure of locality similarly to connectivity.

Global Choice: Global choice is a measurement of ‘through-movement’ based on

giving every street in the urban spatial network represented as an axial line a value of 1, then
proportionally sharing that value amongst all its immediate connections. The shared values
for every street are then added up to provide a measurement for the degree of importance
of that street within the urban spatial network. Global choice tends to highlight the primary
routes within the entire urban spatial network.

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Figure 1. (left above) Map of the State of Georgia in the United States, (left bottom) Chatham
County in the State of Georgia, and (right) a map of neighbourhoods in Savannah/Chatham
County in May 2010 (Source: Wikipedia Commons).

Figure 2. (left) Aerial view of downtown today and (right) street view of Broughton Street
looking east in 1905 in Savannah, Georgia USA (Sources: PhotoDune/Licensed to Author and
Public Domain).

Figure 3. Satellite view of Savannah and Chatham County, Georgia USA from 50 km in (left)
1984 and (right) 2019 (Sources: Google Earth/Landsat/Copernicus).

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 Figure 4. Typical scheme of (far left) Olgethorpe’s ward plan model for tything blocks with
plot subdivision and trust lots around a central square, (middle left) Vitruvian plan model
of a 4 x 4 block structure gathered around a cardo (north-south street) and decumanus
(east-west street) cross-axis subdividing the plan into quarters, (middle right) Spanish Law of
the Indies plan model with a dual cross-axis defining the edges of a central plaza, and (far
left) ward plan model transformation incorporating the American tendency for elongated
blocks with a primary cardo (north-south street) and secondary suite of decumani (east-
west) streets passing through and defining the edges of the central square (Source: Heba O.
Tannous).

Figure 5. (left) Redrawing of Reps’ (1965) famous idealised and reoriented representation of
the growth of the Savannah ward plan from 1733 to 1856 and (right) growth of Savannah
from 1790 to 1856 oriented to true north based on actual historical maps. All plans highlight
the original four wards in grey as a reference (Source: Author).

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Figure 6. Simplified diagrammatic representation of municipal built areas for Savannah
(center), Pooler (west), Richmond Hill (southwest) and Tybee Island (east), major facilities
(airport, military, port), railroad lines, and highways/major roads (identified by the space
syntax measurement of global choice in the urban spatial network) of Savannah/Cha-
tham County, Georgia in 2019 (Source: Author).

Figure 7. Pattern of (left) global integration, radius=n and (right) local integration, ra-
dius=3 in the space syntax model of Savannah/Chatham County in 2019, colored in a
range from black (integrated), through shades of grey to white (segregated)
(Source: Author). NOTE: The outline of Chatham County is exclusive of Ossabaw Island (a
wildlife management area) to the direct south on the Atlantic Ocean (Source: Author).

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 Figure 8. Pattern of local integration, radius=3 in six areas (top, left to right: Pooler, Sa-
vannah, Tybee Island and bottom, left to right: Georgetown, Scottridge/Berwick Road
area, Skidaway Island) of the space syntax model of Savannah/Chatham County in 2019
(Source: Author). NOTE: Set to the same metric scale.

Figure 9. Typical views of six areas of Chatham County: (top left) Pooler, (top center) Sa-
vannah, (top right) Tybee Island, (bottom, left) Georgetown, (bottom center) Scottridge/
Berwick Road area, and (bottom right) Skidaway Island (Source: Wikipedia Commons/
Author/Christain Garrett-Schley/Google Street View).

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Notes
1 Assistant Professor of Architecture and Urban Design, Department of Architecture and
Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Qatar University, PO Box 2713, Doha, State of Qatar
974 3136 0842 | [email protected]
2 Actor David Morrisey about Savannah, Georgia quoted in Eaton, 2017; 184.

References
Anderson, S. (1993) “Savannah and the Issue of Precedent: City Plan as Resource,” Settlements
in the Americas: Cross- Cultural Perspectives (Ed. Ralph Bennett). Newark: University of
Delaware Press, 110–144.
Bacon, E.N. (1976) Design of Cities (Revised Edition). New York: Penguin Books. Clay, G. (1973)
Close-up: How to Read the American City. London: Pall Mass Press.
Duany, A. and Klinkenberg, K. (2018) “Even Historic Cities Face Auto-Oriented Design
Problems.” The Strong Towns Podcast, 14 June 2018, https://www.strongtowns.org/
journal/2018/6/13/even-traditional-historic-cities-face-auto- oriented-design-problems.
Eaton, A. (2017) Wanderful: The Modern Bohemian’s Guide to Traveling in Style. New York:
Harry N. Abrams.
Gallion, A.B., Eisner, S. (1963) The Urban Pattern: City Planning and Design, Second Edition.
Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc.
Gehl, J. (2011). Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space. Washington, D.C.: Island Press.
Gehl, J. (2010). Cities for People. Washington, D.C.: Island Press.
Gasparini, G. (1993) “The Pre-Hispanic Grid System: The Urban Shape of Conquest and
Territorial Organization,” Settlements in the Americas: Cross-Cultural Perspectives (Ed. R.
Bennett). Newark: University of Delaware Press, 78–109.
Hillier, B. (1996). S ace is the achine A Con gurational Theory of Architecture. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. Hillier, B., Penn, A., Hanson, J., Grajewski, T., Xu, J. (1993)
Natural Movement: or, Configuration and Attraction in Urban
Pedestrian Movement,” Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design, 20: 29–66.
Hillier, B. and Hanson, J. (1984). The Social Logic of Space. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Kostof, S. (1991) The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meaning Through History. London:
Thames and Hudson, Ltd. Major, M.D. (2018) The Syntax of City Space: American Urban
Grids. New York/London: Routledge.
Moholy-Nagy, S. (1968) Matrix of Man: An Illustrated History of Urban Environment. New York:
Frederick A Praeger Publishers.
Reps, J.W. (1965) The Making of Urban America: A History of City Planning in the United States.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Tannous, H.O. (2020) Traditional Markets in Context: A Morphological Comparison of Souq
Waqif in Doha, Qatar and Mutrah Souq in Muscat, Oman. Master’s Thesis, Department
of Architecture and Urban Planning, College of Engineering, Qatar University. Copies
available from QU Main Library.
Wilson, T.D. and Shay, P.O. (2014) “Oglethorpe and Savannah: A Historical Plan has Modern
Applications,” Planning Magazine, March 2014, 30–35.

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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

Lasting Transformation of Erenkoy

Burak Ozturk
Istanbul Technical University, Graduate School of Science and Technology
[email protected]
Keywords: renkoy, urban transformation, demolished landsca es, urban attern

Abstract

In the beginning of th century, many subse uent res occured and the residential
districts were damaged in the old town historical eninsula of Istanbul n the other
hand, the searches for new settlement areas began in line with the o ulation increase
of the city The u town areas have been made accessible by the service of railway
line and sea trans ortation Until that time renk y was a small village and after th
century it became a well-known settlement Dignitaries and dynasty members began
to urchase wide lands ost of these lands were lanned to be used as vineyards,
gardens, and cottages designed with itores ue an iety were built on them with By the
beginning of th century, some new houses were started to build as sam les of odern
ovement As of s the o ulation increase of the city has become uncontrollable
and housing needs have become a ma or roblem In this eriod, multi-storey a arment
buildings have begun being built throughout Istanbul Unfortunately, these ractices
were su orted by the government with some a roved laws and develo ment lans
In renk y, rstly the vineyards and gardens were used as a artment buildings and in
the following eriod, cultural heritages like cottages and modern houses were being de-
molished to make a artment buildings Although it has been only years since it was
o ened for settlement, the changes that renk y has e erienced are an indication of
how fast Istanbul is transforming This a er focuses on renk y e erience with criticising
olicies and com aring master lans of various years

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 Historical Development Process
Until the 19th century, Istanbul had been a city surrounded by the city parts of Pera -
Galata on the European side and Uskudar and Kadikoy on the Anatolian side. Since the
19th century, there were some significant changes after the frequent recurring fires in the
city, the developing transportation system, population increase and the westernization
movements.The fact that Sultan Mahmut, II relocated to Dolmabahce Palace made the
historical peninsula lose its value after the city’s notables preferred the Bosphorus shores
of the European and Anatolian sides. The ferry services between the historical peninsula
and the Anatolian side and the Haydarpasa - Izmit railway line started to operate in late
1800’s, and new settlements began to emerge around Kadikoy. Kiziltoprak, Kalamis, Fe-
neryolu, Erenkoy (Fig.1) are important examples of these new settlements.

Beginning of Settlement
Erenkoy District has been used as a field and vineyard for centuries. The history of the sett-
lement here dates back only to the 19th century (Sehsuvaroglu, 1969). The search of new
settlements of Istanbul residents in this century was supported by various opportunities avai-
lable to them. The first of these opportunities was the development of transportation systems.
The first of these opportunities was the development of transportation systems supported with
ferry services and railway line.
Another potential for the beginning of the settlement is the changes in planning po-
licies. In the Ebniye Nizamnamesi (Buildings Charter) dated 1848, it was stated that the
permission of the sultan was required for the construction of various buildings in places
that were not opened for settlement outside of the city (Ergin, 1922). In the Ebniye Ka-
nunu (Buildings Law), which came into force in 1882, it is seen that there were detailed
provisions on the opening of new settlement areas. It is mentioned in this law that it was
necessary to allocate places that had not been opened yet for settlement, without re-
questing any fee, to buildings such as police stations and schools in order to divide the
lands into pieces and to build a neighborhood by building on it. In addition, it was stated
that if the settlement plan prepared by drawing the streets and marking the places allo-
cated for police stations and school buildings is delivered to the Internal Affairs, a license
could be obtained under the permission of the sultan. It is also said that the construction
of a wooden cottages would be allowed on the vineyards and gardens with at least one
decare area in Kadikoy and Bosphorus. Vineyard and garden owners would be able to
get a construction license if they prepared the map showing the land boundaries and
submitted it to the city council with the documents of necessary payments (Ebniye Kanu-
nu, 1882). The fact that any building construction in the rural areas included in the 1848
Buildings Charter was subject to the permission of the sultan, changed and it became
possible to realize the settlement plans with the approval of the sultan in the Buildings Law
dated 1882. The construction of wooden cottages in vineyards and gardens was allowed
with the approval of the municipality on rural areas. These changes in planning policies
pa- ved the way for individual entrepreneurship. The settlement started with the initiatives
of Tutuncu Mehmet Efendi around Goztepe Train Station and Mustafa Zihni Pasha around
Erenkoy Train Station.
Tutuncu Mehmet Efendi, who owned the Cibali Tobacco Factory, bought 1000 deca-
re of land in Goztepe and divide it to 10 to 25 decare of cottage parcels and sold it to
more than a hundred Ottoman pashas and bureaucrats (Akbulut,1994). Located next to
Goztepe Train Station, the mosque was built in 1902 by Tutuncu Mehmet Efendi. There is
also a police station right next to the mosque.
Mustafa ihni Pasha undertook important duties such as governorship and finance
ministry. The Erenkoy Station Mosque was built by him and completed in 190 . Next to
the mosque, there was a school building that is now used as a public education center.
Likewise, there is a police station building that could not reach today (Fig.2).
With the development of the urban transportation system and the opening of the
individual entrepreneurship, Istanbul residents started to prefer a new type of settle-
ment in Princes’ Islands as well as the Anatolian side beaches and Bosporus. This trend,
which became very common in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, revealed the

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architectural typology of cottage house. These houses consist of more or less large gar-
dens, sometimes small vineyards or even groves, usually wooden two or three-storey re-
sidences (Yucel, 1996).
Kadikoy turned into an elite residential area, and the suburbs located in Erenkoy Di-
strict were preferred by high-ranking civil servants and members of the dynasty. With
the man- sions built by the Ottoman aristocrats and the followers who bought land from
Tütüncü Mehmet Efendi, Erenköy became a cottage district and entered the suburban
process with the provision of necessary transportation and infrastructure services.

1930 - 1960 Period

In the 19 0s, when the post-war effects were disappeared, the first extensive planning
studies for Istanbul was started. The European Side master plan, prepared by Henri Prost,
was approved in 1938 and the master plans of the Anatolian Side, Uskudar, Kadikoy were
approved in 1940. In the plan prepared for the Anatolian Side, it was not appropriate to
include industrial facilities at any point of Bagdat Avenue next to Erenkoy and it was sug-
gested to be used as a residential area that includes cottage parts composing of retail
outlets and single or multiple villas (Prost, 1940).
The master plan prepared by Henri Prost for Kad k y includes the part up to Fener-
bahce, and other parts, including the boundaries of the study area, are marked as re-
sidential areas. As stated in the plan report, the buildings constructed in the study area
and its surrounding after 1930s are single or two-storey villa type residential buildings loca-
ted in large gardens in accordance with the identity of the cottage.
Developing in line with the planning works carried out after the proclamation of the
republic, Erenkoy preserved its cottage identity in the district. The existing building stock,
consisting of detached wooden cottages, each of which belongs to different families
and located in large gardens, was added to the existing building stock in vast gardens
and the spaces between them, with villas built with the construction technology of the
period.

1960 - 1980 Period

Until the 1960s, Istanbul was completely standing with an urban history of at least 150
years. Likewise, Erenkoy continued to be a cottage district with its old wooden mansions
located in large green areas and new buildings as villas.
The uncontrolled population growth of Istanbul, which has entered the rapid urbani-
zation process since the 1960s, has caused some of its historical values to be lost. It has
been observed that the residential buildings have not survived to the present day were
lost in this period .
Due to the reasons that the plan prepared by Henri Prost was outdated and Istanbul
could not meet the rapid urbanization needs, Istanbul Planning Directorate was establi-
shed under the consultancy of Luigi Piccinato, Italian Professor, in 1958. The Directorate
determined the Erenkoy region as an “urban development area” and Erenkoy’s cottage
characteristics before the 1960s has left its place to intensive constructions in the plan
decisions (Ekinci, 1993).
After second half of 1950s, the building contractors started to work with build-and-sell
system in Istanbul and this new system became very popular in whole country (Tanyeli,
2004). Build-and-sell contracting provides sharing the apartments with the land owner
after the construction is completed, without purchasing the land on which the apart-
ment will be built. In this system, which does not require any investment, the necessary
budget for the construction of the apartments is provided with selling the ats before the
construction is completed.
By the year 1965, Property Ownership Law was approved which would change the
entire Turkey’s settlement policy. With this law, ownership status of the locations at dif-
ferent levels in a building changed as belonging to different users was enacted. The
Property Ownership Law was prepared by lawyers in order to overcome some legal pro-
blems, has changed the identity of the Turkish cities over time. The law that encouraged
and guaranteed these practices at a time when build-and-sell practices were popular,
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 resulted with forgetting the traditional housing consisting of one or two-storey detached
family houses for centuries, and rapidly multiplying multi-storey apartment buildings. The
fact that the traditional houses being included in the gardens and wide green areas, was
the most characteristic of the Turkish urbanism (Eldem, 1979) has disappeared and new
examples have started to be seen in terms of residential area and height that cannot be
compared with the old ones.
Although it has not yet been 70 years after Erenkoy has gained its cottage identity in
the town, the features that have made this identity disappeared one by one. Large gar-
dens and green areas have been used as construction sites for new multi-storey apart-
ments. Unfortunately, some of the wooden cottages that tried to survive by staying in the
shadow of these apartments have started to be collapsed.

1980 - 2012 Period

In Istanbul, which has to meet the needs of the growing population, the construction
of the first bridge connecting Anatolian and European Sides by highway was completed
in 1973. The creation of new residential areas, another need of the growing population,
was facilitated by the development of transportation. The new master plans were stu-
died both sides of the city which would facilitate transportation by opening the bridge.
At the end of 1972, Bostanci - Erenkoy Zoning Plan with 1/5000 scale was approved (Teke-
li, 2013). The dominant urban texture between the early 1980s and the 2010s in all Kadikoy
districts, especially Erenkoy, emerged with this planning revision.

The Period Following 2012

After 2000s, it was accepted that the population increase in Istanbul is an inevitable
fact. The urban planning studies that were carried out were not only to meet the needs
of the existing population, but also to the needs coming from the expected increase.
However, any attempt made to control population growth could not be seen. The apart-
mentization, which accelerated after the middle of the previous century, took over the
city and examples of multi-storey residential buildings started to be seen in all districts of
Istanbul. However, it has been understood from the beginning of the 21st century that
the existing housing stock throughout the country is completing its economic life, not only
in Istanbul. The most important indicator of this is the demolitions of the 1999 Marmara
Earthquake and the urgent measures taken afterwards. From these dates, the concept
of urban transformation, which is very popular today, has been discussed.
Urban transformation is based on the implementation of projects that suggest low-in-
come people living in western countries, areas that do not have sufficient physical con-
ditions, and regions such as industries and ports that contribute to urban development
(Balamir, 2002). However, the same principles for urban transformation practices in Turkey
is not in question. These practices prioritize making residential buildings more resistant to
natural disasters and are not limited to a wide area and limited to the building site.
In the urban transformation period, there were situations similar to the apartmentiza-
tion process in the 1960s. First of all, the investor identity has changed and the build-and-
sell contractors have been replaced by more corporate real estate companies and real
estate investment partnerships. The Law on the Transformation of Areas Under Disaster
Risk Law entered into force on 2012 in order to encourage urban transformation practi-
ces such as the enforcement of the Property Ownership Law, which provides apartment
assurance and enforcement, and to minimize the problems experienced in the process.
When buildings that have completed or are about to complete their economic life are
exposed to any natural disaster, these structures must be renewed in order to avoid loss
of life and property. However, the aw came into force, taking into account the diffi-
culties in meeting many landlords at the common point in the renewal process and the
lengthening of the municipalities’ zoning permits. With this law, factors that increase the
cost of investors and make projects difficult to start in the urban transformation process
have been eliminated (Turkun, 2017).
Erenkoy was one of the first places where the projects started after the relevant law
came into effect in the urban transformation process, which has a history considered

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recent. Speculative news has started to emerge before six months had passed that Ba-
gdat Avenue and its surroundings would be renewed within the scope of urban transfor-
mation. Erenkoy and its surrounding started to be surrounded with high-rise buildings. The
situation was noticed when tall buildings started to appear in the environment. In this
period, where the density of the building was not only limited to the bird’s eye view, but
also in the city silhouette.

Density Ratio Changes in Urbanization Process

Erenkoy was a rural area outside the city center before the 19th century. It was ope-
ned for settlement as summer cottage district and it was transformed into a suburb that
lived for four seasons in the following period, and then, multi-storey apartments started to
be built in the district. Today, there is a process where the old apartments are demolished
and new ones are made with improved technology. With the various laws and zoning
plans that came into force, construction was seen in a way that there was almost no gap
on the area. However, the changes caused by this pressure affect not only the buildings
but also the part of the city on which the buildings are located.
The determinations were made supported by the numerical data on the increase in
the density of the building by calculating the density ratio. Old Kadikoy maps prepared
in the 1920s, aerial photographs of 1966 and current maps were transferred to the digital
environment and their surface area, building numbers, building residence areas were
calculated. Numerical results of density increase were determined by comparing the
calculations of three different dates.
For the investigation of the first period, old Kadikoy Maps are collected and the area
within the boundaries of the study area was redrawn in digital environment. At this date,
the surface of the selected study area was calculated as 3.033.938 m2. On these dates,
the existence of 930 buildings was determined. The total area of these buildings was
87.075 m2. The paths such as avenue, street, dead-end street, and trail-roads cover a
total area of 280,697 m2. When the total building settlement area is proportional to the
square of area; it is understood that the building density is approximately .
For the second period, drawings were made in digital environment on aerial photo-
graphs dated 19 . At this date, it was observed that there was no change in the square
of the study area. It is known that some of the buildings whose presence is detected in
the old Kadikoy maps have been demolished, villa-type houses and apartments have
been built. In 1966, the existence of 1610 buildings was determined. These structures have
395.794 m2 area. The density of the building is 1 . Compared to the determinations
made on the maps of the 1920s; while the number of structures increased approximately
1.7 times, the density of the structure increased 3 times. As it can be understood from the
results, the structures built in this process interval have much larger settlement areas than
the cottages. These calculations are made only through the residence areas, and con-
sidering the effect of the apartments on the oor area factor direction, it would be seen
that the density increase is higher.
Recently, relevant map sections belonging to the year of 2000 were collected and
upda- ted. Investigations were made at the boundaries of the study area. At this date,
the square of the study area was calculated as .1 9. 1 m2. The reason of this increase
is in the coastal region, the area created by filling on the Marmara Sea.
Today, 367 buildings with a total area of 842.716 m2 have been identified within the
boundaries of the study area. The building density was calculated as 2 . Compared to
the determinations made in 1966, it was seen that the number and density of the building
increased approximately twice. Compared to the determinations of 1920s, the number
of buildings increased by 3.8 times, and the density increased by 8 times on the basis of
residence area (Fig.3). This increase in the density of the building has made Erenkoy, whi-
ch is remembered for its small-scale residential buildings in large green areas, as a part of
the city with thousands of apartment buildings placed in a discrete order.
It was observed that mansions and structures such as kitchens, baths, stables and
outbu- ildings serving them were found in the large parcels during the cottage period. In
the following years, with the increase in the density of the buildings, large parcels shrank
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 and empty spaces were occupied. There is no urban gap in the area, except for the
gardens of some public buildings and parks.
For the change in parcel surfaces, it was examined over and old building block. The
structure of this building block in 1920’s and 1965, 2013 were compared and analyzed.
As in the building density analysis, the old Kadikoy maps is digitalized and determinations
were made for 1920s. This building block covers an area of 138.558 m2. There were 30
parcels of various sizes. The total construction area of 85 buildings in these parcels is 8186
m2. It has been observed that there are three paths that provide access to the buildings
in the inner parts.
Zoning plan map sections of the building block dated 1965 were similarly transferred
to digital media. In the examinations, it was observed that the building block covers an
area of 138.625 m2 and 84 parcels are located on it. The total residence area of the bu-
ildings, the number of which increased to 143, is 14,091 m2. Two of the pathways whose
detected in the 1920s, were included in the parcel and not a public space anymore.
With this change, the area covered by the building block has increased. On the other
hand, it is seen that there is a blind street in a region where new construction is seen on
the upper part of the building block. While 9 parcels identified in the old maps remain in
their original size, 21 parcels have been divided into 75 parcels. While some construction
was seen in some of the parcels subdivided, there are also parcels that have been sub-
divided although no construction was observed in 1965.
In the 2013 zoning plan, which is still up to date today, it is seen that the building block
was expropriated and divided into pieces. New building block pieces cover a total area
of 125.203 m2 and there are 93 parcels on them. While the presence of 113 buildings was
detected on this date, the total construction area they occupied was 37.470 m2. At a
time when the density of the building was increasing, any space was considered as a
city plot and that space was under construction. Buildings with a small construction area
have been demolished, and new structures with a larger scale have been built as far
as the parcel sizes allowed. The areas on the route have been expropriated and turned
into streets to provide access to new buildings located in various locations of the building
block. Due to the intense construction, the subdivision of the parcels was maintained
(Fig.4). There are no parcels that have reached today with their original dimensions. The
changes explained by the numerical data on the city part also caused administrative
divisions. According to the arrangement made in 1860, the area outside the center of
Kad k y is divided into two sub-districts as Kiziltoprak and Erenkoy. However, depending
on the density of the population, the population growth also changed the administrative
structure of the region, and in 1967, Erenköy Sub-district was no longer an out-of-town
administrative area and was connected to the district of Kad k y. In 19 , the sub-district
administration ended, and the settlements took the present position as the neighborho-
ods of Kad k y district (Hur, 199 ).

Conclusion
The example of Erenköy is an indication of how fast the city of Istanbul is transforming
with the changes it has undergone in a period of 150 years. After opening to cottage sett-
lement as a subdistrict outside of the city, the city wall expanded with the construction
that continued to meet the housing needs of the increasing population of Istanbul, and it
was divided into the neighborhoods of Erenköy district municipality. In the district, which
has a very dense residential texture, the buildings are being renewed within the scope of
urban transformation and the change continues.

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Figure 1. Position of Kadikoy District and Erenkoy (red) on Istanbul map.

Figure 2. The mosque, school and police station in Erenkoy.

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 Figure 3. The comparison graphic of building density maps from 1920s, 1966 and today.

Figure 4. The comparison graphic of building block plans from1920s, 1965 and 2013.

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References
Bedi, Sehsuvaroglu (1969), Goztepe, Istanbul, Turkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu.
Ebniye Kanunu (1882), Ebniye Kanunu, Istanbul, Matbaa-i Osmaniye.
Osman Nuri, Ergin (1922), Mecelle-i Umur-i Belediye, Istanbul, IBB Kultur AS Yayinlari.
Rifat, Akbulut (1994), “Kadikoy”, in Dunden Bugune Istanbul Ansiklopedisi, Istanbul, Tarih
akfi ayinlari.
Atilla, Yucel (1996), “Istanbul’da 19. Yuzyilda Kentsel Konut Bicimleri” in Tarihten Gunumu-
ze Anadolu’da Konut ve Yerlesme, Istanbul.
Henri, Prost (1940), Istanbul’un Yeni Cehresi III: Nazim Planlar, Istanbul, Istanbul Belediye
Matbaasi
Oktay, Ekinci (1993), Planli Kentlesmeden Plansiz Buyumeye, Istanbul, Altin Kitaplar.
Ugur, Tanyeli, (2004), Istanbul 1900 - 2000 Konutu ve Modernlesmeyi Metropolden Oku-
mak, Istanbul, Akin Nalca Kitaplari.
Sedad Hakki, Eldem (1979), Istanbul Anilari, Istanbul, Guzel Sanatlar Matbaasi.
Ilhan, Tekeli (2013), Istanbul’un Planlanmasinin ve Gelismesinin Oykusu, Istanbul, Tarih Va-
kfi urt ayinlari.
Murat, Balamir (2002), “Turkiye’de Kentsel Iyilestirme Girisimlerinin Gundeme Alinmasi ve
Planlama Sisteminde Gereken Degisiklikler” in Yapi, n° 253.
Asuman, Turkun (2017), “Kentsel Donusum Yasasindaki Degisikliklerin Kazanan ve Kaybe-
denleri Kimler Olacak” in Mimarlik, n° 393.
Ayse, Hur (199 ), Erenkoy in Dunden ugune Istanbul Ansiklopedisi, Istanbul, Tarih akfi
Yayinlari.

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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

The effects of planning decisions on the traditional urban fabric

of a historical city: The case of Gaziantep in 1968-2008
Res. Asst. F. Merve H d roglu1, Assoc. Prof, PhD Ebru Firidin zg r2
1
Gaziantep University, Faculty of Architecture, Departmen of City And Regional Plan-
ning
2
Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Faculty of Architecture, City and Regional Planning De-
partment
1
hidiroglumerve gmail.com
Keywords: Gaziantep, urban planning, urban fabric, urban morphology

Abstract

Contem orary cities are suffering from several conse uences of inef cient lanning
decisions such as the loss of traditional urban fabric, lack of site-s eci c decisions, ina-
bility to predict the effects of migration and investments to the cities. The use of urban
morphology methods within the urban planning process can have special importance in
dealing with such consequences.
Gaziantep, is an historic city dates back to ancient civilizations and located in eastern
Turkey, and has traditional urban fabric as a heritage site. The city is an example of inef-
cient lanning decisions fails to co e with to ra id urbanization Also traditional urban
fabric of aziante has undergone signi cant changes due to migration and industrial
investments after 1950s.
In this respect, the urban fabric examined with the Conzenian town plan analysis ap-
proach. Yaprak Mahallesi was chosen as study area for town plan analysis on the scale
of the neighborhood. The study area is located in the fringe of Gaziantep’s urban con-
servation area. The traditional urban fabric in this neighborhood is under the pressure of
large-scale urban projects adjacent to the area such as an urban regeneration project
and a shopping mall .
The street system, building block-building relationship, building-parcel relationship,
and oor height analyzes were conducted in this area in - The study shows con-
tinuous change in the traditional fabric even though the neighborhood still has traditional
characteristics. The study tries to trace the planning decisions that have both positive
and negative affects to the case study area.

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 Introduction
Moudon (199 ) has defined urban morphology as a field of study that focusing on the city
as the living space of human. Urban morphology is in this manner used as an assessment
tool or method in the determination of the change processes of urban fabric and in the sen-
se of the historical roots of their spatial and functional structures (Whitehand, 19 ). The main
concern of Urban morphology discipline is not only to understand the historical development
processes of the city form but also understand what are the economic and social com-
ponents that direct the urban fabric in the historical process. Geography, urban planning,
architecture, archeology and history are the research areas of urban morphology. With this
feature, it can be considered as a research area contributed by many different disciplines.
In addition, the discipline of urban morphology is an effort to comprehend the forma-
tion of the built environment and the productive forces and actors behind this process. The
changes in the historical city centers, destruction of traditional fabric, vanishing traces of
the history of the city are the main research areas of urban morphology. The changes in
the traditional, pre-modern urban patterns, especially the ones in the historical city centers,
have been among the important factors in the emergence of urban morphology schools,
and these schools developed their understandings to comprehend the determinants and
results of the changes of urban space and fabric. . In this context, it is the subject of urban
morphology to investigate the reasons behind the changes in the urban space and to exa-
mine the processes experienced by the physical urban fabric. y the help of these analyzes,
morphological studies are important while determining future of cities with urban planning or
with urban design principles.
This study aims to focus on the relation between the development and the conservation
of the historical core of city of Gaziantep with the Conzen s historico-geographical approa-
ch. Within the scope of the study, the formation of the city s unique traditional texture were
investigated. To understand the major determinants that shaping and affecting the city such
as migration and investments, development and conservation plans are studied.. within the
study, the method will be clarified in the first part, then the historical development of the stu-
dy area will be brie y explained in the second part, after that the case study of Gaziantep
will be discussed through the upper scale plans and conservation plans, and then the analy-
zes in the field will be conducted in the third part. Finally, there will be concluding remarks in
the fourth and the last part.
Gaziantep city which is located at the southeastern region of Turkey, is chosen as the
study area. The city is located on the historical trade routes connecting Anatolia to Mesopo-
tamia and Egypt. It has always occupied an important place in terms of trade, culture and
governance due to its location. The social and cultural dynamics brought by these different
cultures have contributed to the formation of the its unique urban fabric.
Massive migration movements from rural areas to city centers developing through in-
dustrialization have started in 19 0 s in Turkey. In the same period, Gaziantep s population
has dramatically increased due to the migration phenomenon. With the rapid population
growth, there has been a crucial development in the construction industry and housing pro-
duction in the city. After this period urban fabric and macroform of the city has started to
change. With this study, the determinant factors of the change in traditional urban fabric has
been investigated by the help of morphological analysis of the Conzenian School.

Methodology
M. R. G. Conzen conducted the urban morphological research in mid-twentieth century.
He developed historico-geographical approach to analyze urban growth and change. He
is the founder of ritish school of urban morphology (Moudon, 199 ) which also known as
Conzenian School. In addition to analyzing physical development processes of cities in the
historical perspective, he has examined the development of the cities in the context of eco-
nomic and social development, regarding the population growth, religious structures, and
also the social structure and infrastructure systems. He generally conducted his works in me-
dieval cities of England. His most important study is the case of Alnwick, England which is pu-
blished in 19 0. In the study of Alnwick, starting from the origins of the city to the 20th century
the growth and transformations of the city were examined. Conzen argues in this that the

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city form is a whole consisting of three parts (Conzen, 19 0). First, town plan (two-dimensional
cartographic representation of the physical settlement of the city such as streets and plots);
second, building fabric (buildings and associated open spaces); thirdly land and building
use (detailed land use).
Town plan analysis consists of three parts: street system, blocks (areas that define the
boundaries of the streets) and buildings (building fabrics on the parcels). The combination
of these three parts defines the formation of the region s own morphological hierarchy and
creates plan units (Conzen, 19 ). Each plan unit is analyzed by looking at the parcel on
which the buildings are located and neighboring parcels. Then, how the parcel is related
to the street and the block where the street is located is examined. Finally, it is analyzed by
looking at the characteristics of the fabric and layers it creates (Conzen, 19 ).
The historico-geographical method is used in the case of Gaziantep. this approach tries to
understand the physical, social and economic factors behind the changes in urban fabric,
which is developed by Conzenian school of urban morphology. Gaziantep has a history da-
ting back to the ancient times, this historicity has important impacts on the formation of city s
fabric. However, the city witnessed a rapid development after 19 0 s along with the industria-
lization process. For these reasons, it is believed that the dramatic changes in the fabric and
development of the city can be best explained by the methods developed by Conzenian
school. Therefore, Conzen s town plan analysis method is used to analyze the street, parcel,
building transformation in the traditional urban fabric of Gaziantep. asemaps prepared by
Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality in 19 and 200 was used to compare the changes in
traditional fabric. Street system, building-parcel relationship, building block-building relation-
ship, oor heights are considered as components of the town plan analysis of Conzen. The
changes of the urban fabric in selected area are shown comparing the analyses made on
the 19 and 200 basemaps respectively, and the planning decisions is examined as the
main underlying factor of the change.

Study Area: ‘Yaprak Mahallesi’

As mentioned above, Gaziantep has always been an important social, cultural, econo-
mic and political center due to its geographical location (Figure 1). The city, which is a bor-
der city, has a unique urban fabric and architecture with the effect of different cultures it
hosts over time. Urban planning decisions and the effects of urban development policies
can be seen by especially looking at the changes in the morphological structure of the area
that forms the traditional pattern. Consequently, aprak Mahallesi is chosen as a study area
for town plan analysis (Figure 2). The study area is located at the northwest of the Gaziantep
castle, it represents traditional urban fabric of the city. Also, it is located within the borders of
Gaziantep Urban Conservation Plan.
The Ali Nacar Mosque is located at the aprak Mahallesi which is built in 1 th century. It
proves that the neighborhood is one of the first built areas of the city (Kuban, 19 ). The do-
cuments from the 1 th century Ottoman archives contain the name of this neighborhood.
esides that, 212 households were living in the area in 1 ( zdeger, 19 ). In that period
the neighborhood was named after the religious building near it (Mahalle-i Ali Nacar).
The study area remains within the existing urban fabric in the first city plan of Gaziantep,
which is prepared by Herman Jansen in 19 . As can be seen in Figures and , the neigh-
borhood has preserved its historical housing pattern until 19 0. North side of the study area
were developed as a residential area after 19 0, although it was proposed as an industrial
area in the Jansen plan. These new developed houses differ from the traditional fabric in
terms of building material, oor height and street system.
As stated in the urban conservation plan report regarding the construction of new settle-
ments in the city, the users of traditional fabric have changed. As a consequence, immigran-
ts have settled in this area. The traditional users in this area have moved away from the area.
Due to the demographic features and cultural backgrounds of the new user profile who
came from the rural or post-war immigration, traditional fabric has started to be destroyed.
The study area is in the traditional Gaziantep housing pattern and street system, besides
some part of the area is also within the boundary of the urban conservation site (Figure ).
Some contradicted changes in planning decisions around the study area are threatening
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 the traditional fabric. For example, a public space has been transformed into the Shopping
Center and Hotel Area . This new development area differs completely from the existing
urban form and density. Additionally, the residential area which is North side of the study
area was declared an urban redevelopment area in 201 in accordance with the aw No.
0 . In addition, on the southwest border of the study area, the old stadium area is demo-
lished. replacing the demolished stadium with a new public Garden and Mosque Project is
on the government s agenda. However, it is not precisely determined yet. It is probable that
any new function would affect the traditional fabric.

Major Decisions in Development Plans of Gaziantep effecting the area

The first development plan of the city was made in 19 by Hermann Jansen. This plan
aims to protect the historical center with a conservative approach; he suggested new de-
velopment areas outside of the historical neighborhoods and towards west and southwest
direction. New residential areas also separated from the historical center of the city by a
railway and green areas (Figure ).
In 19 0 s, Jansen s plan decisions and goals were insufficient due to the increase of po-
pulation and slums. Therefore, the city needed a new development plan. The new plan was
prepared by architects Kemali S ylemezoglu and Kemal Ahmet Aru in 19 0 (Figure ). The
plan proposed again as a compact growth in the morphological structure of the city. In this
plan, for residential areas development direction continued in the west and southeast of the
city as Jansen proposed. In this period, the illegal settlements have arisen on the northern
part of the city. Immigrants from rural areas created a new urban fabric which sharply differs
from traditional urban fabric.
The programme of the city s third development plan was made through a competition
opened in 19 9-19 2. City planner ht Can and his team won the competition (Figure
). Development through industrialization policies in Turkey in 19 0 has played an important
role in the location of the industry in urban areas. Industrial zones started to build in the city
according to these urban policies. Providing major transportation axis along Silk Road to city
center, industrial areas and the city has connected. y this way, city s macroform develop-
ment went towards this axis.
There were no significant changes in the city from 19 to 1990. y 1990, a new develop-
ment plan was needed with a population increase in the city s industrial development. The
fourth development plan was made in 1990 by Oguz Aldan (Figure 9).
Planning decisions in this period is adding the first ring road and highway transportation
connections. The plan decision envisaged as the bus terminal building and central business
area in the north, and the growth of the Organized Industrial one in the northwest were
large-scale decisions affecting the macroform in this period. y 201 , the city population
approached two million (Table 1). The built environment of the city expanded due to the
ring road connections. Organized Industrial one has spread to a wider area by showing
continuity.

Major Decisions of Conservation Plans effecting the area

While the city continues its development, the need for a conservation plan has emerged
in the historical area due to the pressure of development. The first comprehensive registration
decision for the precinct around Gaziantep castle was taken in 19 2.
ike many other cities in Anatolia, the majority of the buildings that constitute the tradi-
tional fabric of Gaziantep are the structures that were built in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries (Kuban, 19 ). The first urban site border was determined in 19 9 in the area where
the buildings forming the traditional architectural fabric of the city are located. The first con-
servation plan for these areas was approved in 19 0. The major conservation decisions in the
Report of the Conservation Plan made by Dogan Kuban in 19 consists:
• To avoid creating new transportation axes within the historical core and pre-
serving the existing urban fabric.
• Preventing density increase within the precinct by limiting the new con-
structions in the areas determined as the first- and second-degree protection zones.
• A certain limitation of building heights in the precincts close to the historical

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 core, in order not to disturb the silhouette.
• Control of building construction and limitation.
• Conservation of the buildings with the courtyards considering the relation
of the building with the street has a unique architectural pattern.
• The roads in the historical fabric should never be changed.
• The population density in the area should be controlled.

19 conservation plan needed to revise due to implementation problems such as

imprecise arrangements for traditional fabric, transportation arrangements, road enlar-
gements and construction decisions (Gaziantep Conservation Plan approved by Ga-
ziantep Regional Council for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, dated 2 .0 .2011 and
numbered 1 ., p. )
The new plan came into effect in 2010. The major protection decisions made in the
2010 conservation plan are as follows:
• All original qualities of existing traditional buildings should be preserved.
Settlement typologies and the conservation of residential properties with courtyards
are among the main objectives of the plan.
• Narrow street layout is one of the most important features of traditional
pattern. Except for mandatory reasons, it is essential to protect it with the current
width.
• The buildings that creates the traditional fabric of the area must be pre-
served with their existing features such as building material, facade, height limitations
and size.
• Improvement decisions have been developed in buildings that is dama-
ged by illegal constructions, additions and plan decisions.
• Since the courtyard buildings are an important representation of the tra-
ditional fabric, the solid-void ratio and the density value in the traditional fabric were
maintained.

Morphological transformation of the ‘Yaprak Mahallesi’ between 1968-2008

M. R. G. Conzen s town plan analysis method was used to analyze street, parcel, bu-
ilding transformation in the fabric. asemaps prepared by Gaziantep Metropolitan Mu-
nicipality in 19 and 200 was used to compare the changes in traditional fabric. First
base map was prepared in 19 for the zoning plan competition, which will be opened
in 19 . Second one was prepared in 200 to meet the needs of the growing city after
1990 s.

Street System
In the street system of 19 , the area has more organic streets and it is observed that
cul-de-sacs within the building blocks are dense. In 200 , the cul-de-sacs were largely
destroyed, and some cul-de-sacs turned into streets.
According to the 19 s Conservation Plan Report, the existing road pattern cannot
be changed. In the 2010 plan report, it is said that all the cul-de-sacs should be preser-
ved. On the other hand, it is said that certain arrangements can be shape by users
expectations. Considering the analysis on the study area, it can be seen that some cul-
de-sacs in the areas inside the urban conservation site boundaries are converted into
streets (Figure 10).

Building Block-Building Relationship

When the base maps of 19 and 200 building blocks are compared, it is seen that
there is no change in the building blocks. Although the building block sizes did not chan-
ge, there were important changes in the building forms (Figure 12). Also in 200 , it can be
seen that new buildings were added in the building blocks.
Although the area is located within the Conservation Area, it is clearly seen that some
of the listed buildings have been demolished. Regrettably, the new constructed buildin-
gs form is completely altered from the traditional fabric (Figure 11). Additionally, some of
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 the buildings that existed in 19 were demolished due to the development plan imple-
mentations such as road widening and the opening the cul-de-sacs to streets.

Building-Parcel Relationship and Floor Heights

The existing building fabric in 19 are located more homogeneously on the parcels. In
200 , with the increase of the buildings on the same area, the density in the parcels appro-
ached the maximum level. After making the solid-void analyzes, it is observed that building
density is increased in the area in 200 . Considering this increase in terms of oor heights, the
increase in density can be read more clearly. In the area, average height of 1 and 2 oors
and rarely oors in 19 (Figure 1 ). In 200 , it is seen that 2 and -storey buildings were built
and new buildings were built in the demolished buildings parcels. Figure 1 shows the rela-
tionship between traditional houses and newly built buildings in the neighborhood.
The study area is located at the Second-Degree Protection one in the plan made in
19 . In the report the emphasis was focused on maintaining and not increasing the current
density values for these areas. In the plan report in 2010, it is said that the existing density
should be preserved under all conditions. However, as can be seen in Figure 1 , the increase
in density in the fabric is clearly seen. It is observed that the principle of preserving the existing
density in the plan decisions has not been applied.

Conclusion
When the analyzes were evaluated within the scope of this study, it was observed that
investments and spatial decisions and afterward spatial site choices had a crucial impact
on the shaping of the city s macroform and also urban morphology. Actors, investors and
local government decisions have a significant impact on the shaping of the city space. The
transformation and transformation processes and spatial effects of aprak Mahallesi, which
has existed in the city since the 1 th century and has a traditional fabric, were analyzed by
Conzen s town plan analysis method. With this method, the study area was examined in the
hierarchy of buildings, parcels and streets. Analysis made by using aerial photographs, street
system, building block-parcel, building-parcel and oor heights were examined comparati-
vely in 19 and 200 .
The rapid development of the city, the differentiation of the users in the traditional texture
and the lack of protection culture of the users and local governments in the city caused
deterioration in the traditional fabric. It has been demonstrated that the inadequacy of the
Conservation Plan decisions and planning implementations made in the historical environ-
ment are effective factors reshaping the urban fabric.
Since conservation plan decisions are not precisely implemented, uncontrolled transfor-
mations, the construction of new buildings that are completely inconsistent with the old bu-
ilding construction technique, material type and height in this surrounding area caused the
urban fabric s deterioration process. These factors came together and caused the traditional
Gaziantep housing pattern to be destroyed by unconscious and illegal ways. In this uncon-
trollable process of destruction and deterioration, necessary precautions must be taken by
local administrations and control of these protected areas should be more frequent. ocal
governments and administrations should develop new methods and ways for controlling the
conservation sites to prevent unauthorized interventions to both the buildings and the urban
fabric. Additionally, by the analysis it is observed that the organic street system was deterio-
rated, the density of the buildings in the area has increased, and in time, the architectural
structures and materials used in ways that did not correspond to the traditional urban fabric.
Although the shopping mall area inside the aprak Mahallesi is located close to the urban
conservation site, it has completely incompatible both as function and as parcel size regar-
ding the current fabric of the area. This situation is a threat to the urban conservation site. In
addition, it is clear that the urban redevelopment project to be made in the northern part of
the neighborhood and the Public Garden Project to be built in the demolished old stadium
will put pressure on the traditional urban pattern of the neighborhood. For this reason, it is an
important issue to consider how the plans from different scales in the city center will affect
the historical urban fabric.

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Figure 1. (from the upper left to the lower right) Gaziantep City s ocation in Turkey; 2. Aerial
Image of the Study Area; 3. Ali Nacar Mosque and Complex, 19 0 ler ( akar and U aner,
201 ); 4. Ali Nacar Mosque, 19 9 (Abdullah Edip it i Archives); 5. Study Area: aprak
Mahallesi, Gaziantep.
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 Figure 6. First master plan made by H. Jansen in 19 ; 7. Second master plan made by
Soylemezoglu and Aru.

Figure 8. Third master plan made by ht Can in 19 ; 9. Fourth master plan made by
Oguz Aldan in 1990.

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Figure 10. Street system of the area in 19 -200 , prepared by author; 11. The relationship
between the buildings protected buildings in the urban site and the newly built buildings.

Figure 12. uilding block-building relationship of the study area in 19 -200 , prepared
by author; 13. The relationship of the old housing pattern to the newly built houses in the
study area.

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 Figure 14. uilding-parcel relationship of the study area in 19 -200 , prepared by author.

Figure 15. Floor height analysis of the area in 19 -200 , prepared by author.

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References
Conzen, M. R. G. (19 0). Alnwick, Northumberland: A Study in Town-Plan Analysis. Institute
of ritish Geographers. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/ 2109 .pdf
Gaziantep Koruma Ama l Imar Plan ,Gaziantep y ksehir elediyesi, p.
Kuban, D. (19 ). Gaziantep Kenti Koruma Plan Raporu.
Moudon, A. . (199 ). Urban morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field. Urban
Morphology, 1(1), 10. https://doi.org/102 - 2
zdeger, H. (19 ). Onalt nc as rda Ay ntab ivas . Istanbul: Istanbul Universitesi. Retrieved
from http://yordam.bim.gantep.edu.tr/yordambt/yordam.php aDemirbas 00 1 0
Pamuk, . (201 ). I . zy lda Geleneksel Sehir Dokusundan Modern Sehir Dokusuna
Ge iste Ayntab sehri (Fiziki ve Demografik ap ). I . zy lda Geleneksel Sehir Doku-
sundan Modern Sehir Dokusuna Ge iste Ayntab Sehri (Fiziki ve Demografik ap ).
Whitehand, J. (19 ). Taking Stock of Urban Geography. Area,1 (2), 1 -1 1. Retrieved
January 22, 2020, from www.jstor.org/stable/20002 1
akar, H., and U aner, M. (201 ). arsumyan-Nazaryan Antep Sehir Plan . Gaziantep:
Sehitkamil elediyesi.

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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

Transitional Morphologies in the Global South: Sub-Saharan Africa

Ana Ricchiardi
Politecnico di Torino, DAD (Dipartimento di Architettura e Design), Castello del Valentino,
Viale Mattioli 39, 10125 Torino, Italy
[email protected]
keywords: Transitional morphologies, informal settlements, Africa, new cities

Abstract

The accelerated phase of urbanization in developing regions occurred in the last half
of the 20th century. Nowadays, a large part of the developing world, labeled as “Global
South”, is still characterized by rapid urban growth. In these areas, processes that initiate
in the margins challenge traditional de endencies of outsides from insides and de -
nitions of urban, suburban, eri-urban and rural, have become blurry The term transi-
tional” refers to elements in the process of change or in the process of “becoming”. For
this study urban forms in Africas s new sub urban scenarios become transitional mor hol-
ogies to be analyzed. African cities have been catalyzing attention since statistical data
show that they will hold about 21% of the world’s population in the coming years. This
increase in urban dwellers implies a rise in the demand for urban housing, infrastructure,
and services vidence of the henomena is tangible, new increasingly large-scale mor-
phologies can be appreciated all over the African continent. Two main morphological
singularities coe ist in these conte ts informal settlements and new large-scale lanned
ro ects Using geogra hic information systems and urban mor hology as decoding arti-
fact, case studies are analyzed as they develop in time; with the aim to understand their
spatial character and the current dynamics of their development. This paper highlights
the artial results of an ongoing ma ing research ro ect that intends to frame the s a-
tial character of transitional morphologies. In this work, urban morphology serves as a tool
that allows emerging morphologies to be mapped and compared.

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 Introduction
Current social, economic and political changes drive the global urbanization process.
This process is creating inequality, uneven spatial development, and increasing socio-
economic diversity, within and between, rural and urban regions (McGee, 2013). Me-
ta-geographical visions of the “urban world” animate contemporary discussions but
much of what goes for “urbanization” today is not what was seen as such in classical
terms of urban extension (Kiel, 2013; 2018). Now, processes that initiate in the margins
challenge traditional dependencies of outsides from insides and definitions of urban,
suburban, peri-urban and rural, have become blurry. Statistical data suggest that the
21st century would represent the final phase of the global transition from rural to urban
(UN, 2014; 2018, LSE; 2018; Keil 2013; 2018). Since the 18th-century urbanization accele-
rated in developed regions. On the other hand, the accelerated phase of urbanization
in developing regions occurred in the last half of the 20th century. Nowadays, a large
part of the developing world, labeled as “Global South”, is still characterized by rapid
urban growth. Due to the fast population growth and volume of younger populations,
these regions have greater challenges to overcome in the coming years (UN, 2018). The
number of people living in so-called “urban” settings has increased exponentially in the
past century. Population growth and migration are projected to add 2.5 billion people by
2050 to the world’s urban population. A major part of this growth is expected to happen
in Asia and Africa. Due to poor land-use planning and not enough affordable housing,
the rapid urbanization of the Global South is characterized by a prevalence of informal
or unplanned urban growth (Mota & Gameren, 2018, Dovey, 2018).
A post-colonial ow of research has appeared in the last years and many scholars, who-
se research interest resides in the Global South, fight against the idea of the mainstream
critical urban literature that uses cities in the South as examples of all that can go wrong
with urbanism; instead, many argue for a re-visioning of how these cities are discussed
and written about to speak back to theoretical and practical concerns, joining postco-
lonial theorists’ plea for theorizations and examples coming from the South and moving
away from a euro centrist view of cities. (Robinson, 2010, Bunnell et al., 2012; Parnell and
Robinson, 2012; Robinson and Roy, 2016).
According to predictions, Cities in the African continent will hold more than 1.3 billion
pe- ople in the coming years, about 21% of the world’s population (UN DESA, 2014).
African cities are still typically studied through lenses of development which decisively
pushes for references to statistical data. These number seem to be overwhelming and
show that the African continent is urbanizing faster than any other continent in the world.
This research work focuses on morphological aspects of these overwhelming numbers
and for this pa- per, a city in the context of Subsaharan Africa becomes a laboratory of
observation of urban forms and the phenomena of urbanization in peripheral areas once
considered as “outside” the city.

Transitional Morphologies
The term “transitional” refers to elements in a state of change or in the state of becoming.
This term seems adequate to describe the current situation in the African context and is
taken as a filter to analyze morphologies in fast-growing cities by including the compo-
nent of time. With the scope to understand the characteristics of the cities of today, their
form and factors that in uence it and to understand what kind of urban environments
we will have in the future, examples of these transitional morphologies that have been
changing and will probably continue to do so in the coming years, are useful to under-
stand the current situation.
One of the main challenges that the African continent faces as a consequence of
the rapid growth of the urban population is one of affordable housing. During the last
UN- Habitat conference in uito, affordable housing was identified as a key factor in the
goal to achieve sustainable urbanization worldwide (UN, 2018). In the case of Africa, two
scenarios (than later can be appreciated in morphological terms) are relevant: the first
one is the continuous growth of informal settlements due to the lack of resources and
affordable housing, and the second one refers to the phenomena of private investments

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in housing and urban developments from foreign and domestic companies that have
appeared in the last 20 years.
In morphological terms, these two scenarios are identifiable and extremely contrasting
(Fig 1). The first type evokes a more or less stereotypical impression of built environments:
complex and high-density alignments of small improvised shelters. Subsaharan Africa is
rich in its diversity of forms of informal settlement and has the highest percentage of pe-
ople living in these types of settlements. (UNCHS, 2001). As for the second type, cases of
real estate speculation, tourist enclaves, middle-class residential neighborhoods, closed
communities, new capitals, financial centers, and new industrial sites have appeared in
recent decades. Some of the recognized transitional morphologies are part of large me-
ga-regions, others are attempts to import urban lifestyles into previously non-urbanized
areas (Van Noorloos & Kloosterboer, 2018).

Informal - Formal
The transitional morphologies recognized as part of the contemporary situation can
be identified as informal and formal. A general definition of the terms seems relevant as
a starting point for the analysis of specific examples where the transitional morphologies
are recurrent.
On the one hand, there are informal settlements. In non-morphological standings,
in- formality has been studied from an urban, sociological, anthropological and political
point of view. Often referred to as “illegal housing” and repeatedly considered as a
consequence of poverty, this type of settlement is an important part of the urbanization
process in developing countries (McGee, 2013). Usually, the terms “squatter”, “slum” and
informal have negative connotations that are often defined in terms of deficiencies;
“…a squatter lacks tenure, a slum lacks space, durability, water, and sanitation; informa-
lity implies a lack of formal control over planning, design, and construction.” (Dovey &
King, 2011). Mike Davis recognizes squatter settlements as one of the symptoms of the
ongoing urban global crisis of the developing world and argues that they could be soon
labeled as suburbs. (Davis, 2006). The existence of these types of settlements worldwide
is also a sign that they represent a crucial element of contemporary urbanization (Bolay,
2006). In areas where land is cheap and unregulated, these types of developments infrin-
ge on the countryside that surrounds growing urban centers, these edges of the city are
eroded as the city expands horizontally without regulation (LSE, 2018). In this sense, infor-
mal settlements could be defined as those where the design, planning, and construction
of buildings and street networks emerge without authorization by the state (Roy and
AlSayyad 200 ). A slum, defined by the UN is a dwelling that lacks basic access to light,
space, air, water, sanitation, security or durability (UN-Habitat, 2006). While these type of
settlements usually emerge spontaneously, and in an unplanned way, their examination
allows understanding of spatial patterns of organization. (Carracedo, 2015)
On the other hand, there are the large scale planned developments that have appea-
red in the last decades. These developments are often referred to as “African urban fan-
tasies” with outdated, unrealistic and unfair characteristics (Watson, 2014). In an attempt
to be showcased as examples of “world-class cities” in the global economy (Roy and
Ong, 2011), often these new projects take the form of “New Cities” inspired by Asian and
Middle Eastern examples. In some cases, these are projects built up from scratch usually
as self-contained enclaves in the outskirts of existing cities; in other cases, city centers
are improved and converted into new cities. (Lumumba J, 2013; Van Noorloos & Kloo-
sterboer, 2018). These new developments have been criticized and many have warned
that the characteristics of these new projects and their insertion into specific contexts will
probably make them unsuitable for solving Africa’s urban development problems.
The Case study presented in this paper illustrate processes of (sub)urbanization that
invol- ve new developments accompanied by informal ones. In this sense, the recent
“African urban fantasies” (formal) and its surrounding (informal) represent transitional
morpholo- gies in the making.

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 Methodology
This study uses examples taken from the most populated cities in the Sub-Saharan area
and those where informal settlements are projected to grow the most in the coming ye-
ars (UNHabitat, 2008). For this paper, an example located in South-Central Africa: Luanda
in Angola, is highlighted for analysis. African regions vary in character, local context, hi-
story, and unique origins. All the non-physical structures, and yet still tangible, characters
present in the context are of extreme importance to frame the current situation of the
continent and of every specific area studied. However, for the interest of this study, only
morphological characters are highlighted. Formal and informal morphologies indeed
carry with them social, legal and economic differences but the intent of this work is not
the mapping of social, tenure or economic conditions but morphological and spatial
ones. An analytical approach and deductive observation of satellite images obtained
from open sources help to define the areas used to exemplify the phenomena.
The presented city is analyzed on different scales (territorial scale and urban scale) and
in different time frames. In the context of urban analysis, cartographical images are crucial
for the analytical deconstruction of urban formation (Conzen, 1960; Caniggia and Maf-
fei, 2001). A comprehensive representation of the city is the first and fundamental step
employed for the morphological analysis in this context. Data from the “Atlas of urban
expansion” is taken as a base to understand the expansion of urban forms in 3 periods
(1990, 2000, 2010). Urban informality and it’s morphological/spatial characteristics rarely
appear in official maps, this represents a challenge. Image-based studies of informal sett-
lements through remote sensing have emerged as a substantial research field to develop
techniques for detecting and mapping informal morphologies using satellite imagery
(Graesser et al. 2012). In this sense, geographic satellite images are used as a tool to ga-
ther information for the collection of 3 samples of urban enclaves of 1,5 km x 1,5 km that
are taken for analysis (Fig 2.).
The first sample comes from an area consolidated in the center of uanda, down the
co- astal highway and past the fort built by Portuguese colonialists on the hill. The other
two samples come from the areas once considered as “outside” the city. The comparison
of these samples brings to light interesting characteristics of urban developing dynamics.
The approach chosen for the morphological analysis regards the following variables:
1. Streets and their arrangement in a street system: these elements represent the
most stable one of urban fabrics since they show more resistance to urban transforma-
tion than plots or building systems (Oliviera, 2016). In these contexts, paved streets are a
sign of consolidated infrastructure. In informal settlements, it is common to see that the
street arrangements appear as a result of the incremental room by room morphologies.
2. Formal morphologies, & open spaces in them; the patterns they generate: In
an urbanization process, the definition of plots and large division of territory have tangi-
ble repercussions in the urban form since they condition future developments in terms of
building types, open spaces, and urban landscapes. Generally, the dimensions of street
blocks and plots increases as the city grows from its confines of the historical center.
3. Informal morphologies & open spaces in them. The buildings found in the
chosen enclaves represent a tangible way in which building systems are the most reco-
gnizable element of urban morphology. Informal morphologies show evidence of bot-
tom-up organization, spatial adaptation, and crookedness.
With the aim to understand the spatial, physical character of urban settlements, the
use of urban form as a decoding artifact brings to light interesting observations about the
phenomena and the recognized morphological settlements. Advances in geographic
information systems and satellite imagery provide tools and images to analyze the chan-
ging morphology of cities. The study employs a comparative analysis of the samples in
different years. The variables aforementioned help understand how the urban characte-
ristics of the chosen samples change as the city grows. Through the study of an enclave
or piece of city in time, effects in the urban form of the city can be deduced. In this
sense, the morphology of a city provides a consistent descriptive language for the built
environment and facilitates rigorous comparison. The output of this kind of study lays in
the applicability of mapping as a generator of knowledge.

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Analysis of sample
Located in South-Central Africa, Angola has one of the highest levels of urbanization
in the African continent with 63.5% of its population living in urban areas. The urban popu-
lation density level is also one of the highest in Africa at an average of 6 767 inhabitants
per km2 (Africapolis, 2015). Its capital city Luanda counts for almost half of the urban po-
pulation of the country and is the largest city. The rapid urban growth experienced in this
city was part due to the civil war in the interior of the country from 1974 and 1992 causing
a displacement of rural dwellers to the city. This city is presumed to be a megacity in the
making with a projected population of 8.9 million in 2025 (UN, 2014). The informal settle-
ment’s population in the city is very high and was estimated to be 86.5% in 2005, informal
settlements are known as musseques. (White et al, 2015).
Samples:
A. The first sample (Fig .) is taken from the consolidated area in the center of
the city. The structure of the city is composed of various centers. Administrative structures
used during Portuguese colonial rule are present in the area and represent the formal
morphologies of this sample. The streets and their arrangement are consolidated. The
presence of informal morphologies is limited to the bay area and signs of evictions and
relocations of these settlements are present when satellite images are compared. Signs
of reclaimed land are also visible and it is in these marginal areas where the develop-
ment of informal settlements appear.
B. The second sample (Fig 4.) is taken from an area that showed exponential de-
velopment in the first years of the 2000s. The connotation of outskirts from the city center
made formal housing morphologies to develop as private enclaves. It is only in these en-
claves where a durable material is used for the street conformation. On the other hand,
the extensive occupation of informal settlements in the area makes evident the need for
housing during those years. The density of the informal morphologies in this sample makes
open public spaces scarce or even absent, giving the sinuous streets or paths the role of
public realm. In this sample and with the diachronic overview of the area it is evident that
architecture and urban design co-evolve incrementally.
C. The third sample (Fig 5.) shows an area furthest to the consolidated center. This
area was considered and labeled as rural until 10 years ago; recent urban projects and
developments have marked the areas once considered as “outside” with projects of
housing constructed for low-income groups. However, when low-income housing remains
financially inaccessible, unregulated settlements grow adjacent to formal morphologies
that in this case are defined and enveloped in a grid. The parallel development of these
morphologies shows two completely diverse ways of living.

Conclusion
The speed and effects of urbanization may bring with them overwhelming issues. Statistic
figures could sometimes be beyond comprehension. In this sense, understanding the dy-
namics of urbanization processes, to later take findings into account for future develop-
ments, is one of the greatest challenges society is faced with at the time. The opportunity
of seeing the overwhelming changes from a spatial and morphological point of view
opens opportunities for new re ections. The current physical conditions of a city are the
result of various events that change its morphology in time. The reconstruction of these
changes is evident when maps of specific places are compared. In the context of the
global south, urban challenges appear to be greater. An effort to look at the elements
that constitute cities in these areas is made with this research project to understand the
circumstances of the development of the chosen areas. In this sense, cities’ current con-
ditions and structure are explained by examining its development.
As for the analyzed city and samples in this paper, the variables used for the analysis
de- composed the layers of the urban form in pieces to get a general understanding of
how these systems work individually and collectively and how these elements develop
in time. The morphological features of the studied urban places can be reduced to a
logical system of explanation, which can lead to an understanding of the relationship
between urban formal and informal morphologies. This paper highlights only partial
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 217
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 results of an ongoing mapping research project that aims to frame the spatial character
of transitio- nal morphologies. Future steps of the research may include smallers samples
of each city to be analized and a more strict methodology that would allow the analisis of
other cities in the Global South. In this study, urban morphology serves as a tool that allows
emerging morphologies to be mapped and compared.

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Figure 1. Morphological singularities recognized in the African urban context. Left: Kibera
Slum, Kenya. Right: Kilamba new town, Angola.

Figure 2. uanda, Angola. Territorial scale, general street configuration and samples.

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 Figure 3. Sample A, urban scale & diachronic analysis.

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Figure 4. Sample B, urban scale & diachronic analysis.

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 Figure 5. Sample C, urban scale & diachronic analysis.

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ment: An International Perspective. “New York City, NY.
UNCHS (Habitat) (2001) “Cities in a Globalizing World, Global Report on Human Settle-
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Van Noorloos, Femke; Kloosterboer Marjan. (2018) “Africa’s new cities: The contested
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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

or o o ic ecific fe t re of o tin tri m to n

1
Iuliia Bushmakova, 2Svetlana Maksimova
Perm National Research Polytechnic University, Department of Architecture and Urban
1,2

Planning, Perm.
Keywords : Perm region, single-industry towns, monocities, urban fabric

Abstract

The article presents research of small postindustrial cities in Perm Region in a retro-
spective of state urban planning policy. On the basis of archival and town-planning data
the uestion of s atial transformation of industrial cities was studied The in uence of the
city-forming enterprise on the development of urban morphology is shown. Single-indus-
try cities are a global trend of industrialization in the late XIX - mid XX centuries in particu-
lar countries. In Russian practice these territories are usually called “Monotcities”. Until
the end of the 1920s, Russian monotowns were built as a “factory-city” and formed the
space of the city around the plant. The functional zoning changed with the appearance
of the “Garden town” and a “Socialist town” concepts (Milyutin, 1930; Meerovich, 2016).
Since the mid-1950s the principle of microdistrict planning (Stanilov, 2007) has been ac-
tively introduced, as a result, urban fabric becomes more “friable” with low connectivity.
The downtown is obtaining uncertain features. Small industrial towns in Perm region have
the characteristic traces of the Soviet period of urban development, in which the mor-
phological structure was submit to the enterprise and frequently had no human scale.
The transition from a ublic administration system to market relations has had a signi cant
impact on changing urban morphology. The scale of transformation in monotowns is
both general and uni ue The article contains re ections on the im act of state urban
planning policies on the texture of urban fabric of monotowns, formed in various histori-
cal contexts.

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 ntro ction
According to the official documents, there are 1112 cities and towns in Russia today.
More than 70% are small towns, including urban-type settlements. Part of small towns,
the so-called ‘single-industry towns’ or ‘monocities’, emerged and existed due to single
enterprises or industries (‘company towns’ in the terms adopted in foreign science). There
are about 319 urban settlements where 15,950,886 people live (data for 2018). These ter-
ritories vary in size, population, type and pattern of development. Their main common fe-
ature is the presence of a factory in its the territory. On the one hand, this factory was the
source of development for the town; on the other, the city became fully dependent on it.
The emergence of this type of city is a global trend of the late 19th - mid 20th centu-
ries, i.e. the period of industrialization.
In the Soviet Russia the phenomenon of a company town was massively widespread
due to the plan economy (Zubarevich, 2015) and the doctrine of administrative territory
division (Meerovich, 2018). Most such towns emerged against the background of a new
legislation format introduced in 1930s, external political threats and the creation of the
GULAG system.
The World War II escalated the emergence and development of such cities. This
explains their location, their specific layout and ineffective resource management (Hill
and Gaddy, 2007).
Many towns founded during the Soviet period experienced serious violation of the na-
tural process of city development. Many cities were built in places where no city should
exist – in severe climates and almost inaccessible locations (like Siberia and the Urals). The
main factor determining the emergence of a new settlement was industrial production,
and that was the only purpose town planners had in mind. The in ux of the population
was often forced. Thus, the evolutionary process of city development was disrupted. As
a consequence of the above factors, after 1989, when the system of management and
control changed in Russia, those small city faced huge problems associated with their
urban space.
To study the transformation of the urban fabric of these settlements, I used retrospecti-
ve and cartographic analysis, studied urban planning documentation and conducted
field studies of single-industry towns of the Perm Region.

C e t t e monocitie of t e erm erritor

In the Perm Region, out of 2 cities, seven cities have the official status of a monotown,
and out of 28 urban-type settlements, three are considered to be single-industry territo-
ries - Tyoplaya Gora, Pashiya, Uralskiy.
From table No. 1 it is clear that the monocities in Perm Region were formed from histo-
rical settlements and redeployed for military purposes, their existing industrial enterprises
expanded (Tyoplaya Gora, Pashiya, Yugo-Kamskii, Chusovoy, Nytva, Ochyor, Aleksan-
drovsk) or new ones were built (Krasnovishersk, Gornozavodsk, Uralskiy).
A characteristic feature of monotowns in the Perm Region is the blurring of their boun-
draries. They have been changed at least 3 times since the 1990s as a result of numerous
municipal reforms in the Russian Federation. The exceptions are Ochyor and Uralskiy.
Monocities in the Perm Region are generally both typical and at the same time unique
to Russia. Most of them were founded in the late 1920s, around the industrial enterprises
founded before the Revolution of 1917 (Turgel, 2010). Thus, one can trace the tendency
that most of the Perm city factory towns that existed before the Revolution were subse-
quently transformed into Soviet single-industry towns. And, to varying degrees, retained
the features of the original settlement: the old factory, the old city, the pond.
In single-industry towns based on pre-revolutionary factory settlements, usually there
were two centers: the old one, which consisted of the factory, a pond and the admini-
strative center surrounded by residential buildings; and a new one, which emerged with
the reconstruction of the old plant or its new construction at the same or another loca-
tion (figure 1).
It should be taken into consideration that in the first half of the 19th century, all pre-in-
dustrial towns in the Kama region, including the provincial town of Perm, were relatively

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small (from 1-2 to 10-15 thousand people), built up mainly by wooden one-story houses,
most of which had yards with outbuildings, like stables, bathhouses, woodsheds. The hou-
ses had kitchen gardens in their back yards. Many house owners kept poultry or even
cows that grazed on urban pastures. The streets had neither hard surfaced pavement,
nor sidewalks, nor artificial lighting, water was taken from wells and natural water bodies,
and the waste was also dumped there. The industry was represented by small manu-
factures and craft workshops that used manual labor, and most of the trade operations
were carried out by small stores and at fairs that were held several times a year. Only
the existence of several large stone churches and administrative buildings characterized
those towns as urban settlements, not rural ones (figure 2).
Russian industrialization of the second half of the XIX–early XX centuries led to the
emergence of new industrial enterprises using modern machinery and technology. Some
of them arose at the site of old plants, some appeared at new locations, e.g. in coal mi-
ning districts that produced fuel for both metallurgy and electric power plants. The layout
of factory towns in this period was usually neither beautiful nor comfortable; it was often
quite primitive, practically without social infrastructure and even amenities. However,
there were exceptions.
One of the richest Perm entrepreneurs of the post-reform era, Ivan Lyubimov, hired the
famous Perm architect A. Turchevich to build a village for the soda plant in Berezniki (a
joint Russian-Belgian enterprise, at that time the largest factory of the kind in Russia). Each
building in the village was built to a special project, workers’ apartments had running wa-
ter (Kurjakova and Galyautdinov, 2016). The settlement impressed contemporaries with
the cleanliness of houses and streets, well-developed infrastructure, which included, in
addition to the residential buildings and factory management, a school, a hospital and
even a theater.
This working village, nicknamed “Little Belgium”, was rather a unique example of pa-
ternalism than typical of the Perm Territory of that period. After the revolution, the territory
of the “Little Belgium” was used for industrial purposes for a long time, which ultimately
made this territory completely isolated from the city life. Recently, the issue of recon-
struction of this historic place was suspended due to industrial pollution of the territory,
the accident rate of the buildings and the isolation of the site from modern housing de-
velopment.
Such a policy of paternalism became the basis of the idea of the garden city of Har-
vard. At the beginning of the 20th century, the idea of a “garden city” was also picked
up in Russia, but, according to Meerovich, the tsarist government could not accept this
concept for fear of the development of autonomy and civil society in Russia (Meerovich,
2017). Later this idea was adopted by Soviet constructivist architects and embodied in
the construction of socialist towns (Milyutin, 200 ). During the first Soviet five-year plans
epoch, the concept was subjected to the ultimate functionality of the residential deve-
lopment, when the whole city life was subordinated to the enterprise and depended
on its prosperity. Thus, the monofunctional structure of the city was formed with a clear
division into industrial, sanitary-protective and residential zones, with recreational zones
lining their edges. This urban planning method was implemented in many Soviet cities,
especially those built from scratch, e.g. the town of Gornozavodsk in the Perm Region (fi-
gure 4). A mandatory design requirement was the presence of a sanitary protection zone
between the industrial territory and the residential area (usually 1 km) and the creation of
a buffer zone, including greenering, storage or transport areas.
The downtown is characterized by the features of the Soviet urban planning and de-
sign: the network of green spaces laid down in the 1940s is visible, the central planning
area has low-rise buildings and human scale, pedestrian connections are developed.
The central part of Gornozavodsk, built before 1965, is characterized by two or
three-storey houses with outbuildings. As shown in the photo from the urban develop-
ment strategy, the development area is compact, formed along the street lines (figure
5).
The phased development of the city is re ected in the planning and architectural
monotony of blocks, characteristic for each construction period, and also by the incom-
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 pleteness of the road network. Dependence on factory utility networks in uenced the
fact that multi-storey buildings did not spread beyond the river. Today, the city is divided
into three parts by linear objects: the industrial zone is cut off by the railway in the north
(figure ), followed by a an area with multi-storey buildings which is also cut by a linear
object - a river (figure ). Next is a low-rise buildings area with individual houses, which is
cut off by the federal high-speed highway from the residents’ dachas and a microdistrict
Druzhba (figure ).
At the same time, a compact and otherwise walk accessible city is limited by difficult
barriers that make the urban environment more inaccessible to people.
In the mid-1960s, in the eastern part of the city, there appeared a block built up with
the khrushchevkas, with huge courtyards. This territory is now abandoned, as it became
less attractive than the central part of the city due to the lack of improvement and the
boring appearance of the buildings. Currently, freestanding trade pavilions covered with
yellow siding are being built on the wastelands.
The western part of the city was built up in the 1980s by builders from DDR. These are
more densely built-up neighborhoods with five-storey houses with an improved layout of
apartments, which is why many residents still seek to move to this part of the city.
In general, the city developed along the perimeter of the blocks with large courtyard
spaces intended for future infill construction. In the 2000s, this allowed erecting several hi-
gh-rise apartment buildings within the planning structure of the neighborhoods. Typically
of this period of economic changes, this development lacks in courtyards, public spaces
and has a chaotic road network (Bushmakova and Shorkina, etc., 2019).
Today in Gornozavodsk there are many wastelands, garages and sheds, as well as
abandoned buildings and apartments (figure ).
The functional zoning of cities was applied everywhere. This approach was used not
only in new but also in existing cities. The structure of the pre-revolutionary city was chan-
ging in a top-down manner. A comfortable, low-scale building typology was replaced
by panel microdistricts even in settlements with obvious village features, which also ma-
nifested itself in inadequate building density and the destruction of comfortable urban
blocks.
While previously the main forming elements were a factory, a pond, a market square
and churches, in the post-revolutionary period the city center became less pronounced.
In addition, some of the historical buildings (for example, churches) were demolished or
converted to functions unusual for them. In the Russian urban planning tradition, most
churches were built on the highest or busiest location and were the silhouette-forming
dominant of the settlement. To date, these buildings have been lost, and it is often not
possible to restore the compositional integrity due to the displacement of the business
center of the city or the large financial costs of reconstruction (figure ).
Due to the change of ideology, the pre-revolutionary approach to the formation of
urban “sacred places” was replaced by the Soviet one, where memorials in honor of the
heroes of the October Revolution and the WWII dominated, combined with palaces of
culture and monuments to Soviet leaders (figure ).
A new type of public spaces was formed that was significant for the citizens: a square
in front of the industrial enterprise. Today this public space is losing its significance in urban
life due to the decline or the closure of the city-forming enterprise (figure ). Monuments
are replaced by others with a more historical theme, squares are converted into parking
lots and transport hubs, but sometimes into quiet green spots.
The town-planning and historical features of Russian single-industry towns distinguish
them from other countries, since most of them are the legacy of the Soviet era, when
urban planning
policies were mainly determined by the military and strategic interests of the state. The
organization of comfortable conditions and concern for the welfare of the population
were not as important as the maximum production output, primarily of raw materials and
products of the military-industrial complex (Meerovich, 2016; Stanilov, 2007). The main
factor determining the emergence of a new settlement was an industrial enterprise and
its successful development (Zubarevich, 2015). The master plans for small settlements ini-

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tially included a standard minimum of social and communal facilities: a school, a clinic,
a kindergarten, a club, a boiler house, a bathhouse, a shop (figure ).
The post-war phase of urban planning and development in the USSR is characterized
by intensified urbanization ( appo, 200 ).
Accelerated urbanization has led to the situation when the majority of Russian mo-
dern cities have vivid ‘rural features’: individual dachas around the city edges and even
agricultural buildings located inside the city (figure 9). The in ux of huge masses of peo-
ple from rural areas who had no time to join the urban way of life, to master and accept
urban values, led to the formation of the significant number of residents who have a semi-ur-
ban lifestyle (Pivovarov, 2001).
For example, today the Gornozavodsk city center looks neglected due to dilapidated
facades and buildings in which residents keep their stuff and raise chickens. Gardening plots
were designed by urban planners deliberately: according to the 1947 master plan, all apart-
ment buildings were provided with household plots of 1000-1200 m2 for kitchen gardens and
sheds for keeping goats, pigs and chickens.
The overestimation of resettlement and the underestimation of its social content were
characteristic of town planning activities. In particular, they are evident in the General Sche-
me of Settlement in the USSR in the 1970-1980s and other state documents on urban planning
prospects (Kiteleva and Lorenc, 2017). It should be kept in mind that the construction of
monocities during the first and second waves of Soviet industrialization from scratch meant
complete absence of any cultural tradition on their territory (Meerovich, 2018).
The patronage system of city-forming enterprises and dependence on them have led to
the fact that the population is passive and not accustomed to actively participating in the
process of modernization of the cities in which they live and work.
The issues of providing comfortable housing and infrastructure to the main part of the
urban population were partially resolved by the early 1970s as a result of the widespread
introduction of mass panel construction and the inclusion of urban development in the re-
sponsibilities of city-forming enterprises (Potapov, 1984).
In most cases, employees of city-forming enterprises lived in residential buildings belon-
ging to and run by those enterprises. Such social infrastructure as boiler houses, kindergar-
tens, clinics, and educational institutions were maintained by enterprises, too.
The abrupt transformation of the ‘command’
system into the ‘market’ system changed all system into the ‘market’ system changed all
spheres of life including urban planning. The beginning of the 1990s was characterized by a
legislative crisis in the urban planning sphere, uncontrolled massive spread of unauthorized
residential development and redistribution of property, which has now aggravated the pro-
blems of Russian cities (Slepuchina, 2014). In addition, existing residential and public buildings
are declining due to the lack of proper maintenance, major repairs and reconstruction. The
problem also lies in the fact that most buildings in small towns were built in the short post-war
period, which means that they all are deteriorating simultaneously. (Batunova and Gunko,
2018).
The refusal of enterprises to maintain objects of social and communal infrastructure po-
sed a challenge to city administrations: they were obliged to buy these objects from the
enterprises or to build their own. Many cities ceased to need the whole range of existing
social facilities due to a decrease in the population or lack of funds in the budget. Often, the
most important urban facilities were purchased not by municipalities, but by individuals and
commercial organizations that were not interested in preserving their original function. The
issue was not regulated by law; as a result, buildings were redesigned according to their new
owners’ desires. The land plots around the buildings could be surrounded by fences, making
previously accessible territories closed to citizens. In other cases, where the issue of property
remained unresolved for a long time, buildings were destroyed, and land plots fell into disre-
pair, which also negatively affected the structure of urban fabric. Until now, in small towns,
ownership of most territories, especially public spaces, has not been established, A fragment
of the cadastral map shows that in the center of Yugo-Kamskii many sites near apartment
buildings are not delimited, which leads to the appearance of abandoned wastelands (fi-
gure 10).
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 e conc ion
The study of the structure of the urban fabric of single-industry towns of the Perm Re-
gion has revealed the following problems: the lack of clearly defined center and boun-
daries of towns, districts with simultaneously deteriorating buildings, and the destruction
of historical heritage.
In the context of a declining population, modern development is sprawling, and
abandoned zones appear within the city.
A characteristic feature of postindustrial cities is the lack of interaction with water spa-
ces, since the river banks are occupied by former enterprises and are therefore closed
or unsafe for residents.
The changing role of the industrial enterprise in urban life has had a negative impact
on the urban fabric, starting from the dilapidated factory entrances and ending with
the destruction of buildings in the factory territories. In addition, in the century specific
industrial landscapes were formed, such as rock dumps, dams, buffer zones, which nega-
tively affect the perception of the town and make it less penetrable.
In terms of urban environment, the single-industry towns of the Perm region suffer from
the monotonous development of the Soviet period, with little emphasis on unique featu-
res associated with history and landscape.
An analysis of the General plans and maps of the settlements of the single-industry
towns of the Perm Region revealed a tendency to preserve urban planning approaches
of the late Soviet period and the era of modernism. The town planners seem assured that
the population will always grow and the city-forming factory will always prosper. They
create monotonous functional zones and do not provide infrastructure to meet modern
standards.
As a result of the uncontrolled land development, the quality and value of urban spa-
ce are diminished:
- local budgets do not have enough means to maintain the huge areas of urban spa-
ces and streets, which leads to the degradation of their condition.
- the fragmented urban fabric forces residents to use transport, often on personal
vehicles;
- due to fragmented urban fabric, the density of population and specific distribution
of workplaces, it is impossible to efficiently use the existing and newly created urban in-
frastructure, street network and social facilities.
Given the limited town budgets, this leads to a decline in the communal infrastructure
and a degradation of the urban environment. The situation is worsening every year - sin-
ce 1990, Russia has already lost more than 23,000 settlements, and this trend continues.
To retain towns and their urban fabric, it is necessary to revise key approaches in
Russian urban planning policy and start working with urban environment, rather than
individual objects. In particular, it is necessary to understand the nature and potential of
degrading inner-city territories and use them as a resource for saving the urban fabric.

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Table 1. Monocities of Perm Territory
No Name of settle- First Date of city City-forming Distance Population
ments mentioned status enterprise from Perm,
km
1 ZAO «Teplogorskii
shchebyonochnyj
Tyoplaya Gora 1880 1928 244 2884
kar'er» (gravel pit);
Forest industry
2 Pashiyskii
Pashiya 1784 1929 Metallurgical and 179 3606
Cement plant
3 Yugo-Kamskii
Yugo-
1746 1929 Machine Building 56,5 8019
Kamskii
Plant
4 Chusovskoi
Chusovoy 1804 1933 140,8 45 291
Metallurgical Plant
5 Nytvenskii
Nytva 1756 1942 74,7 18 804
Metallurgical Plant
6 Visherabumprom
Krasnovishersk 1894 1942 (paper factory), 315 15 587
Uralalmaz mine
7 Gornozavodskce-
Gornozavodsk 1947 1965 ment (cement 179,6 11 477
factory)
8 Uralskiy - 1948 Perm plywood mill 69,5 7699
9 Ochyorskii
Ochyor 1759 1950 Machine Building 141,6 14 240
Plant
10 Aleksandrovsk 1783 1951 Alexandrovsk 240,5 12 841
Machine Building
Plant

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 i re Town-planning portrait of a monocity.

i re An example of a “pre-industrial” era town (S. M. Prokudin-Gorsky, 1912).

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i re The fuctional zones of Gornozavodsk city.

i re - The Scheme of identified wastelands and emergency buildings in Gornoza-

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 i re The loss of silhouette-forming dominants: the historic and nowadays view of Holy
Trinity Church in the town Yugo-Kamskii.

i re ‘Sacred places’ in the Soviet towns: the central alley with the monument to V.I.
enin (Gornozavodsk), the Palace of Culture (Chusovoy), the Monument to the Heroes
of the War (Ochyor).

i re The present view of the factories squares (monotowns - Yugo-Kamskii, Uralskiy,

Chusovoy).

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 i re The fragments of the General plans for the monocities of Uralskiy and Gornoza-
vodsk.

i re The outbuildings in Gornozavodsk, 2019.

i re An example of a cadastral map of Yugo-Kamskiy settelment showing unpro-

ductive land property and a photo of the object.

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 eference
Zubarevich, N.V. (2015) ‘Crises in Post-Soviet Russia: a regional projection’, in Regionalnye
Issledovaniya 1 (47), 23-31.
Meerovich, M. G. (201 ) Soviet monoprofile cities: the story behind and key features , in
Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 1, 53-65.
Hill, F. and Gaddy, Clifford G. (200 ), The Siberian Curse: How Communist Planners eft
Russia Out in the Cold, Washington, Brookings Institution Press.
Turgel, I.D. (2010) ‘Monofunkcionalnye goroda Rossii: ot vyzhivaniya k ustojchivomu
razvitiyu’ [Monofunctional Towns of Russia: From Survival to Sustainable
Development , ekaterinburg, Ural State aw University Publishing House.
Kurjakova, N.B. and Galyautdinov, I.O. (2016) ‘Architectural heritage of A.Turchevich
“Little Belgium” Beginnings of Berezniki’, in Sovremennyye Tekhnologii v Stroitelstve.
Teoriya i Praktika 6, 1-11.
Meerovich, M. U. (2017) ‘Gradostroitel’naya politika v SSSR (1917-1929). Ot goroda-sada
k vedomstvennomu rabochemu poselku’ [Urban policy in the USSR (1917-1929). From
the garden city to the departmental working village], Moscow , Novoe literaturnoe
obozrenie.
Milyutin N. . (200 ) Sozgorod, erlin, DOM publishers.
Bushmakova, Yu. Dubova, O., Shorkina Yu. (2019) ‘Problems of forming comfortable ur-
ban environment in the city of Gornozavodsk’, in PNRPU Bulletin, Applied ecology.
Urban development 1, 21-35.
Meerovich, M. G. (201 ) auses appearance of single-industry towns in the USSR , in
Sovremennyj Gorod: Vlast, Upravlenie, Ekonomika 1, 260-271.
Stanilov, K. (2007), ‘Urban development policies in Central and Eastern Europe during the
transition period and their impact on urban form’, in Stanilov. K. (ed) The Post-Socialist
City: Urban Form and Space Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe After So-
cialism, Dordrecht, Springer.
Lappo, G.M. (2004) ‘Osobennosti rossijskoj urbanizacii i ih otrazhenie v urbanisticheskoj
strukture strany Features of Russian urbanization and their re ection in the urban
structure of the country], Regionalnye Issledovaniya, 1 (3), 3-12.
Pivovarov, YU. L. (2001) ‘Urbanizaciya Rossii v XX veke: predstavleniya i realnost’ [Urbani-
zation of Russia in the 20th Century: representation and reality] (Social sciences and
contemporary world, Moscow).
Kiteleva, A. and Lorenz, P. (2017) ‘Opportunities of urban regeneration in the post-soviet
space of Russian city-millions’, in PNRPU Bulletin, Applied ecology. Urban develop-
ment 3, 39-54.
Potapov, Yu.N. (1984) Arhitekturnoe blagoustrojstvo gorodskih territorij v uslo-
viyah industrialnogo stroitelstva [Architectural improvement of urban areas
in the conditions of industrial construction], unpublished PhD thesis, Moscow.
Slepuchina, I. (2014) ‘Russian cities at the crossroads: getting lost in transition or mo-
ving towards regeneration’, unpublished PhD thesis, Politecnico di Milano, Italy.
Batunova, E. and Gunko, M. (2018) ‘Urban shrinkage: an unspoken challenge of spatial plan-
ning in Russian small and medium-sized cities’, European Planning Studies 26(8), 1580-1597.

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 A.3 Urban Morphology and Planning Tools

Gridded Urban Morphologies, sub-Saharan Africa and Senegal:

Research Historiographies and Present-day Realities
Liora Bigon1, Eric Ross2
1
Department of Multidisciplinary Studies, HIT – Holon Institute of Technology, 52 Golomb
St., 5810201, Holon, Israel
2
School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Al Akhawayn University, PO Box 1889, 53000,
Ifrane, Morocco
1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: Grid-plan legacies, historiography, African/Islamic/French/Urban Studies, Sene-
gal, Su settlements

Abstract

In Western (Eurocentric) research traditions of urban and planning histories, sub-

Saharan Africa is generally denied an urban past, an urban settlement-design culture, and
especially an indigenous practice of grid-planning. It is against this state of research that
indigenous grid-pattern settlements in Senegal are analyzed in our paper, with relation
to the gridded tradition of (post-)colonial settlement-design. The paper demonstrates
that urban grid-planning emerged independently in Senegal, before European
colonization, while also shifting the discussion from morphological essentialism regarding
the genealogy of the grid towards a more interactive, poly-centric and processual
a roach re ecting resent-day realities The sensitivities inherited in African Studies will
be also brought to the fore, as developed against the background of the historiographic
tendencies that characterize Islamic Studies, World History, (Global) Urban Studies and
the current literature on grid planning. The paper therefore provides a critical overview
of the research atmos here in various interfacing elds, giving s ecial attention to
global North-South relations. A series of past and contemporary important urban centers
mostly Su in Senegal will be e amined, em loying rich and variegated methodology,
sources and eldwork Through a focus on grid lan literature, the enduring need to de-
Eurocentralize global urban history will be highlighted, while proceeding towards a more
inclusive, integrative and hybrid post-colonial urban planning cultures.

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 A note on historiography
Dealing with histories and geographies of urban planning in sub-Saharan, Islamic
Africa means embracing a critical perspective while positioning Africa at the intersection
of Islamic Studies, World History, and (Global) Urban Studies. However, Africa is still
poorly positioned in this scholarly landscape, a legacy of the continent’s political-
economic marginalization in modern times. eing among the first to discern this scientific
marginalization, Africanists have long called for a research agenda able to rectify the
bias. In the field of Islamic studies writes Eric Ross, Africa has been seen in a passive
role, as simply receiving Islam. Islam is always in Africa, but there never seems to be any
Africa in Islam (199 , p. 2). Similarly, argues the art historian Ren ravmann, Africa
and Islam have surely made something of each other that is quite extraordinary, if only
we care to look (2000, p. 90). And, according to the world historian Patrick Manning,
authors of world-historical monographs and syntheses have yet to find ways to present
Africans of the continent or the diaspora as participants in global affairs in a proportion
approaching in a way their place among the numbers of humans (201 , p. 2 ).
At the same time, established scholarship on urban planning history is centered on
the European experience, first that of southern Europe (in antiquity) and then that of
Western Europe and North America (in the modern era). While a few other city-building
traditions – those of China and the Islamic Middle East in particular – are also recognized
as valuable to the discipline, this value is contextualized as somehow peripheral, as lying
in the past and having been comprehensively superseded by modern practices that
spread from Europe. Perhaps more so than any other major world region, sub-Saharan
Africa is almost entirely excluded from the world historical narrative of urbanization. A few
select parts of the continent, such as the Niger Bend, and the Hausa, Yoruba and Swahili
city-states, are included at the periphery of medieval Islamic city-building. But otherwise
sub-Saharan Africa is generally denied an urban past, denied its own history and culture
of urban design, and entrapped in a bucolic image. Even after the end of colonialism, as
noted by the Africanist historian Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “western urbanists tend
to postulate the modern colonial or contemporary city as an innovation in Africa. The
reason for this, she explains, is that “consciously or not, but always implicitly, there is a
presupposition that the only fully developed urban model is the Western standard of
reference (200 , pp. 12-1 ).

Grid plan historiography and Africa

Globally, the history of the urban grid embraces multiple regions and time periods. It
is also connected with a variety of forms of political, economic and social organization,
ranging from egalitarian to more centralized and authoritarian regimes. As noted by the
urbanist Peter Marcuse, “the same form can be produced by quite different interests
whose con icts result in quite different compromises ; and likewise similar interests can
produce quite different city forms if their histories and the compromises they reach
are different (19 , pp. 2 9-290). Jill Grant (201 ) has conducted an historical survey
that demonstrates this point by classifying the political structure of societies that have
implemented the grid plan as a dominant form in city building. Her study shows that,
while the grid was implemented in some rather egalitarian societies seeking to diffuse
authority among citizens, it was most commonly used in societies which had centralizing
or globalizing power. Thus, the extraordinary symbolism of the grid as a rational built form
imposed on landscapes can convey a range of meanings and interests, both positive
and negative.
Historically, grid plans have been implemented since ancient times. The city of
Mohenjo Daro in present-day Pakistan and Egypt’s Middle Kingdom pyramid town of
Kahun both date to the third millennium BCE. Since, grid plans have been implemented
by the ancient Assyrians, Greeks and Romans, in imperial China, in the medieval bastide
towns of southern France and late medieval England, in Renaissance Italy and Germany,
and in colonial America, both North and South (Kostof, 2001). Yet the literature on grid
planning, particularly in the medieval and modern eras, associates this spatial practice
exclusively to the exercise of power by European territorial states, both at home and

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especially overseas in the colonial periphery. Grid planning thus becomes inseparable
from Western modernity and rationality. Colonial cities normally laid out on the grid
plan but also on other designs – are perceived in the urban planning literature as a direct
continuation of European modes of planning beyond Europe. This is true concerning
the Portuguese, Spanish and French colonization of the New World, the later westward
movement of settlement across North America, and other colonized places in Asia and
Africa (e.g., Culot and Thiveaud, 1992; Maza, 19 ; Morris, 199 19 2 ; Pinol, 200 ; Pinon,
199 ; Reps, 19 0; Romero, 19 ; Stelter, 199 ).
As a result, it seems that urban planning literature has absolved itself of having to
deal with non-Western planning cultures, or with their possible long-term interactions
with Western colonial cultural. The introduction of the grid plan in colonized countries
has been described in this literature as occurring in a spatial tabula rasa. aptized by
the grid, colonized regions globally were whitened and could enter the mainstream
of urban history. This Eurocentric view has persisted in some classic planning history
textbooks. Nothing is said in these textbooks about Native American, Indian or African
planning concepts and their possible interaction with the colonial counterparts. This
epistemological gap applies broadly to urban history in colonial and post-colonial North
America, South-East Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Those who study the global history of
grid planning have completely ignored Benin City (Edo), the capital of the greatest rain
forest kingdom of Africa, now in the coastal interior of Nigeria. Consolidated by the twelfth
century, the kingdom ourished between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, to
be later weaked by a civil war (1 9-1 21) and ritish destruction and annexation (1 9 ).
According to seventeenth-century oral traditions, written accounts of European visitors
in a variety of languages (Ben-Amos and Thornton 2001), and archaeological evidence
(Darling, 19 ) - the city s streets were laid out as a radiating grid system, originating from
the king’s palace. Similarly, nothing is said about the city of Loango, capital of one of
the oldest and largest kingdoms of the southern area of today’s Republic of the Congo
(Brazzaville). Established near the Atlantic coast in the thirteenth century by the Vili (Bavili)
people, it became a major trading state importing ivory and slaves from the hinterland.
Based on the accounts of European travelers, its main streets were wide, long, straight
and clean; they met at right angles and led to the gates of the surrounding wall (Thornton,
1983, p. 91).
In West Africa , says the art historian Mark Hinchman, the grid plan represented the
West, a city pointedly not African. In order for the grid-as-myth-of-the-West to function,
a great deal of repression needed to occur, foremost the knowledge of many African
traditions of rectilinear architecture (2012, p. 0 ). Still, his study of Senegal which
overrelys on colonial sources seems to be unaware of indigenous spatial practices,
and of the fact that various elite Wolof social actors were implementing grid plans
independently of colonial forces. The Senegalese case presented here shows that at
various times and in different locations, the grid plan model was deployed by royal
courts to help actualize secular authority and aristocratic prerogatives, by Sufi orders
to promote proper Islamic conduct, and by the French colonial authorities to foster the
rational exploitation of agricultural resources. All three types of agents were powerful
political and social institutions able to act decisively on the territory. While Senegambia’s
ancien régime kingdoms and the French colonial administration were straight-forwardly
political institutions of the highest order (being types of states), the Sufi orders are not. The
exercise of authority by Senegal s contemporary Sufi orders has been well studied ( illalon,
199 ). oth the Sufi orders and their individual leaders (sheikhs) are generally recognized
religious authorities (Senegalese sheikhs consider themselves moral authorities), and it
is also generally accepted that their religious authority extends into the social, economic
and political spheres of Senegalese life. At the height of the colonial system, when new
Sufi settlements mostly linked to the peanut economy were proliferating, the authority of
the Sufi orders was already firmly established (Robinson, 2000). Given that the colonial
authorities lacked the resources to police or service rural localities directly, such authority
was conveniently left in the hands of the local sheikhs and the Sufi orders they were
affiliated to. The sheikhs were thus able to implement a variety of policies (in religious
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 education, in agriculture, in urban design) in the localities under their control with little
interference from the colonial state. Since independence in 19 0 the Sufi orders continue
to exercise a measure of de facto authority within society and the public sphere. They
have used, and continue to use the grid plan to foster their spiritual and actual authority
and to build a sense of both community and identity among their followers (Ross, 200 ;
2012).

The grid plan and Senegal

Grid-planning is deeply rooted in the history of settlement design in the Senegambia
region. Its implementation there predates the introduction of Western grid-plan designs
by the French during the colonial era. The grid plan was already applied in the sixteenth
century in the laying out of the royal capitals in the Empire of Jolof (e.g., Maka, Kahone,
Diakhao and Lambaye) (Figure 1), and was then embraced by Muslim clerics in the
seventeenth century for the establishment of autonomous centers of Islamic instruction.
Towns established by the Jakhanke clerics, famous for the quality of Islamic instruction
they dispensed in the Western Sudan region, such as Diakha-Bambukhu, Bani Isra’ila,
Did coto and a new Gunjur, were gridded. Though there are no contemporary plans
of these clerical towns, oral histories and their current layouts indicate that they, like the
royal capitals, were laid out according to the endogenous grid-and-pénc model. This
means that a particular vernacular model of grid design developed in this region quite
independently of external in uences. The autochtonous Senegambian urban model
consisted of a central public square (the pénc), with the royal palace or the sheikh’s
compound located to its west, surrounded by a gridded street system. The pénc of royal
capitals was dominated by monumental trees, while that of clerical towns housed the
great mosque and was aligned to the qiblah to Mecca, which set the direction of the
overall urban grid. The grid-and-pénc model had no particular religious significance; it
was rather a marker of authority, whether secular or religious. In the royal capitals the grid
plan was associated with the aristocratic regime and its accompanying rituals, while in
the clerical towns this plan represented religious devotion and an Islamic orthodox life
lived along the Straight Path.
The endogenous grid-and-pénc model continued to be employed in settlement
planning by the dominant Sufi orders of the region, which expanded massively during
the first decades of colonial rule. The modern Sufi leadership continued to develop the
ancestral Senegambian grid plan design for their settlements and implemented it on
the ground in a systematic way. Through this process, the Straight Path of Islam was no
longer the preserve of a marginalized clerical elite, but rather it became identified with
the social, spiritual and educational project of Sufi mass movements. Through this process
uadiri (Figures 2, ), Tijani, Murid and ayenne settlements, representing the main Sufi
movements that operate today in Senegal, embraced the grid plan. In other words, grid
planning as a tool of power is well attested in Senegambia, used by autochthonous elites
before its implementation by European colonial authorities.
The history of the French urban settlements in Senegal begins relatively early, in the
second half of the seventeenth century. It is one of the oldest histories of European city-
building in sub-Saharan Africa. The only contemporaneous urbanization efforts were
those of the Portuguese in Angola and of the Dutch settlement of Cape Town (1 2).
Most other European settlements in sub-Saharan Africa date to the unset of formal
colonial rule some two hundred years later. Along the decades and according to the
changing needs, the grid plan was a tool used by the various French colonial authorities
(first mercantilist trading companies, then the colonial administration). For over three
centuries, through both informal and then formal colonial regimes, the French created a
variety of grid-planned settlements. From the early hesitative street alignments in French
trading posts (comptoirs and river escales), French urbanization policies developed
to promote more comprehensive grid plans in communes (legally constituted French
municipalities, such as Saint ouis, Rufisque, Gor e and Dakar) (Figure ) and colonial
capital cities. The French also employed grids to lay out the misnamed villages de liberté
(prison camps for liberated slaves), all the while mass-producing gridded railway market

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towns (rail escales) for the export of cash-crop peanut production (Thi s, Rufisque,
Kaolack, Tivaouane).

Figure 1. (top): Current plan of Lambaye, historic capital of the Kingdom of Baol (drawn
by E. Ross based on Google Earth satellite image); 2. (lower left): Current plan of the Qadi-
riyya-Kuntiyya shrine-town of Ndiassane (drawn by E. Ross based on Google Earth satellite
image); 3. (lower right): Freshly laid paving stones surface street in center of Ndiassane (pho-
to by E. Ross, 2018)

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 As the more successful colonial cities began experiencing sustained economic growth
and demographic expansion, colonial authorities found themselves obliged, for the first
time, to plan for the housing of their native inhabitants. Entire new neighborhoods,
often with basic grid plans, were laid out somewhere beyond the green belt for this
purpose. Established mostly between the 1910s and the 1930s in the French (and other
European nations ) territories in West Africa, the M dina quarter in Dakar constitutes such
example. As with the villages de liberté and the planning of green belts , the main
rationales in the planning of new neighborhoods designated exclusively for Africans was
to facilitate population surveillance, sanitary and tax control. In spite of the strong political,
economic and cultural rationales for employing urban grid plans, even at the height of
the colonial era (roughly 1 0s to 19 0), colonial agency over Senegal s territory was not
absolute. This type of spatial segregation brings to the fore an internal contradiction in
the colonial condition; colonialism created dynamic ethnically heterogeneous societies
and at the same time strove to control them by maintaining the fiction of essentialized,
fixed, homogenous subject groups through coercive land-use and economic policies,
an almost impossible task. Therefore, in a variety of both active and passive ways,
African agents also contributed to designing colonial-era urban spaces, turning to their
advantage the very tools of colonial domination and creating hybrid spatialities. The
entanglements of the different colonial-era agents of urbanization will be touched upon
in our lecture, transcending a dichotomous endogenous-exogenous understanding of
Senegal’s history of grid planning.

Figure 4. Satellite views of three gridded neighborhoods designed by the French colonial
authorities: Dakar s Plateau (1) and M dina quarters (2), and Saint ouis North ward ( ) all
at the same scale (Google Earth images)

During the era of formal colonization, and particularly since independence, the two
grid-planning cultures, indigenous and European, have become intimately entangled.
We explore this entanglement by tracing how the two spatial practices became
formalistically and creatively hybridized in several prominent Senegalese cities. In Touba,
for instance, a city that symbolizes cultural resistance to colonialism, the implementation
of common post-war Western design models of mass residential allotments following
Senegal’s independence has all but engulfed the indigenous grid-and-pénc model
so characteristic of the colonial-era Sufi urbanization. In fact, the agency of the State
(first colonial, then sovereign) and of the Sufi religious orders has transformed certain
neighborhoods in Senegal s hybrid cities cities like Tivaouane, Kaolack and Diourbel
(Figure 5) which serve to anchor both the civil administration of the State and the religious
activities of the Sufi orders. This points on contemporary crisscrossing between grid
plan legacies and their close entanglement, turning the question of the genealogy of
Senegal’s grid planning into irrelevant.
Another example in this context takes place in downtown Dakar - the showpiece of
French colonial planning in West Africa ( igon, 201 ). There, a network of indigenous
Lebou péncs has resisted all attempts at erasure and has persisted, including its toponymy

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(Bigon, 2008), thriving within the imposed colonial grid system. This case is fascinating as
most of the literature on the Lebou tends to concentrate on their suburban settlements
in metropolitan Dakar, where land regulations are more lax and enable relative freedom
of spatial expression in comparison to the city center (Sylla, 1992; Dumez and K , 2000).
Relationship between the French and the Lebou planning cultures changed its character
during a relatively long period. In conformity with the colonial situation, the encounter
between the two spatial logics was not always a positive or harmonious one, and
vernacular settlements were often subjected to attempts at erasure and marginalization
by the colonizing power. Yet the Lebou community was far from being a passive recipient
of the grid plan and its accompanying attempts at regularization and surveillance; it had
its own crystallized and stubbornly persistent spatial practices of settlement configuration.
These practices are clearly noticeable in post-colonial Dakar and, quite unexpectedly, in
its Westernized city center (Figures , ). The ebou practices of settlement configuration
have not therefore been placed ‘side by side’ with the French colonial gridded quarters
in downtown Dakar e as one might expect from the literature on the ‘dual’ colonial city
e but rather in dynamic involvement with them. It has been demonstrated that since the
colonial encounter, grid-pénc relational interactions became intimately entangled and
hybridised, and eventually changed their character from challenge and competition to
adaptation and cohabitation.

Figure 5. (left): Map of Diourbel showing the three gridded neighborhoods laid out in the
early 20th century beyond the European escale (drawing by E. Ross); 6. (middle): Downtown
Dakar, ebou premises, Thieud me s family compound; 7. (right): Downtown Dakar, the san-
dy courtyard of p nc Mbott overshadowed by the great tree (photos by . igon, 201 )

Methodological remark
Data on Senegal’s historic and contemporary urban design and planning practices
were obtained from archival sources in France and Senegal, official planning documents,
satellite imagery and direct observation in the field. As to an analysis of satellite imagery,
we have taken advantage of the free data of Google Earth in order to map both
historic and current settlements across Senegal. Google Earth’s continuous updating
of satellite images of Senegal since 2003 makes it possible to do time-series analysis of
places, monitoring how they have changed over the past few decades (this proved
particularly important to our discussion of transformations of urban fabrics, particularly
in Tivaouane and Kaolack). As to fieldwork, a joint excursion was undertaken by the
authors in January 201 which included the urban settlements of Dakar, Touba, Rufisque,
Tienaba, Ndiassane, Thiès, Tivaouane, Diourbel, Fatick, Foundiougne, and Kaolack. Our
observations in the field aimed to determine how the urban morphology is lived, how
the streets, public squares, and housing allotments function together to create local
community life. On-site observation proved particularly crucial for the Lebou péncs,
as these are tiny urban places where the buildings, open spaces, mosques and urban
trees are so tightly enmeshed in Dakar’s built fabric that the essentials of the morphology

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 cannot be readily determined from even high-resolution satellite images.
Much of the analysis presented in this study derives from cartographic representations
of urban morphology. We follow arkham in defining urban morphology as a
“conceptualization of the complexity of physical form. Understanding the physical
complexities of various scales, from individual buildings, plots, street blocks and the street
patterns that make up the structure of towns helps us to understand the ways in which
towns have grown and developed ( arkham, 200 , p. 2 ). We focus mostly on the design
of urban places, which derives largely from the street pattern (in our case the grid) and
housing allotments. In addition to streets and housing allotments, our maps of the urban
fabric include public places, principally public squares (the pénc), mosques and other
religious buildings, schools and markets. The public squares and mosques are essential to
the functioning of these urban places and to the identity of the communities they house.
In the case of the Lebou péncs of Dakar, we have also included monumental trees on
our maps because of their important religious and social community functions. More
even than the mosques, these monumental trees have guided the spatial development
of Lebou settlements.

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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

Transitional form of industrial mixed-use

Martina Crapolicchio
Politecnico di Torino, DAD - Department of Architecture and Design, Torino
[email protected]
Keywords: urban morphology, mix-use, industry, urban economy

Abstract

The re-adaptation, re-use or mix-use of buildings is not a prerogative of these years

and has a long and complex history. Indeed, in the past, the dilapidated buildings or
the ones no longer suited to their original function have been revisited in terms of spa-
tial, functional and stylistic characters S eaking of reuse and mi -use includes a re ec-
tion about the shape of the city. In particular, the transition from an industrialized city to
a post-industrial one brings with it the characteristics of dismission and re-use, passing
through practices of urban, social and economic policies. This work presents a research
based on studies about mix use of industrial areas inserted into the urban fabric in Tortona
district in Milan. This case study, appears as fertile ground for considerations regarding this
type of transition, from industrial and worker district to cultural and productive district. The
investigation on the simultaneous presence of manufacturing processes and other use
of the s ace residential, of ces, cultural or e hibition laces is necessary to understand
if economic changes and urban olicies affect the s atial con guration of a art of the
city. The on-going research is conducted through the comparison of Tortona maps in dif-
ferent periods and at different scales to highlight change over time and morphological
transformations.

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 Introduction
The complex transition from industrial to the post-industrial city has marked the develop-
ment or abandonment of large portions of both European and non-European cities. For this
reason, architecture has played an essential role in the decision-making processes aimed
at designing the city’s consolidated fabrics. Industrial areas, thus, after being the symbol of
the progress of technology and innovation, underwent a sharp decline starting from the
70s of the twentieth century. Yet they remain located in the now compact and consoli-
dated fabrics of the cities, in the collective memory of one arrested and stunted growth.
As a consequence, some strengths of these areas of the city emerge. For example, their lo-
cation, close to the main road arteries and waterways, and close to the ancient urban fabric
remain characteristics that make them a key and strategic point of urban construction. The
industrial areas of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are comparable to se-
ams that connect the fabric of the historic city and that of the “new expansion”. Furthermo-
re, these areas could be considered as large brownfields as places equipped not only with
their transformative capacity but also as capable of absorbing surrounding urban changes
(Barosio, 2009). However, if from the eighties to the beginning of the new millennium, the
abandoned industrial areas were considered places full of potential (but still abandoned), it
is now possible to glimpse some outcomes of complex operations in these places. In this sen-
se, Edward Glaeser suggests some possible solution analyzing the Detroit case. Detroit, which
was the most entrepreneurial place on the planet in 1980, got stuck in the right of a single in-
dustry dominated by a big three-set of firms. Cities face the risk of becoming an industrial mo-
noculture. Promote diversity, mixité, and entrepreneurship is better than increase the value of
a few big industries and monoculture. Another effective response to problems of disuse could
be a temporary use of the space, especially when it manages to field the various compo-
nents that characterize it (limited costs, reversibility, mobilization from below). Therefore, how
can they become part of a long-term project starting from the uses? It allows for experimen-
ting. Even if temporary reuse is generally reversible in its physical transformations, it is rarely so
in the uses and traces it leaves, making it necessary and appropriate to rethink the relation-
ship between short-term temporary use and long-term urban transformation (Bruzzese, 2013).
This paper is the result of research started with the third level training course Hybrid factory /
Hybrid city, held at the Polytechnic of Turin by Prof. Nina Rappaport. It is the product of stu-
dies carried out within the Transitional Morphologies Research Unit. The chosen case study,
Milan, was the result of reasoning on the Italian that registers the highest per capita GDP,
it is a city that intentionally created growth scenarios for its territory through planning tools.
This work is composed of three parts: three reference scales are identified (city, neighborho-
od, and block) through which analyze the context and apply coherent urban morphology
reading tools.

The city - the shape of industrial land-use in Milan

The definition of Milan given by Angelo Torricelli, in the book edited by Giovanni Comi, is
preparatory for global reasoning on the character of the city. Torricelli said that Milan has
always been a city of contained measures but with extensive territorial relationships. Milan is
historically rooted in a system of itineraries that is re ected in the coexistence of the different
scales at which urban projects and facts are created that evoke large spaces (Comi, 2017).
Milan is where the original port character remains legible. Therefore, it is a city based on the
dynamics of scale and space changes, a place of experimentation, production, and
regeneration. Furthermore, the Italian economic capital, the avant-garde city, the icon of
made-in-Italy (especially in the field of fashion and design), hides the signs of a season now
complete - abandoned areas, masterpieces of industrial archeology. To read the traces of
these processes in the compact urban fabric, also trying to understand what is happening in
the city of nowaday, an attempt should be made to reconstruct the historical evolution of
the divestment process. Indeed, the analysis of the planning tools is useful to define the urban
structure of Milan, the construction of industrial settlements, and the morphological change
dictated by the policies of the local government (fig. 1). Since the end of the 19th century,
Milan faced a development problem and delineated new and precise guidelines for urban
planning. The expansion plan prepared by Beruto in 1884 expressed the intention of organic

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urban development through expropriations for public utility and creations of new streets and
squares. The main problems to be addressed concerned the interests of industrial development
and traffic throughout the city. eruto drew up a second version of the Plan, which focused
on the Piazza del Duomo as the hearth of the city. He proposed the demolition of the bastion,
turning them into an urban owing line, and the placement of public buildings randomly.
Thus, since the Plan suggested just an undifferentiated development without precise planning,
it severely compromised the layout of the city and its relations with the surrounding area
under the pressure of building speculation with the construction of a railway line that enclosed
the whole city. The Plan turned out to be insufficient for the development of a large industrial
city of the twentieth century. For this reason, the Municipality decided to formulate a new
plan (Campos enuti, 19 ). In the first decade of the twentieth century, the population had
already considerably increased, and the urbanized area of the city doubled since the first
Plan. The manufacturing sector was on the rise, but the Municipality was unable to manage
the lack of services present in the expansion areas of the city. The industries were mainly
located beyond the bastions, along the railway belt, but in an absolutely chaotic manner. In
this confused fabric, the Municipality realized a few squares and some three-lined avenues
that connected the boundary of the historic city to the external territories. Starting from the
20s, the Municipality began to outline the possibility of increasing the area of expansion of
the city, moving from a monocentric development to a polycentric development with the
creation of suburban cores to which communication services and networks were annexed.
The proposal for the General Master Plan of expansion (made by Albertini) was to guarantee
a targeted development by creating a series of the central radial axis, using the old provincial
roads. The new expansion plan tried to solve complex traffic and roadway problems in the
suburban area, as well as to improve the conditions of the center, which was not susceptible
to too radical reforms. Railway communications were also part of the Plan. Milan had three
main stations for travelers and five freight stations. The expansion plan also provided the
trace of the future waterways that owed to the southern, eastern, and northern boundaries
of the municipal area. The type of approach aimed at developing the communication
routes between the center and the periphery, as well as between the city and the rest of the
territory, was crucial to identify the productive areas. The 1926 Master Plan began to lay the
foundations for zoning, addressing the practical needs of placement of services and sorting
of functions, primarily to bring order to the previous chaotic distribution of production and
industrial areas. The Plan encouraged a building specialization with the creation of districts
for industry and workshops, close railway junctions and energy sources, neighborhoods of
worker’s housing, in proximity, and connection with working areas. Although the Plan offered
the opportunity to create a polycentric development, Albertini kept following the previous
concentric expansion concept. Since the bombings during the Second World War severely
damaged Milan, in 1945, the National Liberation Committee decided to promote a free
competition of ideas for a new PRG, which would address both the issues of reconstruction
and development. In this context, emerged a possible resizing of the city and an industrial
decentralization with the proposal of satellite quarters for workers. At the same time, the
expansion lines towards north/north-east and north-west were maintained, and the tertiary
functions were placed in the historic center. Despite the proposals (including that of the
modernist group AR that broke the ratio-centric vision of Milan), the competition did not
have a winner. In 1948, based on the competition of ‘45, were designed new guidelines
about both reconstruction and planning. This provision was adopted for two central areas
and three expansion zones in the north. Several modifications were then made to the Plan,
which was implemented in 1953. The General Masterplan of 1953 had introduced and coded
the zoning to organize the various areas of the city; it had also specified the industrial sectors
to be built in addition to mapping the existing ones. Indeed, the industrial zones were
relegated to large peripheral areas, in contrast with the request to integrate these functions
into the territory. Extensive public areas were then squandered in favor of private interests.
The Plan didn’t take into account the industries located around Milan, which often interfered
with the expansion of the urban grid. Despite several attempts to modify the Masterplan of
‘53, including the so-called “shadow variant” (1969), only in 1976, the Municipality approved
a new solution for the city. However, in the 1969 variant is possible to identify that industrial
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 areas are indicated in the meaning of mixed-use . This type of definition shows the hybrid
character of the city fabric related to the expansion just outside the railway belt. In these
areas, there are residential buildings and lively commercial streets around the industrial
plants. The areas intended for mixed-use (not better specified) are geographically identified
in the north and south of the city (fig.1). During the Seventies, the population and workers
growth didn’t stop, and at the same time, some social and economic changes happened
(Campos enuti, 19 ). The context in which the approved general variant of 19 fits, sees
the reversal of the favorable demographic trend and the economic transformation of the
production structure: Milan is no longer a city with a mainly industrial production structure, the
driving sector becomes the tertiary sector. The Plan only partially takes into account this
ongoing change. If, on the one hand, it limits the forecasts of new industrial settlements, on
the other, it reduces even more drastically the forecasts of tertiary development. Regardless
of the crisis in the sector, it reconfirms all the industrial destinations envisaged in the previous
Plan. From the Eighties in Milan, a phase began for urban planning, which saw the city
practically devoid of a real plan as it was affected by the succession of a series of projects,
programs, and sector documents not coordinated by an overview. The term deregulation
can be attributed to this practice involving the provision of the Master Plan for the benefit of
other instruments and procedures (Villani, 1977). In these two decades, the progressive
removal of heavy manufacturing from the territorial borders of Milan caused the slow decay
of some areas (especially close to the railway belt, in the north and south) inserted in the
compact urban fabric. From the first decade of the 2000s, the city experienced a profound
renewal from an architectural and urban point of view, with the realization of numerous
projects that aimed to redevelop entire areas and large districts. Milan started to project its
image in Europe and the world, thanks to prestigious international competitions attended by
architects. All these projects have modified and redesigned the layout and the outline of the
metropolis. This intention led to a radical change in the shape of the city. In 2005 the municipal
administration approved the first Territorial Government Plan (PGT), which defines the
structure of the entire municipal territory. In March 2019 has been approved the new PGT
that includes five main objectives to be achieved by 20 0: a connected, metropolitan and
global city; a city of opportunities, attractiveness, and inclusion; a green, livable and resilient
city; a city, 88 neighborhoods to call by name; a city that regenerates. The founding objectives
of the new Plan dictate the direction of the urban development of the city. They are aimed
at overcoming the physical, social, and economic distances between the city center and
the suburbs. However, the industry has disappeared in this Plan. No forecast within the city
limits and not even any factual status.
At the end of this overview of planning tools and the shape of industrial land
use, it is possible to recognize three main planning phases of the city of Milan:
- imagination, the attempt to foresee a form of expansion (monocentric and polycentric);
- experimentation, the attempt to give a city development rule by dividing it by zones, based
on growth data without a coherent relationship with reality and without specific forecasts;
- forecast, the attempt to give future goals not tied to the shape of the city.
The first phase includes the first attempts to plan expansions with a view to economic,
productive, and demographic growth. This phase can be considered starting from 1884 with
the eruto plan up to the experimentation of the fascist years immediately before the Second
World War. The second phase (almost 0 years after WWII) is focused on the control of a
functional city read by parts. The third phase recognizes the highly changeable character of
the city, avoiding planning and focusing on creating goals and scenarios. The purpose of the
previous analysis on the form of land use aims to understand the functional and legislative
(and formal) transition of the industry in the city of Milan. Even if the industrial areas have
disappeared from the planning tools of the city of Milan, it is possible to trace manufacturing
activities in the urban fabric through a passage of scale.

The neighborhood - Analysis of Tortonas’ streets and patterns

The period between 1976 and the end of the Nineties marked a crucial point in the history
of industrial decommissioning. This passage was re ected in the urban structure, generating
empty spaces and waiting spaces. Indeed, the progressive shift of manufacturing activi-

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ties outside the city limits leaves behind a large number of industrial plant artifacts located
above all in the north and south of Milan. The study of a piece of these two broad areas
is an opportunity to make some considerations on the correlation between industrial de-
commissioning and urban form. The case study chosen for this research is Tortona, a former
working-class district that has undergone a wave of gentrification, now known as one of the
milestones of Milanese social events (such as Design Week and Fashion Week). The transition
from agricultural to the industrial area took place after the 1 0s. With the construction of
the railway, the number of industries grew automatically, and consequently, the number of
workers. The sense of community was particularly strong. In this context, Via Tortona can be
considered as a central axis on which various industries wind; the General Electric and Ansal-
do occupy almost all of the way by themselves. With the 0s gradual closure and shift of the
companies present in the neighborhood, such as Ansaldo (steel-mill), Riva Calzoni (hydrau-
lic machines), General Electric (electric components) and Nestlé (food), and thanks to the
fragmentation of real estate units, the district suffers a period of abandon. However, thanks
to the participation in European found call, Municipality starts, in the 90s, the regeneration
of the neighborhood. This operation aimed to create a pole of transformation and then of
attraction. The competition focused on the block of the former Ansaldo factories. Herewith
the maintenance of some manufacturing activities ( aboratories Teatro Alla Scala), the in-
clusion of diversified activities were planned. The analysis of the neighborhoods shape starts
from the observation of the current morphology and goes back through the consultation
of historical maps. The considerations are divided into two parts (roads and built) and were
conducted starting from the texts of Fumihiko Maki, City with a hidden past, and Pierre Pinon,
Forme et deformation des object architectureaux et urbain.
Street structure - ocated in the first expansion area of the city, Tortona has a regular road
scan. The streets form an ordered network of perpendicular intersections. Although there is
no diversification in the size of the roads, there is a hierarchy dictated by the commercial
importance of ia Tortona, followed by its perpendicular ia Savona. The neighborhood s
previous layout dictates this importance. Most of the industries were located between Via
Tortona and the Naviglio. Furthermore, the road intersection between Via Tortona and its
perpendicular emphasizes the importance of the road, both because the intersection has
a widening and because the buildings that face it present particular corner solutions aimed
at highlighting the relationship with the road (fig. 2). The only exception to the grid, finally, is
made by the presence of Porta Genova Station, in the north-east of the neighborhood.
Built pattern and land use - Today the district preserves its industrial heritage in the formal
expression of the old factories, in the shed roofs, and the residential typology of former worker
houses. Analyzing the urban fabric of Tortona, it is possible to find two types: the dense tissue in
the north-east area and the central part, the open-plan tissue in the southwest area. In the first
case, the blocks, mainly characterized by the central courtyard, are made up of residential
cells. In the vertical section, however, it is possible to observe the typical differentiation of
the ground oors (commercial use) from the upper ones (for residential use). In the open-
plan fabric, however, the boundaries of the block are free, and the functions are better
differentiated since the built takes into account distances between buildings. In this way,
the different types are close but not mixed. However, the change in land use is noteworthy,
which led to a switch (albeit minimal) in shape. If, before the processes of moving away
from the urban center of the industries, Tortona presented itself as a district rich in productive
activities, today, there is a prevalent trend towards commercial use. This condition caused
the persistence of the productive characteristics of the former factories and an internal
fragmentation of the environments (fig. ). esides, some buildings have been remodeled
with new interpretations of the industrial typology.

The block - Ansaldo as the core and trigger of transformation

The internal heart of Tortona is the so-called ex-Ansaldo block. As mentioned before, this
place is crucial for the regeneration of the district after the divestment of manufacturing acti-
vities. The origins of the structure back to 190 : the company Roberto ust established the first
production facilities. Over the years, it passed to multiple properties, expanding. The sheds
were connected to the Porta Genova station through tracks. The structure then moved to
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 Ansaldo in 1966 for the production of locomotives, railway carriages, and tramways. The
progressive decommissioning of the plant began in the 70s, in line with the deindustrialization
process of the entire area. The impact was drastic: for many years, new activities were not
established in the area, leaving the neighborhood in a state of progressive abandonment
due also to the lack of work. However, the abandoned industrial spaces represented an
opportunity, and if the whole area slowly began to renew itself, thanks to ideas and projects
that made it one of the most fertile and creative areas of Milan. In 1989 the Municipality of
Milan purchased the disused area of Ansaldo with the restriction of the use of educational
services. The first assignment to the Teatro Alla Scala for his workshops took place in 199 . In
1999 the Municipality of Milan launched an international competition for reconversion, won
by David Chipperfield. The intervention process has seen the restoration of some buildings
and the construction of a new free-form and architecture in the former factory, now the
Museum of Cultures (MudEC), designed to address contemporary languages and to wel-
come testimonials and cultures of the world, to make diversity a strength. Thus it becomes a
cultural center that weaves a dialogue with the international communities present in Milan,
renewing that sense of community typical of the past.
Space organization - The architecture of the Ansaldo factory was not designed with a
global vision, but randomly according to the productions’ need. However, the street fa-
cade had to represent the company’s image and create a separation between the fac-
tory and the city. Each pavilion, in which different activities were done, had large spans
and shed roofs. The block has a regular shape character on three sides. The fragmenta-
tion takes place on ia Savona, where residential and industrial alternate and mix wi-
thout uniformity. The Chipperfield project solves the architectural tension between the old
and new spaces, maintaining a big part of the former factory, thus to preserve the origi-
nal boundaries of the factory. He works on the existing buildings only on the vertical con-
nection to create an introvert urban scene and not altering the perception of the building.
Mix use that works together - The fragmentation of spaces in ex-Ansaldo allows the identifica-
tion of different functions that could be grouped into four categories: manufacturing spaces
( aboratori Tetro Alla Scala); exhibition and cultural areas (MUdeC, ase); workspaces ( ase
co-working, Direzione Centrale Risorse Umane - Comune di Milano); residential spaces (Casa
ase, temporary residence). The manufacturing areas of aboratori Teatro Alla Scala are
connected despite the different activities that are made inside them. Distributive elements
like stairs, corridors, lifts, bridges link, and separate the pavilions. There is not a real mix use in
the “factory,” but is present in a traditional division of functions and works in the same work
environment. The different services, for example in Base, are located in the same building
on different oors. The mixed-use in ex-Ansaldo areas is represented by the common/public
space that is created in the structure of small squares and streets that surround the buildings
of the former factory. In those spaces, people who work and live in Ansaldo block could
meet each other and share skills. The real potential in mix use of ex-Ansaldo is the presence
of shared spaces (fig. ).

Considerations and conclusions

Starting from the assumption that the reuse processes are strongly conditioned by the
original characteristics of the areas in question, the case of Tortona in Milan presents the
attributes of relative deindustrialization. This phenomenon shows an increase in production
with a shift in activity and the maintenance of employment. The inclusion of new fun-
ctions in old production sites allows the character of the places to be maintained, giving
rise to diversified content. Mixed-use promotes a functional, not radical, reform, preventing
the formation of urban voids. The former industrial spaces, therefore, become a seam of
the fabric and act as a link for experimenting with different functions in common places.
Although manufacturing is not mentioned in urban planning tools, it is still present in the urban
fabric not as an empty one but as a formal explanation. The industrial typology is incorpora-
ted without mimesis into the urban structure without creating barriers.

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Figure 1. General Map of industrial zoning in Milan.

Figure 2. Street pattern in Tortona.

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 Figure 3. Built pattern in Tortona today.

Figure 4. Mixed-use in ex-Ansaldo.

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References
Michela, Barosio (2009), L’impronta industriale, Milano, Franco Angeli.
Alain, Boire, Perre, Micheloni, Pierre, Pinon, (2006), Forme et déformation des object ar-
chitectureaux et urbain, Marseille, Parentheses.
Antonella, Bruzzese, (2013), Centralità a tempo. Industria creativa, trasformazioni urbane
e spazio pubblico a Milano, Planum. The Journal of Urbanism 27 (vol.2).
Giuseppe, Campos Venuti , (1986), Un secolo di urbanistica a Milano, Milano, Clup.
Giovanni, Comi (a cura di), 2017, Angelo Torricelli: Quadri per Milano. Prove di architettu-
ra, Siracusa, ettera entidue.
Edward, Gleaser, (2011), Triumph of the City, how our greatest invention make us richer,
smarter, greener, healthier and happier, New York, The penguin press.
Jane, Jacobs, (1961), The death and life of great American cities, New York, Random
House.
Fumihiko, Maki, (2018), City with a hidden past, Tokyo, Kajima Institute Publishing Co.
Navarez L. (2015) ‘The morphology of mixed-uses’, Academic Paper for FUTURE OF PLA-
CES, Stockholm, Sweden.
Andrea, Villani, (1977), Piani urbanistici per una città metropolitana: l’esperienza di Mila-
no, Milano, Vita e pensiero.

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design tools CITY REGENERATION
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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

Urbanscape as Landscape Emanation of East Adriatic Coast

Ana Sopina1, ojana ojani Obad itaroci2
1,2
Department of Urban Planning, Spatial Planning and andscape Architecture,
Faculty of Architecture, University of agreb, Kaciceva 2 , 10 000 agreb, Croatia
1
[email protected], 2bbojanic arhitekt.hr
Keywords: mor hology transformation, urbansca e continuity, eritage Urbanism, seasca-
e, mountainsca e

Abstract

esearch is encouraged by twenty- ve centuries of uninterru ted urban culture on

astern Adriatic, a landsca e of indented coast, thousand islands and mighty moun-
tains Urbanity emerged from the landsca e - transforming the same landsca e into
urbansca e The conce t of urbansca e emanation is recognized in the effect that
landsca e has on urban develo ment as a carrier of urban continuity The landsca e
is therefore identi ed not only as a substrata of the city but as an active artici ant in
urban develo ment and continuity
In contem orary urban and s atial lanning of ast Adriatic Coast, the landsca e is
regarded as an urban conte t, as setting, and not as an active factor of urban identity,
mor hology, develo ment, and regeneration esearch ob ectives are to critically as-
sess the henomenon of the landsca e as a carrier of urban continuity, identity, sco e
and form, and to set the basic categorization of urbansca e mor hology transforma-
tions in ast Adriatic Coast cities
The research a roach is based on case study com arison and on the eritage Ur-
banism a roach, com rising of three main com onents factors, criteria and models
Case studies are cities of astern Adriatic Coast develo ed between the strong natural
landsca e of seasca e and mountainsca e Those are cities of signi cant urbanization
and develo ment of tourism since the s, which has transformed the coastal land-
sca e of ast Adriatic Case study com arison regards urbansca e mor hology through
analysis of ortho hoto from the s and s landsca e reality , and historic illustra-
tions and contem orary hotogra hs landsca e re resentation
The aim of the research is setting ty es and models of urbansca e mor hology trans-
formations that establish urbansca e as landsca e emanation of ast Adriatic Coast

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 Introduction
Landsca e as a carrier of urban continuity, identity, sco e and form
Research is encouraged by twenty-five centuries of uninterrupted urban culture on
Eastern Adriatic, a landscape of indented coast, thousand islands and mighty mountains.
Urbanity emerged from the landscape ( ojani Obad itaroci, 201 ) - transforming the
same landscape into urbanscape. The concept of urbanscape emanation is recognized
in the effect that landscape has on urban development as a factor of urban continuity.
The landscape is therefore identified not only as a substratum of the city but as an active
participant in urban development and continuity, as a palimpsest of urban development
(Khirfan, 2010; lceanu et al. 201 ) where the whole city is understood as landscape
(Stiles et al. 201 ). Research on landscape morphology is regarded as research of form
and spatial structure of landscape which carries urban continuity and transformation of
natural landscape forms. Material formation of the landscape shaping and reshaping in
which social structure, cultural world, and landscape meanings are enfolded (Mayhew,
2009; Sauer, 19 ).
In contemporary urban and spatial planning of East Adriatic Coast, the landscape is
regarded as an urban context, as setting, and not as an active factor of urban identity,
morphology, development, and regeneration. Research objectives are to critically as-
sess the phenomenon of the landscape as a carrier of urban continuity, identity, scope
and form, and to set the basic categorization of urbanscape morphology transforma-
tions in cities of East Adriatic Coast.
The scope of urbanscape emanation and the theoretical framework of urbansca-
pe morphology transformations are based on the concept of three natures by Cicero
( C). The first nature is represented in the pristine natural landscape, the second natu-
re in the transformed cultural landscape, and the third nature in designed and created
landscape.
Ther research premise is that spatial structures of three natures that remain constant
in the process of urbanisation and landscape evolution are considered as carriers of
urbanscape continuity, identity, scope, and form. The research of urbanscape morpho-
logy transformations is focused on what remains constant. From the urban and spatial
planning point of view, these carriers of urbanscape continuity, identity, and form have
to be preserved as the establishment of urbanscape emanation.
The research approach is based on case study comparison and the Heritage Urba-
nism approach (Obad itaroci and ojani Obad itaroci, 2019), comprising of three
main components: factors, criteria, and models. Case studies are cities of Eastern Adria-
tic Coast developed between the intense natural landscape of seascape and moun-
tainscape. Those are cities of significant urbanization and development of tourism since
the 19 0s, which has transformed the coastal landscape of East Adriatic (Sopina and
ojani Obad itaroci, 2019). Case study comparison regards urbanscape morphology
transformation through two levels of landscape research: landscape reality and landsca-
pe representation (Antrop, 201 ; Antrop and an Eetvelde, 201 ; Girot, 201 ). Physical,
material, objective and geographical reality of landscape (Mumford, 19 1; Rossi, 19 2)
is analysed through a comparison of orthophoto from the 19 0s and 2010s. andscape
representation as a cognitive category (Sarapik, 2002), experience and perception ( yn-
ch, 19 0; Cullen, 19 1; Taylor, 200 , 201 ) is analysed through a comparison of historic
illustrations and contemporary photographs.
The aim of the research is setting types and models of urbanscape morphology tran-
sformations that establish urbanscape as landscape emanation of East Adriatic Coast.

Research approach
Study of urbansca e mor hology transformation through eritage Urbanism a roach
on case study com arison
Urbanscape covers contemporary urbanised landscape (both built and unbuilt areas,
transformed and designed nature) with the historical and contemporary cultural space
of its inhabitants (Sopina and ojani Obad itaroci, 2019). The concept of urbanscape
is based on the UNESCO (2011) definition of the historic urban landscape. The historic

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urban landscape is defined as an urban area understood as the result of a historic laye-
ring of cultural and natural values and attributes, extending beyond the notion of historic
center or ensemble to include the broader urban context and its geographical setting.
Urbanscape, cultural landscape and natural landscape are intertwined and insepa-
rable. Urbanscape morphology transformations are based on the concept of three na-
tures by Cicero ( C) which is further elaborated through three natures by Hunt (2000)
and UNESCO documents regarding Historic Urban andscape (UNESCO, 2011) and im-
plementation of the World Heritage Convention (UNESCO, 201 ). Three natures of land-
scape set spatial identity of urbanscape and spatial scope of urbanscape emanation:
first primeval nature is found in wilderness and pristine nature of natural landscape; se-
cond cultivated nature is found in transformed nature of cultural landscape; third hor-
ticultural nature is found in designed nature of created public parks and gardens land-
scape (Table 1).
Comparison of case studies is based on the Heritage Urbanism approach, comprising
of three main components: urbanscape factors, criteria for recognition of urbanscape
morphology transformations, criteria for selection of case study, and models of urbansca-
pe morphology transformation.
Factors of urbanscape identity, scope and form are recognised in the elaboration of
three natures of the landscape. Factor od urbanscape identity is found in nature types,
a factor of urbanscape emanation scope is found in landscape types, and a factor of
urbanscape form is found in structures which indicate urbanscape morphological tran-
sformations.
Criteria for recognition of urbanscape morphology transformations are set as urban-
scape continuity criteria. It is focused on urbanscape reality structures and urbanscape
representation structures which remained constant in the process of urbanisation and
landscape evolution and which are considered carriers of urbanscape continuity, iden-
tity, scope, and form.
Criteria for selection of research spaces define specific landscape setting of individual
case study city or settlement:
• cities and settlements situated in the intense natural landscape which sets
unique landscape identity and impact urban development
• cities and settlements developed in the topographic setting of strong
morphological characteristics which establish and in uence landscape and urban-
scape morphology
• cities and settlements of the continental coast of the East Adriatic
• cities and settlements situated on the foothills of Dinarides massive.
Models are set as the systematic description of phenomena (reality) and representa-
tion (perception) of urbanscape morphology transformations recognised in comparison
of case studies regarding carriers of urbanscape continuity, identity, scope, and form.

Conduction of case study com arison

Case studies are explored through the systematic description of carriers regarding
urbanscape continuity, identity, scope, and form:
• landscape setting regarding seascape and coastalscape, urbanscape
and hinterland mountainscape in which are embodied strong morphological cha-
racteristics of topography
• nature types of pristine, transformed, and designed nature which set the
spatial identity of case study urbanscape
• landscape type of natural, cultural and urban landscape which sets the
spatial scope of urbanscape emanation
• the reality of urbanscape morphology transformation recognised in land-
scape structures which remained constant through 19 0s and 2010s orthophotos of
case study spaces
• representation of urbanscape morphology transformation recognised in
landscape structures that are identified in historic illustration and contemporary pho-
tographs of case study spaces.
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 A research synthesis of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology transfor-
mation is presented through illustrations (Tables 2 to ).

Case study of Kvarner Bay, city of i eka and i eka interland

The city of Rijeka is the seat of Primorje - Gorski Kotar County. It is situated at the far
North of the Eastern Adriatic Coast where the Kvarner ay is most deeply indented into
the European mainland and on southwest slopes of Rijeka Hinterland. The city area was
settled since ancient times because of its strategic position (Dadi et al. 2001) and a
deep-water port. Rijeka developed from two historic cities: Rijeka (Italian city) and Su ak
(Croatian city) divided by the Rje ina river as the historical border. oth ports of Rijeka
and Su ak started major development at the beginning of the 1 th century, building port
and industry infrastructure along the coastline and disabling direct contact of the city
and the seacoast.
Urbanscape of Rijeka developed between intense natural landscapes of Kvarner bay
seascape and Rijeka Hinterland mountainscape which set unique spatial identity. Diffe-
rent types of landscape can be distinguished: cultural landscape and urbanscape of
Adriatic seascape and coastalscape; cultural landscape and urbanscape of Rijeka; and
natural and cultural landscape of Rijeka Hinterland mountainscape.
andscape transformations are embodied in different types of natures which set the
spatial scope of Rijeka urbanscape emanation. The pristine nature of the Rijeka Hinterland
mountainscape is the origin of Rijeka urbanscape. Transformed nature is represented in
parts of the Rijeka Hinterland mountainscape and coastalscape of Kvarner ay that are
easily accessible and convenient for development. The evolution of Rijeka urbanscape
is embodied in the transformed nature of coast and mountain. Designed nature is reco-
gnised in planned urban structures, open public places, and parks of the urbanscape.
enith of Rijeka urbanscape is represented in a designed nature.
andscape reality as a factor of Rijeka urban identity, form and continuity is found in
landscape structures that remained constant in the process of urban development and
landscape change from 19 0s till 2010s (Table 2). Mountainscape of Rijeka Hinterland is
recognised as a spatial structure of landscape continuity in the pristine natural landsca-
pe. Spatial and linear structures of landscape continuity in a transformed cultural land-
scape are Rje ina industrial landscape, Rijeka port, and industrial seafront. Rijeka urban
core, Trsat fort and sanctuary, and Su ak settlement are spatial, complex and compact
structures recognised as the embodiment of designed landscape continuity.
andscape representations that carry the identity of Rijeka urbanscape can be found
in landscape structures represented by a historic illustration of 1 th Century Rijeka and by
contemporary photographs (Table 2). Spatial structures of the Rijeka Hinterland moun-
tainscape are recognised as identity carriers of Rijeka pristine natural landscape. Car-
riers of Rijeka identity in the transformed landscape are recognised in spatial and linear
structures of Rje ina canyon and origins of Su ak settlement. The urban core of Rijeka
and Trsat fort are recognised as designed identity carriers of Rijeka.

Case study of elebit Chanel, settlement of Starigrad Paklenica and South elebit mountain
Starigrad Paklenica is a settlement in adar County and the seat of Starigrad Pakle-
nica Municipality. It is situated along the Adriatic Sea coast of Subvelebit Channel and
on foothills of South elebit mountain. The settlement developed in proximity to the e-
lika Paklenica canyon and small cape of elika Paklenica in ow. The elika Paklenica
canyon has been used since Prehistory as a convenient trade and shepherds route con-
necting the Adriatic coast with the hinterland highlands of ika. Hiking trails have taken
place of trade and shepherds routes after the abandonment of the traditional semi-no-
madic way of life ( u ljeta 2010; elaj 200 ; Faber 199 ). Along with the elika Paklenica
in ow is set one of the rare plains suitable for agriculture in the harsh karst landscape of
South elebit.
The natural landscape setting of Starigrad Paklenica defines a unique spatial identi-
ty and covers seascape and coastalscape of Subvelebit Channel and mountainscape
of South elebit hinterland. Different types of landscape can be distinguished: cultural

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landscape and urbanscape of Adriatic seascape and coastalscape; cultural landscape
and urbanscape of Starigrad Paklenica; and natural and cultural landscape of South
elebit mountainscape.
andscape transformations are embodied in different types of natures which set the
spatial scope of Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape emanation. Pristine nature covers the
harsh karst landscape of South elebit that is still hard to reach for crowds of people. This
pristine nature of South elebit is the origin of Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape. Transfor-
med nature is represented in parts of the South elebit mountainscape and coastalsca-
pe of Subvelebit Channel that are easily accessible and convenient for development.
The evolution of Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape is embodied in the transformed nature
of coast and mountain.
Designed nature is recognised in created protourban structures situated in the natural
and transformed landscape, and in designed open public places of the urbanscape.
enith of Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape is represented in a designed nature.
andscape reality as a factor of Starigrad Paklenica urban identity, form and con-
tinuity is found in landscape structures that remained constant in the process of urban
development and landscape change from 19 0s till 2010s (Table ). Spatial structures
of landscape continuity in pristine natural landscape are protected karst landscape of
South elebit and pine woods in Paklenica National Park. ales surrounded by dry sto-
ne walls, agricultural land, and traditional settlements are spatial, linear and complex
structures of landscape continuity recognised in the transformed cultural landscape. Pro-
tourban compact structures are recognised as the embodiment of designed landscape
continuity.
andscape representations that carry the identity of Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape
can be found in landscape structures represented by a historic illustration of the unk-
nown author and by contemporary photographs (Table ). Carriers of Starigrad Pakle-
nica identity in pristine natural landscape are recognised in spatial structures of South
elebit karst. Spatial and linear structures of agricultural land and communications are
recognised as identity carriers of Starigrad Paklenica transformed landscape. Protourban
compact structure of e ka kula (fort) is recognised as the designed identity carrier of
Starigrad Paklenica.

Case study of Ka tela Bay, city of Ka tela and Koz ak ount

The city of Ka tela is an agglomeration of small settlements developed from castel
fortresses, which are administratively treated as a single city. Ka tela settlements: Ka tel
tafili , Ka tel Novi, Ka tel Stari, Ka tel uk i , Ka tel Kambelovac, and Ka tel Gomilica,
are situated between the Ka tela ay and slopes of Kozjak mountain, along the fertile
Ka tela Field. The location along the fertile field and seacoast suitable for docking was
settled since prehistoric times. Historic castel fortresses and adjacent fortified settlements
were formed in the late 1 th and early 1 th century on prominent sea rocks for defense
and protection from the Ottomans. With the development of tourism on the Adriatic
coast and intense industrialisation from the half of the 20th century, space between tra-
ditional castels is built in random interspersion.
Urbanscape of Ka tela developed between intense natural landscapes of Ka tela ay
seascape and Kozjak mountainscape which set unique spatial identity. Different types of
a landscape can be distinguished: cultural landscape and urbanscape of Ka tela ay
seascape and coastalscape; cultural landscape and urbanscape of Ka tela; and natu-
ral and cultural landscape of Kozjak mountainscape.
andscape transformations are embodied in different types of natures which set the
spatial scope of Ka tela urbanscape emanation. Pristine nature of Kozjak mountainsca-
pe and littoral coastalscape are origins of Ka tela urbanscape. Transformed nature is
represented in parts of Kozjak mountainscape and Ka tela ay coastalscape that are
easily accessible and convenient for development. The evolution of Ka tela urbanscape
is embodied in the transformed nature of coast and mountain. Designed nature is reco-
gnised in the urban network of castels, gardens, and parks which represent the zenith of
Ka tela urbanscape.
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 andscape reality as a factor of Ka tela urban identity, form and continuity is found
in landscape structures which remained constant in the process of urban development
and landscape change from 19 0s till 2010s (Table ). Slopes and hinterland of Kozjak are
recognised as spatial structures of landscape continuity in the pristine natural landscape.
Spatial and linear structures of arable land and communication of the Ka tela field are
recognised as landscape continuity in the transformed cultural landscape of Ka tela.
Historical castels, gardens and public parks are complex and compact structures reco-
gnised as the embodiment of designed landscape continuity.
andscape representations that carry the identity of Ka tela urbanscape can be
found in landscape structures represented by a historic illustration of 1 th Century Ka tela
and by contemporary photographs (Table ). Spatial structures of Kozjak mountainscape
and hinterland are recognised as identity carriers of the Ka tela pristine natural landsca-
pe. Carriers of Ka tela identity in the transformed landscape are recognised in spatial,
complex and compact structures of Ka tela arable field and network of sacral archi-
tecture along Kozjak ridge and Ka tela field. The complex and compact structure of
castel network is recognised as the designed identity carrier of the Ka tela.

Case study of var Bra Chanel, city of akarska and Biokovo mountain
Makarska is the seat of the City of Makarska in Split-Dalmatia County. It is situated betwe-
en the ra -Hvar Channel of the Adriatic Sea and under cliffs of iokovo mountain. Makar-
ska developed along with the natural port of horseshoe shaped bay enclosed by the Oseja-
va peninsula and St. Peter peninsula. Natural benefits of the protected harbour, littoral slope
fields, iokovo cliffs as defence and mountain hinterland suited for livestock breeding were
recognised from prehistory (Tomasovi 2002, 2009; idovi , 2012).
The natural landscape setting of Makarska defines a unique spatial identity and covers
seascape and coastalscape of ra -Hvar Channel and mountainscape of iokovo. Diffe-
rent types of landscape can be distinguished: Adriatic seascape and coastalscape with
cultural landscape and urbanscape; Makarska with cultural landscape and urbanscape;
and iokovo mountainscape with the natural and cultural landscape.
andscape transformations are embodied in different types of natures which set the spa-
tial scope of Makarska urbanscape emanation. Pristine nature covers the harsh karst land-
scape and cliffs of iokovo, which is the origin of Makarska urbanscape. Transformed nature
is represented in parts of the iokovo mountainscape and Adriatic coastalscape that are
easily accessible and convenient for development. The evolution of Makarska urbanscape is
embodied in the transformed nature of coast and mountain. Designed nature is recognised
in planned urban structures, created open public places and parks, which present zenith of
Makarska urbanscape.
andscape reality as a factor of Makarska urban identity, form and continuity is found in
landscape structures which remained constant in the process of urban development and
landscape change from 19 0s till 2010s (Table ). Spatial structures of landscape continuity
in pristine natural landscape are protected karst landscape of iokovo Nature Park. Park
woods of the Osejava and St. Peter peninsulas and traditional settlements are spatial and
complex structures of landscape continuity recognised in the transformed cultural landsca-
pe. Makarska urban core, port and seafront are spatial and linear structures recognised as
the embodiment of designed landscape continuity.
andscape representations that carry the identity of Makarska urbanscape can be found
in landscape structures represented by historic illustration and by contemporary photographs
(Table ). Carriers of Makarska identity in pristine natural landscape are recognised in spatial
structures of iokovo cliffs. Spatial and linear structures of the agricultural land of Makarska
field, bay, and port of Makarska, Osejava, and St. Peter peninsulas are recognised as identity
carriers of Makarska transformed the cultural landscape. Thes patial structure of urban core
is recognised as the designed identity carrier of Makarska designed urbanscape.

Case study of o en Adriatic sea, city of Dubrovnik and Sr highlands

The city of Dubrovnik is the seat of Dubrovnik - Neretva County. It is situated on the south of
the Eastern Adriatic Coast where a stretch of Adriatic islands end and the open sea begins.

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The origins of the city are linked to the Antique town of Epidaurum (modern day Cavtat) and
settling under the foothills of Sr highlands, on a small peninsula with natural sea cliffs and
natural clove. The strategic position of the city enabled the development of maritime trade,
the exchange of culture and retaining liberty as the capital of the Republic of Ragusa (1 -
1 0 ). Dubrovnik is best known for Old City urban matrix, walls, and fortresses which were
declared UNESCO World Heritage site in 19 9.
Urbanscape of Dubrovnik developed between intense natural landscapes of open
Adriatic sea and Sr mountainscape which set unique spatial identity. Different types of
landscape can be distinguished: cultural landscape and urbanscape of Adriatic seascape
and coastalscape; cultural landscape and urbanscape of Dubrovnik; and natural and cul-
tural landscape of Sr mountainscape.
andscape transformations are embodied in different types of natures which set the spa-
tial scope of Dubrovnik urbanscape emanation: pristine nature found in Sr mountainsca-
pe and Petka coastalscape, transformed nature found in coastalscape, urbanscape and
mountainscape of Dubrovnik, and designed nature found in Dubrovnik urbanscape. The
origin of Dubrovnik urbancape is found in a specific landscape setting where coastalsca-
pe and mountainscape meet. The evolution of Dubrovnik urbanscape is embodied in the
transformed landscape of coast and mountain, while zenith is represented in the designed
landscape.
andscape reality as a factor of Dubrovnik urban identity, form and continuity is found
in landscape structures that remained constant in the process of urban development and
landscape change from 19 0s till 2010s (Table ). Slopes of Sr mountainscape and Petka
woods are recognised as spatial structures of landscape continuity in the pristine natural
landscape. Spatial and complex structures of landscape continuity in the transformed cul-
tural landscape are suburbs of Dubrovnik Old City and traditional settlements along the se-
acoast and in mountainscape. The Old City and network of villas with gardens are spatial,
complex and compact structures recognised as the embodiment of designed landscape
continuity.
andscape representations that carry the identity of Dubrovnik urbanscape can be found
in landscape structures represented by Giovanni attista Fabri historic illustration of 1 th Cen-
tury Dubrovnik and by contemporary photographs (Table ). Spatial structures of Sr hin-
terland are recognised as identity carriers of Dubrovnik pristine natural landscape. Carriers
of Dubrovnik identity in the transformed landscape are recognised in spatial, complex and
compact structures of the defensive network of the Sr , Old City suburbs and settlements
of Moko ica ay. Urban matrix, walls ,and forts of the Old City are recognised as designed
identity carriers of Dubrovnik.

Conclusion
Synthesis of research results
Results and contributions of the conducted research are established in systematisa-
tion of the landscape as a carrier of urban continuity, identity, scope and form through
the concept of three natures, and in setting basic categorisation of urbanscape mor-
phological transformations based on factors, criteria, and models (Table ).
Three natures of urbanscape emanation are recognised in landscape settings which
define unique identity of East Adriatic Coast cases in seascape with coastalscape, ur-
banscape, and mountainscape. andscape setting embodies the topography of strong
morphological characteristics that acts as a constant in process of urban development
and landscape change.
The factor of urbanscape identity is recognised in nature types covering pristine, tran-
sformed and designed nature. The factor of urbanscape emanation scope is recognised
in landscape types covering the natural, cultural and urban landscape. The factor of
urbanscape form is recognised in structural types of urbanscape morphological transfor-
mations covering spatial, linear, complex and compact structures.
Criteria for recognition of urbanscape morphology transformations are set as urban-
scape continuity criteria covering urbanscape reality and representation structures that
remain constant in the process of urbanisation and landscape evolution. Continuity crite-
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 ria applied in the spatial planning process reveals urbanscape emanation structures that
need to be preserved as carriers of urbanscape continuity, identity, scope, and form.
Criteria for selection of case studies indicate spaces of specific landscape settings where
the intense natural landscape of seascape and mountainscape sets unique urbanscape
identity.
Phenomenon (reality) and representation (perception) models of urbanscape mor-
phology transformations set levels of urbanscape emanation: emergent of urbanscape
from the first nature of the pristine natural landscape, evolvement through second nature
of transformed cultural landscape and development through third nature of designed
urbanscape. Phenomenon models cover the pristine nature of natural landscape, tran-
sformed nature of the cultural landscape and designed nature of the created urbansca-
pe. Representation models cover urbanscape origin, evolution, and zenith.
y systematisation of the landscape as a carrier of urban continuity, identity, scope,
and form through the concept of three natures and by setting types and models of
urbanscape morphology transformations from the urban and spatial planning point of
view, urbanscape is established as landscape emanation of the East Adriatic Coast.

Table 1. Three natures as spatial identity of urbanscape and spatial scope of urbanscape
emanation.

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 Case study of Kvarner Bay, city of Rijeka and Rijeka Hinterland
Synthesis examples of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology transformation
Pristine nature of natural landscape

Rijeka Hinterland
Transformed nature of cultural landscape

Rijeka industrial and port landscape

Designed nature of created urbanscape

Rijeka urban core

Table 2. Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology

transformation in Rijeka urbanscape.

Case study of Velebit Chanel, settlement of Starigrad Paklenica and South Velebit mountain
Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology transformation
Pristine nature of natural landscape

Karst landscape of South Velebit

Transformed nature of cultural landscape

Vales surrounded by dry stone walls

Designed nature of created urbanscape

Protourban compact structures Ve a ula - fort)

Table 3. Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology

transformation in Starigrad Paklenica urbanscape.

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 Case study of Kaštela Bay, city of Kaštela and Kozjak ount
ynt esis e a le of eality and e esentation of u ansca e o olo y t ansfo ation
Pristine nature of natural landscape

Kozjak mount and hinterland

Transformed nature of cultural landscape

Arable land of Kaštela field

Designed nature of created urbanscape

Castels

Table 4. Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology

transformation in Ka tela urbanscape.

Case study of Hvar ra Chanel city of a ars a and io ovo mountain

Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology transformation
Pristine nature of natural landscape

Biokovo cliffs and hinterland

Transformed nature of cultural landscape

Network of traditional settlements

Designed nature of created urbanscape

Makarska urban core

Table 5. Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology

transformation in Makarska urbanscape.

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 Case study of open Adriatic sea, city of Dubrovnik and Srđ highlands
Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology transformation
Pristine nature of natural landscape

lopes of t e r ill
Transformed nature of cultural landscape

Network of traditional settlements

Designed nature of created urbanscape

Old City

Table 6. Synthesis example of reality and representation of urbanscape morphology

transformation in Dubrovnik urbanscape.

Table 7. Results and contributions.

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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

The role of Pulp and Paper mills in the Quebec City’s urban de-
e o ment t e fir t o er tion
Maxime Nadon-Roger1, directed by François Dufaux2
Laval University, ÉAUL - École d’architecture de l’Université Laval, 1 Côte de la Fab-
1, 2

rique bureau 3210, Québec, QC G1R 3V6

1
[email protected]
2
[email protected]
Keywords: Brown eld, Pul and Pa er mill, urban develo ment, urban mor hology, re-
uali cation

Abstract

This paper focuses on the morphological characteristics of Pulp and Paper manufac-
turers’ facilities, a major industrial infrastructure of the 20th century in Quebec, in order
to understand their geographic context and privileged location within the urban fabric.
The site design and building layout show an evolving production thinking. This research
therefore opens discussions on the potential for use of paper manufacturers as industrial
churches, as well as their limitations, both in their original function and in a possible con-
version. Finally, a set of recommendations is issued at multiple scales for the purpose of
assisting stakeholders. The analysis will help improve the use and planning of vacant or
to-be vacant sites and thus future urban life quality.
In the 20th century, the cityscape and territorial order of numerous cities in the prov-
ince of Quebec were built upon industrial heritage. In 2001, we counted 62 operating
paper manufacturers in Quebec, and only 43 in 2013. Considering Quebec’s eminence
in the Pulp and Paper industry, change in the worldwide newsprint consumption threat-
ens this form of export and its production. The location of production-specialized build-
ing infrastructure is mostly based on transportation needs (ports, railroads, highroads) to
ensure supply of raw materials, shipments of manufactured goods, as well as work force
presence.
Once peripheral, these sites are now central locations raising urban design matters
toward a vision of sustainable cities. What are Quebec paper manufacturers’ potentiality
to be re uali ed Based u on a ty o-mor hological analysis framework, the key ob ec-
tive is to delineate in various analytical scales the complex inclination of the plant layout
and transformation in Quebec. It is based on three key morphological scales — territorial,
urban and architectural — ending with both urban and architectural recommendations.
Ultimately, how can we understand and address these lead sites

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 Context
Considering that 60% of the worldwide population will live in the city by 2030 (United Na-
tions Development Program [UNDP], 2016) new development strategies are implemented to
mitigate the urban sprawl (Dumesnil and Ouellet, 2002) which is perceived to be one of the
21st century’s major challenge (Benali, 2012; Dreier, Mollenkopf and Swanstorm, 2013). Can
we build cities on the current footprint of declining industrial sites?
Quebec’s industrialization begins in the early 20th century with the provision of low-cost
hydroelectricity meeting the “growth of new industries based on natural resources exploita-
tion” [free translation] (Linteau, 1996, p. 136). Among these new productions, Pulp and Paper
mills became a keystone of regional development across Canada, and notably in Quebec.
The industrialisation process was further fuelled by the two World Wars, especially the se-
cond one that resulted in an intensive post-war suburban development, which was stamped
by the “American way of life” with the “residential sprawl, the waste and scarcity of buil-
dable land, the landscape sprawl, socio-spatial and environmental segregation, uncontrol-
led increase in individual motorized mobility, etc.” (Merzaghi and Wyss, 2009, p. 1).
Over half a century later, many of these Pulp and Paper mills have become vulnerable
because of the mixed conditions of new technologies and the changes in the paper consu-
mption, notably the decline of newspapers printing. Their sites and infrastructures, originally
located at the fringe of urban areas, found themselves, in many cases, surrounded by an
urban development they supported for decades.
In response to this situation, brownfields, largely and often right in the heart of cities,
constitute […] a major development potential” [free translation] (Benali, 2012). According to
Dumesnil and Ouellet (2002), generally speaking, brownfield is a space historically used for
industrial purposes, but which is today abandoned and unused. Land may or may not be
contaminated, but in reality, it is often contaminated” [free translation] (p.1). As Whitehand
and Morton (2004) explain, redeveloping or requalifying a completely or partially abando-
ned zone can result in great radius of in uence:

Because of the large size of the fringe-belt lots relative to other ty es of site, es ecially
house plots, their redevelopment affected a relatively large number of neighbours com-
monly at least one boundary bordered, or was on the opposite side of the road from,
numerous private householders” (Whitehand and Morton, 2004, p. 287).

A Pulp and Paper Mill, as an industrial heritage, consists primarily of production-specialized

buildings. “By special building, we mean all these buildings which stand out in the built en-
vironment and constitute the “emergence” […] The specialized building is emerging – both
from the point of view of its quality and its dimensions [free translation] (Maffei and Maffei,
2008, p. 15). As opposed to the spontaneous construction of the core urban fabric, these
industrial areas, often referred to as brownfields, are developed under a set line of thoughts
and principles.

Problematic and Relevance

rownfields are critical concerns in today s context: once peripheral, the sites are now
mostly located in central areas ( enali, 2012). Considering their historical layouts, brownfields
have become an issue as the industry evolved. The literature argues that requalifying brown-
fields is currently a wiser planning option. Numerous recommendations focus on social and
economic issues (Dumesnil and Ouellet, 2002; Theys, 2002); however, very few address the
morphological and spatial planning.
The Pulp and Paper industry has remained a major economic sector in Quebec over the
last decades (Banville & Ministère de l’Industrie, du Commerce et du Tourisme, 1981). In 2001,
62 mills were active, but only 43 remained in 2013 (Ministère de l’Environnement du Québec,
2001; MDDE CC, 201 ) (see figure 1). uebec s Pulp and Paper industry focused on new-
sprint production (Hébert and Coulombe, 1998). In 2001, Quebec directed 41% of Canadian
and 10% of worldwide newsprint production (Gouvernement du Québec, 2019). Today, with
the growth of online media, this production is jeopardised, hence the need to consider how
to requalify paper manufacturers sites and building.

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 The initial research confronted the limited documentation on brownfield redevelopment.
The literature stresses a description and identification of brownfields by addressing the three
main issues: economic capacity, social impact and soil contamination. The spatial requalifi-
cation is largely ignored except a few case studies have engaged on such a matter (Benali,
2012).

Search Question and Key Objectives

In other words, what is the requalification potential of Pulp and Paper mills, at different
design scales? Based upon a typo-morphological analysis framework composed of territo-
rial, urban and architectural scales, as well as land use and construction issues, the research
objective is: to document, at different scales, Pulp and Paper sites and buildings formation
and evolution.
a) Identify the structural conditions leading to Pulp and Paper industrial development
b) Describe and analyse the Pulp and Paper spatial location and urban impact as well
as the typo-morphological rules guiding their transformation
c) Assess the architectural characteristics of Pulp and Paper mills
d) Set recommendations and action procedures regarding these sites requalification.

Conceptual framework

Urban Morphology

“Urban morphology is the study of the physical form of the city and the progressive con-
stitution of its fabric. It constitutes the analysis and decryption of urban landscapes and
makes it possible to understand the diversity of forms encountered in an agglomeration
and to show that they are the result of a system of complex relationships” [free transla-
tion Barr , ,

The typo-morphological analysis is primarily a means to assess complex development

through multiple scales analysis and design issues. No matter how broad the studied fac-
tors are, the analytical tread delineates the object’s urban, the typological option, the con-
struction methods and development conditions. The typical framework addresses three
scales — territory, urban planning and architecture – and four issues — layout, program,
construction and both legal and financial factors (see figure 2).
The morphology is essentially a holistic and systemic approach toward urban areas as
an intricate urban complex as well as their built components and lands. It offers an evolving
process for an objective interpretation of the built environment.

Fringe Belt
“The fringe-belt concept […] has its origins in the recognition by [Herbet] Louis [in Ger-
many of the long-term significance of physical limitations on urban growth, notably city
walls” (Whitehand, 1988, p. 47). Although the fringe-belt concept has been formulated for
over 0 years, the first recognition of the fringe belts is a derivation of a concept obviously
studied in Europe: fortifications in historic cities (Whitehand and Morton, 200 ). The concept is
particularly appropriate as it goes beyond the geographic description and addresses spatial
development and sociological expectations (Whitehand, 1988). As one of urban morpho-
logy pioneers in England, Whitehand defines his concept in its designation of origin. Fringe
belts form boundary zones between historically and morphologically distinct housing area”
(Whitehand, 2001, p. 106). His conception of urban development is closely driven by the
historic period of growth:

“[Fringe belts] provide practical geographical orientation by providing a sense of posi-

tion within or on the edge of the city, but at a deeper level of appreciation they provide
a historico-geographical frame of reference within which the phases of development,
and hysical forms, of revious societies are related to the hysical con gurations of
present cities” (Whitehand and Morton, 2004, p. 276).
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 That being said, every sprawl period of urban area has his fringe belt. Theoretically, “these
dynamics, in combination with geographical obstacles to the uninterrupted outward growth
of the built-up area, gave rise to an urban area in which residential growth zones alterna-
ted with fringe belt” (Whitehand, 2001, p. 105). Applied to the evolution of several cities in
Quebec, Whitehand’s diagram provides a method to decipher the conditions for growth of
peripheral urban fabric. Multiple successive fringe belts therefore offer a concept to com-
prehend the growth of human settlements on a metropolitan scale.

Methodological approach
The goal of the research is to develop a combined approach, both deductive and in-
ductive (Fortin and Gagnon, 2015), in order to streamline the functional logic generally asso-
ciated with the urban and architectural characteristics of Pulp and Paper Mills.
This study is part of the action-oriented research paradigm (Creswell, 2014) structured to
implement a subject-based logic analysis instead of a traditional rigid protocol method. As
Creswell (201 ) defines, the case study is the research tradition to prioritize and to provide
recommendations on these sites requalification. The search question is exploratory and re-
lates to “a new situation […] on [which] little data exists” [free translation] (Bourgeois, 2016).
With this multiple scale method, the case study is conducted in a funnel logic in accordance
with the studied scale.
This research is inspired by the multiscale methodology J.W.R. Whitehand and M.J. Morton
apply in accordance with the urban morphology (Whitehand and Morton, 2004). It is based
on three key morphological scales — territorial, urban and architectural — ending with both
urban and architectural recommendations. The authors built their methodological appro-
ach upon two different scales – territorial and urban – in order to understand Birmingham’s
Edwardian fringe belt.
The first step in the current research, plans, historical and aerial photos, reports, measured
drawings, etc., will be analysed as part of a non-proprietary secondary sources assessment,
in order to map the studied Pulp and Paper manufacturer morphogenesis and, hence, iden-
tify territorial recurrences and singularities for a thorough understanding of the logic behind
Quebec Pulp and Paper mills’ development (through probabilistic sampling since 62 opera-
ting paper manufacturers in 2001 are studied at this point of the research).
Consequently, fifteen to twenty representative cases among all will be analysed for a
deeper urban scale research, with the objective of categorising all sites according to their
present development conditions as well as identifying their connection with the adjacent
built environment. It will be interesting to see if the number of cases is determined before or
after the territorial data is all gathered. An odd sample would avoid an absolute median,
thus ensuring meaningful results.
On an architectural scale, the sample will be reduced significantly to only fewer repre-
sentative cases among all uebec Pulp and Paper mill for consistent and more specific
data, in order to assess the buildings’ characteristics. This should lead to the delimiting both
built and disappeared structures for potential requalification. Finally, recommendations and
action procedures regarding these sites requalification will be suggested as design theo-
retical considerations. These recommendations will apply to my degree course, both at an
urban scale within my urban design final degree project (Projet de fin d tudes PFE) and at
an architectural scale within my architecture PFE.

First observations
Multiple scale analysis
The first observations resulting from this research are especially related to the multiple sca-
les of structural permanence for pulp and paper mills implementation (see figure ). These
structural variables define the relationship between the factories and their environment. The
structural permanence refers to development to the conditions supporting a Pulp and Paper
mill in a territory. At a territorial scale, some variables appear: access to resources such as raw
material and water – wood, forests, rivers, waterfalls, streams – and the provision of transpor-
tation infrastructure – harbour and railway – directly connected to the territorial export ring.
According to urban scale, sites are usually peripheral to urban development: either close

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to an existing neighbourhood or a new urban fabric development – new neighbourhoods
or new industrial towns. The sites can initially be isolated – island, peninsula – or segregated
with access to transportation infrastructure such as railways and canals. The selected sites
are vast to enable facilities expansion. This explains the preference for such locations outside
of urbanised areas.
On an architectural scale, the Pulp and Paper Mill morphological structure is directly di-
ctated by the production process. Due to the need for large and open spaces, buildings
and facilities structures are mainly built of steel beams allowing large spans. Historically, the
skin of the buildings consisted of brick walls but evolved into lightweight metal sheeting. To
get the energy to operate, the construction of a power plant or a dam to produce hydroe-
lectricity is required, thus the need for a reservoir to get access to water and create high-e-
nough pressure. The White Birch Mill in Quebec City is part of the city’s skyline with its distincti-
ve and noticeable water tower. Such an architectural choice seems to have been driven
by the Mill’s monumental function as one of Quebec City’s major economic components
in the 1930s. The industrial cathedral faced the Château Frontenac and the Price building in
the upper part of the city.

The Case of Relative Position

With regard to the requalification potential of Pulp and Paper mills in uebec, it is possible
to outline 2 main typologies regarding the relative position of the industry in its urban context
First, the mill propelled urban development and is no longer at its fringe, in fact it is em-
bedded in central position of the urban area. This White Birch Mill in Quebec City is a clear
example of such an evolution. At the time of its construction between 1926 and 1928, the mill
was built on the north shore of the Saint-Charles river, on the eastern fringe of the urban area.
It was, on the other hand, near the resources and directly connected by rail and harbor on
the St Lawrence river to the territorial network of exportation. Urban conditions changed over
the next 92 years later. The current site relative position is within a 10-minute walking radius
( 00 m) of uebec City central districts. This underlined the requalification potential of such
a site (see figure ).
Secondly, the case of an industrial sector having suffered the consequences of a market
decline for its production while retaining all the territorial amenities. The peripheral mill is still
outside the urban areas, close to resources, a river or any other stream, and kept a direct
connection to the territorial export ring. The situation of the Beaupré’s Pulp and Paper mill
– 30 km east of Quebec City – met those conditions. It was closed in 2009 and demolished
in 2010. The structural variables were still active, but the local economy, whether the job
opportunities and residential demand were poor for a requalification. While eaupr is part
of Quebec City metropolitan area, inadequate transportation further emphasized the peri-
pheral character of such a site.

Conclusion
These primary observations already suggest that a morphological research of Quebec’s
Pulp and Paper industry, conducted within a perspective of material knowledge and explo-
ratory planning, could be relevant for planners, architects, stakeholders and policymakers.
The results may improve the use and planning of vacant or to-be vacant sites and thus future
urban life quality.
This lead-in work is an introduction to a complete research based upon a typo-morpho-
logical analysis framework, as part of a graduate student s final project in urban design. The
key objective is to delineate in various analytical scales the complex development of the
plant layout and transformation in Quebec. The expendability is very low unless all structural
variables are met at multiple analytical scales. The most considerable induction is with the
multiscale methodology, which could be relevant to other types of sites, buildings and con-
texts. Above all, this methodology aims for new cohesive requalification projects.

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 Figure 1. Map of Quebec’s Pulp and Paper mills.

Figure 2. Morphological framework for analysis.

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Figure 3. Multiscale analysis - Structural permenance.

Figure 4. Urban development in uebec City: the case of relative position of the White irch Mill.
a. Territorial map of 1929, after edification of the mill (source: An , SNRC adapted by the author)
b. Territorial map of 2000, illustrating urban sprawl (source: An , SNRC adapted by the author)
c. Urban scale map of the mill in 19 0. (source: Nadon-Roger, 2020)
d. Urban scale map of the mill in 2019. (source: Nadon-Roger, 2020)

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February 2019.
Merzaghi, F. and Wyss, M. (2009) ‘Comment une friche ferroviaire se transforme en quartier
durable : e quartier coparc Neuchatel en Suisse , ertigO, ( olume 9 Num ro 2).
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tal: Secteur des p tes et papiers. (http://www.environnement.gouv.qc.ca/milieu ind/ bi-
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durable. New-York, p. 60.
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en compte de sa dimension sociale’, Développement durable et territoires, (Dossier 1).
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ves, 3(1), pp. 47–58.
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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

Dyads of an operating thought:

mo ific tion contin it ro ect mor oo
Nicola Scardigno
Department of Science of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Politechnic of Bari, Via
Orabona 4, 70100, Bari, Italy
[email protected]
Keywords: modi cation, structure, order, ro ect, mor hology

Abstract

“The built environment which surrounds us is, we believe, the physical way of being of
its history, the way in which it accumulates itself, according to different thicknesses and
meanings, to form the specificity of the site not only for what that environment percep-
tually appears, but for what it is structurally. The place is built from the traces of its own
history” (Gregotti V., 1986).
The Milanese architect s definition seems to allude implicitly to conceptual dyads
concerning the architecture discipline: modi cation-continuity and ro ect-mor hology.
Re ecting on each dyads term, the essays intends to conceptualize the theme of
the project bringing it back to an eidetic procedure capable of determining a modifi-
cation conceived in the manner of a conscious act of being part of a pre-existing
whole of the things state: both through the recognition of structural rules and the iden-
tification of settlement rinci les coherent with the vocation of the environment or
the settlement hosting the project itself. The theoretical speculation will find concrete
relapse in two projectual experiences facing with current issues of urban project: the
fragmentation of urban periphery and the re-signi cation of a disused area inside urban
fabric.

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 “The built environment which surrounds us is, we believe, the physical way of being of
its history, the way in which it accumulates itself, according to different thicknesses and
meanings, to form the specificity of the site not only for what that environment percep-
tually appears, but for what it is structurally. The place is built from the traces of its own
history” (Gregotti V., 1986).
Such Milanese architect s consideration invites us to re ect on the architectural di-
scipline throught a dual conce tual dyad that is, dyads of terms related to a form
of though o erating in the furrow of essential conditions: modi cation-continuity and
ro ect-mor hology. Modification is a way through which we define the quality of an
action that by acting in a pre-existing condition mesures itself with the world of fini-
shed things. Particularly in the case of an architectural, urban or territorial organism
with that mor hological-material condition from which we deduce the grammatical
structure of architecture and, whose becoming, derives from the relationship between
two notions which, of the mor h , explain the condition of o osition-com lementa-
rity which takes place to its inside in the longue dur e , and therefore in relation to
time. These notions are: modification precisely , corresponding to the other beco-
ming, and continuity, unfolding of the other becoming. In short, a pair of terms that
although from a logical point of view might appear contrasting to each other, in
reality it seems they acting on a common fund, containing to each other in a latent
form.
In fact let s think how it is the modification to ensure the duration: that is, the conti-
nuity which, through a differentiating, allows to the process not to be blocked. In other
words, what survives, through the process itself, is no longer the “same”, but that beco-
ming other. Not therefore the inconsistent sign of what, being ephemeral, is deficient of
reality; but rather what which, considering the resistance attitude of reality, of this latter
retains its consistency.
It is not by chance ittorio Gregotti, by associating the notion of modification to that
of belonging , alludes to the construction of a real language of modification i.e. to a
place’s “language of knowledge”. This aspect refers to an o erativity of the dyad mo-
dification-continuity to feed to the will to sediment the creative process on a structured
context and substantially qualified by a threefold character: organicity, transformation
and recognisability. et s try to dwell on each of these terms that qualify a structure.
About the character of organicity we intend to refer to the definition provided by Seve-
rino to which, often, Matteo Ieva refers to within his teaching at the Polytechnic of ari:
“The difference between an organism and a sim le aggregate of elements for e am le
a hea consists in the coessentiality of the organism s arts and in the mutual ines-
sentiality of arts of the sim le aggregate If one is removed from a hea of stones, this,
se arated from the hea , remains what it was before and the same can be said of the
stones that continue to form a hea If, on the other hand, a art is se arated from the
other arts of an organism for e am le, a limb is cut from a living organism , only in the
form of words the se arate art is still what it was before, and this se aration determines
an alteration in all the other arts Aristotle observed that an arm detached from the
body is only a ainted arm, that is, it no longer erforms the functions for which it is an
arm and the se aration of the arm causes a hysiological alteration of the whole living
organism, which can also succumb ” (Severino E., 2011).
Beyond a clear distinction between the concept of organism and that of aggregate,
this definition, especially by referring to Aristotle, invites us to conceive organicity as a
character that alludes to a condition that is anything but static and figurative ended in
itself. In fact, it is a concept that attributes meaning to architecture itself as an inexo-
rable expression of a transformative rinci le underlying it. Muratori for example, by con-
sidering the organism as a “moral fact”, says that “architecture cannot be made without
a sense of the organism” (Muratori S., 1985). He, in particular, by associating the organism
structure to a category that determines the process both in its natural and human-civil
aspects he essentially clarifies the presuppositions at the basis of its double reading:
spatial-distributive and temporal-evolutionary. In other words: he defines the premise at
the basis of a ty ological reading, and thus structural, from which essential aspects rela-

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ting to the aggregative-evolutionary processes it is possible to derive.
About the concept of transformation, it represents the conditio sine ua non a structu-
ring activity and therefore a structure through its composition laws, it exists. In fact,
if the laws of com osition are by nature structuring, such a constant duality or, to be
more precise, bipolarity of property, which consists in being, always and simultaneou-
sly, structure and structuring, explains the success of the transformation concept itself
which is intelligible in the misure in which it is put into practice. Therefore, the quality of
a structure of be transformable introduces a third character of the structure itself: that
of recognizability, and in particular the recognition of an order conceived as the form s
constitution law with the form intended as as the visible manifestation of an order ,
precisely structured. So a concept, that of order, absolutely significant for the architectu-
re and without which we could not talk about form as a way of being of order, but rather
only of cumuls of elements of heaps of things, by referring to Severino.
Now, in architecture, the concept of order refers to a dimension that we could defi-
ne, at the same time, synthetic-scalar and ro ective of architectural “facts”. In fact, we
recognize a first type of internal order, that is inherent to the architecture and therefore
oriented to identify the law of selection and organization of the elements that make up
the architectural organism. A second type of relational order between architecture and
the context (urban or territorial) attributable to a narrative arrangement not coinciding
with the mere description of the facts but rather with the narration of a critical-tran-
sformative condition of reality through the search for an operational dialectic between
contingencies and latencies inherent to the natural and anthropic context within which
we act. And a third type of order corresponding, instead, to that condition contained, in
ower, in the two previous types of orders and with respect to which we would be able
to re-signify the architectural thing.
The latter type of order is defined by ittorio Gregotti as the other order . That is,
a new order, generated by a creative- ro ectual act through which the Gadamerian
experience of truth is revealed by means the modification of the things status. It is es-
sentially the ro ect order; that is, the order determined by the creative act generated
by the complicated dialectic between two categories of factors: those relating to what
Agamben defines as the impersonal sphere , the power of (contained in two types of
previously mentioned order, that is: the internal order of architecture and the relational
order between architecture and context), which bypasses and precede the individual
subject; and the intentional ones, the “power of not” (corresponding to the other order,
precisely to the project), resistant to the previous ones and with which man the designer
measures himself. In other words, we could say that creation derives from the relation-
ship between that “genius”, the true creative force that pushes towards the o era and
its expression, and the resistant character the critical instance of the one who tries
to curb such a force-impulse in order to mark it with his own imprint (Agamben G., 201 ).
The fact of substantially associate the creation act to a resistant condition corre-
sponds to identifying the project s idea connected to the own intentionality, in a dia-
lectic between autonomy and heteronomy in the relationship with what is inherited.
This is the reason leads Vittorio Gregotti to brings back the creative act to aspects that
are fundamental in order to make concrete and, in some ways tangible, that acting
with resistance for the purpose of recognizing itself as singular of the designer. The-
se aspects concern: “the recognition of father, brothers, children values, or of the story
value on which it is necessary to open a dialogue, for each project, alternative to
the present ; and the constitution of a critical distance from the things state, as con-
dition for constructing a truth’s fragment of present“ (Augè M., Gregotti V., 2016). In
other words, it is like the thought- ro ect, while setting itself on a hysical-meta hysi-
cal substrate, was able to give to the o era that autonomy and that image of truth
according to Guattari corresponding to the ethical-aesthetic autonomization regime
as only criterion of truth imposed to the architect (Guattari F., 201 ) which, in the pre-
sent, makes it comparable to a monad, independent and equidistant from the world in
which it represents itself the place of architecture (the architectural organism, the city,
the territory) as much as by the maker, the architect, the designer. That is, by the one
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 who plays the role of inter- ress and who, therefore, according to the Severinian mea-
ning of inter retation, acts “in the middle of two”: “the visible form of the document or
of the historical rest and the historical meaning that is attributed to the visible form”. For
example, the philosopher says by referring to the architecture of ancient world: the
inter retation of an ancient reek tem le is laced between the remains of the tem le
and the re resentation of the characters of a certain reek tem le in a certain histori-
cal eriod, and states that the visible forms in a certain situation stones, columns, ste s
are the remains of the reek tem le which has those characteristics The inter retation
uni es these visible forms with their historical meaning And it combines two different
dimensions, because other are the ruins of an ancient tem le, other is the tem le or
the re resentation of the tem le of which, in the inter retation, only the ruins are left
The inter retation activates the two dimensions, in the sense that it transforms them into
two e ectations, it satis es these e ectations the stones are transformed into the re-
mains of a tem le, waiting to be told of what tem le they are the remains of knowledge
of ancient reek architecture is oriented towards certain visible forms and ut on hold
to become ro erties of these forms The inter retation takes lace when these two
e ectations are ful lled “(Severino E., 1989).
The cognitive tool through which to interpret the constructed matter is the mor holo-
gy. The designer, by studying it, is able to bring the visible back to a more extensive me-
aning i.e. the sensitive form to a rocess , activating that level of projectual reading
of which Giuseppe Strappa talks about acting on a dimensional scale and complexi-
ty of relationships higher than the single building element and of its form as an object.
Through the morphological investigation it is possible to provide to the experience of the
project the opportunity to recognize and enhance the tensional relationshi internal at
the first of the two dyads: modi cation-continuity. In fact, by promoting knowledge and
interpretation of the constitutive signs, this tool whether it corresponds to an architectu-
ral organism or to an urban-territorial fabric made of paths, aggregates, building types
can become a constitutive principle of the design act, because aimed to identify: both
the relationship between signifier and meaning and therefore to substantiate, by
attributing to it a concrete form, the otherwise indistinct and chaotic aspects of a pure
vision; and to recognize simultaneously in the totality and individuality of the ethical-o-
erational programmatic processes, the degree of adequacy of a creative-transforma-
tive act. From here we can see how the second project-morphology dyad basis on the
idea that the design act, as a critical experience of in becoming formal intentionality ,
must dialogue with the “becoming”, that is, with what Aristotle considers as “permanent”
and which has the value of substratum : the structure of the existing.
Now, the brief theoretical speculation on conceptual dyads is re ected in two
projectual experiences that have faced current issues of urban planning. Particularly:
with the theme of the periphery fragmentation of the contemporary city, the project
for the transformation of the Milan Expo area - by G. Strappa (team leader), P. Carlotti,
I. Taci, C. Tartaglia, D Nencini, V. Buongiorno, G. Ciotoli, M. Falsetti, I. Del Monaco, V.
Mattei, P. Posocco, M. Raitano, P. Marziano, G. aleri; and with the theme of the re-signi-
fication of a disused area internal to the city (project for International Competition con-
cerning Tallin city), by M. Ieva (team leader), N. Scardigno, A. Caporale, A. Camporeale,
F.D. De Rosa, G. Volpe.
About the project for Milan periphery, the analysis of the forming phases of the terri-
tory has allowed to return a new order to the area by transforming and re-organizing
the routes intersections into “knotting”: a term which indicated a “consolidation process”
between routes and urban fabric and which corresponds to an accentuated building
density. Particularly the project consists of a “restructuring route” which, by declaring
itself extraneous to the geometry of the nearby centuriations, is configured as a new
matrix of a vertical fabric which connects two new poles: aranzate and Pero. It is
clear says the project team leader that the intention of the proposal to metabolize
the modern tradition of public building, often operating as abstraction (Le Corbusier,
Mayekawa, Reidy, Fiorentino), within a framework of “territorial realism”, but also that of
resuming the utopian lesson of the great extension , using it in the renewed sense of tool

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for reading and planning interpretation of the processual discontinuities occurring in the
territory” (Strappa G., 2016).
In the competition project concerning the city of Tallinn, the reading of urban fabric’s
characters has allowed to identify the role of “linear nodality” of the abandoned area
between the districts of Pelgulinn and Kalama a. Therefore a “nodality” internal to the
urban fabric to which the project has attributed the function of a multifunctional urban
park. This took place by providing for a new structuring of the area through the inter-
section of existing routes and the subsequent identification of new nodal places of the
city corresponding to a hierarchical system of urban courtyards defined by building
volumes differently hierarchized in height according to the degree of specialization
and position within the park. Among the urban courtyards, the large square : the center
of gravity of the entire park as well as the place where turn out to be “knotted”: routes
deriving from closed neighborhoods and a dense built characterized by an architectu-
ral language clearly projected towards what Matteo Ieva defines a new international
rationalism”.

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 Table 1. Project of Milan s Expo area. Collage of the first postunitarian cadastral map
showing the roman centuriatio aligments (to left); formative phases of the territorial
structure (to right). Design team: G. Strappa (team leader), P. Carlotti, I. Taci, C. Tartaglia,
D Nencini, V. Buongiorno, G. Ciotoli, M. Falsetti, I. Del Monaco, V. Mattei, P. Posocco, M.
Raitano, P. Marziano, G. aleri.

Table 2-3. Project of Milan s Expo area. Masterplan and territorial section showing the
new matrix of a vertical fabric connecting aranzate e Pero poles.
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Table 4. Project for international competition: “New habitats, new beauties. Speculation
for Tallin 2019”. (to left) Reading of Tallin’s paths hierarchies and ideogram indicating new
area’s structuring and project’s nodality. (to right) project model. Project team: M. Ieva
(team leader), N. Scardigno, A. Caporale, A. Camporeale, F.D. De Rosa, G. Volpe.
.

Table 5. Project for international competition: “New habitats, new beauties. Speculation
for Tallin 2019”. Masterplan of the multifunctional park.

Table 6. Project for international competition: “New habitats, new beauties. Speculation
for Tallin 2019 . Examples of special building (to left) and residential builgings (to right).
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 References
Agamben, G. (201 ) Creazione e anarchia. opera nell et della religione capitali-
sta, - 2. icenza.
Aug , M., Gregotti . (201 ) Creativit e trasformazione, 1. Milano.
Gregotti, V. (1986) Questioni di architettura, 19. Torino.
Ieva, M. (2020) Il senso di storicit della citt -organismo , in: Architettura contempo-
ranea e contesto, 1 , (volume degli Atti del Convegno di Camerino, in fase di pubblica-
zione).
Muratori, S. (a cura di Guido Marinucci) (19 ) Una lezione di seminario. Per la prepa-
razione alla missione di architetti e per la formazione di docenti in una scuola di architet-
tura, 391. Reggio Calabria.
Guattari, F. (201 ) Architettura della sparizione, . Milano-Udine.
Severino, E. (2011) Storia della filosofia e organismo , in a filosofia dai greci al nostro
tempo. a filosofia moderna, UR Saggi Rizzoli, Milano 2011.
Severino, E. (19 9) a filosofia futura, 19 -19 . Milano.
Strappa, G. (201 ) Nodi Urbani. Contributi al dibattito sul dopo Expo di Milano (Urban
knots. Contribution to the post Expo 201 debate), in Paesaggio Urbano, , 1 -1 .

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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

The Spatial Logic of the Arabian Coastal City

The Case of Doha, State of Qatar and Muscat, Sultanate of Oman
Heba O. Tannous1, Mark David Major2
Qatar University
1,2

1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: development, metropolitan, space syntax, topography, urban

Abstract

The paper presents a comparison between two metropolitan regions located within the
Arabian Peninsula: Doha in the State of Qatar, and Muscat in the Sultanate of Oman. Doha
and Muscat share many similarities regarding their climate (arid, subtropical desert with low
rainfall and hot, humid summers), contemporary population (1.7-1.9 million), metric size (650-
720 km2), and historical/cultural origins as coastal settlements. However, the two regions
e hibit a shar contrast between their to ogra hy Doha is characterized by its atlands
with an emergent coast , while Muscate has a rugged coastline and mountainous terrain.
The research in this paper controls for axial size (i.e., number of streets represented as lines
of sight) in the modeling of the two metropolitan regions for the sake of comparability. In
the literature, space syntax research controlling for axial size in this manner revealed clear
morphological distinctions in the urban spatial network of different European and American
city centers (Major, 2015, Major, 2018). For our case, the paper argues that differences in
topographical conditions between the two regions can lead to the adoption of distinct
strategies for tailoring spatial structure with urban growth over time. During urban expansion,
this was necessary to resolve Hillier’s paradox of centrality and linearity with increased physical
size (Hillier, 1996, Major, 2018). Furthermore, quantifying the morphological characteristics
of Doha and Muscat using space syntax helps to strengthen our understanding of the two
cities, and perhaps other cities within the Arabian Peninsula.

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 Introduction
Over the past few decades, space syntax has extensively been utilized to better
understand the urban morphology of cities around the world, particularly in Europe, the United
States, and China1 (Hillier, 1996, Carvalho and Penn, 2004, Chen, 2017). Many researchers
have documented the theoretical and methodological strengths/weaknesses of space
syntax by both people inside and outside the research community (Ratti, 2004, Hillier and
Penn, 2004, Hillier and Vaughan, 2007, Major, 2018). Simultaneously, many morphological
studies have used space syntax to demonstrate the growth and development of individual
neighborhoods, settlements, and specific parts of the Middle East North Africa (MENA)
region. MENA is an acronym for a wide region stretching east-to-west from Iran to Morocco
across the Greater Middle East, which is commonly known as the Arab World. The MENA
region hosts approximately 381 million people across nearly 8.9 million square kilometers,
which represent of the total world population and land area (Source: World ank). The
region also contains approximately 60% of the world reserves for petroleum and natural
gas; therefore, it has been a vital source of global stability as well as rapid urbanization and
globalization over the past half-century (Source: US Department of Energy).
Some past morphological studies of the MENA region using space syntax includes, but is
not necessarily limited to: the academic studies of Istanbul and Izmir (Turkey), Cairo (Egypt),
and Doha District of Dammam (Saudi Arabia); heritage studies of Sharjah neighborhoods
in Dubai(United Arab Emirates), and Sur awatyia in the Mutrah area of Muscat (Oman);
walkability measurement in the urban form of central Tripoli ( ibya); historical/modern
neighborhoods and parks in Doha in ( atar) as well asseveral settlements in Iran; and
commercial studies of settlements like in Jeddah (Saudi Arabia) (Karimi, 199 , Carvalho
and Penn, 200 , Abubakar and Aina, 200 , Ferwati, 2010, Ferwati, 2012, Kubat et al., 2012,
Mohamed et al., 2014, Can and Heath, 2016, Remali and Porta, 2017, Major et al., 2019,
Tannous et al., 2020). Despite this wealthy material, there is still a lack of a comprehensive
and consistent attempt to conduct a systematic and methodologically comparison
between urban morphology in the MENA region, particularly settlement form within the
Arabian Peninsula. There appear to be a few reasons for this lack of knowledge. Namely,
most of the space syntax studies concerning these settlements tend to focus on research
questions limited to individual case studies. This limitation results in a lack of methodological
consistency across the literature. For example, the research questions will help to determine
the modeling context; and thus the axial size of each case study. They are not modeled for
the purposes of morphological comparison, but most usuallyfor the evaluation and possible
intervention in design and planning terms. Finally, large-scale urbanisation is a relatively recent
phenomenon within the Arabian Peninsula compared to the rest of the MENA region and the
world in general, even though the arabian Peninsula has a long record of settlements dating
back some 7,000 years (see Tables 2 and 3 in Appendix A). The continuous changes and
growth in the urban fabric of the Arabian cities have made it difficult to accurately capture
the rate of the morphological evolution (Scholz, 201 , Salama and Wiedmann, 201 ). More
general study tend to focus on the morphological classification of types at the local scale,
which lacks a metropolitan perspective using network science tools as space syntax (Ünlü
and a , 201 , nl and a , 201 ).
The main objective of this paper is to address a gap in our knowledge by conducting
a morphological comparison of two major Arabian metropolitan regions (i.e., Doha in
Qatar and Muscat in Oman), which share the merits of similar historical origins as coastal
settlements. The research in this paper also controls for axial size in the space syntax
model of both metropolitan regions based on previous methodology for the purposes
of comparability. Major (2015 and 2018) illustrated how controlling for axial size in space
syntax modeling can play a profound role in highlighting striking morphological and metric
differences in cities across culture and time. Specifically, in comparing the morphology of
American and European urban centers that are strongly characterised by either deformed
or geometric grids, and different types of American urban centers that are characterised by
either orthogonal or offset grids (Major, 2015, Major, 2018).
Doha and Muscat have a clear difference in topography that is primarily characterised
1. Source: www.spacesyntax.com
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by at and mountainous terrain, respectively. Given these differences, we argue that general
conditions on the ground can lead each city to pursue entirely different strategies during
urban growth in resolving the paradox of Hillier’s principles of centrality and linearity (Hillier,
1996, Major, 2018). Space syntax helps to clearly illustrate, quantify, and understand these
morphological similarities/differences arising from the topographical conditions in these
metropolitan regions within the Arabian Peninsula.

About Doha, Qatar and Muscat, Oman

With the rapid economic growth of the Middle East and the Arabian Peninsula, Gulf
Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have recently drawn the attention of popular
media and environmental research due to the seemingly ‘instant’ nature of their urban
development. In the 19 0s, much of the northwestern coast of the Arabian Peninsula was
barren land. However, a different landscape has emerged over the past half-century
with rapidly growing cities driven by the production of oil and natural gas. This has led to
significant infrastructure- and mega-project investments by national governments (Scholz,
201 , Salama and Wiedmann, 201 ). The cities of atar and Oman are repectively situated
within the east and south-eastern coastline of the Arabian Peninsula along the Arabian/
Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Qatar is a peninsular nation sharing a single border with
Saudi Arabia, while Oman is located on the southwest corner of the Arabian Peninsula and
shares borders with the U.A.E., Saudi Arabia, and emen (Figure 1). They are both known for
long summer periods with dry and humid climate.
Mountainous geographical features are more found in the eastern older area
of Muscat than the western part of the city, which is mostly at and bounded by mountains
toward the east and southwest. This at portion provides a more extensive and buildable
land area for settlement in the contemporary areas of Muscat (Figure 2). The city of Doha
is considered rocky and at with its coastline stretching in a north-south direction along the
Arabian Gulf. arge sections of the coastline in Doha have artificial modifications including
reclaimed land and islands, as the original shoreline is further inland (Figure 3). For referencing,
the subsequent sections of the paper discuss key features, roads, and places available in
diagrammatic maps of Doha and Muscat.
Since the 1967, revenues from oil exports triggered governmental efforts for settlement
growth in Oman with most of the economic development and demographic growth
focused on the capital city of Muscat(Scholz, 2014). This growth resulted in a surging demand
for housing, commercial storage sites, industry, and public buildings. Within four decades,
Muscat developed from a collection of small port towns and agricultural villages into a
metropolis housing more than 1. million people (Source: United Nations). The municipal
(e.g., political) boundaries of the City of Muscat are 246 square kilometers (km2) whereas the
metropolitan region includes 720 km2 of land area as defined by the bounds of the space
syntax model in this paper. The population density in Metropolitan Muscat is approximately
2,400 people per km2.2 In comparison, atar s rapid growth started in the late 19 0s due to
technological innovations in the natural gas industry. ike Muscat, revenues from natural gas
exports fed urban expansion in Doha over the last 20- 0 years (Figure 4). Doha is the capital
and largest city in atar with one of the fastest-growing populations in the Arab World with its
population increasing from ~500,000 people to more than 2.3 million in just 20 years (Source;
Qatar Ministry of Statistics and Development Planning). Governmental initiatives such as
atar National ision of 20 0 and investments have embraced and manage this rapid
growth. The municipal boundaries of the City of Doha encompass ~132 km2 of land area
whereas the metropolitan region includes ~610 km2. The population density in Metropolitan
Doha is ~3,700 people per km2. At first glance, these statistics would suggest that Doha is over
50% denser than Muscat. However, this is not the exact case as we will explain later due to
the role of topography.

Aggregation and Precedence in Middle Eastern Settlements

The early development of settlements in Doha and Muscat followed the restricted random
process based on simple rules for aggregating dwelling units that are previously described
2. Population estimates are rounded off for simplicity’s sake.
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 by Hillier and Hanson (1984). The simplest rule is not to block the access of neighbours to
their dwelling unit when constructing your own. This organic process of restricted random
aggregation are caused by the actions of local actors to shape the initial morphology of the
settlement in concert with generic function (Hillier and Hanson, 1984, Hillier, 1996). Generic
function refers to the movement and basic human requirements for occupation such as
food, water, and shelter (Major, 2018). This function attributes to the founding of Doha
and Muscat in coastal locations adjacent to a bay, namely, for the purposes of economy
including pearling, fishing, and water transportation.
In comparison to the European model described by Hillier and Hanson (19 ), the
process governing restricted random aggregation in Middle Eastern settlements comes
with additional rules. The rules include a ‘right of precedence’ conveying some rights for
preceding over successive properties to abide the adjacent physical relationships between
neighbours. These additional rules in the Middle East emerge from Islamic religious practice,
which is recognized in the physical fabric of settlements where “the environment should
be seen as a series of constraints… (which) produce(d) a network of relationships between
each owner and his neighbors (Akbar, 199 ; 110-111). Overall, the most important rule
is preventing the front doors of new dwelling units from directly facing each another nor
placing a window that violates the private life of a neighbor s yard. Although these rules
might seem labyrinthine to the casual observer today, they appear to have a well-defined
even sophisticated spatial and social logic (Major et al., 2019) (Figure 5).
As these settlements become physically huge, the spatial logic requires adaptation to
resolve Hillier’s (1996) paradox of the principles of centrality and linearity in urban form (Major,
2018, Major et al., 2018). This requirement becomes necessary to maintain the center of the
settlement accessible to its ever-expanding edges, and successfully mediate between
different parts of the urban grid within the collective whole. It is apparent in the diagrammatic
representation of continuous urban fabric in both cities over time, which demonstrates the
Hillierian concepts in terms of concentric and sector growth theory per Park and urgess
(1925), and Hoyt (1939). (Figure 6 and 7).
As described by Hanson, (19 9) and Hillier (199 ), this process tends to result in blocks
becoming more rectangular and streets extending wider/longer which causes the distinctive
ortho-radial urban grid that is found in all cities around the world to one or another (Major,
201 ). This process is apparent in the emergent superblock structure seen in the figure-
ground representation of one/two square kilometers of Old Doha (Figure 8, top). It includes
the hierarchal differentiation of street widths within the restored Souq Waqif (at the center),
particularly in comparison to the wide Al Corniche Road toward the immediate north, and
the more rectangular blocks in the surrounding areas. There is less evidence of this process
in the figure-ground representation of the Mutrah area in Old Muscat, but it is still apparent
along the wide Al- ahri Road of the Mutrah Corniche and Mutrah High Street that runs in
a north-south direction to the center of the area (Figure 8, bottom). As we shall see in the
space syntax modeling of the metropolitan regions, the resolution of this paradox during
rapid urban expansion as well as the topographical differences between the two cities
combined with having a profound effect on their emergent spatial structure.

The Spatial Logic of Doha and Muscat

The space syntax model of Metropolitan Doha includes the continuous urban fabric
stretching east-to-west from the Arabian/Persian Gulf to inside of the G-Ring/Orbital Highway
(excluding this orbital road itself), and north-to-south from usail City to Al-Wakrah.3 It contains
<22,000 streets represented by axial lines over a metric area of 650 km2 (Table 1).4 The space
syntax model of Metropolitan Muscat stretches east-to-west from Al- ustan to Al-Mawaleh,
and north-south from the Gulf of Oman to Murayat (Al-Amarat) and Al-Hajar mountains. It

. The G-Ring/Orbital Highway was not utilised as a map bound due to large stretches of vacant
land between this orbital road and the continuous urban fabric of Doha. Construction of the axial
maps is detailed in Appendix .
. Named streets and axial lines are not always consistent especially in settlements of the Old
World. However, we will refer to axial lines as streets and use rounded-off numbers from this point
forward in the paper for the simplicity’s sake.
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contains <21,000 streets encompassing a metric area of 720 km2. The axial size of Metropolitan
Doha and Muscat serves as the initial control variable in this comparative analysis based on
literature methodology (Major, 2015, Major, 2018). The difference in axial size is ~5%, which
sheds the light on some key metric and morphological differences between Doha and
Muscat using space syntax.

Table 1: Summary table of metric area (km2), mean depth from the most integrated street
and its radius measure, number of axial lines, number of 1-connected lines, and the line
density/km2 in Metropolitan Doha and Muscat.
City Area Mean Axial 1-Connections Population Population Density
(km2) Depth lines (%) (Million) density (street/km2)
(streets) (perkm2)
Metropolitan Doha
650 7.5 22,478 2,382,000 3,665 35
Less one connection
6.4 20,638 8.2% - - 32
Metropolitan Doha
610 - 22,246 1.0% - 3,905 36
(w/o airport)
Less one connection
- - 20,473 8.0% - - 34
(w/o airport)
Metropolitan
720 20.52 21,376 - 1,720,000 2,389 30
Muscat
Less one connection
- 12.8 15,869 25.8% - - 22
Metropolitan
Muscat
300 - 19,445 9.0% - 5,733 65
(w/o airport and
mountains)
Less one connected
(w/o airport and - - 14,662 24.6% - - 49
mountains)
1
Mean depth rounded off to the nearest whole number, which is indicated in parenthesis.

According to the atari and Omani municipalities, the population of the metropolitan
regions is ~2.4 million in Doha and <1.7 million in Muscat.5 These statistics interpert into a
population density of <3,600 people/km2 in Doha and ~2,400 people/km2 in Muscat. Initially,
these numbers suggests that Doha is <50% more dense in population than Muscat. However,
this appears to be an artifact of the inclusion of the mountainous areas of Muscat, which
accounts for nearly 60% of the metric area with 420 km2 of the current unbuildable land. The
street density in Doha is~35 streets/km2 whether with or without the airport lands. The street
density in Muscat is more comparable to Doha at ~30 streets/km2, representing a difference
of ~15% between the two cities. However, street density in Muscat dramatically rises to 65
streets/km2 in the absence of the mountains and airport lands. This suggests that Muscat is
<81% denser than Doha in terms of a buildable area based on street density. This seems to be
confirmed since this approximately interpert into a population density of , 00 people/km2
for the buildable area. This street density is even more remarkable considering the number of
one-connected streets in Muscat without the mountain and airport lands(i.e., , 00 streets).
Even with the removal of these one-connected streets, the street density remains 9 streets/
km2 ( compared to Doha). In contrast, the number of one-connected streets in Doha
( ) is similar to the previously found for 10 European city centers (Major, 201 ). In Doha, this
artificat is primarily due to the in uence of development patterns (i.e., suburban layouts).
In Muscat, it appears to be an effect of both suburban development patterns and edge
conditions throughout the metropolitan region due to elevation changes in the topography.
Collectively, this has widespread implications for the urban functioning of both cities in terms
of spatial structure.
Despite constructing several models, only the most relevant are presented in this paper.
The space syntax model of global choice with all streets highlights the major road network
of through-routes in each city. Global choice is measured based on all streets receiving a
value of 1, proportionally sharing that value amongst all streets immediately connected to
it, and then totaling the amount of reciprocally-shared values for all streets. Choice tends
5. Doha and Muscat refer to the metropolitan regions from this point forward in the paper for the
simplicity’s sake.
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 to represent the pattern of through-movement in an urban spatial network. In Doha, this
representation includes the core of Salwa Road and the D-Ring Road/Doha Expressway as
well as the other successive series of ring roads (A-E) radiating outward from Doha ay to
the metropolitan edges. In Muscat, the representation highlights the major east-west routes
parallel to the coastline and heading north-to-south through and around the mountains
(Figure 9). Global choice also highlights the entire Mutrah Corniche ring sequence connecting
around Old Muscat (Mutrah and Al-Alam Palace) to the contemporary resort area of Al-
ustan in eastern Muscat.
An axial map without one-connected streets was also examined at varies radii for a more
straightforward representation of the fully-distributed urban spatial network in both cities. This
representation provides a pure network view of the urban morphology in the citysince cul-
de-sacs have little contribute to the systematic functioning of the urban spatial network in
terms of configuration other than providing access to individual lots and drawing segregation
to the most isolated streets (Major, 201 , Major, 201 ). We acknowledege these streets are
segregated, so there is nothing additional to be gained by retaining them within the model.
Our purpose is to understand the network, not the edges of that network. ecause Doha
is relatively at, it utilizes a similar number of cul-de-sacs as European Cities and American
cities ( and being the average, respectively) primarily due to suburban-type layouts
(Major, 2015 and 2018). However, because Muscat has hilly topography that is unbuildable
without major earth-moving interventions, it has a full quarter (2 ) of all axial lines at the
metropolitan level with only one connection due to a combination of suburban-type layouts,
mountainous access roads, and cul-de-sacs at the edge of steep changes in elevation.
When we run integration analysis, it can be seen that the removal of one-connection roads
has no change on the predominant pattern of choice in regards to Doha’s predominant
structure, while Muscat exhibit a strong linear pattern (Figure 10). The ortho-radial spatial
structure of the urban grid in Doha remains consistent in the space syntax model of integration
based on the mean depth. The radius is set using the mean depth from the most integrated
street in the city, i.e., the longest length of Salwa Road (6.4) (Figure 11).6 However, Muscat’s
polycentric structure becomes highlighted because of the predominantly linear structure
based on the mean depth of the most integrated street.7 It highlights four distinct areas in
the pattern of integration at this radius: Old Muscat (northeast), Al-Amarat (southeast in the
mountains), modern Muscat (center), and the Al-Mawaleh region (northwest) between the
Sultan aboos University and Muscat International Airport. This demonstratation reveals the
polycentric nature of the spatial structure in the urban grid caused by the topographical
constraints on buildable area in the city.

Discussion of Findings
The analysis demonstrates that both cities have to pursue subtlety different spatial
strategies for design and planning decisions due to topographical conditions. Theoretically,
the at topography of Doha allows urban growth in all directions from the coast. However,
this abundant land is mostly barren and desert-like except along the coast. Therefore, the
urban form of Doha has to remain relatively compact and dense during urban growth due
to the local climatic conditions. The political boundaries of its metropolitan area (132 km2)
are only a little larger than the political boundaries of San Francisco, California USA (121
km2).89 Collectively, this gives rise to a relatively coherent and easy-to-understand emergent
spatial structure in the city. Doha resolves Hillier’s (1996) paradox of the principles of centrality
and linearity by balancing these formal characteristics at both the macro- and micro-scale
of the ortho-radial grid, in a similar manner detected using space syntax in other cities of the
. In this case, rounded down to the near whole number.
7. The radius is set using the mean depth from the most integrated street in the city, i.e., a relatively
long, straight portion of Sultan Qaboos Street (12.8) at the center of the urban spatial network in
modern Muscat.
8. Source: Qatar Municipality of Development Planning and Statistics/US Census. The political
boundary of metropolitan Doha as set by the Qatar Ministry of Municipality and Environment is
much smaller (about 5 times less) than the bounds of the space syntax model of Metropolitan
Doha in this paper.

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world (Major, 201 ). This detection is most obvious in the clear layout of ring roads (A-E) and
highly integrated radial routes such as Salwa Road and Al Rayyan Road in the city radiating
outward from the coast and Old Doha.
In contrast, the urban expansion of Muscat accounts for the stark differences
between total land area and real buildable area in the city due to its mountainous
terrain. The emergent spatial structure of the city re ects these topographical conditions
and morphological realities, which leads to stark differences in the spatial structure at the
macro- and micro-scale of the metropolitan region. The planning of Muscat privileges
linearity (specifically for vehicular movement) at the macro-scale to overcome the local
topographical conditions. This is most obvious in the layout of linear road sequences in an
east-to-west direction and the shorter streets making cross-connections in the narrower north-
south direction of the metropolitan region. Simultaneously, Muscat privileges an intense form
of centrality (specifically for walkability) at the micro-scale of the spatial structure in different
areas such as Mutrah, Modern Muscat, Al Amarat, and Al Mawaleh. We could describe
the spatial structure of Muscat as a kind of morphological polycentrism that is physical and
topographical in nature. This conclusion is different from previous research about a kind
of functional polycentrism based on the privileging of street segments via integration and
angular choice in distinguishing the pattern of land uses arising in the spatial structure of some
cities (Mirincheva, 201 ). In any case, the emergent spatial structure of Metropolitan Doha
and Muscat offer an interesting contrast despite their similar origins as coastal settlements for
a better understanding of the modern Arabian metropolis. Muscat is compact and dense in
its parts whereas Doha as a whole.

Conclusion
The paper presented a morphological comparison using space syntax of two metropolitan
regions on the Arabian Peninsula: Doha ( atar), and Muscat (Oman). Rapid urbanisation
and globalisation characterised both cities over the last twenty years. Doha and Muscat
possessed strong similarities in terms of historical origin as coastal settlements. A distinct
contrast between the two cities was topography. The paper argues that this topographical
difference leads to distinct strategies for spatial structure in resolving the paradox of Hillier’s
principles of centrality and linearity during urbanisation. The planning of metropolitan Doha
prioritized compactness and density for balancing centrality and linearity in spatial structure
at the macro- and micro-scale of its ortho-radial grid. This compactness occurs despite the
availability of abundant land in all directions due to the relative barrenness of that land.
The planning of metropolitan Muscat prioritized linearity in its spatial structure at the macro-
scale to overcome topographical conditions in the area. To compensate, Muscat privileged
centrality and density at a more localized micro-scale level based on a buildable area in
generating a distinctive spatial structure based on morphological polycentrism. Space syntax
helped to better understand these morphological differences and address an important
gap in our knowledge about cities within the Arabian Peninsula.

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 Appendix A
Table 2: A table of the oldest, continually-inhabited settlements and largest cities today on
the Arabian peninsula with an estimated population based on various sources (compiled by
Authors).

Settlement Location Founded Population Age

(approximate) (estimated) (approximate in years)
Jubail Saudi Arabia c. 5000 BCE1 +/- 800,0002 +7000
Ras Al Khaimah U.A.E. c. 5000 BCE1 +/- 345,0003 +7000
(c. 3000 BCE)1 (+5000)1
Tārūt Island Saudi Arabia c. 5000 BCE +/- 78,0004 +7000
Manama Bahrain c. 3000 BCE1 +/- 0.5 million5 +5000
Ma’rib Yemen c. 1500 BCE6 +/- 300,007 +3500
Medina Saudi Arabia c. 622 BCE8 +/- 2.2 million9 +2500
Al-`Ula Saudi Arabia c. 500 BCE10 +/- 32,0004 +2500
Dibba Al-Hisn U.A.E. c. 100 BCE11 +/- 12,00012 +2000
City Location Founded Population1 Age
(approximate) (estimated in (approximate in years)
millions)
Jeddah Saudi Arabia c. 550 BCE2 +/- 4.3 +2500
Muscat Oman c. 550 BCE3 +/- 1.5 +2500
Mecca Saudi Arabia c. 100 CE4 +/- 1.7 +1900
Sana’a Yemen c. 530 CE5 +/- 1.76 +1480
Doha Qatar 1681 CE7 +/- 2.4 +335
Abu Dhabi U.A.E 1793 CE8 +/- 2.8 +250
Dubai U.A.E 1787 CE9 +/- 2.8 +230
Riyadh Saudi Arabia 1737 CE10 +/- 6.9 +270

Ancient Arabian Settlements

1
There is not any reference to these founding dates for Al Jubail in Saudi Arabia, Ras Al
Khaimah in the U.A.E., or T r t Island in Saudi Arabia. The common reference date appears
derived from archaeological evidence in the region of the Dilmun or Telmun people an
ancient Semitic-speaking polity in Arabia recorded from the rd millennium C onwards
who settled along the coast of the Arabian/Persian Gulf specifically with regards to
founding of Manama, ahrain referenced in Al-Nabi, M.N. (2012) The History of Land Use and
Development in Bahrain Information Affairs Authority; see also see Smith, S (2013) “Bahrain
digs unveil one of oldest civilizations”. BBC News, 21 May 2013. The Government of Ras Al
Khaimah references the age of ,000 years, https://www.rak.ae/wps/portal/rak/about/ras-
al-khaimah/facts, retrieved 21 September 2019.
2
2011, General Statistics Authority, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
3
2015, The Government of Ras Al Khaimah, https://www.rak.ae/wps/portal/rak/about/
ras-al-khaimah/facts.
4
2010, General Statistics Authority, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
5
2010 ahrain Census referenced in en Hamouche, M. (200 ) Manama: The
Metamorphosis of an Arab Gulf City. New ork/ ondon: Routledge.
6
The approximate founding date of Ma rib, emen, in 1 00 CE derived from www.
historyfiles.co.uk.
7
2012, Central Statistical Organization, Republic of emen.
8
The approximate founding date of Medina, Saudi Arabia in 22 CE, appears
derived from Arabian Peninsula, 1000 .C. 1 A.D. In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History.
New ork: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000; http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/
ht/?period=04&region=wap (October 2000) and Makki, M.S. (1982) Medina, Saudi Arabia: a
geographic analysis of the city and region. Amersham, ucks: Avebury.
9
201 , General Statistics Authority, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
10
Al Ula: Within the Saudi Arabian desert lies a 2,000year-old ghost town made of
stone and mud,” Atlas Obscura, https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/al-ula, retrieved,

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21 September 2019. This founding date of Al Ula may be derived from the UNESCO World
Heritage Al-Hijr Archaeological Site (Mad in S lih), https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/129 ;
retrieved 21 September 2019.
11
The approximate founding date for Dibba Al-Hisn derived from Abed, I., Hellyer, P. (2001)
United Arab Emirates: A New Perspective. Cape Town, South Africa: Trident Press.
12
201 , Statistical Offices of the Emirates, United Arab Emirates.

Arabian Cities Today

1
Estimated population extracted from various sources circa 201 -201 unless otherwise
noted including General Statistics Authority, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; Ministry of Economy,
United Arab Emirates; atar Planning and Statistics Authority; Sultanate of Oman, National
Centre for Statistics and Information.
2
Ministry of Hajj and Umrah, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
3
The approximate founding of Muscat, Oman, in 0 CE derived from Rice, M. (1994) The
Archeology of the Arabian Gulf. New York/London: Routledge.
4
The founding date of Mecca, Saudi Arabia, derived from the Roman occupation of Hejaz
in 106 CE though there are many scholarly disputes about the true origins of the settlement.
5
The founding date for Sana a, emen derived from a Syriac account of the settlement
as Auzalites per Chisholm, H, Ed. (1911) “Sana,” Encyclopædia Britannica. 24 (11th ed.),
Cambridge University Press. pp. 12 12 .
6
200 , Central Statistical Organisation, Republic of emen. Online estimates are indicating
the population of Sana a, emen, is .9 million people today without an indication of a
reliable source.
7
Founding date of 1 1 CE derived from Carmelite Convent records refer to the village of
Al idda (Doha was a village offshoot of nearby Al idda) in illecocq, . . (2010) Le Qatar Et
Les Francais. Paris: Collections Relations Internationales Culture.
8
Estimated date of Al Bu Falah subsection (including Al Nahyan family) of Bani Yas edouin
confederation migration to the island of Abu Dhabi.
9
Approximate date of construction for the Al Fahidi Fort (Today, the Dubai Museum).
10
Cybriwsky, R.A. (201 ) Capital Cities around the World: An Encyclopedia of Geography,
History, and Culture. Santa arbara: CA, USA: A C-C IO.

Table 3. A table of twenty of the oldest, continually-inhabited cities around the world with an
estimated 201 population greater than 1 million people (Major and Al-Nabet, 201 ).
Settlement Location Occupation Since Founded Population Age
(approximate)1 (approximate) (estimated 2015
in millions)
Athens Greece c. 10-6th 5-4th Millennium +/- 3.7 +6000
Millennium BCE BCE
Gaziantep 1
Turkey c. 3650 BCE c. 3650 BCE +/- 1.5 +5600
Aleppo2 Syria c. 3650 BCE 3650 BCE +/- 1.8 +5600
Beirut Lebanon c. 3000 BCE 3000 BCE +/- 2.0 +5000
Damascus Syria c. 6300 BCE 3000 BCE +/- 1.7 +5000
Jerusalem Palestine c. 5000 BCE 2800 BCE +/- 1.5 +4800
Varanasi India 1800 BCE 1800 BCE +/- 1.2 +3,800
Luoyang China c. 1600 BCE c. 1600 BCE +/- 1.7 +3,600
Lisbon Portugal 4500-2000 BCE c. 1200 BCE +/- 2.8 +3,200
Beijing China 23rd Millennium 1045 BCE +/- 21.5 +3,000
BCE
Xi’an China c. 4700 - 3,600 BCE 1100 BCE +/- 12.9 +3,000
Tripoli Libya c. 700 BCE 700 BCE +/- 1.1 +2,700
Rome Italy c. 12-8th 753 BCE +/- 4.3 +2,700
Millennium BCE
Istanbul Turkey c. 6th Millennium 685 BCE +/- 14.6 +2,700
BCE
Benghazi Libya c. 525 BCE 525 BCE +/- 1.1 +2,500
Peshawar Pakistan c. 400 BCE c. 400 BCE +/- 4.2 +2,400

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 Alexandria Egypt 332 BCE 332 BCE +/- 4.5 +2,300
Seville Spain c. 700 BCE c. 700 BCE +/- 1.5 +2,200
Paris France c. 4200 BCE 52 BCE +/- 12.4 +2,000
London UK c. 4500 BCE 43 CE +/- 14 2,000
Not necessarily continuous inhabitation.
1

2
There is some debate in the literature about the site of the ancient city (Antiochia ad
Taurum) associated with these two settlements.

Appendix B
About Space Syntax Measures
To describe and analyze spatial configuration using space syntax, an axial map of the
open space structure of the urban space is necessary. Firstly, the open spaces are divided
into the fewest number of the largest convex spaces. A convex space is a space through
which no tangent to the boundary can be drawn, which crosses any part of the space.
These convex spaces will consist of the least set of fattest ones that cover the whole system
of open spaces. For large urban systems such as cities with well-defined streets spaces, it
is usually not necessary to draw the convex map before drawing the axial map. ou can
directly proceed to drawing the axial map based on the open space structure in a plan for
the minimum set of lines necessary to cover all the convex spaces as defined by building
facades. The procedure for the (a) open space structure, (b) convex space map, and (c)
the corresponding axial map is shown graphically in Figure B1.

Figure B1. The procedure for modeling an axial map (Hillier and Hanson, 1984).

An axial map represents the least set of the longest and fewest straight lines of sight and
access that pass through all convex spaces. Once an axial map is obtained, it can be
analyzed as a system of relations. Hillier and Hanson (19 ) define the relation of all axial
lines in the system as measured by two basic properties of symmetry-asymmetry and
distributedness-nondistributedness. What this means is the degree by which urban space
is composed of rings of circulation or sequences that form trees. Today s software can auto-
generate axial maps using shapefiles, but there is still great value in researchers drawing the
axial map themselves in the computer to learn more about the urban morphology of the
settlement or city.
Connectivity: Connectivity is a simple measure of how many other streets does a single

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street immediately connect to within the network.
Global Integration: Global integration is the relativized mean depth of a space in
relation to all other spaces in a network based on changes of direction. It represents how
integrated/shallow or segregated/deep is a space within the urban network. In this sense,
global integration represents where you are in relation to everywhere else in that network.
According to the theory of natural movement, spaces with higher levels of integration tend
to carry higher levels of movement; and hence, a greater potential to access different
varieties of land use (Hillier, 1996, Hillier et al., 1993). Globally integrated spaces tend to play
a larger role in the urbanity of a city. These spaces are not only more frequently visited as
destinations but also more intelligible for carrying through movement where people are
on their way daily from somewhere to somewhere else in the city. It is often useful to limit
the radius measurement of integration based on the relativized mean depth from the most
globally integrated street in the urban spatial network because it reduces though not
necessarily eliminates completely - the edge effect of global integration, i.e., spaces at the
edges of the urban spatial network tend towards segregation because of their location on
the edge. Integration shows the pattern of to-movement in the sense of those streets that
are most likely to be utilized for segments of journeys from anywhere to almost everywhere
else in the urban network.
Local Integration: ocal integration measures relativized mean depth up to three ( )
changes of direction away from an origin space. It is a more immediate measurement
of the local catchment area of a single space within the network. The simplest way to
understand local integration is if a person imagines themselves standing in the middle of an
intersection of two or more spaces and look down the streets in all directions to see all other
streets immediately connected to those streets defining that intersection. In this sense, local
integration is a measure of locality similarly to connectivity.
Global Choice: Global choice is a measurement of through-movement based on
giving every street in the urban spatial network represented as an axial line a value of 1, then
proportionally sharing that value amongst all its immediate connections. The shared values
for every street are then added up to provide a measurement for the degree of importance
of that street within the urban spatial network. Global choice tends to highlight the primary
routes within the entire urban spatial network.

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 Figure 1. Map of the Middle East region highlighting atar and Oman (Images: Perry-Casta-
neda ibrary, University of Texas).

Figure 2. ( eft) Satellite views of Doha from with the metropolitan bounds of the space syntax
model outlined and (right) diagrammatic map of key features, roads, and places (Source:
Google Earth/Authors).

Figure 3. (Top) Satellite views of Doha from with the metropolitan bounds of the space
syntax model outlined and (bottom) diagrammatic map of key features, roads, and pla-
ces (Source: Google Earth/Authors).

Figure 4. ird s eye views of the urban fabric in (left) Old Doha circa 2010 with Doha ay
and the modern skyscrapers of West ay in the background and (right) Old Muscat in
Al-Ariana, Jebel, and Mutrah in 200 (Images: atar Museums/Muscat Municipality).

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Figure 5. Aerial historical photographs of (left) Old Doha showing the Souq Waqif and
Msheireb areas in the 1940s and (right) Old Muscat showing the Mutrah area circa 1900
(Images: atar Museums/( mewer, 1900).

Figure 6. The growth of Doha, 19 -201 (base from (Salama and Wiedmann, 201 )
centrality and linearity growth diagram overlay by Authors) .

The base images for the top row illustrations from 19 -19 9 are from Jaidah and at a
different scale compared to the base images for the bottom two rows of 19 -201 from
Jaidah, I. ourennane, M. (2010). The History of Qatari Architecture 1800-1950, Italy, Ski-
ra, Salama, A. Wiedmann, F. (201 ). Demystifying Doha: On Architecture and Urbanism
in an Emerging City, ondon and New ork, Routledge.. Also Figure and Figure are not
set to the same metric scale.
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 Figure 7. The growth of Muscat, 19 -201 , with a diagrammatic representation of cen-
trality and linearity during urban growth.

Figure 8. Figure-ground one/two square kilometer area in the urban fabric of the older
neighborhoods in (top) Doha and (bottom) Muscat.

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Figure 9. Space syntax model of global choice in metropolitan (top) Doha and (below)
Muscat.

Figure 10. Space syntax model of global integration (radius=n) in metropolitan (top)
Doha and (bottom) Muscat.

Figure 11. Space syntax model of integration based on mean depth from the most inte-
grated street in metropolitan (top) Doha (radius=6) and (bottom) Muscat (radius=13).

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 Acknowledgments
Portions of this research associated with the space syntax model of Metropolitan Doha,
State of atar were supported by an internal grant of atar University (Grant ID: USD-
CENG-201 /2019- ).

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 A.4 Landscapes in Transformation

Borgo Taccone. From the fragment to the weave

Giuseppe Francesco Rociola
PhD . DiCAR - Dipartment of Civil Engineering Sciences and Architecture, Bari
[email protected]
Keywords: Rural New Towns, Agrarian Reform, Urban Design, Rural Landscape

Abstract

The water reclamation of the twentieth century, especially between the two world
wars, was characterized by the national debate around the projects of the new towns
and their symbolic value as an expression of the Country’s rural identity. A “town-centric”
vision that the Agrarian eform of the Fifties artially modi ed, directing the rograms on
a greater balance between the towns and the “poderi”, gathered in the new “agrarian
companies”. In the Basilicata Region it was above all the second phase that left indelible
marks in the territorial structure, having as barycenter the well-known case of Matera,
which was in reality a unique experience.
The new town of Taccone, the subject of this study, was built about forty kilometers
from Matera, to the northwest. Plinio Marconi’s original project, concerned a territorial
fulcrum and an urban-rural core of 4000 inhabitants as a support of the poderi, that was
only partially realized, causing a fragmentary tissue currently abandoned. His recovery
ro ect has involved a Degree nal thesis of the Architectural School of the University of
Basilicata, followed by the author as a co-supervisor.1 A didactic experience aimed of
developing a recovery project starting from the pre-existences, within a general morpho-
logical rearrangement consistent both with the current needs of reviving the new town as
a new polycentric rural nucleus, and with the actual international debate on the theme.
The purpose of this study is to provide a general contribution, starting from the ap-
plication case, on the recovery of the abandoned New Towns, based on an interscalar
strategy attempting to critically summarize the problematic link between Pre-existence
and New.

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 Introduction
Among the issues concerning the Integral reclamation between the two world wars,
the problematic intersection between the drainage of the marshes and the rational
planning of “new” lands, culminating in the symbols of the podere2 and the New Town,
has always prompted an architectural debate focused above all on the iconic value of
the town, the fulcrum of the “rural population”. Subsequently,
the post-war Agrarian Reform updated its principles, subtracting the town-centric pro-
paganda of the first phase, to searching a dialogical strategy in which new towns were
considered as a variation of the planned structure of podere.
These are two distinct but related phases, overlapped in the span of about twenty
years in a not linear way: Integral reclamation of the thirties, made by the National Ope-
ra for Combatants and by Consortia for reclamation and the land transformation, and
the second, concerning the Agrarian Reform of the fifties. orn within different social,
economic and above all political scenarios, they are united by the imposing program
of land subdivision focused on the rural urbanization . The first is a summary of the post-
unification State dispositions,3 not realized largely, especially concerning the spread of
sparse rural houses,4 while the second recovers the design syncretism of the Integral re-
clamation connecting the different scales of the agricultural space, from the podere to
the new town,5 however updating it with the introduction of a new conception of rural
settlement unit, the “agrarian company”, which brings together all the anthropic ele-
ments, providing them with a hierarchical and spatial fulcrum. Two different programs
that profoundly changed the Italian agricultural landscape.6
In Lucania it is above all the Agrarian Reform to have traced the “settlement coordi-
nates” of the contemporary rural landscape. Matera, in this sense, is the most important
case affected by the works of the “Reclamation District” of Puglia, Lucania and Molise,
becoming a theoretical laboratory under the well-known political and cultural events
that led to Ludovico Quaroni’s La Martella village and to the new districts of the “Sassi Re-
covery Plan”. Even the countryside of Irsina became a special place of agricultural co-
lonization in the early fifties, mostly represented by the project of the Taccone new town,
which was not only the State response for gather the agricultural population, but also
the attempt to compose an urban-agrarian weave rationally summarized by the routes,
both historical and planned, and the railway, that is the real matrix axes of the modern
reclamations. Therefore, paths and routes were consubstantial to the urban-agrarian tis-
sue that, with different functional variations, could made the close relationship between
Living and Working legible and spatially perceptible.
Plinio Marconi s project of Taccone new town, only partially realized, survives today
as an unfinished fragment, abandoned for several years. The project presented pursues
the aim of reconciling the rebirth program promoted by the local administration with the
primary need to provide the current unfinished urban form with a possible morphological
significance to give an overall sense to the exsisting fragments, both as a settlement and
as a structure that critically specifies its relations with the countryside, symbiotic but at
the same time dichotomous. The general aim was not to solve all the complexities, but
to contribute to update the intervention strategies for abandoned New Towns of water
reclamation, as an opportunity to re ect on the immense settlement heritage inherited
from the urban-rural policies of the twentieth century.

The “ruralist” strategies of “Integral reclamation” in Agrarian Reform

The link between reclamation and project in the first half of the twentieth century un-
folded within a national vision in which the drying up of the marshes had to combine ru-
ralization with demographic redistribution, through two different phases overlapped: the
well-known “Integral reclamation” and the post-war Agrarian Reform. These are phases
with multiple points of contact, especially in the South of Italy.
The “Integral reclamation”, as is known, promoted agricultural and maritime deve-
lopment as an antidote against destructive industrial urbanism, then codified in the
Royal Decree of 1933, who prompted the debate on updating rural architecture, focu-
sed on the practical reasons as an aesthetic-constructive principle.7

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 It is important to underline that the projects for the New Towns of the early twen-
tieth century generally don t express a specific urban-rural morphology nor do they show
the search for special relationships with the spaces of nature along their edges, despite
their’re focal points of the land subdivisions. Perhaps among the reasons there was both
the need to avoid the disorientation of the settlers, who in the New Towns had to find
the “memory” of the cities who came from, and the importance to reduce the variants
of the replicable models, adapted to different geographical contexts without expen-
sive variations. There was probably a (desired?) lack of interest in updating the design
approach and language, with respect to the novel challenges introduced by the re-
lationship between the New Towns and the landscape.8 An occasion exploited by the
Anglo-Saxon cultural areas through the garden city conception, affirmed in the Italian
reclamation projects only after the Second World War. Instead in Italy attention was fo-
cused on defining a combinatorial method in which the reclamation embankments -at
the same time agrarian paths or urban roads- interacted simultaneously with the series
of lots adapted as poderi or building areas, and finally with the overall strategy uniting
the podere tissue and the built tissue of the new agrarian settlements. It’s a list of possible
variations of a constant principle founded on the serial repetition of models, on which
are based what Piccinato stated as “not cities but agricultural municipal centers at the
service of reclamation”. On them converged the research of Italian Modernity and the
metaphysical suggestions of public spaces and squares.
The Agrarian Reform searched more emphasis on the relationship between New
Town, podere and farmhouse, no longer as distinct entities, but a structure of widespre-
ad housing-agrarian nucleous combining the planned rural landscape with domestic
architecture. In fact, the Program of the New Town and rural Service Centers foreseen in
the “Reform district” of 1953, has several variants of the combination countryside - inha-
bited area, classifying the types of settlement and buildings according to the size of the
podere and the number of family members recipiented. Three models of Service Centers
are described in the official documents, differentiated by size and included functions,
designed by the Authority as “satellites of New Towns or existing cities”.
In the Fifties, the settlement development of the “new lands” is distinguished by a
syncretic and inter-scalar method, through models and variants that in a few decades
definitively changed the morphological structure and perception of many rural areas of
Italy, shifting the focal point of the design, compared to the previous experience of the
Thirties, from the New Town as a “centripetal node” of the territory, to the agrarian-settle-
ment as an inter-scalar weave comprising the town and the podere, critically combining
models and formal references of the Integral reclamation with the international debate
on post-war reconstruction, in an attempt to find a new relationship with history within the
changed international cultural scenario.
In this context, Neorealism represents the “physical and spiritual measure”9 expressed
by mean a synthesis in which coexist different cultural contributions: the themes of the
APAO of Bruno Zevi, the northern European rural villages that rework the principles of the
Garden city, and the linguistic simplification as a re ection of popular roots with a renew-
ed attention to spontaneous architecture.10
The projects of the Agrarian Reform born in this complex cultural context, with two
distinct attitudes: the first is linked to a sort of continuist line, which updates the typolo-
gical and linguistic principles applied to the villages of the Thirties; the other is inspired by
the rich post-war debate mentioned above, experimenting with new spatial, typological
and linguistic solutions.11 In this second case, the attempt was to redefine the relationship
between the urban tissue and the podere, abandoning the rigid serialism of many New
Towns of the Thirties, to experiment with spaces of relationship in which the countryside
“intersects” squares, parvises, gardens of the farmhouses, through misalignments and
angular divergences that penetrate the building tissue and the agricultural lands. As far
typological innovations, the intent was to update the division by functional areas of the
farmhouses with the introduction of the “rural annexes”, detached from them as new
perceptive references, as intermediate elements between the house and the podere
which added a further rhythm in series to the Cartesian sequence of cultivated lots. Fi-
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 nally there is the question of language, poised between monumental forcing, vernacular
temptations12 and the “dogmatic functionalism of the machine house”13. In between,
the disciplinary broadening during the post-war reconstruction, which had a significant
in uence on the design of the new rural centers and on the increasingly widespread use
of prefabrication.

Borgata Taccone. From “Agrarian Reform” to abandonment

Designed in 1952 by Plinio Marconi,14 Borgata Taccone is a New Town for 4000 inha-
bitants, 15 kilometers away from Irsina and Genzano di Lucania, and with a radius of
in uence of kilometers in the countryside. It was founded in an area that satisfied three
preliminary conditions: the proximity of the railway, a consolidated road network and
a soil morphology suitable for being divided into a regular series of cultivated lots. The
New Town, in this sense, represented another node in the thousand-year-old network of
paths that crosses Lucania transversely, connecting the Tyrrhenian coast to the Ionian
and the Adriatic coast, and equidistant between the Regio tratturo and the Via Appia,
along one of the transhumance paths that reaches Bari from Appennine. A structure
completed by the pre-existing sheep tracks, introjected by Plinio Marconi as a nervous
system connecting the different “poderi clods”15 with the lots and the relative paths,
oriented and arranged according to the slopes of the ground. The design references are
related to the dominant research themes of those years, such as the settlement schemes
characterized by fabrics of terraced “residential poderi “, with farmhouses located on
the paths borders and converging towards the Civic Center, or the sinuous profile of the
roads, only partially justified by the orography, often adopted as a formal strategy for the
ruralization of the New Town, showing affinities with the famous case of the a Martella
new town at Matera designed two years later.
These themes characterize Borgata Taccone, whose layout is divided into four areas:
the farmhouses with gardens; the Social Center with the church, the square, the school
and other public buildings; the area of agricultural facilities; the station.16 Parts linked to-
gether by the paths, which make visible the connection between the urban tissue and
the agrarian context. The station is an urban gate that links the railway and the territorial
route with the agrarian facilities area and the Social Center. The latter is the centripetal
nucleus of the settlement, located following the slopes of the ground.
The models chosen for dwellings have variable dimensions according to the number
of people, to the different spatial organization, to the more or less close relationship with
the podere determined by a specific setting of the volumes. The A type semi-detached
house, for two people, includes a rectangular module mirrored on the long side, recal-
ling the quadripartite modularity of the typical Apennine rural farmhouse. B Type, for four
people, has a double surface in comparison to the previous one and, also in this case,
the module is mirrored along the path. The “subtracting” of the facade angle marks the
access and the common external space between the two lodgings. In the C Type, also
semi-detached for four people, inclined entrances interrupt the orthogonal geometry
of the system and mark the semi-private space in front of the roads. Two other models,
D and E, completed the original project, adapting and reassembling the several spatial
modules described above.
The farmhouses are united togheter by the farmyards in front, that separate but at the
same time link the path with the living space, combining the two social areas of the town,
the collective one of the public space and the private one of the cultivated land. A kind
of extension of the podere with a specific urban vocation, delimited by the building,
the porch for agricultural tools and the “annexes” (stables, ovens, fountains, pigsties). A
combinatorial system composes the different volumes and is completed, in the rear part
towards the countryside, by small storages for fertilizers and silos which, despite their scar-
ce architectural importance, dialogue with the double rhythm that visually connotes the
podere tissue and its subdivisions.
The residential tissue is therefore founded on the repetition of the elementary settle-
ment module of farmyard-house-podere, doubled in depth in relation to the central path
of the new town. In this sense, the “periurban” border represents the gradual transition

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from the house to the agricultural lots of the “podere clods”. A tissue having the Social
Center as a compositional center of gravity, organized mainly by the school, the church,
the shop-post building and the garage. Their nodal position generates open spaces con-
necting with the countryside, bordered by the path that connects the village to the
station, read as the urban-rural gate of the town. The bell tower is located in the middle
of the parvis, toward the countryside. A symbolic element and an inter-scalar landmark.
The building technic re ects the rational economy as a general concept of the
Agrarian Reform, which re-elaborates the “aesthetics of needs” stated by Pagano throu-
gh the use of mixed structures in limestone and tuff for the walls and brick-concrete for
oors, roofs and stairs, as well as for the load-bearing structure of the main public buil-
dings. Purposely rudimentary choices that in those years combined economic sustaina-
bility with the possibility of using unskilled labor. The architectural language synthesizes
the local building culture, the Neo-realist themes and the Rudofskyan spontaneity, in the
case under consideration translated in primary solids with pitched roofs, completed by
the smooth plaster painted white and by the tectonic knots covered by limestone slabs.
Doors and windows are differentiated according to the purpose of the rooms and the
need to make the urban gates and main entrances of public buildings legible. As in other
similar projects, the porticoes are the structure of connection and hierarchical emphasis
of the public space, visually focusing the several buildings towards the church.
In this sense, Marconi states in the report to the project, that the expressive means are
therefore based on simple masses combination and on plastic elements strictly modelled
about the organic function of the buildings and their individual parts”.17
The project described so far, which found morphological and expressive fulfillment in
the mutual hierarchical balance among the parts, the residential one, the collective one
and the productive one, was scaled down by the State company “Cassa per il Mezzo-
giorno”, reducing the residential part, building only the lots on the “central spine” path.
Furthermore, changes were made to public buildings and houses in particular, removing
the models A, D and E, and reviewing the spatial organization to ensure greater relation
with the countryside. But the revision of the urban layout compromised the syntactic
structure of the project and the visual landmarks. In reality, the realized part was the initial
one of a program to be increased in successive stages, providing for extensions that, as
in many other cases of the Agrarian Reform, never occurred due to the overall oversizing
of the programs.

From the fragment to the urban-agrarian weave. A re-design experience

The effects of the progressive abandonment of the town are amplified by the incom-
pleteness of its structure. An unfinished piece of new town with disarticulations, gaps,
lack of perceptual counterpoints with landscape. This is the initial framework of the Final
degree project, which sought to respond to the requests of the community of Irsina,
aimed at the rebirth of the “borgata” and its strengthening as an agricultural pole, inter-
preting those needs within the current architectural debate on the theme.
The first aim was to tie the fragments in a weave that, by incorporating the existing tis-
sue, provided it with a never-reached unity as a whole, through some preliminary objec-
tives: the clarification of the forma urbis and its relationship with the poderi, by underlining
the agrarian-settlement border; the updating of collective and productive spaces; final-
ly, a greater clarity of the relations among the paths and the spatial articulation of the
town. The three objectives have in common the re-design of the settlement structure, a
re-founding exercise that introjects the pre-existences and reorganizes them, empha-
sizing the different geometric orientation of the fabric in correspondence of the Social
Center. A discontinuity that divides the town in two parts, summarized by two urban
“clods” perfectly coherent with the podere “clods” of the Agrarian Reform composing
the rural context. “Clods” represent variations of the same agrarian-settlement design
strategy going through the entire experience of the New Towns, from the podere to the
house. In this way, the presented project has tried to define a new dialogue with the
agricultural landscape, not as a mimesis, but designing a clear architectural distinction
between town and poderi, starting from the same morphogenetic principles.
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 First of all, a special role for the main existing routes has been recognized: the matrix
one of the inhabited area, broken at the intersection with the Social Center, and the
border road village-countryside, whose position has been strengthened by prolonging it
as an axis that cuts the building tissue diagonally, converging towards the matrix path.
These paths join the two agrarian-settlement clods . The northern clod , consisting of
an urban fence centrally crossed by the “backbone” path, articulates the existing and
new houses18 and reaches the collective garden with the large water tank, that is the vi-
sual node of the village and a landmark counterbalancing the religious landmark of the
bell tower. Instead the southern “clod” encloses the main public buildings and collective
spaces, modified to tie the current episodic fragments within a new enclosure composed
of the shop-houses and the retail market, which together with the existing tissue forms a
kind of agro-urban “forum”, open on the countryside with a cultivated park lying on the
hillside. The market has a dual function, because its opposite facade faces the church,
balancing its volume with respect to the churchyard open to the poderi. Finally, the
Production district, an appendage to the town, redeveloped through the redesign of its
perimeter with a hypostyle enclosure that holds the fruit and vegetable market, therefo-
re linking up with one of the most important architectural and cultural archetypes in the
region.

Conclusions
The project for orgata Taccone was the occasion to explore the theme of urban
regeneration as a critical exercise of re-writing, based on the search for “morphological
significance at different scales, through the reinterpretation of the Existing. In this sense,
the recovery did not concern the restoration of a previous form or the urban completion
never achieved, but the reaffirmation of some essential elements of its weave, reworked
in the light of a design hypothesis that reinterprets the existing rural town leading it to a
novel alternative unity, based on re-founding tools. The first one is the architectural
clarification of the dichotomy city-nature, by signs-traces that explain the agricultural
land morphology. The second is the updating of some typical settlement characters of
the rural New Towns, such as the serial rhythm of the houses and annexes, the perceptive
con ict between visual horizons and the landmarks of the silos and bell towers, the physi-
cal and spatial inter-scalar relationship among the house, village and farm, summarized
in the elementary archetype of the enclosure.
The linguage of the project follows the tectonics of the necessary , by means a syn-
thesis through which characters of permanences are reinterpreted starting from the di-
rect expressiveness of the rudimentary materials, combined to critically unify New and
Existing, to narrate contemporarly the present condition and the language archetypes
of the region.
This project, provisional in its outcomes, wants to represent only one stage of a rese-
arch aimed at rethinking the Existing by recognizing in some of its archetypal principles
the possibility of revealing unexpressed potentialities capable of recomposing, in the pre-
sent time, the synthesis of a place and the architectural-cultural area to which it belongs.
Perhaps, these are principles still necessary to express permanences in a novel way, not
as an act of adherence to the past, but as a critical structure connecting the uncertainty
of contemporary processes with the complexity of the stratified reality, with which they
have to deal in any case.

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Figure 1. The agrarian-settlement weave of Borgata Taccone, in comparison with the
system of Poderi.

Figure 2. The final project by Plinio Marconi (on the left) and the built project (on the right).
Below, starting from the left: the church in the Civic centre; the space between the scho-
ol and the farmhouses; the border of contact town-countryside.
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 Figure 3. The re-design of Borgata Taccone, from the abandoned fragment to the new ur-
ban-agrarian weave.

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Figure 4. From above: general perspective of the re-designed borgata; the completion of
the parish center with the enclosure and the new auditorium; the new border of contact
town-countryside; the rear garden of a new farmhouse, directly connected with the podere;
drawings of a new farmhouse; the ramp connecting the station with the Production center.
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 Footnotes
1Degree thesis in “Architecture and Heritage”, entitled: “The rural new towns of the
twentieth century. The re-design of Borgo Taccone”. Supervisors: Prof. Antonella Guida
(ICAR/10), Prof. Antonello Pagliuca (ICAR/10).
Co-supervisor: prof. Giuseppe Rociola (ICAR/14).
Students: Jacopo Lorusso, Giulio Pacente, Francesco Nardulli.
2With respect to the specific field of investigation, the podere (plural: poderi) is a
typical portion of agricultural land at the center of the reclamation programs, obtained
by a territorial subdivision after drainage and expropriation. The result is a geometrical
tissue generally characterized by rectangular poderi matched in series and singlularly
assigned to a family.
3
They are: the “Baccarini Law” of 1882, the Law on Water Reclamation of 1899, the
Laws of Giolitti for Calabria and Basilicata, the Plans of the Water Catchment Areas of
1917 and the Royal Decree-Law n. 753 of 1924. These dispositions, addressed to ensure
the hydraulic order of the lands, prelude the settlement development clearly explained
in the Royal Decree of 1933.
4
The reason was both because the “population” was almost entirely focused on the
symbolic value of the centralized new town, and because of the oversized general
design compared to the workforce that could realistically satisfy the previsions of demo-
graphic and production increase. Furthermore, there was no effective operational and
economic management of the reclamation.
See: E. Sereni, 1975, pp. 116-117.
5
The rules on which the Agrarian Reform is based were all enacted in 1950. They are:
the “Sila Law” n. 230, the “Legge Stralcio” n. 841 and the “Law of the Sicilian Region”.
The main aim was to make more effective, after unsuccessful attempts, a rural coloni-
zation capable of supporting the agricultural modernization prevented in the South by
the landowners inertia organized around the farm-nuclei and a commuter and seaso-
nal peasant population. To remedy this age-old condition, the expropriations on the
one hand, and the settlement re-organization of the workers on the other, became the
reforming cornerstones that transformed many rural landscapes in Italy. See: Sezione
Speciale per la Riforma Fondiaria in Puglia, Lucania e Molise, 1952, pp. 21-22.
6
A landscape that in the South, due to the age-old tradition of the latifundium and
pastoral activity, was characterized by vast free areas, interrupted only by a few scat-
tered settlement areas consisting of farms, farmhouses and agricultural storages, or
polarized by some pre-existing villages, often developed starting from ancient farms or
monastic complexes, as well as sanctuaries.
See: F. Mercurio, S. Russo, 1990, p. 106.
7
It was a discussion in which the Italian Rural Architecture exhibition by Giuseppe Pa-
gano and Guarniero Daniel of 1936 stands out, dedicated to the aesthetics of necessity
as venustas of the new farmhouse. A cultural position that was confronted with Ge-
dion’s hypotheses within the CIAM and the movement born around the Rooseveltian
Greenbelt Towns. The latter experience filtered in Italy also thanks to the contribution
of Gustavo Giovannoni. In this sense, differencies between the updating of traditional
rural building in an anti-urban vision and the Corbusierian and German positions on the
standardized prefabricated city was even much clearer.
Two visions re ected in the national competitions for the new agricultural towns of
Agro Pontino and Sardinia, characterized by a combination of the popular approach
permeated by Romanity and the “primacy of the arch” asserted by Giovannoni, and a
morphology often in balance between the rereading of the classic space of the squa-
res and the standardized seriality of the housing. In a certain way, It is the garden city
that meets siedlung, without however adopting the prefabrication on a large scale, im-
possible in the peripheral rural areas, strongly linked to a traditional building know-how.
An ambiguity present in many projects of that period.
For the detailed critical examination of those phenomena, see the notable literature.
8
In this regard, it is interesting to compare the projects of Pontine marshes and those
of Tavoliere plain with the drawings carried out by Le Corbusier in 1934 during his trip to

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Rome. Of particular interest is the drawing including the comparison and observations
of three different hypotheses for Littoria, Sabaudia and Pontinia. A common element
among these hypotheses is the application of the concepts of La Ville Radieuse, ex-
pressed with an open composition of isolated buildings, but at the same time linked
paratactically with the two orthogonal territorial axes intersecting both in the spatial
center of gravity of the square. See: F. Tentori, 2006, p. 73.
9
Evoked by Rogers, Gregotti and Stoppino, in the exhibition edited for the IX Trienna-
le di Milano in 1951.
10
It is also important to mention the remarkable contribution of scholars such as Sert,
Coderch and Tàvora. Moreover, in those years Saverio Muratori was studying the city
understood as a part of the territorial organism, whose structural processes involving
simultaneously the anthropic reality in its different scales. A conception through which
the building tissue in relation to the paths becomes the privileged research field to reco-
gnize and verify its a priori typology, up to consider the project as a phase in continui-
ty with the process themselves.
11
Without prejudice to the general principles on the location and classification of
settlement models (centralized, semi-centralized, scattered) almost analogous to those
developed in the fascist period. See: R. F. Medici, 1956, p. 29.
12
In a sociological attempt to induce colonists in an environmental harmony capa-
ble of recalling their respective places of origin.
13
R. F. Medici, 1956, pp. 44-45.
14
Plinio Marconi (1893-1974) graduated in Civil Engineering in 1919 under supervision
of Gustavo Giovannoni, of which he was assistant to the Application School for Engine-
ers of Rome from 1920 to 1924. From 1921 to 1943 he was chief editor of the magazine
“Architettura e arti decorative”, directed by Gustavo Giovannoni and then by Marcello
Piacentini. In those years he worked for the “Istituto per le case popolari” (ICP) in Rome,
collaborating in the construction of the Garbatella district and the Portuense district
of Rome (designers Giovannoni and Piacentini). From 1933 to 1938 he was assistant to
Marcello Piacentini in the course of Urbanistic Applications of the School of Improve-
ment in Urban Planning. From 1938 to 1950 he was appointed professor and later holder
of the first chair of urban planning - after Piacentini - at the Faculty of Architecture of
Rome, of which he was also headmaster from 1963 to 1968. Between the two wars
Plinio Marconi participated in numerous competitions for urban plans. From 1952 he
was director of the Institute of urban planning and then of Urbanological and Technical
Research of the University of Rome. After the Second World War, among the projects
carried out, there were several rural villages in Puglia, Lucania and Molise. Morevover
he designed public housing districts for INA-Casa, such as Torre Spaccata in Rome, in
1958. He was a prominent member of the INU. See: P. Gabellini, 1992, pp. 97-152.
15
The concept of “farm clod” reinterprets the “urban clod” theorized by Franco Puri-
ni, extending its meaning to adapt its principles at a part of agricultural land, morpholo-
gically delimited and functionally autonomous, in which the residential and production
structures are intimately interrelated, representing the everything in a little part of it. In
the projects of the Agrarian Reform, the result of this morpho-functional syncretism is
an agrarian-settlement system (at the base of the different models developed for the
“Comprensori” -regional areas- of the reclamation) recognizable and relatively autono-
mous with respect to the surrounding territory, also characterized by the organic corre-
spondence between podere, home, paths and drains. The “farm clod”, in this sense, is
the critical intersection between preexistence and project, expressed by the weave as
a synthetic structure of the rural populating. See: G. Rociola, 2016, pp. 63-64.
16
The residential area comprises four models of farmhouse, A, B, C, D. The Social
Center instead included school, garage, church, film theater, shop, post office and
clinic. Finally, the production support area was composed of a large outdoor area divi-
ded by the carpentry shop, the market, the colonization offices and the silos.
17
Source: State Archive of ari. Inventario 10 /29 ERSAP - Servizio avori, Ufficio Pro-
gettazione Edile: Borgate.
18
The new farmhouses complete the building tissue along the “backbone” road.
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 They are designed to temporarily host small groups of agronomic researchers and are
related directly to the workers’ farmhouses. The rear garden continues ideally within the
double-height room that represents the heart of the house, with a small library-office
and the staircase leading to the roof with pergola, which can be used for drying seeds
and crops.

Caption*
All drawings are based on the work of the degree thesis, modified by the author.

References
Ente per la riforma fondiaria in Puglia, Lucania e Molise (1963), La riforma agraria in
Puglia, ucania e Molise, ari, Arti Grafiche aterza.
P. Gabellini (1992), Plinio Marconi. Un manuale implicito per il mestiere di urbanista, in
P. Di Biagi, P. Gabellini (eds.) Urbanisti italiani. Piccinato, Marconi, Samonà, Quaroni, De
Carlo, Astengo, Campos Venuti, Roma-Bari.
R. F. Medici (19 ), Architettura rurale. Esperienze della bonifica, ologna.
F. Mercurio, S. Russo (1990), “L’organizzazione spaziale della grande azienda”, in Me-
ridiana, n° 10, pp. 95-124.
G. Rociola (2016), Dal borgo di fondazione al podere abitato : La pianura ionico-
tarantina occidentale e la costruzione di un nuovo spazio agrario-insediativo, Foggia,
Claudio Grenzi Editore.
E. Sereni (1975), La questione agraria nella rinascita nazionale italiana, Torino.
Sezione Speciale per la Riforma Fondiaria in Puglia, Lucania e Molise (ed.) (1952), La
riforma fondiaria in Puglia, Lucania e Molise. Verso la piccola proprietà contadina, Bari.
F. Tentori (200 ), a bonifica pontina , in G. Marucci (ed.), Citt pontine, in Architet-
tura Città. Rivista di architettura e cultura urbana, n° 14.

Sources
Ente per lo Sviluppo dell’Irrigazione e la Trasformazione Fondiaria in Puglia, Lucania e
Molise. Sezione Speciale per la Riforma Fondiaria. Bari (1954).
Servizio piani e progetti.
Programma delle borgate e centri di servizio rurali previsti nel Comprensorio della Ri-
forma.
(State Archive of Bari - Sezione speciale Riforma Fondiaria, Servizio lavori, b. 121, f. 3)

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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

The curvilinear substrate.

rom t e enomenon of e ntific tion to eform tion of
the type.
Cristian Sammarco
Sapienza University of Rome, DIAP (Department of Architecture and Design), Via
Flaminia 359, 00100, Rome, Italy
[email protected]
Keywords: Substrate, urban morphology, deformation

Abstract

What is the “deformation of the form” (Borie et al. 2008)? And what is the role of
deformation in the relationshi between the new building and the conte t in which it ts
The study of the city is the study of the urban form through the reading of the hierarchy of
the paths, the fabrics and the characters of the buildings, which make up the grammar
of the form, in a process intended as a succession of successive systems of structures
over time (Caniggia 1963 ). At each stage of the training process, these structures are
themselves systems of lying urban forms that in uence the subse uent ones, deforming
the building through a resilient substrate (Strappa 2016). The theme of deformation and
adaptation to the previous one are analyzed in this study through the urban action
of the de uanti cation of the s ecial building the stadiums, theaters and oman
am hitheatres have become the resistant sediment that in uenced the formation of the
new fabric. The deformation of the type and the variants that are formed on - and inside
- these curvilinear buildings over time nd in Kandinsky and Klee s studies on circular form
and its relationshi with the linear one a new term for com arison and con rmation of
morphological studies on form urban and on the role of the substratum as an element
not only of “resistance” but of interpretation and transmission of form.

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 Introduzione
De Substratis
The contribution presented takes its cue from the doctoral thesis I discussed in the
same days of this conference, and which has as its object of research the substrate
in its theoretical and design meanings necessary for the formation of the city. Any
research on the city cannot escape from being a research on form and specifically on
urban morphology. Goethe in 1796 used the term morphology not only to indicate the
discipline of form but also as an analysis of the process of formation of organisms; stating
that morphological studies describe complex organisms without presenting the various
parts broken down analytically but always grasping the whole as a real being and a unit
in constant evolution (Goethe 1842). The study of the physical form of the city always
preserves the sense of a dynamic of processuality that through an “organic hierarchy of
forms” (Muratori 1963) it is possible to identify in an operating history. The history of the city
is the history of the form and the processes of transformation that involve its parts without
ever losing the general vision, the role of urban organism to which the city tends both
spontaneously and intentionally.
The object of the research is the urban forms of substratum which, in uenced by what
was underneath”, welcomed the transformations of constructed reality, becoming not
only a container of material and immaterial memories but catalytic forms of urban
processes. The forms of the building in question are those of the ancient Roman ludic-
scenic buildings and their role in the training process of the city: from special building
to ruin through a de-quantification, a consumption of their shape, up to becoming an
active part of the urban fabric maintaining a recognizability deriving from the formal
and material characteristics of the substrate on which they were “formed”. These formal
characteristics are identified in the geometric figure of the curve whose study allows to
combine morphological studies with those of the figurative arts of the twentieth century.

e ntific tion n eform tion in tr te rc itect re

On the question of “what it is” and “where it comes from” the form has debated so
long not only in architecture but in all knowledge that it has a representation in reality
- and not - that could only lead to confusion even a simple hint to the theme and this
research does not try to suggest a new interpretation or definition, but the adhesion to
the concept of the Muratorian school - dealing with morphology - of form as transmission
in the physical reality of the characters of a structure (Strappa 1995) is transparently
enunciated. assuming that “the term” structure “is used in its general meaning of law
of relationship which includes both the sense of structure of elements, as of system of
structures and of organism” (Strappa 1963). The shape is the object of research in its
permanent character but not as a static and imperishable sign but in its changing and
in uencing subsequent forms while maintaining recognizable some of its characteristics
that are inherited and interpreted by the new building.
By systematizing the issues set out and identifying the common denominator that
underlies the theoretical research exposed, the operating concept of form of Sub-
stratum obsessively recurs.
In the philosophical sphere, the term substratum appears for the first time in Greece
in Aristotelian metaphysics, sometimes with reference to matter with respect to form,
sometimes with substance - sub-stale - with respect to accidents, sometimes with logical
subject - sub-iectum - with respect to predicates .
It is Matter because it is a sub-stratum of the potential of reality, that is pure possibility:
matter / substrate is not a static element, but has a creative potential linked to its shape
and its characteristics as Signed Matter. To mark it is the time to which it is platonically
subject; it changes continuously referring to forms other than those of origin, in which
the sign, the initial trace emerges more or less explicitly. The substratum is thus “what lies
underneath” - sub-under and stratum-stratum - and which collects the legacy of a topos
and a cultural area in every sense, from philosophy to linguistics, from geology to urban
morphology.
It welcomes and stimulates the transformations of reality, matter and form in this field

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of research, through a processuality addressed by its characteristics, the product of a
historical stratification, which catalyze the phenomena by re-emerging through them.
Starting from the concept that urban forms can be grouped into two large inter-
dependent systems (basic construction or residential construction and special
construction such as monuments and non-residential but “service” construction) it is clear
that the concept the de-quantification closes the circle of the city s training process: if it
is normally associated in the Italian typological-procedural school that from the housing
unit comes by recasting to the special building that inherits and welcomes its characters,
the de-quantify is the inverse and complementary process.
The special ancient building for shows, in particular the amphitheater, is the last
product of the Roman construction typology and it is not possible, as for many ancient
structures, to start from a process of intentionality , specific to special construction,
but with typological characteristics of these special organisms, by their relationship
with the urban fabric and with the routes. The theater, the odeon, amphitheatres and
stadiums presented in themselves the characteristics of the architectural unity defined
by the itruvian ratio: the ratio utilitas, the firmitas and the venustatis. These in Roman
constructions are inseparable and interpenetrated and the excessive strengthening of
one component compared to the others is always indicative of a crisis situation. Therefore
if we analyze these organisms through the reconstruction of the pre-operational concepts
that underlie the anthropic construction of the different special buildings over time;
concepts that are unitary and synthetic of all the essential components to structure in
an exhaustive way the object implemented by man, then it will be possible to recognize
the characteristics of minor, serial and rhythmic building, which formed and then allowed
the de-specialization, or the de-quantification of the special structure transforming it
into a substrate for subsequent fabric developments. Referring to the Vitruvian triad it is
therefore possible to clarify the formal and educational characteristics of these special
buildings object of the study:

Utilitas
The intended use, functional utility, is the primary factor that determines and justifies
the shape of the buildings for recreational-scenic purposes. The theater and the odeon
intended for representative and musical performances always present the element of
the large auditorium, identifiable with the geometric figure of the curve, opposed to the
linearity of the scene. The difference between the two elementary geometric matrices
depends on the two distinct functions they welcome: that of the spectator and that of
the actor-musician - important is the space of the orchestra which will be the subject of
interesting urban phenomena of occupation and not of consumption of the material-
forma -– “The geometry of the Roman theaters consisted of four triangles or three squares
inscribed in a circumference which give rise to twelve vertices from which the stairs of
the auditorium, the margins of the orchestra, the stage and the accesses relevant to
the scenic building. The upper vertices define the stairs of the cavea which enclose the
wedges into which the steps are divided. When you get to the diazoma, the stairs and
the wedges formed by them double because of the widening of the cavea “(Vitruvius
cf.). The function of the theatrical performance gives way to equestrian and gymnastic
competitions in the stadium that determine a substantial change in shape and size: the
sides that connect the curved element to the scene stretch to follow the internal track
traveled by athletes or animals. The scene gives way as in the case of the Circus Maximus
to the prisoners, that is, today s boxes for the stopping and the departure of the racing
horses. This typology presents one of the closest and most evident relationships between
function and form which materializes when the theater “comes out” of its plastic envelope
to contribute to the shape of the city.

Firmitas
The materials and the related construction techniques are the specific culture that
a civil area applies in the construction of buildings: both are typical elements - variable
in a diachronic and diatopic manner - and, together, they represent the concept
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 of building or the synthesis of prior to all the characteristics of the concept itself as a
mental prefiguration prior to the production of the organism (Maffei 2011) furthermore
material, matrix, matter, motherhood are articulations of the Sanskrit root “mat” which
means measuring with the hand, building, that is in the case of architecture, material
and construction are not the means for each other but an inseparable unity and the
dissolution of the stability of the material is the dissolution of the constructiveness of
architecture “(Gregotti 1985).

Venustas
Leaving aside the decorative theme of the surface and of the orders which has no
morphological repercussions in the de-quantification and reuse of the artefact, it is
necessary to dwell on the shape of the organism and its hierarchization. The aesthetic
beauty of an artistic work and architecture was recognizable by Vitruvius in its proportions,
in that harmonious relationship between the parts. Parts that in mature theaters and
amphitheatres are characterized by seriality, modularity and rhythmicity. The same
elements recognizable in minor or basic construction. Taking the amphitheater as an
example, the characteristics of a basic building fabric are immediately recognizable
both in terms of plan and facade: the monumental staircase allows you to compare only
one of these buildings with an entire block. It is evident that the element of repetition is
among the cardinal themes of the fortune of these urban forms over time and allows to
systematise the characteristics expressed above: “architecture is the art of repetition”
Purini stated in Composing architecture arguing that the use of serial elements transforms
the “expressive factor” of the architectural work. The repeating and repeated element
thus constitutes a part of a unitary system and does not present an autonomous character
and therefore “the individuality of a component part must subordinate itself to the whole,
that is, to the individuality of the whole” (Purini 2011).
In the case of the Arles amphitheater, it is clear how these structures are potentially
predisposed to transformation and functional variation over time. Their venustas lies
precisely in this seriality of the wall structures, then explained on the façade, which over
time will welcome and measure new constructions that will consume and sediment the
shape that will become substratum.
y de-quantification is therefore meant bringing back to a situation of plurality a unit
quantity derived from a formative or compositional process that started precisely from
this plurality.
ut these de-quantified urban forms do not always have the same shape even though
they start from the same substratum, that is, the type: deformations are present in the
sedimentation of the forms. In Forma y Deformaciòn Borie, Micheloni, Pinon introduce
the theme of through two large families of architectural and urban forms starting from
the thought of P. J. Grillo and L. Hilberseimer: geometric shapes and organic shapes.
In both there is a substrate. In the former, the form derives from a system of imposed
relationships defined by relationships, in the latter from an adaptation to the natural
context. Deformed forms are therefore transitional forms between these two categories.
In fact, the terraced houses that rise between and on the ruins of Roman curvilinear
structures differ not in their being partly organic forms but in that system of relationships
belonging to the cultural area in which they are found: the material the construction
techniques and the typology. Deformation is also dealt with in the same book through the
theme of “deviation” and “derivation” following an obstacle. The issue of the obstacle
is also addressed by Gianfranco Caniggia in his research on medieval fabrics, stating
that in order to read the medieval city and our historic centers, it is therefore necessary
to dwell on the peculiarity of the non-straight paths and the act of traveling. Man by
nature conforms his path through two needs: brevity and continuity, which are peculiar
characteristics of the straight path. Whenever we come across a path that does not have
a rectilinear dimension, we are faced with an obstacle that man has overcome, while
maintaining the continuity factor. In fact, Caniggia states that “a path therefore tends to
take place according to the straight segment joining the start and finish, provided that
there are no obstacles interposed” (Caniggia 1974) since by nature we do not change

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the straightness with a broken line of straight segments but through a trend curvilinear in
which the position of the obstacle is normally recognizable by a ex. We must not think
that every obstacle is an architectural pre-existence but as is obvious also the natural
reliefs represent obstacles to overcome and evolutionary factors of the form such as the
placement of an angular defensive tower or the growth of a church contribute to the
formation of in ections and therefore deformation.

Type and Curve

There is an inseparable relationship between type and shape: the type depends on the
shape and the shape depends on the type. If the type is deformed there is a deformation
of the shape. In the case of curvilinear structures the type assumes an adaptive character
without losing its characteristics of Firmitas, Venustas and Utilitas. These characterize
not only its structure but also its phenomenological aspect in reality. To understand the
relationship between type and curve it is necessary to start from the elementary form: the
line. The line in its rectilinearity is infinite and the elements that stick to it are rhythmic and
repetitive. The curve is a deformed line but has a strength in the shape / type relationship
when it closes on itself: while the linear segment closing in a polygon loses the perfect
repeatability of the elements that stick to it (or that form it) having to solve the problem
of the “corner solution”. The curve closing in the perfect shape of the circle, or even the
deformed one of the ellipse, perfectly retains its type and the dimensional module of its
structure: the Roman amphitheatres with their radial structure present identical modules
for spatial characteristics and construction elements. So the curve is more resistant as
a geometric shape because it has a parent force of no change, of assiduous rhythmic
repeatability: the curve is deformation but does not deform the characteristics of the
elements that give life to its limit, as opposed to the straight line.

Conclusions
The curve is therefore a geometric form of substrate very strong compared to others.
It manages to be a catalyst for urban transformations and a hinge between other
geometric forms that is less resistant for organizing building fabrics. In architecture and
urban morphology nobody emphasized the role of the curve until the twentieth century.
There was always talk of type in a distributive and non-formal sense. The German Bauhaus
school inaugurated a very happy season on the study of geometric shapes through the
figures of Paul Klee and Kandinsky. From their works, attention is paid to the geometry
that underlies and generates the forms. The curve, and the circle in particular, are the
subject of unpublished considerations that can be applied to urban morphology. The
urban fabric insists on a surface, on a zero plane, which for Kandinsky is the circle, and
therefore by primitive analogy, also the curve: comparing the straight line and the curve
it states that “the internal difference with the straight line is given by the number and type
of tensions: the straight line has two clear primitive tensions, which in the curve represent
a secondary part - the main tension of the curve is in the arc […]. The penetrating
element of the corner disappears, but in the curve there is an even greater force which,
although being less aggressive, conceals in itself a greater resistance. In the corner there
is something thoughtlessly youthful, in the curve a mature energy, rightly aware of itself
(Kandinsky 201 ). Thus it emerges that the substrate has an infinite variety of shapes
but that the curvilinear ones have a greater resistance, they become enclosures for city
events. Their limit is often the limit of the city itself. The curve follows the pace of man.

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 Figure 1. The natural and geological Roman substratum that defined the shape of the city
(Paolo Portoghesi in Rome Interrupted 1971).

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Figure 2. The arch, the curve, as an element resistant to any scale of the construction and
shape of the city.

Figure 3. Drawing by Carlo Aymonino for the cover of the “Meaning of the cities”.

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 Figure 4. Interpretation by the author of the morphological relationship between line and
curve.

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References
Borie A., Micheloni P., Pinon P., Forma y Deformaci n De los ob ectos ar uitect nicos y
urbanos, editorial Revertè, Barcellona, 2008;
Caniggia G., Lettura delle preesistenze antiche nei tessuti urbani medievali, estratto da:
Atti V-Ce.S.D.I.R.-1973-74-Cisalpino-Goliardica editore, Trieste, 1974, pag. 344;
Goethe G. W., Saggio sulla metamorfosi delle piante, tradotto da Pietro Robiati,
tipografia e libreria Pirotta e C., Milano, 1 2;
Gregotti V., Morfologia, Materiale, in Casabella n° 515, Mondadori editore, Milano, 1985,
pag. 22;
Kandinsky W., Punto, inea, Superficie, Adelphi, Milano, 201 , pag. .
Maffei G. L., Maffei M., Lettura dell edilizia s eciale, alinea editrice, Firenze, 2011, pp.
142-143;
Muratori S., R. Bollati, S. Bollati, G. Marinucci, Studi er un o erante storia urbana di oma,
Centro studi di storia urbanistica, CNR, Roma, 1963;
Purini F., Com orre l Architettura, Laterza, Bari, 2011. Pag. 42;
Strappa G., Unit dell organismo architettonico Note sulla formazione e trasformazione
degli edi ci, Dedalo edizioni, Bari, 1995, pag. 77 e succ.;
Vitruvio, Gross P. (a cura di), De Architettura, Einaudi, Torino, 1997.

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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

Ancient planned structures in Lake Bracciano area

Michele Magazzù
University of Roma Tre - Department of Architecture, Rome.
Keywords: Lake Bracciano, oman lanned system, Forma uadrata Italiae theory

Abstract

The contribution resents the rst results of some to ogra hical studies conducted on
the territory of Lake Bracciano, located north of ome and historically linked to the fate
of the City The ty ological reading method created by uratorian school has been
a lied in order to reconstruct the salient hases of the anthro ization rocess of the re-
gion The territorial lanned system designed by the omans will be read, for the rst time,
through the a lication of the Forma uadrata Italiae theory develo ed by iancarlo
Cataldi During the oman eriod, the area was administered by the city of Forum Clo-
dii and connected to ome through the Clodia road unfortunately, we do not have
com rehensive archaeological and to ogra hical information on the disa eared city
of Forum Clodii, or on the actual route of the oman road The study demonstrates the
resence of a s eci cally lanned territorial ro ect, which determined the settlement
choices and the articulation of the road network that even today constitutes the substra-
tum of the Agro Braccianese The study suggests a different and innovative reading of
the urban and territorial history of the region of reference

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 Introduction
Tracing a framework of Etruscan settlements and roads in a simple and coherent way
is a difficult operation. What we know is that, originally, they set on ridge paths which
were structured on geological lines traced by the River Tiber and the Tyrrhenian Sea. If
we could hypothetically reconstruct the territorial system of the Etruscans, we could be
more certain about the territorial planning system used by the Romans.
Through the application of the Forma uadrata Italiae theory, performed by Giancarlo
Cataldi, we can today reconstruct the ancient planned structures of the Romans (Cataldi,
Iacono and Merlo, 2000; Cataldi, 2003; Cataldi, 2004). The architectural theory1 is placed
among the pre-Roman phases of the territory (ridge theory of Saverio Muratori) and the
so-called “medievalization” phases theorized by Gianfranco Caniggia (Caniggia, 1976).
Cataldi’s theory is based on the recognition of two main systems used for the territorial
project. The first is oriented according to the cardinal axes called Secundum coelum (SC);
the second is oriented according to the morphology of the places, called Secundum
naturam (SN). The land organization and division is based on squares with sides of 12
Roman miles, called Ager.
Finally, the starting point of this system was recognized in Rome, on the Campidoglio
hill2 (Rodriguez Almeida, 2000), called umbilicus Urbis. The paper experimentally applies
this theory to the case study of the lake Bracciano, reconstructing the structure of the
Ager Foroclodiense and the layout of the via Clodia (Magazzù, 2019).

Field of application
The reference cartographic base is made up of IGM 1:25.000 drawings relating to
the territories of Anguillara Sabazia, Bracciano, Castel Giuliano, Manziana; these were
integrated with the IGMI tables with a survey base dated 1879.
Aerial photographs taken for military purposes during the Second World War were also
used (Shepherd, Cantoro and Ramondino, 2017).
This case study is singular because of the morphological conditions of the area.
Lake Bracciano is located within a large volcanic and tectonic depression that has
shaped a geomorphologically impervious territory; as in the north-west quadrant of the
lake, between icarello and Oriolo Romano, the at areas are very rare and these are
alternated with hilly reliefs that ripple over 500 meters above sea level.
Only the Bracciano and Martignano lakes are preserved today, but up to the
nineteenth, there were six lakes; these depressions in the ground have encouraged
the development of routes set on the ridges around the lakes, creating typical radial
territorial systems.
The geometric mesh oriented on the cardinal points Secundum Coelum (SC) is
composed of large multiple squares of the saltus (sides of 12 Roman miles) of which the
second north-west of Rome incorporates the territory under consideration.
From the point of view of the project, the north-west south-east diagonal is an important
distribution axis linked with the umbilicus urbis; this axis should ideally coincide with the
Roman roads Clodia-Cassia (Hemphill, 1975).
By tracing both diagonals of the Braccianese “ager , a first element of correspondence
is immediately identified with the overall design of the square shape: the center of the
square (ager) coincides with the city of Forum Clodii in the current area of S. Liberato, a
place which we archaeologically know little about and which became one of the most
important cities of southern Etruria3 and which was responsible for the administrative-
territorial control of the whole district (fig.1).
Once established a first fundamental point for the project reconstruction, it is necessary
to relate to the large lake of Bracciano (Sabatinus for the Romans). The lake required
detailed surveys aimed at the correct continuation of the territorial design, due to its
impressive presence (about a quarter of the “ager”).
By observing the lake from a satellite view or from one of the heights that surround it,
one notices how this can be assimilated to a circumference: this fortunate circumstance
inspired the cartographic survey of surveyors. They gave a careful representation of the
main natural obstacles using the same geometrizing logic used for spatial planning.
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 To correctly represent the lake and to establish the planning cornerstones, it can be
assumed that the Roman designers resorted to a fairly simple method based on two
privileged observation points.
These are two places located respectively south and north of the lake, in line with the
SC orientation.
The first point, the southern one, can be found in the locality of I onti (IM), the most
prominent hill south of the lake. This is a strategically fundamental place to observe the
plain in Rome direction, or to examine the surroundings of the lake towards the opposite
side. The site is located exactly on the main diagonal of the ager”, the same on which
the center of Forum Clodii (FC) was determined.
The second place consists of the highest elevation of the Sabatini mountains
corresponding to the Rocca Romana mountain. The typical pyramidal mountain’s skyline
is still used today by the locals as a reference point for determining the north.
The observation point used for the design phase can be identified a little further east,
near Rinaccetto mountain (MR), a place which is similar in altitude to the observation
point of I onti and perfectly aligned to it on the north-south axis.
Geometrically and projectually, it will be enough to trace the perpendicular axes
passing through the midpoints of the segments described; doing so, it is possible to find
an intersection point coinciding with the center of the circumference, which can be
represented with a compass (fig. 1).
Using ertica, groma and wooden poles, the FC-IM segment can be reproduced,
in particular using the heights as natural reference points towards which to direct the
groma. The measurement of the distance of Forum Clodii and I onti from the coastline
allows to identify the two points P1-P2 (the chord) which determine the circumference
passing through three points; together with the median one of the FC-MR segment (P3).
The importance of the I onti location is confirmed by RAF ights (fig. 1). It is possible
to distinguish with precision the remains of an ancient road system set on the ridge on
the photographic strips. The road system has (at the IM point) the shape of a rectangle.
Probably, the road surrounded a built place which must have had an important role
since the time of the Etruscans, subsequently reused by the Romans in a first phase of
territorial control and planning and in probably a subsequent residential use (Quilici and
Quilici Gigli, 1975; Hemphill, 1975) .
We recognize a long stretch of via Clodia which remains perfectly straight for three
kilometers in the direction of S. Maria of Galeria, referring to the information coming from
the critical reading of the aerial photographs created for war purposes (below the locality
I onti, near via Mainella). The stretch is still recognizable in the satellite views, as well as
on the IGM tablets and on the map of the Comarca of Rome (Catasto Gregoriano),
in which it constitutes the geographical border with the Agro Romano. For the Forma
uadrata s purpose, it will be useful to observe how the axis designed (the via Clodia)
goes roughly towards the southeast corner of the ager Foroclodiense and, from that
point, you turn sharply to the left.
There seem to be two explanations. First, the road section has an unequivocal trend
in the I onti locality of which was to constitute an almost “sacred” observation place
(spectio?) in an initial phase of territorial planning. This is once again demonstrated by the
(less evident) presence of a road section that from Mainella continues towards the walls
of S. Stefano, recognizable by RAF photographs. The second explanation is of a design
nature. Once the planning cornerstones were established, the main road axis (Clodia), in
its mature phase, was rotated 45 degrees in order to follow the trend of the SC oriented
grid. In addition, the straight section of the previous structure has been maintained. This
inevitably led to the formation of an angle which also served the function of connecting
joint with Angularia = Anguillara4 (Cordiano, 2011).
A large grid composed of saltus oriented Secundum Naturam (SN) is superimposed on
the large “ager” oriented with respect SC. (fig.2)
The morphology of the territory does not allow for an internal re-division of the saltus
into canonical centurias (sides of 710 meters) whose presence was not found in the
course of the investigation. The hilly and mountain reliefs must have oriented towards
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 exible design choices, constantly adapted to the places in order to facilitate the ow of
water. For these reasons, the SN mesh is composed of three variously rotated groupings
of saltus (2 by 5); these are arranged parallelly to the trend of the secondary ridges that
develop like a comb around Lake Sabatino.
The first of these meshes (2 by saltus) is perfectly oriented SC and slightly shifted to
the west. The southern border coincides with the city of Forum Clodii which is located on
the same horizontal axis as Monterano.
The second mesh is rotated degrees with respect to the first, in the direction of
the northeastern corner of the “ager”. The analysis of this grid is particularly interesting
because it could be a direct derivation of the initial FC-MR segment used for the lake
design5.
Forum Clodii is located exactly at the central vertices of four saltus. This confirms the
previous topographical reading which places the city at the center of the planned
territorial system (figg. 1,2). The third mesh is rotated degrees compared to the first, in
the direction of the southeastern corner of the “ager” in line with the trend of the ridges.

Topographical checks
Once the saltus mesh designed for the Ager Foroclodiense has been identified, we
intend to start a series of topographical checks in order to demonstrate the validity of
the reading made.
An initial verification consists in recognizing and redesigning the agricultural subdivisions
detectable by the territory.
The method used is based on the use of overlapping and geo-referable cartographic
and photographic sources.
The map of the Catasto Pio-Gregoriano was superimposed on the IGM surveys with
which the aerial photographs were integrated (taken between the 1940s and 1950s and
the satellite images distributed by Google Earth referring to the periods 2002-2018).
With a critical reading of the sources, the main land divisions that are still visible have
been reported, attributing a line to those whose course was consistent with the reference
saltus. The three meshes are recognizable by the use of three different colours (fig. 2).
The elaborated data show a better conservation of the agricultural subdivisions in
two main areas. The first can be found in the west, between the A uae A ollinares and
onterano (1). The second, however, north of Oriolo Romano (2); in the latter case, there
is an additional mesh graphically shown in dashed lines.
Among the sources, aerial photographs taken for military purposes provide the most
conspicuous information potential on which a thematic study aimed at redesigning all
recognizable divisions should be performed. For this reason, a second check was chosen
by isolating points 1 and 2 mentioned above. The photographs were oriented on the
north-south axis and the centurial mesh was redesigned on them through a critical
reinterpretation of the visible agricultural subdivisions.
The presence of the diverticulum which, detaching from via Clodia just north of the
locality of Vigna di Valle, led to the Terme di Stigliano (A uae A ollinares) was highlighted.
The resulting centurial shirt reveals full compliance with the reading of the Ager
Foroclodiense. Beyond the Devil’s Bridge, it is noted that the diverticulum for Stigliano
perfectly responds to the orientations of the two meshes of saltus (by tracing the structures
or crossing them diagonally). The centurial grid seems to be composed of square modules
divided into sides of nine actus each. (fig. )
The situation is similar also in point 2, north of Oriolo Romano. The main mesh is crossed
by the long straight road of via Clodia which is arranged consistently with it and is
composed of a rectangular modulation referable to sides of 6 by 8 actus. It is interesting
to note how the agricultural subdivisions rotate by ninety degrees accompanying the
trend of the soils to facilitate the out ow of the waters (to east). In the north-eastern part,
the photograph highlights at least two other centurial systems corresponding to as many
grids.
The analysis of the urban layout of the historic villages of the Braccianese area
is the fourth verification which was carried out. All the main urban places have been

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deliberately shown on the project image, even though they cannot be traced back to
Roman settlements. This is because the territorial structure impressed by the land fabrics
remains incisive and still recognizable.
Bracciano presents two distinct developments of the village. The medieval nucleus
is recognized and a phase of building expansion that surrounds the ancient nucleus is
distinguished. Two road straights indicate a Renaissance reorganization of the access to
the village: the first one is the continuation of via Umberto I towards via raccianese, the
second coincides with the current via Salvatore Negretti.
Both ways seem to follow the reconstructive structure of the Forma uadrata. In
particular, the first street looks like a rearrangement of a previous connection route
between the village of Bracciano and the area occupied by the Capuchin monastery;
that is the limit beyond which the centurial cadence (still visible) rotates in response to
the southern saltus system. The second straight is vastly affected by the presence of
Renaissance-style building fabric6 which developed on the fastest and most practiced
connection route of connection to the Braccianese in the direction of Rome. A little
further east, at a lower altitude of about ten meters compared to the just described road,
there is a road layout whose course is almost parallel to via Negretti, the via Cupetta
del Mattatoio. Its “sinuous” course on the hilly coast is clearly visible on the Catasto
Gregoriano; on the contrary, via Claudia (the straight road opened during the second
half of the nineteenth century) is not reported.
The foundation of Oriolo, which took place in the second half of the 1500s by Giorgio
Santacroce, is an interesting example of a Mannerist city ( ruschi, 19 ). The village,
protected by walls, stands on a slight hill on the left of via Clodia. As in the example
of Bracciano, the road directives converge in the main square of the village, the
prospective fulcrum of the Renaissance scheme. The choice of the site could not have
been accidental. The organization of a huge urban construction site, which included
huge deforestation and construction works, had to necessarily take place in an area
which was at least at the centre of a defined road layout.
Even Anguillara, located at the limit of the hypothetical “ager” of design, responds
to the orientations of the Forma uadrata with a central matrix path, slightly rotated to
north-east in order to place the generating axis of the plant exactly in the centre of the
promontory.

Conclusions
In conclusion, the route of via Clodia on the three identified meshes of saltus was
highlighted. The road was first rebuilt through archaeological findings (Ward Perkins,
1955) and subsequently designed as a series of segments adapted to the saltus meshes.
Once again, the path of Clodia seems to perfectly respond to the meshes of saltus
reconstructed in a procedural and re-design way (fig. ).
This opens up to original and innovative research fields (together with the previous
checks) that lead to reviewing the history of the formation and transformation of the
Agro raccianese. Having always been recognized by scholars as a road axis deriving
from adaptations of Etruscan routes, the ia Clodia is now identified as a fully designed
axis at least up to Oriolo Romano.

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 Figiure 1. The territory of the Agro Bracciano. Geometric construction of the lake Sabati-
no (drawing made on IGM basis scale 1: 2 .000 by the author) and the identified point in
the locality I Monti (IM) in an aerial photograph from 1944. Presence of the ancient road
system. Flight RAF 143, 420, 4040 (Aerofototeca Nazionale of Rome).

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Figure 2. Hypothesis of a reconstructive reading of the Roman project of the territory of
the Agro Braccianese (Ager Foroclodiense). Continuously, the mesh of saltus identified
(drawing realized on IGM basis scale 1: 2 .000 by the author). In the figure below, land
divisions that are still visible.
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 Figure 3. Reconstructive reading of Roman planning close to the diverticulum for the
A uae A ollinares of Stigliano. Above, photograph RAF (1943), 143, 68, 5008 (Aerofoto-
teca Nazionale of Rome). elow, drawing based on RAF ight, by the author.

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Figure 4. In red, the route of the Via Clodia indicated as a series of segments. These
are adapted to the saltus meshes of the Agro Braccianese. In gray, some diverticula.
(drawing realized on IGM basis scale 1: 25.000 by the author.

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 Footnotes
1
See the bibliography for further details.
2
The Severan Marble Plan places the Campidoglio exactly in the center of the cadas-
tral plan.
3
As refectura or munici ium.
4
The name of the town it would come from a Roman villa located on the shores of
ake Sabatino. The owner of the villa, Rutilia Polla, could also be the holder of rights fish-
ing in the lake.
5
Approximate to the length of two and a half saltus.
6
As demonstrated by the Catasto Gregoriano.

References
Bruschi, A. (1966) ‘Realtà e Utopia nella città del manierismo. L’esempio di Oriolo Roma-
no’, in Quaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’Architettura, XIII, fasc.73, Roma, 74-108.
Caniggia, G. (1976) Strutture dello spazio antropico. Studi e note (Uniedit, Firenze).
Cataldi, G. (2003) ‘Forma uadrata Italiae. a pianificazione territoriale dell Italia Roma-
na’, Atti e memorie della Accademia Petrarca di lettere, arti e scienze LXV, 89-121.
Cataldi, G. (200 ) Attualit e persistenza delle strutture pianificate antiche nella perife-
ria di Roma’, in Cassetti, R. and Spagnesi, G. (ed.) Il centro storico di Roma: storia e
progetto (Gangemi, Roma).
Cataldi, G., Iacono, P. and Merlo, A. (2000) ‘La geometria di Firenze: il progetto matrice
della città e del territorio, Firenze Architettura, 1, 2000.
Cordiano, G., Accardo, S., Calvo, P., Dolci, M., Insolera, E., Lazzaretti, A., Russo, S., (2011)
Sabatia Stagna 2: nuovi studi sugli insediamenti perilacustri di età romana nella zona
del Lago di Bracciano (Edizioni ETS, Pisa).
Hemphill, P. (1975) ‘The Cassia-Clodia Survey’, in Papers of the British School at Rome 43,
118-172.
Magazzù, M. (2019) ‘Paesaggi dell’Etruria meridionale. La via Clodia negli studi topo-
grafici dell Ager Foroclodiense’, unpublishedPhD thesis, Polytechnic University of
Bari-University of Roma Tre, IT.
Quilici, L. and Quilici Gigli, S. (1975) ‘Antichità della Campagna Romana-VII. Cenni sui
valori archeologici del comprensorio del lago di Bracciano’ in Bollettino della Unione
storia ed arte, 18.
Rodriguez Almeida, R. (2002) Formae Urbis Anti uae. Le mappe marmoree di Roma tra
la Repubblica e Settimio Severo (Publications de l’École française de Rome, Rome).
Shepherd, E. J., Cantoro, G. and Ramondino, F., ‘Il potenziale informativo degli archivi
di fotografia militare della Seconda Guerra Mondiale ai fini della protezione civile e
dell’analisi del territorio’, GeoMedia, XXI, 5, 6-9.
Ward Perkins, J. . (19 ) Notes on Southern Etruria and the Ager eientanus Papers of
the British School at Rome 23, 44-72.

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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

The City of Venice. The Form and the Space

Ermelinda Di Chiara
University of Rome Sapienza, DiAP - Department of Architecture and Design, Rome.
Keywords: Venice, historical city, morphology, space, form

Abstract

The city is a ‘system of connection’: a set of relationships between building typology

and urban morphology, between the positioning of the monuments in relation to the
fabrics, between the discipline of the plan and the need to give form to places and
spatial quality of contexts. This ‘system of connection’ is evident in the historical city,
which is structured through the formation of dense and compact ‘fabrics’ and recogniz-
es its element of formation in the concept of ‘urban block’. The paper aims to show an
experience of research activity at the RWTH Aachen University started from the reading
of the urban forms of an e tremely singular city such as enice Through codi ed tools
of urban analysis and the most recent spatial reading tool of the city - fundamental to
understand and de ne the reasons of architectural ro ect - it s ossible to understand
the morphology of Venice, characterized by a dense and uniform fabric, in which the
only o en s aces are the cam i A careful consideration also identi es the e tremely
articulated urban fabric of Venice: many are the ‘primary elements’, such as the great
religious complexes and prestigious buildings, which represent the ‘catalyst’ of the histori-
cal Venetian fabric. Recalling Schröder’s studies, for which the urban form is examined in
its spatial value, measuring the degree of interior or exterior spatiality that characterized
the spaces of the city, Venice, historical city, is the emblem of the city made of delimited
and compressed spaces, and of interior’s spaces.

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 [...] analyzing the form of a city is as scrutinizing
the face of a loved person. When we entertain
ourselves in the study of the places it contains or
when we sink into the overlapping of its layers,
we do it driven by the desire to tear its secret
away from the city, trying to nd the key to our
fascination and then, calm it down, get rid of it.1
Carlos Martí Arís

For a relative short period of my university education, which coincides with the
elaboration of the Master s degree thesis in architectural and urban composition first at
the Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule Aachen with professor Uwe Schröder
then at the University of Naples Federico II with the professors Federica Visconti and
Renato Capozzi, Venice has become the city I wanted to scrutinize, understand and from
which I wanted to tear away the secret that makes it unique and singular compared to
other Italian cities.
Again Carlos Mart Ar s affirms that analyzing is equivalent to redescribing: only
through a detailed work of redescription of the city we will be able to perceive its intimate
substance. Perhaps this is one of the few paths that allow us to understand the urban
form and at the same time to think about its possible transformation›› (Martí Arís, 2007).
For this reason, the first phase of the project The Peggy Guggenheim museum in Venice
has concerning the work of redescription or, precisely, of redrawing, intended not as
a mere graphic tool but as a form of specific, critical and irreplaceable knowledge
(Ugo, 2008), of the city of Venice in order to read its urban forms and to think about its
transformation2 by virtue of the design action.

The form of the city

To fully understand the urban form of Venice, as well as its formation process, it is of
fundamental importance to analyze ‹‹the connection [that is established] between the
forms of the architecture and the forms of the orographic substrate›› (Moccia, 2017), that
is ‹‹the connection between forms of construction and geography of places›› (Orfeo,
2017); after all, ‹‹the study of historical experience shows us how cities were never built
by turning their shoulders on nature, but in open dialogue with it [...]. If there is something
permanent in the city, which transcends any vicissitude or transformation, it is the presence
of places which, although fully urban, show a strong link with geography [...]›› (Martí Arís,
200 ). From this point of view, the enetian example is absolutely fitting because it is
not possible to understand this city without contextualizing it in the singular landscape
dominated by the lagoon that crosses it.
The city of Venice manifests an territorial and environmental condition that is certainly
different from other Italian cities, located, as it is, in a lagoon context. For all these reasons,
the first drawing developed to study the form of the city concerned the restitution of the
level curves of the ground as well as the morphobathometry, which allows us to know the
evolution of the lagoon seabed.
Once the drawing of the form of the soil has been made, showing substantially a
at territory with very broad level curves, the form of the city is described using some
consolidated urban analysis tools, which in turn are put in relation with the evolution of
level curves and, in this way, with the form of the soil on which the city has been built
over time.
The drawing of the Straßenbau - from the German “construction of the roads” -,
in highlighting the calli, the campi, the rughe, the sottoporteghi of the historical city,
allows us to deduce the structure of enice, in fact, as Giorgio Grassi affirmed, isolating
the Straßenbau, that is the construction of public soil, means isolating the constituent
elements of the city as architectural facts; it means considering the city above all as a
construction, as a stratification and as a composition of formally identified elements
(Grassi, 2008). In the historical city of Venice, the layout returns the image of a dense and
a compact city: being Venice a city that determines its form starting from the block, the

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drawing of the unconstructed spaces represents both the negative of the built - which
stands out by inversion - both the form of the public space. This is a peculiarity of historical
cities, in which the “layouts” have the function of regulating the form and impressing an
order, thus representing a fundamental component of the urban composition capable
of generating a precise connection between the built space and the open space,
between the “full” and the “empty”.
If the unconstructed spaces are represented by the “road plan”, the built space is
outlined by a further codified urban analysis tool, that is to say the Schwarzplan - from the
German black plan and from the English figure-background plan - which represents
all the elements of the constructed and eliminates any other information, immediately
allowing a first reading of the figure of the city against its background ( isconti, 201 ).
The historic city of Venice is characterized by a compact and homogeneous fabric, in
which the only points of discontinuity - that is those that appear in white on the drawing
in the figure 2 - are the spaces occupied by the campi - Campo S. Stefano, Campo
S. Anzolo, Campo Manin in the sestiere of S. Marco and Campo S. Vio in the sestiere
Dorsoduro - and by the only Venetian square Piazza San Marco3, excluding Piazzale Roma
that is rather a car terminal: therefore, there is a close relationship between building
typology and urban morphology for which the Straßenbau and Schwarzplan constitute
each other s negative. Furthermore, the drawing of the built space allows to re ect on
the different possible ways of aggregating the types of housing (Monestiroli, 19 9),
that is, the way in which building types conform the block, representing systems fixed
through which the historic city is built. The building type that finds wide application in the
Venetian area refers to the type of the courtyard block: the city, in fact, is characterized
by a repetitiveness of the building solutions, which are enriched with courtyards of mostly
regular form and, in many cases, private and therefore inaccessible. In fact, it is a difficult
challange to cross the Venetian city and freely admire its courtyards, a symbol of the
city’s building image, on which much has been discussed and analyzed4.
The primary role that the Venetian courtyard assumed in the organization of the
housing settlement is very evident also from a careful examination of the bird’s eye View
of Venice5 by Jacopo de’ Barbari as well as from an analysis of the toponymy present in
the several documents concerning land registry of the Republic from the sixteenth century
to the eighteenth century. In fact, the Venice that Jacopo de’ Barbari describes at the
end of the fifteenth century shows a fabric shaped by quadrangular courtyards - in some
cases belonging to great religious complexes and in others to individual Palazzi - which
rarely give space for the sporadic presence of long terraced of symmetrical houses.
The fact that the sixteenth-century representation is not exclusively a simplification or
a conventional indication of Jacopo de arbari is also confirmed by the later plants6,
which leave no doubt about the primary role of the courtyard in organizing the housing
settlement in the city of Venice. The only area where the presence of the courtyard
seems to be less rooted - but not missing as shown by the Fondaco dei Tedeschi - is
obviously the Rialto area, which has always been the commercial center of the city,
where the prevalence of merchant functions means that the spaces easily take on
the connotation of public transit space, thus denying the private environment of the
courtyard and instead adopting the typology of calle and ruga in its original meaning of
medium-width road anked by houses and shops (Diodati, 192 ).
As Aldo Rossi affirms in his famous book L’Architettura della città, the city is made
up of residence areas , but also of primary elements , that is, elements capable of
accelerating the process of urbanization in a city, and they also characterize the processes
of spatial transformation in an area larger than the city. Often they act as catalysts
(Rossi, 1966; 1982). These assume a determining role in the dynamics and structure of the
historical enetian city, in fact it is arranged in different ways but always with these fixed
elements (Rossi, 19 ), around which has burdened, over the centuries, the enetian
urbanization. The presence of these “elements” shows an absolutely differentiated urban
fabric: in fact, there are numerous great religious complexes - the convent of S. Stefano
in the sestiere of S. Marco, the complex of Santa Maria del Rosario in the sestiere of
Dorsoduro - and the prestigious Palazzi - Palazzo Ca’ Corner, Palazzo Cavalli-Franchetti,
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 Palazzo Grassi, Ca’ Rezzonico, Palazzo Venier dei Leoni - which overlook the ‘more
specifically urban space , that is the Grand Canal.
Venice is therefore a city in which the connection between the forms of the soil and
the forms of architecture is very strong, to the point that geography has determined
the character of the place even before architecture took office. It is characterized by
a dense and homogeneous fabric, by repeating plots and systems, but also by great
architectures with which Architecture represents its collective values and finds in the
courtyard type the maximum expression of the organization of the housing settlement.

The space of the city

A representation that intends to analyze and, therefore, re-describe the “formal
image” of the city of Venice in order to understand its form and think about its possible
transformation by virtue of the design action cannot absolutely ignore an analysis of
the spatiality of the places of the city. In the field of urban studies, in fact, it is believed
not only that form and space are two inseparable concepts, but that it is precisely the
architectural space that is recognized as the primary and essential one of architecture,
through which the architectural form is put back into your service (Sch tzeichel, 2010).
The general theme of the spatiality of the city is at the center of the theoretical re ection
of Uwe Schröder - professor in the RWTH Rheinisch-Westfälische Technische Hochschule
in Aachen and head of the Spatial Design Department of the same university -, who
believes that the new description of the city lived it does not take into consideration
as much the formal image as the spatial aspect of architecture, the structural order
of architectural spaces, the arrangement that determines their form (Schr der, 2009).
Based on this “renewed” analytical approach related to the spatialist reading of the
city, inaugurated with the Pardié project, Uwe Schr der introduces a new instrument for
reading the urban form of the city - the Rotblauplan - which allows you to understand the
spaces of architecture by distinguishing them in warm spaces, defined interior s spaces,
and cold spaces, exterior s spaces. To understand when a space can be defined as
an interior or an exterior, it is essential to refer to two concepts: the concept of limit and
the concept of relationship. Oswald Mathias Ungers, master of Uwe Schröder, believes
that when man consciously detaches an isolated piece and from the clear borders
from the infinitely great and boundless space of nature Raum der Natur] and in some
way delimits this piece - albeit only with a gesture - [...] it is already creating architecture,
even if in the broad sense (Ungers, 19 2). In the first place, therefore, the concept of limit
that defines a space and establishes a demarcation between the interior s space and
the exterior’s space represents a basic notion for debating the architecture of spaces.
Next to the concept of limit, there is the concept of relationship : a space is defined as
an interior or an exterior based on the section relationship that is established between
the height of the buildings and the space between the buildings. A space delimited by
architectural constructions but uncovered - squares, streets, open spaces, courtyards - is
to be understood as an interior’s space when certain relationships occur between the
unconstructed space and the built space. When, however, these relationships fail, space
is no longer to be understood as an interior but as an exterior’s space. This is the reason
why, the previous study to Rotblauplan concerns the classification and the representation
with sequences of vertical sections of the relationship between the streets, the courtyards
and the buildings (Fig. 2, on the right). This allows to highlight the characteristics of the
spaces - narrow and wide, profile of the sections - and to understand the relationships that
define the spatial form of the city. This type of study applied to the city of enice in most
cases reveals a relationship between the height of the buildings and the unconstructed
space for which they are intended as urban “interiors”. Venice, in fact, mainly takes on
an interior character, with the exception of the Grand Canal, where the relationship
between the built spaces and the canal is such that it is classified as an urban exterior .
The analysis of urban spatiality through the Rotblauplan analysis tool moves between
different representation scales, offering, for each of them, the possibility of adding
additional levels of knowledge through different graphic indications: it provides, in fact,
a graphic coding that returns different tones of color by virtue of progressive levels of

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interior or exterior of the spaces depending on what is intended to be highlighted, from
the large-scale relationship between city and territory, between the city and the home
up to the relationship “attributable to a architectural scale” between the house and the
room, between the wall and the openings (Schröder, 2015). In particular, in considering
the scale that highlights the relationship on the great scale between the city and the
territory (Fig. , on the left), it uses two different tones: light red and light blue. The first
coding - light red - concerns the interior’s spaces and, therefore, those spaces which
provide for “closure” but can be both uncovered and covered. The second coding - light
blue -, instead, concerns the exterior’s spaces and, therefore, those spaces that declare
“a rural or landscape link” or “an urban link”. Furthermore, no graphic sign is represented
at this scale except fot the different shades that indicates the nature of urban spaces.
A different situation, however, occurs when it’s highlighted a portion of the city and,
therefore, in this case, the scale of representation allows to add more information to the
drawing (Fig. 3, on the right). In fact, there are two different shades which represent the
spaces indicate “closure” but which are covered - dark red - and the spaces indicate “a
rural or landscape link” - dark blue -, and there are also the graphic signs, which assume
a fundamental meaning in order to understand the nature of the spaces of the city:
while the white lines - the walls - indicate the “active boundary” in the formation of the
space, the black lines marking or profiling - symbolize the passive boundary . These
two analyzes, still on an urban scale, allow us to understand how Venice, in appearing
a dense and compact city, mainly assumes an interior character, relegating the entire
lagoon landscape including the Grand Canal to an exterior role.
Finally, the spatial analysis was carried out on the scale that connects the city and
the house, as Schröder says, and that in the case of the Venetian city we could say
between the city and the Palazzo (Fig.4, on the left). In highlighting this new relationship
that can be traced back to an architectural scale, alongside the different color tones
- dark blue and light blue, dark red and light red - which represent progressive levels of
interior and exterior and lines - white or black -, additional “graphic symbols” appear: the
black shaded area represents an inclusive “dedication”, and the white shaded area,
which instead indicates an exclusive “dedication”.
This spatialist approach, perhaps less scientifically objective than the type-morphological
one previously addressed, as it introduces the perceptual and phenomenological
variable, is however of significant interest to the extent that the mapping of space leads
toward topological and typological fundamentals, and consequently toward analytical
and conceptual prerequisites for designing and for the design, it can be characterized
and understood as a design method›› (Schröder, 2015). The fundamental character of
this analysis is, therefore, its design vocation: it always implies a judgment on the quality of
the existing spaces within the city and allows to prefigure, with the project, the possibility
of modifying its nature as shown in the project The Peggy Guggenheim museum in Venice
(Fig. 4, on the right).

Conclusions
The main goal of the analysis through the developed drawings is to analyze the
forms and space of the city of enice using both codified and objective tools of urban
analysis and more recent and original tools such as spatial analysis, which allows to
introduce the third dimension - the spatial one - in the architectural field. For this reason,
therefore, it was necessary that the analysis made use of the critical redrawing, which,
through a reduction of the complexity of the signs and therefore throught abstraction
(Moccia, 2015), allowed to transfer the elements that make cognizable, describable and
objectivable a city. The representation, thus, becomes a moment of knowledge and
therefore of critical analysis. It is for this reason, in fact, that in the case of the study of the
forms and space of the city, each drawing should be able to express the content that
has been examined. The drawings developed for the city of Venice, starting from the city
up to the typological definition of its architecture, intend to analyze the city from a point
of view that intend to investigate at the formal and spatial structure of the city, looking at
the architectural and urban design.
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 Figure 1. Left: orography and bathymetry. Right: Straßenbau or ‘road plan’. Author’s
drawing.

Figure 2. Left: Schwarzplan or figure-background plan with the typology of the primary
elements’, that is the great religious complexes and prestigious buildings relating to the sestieri
of Dorsoduto and S. Marco, object of analysis of the Master s degree thesis in architectural
and urban composition The Peggy Guggenheim museum in Venice. Right: study of the
relationships between the ‘solids’ and the ‘voids’, between buildings and streets, squares
and canals. In particular, starting from left to right, there are sections that intercept different
points near Gran Canal and following Calle S. Agnese, Piscina Venier, Piscina Forner, Rio
de San Vio, Campo San Vio, Calle della Chiesa, Rio de le Toreseie, Calle San Cristoforo,
Campiello Barbaro, Calle Bastion. Author’s drawing.

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Figure 3. Left: Venice, red-blue plan, plan segment “country and city”: red = interior space;
blue = exterior space. Right: Venice, red-blue plan, plan segment “city”: red / light red =
enclosure: on all sides (covered) / not on all sides (uncovered); blue / light blue = linkage:
rurale or landscape / urban; white line = space formation: active boundary (wall); black
line space formation: passive boundary (marking, profiling). Author s drawing.

Figure 4. Left: Venice, red-blue plan, plan segment “city and house”: red / red light =
enclosure: on all sides (covered) / not on all sides (uncovered); blue / light blue = linkage:
rural or landscape / urban; white line = space formation: active boundary(marking,
profiling); shaded area (white) dedication: exclusive; shaded area (black) dedication:
inclusive. Right: Venice, red-blue plan, plan segment “city and house” with insertion of
the thesis work on Palazzo Venier dei Leoni, current seat of The Peggy Guggenheim
museum. Author’s drawing.

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 Footnotes
1
The traslation from Italian of this and the other quotes that follow is by the autor, except
Rossi A. (1982), The Architecture of the city, Cambridge, MIT and Schröder U. (2015), Par-
dié. Konzept für eine Stadt nach dem Zeitregime der Moderne. A Concept for a City after
the Time Regime of Modernity, Köln, Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther König.
2
Carlos Martí Arís in his writings “Sulla teoria” in La cèntina e l’arco. Pensiero, teoria, progetto
in architettura affirms that when designing we always start from the existing architecture
that we submit to different comments, variations, developments and transgressions; and
from this manipulation, from working with forms, it appears a new, different form, and that
is the project. The literal meaning of the word transform trasformare] is “to pass from one
form to another”››.
3
It seems appropriate to underline that the urban analysis have been carried out in more
detail for the sestieri of S. Marco and Dorsoduro, since these are located near the project
area, that is to say Palazzo Venier dei Leoni, the current seat of the Peggy Guggenheim
museum.
4
Countless studies have been published on the Venetian courtyard. Among these are
mentioned: Cessi R. (1958), “Politica, economia, religione” in AA.VV., Storia di Venezia,
volume II, Centro Internazionale Arti e Costume, Venezia; Concina E. (1989), Venezia
nell’età moderna, Marsilio, Venezia; Dorigo W. (1983), Venezia origini, Electa, Milano;
Lanfranchi L., Zille G. (1958), “Il territorio del ducato veneziano dal VIII al XII Secolo”,
in AA.VV., Storia di Venezia, volume II, Centro Internazionale Arti e Costume, Venezia;
Luzzatto G. (1964), “L’economia veneziana nei rapporti con la politica nell’alto
medioevo”, in AA.VV., Le origini di Venezia, Sansoni, Firenze; Muratori S. (1960), Studi per
una operante storia urbana di Venezia, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, Roma. In particular,
Saverio Muratori, in his study on urban fabrics closely linked to the original phases of the
historical development of the city, was the first to analyze the enetian courtyard.
5
The bird’s eye View of Venice by Jacopo de’ Barbari, dated 1500, describes the city
from a very high point of view and assumes a role of fundamental importance, as it
represents the only visual testimony of Venice of the sixteenth century in its entirety. The
most representative architectures emerge from the urban fabric: the San Marco area,
the Basilica of the Frari and the SS. Giovanni e Paolo, the facades of the Palazzi in the
Grand Canal, the Arsenale.
6
Reference is made to the perspective plan by Matthaeus Merian (1635), the plan by
Ludovico Ughi (1729) and the plan by the brothers Bernando and Gaetano Combatti
(1847).

References
AA.VV. (1985), Terza Mostra Internazionale di Architettura. Progetto Venezia I - II, Milano,
Electa Editrice.
AA.VV. (1998), Typological Process and Design Theory, edit by Petruccioli A., Cambridge,
MIT.
AA.VV. (2017), Lectiones i essioni sull architettura, edit by Orfeo C., Napoli, Clean.
Aldegani G., Diodati F. (1992), Le corti. Spazi pubblici e privati nella città di Venezia,
Milano, Città Studi.
Grassi G. (1967), La costruzione logica dell’architettura, Padova, Marsilio Editori.
Lorenzetti G. (1926), Venezia e il suo estuario. Guida storico-artistica, Milano, Lint Editoriale.
itektur der Räume / Architettura degli Spazi: Architettura 39, CLUEB | Ernst Wasmuth
erlag, ologna T bingen/ erlin.
Mancuso F. (2009), Venezia è una città. Come è stata costruita e come vive, Venezia,
Corte del Fontego.
Maretto P. (1960), L’edilizia gotica veneziana, Roma, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato.
Martí Arís C. (2007), La cèntina e l’arco. Pensiero, teoria, progetto in architettura, Milano,
Christian Marinotti Edizioni.
Monestiroli A. (1979), L’architettura della realtà, Milano, Clup.
Muratori S. (1960), Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, Roma, Istituto
Poligrafico dello Stato.

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Rossi A. (1966), L’architettura della città, Padova, Marsilio.
Rossi A. (1968), Architettura per i Musei, in AA. VV., Teoria della progettazione
architettonica, Bari, Dedalo.
Rossi A. (1982), The Architecture of the city, Cambridge, MIT.
Schröder U. (ed.) (2009), Die Idee der Stadt/L’idea della città, Vol. 1, Ernst Wasmuth
erlag, T bingen/ erlin.
Schröder U. (2015), I due elementi dell edi cazione dello s azio Scritti scelti, Firenze, Aión.
Schröder U. (2015), Pardié. Konzept für eine Stadt nach dem Zeitregime der Moderne. A
Concept for a City after the Time Regime of Modernity, Köln, Verlag der Buchhandlung
Walther König.
Strappa G. (2014), L’architettura come processo, Milano, Franco Angeli.
Ungers O. M. (1982), Prinzipien der Raumgestaltung, “arch+” n. 65, 1982, p. 41.
Ugo V. (2008), Mimesis. Sulla critica della rappresentazione architettonica, Milano,
Maggioli.
Visconti F. (2017), Pom e i Citt moderna oderne Stadt, T bingen/ erlin, Wasmuth
Ernst Verlag.

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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

One new fragment: The Archaeological Museum by Egizio

Nichelli (1954/1964)
Elisa Valentina Prusicki
Università IUAV di Venezia, PhD in Architettura, città e design, Curriculum in Composizio-
ne Architettonica, Calle della Lacca, 2468, 30125 San Polo, Venezia, Italy
[email protected]
Keywords: Fragments, re-construction, ilan, Archaeological remains

Abstract

The project for the Archaeological Museum of Milan by Egizio Nichelli presents itself as
a rete t to talk about the creation of an architecture in a strati ed conte t
Nichelli designs in the historical fabric, where the bombings of left urban voids
In front of the former a or onastery block he recognizes in the destruction the
o ortunity to rebuild the sha e of this fragmented reality ith the search for the essential
idea Nichelli chooses the cloistered ty e as an a ro riate com ositional rinci le
for give order to the fragments Following this method, based on the analogy, Nichelli
attributes to the corres ondence between the new and the old the role of referee in
the com osition of the site According to that the court loses a side where the roman
remains emerge as a memory of the ast, while the new side of the court, arallel to the
Church of San aurizio, recovers its lying and dimension n one hand the choice of a
ed rinci le e tracts architecture from time, but on the other, the language con rms
its belonging to a historical eriod As a matter of fact, Nichelli made his own the lesson
of Perret and Le Corbusier of the reinforced concrete frame construction The architect
proposes a plan libre with a illar structure that allows him to have a façade libre with
fenêtre en longueur Des ite this, the outcome shows how this architecture give de th
to time instead of anchoring itself to the idea of an absolute resent, immobile and self-
referential

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 New and old: constituent parts of the urban fabric
The unfinished is what makes a project necessary. A project is what returns a possible
order to a place. Nowadays frequently emerge contexts whose unity has been lost or
even never existed; contexts in which are recognized fragments of architecture or urban
fragments that do not dialogue with each other.
In an attempt to reform the sense of a place, architects are called to reread the
parts using the project as a tool for finding a specific truth. A truth that cannot take the
continuity of history for granted, in the awareness that it must be understood in the sense
of sequence of fractures.
It follows that the fragment is a creative power, an element that suggests completion,
which involves the observer/architect and stimulates his imagination. It is an inexhaustible
source for new projects that gives the construction an added value, it knows how to tell,
in addition to its own history, what preceded it and at the same time it becomes part of
future history.
Aldo Rossi has already supported the actuality and the potential of the fragment:
«Il termine “frammenti” mi sembra adatto a rappresentare una situazione della
città moderna, o della architettura o della società. “Frammento” nella lingua italiana
significa un piccolo pezzo staccato per frattura da un corpo qualunque. E con ci esso
esprime una speranza, ancora una speranza, e come tale non conviene con rottame,
che esprime una moltitudine o un aggregato di cose rotte. In questa dizione, rottame
potrebbe essere il corpo della città futura se le cose non dovessero cambiare e sempre
più fosse accettato il disordine e poco meditata la previsione del futuro». (Rossi, 1987)
«The term “fragments” seems to me to be suitable for representing a situation in the
modern city, or in architecture or society. “Fragment” in the Italian language means a
small piece detached by fracture from any body. And with this it expresses a hope, still
a hope, and as such it is not appropriate with scarp, which expresses a multitude or an
aggregate of broken things. In this diction, “scrap” could be the body of the future city
if things were not change and disorder was increasingly accepted and the prediction of
the future little thought about».
Then the figure of the architect, through his reading of the city, proposes an
interpretation of an a-temporal reality, a reality that makes its own the fragments of the
past and projects them in the present and in the future. Architect changes both the
hierarchies between the parts and the point of view.
The research1 proposed starts from a historically determined state of necessity: the
need to identify the role of the historical nucleus in order to define the development of
the contemporary city, in particular by reestablishing the relationship between design
and urban archaeology. But is it possible to bring modernity to historic centers while
saving the memory of the past eras? And is it possible to do this by promoting a culture
of design that is a true synthesis between the new project and the preservation of the
repertoire?
In an attempt to demonstrate that it is possible, this investigation aims to show
the importance of the knowledge of the fragments that make up the city and the
reconstruction of their memory, so as to promote projects that are able to reform the
sense of belonging of the parts to a whole.
The case study chosen is the city of Milan, where the lack of correspondence between
the layers becomes evident where the relationship between past and present has not
yet found an appropriate answer. The resolution cannot be limited to the discipline of
architecture. Defining an architectural and urban project in a consolidated and stratified
context the architect cannot ignore archaeology and restoration. Keep in mind E. N.
Rogers’s words, preserving is to be understood as actualizing the past and building as a
continuation of the historical process, then we can say that the architect designs new
sequences of synchronic city passages (Rogers, 1958). In this regard it is interesting to
show the project made by Egizio Nichelli2 for the New Archaeological Museum of Milan,
a ten-year project between conception and realization never concluded.
This little-known architect, works in the second half of the twentieth century, in the
recovery period after the Second World War. He works on the construction of new

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schools and sports centers and engages in restorations that have brought to light and
valorized several Milanese finds visible today. In particular, with the project for the
museum he had the opportunity to work in a context so full of meaning as to in uence
his way of doing architecture. He designs respecting history and using the past as a
building material. A feature that emerge constantly in the architect’s work is the desire to
leave visible evidence of the fragments of the ancient Roman Milan and to make them
understandable.

Invention and inventory

The place where the New Archaeological Museum3 is located presents itself as an
excellent pretext to talk about the creation of an architecture in a stratified context. The
block of San Maurizio has been destroyed after the air raids during the Second World
War, and its fate is extremely debated until it is decided to re-use it for the construction
of the new museum.
This area is between corso Magenta, via Nirone, via Luini and via Ansperto. A piece
of city in constant transformation4. The medieval complex of the Major Monastery, the
nineteenth-century reconfiguration of the blocks, then the war destruction and the
reconstruction plan with the “Racchetta”5, draw a block that is the result of an assembly of
different and autonomous pieces. To this the archaeological plan is added, recognizable
by the testimony, although fragmentary, of the remains of the ancient Circus, the Walls
and the Imperial Palace.
In this part of Milan from time to time the transformations have reformed the constituent
elements. The tower of the carceres of the Roman Circus in the Medieval times becomes
the bell tower of the church of the Major Monastery; the ancient mura di assimiano,
the old walls of the Roman Empire, and the walls that supported the stands of the Circus
become structural elements to build the new buildings in more recent times. This makes
this piece of city interesting in order to deepen the value, not only documentary, but
mostly constructive and aesthetic of the stratification process.
By intervening in a place full of historical traces, Nichelli, architect and restorer,
establishes a dialogue with the pre-existence in an attempt to reform its identity. He
works by looking at both what remains in the city, as a visible trace of its stratification,
and how little or not at all evident remains of the shape, of the morphology and of the
metamorphosis of the block.
Nichelli designs in a fragmented context, where the 1943 air raids left empty and
rubble. In front of the block of the former Major Monastery he recognizes in the destruction
the opportunity to rebuilt the identity of that piece of city, which has been lost. The
attempt is to re-established the relationship with urban archaeology by dismantling the
individual fragments and by recognizing their belongings to the different sections of the
stratified city and, subsequently, making them recognizable again in their autonomy
while returning them to a hidden and unified plot of the city.
As an invention of the new, the project is at the same time transformation and
interpretative synthesis. It is a form of knowledge, a tool for reading the character of the
city and a tool for inventorying fragments that compose it and for recognizing significant
structures to be used as an analog track of the new architecture.

The search for form: analogies and correspondences

With the search for the essential idea, Egizio Nichelli recognizes in the cloistered type
an appropriate compositional principle to restore order to the fragments. He gives to the
correspondence between the new and the ancient the role of referee in the composition
of the space.
This is what seems to be the constant in the various design solutions, from 1954 to 1959;
Nichelli does not change the way he considers the fragment, nor the role he attributes to
it in the composition of the block while the language of architecture varies significantly.
To better express what has just been said, it is essential to investigate the first design
hypothesis for the museum. This version is free from the constraints of the Sovraintendenza
and the Client, so it expresses, as well as possible, the genesis of the project, from the
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 essential idea to the completed form.
The damage caused by the war and the push for reconstruction become the pretext
for mixing the hierarchies of the consolidated city and Nichelli, first of all, carries out a
process of selecting the elements that he himself considers necessary or, on the contrary,
super uous to the definition of the identity of that place. He foresees very drastic
demolition works that, in the wake of the demolitions that were taking place in the old
town, sacrifice the nineteenth-century buildings and the remains of the cloister, almost
totally destroyed by bombing, in order to enhance the remains of the ancient Roman
Milan.
In the first hypothesis of the project, Nichelli proposes a plan that is made up of the
new and the existing buildings which dialogue but still remain as “autonomous bodies”.
He designs a courtyard that unites the parts in a harmonious synthesis. The Church of San
Maurizio becomes one of the four sides of the “new courtyard” and the element that
regulates the entire composition. The size of the Church spans becomes the module on
which the new architecture is built, therefore the model for the reform of the place. He
proposes a free-plan based on the repetition of a module derived from the study of the
San Maurizio complex. But he introduces in this module some variations which do nothing
but confirm the rule.
The citation of tradition, or the different repetition of what is already given, is building
material for the Archaeological Museum.
Along via Nirone, can be identified a gallery which clearly denounces its being
another arm of the court, the one in front of the church. The new gallery acts as the
counterpart of San Maurizio, it takes its position and dimensions, both in length and
width. There is also a correspondence between the two architectures in the definition
of the space. The church is built as the composition of two churches, the first on corso
Magenta, that of the city, and the other, facing the block, that of the cloistered nuns. This
architectural element that establishes a clear separation occurs immediately adjacent
to the layout of the ura di assimiano that cross the block at a lower altitude; exactly
aligned with this, a variation of the module is inserted in the gallery. Thus, the regularity of
the intercolumnio between the pillars undergoes an alteration which increases its value
giving more breath and therefore importance to the archaeological remains.
The correspondence between the new and the old is the compositional principle of the
project, the pre-existence is a matter for building the new, both physical and theoretical,
so the project assumes its responsibilities by innovating the original settlements of the
block and the city. The entire architecture is built from the height of the Roman remains
and does not exceed the height of the church, in particular, the volume of the entrance
hall is designed with the same height as the cloister, maintaining both the ridge of the
pitch and the height of the eaves, through a proportional ratio of the spaces in plan that
includes the green area. This part of the project on which the only axial relationship is
established unites corso Magenta, so the city, with the archaeological remains.
The third arm of the courtyard, which overlooks corso Magenta, is made up of the
existing fifteenth-century cloister, doubled by the new access volume, and substantially is
made up of a volume that derives directly from the dimensions of the cloister courtyard.
Nichelli entrusts the corner solution of the block to this new element, proposing a volume
that protrudes from the pre-existing road and which shows itself as the positive inscribed
inside the cloister.
The duality between differences and correspondences allows to insert the new within
the historical formation process of the block using the memory of the place as a tool of
invention. The architect designs a sequence of spaces, taking over the pre-existence in
order to allow visitors to reach, through a gradual approach, what constitutes the heart
of the composition: the ancient matrix of the city. For this reason, the fourth arm of the
court is missing. This happens where the remains of the Roman Walls and the Roman
Circus emerge from the ground and present themselves to the city as a memory and
testimony of the past.
The outcome shows how the proposed architecture, through a hand-to-hand with the
pre-existence, is able to give depth to time rather than anchoring itself to the idea of an

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absolute, immobile and self-referential present.
It is undoubtedly true, however, that, while the choice of a fixed principle extracts
architecture from time, the language confirms its belonging to a specific historical
period. In this regard, it seems that Nichelli has made his own Perret and Le Corbusier’s
lesson of the reinforced concrete frame construction. The architect proposes a plan libre,
choosing a pillar structure that allows him to design a fa ade libre with ribbon windows.
What makes Nichelli s work modern is not the value of the figurative choices, which
in some cases may even appear questionable, but his ability to define which Milan
to dialogue with. The relationship that binds the fragments of the historic city to these
architectures generates a new urban syntax where contextual reference promotes
typological and figurative research aimed at interpreting, supporting and encouraging
the history and actuality of the settlements.
If we can say that the first project looks to the ancient as a theoretical material, as a
tool in order to find a proportional relationship, in the second, pre-existence becomes
constructive material rather than a theoretical reference. The corner between corso
Magenta and via Nirone is preserved and the existing buildings and their planimetric
irregularities become an integral part of the new Archaeological Museum’s plan. An
irregularity that Nichelli makes compositional character of the entire project by designing
a porch along the entire perimeter of the block capable of mediating between inside
and outside, between the elevations and the shape of the plan. A “space in between”
that becomes the limit and threshold between museum and urban space.
The facade is an independent element in the composition. Here the concrete volume
of the previous hypothesis and the ribbon windows disappear, Nichelli prefers a few oval
openings that intensify on the top oor with the exception of the porch on the ground
oor. On the other hand, this unitary element is in opposite with the heterodoxy of the plan,
where the traditional room system is abandoned in favor of a sequence of environments
in continuity. Here the elements that define the composition do not respond to an overall
geometric mesh but refer each time to a specific part of the museum.
The pillared structure is contrasted by a system of walls which take different positions
from those dictated by the body of the church and the cloister. The facade that opens
onto the internal garden is entirely modulated by an alternation of opaque walls and
glass walls, arranged at 120 degrees from each other, which manage the relationship
between the interior of the museum and the green designed area between the two
towers. In the project, the set of oblique folds accentuates the autonomy of the new,
which thus remains differentiated with respect to the structure of the Monastery.
The hypothesis proposed by him arise as a structure in which the “arrangement” of the
fragments of history and the description of the urban components trace a certain way
of understanding the design composition: the project is built by correspondences and
analogies with the ancient and from this result a new unity that rewrites the place. Both
the first and the second projects are based on the essential idea of re-make a courtyard in
the block of the Major Monastery. The architect goes in two different ways to achieve the
same goal. He tries to outline an overcoming of the autonomy of the architectural object
in favor of a system of relationships; that is, the construction of a “space in between”,
which is built through the opposition between fractures and correspondences.
This corresponds to the desire to design a part of the city by putting to system those
architectures that define its character, which can be considered contemporary with
each other because they play the same role in determining the identity of that piece of
city. The construction of the place that the architect seems to field consists in the unveiling
of the hidden layers, in the mediation and in the comparison between the fragments.
He proposes the idea of choosing defined and distinct architectures, ancient and new,
complete and incomplete, and through a system of relationships given by measures,
distances, paths and points of view, he designs a unique and articulated complex that
defines itself on different and complementary levels. However, all this does not exhaust
the complexity of the urban question but only shows a particular way of working with
architecture with respect to it.

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 The re-invention of the fragment
Talking about fragments no longer refers only to the peculiarity of the site of the Roman
Circus and to the archaeological remains but means resorting to a metaphor capable
of making us understand the role of Nichelli’s architecture. Where no total synthesis
is possible anymore, architecture cannot be thought as a unitary object but as an
“element” that is inscribed in a larger composition. These elements are not left free but
arranged in a network that determines, we can say, the implicit order of the project. An
order that can only be reached through an architectural ensemble in which everything
is coherent again.
The museum becomes a place of memory, a container of archaeological remains
and a testimony for the stratigraphy of the city. The pre-existing fragments become
theoretical material for the conception of the project and an integral part of the new.
New that looks like a perfectly defined architecture of the void, whose compositional
rules rise from a synthetic reinterpretation of the succession of environments that design
the original factory.
The interpretation of the character of the ancient city emerges as what characterizes
Nichelli’s personal line of work, not to derive its authentic sense but to recognize, in the
historical material, significant structures as a trace for the new architecture. The project
takes over the historical concatenations and in particular it makes itself the author of a
subversive operation towards the ancient, trying to understand which “alternatives” it
hides. The project generates a rewrite that recognizes the character of the places,
referring not only to how they are but, above all, to how they are settled in our memory.
History needs the codifying and life-giving force of memory in order not to be just an
overlap of forms. In fact, only through memory is possible to reconnect paths that
apparently are interrupted, that is to choose a precise architectural way of doing that
allows the reconstruction of a cultural identity.
The research carried out on the work of Egizio Nichelli is a continuous return to work
on the themes of the city and its construction. ringing these re ections to the present
day allows us to reaffirm the role of the project to direct attention both to the individual
architecture and to the place in which it is inserted. The project, the relationships
underlying it and the principles that generate it, are the results of an appropriation of
different legacies not to overcome them but to draw an architectural landscape.

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Figure 1. The block of the Major Monastery. Place, instances and latencies
Typological plan of the ground oors of the current state of the block, highlighting the part of the
project built in 19 and the historical sequence of metamorphoses from the 1 th century to the
present day.
Interpretive drawing showing the overlap of the current city with the archaeological tracks (in
red). The remains of the Circus, of the Roman Walls and on the right of the Imperial Palace are
visible. The archaeological remains emerge from the ground in some points, and this presence
of the ancient matrix tells us about a city other than the real one that shows itself immediately.
Drawing by the author.
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 Figure 2. First project hypothesis (19 ): new project as a fragment of the history.
Ground oor plan, cross section and elevation on corso Magenta.
Drawing by the author.

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Figure 3. Correspondences and analogies.
Study drawings that investigate the relationship between the 19 project and the Roman
pre-existences of the Circus and the Walls. Ground oor plan, axonometric exploded
view and comparison drawing between the Church of San Maurizio and the new gallery.
Drawing by the author.

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 Figure 4. Second project hypothesis (19 9-19 ): content and container.
Ground oor plan, cross section and elevation on via Nirone.
Drawing by the author.

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Footnotes
1
The topics covered in this text are carried out extensively in E. Prusicki, ‘Milan and
the re-invention of the fragment. Towards an Archaeological Walk’, PhD thesis in
Architectural Composition, XXXI cycle, Scuola di Dottorato, IUAV University of Venice,
May 2019, supervisors: P. Grandinetti and G. Marras; tutor: C. Torricelli.
2
Egizio Nichelli, whose original name is Egizio Heicke, is an architect from Trieste, who
moved to the city of Milan at the age of nine where he received his training first at the
Academy of Fine Arts and then at the School of Engineering of Milan. Here he graduated
in the academic year 1936-37, with Giovanni Muzio. Born on 4th July 1913 in Trieste he
died in Milan on 2nd July 1991.
3
The story of the Civic Archaeological Museum in Milan, began in the second half
of the 1 00s, when the interest in archaeological pre-existences materialized in official
initiatives; on November 13, 1862, the Royal Museum of Archaeology was founded by
Royal Decree, thus creating the first public museum in Milan. This is housed in the Palazzo
di Brera, in the church of Santa Maria di Brera, then at the Castello Sforzesco, until when,
it was decided to give a new home to the archaeological part of the Civic Museums that
lay in the basement of the Castle, thus establishing the new Archaeological Museum at
the Major Monastery.
4
The study of the transformations of an architecture is considered fundamental in order
to understand the identity of that architecture. Reference is made to what C. Martí Arís
deals in ‘Variation of identity. An essay on the type in architecture’.
5
The urban project called Racchetta (19 ), the unfinished great , it may be a 0
meters wide track that should have crossed the historic center, renewing its image and
functionality.
After the Second World War, Milan was seriously destroyed by the air raids of 1943 and
architects are called to affirm and design a new image of the city in accordance with
practical and aesthetic needs. The condition of a destroyed city leads the debate to
consider central in the theme of reconstruction, both relationship between the invention
of modern Milan and the tradition of ancient Milan and the need for the drafting of a
new masterplan.
The name of this new track derives from the first version of the layout, which appeared
in the 1927 in the forma urbis mediolani project, presented by a group of 1 architects
including Giovanni Muzio, Giuseppe de Finetti, Ambrogio Gadola and Ferdinando
Reggiori in occasion of the competition organized by the Municipality of Milan for the
study of a plan for the development and expansion of the city. In 1953 the conditions
that had previously led to the necessity and usefulness of the road changed and the
reasons proposed in support of the construction of the route are not sufficient to justify
the invasiveness of the planned demolitions. Furthermore, the archaeological discoveries
play an important role in the decision to abandon the project.

References
Arslan, E. (ed.) (1979) ‘Le civiche raccolte archeologiche di Milano’ (Banca Popolare di
Milano, Milan).
Augé, M. (2003) ‘Le temps en ruines’ (Éditions Galilée, Paris).
Belloni, G. and Nichelli, E. (1956) ‘Il Civico Museo Archeologico al Monastero Maggiore’,
Città di Milano 9.
Calderini, A. (January 1951) ‘Il Museo Archeologico a Milano nel Monastero Maggiore’,
Città di Milano.
Cellini, F. (2006) ‘Il rudere’, in Billeci, B., Gizzi, S. and Scudino, D. (ed.) Il rudere tra
conservazione e reintegrazione (Gangemi, Rome).
Martí Arís, C. (1990) ‘Le variazioni dell’identità. Il tipo in architettura’ (Clup, Milan).
Rogers, E. N. (1958) ‘Esperienza dell’architettura’ (Einaudi, Turin), 318.
Rossi, A. (1987) ‘Frammenti’, in Ferlenga, A. (ed.) Architetture 1959-1987 (Electa, Milan), 7.
Segarra Lagunes, M. M. (ed.) (2002) ‘Archeologia urbana e progetto di architettura’
(Gangemi, Rome).

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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

The city of walls: how military architecture has shaped Baghdad

and the citizens
Rossella Gugliotta
Politecnico di Torino, DAD - Dipartimento di Architettura e Design, Torino.
[email protected]
Keywords: urban con guration, walls, Baghdad

Abstract

Starting from an overview of The agni cent Baghdad the narrative of A thou-
sand and one nights tells the story of a city of controlled s aces embodying an arti cial
construction The history of the changing urban and social construction can be read
taking the walls as reference ob ects that can e lain how the con guration of the city
was resha ed after the con ict aving this ob ect as a guideline, the focal oint will be
the com rehension of the main reason that leads to ado ting a walled city in modern
time From that, several urban and social uestions will emerge The wall itself is ust an
architectural element but the use that men made of it can lead to different ur oses
if on one side can rotect in the other can divide Struggling with the emerging conte t
of Baghdad how the resence use im osition of the new walls affected the citizen and
the urban con guration of the city Action and their reaction on the form of the city will
be the addressed oint ow the changing of urban con guration changed also the use
of the s ace oreover, the subte t takes into consideration the effect of the walling
olicy in the sectarian con ict and the eace bring romoted by the US maintaining a
direct relationshi between urban change and olitical choice

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 Introduction: the meaning of a wall
The wall was the first permanent architecture main protagonist the city has seen. More
generally it can be intended like an active player inside the process of delimitation and
structuring of the physical environment: not just a boundary between inside and outside
but also a demarcation line between two separate worlds (Acocella 2006, p.624). The
concept of limits became fundamental to understand the dichotomy between inside
and outside, divine and profane, between life and death, space known and unknown.
The wall is the city in itself (Filoni 2019). As all the architectural elements, during the time,
was subjected to an evolutionary process that keeps its function alive. Since ancient ti-
mes, it was adopted by the city to protect itself from external attacks and afterwhile was
transformed in a barbed-wire fence to define an austere setting. The movement inside
the city, the trade and the political environment of the country reshaped its meaning
(Mohareb 2012, p.2). The wall brings with it the fear and the feeling of a continuous sie-
ge. Citizens are protected but at the same time, they can not escape from a fear that
cannot be defeated. But if this element can have a meaning during the ancient age or
totalitarian periods, what can be the purpose in modern society? It is here that politics
come out to reshape the form of the city (Filoni 2019). It is possible to find several studies
about the use of the wall, especially in war zones all around the world: the wall between
Israel and Palestine, the Berlin wall and the Belfast Peace wall are some of the most rele-
vant. All of them have a common point: to create an impenetrable curtain between two
territories in a time of con ict(Murrani 201 ). As a case study, the walls in aghdad, are
looking like something different between what was in the past. Now, it is a discontinuous
wall that is made by fragments scattered across the city surrounding and dividing entire
neighbourhoods from each other, civic buildings and military compounds. The sequence
of the events during history led to desertification and destruction of the fortification of
the “Circular City” to come back again nowadays with a walling strategy to guarantee
order and defence to the citizen. A walling strategy, how Sana Murrani had highlighted
in her analysis, “did not only contribute to dividing the city geographically, it also allowed
new pockets of social structures with different territorial and political beliefs to emerge”(-
Murrani 2016, p.4). Moreover, the direct observation of the urban pattern of Baghdad will
suggest how an external element, out of the morphological system, can be connected
with the actions without causing a modification of the form of the settlements in itself.

History documenting walls

Starting from the foundation of aghdad, the first fortification wall was erected in four
years (762-766 D.C.) to defend the administrative centre with the caliph’s domed resi-
dence. The city was established around four principal axes with four corresponding main
gates: Basra, Kufa, Khurasan and Damascus (Fabrizi 2015). The round settlement was
developed inside three concentric walls: the external one was reserved to the fortifica-
tion of the city and the second contains the residential block dividing the public from
the private space. In the communal courtyard shaped in the centre of the circle were
placed the administrative building, the caliph’s palace and the mosque. The old settle-
ment did not include any recreational spaces, gardens, statues, and gymnasium and
public monuments; only the public market occupied the four radial gates (Al-Hasani
2012, pp.85-86). The narrative of “A thousand and one nights” shows the city of Baghdad
from the very beginning of its foundation like a city of controlled space and artificial
construct”(Ven Annelies 2016, p. 53). In particular, the history of Al-Tabari indicated what
urban planning ideas were at the time emphasising the importance of circularity, order
and clarity. The city was a vision of the absolute authority of the Caliph and thanks to
the organisation of the space, the strict policing of the street and the occupation of the
central square with private government building, the citizen could perceive the social
hierarchy (Ven Annelies 2016).
With the increase of population, its boundary became a physical limitation. The space
inside the city was not sufficient to supply the new facilities and the housing required for
the future population. Moreover, the movement of the market outside the city wall was
one of the main cause of the depopulation of the entire settlement (Al-Attar 2019); for

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the fear of enemies coming inside the city with the commercial trade, the arcades of the
gate were transformed in barracks used by the police and the horse guard (Le Strange,
1900). The active function disappeared from the gate that remained for a certain time
just the place where the fear could come in. The city started to expand behind its walls
with an urban sprawling on the other side of the Tigris river; different quarters were foun-
ded, and each one has its market, mosque and institutions. Just a bridge connect the
Old Baghdad with the new enlargement; the city centre was moved again, and a new
palace was built near the river surrounded by half-circular wall to protect the institutional
power of the caliphate. In that period, another expansion took place, and to defend
the urban area from external incursion, other walls and moat were raising. The city kept
its structure and walls until the end of the 19th Century (Al-Hasani 2012, pp. 85-87). In the
middle age after years of civil wars, natural disaster and Mongol invasion, the city was
described by the German traveller Leonhard Rauwolff as a “lum-like streets, with ruined
buildings and a lack of western defences” (Ven Annelies 2016, p. 57). Just with Mamluk
governors, Baghdad growth again: he rebuilt the wall all around the area destroyed by
the con icts. Despite the several invasion in the 1 th century, during the Ottoman Empi-
re, Baghdad preserved a quadrilateral wall with four gates: Kawartha Gate, Muatham
Gate, Wistani Gate and Talsam Gate. The commercial street was located near the ad-
ministrative centre, the citadel, where the distribution of the housing was mixed between
different ethnic groups of Christians, Jewish and Muslims (Ven Annelies 2016, p. 57).
The city walls were demolished just in 1870 when the city developed from a medie-
val fortification to a modern settlement. The urban strategy changed with it: a defensi-
ble space became a centre of production and consumption where the economy and
exchange relation became the first engine of modern society. The industrialisation of
the 19th century leads with it a rewriting of the Arab city and society following the new
western value. Transports and communication became essential to build stable foreign
relations. In the 20th century, the ancient wall was just a memory and the main develop-
ments were concentrate into a re-modernization project to ensure a more accessible
city with open spaces for the new citizen: transportation systems were elaborated, streets
were opened, bridges were built, and public squares were incorporated into the urban
fabric (Ven Annelies 2016, p. 57).

Geopolotical contest: walls against who?

During the last fifteen years, Iraqi society was a spectator of socio-cultural transformation in
which religion and sectarian identity assumed a particular relevance (Al-Qarawee 2013, p.2).
Considered as the nerve centre inside the Arab World, Iraq and his capital Baghdad, are
sandwiched between some of the higher powers: Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria. Since its
foundation, the country had played an important economic and political role inside of
Middle Eastern societies (Galoppini 201 , p. ). Already from 19 to 200 and especially
with the govern held by Saddam Hussein were placed restoration of the Iraqi society. The
ideological construction of a aghdadies identity during the 19 0s was primarily in uen-
ced by a culture of war and personality cult. The society had to deal with the imposition
of the Islamization with Sunni Muslim in uence and religion starts to have more importan-
ce inside the community. As a consequence of the political sphere and the inclination in
the direction of the Sunni side of the government, sectarian violence, most of them led
by the party itself, start in the city of Baghdad. In 2003, with the toppling of Saddam Hus-
sein, the invading troops coming from the US to disarm the Iraqi army and the emersion
of socio-cultural factors raised a new power in the form of “sub-state sectarian political
identities”. At the same time the policy carried out by Bush to re-establish an organisation
inside the Iraqi government ended along with a sectarian and ethnic division; in fact,
the model imposed by the US after the occupation was based on “ethnic majority” in
which ethnicity, religion and sect became the basis for political representation. All these
reforms were followed by a big plan of “state-building” in Iraq: the democratic change
promoted by the US was focused on building institutions along with sectarian parties.
Under the new system, state organisations, ministries and small directorates were distri-
buted among sectarian alliances and the positions were parcelled out to Sunni, Shia,
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 and Kurds. In the end, the strategy of reorganisations of the New Middle East was not
working in favour of the Iraqis. The new institutions were not able at all to represent the
needs of the population, and on the contrary, the effort was concentrated in increasing
sectarian preferences used their position inside the government to benefit personal sect
or ethnic group (Al-Qarawee 2013, pp. 2-5). At the end that was not a solution; the divi-
sion increased the instability not only inside Baghdad but inside the entire country. As a
consequence, the second generation of Al-Qaeda, led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, today
knew as ISIS, used this frangent to seep inside the system having as support point the Sun-
ni community, longer marginalised and disempowered after the fall of Saddam. Starting
from 2004 many attacks against Shia carried out (Dawood 2016, pp. 11-13). Moreover,
with the government of Nouri al-Maliki, in 2010, the old policy of discrimination and op-
pression led by Saddam during its rule emerged again letting the country in a precarious
situation. On top of that, the US sanctions restricted petroleum sales and limited the ability
to the country to recover infrastructures and services to guarantee an acceptable living
standard for the community. Internal discrepancy inside the community and the lack of
interest shown by the central government, however, the infiltration of the US in political
affairs, increase the discrimination and marginalisation inside the society. A new wave of
sectarian con ict between the Shia majority and the Sunni minority stepped again inside
Baghdad(Galoppini 2017, p.29).

The new walls

Following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, the nature of violent con ict in Iraq evol-
ved from an insurgency against the interim US-supported government into a sectarian civil
war, pitting the country’s minority Sunni population against the majority Shia. The old city
of Baghdad, one of the most shining centre on the Islamic empire, cosmopolitan and full
of culture was the theatre for military operations and terrorist attack and was becoming
the city of walls, a mirror of the difficult political situation of the country. Walls between Shia
and Sunni neighbourhood, wall to protect the narrow street and wall around mosques,
hotels, hospital and following the river to contain the bomb of the IS (Thurber 2011, pp.1-4).
The history brings the narratives to the establishment of the US-led Coalition Provisional
Authority (CPA) announced as the UN Security Council as the official occupier on 22nd
May 2003. It was supposed to be the new central power in place of the Iraqi police and
the Iraqi military after the fall of the regime, but the imposition of the new system did not
bring good result inside the city. Meanwhile, the US walled off a nearly 10 square kilo-
metres area in central Baghdad to establish the main base of power for the CPA called
the Green Zone, the number of looting, kidnapping and the emergence of insurgencies
increased leading the city in an escalation of violence. The power was maintained again
strongly centralised as the years of “The round city”. The Green Zone area occupied
most of the southern half of the Karkh District situated in West-central Baghdad that was,
at the origin, the base of Saddam Hussein’s palaces, government ministry buildings and
the official residences of government. With the US rule, the international zone became
more inaccessible than with the previous regime, increasing the isolation. In fact, unlike
the Red Zone, the Green zone is providing with all the services: own electrical and com-
munication grid, oil supply and an own sanitation system with a fully operating hospital
inside of it. Following the walling of the Green Zone, from 2006 the deployment of the
concrete walls became a marked feature of the urban landscape of Baghdad. (Mur-
rani 2016, pp. 3-8) The atmosphere inside the city was strictly polarised around the Iraqi
government trying to work in favour of the ascendancy of the Shia majority increasing
one more time the marginalisation of the minority Shia; all of that made with the support
of USA. In this context of tension inside the city, in 2007, the military strategy of selective
walling between the neighbourhood was declared as a political decision with the imple-
mentation of the aghdad Security Plan (Almaki 201 , p.19). The first wall, constructed
from T-concrete blast wall segments, was built for 5 km long and 3,6 m high to separate
the Adhamiya area, a predominantly Sunni neighbourhood, from the surrounding Shii-
te neighbourhoods (Murrani 2016, p.11). The spreading of the walling policy all around
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and the movement inside the urban pattern itself. The main public spaces, one-time
place of recreation and leisure so much to associate Baghdad with the word paradi-
se, were surrounded by concrete barriers to hinder the accessibility and isolate the city
core from the surrounding area. As a consequence, gentrification problems increased
in all the residential area that was involved in the walling strategy (Al-Hasani 2012, p.89).
The people were not easily persuaded by the walling policy and even the Iraqi press and
the Prime minister of Iraq, Nuri Al-Maliki objected this decision but with no results. The US,
on the contrary, have supported the project added that the primary goal would have
been helped controlling access to neighbourhoods. They were transformed into gated
communities with control at the entrance with the result of congesting the vehicular mo-
vement inside the city. Checkpoints were spreading in all the capital and the inhabitants
were subjected to biometric scans every time they entered their neighbourhood or in
another. The walls start to assume a double meaning: not anymore just like a manifesta-
tion of the sectarian division with the role of obstacle between Sunni and Shia, Muslim and
Christian community, but also psychological segregator. The citizen saw in it a meaning
between security and insecurity. With the construction of concrete barriers, Baghdad
does not trust its citizen, but at the same time, Baghdadi’s do not trust it back. A sense of
alienation and fear prevails in all the neighbourhoods. The walls were hiding something
that can not be seen. This does no more than increasing the insecurity of the citizen due
to the high level of surveillance and control of the space around it is not public but only
quasi-public. Haifa Zangana, Iraqi writer and political activist, explains the severity of these
walls on the city analysing the different name of it: for media purposes, the walls are cal-
led “security walls”. Outside, most Iraqis on either side of these structures call them “occu-
pation walls”, “hatred walls”, “sectarian walls” or “segregation walls” (Almaki 2015, p.21).
As mentioned before not only the formal configuration of the walls changes during the
time but also its perception and its function. Instead of being a wall able to protect
the citizen from an external attach it was an artefact with the main purpose of pre-
venting something coming from the inside. The structure of the walls changed due to
the change of function and action that had to contain nowadays. Protection has the
same meaning but multiple are the differences. For instance, the gate, the main en-
trance both of opportunity and fear, became an area of fast transition, of waiting but
not a space with a proper function where public interaction can arise. The public spa-
ce inside of each district was transformed in a controlled space where people coul-
dn’t feel free anymore besides they were completely safe inside a walled structure. The
city was divided in neighbourhoods with a sectarian footprint. The percentage of mixed
religious neighbourhood decrease drastically from 2003 to 2007 with the introduction
of the blasting policy. Despite the governmental ideology, the citizen had a personal
perception of the walls spreading all over the city from the centre to the periphery.
As Alexander says from different configurations of elements composing the city followed
a different set of action led by the people that are experiencing that space. The re-
sponses are strictly connected with the urban element and the configuration of forms;
in the case study of Baghdad, the ancient wall with a market placed on both side of
the entrance path lead at different human interaction respect a blasted gate. The pu-
blic environment, how it is perceived by the people and how it is used in uences the
quality of the city (without going deeper into Alexander s definition) (Alexander 19 9).
The strategy became soon a lucrative business that saw as principal actors firms in the
North of Iraq as well as the US. In fact in 2007 when the construction began, contracted
by the Multi-National Forces in Iraq (MNF-I), Kurdistan produced the blocks while the US
erected the walls under the protection of mercenary companies. As well the US gover-
nment intervention in the city included the construction of the wall with the less level
of danger associated with it. As a consequence, they were built during the night, and
aghdatis awoke each day with a newly re-configured urban space including new walls
and checkpoints.
The unusual condition of Baghdad’s walls due to the changing location and sizes of
it they fragmented the network of social order established inside the community. The
policy of post-occupation segregation increased the division inside the society but in the
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 long term create a kind of language of acceptance of the precarious condition from the
people (Almaki 2015, p.21).
In 2008 another manifestation of communitas came to redeem the city. The main
goal was to revitalise the wall landscape of the city by commissioning artists to paint
murals on the walls. Despite the initial enthusiasm of the Walls Group, only a few artists
expressed their art and their concern freely; in fact, most of the murals were the results of
decision-making between the commissioners (MNF-I) and the artists. At the same time,
the people tried to retake to themselves the space created by the walls: in some cases,
the blast walls have brought back genius loci by recreating pedestrianised areas and no
car zones around famous old and traditional markets such as Al-Rasheed Street (Murrani
2016, pp.10-13).
The pattern of action led by the citizen had the aim of resume the ownership of the
space. They try every time to keep the pattern of the wall alive, to make it change and
to transform it in something that could have to be a function for the community. In this
sense, the city had a specific, as Alexander was saying of being alive and transform itself.
If this is not going to happen it will die in a stuck structure (Alexander 1979).

Present and foreseeble future

In February 201 , Iraqi officials launched a controversial plan to surround aghdad with
a huge wall and a moat. This time the proposal had programmed to move the concrete
walls that had stood inside the city neighbourhood and reuse it to build a wall surrounding
the city. Officially improving the security of the capital, this would liberate its main streets
by reducing the number of checkpoints and the traffic jams they frequently caused. Just
a few months later, in April 2016 through the spirit of the popular protest, hundreds of thou-
sands of Iraqis filled aghdad s Tahrir Square, demanding the end to sectarianism and
the establishment of a technocratic government. Thanks to this peaceful protest, the citi-
zens were able to carry out relevant political change for the city (Dawood 2016, pp. 13-15).
Nowadays Baghdad is changing: at the beginning of the new years, a new project was
signed by the government. According to Saad Maan, the Baghdad Operations Com-
mand is carrying out the campaign of removing the blast walls and checkpoints (Rudaw
2019). First of all, the city is being the stage to the lift of the Green Zone after 15 years, a
significant urban change that allows the people to move more freely inside the city. Se-
condly the remotion of some of the wall inside the city centre with the reopening of the
14th of July Bridge. Captain Ghassan Ghani and his team of workers are now working on
this project, and over the last year, checkpoints have been removed. Economic aid
and funds are being allocated by the new government to rebuild and improve services,
infrastructure and housing system inside the city. However, the people are still afraid of
terrorist attacks that could be held again inside the city centre, especially after the one
in the city of Tall Afar in December 2018. New proposals are being made to reuse the
wall and protect the country for the threat of the ISIS: a new defence will be built in the
border with Syria (Bulos 2019).

Conclusion
On one hand, the western powers played a relevant role inside the definition of the
social and political landscape inside the urban context of Baghdad, but in the other
hand also the Iraqi government has had a deep impact in the deterioration of the social
structure of the entire country(Murrani 2016).
The history of the walls tells the sharp change of the Baghdadis society. As a walled
city could be free in a time of Sultans and could be forcibly restricted in the time of the
Republic. In the end, the result of the wall policy in Baghdad leads only sectarian division
inside the society without really intervening on the real problem creating just a new sta-
gnation and ambiguity. Instead of solving problems, the government created a freezing
condition lasts for 15 years. At the sunrise of the new age for Iraq and Bagdad, the society
is in front of a twilight. After 15 years of US invasion, sectarian violence, and uncertain
living condition, what has to been rebuilt are not just building and infrastructure. The pe-
ople themselves are now destroyed. As urgent surgery on the city, the solution proposed

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by the politicians will be removing the walls to create another one on the Syrian border
that probably will lead to the same situation of insecurity.
Coming from alexander theory, analysing the urban pattern of the city involved in the
walling policy it is possible to understand how the imposition of a new element inside the
city is in uencing the pattern of relationships and actions that were happening in that
specific place. However, the urban form of the neighbourhood encloses inside the wall
didn’t modify its assets. The urban form stayed the same. The investigation of urban mor-
phology, in this specific case, need to address the cultural meaning of the urban form. It
is coming from this approach that can be more relevant understand what specific form,
and in this case, how specific element are affecting the people and their behaviour (Karl
Kropf 2011). Connections between action and forms can overlap the interaction betwe-
en them. In this contest is automatic open a new questions: the wall as space modifier
has different results connected on the pattern of action that is related to it. How much
the politics rather than the mere design are in uencing the use of the walls can be the
right question to take as a basic asset of design in war conditions. What about the state
border, how to approach a brother scale of interaction and patterns of events about the
quality of the social life and political balance of the region. Politics and the city have a
relationship but where the shape can insert is still an open debate.

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 Figure 1. Plot maps of Baghdad city.

Figure 2. Sectaian subdivision 2003. (re-elaboration from M. Izady maps)

Figure 3. Sectaian subdivision 2007. (re-elaboration from M. Izady maps)

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References
Alfonso, Acocella (2006), Stone architecture. Ancient and modern constructive skills, Mi-
lano, Skira-Lucense.
Annelies, Van de Ven (2016), The Spatialisation Struggle: The Heritage of Open Spaces in
Baghdad, plaNext, http://dx.medra.org/10.17418/planext.2016.4vol.02 (12/02/2019).
Ches, Thurber (2011), From Coexistence to Cleansing: The Rise of Sectarian Violence in
Baghdad, The Fletcher School, pp.1-4.
Christopher, Alexander (1979), The timeless way of building, New York, Oxford University
Press.
Enrico, Galoppini (201 ), Iraq: Analisi geopolitica di un paese in piena transizione, Notizie
Geopolitiche - CeSEM, 2 Jan. 201 , p. .
Harith Hasan, Al- arawee (201 ), Sectarian Identities, Narratives and Political Con ict In
Baghdad, ISPI, p.2.
Iman, Al-Attar (2019), Baghdad: an urban history through the lens of literature, London,
New York, Routledge.
Ismaeel, Dawood (2016), Moats, Walls, and the Future of Iraqi National Identity, IAI wor-
king papers, 28 Oct. 2016, p. 12.
Karl, Kropf (2011), “Urbanism, politics and language: the role of urban morphology” Ur-
ban Morphology 15, pp. 157-160.
Le Strange, G. Guy (1900), Baghdad during the Abbasid caliphate from contemporary
Arabic and Persian sources: With eight plans. London, Oxford University Press, H. Mil-
ford.
Mariabruna, Fabrizi (2015), The Round City of Baghdad, Socks, http://socks-studio.
com/2015/10/06/the-round-city-of-baghdad/ (12/02/2019).
Mohammed K., Al-Hasani (2012), Urban Space Transformation in Old City of Baghdad –
Integration and Management, in Megaron, SUP, Vol. 7 Issue S1, Jan 2012, pp.85-86.
Nabil, Mohareb (2012), Robert Kronenburg, Arab walled cities: investigating peripheral
patterns in historic Cairo, Damascus, Alexandria, and Tripoli, Santiago de Chile, PUC.
Rudaw (2018), 11 Aug. 2018, http://www.rudaw.net/english/middleeast/iraq/11082018
(12/02/2019).
Samah, A. Abrahem (2018), Typology of Urban Housing and Politics in Baghdad: From
State-subsidized Housing to Privatized Gated Communities, PhD thesis, Ohio, University
of Cincinnati.
Sana, Murrani (2016), Baghdad’s thirdspace: Between liminality, anti-structures and terri-
torial mappings, UK, Plymouth University.
Sarah, Almaki (2015), The Urban Bridge: Walking Baghdad, Master thesis, Ontario, Carle-
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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

Layered Morphologies and Topographic Structures.

Substrata, Assemblage and Design Writing
Laura Anna Pezzetti
Politecnico di Milano, ABC - Department of Architecture, Built Environment, Construction
Engineering
[email protected]
Keywords: layered topo-morphology; assemblage; topographic forms; architectural
rewriting

Abstract

Considering the site as a ‘tabula plena’ rather than a ‘tabula rasa’, design is in no case
the colonisation of a void but rather a new writing on an existing text, often miscellaneous,
that requires to be red, interpreted and consistently continued. This knowledge posture
deriving from the Italian tradition of urban studies and urban architecture manifests a
tendency towards continuity that, although manifold and originally in either opposition
or in continuity with the odern ovement, rmly relates architecture to the meditative
thought which roduces advancements through a continuous re ection on revious
ideas and physical ‘substrata’.
After establishing an ‘urban science’ based on the typomorphological bi-univocal
relationshi , analogic trans ositions in urban discontinuity, citt er arti , and rst
inquiries in the territories of topologies, present interpretations underlying the notions of
layered palimpsest, stratigraphic readings and substrata, reinforce a tendency in which
architecture and the city are mutually de ned
The concepts of layered morphologies and latent topographical structures form
a conceptual device that challenges the condition of the city as assemblages of
assemblages, operating on the degree of integration or dispersion of its components,
the decoding of latent structures and traces, the readability of morphologic-semantic
units and rewritability of su erior-grade gures
In Chinese contexts, where historic space is often the space of latency under multiple
incoherent texts, simply juxtaposed, the hermeneutic work of decoding and recoding
acts as a carrier for constructing a contemporary cultural relationship with the site by
stirring a multiplicity of meanings and resonances that enriches both situated memory
and the narrative introduced by the new work.
Advancing critical-theoretical propositions while verifying their operational tool
through research-based case studies, the paper explores some principles for reading,
decoding and interpretative rewriting in multi-coded compromised Chinese historic sites:
re-signi cation, re-structuring and re-mor hologisation

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 The Spatialisation of Temporal Dimension
When the site is considered as a tabula plena rather than a tabula rasa, design is in no
case a self-referential colonisation of a void but rather a new writing on an existing text,
often miscellaneous, that requires to be red, interpreted and consistently continued or
transformed.
Occupied sites contains not only built structures, i.e. building types and their tissues,
but also imprints, crop marks, fragile traces, hidden substrata, fragments, incongruous
alterations and significant debris.
This knowledge posture, stemming from the Italian tradition combining urban and
territorial typomorphological studies with urban architecture (Rossi, 1966), manifests
a tendency towards continuity that, although manifold and originally in either critic
opposition (Muratori, 1963) or in rifondativa continuity with the Modern Movement
(Rogers 19 , Samon 19 ), firmly relates architecture to a humanistic meditative
thought which produces advancements through a continuous re ection on previous
ideas and physical substrata.
Since the 20th century, academic circles have questioned various theoretical models
and their closely related continuity (Foucault, 19 9). Al centro dell articolata ri essione
degli architetti sono i principi su cui si basa la definizione della forma architettonica e
della città, del territorio e del paesaggio come luogo dell’architettura.
After establishing an ‘urban science’ based on the typomorphological bi-univocal
relationship (Muratori, Aymonino, Canella, Rossi, among others), analogic transpositions
in urban discontinuity (Polesello), città per parti (Aymonino, Rossi), and first inquiries in the
territories of topologies (Gregotti, Secchi) and ground writing (Purini), an interpretations
underlying the notions of layered palimpsest, stratigraphic readings and substrata, can
update and reinforce a tendency in which architecture and its settlement forms are
mutually defined.
eyond significant differences in theories and methods, we can maintain the
recognised relationship between knowledge and design (research-driven design joint
to research-by-design), that subverting conventional functionalism and usual disciplinary
fragmentation has affirmed that programs and themes need to be defined starting from
the character of the site.
Understood as a context that is culturally and historically defined, it brings in foreground
architecture and urban or territorial forms as an historic-cultural ‘mise en forme’.
In many contexts, from archaeological to severely compromised ones, the metaphor
of the palimpsest (Geddes 1915; Corboz, 2001), supplemented by a deep stratigraphic
reading of the substrata (Strappa, 2018), must further include the concept of latent
structure (Pezzetti, 2019), understood as a system of physical or intangible lines of force
that presides over the constitutive reasons of settlements. At the same time it evokes a
deep and resilient order, hidden under apparent chaos, and an absent form that the
project has the responsibility to unveil.
Differentiating between the notion of substratum (from sub sternere, to spread
beneath) and ruin (from the Latin ruere, to collapse) (Strappa, 2018), we can consider
preceding layer as a foundation for the overlapping of a new organism, or in philosophy,
the sub-stantia forming the essence of a thing.
History takes place in time but also in space. The notion of memory is associated to
places within which it has been produced and continue to witness the event through
time.
As pointed out by Freud (1930), who compared human memory to Rome as a
palimpsest city, borrowing from archaeology the metaphor of sedimentation, physical
traces only rarely disappear unless abrupt events occurs, but even so people would
rebuild along earlier tracks.
Exploring the notion of substratum within the theoretical dimension as well as design
work, we can discriminate three meanings that in their complex interaction support or
alter the previous layer from the within and without.
Physical substrata may correspond to the spatialisation of the temporal dimension
which is crucial to recognise the order of superposition. The archaeologist’s method

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offers consistent tools to architects because differently than the historian’s, the temporal
dimension of time is ‘spatialised’ since anteriority and posteriority derive from strata of
sedimentation.
Foucault (1969) introduced archaeology as an analytic method to better comprehend
any system of thought that would not build linear narratives of progress. Its comparative
approach was never addressed to reduce complexity to a single unit but rather it worked
with fractures and discontinuity.
Nonetheless, while the archaeologist works separating the physical strata accumulated
horizontally, the architect works by superimposing layers, organised both horizontally, like
the Bramante’s sketches for St. Peter, and vertically like Alberti and Palladio.
Substrata can be also intended as latent structures that although buried or disappeared,
are still underlying imprints providing meaning to urban form.
Finally, intangible substrata refer to the reference to previous ideas and architectures
that through an analogic procedure support something yet to come. The architectural
work is ‘a single of many’, unique and made of others architectures at the same time.

Layering Process and Assemblage Thinking

In linear developments, the layering process may inherit features from previous strata,
each one modifying and being modified by the new additions.
Nonetheless, during historic cycles and rapid development, the layering process may
suffer violent rifts and fractures or experiment the grafting of new force-ideas1 dove, più
che alla continuità morfologica dei tessuti, la continuità attiene innanzitutto a structural
reason and to the substratum formed by segni topografici incisi sul suolo dalla struttura
urbana precedente o nella profondità dei tracciati archeologici. E’ il caso paradigmatico
del Foro Antoliniano a Milano o del Prato della Valle a Padova.
Soprattutto a partire dalla città moderna, l’accostamento paratattico di morfologie
disparate, infrastrutture, e brani di natura antropizzata, rende difficile pensare in termini
di continuit secondo un modello necessariamente univoco e filologico.
Experimentation derived from Postmodernism culture have already dismantled
simplified linear-causal narration in favour of collage narration. Under the guidance of
a predetermined theme, the text is investigated, classified, analysed, deconstructed,
and re-narrated.
The last decade has seen an increasing interest in the application of assemblage
thinking, in geography, sociology and urban studies.
Critically exploring the complexity of the society through the multiplicity of assemblage
thinking, il recente testo di DeLanda (2006; 2016), debitore dei precedenti studi di Deleuze
and Guattari (1987), sembra infatti riportare l’attenzione su un’ontologia che appartiene
alla cultura del progetto: la città come assemblaggio.
Sotto le diverse declinazioni di city of composite or collage (Kollhoff; Rowe 1978),
montage (‘Roma interrotta’, Città Analoga) il concetto di assemblage ha variamente
attraversato la composizione architettonica per ricondurre a senso anche il caso e
l’imprevisto come elementi di arricchimento. Del resto la strategia dell’assemblage e
delle procedure ad essa sottese ha già dato ampie prove di sperimentazione quali Villa
Adriana e la Bank of England di John Soane (Pezzetti, 2014) tra tutte.
Critically exploring the complexity of the society through the multiplicity of assemblage
thinking, the recent text of DeLanda (2006; 2016), indebted to previous studies of Deleuze
and Guattari (1987), brings attention to an ontology that has a long belonging to the project
culture: the city as an assemblage. Under the different variations of city of composite or
collage (Kollhoff; Rowe 1978), montage (‘Roma interrotta’, Analogue City) the concept
of assemblage has variously crossed the architectural composition to make sense out of
the unexpected and chaos as enriching elements. Besides, the strategy of assemblage
and the procedures underlying it had already ample proof in historic precedents such as
Villa Adriana and the Bank of England by John Soane (Pezzetti, 2014) among them.
Already in the early 1980s the city appears as ‘a vivid set of pieces and fragments,
of types and countertypes, a juxtaposition of contradictions, a process more dialectical
than linear’ (Ungers, 1979).
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 Moving from the multiplicity and complexity of contemporary society, the assemblage
thinking has recently been relaunched from relational theories transposed to the study
of urban form, informing the theme of the 2019 ISUF Conference ‘Cities as assemblages’.
The meaning that the original French term ‘agencement’ possesses, refers to the
process of matching together a set of components and not just its result. Unlike collage,
in fact, we can read in the assemblage procedures a structuring intentionality that the
operation of the bricoleur does not possess. Transposed into architectural culture, this is
evident in the different procedures implemented by Stirling in the plate for the exhibition
‘Roma Interrotta’ and Khollhof in the collage included in Rowe’s Collage City (1978).
Onto the tabula plena of the Nolli’s map, Stirling grafted skilfully a new layer made of
projects adjusted to interpret and continue the underlying urban structure; Khollhof,
instead, collaged on a blank slate a Piranesian gemmation with only monuments.
The assemblage of layers leads therefore to an evolution of concepts and tools that
includes the possibility of interpreting also the warps of the settlement. At the same time, it
enhances in situ spurious elements as part of a concept of coevolutionary development
and resilience of built facts, redirecting their transformations.
Typical warps are overlaps of unfinished or dissonant structures and incoherent
morphological wreckages that constitute, on the whole, a fragmentary and no longer
univocal text that requires hermeneutic interpretation and recoding for the purposes of
its re-signification.
Layering becomes a reading tool and design action at the same time, which will
become part of the assemblage in its own right.

Layered Morphologies and Topographical Structures

We can think of Continuity as the link between heritage, time and society.
It is therefore necessary invenire(from Latin, to discover or invent) more complex forms
of continuity and formation of meaning employing different codes by crossing physical
substrata, essential when existing, with intangible ones when lost or entrusted to memory
in a de-spatialized historical space, as in the case of China.
In the Chinese settlement forms, exemplified by the two cases here reported, a
different notion of achronic and circular time has historically led to a continuous cycle of
substitutions and demolitions without, however, invalidating an idea of continuity based
on the prescriptive value of the antecedent. Continuity was ensured by the timeless
essence of symbolic structures and archetypal forms rather than safeguarded by the
permanence of physical substance and auctoritas of spolia and subtrates (Pezzetti, 2017).
In a cultural framework in which Chinese architecture is not allowed to show the
signs of time and the ruin, with all the evocative force of its mysterious erosion of time, is
absent in the city, the intangible or material memories of the archaeological substrata
and fragile topographical traces most of the time are the only support to give the
disembodied history and despatialised rich literary memory a physical substance and
mise en forme (Pezzetti, 2019).
Therefore, both physical aspects informed by the substratum (unearthed or
underground remains, matter and materials) and intangible aspects (latent structures,
urban form, archetypes and cultural narratives) need to be jointly considered in the
hermeneutic work of reading, decoding, and recoding and in respect to the role
interpretative design plays in forming a space for cultural communication.
How we identify urban structural and morphological characteristics and how
we understand the formation and transformation of urban forms is essential for the
conservation and revitalization in historical cities.
Historical awareness is neither a neutral accumulation of data nor an assessment of
fatally transient values. In planning all too often it remains at the level of dating and
describing individual features (Whitehand, 2007) . The relation between facts and the
modes of description are themselves the method.
The UNESCO’s dynamic rethinking of urban conservation principles and paradigms
(Bandarin, 2010) launched with the Historic Urban Landscape approach (2011), should
adopt sound methods related to historic-structural and typomorphological studies in

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Figure 1. Xiaoyan Ta Pagoda: sequence of the historic stratigraphic layering in the Pago-
da and Anren block anked by related interpretation in a design proposal.
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 order to define the object and the boundaries of conservation areas through adequate
understanding of settlement facts and their underlying formal structures. As well as the
new layers to come, signs of the future that will be part of the layering assemblage.
The study of the process of layering morphologies and topographical structures can
make significant contribution to the conservation of historic parts of urban landscape
now considered as ‘tangible’ heritage, together with its associated intangible memories.
The first theoretical and operational shift is to redefine the concept of setting and
‘assessment’ as ‘context’ and stratigraphic reading.
The notion of ‘setting’ contained in the ICOMOS China ‘Principles’ (2015), together with
the mere hint to ‘natural landscape and surrounding environment’ in the ‘Regulation’
(200 ), are actually undefined references lacking appropriate knowledge tools that have,
instead, a long tradition in morphological urban studies. They are insufficient to decode,
along with style and vernacular traditions, the settlement matrixes and their underlying
formal structures, which are crucial to understand the relation between single building types
and their settlement or landscape forms, providing a scientific and cultural foundation to
the knowledge project of the entire organism. Besides, ‘assessment’ is mainly referred to
values, which are transient and unrelated to the complex reality of built organisms.
The structural and historical notion of context allows penetrating the deep structure of
settlements where the place, rather than the visible hic et nunc, is the result of a dense
texture of signs and relations, fractures and oppositions that are forms, ideas, memories
and absences the decoding of which takes place first of all (but not only) within the
layered text that is the site (Pezzetti, 2019 b).
This legacy constitutes the reference framework also for the dialectical relationship
between old and new, i.e. between the pre-existent to be conserved and design as the
authentic form of its enhancement.
Therefore, place-as-a-context is also an absence, and a possible text that, similarly
to a palimpsest contains several traces and different signs including the future ones
(Pezzetti, 2019).
Absences, in fact, are never entirely disappearances, as they leave traces in the
deep memory of places. In the case of an absent form (Eisenman, 1983), what matters
is precisely the structure that underlies and makes it possible. This concept has proved to
be effective in the Chinese context where latency, disappearance and intangibility all
too often open the path to demolitions, substitutions or simulacra (Pezzetti, 2019).
Therefore, if the concept of context as a layered palimpsest allows reading morphology
and topography as a continuous recording of signs, what our knowledge of the context
is made of becomes a crucial issue.
The second shift is that research has to transcend some usual spatial ontologies such
as architecture/planning, preservation/design, urban/rural, developing a multiscale
approach integrating theoretical and methodological tools.
The conceptual device of layered topographic structures and morphologies has
been developed as a theoretical and methodological approach to investigate the
coevolutionary nature of architecture and settlements (Pezzetti, 2019).
Promoting a renewed notion of built heritage as historicised architecture and
of landscape as a structure of structures, the dialectic conservation-modification is
investigated from the recognition of pre-existent signs, or formal orders, typomorphological
structures and topographical writing of the ground. Besides, challenging the condition
of the city and of most historic spaces as assemblages of assemblages, the concept
operates on the degree of integration or dispersion of its components: the decoding of
latent structures and traces to reveal the intangible heritage of urban form, the legibility
of its semantic morphological units and their architectural rewritability as superior-grade
gures
Verifying the operational value of its critical-theoretical propositions in both urban and
rural Chinese contexts where latency, disappearance and intangibility, combined with
the lack of morphological studies, too often open the path to extended demolitions,
simulacra reconstruction and incongruous development, the methodology has revealed
an effective reading and the potential underlying those settlements forms.

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Figure 2. Xiaoyan Ta Pagoda: 2.a. interpretative diagram of the Anren Li Fang, Pagoda, and
Tang axis, in their interrelation and urban role in the present Xi’an, showing the Tang grid over-
lapping on the blocks defined by the 19 0 s masterplan; 2.b. Lu Dafang’s map, redrawn after
the stele fragment with two types of li fang and a graphic reconstruction of the Tang City’s
layout; 2.c. Anren Fang’s Tang structure, evolution, and design interpretation; 2.d. diagram of
the ideal type of the Pagoda (0) compared to the strategy for the Tang axis (1) and Pagoda’s
west boundary (2); 2.e. Design project for the protection and regeneration of the Pagoda and
Anren block; section through the Heritage Center defininig the iaoyan Ta s east boundary and
diagrams of form s definition.
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 The paper presents two historic sites in Shaanxi where the superposition or simply
juxtaposition of multiple texts and incoherent fragments, apparently deprived of any
reference to previous substrata, is brought to extremes.
The former, focussed on the UNESCO Xiaoyan Ta pagoda2 (707-710 A.D.) built in the
ancient imperial capital of Xi’an during the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D.), demonstrates
the potential operational role of urban underground substrata in providing meaning and
a physiological continuity to existing and new layers to come, through the prevailing issue
of the latent structure relating to a single typomorphological principle. The protection of
the UNESCO site results indissoluble from the interpretation of the entire Tang block, the
Anren Li Fang (Fig.1-2).
The second, focussed on Fenghuang3, an old town included in the list of ‘Famous Historic
Cultural Towns’ (2010), that still features late Qing Dinasty courtyard architecture and
some physical remains of its constitutive matrix. Its discovery has unveiled the indissoluble
interaction between an original morphotype, a latent radial topographical structure, and
the geographical character of the valley, thus providing ascertained principles for organic
strategies of re-morphologisation and re-signification reconnecting old and new (Fig. - ).
In both cases, the investigation of the layering underlying the assemblage has revealed
latent resistant structures that clarify the urban process of evolution. Although fragile,
those signs of persistence are culturally meaningful and offer clear operative principles
for unveiling the hidden orders that support spatial and architectural interpretation.
Another foremost outcome is that in the case of Fenghuang the reading has also
provided vernacular Feng Shui and Shan Shui principles with an extrinsic and fully
expressed spatial form.

Continue to Write: The Issue of the Absent Form, Latent Structure and Despatialised
Memory. Two Chinese Case Studies.
As the time is spatialised in layers, architecture as archaeology becomes interpretative.
The prospect of working within layering becomes constitutively hermeneutic.
The reading of the two case studies has produced a new interpretation of their existing
and latent texts which have been recreated from the hermeneutic point of view as a
‘rewriting’.
In Chinese contexts, where historic space is often the space of latency under multiple
incoherent texts, simply juxtaposed, the hermeneutic work of reading, decoding and
recoding acts as a carrier for constructing a contemporary cultural relationship with the
site through design. Stirring a multiplicity of meanings and resonances the relationship
enriches both the situated memory and the narrative introduced by the new work.
Re-coding implies interpretation. For interpretation to be valid and not to improperly
‘overinterpret’ the text, it needs to be latent in the text (Eco et al., 1992).
The re-signification project reintegrates a fragmentary incomplete text prefiguring
new signs, insertions and overwriting according to its structural laws. The studies on the
structure and urban form substrata provide solid method and tools to define what we
are trying to preserve, enhance, and eventually develop and the foundation of a site
specific strategy.
As a result, the project itself is the palimpsest when based on the relation among past,
present and future across the layers.
The interpretative design based on latent structures rewrites the order of relations in
the layering of both physical and mnemonic historic space, redefining the interaction of
the main components: settlement structures, types, morphologies, form of topography
and form of the void.
The underlying structure therefore reveals the absent form which is the very object of
research, exegesis and design interpretation. The place therefore is also an absence and
the possible text containing different traces and signs, including the future ones.
By following the latent lines of forces, ‘re-coding’ reconnects what has now become
intangible to its physical mise en forme.
As the site is the real generator of a joint conservation-rewriting strategy, the programme
and the construction of design narratives infuse past ones with new meaning.

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Figure 3. Fenghuang: 3.a. sequence of stratigraphic layering in diachronic and synchronic
historic sections showing four rural-urban structures; 3.b. superposition of the old radial la-
tent structure; 3.c. synchronic stratigraphic layering in one morphotype; 3.d. plan-project
and enhancement strategy.
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 The tool of stratigraphic mapping, by investigating the site in its diachronic construction
and synchronic reading, has revealed in both case studies a deep-seated urban order
that can be still traced back to regenerate not only the key conservation units and their
buffer zones, but the overall legibility of the li fang block3 in Xi’an as an urban part, and
the entire urban form in Fenghuang as an organism (Fig. 2.a; 3.a-b).
The UNESCO Xiao Yanta and Tang Anren block, which formed an ideal but abstract
substrata in the First Masterplan in the 1950s4 evoking the grid of the Tang capital, can be
interpreted as a semantic unit and by four major diachronic components:
1. The 200 metre-large void showing the only perceivable fragment of the Tang
Imperial Axis, which structured the order of li fang’s typomorphological enclosures and
emerging cultural buildings, like temples and pagodas. Interpretative layout suggests
keeping this void unbuilt as a green area, equipped possibly underground, showing the
boundary of the pagoda enclosure and prolonging its traces towards the city wall as a
cultural axis5(Fig. 2);
2. The geometric order established by the unearthed or potential underground
remains of the walls system in Ri-type li fang and zhai (its inner subdivision), traceable
through the intrinsic logic of infographic materials, such as the Lu Dafang’s stele fragment
(1080)6, hang modules, maps, aerial pictures. It suggests redefining the boundaries of
the ancient morphotype by interpreting them as ‘inhabited wall’ to protect ruins or
house cultural programmes and reintroducing the moat. The present asymmetry in the
eastern boundary can be interpreted as the ideal type’s lateral sequence of courtyards
to connect the UNESCO site to the fabric (Fig.2.c-d);
3. The Pagoda, that once was part of the disappeared Janfu Temple, and needs
to become again readable in its enclosed character and layering of boundaries by
interpreting the rhythms established by halls and gates;
4. The disparate ‘collection’ of modern morphologies is a record of concluded historic
cycles and a low-rise variety of types which is hard to find in the generic city . Specifically,
the urban village just demolished presented ancient patterns and traces consistent with
the zhai modular subdivision. Although unrecoverable, they should be assumed as a
physical and mnemonic substrata for the current redevelopment (Fig.2.e).
Unlike cities, the form of Chinese villages still retain types, landforms and writings of
the ground – whose anamnesis and interrelationship would reveal their constitutive rules
and co-evolutionary character, thus opening a new approach for both conservation,
enhancement and development (Pezzetti, 2019).
Through a hermeneutic reading, based on the interrelation of topographic signs with
material and typomorphological survey along with diachronic stratigraphic mapping
(Fig.3.a), a latent structure emerged in Fenghuang. Orthogonally to the winding association
of courtyard zhai yuan houses along the Old Street commercial road, now forming the
key unit of adopted conservation plan, a perpendicular latent structure was discovered,
linking in a triple relationship type, morphology and agrarian fields structure (Fig.a-b).
The correspondence between building parcel and building type generated an
original radial strip structure converging on the top of the upland of the Ying Pan Hill where
the ancestors recognised in the village form the deployed wings of the ying Phoenix
(Fenghuang). The structure defined the whole settlement, stemming from the plot of the
zhai yuan narrow courtyard houses, stretching to the backyards and vegetable gardens,
continuing as far as the fields strigatio7 down to the riverbank wall where it finally opened
like a fan and reverberated in an ideal triangulation with the mountains’ peaks (Fig.3.b).
The structure clarify traditional topological principles of Feng Shui and Shan Shui,
enlightening them for the first time with a describable to ogra hical gure and urban
form.
The void is the essential field on which these lines of force establish the relationship
between mountain and water, similarly to Chinese painted landscapes where invisible
lines that underly things establish their mutual relationship (Cheng, 1979).
This meaningful urban-rural whole is the very text to be understood, preserved and
coherently enhanced for the future in relation to which the multiple issues of preservation,
revitalisation, design enhancement and development need to be jointly redefined (Fig. .c).

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Figure 4. Fenghuang: .a. detail of the morphological survey of the ground oor of Old
Street’s courtyard houses (zhai yuan) highlighting the old partition walls that defined land
property and are still traceable; 4.b. longitudinal section through the Dang Courtyard
House and examples of historic permutations of the zhai yuan courtyard type.
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 Some major results can be here summarised.
Comparing the latent structure and historical accumulation, four cycles of
development traceable in their different strategies have been detected (Fig.3.a). The
five morphotypes that can be acknowledged based on the triple relationship between
type, morphology and land, led to redefine on sound criteria the boundaries for an
articulated conservation plan (Fig.3.c).
The notion of landscape units (Conzen, 1988; Whitehand 2007) could be introduced
while contextually reformulated in terms of complex semantic morphological units
(Pezzetti, 2019) based on ascertained morphotypes not necessarily homogeneous since
they includes also subsequent accumulation (Fig.3.c).
Considered as a substrata, the latent structure is the underlying order that provides
new meaning even to some recent parts of the settlement, since under the apparent
disorder they followed the old tracks and developed on previous structures.
Following the lines of force of existing structuring substrata, the site can be read and
decoded in its internal logic, re-significate, re-morphologised and finally, regenerated.
By activating the existing lines of force and ‘exploration paths’ within the radial fabric,
the courtyard houses together with the new design writing may double the active fronts
in order to generate new economic activities and a mixed residential-hospitality use
throughout the year (Fig.3.c).
Another achievement of the research is that the writing of the ground also defines a
to ogra hical gure endowed with an iconological quality. Such figure is no less important
than that formed by the built heritage, embodied in the winding ‘wings’ of the Phoenix
(Fenghuang). Both emerged and lived in a mutual relationship that encapsulates the
meaning of Fenghuang’s urban-rural form. The joint presence of a typo-morphological
solidarity among courtyard houses and a clear topographic structure allows us to read
this entire settlement’s form as a superior-grade organism- gure (Fig.5.c).
This figure is real, readable and rewritable, i.e. is available for future appropriate
writings and coevolve over time together with society.
It is therefore a matter of interpreting the principles of continuing to write over a layered
text that is already written and that even in China can be read as a tabula plena rather
than an upcoming blank slate.
To continue to write, the text must be also rewritable in the essence of its formal and
syntactic structure.
Understanding of the gurativety ( guralit )8 of a latent structure is the necessary
quality for reading architecture, city or landscape as a ‘mise en forme’ and thus, to
continue to write and compose meaningful worlds bridging the past, the present, and
the future through interpretative design.

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Footnotes
1
The expression force-idea is used by Aldo Rossi (Rossi, 1974).
2
The research has been conducted by the author at Politecnico di Milano under
the framework of the ‘Heritage-Led Design Workshops’, 2015-18, directed by Proff. L.A.
Pezzetti and K. Liu, and Double Master Degree with Xi’an University of Architecture and
Technology. Analysis and drawings were executed in team with master degree students
(M. Cappellani, W. Longfei, G. Mazucchelli, C. Mondani, M. Pozzoli), supervisor L.A.
Pezzetti.
3
The research has been conducted by the author on the case study of the ‘Heritage-
Led Design Workshop’ in 2018, and has been discussed extensively in the book L.A. Pezzetti
(2019) and in the paper ‘Layered Morphologies and Topographical Structures in Historic
Rurban Landscape. Integrating Typo-Morphological, Topographical and Landscape
tools with Feng Shui’ presented at the ISUF Conference 2019, Cities as Assemblages,
forthcoming.
3
Sui Tang Chang’an hierarchical grid was organised in Li fang block which were like a
‘city in city’ from the point view of its pattern structure. Li fang were surrounded by high
walls, were divided in 2 (Ri) or 4 regions (Tian) with respectively only two or four gates
corresponding to inner streets. The gate were guarded by people appointed by the
government, opening and closing at regular time. Only regular residents could access.
4
The existing blocks are slightly shifted from their real position unveiled by the ruins
discovered in the north-western corner of An Ren Fang, at those time still buried.
5
Many cultural and educational infrastracures are today placed along this axis.
6
The fragments of the Lu Dafang’s stele map in the Song Dinasty feature the most
ancient known representation of the capital Chang’an (now Xi’an) during the Sui-Tang
Dinasties.
7
The term defines the rural land division in ancient Roman centuriation.
8
Starting from the 90s the figure ( gura) of composition became a crucial issue for
the study of both city and territory within the tradition that Manfredo Tafuri defined as the
‘axis Milan-Venice’.

References
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cities, World Heritage Papers 27 (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, Paris) 3.
Canella G., Coppa M., Gregotti V., Rossi A., Samona’ A., Scimeni G., Semerani L., Tafuri
M. (1968) Teoria della progettazione architettonica (Dedalo, Bari).
Cheng, F. (1979) Vide et plein: le langage pictural chinois (Edition du Seuil, Paris).
Conzen, M.R.G. (1988) ‘Morphogenesis, Morphogological Regions and Secular Human
Agency in the Historic Townscape as Exemplified by udlow , D. Denecke, G.
Shaw (Eds.), Urban Historical Geography: Recent Progress in Britain and Germany
(Cambridge University Press, Cambridge)253-72.
Corboz, A. (2001) ‘Le territoire comme palimpseste’, in Le territoire comme palimpseste,
et autres essais (Editions de l’Imprimeur, Paris).
DeLanda, M. (2006) A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social
Complexity (Continuum, London; New York).
Eco, U. with Rorty, R., Culler, J., Brooke-Rose C. (1992), Interpretation and Overinterpretation,
25 (Cambridge University Press).
Eisenman, P. (19 ) The City of Artificial Excavation , Architectural Design 1-2.
Freud, S. (1962) Civilization and its Discontents (1930) (W.W. Norton. New York)
Foucault, M. (2007) The archaeology of Knowledge. Life, Reading, New Knowledge, 1st.
ed. (1969) L’archéologie du savoir (Gallimard, Paris),(Sanlian Bookstore) 6-7.
Geddes, P. (1915) Cities in Evolution (Williams, London).
ICOMOS China (2015) Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites in China (2002),
rev. 2004 and 2015 (Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles).
Muratori, S. (1963) Architettura e civiltà in crisi (Centro Studi di Storia Urbanistica, Rome).
Pezzetti, L.A. (2014) ‘Picturesque Tools in the Idea of Modernity. Learning from John
Soane’, in (ed.) Bovati M., Caja, M., Floridi, G., Landsberger, M., Cities in Transformation.
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 Research and Design. Ideas, Methods, Techniques, Tools, Case Studies (Il Poligrafo,
Padua).
Pezzetti, L.A. and Li, X. (2017) Liu Kecheng. Going through Historical Space (Zhongguo
jiianzhu gongye chubanshe, Shanghai).
Pezzetti, L. A. (2019) Layered Morphologies and Latent Structures: Reading, Decoding,
Rewriting to Enhance Historic Urban Landscape (Tongji University Press, Shanghai).
Rogers, E.N. (1957) ‘Continuità o crisi?’, Casabella-continuità 215.
Rossi, A. (1964) ‘Considerazioni sulla morfologia urbana e la tipologia edilizia’, in AA.VV.,
Aspetti e problemi della tipologia edilizia. Documenti del corso di caratteri distributivi
degli edi ci, a a - (Cluva, Venice).
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e al lavoro di gru o nell anno accademico (Politecnico di Milano, Facoltà
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Rowe C. and Koetter F. (1978) Collage city (MIT Press, Cambridge).
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Lovero (Franco Angeli, Milano).
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Famous Historical and Cultural Cities, Towns and Villages (22 April 2008). Guowuyuan
(2008) Lishi wenhua mingcheng mingzhen mingcun baohu tiaoli (http://www.gov.cn/
zwgk/2008-04/29/content_957280.htm) accessed June 2019.
Strappa, G. (2018) ‘Substrata – Morphology of the Ancient City, beyond its Ruins’, U+D
Urbanform+Design 9/10.
Ungers, O.M. (1979) ‘La memoria collettiva’, Lotus 24, 8.
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 A.5 Re-Emerging Substrata

Place Royale: An heritage to rediscover

Luiza Santos
Université Laval, ÉAUL-École d’architecture,
Faculté d’Aménagement, d’Architecture d’Art et de Design 1, Côte de la Fabrique, Québec
[email protected]
Keywords: Place Royale, urban and architectural morphology, constructive culture, vaults.2

Abstract

For more than 60 years, the balance between the commemorative vocation for
tourism and the development of an inhabited and lively neighbourhood has remained
unresolved in this historic urban environment. Some buildings have literally been rebuilt;
others demolished. The original plans of some buildings show that the restoration begun in
the 1970s did not respect what seems to be the essential characteristics of the buildings nor
the traditional construction techniques, completely eradicating certain historical periods
in the built forms. Today, 40 years after this restoration, this urban ensemble, managed by
SODEC, an agency of the Government of Quebec, is facing major maintenance work.
This paper allows us to question the nature of the restorations 50 years ago.
The research project is therefore interested in taking a new look at the implementation
of these decisions from an architectural and morphological standpoint, with a view
to understanding the constructive culture of the site. The primary aim of the research
project is to draw on the historical, archaeological and architectural documentation
listed, with a view to understanding the buildings and urban space at the spatial level,
with the transformation of s ace as its focus ore s eci cally, the research attem ts
to answer the following question: what are the essential characteristics of the buildings
and the urban ensemble of Place Royale that make it possible to establish its rules of
composition?
This approach proposes a method that makes it possible to review of heritage
practices, using Place Royale, an emblematic and determining place, to grasp the way
in which the built environment is viewed and acted upon in Quebec. While the intentions
have been widely commented on, the actions have remained without evaluation in their
logic and impact.

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 Place Royale: a political and ideological restoration in the 1970s
Highlighting a founding site
Place Royale is Quebec City’s founding site, which was restored between 1955 and
1999. Today, 26 buildings are managed by the Société de développement des entreprises
culturelles (SODEC) on an area of 1.67 hectares. Located in the historic district of Old
Quebec, Place Royale, is facing the St. Lawrence River, and bounded by Saint-Pierre
Street, Côte de la Montagne and Petit-Champlain Street.
This is the first establishment of a new European proto urban core in Canada ( alli res,
1999), thus recognized as a fundamental heritage site for Quebec City. This is largely due
to its development, commonly established by the scientific community as the birthplace
of French America (Côté, 2001). However, it is only by the mid-1950s, that this site was
awarded an historical and symbolic function. It indeed became a vast restoration
project, largely carried out between 1970 and 1985 (Léonidoff, Côté & Huard, 1996).
More specifically, the restoration began with the Maison Chevalier in 19 and was
extended into an urban project between 1967 and 2008 (Dufaux, 2018).
The current interpretation is that such a project was the last manifesto by a State driven
analysis of a desire for a national representation (Noppen & Morisset, 2003). The outcome
is an intervention on the built environment and the urban fabric restoring the French
stamp to the area, and capitalizing on its tourism potential (Ouellet, 2015). These choices
raised several debates among both the scientific community and the larger public
(Faure, 1996; Morisset, 1998). Nevertheless, Quebec City historical center is registered by
the World Heritage List of UNESCO, a recognition largely driven by Place Royale as the
first permanent settlement of New France (C t , 2001).
After 40 years, most of the buildings are currently undergoing maintenance works,
affecting the masonry, doors, windows and roofs. These works raise questions about the
site’s use and the decisions carried previously during the earlier restoration. Some of the
demolitions appear today unjustified and the reconstructions turned a working-class and
lively neighbourhood (Cimon, 1991) in a museum setting. Since 2016, theses architectural
choices are reviewed as part of a research project initiated at Laval University in
collaboration with SODEC, the City of Quebec and the Ministry of Culture (Dufaux, 2018).

Restoration: assessing the outcome of the 70s restoration project

Many parts of Quebec City historical center and its surroundings have been the topic
of several studies looking at the history, the spatial development, the architecture and the
archaeological remains preserved on site (Côté, 2016). The restoration of Place Royale is
documented by numerous reports drafted by historians, archaeologists and architects,
sometimes seeking to provide an overall vision, more often describing the results of sites’
specific researches. However, the design choices on the buildings, the overall planning
and the development perspective remain unexplained. At the same time, the balance
between the commemorative vocation for tourism and the development of a lively,
inhabited neighbourhood remained unresolved for the past 60 years (Faure, 1996).
The buildings’ restoration works intended to recreate the urban environment of the
first half of the eighteenth century (Deanovic, 19 ). As a result, Place Royale has seen
many later buildings completely demolished and rebuilt. Furthermore, the properties’
lines erased their historical traces. In this regard, the Place Royale project presents a
paradox (Faure, 1996). How could we justify the destruction of what was claimed to be
preserved (Faure, 1996)? In addition to the revised properties’ lines, the dwellings’ layouts
were replaced by “modern” interiors. The Archival sources – notably leasing contracts
signed at notaries – indicate that most houses sheltered two to four dwellings since the
18th century (Desloges, 1984). During the restoration, exterior doors were changed to
windows in order to pretend that the large houses were single-family residence of wealthy
families (Dufaux, 2018).
In many cases, the reconstruction plans show that the transformations of the built
environment did not respect to the essential buildings’ characteristics, nor the traditional
building techniques in favour of modern ones. The evolution of space has been confined
to archaeological excavations (Picard, 1979). The old masonry structures, the levels of

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the cellars and the dating of the foundations were all recorded data, but they are not
included of the restoration project. Instead, Place Royale restoration favoured a symbolic
representation or a figurative French identity ( arochelle, 199 ).

The research, its objectives, its conceptual framework

Today, Place Royale re ects a paradoxical balance between the representation of
an historical French colonial identity and the restless modernity of the 1970s (Deanovic,
1964). My research project targets a renewed reading of the design decisions from an
architectural and morphological point of view. The goal is to provide methods and criteria
to review and complete a restoration process, one that is more faithful to the forms, the
constructive tradition and the lifestyle it supported. Thus, the research question: what are
the essential characteristics of the buildings and the urban scales of Place Royale? And
how they should guide the restoration process while confronting a new maintenance
season?
The first objective intends to sort the information gathered through various studies, to
provide a synthesis and to document the built and urban architectural scales of Place
Royale in order to carry out a morphological analysis. The second goal expects to establish
the architectural recurrences and specificities of design components and solutions as
to outline the rules for the composition of the built parts of Place Royale. Finally, this
process should identify the design principles, interline the essential elements and their
relationships, and understand the relative commonalities and specific architectural and
urban features.
The targeted theoretical framework is research based focusing on the processes
of transformation of ancient built environments (Caniggia & Maffei, 1979), i.e.,
morphogenesis. This discipline includes several key concepts, including morphology
(urban and architectural) and typo-morphology, all to be applied in the research
project. The research will focus on the architectural type, a collective creation and a
product of the local material culture (Muratori, 1946). Through research, the study will
explore of the relationships between physical norms (material domain) and the cultural
patterns (habitus), as part of immaterial realm. This should enable an understanding of
the transformational dynamic rules characterizing the built environment.
The cultural model, according to the sociologist Henri Raymond, is made by the way
of doing or thinking things. They condition certain behaviours or predispositions leading
to determined actions (Raymond, 19 ). Cultural models in uence behaviour s related
to housing (constructive practices, uses, individual meanings or social representations)
and are materialized by the architectural types. Thus, the study of the urban form and the
buildings’ architectural types of Place Royale will be combined with the study of cultural
models and habitus specific to this historic district. It should enable us to draw a portrait of
Place Royale’s constructive culture of, considering the evolution of its operational history,
read in the buildings’ traces and marks.

A First case study: the Vaults

A typical building feature of the French regime
A first case study explored the vaults found across Place Royale s building, as part of
the studio’s exercise during 2019 winter term. Underground vaults are fairly common in
Place-Royale, but exceptional in Old Quebec, especially among residential construction
(Figure 1). These basement spaces were used mainly for commercial purposes, but
sometimes as kitchens (Lapointe, 1991).
This architectural component, made of massive stone arches tells the stories of the
commercial life of the French colonial city, the residential architecture and also the site’s
evolution. For the merchants, the vaulted cellars were essential. They were introduced
following the great fire of 1 2, as they provided protected space against fire hazard.
In addition, by maintaining a constant temperature throughout the year, they made
possible to preservation of goods and foodstuffs. In most cases, they were located
directly under the houses. However, some were extending under the streets and there is
one that was built under the Place Royale itself. One finds private wells, fireplaces, bread
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 ovens, and sometimes also dairies and cellars.
The common layout is made of a single vault under the house’ span, but it is possible to
find two vaults divided by a wall supporting the upper oors. The cellars were commonly
disconnected from the ground oor, thus isolating the activities.

Their construction
The building of vaults was never described within the specifications or the construction
contracts. The vaults are complex masonry structure. Whether they span over one or two
arches, they support both static and dynamic loads. Given the high loads, it is possible to
believe that the space between the masonry and the oor, starting from the pedestals
and the cradle, must also be filled with stones. Among the cases observed at Place
Royale, three types of vaults were found, namely those with a low arch, the semi-circular
arch, the basket-handle arch and, exceptionally, one edged arch (figure ). It would
seem that in order to reduce the calculation of thrust loads and the angle of the stones,
the masons built the pedestals closer together and made the vaults thicker (Lapointe,
1991).
Léonidoff offers one construction hypothesis. He suggests that the vaults were been
built with sandbags, placed on the pedestals, to support the wooden hanger. The stones
would have been laid from the wind chests to the keystone. Once the vault was erected,
the masons lowered the wooden hanger so as not to interfere with the settling of the
vault. Once the mortar between the stones is set, the masons proceed to loosen the
mortar, opening the sandbags, in order to lower the wooden hanger. Depending on
the mortar s traces, it is possible to deduct which technique was used. When one finds
wood traces on the mortar, and the mortar covers the base of the wedges, the sandbag
technique was not used. When sandbags were used as a construction technique, while
removing the mould, the stones of the pedestals remained visible, since the sandbags
prevented the mortar from owing over the vault, thus avoiding the complete drowning
of stones (Léonidoff, 1989).
Today, vaults confront several issues related to water infiltration, natural ventilation and
maintenance, while their function is mostly storage (SODEC, 2019). The current analysis
performed focused on each case study individually without comparing them in terms of
their materialization and location in the urban.

The vault as a key to the development of the architecture and site of Place Royale
Buildings’ construction and the French colonial urban environment will be transformed
by the framework set of numerous urban regulations, addressing sanitary conditions
and the aesthetic concerns. Furthermore, these transformations were responding to the
rigorous climate and the frequent fires that affected uebec City during the 1 th century.
Following the 1 fire of the uebec City settlement, Intendant De Meules issued an
ordinance regulating the houses’ footprints, since many had appendages on their
facades, which encumbered the already narrow streets (Castelli, 1975). While increasing
space between houses, thus reducing the fire hazard, such regulation intended to set
order and embellishment in the urban form, prohibiting balconies, canopies, drums,
steps, gutters, shutters and other similar elements that hung over public right of way of
the streets.
Around 1727, a more general regulation was enacted, moving exterior staircases to
the interior; limiting the stoop to three steps encroaching the streets’ space (Castelli,
1975). Place Royale became a dense urban nucleus, the commercial center of the
colony, where by the end of the 18th century two to three storeys large stone houses
sheltered a large number of dwellings (Castelli, 1975).
The previous analyses focused on each house as a particular case. Collecting this
information at the urban scale reveals that the construction of the vaults, which started
following the 1 fire, met three objectives. First, the vault provided a fire-resistant space
to secure the merchants’ goods, a key concern in colonial trade. The construction of
vaults supported the masonry construction of the houses upper oors. It favoured the
densification process with taller buildings and met the construction regulation aimed at

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protecting and embellishing the town. Finally, the building of vaulted basement occurred
on slopes, at a middle point between two levels, in order to simplify the excavation. This
location made possible the levelling of the square and streets connecting Place Royale.
The urban mapping of the vaults of Place Royale, based on of 18 archaeological
reports and historical plans, reveals the extent of the ground levelling. Indeed, the
provision of Place Royale square itself in front of Notre-Dame des ictoires church, was
made possible by two underground vaults. Notre-Dame Street, from Place Royale to
C te de la Montagne, was raised and attened thanks to the vaults of the neighbouring
houses. Even St-Pierre street, on oor below Place Royale was actually raised above the
original ground. The site of Champlain’s Habitation, the early trading post established
in 1608, offered undoubtedly much steeper slopes than what we perceive today. This
further underline the location s defensive position. (figure ). The morphological findings
of the architecture materialised a hypothesis often stated by scholars.
The vaults location, between two ground levels, mean that they were generally
served on one side by a ground level access, and light by cellar windows that provide
natural ventilation and the necessary aeration for an underground space. A staircase
was located in an independent exterior addition (Lapointe, 1991).
Today, most of these cellar window wells are either walled or below street level. By
redesigning the street profile to clear the basement window wells, we understand that
the current roadway level is about 1 meter higher than the original level one (figure
2). The phenomenon of sedimentation that raises the street level is a historical reality
throughout the world and is confirmed in uebec City.
Considering the original street level, it becomes clear that the ground oors of the
houses in Place Royale were intended for habitation, since the doors were 3 to 4 steps
above street level. Drawings by the military in the early 19th century include these stoops
in front of the entrances. The position of the vaults, their uses and their impact on the
level of the residential ground oors until the end of the 1 th century, shed a new light
about the incomplete restoration of Place Royale. The understanding of the urban and
the architectural morphology provide clues about the intended experience for residents
and visitors.

e t n fin in
Place Royale: a physically segregated location
Place Royale was originally the hearth of the urban development of Old Quebec/
Lower Town during the 17th and 18th centuries and thus the original proto-urban core
of the city. However, this area gradually lost this primary vocation as the city enlarged
(Larochelle, 2002). Because of the geomorphology of the site, Place Royale can be
defined as an inner periphery , where the neighbourhood is forever enclosed between
two natural urban barriers, the cliff and the rivershore:

« Ainsi, la Place Royale et le site des Palais, qui comptaient parmi les pôles structurants
de l’espace public collectif sous le Régime français, en sont venus à occuper une
position très marginale, dépourvue de toute polarité, dans l’organisation spatiale de la
ville actuelle. » — (Larochelle, 2002)

For instance, over time, the merchants moved their residential premises to Quebec
City upper-town, leaving the houses for less-af uent dwellers of shops- and innkeepers
and low skilled labour working for the harbour. The gradual shift increased in the 20th
century, reaching a state of relative abandonment, especially after 1945. Many buildings
were poorly maintained, and after 1948, some burnt down stressing the economic
decline of decreasing market value. A first set of three houses were restored between
1955-59, another two in 1960-63, By 1967, the celebration of the Canadian federation led
to a common federal provincial historical urban renewal project (Berthold): Place Royale
became a priority (Faure, 1992).

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 Vaulting: the key leading to a new reading
ault basements are a typical built form and construction technique associated
with the French colonial city. The gathering of the archaeological reports describing
the vaults of the various houses in Place Royale made possible the drafting of an urban
map: their location, date their construction, their current state and use by visiting
them. The vaults location at the urban scale revealed unsuspected facts about the site
original topography and the production of Place Royale s square (figure 2). The vaults
reveal the former street levels, and thus, the height of the ground oors around Place
Royale, (figure ). The research integrated the reports of various researchers - historians,
archaeologists, architects - at the scale of the buildings and the urban ensemble, opened
a new perspective on the restoration decisions, largely forgotten since the management
of the buildings by the SODEC since 1982.

Future studies
The master project will extend a similar research procedure to other components
of the Place Royale built environment. This analysis will deal with functional logic, the
composition and the organization of the built and urban space of Place Royale.
For the time being, two observations emerge from the first enquiry. First, the contribution
of transversal comparison of the different elements identified and documented in
the various fields of knowledge - history, archaeology, architecture - in order to avoid
addressing each building as a particular case study. Second, following the same logic, to
look for recurrent solutions in order to better assess each building s specificities. Such an
framework attempts to go beyond the premises of art history in favour of an operational
history of the built environment.
Thus, it will be necessary during the analysis to cross-reference all the information
with historical documentation and testimonies, iconographies, the history of land division
and property transfers, current testimonies, articles, books and theses. This integration
of these various sources will then make it possible to sketch an overall portrait of the
building culture of Place Royale; to develop typological hypotheses and lead to relevant
intervention in these buildings.
The research project intends to favour a more coherent restoration at the time when
most properties are facing major maintenance works. It claims that it is possible to review
of heritage practices, where Place Royale plays an emblematic role and a determining
experience in the preservation of the built environment in Quebec.

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Figure 1. Overall plan of Old Quebec. Pink: vaults present in Place Royale in the houses
(basic fabric, lower town). Yellow: vaults present in specialized buildings in Old Quebec,
Upper Town.
0 50 100 250

Figure 2. Cross-section representing the historical ground levels present at Place Royale.
The different layers of history reveal an actual ground level 1 meter lower.

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 Figure 3. Models of the different types of vaults present at Place Royale, at the same scale.
Bottom left: Principles of spatial organization of the vaults (theoretical). Bottom images:
Historical photos of the basement window wells discovered during the excavations of
Rue Notre-Dame, taken from the 1987 report (Photo S. Rouleau, A86-30 #11)

05 2505 50 125

Figure 4. Cartography of the vaults of Place Royale.in pink: vaults still existing in Piazza
Royale. Yellow: demolished or disappeared vaults. Pink dotted line: theoretical topo-
graphy line of the period of Samuel de Champlain’s Habitation.
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References
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Caniggia, G. & Maffei (1979). ‘Composition architecturale et typologie du bâti : Lecture
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Caniggia, G. (1983). ‘Dialectique entre type et tissu dans les rapports préexistence-
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Cimon, J. (1991) Promoteurs et patrimoine urbain. Montréal: Éditions du Méridien.
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Synth se. Gouvernement du u bec, Minist re des affaires culturelles.
C t , R. and Mus e de la civilisation ( u bec) (2000) Place-Royale : quatre si cles
d’histoire. [Québec]: Musée de la civilisation.
Dufaux, F. and Klein, A. (2018) ‘Place Royale : cinquante ans de patrimoine vivant 1967-
2017’.
Faure, I. (1992) ‘La reconstruction de Place-Royale à Québec’, Cahiers de géographie
du Québec, 36(98), p. 321.
Faure, I. (2013) ‘Critique du projet de Place Royale à travers les valeurs investies dans sa
politique de conservation’, Urban History Review, 25(1), pp. 43–55.
Joly, D. (2013) ‘Berthold, Étienne. Patrimoine, culture et récit. L’île d’Orléans et la place
Royale de Québec. Québec, Les Presses de l’Université Laval, « Monde culturel », 2013,
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Lapointe, C. (1991) ‘Les secrets enfouis des vielles maisons’, Continuité, (51), pp. 41–43.
Léonidoff, G.-P. (1996) La construction à Place-Royale sous le Régime français. Québec:
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Morisset, L. and Noppen, L. (2003) ‘De la ville idéelle à la ville idéale : l’invention de la
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urbaine et identité collective. Les éditions du Septentrion.
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à (la) Place-Royale. Québec: MAC.
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l’institut de conservation Raymond Lemaire. 5 pages.
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 SODEC. (2003). Rapport d’activités 2002-2003. Québec. (http://collections.banq.qc.ca/
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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

Public space in São Paulo: The fair as a form of urban land

occupation
Denise Antonucci1, Gabriela Lamanna Soares2
1,2
Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie (Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo),
Rua da Consolação, 930, 01302-907, São Paulo, Brasil
1
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: Consolidated urban territory, public space, temporary appropriations

Abstract

In the contemporary scenario, by recognizing the city as a result of a historical pro-

cess, it is possible to understand how public spaces are essential to the development of
this territory, as spaces of plurality that enable appropriations and several human mani-
festations. Therefore, public spaces can potentially ground public and social urban life.
The objective is to comprehend the usage of urban public spaces in a consolidated ur-
ban territory, and to investigate how e hemeral a ro riations may rede ne the ublic
s ace s meanings, uses, and erce tions For this, it was de ned as a research ob ect
the Bexiga neighborhood, at a macro scale, and the Dom Orione Square and its fairs,
as a local approach. Bexiga, located near the downtown, is part of a process linked to
the Brazilian coffee economy of the 19th century, receiving Italian immigrants and freed
slaves In s ite of the urban modi cations e erienced throughout the th century, Be -
iga maintains the peculiarities of tracing and parceling land, as well as the buildings. The
recognition of its im ortance as a historical and cultural heritage occurred in The
study analyses the territory, the Antiques Fair, the Jardim Secreto Fair and the transfor-
mation of the square’s environment through those. In summary, the temporary appro-
priation of a public space alters the place and stimulates the use of this area and the
surroundings, in uencing the urban dynamics Also, the rocess enhances this site as a
place of social coexistence and stimulates new experiences and perceptions of space.

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 Introduction
‘Every urban space was, is, and will be concentrated and poly(multi)centric. The sha-
pe of the urban space evokes and provokes this process of concentration and dispersion:
crowds, colossal accumulation, evacuation, sudden ejection. The urban is defined as the
place where people walk around, find themselves standing before and inside piles of
objects, experience the intertwining of the threads of their activities until they become
unrecognizable, entangle situations in such a way that they engender unexpected situa-
tions’ (Lefebvre, 2002, p. 46).
Therefore, it is in the public space that exists the contact with each other and with the
city, it is the exchange’s place, sheltering plurality and otherness. As Calliari (2017, our
emphasis) states ‘[...] the physical experience of being in the street, of seeing other peo-
ple, walking and going to places is irreplaceable’. This is how the vitality of public spaces
appears as a fundamental issue in this debate.
The urban public space’s appropriations are present in the daily life of the city, squa-
res, parks and streets are occupied by the most diverse activities, both in daily situations
and events. Currently, in São Paulo, there are examples as Paulista Avenue on Sundays,
the Minhocão (Elevated João Goulart) every night and on Sundays, the street carnival,
which has gained great proportions in recent years and occupying several streets in the
city and claiming manifestations. These uses transform the public space, even that for
a certain period, and make explicit the importance of public space’s appropriations to
activate the urban dynamics and the public and social life.
Thus, it is through the temporary appropriation of public space, which carries the in-
tention of using it in different ways than conventional, that it can be resignified. It is ob-
served the composition of an ephemeral environment in the public space that while
establishes relations with the existing space enables new experiences.
This study search to understand the appropriation of public spaces as the in uence
of this on the consolidated territory s urban dynamics. So it was defined as a research
object the Bexiga neighborhood in São Paulo, at a macro scale, and the Dom Orione
Square, as a local approach, in order to understand the use of the square especially
when hosting fairs, given that it is one of the only public spaces in this historic neighborho-
od. And then to understand the changes in the territory through the fairs that generate
new possibilities for perception and experience in space.
Thus, understanding the transformation of public space through its appropriation is to
recognize the performance of an urban territory within its context and the power of pu-
blic spaces as support for the activities of urban public and social life.

The production of urban public space

In the contemporary scenario, by recognizing the city as a result of a historical pro-
cess, it is possible to understand how the city’s identity is connected to its past and its
transformation process as how public spaces are an essential part to the development
of the occidental city s identity and the public life. Therefore, brie y resume a historical
panorama that contextualizes the urban public space.
In the classical period, agora was the most vital element of the city, it was as an open
space that exert social role, it is the place of meeting and exchange (Mumford, 1961).
But ‘[...] above all, a place for the word; and probably there isn’t even an urban market
where the exchange of news and opinions, at least in the past, hasn’t played nearly a
role as important as the exchange of goods’ (Mumford, 1961, p. 167).
By replacing the agora by the market square, in the medieval city, public space be-
comes the place of encounter and exchange, then ‘[...] commercial exchange beca-
me an urban function, which was embodied in a form (or forms, both architectural and
urban). This in turn gave urban space a new structure [...]’ (Lefebvre, 2002, p. 22). Thus,
Lefebvre (2002, p. 22, author’s emphasis) also states that ‘[...] those places given over to
exchange and trade are initially strongly marked by the signs of heterotopy’.
In order to comprehend the public spaces dimension in S o Paulo, especially down-
town, brie y approaches the circumstances of the production and occupation of public
spaces during the city’s development.

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 Frúgoli Jr (1995, p. 18) approaches what ‘[...] leads public spaces to deterioration
while prioritizing the creation of privatized spaces, thereby depriving the meaning of ur-
ban life in its public terms’. And as Lefebvre (2002) states, differents city production forms
depends on the current production modes as on the continuous cumulative process of
knowledge, people and even capital.
In the early twentieth century, note a development model characterized by the ur-
ban area expansion, the occupation of the railroad margins by the factories and the
occupation of the peripheries by the lower classes. With this city’s growing development,
the traditional center of São Paulo, once an elite space, became ‘[...] a gradually dete-
riorated, heterogeneous and popularized space, being abandoned by the social layers
of greater purchasing power’ (Frúgoli Jr, 1995, p. 25). The moment is also marked by a
large population increase, due to the high number of national immigrants, mainly from
the Northeast.
Urban transformations became even more prevalent in the 19 0s and the 19 0s. In
S o Paulo, this time defined a new phase of the urban territory s spatial organization,
even by the Basic Urban Plan of the Municipality of São Paulo (1968). However, in the au-
thoritarian context of the time, urban planning was enforceable, prioritizing ‘[...] the tran-
sport and the ow, with the opening of large avenues, viaducts and later the subway
(Frúgoli Jr, 1995, p. 74). The elevated highway João Goulart’s implantation, the viaduct
Armando Puglisi’s construction and the street Treze de Maio’s enlargement were some
of the major interventions downtown and at Bexiga’s neighborhood.
‘The increase in the metropolization of São Paulo meant for the central public spaces
a visible and growing devaluation, parallel to an increasing subjection to the logic of the
ow of automobiles. This situation, accentuated by the fact that a good part of the social
groups with greater purchasing power are gradually abandoning these spaces to carry
out their relations in places of a more privatized character [...] reinforces the representa-
tion that the streets are spaces of total degradation, crime, horror, social ills, marginal so-
cial groups (image constantly fed and magnified by the media) (Fr goli Jr, 199 , p. 2).
At the end of the twentieth century, there is an expansion of the debates around
public spaces in S o Paulo through the International Seminar on Revitalization of Central
Areas (19 ) and the International Seminar Centro I (199 ). As Abrah o (200 , p. 9)
states, in the period between the seminars that ‘[...] the term public space started to be
generically used to name the set of squares, parks, streets and avenues, being linked to
it a universe of meanings’.
Currently, the occupation of the central public spaces by various social groups is in-
creasing, although a deteriorating view of this spaces persists. Therefore, there is a resu-
mption of the perception of public space as a meeting and exchange place that awa-
kes this reappropriation through several activities that drive the use of space by people
(Calliari, 2016).

Bexiga, Bela Vista, São Paulo

Bexiga, part of the traditional Bela Vista neighborhood, was the result of a large Brazi-
lian political process, since the mid-19th century, characterized by the coffee economy
- with São Paulo as an exporter, abolition of slaves, establishment of the Republic, presen-
ce of new immigrants. The specialization of uses and functions begins in the city through
new legislation and urban practices with European parameters. The neighborhood, ori-
ginally a quilombo on the center historic outskirts, is characterized by a diversity of pro-
ductive activities, the coexistence of different social strata and ethnic groups, implying
different forms of housing (Schneck, 201 ). Its growth was due to successive European
and later internal migratory waves. Currently Bexiga is recognized for its importance as a
historical and cultural heritage, which implied the integral listing of the area in 2002.
The center needs to expand gave rise to new real estate developments. Bexiga
was was one of the first neighborhoods allotted to the center, in 1 (Paes, 1999). The
first streets appear at ar o de imeira Farm, between Riachuelo Street and rigadeiro
Luís Antônio Avenue. Besides the oligarchy, capital-possessed immigrants worked at Bexi-
ga Farm, becoming land developers such as the German Victor Nothmann, the English
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 family Clark and the Portuguese Antônio José Leite Braga.
The hydrographic network - Itoror , Saracura and exiga streams and the Re no tank
- as well as the rugged relief were determinant in the form of occupation of the area. Its
hills were gradually allotted and occupied mainly by Italians, in general artisans who built
their homes according to techniques that gave the neighborhood a particular shape,
that currently concentrates one third of the buildings listed in the city. Bexiga unique
morphology accommodates building types from the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Its rapid densification implied the implantation of a short-distance tram line in 1 9.
The topographic levels difference in the neighborhood were large due to the valleys
defined by the streams that had the most in uence on the structure of the exiga, as
they ran open. Due to this also the Bexiga’s staircase construction in 1929 that connects
Ingleses Street to Treze de Maio Street, one of the neighborhood heritages.
Orthogonal allotment with extensive blocks and long and narrow lots had predomi-
nantly two-story houses. Due to the shape of lots and the topographic levels difference,
the elongated houses had elevated basement. Thus, the entrance was from the side
and the facade was aligned with the sidewalk and ornate and with large windows. In
1930, the neighborhood already had considerable land occupation and most buildings
had little or no space between them (Paes, 1999).
The implantation of Avenida Nove de Julho in the 19 0s redefines part of the neigh-
borhood. In the 19 0s, the urban network of exiga was already consolidated. Part of
the northeastern migrants of the city went to live in the neighborhood due to its good
location and the offer of housing with more affordable rents, as in the tenements. There-
fore, the neighborhood became denser while maintaining the general characteristics of
occupation, except for the uses that began to diversify.
In the 0s, 0s and 0s, the valorization of individual transport and the projects for
new roads affected the neighborhood in a negative way. The city center and Paulista
Avenue, expanding centers in the late 1960s, made Bexiga a passage region, which led
to some of its roads being widened to accommodate traffic, such as Rui arbosa Street.
In the early 0s, the construction of the East-West viaduct divided the urban plan of
the neighborhood into two parts and thus changed the historical design of blocks and
demolished important buildings, in addition to leaving inhospitable spaces in its shallows.
The intersection of Rui Barbosa and Treze de Maio streets changed to receive the Arman-
do Puglisi viaduct. Part of the block formed by the Fortaleza, Treze de Maio, Rui Barbosa
Streets and Brigadeiro Luís Antônio Avenue was demolished, giving way to Dom Orione
square.
Finally, the configuration and occupation of the neighborhood are the result of this
whole process. The current urban network reveals the permanence of the design of the
blocks, lots and buildings.
‘Thus, it is clear that the urban form translates the record of the history of civil and pu-
blic actions and that it is possible to apprehend which ideology guided the land occupa-
tion over time. In this sense, the urban form is consolidated through overlapping historical
layers’ (Costa; Netto, 2015, p. 32).
When looking at the public spaces of the neighborhood, Dom Orione Square stands
out as one of the only public spaces. So, through the data obtained in the Digital City
Map of S o Paulo (MDC), it is identified that in the ela ista neighborhood, an area of
2.84km², 1.31km² (46,09%) corresponds to the built area and 1.53km² (53,91%) to the not
built area. Besides it notices that 2.01km² (70,75%) corresponds to the private area and
0.83km² (29,25%) to the public area oh this territory. Beyond that it is noticed that most of
the public area is car traffic area ( , ) while the sidewalks and squares correspond to
the minor percentage (32,27%). This urban conformation is a legacy of road interventions
that occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. As pointed out by Frúgoli Jr (1995), the metropoli-
zation of the city of São Paulo implied an increase in road logic and the devaluation of
public spaces.
According Lefebvre (2002, p. 111), the urban situation is generated by the city when
centralizes everything and highlights social relations, between them ‘[...] the reciprocal
existence and manifestation of differences [...]’. The author also states that ‘the signs of

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the urban are the signs of assembly: the things that promote assembly (the street and its
surface, stone, asphalt, sidewalks) and the requirements for assembly (seats, lights)’ (ibi-
dem). Therefore, the region urban form allows recognition of the possibilities of occupa-
tion and meeting. In this scenario, it wonders how the configuration of urban territory im-
plies for public life in the city or how these spaces allow people to use and occupy them.
Then it becomes evident the importance of Dom Orione Square as one of the only
public spaces with nearly 5264,60m² that was created from road intervention, with no
intention of enhancing public and collective space. So, the use of Dom Orione Square
resignifies the territory and urban dynamics and transforms it into a collective space that
today is part of the neighborhood and the cultural heritage of this urban territory.
Overlapping activities that take place there daily: antiques fair, place of events for
neighborhood organizations, playground for children, meeting place and game for the
elderly, that is, due to its character as the only public space that makes these events
possible in the whole nucleus of the neighborhood (Paes, 1999).
Currently, the Square is configured through areas of vegetation, bounded by low walls
and railings, and paths, with a more central open area, facing Fortaleza Street, where
the bandstand, playground, tables and chairs fixed concrete and physical exercise equi-
pment are located. There is also a small building, the former base of the Metropolitan
Civil Guard. In a revitalization in 201 , the bandstand was rebuilt, a new playground was
installed and there were improvements in public lighting (Special Department of Com-
munication, 2017).

Occ tion n re i nific tion of ic ce t ro t e f ir

According to Lefebvre (2002, p. 121, our emphasis),
‘[...] something is always happening in urban space. [...] The void (a place) attracts; it
has this sense and this end. Virtually, anything can happen anywhere. A crowd can ga-
ther, objects can pile up, a festival unfold, an event— terrifying or pleasant— can occur.
This is why urban space is so fascinating: centrality is always possible’.
It is assumed that the use of the place defines it, so people recognize the place by the
meaning and use attributed to it. It is understood that ... the establishment of a mea-
ning, therefore, transforms space’ (Calliari, 2016, p. 58).
So if it is the use of the place that defines it, an appropriation of space that is not its
daily and known use, transforms it. According to Fontes (2012), temporary interventions
can generate lasting effects in places and those can be material or immaterial effects,
as collective memory, cultural heritage and the connection between people and the
place.
‘A feeling of “belonging” between that public space and the citizen is encouraged,
as it creates a favorable environment for the inhabitant to feel part of a group symboli-
cally linked to a space that is part of their identity; although this space is not permanently
revitalized as a result, this is already an important step’ (Costa, 2015, p. 29).
Among several events in Praça Dom Orione, the focus of the study is the appropria-
tion of the space of the square by the fairs. According to Franco et al. (2019), the fair is
an ‘[...] example of a type of trade that is as old as the idea of the city - it is understood
as a place of encounter and exchange” and “its permanence in the contemporary me-
tropolis may be due, precisely, to this uid character, of great capacity for adaptation
[...]’. That way, fairs are ephemeral occupations of public space, as a ‘kind of “urban
event” whose presence in the city is a time variable’ (Franco et al., 2019). So the research
investigates two fairs that occur at Dom Orione Square: the Antiques Fair and the Jardim
Secreto Fair.
The Antiques Fair occurs every Sunday since 1984 with the installation of stands for
around 200 exhibitors of antiques pieces (Portal do Bixiga, 2019). This fair is a tradition of
the neighborhood, a cultural and historical heritage of the occupation of this urban land.
The Jardim Secreto Fair has been organized since 2013 in different areas of the city, but
since 2016 the fair occupies the Dom Orione Square. Also, with about 200 exhibitors, this
fair promotes small producers and conscious consumption that explores the diversity of

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 manual labor. Until 2019 the fair did not have a defined frequency and took place on
Saturdays or holidays. Currently, with the growth of the fair and the public, it takes place
once a month, on Saturdays (Feira Jardim Secreto, 2018).
The installation of stands is a fair characteristic that allows relations establishment with
the space in order to give it other aspects, as the trade space configuration (Costa,
201 ). those installed structures operate ... as an instrument to give the urban space
new nuances intentionally: together with its context it proposes a new urban meaning’
(Costa, 2015, p. 54).
Whereas Dom Orione Square is the physical support for appropriation and the spa-
ce itself provides the data for its occupation, it is observed that the fairs occupy the
sidewalks and square paths, in other words, those established by the space as possi-
ble for this. Thus, it is essential to understand that temporary structures and pre-existing
space are inseparable in the structuring of an ephemeral environment. As indicated by
Schramm and ima (200 ), the permanent city interacts constantly with a oating
city, made of unstable spaces and architectures’.
The experience at the square is different with the fairs since the space perception
is modified with the paths occupied by stands. The space public appropriation, as an
event or a temporary intervention, implies the space transformation that through physi-
cal and perceptive changes establish an ephemeral environment within the public area
and modify the urban public space atmosphere (Costa, 2015).
‘[...] Even if they are not intentional, these sensations are direct consequences of the
implantation of this ephemeral environment. The user most likely does not ponder what
he is feeling, but it is evident that the sensations in this labyrinthine environment are dia-
metrically opposed to the sensations experienced in the square’ (Costa, 2015, p. 144).
The space transformation is physical by the stands and the presence of people and
sensory due to the sounds, smells and sensations that the transformed place makes possi-
ble. It is ... a micro-region amalgamated by all that is inherent to its activity ... (Costa,
2015, p. 142). The physical support, the temporary structures, the use, the people, all the-
se factors are essential for transforming the atmosphere of urban public space and for
the establishment of an ephemeral environment that, consequently, alter the perception
of space.
According to Costa (2015, p. 142), ‘[...] the buying and selling activity of the Fair is
not a simple consequence of the space, since it can over ow the physical barriers that
delimit the space’. The public space appropriation sometimes goes beyond the physical
limits of the square. The streets, sidewalks and even Bexiga’s staircase are occupied too.
During the Antiques Fair is common to see traders occupying the sidewalks surrounding
the square with products displayed on fabrics on the oor and the exiga s staircase
often have their steps used as a space to rest. Even if it is not directly an occupation of
the fairs, people begin to appropriate more public spaces in the surroundings. So the ap-
propriation of an urban public space encourages the use of this space and the adjacent
ones and, with this, in uences the urban dynamics of the territory.
The use of space by the fair transforms the square into a place for exchange and me-
eting while the fair itself acts as a stimulus for staying in the Dom Orione Square and for
establishing a relationship with the public space. In this way, the fairs as a form of urban
land occupation transform and resignify this territory, encouraging other ways of using
space and generating possibilities for new urban experiences and human relationships.
Besides that, this public space occupation activates the urban space and impacts the
region’s urban dynamics since they are public events that attract people from outside
the neighborhood. So all the neighborhood is in uenced in the days that the fairs hap-
pen. As states Lefebvre (2002, p. 46),
the urban is defined as the place where people walk around, find themselves stan-
ding before and inside piles of objects, experience the intertwining of the threads of their
activities until they become unrecognizable, entangle situations in such a way that they
engender unexpected situations’.
From the heterotopies concept by Lefebvre (2002) the creation of another environ-
ment within the public space can be seen as the other place, the one where ‘[...] a

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difference that marks it by situating it (situating itself) with respect to the initial place’
( efebvre, 2002, p. ). Therefore, it is understood that the space is resignified when a new
environment is created within the urban space through the amalgamation of actions
and supports. That provides other experiences and stimulates public and social life and
the relationship with the city.

Final considerations
In order to re ect about the public spaces in the contemporary city, the research sou-
ght to understand the dynamics of appropriation of public space. From the town plan
and production public space analysis, it is comprehended how these factors reveal the
territory history, culture and uses and directly in uence the uses and appropriations of
public spaces. In this research, the occupation of Dom Orione Square for two fairs, that
are temporary events.
Although the two fairs have different intentions and audiences, since the first one is
already a tradition of the neighborhood while the other one is a recent activity, they
occupy the same urban territory and the two activate it with their proposals. Thereat it
becomes evident the urban public spaces potential - multiple possibilities spaces.
Therefore, the temporary appropriation of public space transforms the space by sti-
mulating the use of space and adjacent areas, by activating public and collective life
and by in uencing the surrounding urban dynamics. The public space is potentialized as
a place of exchange and social coexistence. The process of resignify public space pro-
poses other ways of occupying it and generates other possibilities for experiences and
perceptions of that place.

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 Figure 1. Maps of Bela Vista: Sara Brasil 1930, VASP 1954, City Digital Map 2016.

Figure 2. Dom Orione Square.

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Figure 3. Antiques Fair. .

Figure 4. Jardim Secreto Fair.

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 References
Feira Jardim Secreto (2018) A Feira (https://www.feirajardimsecreto.com.br/feira) acces-
sed 18 April 2019.
Abrahão, S. L. (2008) “Espaço público: do urbano ao político” (Annablume, São Paulo).
Calliari, M. (2016) “Espaço público e urbanidade em São Paulo” (Bei Comunicação, São
Paulo).
Calliari, M. (2017) São Paulo: A única certeza do futuro é a incerteza https://arqfuturo.
com.br/post/sao-paulo.-a-unica-certeza-do-futuro-e-a-incerteza.) accessed 26 July
2019.
Costa, . M. . (201 ) Efemeridade na arquitetura: a altern ncia de significado dos
espaços públicos do centro paulistano na “Virada Cultural””, Master thesis, Macken-
zie Presbyterian University, BR.
Costa, S. A. P. and Netto, M. M. G. (2015) “Fundamentos de morfologia urbana” (C/arte,
Belo Horizonte).
Portal do Bixiga (2019) Feira de Antiguidades (http://www.portaldobixiga.com.br/fei-
ra-de-antiguidades/) accessed 18 April 2019.
Fontes, A. S. (2012) Interven es tempor rias e marcas permanentes na cidade con-
temporânea”, Arquitetura Revista, Vol. 8, N. 1, 31-48 (http://revistas.unisinos.br/index.
php/arquitetura/article/view/arq.2012.81.05) accessed 2 June 2019.
Franco, F. M., rbara, F., Corullon, M., isconti, J. C., Rosenberg, J. P., Morettin, M., o-
géa, M., Wisnik, G. (2006) “São Paulo: redes e lugares. Representação brasileira na 10ª
Mostra Internacional de Arquitetura da ienal de eneza , Arquitextos, ol. 0 , No.
007.02 (https://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/read/arquitextos/07.077/307) accessed
23 July 2019.
Frúgoli Jr, H. (1995) “São Paulo: espaços públicos e interação social” (Marco Zero, São
Paulo).
Lefebvre, H. (2002), “A Revolução Urbana” (UFMG, Belo Horizonte).
Mumford, . (19 1) A cultura das cidades (Itatiaia imitada, elo Horizonte).
Paes, C. R. (1999) exiga e seus territ rios , Master thesis, University of S o Paulo, R.
Schneck, Sheila (2016) “Bexiga: Cotidiano e Trabalho em suas interfaces com a cidade
(1906-1931)”, Doctoral dissertation, University of São Paulo, BR.
Schramm, M. and Lima, B. A. (2005) “Captar o efêmero”, Arquitextos, Vol. 05, No. 058.11
(http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/read/arquitextos/05.058/495) accessed 03 July
2019.
Special Department of Communication (2017) Praça Dom Orione e escadaria do Bixi-
ga são revitalizadas (http://www.capital.sp.gov.br/noticia/acoes-de-zeladoria-fo-
ram-realizadas-em-uma-parceria-entre-a-secretaria-municipal-de-prefeituras-regio-
nais-e-a-comunidade-local) accessed 21 July 2019.

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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

Regeneration of Sanctuaries in Ancient Cities: Pergamon Example

zlem alc
Kocaeli University, Faculty of Architecture and Design, Department of Architecture,
Kocaeli, Turkey
[email protected]
Keywords: Mamurt Kale, Mother Goddess, sanctuary in the countryside, regeneration of
the natural sanctuary

Abstract

The generation of sanctuaries in ancient cities in archaic era was generally based
on an origin of a s eci c cult There were numerous sanctuaries devoted to the other
oddess cult which is common in Anatolia in the relevant era Those sanctuaries were
e tended and regenerated when they became more im ortant Pergamon is an im or-
tant e am le in this term amurt Kale Kybele Sanctuary locates in a lace close to Per-
gamon In this sanctuary which is thought to have a ritual ath connection with the city
eo le started to worshi the other oddess from th century B C The sanctuary was
e tended and regenerated after it gained im ortance At the rst stage, there were an
altar and a edestal where the scul ture of od was laced in this sanctuary In rd cen-
tury B C , a monumental tem le containing the edestal from earlier dates and a new
altar surrounding the older one were built New buildings related to the relevant cult and
the needs of the eo le visiting the sanctuary were continued to be built along with the
tem le A sanctuary devoted to the other oddess not only created an im ortant fo-
cal oint which have strong natural relationshi s, but also turned into a built-architecture
in time Contrary to the sanctuaries in the city, an e am le of a rural sanctuary created
an urbanization around itself ith this study, regeneration of the sanctuaries consisting
of natural factors and the urban substrata constituted through its transformation to a
structured architectural design were addressed and it was aimed to contribute to the
relevant research eld in this term

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 Introduction
Ancient cities were cities that belonged to god in addition to being sacred in their
own periods. Within the scope of this study, a sacred place related to the city but outsi-
de the city will be discussed and its regeneration over time will be examined. There are
many natural sacred places in Pergamon dedicated to the Mother Goddess cult inside
and outside the city. Two important natural sacred places within the city boundaries are
Büyük Kaya Sanctuary1 and Ilyas Tepe2. It is also estimated that there is a belonging cult
place dedicated to Meter Basileia on the top of the acropolis in the city and to Meter
Megale near the city walls (Ohlemutz 1940, p.183-185).

Natural Sanctuaries Around Pergamon

In the extra-urban area, there are three important sanctuaries; Kap kaya Sanctuary,
Molla Mustafa Tepesi and Mamurt Kale Sanctuary. The strong connection of Mother God-
dess with natural rocky areas and nature makes these sacred areas special. The goddess
is worshipped within or near a pure intact rock / nature piece. Kap kaya Sanctuary is a
cave located on the Pindasos Mountains (Kozak Mountains), northwest of the city, with
a water supply and rock ledge in front of it. A stepped altar and various niches were
carved into the rock. Cult rituals were probably performed around the cave and votives
were dedicated to the goddess. There are steps and niches inside the cave that are
thought to have cult statues. The finds captured in the area are dated to the rd century
C at the earliest (Nohlen and Radt, 19 ). Kap kaya Sanctuary is similar to the Mamurt
Kale Sanctuary in terms of natural cults. The Kap kaya Sanctuary has not undergone a
reconstruction as opposed to Mamurt Kale. This comparison is important to learn about
how it looked in the prehistoric period while examining the re-formation of Mamurt Kale.
Another extra-urban sacred place is located on the Molla Mustafa Tepesi, an extension
of the Kozak Mountains. In this sanctuary, niches carved on the rocks were identified
and a votive pit with fragments was found inside. In the terracotta pieces found, the
figures of the goddess sitting (sometimes in the naiskos, sometimes sitting on the throne
freely) are similar in terms of both iconographic and production techniques; this shows
that the sanctuary on Molla Mustafa Tepesi is a representative of Mamurt Kale in a pro-
vincial district (Ates 2014, p. 426-430). The common point of Molla Mustafa Tepesi, Büyük
Kaya Sanctuary and Ilyas Tepe Sanctuary is that they are directed to Mamurt Kale and
the pedestals, niches and thrones face towards Mamurt Kale. This suggests that there
is a considered relationship between the natural cult areas in Pergamon and that they
define a religious topography as well as defining a religious area within themselves (Ates
2014, p. 434).
The sanctuary of Mamurt Kale Kybele was founded in the 3rd century BC by the ruler
Philetairos, on Mount Aspordenon (Mount Yunt), in the southern east of Pergamon. It is
estimated that the Mother Goddess cult existed in this region before the temple was built.
Important information about the first form of the cult is obtained through the Kap kaya
Sanctuary. Kap kaya Sanctuary showed a modest development during the Hellenistic
Period; the finds from the area indicate that a cross visit was made from the city, and
people were camping around the temple and the holiday of the goddess was celebra-
ted with feasts and light festivals at nights (Radt 1978, p. 69; Radt 2002, p. 241-242). At this
point, it is possible that similar rituals for Kybele were performed in Mamurt Kale. After ta-
king control of Pergamon, Philetairos both maintained good relations with power holders
and preserved the country’s integrity by endearing himself to politically weak neighbo-
ring states. He definitely expanded the city with new walls and many sacred structures
were established by him. (Radt 2002, p. 27).
The Hellenes considered it as an assignment to adopt the sacred areas whose sancti-
ties go back to the pre-Hellenic period (Wycherley 199 , p. 0). The sanctuary in Mamurt
Kale also goes back to the pre-Hellenic period and it has turned into a built architectu-
re during this period, and cult traditions have been maintained. Wycherley defines the
qualities required to create the sanctuary in ancient times as the border and altar. The
surroundings of the piece of land, which has a natural or artificial sign to be devoted to
God, are marked by simple signs and border stones, or more impressively, the sides are

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 fenced or surrounded by walls for the protection of the sanctity of the place without
deterioration. In addition to the original qualities, a statue of God was placed or a temple
was built (Wycherley 1993, p. 81). Similarly, Cook3 states that an altar without a temple
or a statue of a deity nearby constitutes the early periods of the Greek beliefs, which is
also called aniconic period. In the first phase of the cult, rituals on behalf of God are per-
formed around this altar. With the transition to anthropomorphism, sculptures have also
joined the mountain cults. In the first phase where there was nothing but an altar, there
is now an altar and a god statue that has moved with it over time. In the last and third
phases, the altar and sculpture are located in a defined enclosed area (Cook 191 , pp.
117-121). Smith also describes the factors which are required for the cult of a substantial
god as an altar, cult sculpture and the temple containing this sculpture (Smith 2002, p.
65). In the example of the Mamurt Kale there was a peak that had been given a sacred
meaning and a pedestal which is thought to house an altar and deity statues in the first
phase of the cult. Over time, as the number of visitors to these sanctuaries increased, new
structures for the need were added and an urban regeneration occurred in the region.

The Sanctuary of Mamurt Kale

According to Strabon; there is a temple in the name of Meter Aspordene, the mother
of gods in rocky and barren mountains near Pergamon (Strabon, 13.2.6). This name co-
mes from Mount Aspordene, on which the cult area is located. The goddess is comme-
morated in this sacred area with a special title which is also the name of the mountain4.
This special area mentioned by Strabon is located on Yunt Mountain, which is approxima-
tely 1000 m high, and located about 30 km east of Pergamon.
Schuchhardt made the first visit to the region, and in 1 , plan of the building remains
was outlined. He was the first to realize that the region was the sacred place that Strabon
mentioned. Later, Philippson and Berlet visited the region during a business trip, and in
their work published in 1910, they gave information about the geography of the region,
and revealed that it was difficult to reach and idle. Herren Schazmann und Jacobsthal,
who worked in Bergama excavation in 1907, was asked to arrange an excursion to clarify
the situation in the region. During the excursion, a pedestal with an inscription was disco-
vered in the courtyard of the sanctuary and a plan showing the current situation was
provided. According to this plan, there is a horseshoe-shaped stoa created for people
who come to worship surrounding the ruins of the temple. All the structures in the region
are made of trachyte stone. In the light of the information obtained, the first detailed
study was initiated by Conze and Schazmann in September 1909 with the support of the
German Archeology Institute (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.5-6; Ohlemutz 1940, p.174).
On the western slope of the sanctuary, traces of settlements were found in an area
that is obviously the main entrance when coming from Pergamon, protected from the
northern winds. In another settlement near the main entrance, a wall corner ruin of Greek
character with good workmanship was found. When reaching the southeast end of the
sanctuary from the ancient road, there is a rough foundation mass; probably the cult
members stayed in the area at night (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.12).
The most important building defining the sacred area is the temple and altar dedica-
ted to Meter Aspordene. The construction area of the central courtyard, together with
the temple and the surrounding halls, consists of a 67 x 67 m square (Fig. 1). The courtyard
is not attened; its surface is rough. The foundation of the temple lies directly on the rock
ground (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.14-15). The foundation of the temple, which ex-
tends in the northeast-southeast direction, is shaped according to the slope of the land.
The Doric style temple rises above 4 steps; it is 9,60 m wide and 12,92 m long. The di-
mensions of the stylobate are .21 x 11. m. Some of the ooring stones are preserved in
situ, and the pronaos is 0.10 m below the cella. The pronaos is surrounded by the wall, not
by the columns (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p. 18, 19). Two columns between two an-
tes form the facade of the entrance. Although pronaos and cella are of similar depth, o-
or coverings are different. The oor stones in the cella are smaller in size (Fig. 2). Except for
one of the architrave blocks, it was found in their original place where they fell in front of
the temple facade. The inscription on the architrave seems like: (Conze and Schazmann
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 1911, p.20):
ΦΙΛΕΤΑΙΡΟΣ ΑΤΤΑΛΟϒ MHTPΙ ΘΕΏΝ
Attalos’ son, Philetairos, dedicated this to the Mother of the Gods.
Thanks to the stereobate and well-preserved dimensions of the architrave, the width
of the front facade of the temple was reached as 6.80 m (Conze and Schazmann 1911,
p.22). There is a triglyph - metope decoration on the frieze above the architrave.
The pedestal in Cella forms the basis of a cult image. The pedestal is older than the
temple and dates back to the 3rd century BC. It is thought that a cult statue in naiskos
was placed on this pedestal. Some of the pedestal was damaged in the construction of
the new temple, however, 1.34 m long above the step and 0.55 m high riser height are vi-
sible. At the same time, this pedestal is 1 m below the oor of the cella (Fig. ) (Conze and
Schazmann 1911, p. 28-30). In the depiction of the cult statue and naiskos, the fragments
of lots of terracotta in and near the temple provide important data. The restitution per-
spective of Conze and Schazmann is illuminating in this regard; the goddess, depicted in
naiskos, is on a throne.
It is estimated that this road was covered by the distribution of large at stones betwe-
en the temple and the altar; the connection of this ceremonial road of approximately 5
m is located at the lower step of the temple stairs. Before the temple was built, the base
and altar in this region belonged to the pre-Hellenistic period and was preserved after
the construction of the temple. The connection between the two liturgical elements was
given importance and connected by a ceremony. In the arrangement made during
the Philetairos period, the construction of a new and larger altar was accomplished and
old altar was also inside of it. The long side of the altar does not extend parallel to the
temple facade as usual, but is placed right-angled. This settlement was built on the basis
of the old altar (Fig. 2) (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.31). In the restitution drawing of
the old altar, the current state of the foundation can be seen. The natural stone under
the altar was untouched and only adapted by carving (Fig. 4) (Conze and Schazmann
1911, p.32). This suggests that this rock, as an aniconic item, may have been considered
sacred and therefore built on the old altar.
A square that covers the front of the temple and around the altar was formed by
enclosing its three sides with salons. The doors on the front walls of salons open to the
square. Hall walls are 0. 0 - 1.00 m thick and the outer surface consists of roughly worked
pieces. The hall in the north is intentionally made longer and stronger than in the south,
stretching one set of winds (Fig. 1). Pilgrims who come to worship and seek accommoda-
tion in big spring celebrations on behalf of the goddess are likely to be exposed to cold
weather / harsh mountain conditions (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.34-36).
Many small votive objects, souvenirs for pilgrims, figurines in terracotta were found
around the pedestal where the cult statue located is. The most common figures are de-
pictions of the temple goddess. ased on these figures, information was obtained on the
cult image in the temple. In these figures, the goddess is sitting on a pedestal, with long
hair, usually wearing a simple form header (polos), tympanum in her left hand, carrying a
presentation bowl in her right hand, depicted with one or two lions next to her or a small
lion in her lap (Conze and Schazmann 1911, Taf. I, II). There are also figures of the god-
dess on the lion (Conze-Schazmann 1911, Taf. XII-3) (Conze and Schazmann 1911, p.40).
Sculptures of sitting goddess, usually depicted with a lion, are available in any size up to
0 cm high (T pperwein-Hoffmann 19 , p. 9). The most commonly encountered attri-
butes other than the lion figure are tympanum, supply bowl and various animal figures.
In an interesting relief in Mamurt Kale, the goddess was depicted sitting on the throne
in an ion column naiskos; there is a tympanum5 in her left hand and a phiale6 in her right
hand. There is a lion figure on the left side; although it is not known exactly because there
is a fracture on the right side of the piece of terracotta, it is estimated that this is a similar
lion figure (T pperwein-Hoffmann 19 , p. 0, Taf. -A, Taf. - MK 1-MK 2). Two small
and almost fully preserved goddess figures sit on the throne and hold a tympanum in
her left hand (T pperwein-Hoffmann 19 , p. 1, Taf. - MK , MK ). In addition to these
examples, from C, terracotta goddess figures sitting on the throne were found (T pp-
erwein-Hoffmann 19 , p. 2, Taf. -MK 1 , MK 1 , MK 1 ). Two of the examples that have

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 reached to the present day as a whole are the figure of 2 women standing and playing
tympanum. These figures are likely to be the worshipers who played musical instruments
during the rituals of the goddess (T pperwein-Hoffmann 19 , p. , Taf. -MK 19, MK 20).
At the enthusiastic night festivals that were held in the light of torch in the wilderness
on behalf of the Mother Goddess, the goddess was worshiped by accompanying music
and rotating dances. These ceremonies in uenced not only the rural population but also
large cities such as Pergamon (Ohlemutz 1940, p.179). It gives an idea about these cere-
monies in the attributes seen in the goddess figures. For example, the tympanum attribu-
te, which we often encounter, indicates that the musical instrument was played during
these ceremonies, and the supply bowl which was held by the goddess also indicates
that libation ceremonies were performed.

Conclusion
The cult of Mother Goddess is a very old belief and deep rooted in Anatolia. Many
of the important cult areas where this belief is apparent are mountains or high peaks
considered to be the house of the goddess. At this point, the 1000 m high Mamurt Kale is
one of the important examples of urban regeneration as a cult area where the belief in
the Mother Goddess has continued for centuries. In the first phase of an out-of-city san-
ctuary, this area, whose material existence, consists of only an altar and cult sculpture, is
determined only by the boundaries of the land, is stratified with the architecture built in
the later stages of the cult. In the time of Philetarios, the temple, built in BC 5, this region
has developed with units serving the temple and various accommodation areas.
The importance of this region is that; this cult area has existed in nature, and in the
purity and peace of nature, cult rituals have been performed on behalf of the Mother
Goddess. For these special rituals, probably special trips were organized from cities to
this region. The importance of the region continued in the continuation of the cult, and
Philetarios, the ruler of the Attalos period, proved this importance by building a temple
on the old cult area. The continuity of the goddess cult allowed the sustainability of the
region in terms of architecture. After the temple was built, stoas were created for those
who came to worship. And even residential areas were created for officials. On the hill, a
stoa surrounding the temple and the remains of three residential areas are documented.
Pergamon - Mamurt Kale, which is an example of urban regeneration not only in urban
centers but also in an extra-urban area and even a sacred area, is an important exam-
ple for the literature.

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 Figure 1. Sketch of Mamurt Kale Sanctuary (Conze and Schazmann 1911, Taf. 1).

Figure 2. Ground plan of the temple and altar, reconstruction

(Conze and Schazmann 1911, Taf. 4).

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Figure 3. Section through the base of the temple andside view of the base of
the image of the god (Conze and Schazmann 1911, Abb. 7).

Figure 4. Altar (Conze and Schazmann 1911, Abb. 10).

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 Footnotes
1
Büyük Kaya Sanctuary is located on the eastern slope of the city of Pergamon. A sculp-
ture pedestal and pits were found carved into the rock in this area. The pedestal is thou-
ght to be a sitting god statue. For detailed information, see Pirson 2009, p. 152-154; Pirson
2010, p.145-150.
2
A rock throne where belief rituals were performed and the terracotta depictions of
Mother Goddess were found in Ilyas Tepe. For detailed information, see Pirson 2011; Ates
2014, p. 434.
3
The context of rock monuments, which are common in the Iron Age and thought to be
built for religious purposes, is primarily related to the Mother Goddess cult, later on the
Zeus cult and the monarch cult. There are many cults related to Zeus known as the “God
of Sky.” In connection with the sky, there are cults that are called by different names
regarding mountains, sun, moon, stars, earthquake, clouds, wind, rain, dew, meteorite,
thunder and lightning. Within the scope of study, in order to understand the origin and
evolution of the cults, Cook’s related source was examined and a similar relationship was
established between the cults. In the Mamurt Kale Sanctuary, the beginning of the cult is
formed by a statue pedestal and an altar dedicated to God on the top of a high moun-
tain. For more information, see. Cook, 1914.
4
Similary, it is memorialized as Meter Sipylene in Magnesia city, located in the foothills of
Mount Sipylos in Anatolia, Meter Gallesia on Mount Gallesion in Smyrna, Meter Ida on
Mount Ida, Meter Dindymene on Mount Dindymos in Kyzikos, Meter Sparzene around the
city of Sparza in Caria. (Roller 2013, p. 235).
5
A musical instrument used in cult ceremonies; tambourine.
6
A ceremonial bowl used to pour votive liquids in cult ceremonies; splayed bowl.

References
Ates, G. (201 ). Pergamon da Doga ve K lt. In Pirson F. Scholl A. (Ed.). A Hellenictic
Capital in Anatolia. (Istanbul: ap Kredi ay nlar ). pp. 22- .
Conze, A. and Schazman, P. (1911) Mamurt Kaleh. Ein Tempel der G ttermutter unweit
Pergamon, Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Arch ologische Unstitute Erg nzungs-
heft IX, (Berlin).
Cook, A. B. (1914) Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion Vol I (Cambridge, At the University
Press).
Nohlen, K. and Radt, W. (19 ) Kap kaya, ein Felsheiligtum bei Pergamon, Altert mer von
Pergamon XII. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter).
Ohlemutz, E. (19 0) Die Kulte und Heiligt mer der G tten in Pergamon (W rzburg).
Pirson, F. (2009) “Pergamon-Bericht über die Arbeiten in der Kampagne 2008”, AA 2009.
Pirson, F. (2010) “Pergamon-Bericht über die Arbeiten in der Kampagne 2009”, AA 2010.
Pirson, F. (2011) “Pergamon-Bericht über die Arbeiten in der Kampagne 2010”, AA 2011.
Radt, W. (2002) Pergamon: Antik ir Kentin Tarihi ve ap lar . (S. Tammer ev.) (Istanbul:
ap Kredi ay nlar ).
Roller, .E. (201 ) Ana Tanr a n n Izinde, Anadolu Kybele K lt . ( . Avun ev.)
(Istanbul: Alfa ay nc l k).
Smith, R. R. R. (2002) Helenistik Heykel (A. oltar ld r m ev) (Istanbul: Homer Kitapevi).
Strabon. Antik Anadolu Cografyas (Geographika: II- II- I ) (A. Pekman ev.) (Istanbul,
Arkeoloji ve Sanat ay nlar ).
T pperwein-Hoffmann, E. (19 ) Exkurs: Die Terrakotten von Mamurtkale. In Nohlen K.
Radt W. (Ed.). Altert mer von Pergamon II. ( erlin: Walter de Gruyter). pp. - 9.
Radt, W. (19 ) Der Grabungsbefund und seine Deutung. In Nohlen K. Radt W. (Ed.).
Altertümer von Pergamon XII. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter). pp. 69-76.
Wycherley, R. E. (199 ) Antik agda Kentler Nas l Kuruldu (N. Nirven- N. asgelen ev.)
(Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat ay nlar ).

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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

The Country Magnet - Garden Cities’ aesthetic background

Antonio Blanco Pastor
Universidad de Málaga, PhD student.
[email protected]
Keywords: Garden City / Rural and Urban Landscape / Rus in Urbe / Town Planning

Abstract

Since the beginning of the Garden City Movement, the British countryside represent-
ed the opportunity to create a model society, what led to carry on the aesthetic and
philanthropic tradition of building model townships in rural settlements, with the addition
of some urban patterns under the practice of ‘rus in urbe’. During the early eighteenth
century, that practice was developed by many aristocrats and architects, who imple-
mented rural features in the heart of cities, such as rede ning the nglish country house
and its gardens to create discrete upmarket environments. In this way, several cities like
London, Bath or dinburgh threaded this green yarn to mend the ga s between their
urban fabric and their surroundings, upgrading not only their urban landscape but also
triggering the re-imagining of town planning. In parallel with urban developments, sig-
ni cant rural landowners and industrialists rose new communities in the countryside to
re-settle their employees in an idyllic environment close to their workplace. From the
model village of the eighteenth century, until the industrial village of the late nineteenth
century, the rural landscape was the testing ground of aesthetes and philanthropists wor-
ried about the decay of social reproduction within cities. This work is a journey through
a historiographical and morphological analysis of British cities, towns and villages, which
gave rise to the evolution of the rst garden communities urban form, by combining
urban and rural patterns, as well as sowing the seeds of the Garden City Movement and
the beginning of the town planning practice in western civilization.

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 Introduction
The main aim of this work is to understand the spatial structure of the garden cities
through a historiographical research on their aesthetic background, which led to the
inception of their existing urban grain. Just like Howard summed up his manifesto as “a
unique combination of proposals” (HOWARD 1902, p. 71) according to the philanthropic
tradition of reforming the society in moral townships, the garden cities’ urban form comes
from multiple attempts of implementing rural aspects within cities or villages, whether to
frame bucolic landscapes or embody the spirit of place. In order to achieve that, the
layout of buildings had a double role, on the one hand as a means to outline the land-
scape and on the other hand as a means to perceive it. Following these precepts, during
the early eighteenth century, in Britain many aristocrats and architects upgraded urban
landscapes, whilst they were creating discrete upmarket environments in the heart of
metropolitan cities, taking as reference different interventions made in the countryside.
The practice of this kind of intervention in the heart of urban environments began in Lon-
don, redefining the English country house and its garden as echoes of rural methods of
enclosure in the city. In this way, the urban palaces as well as landscape gardens were
hereinafter the trigger of the re-imagining of town planning, through the practice of ‘rus
in urbe’1 (ARNOLD 2005).

Rus in urbe
One of the first projects on landscape gardens fostered by speculative developers
in the urban environment, which, at once, introduced the typology of urban villa, is Re-
gent’s Park (1809-1811) in London (ARNOLD 2005, p. 71). To transform the original farm-
land, the Surveyor General of London, John Fordyce, set up a competition in 1809 to
ensure the experiment of inserting rural landscape to the metropolis’ boundaries. John
Nash was successful in this competition, applying the same picturesque principles as
the rest of the competitors, such as tree-lined avenues, circle-shaped roads, big garden
squares, decorative lakes, villas and terraces, which were laid out in different manners of
distribution. Winding paths, hidden villas in the groves and water ornaments, composed
the rural informality of Nash’s plan and, in contrast, such imitation of the nature was fa-
ced with some iconic pieces of urban planning, such as the terrace house building with
crescent-shape and circus-shape. This curious morphological combination and dialo-
gue between natural and geometrical elements of planning, such as the crescent-sha-
pes, the picturesque garden, the tree-lined avenues, etc., represent some of the most
important and enduring aesthetic contributions to garden communities’ environmental
imagery. By this way, looking at the Figures 1, 2 and 3, quite similar crescent-shapes and
tree-lined avenues can be identified in 1 09 John Nash s first plan for Regent s Park, 1910
Ernest Prestwich s plan for Port Sunlight and 192 ouis de Soissons plan for Welwyn Gar-
den City.
The inception of these circle-shapes began to take part in town planning practices
after John Wood designed the Circus (1754-1768) and the Royal Crescent (1767-1774) in
ath, affecting urban developments later in time (e.g. Edinburgh s New Town). oth cur-
ved building systems, designed by Wood as an in uence of the Roman circus (MARCO
200 , p. 9), share the purpose of providing magnificent views towards the open spaces
from the house rows. Just like the Roman circus was designed in a curved-shape to see
the spectacle from peripheral rings of seats towards a unique central point, Wood desi-
gned these continuous terraced house buildings following the same synopticon model2.
This way, Wood ensured wonderful and wide views from each house towards common
garden landscapes, such as the enormous old plane trees within the Circus and the rural
landscape close to the Royal Crescent. However, in Regent’s Park, Nash included the
crescent in his plan not only to provide open views from the terrace buildings, but mainly
to use the crescent as a kneecap between the park and the city, through an omniop-
ticon3 experience from the terrace house buildings’ private spaces and from the linear
pedestrian ways and roadways from the public spaces like Regent Street. Along these li-
nes, garden communities’ architects used similar combinations of tree lined corridors and
crescen to set out a filter between the public space, composed by playgrounds, park

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ways and ower fields, and the private space, composed by groups of houses surroun-
ded by front gardens and surrounding inner gardens or allotments. Nevertheless, such
mentioned planning practices did not just belong to urban developments.

The planned village

Other examples of these public spaces can be surprisingly found in the planned vil-
lages of the eighteenth century, such as Lowther Village in Westmorland (1765-1773),
which had similar elements to the previously mentioned examples, despite being one
of the most incongruent urban designs in the middle of the countryside (SHARP 1946,
p. 30). Contrary to the Romantic practice of ‘rus in urbe’ headed by John Wood and
John Nash in the city, this development of houses for the landowner Sir James Lowther’s
labourers was a reproduction of ‘urbe in rus’ by the neoclassical architect Robert Adam.
The in uence of Classical Architecture in the original project is represented by the distri-
bution of houses using two Greek cross squares and a Circus square in the middle of both.
However, because the inhabitants of this settlement only needed around half of the
plan to provide 90 houses, only a half of such geometrical squares were built, following
subsequent demolitions of 30 cottages during the 19th century, which led them to build
a U square, a T square and a Crescent (see Fig. ). This incomplete project had the
shortcoming of being too geometrical in an epoch in which the trend of the image of the
homes in the countryside was composed by picturesque housing distributions rather than
rational distributions. Nonetheless, this example provided a different way of planning pu-
blic spaces between the houses in the future model villages, instead of simple rows of
cottages as in the first model villages of the early eighteenth century.
Small settlements in a poor relation between country palaces and their attached par-
ks were the early prototypes of model villages, such as Chippenham in Cambridgeshire
(1712), New Houghton in Norfolk (1729), Well Vale in Lincolnshire (1725), Nuneham Cour-
tenay in Oxford (1 1) or Milton Abbas in Dorset (1 -1 ) (DAR E 19 ). Among the
common features of these model villages, are rows of cottages with ample space and
enough amount of land to cultivate, churches, parks, lakes, schools and two of the main
social developments, which helped to cement the community: the inn and the shop
(SHARP 1946, p. 10). The row of cottages became the most compositional resource of
the first model villages and this rational distribution of cottages began to evolve when
landscape architects were required to design and plan small-scale rural communities
and their residential typologies for the working class (DAR E 19 , p. 10).
This way, the aesthetic effects of rebuilt villages as ‘roadside villages’(SHARP 1931, p.
48) (see Fig. 5) led to the search of a new concept of villages, the ‘Picturesque Village’,
changing the focus in landscape projects through a pseudo-haphazard distribution of
vernacular style houses. As a framework to achieve that, aesthetes such as Uvedale Price
set the basis of the Picturesque Village’s characteristics in contrast to the city, which are
intricacy, variety and play of outline (PRICE 1 9 , p. , my italics). In other words, the
structure and order of planning as well as the design of buildings should be expressed as
a simulation of a spontaneous and traditional community, establishing connections with
the principles of landscape gardens and the later urban parks. These connections and
inheritance over time regarding the practice of picturesque planning in urban and rural
settlements, lead us to emphasize again the figure of John Nash.
Simultaneously to the Regent s Park project, John Nash took part in planning the vil-
lage of Blaise Hamlet in collaboration with George Repton, both commissioned by the
landowner and Quaker banker John Scandrett Harford. Since the publication in 1794 of
the Essay on the Picturesque by Uvedale Price, there were many individual attempts
to achieve he aesthetics principles but just in isolated cottages in the countryside. In the
case of Blaise Hamlet (1810), thanks to the contribution of Harford and his architects to
provide a worthy retirement place for Hardford s elderly former employees, the project
of a small community of nine cottages did not become just one of the first philanthropist
projects of garden communities, but also, according to Nikolaus Pevsner, this group of
detached cottages is the nec plus ultra of Picturesque layout and design. English the-
ory about 1 00 had preached variety. Here is variety at its most varied (PE SNER 19 ,
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 p. 176). In 1810, John Nash and George Repton designed nine picturesque cottages,
evoking different vernacular styles of the regions, laid out in a square plot in a haphazard
way, with a surrounding common garden, which is the key of success of this project.
The inner insight from such common garden inherits the same sense of perception of
landscape gardens, multiplying the effects of depth, variety, surprise and complexity
of the space between the cottages, playing with the sense of public space with the
implementation of a sundial within the common garden (Fig. ). Every element, whether
a chimney, a roof, a porch, a shrub, a tree, a hedge, even a climbing plant was thorou-
ghly planned to simulate and reinforce the sense of rural community in an aesthetic way,
following the precepts of Price.
After Blaise Hamlet, bigger villages and towns implemented the principles of the last
model villages following the nature-worshipping tendencies of the Picturesque Move-
ment, as in the resort for the wealthy retired people of Bournemouth (1850), “where the
straight road was definitely taboo. Everything was to be natural, picturesque and roman-
tic” (SHARP 1931, p. 137). Bournemouth, as well as the previous villages, is composed mo-
stly by detached houses with gardens through haphazard roads, which aids to reinforce
the rural environment of the town, avoiding urban physical aspects such as squares, rows
of streets, circuses and crescents. In contrast, during the mid-nineteenth century, some
industrialists were more focused in the opportunities of the countryside for their workers
envisaging the residential area in the same way of back-to-back housing of cities, inste-
ad of encouraging the individuality of the natural microcosm for each employed.
Saltaire, located close to Bradford, was the last alternative of Sir Titus Salt to relocate
his alpaca wool factory in the countryside, far away from the pollution, after his unsucces-
sful attempts to encourage other factory owners to implement the device of the Rodda
Smoke Burner in each factory to alleviate the pollution of Bradford. He was an industrialist
worried about health problems triggered by the Paleotechnic Era aftermaths, which led
him to head the tradition of investing the industrial villages as new model villages to im-
prove the living conditions of the industrial workers and set the basis of repopulating the
countryside through industrial development, which was hereinafter taken as a reference
in other territories of the United Kingdom and overseas. This way, Salt not only grouped
his workers to carry on the production of his factory in a healthier site, but in addition
established an industrial community surrounded by nature. To develop such mixed use of
industrial and residential development, Salt commissioned two relevant local architects,
Lockwood and Mawson, who designed 560 homes, the mill, a church, a school, a lecture
hall and a park across the riverside to enhance the rural environment of the settlement.
Unlike the previous model villages and picturesque villages, Saltaire does not have many
private nor public garden pockets within its urban fabric of semi-detached houses, only
a few restricted green areas together public buildings such as the church or the school
and Robert’s Park as transition between the village and the countryside. Though the
urban environment at Saltaire of back-to-back housing is too contradictory for a rural
settlement, the most important contribution of this industrial village was the introduction
of more activities than the previous model villages to redesign the model village of the
nineteenth century, which are the industrial, residential and recreational developments,
sharing the same rural environment.

The suburban garden community

The green aspect on housing would not be implemented in industrial villages until
the end of the nineteenth century. Nonetheless, before industrial garden villages, such
a concept was experimented in suburban neighbourhoods of existing cities. After the
massive ribbons of houses in close formation surrounding parks, gardens, circuses and
crescents of rural urbanism at Bath or at the north-east of London (e.g. Regent’s Park and
Bloomsbury), during the second half of the nineteenth century, cities began to develop
other concept of rural urbanism, but in a private manner for property speculation.
Bedford Park (1877) at 5 km from London, developed by Jonathan Thomas Carr, be-
came the first garden suburb, setting the basis of low-density distribution of medium-si-
zed detached and semi-detached houses with gardens, following the precepts of the

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Aesthetic Movement and William Morris’s dreams that “people lived in little communities
among gardens and green fields, so that you could be in the country in five minutes walk,
and had few wants; almost no furniture for instance, and no servants, and studied the
arts of enjoying life, and finding out what they really wanted: then I think one might hope
civilization had really begun (MORRIS 1 ). Carr and his architects reproduced the first
physical example of suburban village life (see Fig. 8), creating community through nostal-
gic architecture, as prototypical attempts of Arts and Crafts designs.
Apart from the picturesque architecture of Bedford Park, the preservation of many
mature trees and its consequent organic and radial distribution from the station are some
of the physical features, which compose the ‘ad hoc nature of the planning’ (BUDWOR-
TH 2012, my italics), that architects of garden communities took as reference hereinafter
to lay out the planning of industrial garden villages and garden cities. Such connections
are the result of the recurring picturesque trend to represent in a revival manner regional
housing typologies surrounded by nature, evolving from the first model villages previously
mentioned until the Aesthetic Movement and the Arts and Crafts Movement. During the
last decades of the nineteenth century, London’s middle classes had acquired a taste
for these movements, through writers and artists, and they felt the urge to improve the
industrial environment of the city to return to preindustrial modes of production and living.
ecause of that, Carr commissioned Edward William Godwin, who was taking part in the
Aesthetic Movement, to plan and design the estate. Despite of the brief contribution
of Godwin, because of several critics regarding his first house designs in edford Park,
his successors Richard Norman Shaw, Edward John May and Maurice ingham Adams
achieved the picturesque effect that Carr had promised (GREE ES 19 , p. ). In addi-
tion to houses, Carr built a club, a church, an inn, some stores and a School of Art, com-
pleting the ingredients of a self-sufficient community far away from the city centre. Thank
to this, Bedford Park became the aesthetical prototype of the garden communities in
a suburban manner and encouraged to develop a more ambitious model of garden
communities across the territory, the industrial garden village.

The industrial garden village

The revival of model villages during the last nineteenth century carried on the phi-
lanthropic tradition of industrial villages as Saltaire thanks to industrialists like the Lever
Brothers and the Cadbury family, who founded the industrial garden villages of Port Sun-
glight in Merseyside (1889) and Bournville in Birmingham (1897), respectively. However,
such philanthropists were aware that they needed to strengthen the links between the
people and these new settlements through new aesthetic patterns, far away from urban
terraces of houses, which were “common, monotonous, repressive of individuality, sym-
bolic of slavery and uniformity, unworthy of civilized man (SHARP 19 1, p. 1 0).
“Houses in which’, said Lever in 1888 about his vision for Port Sunlight ‘our workpeople
will be able to live and be comfortable. Semi-detached houses, with gardens back and
front, houses in which they will be able to know more about the science of life than they
can in a back slum and in which they will learn that there is more enjoyment to life than
in the mere going to and returning from work, and looking forward to Saturday night to
draw their wages ( E ER 1 , p. 2). This way, the ever rothers encouraged the com-
munity to cultivate their own crops, do sport, go to church, play football or bowling, go
to school and reinforce the sense of community in parks and common gardens. Such a
programme of activities in specific spaces were laid out by ever s architects through
the principle of open development4 (see Fig. 9), used by Unwin and Parker fifteen years
later in Letchworth: large house-gardens, low density distribution, the use of detached,
semi-detached and demi-semi-detached typologies of houses and the situation of buil-
dings well back from the street, creating informal contraction and expansion of building
lines to avoid standardised ribbons of houses.
In 1910, Lever organised a contest at the Liverpool School of Architecture and Civic
Design to lay out a new plan for the village, since hitherto Port Sunlight’s houses were
surrounding geographic features as ravines and tidal inlets, which at that time were dam-
med, filled in and levelled (PSCMP 201 , p. ). Ernest Prestwich was successful in the com-
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 petition, proposing a radical geometrical plan composed by a cross-shaped tree-lined
corridors and a crescent surrounding the church. After such contribution of beaux-arts
designs, the re-imagining of Port Sunlight became a mix of picturesque vernacular ar-
chitecture surrounding bucolic dells and geometrical core planning, resulting in a still
perceived dual-level planning of rural and urban patterns (see Fig. 10).
In Bournville’s case, as well as in Port Sunlight’s, its development was the result of a pre-
vious plan to locate the factory close to the station, which was followed by a park across
the Bourn stream, recreation grounds for men and women, swimming pools, gymnasium,
libraries, baths, houses for workers and alms-houses for retired workers. Alfred Pickard
Walker laid out the first plan of the estate in 1 9 , following the Cadbury family s vision.
After a second sketch plan (Fig. 11) to lay out roads and houses on the former farming
lands of Five Gates Farm (in the north of the factory) and Bournbrook Farm (in the south of
the factory), Walker implemented a small grass triangle, which became the sketch plan’s
central element (HARRISON 1999, p. 37).
Unlike Port Sunlight’s longitudinal expansion of the original settlement, Bournville evol-
ved in a concentric way, surrounding the factory with more quadrangles of houses and
focusing the core of the village with a church, schools and shops in the boundaries of the
green village centre. Nevertheless, both cases share the same principles of ‘open deve-
lopment’, even the similar strategic position of their factories. Port Sunlight’s factory was
placed in the south of the settlement and Bournville’s factory in the northeast, because
of the prevalent southwest wind in summer, so the smoke of the chimneys would be
avoided and ensure an outdoor life season for the villagers (HAR E 190 , p. ). On the
other hand, instead of providing informality in the layout of housing, through contraction
and expansion along the roads like in Port Sunlight’s parkways, Bournville has beautiful
examples of informality mainly in junctions to achieve not just more distance between
houses, but a subtle perception of reception, thanks to the implementation of a village
green in front of each group of houses.
Previously to garden cities, William Alexander Harvey set the basis to lay out large pri-
vate garden-spaces or kitchen gardens on each dwelling to cultivate vegetables and
fruit trees (see Figure 12), instead of developing common grounds for crops, as happe-
ned in the inside of the Port Sunlight’s quadrangles. In any case, both industrial garden
villages planned the core of housing quadrangles to domestic operations, hidden from
the surrounding public space, following the precepts of the Arts and Crafts Movement
about recovering pre-industrial customs within the community.
Just like gardens and allotments are surrounding houses and cottages as a transition
between each other and the public space, the recreation grounds become transitio-
nal public spaces for adults between the factory and the houses, as well as the public
parks are transitional public spaces for children between the school and the houses. The
Cadbury family and their architects thoroughly planned each recreational area to be
settled across the daily ows of ournville s residents, reinforcing the synergies between
work, play and life. In this way, the workers are able to do sport when they are leaving
the factory, whilst children play together in the park, before both of them get home. Still
work, play and life. In this way, the workers are able to do sport when they are leaving
the factory, whilst children play together in the park, before both of them get home. Still
today, such recreational network is working, giving life to the heart of Bournville Village
throughout the day and providing picturesque landscapes of green areas anked by
community facilities, public buildings, houses and the factory, across the bucolic Bourn
stream.

Conclusion
The garden cities’ urban form is the result of a unique combination of urban and rural
examples of British cities, towns and villages, by combining the simulation of the traditio-
nal rural community in their residential areas and the magnificence of their public space.
The urban formality of their town centres comes from former urban examples under the
practice of rus in urbe, for perceiving and framing the rural landscape, as well as bringing
the nature to the core of the community and creating, in turn, a pleasant walk between

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the residential areas and the factory. The informality of their residential areas comes from
the picturesque village, by combining intricacy, variety and play of outline in the layout
of houses for simulating the traditional rural community within the town. The combination
of residential, recreational and industrial areas within the same settlement comes from
the experience of the industrial village. The implementation of private gardens, as well as
the preservation of existing mature trees comes from the suburban garden community.
And the use of the quadrangle as a residential unit with inner gardens, whether allotmen-
ts or recreational grounds, comes from the industrial garden village for reinforcing the
sense of community throughout the residential areas of the town. In short, such mixtures
of different aesthetic backgrounds were the result of several attempts of introducing
traditional rural aspects within urban and rural environments, as a chain of overlapped
revivals of rural imagery, which led to the inception of the garden cities’ urban form,
whether to frame bucolic landscapes or embody the spirit of place.

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 Figure 1. John Nash s first plan for Regent s Park, 1 09; 2. Erenst Prestwich s plan for Port
Sunlight,1911; 3. Louis de Soissons’ plan for Welwyn Garden City, 1922.

Figure 4. (from the right top to right) Lowther Village in Westmorland; 5. Milton Abbas in
Dorset; 6. Blaise Hamelt in Bristol.
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Figure 7. Saltaire in Bradford.

Figure 8. Maurice B. Adams’ map of Bedford Park at Chiswick.

Figure 9. 1910 Erenst Prestwich s plan for Port Sunlight.

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 Figure 10. 1910 Ernest Prestwich s sketch about his plan for Port Sunlight.

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Figure 11. 1897 A. P. Walker’s plan for Bournville; Figure 12. W. A. Harvey’s garden plan.

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 Footnotes
1
’Rus in urbe’ is the practice of simulating the countryside within the city, through gardens
or country houses.
2
Synopticon is a concept described by Thomas Mathiesen as a surveillance phenomena
where few control many.
3
Omniopticon is the combination of Panopticon and Synopticon effects, which are expe-
rienced at the same time.
4’
Open development’ is a planning concept, which was coined by Thomas Sharp in 1932
in his book ‘Town and Countryside. Some aspects os urban and rural development’.

Caption
Fig.1 - Cadell and Davies.
Fig.2 - Port Sunlight Village Trust.
Fig.3 - Welwyn Garden City Heritage.
Fig.4 - Illustrated by the author in 2019, through an aerial photo taken in 2017 by Simon
Ledingham.
Fig.5 - Illustrated by the author in 2019, through an aerial movie frame taken in 2019 by
the BBC.
Fig.6 - Illustrated by the author in 2019.
Fig.7 - www.victorianweb.org
Fig.8 - www.bedfordpark.org
Fig.9 - Port Sunlight Village Trust.
Fig.10 - ‘Civic Art. Studies in Town Planning, Parks, Boulevards and Open Spaces’ by Tho-
mas Mawson.
Fig.11 - The Bournville Society.
Fig. 12 - ‘The Model Village and its Cottages: Bournville’ by William A. Harvey.

References
Arnold, D. (200 ) Rural Urbanism: ondon andscapes in the Early Nineteenth Century
(Manchester University Press).
Budworth, D. W. (2012) ‘Jonathan Carr’s Bedford Park’ (Bedford Park Society).
Darley, G. (1975) ‘Villages of Vision’ (Architectural Press, London).
Harrison, M. (1999) ‘Bournville: Model Village to Garden Suburb’ (Phillimore & Co. Ltd).
Harvey, W. A. (1906) ‘The Model Village and its Cottages: Bournville’ (B. T. Batsford, Lon-
don).
Howard, E. (1902) Garden Cities of To-morrow (S. Sonnenschein Co., td, ondon).
Lever, W. H. (1888) ‘Port Sunlight Village’.
Marco, E. (200 ) The Hun of the Circus: The History of the Streetscape of the Circus, ath
(Planning Services, ath and North East Somerset Council).
Morris, W. (1879) ‘Making the Best of It’, a lecturer.
Price, U. (1 9 ) Essay on the Picturesque ol. II (Gregg, ondon, 19 1).
Pevsner, N. (19 ) The est uildings of England ( iking, Harmondworth).
Port Sunlight Conservation Management Plan 2018-2020. Chapter-2. ‘The History of Port
Sunlight’, 2018 (Port Sunlight Village Trust, Port Sunlight).
Sharp, T. (1931) ‘Town and Countryside: Some Aspects of Urban and Rural Development’
(U. P., Oxford).
Sharp, T. (1946) ‘The Anatomy of the Village’ (Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, Middle-
sex).

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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

in r nitie rom mor o o ie to o ne re in

of Public Space.
Greta Pitanti
“Sapienza” University of Rome, DIAP - Department of Architecture and Design, Rome.
Keywords: Mapping Urbanities, Morphology, Flows, Public Space

Abstract

What is the capacity of the built space mapping to reveal the forces at play responsi-
ble for the shape and modelling of urban space? How can mapping urban phenomena
extend our capacity to imagine space and therefore the possibilities of urban transfor-
mation? Starting from the ranks of theoretical thought to the study of “human/urban
behavior” set by Jacobs (1961) and Gehl (1987) up to the exploration of built space at
different scales of detail, the research intends to explore the power of mapping urban
phenomena as a method of investigation that opens new horizons in the exploration of
complex urban environments. Urban mapping is, in fact, a form of spatial knowledge
production that embodies a spatial logic that cannot be reduced to words and num-
bers. Rather, it allows the building of interconnections between the ways in which the city
is perceived, conceived and lived; and it can reveal multiple urban transformation ca-
abilities by de ning the city as a new s ace of ossibilities A focus will be laced on the
study of urban mor hologies and ows within the city by analyzing different case studies
where the understanding of the city is focused on identifying the relationships between
laces rather than on laces in themselves on transformations rather than ed forms
and on the multi-scale relationships of built space. The mapping of the urban structure
thus becomes a research tool, a practice through which we obtain a deeper under-
standing of how the city works and how it could be transformed through urban planning
and design.

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 Talking about “Mapping Urbanities” means trying to answer some questions. “What is
the ability of mapping to reveal the forces involved in shaping urban shape and space?
How can mapping extend urban imagination and therefore the possibilities of urban
transformation? “ The purpose of this research is try to demonstrate how, focusing on dif-
ferent urban scales, mapping can be understood as a method of spatial research that
opens new horizons in the exploration of complex urban environments.

Assemblage Thinking and the City: Implications for Urban Studies

In a first focus, the research approaches the study of urban morphologies and ows
through the definition of the Assemblage Thinking 1 through which it is possible to deve-
lop an understanding of cities that is focused on the relationships between places rather
than on places in themselves, on transformations rather than on fixed forms and on mul-
ti-scale relationships. As the authors Kamalipour H. and Peimani N. affirm in the publica-
tion “Assemblage Thinking and the City: Implications for Urban Studies“ : “Assembly can
be effectively adopted as a way of thinking in urban studies to provide a theoretical lens
for understanding complexity of the problems of the city, emphasizing the relationships
between sociality and spatiality at different scales.“ Reading the assembly concept of
Deleuze and Guattari (1987), we can say that the “Assemblage Thinking” concerns mul-
tiplicity rather than singularities, since the concept of “multiplicity and manifestations”
refers to the modalities of change and the “space of possibility”2. In a sense, exploring
the space of possibilities can become an interesting line of investigation in both theory
and practice, where the designer can benefit from the design as a research tool pro-
cess. Furthermore, the thinking of the assembly passes from the analysis of the parts to
the exploration of the relationships between the parts on different scales. In this way, it
can be adopted as an effective theoretical lens to understand complexity, where the
results are often unpredictable within the city3. This is, in fact, a focus on processes rather
than products. In a sense, it can stimulate the transition from a desire to focus on form to
an initiative to explore the possibilities of incrementalism, adaptation and temporality in
the city4. Starting from the relationship between sociality and spatiality at different urban
scales, before talking about mapping, it is necessary to carry out a historical excursus on
the research processes that led to gaining awareness on the importance of studying the
“contents” and not only the “container” of the city.

Assemblage Thinking and Urban Life Studies. An historical Overview

The first studies on public life come to light, although with different forms from tho-
se of today, with the birth of industrialization in 1850 and continue with the pinnacle of
economic growth and the strong expansion of construction in 19 0. In figure 1 we can
see a series of selected seminal works, divided by years, in which the theme of public
space is directly or marginally addressed5. Although studies on public life began much
later, in this bibliographical timeline the text of Camillo Sitte of 1889 “City Planning Ac-
cording to Artistic Principles appears as the author, among the first, writes about the art
of building cities and see the entire urban body as a work of art in which the building
interact. In the following segment, the first public life studies, a new academic research
environment for urban public life studies is established, which from 1960 to the mid-1980s.
There is also a third part, which chronologically goes from the second mid-80s until the
early 2000s, in which it is highlighted how studies on public life also involve environments
related to urban planning and politics, demonstrating the winning interaction between
studies of human behaviour and urban behaviour. Finally, there is the last period from
2000 until today, in which the study of urban public life takes an increasingly direct and
necessary way to solve the problems of the city of the 21st century. All these texts define
the field of urban planning in general, including the field of studies on public life. The line
of inspiration, highlighted here, however, shows books that, although not directly part
of the theory of urban life studies, demonstrate that they are closely connected to the
theoretical foundations that defined the theme. These books have had a direct in uen-
ce on the education of the sector, as a source of inspiration for the different academic
approaches. Among the most important texts that mark the field of studies on public life

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we must therefore highlight that of the sociologist Jane Jacobs “The death and life of the
great American cities” (1961) who wrote numerous observations on urban public life in
her neighborhood, Greenwich Village of New York City, “Life Between Buildings” (1971)
by Jan Gehl who, as an architect, among the first directed his analysis and design studies
to understand the life of public space, and finally, two famous texts Social life of small ur-
ban spaces “(1980) by William H. White and” A Pattern Language “(1977) by Christopher
Alexander which are united by the ability to explore the built space at different study
scales. These texts confirm the presence of an Assemblage Thinking in the theoretical
foundations of these authors, who, among others, experience the need to provide the-
oretical and methodological frameworks to explore the complexity of the problems of
the city through which urbanity emerges in relation the intricate socio-spatial networks
placed on the various investigation scales. The next step, in this process of identification
of the meaning of Mapping Urbanities , therefore leads us towards the definition of a
true “epistemology of mapping”.

“Epistemology of Mapping”
To define this epistemology of mapping we can start by answering a series of que-
stions, reconnecting to those asked at the beginning of this intervention. What is the
meaning of Mapping Mapping can be defined as a production of spatial knowledge
that embodies a schematic logic that cannot be reduced to words and numbers.6 Spe-
cifically, mapping builds interconnections between the ways in which the city is percei-
ved, conceived and lived and can reveal the capacity for urban transformation: the city
as a space of possibilities. A map is a graphic representation of the spatial arrangement
and distribution of a territory; a lens through which we see the city. Maps are therefore,
at the same time, social products and tools for the social construction of cities. But how
can “Mapping” be used as a search tool? Mapping can be understood as a practical
tool for urban research through which researchers and professionals gain a deeper un-
derstanding of the city and how it could be transformed through urban planning and
design. Spatial detection tools such as GIS, for example, in recent years have allowed
a considerable proliferation of the different types of research maps used, above all, to
analyse and rethink the various aspects of urban space, producing, in fact, tools for
comparative morphological analyses. Here the cartographic interface is used to extract
and juxtapose different layers of spatial data - for example material, social, environmen-
tal, economic and political - constructing in fact, multilayer maps that analyse the ter-
ritory on multiple scales: Assemblage Thinking. Mapping therefore has a fundamental
role in understanding the complex relationships between spatiality and urban sociality,
in a dimension of understanding the alliances, synergies and symbiosis of the city. So,
what does “Mapping Urbanities” mean? Mapping urbanities therefore means placing a
“schematic and assemblage thinking” at the basis of the reasoning, which goes well with
urban thinking, showing the ways in which a city works. Thanks to the work of some of
the aforementioned theorists, such as Sitte (1889), Alexander (1965), and Jacobs (1961)
it was possible to develop a practical method of intervention on the city, according to
the forms of “schematic and assemblage thinking”. The assembly of layers of data on
the map therefore introduces particular ways of seeing the city. This implies making the
invisible visible: data that cannot be captured by the senses become visible on the map.
For this reason, researchers such as Dovey K., Pafka E., and Ristic M., have developed an
urban analysis strategy called “urban DMA”7, through which analyse the city according
to parameters of: Urban density, Functional Mix (of land use), and of Accesses, intended
as ows of movement within the urban space. When we talk about urban DMA , we talk
about the density of buildings in a city, the way people and activities are mixed together
and the urban accesses or transport networks that we use to navigate through the built
space. Like biological DNA, “urban DMA” does not determine results, but establishes
what is possible, according to intrinsic characteristics8. Here they become a conceptual
triangle of connectivity, co-operation and concentration, mapped on multiple scales
from the single building to the metropolis. (Figure 2) What is important in this phase, the
refore, is not only to understand the different ways in which urbanities are mapped, but
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 to understand the potential of each of these elements through multi-scalar investigation.

“Urban Flows of Movement”

Specifically, the theme of Access in the Urban DMA opens us to an important chap-
ter in the mapping of urbanities and introduces us to the theme of the “Urban Flows of
Movement”, exploring the ways in which the “Assemblage Thinking” involves a shift of
attention from things in itself to the ows between them; from objects and forms to pro-
cesses, from synergies to interconnections; from order points to lines of movement and
becoming. In fact, with the mapping of movement ows, the links between the daily
and weekly rhythms of a given urban space are explored on one side, on the other, the
morphological properties of density, permeability, particle size and functional mix. The
maps and diagrams show that the overlapping of daily habits and routines, with the
mechanical micro-rhythms of the transport systems, all mediated by the urban form and
functional mix, lead to defining specific polyrhythms of a given place9. We can therefore
say that the mapping of movement ows informs us of how a space( city, neighbourho-
od, public space) is used. They make known the “value” that the various citizens-users
give to that area, the meaning it assumes within daily life and the role it plays within its
context (urban, economic, social). Knowing how to read and combine the data deriving
from the analysis of ows, it is possible to obtain a very wide range of information capable
of guiding the possibilities / needs of transformation of a given space in order to better
correspond to the needs of its users. Information that is very useful both in the orientation
of economic and social strategies that in urban regeneration interventions.

Case Study: “Trafalgar Square” - Norman Foster And Space Syntax

The relationship between pedestrian movement and road networks has been explo-
red, among others, through Space Syntax’s research that maps topological measures of
network integration. The case study that I bring to the attention is in fact, the first case of
reading and Project of the public space through the Pedestrian Movement Flows and
concerns the redevelopment project of the area between Trafalgar Square and Par-
liament Square in London, by Space Syntax and Norman Foster for the “World Square
Project” (1996-1998). The redevelopment project of Trafalgar Square was obtained by
analysing the urban movement ows counted manually by the Space Syntax team, with
the aim of analysing access to the square and the relationship between pedestrian and
vehicle movements in order to obtain, through expert choices design, an improvement
in the perception of historic buildings in the area, enhancing public transport and incre-
asing the quality of urban life. The analysis of pedestrian movement ows has identified
a general congestion in the urban area, with non-existent access for pedestrians, which
favoured “illegal” and dangerous road passages. With this image (Figure 3), Foster at the
“Space Syntax First International Symposium” in London, showed how, a design based
on the study of urban pedestrian movement ows, can really regulate the use of urban
space in relation to its use, giving evidence of how the mapping tool is, to all effects, an
excellent design tool, analysing and designing the “urban container”, passing through
the “content”10.

Conclusions
In conclusion, we can therefore say that the mapping of movement ows is an effecti-
ve tool that puts the information obtained by reading the urban fabric into a system, gi-
ving order and hierarchy to the Mapping Urbanities . The ows constitute that summary
indicator that brings us back to the values of nodality and antinodality present in the
urban fabric, declaring in fact relationships and synergies of the city, alive in its urban and
social part. The reading of ows is therefore a new guiding tool for addressing all urban
strategies, as well as a tool for measuring and evaluating public space, effective both in
terms of a new project and much more in existing contexts, thus becoming an effective
indicator for the urban project.

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Figure 1. Seminal works relating to urban life studies

Figure 2. Urban DMA

Figure 3. Comparative image of urban life before and after the design hypothesis in the
case study analyzed in Trafalgar Square by Space Syntax and Norman Foster.

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 Footnotes
1
In this investigation, the role of mapping in understanding complex relationships
between spatiality and sociality of the city is based on a way of thinking about urban
space that can be defined as AssemblageThinking , developed mainly by Deleuze and
Guattari in the book “A Thousand Plateaus” (1987). Assemblage Thinking is a relationship
research practice rather than simply looking at things, trying to understand how urban
alliances, synergies and symbioses work.
2
Reference from “A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Com-
plexity”, by Manuel De Landa, 2005.
3
Reference from “Assemblage Thinking and the City: Implications for Urban Studies”,
by Hesam Kamalipour and Nastaran Peimani, 2015
4
Reference taken from “Mapping Urbanities: morphologies, ows, possibilities , by Kim
Dovey, Elek Pafka and Mirjana Ristic, 2018
5
The bibliographic timeline was extracted from the book “How to Study Public Life”, by
Jan Gehl and Birgitte Svarre, 2013
6
Definition of mapping from the text Mapping Urbanities: morphologies, ows, possi-
bilities”, by Kim Dovey, Elek Pafka and Mirjana Ristic, 2018
7
The concept of Urban DMA was defined by Kim Dovey in the text Urban Design
Thinking A Conceptual Toolkit (2016). Big cities and neighborhoods always have a parti-
cular type of urban intensity - what we might call the “character”, the “buzz” or the “at-
mosphere” that emerges over time. Although unique in many respects, large cities also
have some things in common. One way to understand these properties is to think of the
“urban DMA” of a city: its density, its functional mix and its accesses.
8
The comparison between “Urban DMA” and “Human DNA” is present in the text
Mapping Urbanities: morphologies, ows, possibilities , by Kim Dovey, Elek Pafka and
Mirjana Ristic, 2018
9
From “Schematic Thinking” to “Assembling Thinking”. Kim Dovey, Elek Pafka and
Mirjana Ristic’s theories on Mapping and “Assembly Thinking” in “Mapping Urbanities:
morphologies, ows, possibilities , by Kim Dovey, Elek Pafka and Mirjana Ristic, 201
10
Image and reference obtained from the publication of Sir Norman Foster’s Opening
Address at the Space Syntax First International Symposium, London 1997

References
Dovey, K., Pafka, E., Ristic, M., (201 ) Mapping Urbanities: morphologies, ows, possibili-
ties, Edited by Kim Dovey, Elek Pafka and Mirjana Ristic. New York, NY: Routledge
De Landa M., (2005) A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Com-
plexity, Continuum International Publishing Group, London
Deleuze G., Guattari F., (1980, Trad. Eng. 1987) A Thousand Plateaus, University of Minne-
sota Press, Minneapolis
Jacobs, J., (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Random House, NY
Gehl, J., (1971, Trad. Eng. 1987) Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space, Island Press,
Washington | Covelo | London
J. Gehl and B. Svarre, (2013) How to Study Public Life, Island Press, Washington - Covelo
- London
Hillier, B., Hanson, J., (1984) The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge University Press
Dovey, K. (2016) Urban Design Thinking, London: Bloomsbury.
Farias, I. and Bender, T. (2010) Urban Assemblages: How actor-network theory changes
urban studies, London: Routledge
Kamalipour, H., and Peimani N., (2015) Assemblage thinking and the city: Implications for
urban studies. Current Urban Studies 3 (4), pp. 402-408.

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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

A green legacy: the transformation of eighteenth century parks

into the new British universities of the 1960s
Marta García Carbonero
Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, ETSAM - Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectu-
ra, Madrid
Keywords: British architecture, cam us, university, landsca e, university city, Tth century
arks, heritage landsca es

Abstract

The need to expand the access to higher education in Britain after World War II led to
the extension of a number of existing colleges and to the creation of seven new universi-
ties within a Kilometer radius around London Since the nancing body, the University
rants Committee, asked for these new universities to be on the outskirts of e isting towns
-to allow for e ansion- and to rovide a site of at least acres around hectares ,
many romoting committees resorted to e isting eighteenth century arks, which were
no longer ro table as agrarian estates or had become too close to the urban realm In
their academic rogrammes, the new universities of the s aimed at breaking with
the ast with a multidisci linary a roach that was re ected in its ground-breaking ar-
chitecture owever, the fact that the university sites were fre uently landsca e arks
with mature tree structures was acknowledged uite differently by architects and land-
sca e designers in each case This a er e lores how eighteenth century arks were
transformed to host a new use, a larger scale and a higher density, analyzing which
features were retained and what role these inherited landscapes assumed in the overall
image of the new universities.

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 After World War II, British authorities became aware of the need to open up its system
of higher education in order to regain its international leadership in the technological
and scientific fields. The elitist university tradition represented by Oxford and Cambridge
was to give way to a more democratic system that aimed at granting access to all tho-
se qualified by merit. Several colleges were promoted to university status, while seven
universities were created anew within a 250 Kilometer radius around London (Muthesius,
2000). These were the universities of East Anglia, Essex, Kent, ancaster, Sussex, Warwick
and ork and were soon branded as the plateglass universities for their modern archi-
tecture ( eloff 19 ). This modern architecture was to represent the new teaching pro-
grams that strived toward a multidisciplinary aproach. Promoted through the University
Grants Committee, the new universities were to be established near existing towns on lar-
ge plots of land to eventually allow for further expansion. Since the minimum size was of
about 0 hectares, former eighteenth century landscape parks were often the most sui-
table sites for the task, their green features providing a mature landscape from the very
start. However, this green heritage was acknowledged quite differently by architects
and landscape designers in each case. This paper explores how the surviving features of
eighteenth century parks were involved or excluded from the university schemes and to
what extent they became representative of these new institutions. For this purpose, the
grounds of the University of East Anglia, the University of Sussex and the University of Essex
will be examined and compared.

British eighteenth century parks: elements and systems

Eighteenth century landscape parks are one of ritain s most outstanding contribu-
tions to Western culture. As part of large rural estates, they integrated cattle husbandry,
agriculture, forestry and many other rural tasks into a comprehensive work of art that syn-
thetized the ritish landscape as a symbol of cultural identity. From 1 00 on, they evolved
from the more formal schemes of the baroque to free compositions of trees, lawns and
lakes that codified the elements of the English landscape. Their winding paths, serpentine
streams and undulating slopes epitomized the ideals of the new society that ourished
after the Glorious Revolution under a parliamentary democracy. Thrust by the economic
bounty of colonial expansion and by the principles of the Enlightenment, a liberal gentry
–mainly based in the countryside- emerged, striving toward cultural independence from
the continent. The English countryside was praised for its beauty but also as the symbol
of a free-thinking nation.
Around 1 0 the English countryside was to undergo major changes in its appearan-
ce. The Industrial Revolution introduced large-scale transformations in the transportation
systems, mainly hard-surfaced roads and canals, while factories increased their scale
and presence in the urban and rural profiles. Additionally, the so-called Enclosure Acts
that transformed the commons into private property helped to establish larger estates
that could be managed more efficiently. The open fields and winding dust tracks of the
previous century gave way to a pattern of large plots where the technical and scientific
findings of the time were put into practice (Steenbergen and Reh, 199 ). Along with im-
proved plough types (Tull, 1 1), fertilizing and draining techniques, a new system of crop
rotation was put into practice, which resulted in an extraordinary increase in crop yields
(Martins, 1990). Instead of yearly alternating cultivation with fallow, a rotating system was
used to grow wheat, turnip, barley and clover to raise fertility and diminish plagues. Thus,
country estates became increasingly attractive as an investment and income source,
but also as theatres where national pride, Enlightenment ideals and a new aesthetic
could be displayed.
These country properties were consequently improved, their gardens now becoming
part of a system that stretched over the whole estate. Their boundaries were initially out-
lined with fast-growing plantings such as hawthorn, but they were soon replaced by sun-
ken fences or ha-has: large ditches often overgrown with bramble and other thorny spe-
cies to prevent animals and intruders from entering the grounds but allowing to enjoy the
distant views. The garden became a park that merged with the surrounding landscape.
Along with native, deciduous trees such as oak, elm, beech or hornbeam, the country s

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colonial expansion and the owners fondness for the Grand Tour helped to introduce
new species that often contrasted against this background. Within this setting, the park
was no longer a painting to be contemplated from the house but a three-dimensional
work of art to be experienced in movement. It was often organized around two types of
circuits, a walk closer to the house, which usually gathered the more symbolic elements
of the garden into scenes or thematic percourses, and a more extended trail stretching
over the whole property, which was to be toured by horse or carriage. Often, a ha-ha se-
parated both circuits, so as to prevent deer and cattle from coming close to the house,
while visually linking the garden with the distant views.
eaving behind the geometrical control of the land of French aroque gardens, the
vast space within ritish enclosures was structured by carefully placing the trees. Thus,
belts defined losely connected glades where copses and single trees would outline spa-
tial layers at different intervals building an pictorial perspective, like in the landscape
paintings of Salvatore Rossa or Claude orrain. The house and some other pavilions would
accentuate this scenery in an irregular, asymmetrical way, while dams transformed small
streams into lakes mostly connected to the main house by a sloping lawn. Dynamic per-
spective and uid space were tested in these eighteenth century parks well before these
issues were translated into architecture.
During the following century, growing industrialization shifted the sources of economic
production toward the urban realm with country estates entering a period of slow de-
cay. Many of them were to find an abrupt end during both World Wars, when gardens,
fields and forests were requisitioned for military purposes and urban expansion threate-
ned to engulf the once idyllic retreats.

The park revisited: University of East Anglia

This was the case of the Earlham Estate on the outskirts of Norwich. Placed on high
ground overlooking the River are, it comprised some 0 hectares of land around a hou-
se to the west of the city centre, along the southern ank of Watton Road.
A manor house seems to have existed on the premises since the sixteenth century,
which was subsequently transformed and extended with two perpendicular wings a cen-
tury later. y the end of the eighteenth century, the house and its grounds were leased
to the Gurneys, a family of bankers that rented the property until the early twentieth cen-
tury. They transformed the property into an agrarian estate with pleasure grounds and a
park (Hogget and Williamson, 200 ).
The main access was placed on Watton Road with a carriageway anked by what
was probably a wilderness, an ornamental wood which was depicted in a sketch by
Humphrey Prideaux of c. 1 2 . The area around the house was laid out as a pleasure
garden, a rectangular precinct surrounded by a ha-ha featuring a wooden fence along
its baseline to keep livestock away, as a painting by Mrs. F. Cunningham shows (Cunnin-
gham, n. d.). To the south, these pleasure gardens consisted of an open expanse of lawn
anked by shrubs and trees mainly oak and larch- so as to frame the views onto the
river. According to William Faden s county map of 1 9 , the park seems to have spanned
initially form the ha-ha almost to the river course but an important part to the south was
later transformed into arable fields with occasional clumps and groves of trees, as well as
pits for the extraction of gravel or marl. This more utilitarian part of the estate continued
to be part of the landscape to be contemplated from the pleasure gardens as a ferme
orn e, a farm designed for utility and beauty (Jellicoe 1991: 1 ). This visual link between
the park and the fields would become obstructed in the second half of the nineteenth
century, when a tree belt segregated the park from the farmland, as the Ordinance Sur-
vey Map of 1 shows (figure 1).
The estate was finally sold to the Norwich City Council in 192 and 120 hectares of far-
mland were turned into a municipal golf course between 19 2 and 19 (Golf s Missing
inks, n.d.). elts of coniferous trees were planted then to organize the grounds in parallel
fairways and greens descending in bands from the park s southern tree belt down to the
River are. It was in this part south of the Earlham Park where the University of East Anglia
would eventually be located.
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 The golf course was closed in 19 so the grounds could host Denys asdun s desi-
gn for the University of East Anglia. A former World War II airfield builder, he started by
exploring the grounds by foot and helicopter so he could grasp the spatial structure of
the site (Hairwood, 201 : 2 1). He summarized his impressions on a plan entitled Physical
Factors , where he registered the features he was willing to keep and the views he found
relevant ( asdun, AR D PA 212 / ( )). The tree belt that once separated the park from
the farmland was now to become the backbone of the new teaching facilities, while
the residential ziggurats followed the contours of the terrain sloping down to the river. He
further retained a former marl pit that had already been depicted in maps since the ni-
neteenth century. His first idea was to turn it into an open-air rostrum. The ziggurats would
dialog with the undulating banks of the river.
The postwar urge to provide access to higher education for a greater section of the
population, lead both promoters and architects to concentrate on the architecture of
these new universities (Muthesius, 2000). However, asdun acknowledged the beauty
of the site and asked for a landscape designer to collaborate in the planning. renda
Colvin, who was already acquainted with the large-scale commissions of the postwar,
such as reservoirs, power stations or new towns (Gibson, 2011), was called in when the
initial building scheme had already been established, but she further emphasized the
distinct character of the ecosystems on the site: the tree belts on the high ground, the
fields sloping south toward the river, the marshland on its banks. She kept a hedgerow
probably a former field boundary- as a screen separating the southern slope from the
marshland and the marl pit in its natural state (Colvin, 19 ), while she, together with her
partner Hal Moggridge, piled the excavated earth from the building works next to it, so
as to provide a prospect overlooking the whole estate (Colvin and Moggridge, 19 0,
AR CO DOI 1/2/21). She further planned to transform a section of the river into a road,
a shallow lake which is typical of the Norfolk region, usually originated from peat and
gravel extraction. This was finally realized at a slightly different position by Rosamunde
Codling, a landscape designer who worked for ernard Feilden, the architect who took
over the university planning after asdun left in 19 . The road put a visual end to the
span of grass that connected the buildings with the river and became the focal point of
the whole ensemble. Codling also used the hedgerow to outline its northern bank and
she recovered another feature from the previous estate: a copse which was to be seen
in plans since at least 1829 and that was now to preside over the main square of the
new university (Codling, c. 19 0s, UEA COD). The architect and the landscape designers
retained relevant features of the previous landscape and supplemented them with new
ones to reinterpret the typical arrangement of the eighteenth century park the tree belt,
the mound, the house, the lawn and the lake- for a larger scale and a new use; one that
looked up to the future without forgetting the past.

A tree belt structure: University of Sussex

A similar understanding of the inherited landscape was shown by architect Basil Spen-
ce and landscape designer Sylvia Crowe when inserting the new headquarters of the
University of Sussex within the former Stanmer estate from 19 9 on (Spence, 19 ). The en-
clave was part of the South Downs in southern England, a landscape of soft, turf-covered
hills where sheep graze among occasional woods and hedgerows. Of medieval origin,
Stanmer was included in the Domesday ook (10 ) and described as one of the most
important estates around Brighton, but it was to live its heyday in the eighteenth century,
when the Pelham family bought the medieval hamlet and added further properties to
it. A neopalladian house was built in the 1 20s by French architect Nicolas Dubois, who
added the gardens around the house and larger scale landscaping, water courses, a
bowling green and a walled kitchen garden ( righton Hove 2010: ). The grounds were
subsequently transformed in the 1 0s as an ornamental farmland featuring strategically
placed trees, clumps and belts to esthetically improve the views. Placed at the head of
one of the dry valleys that cross the area in a northwest-southeast direction, the prospect
was framed by the soft parallel slopes which are topped by woodland.
Stanmer village was further extended during the nineteenth and early twentieth cen-

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turies and the estate remained in the hands of the Pelham family until it was requisitioned
in 19 2 by the war office. It was sold to the righton Corporation in 19 to provide recre-
ation space for the city in prevision of urban expansion (Gray, 2011). About a decade
later, a section to the east of the estate was allotted to host the University of Sussex in
a dry valley running parallel to the one where Stanmer House was placed. oth valleys
were separated by Richmond Hill, a long ridge covered by woodland. A hedgerow at
the bottom of the eastern valley and a belt on top of the next ridge further enhanced
the topography of the site. This inherited tree structure in parallel bands running in a nor-
th-west to south-east direction was to become the articulating device for the campus
future development (figure 2).
From 19 9, the new university was organized as a cluster of independent brick buildin-
gs mostly featuring patios as a modern version of the Oxford quad-, which were loosely
arranged around a green core at the base of the valley, with the wood on the western
ridge and the tree belt on the eastern ridge performing as visual screens that channeled
the views to the south. The hedgerow at the base of the valley was to become the green
spine that connected the public core with the more domestic realm of the student dor-
mitories, which were placed further north (Spence, 19 ). Another feature of the former
estate, the so-called Russell s Clump (OS -inch, 1 ), was used to visually counterbalan-
ce the long volume of the ibrary, which anked the main core half way up the western
slope. y incorporating previous green features into the new scheme both designers put
into practice what Sylvia Crowe had promoted in her seminal book Tomorrow s andsca-
pe (Crowe, 19 ). In this text, she claimed that universities and other large-scale postwar
structures were not to be concealed but integrated into the existing landscape, so they
could harmonize with the overall pattern. This sensitive attitude toward the landscape of
the Downs has conferred the campus with a sense of place that is still to be felt despite
the university s further extension.

A green backdrop: University of Essex

Unlike these landscaped schemes, the University of Essex opted for an urban layout
that reinterpreted the traditional quads at Oxford and Cambridge in a modern way.
The starting point was again an eighteenth century park, the Wivenhoe Estate, located
some km east of Colchester, on the opposite side of the River Colne. Stretching over a
plateau overlooking the river, the site was cut by a small valley where the central axis of
the university would eventually be laid.
The history of the estate can be traced back to 1 , when a first property was ini-
tially acquired by the Rebow family and subsequently enlarged by further purchases. A
mansion was erected on the grounds by architect Thomas Reynolds around 1 9, while
the site was improved by Richard Woods in the 1 0s to the taste of the time. It was then
when the boundaries were outlined with tree belts, and the pleasure grounds laid out on
the southeastern front of the house and separated from the surrounding deer park with
a ha-ha. On the opposite side of the house, a series of dams were built in order to tran-
sform the brook into two lakes. A third one was planned but it was not realized, in an area
which was occupied by a walled kitchen garden. Richard Woods designed a grotto, a
canal and a fish pond and cleared a lawn to connect the house with the water (Feesey,
19 ). It was this landscape that was depicted by John Constable in Wivenhoe Park,
Essex in 1 1 (figure ).
The park was to undergo major changes along the nineteenth century, when from
1846 further farms were bought to enlarge the estate westward, and evergreens were
planted in the park and roses in the garden. y the 1 0s, the railway line severed the
estate from the River Colne banks. It was later sold to the Gooch family in 1902, who kept
the property as it was until it became an army exercise camp during World War II. The
remains of the park were cultivated and turned back for pasture after the war until they
were sold in 19 1 to locate the University of Essex headquarters.
The scheme for the university was the outcome of the close interaction between Vi-
ce-Chancellor Albert Sloman and architect Kenneth Capon of The Architect s Co-Part-
nership. They both opted for an urban model despite the fact that the site was still well-
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 away of the city and it kept its country seat air to a great extent (Sloman, 19 ). The
valley sloping down from the lakes on the plateau to the River Colne was occupied by
the university s services, on top of which a series of five platforms was built. Surrounded
by buildings hosting the different departments, the platforms became a sequence of
enclosed squares at different levels with cafés and restaurants that provided the atmo-
sphere of an academic town even when classes were over. Flanking this urban spine on
both sides, a series of towers would host the student ats. As it was often the case, a land-
scape architect started to collaborate once the architectural layout had been fixed.
Michael rown, an architect who had studied environmental design with Ian McHarg
at the University of Pennsylvania analyzed the site and delivered a landscape proposal
that tried to improve the climatic conditions of squares and courtyards, while attempting
to conceal the carparks from view ( rown, 19 a and 19 b). However, little was done
with the existing landscape park. The surplus clay from the buildings foundations was
used to build up a third lake at the top of the central axis, where the library and a the-
ater were planned. This was meant to link the urban spine of the new premises with the
existing park. However, only the library was realized, so the park could not become truly
integrated into the university scheme, performing as a mere green background for the
new structures (AR RO DOI/1/ 1 of 2).

An underestimated heritage?
Thus, despite the fact that many of the new universities could enjoy mature landsca-
pes from the very start, they did not always take advantage of the existing features to
the same extent. While all participants in the process of making these new universities
–authorities, Vice-Chancellors, architects and landscape designers- were all well aware
of the significance of the eighteenth century parks, the postwar urge to improve ri-
tain s scientific capacities by increasing access to higher education in all sections of the
population prioritized building over other issues. Unlike other major building tasks of the
postwar, such as power stations (Collens and Powell, 1999), the collaboration between
landscape designers and planners was not contemplated from the beginning. However,
the need to deal with the existing landscape was soon acknowledged by the architects
in charge of the new campuses, who often paid for landscape designers to take part in
the planning well before they were hired by the universities, as it was the case with Denys
asdun and renda Colvin at the University of East Anglia.
Usually well away from the manor houses and pleasure gardens, the new universities
frequently occupied the most remote areas of these eighteenth century estates, where
the site was less designed. Still, the visual structure of the groups and screens of trees in
this areas provided a valuable starting point for the new architectural schemes. The tree
screen that once separated the park from the farmland in Earlham became the green
backbone of the department buildings at the University of East Anglia, while the copse
was interpreted anew as the green core of the university s main square and the marl pit
reused as a visual counterpart of the newly created outlook onto the university premises.
The wood and the tree belts that once sheltered the access roads to Stanmer Estate
were kept to outline the valley s skylines at the University of Sussex, helping to integrate
the new buildings into the landscape pattern of the South Downs. Further, Russell s Clump
was used to visually compensate the horizontal mass of the library and the existing hed-
gerow at the base of the valley was turned into a green avenue that linked the different
areas into a comprehensive whole. At the University of Essex, the park was preserved
aside as a counterpart of the urban spine where students were expected to spend most
of their time; a green oasis retrieved from the daily hustle of academic life. Although the
new universities did not take full advantage of their privileged sites, they do show the va-
lue of the underestimated heritage of the green structures that landscape parks provide
and point at ways of integrating their main elements for a new purpose and a new time.

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Figure 1. OS six-inch England and Wales, Norfolk III.SW, surveyed 1 0-1 , published
1 .

Figure 2. (left) udgen, T. (1 9 ), ewes map , scale 2-inch to the mile.

Figure 3. (right) Richard Woods, Proposed alterations for the Park of Wivenhoe, 1 , n. s.

Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 435

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www.brighton-hove.gov.uk/sites/brighton-hove.gov.uk/files/downloads/conserva-
tion/Stanmer Character Statment FINA .pdf) accessed 10 August 2019.
rown, M. (19 a) Preliminary andscape Report and Site Studies. University of Essex, Mu-
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rown, M. (19 b) University of Essex Report: andscape Development Plan, December,
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pyland).
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 sity Press, New Haven).
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 A.6 Ancient and New Public Spaces

Volumes of the past, lines in the present.

Ouzai square, on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut
Marlène Chahine
PhD in Landscape Architecture, Universita degli Studi Mediterranea in Reggio Cal-
abria, Italy. Associate professor at the Lebanese University, Faculty of Fine Arts and
Architecture and Faculty of Agronomy. Member of the Lebanese Landscape Asso-
ciation (LELA). Member in Sapienza University’s Network of International Academic
Contacts.
Keywords: Invisible, streetscape, volume, line, imagination

Abstract

Beirut, capital of Lebanon, had an extraordinary boom in construction after the civil
war from 1975 to 1990. Lebanese and, above all, internationally renowned landscape
architects have contributed to the creation of new landscapes under the control of Soli-
dere, a private company that has appropriated all the historical center of Beirut.
Among these new developments, let’s mention the project won by Martha Schwartz
and Partners.
It is about an open space at the southern entrance to Beirut Souk: Imam Ouzai Square,
also known as Zawiyat Ibn Iraq Square in reference to the present monument. Martha
Schwartz, through her design tries to put in front the past history of the city. In order to
create continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design, the main idea
was to highlight the buried old oman avement, into lines in the oor surface of the
current square. Thus, Ouzai square appears on the traces of the invisible streetscape of
Beirut.
From arameters identi ed by s atial and social a roaches we tried to uncover
What is the interest of this intervention at the spatial level? What contribution do these
lines offer to the streetscape? How can an invisible volume be read from a visible line?
What is the interest of this intervention at the social level? How does a simple line be-
come a tool for creating continuity? How does this intervention allow people to imagine,
care, defend and be curious about the landscape? How does this intervention contrib-
ute to the creation of their landscape?
In this way, various results could be listed: - The role of pavement in the square - The
continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design - Volumes of the past,
lines in the present - Imagine, and be curious to care and defend their own landscape -
Ouzai square, on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut.

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 Introduction
Beirut, capital of Lebanon, had an extraordinary boom in construction after the civil war
from 1975 to 1990. Lebanese and, above all, internationally renowned landscape architects
have contributed to the creation of new landscapes under the control of Solidere, a private
company that has appropriated all the historical center of Beirut.
Among these new developments, let’s mention the project won by Martha Schwartz and
Partners.
It is about an open space at the southern entrance to Beirut Souk: Imam Ouzai Squa-
re, also known as Zawiyat Ibn Iraq Square in reference to the present monument. Martha
Schwartz, through her design tries to put in front the past history of the city. In order to create
continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design, the main idea was to hi-
ghlight the buried old Roman pavement, into lines in the oor surface of the current square.
Thereby, Ouzai square appears on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut.
To understand this phenomenon, a critical analysis is considered, based on parameters
identified by spatial and social approaches.
Thus, we opt the article plan in three parts -The first one is entitled - The role of pavement
in the square. Its subtitle is - The continuity with historical landscape through contemporary
design. The second one is - The methodology from a spatial approach and from a social ap-
proach. And the third one is a synthesis where various results could be listed: Volumes of the
past, lines in the present - Imagine, and be curious to care and defend their own landscape
- Ouzai square, on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut.

The role of pavement in the square

In this paragraph, we recognize two important words, re ecting our case study, which
deserve to be defined as a function and as a value. The first is the square and the second is
the pavement.
y definition, The square was probably the first organizing form of urban space and the
street was an extension of the square once the periphery had been filled with houses (Tran-
cik, 19 , p. ). ikewise, according to that given in the book (Chahine, 2019, p. 1) The
street is a place of passage, but when it marks a break, it becomes the square. In the squa-
res, passers-by stop, sit down, and rest , watch each other, do business and gather. In this
way, the squares became the potential to be powerful statements of a city’s history, identity,
and values; and adapted to cultural and economic realities. According to Lynch (Lynch,
19 0, p. 102), the square is a conceptual anchor point or a node of activity, often at the
intersection of major pedestrian routes. It may also serve as a landmark. Its connection to the
street and to other nodes in the urban network are important factors in its success or failure
(Trancik, 1986; Whyte, 1980). Then, the square has the function of rest, of identity, of econo-
mic and cultural value, and designers have the ability and the responsibility to create public
spaces that are more than just functional and beautiful – they can and should be contex-
tual, memorable, and meaningful, re ecting the history of the city like Martha Schwartz in
Imam Ouzai square in Beirut.
Regarding the second important word in our study, the pavement as summarized by Be-
azley (1960), provide a hard, dry, non-slippery, load-bearing surface; guide or restrict pede-
strian traffic ows, encourage slowing or stopping, with non-directional pattern; reduce the
scale of urban space to human proportions with appropriate activity; and reinforce the exi-
sting visual style of a space. Also, In a manner of speaking, and by no means all metapho-
rically, oors and pavements are the touchstones of a civilization (Rudofsky, 19 9, p. 2 ).
But there are roles and values of pavement, still according to Beazley, especially when it
comes to a square. In this way, the role of pavement could be as a human scale element
in large spaces, as a stimulus of multiple senses, as a cue to movement, as a pattern for pat-
tern’s sake, as a carrier of information and meaning, as a permanent landscape feature, as
an expression of the earth beneath it, and as a unifying or integrating element. Then, the pa-
vement is an essential element in the square, it allows its integration in the context. Through
the pavement, Martha Schwartz highlight the buried old Roman pavement, into lines in the
oor surface of the current square. Then, the mixture of the two important words, square and
pavement, creates what we call a Continuity.

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The continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design.
Martha Schwartz in Imam Ouzai square in Beirut, through her design tried to put in front
the past history of the city. She represents the Volumes of the past, into lines in the present in
order to create a continuity with historical landscape through her contemporary design. In
the same way, as mentioned in the synthesis of the book (Chahine, 2019, p.165) it is not just
about making a functional and aesthetic design, but above all a meaningful square, which
re ects the spirit of the place, which tells the story of a people, or even civilizations like the
case with Imam Ouzai square. In this sense, what can be our methodology?

Methodology
A critical analysis is considered, based on parameters identified by spatial and social ap-
proaches, to try to uncover:
What is the interest of this intervention at the spatial level? What contribution do these lines
offer to the streetscape? How can an invisible volume be read from a visible line?
What is the interest of this intervention at the social level? How does a simple line become
a tool for creating continuity? How does this intervention allow people to imagine, care,
defend and be curious about the landscape? How does this intervention contribute to the
creation of their landscape?

From a Spatial approach

On mid-December 2019, there were site visits. The area designed by Martha Schwartz is
about 1671 sqm. It is an important open space at the southern entrance to Beirut Souk from
Rue Weygand: Imam Ouzai Square, also known as Zawiyat Ibn Iraq Square in reference to
the present monument. This square constitutes the main entrance from the south and offers
passages to the Tawila, Sayyour, and Jewelers’ souks (names of souks that made the repu-
tation of the golden age of Beirut downtown before the war) also renovated following a
competition launched by Solidère. The pavement is tiled with black basalt, includes an oval
outlines of the old Roman pavement. It integrates features from the site heritage together
with elements of modernity. It is mostly mineral, except the solitary tree; the important thing
in the use of nature in urban areas is not its quantity but its usefulness (Chahine, 2019, p.35).
In Imam Ouzaï square the solitary tree demarcates the space. It is alone and very important.
Some users take advantage of its shade to rest. In this square there was more an architectu-
ral intervention than plant with the reproduction of the old roman pavement by the white
traces on the ground. This square has more the function of a place for crossing than a place
to rest. The furniture is not insured for sitting and resting, except for the edge around the soli-
tary tree generated from Schwartz’s study.
From one side, the only architectures of this square are a small domed on the right of the
south entrance, and a cupola-topped prayer on the left, remains of the late Mamluk zawiya
(prayer corner) of Ibn Arraq Al-Dimashqi, a religious authority, born in Damascus. In 1517,
he built a house and a ribat (hospice) in Beirut. It is recorded that he chose this location to
be near the former house of Imam Abd Al-Rahman al-Ouzai dating from the 8th century,
whose reputation for holiness and justice spread throughout the Muslim world. Ibn Arraq died
in Mecca in 1526. His house remained a private madrasa (college of jurisprudence) and a
zawiya for his followers (Hallaq, 1987).
From another side, Imam Ouzai square is part of Beirut heritage trail, 2.5 km walking circuit
in the historic core of the Beirut downtown. Beirut, the capital and the largest city of Lebanon,
has hosted successive historic periods of major powers and civilizations in the Mediterranean
and West Asia. It has layers of Phoenician, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine, Arabic, Crusader,
Mamluk, Ottoman and French Mandate periods (Chahine, 2019, p.18). A bronze medallion
is embedded into the sidewalk. The Beirut Heritage Trail, a project by Solidere in collabora-
tion with the Ministry of Culture, Directorate General of Antiquities and the Municipality of
Beirut, links archeological sites, historic public spaces and heritage buildings. Celebrating the
multi-layers of Beirut’s rich heritage, the Beirut Heritage Trail reveals the story of 5,000 years of
history and takes the visitor through a historic journey of the key sites and monuments.
The circuit starts at the Beirut Souks, which retain the 2,500-year-old ancient street grid
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 and Ottoman access gates, and incorporate several archeological remains including the
Phoenico-Persian quarter, the city walls and moat, our site study Mamluk Zawiyat Ibn Iraq,
and Majidiya mosque. Among the sites featured in the trail are the Emir Munzer mosque, the
Roman Baths, Riad El Solh Square and the Grand Theatre.
Following the line, visitors imagine the invisible volume. The volume of the past city is now
in the new city represented by lines. The white lines on the oor refers to the walls that exi-
sted, there, long time ago. An invisible streetscape incapable by nature of being seen, not
perceptible by the eye, is perceptible by the imagination. To the point that allows seeing the
invisible through the line, the volume, the traces, by imagination and continuity.
It reminds us of Michel Henry, one of the leading French philosophers of the twentieth cen-
tury. In his oeuvre Seeing the Invisible (Henry, 2009, p. 108), the author appears engaged in
the field of aesthetics. Through an analysis of the life and works of Wassily Kandinsky (Russian
painter and art theorist, credited as the pioneer of abstract art), Henry uncovers the philo-
sophical significance of Kandinsky s revolution in painting: that abstract art reveals the invisi-
ble essence of life. Henry shows that Kandinsky separates color and line from the constraints
of visible form and, in so doing, conveys the invisible intensity of life. More than just a study of
art history, the artist is engaged in painting the invisible and offers invaluable methodological
clues for Henry s own phenomenology of the invisible. Henry defines the imagination, as a
creative, even a radical sense that gives a positivity that was not glimpsed by classical thou-
ght. Art s creative has ceased to be, according to Kant s famous definition, the faculty of
representing a thing in its absence. It has become the magical power of making something
real.
This is what Martha Schwartz, through her design tries to put in front the past history of the
city. In order to create continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design,
using imagination. The Volumes of the past are represented by lines in the present. Ouzai
square appears on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut.

From a Social Approach

For a few days, from September to December 2019 at different times, there were visits to
the site where surveys and meetings were held. The purpose was to evaluate the imagina-
tion of passerby and the meaning, according to them, of the lines representing the traces
of the buried old Roman pavement creating the invisible streetscape in Imam Ouzai square.
The first person encountered was a taxi driver. Stopped in rue Weygand to catch client,
in the southern entrance to the square, he didn’t know the name of the square waiting in
front of it. Same for the police, asked in the street, ignore completely the name of the square.
Even the costumers, all what they mention that it is the southern entrance to the souks. None
knows the square by its name.
Unfortunately, when asking the surrounding community, no one could have guessed or
was aware of its heritage nor its historical value. Interviewing around 23 people, none gave
any supportive information considering the site. Only few knew its name and mentioned the
fact that it’s dedicated to an important religious reference. Others’ assumptions about the
white tiles printed on the oor included random, creative architectural design and electricity
underground cables’ pathway.
But, there was a couple mid seventy years old, who now lives abroad, comes to Beirut
only during holidays. They used to come to this place before the civil war. They explain how
pretty was this area, and how is different now. But they enjoy the traces on the pavement,
and for them, the contemporary design gives value to the buried underground roman pa-
vement, informed from Beirut heritage trail. Same thing, a group of tourist local and foreign,
they were for a circuit with Beirut heritage trail, and they know about the lines and their repre-
sentation. For them, the landscape architect used carefully the historical potential of the site
and gave value to it. They can imagine through the design the roman pavement and the
volume of the past. For them, it is important to represent the previous landscape to imagine
how it was, and seeing the invisible streetscape. Imagination is part of the landscape; it let
people see what is not real or exist anymore. It let people to be curious, to care and defend
their own landscape. Once they are informed, they enjoy the current design.
So only people through Beirut heritage trail know about the roman pavement. Otherwise,

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passerby doesn’t care, even if he sits for a rest in front of the white lines.

Synthesis
Thereby from these two approaches, the historical landscape and contemporary design
has a big value through the Martha Schwartz study.
From the spatial approach, we saw how the landscape architect tries to put in front the
past history of the city. In order to create continuity with historical landscape through con-
temporary design, using imagination. As shown in the analysis, the volumes of the past are
represented by lines in the present. Also we saw the closed relation between the imagination
and the invisible as explained by Henry through the oeuvre of Kandinsky.
From the social approach it appears that only people through Beirut heritage trail know
about the roman pavement. Otherwise, passerby don’t care, even if they sit for a rest in front
of the white lines. For those informed, the landscape architect used carefully the historical
potential of the site and gave value to it. In this way, they can imagine through the design
the roman pavement and the volume of the past. For them, it is important to represent the
previous landscape to imagine how it was, and seeing the invisible streetscape. Imagination
is part of the landscape; it let people see what is not real or exist anymore. It let people to be
curious, to care and defend their own landscape.
From that, we will enumerate some results:
- Volumes of the past, lines in the present - Imagine, and be curious to care and defend
their own landscape - Ouzai square, on the traces of the invisible streetscape of Beirut.

Conclusion
Thus, the project won, in Beirut, by Martha Schwartz and Partners deserve to be mentio-
ned among the most successful competition project launched by solidere.
Imam Ouzai Square, also known as Zawiyat Ibn Iraq Square in reference to the present
monument, at the southern entrance to Beirut Souk, put in front the past history of the city. In
order to create continuity with historical landscape through contemporary design, the main
idea was to highlight the buried old Roman pavement, into lines in the oor surface of the
current square.
To understand this phenomenon, a critical analysis was considered, based on parame-
ters identified by spatial and social approaches, where the historical landscape and con-
temporary design has a big value through the Martha Schwartz study.
From the spatial approach, we saw the history and the architectural element of the squa-
re. We saw also the imagination and the invisible of Kandinsky through Henry oeuvre. From
these points, we saw how the landscape architect tries to put in front the past history of the
city. As shown in the anlysis, the volumes of the past are represented by lines in the present.
From the social approach it appears that only people through Beirut heritage trail know
about the roman pavement. For those informed, the landscape architect used carefully the
historical potential of the site and gave value to it. In this way, they can imagine through the
design the roman pavement and the volume of the past.Imagination is part of the landsca-
pe; it let people see what is not real or exist anymore. It let people to be curious, to care and
defend their own landscape. Once they are informed, they enjoy the current design.
Thus, Volumes of the past, lines in the present. Ouzai square, on the traces of the invisible
streetscape of Beirut could be a succeful example of Historical landscape and contempo-
rary design.

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 Figure 1. South entrance to Imam Ouzai square. Source: Author, 2015.

Figure 2. Aerial view of the square. Source: Solidère, 2005.

Figure 3. View to the south. Source: Author, 2019; Figure 4.View to the East. Source: Author,
2019
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References
Chahine, Marlène (2019), Beyrouth. Paysage de rue dans les Concepts Contem-
porains . Beirut. Streetscape in Contemporary Concepts (Aracne ed., Vol. 4).
Rome, Intelligent Landscape. Retrieved April
http://www.aracneeditrice.it/index.php/pubblicazione.html?i-
tem=9788825523850
Chahine, Marlène (2018), Da Beirut a Dora. Paesaggi sonori e olfattivi per evoca-
re lo spazio pubblico. From Beirut to Dora. Sound and olfactory landscapes to
evoke public space. In Urbanistica, & INU (Ed.), Costruire lo spazio pubblico.
Tra storia, cultura e natura. Building the public space. Between history, culture
and nature (Vol. 15, pp. 101-105). Roma, Retrieved from http://www.inuedizio-
ni.com/it/prodotti/rivista/n-015-urbanistica-dossier.
Hallaq, Hassan (19 ), ayrut al-mahrousa fil ahd al- uthm ni, eirut during the
Ottoman Period], Beirut, Dar al-Jami’at.
Henry, Michel (2009), Seeing the invisible: On Kandinsky, Translated by Professor
Scott Davidson, London, United Kingdom, Bloomsbury Publishing PLC.
Lynch, Kevin (1960), The Image of the City. Cambridge, The MIT Press.
Rudofsky, Bernard (1969), Streets for People: a primer for Americans. New York,
Doubleday & Company, Inc.
Trancik, Roger (1986), Finding lost space: theories of urban design. New York, Van
Nostrand Reinhold.
Whyte, William H. (1980), The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. Washington, The
Conservation Foundation.

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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

Emerging perspectives on urban morphology: collaborative le-

arning activities fostering combined approaches
Nadia Charalambous
Department of Architecture, University of Cyprus
Charalambous.nadia ucy.ac.cy
Keywords: urban morphology, combined approaches, blended learning, urban form pe-
dagogy

Abstract

The Emerging Perspectives on Urban Morphology research project (EPUM) brings

together five partners from different countries in South and Central Europe that have been
promoting different morphological approaches aiming at comparing the theoretical,
conceptual and methodological basis of the different approaches, identifying their
main strengths and weaknesses, and exploring the possibilities to combine some of these
different ways of describing, explaining and prescribing the physical form of cities through
the teaching of urban morphology.
EPUM identified a need of collaborative learning spaces which will enable the
exploration of the potential of combining and coordinating the different approaches
while at the same time enabling the participation and collaboration of all relevant
stakeholders in the debates about contemporary cities issues. The mode of learning
which proved to be suitable for such a learning platform is one that facilitates both face-
to-face activities, so as to allow institutions to work independently, with on-line activities
which enable the synchronous or asynchronous collaboration and learning across
institutional barriers; in other words, a blended learning approach in urban form studies.
The attempt to establish a network linking the different approaches, bringing together
researchers, educators and learners from different institutions, geographical areas and
approaches, through the development of collaborative learning activities (C As) in a
blended learning environment, lies at the heart of this paper.

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 Understanding urban form – combined approaches to urban morphology
A number of approaches on understanding urban form have been developed in the past
decades, responding to the diversity and complexity of human settlements and the variety
of forms of socio-spatial patterns. These approaches, each with different terms of reference,
are characterized by specific disciplinary and geographical trends and have often seen the
emergence of separate schools of thought. Each approach tends to be associated with a
main research centre or with certain individual researchers and, despite some exceptions,
they have many times been applied in isolation. The teaching of urban form analysis in higher
education institutions across Europe also faces the challenge of addressing contemporary
cities issues from often isolated perspectives based on the aforementioned different schools
of thought, either re ecting specific national educational trends or opting for a globalized
approach cutting the knots with local specificities.
As Kropf pointed out (2009) the challenge raised by the diversity of approaches in
understanding and analysing urban form, lies in combining and coordinating them rather
than in selecting between the different views. Kropf undertakes a critical analysis of
publications representative of four dominant approaches: historico-geographical, process
typological, configurational (space syntax) and spatial analytical. He firstly identifies the
range of different phenomena that are the object of urban morphological enquiry; he then
identifies an aspect common to all the approaches which can be used as a reference key
to coordinate different views in a rigorous way; and, then, he outlines a composite view
in which the different approaches support each other to provide a better understanding
of human settlements. In the end, Kropf argues for the need to develop this comparative
approach and analysis, pointing out that “close examination of key texts suggests that
‘urban form’ is described in a number of different ways in the different approaches. The
gaps do not represent insuperable barriers. Already the different approaches are broadly
complementary. How could they be made more rigorously and effectively so?” (ibid: 3).
In a similar attempt to explore the potential of combining and coordinating these
approaches in order to improve our ability to describe, explain and prescribe the physical
form of the city, Oliveira et al (201 ) selected a key concept in each of four approaches
(morphological region (historico-geographical), typological process (process typological),
spatial configuration (space syntax) and cell (spatial analysis)) and applied it into a single
case study in Porto. The main points of contact between the different approaches (structured
in three fundamental groups: urban form elements, levels of resolution and the time factor)
were identified and a generic methodological approach was proposed. These four
approaches were revisited by Monteiro (201 ), offering a new input to this line of research.
While Oliveira et al. (201 ) analysed a single case study through an isolated application of
each of the four approaches, Monteiro (201 ) integrated three of the approaches into a
single method of explanation and prescription.
Geddes s recently completed PhD thesis is in the same line of research aiming to
establish an effective way of identifying the key processes that led to the emergence and
transformation of the city of imassol by refining current ways of analysing the urban form
diachronically. Through a review of key issues surrounding our understanding of the nature
of cities, a theoretical framework largely based on the relational conceptualisation of cities
as social assemblages is set implying a series of analytical requirements. The benefits of
relevant analytical approaches and methodological tools are reviewed and, based on the
requirements of the theoretical framework they are coordinated and combined. Table 1
summarises the different analytical elements (both physical and social), as well as the spatial
relations, which three different analytical approaches (configurational, relational-material
and historico-geographical) consider (Geddes 201 ).

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Table 1. Different analytical approaches to the study of urban form (Geddes 201 )

A diachronic analysis of the city enabled the identification of key synthesising mechanisms,
but also provided the tools to define the characteristics of imassol at different points in time
and ultimately what caused and led to its contemporary identity. The theoretical framework
proposed, proved vital in identifying the mechanisms at work demonstrating the benefits
of coordination and combination of the different analytical approaches. A number of
pathways for further development of this research were also clear: a process-typological
analysis for example, could bring great benefits to the understanding of the aggregation,
repetition and modification of housing typologies and street layouts and so on.
The attempt to find a common ground through possible combinations of a variety of
approaches within the field of urban morphology, proves to be a challenging task; but the
knowledge of the strengths and the weaknesses of each approach may enable us to select
the most appropriate options given the specific nature of the object under study, fostering a
more holistic and integrated approach to urban form studies (Whitehand 201 , 201 ).
In the same line of thought, albeit from a pedagogical perspective, EPUM identified a
need of collaborative learning spaces which will enable the exploration of the potential
of combining and coordinating the different approaches while at the same time
enabling the participation and collaboration of all relevant stakeholders in the debates
about contemporary cities issues. The attempt to establish a network linking the different
approaches, bringing together researchers, educators and learners from different institutions,
geographical areas and approaches, through the development of learning platforms that
foster the exchange of knowledge, providing opportunities for contact and collaboration
and encouraging the dissemination of findings, lies at the heart of this paper.
The mode of learning which proved to be suitable for such learning platforms is one that
facilitates both face-to-face activities, so as to allow institutions to work independently, with
on-line activities which enable the synchronous or asynchronous collaboration and learning
across institutional barriers; in other words, a blended learning approach in urban form
studies. The possibility of a blended learning pedagogy is explored in the following sections,
with reference on the implemented learning activities of the EPUM project.

Collaborative learning activities in urban form studies -a blended learning pedagogy in

teaching urban morphology
lended learning, which has gained much popularity in higher education in the past years,
is a term which is endowed with multiple meanings and it has become apparent through
a number of studies that different models of blending can exist at various levels. Generally
speaking, it refers to a learning environment which combines face-to-face instruction with
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 computer-mediated instruction and it can occur by blending levels of activities, course-
levels, program-levels or even institutional-levels (Graham, 200 ). However, a number of
studies suggest that blended learning implementations are most often used for the purposes
of efficiency and supplementation, with only a low number fully exploiting the potential of this
mode of learning to enhance the learning experience and initiate collaborative activities,
particularly in the field of urban form studies (Driscoll 2002; Hofmann 200 ). Even though we
can find examples of intertwining a specific learning style with blended-learning there still is
not much investigation either about the relationships between both or the potential to foster
collaborations (Donnelly 2010).
As Randy and aughan (200 ) point out, the value of blended-learning transcends
the mere application of ICT for teaching and learning, recombining concepts that were
previously considered contradictory, such as collaborative-re ection and asynchronous
community . What makes blended learning approach particularly important to address the
issues raised by the EPUM project, is indeed the fact that it supports the implementation of
a number of collaborative learning activities among partners throughout Europe facilitating
a community of inquiry which is constituted above and beyond institutional and physical
barriers, allowing at the same time multiple levels and types of instruction to be adopted.
earners, learning styles, academic programs, subject-matters, disciplines, and institutional
frameworks can be blended (Madrazo et al 201 ), providing the adequate conditions for the
implementation of a free and open dialogue, critical debate, negotiation and agreement
(ibid, p.9 ) between different urban form approaches in the participating institutions.
Such a learning context offers an open educational practice which helps collaborators
to share freely and openly ideas, knowledge, tools, approaches and materials used in
urban form studies. At the same time, it enables participating institutions to keep their own
academic program, structure and curriculum; in other words, it enables the participants
to work independently and collaboratively. This possibility to combine learning activities
which can be carried out at different times and in different places (on-line, in the classroom)
combined in interaction with other learning resources, requires specific pedagogic
methodologies which take advantage of their collaborative potential and point to the
creation of alternative learning environments. Such a learning environment was suggested
by Punie (200 ) to describe ICT-enabled educational spaces which transcend existing limits,
physical, conceptual and institutional. Punie highlighted the potential of such environments
to place students at the centre of the learning, enabling the personalization of learning as
well as social interaction at different scales (from learning individuals and communities to
learning cities and regions), while being exible enough to integrate various learning styles,
teachers skills, and curriculums, gradually becoming informal platforms to share expertise
and knowledge across organizations. In the OIKONET project, the term learning space to
pursue goals which are in line with those described by Punie has been initiated in the field of
housing studies (Madrazo et al 201 ).
The EPUM project, identifying the lack of such collaborative, blended learning environments
in the field of urban form studies, not to replace but to extent/expand/broaden the
physical space of institutional teaching, explored the potential to link different approaches
to the study of urban form in different parts of the world through a) the development of
a pedagogic model which can facilitate a exible interaction and collaborative learning
activities between courses included in the academic programs of the participating institutions
in relation to different approaches to the analysis of the urban form and b) the development
of a collaborative digital learning platform (epumplatform.eu) to support and facilitate such
a pedagogic model.
The pedagogic model proposed, aims at blending different components such as
subject-matters, delivery formats, learners from different institutions and levels, learner styles.
A combination of these components can be applied at session, module and programme
level, in face-to-face, online or blended environments. Furthermore, the pedagogic model
regards the development of a collaborative open learning curriculum (O C) and the
implementation of a blended learning environment which enables the learning activities and
learning tasks to be executed across institutions. The O C is informed by the methodology
of aligned learning and teaching proposed by iggs ( iggs et al 200 ). iggs constructive

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alignment constitutes a methodology in higher education which seeks to align elements
of the educational process such as intended learning outcomes with teaching learning
activities and assessment tasks. More specifically, all components in the teaching systems
such as the curriculum, the intended outcomes, the teaching methods, the assessment
methods as well as the evaluation are perfectly aligned to each other. This approach helps
students to construct meaning through relevant learning activities and in that sense, meaning
is not something imported or transmitted from teacher to learner. Instead, teaching is only a
catalyst for learning which guides students to engage in learning activities.
The open learning curriculum includes both theoretical and practical learning material and
focuses on (a) aligning complementary approaches to develop a comprehensive analysis
of urban form and social phenomena and (b) combining on-line (digital platform) and on-
site (courses and seminars taking place at the participating institutions) collaborative learning
activities. The sequences of tasks (or assignments) can evolve in an open-ended manner
and include both online collaborative activities and tasks (through the digital platform) and
face-to-face activities and tasks (through intensive programme workshops). uilding on the
precedent of OIKONET, the key (to the learning process) is to intertwine the activities that can
be carried out within the programme at each institution with the collaborative tasks amongst
the institutions, either synchronously or asynchronously (Madrazo et al 201 ). Therefore, the
pedagogic model proposed for this project regards the implementation of a blended
learning environment which enables various learning activities with numerous learning tasks
to be executed across institutions facilitating a exible interaction between courses included
in the academic programs of the participating institutions in relation to different approaches
to the analysis of the urban form. This learning structure is exible and neutral enough so as to
support different types of activities such as collaborative development of a project or even
a course assignment which can be carried out by students working individually or in groups
within or across institutions.
The learning structure proposed aimed at fulfilling a double purpose: to enable
participating institutions to keep their own academic program and to facilitate the design
and implementation of learning activities in collaboration. earning activities carried out
in the project s shared digital platform (small-scale activities) were integrated with the
face-to-face activities carried out at courses of the participant institutions through open
learning processes (synchronously or asynchronously) as well as in joint intensive programme
workshops (large-scale activities).
The blended learning approach adopted was supported by the development of a
collaborative web-based learning environment, (EPUM digital platform), aiming at breaking
down institutional barriers in educational cultures through the development and use of
digital learning spaces and resources, structured under specific activities in various thematic
areas proposed by both professors and students, interlinked with other activities carried out
at various institutions in design studios, workshops, seminars and courses. The activities are
represented by modules, referred to as Collaborative earning Activities (C As). C As offer
an innovative way for collaboration in the education system, by making available resources
which are accessible, not only to those enrolled in higher education programmes, but to
anyone wanting to access training regardless of their geographical location, educational
culture or ability to travel. The innovative framework and tools proposed comprise a visual
index to students work, providing them with the capability to upload data files to assignments,
incorporating their peers feedback and review, as well as tutors feedback to students for
their work, and the ability for discussion around any of the topics or works. Furthermore, the
add-on tools provide the capability to visualize a network of activity interactions and present
it in a way that it is appealing and understandable to different stakeholders, both registered
and non-registered users.

Implementing collaborative learning activities in EPUM’s blended learning environment

uilding on the pedagogical model developed, a framework and principles for possible
collaborative learning activities enabled partners to find adequate ways through which
they could intertwine learning activities that could be carried out within their programme
of study, either synchronously or asynchronously. In that sense, both teachers and learners
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 gradually developed a more comprehensive view of how each approach can enrich the
understanding of the urban form and assessed the advantages and disadvantages of using
different methodologies in order to address specific issues for contemporary cities.
To facilitate this understanding, the framework proposed included two types of collaborative
activities: small-scale and larger-scale activities. The criteria used for the identification and
eventually implementation of these common learning activities included among others the
level of education (i.e if the course is offered for postgraduate/undergraduate), the type of
the module (seminar, design course e.t.c) as well as the desirable learning outcomes and
deliverables. These criteria assisted participants in identifying potentialities for cooperation
within existing modules and seminars as well as within new modules or small-scale events
(such as a lecture series) planned in the context of EPUM.
Small-scale activities facilitated by the project, refer to collaborative learning activities
carried out by academic institutions, following the blended-learning approach described
in the previous section. These activities aimed at enabling the gradual establishment of a
network of relationships among existing courses, students and topics in the participating
institutions, facilitating the study and exploration of urban form, exposing students and
teachers to other approaches across institutional and geographical areas and preparing
students and teachers for larger-scale activities.
Small-scale activities at all stages of the project were supported by larger-scale
activities which aimed at bringing physically together researchers, educators, learners
and stakeholders from different languages, geographical areas and schools of thought
along with the virtual resources developed through the project. More specifically, larger-
scale activities involved both online pre-workshop activities and onsite intensive workshops
organised by the consortium through which empirical case studies were explored and
examined by multinational and multidisciplinary teams. During these events students,
teachers, researchers and other stakeholders gained adequate competences necessary
so as to work in a readily accessible international environment, overcoming institutional and
geographical boundaries.
In that sense, larger-scale activities, which included two international intensive workshops,
aimed at: bridging together both academic participants from the various institutions
as well as academic with non-academic participants; bringing academia along with
stakeholders, professional and local authorities; exchanging knowledge and information
between approaches; achieving mutual understanding between the different approaches;
facilitating combination and coordination of the different approaches.

Exploring Porto’s and Nicosia’s historical urban form through a combined approach
Two transnational intensive workshops formed part of the project s larger-scale activities
and focused on the study of the urban form from a multidisciplinary perspective, with the
participation of multiple stakeholders. The case studies of historic Porto and Nicosia were
used to develop and build knowledge of the full potential of a) combining and coordinating
different approaches to urban form studies and b) shared collaborative activities in a
blended learning environment.
Collaborative learning activities were designed to engage all the participants in the
definition of important and timely issues to be addressed in the historic centers of the
cities and took place through the exploitation of the physical space along with the virtual
resources developed through the project s research outcomes. Activities and tasks during all
phases evolved in an open-ended manner as the learning process progressed; they moved
from the virtual to the physical spaces, depending on the intertwining of sequence of on-site
courses with on-line activities. The workshops thus consisted of a combination of physical and
virtual lectures, practical group learning and design tasks and critical discussions between
learners and other stakeholders, including professionals, local authorities, local communities
and organisations.
More specifically, the collaborative workshops were part of a sequence consisting of pre-
workshop, workshop and postworkshop activities which were carried out both on-line and
on-site. Pre-workshop activities took place at each institution building knowledge about the
object of study and the site, through a Collaborative earning Activity developed in the

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EPUM digital platform. The preparatory activities and initial analysis of the historic centres
in the participating institutions facilitated the establishment of a network of relationships
amongst the courses, students and topics, facilitating the work performed collectively later
onsite.
The work initially developed at a distance was shared and discussed through the digital
platform and was then brought together through the onsite collaboration, where teachers
and learners were involved in the development of urban strategies in multinational teams
and were exposed to the different theoretical and methodological approaches. oth
teachers and learners interacted with local stakeholders, beyond academia including local
authorities, policy makers, local residents and social organisations to learn about and discuss
the specific urban challenges in each context, through a combination of lectures, design-
studio work, design critiques and social events. After the workshops, the learning process
continued (post-workshop activities) and was consolidated back at each institution through
online collaboration.
The main goal of the two weeks Porto Intensive Workshop was to initially be exposed
to and build knowledge of the various approaches on urban form studies and then to
explore the possibility to effectively combine different morphological approaches historico-
geographical approach, process-typological approach, space syntax and relational
approach in the analysis of the physical form of the historical kernel of Porto and of the
main challenges that it faces today. In the first week different groups of students ( ondon,
Nicosia, Porto, Rome and Wien), supervised by different educators, applied each of the
morphological approaches in isolation. The studio work was fed by different lectures by
educators, practitioners from the local authority and major stakeholders, focusing on
Porto urban form, agents and processes of transformation and on the four morphological
approaches. Following the application of the different approaches in isolation, students
worked in mixed groups, exploring the possibility of combining some approaches in the
analysis of the urban form.

Figure 1. Analysis of Porto s historic centre.

Drawing on the results of the Porto workshop, the Nicosia Intensive Workshop aimed at
effectively exploring the potential application of combined morphological approaches
historico-geographical approach, process-typological approach, space syntax and
relational approach initially in the analysis of the physical form of the divided, historical core
of the city and of the main challenges that it faces today and subsequently, in the design of
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020
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one particular area of the city. Having as a starting point the complexity of factors that have
shaped the city though time, the workshop sought to understand conditions of the unsettled
that have shaped the city s urban form through time and the respective challenges posed
today. During the first days of the workshop, mixed groups of students ( ondon, Nicosia,
Porto, Rome and Wien), explored the possibility of combining some of the different urban
morphology approaches to analyse the urban form of the historic core. The analysis took
into consideration pre-workshop activities at the partners institutions, which were available
at the EPUM collaborative, online platform. During the rest of the workshop, students built
on a systematic re ection on the analytical work and proposed intervention strategies for
conservation and/or transformation of the existing urban forms in the area of Ayios Kassianos,
a neighbourhood adjacent to the city s uffer zone.

Figure 2. Analysis and design proposal for Nicosia s historic neighbourhood of Ayios Kassianos

Conclusions
The blended learning approach adopted and supported by the digital platform, proved
extremely important for the implementation of this project resulting in the creation of a
number of Collaborative earning Activities among partners throughout Europe, facilitating
a community of inquiry which is constituted above and beyond institutional and physical
barriers. In that sense, it provided the adequate conditions for the implementation of an
open dialogue, critical debate, negotiation and agreement between different urban
form approaches in the participating institutions. Designing and implementing the learning
spaces in collaboration facilitated an open educational practice which helped partners to
share through their teaching, freely and openly, ideas, knowledge, tools, approaches and
materials used in urban form studies. At the same time, it enabled participating institutions
to keep their own academic program, structure and curriculum; in other words, it enabled
the participants to work independently and collaboratively. This approach can eventually
create and formulate an online community of practice where the active membership of
learners and teachers will facilitate an educational social praxis. In that sense, learning
ISUFitaly 2020
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 involves co-construction and co-evolution of knowledge ( anerjee,201 , p.1 9) among
partners and different schools of thought in the study of urban form.

Acknowledgments
The current publication is created within the project Emerging Perspectives on Urban
Morphology: Researching and earning through multiple practices (EPUM). The project is
funded by the European Union s Erasmus Program (201 -2020) under Grant Agreement
201 -1-C 01-KA20 02 . The content of this publication represents the views of the
authors only and is their sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any
responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

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S. Couceiro da Costa (Eds.) Architectural Research Addressing Societal Challenges ,
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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

From past to present.

Shiraz historical texture and its morphological structure
Farzaneh Nahas Farmaniyeh1, Ali Sokhanpardaz2
Sapienza Università di Roma, DIAP (Dipartimento di Architettura e Progetto), Via A.
1,2

Gramsci 53, 00197,Rome, Italy

Keywords: Change of cities,mor hological structure, Shiraz istorical Conte t

Abstract

The change in the structure of Iranian cities after the transition from Sassanid to the
Islamic era caused new urbanization in Iran that had signi cant differences with revi-
ous urban lanning in Iranian urbanism Iranian architects who used a systematic and
geometric structure for designing the city before the arrival of Islam into Iran de ned a
new mor hology for establishing the city The change made in the Iranian cities was not
limited to changing the osition of the cities, but also signi cant changes in the structure
and social classes of the cities
The city of Shiraz , originally located at the resent castle of Abu Nasr , was different
from other cities that built by Sasanian architects The city of Darabgerd , oor city,
Bisha ur city, which is a rime e am le of re-Islamic Iranian urbanization, has been
designed and built on the basis of the i odamus system hile ost-Islam cities are
based on organic systems
In this research, which is based on studies on the historical conte t of Shiraz, Iran s
urban lanning system has been com ared with the re-Islamic urban lanning system
Based on the information obtained from this research, it was found that the structure of
the city of Shiraz was based on the unit by unit design and with redetermined lanning
This research shows that the change of the city in Iran has been done only in its formal
form And the hysical structure of the city continues to follow the structure of the i o-
damus system
The research method in this study is com arative - analytical Practical and library
methods are used to collect data The result of this research can hel in achieving the
rinci les and design arameters in the historical te tures in Iran

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 Introduction (Problem Statement)
The shape and existence of the city during its lifetime re ect the spatial distribution of
human activities in urban areas and are profoundly affected by management issues and
environmental, economic and social characteristics of communities.
The first purpose of examining urban form and structure is to formulate fundamental princi-
ples for shaping the future structure of cities. In Iranian cities that have a special morphology
due to the use of specific climatic conditions, it is necessary to study the process of changing
cities throughout history and to develop guidelines for future city development.
Iranian cities have undergone many changes in recent years due to the arrival of moder-
nity and their morphological structure has changed. The physical structure of Iranian cities
began to change rapidly in the 19 0s. In the last half century, the transformation of Iranian
cities has been accompanied by social and cultural changes. In other words, the change
in the structure of cities has changed the social and cultural structure of the inhabitants of
cities.
The main purpose of this research is to study the process of the formation and develop-
ment of Iranian cities and their changes throughout history. The case study for this study and
analysis of the physical structure of Iranian cities in the historical context of Shiraz. This study
evaluates and categorizes urban shape patterns in Iran and examines the possible relation-
ship of these patterns to a series of human and natural variables. Given a large number of
cities, the present study focuses solely on specific urban samples in Iran.
At the end of this research, while examining the type and morphological structure of Shi-
raz historical texture, it will compare the historical texture and the new urban texture.

Research method
This research, with a general descriptive-analytical approach, collects and reviews library
and field data and information. The basic information of this article taken from the thesis of
the first author s doctoral thesis at Sapienza University in Rome ( uilding on uilt Space) under
the guidance of Prof. Paolo CARLOTTI and Attilio PETRUCCIOLO.
Articles and researches have also been used to formulate theoretical foundations. In or-
der to introduce the study area, statistics and documents in the detailed and comprehensi-
ve plan of the city of Shiraz were used, as well as basic information of the udget and Hou-
sing Organization in the population and housing censuses. The geographical area studied in
this study is the historical texture and contemporary texture of Shiraz.
After data collection and extraction, the important results were evaluated to investigate
the possible relationship of the studied variables with respect to the nature of the data. These
results indicate a significant relationship between city shape and human variables such as
population size, physical development mode, growth rate, the extent of the urban area,
urban population density, as well as environmental and altitude variables with urban shape
patterns. Finally, it is attempted to present the results of the analysis in the form of a proposed
model for describing urban shape patterns in Iran.

The city and its concepts

Concept of “old city texture” in Iran
Today, the word “texture”, more named as “city texture” term, is used in the literature
of architecture and urbanization, and it seems to be a completely tangible expression for
general and specific people. This word has been originally taken from biology and expresses
the living, dynamic and changing nature of the city. The texture of each city, first, specifies
the physical aggregation of the city, ie full and empty spaces, their size, and their relation-
ship and their closeness limit. Secondly, reveals the communication networks, the method
of access and the general characteristics of ways and alleys; thirdly, it expresses the spatial
distribution of activities; and fourthly, it re ects the city formation, development and growth
stages throughout history.1
And the communications network together compile a combination of filled and empty
1
Toufighi, M. (199 ). Urban development and the logic of escaping from the old textures of Sab-
zevar city. proceedings of urban textures. Specialty Conference on Urban Texture (p. 2 ). Kerman:
Arg of am: Ministry of Housing and Urban Development.

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spaces called texture. This texture is dynamic and live. This combination always changes with
transformations created in the number and composition of the age of the population, the
natural, economic, social and communicational system, tools and technical knowledge,
and other factors affecting the formation of urban spaces and elements; and formed to pro-
vide facilities and space suitable for life.2 According to the definition of the Supreme Council
for Urbanism and Architecture of Iran, the context means a linked range that is formed by
different morphologies during the life of the city within the boundaries of the city or its margin
, in continuity and link with the city . This range can consist of buildings, collections, roads,
spaces, urban amenities, and installations, or a combination of them.3 It is usually possible to
recognize the different layers of the city texture by investigating the phases of urban physi-
cal-spatial development.

The study of city size concept

City size including the city itself or maybe its previous forms do not have a clear and ob-
vious definition. arious factors affect on the size of a city, the description of which, and the
role of each one help to define the city size. Shortly, these factors are:
- Population
- City economic power(the city total income, per capita income or average family inco-
me)
- City physical size(city expansion)
- Density(it means the relation between the population and city area, or in other words,
the intensity of land use)
- In studies related to the city size, the population factor is mostly used as the demonstra-
tive factor of city size for the reasons given below:
- Access to the information related to the population is easier than other factors.
- As the economic capacity of big and crowded cities in countries with low per capita in-
come is less than that of medium cities in countries with higher per capita income, economic
capacity can t be considered as a suitable criterion for city size because it can t be used as
a general measure.
- Density only shows accumulation rate in a specific location and it doesn t consider the
important aspects of development.
- On the other hand, although the physical size of city by itself effects on showing the city
greatness , it cannot be an effective factor if not accompanied by other factors, because
most of the low- population and wide suburbs, in which there is not much economic activity,
cannot find their real situation in hierarchical order of size only because of their area.
Confirming population as the main index in this regard, Kevin ynch says: there is consen-
sus on this issue that key variable is the number of the resident population, not, for example,
the number of workers or the geographical extent of settlement or the size of infrastructure or
monetary value of production. Also, the United Nations merely rely on population criterion in
the classification of the cities size.

Small, Medium and big cities

There is no exact definition for small, medium and big cities. So, the minimum and ma-
ximum thresholds are usually considered to determine them. Harvey and Suthertwait have
defined small cities like the one with populations ranging from to 20 thousand and middle
cities as the one with a population of 20 thousand and more.
At the Seminar on “The Role of Small and Medium Cities in National Development,” held
at the United Nations Regional Development Center (UNCRD) in Japan in 1982, cities with a
population of 20,000 to 100,000 were defined as small and medium-sized cities. So it can be
inferred that cities with more than 100,000 people have been considered as the big cities.
In the 19 0s, Datar defined French cities with a population of between 20,000 and 100,000
people, which is coordinated with the UNCRD definition. Of course, this classification of cities
2
Sultanzadeh, H. (199 ). Naiin of the Historic Millennium. (p. 0) Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Office
of Cultural Research.
3
Sharan, Consulting Engineers., Guidance for identifying and intervening in worn-out tissues.200 ,(p.
). Tehran: Fan and Art Idea Publishing.

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 varies from one country to another.
For example, in China, the cities with a population of 200,000 people or less, those with a
population between 00,000 and 200,000 people, and those with more than 00,000 peo-
ple have been considered as small, medium and big cities, respectively. In Germany, the
cities with a population of 20,000 to 100,000 people; in the former Soviet Union, those with a
population between 0,000 and 100,000 people; in Africa, those with a population between
20,000 and 0,000 people; and in Asia, those with a population between 20,000 and 2 0,000
thousand people are called medium towns.
In Iran, the discussion of the medium(middle) cities has first been formally reported in (CE-
TIRAN) land use planning reports, and the classification of the population between 2 ,000 to
2 0,000 people have been selected for these cities. In the studies on land use planning or
designing (Stage I, 19 ), the classification of small, medium and big cities have been pre-
sented as follows:
- Small cities (with the population less than 0 thousand people)
- Small-medium cities (with the population 0 to 100 thousand people)
- ig medium cities (with the population 100 to 2 0 thousand people)
- Medium cities (with the population 2 0 to 00 thousand people)
- ig and very big cities (with a population of 00 thousand to 2 million).4

Shape and meanings of the city

The city s shape is a reality independent from the observer, which has been constantly
existed and some messages are sent from it. It is in the urban landscape, where the city s
shape becomes a direct tangible quality. The power and ability to create a mental image
of the city s shape in the minds of a person is a capability in the city s shape. Properties of
the city s shape can create a mental image of it and a sense of place in the citizen s mind.
The city s shape, which means the mental imagination of the city- including degrees of per-
ception, identification, recognition, and distinction, linking the elements and components,
linking and relating the city s shape and activities and linking the events, time and place
and relating the non-spatial meanings and values- is the creation of a strong mental image
of the city that provides the basis for the interaction of people with the environment.5

Factors Effecting on Physical Formation of the City

Throughout history, various ideas have been raised about the roots of the city s formation.
For example, from the point of view of Ibn-e Khaldun, the formation of the city has a social
root, which has been formed following the luxuriousness and Nervousness of mankind and
the necessity of the state existence. From the perspective of Gordon Childe, the formation
of the city is rooted in economics, and Amos Rapapourth considers the cultural and psycho-
logical context to be effective in urbanization.
Kevin ynch (199 ) focuses on the relationship between the city s shape features and the
issues associated with them. ynch s groundbreaking study of the people mental images
from the city they live, created a completely new field of research, called the Cognitive
Mapping, and focuses on the mental processes involved in the creation and formation of
such images. The importance nowadays added to the concept of “identity of the place” as
a reciprocal relationship between the recognition processes of social activity and the shape
features.
In Christian Nurburg Schultz s view, human relationship with the environment is more than
a person s orientation towards his environment, as ynch has simply referred to. One can
make a person s friendship with a special environment by recognizing the deep process of
identification. The identification of man with the place gives rise to the assumption that the
4
ebardast, E. (200 ). City Size. Tehran: Urban Development and Architecture Studies and Research
Center.42.
5
Habibi, S. M. (200 ). From Shar to City.Historical Analysis of the Concept of City and its Physical
Appearance: Thought and Effect (Second Edition ed.). Tehran: Tehran University Press.9.
Nasr, T. (201 a). Components of the Physical Identity of Iranian Cities. In T. Nasr, (Ph.D.) Thesis in Ur-
ban Planning (p. 101). Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Islamic Azad University, Science and Research
ranch.

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place has a character- i.e there are features distinguishing one place from other ones and
giving places a unique existence or the place soul-according to which, the main object
of the architecture is defined. Any given space or place (including the city) has its own
specific text and content and induces a kind of dependency and sense of belonging and
commitment among its inhabitants. These three elements, due to the special organization
experienced over time, are the important elements of distinguishing that location from other
ones, founding the spatial identity; So, the factors affecting the formation of the city s physi-
cal body can be considered as economy, community, and nature.
The economy includes the type of livelihood, capital, labor, management, existing politics,
and laws and bills, barriers and limitations. The community consists of historical backgrounds
of the way of thinking and worldview, population, language, race, religion, traditions, rituals,
science, art, technology. Also, nature includes geographical and climatic features, weather,
water, soil, wind, plant, sun, and topographic view and landscape.
In The Summaries of the Urban andscape , Gordon Cullen. 199 presents objective
landscape techniques. The analysis of the mental landscape is important for Kevin ynch,
19 0 in Image of the City . In the paper Histology and features of the city , Karl Kropf raises
the morphology of the city. From his point of view, morphology is a factor in distinguishing a
city from another, and the same factor shows the personality and identity of the city.7Wa-
gner believes that time and space, human beings, and action create an inseparable iden-
tity; therefore, the meaning and the action are intertwined elements, which must be taken
into account to understand the identity of the place and time.8
Regarding the definition of identity in buildings and cities, Christopher Alexander believes
that the identity of each space is shaped by the continual repetition of a particular pattern
of events occurring in that place. The identity of any city or building is affected by the event
in which it occurs, more than anything else.9

Environmental perception
Human perception of the environment is one of the most central issues of environmental
psychology. It is a process by which a person chooses the necessary data from his environ-
ment according to his needs. Therefore, it is a targeted process and depends on the cul-
ture of attitude and value governing the receiver thinking. Hence, the perception process is
always associated with the knowledge of man from the environment.10
The city s skeleton is a complex of the spine and an interconnected network of utilities
and various urban elements, giving cohesion to the totality of city, and its texture is continued
throughout the city to its distal components i.e residential districts. This complex illustrates total
features and characteristics of the city, including artificial elements (mosques, churches, pa-
laces, walls, and fences) and natural elements(mountains, hills, rivers, seashore and massive
vegetation coverings and the like. The city s skeletal elements, which form the city iconic
network, are the identifying tools and in ection points in the city, applied to create a me-
mory of the city and its legibility, through their specific spatial organization.11
Rivers, lakes, vegetation and animal species of particular points and other natural factors
formed as the main symbol of a city and introduce themselves as the main elements of the
city identity, play an important role to recognize the city and its inhabitants. In addition to
the natural elements that depict the appearance of a city, the buildings of the network of
roads, public spaces, complementary elements of space, such as urban furniture, and in ge-
7
Karbalayi Nouri, R. (200 ). Identity, City, Memory. International Conference on New Towns (p. ).
Tehran: New City Development Corporation Pres
8
Ghasemi Esfahani, M. (200 ). Sense of Place in the New Towns. International Conference on New
Towns (p. 325). Tehran: New City Development Corporation Press.
9
Alexander, C. (2002). The Timeless Way of uilding. ( . . Mehdi, Trans.) Tehran: University of Shahid
eheshti Press. 2.
10
Nasr, T. (201 a). Components of the Physical Identity of Iranian Cities. In T. Nasr, (Ph.D.) Thesis in Ur-
ban Planning (p. 1 ). Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Islamic Azad University, Science and Research
ranch.
11
Hamidi, M. (199 ). Structure of Tehran City. Tehran: Tehran Engineering and Technical Consulting
Organization Press.87.

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 neral, the artificial environment, if they are identified, can display a different perspective and
landscape of each city s physical body ; The identification of these dimensions should be
consistent with the culture and beliefs of the inhabitants of the city. On the other hand, the
structure of cities in the estimation of the thinking and worldview of nations and civilizations.
The physical image and locations of our city re ect the mental structures of its inhabitants or
determine the method of religious beliefs that have long in uenced the formation of cities so
that Mumford considers the spiritual issues as one of the main causes of the cities formation.
It is also imperative to mention that symbols and signs are potential means to explain the me-
aning. The importance and necessity of the presence of the symbol in the city are so much
that Kevin ynch deems a network of symbols as necessary to create legibility in the city.12

The evolution of urbanization in Iran

Although the history of urban development and urban planning in Iran is rooted in the
history of the urbanization of this land and dates back to a few thousand C, there is still a be-
lief that the thinking of urban development and urban planning in Iran is imported thinking.
Some reasons, including the following, can be searched for this way of thinking.
Many of the physical effects of ancient urban development in Iran have been eliminated
due to the impact of environmental and climatic elements or political and historical adversi-
ties, and only very few evidence has remained from them.
among the few urban developments works discovered and the remained, only a very
small part, has been scrutinized and introduced scattered. In contemporary urban deve-
lopment, no much evidence is observed about the thinking performance of ancient and
enlightened Iranian urban development. The contemporary pluralist urban development
has turned the urban environment into a handful of land usage and disproportionate con-
struction styles, and completely deprived it of the unity existed in the regular environment
of the predecessors, which has been praised.13 Modernity, with the concept of rationalism
and the destruction of traditional beliefs and habits, along with passing the financial and in-
tellectual methods, has also transformed the ancient architectural and urban development
life.14

Ancient period and its empires

The ancient period began about in 19th century .C. and continued until the th century
A.D. According to evidence and resources available, the process of urbanization and urban
development in this period can be studied in five historical sections, which coincides with
the emergence of governmental systems. The of Medians empire was accompanied by the
beginning of Iran civilization, lasted from the 9th to th century .C. The Achaemenid empire
covered the th to th century .C., and in the rd century AD replaced with Seleucids.
The rd century .C. to rd century A.D. corresponds to the period of the Parthian sove-
reignty. From then on, until the th century A.D., began with the Islamic Muslim invasion to
Iranian urban development, the Sassanians came to power in ancient history. Generally, the
spatial construction of Iranian ancient city consists of two distinct parts: one was the state
citadel, and the other was the SHAR or the main city, which formed the basis of the spatial
divisions of the city.15
This traditional allocation and division of space were formed during the Achaemenid em-
pire and gradually evolved into a structured form in the Sassanid empire. The governmental
citadel, later called Kohndzh or ahandeh by Muslims, was a strong citadel or castle
with political and governmental functions, from where, the organized urban management
of the city was applied to the city s social and economic constitution; That is why it has been
12
ynch, K. (19 0). The Image of the City. Massachusetts: Mass Cambridge Massachusetts: MIT
Press.
13
Turner, T. (2000). City as Perspective. (N. Farshad, Trans.) Tehran: Urban Planning, and Processing
Co.19-20.
14
Ahmadi, . (199 ). Modernity and Economic Thought (First Edition ed.). Tehran: Markaz
Press.11.
15
Habibi, S. M. (200 ). From Shar to City.Historical Analysis of the Concept of City and its Physical Ap-
pearance: Thought and Effect (Second Edition ed.). Tehran: Tehran University Press. 0- .

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the residence of his ruler, his family, and his relatives and his guardian and security forces.
The Shah s palace, the relative s domicile, the treasury barn, courts, military installations,
and soldiers houses, temples and main fire temples, and defensive fortifications constitute
the complex of the physical body of elements of this section. Due to the key role and stra-
tegic importance of governmental citadel in the city, it was located in a high place in the
center of the city in order to provide a reliable and effective defense against internal and
external enemies. In the mo rphology of the ancient cities of Iran, SHAR (or the main city),
is part of the city s physical body, inhabited by its citizens. oning or urban districts form the
basis of its physical divisions. The physical foundation of this section, called the Shaarestan
in the Islamic period, can be defined with a set of houses, temples and fireplaces, the main
azar and defensive fortification. Occasionally, the SHAR itself was organized and arran-
ged with other sub-divisions, the middle SHAR and outer SHAR (Rabaz in the Islamic
period), which re ects the class system and aristocracy ruling the city.
Another segregation observed in the urban development of this period is functional se-
gregation, or in other words, the traditional separation of urban use. The ancient city of Iran
has had a set of defensive - military, governmental, commercial, productive (workshop and
agricultural), religious and residential. The physical elements and spaces occupying this fun-
ction (ie, the governmental citadel, the azar, temples, houses, farms, workshops, and de-
fensive fortifications) have been clearly separated and each one has been located in a
certain place in the city.
In fact, the location and distribution of urban uses throughout the city have been done
according to their performance criteria, which is considered as one of the most important
principles of urban planning. ased on this criterion, the interference and adjacency of hete-
rogeneous used have been avoided in the organization of urban uses. This is still considered
as the main approach and has an important place in urban planning, whether in modern
urban development and town development or in old urban planning.

Spatial organization (spatial determination of principles and concepts)

The study of the spatial foundation and urban morphology of the ancient Persia shows
significant evidence of the performance of urban planning rules and criteria of this period.
These rules have crystallized in various ways on the cities body and re ected their effects on
urban space organization.
Unfortunately, such spatial effects, either due to climate effects, political or historical ad-
versities, have not been retained or properly studied, so that today it can be used accura-
tely with all dimensions to determine and depict the delicacies and details of Iranian urban
development. However, the amount that has been remained and studied can be effective
to discover and understand many facts and highlights the great points of traditional urban
development of Iran.
The study of the remaining texts and the remnants of ancient Persia cities, with all of its
shortcomings and deficiencies, re ects the fact that the criteria and thoughts of urban plan-
ning have been crystallized in various dimensions and appeared physically in the body of
the city. These thoughts first appeared in the construction of single monuments and urban
elements (such as the temple), then they were continued with the construction of urban col-
lections, and finally, have been occurred in space with the emergence of complete urban
samples. Thus, they have been turned from the soul to the physical body in various dimen-
sions and have been visualized spatially.
Accordingly, urban development and urbanization in Iran refer to three great historical
experiences and periods; the spatial crystallization of the city in each of these periods, in ad-
dition to the historical continuity of the concepts of the previous periods, has both its evolved
form and the new concepts, which is unique to the same period. These periods include:

First period
This is the birth and emergence period of urbanization and urban development from the
9th to th century C. This section has been lasted six centuries and covers the governance
period of the Medes and Achaemenid dynasties. In this period, the city, urbanization and

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urban development were founded under the in uence of cultural exchanges and social
interactions with urban civilizations located in Mesopotamian Plain, in Median land and or-
ganized in Achaemenid land.
The urban planning thinking of the Median period, which is significantly visible in the Heg-
mataneh (Ecbatana)construction, is defensive-military thinking that reveals its effects in lo-
cating the city and its physical face. The emergence of military and castle cities, which have
a special place in the typology of Iranian cities, has been the direct consequence of this
thinking. The city, in the first place, was a tough and strong castle over a hill or strategic point,
and its development was heavily in uenced by defensive and military strategy.
For this reason, in the urbanization of the Median period, an element that played a key
role and was carefully designed and planned, was a governmental citadel, i.e city s de-
fensive castle and fortifications, and its internal divisions. Other urban elements such as the
azar, urban districts, and SHARESTAN in the spatial organization of the city did not have a
prominent position and evolved shape, and were in fact in their early stages.
When this urban development thinking comes to its Achaemenid period in its hi-
storical movement, is transformed according to time requirements , creating another
organization in space: the Military - castle city of Media is replaced with Persian
military- commercial and commercial-agricultural city (Achaemenid); Urban develop-
ment is liberated from the monopoly of military- defensive thinking and organizes ur-
ban and regional space in accordance with Achaemenid urban development thinking.
The first phase of this program, on a macro scale, follows the division of land and empire
territory into the country, clan, village, and home. In addition, some programs are being
implemented at the local level for urban organizing. Within the frame of these programs, the
city is the main site of which, in addition to the divisions that classify the social body of the city,
some divisions are also applied to the spatial organization of the city, which finds a definite
form in its body.
The spatial division and allocation of the city s physical body to three branches of the go-
vernmental citadel, the medial SHAR and the outer SHAR , which is the basis of the spatial
divisions of the city throughout the ancient period, is first apparent in the spatial organization
of the Achaemenid city. Since then, the azar element finds a definite place in the physi-
cal body of the city and its function plays a significant role in the city s economic life. The
mechanism of genesis, transformation, and evolution of the city and urban development in
Median and Achaemenids periods, known as Persian style or Persian method in urban deve-
lopment, ends with the Alexander the Great attack in the third century C; and the middle
period in ancient urban development starts.

Second period
This is the period of combining and integrating both Iranian and Greek urban develop-
ment, and foundation of autocracy cities with the style of government-Greek cities on the
Iran national statue. This stage began with the invasion of Alexander the Great in the rd
century C and coincides with the short period of the Seleucids sovereignty in Iran. In this
period, the urban development politics of the Medes and Achaemenids, i.e Persian style in
urban development, which was derived from Mesopotamia, became native in Median land
and evolved in the Achaemenid government, was invaded by the Greek urban develop-
ment method and, to some extent, lost its unity and integrity. For this reason, the physical-spa-
tial formation of the city has undergone the change and exhibited other symbols. One of
the urban development activities of the Seleucids was the construction of the new-founded
cities and towns and in the Greek urban development style, using the Hippodarius chess grid,
which was often commercial and strategic routes.1 Another measurement of Seleucid ur-
ban development is the reconstruction of many urban centers and ancient villages- cities of
Iran using the Greek urban development method. In most cases, Alexander and his succes-
sors (Seleucid), repaired and rebuilt old cities and ancient residential centers, and changed
them accordingly to their desires. In this regard, fertile areas such as Kermanshah, orujerd,
and Hamedan were considered by them, some changes were made in cities and centers
1
Taghavi Nezhad Dilami, M. R. (2002). Architecture, Urban Development and urbanization of Du-
ring the time passing. Tehran: Yasawoli press.80.
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such as Kangavar , Nahavand , and Dinor , and the Greek installation was made; Heg-
mataneh was rebuilt.17
And Susa and Fasa cities have undergone some changes. One of the most important
elements in installed in these cities, following the Greek urbanization, was the element of the
field as a social and public space that has been added to the elements of the physical orga-
nization of the cities. In Seleucid period, which lasted less than a century, the city and urban
development generally continued to grow, but experienced the transition period from an in-
digenous and Iranian style to a mixed way called Parsi-Helleny , and revealed its evidences
in the spatial organization and the physical formation of the city s physical body in different
parts of the country.

The third period

It is the ourishing period of urbanization and urban development, and generalization
of its expansion throughout the land. This period, which lasted from the rd century C to
the 7th century AD, coinciding with the period of the Parthian and Sassanid sovereignty in
Iran, is considered as the last stage in the history of urbanization and urban development of
ancient Iran. This period was accompanied by the emergence of a Parthian style in urban
development and ended with a Muslim invasion in the first century AH.
The city became the key element to organize the national space during this period.
Until that time, city and urban development were b being manifested in the concept
of single cities in space, which often was capital centers and a symbol of the saber-rattling
of the ruling dynasties; whereas urbanization and urban development were shaped on a
massive scale in space after that .i.e a network of cities that had diverse functions and used
them in the urban area. Urban thinking and urban planning criteria of the ancient period in
its historical dynamism, reaching this stage, obtains the peak of its evolution and defines and
establishes the true identity of the ancient city of Iran, as we know today. In the division of the
country for its more administration, Parthians paid more attention to the cities, and principal-
ly, provided a kind of internal autonomy to the states and the cities.18They are the founder
of a type of city that is called circular or around cities in urban morphology. These centers
were often found in cities with a circular design whose design and construction were heavily
in uenced by defensive criteria. This reveals the insecurity of Iran in the Parthian period. Some
historical sources regard this urban form as an adaptation of the principles of West Asian s
old urban development or derived from the design of the military camps of Assyria.19The
development of the castle making art and the construction of defensive fortifications in the
architecture and urban development of the Parthian period can be analyzed in conjunction
with this urban development method. In the Sassanid era, a vast network of new-founded
towns, known as Shah s cities, was built with the principles of Sassanid urban development
by kings, especially powerful kings like Ardeshir, Shapur, and Ghobad. The scope of Sassanid
urban development activity was such that today it has created the belief that most of the
ancient cities were formed during the Sassanid era or the ancient cities of the past periods
that expanded and prospered in this period. Ten city constructions have been named in the
list available from state capitals in the Sassanid era.20The construction of port cities in the an-
cient period should also be attributed to the Sasanid era. They established a number of port
cities, including Rishahar and Siraf, on the northern coasts of the Persian Gulf, to develop ma-
ritime commerce. The main factor for urban development and urbanization in the Sassanid
era is the link between the national economy and the urban economy. Cities have been the
main focus of trade exchanges; therefore, the government administration has been highly
dependent on urban economics.
In the last period of the history of ancient urbanization and urban development (Parthian
17
Taghavi Nezhad Dilami, M. R. (2002). Architecture, Urban Development and urbanization of Du-
ring the time passing. Tehran: Yasawoli press.79.
18
Nehchiri, A. H. (2000). Historical Geography of Cities. Tehran: Madreseh Press.290.
19
Girshman, R. (199 ). Iran from the beginning to Islam (10 ed.). (M. Mohammad, Trans.) Tehran:
scientific and cultural. 2 .
20
Ashraf, A. (19 ). Historical Features of Urbanization in Iranian- Islamic Period. Social Sciences et-
ter, 1(44),32.

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and Sassanid), urban development criteria and urban planning regulations are being used
to organize urban spaces and reach the peak of their evolution. The spatial structure of the
city s physical body can be defined and described as a manifestation of these criteria, with
the following characteristics:
1) Urban space is separated in its entirety by some segregation. The result of this sepa-
ration is the allocation and division of the physical body of the city into three parts of the
governmental citadel, the middle town, and outdoor city.
2) Among the triple spaces of the city, whether in the “Parthian” city or in Sassanid city, the
governmental citadel is considered as the most prominent urban space.
The style of urban development commonly used by the Parthians and the Sassanid are
known as the Parthi method or style of urban development in the ancient period of Iran.
It seems that in this urbanization, building with consciousness, and establishing with previous
design and plan,i.e the planned urbanization, has been of a prominent place in the com-
plex of urban activities. This is confirmed by similarities between the design of the Sassanid.
The results of archaeological reviewing and historical studies describe these maps in the form
of a rectangle. The intersection of the main axes in its internal networking has imagined the
cross shape.21ARG-e- AM( amCitadel) is one of the cities that built based on this system.

Conclusions from previous discussions

The results of these studies indicate that the traditional Iranian urban development sy-
stem has been based on a set of old, but unwritten criteria and regulations. These re-
gulations are a combination of economic, environmental and worldview features or
a perspective of the existence that has been faced to man. Accordingly, some fac-
tors such as water, defense, the functional unity, performances and the types of spatial,
functional and classical segregations have been considered in urban development.
Works that have remained from the spatial-physical body of the Iranian city from Median to
Sassanid, with all their inadequacies and limitations, show well the performance of mentio-
ned thoughts and their transformation from soul to body.
Tracking these planning thoughts and the spatial organization arisen out of which, while
emphasizing the endogeneity of urban development thinking in Iran, can be regarded as
a valuable resource for reviving past values in contemporary urban development. The es-
sence and motive of many of these thoughts, as persistent principles, illustrate the continued
ability of the traditional, alive and dynamic principles that can be used in different conditions
and situations.
There is no doubt that life is evolutionary and developmental; and dynamism, growth,
and variability are undeniable properties of existence, and urban development is not excep-
ted from them. ut the semen of this dynamics is undoubtedly in the past. It is born from the
past and is the result of the message of the past, and of course, have preludes for the future.
One of the points that have been observed in Iranian urban development, even until the
end of the last century, was the continuity and historical sustainability of traditional principles
and concepts;
However, the aspects of innovation and adaptation to time are also considered. ut to-
day, what is in front of the Iran urban development, because of the disconnection from hi-
storical past, evokes nothing except the maid, separation, and irregularities. The issue of the
society modernism moreover, has targeted the transformation of the urban community, in
the physical dimensions of the city, more than anything else, and greatly altered the ancient
concepts of urbanization.

Reading the urban morphology – of Islamic cities - in Iran and city formation based on mor-
phology
Urban morphology
Traditionally, urban morphology is defined as a systematic study of the form, shape, and
design of urban areas. Also, the growth and function of the city would be added to this de-
finition in some cases. Generally, the cities function plays an important role in urban morpho-
21
Mashhadizade Dehaghani, N. (199 ). Analysis of Urban Planning Features in Iran. Tehran: Universi-
ty of Science and Technology of Iran.217.
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logy formation, so that each urban function creates a special morphology and landscape.
For example, the cities with multiple textile factories, typically provide a special form of
urban morphology along with spinning factories, their own warehouses, and labor house;
whereas, pilgrimage cities with minarets, finials, mosques, churches and religious schools cre-
ate another kind of morphology. Urban morphology can be studied in three periods, in terms
of time.
Historical genesis period: The geographical situation and historical backgrounds give birth
to the city in this period. The city is gradually developed under the in uence of various inter-
nal and external factors. The heart or the center of the city has administrative and religious
attractions.
Patterning and formation period: The built streets and paths create the skeleton of the
city, and it takes a special patterning by its different cores and their functions in this period.
And, the configuration period:
The morphological features of the city clearly illustrate the relation between its morpho-
logy and function in this period. This period is in uenced by gravity and centrifugal forces.
y studying the structure of cities, it can be found that urban morphology emphasizes on
several basic issues;
- Urban design analysis in the morphology of cities:
The city physical and topographic development , the streets system, properties of the
buildings, the city development project in historical periods, azar places (its genesis and
evolution) of urban cells, changes in the central part of cities, construction of land use and
the effects of gravity and centrifugal forces will be studied in this method.
- Periodic behavior: different land-use periods, building forms and the correlation betwe-
en the development of urban areas form and marginal belt with economic uctuations and
social class location will be emphasized in this kind of survey.
- Factors affecting on morphological changes of the city: In this regard, the study of the
change in the form of buildings given the personal and public buildings, change of social
and economic factors, analysis of landowners , planners and architects role in urban mor-
phology, suburbs and new cities as well as interdependence between form and function are
considered as the important issues to recognize urban morphology.
In addition to three mentioned factors, the climatic and topographic conditions, as well
as ideological values, also play an important role to form urban morphology.

Islamic city
A full definition of the Islamic city and its properties has not been provided yet. ut accor-
ding to Naghizadeh point of view, the Islamic city is an evolving process, and always adapts
itself to requirements of its time, place and inhabitants, of course with reference to Islamic
principles. In other words, the Islamic city is a potential identity, which can have its own spe-
cial interpretation and manifestation at any time and place, with due regard to technology,
materials, knowledge, arts and native culture.
Parviz Piran believes that such a general naming i.e. the Islamic city - of the settlements
in the Islam world is wrong. In this regard, he writes: Such a naming, more by Western scho-
lars, is mixed with some prejudices and incompatibilities, and adds a concept to confusion
rather than enlightenment. Ultimately this application may be simultaneous with other mi-
sunderstandings and it would be supposed that the mentioned cities have been governed
according to Islamic laws. Although some features of Islamic world cities, such as mosque,
Azan, and to some extent the azar, are almost the same; and although in the large part
of ancient world, the concept of the district has been similar in many cities, a diversity that
exists in the cities of the Islamic world, in any respect, is so dramatic that it s difficult to classify
them in a group because of some similarities .22 In Mahmoud Tavassoli s point of view, the
Wests reason for such terminology is location of the city (ies) alone in one Islamic city and
its formation after the genesis of Islam.”
He poses the fundamental question that: First, what should we do by the cities, whose
core dates back to the pre-Islamic era And secondly, can we consider any city as Islamic,
Piran, P. (200 ). the
22
illage Theory replaced by the City Theory. Andishe-ye- Iranshahr, 1,
75.
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albeit it has been formed in an Islamic country and in the Islamic era .
In this regard, he brings the opinion of two orientalists, accompanied by him in some way,
and writes: Claude Cohen and Jan Oben believe that it is better to say that cities in Dar
al-Islam than Islamic cities. Cohen shows that most of the features considered for Islamic city
are in fact particular to cities of the yzantine and Middle Ages and the Italian cities before
the 11th century, and even to some extent, China and Central Asia“.23
Tavassoli emphasizes again on his opinion and writes: although it is difficult to identify
the pre-Islamic core due to extensive changes made in Iranian cities structure during the
Islamic period, there is no doubt that many physical features of the architecture and urban
development of the ancient Iran era have come to the Islamic era“.24 In this regard, Ahmad
Ashraf writes: Iranian cities in the Islamic era were formed from a mixture of Sassanid city with
the new-founded Islamic cities.25 Javier Doplanol believes that the Islamic city is a combina-
tion of intertwined blocks, ventilated undesirably through zigzag alleys, dark courtyards, and
low-rise houses, endlessly segmented due to their small courtyards; and it seems that disorder
is the most prominent feature of Islamic cities.2

Properties of Islamic city in Iran

Islam is the dominant factor of Islamic city pattern, based on which, all indicators and ele-
ments of the city social and physical life are identified and systemized certainly.27 Kohandezh
and the governor s seat (Dar-ol-Hokoomeh), azar, mosques, schools, and districts are all
visual representation of the system of governance, guilds, religious communities and nation
(Ummah) in Islamic city.
Urban renovation is being continued as one element of the city dynamics. The people
themselves embark to do so according to requirement, and all of the custodians and ma-
nagers of the city move towards this dynamics.28 In general, despite the various differences
between traditional Muslim cities, two factors including urban construction and the city tex-
ture can be considered as commonalities of spatial-physical properties of Islamic cities, whi-
ch include the inner and outer complexity. The mosque was added to Islamic cities structure
as a new element. According to historical documents, the first Islamic state was built in the
mosque.29

Islamic cities morphology

Perhaps, the traditional Islamic city would be the manifestation of a meander in twisted
alleys at first glance.
In the top view of the city displays itself in a crystalline form, with cubes and charters-which
are in fact the community of side- by- side houses, the cut spaces, everyday life commute,
convoluted paths and the tied roads that seem to end nowhere.30 According to Moghad-
dasi, the streets of Shiraz were so contracted that even human or animals could not cross it.31
23
Tavassoli, M. (1990). City in Islamic Era lands (First Edition ed.). (A. Iraj, M. ahya, Eds.) Tehran:
Asatir press.359.
24
Tavassoli, M., onyadi, N. (2010). Urban Space Design. Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Shahidi
press.127.
25
Ashraf, A. (19 ). Historical Features of Urbanization in Iranian- Islamic Period. Social Sciences et-
ter, 1(44), 20.
2
Hakim, . S. (2002). Arabic-Islamic Cities: Principles of Urban Development and Construction. (M.
A. Mohammad Hossein, A. M. Aref, Trans.) Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Ministry of Culture and
Islamic Guidance. .
27
Ayazi, S. A. (200 ). Explanation of Islamic Thought around the City and Urbanization with an Em-
phasis on Religious Texts. The first Conferences of Islamic Utopia (p. 102). Isfahan: Isfahan Universi-
ty.
28
Habibi, S. M. (200 ). From Shar to City.Historical Analysis of the Concept of City and its Physical
Appearance: Thought and Effect (Second Edition ed.). Tehran: Tehran University Press.141.
29
en-Hamouche, M. (2009). The complexity of Urban Fabric in Traditional Muslim Cities: Importing
old Wisdom to Present Cities. Urban Design International, 1 , 2 .
30
mat, N. a.-D. (1990). Islamic city. (M. H. Halimi, M. Eslambolchi, Trans.) Tehran, Tehran, Iran/
Tehran: Printing Publishing Organization of the Ministry of Culture. .
31
Moghaddasi, A. A. (19 2). Ahsan al-taq s m f marifat al-aq l m ( ol. 2). (A. N. Monzavi, Trans.)
Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Corporation of Authors and Translators. 0.
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In the old texture of Tehran, the paths were narrow and twisted; and the buildings had protru-
sions to path space to create more shadows. The orientation of houses and, consequently,
the street plans had partly environmental logic. The streets and alleys were continued to
the front of the entrance door but did not give any picture of the nature or dimensions of
the district.32 The fact is that villages, towns, and Islamic cities were rarely matched with the
geometric symmetry of urban design. In order to create distinct areas of the public space
and the traffic system, the structure of the Islamic city is limited to the spaces between houses
and spaces such as shops and chambers. While the social composition of the Iranian city is
matched up with Islamic needs, its› morphology is to a large extent the logical response of
culture to the natural environment, especially the topography and climate of the Iran pla-
teau. The climatic conditions of Iran Plateau and other Middle East countries have caused
the central yard system to be considered as the dominant model, for most Islamic cities of
the mentioned region, to achieve the proper dwelling conditions.33 The emphasis on obser-
ving the sanctity of family was one of the most significant factors leading the internalization
principle of residential districts. Observing this principle in buildings was in uenced by va-
rious factors including climate, geography, and security. This was approved and encoura-
ged due to compliance with the principle of family sanctity in Islam, and the application of
this principle in all urban and architectural spaces has been effective in the emergence of
compacted and continuous urban textures in historical textures.34 The grand mosque and
religious centers are considered as centers accumulating the urban textures in Islamic cities.
In the district centers, some elements such as anchor, mosque, seminary school, bathrooms,
and shops configure the urban texture. Usually, the fields in Islamic cities are spaces enclo-
sed with surrounding buildings, creating a space for social, cultural, religious and sometimes
commercial activities. These squares exist in the textures of Iranian cities both in geometric
and non-geometric patterns.35
In a general statement, we can mention the following items about morphological-spatial
properties of urban texture in Iran:
- In Iranian cities, each element of the architectural physical body has a specific function
and an amazing relation with other elements of architecture in unifying hierarchy. Houses
are balanced and proportionate in terms of the height, volume, composition, materials and
outside decorations.
- In Iran cities, the communication has taken a more legible form based on more clear
relation between the city center and district through main paths as linking elements. This fe-
ature is evident not only in the entire construction of the city but also in its components, i.e.
the district centers.
- In the old cities of Iran, the residential units are joined with the central courtyard. The phy-
sical organization of the old cities of Iran is based on the spatial link between the elements
including the city center, the district centers, main crossings, and square.
- The coordination of the scale of the main crossings and paths of the city with secondary
sidewalks is another feature of urban texture in Iran.
- reaking the linear state of the local streets, adjusted with breaking the uniform voids
into a few contracted and wide spaces, dynamically and steadily, through a combination
of different but harmonious bodies, is another feature of Iran urban textures. In fact, this is the
reduction of length and creation of a variety of space, distinguishing it visually.
- In urban spaces of Iran, in spite of the variety of geometries and volumes applied in
urban spaces structure, a balanced and adjusted combination of contradictory functions
has been created with high proportionality, supporting the urban services through a logical
relation with each other.
32
Shokoee, H. (19 ). New Perspectives in Urban Geography. Tehran, Tehran, Iran/Tehran: The Orga-
nization for Researching and Composing University Textbooks in the Humanities (SAMT).191.
33
Kheirabadi, M. (199 ). Cities of Iran. (H. Hataminezhad, E. Mafi, Trans.) Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran/
Mashhad: Nika press.21.
34
Kheirabadi, M. (199 ). Cities of Iran. (H. Hataminezhad, E. Mafi, Trans.) Mashhad, Mashhad,
Iran/Mashhad: Nika press. 1.
35
Tavassoli, M. (19 ). Principles and Methods of Urban Planning and Residential Areas in Iran. Tehran,
Tehran, Iran/Tehran: Research Center of Urban Planning and Architecture of Iran.1 .
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 - In the urban texture of Iran- between the buildings combined to create an enclosed
space in the city- there is such a harmony in morphological unity that, the mentioned spa-
ce becomes continuous and creates a harmonious unit, despite the formation of enclosed
spaces from different buildings.

Shiraz and its formation in the context of urban morphology

The Iranian cities have had different shapes and designs in the vicissitudinous historical
context of Iran plateau and its vast empire territory. However, they all have a single design in
terms of hierarchical structure. Iranian cities with special and prominent historical core such
as Shiraz, Esfahan, Kashan, azd, Tabriz and Mashhad, all follow an organic structure and
have formed the city based on climatic, cultural, social, military and sometimes political pa-
rameters.During the Achaemenid era, Iranian cities were built under the in uence of the As-
syria urban development, with an emphasis on the defensive aspect, with circular plans, the
most important of which can be mentioned as Darabgard and Shahr-e-Goor cities. Cities
that have been formed over elevations, hills, and mountains according to their time require-
ments-based on the military impacts and defensive implications of the city- have also been
another type of Iranian urban development typology i.e the morphology of Iranian cities.
Such cities have not been built with a single typology. ut the city defensive part was built on
adjacent elevations, and other parts were formed on the submontane plains.
At a certain section of Iran the history (the Parthians or Arascian), the city was designed
and built with the pattern of the Greek cities design, leading to the formation of the Hippo-
damus cities. This type of urban morphology has long been prevalence in Iran urban deve-
lopment and formed the foundation of Iranian cities in ancient times with a slight shift and
getting out of geometric constraints. ishapur can be mentioned as one of the cities with the
Hippodamus design. The city of Abu Nasr, which is the site of the formation of the primary
core of Shiraz, was also formed in the morphology of Iranian cities.
Abu Nasr city, where the primary core of Shiraz was formed, was also formed following the
Iranian cities morphology.

The genesis of Shiraz City

efore entering the Aryan race, the ancient inhabitants of Persia have been consisted
of relatively rude black local natives living in the mountains, the evidence and symptoms of
them are now available in ancient Iranian museums, Persepolis and Pars.
According to the researchers view, the Aryans have arrived at the Iran plateau from 1000
to 1 00 C.
As Herodotus says, the Aryans (Persians) have consisted of 10 tribes, one of which was the
Pasargadians who settled in Pasargad city and then Istakhr city. It is not certainly clear that
which tribe of Persians has settled first in the Shiraz plain. However, we know that the Pasar-
gad city has started to be destroyed, after the domination of Alexander, and its people have
moved to Istakhr city and transferred from the Istakhr to Shiraz after the Arabs dominated.
In general, no much information is available about Shiraz before Islam, since most of the
available historical books related to Shiraz are from the works of Islamic historians, who have
generally focused on post-Islamic events and situations, and have paid less attention to
pre-Islamic history.
These books, which may be the only means of accessing the position and limits of Shiraz
in the past, attribute the shiraz construction history to Muhammad ibn usuf al-Thaqafi, the
governor of Fars during the caliphate of Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan( - 9 AH) - 0 AD. And
some of these books restrict this date to AH or 9 AD.In his Farsnameh book, Ibn alkhi
expresses the Abu Nasr city or collection, now known as asr-i Abu Nasr as the origin of Shi-
raz. If we imagine asr-i Abu Nasr as the origin and source of Shiraz, based on the available
evidence, we choose a rational Eastern source; and If Ibn alkhi s text is correct, we can
consider the distance of six kilometers between asr-i Abu Nasr and the old location of cur-
rent Shiraz as the movement route of Shiraz from the original to current situation.
According to the foundation of Shiraz and changes in the city development from the
beginning of Islam on, that is visible in the available maps, Shiraz has always been moved
toward the west, and this is true also about the present era and the development direction

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is quite evident.
Therefore, Shiraz can be considered a city, developing from the east to the west, and the
current situation of the city development can be considered as confirmation of this theory.
One of the main causes of this mobility should be sought in a natural situation and atmosphe-
ric conditions of the plain, so that investigation of the natural situation of this area shows that
the rainfall in the northwest highlands of this plain is high and always waters ow from west
to east toward the Maharlou lake. After the Arabs conquest to Iran and breaking down of
Istakhr city, the city was gradually evacuated and its inhabitants turned to Shiraz. According
to the contents of the Islamic histories, which is considered as the only evidence of Shiraz
historical development in the Islamic era, Shiraz was founded in AH or 9 AD, by Muham-
mad ibn usuf al-Thaqafi, the brother of Hajjaj ibn usuf, appointed as Shiraz governor by
Umayyad caliph and Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan. The primary core of the city was at the time
of foundation without any defensive battlement. However, some battlements with a ditch
full of water were built around it at different times. The first battlement of Shiraz was built in
9 AH or 12 2 AD. The Shiraz Fence was renovated or reconstructed several times during
different years. It was destroyed by the earthquake in 1 9 AH or 1921 AD, and no fence or
battlement has been renovated from then on.
Flourishing and development of Shiraz are merely limited to times that it has been capital
or has become important for some reasons.
The study of the historical evolutions of the city shows that the origin of Shiraz city formation
should be searched in the azar and four axes that have crossed them and surrounded the
urban elements. Each axis represents a physical evolution of a period of city history. These
evolutions have taken place in accordance with the requirements of the time and with re-
spect to past experiences to improve and complete the city structure. The placement of
urban elements during these axes has been subject to a certain arrangement so that the
common features of the city structure at different times are as follows:
- The location of urban elements at the route of the infiltration galleries and the owing
waters;
- The segregation between the religious, governmental and commercial field of functions;
- Existence of interface spaces and functional joints.
- The first urban space was created for the gathering of Muslims, following the construction
of the Aqiq Grand Mosque during the time of Amr-i aith Saffari. After that, some places such
as the New Mosque, the Shah Safavid Square, Toopkhaneh Square and so on created the
past urban spaces, so that Shiraz has never been empty of urban spaces until the contem-
porary era.
rie y, The steps of Shiraz city formation are as follows:
-1st step:
The first step of the city s main structure formation relates to its ourishing at the time of
Al oyah, in the th century AH or the 10th century AD. efore that, the Atiq Grand Mosque
was constructed and the city azar was continued from its side to the Istakhr city gate. Urban
elements were established on the way to the Azodi anat at the time of Al oyah.
The governmental buildings were located in the west and religious elements were cente-
red on the east of the azar axis. This pattern has also led to the formation and expansion of
the main city skeleton in later periods.
-2nd step:
The second step of the city historical evolution of the has been during the Fars Atabakan
era. The segregation of urban functions was also observed in another axis, which was se-
lected during this era parallel with the Azodi anat. In this era, some frontage-shaped spa-
ces were created between these spatial elements, which facilitated their activities.
- rd step:
The third step of the city historical evolution dates back to the Safavid period. In addition
to the main structural elements of the past, the Safavids had a specific pattern and method
to design urban spaces, which adapted it to the needs of the city in different conditions.
uotes from the report of Cultural, H. O. (199 ). examining how Shiraz was formed and the pro-
cess of its transformation in different periods of history. Shiraz: Fars Province Cultural Heritage Orga-
nization.1-2.
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 The third axis of urban elements placement in Shiraz, which has been created in this period,
started from the Khan school in the east to the Daoud Khan azar in the middle of the two
direction of the azar, reaching the Shah Safavi Square, surrounded with the palace, Dar
al- Shifa and the Safavi Mosque.
At this time, another axis was constructed in the form of Chahar agh, extending from the
Darvaze Isfahan to the Tange-ye Allah Akbar.
Due to the destructive oods in 10 9 AH. 1 9 AD in Shiraz, the Afghan invasion and de-
struction of the buildings by the next dynasties, the valuable treasure of Safavid architecture
and urban development in Shiraz was demolished, and there was nothing left but a few
buildings, and references to some of the historical documents.
In this period, which is considered as the most ourishing period of urbanization in Iran
after Islam, Shiraz had such an extended area during the Safavid era that, the city was not
expanded as much from then on, until the early ajar era.
- th step:
The fourth step of the city historical evolution is during the Zandieh period. After defeating
the Afghan attack, Karim Khan and arranged Shiras as headquarter of his government,
then built and developed the city since 11 0 AH, 1 AD.
He built his of governmental buildings often on the axis leading to the gh-e Sh h inste-
ad of the Safavid destroyed buildings and gardens.
Although the architecture of andieh buildings enjoyed the sophistication and hardness
of the Iranian architecture culture, in the urban design of this period, the functional aspects
were considered as important more than the values of aesthetics.
Considering the distribution and compression of urban elements in a set of andieh axis
buildings confirmed that, designing has been done in a predetermined range and within a
damaged urban texture.
Shiraz historical texture analysis based on the angle of formation of building units. In this
chart the historical context of shiraz is analysed by AutoCAD software. This analysis is based
on the dominant angles in the historical context. The color RED, UE and GREEN indicate the
abundance of building units based on their angle.

Urban Texture in Shiraz City

According to investigations, the current Shiraz City has the following textures: old texture,
middle texture, new texture, peripheral texture, cellular texture, and semi-rural texture.

A The old te ture

formation of this texture dates back to 1 00 SH. Residential units and the remaining
structure in this area were formed mainly in the thirteenth century. The old texture of
Shiraz is referred to as the area located on the sides of the einabiyeh, Sibouyeh, aani,
Saadi, Ferdowsi, and Keshavarz and has been situated almost within the area of the last
battlement of the city. In the past, this area has been limited to a battlement with six gates,
encompassing some districts. The central parts of this texture are much older. This texture is
divided into northern and southern parts by streets called Karim Khan and and otf Ali Khan
and. Except for two mentioned broad streets, several other subways have contributed
to disintegrate the city ancient texture. Changes in the composition of different elements
and forms of communication networks of the cavalry, infantry, the city azar and valuable
monuments adjacent to them, not only provide the original integrated skeletons but also
created some abnormalities in the spatial organization ( D) of the city. In general, the
structure of this texture is a network of main passages with an average width of about three
to four meters and have a relatively specified and in some cases almost straight, axis. Their
secondary branches, almost with an average width of two to three meters. In this part of
the city, the concentration of commercial centers and the increasing of their in number,
have caused other uses, such as residential use, not to have balanced growth; and in some
cases, the residential uses play the warehousing role, due to the presence of enterprises and
stores. Regarding the aging and wearing of residential usages, and due to the residents
reluctance to build and renew them, they have not been developed; and their demanding

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populations are of relatively low -income groups.37
The buildings in the old texture are generally one-story and rarely exceed two stories.
However, four-story buildings were built along the streets that were built to enhance
productivity and to provide the historical texture with services. In the current state, the
buildings do not follow a certain constructional rule, so that the average segregated pieces
of the texture vary from 100 to 00 square meters.

B The middle te ture

formation of the middle texture in Shiraz is related to the urbanization evolution of the
early decades of the current century. At the same time as the formation and prevalence
of the capitalist system in Iranian society, the old texture area could not adopt the added
population anymore. Therefore, at this period of urbanization, we observe some changes in
the structure of the existing textures, along with the physical expansion of the city.
In the second decade of the current century, the urban face of the old texture of Shiraz
undergone transformation to adapt to the new conditions governing on society. Following
the construction of streets, the existing routes and passages of the middle texture were
formed faster, in the form of fragmented parts and some spots on the margins of the old
texture, more in west and northwest; and this texture was formed faster than the old one. The
middle texture was formed around the old texture of the city from about 1921 to early 19 1.38
As the city grew and spread, new physical changes took place in the old part of the
cities. The construction of new streets is the first manifestation of the new urban development,
after which the margin of the streets was transformed and new buildings were built, but the
inner parts of the texture were less transformed. The stage of the destruction of the old texture
started by creating squares in the city center, and the perpendiculars checkered streets.
The separation of lands, passages and access networks in the middle texture have
followed a more geometric order than the old one.
The access networks of the texture enjoy more orders in this area, and the problem of old
texture traffic is not seen in this area. In terms of spatial texture and aggregation of residential
units, the density of units in this area has been reduced than the old texture and the building
blocks are more regular. The intermediate texture has more regular and geometric access
networks than the old texture, and we can see well, the change from organic design to
checkered design and map. The middle texture of Shiraz is often related to the sections built
in the period after 1921, and its main feature is the new materials and the use of modern
architecture in constructions. This area of the city is located in regular, irregular and checkered
forms in the right, north, and west of the city. There is a hierarchy between the passages of
this texture in most sections so that the collector and distributor passages have a width of
to 12 meters and access passages have a width of to meters. The segments in the regular
checkered section are ordered and their average area is 200 to 00 square meters, while
the irregular texture does not follow a particular order and the area of segments varies from
0 to 200 square meters. and use in the range of middle texture indicates that the mainland
user is of a residential kind, and the commercial use is seen much less only on the periphery
of the streets, compared to the old texture, is much less.

C The new te ture

This part of the urban texture of Shiraz is related to sections built after 19 1 in the northern
and northwestern part of the city, where construction has been formed up to the last
decade. The network of passages of this range is hierarchical so that the collector and
distributor network has a width of 10 to 19 meters and access passages have a width of to
meters. Most of the buildings formed in this part of the city are more than two stories. The new
discontinuous forming texture is checkered due to planning and conducting of construction
based on the studies of Shiraz land preparation plan. This texture has been planned more in
conformity with regular access networks, to meet the need of car traveling.
37
Dean of Architecture and Urban Development, o. S. (200 ). Revision of Shiraz Detailed Plan. City
and Home Consulting Engineers, Architecture and Urban Development. Shiraz: Municipality of Ar-
chitecture and Urban Development of Shiraz.120.
38
Dean of Architecture and Urban Development, o. S. (200 ). as previous.
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 D The eri heral te ture
in fact, the peripheral texture that was formed and developed in Iran from 1971 onwards,
essentially encompasses dormitory parts and metropolitan suburbs. It was increased
following the increase in population, urban migration, and the need for housing and urban
growth. The growth of population, especially caused by overcrowded migrations seeking a
shelter to reside, created the middle texture in marginal points or outside the city. The urban
textures created after 1981, which included the largest city area and accepted the highest
population, were called the peripheral texture.
In some lands, such as the northern lands of the city, where mostly middle-income and
the high-income population started construction, have maps with more geometric order
and the servicing problem is seen less in this area. ut in most of the land that has been under
construction during this period of time, some texture susceptible to marginalization have
been emerged, which are more vivid in the east of the city and less vivid in south and west
of the city. The peripheral texture of Shiraz has been formed in eastern and southern parts of
the city; and has no definite system and structure in terms of urban morphology. This range of
urban texture is not legally authorized to use urban services and infrastructure. These textures
were located within the city and its area has been reduced following the reviewing of a
comprehensive plan of Shiraz.

F The satellite te ture

formation of this texture began in 19 1, culminating in the early 19 0s. This section
included many towns around large cities. The rapid growth of the city, the prevalence of
unconstrained construction and settlement of the immigrant population created many
problems. The imbalance between the shaped spaces, the expansion of social and
psychological problems arising from the confrontation between cultures and traditions, are
among these problems. In fact, these plans have been considered as a clashing action to
respond to the growing need for urbanization. This stage of physical expansion of the city is
the only step that has been dominated by planning ideas since the inception of its primary
sprout formation. The main idea at this stage of the physical expansion was that the urban
development overcomes urban growth and creates a new residential complex with the
least problems than the districts formed in suburban. Only one town in Shiraz has been built
with this feature (satellite texture). The new Sadra town in the northwest of Shiraz, with a
distance of m from the historic core, is the only satellite texture of Shiraz, the construction of
which began in 1992.

The semi-rural te ture

another subset of new urban texture in recent decades has been semi-rural texture,
mainly formed through the integration of adjacent villages in the city. Perhaps it cannot
be said that these textures are new, but it is better to recognize them as rural and ancient
textures. This part of the city is related to the villages that have been located within the limit
of the city while it was spreading. This texture in Shiraz includes some parts of the west and
northwest of Shiraz, were once inhabited by Talkhdash, asr al-Dash, and Koshan villages.
Although now these regions are known by their own village name, their texture has changed
from a totally rural texture to a semi-rustic and in parts to a totally urban texture. The urban
structure in this texture is completely new and many parts of it have been destroyed and
rebuilt in recent years.

Conclusion
Investigating the change of cities and knowing the process of their formation can be a
first step in designing future urban structures. Modern cities in Iranian architecture have been
in a crisis of identity and authenticity due to vast changes in structure and morphology. An
examination of the historical development of the completion of Iranian cities shows that the
evolution of Iranian urban planning has always been based on predetermined thinking and
design. This thinking, although subjective rather than drawing, has always grown the city
according to its social and cultural components.
Studies on the historical context of Shiraz show that the city has always been shaped and
expanded on the basis of Iranian urban patterns from its inception to the late ajar period.
474 ISUFitaly 2020
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 The city of Shiraz is based on the central model of the foundation and expanded. The
development of Shiraz from the beginning of its foundation until the early Safavid era was
confined to the city walls. From the beginning of the Safavid era, the expansion of the city to
the north and north-west was carried out by the construction of gardens and streets of the
royal and Chahar agh .
Despite the expansion of the city to the north and northwest, the pattern of city
development continues to be based on the principles of Iranian urban planning. This pattern
was maintained until the end of the ajar era. ut with the advent of modernity in Iran,
Iranian cities have changed the pattern of urban development due to the acceptance of
industry and industrialization of cities.
This change in the structure of the city changed the social and cultural structure of the
city. And it made the distribution of services and urban infrastructure unbalanced.
The study of middle and late texture map of Shiraz shows that the morphological structure
of the city is broken and inconsistent with other parts of the city, especially with the historical
texture.
This restructuring continues and is much more severe in the later tissue. Therefore, it is
necessary to carefully study the change of cities, their expansion process, and to criterion for
appropriate development and determining the components of development.

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Figure 1. (left) Typical model of Islamic city associated to the Iranian cities Source: Eckart
EH ERS and Willem F OOR, Change in Iran, 1920-19 ; Figure 2. (right up) The physical structure
of the city during the Sassanid period on the left, the physical structure of the city during the
Parthian period on the right; (right down) The physical structure of the city during the Achae-
menid period on the left, the Physical Structure of the City in the Medes Period on the right.

Figure 3. ARG-e- AM( am Citadel) south of Iran.

Figure 4. Shush has been one of the military cities of ancient Iran; Figure 5. Hegmataneh
in western Iran, one of the first cities built in ancient Iran.

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Figure 6. Darabgerd and Goor city are two cities that built during the second period of
urban development in ancient Iran.

Figure 7.Aerial photo of ARG-e- AM( am Citadel) south of Iran; Figure 8. Aerial photo of
ishapur historical city south of Iran; Figure 9. The map of ARG-e- AM( am Citadel) south
of Iran.
Baru(Great Wall)
Tower(Borj)
1- Arg(Citadel)
2- City(Sharestan)
3- Nearbay(Rabaz)
4- Canal(Khandaq)
4

Figure 10. The map of Persepolis (Pars City) south of Iran; Figure 11. Hierarchy of Formation
of Ancient City Structure; Figure 12. Shiraz, the spatial structure of the city 18th century A.D.

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 Qasr-I Abu Nasr
Citadel of Abu Nasr

Figure 13. (from left) The historical evolution of Shiraz and its formation at its present location
based on historical evidence; Shiraz in the pre-Islamic era; The first step of the formation of
Shiraz.

Figure 14. (from left) The second step of the formation of Shiraz; The third step of the forma-
tion of Shiraz; The fourth step of the formation of Shiraz.

Period of «Omavian» - 661-750 Period of «Ale Booyeh» - 934-1055 Period of «Saljuqiyan» – 1037-1194 Period of «Atabakan» - 1148-1287

Shiraz historical texture analysis based on the angle of formation of building units

Period of «Safaviyeh» - 1501-1721 Period of «Zandiyeh» - 1750-1796 Period of «Afshariyeh» - 1721-1750 Period of «Qajariyeh» - 1796-1925

Figure 15. Urban organism - phases of growth of the city of Shiraz in the years Red at an angle of 88 ° to 93 °
1 betweenGreen at an angle of 75 ° to 80 ° covers Blue with an angle of 80 ° to 88 °

192 - Spatial evolution of the oldtexture

urban fabric.
covers about 46% of the entire
about 5% of the entire historical covers about 24 % of the entire
historical texture.
Shiraz historical analysis based on the angle of formation of building units texture. historical texture.

Red at an angle of 88 ° to 93 °
Green at an angle of 75 ° to 80 ° covers Blue with an angle of 80 ° to 88 °
covers about 46% of the entire
about 5% of the entire historical covers about 24 % of the entire
historical texture.
texture. historical texture.

Figure 16. Adaptation of historical texture lines to architectural

Adaptation of Historical Texture
Lines modulation and architec-
to Architectural Modulation

tural units and Architectural Units The sum of the historic building In this study, all units of historical
units is 100%. fabric were taken at 100%.

478
Shiraz historical texture analysis based on the angle of formation of building units.
ISUFitaly 2020
URBAN SUBSTRATA Morphological legacies In this chart the historical context of Shiraz is analysed by AutoCAD software.
& and This analysis is based on the dominant angles in the historical context.
The colours red, blue, and green indicate the abundance of building units based on their angle.
CITY REGENERATION design tools

Adaptation of Historical Texture

Lines to Architectural Modulation
and Architectural Units The sum of the historic building In this study, all units of historical
units is 100%. fabric were taken at 100%.
Figure 17. (from left) Read at an angle of to 9 degree covers about of the entire his-
torical texture; Green at an angle of to 0 degree covers about of the entire historical
texture; lue at an angle of 0 to degree covers about 2 of the entire historical texture;
The some of the historic building units is 100 ; In this study, all units of historical fabric were
taken at 100 .

Figure 18. The old texture of Shiraz and its extension to the west and northwest; The new
context of Shiraz and its historical context.

Figure 19. The middle texture - formation of the middle texture in Shiraz on the side of west
and northwest; The peripheral texture and The new texture.

Figure 20. Development of Shiraz from traditional city to contemporary city.

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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

Historical walls of segregation: a comparative approach on

fringe belt as a tool of regeneration
Deborah C. Lefosse
Sapienza University of Rome, DiAP - Departement of Archtecture and Design, Rome
Keywords: Urban segregation, Fringe belts, Urban planning

Abstract

Spatial segregation is an inherent feature of cities and it is even more marked where
historical walls together with a fringe belt highlight a tangible boundary dividing the built
environment The fringe-belt conce t, rst introduced in ermany some years ago,
has its origins in the recognition by Louis of the long-term signi cance of hysical limita-
tions on urban growth, notably city walls Formulated by Conzen and the urban
mor hology school of the University of Birmingham, it describes coherently the urbaniza-
tion rocess and change of status of areas from limits to central zones during the build-
ing cycles towards the periphery. Fringe belts are usually substrata and green corridors
which also have tourism potential and importance in terms of tradition and sense of
permanence, especially if they embedded the city walls. With the aim of enhancing the
impact of the urban morphology on the regeneration and planning practice and over-
coming the current alienation of such structures within the urban fabrics, this work offers
a comparative investigation between fringe belts of Verona and Nicosia. Analysing their
historical, morphological, environmental and social effects on the city, a more general
framework of the real and symbolic signi cance will be rovided For guaranteeing a
more inclusive and sustainable city development, these key areas should be taken into
account as ecological buffer zones of identity in urban lanning and included among
the enforcement strategies by decision-makers.

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 Introduction
Segregation is an inherent feature of cities and it remains a long-standing key issue for
policy-makers, designers and scholars committed to defining the urban form understan-
ding. Likewise, the international community is called to respond to development challen-
ges in view of ensuring a sustainable future and inclusive society.
Urban segregation generally refers to the spatial separation of people groups defined
by one or more dimensions, but the prevalent distinction is made between ethnocultural
and socioeconomic differences. Spatial segregation is an interdisciplinary phenomenon
that has produced expansive literature in sociology, economics, geography, architectu-
re, and urbanism for at least half a century. Most such studies have their main focus on
residential locations, nevertheless both activities and particular needs may affect the se-
quential city growth. Spatial segregation also acquires different senses depending on the
specific urban context and it is even more marked where historical walls together with a
fringe belt highlight a tangible boundary dividing the built environment. The fringe-belt
concept, first introduced in Germany some 0 years ago, has its origins in the recogntion
by ouis of the long-term significance of physical limitations on urban growth, notably city
walls. Formulated by M.R.G. Conzen and the urban morphology school of the University
of Birmingham, it describes coherently the urbanization process and change of status of
areas from limits to central zones during the building cycles towards the periphery. Fringe
belts are usually substrata and green corridors which also have tourism potential and
importance in terms of tradition and sense of permanence, especially if they embedded
the city walls.
Beyond the difference among housing neighbourhoods, this work deals with segre-
gation through the fringe belt phenomenon seeking new uses and identities. Although
the existing fringe belts are widely regarded as a physical and metaphysical boundary,
the study considers them a timeless icon as well as a potential tool in urban. As a mor-
phological legacy, they represent a space-time continuum able to connect the past
city with the future one. For guaranteeing a more inclusive and sustainable city, these
key areas should be taken into account as ecological buffer zones of identity in urban
planning and included among the enforcement strategies by decision-makers. In line
with the 11th Millennium Development Goal (Sustainable Cities and Communities) the
historical fringe belts are investigated in order to safeguard the world’s cultural heritage,
provide new accessible green and public spaces, support positive economic, social and
environmental links between urban, peri-urban and rural areas. The research devises the
following objectives:
- Advance framework in urban morphology in view of comparative studies;
- Analyse the urban segregation through case studies and understand the mutual in-
teractions between historical walls, fringe belts and the surrounding town;
- Propose historical fringe belt as a vehicle for spatial regeneration and social integra-
tion, starting from the urban frontiers to inspire more cohesive upgrading policies.
Paper begins by outlining previous research perspectives on fringe belts and drawing
attention to recent attitudinal and policy changes of planning strategies. Then, it offers
a comparative investigation between fringe belts of Verona and Nicosia. Analysing their
polyvalent effects on the city, a more general framework of the real and symbolic signifi-
cance will be provided with the aim of enhancing the impact of the urban morphology
on the planning practice and overcoming the current alienation of such structures within
the urban fabrics

Fringe belt: an evolving morphological concept

The research on fringe belts can be divided into three stages. The first stage was from
19 to the mid-19 0s when the fringe belt phenomenon was identified and articulated
by European geographers. ouis (19 ) first recognized fringe belt studying the Greater
Berlin, this concept have become a topic of investigation by urban morphologists both
in Western and Eastern countries, acquiring diverse meanings in relation to an increasing
number of political, socioeconomic and environmental changes. As defined by ouis, a
fringe belt is a zone of extensive urban land use formed at the edge of an urban area

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during a period when the built-up area is either not growing to be embedded within the
built-up area during the subsequent expansion phase (Whitehand and Morton, 200 ).
Although the fringe belt identification is attributed to ouis, Cozen formulated its concep-
tual framework associated with processes of urban growth in his studies of Alnwick and
Newcastle upon Tyne (Cozen, 19 0). Conzen s research defined the morphological the-
ory including the fringe belt concept as an entry to the urban complexity (Cozen, 19 ).
The second stage of fringe belt studies was between the mid-19 0s and the late 1990s.
In this period, fringe belts mainly undertaken by geographers and morphologists as histo-
ric-geographical markers of cities, interpreting the urban form through distinct functional
zones (Whitehand, 19 ; Carter and Wheatley, 19 9; Rodrigo Cervantes, 1999; ilagrasa,
1990). Moreover, Whitehand established the relationship between fringe belts and cycli-
cal development (Whitehand, 19 ).
In the third stage of research, from the late 1990s to the present day, stress has been
placed on the longevity of fringe belts, the inertia of local institutions, and the incre-
asing economic interests (Whitehand, 19 ; Whitehand and Morton, 200 ). However,
greater attention has been given to the use of the fringe belt as a tool of regeneration.
The discussion of the fringe belt as a more integrated planning approach (Whitehand
Morton 200 -200 ), the place of fringe belts in urban design management (Kropf 2001;
Whitehand 200 ) and their significance for urban ecology (Hopkins, 2012), are being
systematically examined by urban morphologists (Gu, 2010). Recently, several planning
policies have been developed for green belts within the city. They are generally discon-
tinuous areas but nevertheless ensure the survival of plant and animal species (Hopkins,
200 ) to confirm that fringe belts merit consideration in urban landscape management
(Whitehand, 200 ).
Referring to historical walls of segregation , the existence of a fringe belt is important
to understand the evolution of an old city which has remarkable ruins. Indeed inner and
middle fringe belts were associated with city walls as fixation lines which acted as barriers
to the physical growth of the city, such as a city wall or river valley ( arke, 1990). Many Eu-
ropean cities provide notable examples of fringe belts embedded within Medieval or Re-
naissance fortifications (Whitehand, 19 ). As geographical consequences of the cities
with a long history, concentric fringe areas often emerge with a fractional dynamic and
separated from residential districts because they are not only symptomatic of a historical
expansion but they are also linked to the economic land use ( arke,1990). The idea of
fringe belt formation at times of economic stagnation or slight growth is accepted and
equated with periods of slump in the building cycle (Conzen, 2009). The significance of
such zones goes far beyond the historic-geographical demarcations of city structure, it
has also been viewed in relation to the social motivations that underlie the creation and
continued use of many fringe belt plots as hospitals, sports clubs, educational establi-
shments (Whitehand and Morton, 200 ). Due to the rapid population increase and the
need for new plots, unique characteristics of the fringe belt and historical identity of the
city have been destroyed in the newest process called fringe belt alienation (Hazar and
Kubat, 201 ).

Methodology
A town may have several typed of fringe belts. Each fringe belt has distinctive features
in terms of origin, plan, typology, pattern, land and building uses. Requiring extensive sites
and generally in contrast with the surroundings urban fabrics, fringe belts may be: open
spaces (parks, gardens), institutional areas (monuments, walls, reli gious centers, hospi-
tals), functional areas (industries, public utilities, infrastructures), low-density housing areas
(villas, rural settlements) and recreational areas (sport facilities, cultural poles).
Geographers and urban morphologists support their investigations on the fringe belt
by means of thematic maps. Applying this concept on Alnwick and Newcastle upon
Tyne, Cozen first identified the fringe belts in three types which have been according to
their emergence times, distances from the city center and relations with the fixation lines:
inner fringe belt (IF ), middle fringe belt (MF ), and outer fringe belt (OF ). Considered
to be fundamental in the development of the morphological structure of the town (Oli-
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 veira, 2019), these fringe belts were represented through maps highlighting their relation
to the built-up area on the basis of specific criteria: position (IF s-MF s-OF s), expansion
phase, land use, physical structure and plots, processes. The relationship between socio-
economic change and urban form, introduced by Whitehand to explain the rationale of
fringe-belt formation, has produced new cycle models taking into account the in uence
of factors such as economy, innovations, and architectural styles (Whitehand, 199 ).
While the city grows, the location of the fringe belt plots in the city also changes. The
latest studies have shown the potential actions related to fringe belts that may change
in physical structure or use, or both. The original function may survive or face either a
land-use intensification, to be absorbed by translation to other belts, alienated or expand
onto the neighboring sites.
This study focuses on the inner fringe belt (IF s) as the oldest morphological frame as-
sociated with limitations on urban growth as well as a new starting point for city regene-
ration. These areas, defined by MRG Conzen as fixation lines , have been formed around
the historical core, the city wall, and fortifications. IF s are inherently more complex than
MF s and OF s because of their long gestation and vulnerability (Conzen, 2009). There-
fore, they require attention more than other urban zones: their physical legacies embody
both the local identity and the urban segregation. The research is carried out using a
comparative approach between the cities of Verona and Nicosia. The selection of case
studies is supported by similarities and differences which facilitate their comparison, such
as:
- historical origin and type: IFBs date back to the same period of Venetian domination,
established as fixation lines (fortification walls);
- cultural context: Western vs Middle Eastern urban culture and planning practices;
- features: form, potential, land use and processes.
The IF s of both cities have been read and evaluated according to four macro-qua-
lities’ based on their historical, morphological, environmental and social impact on the
city, for the purpose of making the existing fringe belt a key tool in cityscape regene-
ration and planning policy. From an evolutionary perspective, in the following section,
each city is presented through the IF formation and modification.

Historical fringe belts (IFBs) of Verona and Nicosia

Under the rule of the enetian Republic, traditionally known as a Serenissima , ero-
na and Nicosia experienced almost one century of wars, but they also shared a common
culture as both of their urban forms show. (Fig.1).
Since its origins, Verona was indissolubly linked to its urban structure, streets, and ar-
chitecture. It is an outstanding example of progressive development within and around
walls of the highest quality from each succeeding period. Verona was founded as a
military castrum at the crossroads of the Postumia (Decumannus Maxumim) and Clau-
dio-Augusta Roman (Cardo a umim) roads and became a Roman colony in the 1st
century BC. These roads were the axes of a system that linked east to west and north to
south and that had in his middle Verona. Today, the highways that pass through Verona,
are based on the ancient scheme called today Milan-Venice and Modena-Brennero.
A series of minor “cardi” and “decumani”, parallel and perpendicular to each other,
drew a typical regular grid, rising rapidly in importance so much that had to implement
appropriate defense systems. Over the centuries, the urban growth was associated with
three walls. According to the most recent historical sources, the first section of walls dates
back to the late Republican era: 900 meters long. In 2 AD, due to the threat given by
the Alemanni, the emperor Gallienus decided to carry out a great restoration project of
the walls, whose conservation, after almost two centuries of peace, was in a very bad
state. The well-known Walls of Gallienus included the Arena with its strategic importan-
ce, entrenching only the southern part of the city because in the north, west and east,
the Adige River provided natural protection. The Roman walls served as a defense of the
urban core for many centuries, until the establishment of the Municipality in the XII cen-
tury when it was decided to build the second fixation line . It was prolonged to protect
the latest settlements on the eastern river bank. At the behest of Scaligers, in 1 2 the

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third ring of fortification was built embracing a much larger territory in the south and the
hill on the east bank of the river. It included high crenellated walls, towers, and ditches.
This remained the size of the city until the 20th century. During the following centuries,
previous walls were embedded in the urban fabrics and kept being modified and reno-
vated, first under the enetians and then under the Austrians. erona remained under
enetian control for almost four centuries (1 0 -1 9 ) and it became the strongest city
in the Venetian state”, thanks to the architect Sanmicheli who introduced a complex
fortified system consisting of important technical innovations (1 1 -1 ). The art of war,
no longer based on arrows but on cannon fire, required low and thick sloping walls and
embankments: the southern fixation line was strengthened and decorated with portals,
while the northern one was equipped with bastions and circular towers (e.g. Rondella
delle occare, 1 22). After the fall of the Napoleonic regime, erona switched to the
Austrian Empire and joined the Kingdom of Italy in1866. The Venetian walls persisted until
the beginning of the nineteenth century when the French, retreating on the east bank of
Adige, destroyed most of the architectural legacy by Sanmicheli, such us San Peter and
San Felix Castle. In 1 0, the Austrians commissioned the engineer on Scholl to update
the whole fortification walls to reconfigure the city as a strategic and military node. The
city wall was reinforced with polygonal bastions, Carnot walls, barracks. Throughout
the countryside, 1 forts (19 of which still existing) formed the outer and most modern
defensive ring, well known as the rideau (Fig.2). The walls surrounding the city prevented
the subsequent development such as industry and railroads within the urban core. The
city’s historic fabric remained intact until World War II. Although Verona’s buildings suffe-
red significant damage, the post-war reconstruction plan (19 ) maintained its original
structure by showing exceptional coherence and a large degree of homogeneity. In
2000, erona was declared World Heritage Site by UNESCO for its urban structure and its
architecture, as a fortified town at several seminal stages of European history it represents
an open-air military museum. For decades the city walls were perceived as an obsta-
cle to urban growth and a rejection of foreign domination, whereas policy-makers put
them in planning theory by ignoring them in practice. Today, a recovery effort has been
started by a group of international volunteers in cooperation with local bodies in view
to turn the western section of the walls into a linear green park and valorise the Scaliger,
enetian, and Hasburg substrata. et planed top-down actions are as urgent as they are
necessary.
Nicosia, originally known as Ledra, has been in continuous habitation since the begin-
ning of the ronze Age 2 00 years C when the first people settled in the fertile plain of
Mesaoria next to the old Pedieos River. During the yzantine domination ( 90-1191AC)
the city became the bishop’s seat with the current name of Nicosia and then the Cyprus
capital. Nicosia embodied the characteristics of an agricultural feudal system included
the city wall and multi-storey square towers at regular intervals built under the frank Peter
II ( usignan period, 1192-1 9). Cyprus became part of the Maritime Republic of enice
in 1 9. After the Great Siege of Malta in 1 , when fears of Ottoman expansion in-
creased, the governors of the city emphasized the need for the city to strengthen their
fortifications. In 1 , new walls, designed by the enetian engineers Giulio Savorgnan
and Francesco Barbaro, replaced the Franks ones and encircled the old medieval city.
The enetians were inspired by the ideal cities of the Italian renaissance: a star fort of a
diameter of km interrupted at regular 2 0 mt. intervals by eleven pentagonal bastions,
named after the Italian aristocratic families who funded their construction. The same mo-
del shaped undecagon regular was revived by Savorgnan in Palmanova (1 9 ), a nor-
theastern Italy city under the enetian domination, included in UNESCO s World Heritage
Site list as part of enetian Works of Defence between 1 th and 1 th centuries . Due to
the renewed war technologies in that time, the new walls of Nicosia were higher and lar-
ger than the Lusignan walls, this led to the demolition of several buildings within the city
as well as the deviation of Pedieos River outside the city to protect the residents from o-
oding and to fill a new moat surrounding the city wall. A new urban tissue gradually repla-
ced the riverbed, anked by the sinuous streets that followed its former course inside the
ancient city. Ottomans began the siege of Nicosia in 1 0 when the fortifications were
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 still incomplete and the insufficient number of troops to control eleven bulwarks. In con-
tinuity with the precedent administration the Turkish renovation of the city, used some of
the areas above the unfilled river. Since then, this area became the city centre. Although
the Ottomans repaired the fortifications after the siege, by the early 1 th century, the city
was practically defenseless. It was still confined within the walls when the ritish occupied
Cyprus in 1 (Fig. ). An opening was made near Paphos Gate in 1 9 to facilitate ac-
cess to the surrounding area and further openings were made within the walls during the
20th century. After decades of struggles for independence, Nicosia became the capital
of the Republic of Cyprus, a state established by the Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The pe-
aceful co-existence between two opposite factions was merely apparent, thus a United
Nations uffer one was established in 19 and extended in 19 following the Turkish
invasion of Cyprus. It is a security and demilitarized zone, still patrolled by the United Na-
tions Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFIC P), that marks de facto partition of the island
into the area controlled by the Republic of Cyprus and the unofficial Turkish Republic of
Northern Cyprus. This zone, also known as the Green ine, stretches for 1 0 km crossing
Nicosia in correspondence to the natural path of the Pedieos River through the medieval
center: later diverted and paved over to create the main commercial arteries, it includes
the city s most valuable areas (Calame and Charlesworth, 2009). Nowadays, Nicosia is
emblematic of urban segregation made concrete in two inner fringe belts: preserved
from 1 , the enetian walls represent a historical and physical limit to urban expansion;
instead, the Green ine testifies to populations, cultures, policies come here from the east
and west of the Mediterranean unable to find a a balance in freedom.

A short evaluation
A scoring system has been created to compare the Inner Fringe elts (IF s) correspon-
ding to historical walls of segregation of erona and Nicosia. Four main macro-topics
have been chosen to evaluate the urban qualities of these areas: historical, morpholo-
gical, environmental and social value. Data have been collected by observation in situ,
maps, photos, documentary sources and analysed through a rating system that included
four macro-areas divided further into four sub-criteria related to the main fringe belt cha-
racteristics, to each of them have been awarded points within the range of 0- . Outco-
mes, obtained by Excel spreadsheets, have been compared with an Optimum value of
0 points in which all positive values scored points (Table 1).
Historical value (H1-H ) of city walls in erona and Nicosia cannot be denied thou-
gh with some differences. The IFbs of Verona represent an older substratum than Nico-
sia ones: recognized as World Heritage, they not only show the geographical key-role
played by the city over the centuries but also the overlaying of past dominations (Ro-
mans, Scaligers, enetians, Austrians). Several physical structures testify to the changing
life and military styles: Verona is a manifest example of how the Italian manner to build
fortifications was perfected by Germany, Dutch and French theorists. The newest political
forms of IFBs in Nicosia have overshadowed the historical walls which remain one of the
most important landmarks to be preserved.
According to the morphological framework (M1-M ), the historical fringe belts have
been a clear limit in the urban development process. After fixation and expansion pha-
ses, they are experiencing a long-lasting consolidation period. In both cases, IFBs caused
any discontinuity in pattern and use of land. The city walls of Verona can be so integrated
into the built environment not to be discernible easily (medieval walls) or be so foreclosu-
re to form a non-stop natural fringe belts jointly with the Adige River (19th-century walls).
On the one hand, the fortified ring in Nicosia has preserved the original urban core, on
the other hand, it has created an evident time-gap in types and functions outside the
walls. Nevertheless, both the land-use change into green, cultural or institutional areas
and the fringe-belt alienation are related to the wider building cycle of the city in total.
Among analyzed qualities, the environmental one achieved the highest score (E1-E ):
town walls of Verona and Nicosia are surrounded by spontaneous green areas offering
pedestrian itineraries. Nature often hangs over any abandoned structure which needs
more safeguard. However, both green fringe belts have strategic importance being

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ecological corridors to be protected.
The IFBs are not always perceived as public parks, more often lived as a passive pre-
sence. The Verona walls are partially been recovered and monumentalized through the
museum project by Carlo Scarpa, but in many parts are inadequate in terms of collective
memory accessibility, sense of security (S1-S ). The enetian walls of Nicosia represent
the landmark of an interrupted city, divided between the inner ancient core and the
external modern city. Integration became synonyms of indifference, while military troops
at city gates affect mobility and security paradoxically.
This comparative study on IFBs of Verona and Nicosia revealed that:
- Urban fringe belts are buffer zones formed during the cyclical urban development.
Once consolidated IF is subject to land-use change and fringe-belt alienation;
- Fringe-belt alienation is more apparent in IFBs including city walls and green areas,
they are the materialisation of spatial, social and economic segregation;
- Historical walls have made IF s untouchable open spaces no public parks, infra-
structural barriers, urban voids. Recovery and renovation actions are recent and incom-
plete;
- Decision-makers and citizens seem to ignore the multiple values of IFBs, they provi-
de historico-architectural heritage, continuity in morphological process, ecological gre-
enways, common identity.
Landscape projects are crucial to maximizing city wall use, protect its history and in-
crease public awareness with the aim to promote tourism. IFBs may be planned as green
belts and public spaces: from the Wien Ringstra e to the High ine in New ork, IF s renew
the main principles of Urban Planning in the XX century, perfectly consistent with the la-
test trend of New Urbanism (walkability, connectivity, mixed-use and diversity, etc.). Thus,
without losing their inherent character, the IFBs should be considered essential tools for
regeneration policies, by preserve the geographical structure of cities, providing quality
in public and green spaces, and guaranteeing sustainability in urban growth.

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 Figure 1. The Republic of enice (maximum extension, - I cc).

Figure 2. City walls of Verona.

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Figure 3. City walls of Nicosia.

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 Table 1. IFBs comparison, scoring system.

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comparison , Urban Morphology 1 , 29- 1.
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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

Morphological development in historic context in German St

Francis convent development 2030
Gisela Loehlein
Xi’an Jiaontong Liverpool University, Suzhou, China
Keywords: architecture heritage sustainability

Abstract

German Convent of St Francis of the nuns in Reute Bad Waldsee in Germany is under-
going the demographic shift typical for convents in this day and age whereas 30 years
ago the convent had over 600 nuns and has over 28 buildings that formed half of the
entire village in the South of Germany. The convent has now a mere 289 nuns left and will
in ten years only have 28 nuns due to the aging nun population. The attraction to join a
convent and the role of religion in our society has changed and will keep changing. The
architectural and urban design challenge hence to repurpose the complex in a manner
to maintain the core values of the convent, ensure safe-keeping the history of the con-
vent and creating a new center for the community. Following a historic, archaeological
and assessment of the future requirements of the convent and the community, it was
decided to convert the complex in a manner to form a new center. Making it attractive
to be there and lling the com le with life The ro ect is hased over ten years rst to
establish the core of the historic convent in the heritage listed building, reducing the over
12 churches in the complex to 3-4 and ensuring a sustainable transition of the current reli-
gions buildings in a multi functional use complex, with a pilgrimage, café, hotel and NGO
foundation headquarter, allowing to remove some buildings to form a new community
place for people to gather and enjoy being in this historic complex. The architectural
challenges were that no accurate plans existed of building nor the several underground
connecting tunnels that crisscross the convent hill. The design and construction in a his-
toric context and revitalization and contemporary demands on sustainability and eco-
nomic ef ciency became the design arameters to enable future roof ro ect This ro-
ject is phased and will be translated over a period of ten years. I act as consultant to the
convent as a guide in the development and in the hope that this initiative can provide a
role model for other convents and monasteries in Europe.

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 … to remember
The Convent from St Francis had been founded by 5 nuns initially in 1403 headed by
saint Beth (Gute Beth) Elisabeth Achler, whose remains form now the core of the pilgrima-
ge site with the blessed water well. During the secularization in 1784 the convent was clo-
sed. Reopened by nuns coming from Schwaebisch Hall- Comburg to Reute in 1869. The
convent community grew by 1940 to over 1786 nuns. The beginning of the 21st century is
signified by the aging demographics of the convent community and with it the reduction
of number of nuns. 2020 just under 300 nuns remain with an average age of 72 years old.
The convent has several outlets within Germany, as well as Indonesia and Brazil.
The number of young nuns adjoining is few, one a year that follows her calling. In ti-
mes of high commercialization few will choose an opposite path of serving others and
finding a path to inner peace. The cloister mountain has an active urban community
due to having its own bakery, and confiserie, butcher shop, cloister shop, religious textile
manufacturing, garden shop, café opening all to the convent community and related
activities in future these should be open to the public and accessible, forming its own
microcosm together with the organic farming done by the leaseholder of the convent
grounds.
The question why to intervene is easy to answer since the convents demographic
over-aging and rapid decline in numbers the convent is faced with the question what
and how to maintain the cloister mountain. By 2030 28 nuns should be left in the commu-
nity.

…’The mother art is architecture. Without an Architecture of own we have no soul or our
own civilization’…1

A thorough analysis was carried out for the buildings and functions, urban design wise,
technically, architecturally as well as economically. For example, the large kitchen that
provides food for various surrounding institutions is working on a financially loss basis, the
seminar and hotel facilities requires an interior design overhaul to ensure that the facility is
fit for the future. The main question raised was, where will the nun community be located,
the easy answer would have been in a new building at the bottom of the cloister moun-
tain this would be most cost effective, would ensure best solution of a small number of the
nuns’ community. However, watching the cloister hill buildings crumble or be reused by
whoever bought the 28 buildings was not an option for the nuns. They decided to move
closer to the core i.e. in the oldest part of the convent. Next questioned posed was then
how will the other buildings be reused what would form a cohesive, holistic, sustainable
community following St Francis principles to be truthful to the rich history of the cloister
mountain. Third question was how to finance and manage the transformation.

…to inspire:
…’The journey is essential to the dream.’…2

The Convent of St Francis in Reute is attempting to inspire other convents and mo-
nasteries that have a similar fate aging demographics and ever reducing community
members to find a way forward to maintain the buildings, as well as their core religious
community on the one side and pass on the belief and heritage to future generations.
Doing this in a sensitive, sustainable and modern manner. The cloister mountain sits on
60 hectares of ground that is predominately leased out for organic farming. Around the
cloister mountain is the village of Reute with about 2,375 people. On the grounds of the
convent in sight is also the archeological site of a settlement dating back to 38th century
before Christ, with over 7,000 artifacts and basis of buildings that have survived in the
peat soil.
The project 2030 St Francis convent Reute has at its core that the community has to
be reactivated and vitalized.

…’With a basic understanding of all humans as brothers and sisters, we can apprecia-

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te the usefulness of different systems and ideologies that can accommodate different
individuals and groups with different cultural heritages, having different dispositions and
tastes. Each person has the right to choose whatever is most suitable, on the basis of a
deep understanding of all brothers and sisters.’…3

How is this being done by:

1. Historic core development bringing the Franciscan nun community together in
the oldest part of the convent that leads back 500 years.
2. Pilgrimage of the “good Beth” to be center around the water well, that has hea-
ling properties. The Good Beth was the founder of the convent that has a sainthood sta-
tus. Her body is barred up in the village community church located on top of the convent
mountain in midst of all the 28 buildings. The pilgrimage site to be further developed in
conjunction with the cloister garden, café run by handicapped and herbal maze gar-
den. A future museum on the history of the convent, Saint Beth and the long cloister site.
3. Saint Elisabeth Foundation Headquarter, this will be housed in the current old-
nuns-nursing quarters and brothers- priests’ quarters.
4. Seminar and hotel to be interior design and sustainability wise updated from the
last renovation in the mid 1980’s.
5. Time out house for stressed members of the public community to be renovated to
meet future standards and needs.
6. Deconstruction of 2-3 larger current nuns’ quarters to the foundation to provide a
visual link of the cloister mountain to the archaeological site. Reconstructing the former
visual axis that the site has held to the surrounding countryside and view axis to the alps.
7. 2-3 of the adjacent farm grounds to be deconstructed to provide public spaces
for the community connection as well as during weekdays parking opportunities for the
cloister mountain activities.
8. Unresolved is the handling of the archaeological site close by on land of the con-
vent.

… to innovate:
…’ Start by doing what is necessary; then do what’s possible and suddenly you are doing
the impossible.’…4

The convent is very active and serves via diverse institutions under the Saint Elisabeth
Foundation over 4,500 people in Germany alone and employs over 1,000 people with
disabilities and trains over 100 young adults in professions alongside professional training
institutes.
The 2030 St Francis Reute Bad Waldsee project aims to achieve a truly sustainable
redevelopment of the convent from 28 buildings to focus the cloister into 2 buildings and
make the remaining cloister mountain in a sustainable units that form a cohesive social
cultural and religious center for the community at large that the Cloister can relate and
the community can benefit from culturally, the organizational headquarter positioning to
give it also an economic and diverse addition to the life on the cloister mountain.
The cloister mountain is not self-contained as St Mont Michel in France but rather vi-
sually and daily connected to the life of the community by the provision of employment,
religious retreat connection to nature.
The cloister mountain in 2030 will provide an interjection of diversity of people, provi-
de diverse employment opportunities, be inclusive to employ physically and mentally
challenged member of the surrounding region– an architectural challenge for the laye-
red construction but goes in line in converting the convent and the older parts of the
aging population of the nuns that have similar requirements. Activating the mountain
with non-profit organizational work through the Saint Elisabeth foundation, the retreat se-
minar facilities and the retreat house and the healing cloister garden maze with healing
products being developed and sold through the shop there.
Urban design wise rebuilding a historic center that disappeared by overbuilding that
can now re- enlivened.
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 Architecturally the design enables a sustainable upgrade of the project to future pro-
of the development. Simplification in design will allow refocusing and purification of the
design and the experience of the cloister mountain.
…’I call architecture frozen music’… Capturing the spirit of St Francis and the rich hi-
story of the site and people that contributed to the cloister mountain over the years and
design this into the new refurbishment of the convent.
Heritage wise the development is a challenge so for the first part of the
Interior design it will be centered around a simplification and modernization that will
enrich the experience whilst allowing a focusing on the spiritual dimension of the project
that is at the core.

…’We shape buildings; thereafter they shape us.’…5

Phased approach:
First phase is the redesign and construction of the core project for the nuns in the ol-
dest part of the cloister mountain and should be completed by 2025.
Second Phase the foundation headquarter can only be taken on once the first phase
is completed so the nuns nursing area can be relocated into the core project by 2030.
The third phase is the redesign and upgrade of the seminar and retreat hotel area is
dependent on third party co investment to ensure the successful completion and hence
is time independent.

Finances:
Often we do not want to talk about money but a necessity of life the actual conver-
sion and financial and project management side. The convent has managed to secure
50% of the required funds for phase 1 of the project. The costs for this particular phase
are the highest since it deals with the oldest part of the convent and hence has many
heritage issues to be considered that are making the project more expensive and time
consuming in the construction.
The Headquarter relocation from Bad Waldsee to Reute will be carried by the Saint
Elisabth foundation. The cost for the seminar and retreat reconstruction will be carried in
parts by the convent and potentially supported by third party.
For funding diocese, municipal/ governmental funding are being explored together
with heritage funds and third party engagement is crucial to ensure the success of the
2030 St Francis Reute Project.

to re ect
…’Architecture is reaching out for the truth.’…6

The approach to assess and analyze the situation in a proactive manner to secure
the living on of St Francis convent and a revitalization of the Cloister mountain would
not have been possible without the vision of the St Francis nuns board that proactively
approached the issues the convent is faced with in todays’ world where religion is secon-
dary allowing the core to survive and to re-activate future generations to come making
it central for future generations.

…’Each new situation requires a new architecture’…7

Architecture is the mere place holder mirror enabler re ecting this unique historic con-
stellation and future outlook. Or as Ian Pei put it, …’Life is architecture and architecture
is life.’…

Saint Francis phrased it the following…’Remember that when you leave this earth, you
can take with you nothing that you have received- only what you have been given: a full
heart enriched by honest service, love, sacri ce and courage 8

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…to look ahead:
...’In the coming decades, questions of identity, meaning cultural heritage, language,
and religion will play a central role in politics.’…9

Architects we also will need to assess what is ‘worth’ spending our time on more ban-
king and commercial projects or constructing sustainable communities to provide place
to be and live culture. The St Francis convent project 20 0 does exactly this facing the
challenge and preparing for the next generation, following therewith a long tradition
that we all seemed to have overlooked to design and build for the ones after us not just
us.

Figure 1. Historic core development.

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 Figure 2. Design Timeline.

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Figure 3. Landscape Plan.

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 Footnotes
1
Wright, Frank Lloyd, USA
2
St Francis, Assisi, Italy 13th Century
3
Dalai Lama, India
4
St Francis, Assisi, Italy, 13th century
5
Churchill, Winston, UK
6
Kahn, Louis I, USA
7
Nouvel, Jean, Paris, France
8
St Francis, Assisi, Italy 13th century
9
Huntingdon, P. Samuel

References
Alt, F., (2019), Der Appell des Dalai Lama an die Welt: Ethik ist wichtiger als Religion, Be-
neveto.
Cuddel, R., (1926), St. Franziskus der Arme von Assisi, Einsiedeln, Verlaganstalt Benziger &
Co.
Gilbert, M., (2012), Churchill -The Power of Words, Gilbert Martin Publisher.
Huntingdon, S., (2008), Kampf der Kulturen: Die Neugestaltung der Weltpolitik in 21. Ja-
hrhundert, Goldmann Verlag.
Kahn, .I., (200 ), ouis Kahn: essential texts, New ork, edited by Twombly, R., W.W. Nor-
ton & Company Publisher.
Storrer, W.A., (2017), The Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright: a complete catalogue, Four-
th edition, University of Chicago Press.
Croquis, Jean Nouvel 200 -1 , contemporary re ections and 1

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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

The concept of “trullo type” in the formation of Alberobello

urban organism
Matteo Ieva1, Greta Indrio2, Davide Lasorella3, Gianpiero Gorgoglione4
Politecnico di Bari, DICAR (Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Ingegneria Civile e dell’Archi-
1,2,3,4

tettura),Via Orabona 4, 70125, Bari, Italy

[email protected],3,4; [email protected]
Keywords: Building ty ology, critical conscience, s ontaneous conscience

Abstract
The proposed topic is the result of research carried out within the Degree Thesis Labo-
ratory - nal orksho romoted in the Dicar De artment of the Polytechnic of Bari The
study dee ens the formation of the city of Alberobello, a UN SC site located in the ur-
gia dei Trulli, and analyzes the characters of the building ty es resent in the erimeter of
the monumental area Laboratory research focused, in articular, on the conce t of
the trullo ty e wides read in the historical building of the city, in the two initial settlement
systems - ione onti and Aia Piccola - se arated from the ancient style, today Largo
artellotta This ty ology, originally created to meet needs related to the roductive-ag-
ricultural activity, has changed over time generating different structural modalities, both
in the con guration of the s ace for domestic use, and in the relationshi between sev-
eral basic units aggregated in series on a ath or on a common area to con gure the
neighborhood The analytical study of the building units resent has made it ossible to
reconstruct an abacus that includes the main ty es and the synchronic and diachronic
variants The recognition of ty ological differences was also useful for a further investiga-
tion: the reconstruction of the
hases of tissue formation consisting of s ontaneous and lanned aggregate nuclei
ith an in-de th study of the ty e of trullo with a cone-sha ed seudo-dome roof, the
house conce t in force at that time and in that s eci c lace was identi ed, consisting
of a main room intended for daily activities and
two small s aces the alcove, reserved for night rest, the focarile for cooking food
Starting from this elementary con guration, some variants are gemed with the ad-
dition of additional s aces, often also covered in trullo It follows that the housing unit,
in its resent state, sometimes shows com le con gurations obtained by doubling the
elementary cell with the addition of additional s aces
The ro osed study aims to demonstrate the effectiveness of the results obtained by
using the ty ological- rocess analysis tool in the recognition of anthro ic structures, a
fundamental basis for starting a tissue recovery ro ect also thinking about its ossible
otential congruent transformation

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 Introduction
The research based on the city of Alberobello has been produced within the activi-
ties of the Thesis Laboratory, coordinated by Prof. M. Ieva and the undergraduates M.
Digioia, G. Gorgoglione, G. Indrio, D. Lasorella, F. Leone, R. Regina, F. Schiavone in the
Degree Course in Architecture of the Polytechnic.
The research deepens the formation of the city of Alberobello, Unesco site located
in the scenery of the Murgia dei Trulli, and it analyzes the characteristics of the types of
buildings present in the perimeter of the monumental area.
The study produced, describes the “concept” in particular of the type of trullo used
in the historical building of the city, in the two initial settlement systems - Rione Monti
and Aia Piccola - separated by the ancient watershed, today called Largo Martellotta.
This typology, originally created to meet the needs related to the production-agricultu-
ral activity, has changed over time, generating different structural modes, both in the
configuration of the space for domestic use, and in the relationship between several
basic units aggregated in series on a path or on a common area to configure the vici-
nato” (as neighborhood).
The analysis of the building units present allowed to reconstruct an abacus that inclu-
des the load-bearing types and the synchronic and diachronic variants.
With an in-depth analysis of the character of the type of trullo1 with a cone shaped
pseudo-dome roof, the concept of home in force at that time and in that specific
place was identified, consisting of a main room intended for daily activities and two
small spaces: the alcove, reserved for sleeping, the focarile (as kitchen area) for co-
oking food.
Starting from this elementary configuration some variations are budded with the ad-
dition of additional spaces, often covered with trullo.
The proposed study, therefore, aims to demonstrate the effectiveness of the results
obtained by using the instrument of typological-process analysis in the recognition of
human structures, a fundamental basis for starting a project of tissue recovery also thin-
king about its possible and congruent transformation.

Reading of the trullo

The settlement of Alberobello, in its initial layout, presents a type of building - the trul-
lo - of ancient origin, aggregated with a law that was initially consolidated in the rural
aggregation system.
In fact, the dry masonry construction and pseudo-dome vaulted roof that defines the
type of “masseria” (as large farm) of the Itria Valley represents the model of behaviour of
the primitive settlement that, in progress of time, gave birth to the Rione Monti and Aia
Piccola.
Born from the farmers’ need to provide themselves with a deposit for agricultural tools
and a simple shelter, over time the trullo has become a more complex system in which
the stable residence has also been obtained.
Mutation of the concept that, organized along the routes in a planned form, attests
to the gradual transition from a spontaneous consciousness2 to a critical consciousness3.
In the initial phases the trullo is configured as an existenz minimum for a peasant hou-
se, that is, as an elementary housing model that tends to aggregate around a common
court, recalling the strong community ties of the vicinato.
The trullo construction consists of a central space of approximately square shape co-
vered by a pseudo-dome on the inside and a conical roof on the outside.
The evolutionary process of the type has made it possible to highlight an increase in
the central compartment, generator module of the trullo, determined by the expansion
on all four sides with the addition of other smaller elements only when the building unit
has a housing function.
In this case, the central space performs the functions of living room and dining room,
while the side spaces facing the central one are used for night rest, in the case of alco-
ves, or for heating the environment, in the case of focarili. In Another significant element
of the trullo construction is the nicchia. Built inside the hickness of the walls, the “nicchia”

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 as recess) made up for the absence of furniture for storage, also because of the li-
mited space available, creating real pantries and, therefore, making the interiors of the
housing units more comfortable.
The roof made by the irregular overlapping of thin slabs without edge finishing presen-
ts a curvilinear trend of the cone generators that incorporates the main and secondary
rooms.
The latter are generally covered by ounces or saddles connected to the main cone
through fittings that act as eaves lines.

C ific tion of i in t e
It should be pointed out that for the purposes of reading and therefore for the typolo-
gical classification of the trullo, it was fundamental to use a methodology based on the
analysis of the constituent elements, both of the building organism and of the aggrega-
tive one, which led - the latter - to recognize the combination of the elementary units in
order to understand and return the patterns of each typological variation.
This operation of ordering the type has made it possible to identify the formal-structural
differences between the building units, with attached diachronic and synchronic varia-
tions, and the way in which they are inseparably connected to each other. The decisive
elements for the classification of the building types, without which an exact configuration
of the trullo housing unit would not be defined, are: the central space (basic module),
the focarile, the alcove and the added cell.
The nicchia in the walls, although they help to define the morphology of the trullo s
supporting structure, are not considered relevant for classification purposes.
The position of the access, instead, can introduce significant changes in the typology,
even if of secondary character, depending on whether it is placed on the axis or lateral
to the central space. In the first case, in fact, the entrance door is generally positioned
between two small side niches, while in the second it is placed next to a single side space
that very often coincides with the focarile. A first classification criterion used is the dimen-
sioning of the elementary cell.
In fact, three dimensional ranges have been identified, which provide for a first
subdivision of the building units according to whether the central space is a “subcell”,
a “cell” or an “increased cell”, respectively with a size between 5/8sqm, 9/15sqm and
larger than 16sqm.
A second criterion applied to the reading of trullo constructions concerns the position
of the focarile and its size.
This constituent element may be located in a specialized compartment or within the
central space and may be a quarter or half the size of the elementary cell. In some ca-
ses, the size of the elementary cell is doubled by the addition of a compartment of the
same size.
The central space with focal point may be characterized by the presence of one or
two alcoves or one or more added cells.
In some cases the housing unit may take on a more complex configuration through
the presence of one alcove and one added cell or a number n of alcoves and added
cells.
The extensive survey of historical buildings has made it possible to compare and clas-
sify the various types of buildings, which has led to the identification of four major typo-
logical categories of housing: the elementary cell with focarile, the elementary cell with
focarile and alcove, the elementary cell with focarile and added cell and the elemen-
tary cell with focarile, alcove and added cell.
This study has made it possible to arrive at a classifying order of the typologies refe-
rable to the artefacts present in the ancient centre.
Once the basic module has been identified, as the main constituent compartment of
the living cell, the first classified building typology is that constituted by the elementary
cell and the focarile placed or not in a specialized compartment. The same category
includes the building typology characterized not only by the presence of the focarile
but also by the doubling of the central compartment. The building typology, instead, is
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 number equal to one or two.
In some cases, the alcove, i.e. the room generally used for sleeping at night, gives
way to a larger room that takes the name of added cell. This is the case of the typology
characterized, therefore, by the central compartment with focal point and by a variable
number from one to three of added cells.
The plan of the trullo buildings is complexified in the case of the typology constituted
by the elementary cell, the focarile and by a variable number of alcove and added
cells.

Conclusions
At this point of the research carried out on the type of trullo, the question arises of
how one can think of its protection and, at the same time, of its survival as a residence
capable of satisfying today’s housing needs. We have, in fact, highlighted that the orga-
nisms made in Alberobello between the 16th-17th and 19th centuries reach living areas
decidedly below standard with respect to the real functional needs and to the speciali-
zation of contemporary domestic spaces. So, how can we imagine updating them, even
in the hypothesis of preserving the characteristics that made the type, in the aggregate
version to form the settlement, an interesting case worldwide?
It is undoubtedly possible to imagine that the increase in the residential area can be
sought, for example, by reconstructing the diachronic mutations that have occurred
over time which, upon a critical evaluation based on the data acquired, can be consi-
dered congruent with the expectations of the building type.
We believe, for this purpose, that the study proposed here, with which we have tried
to build a substrate of convenient knowledge, can constitute a useful scientific referen-
ce to suggest proportionate intervention proposals, related to the essential connotative
ingredients of the type.

Figure 1. Detected areas, eidotypes and road fronts, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop,
Politecnico di Bari, 2020.
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Figure 2. Trullo example, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar, Politecnico di Bari, 2020.

Figure 3. Typological classification criteria, Thesis aboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar,

Politecnico di Bari, 2020.

Figure 4. Synoptic panel subcel, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar, Politecnico di

Bari, 2020.
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 Footnotes
1
Trùllo, s. m. ‘Round shaped stone house and conical roof, typical of the Salento penin-
sula‘
2
Consciousness, ‘immediate ability to sense, understand, evaluate the facts that occur in
the sphere of individual experience or lie ahead in a more or less near future’.

Caption
Fig.1 - Detected areas, eidotypes and road fronts, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Po-
litecnico di Bari, 2020.
Fig.2 - Trullo example, Thesis Laboratory/Final Worksho, Dicar, Politecnico di Bari, 2020.
Fig. - Typological classification criteria, Thesis aboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar, Politec-
nico di Bari, 2020.
Fig.4 - Synoptic panel subcel, Thesis Laboratory/Final Workshop, Dicar, Politecnico di Bari,
2020.

References
Ambrosi, A., Radicchio, G., Panella, R. (1997), ‘Storia e destino dei trulli di Alberobello: il
prontuario per il restauro’, Bari, p. 14.
Mirizzi, F. (1990), Architettura in pietra a secco: atti del 1. Seminario internazionale
Architettura in pietra a secco, Trulli e Pagliari nell’Alta Murgia, Noci-Alberobello.
Morea, D. (1882), Chartularium del Monastero di San Benedetto di Conversano,
Montecassino.
Esposito, G. (1983), Architettura e storia dei trulli, Roma.
Caniggia, G., Maffei, G. L. (1979), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia. Lettura
dell’edilizia di base, Venezia, Marsilio Editori.
Luizzi, G. (1993), Alberobello le radici di un toponimo in “Umanesimo della pietra”, Martina
Franca.
Notarnicola, G. (1940), I trulli di Alberobello - dalla preistoria al presente, Bari, Unione
Editoriale d’Italia.
Strappa, G., Dimatteo, M. A., Ieva, M. (2003), La città come organismo. Lettura di Trani
alle diverse scale, Bari, Adda Editore.
Rocco, L. (1992), Inventario di forme seriali e nodali riconosciute nell’ambiente territoriale
del piano Alto Murgese, in “l’immagine nel rilievo” di Cundari C., Roma, Gangemi
Editore.
Rocco, M. G. (199 ), Il disegno per l esigenza della definizione, ari, Mario Adda Editore.
Marraffa, M. (1976), I trulli di Alberobello, Roma.
Ieva, M. (2018), Architettura come lingua, Processo e progetto, FrancoAngeli Editore,
Milano.
Gioia, P. (1973), Conferenze Istoriche sulla origine e sui progressi del Comune di Noci in
Terra di Bari, Prima edizione Napoli, 1839-1842, ristampa Bari, Edizioni Laterza, Volume
III, Conferenza Vigesima.

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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

Gravina in Puglia: City substratum as a Process of “Inven-

tion” and Transformation of the Territory
Francesca Delia De Rosa
DRACO_PhD in Architecture and Construction University of Rome “La Sapienza”, Piaz-
za Borghese 9, 00186 Rome, Italy
[email protected]
Keywords: ravina in Puglia, caves, istorical conte t, Urban or hology, cave habitat

Abstract

The city of Gravina in Puglia owes its name to its peculiar geomorphological position,
presenting itself as the city of the “Gravina and the Caves in the Gravina” (città della
“Gravina e delle Grotte nella Gravina”)1. The locus-urbs Gravinae is witness of the passing
of time, in an incessant succession of civilizations since the ancient Paleolithic, although
the sure sources date back to the Neolithic, around 5950 B.C. In its territory, where nature
and the work of man represent an inseparable binomial, the caves and the ravines of
the “grande baratro” (Botromagno) have been modeled for the needs of everyday
life, giving life to the rock habitat. The cave was occupied by man and made refuge,
dwelling, place of worship or burial. Prehistoric dwelling then resumed in medieval age,
in an era pervaded by uncertainty and vandal invasions in which man felt the need
to re- nd a safe lace, the old abandoned dwelling istory arises as a continuous
transformative process in which man, changing his needs and habits, transforms his
native place, making it more “anthropic” and less “natural”. The aim of the research is to
propose a historical procedural study of the evolution of the gravinese rock habitat and
of the same civitas, from the primitive caves to the cave-houses (domus criptae). Parallel
to this progressive typological evolution, it is noted that the tuff from a simple natural
casing becomes a building material used for the weaving of wall perimeter, the basic
element for the following palatiate houses.

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 History of the city of Gravina in Puglia
Gravina in Puglia is an Apulian municipality in the province of Bari with an average
altitude of 338 meters and a maximum of 672 is located 51 km south-east of Bari and 76
km north-east of Taranto.
The city of Gravina in Puglia owes its name to its peculiar geomorphological position,
born next to a natural gully named Gravina, in which ows the Canapro torrent, usually
called Gravina itself. The word Gravina means ravine, gully, and represents a great
example of “erosion valley” in the Apulian-Lucanian Murge, carved by the force of
water. The good geographical location, the richness of the territory and the availability
of water have favored the presence of man since the ancient Paleolithic, even if the sure
sources date back to Neolithic, around 5950 b.C.
The primitive man used to find shelter in the natural caves of the Gravina gully,
starting a relationship with nature that will change and grow up over years, according
to the evolution of man’s habit. The only man’s aim at this moment is to survive, and the
appearance of its shelter isn’t an important aspect. During the Iron Age, VIII-III century
a.C., the men of the caves began to climb the west bank of the ravine reaching the
hill of Petramagna (big stone) or Botromagno2 (big gully), inside the Peucetia territory,
a strategic place thanks to the fertility of the soil and the presence of water. Probably
during this period, two little villages are born along two territorial depression of the east
side of the gully. During the Greek period, VI-V century a.C., the village of Peuceti along
the Petramagna hill was reached by the Greek civilization, giving life to the city
of Sidion or Sides, that will become an important pole for commercial exchanges
between West and East thanks to the ia dei ercanti, the linking road between Ofanto
valley and Metaponto. The Petramagna civilization started building roads and structures
made of stone, defining a gap between the upper civilization, with built architecture,
and the lower one still linked to the caves. In this period the city walls were built too. At
the end of the IV century a.C. the Romans invaded the Peucetia and occupied Sidion,
changing its name into Silvium, turning the city into an important roman station along the
Via Appia, linking Roma with Brindisi. Romans built more roads to increment commercial
exchanges. The Via Traiana, joining Silvium with Benevento and Taranto, made useless
the ia dei ercanti, so different roman outposts were built along the east area of
the gully, like the two ancient villages along the depression of the gully that became
Pagus and Vicus. During the Roman dominion, local farmers received an area to grow,
scattered throughout the territory, creating the large estate (latifondo) and weakening
the power of the urban center. After a period of greatness, from the I century a.C. began
a phase of decline until the complete abandonment of the city. In 456 it was invaded
and destroyed by vandals of Genserico, forcing the survivors to find refuge in the caves
and into the two small districts Pagus and Vicus, called Piaggio and Fondovico later.
Under Byzantine rule, the population of the destroyed Silvium experienced a period
of peace until 553. From 313 d.C. Christianity became the state religion and Gravina
became the seat of two monastic orders: Benedictines and Basilians, who kept worship
in some rock churches. In a melting pot of different cultures, the cave inhabitants learned
from Byzantines and Basilians, who taught how to design and decorate caves. A new
knowledge started to grow inside the consciousness of the autochthonous: they come
back to the cave knowing the idea of the house, religious building, meeting place and
how to build them with the local material, the granular tuff. They began to dig the tuff,
giving shape to the stone to meet their changing needs. New houses and new buildings
were built along the area, going along with its morphology, in a constant combination
of nature and man’s work. A new civilization was born, the Rupestrian one. This rupestrian
settlement was the “a parete” type, created digging the wall of the ravine. Many were
the churches-caves: San Basilio, Santa Maria della Neve, Santa Maria del Chiancone
and the rupestrian church Sant Andrea. After a fight between Saracen and ongobard,
the church of San Giovanni in Fondovito (Fondovico) was built in stone brick.
In 10 9, the town became a fief of the Normans, who made it a county. The Normans
built solid walls around Pagus and Vicus, between which was built the castle, later
converted into the main cathedral. Inside Piaggio lived together poor and rich people,

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Figure 1. Historical phases. With the conquest of Rome, the entire territory became an im-
portant center for trade on the Appian Way with the name of Silvium. In 456 the city was
destroyed by the vandals of Genserico and the inhabitants took refuge in the caves of the
river Gravina, giving rise to a new rock civilization. Already in the Early Middle Ages in the
district there were rock churches where the ancient Christian cult was practiced. Before the
year 1000, both the Basilian monastics and the Benedictines began to establish churches
and abbeys. In 1092, a castle and a monumental church were built above the district. Wal-
ls and some entrances or doors were built. Many people from northern Italy arrived in the
city following the court of Unfrido who settled on the plateau where they built houses and
churches. This phenomenon caused the abandonment of many notable Gravinese families
resident at Piaggio to settle on the plateau. Before XVI the district continued to grow and the
use of caves left the way to buildings built with the material extracted from the subsoil. After
1500 the neighborhood began to lose its importance and its “pulsating” role for the city. In
1865 the city expands towards the Murattian districts, the walls disappear and new buildings
were born near the old town. The Piaggio undergoes a progressive “peripherization”. The
exodus from the old town and the Piaggio district reached its peak between 1970-1980, with
the construction of the P.E.E.P. district to the northeast of the town.
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 inside the caves or inside new little buildings, with gardens and vegetable gardens. The
area next to the castle between the two ravines was called Civitas, the new urban center
in which started to be built new palaces, the seat of political, administrative and religious
power. In 1223 with the Swabian domination under Federico II of Swabia a new castle
was built outside the perimeter of the old historical center. The two old districts, Piaggio
and Fondovico continued to grow with a commisition between caves and built houses.
During the Angioin domination, Gravina shows itself as an important economic center,
with the peasant that becomes a farmer. In 1 0 Gravina became a fief of the Orsini
family, that built several important buildings such as the Purgatorio church, the monastery
of the Dominicans, Finya library, Orsini Palace, and in 1743 the aqueduct connecting
the two sides of the ravine. In 1456 a violent earthquake destroyed many monuments,
including the cathedral rebuilt by Orsini family. In 1807 with the abolition of feudalism
the last duke of Gravina lost the feudal rights and the local economy was guided by
the “masserie” (typical building in South Italy, a large farm related to land ownership).
After the passage of the 18653 Expropriation Act, Gravina got a Road Regulation and
Expansion Plan. The new urban planning instrument for the regulation of the building
activity defined the new design of the city, destroying the old city walls, building new
buildings and the “villa”, the street piazza, obtained by the closure of the old moat e tra
moenia. The old city started to lose importance and inhabitants, who, driven by the myth
of the “new”, decided to left the historical center, in particular the two district Piaggio
and Fondovico. The old center, the earth of the city, become the suburb of the new
city. The final abandonment of the old city took place between 19 0 and 19 0, with the
construction of the P.E.E.P. district in the north-east of the city. Since the 70s several plans
have been drawn up for the recovery and reorganization of the city, but none has been
approved except in part, with many negative consequences: an uncontrolled urban
expansion devoid of the necessary infrastructure, buildings of poor architectural quality,
the abandonment and degradation of the historic center.
Studying the dynamics of the urban phenomenon from the ancient period to the
contemporary one can define the causes that have determined the current decadence,
in particular of the ancient city, with the aim of a civil, cultural and architectural ethical
rebirth of the city.

e e o tion of t e i in re ection of t e oci e o tion

The use of natural caves as shelter isn’t linked to the medieval period, but it’s born
since the prehistoric and protohistoric era. The cave-shelter is the starting point for the
development and growth of civilization, in particular the rupestrian one, who saw in the
cave the basic cell of the rupestrian village itself. The village growth along the gully, inside
the cavities and the little fiddly bits around, defining a concrete relationship between
man and nature. When in 456 a.c. the area of Gravina was taken by vandals, the cave
was again the ideal place in which find refuge, hidden from any danger. In a melting
pot of different cultures, Armeni, Greek, Slavi, the civilization was spiritually guided by
Basilians and Benedictines, who saw their hermitage in the caves. The great Byzantium
in uenced, therefore, also the Grande Baratro” (the great chasm), so the bare walls
of the caves were decorated of many different colors, fantasies, proposing different
typologies of the plan of the new churches. The Greek cult coming from Byzantium was
progressively replaced by the Christian one of the Benedictines, who introduced a new
spiritual idea based on the concept “ora et labora”, literally pray and work —the motto
of the Benedictine order. The stone table was excavated to obtain niches, altars, pillars
that defined the structure with or naves, as we can see into San Michele delle Grotte
church or Santa Maria degli Angeli church. Probably in the territory of Gravina in Puglia
there are forty churches-caves, many of which are unknown and in total abandonment.
The church-cave was the core of the collective and spiritual life of rock civilization, instead,
the cave-house was the place in which the community lived for generations, a place
that started to change its shape according to the new necessities. The tuff, malleable
material, was excavated to obtain new small rooms. The base cell was a room generally
square, with the minimum dimensions to live, with a little space in which to take care of

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Figure 2. The evolution of the cave. From natural shelter to cave-house, excavated to
obtain more functional spaces.
Source: Capuzzi, L., (1981), ravina Un Paese del Sud - uaderni di Urbanistica n , Pub-
blicità&Stampa, Bari.

Figure 3. “The Seven rooms complex”. Prospect and planimetry.

Source: AA.VV. (1989), Gravina in Puglia. Alla ricerca del passato, Liantonio editrice s. n. c.,
Palo del Colle, Bari.
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 the animals. The principal door was the only source of light, while the air exchange was
obtained from small vents. Sometimes the cave-houses were built on different levels,
linked together by a trapdoor. The ground oor for animals, while the upper one for the
family. Usually, for the collection of water, a cistern was obtained on the ground oor,
where rainwater owed. On the south-west side of the ravine there is a striking example
of this reality: the “Complex of the seven chambers”4. It represents a clear example of
Rupestrian Architecture carved into the rock. According to the morphology of the ravine,
this type of house was built on several levels, the lower one usually used as a stable or
storage while the upper one housed stove and beds. Having more layers the roofs of the
lower cave-house were the street for the upper one, usually called “strada-vicinato”5
(street-neighborhood) in which the inhabitants lived together. The “neighborhood”
represented the first elementary nucleus of the rock community.

Rione Fondovico and Piaggio: the founding districts of the city

The re-appropriation of the spaces around the ravine, begun in the fifth century with
the rock habitat, continues with the construction of the first houses in masonry in the
districts Piaggio and Fondovico, between IX and X century a.C. The names Fondovico
and Piaggio derive from the Latin vicus and pagus, namely “little village/district”, but
it’s possible that the name of the district of Fondovico it’s linked to the presence of San
Vito church from which the name of Fondovito instead of Fondovico. About the Piaggio
district it could also mean plagius, namely “copy” of the other district Fondo-Vico/Vito.
During this particular period, the primitive man gives ways to the peasant, the cave
house to the typological building of the house itself called “casedda”or “casa terranea”6,
built at the begin of the IX century, the different name of this kind of building is probably
linked to the area in which is built, the casedda outside the property of the village, while
the casa terranea was generally built inside the village. the small houses were built
following the course of the curves, as extension of the caves or as isolated buildings. The
material used was the tuff, obtained from the quarries near the village. In other cases it
was possible to dig directly on site, obtaining the material necessary to build the raised
and at the same time obtaining an underground environment, the cellars. Tha casedda
was the first dwelling of the peasant, 2 mq built in stone, with a at roof of mud, reeds
and straw and a little window in front of the principal facade. The basic type with just the
ground oor in which lived all the family usually with animals. The dispositions of the house,
inside the Piaggio, follows the morphology of the contour line in a lower level than the
upper one of the Civitas, the upper area in front of the cathedral. The street, just like for
the Chamber of seven rooms, was the place of the community, of social relations and
the place for artisanal work. During the Angioin domination Gravina shows itself as an
important economic center. From 1456 started a period full of restorations of old buildings
with the construction of new buildings. With the changed face of Gravina, begun to
change the habits and needs of the community and, as consequences, the way they used
to live. The peasant becomes farmer, the basic type “casedda”undergoes a variation
becoming “lamione”. From a single house started, little by little, the development of the
aggregation of more single units. The lamione was born from the refusion of two basic
types, to get more functional space, distinguished between the one for the man and the
one for the animals, with a dimension between 4/6 m for 10 m. The transformation of the
basic type, its evolution shows the evolution of the civilization itself, with a gap between
the poorer class and the richest one. Trying to reach “ideally” the upper level of the Civitas,
the piazza of the upper level, the richest class started to build the second oor above the
lamione, getting the “soprano typology: the ground oor was called sottano” and was
for the poorer one with vaulted spaces, while the new level, the soprano, for the middle
class. It had usually 2 or rooms for each oor, with the staircase along one side of the
house.

Lost opportunity
The two districts, Piaggio and Fondovico, ancients hearts of the old Gravina, are now
the forgotten parties of the city. During the Aragonese period were built many ducal

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Figure 4. S. Maria degli Angeli church-cave (left); San Michele delle Grotte church-cave
(right).
Source: AA.VV. (1989), Gravina in Puglia. Alla ricerca del passato, Liantonio editrice s. n. c.,
Palo del Colle, Bari.

Figure 5. S. Lucia church derives from the “casedda” basic type. The specialised builiding
has the same planimetry and facade of the basic type with bigger dimensions.

Figure 6. Hipothesis of the typological evolution of basic residential type. From left “casa
terranea-casedda”, “lamione”, “soprana”.
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 palaces (Amati, Calderoni, Sottile Meninni) on the upper area, making the two districts
less important. The collectivity of the neighborhood left the districts, where there were
only widows, laborers, peasants. The life inside the districts saw hard, without running
water, sewers, necessities. As a result, little by little, the place was definitively abandoned,
condemning it to a certain end. Only recently, since 2015, the Fondovico district has
been the subject of a recovery plan, which has allowed to redevelop the area with
good results. Unlike the district Piaggio which is in disarming condition. Many buildings
have collapsed, nature has taken over. It is impossible to find the old little piazzas with
the fountains, the ancients vegetable gardens. The district shows itself as a cemetery of
skeletal structures, the memory of a long past. Fortunately, competitions have recently
been launched for the redevelopment of the area, with the possibility of restoring the
gardens, designing a park and securing what remains of the buildings that were the
cradle of the Gravinese civilization.
The project is strictly linked to the typological-historical analysis, which defines an idea
of the dynamics of the evolution of the districts. Knowing the past is possible to understand
how to save and improve the old site. The first step is the drafting of a typological card
of the dwellings and any special buildings within the area. In the Piaggio, in particular,
there are several basic types houses, “palazzotti” (palaces) deriving from the refusion
of basic types, some churches and private gardens of the clergy. Many buildings are
abandoned, covered by vegetation, many others have collapsed. The area must be
reclassified by eliminating debris, infestation, waste materials. This must be followed by
the safety of unsafe buildings with the restoration of some facades, including where
possible new functions. Clean the area, securing includes propping operations, restoring
collapsed buildings where possible. The gardens can be used as a public park, with local
plants, vegetable gardens, essences. Few operations capable of giving a start to a long
process of urban redevelopment of the ancient heart of the city.

Acknowledgement
A special thanks goes to The Pomarici Santomasi foundation, in particular to Rosa Dibe-
nedetto great history enthusiast, with whom I had the opportunity to compare myself in
the realization of this article. I also thank the architect Giuseppe Lapolla, a great connois-
seur of his native city Gravina in Puglia, its secrets and its hidden beauties.

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Figure 7. Photos of today’s condition of Piaggio district (photographer F. Bonerba).

Figure 8. Typological card of basic and special buildings inside Piaggio district.

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 Footnotes
1,2
Raguso, F., D’Agostino, M., (1999) ravina, San Basilio agno al Piaggio, abitat
ru restre, Chiesa-Bene cio, in Quaderno n°1 Gravine e Murge (Tip. Tragni, Altamura);
3
Policy Paper of Urban Regeneration, (art. 3 della Legge Regionale 29 luglio 2008 n. 21);
4
A.VV. (1989), Gravina in Puglia. Alla ricerca del passato, Liantonio editrice s. n. c., Palo
del Colle, Bari.
5,6
Capuzzi, L., (1981), ravina Un Paese del Sud - uaderni di Urbanistica n , (Pubblici-
tà&Stampa, Bari), Capuzzi, L., (1981), ravina Un Paese del Sud - uaderni di Urbanistica
n.2, (Pubblicità&Stampa, Bari).

References
Caniggia, G., (1963) Lettura di una città: Como, Centro Studi di Storia Urbanistica (Roma).
Capuzzi, L., (1981), ravina Un Paese del Sud - uaderni di Urbanistica n , (Pubblicità&S-
tampa, Bari).
Capuzzi, L., (1981), ravina Un Paese del Sud - uaderni di Urbanistica n , (Pubblicità&S-
tampa, Bari).
Castoro, P., Creanza, A., Perrone, N., (2001) Alta urgia, uida ai aesi della comunit
montana, urgia Barese Nord - vest (Torre di Nebbia Edizioni, Altamura, Bari).
Ieva M. (2018) Architettura come lingua. Processo e progetto (Franco Angeli. Nuova
Serie di Architettura).
Lucatuorto, G., (1966) ravina Urbs o ulenta (Arti Grafiche Savarese, ari).
Maffei G.L., Maffei M. (2011), Lettura dell’Edilizia Speciale, Alinea Editrice, Firenze.
Nardone, D., (1942) Notizie storiche sulla città di Gravina, (Bari).
Raguso, F., D’Agostino, M., (1999) ravina, San Basilio agno al Piaggio, abitat ru re-
stre, Chiesa-Bene cio, in Quaderno n°1 Gravine e Murge (Tip. Tragni, Altamura).
Strappa G. (2015), L’architettura come processo, Franco Angeli, Roma.
AA.VV. (1989), Gravina in Puglia. Alla ricerca del passato, Liantonio editrice s. n. c., Palo
del Colle (Bari).

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 PH.1 Urban Morphology in Historical Context

Borgo of Chiaravalle Milanese: project tools and strategies for

the recovery and protection of the historical center
Maria Chiara De Luca1, Carla Galanto2, Ileana Iacono3,
Antonetta Nunziata4, Idamaria Sorrentino5
Politecnico di Milano, Scuola di Specializzazione in Beni Architettonici e del Paesag-
1,2,3,4,5

gio, DAStU (Dipartimento di Architettura e Studi Urbani), Via Bonardi 9, 20133,

Milano, Italy
1
[email protected], [email protected],
3
[email protected], [email protected],
5
[email protected]
Keywords: urban regeneration, analysis, urban form

Abstract

The southern area of the city of Milan is characterized by a strong agricultural con-
notationwhich is shown by architectural and natural episodes cut off from each other,
practically devoid of their own meaning and not related to the environment they belong
to. Chiaravalle Milanese is a clear example: a medieval town developed around a Cister-
cian Abbey and its farmstead, crossed by historical irrigation canals or special hydraulic
elements such as dams or mills, that give evidence of the local agricultural culture. Now-
aday, this landscape presents itself as being separated by disused railway tracks, char-
acterized by inef cient services and a want of ublic areas for the community, marked
by a shortage of green spaces, commercial activities and cycle tracks or pathways, as
well as being cut off from the rest of Milan areas and suffering from a considerable urban
decline. From the reading of the characteristics of the area, a cross-sectoral analysis
has been carried out to de ne ob ectives and strategies, such as the enhancement of
the agricultural culture through the promotion of a short-chain production in which the
farmstead Grangia may regain its central role; the recovery of the main square historical
identity has been planned thanks to the introduction of shops and the offer of education-
al and nature walks This ro ect is meant to actualize the roductive e eriences of the
past, in relation to analysis which takes into account the economic and environmental
scenario, as well as the social and cultural background of the town.

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 Introduction
Landscape of the southern part of the city of Milan is characterized by lots of rural
complexes that represented the center of organization for the past agricultural life.
The current situation is about a local identity no more readable in the architectural
forms.
In fact, only some isolated symbols of ancient villages remain, totally disconnected
from the present urban context and difficult to identify.
These historical signs of built territory are often left to total abandonment, because
of the loss of their function. The protection constraint, on the other hand, represents a
problem for some speculative practices, as the state of decay of the building sometimes
becomes instrumental to demolition and to the use of the ground for new constructions1
. Finally, the buildings may have gone through significant transformations and alterations
that have compromised their recognizability.
History and territorial context, management and future projections have been essen-
tial tools to make a detailed analysis that could make up an efficient support for the
planning strategies suggested.

Framework
Reading territorial morphology
The first phase of analysis has been affected by the deepening of territorial, urbanistic
and landscape features at different scales, starting from a framework extended to the
metropolitan city to arrive at the relation with the town of Chiaravalle.
The city of Milan arises from the aggregation of several urban units that coexist in the
center of a prolific plain, rich in waterways and canals. The geographical position, center
of gravity compared to the other cities of the plain, the know-how of techniques, linked
to the characteristic production of the entire region, have worked for the development
both in agriculture, manufacturing and industrial sectors. The signs of this evolution, result
of the perfect synergy between built and territory, represent essential elements, memo-
ries of a past that cannot be lost.
Through an interpretative reading of historical maps (Crivellari, 1906), the ancient far-
msteads all around Milan have been identified and examined in their distribution on the
territory and in their evolution. (Fig. 1) The investigation has allowed the spatial identifica-
tion of various urban units, each one provided with specific identity characteristics and
its own peculiar denomination2, as well as their historical expansion phases. The emer-
ged scenery, supported by studies on the hydrography and the green system (Fig. 2)3, is
the confirmation of the historically agricultural vocation of the southern territory of Milan,
still more evident compared to that one of the northern area4. The urban expansion of
the southern part, in fact, has affected only main centres5, grown around the road in-
frastructures independently from the preexisting fabric. This process has almost entirely
spared the agricultural areas, improving the creation of locations completely detached
from the context of Milan.
A peculiar example of this urban process is the extra-urban fraction of Chiaravalle
Milanese. Settled just nine kilometers south-east of the heart of Milan, the town remained
independent from an administrative point of view until 1923, before being annexed6 to
the city of Milan.
Currently inserted within the South Milan Agricultural Park together with other sixty
towns, Chiaravalle manages to maintain its own identity, founded around the famous
abbey of the Cistercian monks of Saint Bernard, although reduced to a little district.
The link between the monastic order and the urban center was based on different
aspects. The city markets played an important role for the commercialization of farmste-
ads and abbey’s production7, while the ourishing agriculture could be considered the
result of an extraordinary and innovative Cistercians hydraulic engineering technique.
Thanks to the creation of canals and springs, the marshy lands were healed permitting
the cultivation of fields; the excess of water, which caused the swamping, was redistri-
buted in the water meadow, “donkey spine meadows, furrowed by little canals properly
inclined to allow the continuous ow of a veil of water. The system had irrigational and,

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at the same time, thermal functions: in fact, being relatively warm in winter (around five
degrees), water allowed the germination and the development of vegetation also du-
ring the cold season” (Forni and Pisani, 1968).
Chiaravalle’s landscape is still characterized by the water, whose main course is that
of ettabbia s, from which canals, moats and minor springs move and irrigate fields,
thus becoming the driving force for cereals’ grinding in the mills. It is a unique productive
system but its value has been gradually ignored until total disintegration and abandon-
ment.

Analysis and research methods

The analysis sectors have concerned historical features, physical-environmental cha-
racteristics, state of use, legal status, demographic and socio-economic traits. The mor-
phological analysis has treated the methods of development of the town over time, in
relation to several natural or anthropic factors that have in uenced it.
- Persistences and historical development
Historical development analysis has focused on the relief of presence, evolution or
removal of signs in the territory (waterways, paths, infrastructures, settlements and single
buildings). The historical phases have been investigated on a large scale, using the an-
cient urban maps8. In this way, it has been deduced that first housing units were centered
around the Cistercian organism (abbey - farmstead- mill system), interrupted by subse-
quent interventions due to the improvement of the road network.
- Landscape system
Landscape analysis has concerned natural, agricultural and urban landscape in or-
der that the project could safeguard and enhance every elements, adding landsca-
pe quality to the place that it aims to transform. The panoramas that still preserve their
unique characteristics can be identified along Saint Arialdo s street, which brushes the
Vettabbia Park and the abbey, and Saint Bernardo’s street, which crosses the historical
center. - Vettabbia Park
Vettabbia Park, which takes its name from the main canal that crosses it, is included
in South Milan Agricultural Park9. This one has the aim of landscape and environmental
conservation, eco-geological equilibrium in the metropolitan area, preservation of far-
ming activities and connection between urban and extra-urban green areas, in favour
of citizens leisure. Areas lapped by Vettabbia, recently been the subject of a valorization
project (Prusicki and Simonetti, 2009), represent a theme public park related to the re-
storation of the ancient waterways owing through the southern part of Milan, in order
to interact with Chiaravalle abbey. However, various issues about accessibility and con-
nections with the abbey remained unresolved, because the only entrances are located
in via San Dionigi or close to Cascina Nosedo, quite far from the monastic complex; and
there are also areas closed to the public.
- Permanency of historical crops
Studying Teresian Land Registry (1722), it has been possible to identify those crops
once placed in monks property fields. ands outside the abbey were planted with grass
and vegetable gardens, mainly in the green areas that surrounded the farmstead. Nor-
thern portions outside the abbey were instead cultivated with vineyards. According to
the Agricultural Sector Plans10, fields around the abbey and the farmstead are currently
cultivated with corn and set-aside, vineyards have been replaced by residential buil-
dings; while eastward there are autumn-winter cereal crops, westward there are stable
meadows and pastures.
- Analysis of the urban settlement system
Analyses on the state of use have examined streets, squares, gardens, open spaces,
buildings and artifacts. Special attention has been paid to intended uses, taking into
consideration buildings in a state of decay and neglect, and those still waiting for a
new function. These studies have allowed to understand the true nature of the town,
mainly consisting of residential private buildings, denoting the lack of buildings with spe-
cific functions. In this regard, if on one side for the education sector there is only one
school structure11, on the other the health sector, lacking in hospital facilities, refers to the
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 adjacent San Donato. Instead, there are many cultural centers that deal with volunteer
programs and community services, such as Casa Chiaravalle12 and Circolo Arci Pessina13.
Regarding the urban roads system, via San Bernardo is the main street subjected to
high owing traffic without sidewalks and bicycle paths. Parking lots occupy main squa-
res and they are also rather limited. In addition, connections with the center of Milan are
nonlinear and need waiting time of thirty or sixty minutes, not covering all the time-slots.
The inefficiency of mobility system seems to be seriously penalizing for an area with such
a high cultural and architectural heritage level, and it represents a significant obstacle
against the tourism as a possible resource for the development of the town. For this re-
ason, a thoughtful mobility design could give back citizens spaces of aggregation and
public green areas, today saturated.
- Legal analyses: binding regime
Checking the restrictions14 present on the territory of Chiaravalle, it has been found
that the abbey is subject to direct protection, while its properties are subject to an indi-
rect one. The Grangia farmstead is also under a direct protection and it is owned by the
municipality; this makes inadmissible the state of decay of the building, which is today
partially collapsed (roof and parts of walls), with the presence of spontaneous vegeta-
tion inside the masonry.

Reading the current features: strengths and weaknesses15

From the direct observation of the territory, potential and criticisms have been de-
tected in relation to landmarks on the area: the complex of Chiaravalle abbey and its
mill, the Grangia farmstead, landscape elements, disused rail tracks and public spaces.
(Fig. 3)
Chiaravalle abbey, even representing a touristic attraction inside a purely residen-
tial town, has several limitations about fruition schedule for visitors and suffers from the
difficulty to reach it from the center of Milan. Some critical issues are related to service
deficiencies and to inadequate paths around the abbey, thus not encouraging the visit
of the whole city and the Agricultural Park. The presence of the monastic complex could
represent an economic resource for the town if the zero-kilometer production system of
monastic tradition is recovered.
The mill outbuilding of the abbey, made safe, restored and opened to the public sin-
ce 2009, has become an evidence of an ancient way of living, showing the multiplicity
of functions performed in each room and technics evolution over the centuries16. Today,
however, the mill is available only on the occasion of scheduled events, such as confe-
rences, with limited opening hours confined to the weekend.
The Grangia farmstead, the architectural and organizational structure that once an-
swered the task of producing income, is currently in a state of serious decay with evident
security problems related to the risk of collapse.
Landscape elements such as waterways, irrigation channels and water meadows are
in a state of degradation due to improper use and neglect, instead of being preserved
and enhanced for their singularity. Moreover, Vettabbia Park remains a stand-alone sy-
stem which doesn’t communicate either with abbey or the ancient village.
The disused rail tracks of Chiaravalle constitute an interruption of urban space betwe-
en the ancient town and the abbey. Disused since 1998 because of the construction of
the new railway line Milano-Pavia, the ancient rail tracks, just over three kilometers long,
run along the Chiaravalle abbey and go into Agricultural Park fields. The old rail line,
which caused static problems to Chiaravalle abbey (Jurina, 2015), even though it is has
been longtime object of re ection for some recovery intentions, is currently dangerous
and in a state of instability, covered by spontaneous vegetation.
Pedestrian and cycling paths are discontinued, and they are therefore inefficient.
Parking areas are located without any rational logic; indeed, public spaces, deficient in
terms of commercial establishments, are often improperly occupied by cars, and green
areas are not sufficiently equipped: the result is a lack of gathering spaces for the com-
munity.

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Urban regeneration strategies: the short production chain
Reading the current features has permitted to set targets and strategies. The valorisa-
tion of the historical link between Grangia farmstead and Chiaravalle abbey, as well as
the maintenance of landscape quality, represents what is to be achieved.
The purpose is to reconnect parts of territory to form a comprehensive territorial system
in which every single element could regain its own meaning and role in combination with
the others. After recovering its historical importance, it will be the Grangia farmstead to
become the driving force for the economy and for the recovery of the urban centre.
For each target set, methods have been identified, and then established, in order to
pursue objectives. Due to the agricultural vocation of the area, it has been thought of a
regeneration based on the encouragement of the agriculture related to the local tradi-
tion, as a result of the preliminary study of the historical crops. The aim is to set up a zero
distance production which can reduce emission of air pollutants thanks to the restricted
amount of space and, consequently, to the decrease of fuel use. Selling in loco would
lead to less use of plastic packages and food preservation systems; it would bring better
quality control, as well as reduce production costs thanks to the absence of interme-
diaries between producers and consumers. In addition, the system would promote the
development of the territory through direct knowledge between the producers, their col-
laboration with consumers and the possibility to visit and check work in local farms; in this
way social involvement and relationships between people would be encouraged. The
space identified for these predictions is situated on the edge of the urbanized town, ac-
cording to urban planning directions aimed at preserving green areas from urbanization
in Chiaravalle. This is meant to offer green spaces usable by citizens and schoolchildren,
in order to stimulate the cultural and recreational activities and to reduce the impact of
the near transport infrastructure. Agriculture regains a new value by setting spaces for
experimental and educational cultivation projects, as well as vineyards, rice paddies,
vegetable gardens and orchards.
Becoming part of a wider production system, agricultural activities may become a
focal point in the enhancement of historical heritage (the abbey, the farmstead, springs
and moats) and in the improvement of the environmental quality.
Another link in the chain is the Grangia farmstead, which has been redesigned in or-
der to host not only preparation and conservation processes of agricultural products, but
also educational activities such as learning pathways and the teaching farm. It would
also be desirable to cooperate with local entrepreneurship or to involve research insti-
tutes that study about agricultural science. Indeed, the farmstead will accommodate
schools, universities and associations through a guesthouse, welcoming and dining areas
with the possibility to taste typical food and wine products.
Selling products takes place into the buildings around Chiaravalle’s historical main
square, which should be released from cars - conveniently located in a different parking
area. In order to improve the quality of public space and the social relations between
inhabitants, it has been planned to place stores of local products, as well as indoor mar-
kets, coffee shops, outdoor markets and meeting zone.
It is all meant to create a circular track in order to establish a net of relations between
the farmstead, the abbey and the inhabited village, thus improving the viability and
enhacing the importance of hydraulic elements owed to the local farming culture.
Disused railway tracks can also be instrumental in making the productive mechanism
work, as they could become a walking and cycling path alluding to the concept of wa-
ter and agriculture with historical, educational and natural meanings. It is also intended
to improve and secure all those pathways now rundown or particularly difficult to use.
The transmission of historical and naturalistic values will be ensured by information signs,
while it is suggested to protect valuable trees or put in place some new ones, where mis-
sing, in order to enhance the itinerary quality and to preserve greatly evocative settings.
Road user safety will be guaranteed by safe sidewalks and crosswalks, as well as by
the establishment of a 30 Zone in the main streets of the town to encourage soft mobility
and to reduce pollution.

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 Conclusions
Researches carried out starting from the entire Milan’s area have enabled to under-
stand the historical evolution of the urban units of ancient formation, including their per-
manence or their mutual incorporation.
The analytical methodology applied to Chiaravalle town has led to detect critical
issues to notice, offering also a future perspective based on the possibility to create a net
of relations between cultural heritage and landscape.
The aim of the research consists in suggesting design strategies applicable to urban
areas, paying attention to historical and environmental aspects and to the compatibility
of the intended uses found.
Chiaravalle is a clear evidence of a town composed of ancient paths connecting
the farmsteads, cultivated fields and religious architecture in a perfect blend. System or-
ganization, consisting in agricultural cultivations, manufacture in farmstead and selling in
the square, contributes to a sustainable purchasing project based on a short production
chain, which summarizes a perfect synergy between primary, secondary and tertiary
sectors.
The development of the production for direct sale through local agriculture aims to
be an instrument for the recovery of the town’s identity thanks to the rediscovery and the
preservation of typical products and ancient avours linked with the territory.
Lastly, economic feasibility of the project should be examined in order to guide the
choice of those potential investors who, after a careful analysis, could be enticed to in-
vest in such an enhancement project.
A possible scenario of future development could result from the involvement of priva-
te entities through agreements concerning the sale of products in loco. The main square
of the town could operate in this perspective because it is characterized by residential
buildings with disused spaces for commercial use on the ground oor. In terms of public
institutions, the production could be managed in collaboration with the fruit and vege-
table market SoGeMi17, while the farmstead spaces as the guesthouse or the teaching
farm are meant to involve schools. Partnerships with the departments of Agricultural and
Food Science or Veterinary Medicine from the University of Milan could also enable to
operate guided tours into companies representing green economy and sustainability.
In conclusion, it could be stated that the study carried out underlines the importance
of reading urban form as a key element of regeneration for the town. The morphology
of the territory therefore becomes the mouthpiece of a past productive tradition which
aims to be an instrument of reappropriation of Chiaravalle’s local identity.

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Figure 1. Analysis of ancient farmsteads.

Figure 2. Hydrography of the territory and green system.

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 (a) (b)

(c) (d)

(e) (f)

Figure 3. The area under examination: (a) Chiaravalle abbey, (b) water plant, (c)(d)
Grangia farmstead, (e) public spaces, (f) disused rail tracks (photos by the authors).

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References
ARCHIVIO DI STATO – COMUNE DI MILANO - Dati ricavati: Catasto Teresiano (1722), Ca-
tasto ombardo- eneto (1 ), Catasto Cessato (1 ), Istituto Geografico Militare
(1888), Catasto Terreni (1897), PRG (1953), Carta Tecnica Comunale (1930,1956,1965,
1990,2000,2012).
Beltramo S. (2018), “Nutrire il corpo e lo spirito: i refettori nei monasteri cistercensi” in Studi
e Ricerche di Storia dell’Architettura Rivista dell’Associazione Italiana Storici dell’Archi-
tettura», pp. 38-51
Bortolotti, L. (1984). Storia, città e territorio (Vol. 1). Franco Angeli.
Caffi, M. (1 2). Dell abbazia di Chiaravalle in ombardia: Illustrazione storico-monu-
mentale-epigrafica. (Aggiuntavi la storia dell eretica Guglielmina oema.). Giac.
Gnocchi.
Crivellari G. (190 ), Milano e dintorni, profilo storico con carta topografica delle epoche:
preromana, romana, medievale, moderna, Tip. Domenicana, Firenze.
Donati, M. T., & Tibiletti, T. (Eds.). (2005). L’abbazia di Chiaravalle. Skira.
Forni G. / Pisani F. (1968), “Presso l’Abbazia di Chiaravalle (Milano): Una Mostra docu-
mentaria sulla storia delle bonifiche e dell irrigazione , in Rivista di Storia dell Agricoltu-
ra, n. 24(2), pp. 137-162, Milano.
Grillo, P. (1999). Cistercensi e società cittadina in età comunale: Il monastero di Chiara-
valle Milanese (1180-1276). Studi storici, 40(2), 357-394.
Guidi F. (2008). “I mercati.” in A. Rossi, F. Guidi & S. Innocenti (Eds.), Guida per l’attivazio-
ne di forme collettive di vendita diretta: Esperienze, approcci e strumenti (pp.43-56),
Firenze: ARSIA.
Guidi F. (200 ). Rassegna delle esperienze di filiera corta. in A. Rossi, F. Guidi S. Inno-
centi (Eds.), Guida per l’attivazione di forme collettive di vendita diretta: Esperienze,
approcci e strumenti (pp.17-29), Firenze: ARSIA.
http://www.asmilano.it/Divenire/ (Progetto Divenire, ASMi)
http://www.geoportale.regione.lombardia.it/download-dati; https://geoportale.comu-
ne.milano.it/sit/open-data/ (Open source gis. Fonte dati geografici)
http://www.lombardiabeniculturali.it/architetture/schede/LMD80-00056
https://geoportale.comune.milano.it/sit/
https://www.comune.milano.it/aree-tematiche/urbanistica-ed-edilizia/pgt-adotta-
to-milano-2030 (PGT ADOTTATO - MILANO 2030)
https://www.mulinochiaravalle.it/il-mulino/la_storia_e_il_recupero
Jurina L. (2015), Le necessità di consolidamento strutturale della “ciribiciaccola”, la tor-
re nolare dell’abbazia di Chiaravalle, atti del convegno Il Sud Milano e l’Abbazia di
Chiaravalle. Una grande risorsa di storia, di agricoltura e di fede. Online disponibile
all’indirizzo: (http://jurina.it/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Lorenzo-Jurina.pdf)
Mauri, L. C., & Fantoni, G. (Eds.). (2001). Libro de li prati del Monasterio di Chiaravalle
M. Mazza, Studi P.I.M. (2001), Cartografia, Editore: a cura della Provincia di Milano
Mamoli, F. (1995). I mulini sulla Vettabia dell’abbazia di Chiaravalle Milanese, secoli XII-
XIV.
Bottero, M., Lami, I. M., & Lombardi, P. (2008). Analytic network process: la valutazione di
scenari di trasformazione urbana e territoriale. Alinea Editrice.
Nebbia, U. (1910). “I recenti restauri della Badia di Chiaravalle Milanese” in Bollettino
d’Arte, Roma, 372
Piani di Settore Agricolo (art. 19, LR 24/90, art. 7, NTA del PTC)
Prusicki M./ Simonetti F. (2009), Il Parco agricolo urbano della Vettabbia: un progetto per
la riqualificazione paesistico-ambientale della valle della ettabbia, Comune di San
Giuliano Milanese, Provincia di Milano.
Fonte: http://www.sangiulianoonline.it/
Regio Decreto del 2 settembre 1923, n. 1912 art. 1 – Aggregazione al Comune i Milano di
undici Comuni contermini.
Scazzosi, L. (2018). Rural Landscape as Heritage: Reasons for and Implications of Princi-
ples Concerning Rural Landscapes as Heritage ICOMOS-IFLA 2017.
Scazzosi, L. (2018). “I borghi storici di Milano: Una risorsa da valorizzare.” in R. Schena Mi-
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 Footnotes
1
Since the urban settlements represented an effective trace of the development of the
town and of production techniques, buildings are subject to restriction. To overcome
problems related to maintenance or to be able to allocate areas to new buildings,
the farmsteads result often abandoned and, in more than one case, for these the
demolition has been achieved.
2
Often lost or modified as, for example, Monlu once called Malnoe.
3
The study has been carried out with the support of GIS Software (Geographic Informa-
tion System) open source Qgis. Source of geographical data: http://www.geopor-
tale.regione.lombardia.it/download-dati; https://geoportale.comune.milano.it/sit/
open-data/.
4
The differences between southern and northen parts are also confirmed by the cha-
racteristics and by the extent of green areas. The South Milan Agricultural Park covers
thousands hectares of private agricultural fields, while the North Park covers 0
hectares of public areas in order to encourage the use of green ground in a densely
urbanized territory.
5
San Giuliano Milanese, San Donato Milanese, Assago, Rozzano.
6
Royal Decree of the 2nd of September 1923, n. 1912 art. 1 - Aggregation of eleven
continuous towns at the city of Milan. As result of an urban reform in uenced by the
new fascist party, which had foreseen the suppression of eleven towns and their con-
sequent administrative annexation to the city of Milan, the urban layout of the me-
tropolitan city was defined as the current one. Towns affected by this measure were,
besides Chiaravalle: Affori, Baggio, Crescenzago, Gorla-Precotto, Greco milanese,
Lambrate, Musocco, Niguarda, Trenno e Vigentino.
7
Part of the monastic production was sold in town’s markets.
8
Catasto Teresiano (1722), Catasto Lombardo-Veneto (1855), Catasto Cessato (1866),
Istituto Geografico Militare (1 ), Catasto Terreni (1 9 ), PRG (19 ), Carta Tecnica
Comunale (1930,1956,1965,1990,2000,2012).
9
Introduced by the Regional Law of April 23rd,1990, n. 24, South Milan Agricultural Park
is a regional park which includes areas between Milan and the southern border of its
province.
10
Piani di Settore Agricolo, art. 19, LR 24/90, art. 7, NTA of the PTC.
11
It is the former elementary school “Amatore Sciesa”, today nursery school located in
via San Bernardo 19.
12
Casa Chiaravalle is a project of Passepartout, the Consortium of social enterprises whi-
ch gives to the community a property confiscated to organized crime, promoting
temporary housing, integration, training courses, job placement and intercultural ini-
tiatives.
13
Born as an after-work organization, Enal is placed within the Amatore Sciesa school
district and takes part in many initiatives into the village in partnership with other vo-
luntary associations.
14
Cfr: Piano delle Regole, Indicazioni urbanistiche, Vincoli e tutela in PGT adottato - Mi-
lano 2030.
15
The research has been addressed with the support of Software GIS (Geographic In-
formation System) open source Qgis. Source of geographical data: http://www.ge-
oportale.regione.lombardia.it/download-dati; https://geoportale.comune.milano.it/
sit/open-data/
16
Although monks were back in Chiaravalle since 1952, the mill building, used as miller’s
house, fell into disuse in 1963 (https://www.mulinochiaravalle.it/il-mulino/la_storia_e_
il_recupero/).
17
SoGeMi (Società per l’Impianto e l’Esercizio dei Mercati Annonari all’Ingrosso di Milano)
is a joint stock company which coordinates agri-food markets in the city of Milan on
behalf of the municipality. The wholesale agri-food market of Milan stands out for its
goods quality and variety of products at competitive prices, thus being the largest
local producer in Italy.

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 lano, La città dei 70 borghi (pp. 5-9), Milano: Magenes Editoriale srl.
Stea, C. S. (1988). Il monastero di Chiaravalle milanese nel Duecento: Vione da” Ca-
strum” a grangia. Studi Storici, 29(3), 671-706.
Stolfi G. (201 ), Il Sud Milano e l Abbazia di Chiaravalle: una grande risorsa di storia, di
agricoltura e di fede: La Storia Dei Restauri Dell’Abbazia”, atti del convegno Il Sud
Milano e l’Abbazia di Chiaravalle. Una grande risorsa di storia, di agricoltura e di fede.
Online disponibile all’indirizzo: http://jurina.it/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/Giusep-
pe-stolfi.pdf
Tomea, P. (1992). Chiaravalle: arte e storia de un’abbazia cistercense. Mondadori Electa.

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

Rethinking marginal areas: urban growth and inequality in infor-

mal settlements, the case study of Usme district, Bogotá
Nelcy Echeverría Castro
Research professor Architecture program. Universidad de La Salle, Bogota, Colom-
bia. Carrera 2 No 10-70 Bogotá.
[email protected]
Keywords: ousing, informal settlements, ecological structure, urban develo ment

Abstract

This article e tracts some of the ndings from the research ro ect called bitat
o ular y rocesos de transformaci n urbana etos y o ortunidades en la vivienda
o ular y la vivienda de inter s social, caso de estudio Localidad de Usme, Bogota
which follows the descri tive ualitative a roach of a case study The methodology
used for territory analysis is layered into three different scales macro, meso and micro
These scales are cross-a ial in terms of social, economic, olitical and environmental
as ects The critical and historical analysis of how the territory in Usme has been formed
and its com arison with the current housing olicies and regulations in Bogota will allow
us to identify the logic that has coalesced the territory throughout time In order to ro-
mote e uity in informal settlements, it is im erative to rethink o ular marginal areas by
identifying its silver linings The term silver lining will be used as a meta hor to illustrate the
ositive, hidden as ects of o ular architecture that underlie beneath its chaos In
order to nd these silver linings, this article will rst resent an introduction to the district of
Usme in Bogota It will then e lain some of the identi ed silver linings in urban analysis i
Social s ace and citizenshi building ii The hidden silver lining of Usme s urban growth
and iii Thresholds from borders to boundaries and vice versa The conclusion will argue
about the im ortance of considering these silver linings and its im lications for urban de-
velo ment ublic olicies and lanning

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 Introduction
In Latin America, urban informality has become a characteristic feature of the land
market in the city and”... it is associated with certain common and distinctive features
of Latin American cities, including the existence of a low-wage regime, slow economic
growth in contrast to high population growth, persistence of the informal economy, acu-
te income inequality, all this added to very rapid urban growth and enormous weakness
of the state apparatus. (Jaramillo, 2008. Cited in Camargo, A and Hurtado, A, 2013, p,81).
A common topic throughout the continent is urban poverty re ected in the emergence
of precarious settlements in the periphery that generate a barrier between the urban
and rural condition. These conditions in Latin American cities conceal the existence of a
strategy to equitably integrate those urban and rural areas, turning them into ghettos of
informality and social exclusion. These situations have in uenced the process of transfor-
mation and evolution of Latin American cities, propitiating an accelerated urbanization
of the metropolitan peripheries. These peripheral areas have shown a vertiginous deve-
lopment in comparison with central areas. To make matters worse, they have been af-
fected due to the presence of projects such as industrial and commercial complexes, or
massive urbanizations of formal and informal origin with the consequent loss or reduction
of agricultural land, natural resources, changes in productive activity and in the lifestyle
of its inhabitants.
In the informal, peripheral sectors of the city of Bogota, there is a land-sale phenome-
non by “pirate developers” who sell lots without having approval from the State through
an urban planning license and without infrastructure development. This generates infor-
mality due to the lack of public services and land titles. In other cases, people appropria-
te the land illegally by de facto occupation. In this research, and as a result of multiple
analysis, it was difficult to clarify the appropriate term to name the place and subject of
study. Especially because we deal with a topic and context that has not been sufficiently
analyzed or studied. In fact, informal architecture and its “vulgar”, “illegal”, “economic”,
clandestine and/or ordinary variants is of little interest in official or academic con-
texts. For this reason, we chose to name the territory, traditionally known as informal, as
popular settlements, while the differentiator is the type of land and housing tenure. In
the case of Colombia, it is one of the greatest problems generating violence due to the
excessive interest of some people in land ownership.
The analysis of popular habitats is a commitment to the communities that have col-
lectively taken over large extensions of territory over time, marking important points in
the conformation of the city. In fact, (Saldarriaga and Fonseca, 1992) highlight that “the
largest percentage of architecture that exists and is built daily in Colombia is produced
by popular communities (p.15). Aspects such as inequity and inequality in Latin American
societies are re ected in its urban structure and increase the existing segregation in these
marginalized and vulnerable territories, not only spatially but also socially. The reality of
urban processes in Latin American cities, and especially in the case of Bogota, shows the
construction of a disjointed, extensive territory, full of fractures and needs that has recei-
ved no understanding or adequate attention by the State and the private sector. This
complete lack of attention is understood particularly from the logic of the construction
processes of popular territories.

Introduction to Usme
The territory of Usme, like Bogota, is unique in its geography. It is part of the Eastern
Cordillera, and of a unique ecosystem called the Paramo1 de Sumapaz, a huge source
of water. Usme is one of twenty localities in which the Capital District of Bogota is divi-
ded. It has a total area of 21,506.7 hectares, 89% of which corresponding to rural land,
i.e. 18,500.1 hectares, and 11% to urban land, corresponding to 3,029.26 hectares. Of the
urban land, 902ha correspond to urban expansion land. (Figure 1)
Following the founding of Bogota in 1538, the territory of Usme was assigned to agri-
culture around 1590 making it the pantry of Bogota due to its privileged location, and its
fertile soil, perfect for agriculture and livestock. During the Colonial phase, in 1650, with its
foundation as San Pedro de Usme, it maintained its rural character, reaffirming itself as a

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place for food production until the twentieth century. The change came in the 1930s with
the increase of construction. It encouraged the extraction of quarry materials like gravel,
clay and sand, which became a way of exploitation of the territory. As a consequence,
the Usme settlement process accelerated due to the arrival of workers that needed to
supply their housing needs near their work. In addition, population growth in Usme incre-
ased after the Bogotazo2 on 9 April 19 . The intensification of violence in the country
caused a migratory process, making Bogota one of the main receiving cities. Usme was
consequently affected by these urbanization processes and internal displacement con-
tinued throughout the 20th century due to the armed con ict.
A historical review outlines many factors that contributed to the city’s growth process
and how it generated a division of the city based on economic income, social class dif-
ferentiation, location of facilities and geographical aspects, a situation that increased
poverty and segregation. One of the main factors that contributed to the urbanization
process was the migratory phenomenon between 1950s and 1960s that began the tran-
sformation of the city. In the case of Usme, the relationship between the emergence of
extractive companies and informal settlements is evident.
This allowed the emergence of a “periphery through umbilical nuclei connected by
a road to the rest of the urban grid. Thus, for example, in the south of Bogotá, uncon-
trolled settlements prior to the 1960s initially emerged as a series of isolated nuclei until
they formed a continuous and interconnected mesh, very organically linked to the rest
of the urban structure, later giving the impression of an expansion in the form of an oil
slick. On the contrary, after the 1960’s, cores have emerged in very uneven topographic
conditions, which remain linked to the rest of the mesh by a single interconnecting path”.
(Marín, G., & Elena, I. 1991, p.24).
The territory of Usme was initially inhabited by indigenous people, followed by the Spa-
nish with their arrival around 1650. However, the change in population dynamics started
between the 70’s and 80’s of the 20th century when the population increased from 6,394
to 164,847. The consequences of this disproportionate and unforeseen growth resulting
from rural-urban migration processes are clearly seen in the territory in terms of morpho-
logy and urban and spatial relations. This increase in population gave Usme its heteroge-
neity, derived from the different origins of its population, coming from all the corners of
the country. This multicultural population, shares a single common denominator, the fact
that it is composed by low-income citizens.
The results of the research confirm the high degree of segregation, exclusion and ine-
quality present in the city of ogota, and specifically in the town of Usme. The analysis of
the urban conditions allows us to establish that Usme is a socially homogeneous territory,
with very low interaction between its different social groups and with spatial isolation
characterized by the lack of a good offer of public transport or alternative mobility, re-
sulting in longer travel times to reach the place of work or study. All kinds of deficiencies
stand out in these poor territories, including lack of health, education, recreation, public
space, trees, inadequate housing conditions, and a very high rate of unemployment.

First silver lining: Social space and building citizenship

The creation of public space and building citizenship are closely related. The current
idea of the city from a material and economic point of view has generated countless
problems. A significant fact is the disappearance of public space due to the generation
of private, closed spaces that favor selective encounters and mass consumption. They
also encourage the use of vehicles and cancel any contact with their immediate sur-
roundings. According to Rogers (2000) “closed spaces satisfy our whims of private con-
sumption and autonomy and are, in that sense, very effective. In contrast, open spaces
bring something in common: they bring together different parts of society and nurtu-
re a sense of tolerance, awareness, identity and mutual respect”(p.10). In accordance
with the above, public space plays a fundamental role in the construction of citizenship.
However, it is important to note that such a role is not exercised only when rulers are
elected, but also, contrary to the established model, every time there is active interven-
tion in the decisions that unite us as a society.
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 The figures show Usme has an average of . m2 of public space per inhabitant. It is
very low compared to the standard established in decree 1077 of 2015, which sets it at
15 m2 per inhabitant. In terms of the amount of public space allocated for pedestrians
in terms of sidewalks compared to the total area of the locality and the UPZs, the DADEP
2017 says that the average of Bogota’s sidewalks per hectare is 306.74 m2/ha, while
Usme has the lowest rate at .9 m2/ha, well below the city s average. Although the fi-
gures and quantitative aspects are relevant, it is important to clarify that the urban sphe-
re is associated with the public sphere and housing is related to the communal, private
and intimate sphere. Since both scopes are the central axes from where the social life of
the individuals is constructed, lifestyle and customs are established from them. Therefore,
housing is assumed as a fundamental aspect that builds and potentiates the territory.
Furthermore, it is one of the main aspects on which the construction of a territory revolves;
it marks not just individual and family dynamics but it re ects its society and culture.
The first positive aspect identified within the territorial conformation in popular settle-
ments has to do with social construction based on dynamics generated by the inhabi-
tants themselves. In Usme, the diversity and typical vitality of these environments can
still be perceived in commercial streets. An expression that should be promoted and
maintained by improving, among other things, the physical conditions of these places; as
well as those of parks, squares and markets. Additionally, the street and the sidewalk are
recognized as an extension of the house, there is an appropriation through its finishing,
its texture and color. In other cases, such an extension is brought into evidence with the
presence of commercial premises in the first oors of the houses and the aggregation
from the sidewalk by commercial premises, or with the intervention of the sidewalk or
the street to generate orchards or gardens on the public space. On other occasions, the
street is a meeting place, for collective celebration by the neighbors. In this sense the
street is recognized as a place of social interaction. The street like the “neighborhood
shop” becomes an element of integration and cohesion of the community, making it full
of urban life. The fact of identifying a public place as a public good, creates situations
that include self-regulation, tolerance and respect for others, and the recognition of the
rights and duties that each citizen has.
In contrast to the above, the current housing supply planned in Usme shows the exi-
stence of closed complexes that are not related or integrated with the immediate con-
text. Closed communities and ghettos are being created where the members of these
closed groups are voluntary prisoners that have no interest in relating to the outside world
or in meeting other people. In these state, low-income, housing projects, urban planning
of popular sectors offers precarious, fragmented urban life with high indexes of insecuri-
ty. Even though public space has better conditions in terms of design, it is impossible to
promote any sense of belonging, or a vibrant and diverse life in urban space.(Figure 2)

Second silver lining: Doorsteps: The hidden silver lining of Usme’s urban growth
This research understands a doorstep as a place that engages and generates articu-
lation. It is a transitional space between two situations or between one environment and
another. The characteristic of such a doorstep is that it is configured by buildings. The
space where doorstep is generated can be in the public or in the private dimension and
it is the inhabitants of popular environments who build thresholds to generate relations
that overcome and exceed their physical space, where nobody wants to be more than
the other, where differences are recognized and the construction of social networks is
propitiated. In this way, doorsteps are meeting spaces. In fact, the important factor is the
emptiness and the relations that is established between the buildings, not the building
itself.
In popular environments, inhabitants have spontaneously generated this type of door-
steps. The encounter with others is propitiated and relations are established beyond the
building. Nevertheless, it cannot be ignored that in some cases empty spaces remain as
a result of urban configuration, lack of planning, and as a consequence of the territory s
configuration that is the sum of its independent patterns.
By making a historical reading of the morphology present in these places, it is possible

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to evidence singular situations that have generated these types of patterns. Situations
that are affected by geographical, social, economic and normative aspects. An im-
portant quality of doorsteps is its capacity to reconcile different patterns in terms of the
urban form and to have a specific function that responds to the vocation of the place
and the buildings that create it. In other words, the great power of attraction and mixture
of different patterns give rise to hybrids out of all orthodox order. This shows how allowing
identity and singular characterization of segments of the territory can be a valuable cir-
cumstance.
Recognizing the quality of doorsteps in the popular habitat to integrate different
factors, actors, circumstances, is without a doubt, very relevant. It achieves the highly
desired inclusion, even if it lacks technical and academic knowledge. Particularly if it
is contrasted with the achievements of planned environments where homogenization,
isolation and individualism are the most common strategies, without any re ection in the
effects that this type of planning can generate in the construction of a society and a
territory.
Urban morphology cannot be seen as a minor matter or from an exclusively composi-
tional or eminent formal aspect. The proposal in this research is to see it as an opportunity
to read how the urban form possesses the capacity to relate, through its threshold, to dif-
ferent factors that have affected the construction of the territory. Factors that go from qua-
litative and quantitative aspects that definitively affect the idea of the city. (Arango,199 ,
p. 199) mentions how Karl Brunner (1887-1960) conceived the growth of the Colombian
city based on physically different units (in its layout, in its architectural characteristics, in
its uses), which were connected with themselves and the traditional historical center, by
promenades and avenues... the resulting city would be, therefore, diverse, within a ge-
neral and unique order. The latter is one of the greatest particular challenges within the
popular habitat, and a general defiance for the city. (Figure )

Third silver lining: From borders to boundaries and vice versa

In this research, a border is a line that separates and divides one place from another.
In the case of Usme, some geographical characteristics of the territory become bounda-
ries. It includes water bodies, streams and topography. They are elements that generate
ruptures in the conformation of the territory and do not allow continuity and articulation.
This situation increases the level of exclusion and the lack of cohesion between different
areas of the territory.
Unfortunately, these ruptures occur often in popular settlements due to the impact
and deterioration of green areas and water bodies. Although the above is related to
the natural characteristics of the territory, planning also generates other types of limits,
such as when facilities or planned housing solutions are built without taking into account
the environment. This generates the inconvenient isolation and ghettoization of places
for the good harmonic development of a territory. In addition to these examples, roads
become elements that generate ruptures and there is no adequate fabric to minimize
the impacts caused by the crossing of a road. These limits are morphological scars ge-
nerated without considering any alternatives for appropriate relationship building and
connection.
In the same way, closed communities and ghettos create closed groups where its
members become voluntary prisoners and the condition of whether one is “inside” or
“outside” is clearly evident. The question that arises is what idea of the city is being pro-
moted with these closed environments and what values are being strengthened with
this type of initiative? From this research perspective, housing proposals (in a particular
way and the planning and ordering of the territory in a more general manner) must tend
to build the city and create community. To achieve this, understanding the concept of
limits and edges can be a more inclusive spatial and social organization.
On the other hand, the concept of boundary is defined as a space that articulates
and links a place with another. According to (Ayala, 2015) a boundary is the region that
is contiguous to the limit, an immediate region where society and landscape are framed
by the presence of the limit. The quoted author mentions that “the construction of boun-
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 daries engenders a sense in people of being in the appropriate place or out of place
(Storey 2001, 146). The boundaries then concretize the territory and what these territories
mean. In this sense, they not only materialize the territoriality, but they involve the “here”
and “there”. Boundaries indicate, and at the same time unite and contain (people, ide-
as, prejudices, forms of life, goods, systems, etc.)”. (p.176) (Figure 4)
In Usme you can see how the territory oscillates between borders and boundaries. In
some sectors you can clearly see the boundaries that articulate the rural area from the
urban area. There is a symbiosis between these two conditions. It is contrasted to the way
urbanizations literally mark the border between one condition and the other.

Conclusion: The value of considering these silver linings and its implications for urban
development, public policies and planning.
The development of the city of Bogota has been built on a concept of urban sprawl.
The concept is supported by large urban projects such as the Northern Zoning Plan and
the Usme Zoning Plan. These projects are located at the extremes of the city, one in the
extreme north and the other in the south, continuing the logic of urbanization based on
the periphery of the city. Previously rural land is being used for these plans, which are now
land for development or urban expansion.
Those proposals established in terms of urban development seem to be aimed at sati-
sfying figures and indicators of the city. Unfortunately, they do not involve the conditions
and values present in the places for intervention, nor have they reviewed the effects that
this type of proposals generate on the environment, the customs and the quality of life
of their inhabitants.
The different factors that define quality of life are closely linked to social controls that
are determined, among other things, by planning and design of the territory. Although
the programs and policies established for the development of Usme are evident, what is
not clear is the answer to the question of how public policies and legislation will promote
integration between the different actors in the territory. As there is no clear or evident an-
swer, issues such as the ecological structure, infrastructure, housing construction, social
and regulatory aspects will be thought and executed in a disarticulated and isolated
way, as it has been the case in Usme.
What was exposed in this article is the idea that the popular habitat should be a
source to produce change in the way we intervene places and how we design houses.
Learning from popular culture is something that can be combined with academic know-
ledge and market pressures to be able to interpret the responses present in popular archi-
tecture, in the here and now, in order to better develop planning. It means working with
existing resources without judgments and stopping to analyze what happened or could
happen. This would change the way in which solutions are generated. This position is not a
naive or romantic vision of the problem. It comes from the conviction that the interests and
concerns in architecture and urban planning could be focused on what exists and not on
what should be. From this vision, architecture would be more attentive to find the means
and strategies to improve the existing conditions of the present.
Therefore, we should recognize new ways of observing, perceiving and analyzing the
popular habitat. This research presents an alternative to rescue some of the important
aspects present in popular territories that can serve as a re ection and incorporation in
planning urban policies and city planning.

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Figure 1. Localidad de Usme. Source: Own elaboration.

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 Figure 2. Comerce and public space. Source: Own elaboration.

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Figure 3. Morphology in Gran Yomasa, Usme. Source: Own elaboration.

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 Figure 4. Boundary. Source: Own elaboration.

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Footnotes
1
Páramo can refer to a variety of alpine tundra ecosystems. The páramo is the ecosy-
stem of the regions above the continuous forest line, yet below the permanent snowline.
[1] It is a “Neotropical high mountain biome with a vegetation composed mainly of giant
rosette plants, shrubs and grasses”.[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P%C3%A1ramo.
2
El ogotazo (from ogot and the -azo suffix of violent augmentation) refers to
the massive riots that followed the assassination in Bogotá, Colombia of Liberal leader
and presidential candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán on 9 April 1948 during the government
of President Mariano Ospina Pérez. The 10-hour riot left much of downtown Bogotá de-
stroyed. The aftershock of Gaitan’s murder continued extending through the countryside
and escalated a period of violence which had begun eighteen years before, in 1930,
and was triggered by the fall of the conservative party from government and the rise of
the liberals. The 1946 presidential elections brought the downfall of the liberals allowing
conservative Mariano Ospina Pérez to win the presidency. The struggle for power betwe-
en both again triggered a period in the history of Colombia known as La Violencia (“The
iolence ) that lasted until approximately 19 , from which the civil con ict that conti-
nues to this day grew.

References
Arango, S. (1993). Historia de la arquitectura en Colombia. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional
de Colombia.
Camargo Sierra, A. P., & Hurtado Tarazona, A. (2013). Urbanización informal en Bogotá:
agentes y lógicas de producción del espacio urbano. Revista Invi, 28(78), 77-107.
Fonseca Martínez, L., & Saldarriaga Roa, A. (1992). Arquitectura popular en Colombia:
herencias y tradiciones. Bogotá: Altamir Editores.
Sanchez Ayala, L. (2015). De territorios, límites, bordes y fronteras: una conceptualización
para abordar con ictos sociales. Revista de estudios sociales, ( ), 1 -1 9

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

Morphological layers in Bucharest based on the spontaneous

interior courtyards1
Andreea Boldojar
“Ion Mincu” University of Architecture and Urban Planning, SDA - The Doctoral Study
Programme in Architecture, Bucharest, Romania.
[email protected]
Keywords: Bucharest, interior courtyards, spontaneous city, voids in morphology

Abstract

This paper traces the beginning of the urban development and the processual
analysis of the historical tissue of Bucharest with its spontaneous urban transformations
and structuring urban design The base of this analysis is an urban form uns eci c for the
basic building type in Bucharest, but developed during the urban process or borrowed
as a model: the interior urban courtyards formed in the commercial core-centre in
Calea Mosilor (Mosilor Street). These hidden places of the ordinary city are in-between
spaces soon to be dissolved in the contemporary city, replaced by the object-made
architecture.
Based on the muratorian Typo-Morphological School of Urban Planning in Italy, and its
continuity within the theories of Cannigia, the method demonstrates the mixed historical
layers, short-time over-layered regulations and urban transformations, formal and
informal activities in the city, some of them unaltered and exposed in those urban voids.
We dissembled the historical maps, and examined the urban-planning regulations as the
base structure of the paper, in order to identify the interior transformations and typologies:
from the inns’ courtyards and parishes’ open spaces, to resulted voids in urban blocks.

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 Introduction
Hidden interior places in Bucharest, with an incertitude of semi-private or semi-
public fragments of the city, and with a transparency of layers added in time, places
resulted from a coherent historical evolution, those are the curious inherited spaces in
the contemporary city that seem to gradually become undefined in the actual urban
setting.
With a method initiated by the typo-morphology Italian School of Urban Planning,
Calea Mosilor – one of the matrix routes of the capital-city – will be the focus for this
article in interpreting the historical evolution of the urban block’s voids. The existing maps
of the city will be discomposed and overlapped in search for the urban transformation
processes and for the heritage of the present tissue.

The premodern structure of the city with respect to the matrix route Calea Mosilor.
Purcel Plan – 1789
The first plan considered for this study, Plan Purcel 1789, indicates the main trade routes
in Bucharest. The consequence of those territorial routes is a village settled on stable
ground, next to the river banks, at the cross roads: from the old capital-city Târgoviste,
from Moldavia, from Craiova, and at an appropriate distance from the Carpathian area
and towards the most important strategic and defensive border, the Danube. In time,
the village from the cross roads and around the main citadel became a city-market
described as an urban tissue with a radial-concentric structure that has assimilated other
small villages.
The urban nucleus of the commercial aggregate was called the Central Market-Fair2.
The Inside arket-Fair T rgul Din untru , it is said it took place just outside the commercial
tissue (Mih ilescu, 200 , p. 11 ) in the close area of Sfântul Gheorghe Vechi Church (block
2o). As ucharest became not only a place of local trade markets for the landlords, but
gradually a key connection point along the transit of the merchandise between South-
Eastern and Western Europe (Georgescu, apud Mih ilescu 200 , p. ), the necessity of
a bigger place for the fair created another one – The Outside Fair3, on the alley towards
important territorial routes, which become The Alley of the Outside Fair4 – the caniggian
matrix route (Caniggia, 2001).
In the reading of this first cartographical layer, we can also see the secondary
building routes and the connecting routes (Caniggia, 2001, p. 100) which were formed
by embracing the religious structures of the city: the parishes. Those religious concepts
were ideas inherited from the oriental in uence (Stan, 2012, p. 101) by the reasons that
Bucharest and the entire Wallachia was under Ottoman domination, and under the
Rules of Phanariotes (until 1 21). Therefore, the oriental model of Istanbul it is seen also in
the stories and imagery of the city, from the behaviour of Greek rulers who were copying
the Ottoman court (Radu Olteanu, 2002), to the vocabulary, culture and architecture.
A parish functioned like a local micro-identity unit in ucharest ( oiculescu, 199 ),
and it is considered to include a large area around the main church, with scattered
houses grouped by their handicraft or typical merchandise, with different additional
functions around it: inns which helped sustaining the churches, schools to educate the
community, even hospitals. With the process of time, the parishes were developed in
the neighbourhoods of the city (Mihailescu, 200 , p. 102) and transformed their name
into mahala (from Turkish word of neighbourhood). At the end of the IIIth century,
there were dated around 0 neighbourhoods of such type of which 0 bear the names
of the previous parishes (Georgescu, Apud oiculescu, p 1 1). Concerning the regime
of property in the area, following the model of Istanbul, the possession of lands belongs
entire to the ruler ( oiculescu, 199 ), then to the noblemen, donated or sold to the
parishes and monasteries who used them mostly for agricultural purposes, and after that
sold also to the population. Around the matrix route discussed here, which started to
be the most frequented route in town, the land is in its major part in the property of the
churches/parishes who knew best what land to sell or to lend to make more profit.
Therefore, in the matter of urban courtyards we’re interested in, from the urban-
reading of Purcel’s Plan we can interpret the base building tissue of the city (Caniggia,

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2001) the first incipient urban infill formation that is trying to create an outlined interior
space. T
The spontaneous densification process, started around the main routes and around
the parishes, caused a big free area in the interior block, used only for agricultural function
in most cases. (block 2o, 3o, 9o, 1 o, 1 o, 22o).
We can also identify on the plan a pre-existent typological enclosed space, the
courtyards of the inns: Papasoglu’s Inn (block 2o) which makes use of the entire plot, and
the ensemble of the Church of Sfântul Gheorghe Nou (block o) which follows the model
of previous monasteries founded by the sovereign throughout the country.

The beginning modernization of the inherited urban structure

Borroczyn’s Plan 1846 / 1852
The modernization period of the urban structures starts with the implementation of the
Organic Regulation in Wallachia in 1 1: from the imposed limits of the city that previously
couldn t control the sprawling, to the densification of the building tissue around the
commercial nucleus, an important consequence along the matrix route and the new
connecting routes (Caniggia).
Similarly, for the necessary modernization of the urban structure, the authorities formed
the commission for “embellishment of the city (Panoiu, 2011, p. 9), and, to that end, a
regulation was added to the Organic Regulations (which became the state-structure for
the country). Thus, the authorities controlled the dimensions of the streets, authorize their
enlargements “with four palms”, allocate their pavements, demanded the demolition
of bad-state buildings, created new building alignments, new urban squares and new
public buildings (for example: The National Theater). The entire new directive proposed
by Russian authorities was oriented towards the occidental development of the cities, in
order to gradually reject the ottoman in uence.
The same way happened for the social and cultural development in Bucharest in
searching for a European identity ( ahariade and Criticos, 200 , p. ). As a consequence
of this new period there is the incipient entrepreneurial character of the capital-city. The
regulations force the authorities, the landlords and the churches, to sell their land in order
to be used ( ascu, apud. Stan, 2012, p. 12 ) and therefore, the new capitalist image is
seen in all the public functions created in the private plots acquired by the locals. Along
the entire matrix route, we will identify little factories, taverns, workshops below the living
functions, all of them with a small garden at the back of the plot.
Giuseppe Strappa states in the context of typo-morphological Italian school of urban
design that: “The resulting land parcelling produces lots of almost constant thickness and
variable depth. The lots repeated thickness (and, therefore, of the dwellings) is explained
by the strength of the customs, which correspond to the unitary constructive, economic
and distributive needs of the house. (Strappa, 2019). Even if the discussion suggests the
evolution of the Italian row houses, accordingly, it is interesting how we can see similar
plot dimensions in the urban-reading of Bucharest along the matrix routes, with the new
formations of the plots acquired from the landlords or from the churches (block 2o,4o, o).
As far for the interior free space developed in the urban aggregate, we can identify an
almost enclosed space around the churches who sell their lands, but still keeps as property
a big part of the interior surface of the urban block (block 2o - Church Sfântul Gheorghe
Vechi, block o - Church Sfântul Razvan). In the background of the interior urban image
of the church, the little entrepreneurs build houses in the frontlines, with similar depth, and
with little annexes on the lateral limits of the plot. The gardens are connected to each
other, which reminds us about the agricultural core area still present in the city. In the
foreground of the interior block image, the church started to be gradually surrounded
by functions needed for the administrations of the parishes. (block 2o - Church Sfantul
Gheorghe Vechi, block o - Church Sfantul Razvan, block 4o - The Catholic Church).
This intimate core reminds us the spatial heritage of the parishes <<the vague terrain>>
(ro. maidan), a term that identifies a free space retreated from the commercial roads
which the perishes appropriated for the public manifestation in the holidays and reminds
us that the parishes are still the polarizing elements from the community’s point of view.
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 The cases of the existent urban core defined by the big area of unified vegetable
gardens of the private plots will become for the next period the determinants for the
modern building tissue, and the subject for the efficient use of the terrain (block o, o,
11o).
In conclusion to this period, we argue that the little small private plots put up for
sale, aligned to the big area inherited from the agricultural use of land show us the first
oxymoronic type of relation hidden to the first look in ucharest. Juxtapositions that seem
to predict incompatibilities for the evolution of the built area, will become an ordinary
element in the present image of the city (block 3o, 11o, 1 o).
On the built tissue and on the urban regulations of the next period, we will see
consequences of the Great Fire of 1 5
on: new building alignments, new administrative
structures for the central part of the city, new urban projects for the burnt area, new
building requirements, and the struggle for the efficient use of the terrain.

A new image for the city.

The plan of the City Bucharest - Geographic Institute of the Army, 1895-99
The cadastral plan of the City of Bucharest, 1911
The natural hazards, the amplified desire for a total modernization of the new capital
of United Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia and the increasingly powerful French
model from the west, changed a lot of aspects in the structure of the city, especially in its
regulations. The first urban building regulations from 1 - Regulation for the constructions
and alignments (to which in time were added different important documents) - were the
first eloquent legislation of the urban development ( ascu, 199 , p. 0).
In addition to the previous efforts, at the moment, the city had a clear goal for the
development of the streets, of the buildings (heights, surface on the terrain, alignments),
for the sanitation, but also for the creation of new urban re-structuring routes. With the
exception of the routes designed for the efficient use of the urban core, there is also
the French model of the Haussmann’s boulevards in France, with their new building
typologies in closed regime that will also be applied in the city.
To improve the foreigners’ impression of the city, like Ulysse’s de Marsillac’s “Bucharest
is nothing else than the result of over-layered villages”, (Ulysse’s de Marsillac, apud Derer,
201 ), the authorities are in search of a new urban image, so the recent boulevards and
also Calea Mosilor will benefit of being developed under the in uence of western model.
Calea Mosilor will be anticipated now for multifamily housing built in continuous frontline,
with attention at the built surfaces and interior spaces (block 2o, 4o, 5o, o, o, o, 9o).
With regard to densification subject and the sanitary points required in this period, it is
the first time when the percent of the used terrain is planned and it is the first time when
the interior spaces are considered urban spaces. In this manner, the agricultural uses are
not permitted anymore in the image of the city “the courtyard will be levelled and laid
on stone pavements, gravel, asphalt or systematic wood ( ascu, p 92.). Also, there is an
interest in the transition from the public space to the interior space with different types
borrowed from the occidental in uence (block o with interest in the geometry of the
interior space and urban perspective, block 1 o, block 22o).
At the level of the existing island aggregate and their interior cores, the spontaneous
densification and the maximal use of the plots created a special interstitial space around
the churches, that emphasized their enclosed image more than the previous period did.
Buildings, school, workshops, appeared connected to the church’s parish, so the interior
urban void became a common courtyard, protected from the exterior, like a hortus
conclusus for the parish’s community (block 2o, 4o, o). ut, in parallel, in the adjacent
tissue, the locals continued to add to the existing buildings required equipment or storage
rooms. The entire perimeter of the plot grew in additive building without any relationship
established with the communicating courtyards and caused blind walls towards common
spaces (the adjacent plots of the churches: block 2o, 3o, o). Without any harmonious
relation between that kind of urban elements, it is for the first time, in 1901, that there is an
interest to make the churches a potential landmark and a little small step was made to
protect them from hurtful connecting buildings and functions. Therefore, some annexes
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were demolished, and, for the esthetical urban image, the blind walls were decorated
( ascu, 9-10 ).
Another enclosed type of courtyard in the city’s tissue, are the inherited courtyards
from the public function like the inns (Solacoglu s Inn 1 o, Patria Inn 3o, 12o) with effectively
used plot, but also with big courtyards for the merchandisers.
From the point of view of the inherited plots, there are also some consequences of
the modernization of the city. The re-structuring routes caused the metamorphosis of the
plot9 with a new front line, but with the existing lateral and rear limits (block 1 o, 1 o). The
development engaged in the efficient use of the terrain caused also the re-planning of
the plots structure (11o, 1 o) or of the entire block entity (2o).

The Interwar Regulations of the city

From the previous period, the urban structure inherited a first and important step in the
legislation for the city modernization, which, over time, proved its gaps in instrumenting
the regulations of the urban planning of the existing morphology. The borrowing of the
occidental model seems enough just to show us “a form without background”, but
succeeded in making the entire professionals re-think and improve the urban morphology
legislation locally by reviewing the present problems of the city.
An important issue of the densification process was the urban block and the mixed
of adjacent tissue with different typologies, without a complete coherent relationship
between its elements. In the succeeding period, studies were made for the image of
the urban block in entire entity and organism. Therefore, Cincinat Sfintescu (the creator
of the first General Plan for the Systematization of Bucharest in 1921 and part of the first
generation of urban specialist) analysed the optimal characteristics of the urban blocks
from the point of view of: 1. Hygiene, technique, aesthetics; 2. The neighbourhood
area; . The block form, disposition and relationships of its elements (Sfintescu, 191 ).
Consequently, to the following legislations (192 and especially the one from 19 9) there
were new improvements which controled this problem, and for the central part of the
city, we count: the new alignments imposed for buildings in the rear part of the plot, the
new urban core released from other buildings ( ascu 1999, p. 2 ) and the controlled
dimensions of the interior courtyards in the urban block.
In the interwar period, succeeding the big demand of housing and the studies of the
first General Plan of Systematization, the overall image of the city changed because
of the great building activity, especially of the multi-storeyed housing ( ascu, pp. -
). The re-structuring routes from the previous period in incipient states, the unoccupied
plots and vague-terrain around the city-centre were now filled with a new modernist
appearance of the city. This can be seen in the complete boulevard fa ade (block 1 o,
1 o, 20o, 21o, 22o), in the new typologies of interior spaces of the common courtyards
(block o, 12o) and also in the new efficient use of the terrain, the peculiar cul-de-sac
created with insertions of art-deco in uences (block 1 o).
This period completes the purpose to refocus the public interest towards the new built
boulevards of the city. Supported by the diagram of Space Syntax, Sebastian Stan states
that the entire hierarchy of the urban structure changed from the initial route and from
the initial polarizing elements, the parishes’ churches, towards the new boulevards which
become the new generators of urban form (Stan, 2012, p. 1 2).
Calea Mosilor gradually lost the urban attention: the inns and the taverns are replaced
by new hotels and restaurants, located at the main boulevards, but the commercial public
functions will remain still active in the area with the workshops and typical merchandise
well-known for.

The actual cadastral plan of the City of Bucharest, 1991.

The actual incomplete image and its conclusions.
For this last part of the paper, we choose to discuss in separate section the urban
image of the 1991 from the one of the interwar setting because of the totally different
social and political context (even if there isn’t another relevant cadastral map for the
previous section).
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 We specifically delimited the area in order to explore a region which lacks in physical
socialist interventions, traumatic for the historical heritage of the building tissue – this is
also the case of the two displaced churches left without context heritage, which can
be found at each end of the analysed historical route – Church of Sfântul Ioan cel Nou
(block 1o) and Church Olari (block 19o).
On the other hand, this part of the city experienced a totally different kind of
consequence. Another layer was added to the historical tissue of Calea Mosilor, and
it wasn’t even a measurable one in the beginning: the lack of property caused by the
socialist laws, starting with the Law from June 1948 concerning the Nationalization of
industrial, insurance, mining and transport banking companies, and continuing two years
later with the Decree 92/1950 for the Nationalization of buildings and properties. The old
inherit tissue must be now at the use of pollical changes: the private property, houses,
and apartments was exploited by their usage for multiple families. The property was now
divided, the dwellers tried to obtain a decent standard of co-living with the addition
of spontaneous annexes and informal activities that weren’t predictable for most of
the historical building tissue. From this point of view, the interior existing courtyards, a
morphological element legislated so well for the urban image in the previous period,
became now occupied almost completely by those unusual annexes and informalities
(block 11o, 12o, 1 o).
Furthermore, from the point of view of looseness of the built tissue, the historical
monuments suffer because of the natural hazards (the earthquakes from 19 and
19 ), because of the consequential poor administration, and also because of the lack
of responsibility and ownership awareness. Most of those peculiar places of the ordinary
city enclosed by the urban facades are now dissolved and replaced for new abusive
activities (block 2o, 5o, o).
After the Romanian Revolution of 1989, the enthusiasm of the Law of Retrocessions
was followed by a period of complicated and ambiguous process with the implications
of different actors (Iancu, ogdan and Manolache, 201 ). uildings from the old Calea
Mosilor, a route that didn t had the chance to find a new refreshing use for more than
half a century, were put under this restitution process. They became either abandoned
or neglected in the hope of retrocession process, either temporary occupied by the
vulnerable homeless families, so in this way the owner intentionally benefits of the
degradation of the historical building and of the real estate speculation of the land, for
the future investments (Suditu, and ilceanu, 201 ).
In the first following years, the contemporary insertions in the building tissue didn t
display a proper setting with the existing tissue and didn’t have a clear legal framework
of the urban-planning, especially in the historical area of the city (block o). The setting of
a traditional evolutive tissue is gradually brought at risk to lose its consistency.

This paper is part of a bigger study of the city’s image, particularly for the decomposition
of the urban elements and their evolution in the purpose of searching for adaptive stitches
in the future urban-design. The Old Calea Mosilor still keeps intact its previous evolution
(without traumatic intervention of the new installed regime) in a peculiar relationship with
the built environment, but now with a less consideration of the urban space than before
(Figure 1.).
The urban image and its hidden architecture (Caniggia, 2001) of Calea Mosilor
is a juxtaposition of substantial cultural in uences, each of them necessary for the
modernisation of the city. From the oriental architecture to all the steps towards the
elegant envision of the modernism, discovered gradually in the interior voids of the urban
blocks, we need to learn to be aware of the hidden layers, of the urban experience, and
together with a new pair model of morphology-events (Alexander, 199 ) to regain the
unused city of Bucharest.
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Figure 1. Overlapping periods on Calea Mosilor of the urban structure elements and
interior targeted voids: 1991-1911, 1911-1 9 -1 ,1 -1 9, 1 9-1991.

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 Figure 2.1 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.

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Figure 2.2 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.

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 Figure 2.3 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.

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Footnotes
1
This research was realised during the fellowship as a member of the Romanian
Accademy in Rome, obtained with the support of the Romanian state through the
national scholarship program “Vasile Pârvan”.
2
For the term târg as fair, the Romanian language has accumulated meanings in the
common sense of the word. Mih ilescu also explains that the locals called Fair even
the centre part of the city, even at the beginning of the th century .. The Central Fair
was more than the commercial streets with shops and workshops from Sfantul Gheorghe
and from the crossroad of ictoriei Street with ipscani Street (Mih ilescu, 200 , p.
11 ). Therefore, the word fair must be understood, on one hand, as the place where
the market/fair happen, to witch is added a specific geo-localisation name (The Inside
Market-Fair, The Upper Fair, The Old-Men Fair, The Gowk’s Fair), but also, on the other
hand, The Fair or Central Fair in the common language of the Romanians is illustrating the
town itself.
3
The documented for the fair is 1 9 in the chronicle of Constantin r ncoveanu
(Gavril, Constantinescu 200 , 2 )
4
This was the initial name of Calea Mosilor. After the pavement of the street was
called The Bridge of Outside Fair – Podul Targului de Afara. It is not sure when the name
changed into its actual form Calea Mosilor.
5
The fire from 2 march 1 destroyed a big central part of the city: 10 neighbourhoods
from the central area of the city, 2000 buildings from which 130 houses, 354 shops with a
second oor, houses without a second oor, inns, churches, etc. (Olteanu, )
This period contains also the Independence war and the Proclamation of the
Monarchy.
In the beginning 2/3 maximum built of the surface was permitted, without
considerations for the neighbourhood character.
One important annex added to the extension of the houses, was the mandatory
sanitary equipment of the bathroom ( ascu, 199 , 9 ).
9
The Conzen understanding of urban morphology is applied on the city Bucharest by
Sebastian Stan, 2012.

Illustrations and tables

The next plans were used as the base for the illustrations:
1 9 Purcel Plan, 1 /1 2 Borroczyn Plans, 1 9 -99 The plan of the City Bucharest -
Geographic Institute of the Army, 1911 The cadastral Plan of the City of Bucharest, 1991
The actual cadastral plan of the City of Bucharest.
Figure 1. Overlapping periods on Calea Mosilor of the urban structure elements and
interior targeted voids: 1991-1911, 1911-1895-1846, 1846-1789, 1789-1991.
Figure 2.1 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.
Figure 2.2 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.
Figure 2.3 Tissue evolution with focus on the adjacent built elements of the courtyards.

References
Caniggia, Gianfranco and Maffei, Gian uigi (2001), Architecture composition and
Building Typology: Interpreting Basic Building, Firenze, Elinea Editrice.
Christopher, Alexander, (19 9), The timeless way of building, New York, Oxford University
Press.
Derer, Hanna (200 ), ucurestiul interbelic ca tem cu varia iuni ; in BUCU TI ST P-
CAD U Des re atmosfer rin arhitectur si urbanism ucarest, Editura Universitar
Ion Mincu , 29- .
Gavril, ictoria, Constantinescu, Carmen (200 ) Calea Mosilor I. Din trecutul unei vechi
artere bucurestene. ; in Bucuresti ateriale de istorie si muzeogra e. I, 200 , 2 -
2 .
Iancu, Bogdan and Manolache, Cosmin, “Locuirea în spatii disputate. Case nationalizate,
retroced ri si evacu ri n ucuresti , in De la strad la ansambluri rezidentiale t i ostaze
ale locuirii în Bucurestiul contemporan. ucarest, 201 , Editura Pro Universitaria.
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 ascu, Nicolae (199 ), Legislatie si dezvoltare urban Bucuresti - Bucuresti,
Unpublished Doctoral Thesis at Institute of Architecture “Ion Mincu”.
Mih ilescu, intil (200 ), volutia geogra c a unui oras, Bucuresti, Bucuresti, Editura
Paideia.
Olteanu, Radu (2002), Bucurestii n date si nt m l ri, Bucuresti, Paideia.
Panoiu, Andrei (2011), Evolutia orasului Bucuresti, Bucuresti, Editura Fundatiei Arhitext
Design.
Sfintescu, Cincinat (191 ), Parcela si blocul n constituirea oraselor , extras din Buletinul
Societ tii Politehnica, without publishing, ucuresti, (source: dacoromanica.ro);
Stan, Sebastian 2012, Dinamica spatiilor interstitiale urbane Bucuresti 1813-1946. Bucuresti,
Unpublished Doctoral Thesis at UAUIM.
Strappa, Giuseppe (2019), Article The aggregation process and the form of the fabric
(http://www.giuseppestrappa.it/), accessed January 2019;
Suditu, ogdan and ilceanu, Daniel-Gabriel (201 ), Informal settlements and squatting
in Romania: Socio-spatial patterns and typologies”, in U AN AP I S ournal
of Studies and Research in Human Geography .2 (201 ), .
oiculescu, Sanda (199 ), Parohia, spatiu de agregare religioas , social urbanistic ;
in Revista Secolul XX, Nr. - , 199 , pp. 1 -1 ;
ahariade, Ana-Maria and Criticos, Mihaela, Micul Paris ; in BUCU TI ST P-CAD U
Des re atmosfer rin arhitectur si urbanism ucuresti, Editura Universitar Ion
Mincu , 29- .

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

A Gentrifying Pattern of a Global City. Case of Karakoy, Istanbul

Zeynep Tulumen
Politecnico di Torino, DAD - Dipartimento di Architettura e Design, Torino.
Keywords: Gentrifying morphologies, neighborhood change, global city, Istanbul

Abstract

Over the last decade, Istanbul has been experiencing a series of rapid large and small
scale urban transformation rocesses and the city, as a whole, is being gentri ed This
research aims to understand how the usage of city’s spaces and the fabric of everyday life
are changing, as a consequence of spatial concentration of urban tourism and cultural
globalization, in the inner cities of Istanbul through a case study In the historic inner-
city neighborhoods of the city, which date before the 15th century, new consumption
industries seem to originate changes in land use and in the building typologies through
redevelo ment and densi cation rocesses Karak y is the emblematic e am le
used to understand the undergoing gentri cation attern catalyzed by free-market
mechanisms that are bene ting from global trends n the one hand, the study wants
to show the before and after changes through com arative ma ing in the s eci c
area, on the other hand, tries to put in use the urban morphology as a tool to codifying
non-s atial dynamics that are transforming the resent urban territory In short, Karakoy,
Istanbul s selected inner-city neighborhood, serves as a microcosm to discover transiting
morphological legacies and aims to become an agency through which gentrifying forms
are codi ed as the new fragments of the contem orary city

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 Introduction
Over the last twenty years, neighborhoods of Istanbul have been experiencing a series
of rapid large and small scale urban transformation processes. These restructurings, on
the local scale, can be seen as the result of the willingness to reshape Istanbul as a global
city, while on the world scale, are the result of globalization and the switch of work sectors
due to the economic and technological developments during the last six decades.
Introduction of tourism as a procedure of urban regeneration and introduction of global
ows into local context have become latest driving forces which foster the current forms
of gentrification (Gravari- arbas and Guinand, 201 ; Sigler and Wachsmuth, 201 ). Such
global dynamics are evident in the current urban transformation agenda of Istanbul.
2009 Masterplan, which sets the future vision for a period of minimum twenty-five years
for the city, declares an intention for the decentralization of the industry and encourages
qualified service sectors such as finance, insurance, tourism, culture industries and real
estate for the envisioned development of the city. These dynamics are today reshaping
the existing urban legacies of Istanbul which have been reshaped for centuries under
different cultures at a different pace. One of the patterns of transformation born in the light
of such emergencies takes place in neighborhoods within the historical core where there
is room for new consumption sectors leftover from expired manufacturing and industrial
related activities. These areas with high rent potential are today being gentrified by free-
market mechanisms (Turkun, 201 ) which cause changes in the land use and building
typologies that can be codified through the instrumentality of urban morphology. In this
context, this research aims to understand how the usage of city’s spaces and the fabric
of everyday life are changing, as a consequence of spatial concentration of urban
tourism and cultural globalization, in the neighbourhoods where they are proliferating.
The paper focuses on the functional and typological transformations which take place
in the neighborhood of Karakoy, in the core of the city situated in front of the historical
peninsula of Istanbul as the result of unfolding gentrification processes. Istanbul s overall
urban growth is brie y explained in order to understand the urban context at a larger
scale. Later, Karakoy neighborhood’s morphological occurrence is presented and the
results of the field survey of the specific area are analyzed through maps. The field survey
was conducted and the contemporary commercial and touristic functions together with
the typological changes were laid out. The work represented in this paper is preliminary
results of an ongoing research.

The Growth of a Global City: Istanbul

Istanbul, a megapolis with thirty-nine districts, today, is one of the most crowded 21st
global cities with a population estimated around fifteen million. In this huge polycentric
urban context, the historical core of the city occupies a little part of the overall built-
up area and is divided into three sections separated by the water. The two areas are
located on the European side; the historical peninsula, in the southwest and eyoglu, on
the northwest. The third one is Uskudar together with Kadikoy areas which are located on
the Asian side of the city. In this limitless territory, these three sections can be considered
as the most aged parts from where the city has expanded along two main corridors; one
along the Golden Horn, other along east-west axe. Istanbul has a long and dynamic
history which with no doubt affects its current constitution and future. The city, as a true
mélange of different urban forms, has been reshaped in many instances as an outcome
of divergent regimes since its twenty-seven century-long life. First roots of the city were
established in th century C as a Greek fisherman s village and were settled on the first
plateau of the seven hills, called Sarayburnu hill, where osphorus, the Marmara Sea, and
the Golden Horn intersect. The Golden Horn, the inlet of osphorus which penetrates in
European land. The topography of Istanbul, most importantly the form of Golden Horn
and the hilly nature of the land, have always played an imposing role in determining
the shape of urban development since early settlements to ulterior. In 0 AD, Romans
rebuilt a great part of the existing territory under the logic of a Roman city occupying
mainly the west of the peninsula. With yzantium becoming Constantinople, the city was
expanded and modeled with a vision of an imperial capital reaching up to a population

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of forty-five thousand people (Kuban, 199 ). ater, when Constantinople became the
Muslim Ottoman capital in 1 , the city was transformed rapidly under the urban notions
coming from the Islamic culture. The concept of an Islamic city shaped the city with an
irregular web of streets with a various centered nucleus. y the 1 th century Istanbul,
under Westernisation, continued to expand its limits. The walled city which covered the
historical peninsula kept its boundaries, meanwhile Galata, Uskudar were expanding
which were satellite settlements old as much as Istanbul. The city continued to grow
linearly on the shores of Golden Horn together and osphorous together with the old
villages such as Ortakoy, Kurucesme, Kuzguncuk, Istinye (Kuban, 199 ). Arrived in the 19th
century, with industrialization, on shores of Golden Horn s and Tophane s new factories,
military barracks, and railroads proliferated turning the waterfronts into industrial areas.
y the end of the 19th century, only Ayaspasa, Pangalt , Osmanbey- omonti, Nisantasi,
Sisli and Macka were the quarters along the hills that faced north, which had scattered
buildings with a thin population. With the establishment of Turkish Republic, Istanbul
continued to grow and transform under modern urbanism. Until 192 , there were existing
two distinct urban patterns in the two sides of Golden Horn; apartments and commercial
units in Galata area and highly populated residential units, mosques and social complexes
in the old core of the city (Kubat and Kurkcuoglu, 201 ). Up until this time, the city could
be considered relatively small in size, and distant from the urban center of Eminonu-
Karakoy, which was about 0 km (Arslan,19 ). The accelerated growth took place from
the 19 0s due to uncontrolled immigration and industrialization. The new-comers from
Anatolia occupied the historical quarters and built new neighborhoods on the outskirts
of the old city. From this period and so on the city expanded rapidly outside its nucleus
with brand new neighborhood patterns and its historical neighborhoods lost significantly
their value. Istanbul’s physical environment, therefore, should be read as a mélange of
different cultures and political powers. Acknowledging different periods of urban growth
of the territory which gave shape to its divergent urban patterns is crucial to comprehend
the ongoing gentrification patterns of the city.

Contem or r entrific tion n r n Str te

Gentrification phenomenon has expressly a spatial and temporal heterogeneity within
the city of Istanbul since the early19 0s. Its latest forms are strictly associated with the
accelerated structural shift in Istanbul under neo-liberal policies adopted intensively by
the governments since last three decades. The aim of the new government was to turn
the old Istanbul, previously characterized by manufacturing, into a global city, an arena
for the service, tourism and finance sectors by attracting big national and international
investors (Gul, 201 ) following a worldwide incrementing trend. Consequently, different
deteriorated parts of the city have been identified as new redevelopment areas in
order to make room for new emerging sectors. Under these dynamics, the inner-cities
of Istanbul started to experience, as many examples in the world, a shift in their identity.
Gentrification, as a remarkable type of transformation, has become one of the main
strategies adopted by municipalities, (both as state-determined or market-determined),
to transform rapidly some problematic portions of the cities (Islam and Sakizlioglu, 201 ).
Hence, These processes are not only upgrading the physical and social environment
of the areas but is being used as the main mechanism to keep alive the real-estate
sector and maintain the economic growth of the overall city. State-intervention seems
to incentivize the free-markets mechanisms to gentrify some strategically identified
areas. Among current transformation areas, waterfront sections are one of the targeted
locations, as they were the old core of manufacture and industry which lost its importance
with the new vision of the city. Galataport project is an important regeneration project
launched by the government, under this framework, on the European core of the city
which resulted expressly the gentrification of the adjacent neighborhood called Karakoy
over the last ten years.

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The case study: Karakoy Neighborhood
Karakoy is located on the European side of Istanbul, on the east of the historical
peninsula, where Golden Horn intersects with osphorus. Since the early byzantine
period, the area has been a trade center for centuries as an important harbor district.
The area formed inside the skirts of Galata which used to be a Greek settlement in front
of yzantion, called Sycia, and by the beginning of the 1 th century with the Genoese
settlers moving to area it became Galata, an independent city-state, with its own city
walls (Kuban, 199 ). The area was shaped, starting from the th century, in accordance
with the topography and its harbor function, thus taking on the typical characteristics of
a Mediterranean city. An irregular grid system that contained parallel main axes to the
seashore can be observed, in which the narrow streets form the grid structure. During
the Ottoman period, the area continues to evolve, disintegrating from the traditional
wooden texture of peninsula, with trade and harbor functions, rather than residential,
under intense in uence of Genoese and European culture within a cosmopolitan identity
( elik, 2000). y the 1 th century, the Karak y-Tophane seafront was the main destination
for European ships. At the beginning of the 20th century in the Ottoman capital when
the coastline extending from Karakoy to Tophane and Kabatas was transformed into
commercial rhythm and Karakoy became an important business center. anks and other
buildings dealing with international trade focused on Karakoy, which had easy access
to the port (Celik, 2000). With passage to Turkish republic, during the first decades, when
most of the non-Muslim minorities left the city, Karakoy experienced a large number of
property shift and the unoccupied properties, which became housing for immigrants
and lower class workers alike later on (Schuitema, 201 ). Under the modernization
developments, known as Mendereses demolitions, roads were built at the expense
of historical buildings in Kemarlati and Maliye streets, and the density of multiple story
concrete buildings in the area was increased. The value of the district vanished in the late
20th century, in the last two decades, where commercial port function was eliminated
from the neighborhood due to its inadequate capacity and the neighborhood started
to depreciate accordingly.

Karakoy’s Latest Transformation

Reached the 21st century, Karakoy was still keeping with it trade-business-commercial
identity, but as a lower-class commercial neighborhood, occupied predominantly by
mechanical, electronic and plumbing part vendors. During the last years, Karakoy’s
charm in the eye of the investors grew dramatically and the urban land experienced
an engrossment by service, entertainment, and tourism sectors (Acar et al., 201 ). The
given privilege to the new sector’s entrepreneurs, the existing small-medium businesses
started to disappear. The precursor of the upcoming change was the decision made
by Council of Ministers, in 199 , where the area surrounding Karakoy-Tophane-Salipazari
declared as the new tourism center (TMMO Mimarlar Odasi Istanbul uyukkent Subesi,
200 ). The boundaries indicated were the coastal section starting from the Maritime ank
and passenger lounge buildings up to the parking garage of Mimar Sinan University,
including the warehouses in Sal pazari (Cumhuriyet Arsivi, 199 ). Still, the catalyzer that
resulted in the gentrification of the area was the tender held in 200 for the privatization
and redevelopment of the obsolete port in Salipazari through a large project called
Galataport. The aim of the project is to transform the waterfront into a center of
cruise ship tourism and entertainment destination by upgrading the built and social
environment. The on-going project implicates the destruction of warehouses in order to
create the new terminal with related facilities as hotels, retails, offices, cultural centers,
and further recreational activities over the course of thousand-meter long coastline. The
construction of the project began by 201 by Dogus Holding and is supposed to be
completed by the end of 2020. Consequently, the launch of the project brought a lot of
attention to the deteriorated Karakoy and a market-determined gentrification process
was triggered naturally. In the eye of the investors, Karakoy, thanks to the strength of its
location, became an important point that could accommodate further service functions
for the expected tourist load. In addition, the existing condition of the built-environment
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and ownerships was favoring the rent-gap creation. Accordingly, the value of the area
has risen; the real-estate prices have gone up and the area started to experience
what can be called tourism gentrification (Gotham, 200 ) with some of its idiocratic
characters. The area, since then, is exposed to a large proliferation of new amenities
such as restaurants, boutiques, hotels converted from small trade business. Still, it should
be kept in mind that the commercial identity is not new to the neighborhood, but today,
the type of commercial activities gained a new ground by contemporary tourism ows.

e ment of entrific tion in t e re ro r n ement

This work partially aims to experiment novice way to read and measure the gentrification
phenomenon that is taking place now in Karakoy neighborhood. The elements of urban
form and land use were used to demonstrate and testify the ongoing urban trends
and the change in the defined area. The area of study comprises three municipal
neighborhood boundaries which are Kemankes Karamustafa Pasa, Mueyyetzade
and Hacimimi. Karakoy boundaries are defined by Kemeralti Street on the north-east,
the coastline on the south-west and Kilic Ali Pasa Street on the west until the recently
demolished entrepots of the port in the adjacent neighborhood. The neighborhood
consists of compact urban blocks formed by attached units along the axes together with
some detached monumental architecture and warehouses at the shore. The general
network of building plots and streets traces back to the Genovese period where the
main axes and the trace of the city walls could be revealed. Meanwhile, little building
types left from the early time of the area, most of the buildings are examples of late
19. and early 20. Century Western style from the Ottoman period and late 20. Century
modern structures. A multilayered urban tissue can be observed in the area together
with some yzantine, classical Ottoman and Republican architectural examples (Okyay
et al., 201 ). A comparative mapping analysis is performed starting from the ground
oor land use analysis conducted by Istanbul eyoglu Municipality in 200 and the field
survey conducted by the author. In the map elaborated from the municipal ground oor
land use plan, the major part of the buildings (indicated with blue color in Figure 1) is
indicated with commercial use. These commercial buildings are comprised of electrical-
mechanical goods retail and manufacturing-related equipment stores. Additionally,
religious structures alongside warehouses and manufacturing workshops can be found in
a large part of the region. The buildings that are indicated with violet are for administration
uses. At the intersection of Kemankes Street and Finans Street, a multi-story parking lot for
vehicles is located which occupies an important portion of the area. As can be seen
from the map (Fig.1), elaborated starting from the field survey held in 2019, greater part
of the old commercial spaces are transformed into new service spaces dominated by
hotels, cafes, restaurants, and boutiques. The ongoing construction activities, at the time
of the survey, are as well mapped which stresses the fact that transformation of the area
is still ongoing and gentrification of the area is still not completed yet. Moreover, the
land-use shift is accompanied by some minor typological changes. From the analysis,
six important typological changes can be unearthed. In all the six cases, the smaller
attached units are unified in order to create a bigger unit, in some cases, a courtyard
is created. Surely, the traditional typologies present in the area are no more adequate
to host new services neither qualitatively nor quantitatively. This is the case for example
of hotel facilities that need larger surfaces to run their function. While local cafes and
boutiques can be more handily adaptable on the previous narrow ground oor plan with
some minor changes in the interior organization. Furthermore, if we examine the owner of
the enlarged typologies, it is noticed abounding prepotency of important international
and national players such as; Starbucks, Novohotel, Marriot, HS C, Nabu and so on.
These are powerful hotel chains, coffee chains, banks or holdings recognized nation/
world wide. Within these analyses, it seems that typological transformations are occurring
in the form of unification and densification only with the presence of strong international
or national mechanisms. Finally, in the area, it is observed that general urban layout
remains the same, nevertheless, single buildings are being demolished, modified and
unified in order to create larger typologies. Over the last eleven years, it is evident that
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 the transformation of the old buildings functions is conducted through the gentrification
procedure. A significant change in the overall structure of the urban tissue is not observed,
while a remarkable change in the use of space can be laid out.

Conclusion
Today Istanbul s inner neighbourhoods are exposed to increasing interest and con ict.
They are becoming a point of accumulation by getting wider and easily attainable
territory, whereas they load up-to-date functions and contrast to the previous local
identity. Introduction of global ows, in particular, powerful free-market players into
the local context seems to speed up the process of change and particularly boost the
typological transformations. Karakoy, a historic inner-city, is an emblematic example
used to reveal the neighborhood pattern transformations in Istanbul due to tourism,
culture, and entertainment (consumption) sectors which have become one of the
latest driving forces of contemporary gentrification in global cities. The case study, have
been analyzed through a comparative mapping method which shows before and after
changes in the area. The preliminary results of the research sustain that gentrification
in the area occurs mainly as land-use change accompanied by minor typological
transformations and densification processes. This investigation wants to give a hint on
what currently the inner cities of large global cities are exposed to. Nevertheless, every
territory should be understood within its unique socio-spatial urban context. In the case
of Istanbul, the mentioned shift in the usage of city’s spaces and the fabric of everyday
life, as a consequence of spatial concentration cultural globalization, is procreating the
fifth stratification of the aging city. Moreover, this study, apart from being a contribution
for documenting the change within a temporal dimension, through the Turkish context,
wants to show the importance of adopting urban morphology as a tool for revealing and
measuring non-spatial dynamics through a physical built environment.

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 2008 2019

Source: Elaborated from land Source: Elaborated from

use map of Istanbul eyoglu land use analysis conducted
Municipality by the author

Figure 1. Ground- oor land use comparison between 200 and 2019.

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 2008

2019

Source: Maps drawn by the author

Figure 2. Modified units.

2008

2019

Gal ata s
Hotel

Source: Schemes created by the author

Figure 3. Agents of modification.

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References
Asuman, Turkun (201 ), Mulk, mahal, insan. Istanbul da kentsel donusum, Istanbul, Istanbul
ilgi Universitesi ayinlari.
Ayse Sema, Kubat and Eren, Kurkcuoglu, (201 ), Morphological evolution of urban
components in the Historical Peninsula of Istanbul, Conference paper, Our common
future in Urban Morphology, Porto, pp - .
Aysegul Acar, Pembe Saygin, Samet Gokkaya (201 ), Process of urban renewal in Karak y
from the perspectives of tourism investors, Conference paper, 2nd International
Congress of Tourism Management Researches.
Dogan, Kuban (199 ), Istanbul an urban history. yzantion, Constantinopolis, Istanbul,
Economic and Social History Foundation of Turkey.
Gulce, Guleycan Okyay and Deme, Ulusoy inan (201 ), ir kulturel miras alani olarak
Karakoy-Tophane bolgesinin sahip oldugu degerlerin irdelenmesi, in Tasarim+Kuram,
n 2 , pp 1 - .
Karin, Schuitema (201 ), our memories, my memories Gentrification, identity and
heritage in the Tophane neighbourhood in Istanbul, Conference paper, RC21
Conference, erlin.
Maria, Gravari- arbas and Sandra, Guinand (201 ), Addressing tourism-gentrification
process in contemporary metropolises , in Maria, Gravari- arbas and Sandra,
Guinand (by), Tourism and gentrification in contemporary metropolises. International
perspectives, New ork, Routledge.
Nil, Ergun (200 ), Gentrification in Istanbul, in Cities, n 21, pp 91- 0 .
Rifki, Arslan (19 ), Istanbul kentlesme surecinde yapisal degisme, Conference paper,
Sosyoloji Konferanslari.
Thomas, Sigler and David, Wachsmuth (201 ), Transnational gentrification. Globalisation
and neighbourhood change in Panama s Casco Antiguo, in Urban Studies, n , pp
0 - 22.
TMMO Mimarlar Odasi Istanbul uyukkent Subesi, (200 ), Mimarlara mektuplar, Istanbul.
Tolga, Islam (2010), Current urban discourse, urban transformation and gentrification in
Istanbul, in Architectural Design, n 0, pp - .
Tolga, Islam and ahar, Sakizlioglu (201 ), The making of, and resistance to, state-led
gentrification in Istanbul, Turkey, in oretta ees, Hyun ang Shin and Ernesto opez-
Morales (by), Global gentrifications. Uneven development and displacement, ristol,
Policy Press.
eynep, Celik (199 ), The remaking of Istanbul. Portrait of an Ottoman city in the nineteenth
century, erkeley, University of California Press.

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

The urban redevelopment project of San Lorenzo District in

Rome
Rosalba Belibani
Sapienza University of Rome, DiAP - Departement of Archtecture and Design, Rome
Keywords: urban design, redevelopment, architecture, regeneration

Abstract

The district of San Lorenzo in Rome, so called because of its proximity to the basilica of
the same name, has a historical fabric and particular morphological and environmental
characteristics. Built on farmland belonging to the bourgeoisie at the end of the 1800s,
it attracted migrants who saw a certainty of work in the thriving construction sector. This
created the need to build cheap high-density dwellings for the working class, craftsmen
and the people, taking advan¬tage of the absence, until 1887, of a city building regula-
tion and therefore, building without any planning.
In 1909 the Sanjust Plan provides for the completion but does not heal the degraded
building fabric. During the Great War the war industry implemented the development of
urban transport by rail and the urbanization of the land of Casal Bruciato transformed San
Lorenzo from a suburban border into a transition area between the intramural city and
the periphery. In 1962 the Master Plan provides for the construction of the East Tan¬gen-
ziale and excludes it from investments. Today the social and structural conditions, the
high building density with reduced road sections, the organic lack of greenery and ser-
vices require a reorganization process.
The Urban Pro ect of the munici ality of identi es areas of valorisation, limited
by building permeability and inhomogeneity. The Aurelian Walls, the Verano cemetery,
the University City and the Rome Termini railway are strengths in the regeneration of the
neighborhood that provides a connection to the areas of valorisation. The areas of in-
ter¬vention are: C10 - via de Lollis; C11 - Verano; D - bombed buildings; B7 - borghetto
dei Lucani; C4 - Atac deposit.

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 Introduction
The district of San Lorenzo in Rome, so called because of its proximity to the basilica of
the same name, has a historical fabric and particular morphological and environmental
characteristics.
In 1909 the Sanjust Plan provides for the completion but does not heal the degraded
building fabric. During the Great War the war industry implemented the development
of urban transport by rail and the urbanization of the land of Casal Bruciato transfor-
med San Lorenzo from a suburban border into a transition area between the intramural
city and the periphery. In 1962 the Master Plan provides for the construction of the East
Tan¬genziale and excludes it from investments. Today the social and structural condi-
tions, the high building density with reduced road sections, the organic lack of greenery
and services require a reorganization process.
Through an historical and a morpho-typological approach, this paper highlights stren-
gths and weaknesses of the Roman district. The primary objective of the redevelopment
is the drafting of a unitary structure that does not alter the characteristics of the neigh-
borhood but instead identifies the potential to reconvert unresolved areas with an urban
design that welcomes new functions and relocates the existing activities in appropriate
structures.
The projects we present are the result of an overall analysis of the neighborhood,
which started with the study of the San Lorenzo redevelopment plan, launched by the
Capitoline Admin in 2006.

Historical Evolution
Late 19th century
Prior to 1870, the area where the community of San Lorenzo was built, so named for its
proximity to the basilica of the same name - located outside the Aurelian Walls - consi-
sted mainly of land cultivated with vineyards and orchards, with some important pre-exi-
stences from Roman times.
An evolution of the neighborhood took place between 1884 and 1888 following the
unification of the Kingdom of Italy, with a great building fever and without any social and
hygienic criteria to guide the construction of new buildings. The first settlements were
by immigrants and the working class, attracted to the area by the demand for artisanal
labor due to the presence of the monumental cemetery of Verano (1859-1878), and by
the imminent construction of the Rome-Tivoli railway (1879). The new residents, artisan
workers, marble workers, glaziers and blacksmiths, confirm their vocation as a popular
neighborhood.
At the basis of the construction of San Lorenzo, which took place without any plan-
ning, there was therefore the need to build popular housing at low prices for workers and
artisans, taking advantage of the absence, until 1887, of a city building regulation.
The construction of the neighborhood took place at a time when no social and hy-
gienic criteria drove the new buildings. The sewage network was built later; building lots
were built with poor high-density housing materials (balcony houses), where a large po-
pulation was continuously exposed to the risk of contracting serious epidemics.
Towards the new millennium the consolidation of the neighborhood becomes defini-
tive.
At the beginning of the twentieth century San Lorenzo was a compact workers’ nu-
cleus. The Rome rewery was built in 1902 and the Pastificio Cerere in 190 , elements that
contributed to strengthening the social characterization.
The Church developed a robust welfare network, an oratory in via dei Campani and
the Church of the Immaculate Conception, with the specific purpose of becoming a
place for people to aggregate.
In 190 Maria Montessori chose San orenzo to open the first Children s House and
intervene in favor of the poorest.
In 1909 the neighborhood became part of the Sanjust plan, which did not reorganize
the chaos of the city, but only provided for its completion.

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 Meanwhile, the Roman Institute for stable assets intervenes with a partial redevelop-
ment of the living spaces, summarized in a report published in 1910, building bathrooms
and kitchens where more families shared a single room.

The Great War

Sections of the popular, republican and socialist party are born in the neighborhood.
The socialist section of Via dei Sardi, founded in 1914, is was particularly active and carri-
ed out initiatives aimed above all at the socio-cultural development of San Lorenzo.
The Great War caused a deterioration in living standards, increasing the cost of food
and the basic necessities. The call to arms of men accelerated the use of women in crafts
and transport.
The war industry implemented the freight yard activity and the development of urban
rail transport. The urbanization of the land of Casal Bruciato and Portonaccio transfor-
med San Lorenzo from a suburban border into a transition area between the intramural
city and the peripheral expansion.
The State Railways carried out the main residential construction works in the area nor-
th of via Tiburtina; building, between 1920 and 1925, a complex of economic houses for
railway workers near Piazza dei Siculi.
The early 1920s were characterized by reactions to the early acts of fascist squads and
San orenzo was definitively configured as a proletarian district with a socialist political
orientation. The first movements of people (communists, socialists, anarchists) opposing
the fascist regime spontaneously arose in 1922 with episodes of reaction and resistance
to the penetration of the fascists in the neighborhood.
At the beginning of the 1930s, marked by an increase in housing costs, a reduction in
wages and unemployment, the living conditions of the lower classes severely deteriora-
ted.
On the other hand, there is an enrichment of the urban-architectural face and large
artisans become small industries. The fascists entered San Lorenzo only in 1942, with the
march on Rome.

The bombing of the neighborhood

On July 19, 1943, Rome was attacked by US bombers and San Lorenzo was the har-
dest hit neighborhood, almost completely razed to the ground. The Piazzale del Verano
and the adjacent Piazzale San Lorenzo were destroyed, thus strengthening the separa-
tion of the district from the rest of the city.
The greatest devastations are concentrated in the triangle formed by Piazzale Sisto V,
Piazzale San Lorenzo, Piazza Porta Maggiore.
The San orenzo district was a place of rebellion and as the first district of Rome bom-
bed, experienced a worsening of living conditions, just as a counterattack to its reactio-
nary nature. The liberation of 1944 highlights on the one hand the depopulation caused
by workers looking for work in other areas of Rome and on the other an overcrowded
housing in areas that remained intact after the war. To date only four buildings remain
to testify to this event, showing the bombing left gaps of incompleteness in the recon-
struction of the buildings themselves.
On 5 June 1944 San Lorenzo was freed after months of occupation and the seats of
the anti-fascist parties reopened.
There was a new wave of immigration with families from southern Italy looking for work
on the State Railways. The reconstruction of the district, however, proceeds slowly and
many moved to other neighborhoods or return to their countries of origin.
The sewage networks were that of the early twentieth century, 50% of homes are were
in poor condition and production activities decrease by 30%, as many factories are tran-
sferred. The damage from the bombing of 1943 added to the already unresolved levels
of crowding of houses and the need to renovate and redevelop the neighborhood from
an urban point of view.
The expansion of the “La Sapienza University of Rome” led to the acquisition of several
buildings located in the neighborhood and the increase in the presence of off-site stu-
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 dents. These phenomena implied an increase in rents and the removal of housing for the
inhabitants of the area.

From the second half of the 1900s to Today

In the 1962 Regulatory Plan, San Lorenzo is basically excluded from the consolidation
and investment processes up to the Multiannual Plan which defines the neighborhood as
a ‘recovery area’.
The construction of the buildings of Child Neuropsychiatry in Via dei Reti and of a new
vehicular hub the Tangenziale Est, a double rapid sliding system that runs through the nei-
ghborhood, is planned, but no restoration or enhancement plan until 1979. With this plan
the Municipality of Rome undertakes to maintain the residential and productive-artisan
connotation of the neighborhood.
The Tangenziale Est, now partly demolished, becomes a landmark, an element of
recognition of the neighborhood. Starting from the 1980s, there is a trend towards artistic
experimentation, which is still evident today with the regeneration of spaces used for
cultural environments such as ex etrerie Sciarra, ex Pastificio Cerere and ex Cinema
Palazzo.
The markedly artisan and proletarian connotation of the neighborhood becomes in-
spiration for artistic experimentation. The neighborhood is a hotbed of social coopera-
tives, welfare, voluntary and professional initiatives, which arise from the intent of the
population to get involved in common and shared projects.
The tertiary sector becomes a fundamental sector in the neighborhood economy
and the number of workers employed in the nearby Policlinico Umberto I, in public tran-
sport services and especially in the “La Sapienza” University of Rome, is more substantial.
The in uences of socialist realities, artistic experimentation and the in uence of the
university world are tangible. From an architectural point of view, the consequences of
the bombings that destroyed the neighborhood are still evident. Industrial architecture is
being redeveloped and destined for new uses and in favor of new university locations: the
former Cerere pasta factory transformed into a center of contemporary art, the Sciarra glas-
sworks, the former postal sorting center and the Wuhrer brewery sold to Sapienza.
San Lorenzo becomes a place of a culture that marries the ideals of freedom and
brotherhood, shared and present in the community.

Analysis
Morphological Analysis
Following the historical analysis, it is necessary to understand the position of the San Loren-
zo district, bounded by strong borders and pressures such as the University City, which almost
causes a compression towards the inhabited area, the railroad which creates a clear insur-
mountable barrier, and the erano cemetery that defines a very vast and historically border.
The neighborhood is surrounded by large service areas affecting the city and the territory:
Termini Station, the Freight Terminal, the General Hospital, the National ibrary, the CNR, the
Sapienza University of Rome and the Verano.
The duality of the elevated ring road, now partly demolished, which serves as a link betwe-
en the residential areas to the east and south east of Rome, is evident, but at the same time
separates and isolates the neighborhood itself.
San Lorenzo is a central district, close to the traditional historic center, with hinge functions
between the paths of Viale della Regina and Porta Maggiore.
Given these conditions, it can be seen that there have been three types of transforma-
tions taking place which have resulted in the expulsion of the popular classes of residents to
peripheral areas, thus altering the social fabric.
The first transformation derives from the constant pressure of the large real estate com-
panies that proceed with a tendency to concentrate properties, moving the tenant away
by imposing different forms of payment. These companies carry out minor conservative re-
storations.
The second type of transformation concerns a possible process of private outsourcing,

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which has not occurred over time as a determining factor.
The third type of transformation is consequent to the contiguous presence of the Sapien-
za, University of Rome, which is characterized in two aspects:
- the residence of off-site students allows on the one hand an increase in the low income
of the owners, preventing a process of outsourcing, on the other increases the cost of rents
per apartment;
- the progressive purchase of areas and building structures removed from the use of the
neighborhood.
The service system is composed of functions related to transport, such as marginal indu-
strial centers, small places of worship and various structures used for teaching or belonging
to the Sapienza University.
The residential fabric system is characterized by complexes in line having a court or bal-
cony to villas with front property.
The industrial centers are instead characterized by settlement rules out of context, isola-
ted twentieth century buildings and post unitary buildings.
The infrastructure system is characterized by the presence of the railway, which connects
Termini Station with the rest of the city and the country, and the neighboring metropolitan li-
nes of the Policlinico, San Giovanni, Pigneto and Lodi which further determine their potential.
The road system includes the Eastern ring road, primary roads such as Via Tiburtina, Cesa-
re de Lollis, Piazzale del Verano and Piazza di Porta Maggiore, and secondary roads.

Typological Analysis
The urban fabric is mainly composed of a building fabric (residential and services) and a
consistent industrial fabric.
The differences are evident with the neighborhoods built in the same period in other parts
of Rome. While the road network and building lots are similar, the differentiations concern:
- the dimensions of the neighborhood plan, which configures a high building density with
reduced road sections;
- the organic shortage of greenery and services;
- the lack of urban decoration elements.
The environmental system is lacking in both private and public greenery.
With regard to housing, the comparative analysis of plants among building blocks disco-
vers all the typological differences, which can be summarized as:
- greater covered area of the lot, with reduction of the role of the courtyard to a simple
air well;
- cut of the apartments reduced to a minimum with prevalent typology of two rooms
without services;
- reduced number of stairs which in an extreme case reach a staircase for thirty apart-
ments on each oor.
This reveals the great contradiction of the city of the 19th century, which hides social dif-
ferences and the differentiated use of the city behind the facades, while offering apparent
starting conditions that are the same for everyone, given by the uniform texture of the layout
and the facade configurations.
The typological characteristics of the residences, whether public or private, re ect the
more or less clear conscience of the builders and designers of the role of the neighborhood
and its social destination: the popular character of the houses has led to an adaptation to
the minimum cultural and technical levels of some models of the bourgeois block on the one
hand and the “on-line” layout of public housing on the other.
Three typological structures can therefore be identified in San orenzo:
- the bourgeois block type, which derives from those built in the neighborhoods for the
middle-upper classes;
- the online type, prevalent in economic or cooperative public building;
- the balcony type, chosen for the working classes and artisans.

Experimental Design
Today San Lorenzo is surrounded by important and protagonist centralities such as Vera-
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 no, the University City, the Roma Termini railway line, the Aurelian Walls and Porta Maggiore
that isolate the neighborhood, make the relationship with the immediate surrounding difficult
and compressed on the edges.
With the Rome Municipal Urban Project in 2006, areas of enhancement have been
identified, highly limited from the point of view of permeability, building inhomogeneity,
equipped areas and urban green areas. Historical elements such as the Aurelian Walls
and the Verano cemetery are strengths in the regeneration of the neighborhood which
provides for an overall connection of all areas, in particular the areas of enhancement.
The areas of enhancement for the Urban Project as defined by the Capitoline Admin
are four. Those having the letter B are i.e. “fabrics, buildings and open spaces, characte-
rized by inconsistencies and imbalances of a morphological and functional type ...”,
where we find the area , which includes the Scalo San orenzo, via dei ucani and via
di Porta abicana, and those with the letter C or brownfields and mainly non-residential
settlements”.
They are part of this the area C4, which affects the Scalo San Lorenzo, the Tangenziale
Est and Porta Maggiore; the Area C10 with via Tiburtina and via Cesare de Lollis; the C11
area with the Verano square and Largo Passamonti.
The strategies defined in the urban project intervention sub-areas therefore envisage
new elements of reconnection with the neighboring neighborhoods starting from the
insertion of a cycle circuit along the vehicular roads, to allow movement with gentle
mobility, which is also foreseen in the raised green corridor which will become the new
East Ring Road.
Furthermore, also close to the Aurelian walls, a redefinition of the space pertaining to
the historical monument is expected, by inserting a new linear park.
In the general project masterplan there are five areas of intervention on which the
project focuses:
- Area C10 (via de Lollis): it lies between the university city and the neighborhood and
stands as an urban barrier in a state of severe degradation. Inside there are heterogene-
ous activities that have led to a blockage of the lot that is difficult to cross.
- Area C11 ( erano): the first sub-areas C11a concerns the Piazzale del erano and is
currently configured as a driveway and parking area. The built part is uneven due to the
presence of sheds that prevent connection with the context. The second sub-area C11b
focuses on Largo Passamonti, an open space occupied by ring road junctions and local
roads; part of the area is occupied by parking.
- Area D (bombed buildings): empty space characterized by the presence of buil-
dings that were bombed during the war and never recovered. The mesh is regular with
courtyard houses and balcony, of architectural and historical importance.
- Area B7 (Borghetto dei Lucani): large urban void currently occupied by disused indu-
strial and artisan warehouses. The elevation of a single oor contributes to the perception
of urban emptiness despite the occupation of the land. Hence the need for redeve-
lopment with reference to the resources of the Aurelian Walls and the artifact of Largo
Talamo.
- Area C4 (Atac depot): area characterized by road and infrastructure junctions and
separation elements. The beam of the tracks towards Termini station and the railway are-
as towards Tiburtina station, connected by the elevated, are the cause of atmospheric,
acoustic and visual pollution. The Aurelian Walls and the aqueduct represent important
references for the redevelopment.
For the design objectives of the individual areas see, in C10, a new swimming com-
plex, in C11 the redevelopment of the Piazzale del Verano, in the out-of-scope sphere,
attention goes to the recovery of bombed buildings, to complete the urban voids. In the
area b , the reconfiguration of the orghetto dei ucani is expected, and finally in C the
regeneration of the Atac remittance.
The studio compares the current state with the design strategies. We can note that
there is a barrier that creates difficulties in crossing the lot transversely, there are differen-
tiated activities and discontinuous fronts; the regeneration target sees the opening of
the lot with a cross connection that reconnects the neighborhood; the design of a cycle

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path between the neighborhood and the university; the demolition and reconstruction
of the building at the head; finally, the design of a swimming complex is planned to act
as a mending of the neighborhood and that will be an aggregation center for citizens.
The C11 area is characterized by open spaces mostly driveways and parking areas
and by a lack of homogeneity of functions and buildings. There are compact fronts that
prevent connection with the rest of the neighborhood. Moreover, the Piazzale del Vera-
no is in a totally degraded state.
The regeneration objectives of the Piazzale del Verano provide for the arrangement of
the greenery in front of the cemetery, a homogeneous demolition and reconstruction of
the buildings with the maintenance of current craft activities and a new uniform system
equipped with an access filter. astly, the reconfiguration of the road section is planned.
This is a space characterized by the voids from the bombings of ‘43 and the conse-
quent non-homogeneous fronts, with disused industrial and artisan warehouses; there is
a low elevation of the buildings together with a substantial occupation of the land. The
presence of historical artifacts such as the walls and the large thalamus artifact are to
be preserved.
The reconfiguration of the area includes green areas to be connected to the ends of
the lot, together with the design of the cycle path; a redesign of the buildings that is more
coherent with the context, with the new destination for offices and support functions for
them. Furthermore, the emergence of Largo Talamo is expected.
The last area, where the Atac garage is located, is characterized by a complex rela-
tionship between a bundle of tracks that connects with the nearby Termini and Tiburtina
Stations, which determines a separation barrier.
The design strategy involves the recovery of the Atac artefact given its historical im-
portance, with the preservation of the peculiar characteristics of the building related
to its current function; a cycle path design that can reconnect the area with the San
Lorenzo district.

Conclusion
San Lorenzo District is located in a central position within the Municipality of Rome,
between well-structured and consolidated neighborhoods, which thus accentuate its
connotation of an isolated neighborhood, which has characterized it since the beginning
of its expansion. The history of the neighborhood shows how this arises from successive
settlements of labor migrants. This created the need to build cheap high-density dwellin-
gs for the working class, craftsmen and the people, taking advan¬tage of the absence,
until 1887, of a city building regulation and therefore, building without any planning.
The Urban Project of the municipality of 200 identifies areas of valorisation, limited
by building permeability and inhomogeneity. The Aurelian Walls, the Verano cemetery,
the University City and the Rome Termini railway are strengths in the regeneration of the
neighborhood that provides a connection to -the areas of valorisation. The areas of in-
ter¬vention are: C10 - via de Lollis; C11 - Verano; D - bombed buildings; B7 - borghetto
dei Lucani; C4 - Atac deposit.
The objectives see a recovery of buildings of historical importance thanks to a path
that can connect them; a cycle path design and a reconfiguration of open spaces, to-
gether with the introduction of new functions for the community.

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 Figure 1. Residential typologies: in-line, balcony, courtyard, terraced, edited by L.Cec-
chetti, F. Cuppoletti, E. Dubini, F. Lucci and G. Mece.

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Figure 2. Areas of enhancement of the Urban Project, edited by L.Cecchetti, F. Cuppo-
letti, E. Dubini, F. Lucci and G. Mece.

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 Figure 3. San Lorenzo District (orthophoto, Google Earth).

Figure 4. Masterplan, edited by L.Cecchetti, F. Cuppoletti, E. Dubini, F. Lucci and G. Mece.

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References
Cecchetti, L., Cuppoletti, F., Dubini, E., Lucci, F., Mece, G. (2019) ‘Design and Redeve-
lopment of the San Lorenzo District’, Master Degree’s Thesis in Architecture, Supervisor
Prof. Arch. Rosalba Belibani, Sapienza University of Rome.
Pazzaglini, M. (1994) Il quartiere San Lorenzo a Roma, Storia e recupero (Gestil Editrice,
Rome).
Piccioni, L. (1984) San Lorenzo. Un quartiere romano durante il fascismo (Edizioni di Storia
e Letteratura, Rome).

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

Urban Morphological Forms of Informal Areas in Tirana;

Strategies of Intervention.
Irina Branko1, Andi Shameti2, Juljan Veleshnja3
Polytechnic University of Tirana, FAU - Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, Tirana
1,2,3

Keywords: Informality, urban morphology, landscape, territory

Abstract

The last 30 years have been accompanied by many changes in the country including
those of a territorial development character in Albania. The biggest interventions after
the fall of the communist regime, result to have been done in the most important cities.
In the new conditions of the market economy, there was an intense demographic move-
ment toward these areas, especially in the Durrës - Tirana area, mostly due to their eco-
nomic potential. Being not ready to handle the situation, the state failed in the control
of demographic movement, and the territory. The informality was developed very fast
and was a widespread phenomenon. There were several morphological urban forms of
informality developed within the existing city fabric, but also the new ones occupying
new territories. Nowadays, these kinds of developments, spontaneously organized, have
transformed many ex-agricultural and ex-natural spaces into a build environment. These
areas do contain many problems, mostly due to the absence of different services, infra-
structure, and lack of integration with the rest of the city. After many years, not much
has been done for these settlements, which are legalized by now, and are “formally”
an integral art of the urban area This study aims to de ne the areas of informal set-
tlements, de ne their mor hological urban form, the mor hology of the territory where
located, and le their characteristics n this im ortant background, ossible scenarios
of intervention would be developed with the only scope, that of emerging solutions for
the regeneration and the integration of such areas of the capital city.

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 Introduction
Informal Settlement is a phenomenon encountered in many countries nowadays,
especially in developing countries. Each day it gets more and more important in the glo-
bal challenges as it is considered non-appropriate living conditions, and it is evaluated
that 25% of the world population is living is such structures considering the lack of many
conditions and services. Being in a transition period from the late ‘80s, informality has
found the appropriate conditions in developing in Albania as well, appearing mostly in
the vicinity of the capital as the main economic pole of the country. The informality has
been rapid with no obstacles during these last 30 years and it can be measured by the
change of the footprint of the urbanized area versus previews natural and semi-natural
spaces. As it is previously described in our studies, it is a phenomenon appeared at the
late ‘80s, after the fall of the regime, change of the socio-economic situation and demo-
graphic movements towards the most developed and prosperous parts of the country
which results to the today city footprint and its typo - morphologies.
This whole process of informal development is taken in consideration by Accademia
but has been limited in theoretical description of the urban footprint and its changes
in time, sometimes by narrating a phenomenon, sometimes in terms of identification of
typologies being developed which can be categorized in two main forms: (1) Informality
inside the existing city fabric; (2) Informality being developed at the peri-urban area of
the city or the city fringe, while this study is focused in particular to the second form of
informality, that encountered in the edge of Tirana and the understanding of its morpho-
logy and try to give a better understanding of typo - morphology of these areas. Being of
a great extent, these areas have created a continuous urban fabric which results in ur-
ban sprawl. The previews city of Tirana, its satellite neighborhoods and other nearby rural
settlements such as Babrru, Paskuqan, Yzberisht, Vaqarr, Shkozë, Linzë, Kamzë, and many
others results to be under the same footprint with no visual understanding of the change
not only of the administrative units but also of the character of the environment between
urban, peri-urban and rural. As it might easily be understood, the loss of identity of places
is one of the main problems of these areas, as they tend to repeat themselves in different
parts of the city almost with similar rhythm and philosophy. Of course, the loss of ty of the
place is not the only problem encountered in these areas. The continuous urban fabric
of self - developed residential buildings is associated also with the negative impact as per
the quality of life on the areas and lack of infrastructure and public services. Lately, due to
a major earthquake (26th November, 2019) it was in the area, another very important issue
comes to the surface, the stability of these structures in other similar events. Due to the com-
plexity especially this last topic has, it cannot be evaluated in this particular article.
Nowadays, we can count a few developments and interventions as per the informal
areas of Tirana. Being large- scale development and taking into consideration the invest-
ment and stability of the buildings, it has been difficult to take a decision on the future of
the areas as one socio-economic problem shouldn’t lead to another bigger social problem.
Saying that the tabula rasa approach has never been an option. The informal areas are by
now component areas of the city footprint. The involved actors and institutions have been
working on solving the main of the type of informality developed such as the property issue
by an intense legalization process and financial compensation of the real property owners.
There have been also some developments in implementing an appropriate infrastructure to
the areas such as roads and sidewalks.
With this background, it is important to emphasize that only in 2016, Tirana has completed
finally its Regulatory Plan after 2 years of non-planned development. Known in today s legi-
slation known as General Local Plan, there have been introduced some very interesting stra-
tegies which tent to (1) Conserve the natural and semi-natural areas by controlling the urban
sprawl. This is achieved by the implementation of a Perimetral Park (known as Metrobosco);
(3) Further develop the natural and seminatural environments; (4) Add the public services by
the implementation of schools; (5) Develop poles in the city by the process of transformation.
So far, no clear strategy of further development of informal areas is being developed and
that is why the main question is raised - What would be the future of these areas and their
communities.

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Method
As an answer to these questions, there have been a few individual proposals such as
the ones found in 2004, Tirana Metropolis and in 2017, Tirana, the informal city and its
public space where temptations of interventions in these areas are being proposed. In
this study, we would like to further theoretically develop a methodology of the study and
develop later strategies of interventions in the areas. The following steps, are considered
as very important to the understanding and file the morphology and typo-morphology
of the informal areas in Tirana:
Morphology of the territory - The understanding of how the city has developed throu-
gh the years it’s a footprint, and how the informal areas do communicate with the topo-
graphy is an important step to understand and classify different characteristics of these
settlements;
Background and History of the territory - The understanding of the previews functio-
ning and land use of these areas is part of their identity and therefore important to be
part of the studying process as they might lead to the genesis and the transformation of
the urban fabric;
Strategic Projects - these are important projects which will be implemented in the
future into the existing fabric. As the scope of our work is to precede the solutions as per
these areas and to prevent any mistake for the future, part of the study is the scenarios
proposed by the General Local Plan, Tirana 2030. The land use proposed for such areas
is another important part of understanding the strategies of interventions by local autho-
rities the next 10 years to come;
Case studies - In the above context, by identifying the differences and particularities
of the territory, fabric, and informal areas themselves, 9 case studies are chosen. They do
represent particular areas of 800m x 800m not only in different edges of the city, but they
do represent different territories and/or structures of urban morphological form. The area
of 800m x 800m represents a grid we have used in all our studies which considers the ratio
of 00m of a walking distance as the ratio for fulfilling the most important activities in an
urban area.
Understand the characteristics of each urban morphological characteristics of the
samples - Understanding the characteristics of the buildings themselves, of space and
the environment around them, but also the of the different groups of buildings, their re-
lation with adjacent ones, but also the presence of other services rather than living, it is
mainly the goal of this particular study. By analyzing the above-mentioned elements, we
can arrive at a better picture of not only the physical space qualities but also, we shall
be able to understand and interpret the lifestyle of these environments. Maps are being
developed, a few visits and google is used for concluding.
Proposals of strategies for possible interventions - The methods of interventions could
be many. In our studies, including this one, we’re trying to understand if landscape could
be a potential and possible intervention in the area.

Results
General results from reading the territory - It is very obvious that the informal areas
tend to develop more in the at topography rather than the hilly ones. This could be
easily evaluated by the major development they have had in this type of territory. There
are also developments on the hills, adjacent to previews rural settlements, but still at a
lower scale. From the maps and orthophotos of earlier years such as the one of 1994,
2003, 2007, etc., it is very obvious that the informality has been developed partially in
agricultural land (in the at territory), greenhouses, olive groves and vineyards (these last
two in the hilly territory), partially in natural land covered with grass or Mediterranean ver-
tical species. General results from reading the strategies foreseen - As it was mentioned
before, interesting strategies are being implemented by the General Local Plan, Tirana
2030 with the main author Studio Boeri, but where many other actors were involved. One
of the main strategies is related to the control of urban sprawl by the implementation of
a Perimetral Park or as it is also known as Metrobosco. This is the first case in the modern
Tirana were landscape is being used as a strategy for shaping the built environment.
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 One particularity of the Metrobosco, is its position adjacent to the informal areas, which
are positioned at the perimeter of the city.
Informal building - Informal settlements in the Albanian context would be considered
the groups of self-made constructions with the main residential function for one, two or
several families of the same family trunk. The traditional building methods are being used
which includes reinforced concrete construction and brick wall. They are constructed
sometimes in several years, as per the possibilities of investment, mainly assured by the
emigration. Each building owns its parcels of land, occupied or purchased. It is important
to understand that the type of informal building in Tirana is not similar to that found in
Latin America, India, or any other developing country where their main character is that
of a temporary building. The informal settlements in Tirana are self-made constructions,
guided by no planning, but have a permanent character, which makes them one of a
kind with additional attention - due to the sensitivity people for their investments.
Buildings Characteristics - The building themselves are positioned in the individual par-
cel. In general, it was hard to define their characteristics as they appear to be very di-
verse. However, we can conclude: (1) That in all areas the building footprint varies but
the footprint of 250-300 m² is more common; (2) The buildings tend to have a bigger
footprint especially near the main roads; ( ) The height of the buildings varies from 1 o-
or to oors, but again the height of 2- oors is the most common height used for the
residential areas; (4) In general, the southern and eastern parts of the samples tend to
have a bigger height than northern and western buildings; (5) As per the architecture, it
is understood that the buildings are the product of their plan rather than by architecture,
the formality in the outside. There is a little or no repetition of the same model and also
the same roof. oth at terraces and sloped roofs are being used.
Parcel Characteristics - and surrounded by walls and railings. They tend to create
groups, still, they are different in the material used, chromatics, design from each other. It
is obvious that through it the private land is defined. This is not just a matter of feeling pro-
tected in a new territory, but also is a tradition of the individual city homes and also the
rural ones. The main characteristic of these parcels is the presence of green. Gardens,
vegetables, vineyards, and fruit trees are present at almost every individual unit.
Group of Buildings - It is very difficult to define the groups of informal buildings in these
areas. In the most atten territories, where previously agriculture was being developed
the groups tend to follow the previews agricultural infrastructure and somehow blocks
of two to three rows could be recognized. In the hilly areas, where rural homes existed
previously, the informal settlements tend to follow their order - the following of the same
level - and somehow respect the existing topography. More chaotic are the areas which
result to be filled 100 with informal settlements although they try to follow the natural
terrain. The main models we can define are (1) Straight linear; (2) inear that follows an
arch; (3) Disperse in the territory. This last one might derive from the “city view” tendency
of the developments, as it is mainly found in the territories next to Mount Dajti.
Street Patterns - There is almost now database available on the development of in-
formal settlements, but from the orthophoto [www.geoportal.asig.gov.al], it is possible to
understand that the building was made first and after pathways were turned into streets
for serving to the area. Again, different areas have developed their street pattern. In
the attest territories, they could be defined as (1) inear and Tree type in the previews
agricultural area; (2) Curved linear and Tree type in the natural territories; (3) Tree type in
the hillier environments. A distance of around 3.5m - 4m is between the facing walls. As it
might be understood, the space of the pathways (streets) is defined by the surrounding
walls of each house. Lately have started investments in developing the infrastructure
such as sewerage, and pathways usually treated with concrete and asphalt. Characte-
ristics of the Grid - In almost all lands, in a ratio of 400m, the main land-use is the residential
one. The patterns created tends to fill the whole territory in a similar order. The areas not
covered by informal settlements are due most probably to the topography. Besides the
cases were services previously were positioned, in most cases, there is a lack of these ser-
vices such as kindergartens, schools, ambulatories, public spaces or even other services
necessary in the everyday life.

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Discussion
The understanding of the previews functioning of the territories was informal settle-
ments are being developed in Tirana it gives a general idea of the land qualities, en-
vironmental qualities, but also informs for the presence of any infrastructure of earlier
functions.
Somehow traces of the past are conserved and still recognizable. This is important to
conserve as data for later being used for strengthening the identity of the different areas.
The sample areas 800m x 800m, representing a ratio of perfect walking distance to a nei-
ghborhood as per the distribution of necessary public spaces, and other public services
illustrate the lack of these services in most of the cases.
The morphology of the informal building itself, with the individual gardens, trees, and
vineyards, illustrates the connection of the inhabitants to the environment and products
of the territory. Somehow this is related to the people’s lifestyle but also corresponds to
the previews land use of the territories. This results also in a building pattern that conserves
somehow the natural characteristics of the land and where the sponge qualities function
better than in other planned areas of the city.
The strategies implemented by the General Local Plan are necessary to be involved
in the study as illustrating the strategies foreseen for the future and help in structuring the
future necessary interventions. From studying these particular areas, not too many results
to be solved as per the regeneration of these areas. But the use of the Landscape in the
perimeter, adjacent to the informal areas presents a great asset to the informal settle-
ment, in our opinion they could be translated in big possibilities of interventions.
This study aimed to further understand mainly the urban morphology of the informal
settlement. Elements such as relation between buildings and space, relation between
buildings themselves, patterns or order they tend to create, characteristics of the spaces
such as individual gardens, characteristics of streets and pathways, functionality of the
areas in terms of services to be able to measure the sustainability scale of such develop-
ments are a very important study for further developing strategies and ideas.

Conclusions
This study aims to contribute to a further understanding of the informal settlements in
the city, as being the most vulnerable areas, are often object either of non-inclusion or
too strong interventions. On the other hand, as much as we study them, we understand
and get to know the values and positive energies of the inhabitants which could lead us
to the following strategies: (1) Integration of the city, the peri-urban areas, and natural
environment; (2) Contribution of the development of these informal areas themselves in
terms of quality of life; (3) Improvement of social cohesion between different parts of the
society; (4) More direct contact between the city and the peri-urban;
With the development of the Perimetral Park, and based on these characteristics,
strategic projects could be developed afterwards where landscape would be the main
tool of intervention.

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 Figure 1. Urban Sprawl, Informality and Metrobosco Map, Tirana City.

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Figure 2. Position of Case Studies.

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 Figure 3. Case Studies.

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Figure 4. Proposed Land Uses from General Local Plan, Tirana 2030.

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 References
Aliaj, B., Lulo, K., Myftiu, G., 2003. Tirana, the challenge of Urban Development.
ASHK, The state cadastre agency. [original title: Agjencia Shtetërore e Kadastrës], www.
ashk.gov.al
Bekkering, H.C., De Bois, P.G., Boot, E., Calabrese, L.M., Hermans, W.J.A., Meyer, V.J.,
Stolk, E.H., 2004, Urban Analysis Guidebook, Typomorphology.
Belanger, P., 2017., Landscape as Infrastructure.
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Përgjithshëm vendor i Bashkisë Tiranë, Plani i Zhvillimit]
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nifikimit te Territorit , www.planifikimi.gov.al.
Oliveira, V., 2016, Urban Morphology, And Introduction to the Study of the Physical Form
of Cities.
PNTA., 2016. National General Plan. [original title: Shqipëria 2030, Plani i Përgjithshëm
Komb tar, Dokumentimi i pare Komb tar p r Planifikimin e Territorit 201 -20 0
Quintero, N.S., 2018, Informal ecology: An emerging approach towards landscape inte-
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Renner, R., 201 . Urban eing, Anatomy and Identity of the City.
Sobreira, F.J.A., Favelas, barriadas, bidonvilles: the universal morphology of poverty.
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Waldheim, C., 2016., Landscape as Urbanism.

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 PH.2 Urban Regeneration and Social Issues

Morphological legacies and informal city:

understanding urban dynamics in the Vetor Leste do Centro in
São Paulo
Ambra Migliorisi
La Sapienza University of Rome, DIAP - Department of Architecture and Design, Rome
Keywords: Informal ractices, urban mor hology, industrial dismission, corti os

Abstract

From the middle of the 20th century, the center of São Paulo began to undergo a
deep urban transformation resulting from the transfer of the ruling classes to other sectors
of the city.
The related dislocation of higher-income housing, trade and services toward the south-
west of the metropolis has left the city center in a social, economic and urban decay.
The etor Leste do Centro, classi ed as the rst industrial suburb of S o Paulo, is the
territory that has most being participated in the urban metropolitan process and it repre-
sents the privileged area where the sedimentation of ways to inhabit has produced con-
tinuous s atial modi cations Its intrinsic condition of centrality, as well as being the gate-
way for the Easter Zone of the city, demonstrates a series of historical and geographical
con icts of the arzea Do Carmo s urbanization which confers the eculiar mor hology
to the area Conse uently, to read its tissue it means recognizing the se uence of each
life cycles that the metropolis of Sao Paulo has experienced through its urban expansion,
from its colonial period until nowadays.
The analysis starts by recognizing, in the urban mor hology, distinctive elements of
typical industrial landuse. The criterion, that has been chosen as the driving guideline,
is the s atial and functional modi cation occurred inside each urban block during the
industrial dismission.
The paper critically examines how the urban area of the VLC represents one of the
most complex and interesting case for understanding how formal and informal practices
has intervened in the production of the urban spaces of this large metropolis.

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 Introduction
From the middle of the 20th century, the center of São Paulo began to undergo a
deep urban transformation resulting from the transfer of the ruling classes to other sectors
of the city.
The related dislocation of higher-income housing, trade and services toward
the South-West left the city center in a social, economic and urban decay1.
The centrifugal growth from the center to the periphery, represented by the occupation
of peripheral land plots, and its corollary centripetal growth, carried out by the heavy
transportation system installed to support the fast expansion, were decisive factors in
urban organization of the central areas. As a boomerang thrown from the inside to the
outside (Meyer, 2004), the road structure, that connects the center to the farest neigh-
borhoods that formed the immense outskirts of the metropole, reinforced the center as a
congested passageway and contributed to deform the local scale on behalf of big-sca-
le intervention.
As a result, the downtown of São Paulo reaches the ‘90s as a fragmented territory full
of social complexities, re ecting the inequality that has structured the space of the city
during its urbanization process.

A Leste do Centro
The central area of S o Paulo finds its interpretation not really within the administrative
perimeter in which it is inscribed2, but more in the definition of those systems and metro-
politan-scale urban issues that interfere with its territory.
While new and distant sectors of urban expansion has been opened indiscriminately
in a constant search of spaces where to build new housing complexes, central areas, hi-
ghly equipped with infrastructure and mass transit, have been subject to a profound pro-
cess of depopulation. This striking paradox has laid the foundation for the comprehension
of the extreme social precariousness situations which today coexists among the sectors
with the largest concentration of jobs posts in the city ( onduki, 2001).
Inside the innumerable problems related to the downtown decay, the increasing pre-
sence of low-income population, allocated in a precarious way, becomes the most re-
markable. A closer look at the historic centre of the city presents an interesting case for
understanding this phenomenon and how formal and informal practices intervened in
the production of the urban spaces.
In order to analyse the historical, functional and morhological organization of central
areas, it is necessary to introduce, as an instrument, a territorial element that can descri-
be the dynamics of formation and structuring of complex urban zones. They are, there-
fore, named ectors those urban sectors whose configuration is strongly connected
to the relationships that they establish within different scales of the metropolitan territory
and various infrastructure systems that support them.
The etor este do Centro, whose main features has been identified by the professor
and urbanist Regina Meyer3, is taken as the study area. It has the physical, social and
spatial features such as to classify its territory as the first industrial district of S o Paulo
and, by analyzing its urban scenarios through volumetric ows and changes of densities,
it is possible to define its condition of central suburb which witnesses the urban spaces
transformation over time as the most problematic and alive part of the metropolis urban
pattern. Its intrinsic condition of centrality, as well as being the gateway for the Easter
Zone of the city, or rather the more vulnerable, demonstrates a series of historical and ge-
ographical con icts of the arzea Do Carmo s urbanization which confers the peculiar
morphology to the area.
The area of the etor este do Centro is located just outside the East side of the
historical center of São Paulo and it contains, within its perimeter, deep physical bar-
riers that, besides having contributed to fragment its urban tissue, have defined its
area as a deep fracture in terms of economy, social development and urbanity.
The basin of the Tamanduateí river has always been a constant challenge in urban de-
velopment of S o Paulo for its natural characteristics that have in uenced various forms
of appropriation. Initially it imposed a natural obstacle to the expansion towards the East

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side of the city, which favored the urban occupation of the hills in the West opposite di-
rection. The height difference between the historical hill and the basin of the river, as well
as the instability of periodic oads, did not facilitate the occupation of the area during
the first phase of consolidation of the city. On the other hand, the at topography of the
river basin justified the construction of Santos-Jundiai Railroad in 1 9 , stimulating the
industry installation along the train lines and the growth of the working-class neighborho-
ods across the river. The construction of the road Radial Leste and the implementation
of the East line of the subway definitely consolidated the East-West direction as the main
structural axis of sprawl expansion for lower income population.
The urban form analysis
To understand the reasons that led to current condition, the study necessarily starts
from the analysis of its historical configuration understanding the urban evolution.
The analysis starts by recognizing, in the urban morphology, distinctive elements of
typical industrial landuse which help to classify five typologies of urban blocks within the
perimeter of the Vetor Leste do Centro. The criterion, that has been chosen as the driving
guideline, is the spatial and functional modification occurred inside each urban block
during the industrial dismission. The new configuration is here presented by emphasizing
the transitional condition derived from the gradual change of the socio-economic profile
of the city from 1930s until now (Fig.1).
a) Original industrial blueprint: the etor este do Centro still conserves historical arti-
facts” which stand as industrial memories within a standardized logic of urbanization. The
industrial installation, occurred in the early decades of the 20th century, facilitated the
blueprint and land-use heterogeneity. Therefore, not having undergone spatial modifi-
cation, this type of urban blocks present a large footprint and a land-use reduced to a
mono-variety function.
b) illas Operarias: these urban blocks typologies are characterized by the presence
of the historical working class-villages, born with the aim of housing the large number of
workers settled in the area during the early 1900. Always located side by side with facto-
ries, this urban type is easily recognizable since it still contains historical features which are
visible in the old working-class housing elements.
c) Forced co-exhistence: during the years, next to the old industrial footprint, the con-
struction of new high residential complexes have partly transformed the original urban
block in order to support the high housing demand.
d) Metro-line construction: in 1986 started the construction of the new metro-line whi-
ch currently connects the East and West side of the city. Differently from most of the
others, the new stations, due to topography and high costs, were realized on the surface,
requiring a process of surrounding areas expropriation. The consequent rise of land-va-
lue, due to the installation of a new infrastructural pole, caused the displacement of the
majority of population, which was economically forced to leave the district. The etor
este s main industrial features started to be denatured by new construction.
e) Industrial features loss: the fifth type of urban block has completely lost its industrial
memory. New popular housing constructions have took place and privatized outdoor
spaces by high walls and fences. The modernist settlements, born with the aim of respon-
ding to a high housing deficit for low income people, therefore have characterized the
urban blocks by the only one residential use, depriving the large areas of services, com-
merce and the street-life related to it.
While this classification deals with a gradual spatial transformation of the historical
industrial blueprint, it is possibile to identify another parallel analysis which is the result of
a set of informal practices as expression of the social vulnerabilities present in the area.
Central areas, in fact, have recently started to withstand an increment of service de-
mand and housing density without, however, recording an equivalent verticalization of
their urban settlement. This invisible densification highlights the presence of common so-
cial practices carried on outside the regulatory framework of the state.
It is possibile to observe that dynamics of improper uses of buildings emerge within
the urban tissue as punctual discontinuity of the formalized settlement. Therefore vacant
spaces, abandoned buildings and old tenements houses have been appropriated due
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 to the failure of the formal system to fulfill the spatial needs of marginalized individuals
or communities. Moving towards an emergence of a roof, these practices have grown
faster than the formal structure can accommodate, resulting to be a less manageable
dynamic.

Cortiços4: slumming in the city center

While the formation of clandestine plots (loteamentos irregulares) and precarious
self-built houses (favelas) have mainly been established in the outskirts of the metropolis,
a third typology of informal settlement has not always followed this logic, penetrating the
formal and central city and operating extra legally in a context where the state has been
weak in enforcing housing standards5.
Rental tenements handed over by their original owners to be sublet or taken care of
by third partie (cortiços), are conventionally regarded as slum when they are improperly
used as overcrowded multifamily dwellings and subject to extremely precarious living
conditions.
Due to their ability to survive over different historical and morphological situations, it is
possible to identify a classification of five main types of corti o inside the etor este do
Centro:
a) Casinha (Small house): a detached building facing the street, only considered cor-
tiço for the use it has;
b) Hotel-cortiço (Hotel slum tenement): Reserved rooms or collective dormitories;
c) Prédio sobrado convertido em cortiço (Two-storey houses converted into slums): a
room with several improvised stoves shared by everybody, some poorly installed latrines,
and long ill lit corridors;
d) Cortiço improvisado (Improvised slum tenement): at the back of lumber and buil-
ding material warehouses, on building sites, in barns and stables;
e) Corti o de quintal (Courtyard slum tenement): the doors and windows of rows of
small houses open onto a courtyard or public area, with the same internal divisions and
the same capacity.
It is interesting to underline that the first three typologies do not consider the need of
changing the structure of the building they are “parasiting” besides several new internal
subdivisions. The last two ones, instead, include the creation of new self-constructed and
precarious volumes, reiterating their condition of informality.
Situated in the formal urban setting, unlike most favelas which are built on extra-urban
land invasions, today corti os are mostly located in areas that have been subject to a
process of deterioration and decay, but contiguous with zones rich in jobs and services.
The main important reason for living in a cortiço is, in fact, to be able to be in the central
region: all the sacrifices of cramped, unhealthy and expensive housing are compensa-
ted by the proximity of work and public services.

Conclusions
Reading the morphological tissue of the Vetor Leste do Centro means, in part, reco-
gnizing the sequence of each life cycles that the metropolis of S o Paulo has experien-
ced through its urban expansion, from the industrial dismission untill nowdays, represen-
ting a dramatic illustration of social inequality and division that have occurred.
From the analysis here reported, it is possible to affim that during the last decades a
reversal trend, supported by three main factors, have contributed to the slow decrease
of the peripherization process of the metropolis and a hidden densification of the central
areas.
Primarily, the progressive replacement of industry with tertiary sectors increased trade
and service activities that helped to concentrate the employment offer in the central
regions. This change consolidated a starting point that would recover the central region
as the major focus for employments in the city.
Secondly, the inefficiency of public transport meant not only a high cost for commu-
ting but also a great physical expenditure given by the excessive time required and the
conditions of discomfort that consequently resulted. For many workers, living in central

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regions has meant a great saving in the time taken getting from home to work, plus a
reduction in transport costs. Finally a more rigorous policy on plots parcelling activity in
the periphery tried to stem the intense illegal process by compromising the widespread
trade of irregular suburban lands.
To sum up these factors, it is possible to explain better the reasons that led a big part of
low-income working population to consecrate, as decisive, the proximity to the workpla-
ce where the offer of employment, infrastructure, and service was already established.
This dynamic opens a new discussion on the process of reconfiguration of existing
urban compartments that, for decades, have been subject to policy negligence, exclu-
ded from revitalizing interventions and private investments.

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 *+,-. "!(%) Private sector
At the beginning of the Brazilian
!(%) IAPs
The Carteiras Prediais dos Institu-
!('34 Financial help and realization
With the financial help of Caixa
!(5& Plano Nacional de Habitação
Banco Nacional da Habitação
!()34 Real estate ma
The Sistema
urbanization, housing production tos de Aposentadoria e Previdênc- Economica Estadual, it was possi- (BNH) and the Serviço Federal de Habitação favore
was in charge of the private ia (IAPs) began the production and ble to build 120 000 housing units Habitação e Urbanismo for low-in- estate, serving
sector,. financing policy of housing units. R$ in all the country. come home ownership. middle and uppe
SOCIAL HOUSING
POLICY DEVELOPMENT

3 INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE
original industrial blueprint
Matarazzo factories

Call for houses

{ SPATIAL PRACTICES TO FULFILL HOUSING NEED }
INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE transformation Despite
Matarazzothe VLC’s historical morphology has been deformed by a heavy spatial transformation unbuilt
factories whichpercentage info housing typology
original industrial blueprint partly included the construction of large popular dwellings, dynamics of improper uses of buildings and
illegal practices emerge within the urban tissue as punctual discontinuities of the formalized settlement.
Area !"#The Vetor Leste is37 767 mq
conside-

%
Year of construction
red the first periphery of São Paulo1900

15
Distance to the city
thanks to centre 1,6 km
its industrial installation
occurred in the early 20th century
which facilitated the blueprint and
land use
use land-heterogeneity
35
1930 1930 - 1979 2004 %
Active factories
Abandoned factories

10 % 15 %
Commercial activities

VILLAS OPERARIAS density

Storages transformation Vila Batista de Andrade
1| The Vetor Leste is conside- first working-class seattlements
red the first periphery of São Paulo
siz
thanks to its industrial installation
50 %
logic of appropriation

e
occurred in the early 20th century
which facilitated the blueprint and
use land-heterogeneity A B C D
6 5 5 0 0

VILLAS OPERARIAS transformation Vila Batista de Andrade unbuilt percentage info $"#Urban blocks are characteri- housing typology
zed by the presence of the typicall
first working-class seattlements
working-class villages. Once given
INDUSTRIAL DISMISSION Area 74 790 mq
to host most skilled workmen by

%
source: LUME (Laboratorio de Urbanismo da Metropole) Year of construction
industrialists, they were always
1920s

10
Distance to the city
placed sidecentre 1,5 km
by side with factories.

land use

5% 20
% Abandoned factories
CONSTRUCTION
METRO FORCED COEXHISTENCE transformation Sampaio Moreira block

95 %
FOR Commercial activities
plartial transformation
4 CED

30 %
S CO
RIA EX

Parnaiba
HIS Vilas operarias density
RA

os Sales
PE TE

Inacio de Araujo
2 | Urban blocks are characteri- 3 NC

ria
SO
Leao

Mursa
E Storages

nta Ma
ILA

R. Visc. de
Belino Iasi
zed by the presence of the typicall V 1
rneiro

R. Camp
siz
tes

R. Cel.

reira
bra

a
Vila Sa
working-class villages. Once given logic of appropriation

Sam ta Ros
R. Ita egina
dan

e
oim

R. Ca

Mo
to host most skilled workmen by
ira
stu

Cla nacleto
into
R. C
bi

paio
p

Ga drade
an
uero
se

oP
Vila

industrialists, they were always

ila

R. S
mit

A B C D
Do

Piq

res
udin
A

An
ma
Do

placed side by side with factories.

Tv.

M.

Wh cado
ra

lara

De
Vila aria

5,9 %
do

Vila San o

em r
n
Ec ta C

e
iza

Vila Bue

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s
M

itak
Luis
3 22 15 2 0

a
Pe
om

R.

9,2

no
R.
on

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%

eta
R.
% %" #

Ca
R.
6,9 Next to the old industriall
footprint, new popular accomoda-
tions partly transform the urban
FORCED COEXHISTENCE transformation Sampaio Moreira block unbuilt percentage info blocks in order to support the high housing typology
plartial transformation housing demand. Their installation
al
tot

Area occurred by expropriation.

36 000 mq

%
Year of construction 1998

30
Distance to the city centre 2,0 km

land use
% 10 %
METRO CONSTRUCTION Cohab expropriation
20 Abandoned factories
transformation
expropriation and social Active
housingfactories

24
%
63 %
High density housing
Vilas operarias density

13
3 | Next to the old industriall Storages

%
footprint, new popular accomoda- siz
tions partly transform the urban logic of appropriation

e
blocks in order to support the high
housing demand. Their installation
occurred by expropriation.
A B C D
1 &" #19 In order
0 to install
1 the new 4
metro line, the municipality expro-
priated almost the entire urban
block. As a result, the Vetor Leste’s
main features started to be denatu-
rated by new constructions.
Cohab expropriation
METRO CONSTRUCTION transformation unbuilt percentage info housing typology
expropriation and social housing
Area 56 780 mq
%

Year of construction 1989

60

Distance to the city centre 1,2 km

Iapi social housing

land use INDUSTRIAL FEATURE LOSS transformation
%

ri total demolition and reconstruction

Pa
4

ez
igu o
do 5%
10 %
M an
tio ira
L. veri car
Pa
12

e Commercial activities
ald
Se len
o
%

R. e A
%

.C lism ois
67

M co
d
R. G
o Storages
Bu Ott
6%
o
lora

ir
do Ja
F

R. R.
SS

20, High density housing

R.

e B ia

8% density
rqu ord

LO
ras

Vilas operarias
Pa onc

4 |
5
ao

In order to install the new

Le

IA
C

TR
elo

metro line, the municipality expro- S

d
ta
rm

DU siz
ro

L.
eida oca
a d lores
Ca

Ped
a

priated almost the entire urban IN of appropriation

Lim
o

e
logic
F
aM

D.

block. As a result, the Vetor Leste’s

aiba
Martin
A.

Castro

ue
te
Tv.

ao
Cel. Mursa

main features started to be denatu-

. Parn
Alm

R. Orien

Parq

'"#The urban block has comple-

Ru

R. Assunç

Vieira

rated by new constructions. x S A B C D

E. de

EA
R. Vis

tely changed and lost its industrial

AR
IND N memory. New popular housing
US 1 EE 0 9 6 0 10
TR GR constructions have took place and
IAL
STR they have mainly privatized outdoor
UCT
URE spaces inbetween each blocks.

Iapi social housing unbuilt percentage

INDUSTRIAL FEATURE LOSS transformation info housing typology
total demolition and reconstruction
Area 54 010 mq
%

Year of construction 1950s

75

Distance to the city centre 1,4 km

land use
SS
LO
L
IA

5
TR

% Commercial activities
S
%

DU
10
85

IN Storages
%

High density housing density

S 5 | The urban block has comple-

EA tely changed and lost its industrial
AR siz
memory. New popular housing logic of appropriation
e

constructions have took place and

they have mainly privatized outdoor
spaces inbetween each blocks. A B C D
0 0 3 0 14

Figure 1. It is a simplified diagrammatic classification of the urban fabric of the analyzed

area ( etor este do Centro). The criterion chosen is the spatial and functional modifica-
tion occurred inside each urban block during the industrial dismission, from 19 0 s untill
nowdays. Despite the etor este do Centro s historical morphology has been defor-
med by a heavy spatial transformation which partly included the construction of large
populare dwellings, dynamics of improper uses of buildings and spontaneous practices
emerge within the urban tissue as punctual discontinuities of teh formalized settlement.

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Footnotes
1
The contribution to the emerging decentralization and the consequent progressive
decay of the central areas came with the combination of two important factors: firstly
the creation of elite suburbs in the South-West region marked out the new territory of the
rich; secondly the gradual change of the econo- mical profile ensured the displacement
of the main industrial poles in the South-East of the metropolitan region defining the new
direction for peripherical lands occupation.
2
Analyzing the centre from an administrative point of view, it is composed by the
districts of Sé and Republica. Its historical demarcation is now strongly reinforced by the
presence of two perimeter axes (rotula and contrarotula) and two diametrical axes. In
north-south direction the complex is defined by the Anhangabau tunnel and Avenida
Prestes Maia that form, with their respective extensions (Avenida Nove de Julho and 2
de Maio), the road system called “Y” created in the ‘30s.
3
Regina Maria Prosperi Meyer is a professor at the FAU USP (Faculdade de Arquitetura
e Urbanismo at the Universidade de Sao Paulo). She graduated at the Universidade de
ras lia - Un in 19 and obtained her master s degree at the artlett School of Archi-
tecture, University College London in 1979. She got a PhD at FAU USP in Sao Paulo 1991
and created the Laboratory of Urbanism of the Metropolis - LUME - at FAU USP in 2000.
Main publications: S o Paulo Metr pole (Edusp / Imprensa Oficial. 200 ), and A este do
Centro - territories of urbanism (Imprensa Oficial, 2010).
4
Corti o is a Portuguese term, popularized by razilian author Aluisio Azevedo in his
1890 novel, which depicted poor, but vibrant, urban culture in late 19th century. At that
time, corti os were the main housing option for migrants, who rented rooms in old te-
nement buildings, subdivided to maximize landlords income from the lucrative rental
market. No less lucrative, present-day cortiços house approximately 600,000 people in
the Municipality of São Paulo and 38,000 in downtown São Paulo according to CDHU
– the state construction company for social housing. Normally subdivided into tiny over-
crowded rooms rented to whole families, corti os are fre- quently highly congested, with
shared low-quality facilities for water and sanitation, offering little privacy and lacking
open spaces, sunlight or ventilation.
5
Popular housing in S o Paulo has almost been established in the city s periphery. The
building market has never had too much interest in reform and re-arrange the existing
central areas so, the production of new popular units on a large scale has always been
more profitable than building new fabrics in a consolidated urban tissues tied by more
restrictions. However, it is essential to take under consideration that building new housing
settlements far from the city infrastructures must deal with a number of other necessary
conditions to live with di- gnity, not accounted in terms of property value but extremely
important in terms of cost and quality of life (for example eco- nomic opportunities, scho-
ols, kindergartens and health clinics that the government should build on the periphery
to meet the families needs).

References
assani, Jorge (201 ), PDP Mapografias I Workshop, Sao Paulo, Editora da Universidade
de São Paulo.
onduki, Nabil, (199 ), Arquitetura e habita o social em S o Paulo: 19 9-1992, S o Car-
los, EESC-USP.
Harryson, Daniel (2006), “The case of São Paulo. A study of poverty and social exclusion
in the urbanization process”, Unpublished essay, Lunds Universitet/ Socialhögskolan.
angenbuch, Juergen Richard, (19 1), A estrutura o da grande S o Paulo: estudo de
geografia urbana, Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Geografia.
Meyer, Regina; Grostein, Marta Dora; iderman, Ciro (200 ), S o Paulo Metr pole, S o
Paulo, Editora da Universidade de S o Paulo Imprensa Oficial do Estado de S o Pau-
lo.

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 PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies

r n confi r tion mor o o ic t of t o ne to n in

mi t entiet cent r in r i
Maria Luiza Sorace Grande Tavares
State University of Maringá, DAU (Department of Architecture and Urbanism, Av. Co-
lombo, 5790 - Zona 7,
Maringá - PR, 87020-900, Brazil
Keywords: garden city, city beautiful, functional city

Abstract

Two new towns were planned in Brazilian pioneering agricultural colonization zone,
Cianorte and Ang lica Both were designed in the early s, linked to a s eci c town
planning tradition. Cianorte late resonated the notion of the city as a work of art, along-
side with some features of the garden city while Ang lica early e em li ed the ration-
alist urbanism for a functional city in Brazil. The aim of this paper is to contrast the urban
forms of the two cities, exploring the adopted design strategies, and point out their po-
tentialities and weaknesses. As a result, this morphological study unveils, on one hand,
the layout of a town according to classical precepts of composition and the creation
a uni ue townsca e and, on the other hand, the con guration of a radically modern,
functionally standardized and uniform town. In both cases the adopted design strategy
impacted the development of the urban form: in Angélica, the land use pattern and the
occu ation of the urban tissue did not follow the revolutionary, modernist con guration
of the morphological elements; in Cianorte, the urban growth ignored the city-beautiful
layout and did not materialize the proposed planning proposals.

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 ntro ction
The transformations of the territory in Brazil in the 20th century can be seen as a sign
of modernization and development, and as a consequence, the creation of new cities
resorted to innovative configurations as a sign of progress and social transformation. Two
urbanistic traditions then based the design of new cities: first, academicist urbanism and,
later, rationalist / functionalist urbanism (Rego et al, 2017; Pinheiro, 2010). But how did
you imagine living in the new modern cities planned in the interior of the country? What
differences does the layout of cities show in the two urbanistic traditions?
To answer these questions, two new cities planned on pioneering colonization fronts
were selected: Cianorte - PR (1953) and Angélica - MS (1954), substrates for morphologi-
cal analysis - of lots, blocks, roads and public spaces, in order to point out the link of each
urban form studied with the mentioned urbanistic traditions and indicate their particulari-
ties. In this analysis, data on population density per block (from the number of existing lots
and the average number of inhabitants per household in the decade of the city project)
were considered, the dynamics of urban occupation, the shape of the block, the fun-
ctional zoning and the urban fabric of each project.
Hired by private initiative, two urban planners designed new cities to be built in the
interior of Brazil, in the early 1950s, driven by the process of modernization of the country
and occupation of national borders promoted by the government of Getúlio Vargas
under the slogan of March for West.
Jorge de Macedo Vieira, an engineer graduated from the Escola Politécnica in 1917,
designed the Cianorte plant - one of the four main cities founded by Companhia Melho-
ramentos Norte do Paraná, which started the survey work for the project of this new city
in 1951 and began its implementation in the northern state of Paraná in 1953 (Bonfato,
2008, p. 124; Steinke, 2007, p. 151). Jorge Wilheim, an architect recently graduated from
the Faculty of Architecture of Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie in 1952, designed
Angélica in Mato Grosso (South) in 1954 (Wilheim, 2003, p. 33).
The coexistence between modernist and academic ideals was already detected sin-
ce the 1920s (Pinheiro, 2010). While Wilheim became familiar with Le Corbusier’s work
and the urbanism postulates of the International Congresses of Modern Architecture
(CIAM), without ignoring ‘English urban planning and its garden cities’ (Wilheim, 2003, p.
33), Macedo Vieira already had designed garden neighborhoods and three new cities
- Águas de São Pedro (1937-1938), Maringá (1945-1947) and Pontal do Sul (1951) - revea-
ling a hybrid practice, using the garden city idea, to formal aspects of the city movement
beautiful and the rules of composition beaux-arts (Bonfato, 2008).
In this way, while Ang lica is an exponent of the first rationalist traces that have an
apex in the construction of Brasília, Cianorte materialized one of the last traces of a new
city linked to the ‘beautiful city’ in the 20th century Brazil. With the objective of under-
standing the urban forms and detecting part of the urban problems, potentialities and
weaknesses of each one, this work started from the redesign of the outlines of Angélica
and Cianorte, in order to highlight the configuration, characteristics and relationships of
the morphological elements - public spaces, roads, blocks and lots. Resuming methodo-
logical procedures for geographic historical analysis (cf. Oliveira, 2016; Costa and Netto,
2015) like those of Conzen (2004), this work analyzes the urban fabric in three aspects: the
city plan, the use of the soil and the built-up fabric, composing the proposed landscape
through layers.

r n form t e c e of Ci norte
Cianorte’s urban layout (Fig.1) appears as an indication of modernity due to the confron-
tation with the “grid” urban design model, until then local tradition. At this point, the ninete-
enth-century urban ideas began to guide the urban design of the new cities created in the
region: aesthetics and spatial quality are the basis of the image of the city of the future in
Brazil, supported by a tradition that was already passed in Europe.
Jorge de Macedo Vieira starts from the particularities of the site and structures the city
from the station’s semicircular square, from which three avenues departed, highlighted by
the width of the road and by the central owerbeds, which axes organize the design of the

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rectangular blocks in the central portion of the city. The two side avenues lead to an urban
park and the church square; the central avenue leads to the civic center, the set of buildings
around an ample free space - the heart of the city -, configured following the precepts of
the city beautiful movement.
The sports center of Cianorte, like its civic center, also builds a classic arrangement of bu-
ildings and free space. The perimeter of the city is irregular, resulting in an amorphous urban
patch, conditioned by the green areas bounded around the springs and along the streams.
The articulation of the avenues and the junction of multiple roads, resulting from the accom-
modation of regular paths on uneven surfaces, takes place through roundabouts.
The different residential areas of Cianorte are not organized around secondary centers,
just as the city in general is organized around the main center, the civic center. Even so,
these residential areas are individualized by the configuration of the set of blocks or the limits
found in a park or avenue. With dimensions of 170 x 135 m, the blocks are characterized, for
the most part, by their regular and rectangular shape, conditioning 16 lots of the same con-
figuration and average areas around 90 m2, with an average density of 120.2 inhabitants
/ ha. In this analysis, data on population density per block (from the number of existing lots
and the average number of inhabitants per household in the decade of the city project)
were considered.
The analysis of the urban fabric of residential neighborhoods shows that the growth of
the city is not due to the reproduction of the road network, but to the constitution of new
individuals, approaching, as Bonfato (2008, p. 128) acknowledged, ‘to a close design of the
19th century classic ‘. Reconciling the functional purpose to the aesthetic, sets of buildings,
open spaces and vegetation punctuate the city and are strategically arranged in the urban
fabric in order to build perspectives finished off by large buildings, taking up the concept of
the boulevards proposed by Hausmann. However, the city is the result of a hybrid urbanism
by associating the rules of composition beaux-arts with the picturesque environment of resi-
dential garden neighborhoods.

r n form t e c e of n ic
In turn, Jorge Wilheim rethought the city of his time in primarily functional terms. The ratio-
nalist argument favored the typified and reproducible solution, supposedly beautiful accor-
ding to the parameters of the machine age. As a result, the layout took on a more geome-
tric, regular and standardized shape. Angélica (Fig.2) has a regular and rectangular shape
due to the orthogonal paths and the set of rectangular blocks arranged in a terrain with little
slope.
The configuration of urban functions is also a re ection of the Athens Charter: the city is
clearly divided into sectors: commercial, recreational and residential, which are articulated
around the civic center, the central core of the city. Following the same logic of segregation
of uses, the conformation of the city and the distinction between pedestrian and car routes
is a particularity that must be highlighted.
Access to the commercial sector is guaranteed by pedestrian routes drawn in the longi-
tudinal direction of the city, as well as by car routes in the transversal direction, which culmi-
nate in culs-de-sac inside the commercial blocks. The civic center is located between the
residential and commercial sectors, concentrating all the government buildings in a strip of
institutional areas that cross the city, ending with a sports and recreation square to the north
and, to the south, by the botanical garden. and a natural forest reserve.
The residential sector is configured by enclaves, super blocks and neighborhood units.
Standardized, the residential can expand linearly. A set of 20 455 m2 lots arranged along a
cul-de-sac forms a 130x70 enclave; three aligned enclaves create the superquadra. Arran-
ged along a strip of green area with collective equipment, including the school and local
businesses, two super blocks form a neighborhood unit, with dimensions of 670x370 m. In
addition, Angélica presents some singularities that go in the direction apposed to that pro-
posed by e Corbusier: the dwellings were implanted in isolated and defined lots, and not in
verticalized buildings of high density, directly impacting the density of the residential areas,
which is 156.0 hab /ha, and consequently in the landscape and urban dynamics.

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 ec
The result of such different design strategies culminates in urban fabrics of different
composition and shapes. In Cianorte, the civil and urban engineer Jorge de Macedo
Vieira resorted to a ‘hybridism’ (cf. Bonfato, 2008) that resonated with the garden city
idea, proposing a city in a particular, specific, handcrafted way, which dealt with sets
of buildings , free space and vegetation, art and its classic principles of composition
shaped urban beauty (Rego, 2012). Following the precepts set out in Raymond Unwin’s
handbook of urbanism, Vieira treats the individuality of urban form as a positive quality,
achieved by subjecting form to the specificity of the place: a conscious artistic design
of irregularities’ (Unwin, 1909, p. 104) working on the irregularity of the site through the
composition and arrangement of urban design in a particular and regular way. Thus, the
extension of the city is done adding new neighborhoods with a singular configuration,
according to the topographic circumstance: individualization.
In Cianorte, it is noted that the absence of an architecture compatible with the scale
of the monumental layout of academic origin impairs the legibility of the city’s image
due to the absence of buildings of referential expressiveness, conforming less attentive
to the spatial quality of the original project. Consequently, of the parameters established
for the morphological analysis (the city plan, the use of soil and built-up tissue), the latter
showed greater incongruity with the original project.
On the other hand, Angelica is a product of the machine age. Functionalism is mate-
rialized through the abstract spatial arrangement, ordered and standardized following
typified geometric orders and sectorized according to the proposed use. The urban
expansion of the city would take place through extensive linear reproduction, echoing
the idea of neighborhood unity developed by Clarence Perry in the 1920s and applied
by Clarence Stein and Henry in the Radburn layout (1929) - ‘the garden city of the era of
the automobile , a re ection of the attempt to create a scientific method of applicable
design solution, which will become a constant even for more complex situations (cf. Be-
nevolo, 1993, p. 634).
The rationalization and predictability of the urban form resulted in a configuration of
spaces very different from the traditional one. Consequently, the subjection of the popu-
lation was impaired, and the city did not reach the estimated population, compromising
its development. Of the three morphological aspects that guide this work, land use is the
one that presents the biggest discrepancies: the separation of uses in functional sectors
is not verified, trade has spread over almost the entire city, including in residential areas,
impairing expressiveness of the vicinal commerce foreseen for the neighborhood units,
and these areas remained empty or were occupied by residential use.
sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit.

Conc ion
Responding to two distinct urbanistic traditions, Cianorte and Angélica represent the
coexistence of academicist and functionalist urbanism in Brazil from the mid-twentieth
century, until the hegemony of the latter in the post-Brasília period. The layout of the
beautiful city that characterizes Cianorte is strongly dependent on an architecture that
completes its spatial configurations: sets artistically composed of free spaces, vegetation
and buildings. In effect, the morphological analysis showed the inconsistencies between
the built fabric and that proposed in the original project. On the other hand, the layout
of the functional city that characterizes Angelica, standardized, indistinct and segrega-
ted, results in the impoverishment of the urban landscape. The morphological analysis
showed the problems resulting from changes in the use and occupation of urban land,
diverging from those originally proposed. The treatment of urban form in the two routes is
radically different: in Cianorte urbanism is still a formal issue; in Angélica, the form makes
room for the function to occupy a priority position.
With regard to sectorization, Ang lica has her fabric configured with post- ras lia pre-
cepts, governed by the strategy of configuring functional urbanism. At this point, the con-
trast between the attempt to create an urban area through an individualization through
alignment with the precepts of academic urbanism, and the strategy of constituting the

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urban network through the repetition of a mechanical process is evident.
Unlike Cianorte, Angélica’s road layout did not have axes or perspectives; and the
expressiveness of squares and public places has disappeared amid the collective and in-
definite aspect of undivided free spaces and the separation of uses proposed by zoning.
Thus, in the general plan of Angélica, a generic city is seen, guided by eminently functio-
nal issues and organized by a grid structure, with the absence of hierarchical strength
and expressiveness of order as a result of a Cartesian, regular, serial layout.
The dimensions of the “blocks”, which started to be treated as enclaves, decreased
in the city of rationalist urbanism in relation to the beautiful city of academicism. This
reduction in dimensions is due to the contiguous free green area, typical of the neigh-
borhood unit. As for densities, it appears that Angélica’s residential “blocks” are the den-
sest, as a result of the application of the strategies of configuration of rational urbanism.
Moving from one tradition to another, in Cianorte the density of 120.2 inhabitants / ha
compared to 156.0 inhabitants / ha in Angélica explains the impact of the urban design
strategies adopted.
Thus, while in the traditional city the figure was associated with the empty spaces of
the streets and squares and the background with the solids formed by the built agglo-
merate, the relationship between figure and background existing in the traditional city
was inverted in the functional modernist city - it went from the solid continuous for the
continuous void (Rowe and Koetter, 1995, p. 56; Kostof, 2009, p. 154; Braga, 2010, p. 202).

i re Cianorte city plan.

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 i re Angélica city plan.

eference
Benevolo, L. (1993) História da cidade (Perspectiva, São Paulo).
Bonfato, A. C. (2008) Macedo Vieira. Ressonâncias do modelo cidade-jardim (Senac,
São Paulo).
Braga, M. (2010) O concurso de Brasília (Cosac Naify, São Paulo).
Conzen, M. R. G. (2004) Thinking about urban form. Papers on urban morphology, 1932-
1998 (Peter Lang, Oxford).
Costa S. A. P. e Netto M. M. G. (2015) Fundamentos de morfologia urbana (C/Arte, Belo
Horizonte).
Kostof, S. (2009) The city shaped ( ulfinch Press, Nova Iorque).
Oliveira, V. (2016) ‘Morfologia urbana: diferentes abordagens’, Revista de Morfologia
Urbana 4, 65-84. O Estado de São Paulo. Edição 16788, de 8 de Fevereiro de 1925.
Pinheiro, E. P. (2010) ‘As ideias estrangeiras criando cidades desejáveis na América do
Sul: do academicismo ao modernismo’, Scripta Nova XIV (331) (http://www.ub.edu/
geocrit/sn/sn-331/sn-331- 11.htm) consultado em 15 de Maio de 2017.
Rego, R. L. (2012) ‘Ideias viajantes: o centro cívico e a cidade como obra de arte – do
city beautiful ao coração de Maringá’, em Freitas, J. F. B. e Mendonça, E. M. S. (eds.)
A construção da cidade e do urbanismo: ideias tem lugar? (EDUFES, Vitória) 161-76.
Rowe, C. e Koetter, F. (1995) Collage city (The MIT Press, Cambridge).
Steinke, R. (2007) Ruas curvas versus ruas retas: a trajetória do urbanista Jorge de Mace-
do Vieira (UEM, Maringá).
Unwin, R. (1909) Town planning in practice. An introduction to the art of designing cities
and suburbs (T Fisher Unwin, Londres).
Wilheim, J. (2003) A obra pública de Jorge Wilheim (Dorea Books, São Paulo)

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 PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies

Spatial Ambiguity in Singular Buildings.

Timeless composition principles interpretation
João Silva Leite1, Sérgio Barreiros Proença2
Universidade de Lisboa - Lisbon School of Architecture, CIAUD, FormaUrbis Lab, Lisboa
1,2

Keywords: Ambiguity space, threshold, singular building

Abstract

The contemporary city incorporates architectural spaces that question a classic and
rigid boundary between ublic and rivate s ace S atial con gurations emerge that
promote ambiguous spaces of collective appropriation where compositional themes
such as porosity, transparency or the physical dilution of limits are understood as tools for
the design and creation of new spatial relations between building and city.
Therefore, the article seeks through a comparative reading based on typological
analogies (between buildings or urban substrata of the past and works of the present) to
decode some of these phenomena and systematize different types of transitional spaces
between the built fabric and the public space. With Lisbon as a framework, namely a
set of paradigmatic singular buildings of this reality, we intend to understand how spaces
such as atriums, courtyards, passages, corridors, galleries or thresholds contribute to the
construction of thick ambiguous spaces where public and private overlap. The inner-out-
er binomial acquires a new spatial dimension, where the limit gains thickness and where
the collective dimension participates in the overlapping exercise.
Methodologically the article is based on a morphological decomposition of the con-
temporary architectural objects analyzed in comparation with examples from the past,
establishing parallels between the conceptual approaches and, thus, underlining their
role as didactic objects and timeless references for the conception of future solutions.

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 Introdution
The city, as a living organism with enormous dynamism, embodies in its physical form
(urbs) the society (civitas), which inhabits it. In this sense, the contemporary city faces
nowadays great challenges, needing to adapt to new technological systems and new
ways of appropriation of the urban space.
Throughout its history, the city, with a European cultural matrix, has always built an in-
tense relationship between the built fabric and the public space. The building of singular
character (Dias Coelho, 2013)1 acquires a symbolic and spatial referencing meaning. Its
positioning, or configuration, is fundamental in the interaction that it establishes with the
empty space (unbuilt). From the Greek agora, to the Roman forum, to the Sixth V opera-
tions in Rome or Haussmann in Paris, among many other examples, it is possible to witness
this link that is built between singular building and the public space that contemplates it.
In modern times, i.e. throughout the twentieth century, the dialogue established
between the Singular Building and the public space has been composing, with more
frequency, spaces with great ambiguity. The Singular Building has become a promoter
of spaces where the boundary between public and private is not clear.
This article aims to re ect on the theme of ambiguous space in contemporary architectu-
re, seeking to understand how some architectural objects acquire a certain porosity, promo-
ting spatial solutions of great diversity and urban interest. It is intended, through the systemati-
zation of some strategies adopted, in type-cases observed in Lisbon, to synthesize reference
solutions to be taken into account in project conceptions, both academic and professional2.

Public-Private space ambiguity

“In addition to the more or less two-dimensional plastic values that traditionally
are associated with the facade, this fringe can be seen as a spatial entity within
which the possibilities of living on a different scale are simultaneously recognized
and explored”, Manuel Aires Mateus

The twentieth century is deeply marked by the theoretical principles established by

the Modern Movement, which constituted a dramatic break with the pre-existing city.
From the second half of the century onwards, theoretical thought sought to react to the
new dogma, emerging several currents that reinforced the relevance of composing a
balanced and integrated dialogue in the urban and landscape context. The so-called
crisis of the isolated architectural object leads to a new disciplinary thinking that seeks
to emphasize relationships between buildings and the values of the public space they
define (Montaner, 200 ). The architectural work should adapt to a context, configuring
a more human spatiality.
However, at the turn of the millennium, contemporary architecture produced a set of
objects of great complexity, where the articulation of different uses and different natures
required sophisticated solutions for construction systems, distributive systems, internal circuit
management, spatial diversity, among many other themes, but where the spatial relation-
ship with public space is often not explored in the best way. For these buildings, several au-
thors have come to classify as Hybrid Buildings (Fernandez Per, 2014). Even so, following this
growing trend, a series of projects emerges that choose, in a direct or indirect (more subtle)
way, to work with a spatial complexity in the interior-exterior / public-private relationship.
Parts of the buildings become open for public use or interior spaces are transformed into
areas for public-collective use. The conception of these ambiguous spaces that articulate
the outside and inner space ends up promoting new, more versatile, collective ways of li-
ving, where the perception of limit is diluted. The theme of the limit dissipation, transparency,
uidity or extension of the public space emerges as a clear strategy of acquiring the place,
building a bond and creating architectural atmospheres and ambivalent appropriations. To
a certain extent, in the 50’s and 60’s of the 20th century, we can see several examples whe-
re this interaction with the place leads the architect to conceive spatial solutions that seek
to articulate the interior-exterior space, building gradual transitions between city-building or
landscape-building, see as an example the cases of the Manzoni Theater (Alziro Bergonzo,
1950) or the Muuratsalo experimental house (Alvar Aalto, 1952).

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 In fact, Giambattista Nolli had already exposed this question in 1 , through the Rome
representation where he expresses an innovative idea, at the time, which goes through a
fusion between the free space of the city and the singular building with public use (chur-
ches, entrances or even palaces courtyards). The plan reveals the structural relationship that
some built typologies establish with the urban space, particularly when they create a deep
relationship of complementarity and intertwining between different spaces in the city that
have an identical public or collective vocation. From the reading of this plan emerges the
awareness of public spaces transversal system associated with the dichotomy of street-buil-
ding, or square-building, and the threshold valorisation that Aldo Van Eyck already executed
in the middle of the 20th century. Van Eyck understands that public space is an entity that
is beyond the free space between buildings, it is something that in a way is integrated into
the buildings themselves. Consolidates the concept of threshold, a three-dimensional space
definition of limit, as opposed to an approach that establishes it as just a surface. The ground
oor (or the building entrance moment) assumes itself as a fundamental device in the interior
and exterior articulation, as well as in the ways of appropriation of that same space and its
articulation with the structure of the city s public space. avier Monteys (201 ) reaffirms part
of the principles imagined by Aldo Van Eyck, transposing them to a more urban dimension,
and understanding this permeability between these two urban elements (building and stre-
et) creates a transition space with its own character. The extension of interior activities on the
ground oor converts the street space into another building compartment, a community
compartment - a concept already used by several authors such as Bernard Rudofsky (1969),
Louis Kahn (1971) or Christopher Alexander (1977). Thus, the increasing use of a certain con-
temporary architectural production of transparencies, porosities, permeabilities or simply the
absence of physical boundary elements, emerges as a spatial configuration device that
reposition a banal relationship between urban fabric and buildings. The architectural design
assumes, therefore, a public sense, configuring a collective space that redefines the public
and private space of the city (Fig. 1). The architectural object opens up to the public space,
incorporating spatial or visual porosities and configuring places for permanence. Private spa-
ces, for collective use, assert themselves as moments of continuity in the public space. Thus
underlining the indissociable relationship between the architectural building and the public
urban space, between the form of the buildings and the form of the city.
The development of architectural atmospheres of ambiguous spaces therefore emerges
in the contemporary debate on architecture. Its use as an instrument of spatial composition
and simultaneously as a way to enhance the public sense (Innerarity, 2006) of certain works,
contributes to reinforce the need for architecture with a public sense (Brandão Costa; Mah,
201 ). It challenges us to rethink its social role and how it should interact in the qualification
of urban space. Therefore, a question arises: what kind of relationship do we want to build
between the public space and the built fabric?

Five strategies [ types ] . the Lisbon case

Lisbon has shown a particularly interesting dynamism in recent decades, not only due
to the greater investment resulting from European funds, but especially in the last decade
due to the strong growth of tourism. Its built fabric has been acquiring a set of architectural
objects where this phenomenon of ambiguous space has been revealed with greater inten-
sity. Thus, and through the observation and characterization of several case studies located
in the Portuguese city, it was possible to systematize five types of architectural composition
strategies that contribute to the construction of spatial ambiguities, naturally framed by the
question of the relationship between public and private space.

Square
“The term praça (square) is Latin in origin – platea – and it is used to identify a public
space of an exceptional character that is morphologically distinct from the chan-
nel-like spaces that streets make. (…) as spatial supports for civic institutions (…) served
multiple functions (…) has consolidated its collective character and has given it extra
importance…”, Carlos Dias Coelho

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 One of the strategies used on a regular way is the construction of a square, a large
open space that aims to articulate the transition between public and private space
and simultaneously constitute a wide space for reception and permanence. One of
the examples that best expresses this solution (although it has not yet been built) is the
project for the New Lisbon Mosque, designed by Inês Lobo in 2013. Located between
two structural streets3 of the eastern urban fabric of the city, Rua da Palma (axis of Ave-
nida Almirante Reis) and Rua do Benformoso, the New Mosque project conforms a con-
nection between these two streets while referring to a system of small squares that exist
along the main avenue.
The idealization of this square, as a structuring element of the design project, assumes
particular formal interest because, through a relatively simple solution, Inês Lobo, simul-
taneously resolves issues such as: the creation of a transition area between public and
private space; a topographic difference between the two streets that delimit the plot;
the constitution of a space to meet, a place for social inclusion4; and finally, the defini-
tion of a multifunctional space. The architect concentrates the built components near
of plot limits, close to the pre-existing buildings, opening the central space of the plot
for the square. This is an extension of the sidewalks of both streets, and the topographic
difference being overcome by a slope that winds the space dividing it in two moments.
The first, next to Rua da Palma, is close and protected (through a built body that covers
it) allowing a gradual transition between a busier street and the second one, the square
itself, located by Rua do emformoso. This first moment, covered and where the slope
develops, also emphasizes itself as the moment of distribution of ows, oriented to users
and showing in a discreet way for more private, collective or totally public circuits.
The square space is a clear contemporary reinterpretation of the central courtyard
of the historic mosques, a fundamental element to users’ reception and distribution. The
space created by Inês Lobo builds a tension in the user who feels that he travels throu-
gh a public space at the same time that he understands that it is an integral part of the
mosque.

Patio
“Man needs a space of peace and recollection that protects him from outer, ho-
stile and unknown space ...”, Werner Blaser

This dubious sense potentially constituted in the New Lisbon Mosque project, is expressed
in a deeper way, in Chiado, where an integrated patio system opens the inner space of the
blocks to public use.
In 19 , after the great fire that destroyed this emblematic area of the center of isbon,
lvaro Siza ieira was called to develop a design project for the requalification of the
blocks affected by the fire. In the master plan he promotes the creation of a patio system
that introduces a new logic of circulation and spaces to stay that complements the main
axes of Rua Nova do Almada, Rua do Carmo and Rua Garrett.
At first glance, the Chiado appears to remain exactly as it was5. The recovered facades
express an image of the past that Siza reinvents as transition and opportunity elements to ac-
cess the interior space of the block (Frampton, 2000). What appears to be a conservative in-
tervention and preservation of the past, is in reality a deeply transforming intervention of the
place. The patio system, later expanded with the Gonçalo Byrne intervention in the Empire
quarter (north of Rua Garrett), between 1994-2001, allowed the addition of a new layer of ur-
banity in the neighborhood. The inner space of the blocks becomes, in fact, a public space,
although access is conditioned at night, transfiguring the urban layout of Chiado. The system
composed by passages and small permanence spaces offers people a variety of circulation
paths, or places to stay. The patio, constituting itself as a public space with more privacy,
creating the feeling that the users are in a more domestic space, diverging from the greater
urban intensity that exists in the three structural axes of this urban area.

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 Passage
“The passage is neither structure nor infrastructure (although it is both); what ma-
kes passages passages are the things that happen there, what the senses make
out and the perception of ‘what’s going on’, that which is experienced (which is
carried out)”, Carles Llop

This idea of the use of courtyards as a way of crossing happens in several situations in
the urban fabric. However, it is interesting to observe the formal strategy that Nuno Portas
and Nuno Teotónio Pereira used in the case of the Igreja do Sagrado Coração de Jesus.
The formal option adopted by the architects allows to build a connection path betwe-
en opposite sides of the block, conforming a spatially diverse path. The passage appears
deeply linked to the building, shaping and structuring part of its form and principles of
programmatic organization. The street as if extends into the interior area of the plot, bu-
ilding a penetration of the public space into the interior of the private space and at the
same time creates a dynamic, spatially rich and diverse internal space. Several platforms
allow to articulate the existing topographic difference and at the same time establish the
connection to different parts of the religious complex, such as the crypt, the galleries and
balconies of the church or the parish support room.
The symbiosis established between architecture and the urban dimension makes it
possible to valorise the public space, which results in the decrease of the building lead
role as an isolated architectural object, diluting it in the urban structure. The church pre-
sents “a good volumetric solution and correct urban integration” (Pereira, 2011) at the
same time that it creates a break in the compositional rule of the urban grid of avenues.
It is also important to highlight the fact that this passage has a visual continuity through
the next block. In alignment with the main entrance of the church, the starting point of
the passage, there is a second passage on the block across the street. Although this se-
cond passage crosses through the block, connecting two streets, it has no public use. It is
a private access to the interior of the plot, where a small patio was constituted as a social
space of an architectural studio. However, the visual alignment intensifies the structuring
sense of Igreja do Sagrado Coração de Jesus passage, and produces an alternative,
complementary logic of urban circulation in the avenues urban grid.

Transparency
“Transparency is not just transparent. Transparency has many nuances, which can
imply an interesting artistic potential to express ambivalence”, Herzog & De Meuron

The fourth strategy refers to the use of transparency as an instrument to eliminate the
limit. In this topic, it is perhaps worth remembering that Mies Van der Rohe is an incompa-
rable reference, due to the way he incorporated transparency into his architectural work
and, at the same time, worked on a balanced dialectic between permeabilities and tie-
up systems to the place. Mies’ work relates to a meaning of urban architecture (Christ;
Gantenbein, 2012) or even architecture with a public meaning, which means that it bu-
ilds a shared place, with spaces for public use. This last idea is revealed in a particularly
interesting way in the Lisbon Cruise Terminal, completed in 2017, where João Luís Carrilho
da Graça deals with the double idea of shelter and transparency.
The building consists of a large shell that, without touching the ground, suggests a
high permeability through the continuity of visual relationships that are created. This for-
mal configuration builds a tension between transparency and dialogue with the place,
retracing the implantation limits of the pre-existing dock, it opens to the river on one side
and to the Alfama district on the other. This formal relation reminds us works made by
Mies such as the Seagram Building (New York), or the Neue Nationalgalerie (Berlin) whe-
re there is an almost total dematerialization of the facade plan on the ground oor. This
fact translates in the public space extension to the inner parts of the building making it
an essential feature of the architecture. The same composition principle is present in the
Lisbon Cruise Terminal. Light, shadow and glass planes are recurrent in the construction
of the physical border between exterior and interior, but do not block the perception of

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 continuity. The setback of the ground oor facade plan in relation to the shell limit, as if it
recreates the idea of gallery present in the Neue Nationalgalerie, in the clear creation
of a transition membrane; outside but covered and protected by the shelter structure.

Threshold
“There is a dissolution of the boundaries between the private and the public that
interested us to explore.”, Aldo Van Eyck

The last strategy focuses on how the idea of limit is worked. This question is specifically
dealt with in the FPM 41 Tower, designed by Patrícia Barbas and Diogo Seixas Lopes and
opened in 2019. The office tower offers subtle solutions, but with great compositional
sophistication in the definition and conception of limits.
Mies Van der Rohe Seagram Building is one of the assumed conceptual references
referred by Patrícia Barbas in an interview. Similarly, FPM 41 Tower presents a variation of
alignments between the ground oor and the upper oors. The main volume respects
the logic established by the orthogonal grid of the neighbourhood, following the align-
ment of the surroundings blocks. However, the ground oor has an indentation, building
a dialogue with the alignment built on the other side of Avenida Fontes Pereira de Melo6
. This alignment, combined with the notorious transparency of the ground oor (in con-
trast with the other oors) not only produces a greater dignity of the entrance , but also
generates a covered space of articulation between the exterior and the interior. The
entrance under the console “It is a private space, but it will be of public usufruct and for
us, it is related to the Fontes Pereira de Melo. It is at this moment that the avenue widens,
Imaviz moves back, Portugal Telecom moves back, the Sheraton ... this had to be sewed
and serves as background, with some delicacy” ( arbas, 201 )
The ambiguous space created, and, at the same time, the transparency used, re-
minds us the method of dematerialization of the frontier idea that in recent times some
Japanese architects such as Kazuyo Sejima or Sou Fujimoto have used as a tool of spatial
minimalism and enormous visual permeability. However, the combination used by the
architects, in FPM 41 tower, of transparency and recessing the facade in the ground
oor, intensifies the sensations of freedom of walk to the interior, contradicting a certain
pre-determinism that defines the facade plan as a mineral border between the public
and private spaces. In PFM 41 Tower, the public space invades the inner space and in
parallel the private space defines the atmosphere of the public space. The limit acquires,
therefore, a thickness that is revealed spatially and not only as a surface to cross (Van
Eyck, 1962).

Epilogue. Learning from the past, thinking in the present, to design the future...
From the examples and solutions systematized through the Lisbon case, it is perhaps
worth recalling the question initially posed - what kind of relationship do we want to build
between the public space and the built fabric - in order to re ect on future interventions
in the city.
Reading and decomposing these architectural objects reinforces the idea that we
can learn from the past, thinking in the present to design the future. A future that contains
richer, diverse spatialities and that takes advantage of the urban atmospheres genera-
ted by the ambiguous character that the same spaces gain. As an example, if we take
into account this last strategy of architectural composition - threshold - and take into
consideration how this theme is re ected, today, along Avenida Almirante Reis, we can
see that there is a strong link between the commercial activity present in the ground
oors and the existence of urban porosities. The inner space is regularly used as an area
for expanding public and social activities of the street. This same level of commitment
can be seen in emerging urban elements such as the commercial roads, located in
more peripheral areas of Lisbon metropolis. Also, in these elements, there is an intense
link between commercial activities and the space appropriation and articulation betwe-
en public and private (Fig. 4). However, in elements such as the Commercial Road, the
public-private space is not properly consolidated and, consequently, the emergence of

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interstitial spaces generate fragmented pedestrian ows and disqualify the urban space
frequently. This is one of the challenges of contemporary urban spaces in which the huge
potential for requalification in the future must rely on the architecture ability to design
qualified in-between spaces that relate both public and private space.

Figure 1. Ambiguous architectural spatialities

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 Figure 2. Analysis and decoding

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Figure 3. Analysis and decoding

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 Figure 4. Comparative analysis between Avenida Almirante Reis and N .

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Footnotes
1
Carlos Dias Coelho systematizes the idea of “... the singular building, the most expres-
sive collective expression.” taking into account the studies carried out by Saverio Murato-
ri, in the 1960s and later the works made by Gianfranco Caniggia, Gian Luigi Maffei and
Mattia Maffei (Composizione architettonica and typologia edilizia, Lettura dell’edilizia
base and Composizione architettonica and typologia edilizia, Lettura dell’edilizia spe-
ciale, respectively).
2
The article is part of the research in development by the research group formaurbis
LAB (CIAUD / Lisbon School of Architecture - Universidade de Lisboa), namely in the re-
search project Tipologia Edificada / uilding Typology, funded by the Funda o para a
Ciência e a Tecnologia (ref. PTDC / ART-DAQ / 30110/2017), as well as João Silva Leite’s
individual research project, with the theme “Start-Up Buildings: The Built Space as Con-
nector Between Public Space and Infrastructural Axes” funded with a postdoc grant by
the Funda o para a Ci ncia e a Tecnologia (ref. SFRH / P D / 11 /201 ).
3
According to Inês Lobo, this idea is not particularly recent. Since the end of the 19th
century, when Rua da Palma was opened, the municipal archives records initiatives from
Mouraria residents requesting the construction of a link that facilitates the connection
between Rua da Palma and Rua do Benformoso. In https://www.ilobo.pt/Mosque%20
in%20Mouraria.html
4
This city area is characterized by the existence of several social groups with different
ethnicities and cultural customs.
5
Chiado’s renewel exactly as it was in the past was, according to Álvaro Siza himself,
an exercise in falsehood. “What it will be. The same as it was? There is an inevitable touch
of falseness. ”. in Frampton, K. (2000), Álvaro Siza – Complete Works, London, Phaidon, p.
356.
6
“Both buildings have an axial composition without being symmetrical and are based
on a composition principle: alignments and dematerialization of limits”. in Fernandes, S.;
Silva Leite, J. (2020), “Still Mies. The legacy of public in Portuguese building typologies”, in
Del Bo, A. (eds.), Mies Van der Rohe. The Architecture of the City. Proceedings: ARCC-I-
taly 2019 International Conference. Milano: ARCC. (in prelo)
7
We wanted the lobby to have dignity. In the offer of office buildings in isbon the
entrances are secondary things, but for us they are the face of the building. The entrance
had to have the dignity of the building we wanted to draw. in arbas, P. (201 ), De-
senhar uma Torre em Picoas e Revolucionar um quarteirão”, in Diário de Notícias, 3 de
February de 201 .

Caption
Fig.1 - Ambiguous architectural spatialities
Some examples of ambiguous spaces, where the idea of limit (public-private or exte-
rior-interior) acquires thickness and stress itself as a space, a transition area.
credits:
1. unknown author, in https://www.themodernhouse.com/journal/hou-
se-of-the-day-experimental-house-by-alvar-aalto/, accessed in 29.03.2020. | 2. FG+SG
Fotografia de Arquitectura . Iwan aan . Pernilla Ohrstedt . Juan Rodriguez .
archaic-mag.
Fig.2 - Analysis and decoding
square | patio | passage
Fig.3 - Analysis and decoding
transparency | threshold
Fig. - Comparative analysis between Avenida Almirante Reis and N
credits:
1. [Armando Serôdio, 1962] Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa, cota: AML_PT/AMLSB/CML-
SBAH/PCSP/004/SER/005244 | 2. the base section was produce for the works Urban De-
CODE made by Ana Berenguer, André Lourenço, Filipa Martins e Miguel Monteiro, 4º ano
do MIAU / FA.ULisboa, 2019/2020, coordenation: Sérgio B. Proença and Ana Amado | 3.
authors | 4. João Silva Leite
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 611
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design tools CITY REGENERATION
 References
arbas, P. (201 ), Desenhar uma Torre em Picoas e Revolucionar um quarteir o , in
Di rio de Not cias, de February de 201 .
Blaser, W. (1997), Patios. 5000 años de evolusion desde la antiguedad hasta nuestros
dias, Barcelona, Gustavo Gili.
rand o Costa, N; MAH, S., eds. (201 ), Public without Rhetoric, isboa, Monade/DGar-
tes.
Cacciatore, F. (200 ), iving the boundary. Twelve houses by Aires Mateus Associados.
Siracusa, LetteraVentidue.
Christ, E.; Gantenbein, C. (2012), Typology: Hong Kong, Rome, New York, Buenos Aires.
Zurich, Park Books.
Dias Coelho, C. coord. (2013), Os Elementos Urbanos, Lisboa, Argumentum.
Dias Coelho, C. (2007), “Introdução”. in Dias Coelho, C.; Lamas, J. coord. A Praça em
Portugal: Inventário de Espaço Público - Continente. Lisboa, DGOTDU.
Fernandes, S.; Silva Leite, J. (2020), “Still Mies. The legacy of public in Portuguese building
typologies”, in Del Bo, A. (eds.), Mies Van der Rohe. The Architecture of the City. Pro-
ceedings: ARCC-Italy 2019 International Conference. Milano: ARCC. (in prelo)
Fernandez Per, A.; Mozas, J.; Arpa, J. (2014), This is Hybrid. An analysis of mixed-use buil-
dings, Vitoria-Gasteiz, a+t ediciones.
Frampton, K. (2000), Álvaro Siza – Complete Works, London, Phaidon.
Herzog, J.; Meuron, P. (2016), Engañosas transparências, Barcelona, Gustavo Gili.
Innerarity, D. (2006), O Novo Espaço Público. Lisboa: Teorema.
Maffei, G. L.; Maffei, M. (2011), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia, Lettura
dell’edilizia speciale, Firenze, Alinea.
Montaner, J. M. (200 ), Sistemas Arquitect nicos Contempor neos. arcelona, Gustavo
Gili.
Monteys, X. (2017), La calle y la casa. Urbanismo de interiores, Barcelona, Gustavo Gili.
Pereira, P. (2011). Arte Portuguesa-História Essencial. Lisboa, Círculo de Leitores.
Providência, P.; Baía, P. (2019). Nuno Portas. Obras Partilhas. Porto, Circo de Ideias.
Ravetllat, P. J., eds. (2017), Limits. Habitatge i Ciutat, Barcelona, Varis.
an Eyck, A. (200 19 2 ), The Child, the City and the Artist: An essay on architecture, the
in-between realm, Amsterdam, Sun.
Van Eyck, A. (2006) “Place and Occasion”, in Writings, The Netherlands, Sun Publishers.

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 PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies

Shiraz and Kashan. Substrate and Urban form knots, road and
band of pertinence for the Morphological Analysis
Paolo Carlotti
Sapienza, University of Roma – Diap
[email protected]
Keywords: Substrate, Shiraz, Kashan, Morphology Urban

Abstract

Two doctoral theses, two Iranian cities, have been the subject of research work
target to the renovation project of the building fabric. In one case it was a matter of
understanding if it is how the school building can perform a specializing function in the
building fabric (Strappa G. 2016) , in the other instead focused the attention on the theme of
residential regeneration in the tectonic and compositional tradition.
This paper presents the synthesis of the regressive and stratigraphic reading of the historical
fabric of the two cities The work re nes the conce t of restructuring road , focused by
Caniggia, used to read the shape of the city. (Caniggia G., 1984; Carlotti P., 2018).
The applied method is to identify, on digitized aerial photography cartography of
Cadastre, the role and meaning of the forms present in the map; identifying from time to
time nodes and axes that belong the city to have an organic system of relationships (Sauer
C. O., 1925). Then subtracted from the cadastral draw, it allows to identify prior substrates
organized with systems and structures linked to other different logics and economies.
The overlapping of different urban layers has made it possible to highlight relationships
and rules that presided over the different phases of the transformation process of the building
fabric, which today can prove useful for the architectural and urban regeneration project.

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 Two doctoral thesis, two towns of the Iran, two historical inhabited centers, Kashan
and Shiraz, located, the first in the mountain plateau on the northwestern border of the
great salt desert (Dasht and Kavir), the other on the last peaks of the Zagros mountain
range, which form a kind of wall on the border between the great Saudi desert and
the steppe desert shared with Afghanistan. Geological shores of the Pangeic continent
where the mountain range extended between Kashan and Shiraz was nothing more
than the compression zone between the mega Eurasia from East Africa which arise it to
a height of 4548 meters above sea level (Mount Zard Kuh). For centuries they have been
the place of a vertical transhumance that from the Shiraz plateaus moved southwards
towards the coast for a seminomadicity of between two hundred and six hundred km
and that from the highest altitudes of Shiraz (1500 m) and Kashan (1600 m asl.) of the
mountain area called “temperate area or Yaylag”, where they spent the summer,
descended in winter towards the lower and more temperate plateaus called “tropical
valley or Kishlak”.
Places of the estivation, of live under tents, of the Mongolian and Turkmen native
people that from the steppes of continental Europe, in prehistoric times, found in the
Persian highlands characteristics similar to those of the steppes. Peoples who have
always followed the same path to reach the tropical area from the coldest areas of the
Euro Asian steppes, which include the current provinces of Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam,
Isfahan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Lorestan, Kohgoliyeh, Fars and Khuzestan.
Kashan and Shiraz have been also the subject of doctoral research aimed at the
morphological analysis of the strongly stratified and originally organized building fabric
made of basic housing units, with courtyard type built (in the case of Kashan), built using
the matter of the place transformed as building element and raised up on the same
place.
This paper anticipates the result of the regressive and stratigraphic reading of the
historical urban fabric of the two cities, carried out using and developing the concept
of “breakthrough street”focused by Caniggia (Caniggia G., 1976; Carlotti P., , and most
recently revisited in the) concept of hypergrid and hyperisolated, which symmetrically
it inserts in the building fabric of historical and contemporary towns (Moudon A., 2019).
The method used was to identify the traces of the residual alignments in the more
ancient residual lines drawn on the digitized aero-photographic cartography (dwg),
which from time to time have changed the urban system organization (Sauer C. O.,1925).
The procedure adopted to read the urban fabric, aimed to recognition of the plot
shapes, has been portrayed by a block scheme, theoretical basis of an algorithm which,
through the recognition of shapes (pattern recognition) and of the bands of pertinence
of the roads, that lead the diachronic recognition of the phases of urban transformations.
Road portion designed ex novo or sometimes superimposed on existing road
segments, in turn matrices of building fabrics characterized by different geometries,
logics and economies. Fundamental elements of the different phases of the building
fabric transformation process which in formal transformation can prove useful for the
architectural and urban regeneration project.

Hypergrid and hyperblock

The transformation of the city and its urban fabric can take place through substitutions
or adjustments. Substitution transformations are usually implemented in the building fabric
through breakthrough/ or new additions of hierarchically organized paths.
They are implemented by adjusting, by partial replacements that must adapt to
pre-existing plots and block. These are easily recognizable because they usually have
a building unit inside, built on the orthogonal bands of relevance made with plots with
very irregular and with larger dimensions and often combined with differently oriented
alignments. This is true both for historical and for contemporary urban fabrics. Samples of
these operations are those that can similarly be observed in many European cities of the
XIX s; such as that of Rue de Rivoli in Paris or the Gran via in Madrid or at Rome the Corso
Vittorio Emanuele or Viale di Trastevere, but also in the urban fabrics of North American
cities as Boston, for which the practice of replacement and updating of the urban fabric
has often been due to the pragmatics and economic maximization logics (Petruccioli A.,
Carlotti P., 1998). Routes almost always created to connect urban knots, developed and
designed in the building fabric in previous moments, new streets and urban developments
that responded better to the dominant demands and logic of the moment. In the town
with orthogonal urban fabric, these phenomena are relatively less evident, but they are

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always perfectly recognizable because they tend to organize themselves with orthogonal
arrangements, with wider axes hierarchically organized and characterized by bands of
pertinence composed of larger lot surface and with taller buildings. I have already had
the opportunity to highlight this particular behavior also in Roman fabrics, such as the
one observable along the areas belonging to the breakthrough street of Viale Trastevere
(Carlotti P., 2017).
In the current urban fabric, these replacement operations are known for the fact that
they present irregular situations in the pre-existing fabric and, on the contrary, structures
and hierarchies almost similar to those observable along the matrix paths for the newly
expanded external sections. However, there is an infinite range of variants of these
situations which must therefore be considered from time to time in their precise context.
The practice of “modernizing” the city by replacement and adaptation was a practice
also used in the urban transformation operations carried out in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, where the opening of the new streets required the arrangement of the facades
and the adjustment of whole blocks. An example can be that one can be observed on
the Via Giulia in Rome, or in the axis of San Francesco a Ripa this last created to connect
two important squares in the fabric of the Trastevere separated by an undeveloped
depression that separated these parts of the district (Carlotti P., 201 ). In the first section
made by cutting the urban blocks and imposing the topological adaptation of new lots
and new building types (replacement and recast in line of terraced types) it is possible to
observe the effect of the renovation, while in the second section of the street, performed
on a the partially void area, the drawing of the new rectangular lots, of a larger size, is
organized orthogonally to the route.
Smaller transformations can be observed in several parts of the urban fabric created
even before the centuries preceding the fifteenth century, mostly these are small
adjustments in the building fabric or individual private transformation that continue over
time even in the same space. As aside case, they constitute those episodic replacements,
such as the square of the nova church, Piazza Farnese, Piazza della Cancelleria which
with the construction of a special building (Oratorio dei Filippini and the Palazzo della
Cancelleria, have established new urban centralities that has been then linked together
with the construction of Corso Vittorio Emanuele in the 19th century.
Similarly, even the most ancient and apparently linked to chance traces respond to
these logics of convenience and rationality observed in the fabrics described above.
Also these are sometimes due to a sequence of isolated actions which, linked to more
spontaneous involutions of the fabric, have led over time to the formation of concave
or convex paths and to the infilling of the older building fabric. This is the case of the
path in via Monserrato which in its central extension shows a concave trend, due to the
advancement of the facades, probably to integrate the stairwell or the shops previously
added on the street front and which had partially obstructed its wider seat. For example,
in the case of Aleppo (Panerai) is known that, along the colonnaded street of the city,
the progressive and irregular occupation of the space between the columns determined
the concave and convex trend in the urban fabric, that was still possible to observe in the
urban fabric before the war destruction.

Hyper blocks and breakthrough streets in the Kashan urban fabric

The study of the morphology of the central and historical area of the city of Kashan
was carried out within the research activities of the LPA laboratory, and it was aimed at
understanding the meaning and the role of the central places and their connection axes
in the different phases of the transformation process of the town.
Looking at the cadastral cartography of both Kashan and Shiraz, the latest footprints
on the city are immediately evident. The “modernization” was implemented with gutting
operations, which in fact imposed a new grid and new layers in the historic town. However,
the new pattern that overlaps violently on the fabric shows other stratifications, which,
although dictated by the same logic, on the contrary, has been metabolized from each
new addition and mutation.
The hypergrid has produced hyperblocks that can no longer be metabolized with that
substrate that largely constitutes its content. However, this has not erased the form of the
historical aggregate that can still be recognized within this new network that isolates and
divides urban sectors one time organically connected to each other. If anything, the
new axes of the hypergrid force the transformation of the building on the both side of
the road margins and then, increasingly driven by maximization logics, to the inner urban
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 fabric of the hyperblock erasing any other residual traces of the past.
The hypergrid is an idea of a city, which is superimposed on an existing design and
which triggers a transformation process that in the long run leads to completely reorganize
the urban design.
The thesis assumed and presented in this short essay is based on the belief that
each form of block and lot is the result of choices and / or adaptations to inherited
and achieved structures. For this reason, it is always possible to deduce the previous
phases from this, but only starting from the last one created, which if removed from the
cadastral design, show the stratification previously made and overall less evident, with its
own centrality and the different connections roads.
The reading of the Kashan building fabric was carried out on an aerial cadastral
map capable of providing the exact shape of the land plot and of its built part. The first
operation was then to recognize, through the almost total irregularity of the lots, the last
imprint superimposed on the town. These are routes created in relatively recent times,
traced at the expense of the historical base urban fabric, which by evidently cutting
parts of the fabric have designed new and regular blocks composed by plots oriented
differently from the larger dimensions and shape trapezoidal
The second operation was instead that, after eliminating the last building substrate, to
analyze the bands of pertinence of the paths, as well as the shapes of the lots distinguishing
them once again by size and regularity of shape.
It was easy to highlight the paths added in relatively recent stages to the edges of a
denser fabric and characterized by particularly irregularly shaped lots.

Morphological analysis and historical documentation

By paying particular attention to the areas pertaining to the evident breakthrough
street of the Kashan fabric and subtracting these from the contemporary cadastral
map, it was possible to isolate and highlight the residual traces of the paths and building
perimeters of an older substratum organized on different alignments and recognizable
by the more or less regularity of the shape of the lot.
The contemporary hypergrid, the last of the layers added to the overall urban fabric
of Kashan as well as Shiraz, is part of a system of breakthrough street, created in the
recent Palhavi period through the disembowelment of the ancient urban fabric. This is
in order to connect the main knots to improve the vehicular ow between them. New
connecting axes, in between nodes in the urban organism made up of mosques and
other special buildings of the Islamic city, that have reorganized the historical building
fabric in hyperblocks. However, these have erased part of the historical fabric which
had hitherto been nesting, but which is still partially possible to imagine if in the general
drawing of the fabric if within the urban fabric we will have been able to isolate from the
more modern one. Hyperblocks that still retain the signs of a planned or spontaneous
fabric that belongs to other stages of development and that can be highlighted only
by separating the alignments and the different plot shapes of the “matrix” urban design
from that of the new breakthrough street of the hypergrid. By carefully examining this
dense orthogonal mesh, inside the new hyperblock, and by combining this grid with the
bands of pertinence of the several paths, it is possible to get back the evidence, albeit
in a blurred way, what remains of the ancients urban layers that could have been at the
origin of the current form.
Even in the morphological study of Shiraz the traces of the paths that connect the
inner centralities with the urban doors of the inner walls town are evident. As in Kashan,
it was possible to isolate those paths characterized by greater length and that only
occasionally have adhered to the different alignments of the urban fabric. Which cross
and connect urban areas, which in turn show the permanence of alignments, with bands
of pertinence consisting, for the most part, of rather irregular shaped plots. In a couple of
cases and in coincidence with a general orthogonal warping, concave sections have
been observed. (Caniggia G., 1976, p. 86).
On the other hand, the behavior observed in the areas belonging to some older
streets that specialized in the commercial function is different. In Kashan one of the
most evident is that of the bazaar, close to the original settlement nucleus. The section
characterized by irregular polygons is placed diagonally to the fabric, instead composed
mainly of orthogonal paths and lots along the bands of pertinence (Fig.6). Particle shapes
adapted and superimposed on an evident structure on a building fabric that still retains
coordinated alignments both to the north and south of the breakthrough street.

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 In the southern stretch of the fabric of the city of Kashan, a restructuring path is
recognizable that connects more external knots and stretched on traces of fabrics still
aligned on different manner. While the path that matches the commercial fabric of the
Grand Bazaar coincides, roughly with the alignments of the substratum and recognizable
in the north-eastern sector of the historic center. Both paths recognized through
morphological analysis coincide with the reconstructions made by Kashan historians.
If we do not take into account these different overlaps made in the building fabric, a
whole series of paths and bands of pertinence emerge, portions of the path and blocks
that extend it within the northern area of the historic town, aligned according to the
same orthogonal geometries and which belong to an expansion phase of the town just
outside the original nucleus. (Fig. 8).

Conclusions
The paths of restructuring and the topological variants observable in the cadastral
urban fabric, if investigated through the regressive method, allow us to reconstruct what
Paolo Carafa defines as the ow of landscapes in transformation (Carafa P., 2020).
Topological variations of the cadastral units of the Kashan and Shiraz have infilled the
courtyard house (short) areas that existed in the historical fabric of the city and other
time the space of the public way, confirming what the historians of the Iranian city have
hypothesized about the different case studies examined.

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 Figure 1-2-3. Iran: Physical morphology and path of trhansumence.

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Figure 4. (right) Kashan: Analysis of urban fabric. Band of pertinence of breakthrough street
built in different time.
Note the irregular form of the plots;
Figure 5. (left) Kashan: Hypergrid and hyperblock superimposed and alignments of the
ancient phases of development.

Figure 6. Kashan: Morphological analysis of the urban Fabric. The drawing superimposed is
the historical Hypothesis of the first settlements. The behavior of the plots and the alignment
confirm the historical hypothesis

Figure 7-8. Kashan: Morphological analysis of the urban Fabric. The drawing superimposed is
the historical Hypothesis of the different phases of the settlement from IXs to XIs. The behavior
of the plots and the alignment confirm the historical hypothesis organised with two different
alignments at north (light orange) and south (light blue alignment) after the first phase and
the further extension of the XIs phase. (Light orange alignment)

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 Figure 9. Shiraz: Morphological analysis and breakthrough street in between different
town wall.

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Figure 10. Shiraz: Hydrographic system and Chronology of some historical monuments.

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 References
Caniggia G., Maffei G.L. (1979), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia.
Lettura dell’edilizia di base, Marsilio, Venezia
Carafa P.,(2012) Atlante di Roma Antica, Mondadori, Milano
Carlotti P., (2017) Elementi per un’esegesi della morfologia urbana, U+D, Roma
Moudon A., (2019) “Introdicing Supergrids, Superblock, Areas, Networks, and Levels to
Urban Morphological Analyses”, in ICONARP, vol 7, Special Issuue, pp. 01-14
Sauer C.O., (1925) The morphology of landscape, Univ. of California press
Petruccioli A., Carlotti P., (1998) Boston……
Strappa G., Carlotti P., Camiz A., (2016) Morfologia urbana e piccoli centri storici,
Gangemi, Roma

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 PH.3 Reading/Design Strategies

Lisbon porosity decoding.

Delayering the substrata of Almirante Reis avenue.
Sérgio Barreiros Proença1, Ana Amado2
Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Arquitectura, CIAUD, forma urbis LAB, Lisboa.
1,2

Keywords: Urban mor hology, Delayering, Strata inter retation, Lisbon

Abstract

The a er addresses the work develo ed in the rst semester of the fourth year design
studio taught at the Faculty of Architecture of the University of Lisbon The edagogical
a roach of the e ercise is based on urban form reading as the rst act of ro ect, ac-
knowledging in the urban fabric the grounding for the conce tual a roach
The valley that is structured by the a is ua da Palma Avenida Almirante eis, consti-
tutes a com le urban territory of the consolidated and diverse urban fabric of the city
of Lisbon esulting of the sedimentation, overla ing and u ta osition of strata in the
course of time, this urban territory is characterized by a constant dynamic, nonetheless
kee ing its identity in the conte t of the city During the last decades voted to rocesses
of abandonment, it is nowadays a stage for the renovation and reuse of its fabric, con-
stituting a rivileged conte t for the develo ment of the urban design studio academic
assignments
A segmented and decom osed a roach to the com le nature of the urban ob-
ect allows its decoding and renders evident otherwise hidden atterns Thus, the read-
ing rocess of the territory is made from the segmentation of continuous linear aths,
decom osed according to a set of redetermined systems and strata in the resent
moment, understood as the result of successive building eriods Inter retative drawings
and models are assembled as nal elements of the critical reading of the urban fabric,
revealing a starting oint for the conse uent urban ro ects framed by a common idea
that urban life generates from the friction caused by the orosity that is built in the thick-
ness between ublic and rivate s aces

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 Framing
In the Lisbon School of Architecture, the fourth academic year corresponds to the
first year of a specialization after the initial, general and common three years formation
in Architecture. In this school year students choose their specialization in Architecture:
general, urbanism or rehabilitation. This paper approaches the work developed in the
first semester design studio classes of Architecture with specialization in Urbanism of this
fourth year. The Laborat rio de Pro ecto I is the first design studio in the course that
expressively “aims at the comprehension and intervention in complex urban and metro-
politan contexts as stated in the official description at the School site. Therefore, the
pedagogical approach of the exercise is based on urban form reading and interpreta-
tion as the first act of project, acknowledging in the existing urban fabric the grounding
for the conceptual approach that directs the definition of an urban strategy and con-
sequent development of a specific project that materializes physically the program and
aims previously defined.

Thickness and porosity in the Almirante Reis Avenue valley

The lace Almirante eis Avenue
The necessary existence of a physical complex urban context for the development of
the design studio semester work as led to the choice of one of the structuring valleys of
the city of Lisbon – the Almirante Reis avenue valley.
This valley, structured by the linear axis of ua da Palma and Avenida Almirante eis,
is framed by the ridges that define this drainage basin of isbon, a geographical limit,
a landscape in the sense of an anthropic landscape that appropriated the supporting
territory through mimicking the natural contours between the artim oniz square – in
the south – and the Areeiro square – in the north. A complex urban territory that results
from sedimentation processes, overlapping and juxtaposition of strata in the course of
time. Characterized by a permanent urban dynamic, compacity and overlapping of
functions, the structuring axis of Avenida Almirante eis has a strong legibility in the city of
isbon, configuring the longest straight line of the urban layout. (Fig. 1a)
The urban linear system of the valley bottom shows a wide diversity of building periods
and uses, standing out the commercial function, clearly derived from the good acces-
sibilities provided by the valley street, the avenue and the subway system. In the last
decades, this part of the city underwent processes of abandonment, associated in some
cases to the very physical decadence of the built fabric that is still visible, and nowadays
is going through a period of transformation linked to the renovation and re-use of the city.
Therefore, the Almirante Reis valley configured for us a representative case study of
a contemporary question of both local and global importance, that enables the aca-
demical discussion focused on the evolution and transformation of the city in continuity
with itself.

The theme thickness and orosity

When first addressing a place, there is a recalling that establishes connections be-
tween past personal experiences and the present experience of the place, in this sense,
we might say there is an intuition, an original association given by imagination, that sug-
gests a project theme that is already part of the place itself. This theme that generates
from a creative association of found elements and characteristics, therefore specific to
each place, renders possible to read and interpret a place through a selective set of
lenses, enabling a more focused and essential approach.
When walking Avenida Almirante eis, it is quite evident the existence of ground oor
galleries in a considerable number of buildings and the role of commercial functions on
ground oor spaces. These features extend the public use of space of this relatively nar-
row avenue – 25 meters wide – and it is possible to associate this extension and overlap-
ping of public use and private space with Giambattista Nolli representation of Rome and
the description of Naples written by Walter enjamin and Asja acis.
The representation of the city of Rome drawn by Giambattista Nolli, in 1748, uses the
same representation criteria for the public space of the city and for the private spaces

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of public use such as churches ground oors or palaces atriums, porticos and courtyards.
This plan representation of the city renders in evidence a uid complementarity between
public and private spheres of the city that support the society collective uses.
The acknowledgement of continuities and spatial entanglements between public
and private spaces constitutes the key for Walter enjamin and Asja acis definition of
Naples as a porous city in 1925:

“As porous as this stone is the architecture. Building and action

interpenetrate in the courtyards, arcades, and stairways. ( ) Po-
rosity is the inexhaustible law of the life of this city, reappearing
everywhere. A grain of Sunday is hidden in each weekday, and
how much weekday in this Sunday ( ) Just as the living room
reappears on the street, with chairs, hearth, and altar, so, only
much more loudly, the street migrates into the living room. ( en-
jamin and acis, 192 19 , pp. 1 -1 )

In the description of enjamin and acis we can infer a complementary opposition

between the mineral persistence of the form of the city and the gaseous impermanence
of the uses in the city of Naples. These are seen as a re ection of urbanity values that Oriol
ohigas has defined as compacity, overlapping of functions and legibility ( ohigas, 200 ,
pp. 10 -110). Regarding this fact, we must stress the importance of the physical matter
of the city, the urbis, as it is what carries its memory and allows its legibility in continuity,
supporting the various needs of the successive generations of the civitas.
We might therefore infer that the quality of spaces that stand the test of time is based
on the concrete definition of its form and the control of its ambiguity. Spatial ambiguity
is understood in this context as the adaptation ability of the limits of the public space to
different uses and occupations. The limit is therefore understood as a permeable and ad-
aptable thickness, with a texture that interferes with human movement causing friction
and the consequent sedimentation of urban life in these spaces.
In this sense, it was proposed to question through design, in different scales of ap-
proach, how the definition of porosity in the apparently impermeable thickness of the
built fabric might trigger the “material urbanity” that Manuel de Sòla-Morales wrote
about Material urbanity, the ability of urban material the architectural form of the
city to express civic, aesthetic, functional and social meanings (S la-Morales, 2010)
exploring the idea of relational architecture (Tu on, 201 , pp. ) expressed by Emilio
Tu on when referring to the architecture of Jo o u s Carrilho da Gra a.
Thickness and porosity therefore constituted the conceptual binomial proposed to
conduct the interpretation and design of the valley structured by the axis Rua da Palma
/ Avenida Almirante Reis.

Reading, Concept and Design

Methodologically, the development of the design studio work was tripartite in Read-
ing, Concept and Design – originally Leitura, Conceito and Pro ecto. The first phase, the
interpretative Reading process is understood as a revelation process that renders evident
the relations that are present in a territory and enables the generation of an idea for the
project. The second phase, Concept, consists in the exploration of an idea of transfor-
mation in continuity with the place characteristics uncovered in the Reading phase. The
third and final phase is the Design phase, understood as part of a thorough method that
attests or refutes a creative association that aims at revealing the place. Successive re-
drawing and improvement operations, done in complementary scales, with the aim to
materialize the conceptual transformation in continuity.
The paper focus on the methodology and results obtained in the students’ work in the
initial Reading phase.

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 Reading the urban form: morphological interpretation
Inter retative drawing
Robert Bresson once said, “Créer n’est pas déformer ou inventer des personnes et des
choses.
C’est nouer entre des personnes et des choses qui existent et telles qu’elles existent,
des rapports nouveaux (Chateau, 2012, p.2 ). A possible inference from this quote for
the actions of the architect is that, whatever is the reality we are addressing and trans-
forming, there is the need to know it very well – it is not possible to create lasting relations
without a thorough knowledge of the parts.
The knowledge of the territory of the city and its essential need prior to transformation
is very well expressed in the words of Bernard Huet: “La Ville est donc à lire en premier
lieu comme une archive, non pas pour en retracer l’histoire, mais simplement pour com-
prendre ce que l’on transforme et surtout pour ne pas faire d’erreurs sur la manière dont
on op re, afin de ne pas provoquer une rupture qui ne serait pas inscrite dans les g nes
que toute ville me semble poss der (Huet, 199 ). In synthesis, the usefulness of reading
the territory is to inscribe the transformation and evolution of the city in continuity with its
identity matrix.
An urban territory is a complex object, hard to grasp in its entireness at a first glance.
Therefore, as Mario Gandelsonas proposes, a segmented and decomposed approach
to the complex nature of the urban object allows its decoding and renders evident oth-
erwise hidden patterns. Drawing is a process that allows us to see formal configurations
that are not perceived in reality and therefore affects how we see the city (Gandelsonas,
1991).
In a similar way on how anatomical drawing uses delayering to reveal successive
substrata from the skin to the bone, identifying and interpreting organic systems that
compose the body, such as the skeleton, the muscles or the circulatory system, we use
drawing as a tool not only to design but primarily as a learning and interpretation tool. In
our work, delayering is used to isolate urban strata that in a second stage is recombined,
allowing to uncover and reveal evidences in the urban object. This process had already
proved useful to reveal the ancestral matrix route along the valley line and its duplica-
tion (Fig. 1b) operated from the beginning of the century by the straight layout of the
Avenida Almirante eis (Proen a, 201 a, p. ).
Thus, the reading process of the territory was made from the segmentation of contin-
uous linear paths, decomposed according to a set of predetermined systems and strata
in the present moment, understood as the result of successive building periods.

Urban decode
Regarding the urban decode operated by the students, we will focus in the linear
path composed by ua da Palma and Avenida Almirante eis to illustrate this decoding
method that uses interpretative drawing trough delayering and recombination to reveal
hidden formal relations in the urban object.
In this case, the aim was to decode the formal nature of thickness and porosity along
the axis, therefore the students synthetized four diagrams to explain formal relations in
the avenue.
Each of these diagrams correspond to a specific recombination of layers that were
extracted and isolated. The individual representation of each layer considers the same
cartographical base at a 1:2000 scale, overlapped on the limits of the street layout, i.e.
the limit of the public space of the street, and only two colors of lines are used: black and
red. This allows an economical architectural representation of spatial elements
The first diagram (Fig. 2a) aims at revealing the opening processes of the avenue, by
overlapping the limit of the urban layout and the plot structure it was possible to con-
firm where the plot structure was defined simultaneously to the avenue and render in
evidence the imprints of the plot structure that pre-existed the opening of the avenue,
mainly in the southern part, acknowledging where urban fabric was demolished for the
passage of the avenue. An interpretation of out of the grid imprints (Proen a, 201 b,
pp. 0- 1) which allows to uncover the longevity of the plot structure and the transfor-

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mation operated by the overlapping of layouts that occurred in the beginning of the
century. Furthermore, highlighted in red hatch, the evidence of empty or vacant plots
and buildings reveals the potential for transformation in continuity with the ancient im-
prints.
A second diagram (Fig. 2b) addresses the confirmation of an intuition that commerce
and services are promoted by accessibility. The combination of the public transportation
layer and the commerce and services layer places in evidence the catalyser effect that
accessibility has in commercial and service functions. The concentration of public trans-
portation lines, tram, bus and subway interfaces is underlined in red and its relationship
with commerce and services, in black line hatch, is evident in this diagram. Even in sub-
way accesses temporary commercial occupations ourish.
The fourth diagram, the Nolli plan of the avenue (Fig. 2d), enables the acknowledge-
ment of some public use spaces, such as the atriums of public buildings and the ground
oor galleries of a considerable amount of buildings that margin the avenue. (Fig. a)
Furthermore, the large number of commerce and service ground oors together with
public buildings, represented in red in the third diagram (Fig. 2c), extend the public use
of space and adds up a significant amount of space to the public sphere of the city that
is used by people that walk the avenue.
A set of 1:200 street sections and plans were drafted in order to express the relation-
ship that exists between the public space of the avenue and the first compartments of
the ground oor which are occupied by public uses, such as commerce or public build-
ings. The coding of this drawings was also a very simple black line drawing with only two
different thicknesses – section and view – that allowed for students to use them as a base
for re ection and design. Red annotations on the drawing express the porosity that is
found in the thickness of the urban fabric. (Fig. b and c) The recurrent porosity that was
decoded between public and private spaces, both in commercial ground oors and in
public buildings, confirms it as part of the character and identity of the avenue itself.

Outcomes
The urban decode enabled students to uncover and understand the urban fabric po-
rosity as a key factor for the urban life fixation in the avenue, using interpretative drawing
as an essential tool.
Furthermore, 1:2000 public use models were built of different streets, linear paths along
and across the valley, to underline the existing porosity (Fig. a). A porosity that was
found not only horizontally but also vertically, revealing the underground layers of public
use in the subway stations (Fig. b).
Finally, 1:100 abstract models of sections of the streets that compose the valley system
were moulded in plaster in order to highlight the continuity between public and private
spaces and reveal potential relations for the project (Fig. c). This coded representa-
tion of reality in plain mono material models complemented the delayering process.
The complementary approach, in drawing and models, allowed to reduce the complex
nature of the city, extracting essential layers for its understanding and aid students to
build a method to interpret and also to select the project composition themes by rational
abstraction.
In this first semester of the fourth year, the following usefulness of this interpretation
methodology is to translate in innovative design proposals based on the codes of the
existent city shape. Therefore, these models were both the final element of the urban
decode and the initial element for the following design phase of public space project
in continuity with the public use of ground oors. In synthesis, this interpretative reading
methodology consists on the first step in the quest for a relational architecture (Tu on,
201 ). Guided by Peter umthor s idea of emotional reconstruction ( umthor and end-
ing, 201 , pp. - 9) of a place, the following phases could aim at defining the material
urbanity (S la-Morales, 2010) of public space based on the avenue porous identity re-
vealed and confirmed by the urban strata decode.

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 a.

b.

Figure 1.
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 a.

b.

c.

d.

Figure 2.
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 a.

b.

c.

Figure 3.
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 a.

b.

c.

Figure 4.
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 Captions
Fig. 1a - ua da Palma and Avenida Almirante eis axis in the urban layout of Lisboa
(forma urbis LAB archive).
Fig. 1b - Valley line overlapped on topography of the Almirante Reis valley + valley
street and duplication by ua da Palma and Avenida Almirante eis axis identified in the
urban layout of the valley (Proen a, 201 ).
Fig. 2a - Plot structure vs. vacant spaces of the axis ua da Palma Avenida Almirante
eis extracts (Urban DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr ouren o, Filipa Martins and Mi-
guel Monteiro, th year Master in Architecture Urbanism, FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.:
S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. 2b - Public transports vs. commerce and services of the axis ua da Palma Ave-
nida Almirante eis. extracts (Urban DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr ouren o, Fili-
pa Martins and Miguel Monteiro, 4th year Master in Architecture + Urbanism, FAULisboa,
2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. 2c - Public space vs. street layout limits of the axis ua da Palma Avenida Almi-
rante eis. extracts (Urban DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr ouren o, Filipa Martins
and Miguel Monteiro, th year Master in Architecture Urbanism, FAU isboa, 2019/2020.
coord.: S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. 2d - Nolli plan of the axis ua da Palma Avenida Almirante eis. extracts (Urban
DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr ouren o, Filipa Martins and Miguel Monteiro, th
year Master in Architecture Urbanism, FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Proen a,
tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. a - Recessed ground oor building with gallery (Armando Ser dio, 19 2. Arquivo
Municipal de isboa: PT/AM S /CM S AH/PCSP/00 /SER/00 2 1).
Fig. 3b - Avenida Almirante Reis section. Public space expansion through the ground
oor galleries and commercial spaces. (Urban DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr ou-
renço, Filipa Martins and Miguel Monteiro, 4th year Master in Architecture + Urbanism,
FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. c - Avenida Almirante Reis section near Anjos Church. Public space expansion
through the ground oor of singular buildings. (Urban DeCODE by Ana erenguer, Andr
Lourenço, Filipa Martins and Miguel Monteiro, 4th year Master in Architecture + Urbanism,
FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. a - 1:2000 street models - the spaces of public use (Urban DeCODE by th year
Master in Architecture Urbanism students, FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Pro-
en a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. b - 1:2000 street models - the spaces of public use (Urban DeCODE by th year
Master in Architecture Urbanism students, FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Pro-
en a, tutor: Ana Amado).
Fig. c - 1:100 section model of Avenida Almirante Reis (Urban DeCODE by Ana e-
renguer, André Lourenço, Filipa Martins and Miguel Monteiro, 4th year Master in Archi-
tecture Urbanism, FAU isboa, 2019/2020. coord.: S rgio . Proen a, tutor: Ana Amado).

References
enjamin, Walter and acis, Asja (192 19 ) Naples in e ections ssays, A horisms,
Autobiogra hical ritings, Helen and Kurt Wolf Book, New York and London, Harcourt
race Jovanovich.
Chateau, Dominique (2012) La sub ectivit au cin ma e r sentations lmi ues du
sub ectif, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes.
Gandelsonas, Mario (1991) The Urban Te t, Cambridge, Chicago Institute for Architectu-
re and Urbanism Book / MIT Press.
Huet, ernard (199 ) Une g n tique urbaine in Urbanisme, n. 0 . pp. - 9.
ohigas, Oriol (200 ) Contra la incontinencia urbana econsideraci n moral de la ar ui-
tectura y la ciudad, arcelona, Electa.
Proen a, S rgio arreiros (201 a) A diversidade da ua na cidade de Lisboa orfologia
e orfog nese, unpublished PhD Thesis in Urbanism, Faculdade de Arquitectura, Uni-
versity of Lisbon.

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Proen a, S rgio arreiros (201 b) A Resist ncia da Forma Urbana: A persist ncia dos
traços na forma da cidade” in Dias Coelho, C. et alli (201 ) Tem o e a Forma,
Cadernos de orfologia Urbana studos da Cidade Portuguesa, vol. 2, Lisboa, Ar-
gumentum.
S la-Morales, Manuel(2010) The Impossible Project of Public Space in In Favour of Pu-
blic S ace, Ten ears of the uro ean Prize for Urban Public S ace - , exhibi-
tion catalogue, arcelona, CCC / Editorial Actar.
Tu on, Emilio (201 ) Por uma Arquitectura Relacional in Carrilho da ra a Lisboa,
exhibition catalogue, Porto, Dafne Editora.
umthor, Peter; ending, Mari (201 ) A Feeling of istory, urich, Scheidegger Spiess.

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 PH.4 New Trends in Urban Form Interpretation

Urban recurrences as spaces generators

Santiago Gomes, Maddalena Barbieri
Politecnico di Torino, DAD - Department of Architecture and Design, Torino.
Keywords: urban mor hology, tradition, ty ology, to ogra hy

Abstract

The area of Fontainhas, on the edge of the center of the city of Porto, has been iden-
ti ed as a hysical rete t to investigate the ossibilities of reactivating ortions of the
degraded urban fabric starting from the introduction of new forms and rograms
Through the ado tion of s eci c abacuses of generic basic elements as means for
both the understanding of the city and the urban regeneration, the work we resent is
addressed through the division into three macro-areas of investigation, tradition, ty olo-
gy, to ogra hy, as distinct themes in continuous relationshi with each other
The study works around the conce t of recurrence, identifying both single recurring el-
ements and re etitive aggregation mechanisms within the urban form These recurrenc-
es can be observed, read, analyzed, reworked and laced at the base of the ro osal
of new urban fabric, which a ears therefore in direct continuity with the e isting one
Studying the interaction between form, ty ology and to ogra hy the ro ect work
on the aggregation of the single com onents starting from a series of abacuses of varia-
tion of the recurrent basic general elements, ro osing a method e tensible to different
urban situations

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 Framework conditions
Abandoned or underutilized public buildings and facilities, railway yards, disused ports
and industrial areas, fragments of cities that no longer re ect collective practices, undeter-
mined boundaries between the city and the countryside represent, even with different sca-
les and characteristics, almost the only areas within which the contemporary project acts.
The scarcity of resources and the consolidation of an ever-greater awareness of the is-
sues of environmental and social sustainability of transformations lead us to imagine careful
processes, capable of proposing visions rooted in the specificity of the contexts in which we
operate.
In this sense, and in line with the long tradition of studies on Urban Morphology and Bu-
ilding Typology (Moudon, 1997, Conzen, 2012), and aware of the potential that such rese-
arches have within the framework of urban reading and the subsequent project in a built
context, we focus our interest in the elements of repetitiveness and recurrence in urban mor-
phology, however irregular and disordered it may seem in its constitution and development,
as precious instruments for the formulation of new urban fabric.
In particular the work we present aims to discuss the use of a recursive methodology in
the process of transformation, from the step of reading of the city to the one of acting on its
forms, exploring how to operate through a simplification of complexes elements in the iden-
tification of the general basis concepts for their reproduction, in a dimension of continuity.
In order to test our ideas and methods we identified a specific site, a place that has fertile
morphological (or physical), social and cultural characteristics. Fontainhas, in the city of Por-
to, allow us to work on topics like tradition, typology and topography in an exciting cultural
frame, in line with the Portuguese’s studies tradition on Urban Form and about architectural
answers to topographical and social matters. (Barbosa, 2010)
The development of an urban project based on the generation of new urban con-
nections acting on the fragmentation of a portion of the city linking to the existing urban
fabric constitutes the framework of our reasoning. The process from the matter to the inten-
tions’ wording crosses the theoretical topics, arising as the practical demonstration of the
use of urban recurrences. Thus, a single small case become useful to show a methodology
and to derive more generic observations on urban form generation, considering the crucial
importance and usefulness of the employed instruments and of the built path to reach the
aim, more than the final design solution.

Fontainhas (or where we working on)

The area of Fontainhas is situated in a landscape strategical position, because of its
overhanging overlooking on the river Douro and on ila Nova de Gaia and because of its
important proximity to the historical city centre and to the charming walking on the riversi-
de. Actually, the western part of the city arrives in this point and seems to be interrupted,
suspended in a break with no apparent reasons. In fact, walking the area we observe how
the picturesque sequence of spaces and views, that characterize continuously the urban
fabric that borders the Douro, drastically cease and the waterfront promenade becomes
only a vehicular street, suggesting the passers-by to turn around the area because nothing
interesting is going to happen there . Fontainhas has been defined as a zone between two
bridges, an area which seems to be unwanted and unlucky.
The Infante bridge is the rejected bridge, because of the merely infrastructural reasons
which led to its construction. The Maria Pia bridge, designed by Gustave Eiffel, is the unused
bridge, because it hosted a currently defunct railway. Fontainhas is marked by a strong and
visible physical cutting caused by two railway lines, a difficult topography and a deep obli-
vion.
The improvement in the urban infrastructures and the construction of the Infante bridge,
which is manly a fast connections for vehicles, not even for Porto inhabitants, led to the de-
molition of an important part of the urban fabric in this part of the city and a reduction in life
quality of a great part of the residents of the small and quite poor houses on the escarpment.
The decadence of the buildings is also due to the initial precarity with whom they were built.
This area is also characterized by the presence of a big number of the Portuguese residential
building type of the ilhas, which was a residential working-class typology, marked and known

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because of its low-quality construction and high degree of abandonment and decay, al-
though presenting a strong attachment by its residents.
The impressive bond of the residents to this kind of houses is a clear indication of their
strong traditional sharing social character, strictly linked to the profound Portuguese state of
mind.
ike a large part of Porto, Fontainhas is the perfect re ection of the poetic City description
made by lvaro Siza ieira, when he talks about the hard topography, defining it demo-
niac , expressing how hard and exhausting it is to relate and get in touch with it. The narrow
and dense urban fabric grows on these slopes, following and indulging its gradient. Open
and shared spaces are just derived spaces, created from the meeting of inclined streets,
which play that role because people decide it, take over them.
The choice of the area was driven by the possibility to generate a new urban form for
the reunification of the divided urban fabric and for the proximity to the historical centre,
allowing in this way the reading of the city atmosphere and the reconnection to this urban
vitality. These aspects might be summarized by a concept of formal contradiction, used to
mean the contrast between a strong fragmentation and discontinuity in the built fabric, and
at the same time a recognizing of some continuity aspects, that mark the presence of a cer-
tain recurrence and relationship in terms both of time and space.
The residential character of the area enables the study to make an argument on the
typological aspects of the city and the way Portuguese citizens congregate and live to-
gether. Moreover, the fact that the territory of Fontainhas is marked way by a big change of
altitude, hard to be approached and to be solved, it can become through the project as
an opportunity to transversally join the territory, connecting not only on the same level, but
one level to another.

Working on Tradition
Tradition is set and intended as a reading and a subsequent acting following an approa-
ch that is based on the continuity with the past and with the existing urban elements; indeed,
this has been based on the reading of the overlapping of basis information of the city useful
for the creation of a starting and general point.
Tradition is considered in a strict relationship with the observation of recurrences, of conti-
nuative elements, in a dimension of transition and contemporary evolution.
The reading of the main morphological recurrences is then expressed in the generation of
new urban morphological recursive elements, which become the key of constitution of the
new residential urban fabric, in continuity with the existing one.
The aspects which regulate the city urban fabric, are actually ways of shape creation
and they can be read in a physical exploration of the city and graphically understood, in
order to become the generative key for the creation of new parts of the city, thus laying in a
strict contact with the existing one.
The reading of an urban territory may be approached following a morphological method,
understanding the laws which rule the definition of the form, recognising the similar and re-
current aspects given by specific territorial characters. Indeed, through the observation and
following reading and analysis, it has been possible to notice how a seemingly disordered
and irregular urban fabric is actually characterized by specific elements which are at the
basis of their aggregation and conformation.
In the moment of generation of a new part of a city, specifically inside a historic urban
fabric, it was thought to be necessary to start from the existing rules, already governing the
shapes which are possible to be observed in a preliminary reading.
The survey of the main existing morphological situations brought to the definition of new
ones, regarding the physical disposition and way of creation of green areas, streets, walls,
squares, urban fabric. The generation of the new recurrent aspects follows the same cate-
gories. These elements arise at the basis of the new project, as an abacus of elements of va-
riation of the same topic, as an alphabet of aspects from which to draw in the following step.
At a first sight or walk through Fontainhas territory and during a walk through many parts
of the city of Porto, its urban morphology might look spontaneous, unplanned, undefined,
which thus would also mean hard to be studied. Actually, each urban settlement follows
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 precise intentional or unintentional rules, even if not coming from a planning project but
from the needs of the territory or of human beings building them. As Marco Romano states,
the urban morphology comes from the social topics , which are displaced on physical
topics (Romano, 199 ). As the society is regulated by rules, defining its structure and the
natural territory is regulated by precise and geometric rules which can be studied, so it is for
the morphology of the city.

Working on Typology
From the morphological reading of the area, the major typological characters of buildin-
gs arise.
The typological analysis was mainly concentrated on the ilhas residential social type,
because of its particular interest both cultural and morphological aspects. The adopted
behaviour has been the detection of the recursive aspects of the city, since the typology
itself is an evident element of recursion.
Through the analysis of some case studies, the main morphological features of the type
are identified, proving to be worthwhile in the creation of a new typological abacus from
which to draw for the generation of the new passages of urban fabric.
The existing surrounding urban fabric is, together with its contextual elements, the central
starting point for the followed approach to the city, through the detection of the recursive
elements, meaning the types, in the area. The kind of repetition is the same as the one alre-
ady found in the morphological situations reading, since it is characterized by a replication
in a dimension of variation.
The main aspects related to the type and its repetition in the built urban fabric are always
strictly linked to the social and cultural main features of the inhabitants and the historical
period of their construction. More specifically, the area of Fontainhas is marked by a mainly
dense slight urban fabric, scarred by the ilhas phenomenon, meaning that the area was
greatly occupied and inhabited by the working classes just moved from the countryside to
the city centre for working reasons.
The characterising aspect of ilhas is the inner corridor, which works as a multifunctional
space. It is the way to walk from the urban streets to the single accesses of the houses, a
ramification of the urban connections, a way to take them inside the blocks. These corridors
create a way to let the mobility enter inside the urban fabric, living it in its fragmented nature.
In addition to being a connective space, the corridor is an open-air courtyard, a common
space daily used by inhabitants as a share extension of their living areas. These reasons are,
probably, the ones which make ilhas still inhabited nowadays, being the only typology al-
lowing a shared life in a certain private way. An interesting aspect of this typology is its varia-
bility; the first reason is that they were built in interstitial spaces, without constant dimensions,
so ilhas had to deal with a certain depth and length of the plot, a certain orientation of the
bordering buildings, a given ow of the street and a street frontage (Teixeira, 1992).
At the same time, moreover, in the morphological reading of a building typology, it is
possible to identify the social and cultural reasons leading the form to be generated in that
specific way, through the identification of specific recurrent elements in the spaces aggre-
gation. Similar aspects and needing in the society may lead to similar morphological features
in the building type shape, thus a further repetition also in a different context.
In order to generate the new urban fabric, an abacus of residential types was created,
working as an alphabet from which to draw. The basis type is regulated by the same princi-
pal laws generating the studied typology of the ilhas, preserving the small private units and
the bording shared corridor, originally thought as just a connective space, joining the units,
but consequently acquired the function of external courtyard. The creation of the morpholo-
gical rules of the basis type then ows into the dynamics of the type composition approach.
The scheme is shaping up to be the starting point for the aggregation of forms, based on the
already seen morphological urban recurrences.
That turns out interesting and efficient in the typological approach, after the reading of
the existing typologies composing the urban fabric, is a dynamic process for making it chan-
ge in a new type, a concept that stresses again on the element of variation in the repetition.
With dynamics we mean that, after a classification of the existing types, the work moves on

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the variation of the form, meeting the new requirements of the developing design.
Having to insert in the new topography and to create the new connections in the area of
Fontainhas, the type changes above all in its orientation. The corridor, which here becomes
a real liveable and agreeable courtyard, is rotated and placed along the same street.
This allows the courtyard having a more open and direct contact with the street, not
being hidden in the inside of the block, but in the continuity of the sharing atmosphere of the
residential type.
As mentioned above, morphological characters and spaces disposition in the residential
typology lay in a strict contact with the social reasons and the construction work ow of the
type itself, as it has been possible to analyse through the reading of the traditional ilhas type,
whose morphological nature cannot be explained without considerate its social, cultural,
historical background.
The new residential type, that we propose, is a consequence of the just expressed pro-
cess of variation and dynamic action on the traditional typology of the ilhas. It still preserves
a character of intimacy, in the private living or working unit, but it presents a strong sharing
character in the rest of the building, which therefore means in the fourth shared unit and in
the outside courtyard. This coexistence of private/intimate and social/sharing has already
been found in the basic typology and in the analogical ones that have been found in the
other contexts. ( uarque,199 )
The social nature of ilhas, which are still lived as they were at their origin, so with a pre-
valence of use of the outdoor shared spaces and of the street, is still permanent in the new
type. The contact between the courtyard and the street is very tangible, allowing a kind of
life which shows a local and a neighbourhood style, that does not want to hide from the
street, but always show and invite, in this case differentiating from the traditional typology of
the Portuguese ilhas.
The variation of the traditional type allows an increase in the contact with the street,
through the rotation of the units and courtyard from perpendicular to parallel with respect
to the street; the nature of the correlation type-street is modified, from more intimate to pu-
blic, which is the index of the changing process from totally residential to the semi-public of
the new typology. The corridor is not a corridor anymore, as it becomes a real and effective
courtyard for outside activities, but still covering the role of distribution from the entrance on
the street to all the units.

Working on Topography
The area of Fontainhas is the manifestation of a difficult topography, characterized by
the hard slopes, which are actually largely diffuse in the whole city. The carried-out work
analyses the theoretical relationship between architecture and ground. The way in which
the architectural object interacts with the ground tells about the theoretical and conceptual
meaning of that architecture.
The topographical reading of the territory found the action of particular topographical
devices as intermediaries between the artefact and nature as the site accommodating it. In
the design, the architectural objects get in touch with the ground through the intermediary
action of topographical devices ( erlanda, 201 ). Through the observation and reading of
the architectonic aspects, some elements are identified as the means for architecture to
answer to the topography: Walls, Platforms, Stairs, Ditches are characteristic elements of this
panorama, coming from a, it could be said, structural and needing reason. Although the re-
ason is structural, it is evident how these elements answering to topography unleash a series
of social and activity situations.
As morphology, so topography should be studied from a possibility in transition perspecti-
ve, through the highlighting of the changing and evolution aspects. The interesting and sti-
mulating feature of topography is its changing in time. In the project, topographical features
and difficulties become the starting points and strength features for the design, in the same
way it has already been done with the traditional and typological field.
The design at this point inserts an object which arises as an intermediary, allowing the
type to enter the ground in a light and reasoned way. The elements we just studied and sur-
veyed as recurrent in the landscape of Porto are schematic and made simple objects, until
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 becoming four basis devices. The typology clings to them, fixing themselves to the ground.
Walls, Platforms, Ditches, Stairways are both structural and social elements, so providing new
liveable spaces.
The point of contact between architecture and the ground is extremely crucial, as a mat-
ter of fact, the ground gives its own contributes to the variation, because of the different kind
of intersection with the type. Indeed, the degree of inclination of the soil in uences also the
position of streets, thus the orientation of entrances and the aggregation of the single units
and their relationship with the courtyard and the street.
The presence of the just explained topographical devices is the mean allowing archi-
tecture interacting with the ground and change, getting in touch with the topography in
different various modalities, first modifying in section and meanwhile and consequently in
plan disposition.
The type still based on the same constant generic rules change, according to the sur-
rounding buildings it has to get in touch with, according to the different elevation gain it has
to fill, according to the streets orientation and the needing for the accesses orientation, the
necessity of space dimension and the kind of activity it has to host.
Thus, the elevation gain of the specific site hosting the new type is a variable which leads
the type to adapt, to change in order to position itself on the ground or inside of the ground.
The topographical matter and the architecture object enter inside of a shared experience,
writing together the way to create the interrelationship.
Retaining walls, basements/platforms, ditches and stairways are set out as means, inter-
mediaries to reach a typological change in the point of contact with the soil. They moreover
become further objects of sociality, adding shared outside spaces or paths to the residential
areas.
The beginning alphabet is changed through the introduction of the topographical de-
vices as variation and dynamic devices. In addition to the morphological division of types,
it is added the syntactic division and variation, meant as the way used to enter the soil, to
ground on the earth.

Conclusions. Working on transition

As we see in the previous paragraphs, urban forms and building typologies, even if accor-
ded to the same rules, are declined in various ways because of the factors acting on them,
as the context, the overlooking on the street, the internal paths, the number of units needed,
the orientation, the difference in altitude, as so the ruling model that we assume for the ge-
neration of new types is therefore declined in various ways.
The topographical variation is one of the main factors which act on this dynamical modi-
fication of the type, promoting transition. The same type on its own, in fact, assumes different
morphological sense and physical configuration according to the exact place where it is si-
tuated, attributing more and more importance to the site. The topographical characteristics
are, in fact, probably the most important and biggest variant of the site, which as a matter
of fact greatly in uence the conformation of the building, also depending on how it goes to
insert itself in the land and ground on the welcoming soil.
It could be stated that the difference in topography entails a forced typological variation,
because of the needing to relate to a certain level of the street, a certain height difference,
so this brings to a level change, to an accesses change and finally to a real morphological
change. This variation is not left to chance, but it is strongly regulated with the basic recurrent
elements.
Through the reading of the city and of the territory and the interpretation of the main
components of the site, understanding the relationships between spatial objects and social
ones, it is possible to create new transformation scenarios, acting on the process of the mor-
phological and the social factors.
The just shown project strategy makes use of certain particular recurrent elements, taken
from the city itself, already lived by citizens and visitors, already working well with a certain
way to live and inhabit them.
Moreover, the urban design, which is different from the urbanistic planning, is considered
as the definition of specific basic morphological/ social rules as a starting point for the single

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architecture projects.
The relationship between morphological and social is actually extremely strict, since the
physicality of a place actually comes from its social features and from the exigencies of the
population inhabiting it. Thus, the rules lying at the basis of urban morphology ensure a syn-
tactic order to the urban fabric. Indeed, they are the demonstration of the intentionality in
the generation of new urban form, which is not constituted casually.
The process of abstraction of the morphological and physical but also typological and
topographical situations, when it has to do with urban designs, allows the generalization and
thus the creation of generic rules, applicable to different areas and scenarios.
The direct consequence of the existence of this social-morphological connection is the
continuous mutation of urban forms because of the continuous mutations of the society.
The group of people inhabiting a city changes, thus there is not an irreversible urban form,
but a transitional one.

Figure 1. The abacus of the recurrent typologies of the area surrounding Fontainhas.

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 Figure 2. The abacus of the recurrent morphological situations;
Figure 3. The abacus of the new recurrent morphological elements;
Figure 4. The abacus of interaction between Typology and Topography.
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References
arbosa, M., Oliveira, ., Pinho, P. (2010) The study of Urban Form in Portugal , Urban
Morphology, June, 55-66.
erlanda, T. (201 ) Architectural Topographies (Routledge, New ork)
uarque, I., Pereira, N. T. (199 ), Pr dios e ilas de isboa, ( ivros Horizonte, isboa)
Conzen M. (2012) analisi della forma urbana. Alnwick, Northumberland (Franco Angeli,
Milano)
Conzen, M. (200 ) Thinking about urban form. Papers on urban morphology, 19 2-199
(Peter Lang, Bern)
Gomes, S. (2012) O problema (e algumas soluc es) das casas portuguesas. Modelli di
organizzazione dello spazio dell’abitare sociale in Portogallo’, unpublishedPhD thesis,
Politecnico di Torino, Italy.
Moneo, R. (19 ) On typology , Oppositions 19 .
Moudon, A. . (199 ) Urban Morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field , Urban
Morphology, March 1997, 3-10.
Oliveira, . (201 ) Urban morphology: an introduction to the study of the physical form of
cities (Springer, Porto).
Romano, M. (199 ) estetica della citt europea. Forme e immagini (Einaudi, Torino)
Teixeira, M. C. (1992) As estrat gias de habita o em Portugal , 1 0-19 0 , An lise So-
cial 1992, 65-89.

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 PH.4 New Trends in Urban Form Interpretation

Landscape analysis for digital description of urban morphology

of Upper Kama region towns
Svetlana Maksimova1, Anastasia Semina2
Perm National Research Polytechnic University. (Department of Architecture and Urban
Planning),
[email protected], [email protected]
Keywords: heritage, landscape analysis, database, documenting

Abstract

Digitalization of survey and conservation methods of architectural and historical

monuments expands the possibilities of documenting environment and the landscape
analysis. Combination of research methods allows to clearly represent architectural en-
vironment. The creation of collected data structure and put it into entire database is a
necessity for later use of information. The formalization of information is the part of the
process of database creation. The article describes the process of landscape analysis in
order to create a database. Some results of landscape-visual analysis carried out for the
cities of Cherdyn and Usolye, which are located in Perm Region, Russia. Cherdyn and
Usolye are the old towns with great historical background. Usolye is located on lower riv-
er bank and consist of different condition monuments of 19th and the beginning of 20th
centuries. Cherdyn is the city on hills has orthogonal structure. The preserved blocks of ur-
ban structure are including monuments of 19th century as well as new buildings. Different
urban structure allowed testing the survey approaches for varying research scenarios.
The initial principles of cataloging the data are presented in the paper. The described
experience allows us to estimate the amount of collected data. digital 3D models ob-
tained by laser scanning and photogrammetry together with tradition survey give the
most complete digital model of the historical parts of the city.

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 Introduction
Digital technologies for documenting the urban environment allow you to combine
different tools and technologies for data collection. For historical cities, which usually
have accumulated a large amount of descriptive, graphical retrospective information,
data obtained by modern digital survey tools, methodological approaches to systema-
tization and cataloging of information play an important role.
Upper Kama (Verkhnekamye) is a unique phenomenon at the crossroads of different
cultures. The culture of the upper Kama region has absorbed the national features of the
pre-Christian period in the Urals, Russian historical and cultural heritage and European
traditions.
Cherdyn and Usolye are old cities with a great historical past. Usolye is located on
the lower Bank of the Kama river and has various monuments of the 19th and early 20th
centuries. Cherdyn is located on seven hills on the Bank of the Kolva river, which makes
the scenery around the city even more picturesque. The remaining blocks of the city
structure include 19th-century monuments, as well as new buildings.
The different morphological structure of these towns requires different approaches to
the survey of the urban environment formed in the 17th and 18th centuries on the rivers
banks. In this paper, we tried to develop principles for cataloging data obtained by
landscape-visual analysis of various morphological structures, in order to integrate them
with data obtained using digital survey technologies (laser scanning, photogrammetry).

Research methods
The methodological approach of morphology describing was based on the SAVE (sur-
vey of Architectural in the Environment) (InterSAVE, 1997) methodology and the requi-
rements of ISO 21127: 2006, which regulates the exchange of information about cultural
heritage.
The strategy of collecting information about cultural heritage sites, the principles of
cataloging and integrating the results of digital survey of the area were based on the re-
sults of research by S. Bertocci (Porzilli, Bertocci, 2019), S. Parrinello (Parrinello, Picchio, De
Marco, 2019), F. Remondino (Rupnik, Nex, Toschi, Remondino, 2018), and others. The mo-
dels they obtained most fully reproduce the morphological complexity of urban space.
Methods for collecting information about coastal areas included landscape and vi-
sual analysis, photo-recording, field surveys, and creating spherical panoramas.
Spherical panning, unlike a normal panorama, gives an idea of the selected location
with the ability to rotate around the shooting point by 360 degrees. The technology of
creating spherical panoramas does not require a special camera with the ability to shoot
360 degrees, just a normal camera and a tripod. Subsequently, images are processed in
the PTGui program.
Panoramic images were analyzed in three positions:
- visibility of architectural monuments and dominants
- view of the natural landscape;
- panorama color scheme
In the analysis of coastal areas were classified in the coastal areas and the definition
of visual and physical connections, identify patterns of existing Hiking trails, collecting
materials for the development of water tourism routes.
Simultaneously with the search for viewpoints, a study of impressions was conducted,
which were recorded and made out in the form of a map of impressions (views, smells,
opportunities to pass, landscaping, etc.)
The data collection structure is shown in figure 1.
The digital catalogue is a collection of thematic charts and maps created using geo-
graphic information systems (QGIS, ArcGis). Given the important role of the coastal land-
scape, thematic maps were focused on its description. The following parameters were
taken into account: physical and visible borders, functional zoning of the territory, and
color characteristics of the environment. Mapping allowed us to determine the location
and nature of the viewpoints needed for making tourist routes.

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Landscape analysis for digital description of Usolye urban morphology
Usolye is located on the Kama river bank like many settlements in the Perm region.
In the 19 0s the historical part of Usolye was ooded by the Kama reservoir, which was
formed during the construction of the Perm Hydropower station.
Now the historical part of Usolye is connected to the coastal part of the town by a
dam. During the spring ooding this part of the town turns into Islands. Preserved archi-
tectural monuments are gradually being destroyed, as they are located on the coastal
territory in the ooding zone.
Despite on the fact that there are many historical, geographical, and engineering stu-
dies about Usolye, all this information is scattered and located in different departments,
often in paper form. Therefore there is not possibility to form the basis of scientific moni-
toring as result it complicate the design and planning of restoration work.
For the convenience of collecting and organizing information about Usolye in a di-
gital database, the entire territory of the historical part was divided into several zones:
Rubezhskaya, Kapustinskaya, Nizovaya, and Posadskaya, each of which was assigned its
own code presented on figure 2. The analysis takes into account the relationship of land
and water, the legal forms of land plots, the height of the shore, terrain, vegetation, the
presence and condition of buildings, and the presence of paths and roads. Based on
these parameters, each zone is divided into subzones showed on figure 2.
Rubegskaya part is located in the North historic Usolye (figure a). Today, there re-
main only one building which is a monument of architecture – Rubegskaya Church. The
facades of the Church are partially hidden by poplars; however, its bell tower remains
the main high-rise dominant. Swamps and swampy areas form natural landscapes here.
There are four main monuments in the Kapustinskaya part: the St. Nicholas Church (figure
3b), the rectory and farm buildings.
In the ower part (the southern part of the island, figure c) ruins and remnants of in-
frastructure have been preserved. They can be divided into three categories: buildings,
artificial shoreline, and infrastructure elements. The Posadskaya part is located on the
center of the island. Here are situated the best-preserved architectural monuments: the
Cathedral, the bell tower and civil buildings that form the basis of the Museum complex
(figure d).
The possibility of using the coastal space was determined by assessing the availability
of the shore from both water and land. During the survey of the banks, the density and
height of vegetation, the ability to walk along the shore without special clothing, the abi-
lity to swim up and dock to the shore were noted.
In each of the sections shown in figure , the relationship between the shore and the
water was considered: the height of the shore, vegetation, distance of paths/roads from
the water, and the possibility of approaches to the water.
The study identified four types of coastal spaces at the water-land interface:
- the ank is at; the view of the water is blocked by bushes, tall grass or trees;
- high Bank; it is impossible to go down to the water; gently sloping Bank with direct
unobstructed access to water;
- the ank is at, low, part of it is ooded or swampy.
All the information received is re ected on the availability map. The shoreline analysis
is displayed on the map using different line colors using GIS presented on figure .
Three types of terrain were marked on the Usolye impressions map:
- area with good rich views, with good accessibility, without negative emotions;
- easily accessible place to relax ;
- place inaccessible, noisy, causing any negative emotions.
Inaccessible areas (fences, fences, tall bushes, and grass) were mapped as physical
boundaries (Figure 6).
All information is collected in the appropriate inventory card. The example of the card
is shown on figure .

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 Landscape analysis for digital description of Cherdyn urban morphology
Cherdyn differs significantly from Usolye in its planning structure. The historic quarters
of Usolye is lost as a result of historical cataclysms. Cherdyn retains original layout grid.
Therefore the first step of landscape analysis in Cherdyn was the study of its planning
structure.
The analysis of the planning structure and building typology was based on maps of
actual land use. In the center of historical blocks undeveloped areas were formed as
a result of changing the boundaries of land plot. It led to the loss of the integrity of the
planning structure. The destruction of the intra-district grid in the central part of the town
led to a deterioration in the perception of the architecture and landscape of the town
as a whole.
The central part of the town is built up with stone 1-2-storey buildings for public, cultu-
ral, commercial, and residential purposes. Based on the analysis of the building typology
nine types of buildings are identified that differ in material, location of the main entrance,
location of the courtyard: wooden, stone, combined stone-wooden, mansions, etc.
To organize the database, buildings were systematized according to their composi-
tional role in the environment: urban and local dominants, environmental objects, and
objects with architectural (silhouette, plastic, and coloristic) accents (figure ).
The connection of the town with the river is actually only visual, since the town is lo-
cated on the high banks of Kolva river and has the only road to the river that has been
preserved since the 1 th century. On the plan on figure 9 showed the existing visual and
physical connections of the town with the river. Obviously, access to the river is limited,
but there are many places where visual connections are provided.
Figure 10 shows the main viewpoints of the city with a description of their availability,
viewing angle, type of landscape picture.
Systematization of landscape analysis data in Cherdyn was carried out based on the
existing planning features for two types of urban fabric: city blocks and territories with a
predominant landscape. Three types of morphological zones were identified: 1) blocks
of the historical core; 2) blocks of the central part adjacent to the historical core; 3) co-
astal territories (figure 11).
The first two types: the central historical core and the neighborhoods adjacent to the
central part are formed by an orthogonal grid. Considering its ordered structure each
quarter receives a number in accordance with the cadastral quarter number.
Each block considered adjacent streets and its longitudinal profiles are created (figu-
re 12). The longitudinal profiles allow to capture the scale of buildings, the color scheme
inherent in this block, as well as dissonant elements. Dissonant elements can be both
individual objects of the urban environment (lamp posts, advertising signs), and buildings
are distinguished by style and color solution.
The next step in the inventory for the first two types of morphology is to create a fun-
ction map. Such a map can be created automatically using GIS, if inventory maps for
individual buildings in the block includes tables of the address of the building, its function
and code have already been created.
The third type of urban fabric is coastal areas that are inextricably linked to the sur-
rounding landscape. Terrain features and the predominance of visual connections over
physical ones determine a specific approach to the information collection system. The
study of these territories is carried out in enlarged blocks and the division of coastal ter-
ritories takes place in accordance with the terrain, conventional and physical borders,
and roads. The inventory map is supplemented with text characteristics of the territory
indicating the plot, center, foreground, backstage, etc.
Collected data systematized in accordance with the plan on figure 1 . Perceptual
landscape-visual analysis data combined in inventory maps are integrated with data
obtained using ground-based laser scanning and photogrammetry. (Grushin, Sosnovskij,
2018)
Digital 3D models obtained by laser scanning and photogrammetry together with
traditional photography provide the most complete digital model of the historical part
of the city.

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 Traditionally point clouds are converted to vector objects or other data types for fur-
ther processing in the CAD and GIS environment. However, they can be used for esti-
mating the volume of complex objects, linear measurements, visibility analysis, insola-
tion and aeration, 3D visualization, and other. Applications for web-visualization of point
clouds that use WebGL has recently become available. Examples include Plasio (http://
plas.io/) or Potree (http://potree.org/). (Abdul-Rahman, 2017)
These applications require a certain amount of hard disk space when creating a local
server or using a web-server (figure 1 ). After that you can view a three-dimensional point
cloud through the link system. Links can be included in the database via an additional
row in the inventory map, which allows you to link point clouds to two-dimensional data
or metadata.

Conclutions
At the stage of choosing a combination of methods for documenting architectural
heritage is necessary to have a detailed understanding of not only the typology of the
urban environment, but also the typology of digital documentation and the data formats
obtained using various tools.
The formalization of the information and the structure of its collection system allow
us to develop a multidimensional database of complex morphological fabric of histori-
cally developed landscapes. Differences in the urban structure of Usolye and Cherdyn
allowed testing approaches to the survey in two types of urban conditions. At the same
time, the presented technology of digital landscape documentation allows creating a
exible database structure depending on the morphology of the territory with a single
approach to documentation.

Acknowledgements
The research was carried out as part of a project PROMETHEUSsupported by the
EU program Horizon 2020-R I-RISE-Research Innovation Staff Exchange Marie Skłod-
owska-Curie. It sees the collaboration between three Universities (University of Pavia, Italy,
Polytechnic University of Valencia, Spain, Perm National Research Polytechnic University,
Russia) and two companies (EBIME, Spain, SISMA, Italy).

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 Figure 1. The scheme for the study of coastal areas. Figure 3. Zones of the Usolye
historical part.

Figure 2. Coding of the Usolye historical part. Where 1,2,3,4,.. – the numbers of zones.

Figure 4. Analysis of coastal spaces.

Figure 6. Analysis and map of physical boundaries.

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Figure 5. Accessibility of the coastline. Usolye.

Figure 7. Example of an inventory map for the R2 zone.

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 Figure 8. Distribution of buildings by their Figure 9. Connections of the study area with
compositional role in the urban environ- the river (visual and physical).
ment.

Figure 10.Viewpoints of the Central part

of Cherdyn. Green indicates viewpoin-
ts with approach paths, and red indicates
viewpoints in a hard-to-reach location.
Figure 11. Coding the territory of Cherdyn.

Figure 12. Example of an inventory map of a block of a historical core block.

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Figure 13. Example of an inventory map of a coastal landscape subzone.

Figure 14. Visualization of the landscape point cloud using the KAARTA Stencil 2-16 por-
table laser scanner using the service potree.org

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 References
InterSAVE. (1997) International Survey of Architectural Values in the Environment (https://
www.slks.dk/fileadmin/publikationer/Kulturarv/InterSave english.pdf) accessed 12
May 2019
Porzilli, S. and Bertocci, S. (2019). ‘3D Digital Systems for the Documentation and Repre-
sentation of the Wooden Heritage Between Finland and Russia’, Survey Methods and
Procedures for Detailed Analysis: Innovative Techniques of Representation in Archi-
tectural Design.( Digital Wood Design) 9 . Doi: 10.100 /9 - -0 0-0 - 22.
Parrinello, S. and Picchio, F. and De Marco, R. (2019). ‘Urban modeling experiences for
the representation of the historical city in Holy Land’ (Disegnare con) 11. 5.1-5.22.
(http://disegnarecon.univaq.it/ojs/index.php/disegnarecon/article/view/439) acces-
sed 12 December 2019
Rupnik, E. and Nex, F. and Toschi, I. and Remondino, F. (201 ). Contextual classification using
photometry and elevation data for damage detection after an earthquake event.’
(European Journal of Remote Sensing) 543-557. Doi: 10.1080/22797254.2018.1458584.
De Marco, R. and Parrinello, S. and Picchio, F. (2018). Pavia 3D: reading and decom-
position of the city for the construction of dynamic databases on heritage. (Bulle-
tin of the PNRPU. Applied Ecology. Urban Development) 33-45. Doi: 10.15593/2409-
5125/2017.01.03.
Grushin S. P. and Sosnovskij I. A. (2018) Fotogrammetriya v arheologii – metodika i per-
spektivy (Teoriya i praktika arheologicheskih issledovanij) 1-21 (https://cyberleninka.
ru/article/n/fotogrammetriya-v-arheologii-metodika-i-perspektivy) accessed 27 Au-
gust 2019.
Abdul-Rahman A. (2017) Advances in 3D Geoinformation. Lecture Notes in Geoinfor-
mation and Cartography (Springer International Publishing). Doi: 10.1007/978-3-319-
2 91- 1

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PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Morphologie des écoles primaires québécoises :

Débat entre le modèle, le type et le projet d’architecture des
écoles d’après-guerre
Daniel Olivier-Cividino
Université Laval, École d’Architecture, Québec
Keywords: lementary Schools, or hology, Con guration, Program

Abstract

Elementary school education became mandatory in Quebec in 1943. Consequently,

by 1948, a massive construction wave of new schools was undertaken in cities and
suburbs, both growing as a result of post-World War II economic prosperity. Of the 2330
elementary schools that exist today, about 50% were built between 1948 and 1965. Only
20% were constructed before 1945. Today, authorities estimate that 70% of Quebec’s
elementary school buildings are dilapidated and require major renovations.
The National Archives of Quebec preserved the model plans for school design that
were commissioned by the Department of Public Instruction between 1948 and 1963. This
presentation explores the morphological characteristics of these school building types
through their lans and drawings, their construction and their rogramme con guration
This analysis also examines some case studies with their implantation in an urban setting
and their evolution over the last seven decades.
Behind the project endorsing public elementary education for all, the schools’
architecture reveals discrepancies between the Protestant and Catholic systems,
disparities between regions, cities, towns, villages and the countryside, and inequalities in
the resources and means of construction of school buildings. Furthermore, the compulsory
standard lans generated con icts with the architects who saw unfair com etition as well
as an incomplete solution. This argument underlines the recurring architectural debate
about the weight of the model, the type, and the architectural project.

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 The Colonial Logic of Elementary Education
The plan to provide public elementary education emerged in the debates of the
first egislative Assembly of ower Canada as of 1 91. It was part of a trend sweeping
the Western World: Europe, its colonies, the Americas, and especially the United States
following its recent independence. For the ritish Crown, establishing a public schooling
project offered to all its subjects was seen as a way to support the education of the masses,
by supporting the spread the liberal society’s ideals, and to promote linguistic and religious
assimilation. Nevertheless, a majority of the elected members of the egislative Assembly of
Lower Canada, along with the Catholic Church, raised serious objections to such a plan,
confirming the rise of a national identity among the French-Canadians.
The ritish Conquest of 1 reduced access to basic education due to the withdrawal
of the Jesuits and the decline of the R collets rothers. This gradually left a majority of
Catholic Francophones illiterate. It is estimated that years after The Conquest, only
of French-Canadians could read and write. Out of the 1 0,000 school-age children in
the 1 20s, only 10,000 actually attended schools and not all of them on a regular basis
(Graveline, 200 ). The education of these numerous children was often handed over to
private schools for the Protestants, while the Catholics counted on religious orders such as
the Ursulines and the Congregation of Notre Dame for girls, the Sulpicians and the uebec
Seminary for boys. As a result, access to education followed religious, linguistic and socio-
economic lines.
Since these private initiatives were in short supply, both the Colonial administration and
the Legislative Assembly attended to the development of public elementary schooling
for all children. The first attempt at creating public schools occurred between 1 01 and
1 2 when the Crown launched a project to build royal schools aimed at welcoming
both Catholics and Protestants as well as lay people. However, French-Canadians saw
these schools as a means of assimilation and boycotted them. Many schools closed their
doors. Indeed, out of the more than 1000 schools that were built, only 22 remained open
after 20 years, all English-speaking. One of them became McGill University after 1 21. The
following 20 years saw numerous attempts between the Colonial rulers and the egislative
Assembly to set up a schooling system which balanced the general objective of a public
elementary education and the local support and expectations where linguistic, religious
and class interests were divergent.
After several failed trials, a new law in 1 established school boards in parishes,
favouring the local concerns, hence reducing government ruling over education. Much
to the satisfaction of religious authorities, schools were officially separated in two parallel
systems so that control was handed over to either a Catholic or Protestant Committee.
These were responsible for all decisions regarding school construction, pedagogical
content, school materials, and teacher training. This structure allowed the elementary
education system to be based on religion and community and was dependent upon
local support for universal public education. Consequently, as of the second half of the
nineteenth century, a network of schools in uebec was established; the network was well
developed in cities, but sparse in villages and the countryside. The Protestant and Catholic
systems were divided, each handling its own finances and administration. This separation
structured the coexistence of the two solitudes. It established colonial order through the
education of the children.
Regarding the urban schools architecture, both the Protestant and Catholic network,
progressively adopted a construction plan organizing space with a corridor in the middle
and classrooms on each side, on 2 to oors. The exterior facade borrowed from
monumental composition whose stylistic references – arts and crafts or neo-gothic for
Protestants and beaux arts for Catholics – expressed the cultural and political allegiances
of each community.
In the country, the rural schoolhouse dominated, regardless of religion. The building
type sheltered from 1 to 2 classrooms and the teacher s dwelling. These modest buildings,
comparable in scale to the farmers’ home, were noticeable with their high windows and
ornate doorways. They were built along country roads to improve access to all children
on foot.

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1943: Access to Elementary Education: Schools’ building and design
y 19 , three forces triggered the transformation of uebec s school buildings. First
of all, after long debates opposing the Catholic Church and the provincial government,
education became mandatory for children up to the age of 1 . At the same time,
confronted with unprecedented population growth, there was a tremendous increase
in the number of children attending school; this situation sparked the biggest phase of
school construction over the next 20 years (Figure 1) (Schola.ca, 201 ). The baby boom
was in full swing from 19 -19 . Indeed, uebec s population went from million to
a little over million inhabitants ( inteau et al., 19 9). Together, these three events; a
more active role for the provincial government, mandatory elementary education and
the baby boom, affected the number of schools built, their shape, their area and their
programme.
This period coincided with post-World War II economic expansion, which was
synonymous with industrialization, growth and progress. The construction sector
kept abreast of technical innovations in order to meet the increased demand. Also,
aesthetically, the in uence of the modernist movement was clearly noted (Algie et al.,
200 ). School building architecture began to explore new plans, the expression of the
modernist movement in elevation and the integration of new construction techniques
and industrial materials.
Finally, uebec begins to tackle two serious issues: the inequality of resources from
one school board to another and the dilapidation of many schools, especially the rural
schoolhouse. The inquiry conducted in 19 9 by the Department of Public Instruction
revealed that out of 2 schools, more than a third did not meet the legal requirements
one way or another. Nevertheless, very few schools were renovated. The model of the
centralized school was favoured and replaced many smaller rural schoolhouses with a
much bigger one that covered the broader territory surrounding a village – the village
school.
To ensure school access, the government decided to finance schoolbus transportation
for pupils. Despite opposition from the clergy, which feared the separation of children
from their family environment (Dassylva, 201 ), the financial advantages of school
centralization won out. Rural schoolhouses began closing their doors by the 19 0s. Even
though some were still built in a rural region, 00 rural schoolhouses closed every year until
almost all had disappeared 10 years later in 19 0. (Dorion, 19 9).

Prototypes: The unexpected assortment

The prototypes’ plans were drawn with the context of rapid construction, the desire
to increase access to education and the persistent control of the clergy in mind. The
Government initiative was a determining factor in the rapid construction of schools as
one can correlate the years of publication and republication of prototype plans to the
increase in school building construction: 19 1,19 ,19 (Figure 2).
During this period that stretched to 19 , until the creation of the Ministry of Education,
it is estimated that half the elementary schools were built using the prototype plans: 102
out of 20 (Schola.ca, 2019). On a provincial scale, more than 1000 schools were built
using prototype plans. However, considering the law that obliged new schools to be built
based on the prototype plans, fewer than expected were built this way. This implies that
half the schools were built without these pre-designed plans.
In fact, considering their location, schools using a prototype plan were built almost
exclusively in rural Francophone areas (Figure ). Urban and Anglophone areas - Montreal,
Quebec and the Eastern Townships - which already had well established pedagogical
structure and more substantial financial means, continued to rely on specific designs and
plans rather than the prototypes. Indeed, many of these schools were easily recognizable
by their facades with monumental composition. The prototypes were mainly designed
for schools in rural areas, specifically the new village schools.
The initial design hypothesis assumed that the urgency to build would favour the
proposal of a small number of prototypes, probably sorted by the number of classrooms:
one for 2 classes with or without lodging, one with classes with or without lodging and
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so on. However, research at the uebec National Archives of revealed more than 0
different prototype plans; an unexpected assortment (Figure ). These plans contain
various spatial organizations, even among plans with the same number of classrooms,
different construction techniques and stylistic characteristics from the vernacular to the
modern, as well as a wide range of programmes.
This situation derived mainly from the existence of the local administration. Indeed,
despite the initiative from the Department of Public Instruction in making prototype plans
available, the Catholic Committee alone managed the entire construction process of
the new schools upon the request by every school board. This administrative structure
generally tends to prioritize individual projects rather than a uniform model. Therefore,
despite the imposition of certain prototypes, regional differences in architectural form still
prevailed at that time.
Consequently, at first glance, it is impossible to discern any conformity among the
school boards and the building plans selected. Nevertheless, by sorting the prototypes
according to dates and typology, a certain logical categorization becomes possible
and certain archetypes dominate throughout the varied and, apparently, disorganized
samples.
At the beginning, the first published prototypes applied the prevailing archetype of
that time: the rural schoolhouse. The fact that the most common architectural types were
reproduced demonstrated a certain fear and cautiousness, to avoid an architectural
revolution at the same time as mandatory elementary education was imposed. In fact,
religious authorities and the population did not hesitate to strongly criticize customized
plans that differed greatly from traditional design and values, especially regarding the
exterior appearance (Dorion, 19 9).
Gradually, the prototype sample reveals attempts to redesign new rural schoolhouses,
especially with the addition of classrooms to match the growing demand. Certain plans
confirm the in uence of the modernist movement with at roofs and curtain walls for the
fa ade (Figure ). As well, modern construction materials were integrated with the use
of concrete and steel in certain prototypes. However, wood and brick remained the
customary materials.
On the other hand, certain prototypes took up former typologies. One series of plans
reworked a popular model, characterized by a monumental fa ade and a cross-shaped
ground plan, typical of a Protestant English-speaking community school. It maintained
the same spatial organization, but showed more modest stylistic characteristics when
implemented in a Catholic French-speaking school.
Another model, with an H shape footprint, was inspired by the typology of certain
convents built at the end of the 19th century or at the beginning of the 20th. Prototypes
with a typology inherited from chapel-schools were also found. This peculiar architectural
type was previously built in remote municipalities, where very little means signified that
the same buildings were used both as a school and a chapel.
This unexpected assortment of architectural designs tampered with the political
discourse pretending to implement a standardized elementary education across the
province of uebec. Indeed, it is clear that most of the building decision-making process
remained a local responsibility.
Finally, a series of prototypes proposing a new typology ended up dominating
uebec s school building inventory. illage schools were extensively built across the rural
regions, as of 19 2. In the following decade, they replaced most of the previous types
and brought about the extinction of the rural schoolhouse archetype that dominated
the landscape in 19 2. Even today, the archetype of the village school remains the most
widespread building type among uebec elementary schools.
This following section will examine the main archetypes of this period. We will begin
with the rural schoolhouse, along with the attempts to adapt this archetype, and end
with the village school archetype. We will also discuss the modifications that were made
to buildings throughout the years in response to pedagogical, construction, stylistic and
socio-political changes.

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Prototypes of the Rural Schoolhouse
The rural schoolhouse was initially the prevailing building type implemented to support
the democratization of elementary education. In fact, these early prototypes simply
fostered the multiplication of the schoolhouse type in rural areas to increase access.
Nevertheless, certain adaptations may be noticed. For instance, the vestibule was
reduced to a simple airlock to allow more space for a reception area that became an
entrance hall and often a cloakroom. The bathrooms, originally outdoors, became part
of the back of the building at first, and then moved closer to the front entrance. Also, the
lodging remained on the first oor in a separate area with a private entrance. As a result,
the schoolhouse enclosed two zones: one pedagogical and one residential, separated
by the entrance hall.
Furthermore, classroom size was standardized and measured: 9.1m x . m ( 0 x 22 ).
This permitted the one-room schoolhouse to easily maintain residential dimensions. Rows
of windows situated 1.2m ( ) above the oor restricted the view outside for students
at their desk. They were placed along the longest wall so that right-handed students,
whether naturally or by force, did not shade their sheet of paper while writing. These rows
of windows were never built on the main fa ade.
These initial prototypes for new schoolhouses followed the same rules for fenestration
and composition as the vernacular homes built in the uebec countryside. However, over
the years, under the in uence of later prototypes, the plans were redrawn to intentionally
integrate rows of windows on the main fa ade. This characteristic progressively became
widespread among Quebec’s elementary schools, thus providing a more modern
appearance and creating a rapid and clear architectural distinction between rural
homes and the schoolhouse. This formal language, which underlined the institutional
status, played the same role as the cross did previously on the schoolhouse pinnacles.
Where there were 2 classrooms, they were joined together along one of their long
sides while the other remained an exterior wall so that each classroom always had a long
row of windows. In order to favour the use of the right hand, classroom furniture was then
reversed (Figure ).

Prototypes of the 2nd generation of Schoolhouses

In 19 1, the Department of Public Instruction published new schoolhouse prototypes
that resemble, as closely as possible, the architecture of old rural uebec homes
and are better than previous schoolhouses (Dassylva, 201 ). This new archetype was
particularly interesting because it did not adopt an existing typology contrary to previous
schoolhouse prototypes, while trying to preserve some conventional features. Torn
between tradition and evolving needs, this archetype was in many ways a compromise:
a rural schoolhouse that was modernized and enlarged.
The first step removed the residential space from the main building, which now
sheltered up to four teachers. Hence, a second building attached to the main building
was erected to house the teachers. It was narrower and not as tall as the school, with
dimensions typically used in housing. This addition had its own private entrance and a
half-basement. The school itself was still only one oor high.
In the school, the reception area was enlarged as to become a recreation room,
a first introduction in rural schoolhouses. Its layout remained simple, occupying the
equivalent of a classroom in the plans. This new room maintained the same vocation as
the former entrance hall; a reception area, a cloakroom, and the connection between
the pedagogical and residential parts. A small corridor was added in order to access
additional classrooms. As well, a second entrance was placed at the end of the corridor
(Figure ). y comparing the functional graph of the second generation to the first, one
discovers the use of the same strategy, the only difference being the necessary addition
of a corridor. However, by grouping the classrooms as one function, we obtain the exact
same graph as for the 1st generation.
Contrary to almost all specialized serial buildings, the repeated cell, the classroom,
was attached on its shorter wall in order to maintain a row of windows on the longest
wall. This rule, which goes back to the first convent, was absolutely necessary before
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 electrification and was maintained out of cultural habitus in most schools right up to the
19 0s.
A couple of years later, the plans were redesigned to add a half basement entirely
assigned to the recreation space. It adopted the same typological characteristics as
the ones found in village schools, by then the prevailing archetype. Furthermore, the
administration area was added next to the main entrance. The desire to conform to
the characteristics of the new models was clear with these two notable changes made
to the prototype plans (Figure ). However, this typology was rarely built as the village
school prototypes were clearly favoured.
Prototypes of illage Schools
The set of school plans prototypes published in 19 2, which produced the village
school prototype, rapidly became the symbol of educational development in rural areas.
uilt in large numbers between 19 2 and 19 (more or less 20 schools), these buildings
were easily identifiable due to their familiarity with the two or three-storey houses. They
still remain today the most widespread archetype.The typological organization of this
archetype diverges from that of basic building typology. The built structures are deeper,
measuring 1 . m ( 1 ), and adopt a corridor-based organization with classes on each
side of the central corridor. The building width varies between 2 types: one m (112 )
with spans, and one 29. m (9 ) with spans.
In the first school type, classrooms occupied spans while vertical circulation and
services were located in the fourth span, often narrower. In the second school type,
circulation and services were located in the space of one classroom. In both cases, the
structural and spatial layout coincided with the spans. Each of these types integrates
an option for lodging in the attic space (Figure 9).In the half-basement, the recreation
space extended into two spans. The other spans housed the vertical circulation and the
services, while in the case of the span type, it also included a seventh classroom, which
provided one class for every year of elementary education.
In the earlier drawings, the recreation room occupied the full width of the building,
but, in 19 , it only took up three quarters of it in order to include room for service spaces
such as bathrooms, an office and a storage space. The two rows of columns in the middle
of the recreation room, located to support the ground oor walls along the corridor, were
finally removed thanks to the introduction of laminated wood beams with greater load-
carrying capacity.These spatial and constructive transformations shaped the recreation
room’s latter characteristics, which lasted until its disappearance, at the beginning of
the 19 0s. These characteristics consisted of the lowering of the oor by a few steps in
order to have a higher ceiling and included a stage. The room was used for recreational
activities rather than as an entrance area. In fact, it was no longer connected to the
classrooms and became a dead end rather than a transition space. Furthermore, Figure
10 shows that it was at the same degree of accessibility as the classrooms. Nevertheless,
it still had a second entrance facing the schoolyard.
Gradually the main entrance shifted from the centre towards an off-centre location.
The fa ade s composition still re ected a desire for symmetry and regularity (Figure 9).
Regular spans followed translational symmetry. The fa ade gave the school building a
certain monumentality, including a degree of prestige, while inspiring a feeling of stability
without diverging too far from the inherited culture and traditions. The result eloquently
illustrated the nature of the compromise between the desire for progress in the post-war
period and the preservation of traditional values.

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 100 100

80 80

60 60

100 40 40 100

20 20
80 80

60 60

40 Figure 1. Number of schools constructed per year.40 In red, the critical period in question (19 -
19 ); Figure 2. Number of schools constructed per year. In red, the publication of prototype
20 20
plans series

Figure 3. ocation of school prototypes (in yellow) and school projects (in red) built between
19 and 19 .

Figure 4. Prototype plans found at the uebec National Archives.

Figure 5. Prototype of a modern looking two classroom schoolhouse, published in 19 .

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 one classroom one classroom and lodging two classrooms programmatic graph

WC Cl Lo P3

WC Cl Lo P3
P2

P2

P1

P1
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!"#$%"$&'()**+" !"#$%"$&'()**+"

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Figure 6. Prototypes of the Rural Schoolhouses and their Graph of Programmatic Space
Syntax.
Graph Legend

Cl classrooms Lo lodgin g
SR recreation room Co corridor
Ad administ ration stairs
Wc

WC
bathroom s

present in certain variant

Cl
main entrance

s
Lo P3

WC
École de rang
Cl École de rang 2e génération
Lo P3
École de rang École de rang 2e génération
École de rang École de rang 2e génération

École de rang
SR École de rang 2e génération P2
WC WC

WC
WC Cl SR
Lo
WC
P3
P2
École de rang École de rang 2e génération
WC WC
V
École de rang École de rang 2e génération R

WC
V SR WC
P2R P1
extérieur (outdoor)

WC WC
espace commun (common space
V R logements
extérieur de fonction (housing)
(outdoor)
WC WC
espace commun
classe (common space)
(classroom)

o
V V R R P1
logements de(stairs)
extérieur
escalier
classe
fonction
(classroom)
(housing)
(outdoor)
P3 espace
R salle decommun
récréation(common space
(playroom)
V R P1
extérieur (outdoor)
espace commun (common space) escalier
extérieur(stairs)
logements
(outdoor)de fonction (housing)
logements
extérieur de fonction (housing)
(outdoor) V vestiaire (changing room)
ration
R salle decommun
espace récréation(common
(playroom)
space)
espace commun
classe
logements
(common space)
(classroom)
de(stairs)
fonction (housing)
classe (classroom)
WC toilettes (bathroom)
WC
escalier
vestiaire (changing
V logements room)
de(stairs)
fonction (housing)
on
classe
R salle(classroom)
de récréation (playroom) escalier
mécanique, rangement (engine, s
V
escalier (stairs)(changing room)
vestiaire toilettes
WC classe (bathroom)
(classroom)
P4 R salle de récréation (playroom)
WC toilettes (bathroom) R salle de récréation (playroom)
V vestiaire (changing room)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage) mécanique,
escalier rangement (engine, storage
(stairs)
P2 WC toilettes (bathroom)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
R P0
V vestiaire (changing room)
salle de récréation (playroom)
P0 WC toilettes (bathroom)
V vestiaire (changing room)
rds
mécanique, rangement (engine,
WC toilettes (bathroom)
Figure 7. Prototypes of the 2nd generation of Schoolhouses
Ad
rdc SR Cl and
WC their Graph of Programmatic mécanique, rangement (engine, storage

Space Syntax. rdc

P1
extérieur (outdoor)
P3
P0
espace commun (common space)
logements
extérieur de fonction (housing)
(outdoor)
espace commun
classe (common space)
(classroom)
logements de(stairs)
escalier fonction (housing)
classe
R salle(classroom)
de récréation (playroom)

rdc
escalier (stairs)
V vestiaire (changing room)
R salle de récréation (playroom)
WC toilettes (bathroom)
V vestiaire (changing room)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
WC Cl Lo Co Co Lo
WC toilettes (bathroom)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage) P3 P2
P0
WC Cl Lo
École de rang École de rang 2e génération

WC Cl Lordc École de rang

P3
P3
École de rang 2e génération WC
P4
o P3
École de rang École de rang 2e génération SR P2
École de rang École de rang 2e génération
WC WC
P1
WC
Cl WCWC
ération École de rang École de rang 2e génération
WC WC
École de rang École de rang 2e génération
Ad SR P4
SR
V R

ion
SR V
P2 R P1
extérieur (outdoor)
WC P3 P4
P2
espace commun (common space)
logements
extérieur de fonction (housing)
(outdoor) P4
WC WC espace commun
classe (common space)
(classroom)
logements de(stairs)
escalier fonction (housing)
P2 WC WC classe
R salle(classroom)
escalier
de récréation (playroom)
(stairs)(changing room)
vestiaire

Lo
V

Co Co
WC WC R salle de récréation (playroom)
WC toilettes (bathroom)

Ad
P0
SR Cl WC
WC WC V vestiaire (changing room)

de
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
P2
Ad SR Cl WC
WC toilettes (bathroom)

V R mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)

V R P0 P3
rdc P3
P1
Ad SR Cl WC
V R extérieur (outdoor)

rdc V R P1
extérieur
espace (outdoor)
commun (common space)
espace commun
logements
extérieur (common
de fonction
(outdoor) space)
(housing) P3
logements
extérieur
espace de
(outdoor)
commun
classe fonctionspace)
(common
(classroom) (housing)
P1
extérieur (outdoor)
espace commun (common space)
espace commun (common space) logements
classe de fonction
(classroom)
escalier (stairs) (housing) P1
logements
classe derécréation
fonction (housing)
(classroom)
escalier (stairs)
logements
extérieur de fonction (housing)
(outdoor) R salle de (playroom)
classe
R salle(classroom)
escalier (stairs)
de récréation
vestiaire (changing(playroom)
room)

Lo
espace commun
classe (common space)
(classroom) V

Co Co
R escalier
salle de (stairs)(changing
récréation
vestiaire (playroom)
(bathroom)room)

Lo
logements de(stairs)
fonction (housing) V toilettes
WC

Co Co
escalier
R salle
V de récréation
vestiaire (changing(playroom)
room)
toilettes (bathroom)
classe
R salle(classroom)
de récréation (playroom) WC mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
escalier (stairs)
V vestiaire (changing room)
V vestiaire
WC (changing room)
toilettes (bathroom)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage) P2
Co Co Lo P2
toilettes (bathroom)
WC mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
R salle de récréation (playroom)
WC toilettes (bathroom)
V vestiaire (changing room)
P0
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage) P0 P0
demi-ss rdc P2
WC toilettes (bathroom)

rdc
mécanique, rangement (engine, storage)
P0

Figure
rdc 8. Prototypes of the nd
generation of Schoolhouses and their Graph of Programmatic
Space Syntax. P1
P1
P1

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Cl classes Lo logements P0
P0
SR salle de récréation Co corridor
Légende
Ad administration escalier
Cl classes Lo logements
Wc sanitaires entrée
SR
principale
salle de récréation Co corridor
Adadministration escalier
lien que dans certaines variantes
Wcsanitaires entrée principale
 span type span type with lodging span type span type with lodging programmatic graph

Lo P4
Lo P4

SR Wc Cl Cl Ad P3
SR Wc Cl Cl Ad P3

Co Co P2
Co Co P2

P1
P1

P0
P0

Figure 9 Prototypes of illage schools and their Graph of Programmatic Space Syntax.

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u bec).
Tessier, R. (201 ) poque des coles de rang, 1 2 -19 : regards sur ellechasse ( es
dition GID, u bec, Canada).
alli res, A. (1999) Processus de transformation typologique du b ti r sidentiel dans
l arrondissement historique du ieux- u bec. (Universit aval, u bec, Canada).

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PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Urban morphology education in Serbia: Origin, genesis and

new tendencies
ladan Djoki 1, Milica Milojevi 2, Aleksandra Djordjevi 3, Mladen Pe i 4

Faculty of Architecture, University of Belgrade, Department of Urbanism, Belgrade

Keywords: urban morphology, education, Serbia, teaching urban morphology

Abstract

The origin of urban morphology education goes back to the beginning of the 1970s
and a period of radical education reforms at the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade,
where urban environment became the main interdisciplinary topic. The importance of
urban form has been since emphasized by planners, architects and politicians in various
planning documents, symposiums and as such, became an essential segment of the ar-
chitectural education. The subjects such as Contemporary architecture and form of the
city, Urban environment and urbanization, Urban technic and composition and City en-
vironment were an important segment of the education for many years. This tradition was
strengthened even more in newest accreditation, due to the individual contribution of
academics who introduced new courses such as Urban Morphology and Urban Typolo-
gy and Morphology. Having in mind recent contribution of researchers to emphasize the
challenges of teaching urban morphology, this paper aims to enlighten the origin and
genesis of the education of urban morphology at the Faculty of Architecture, University
of Belgrade and to shed the light on new tendencies and means of teaching in present
days. The paper will analyze syllabus of the courses, teaching methodology and present
examples of student’s projects on three different levels and courses: ex cathedra on the
bachelor level, practical implementation of theoretical notions in studio design on mas-
ter level and research-based work on the PhD level.

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 Introduction
The main objective of this paper is to describe the way urban morphology was, is and
can be taught in an academic setting at Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade, while at the
same time to position the urban morphology as a discipline within contemporary spatial
development. Having in mind urban morphology s status as an interdisciplinary field of
knowledge, this research explores ways to share, discuss and produce this knowledge
within the disciplines of architecture and urbanism. This research will be structured in two
parts. The first part will show the general history of architectural education in Serbia and
later on the origins of teaching urban morphology within the Faculty of Architecture in
Belgrade. At the same time, research will portray the broader academic context and
role of urban morphology as a tool and knowledge with which to introduce future profes-
sionals that will intervene in space. In this part, historical development and transformation
of academic courses regarding urban morphology are explained within the academic
institution of the Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade.
The second part presents specific case studies regarding the processes of producing
and sharing particular concepts, tools and methods of urban morphology in the aca-
demic curricula for students to better understand the logic and characteristics of built
environment. In this part, a critical review would be provided of three courses: (1) Urban
Morphology; (2) Design Studio 06 and (3) Research Seminar – Urbanism: Urban morpholo-
gy and Typology that were developed as courses on Faculty of Architecture in Belgrade.
This paper will present issues regarding the innovative and creative ways of teaching and
discussing the subject of urban morphology in university education on the level of Bache-
lor, Master Studies and PhD studies.

History of architectural education In Serbia

The Faculty of Architecture, University of Belgrade, is an educational institution with
a long tradition associated with the practice of educating architects in Serbia that ex-
tends to the middle of the 19th century. With its various forms and types of organization,
it has been established “as an attractive environment for development, promotion and
dissemination of architectural knowledge ( azovi Mako, 201 , p. I). At this point,
architectural education in Serbia has a tradition of more than 1 0 years, starting in 1
with the foundation of Ind inirska kola by the decree of Prince Alexander Karadjor-
djevic, that among five subjects included Architecture in its curricula. ater on, the first
Civil Engineering and Architecture course was established within the Department of Phi-
losophy at the first yceum in elgrade, which in 1 grew into the Great School within
which the Faculty of Engineering was founded. It is within this Faculty that the separated
Department for Architecture was established in 1 9 . The transition of the Great school
to the University occurred in 190 , with five University members including the Faculty of
Engineering with its Architectural department. At the beginning of the 20th century archi-
tectural education in Serbia was under the in uence of the first generation of architects
educated in Serbia, as they started to work as teaching assistants and later on as profes-
sors at the school. During this period, Study Programme evolved according to principles
of European schools of that time ( azovi Mako, 201 , p. II). Previously, professors
at the school were educated in Germany, Austria and France, thus incorporating the
principles of those schools to the curriculum of Belgrade school. In 1931 the Architectural
department gained its own building where the Faculty is situated today. In the period
after the Second World War, the Department of Architecture at one time exceeded its
organizational capacity due to a large number of students and the evolved curricula
that led to the formation of independent Faculty within the University in 19 ( azovi
Mako, 201 ). Since that moment, several changes took place in the methodology of
architectural education and organization of the school and structure of the curricula.
The most important changes in Study Programme took place in the 19 0s when Atelier
system (design based curriculum) was established, and in 19 0s when the concept of
New School was introduced, including courses from social and humanistic fields along
with the introduction of postgraduate courses. The New School, which was promoted
in 19 0,1 was based on a trimester system, which promoted the “direct and continuous

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relationship of students and teachers (Anon., 199 , p. 1 ). What is specific for this period
and the school is that the study themes and courses were based on the relationship
between architecture and the environment, and the so-called environmental aspect
was introduced in the school curricula. The studies lasted four years, of which the first two
were of a general character, while the third and fourth had the choice between the
two orientations. Duration of the studies changed over the time from 4 to 5 years, and
today it consists of two levels that were introduced in 200 2: Undergraduate or Bachelor
evel ( years) and Graduate or Master evel (2 years) and most recently the program-
me of Integrated academic studies of Architecture (5 years) was also introduced along
with several different Master level courses (2 years). Present-day Faculty of Architecture
is “dynamic institution committed to the continual development of the architectural pro-
fession ( azovi Mako, 201 , p. 1 ) with the Study Programme comprised of social
sciences, humanities, technical and technological, artistic and philosophical aspects”
( azovi Mako, 201 , p. 1 ).

History of teaching urban morphology

It is not entirely clear when exactly the first mention of the subject of urban morphology
was officially introduced to the formal Study programme at the Faculty of Architecture.
Over time, individual professors have made more significant or slighter changes in curri-
cula that were in connection with the teaching of urbanism, urban design or urban plan-
ning in general. y researching the ook of courses from the beginning of the 19 0s until
nowadays it could be observed that there is constant change in the way the educatio-
nal processes of architect were implemented. Although the global interest on the subject
of urban morphology and urban form grew from the 19 0s onwards, in the context of Fa-
culty of Architecture in elgrade, it could be traced to the beginning of the 19 0s within
the courses of Urban Environment and Urbanology that were part of Study Programme
within the New School that started in the beginning of the 19 0s. Urban Environment
course was positioned in the first year of studies (1 trimester) and it had eight classes per
week by professor ogdan ogdanovi . As stated in the course curricula, the aim of
course is to explore urban phenomena by “choosing one case (Case study), in order to
examine complex natural and historical factors in the creation of the urban environment,
and to examine the emergence and development of city morphology (Anon., 19 2).
ogdan ogdanovi also held the course of Urbanology that was positioned on all years
of study, varying course curricula depending on the level of study. Also, Bogdanovic held
a course Urbanology – Reconstruction and typology of urban structures that likewise was
dealing in one part with the question and history of the city and urban form. Branislav Mir-
kovi and his course Technic of Urbanism and elements of Traffic were part of the syllabus
in the second year. During the 19 0s after the end of New School, courses evolved and
changed their names, aims and methodology so at some point Urban environment and
urbanization (prof. orko Novakovi ) course was established on the first year of study,
with aim to provide “simultaneous guidance of deductive and inductive ways of introdu-
cing into the most complex phenomena of urbanity should enable students to develop:
(a) cognitive, (b) methodological and (c) self-educational process in the broadest field
of architecture understood in terms of city building. (Anon., 19 , p. 11) Urban Technic
(prof. Dimitrije Mladanovi ) was a course in the second year of studies during the 19 0s,
with goal to “acquaint the student with the basic technical and design-compositional
elements most commonly used in urban design. (Anon., 19 , p. 1 ). Since 200 , Urban
Environment and urbanization has changed its name to Built Environment (prof. Zoran
Nikezi ) and Urban Technic changed its name to Urban technic and Composition (prof.
Dimitrije Mladenovic and prof. Petar Arsic) and later on became Urban Design of City
(prof. Aleksandra uki and prof Dragana azik). oth courses were held in the first year.
Along with these courses since the 19 0s professor Ranko Radovi has been teaching a
course regarding Contemporary architecture and urbanism, with an emphasis on the
history of architecture and urban form.
Different approaches were undertaken during the years at the Faculty of Architectu-
re in order to promote general understanding of urban morphology, but until 201 the-
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re was not a single course that was dealing with the specific questions of urban form
and urban morphology. In that period, after the reform and accreditation of the School
programme new courses were developed in order to deal with the relevance of urban
morphology as a field of study, and the ways on how it can add value to the understan-
ding of the way city is being shaped, and the reasons why one should care about urban
morphology both on local and global context. In the following part of the paper three
courses dealing with urban morphology as a concept, methodology and tool in dealing
with spatial question will be examined – Urban Morphology, Design Studio 06, and Rese-
arch Seminar – Urbanism: Urban morphology and Typology.

URBAN MORPHOLOGY COURSE

Position of the course in the Study Programme at the Faculty of Architecture
The Urban Morphology is the course in the first year of Undergraduate studies (US) and
Integrated academic studies (IS) of Architecture. Course is established in 201 , and it is
led by professor ladan Djoki . The course belongs to the group of obligatory courses
with ECTS credits. Classes are organized in the amphitheatre for 2 0 US students and 0
IS students ( 10 students in total). Due to a large number of undergraduate students and
the planned 3 hours of active teaching per week, classes are organized in the form of
one hour ex-cathedra lectures and two hours of interactive teaching.

Structure and forms of teaching

Lectures are organized thematically into three parts following the basic structure of
the course book Urban morphology - City and town square (Djoki , 200 ). In the first part
of the semester, students are introduced to the basic elements of urban morphology
(on the example of city and city square). In the second part they are introduced to the
methodology of morphological researches, while in the third part they are introduced to
the (local context) conditions for the emergence and transformation of cities and squa-
res in Serbia. Interactive teaching is performed after one class ( minutes) of ex-cathe-
dra lectures and it is organized into two parts.
The first part engages students to work as a team in presenting or showing examples
of city squares from Serbia based on the textbook Typology of the City Square in Serbia
(Djoki , 2009). Each student is given in advance one of the morphological characteristics
of the city and public square that he should display as part of a joint presentation. After
the presentations, the participants in the class (teacher and assistant) provide comments
and suggestions and moderate the discussion. The discussion is the final part of the first
phase of interactive teaching and it is focused on comparing the presented case studies
and examples. This section of the teaching insists on comparing examples for two reasons
- the first one is understanding the comparative method and the second reason is deve-
loping a comprehension culture and building the discussion on scientific facts.
The second part involves the individual work of the student in the form of a croquis
drawing, that is, an Illustrated Glossary of Urban Morphology, based on which the stu-
dent’s activity in the lecture is noted and the basic understanding of the topic and cri-
tical concept explained in the lecture is tested. The illustrated glossary is a collection /
compendium of croquis drawings (10 in total) that is designed to encourage students to
follow lectures and to obtain the minimum required knowledge for the test (colloquium)
based on such notes. A short croquis drawing task is in the form of a quick examination
of an understanding of a term that is based on an illustration of a given term. The student
response is in the form of a sketch, a freehand drawing because the drawing is a “letter”
and a tool for thinking, understanding and remembering. The main objective of this assi-
gnment is to adopt new terminology in the field of urban morphology in a way that enga-
ges the visual-spatial intelligence or visual cognitive abilities required in the architectural
profession - (especially: perception, attention, memory, visual and spatial processing).
These different teaching activities are interrelated and conditioned, so engaging tea-
chers and associates to coordinate activities is as important as engaging students. In the
first class, the professor teaches the course material according to thematic units, intro-
ducing new concepts with general meaning and specific meaning in the field of urban
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morphology. The second class is reserved for the croquis drawing task. In this part, one
term is introduced, which is presented and illustrated in the first class through a lecture.
In the second class, two case studies of squares in Serbia are presented and based on
the criteria of typological classification, the similarities and differences of squares are di-
scussed and the topic from the previous ex-cathedral lecture is emphasized through this
process. The graphical representation of the squares, the selection of information and
the structure of verbal presentation are evaluated through this part of the class. Accor-
ding to a predefined schedule, activity dynamics are enabled. The lecture is followed
by all the participants of the course in order to answer the final task, and four groups of
students (2 students per class) actively participate in the presentation, while all the
students are invited to contribute to the discussion.

Realization of teaching
Two teachers and one associate participate in the teaching process in that way that
one teacher is lecturing ex-cathedra and the other teacher is moderating the interacti-
ve part of the class. The role of the associate is important because he / she attends the
first part of the class and actively participates in the second part of the class. The role of
teachers and associates in interactive teaching is to clarify and approximate the course
material through comments, and to point out the application of acquired knowledge in
architecture studies. The activities are aimed at understanding and adopting the termi-
nology and graphic language of urban morphology. Developing interest in the pheno-
menon of the town square, and the specifics of that phenomenon in the local context.
inking the morphological characteristics of the square and the city, and finally reviewing
the morphogenesis of the square and civic culture.

Required, additional and recommended literature

Required literature is in the field of urban morphology and includes two books by Pro-
fessor Vladan Djokic, and additional literature is a textbook by Professor Zoran Nikezic.
In addition to the literature in the Serbian language, students are also recommended
books in English (such as Urban Form, Town Spaces, The Image of the City, The City Sha-
ped). On the basis of the mandatory literature, theoretical knowledge is tested, and on
the basis of additional literature students expand the terminology in the field of the built
environment, while the recommended literature is offered as a basis for developing in-
terest in researching the morphology of the city. In addition to the theoretical research
of both typological and historico-geographical approaches, the book City and Town
Square (Djokic, 200 ) contains examples of cities and squares from the world (mainly the
American and European continents) and in the book City Square in Serbia (Djokic 2009)
extensive graphic material of typo morphological research. In the first book, the graphi-
cal appendices accompany the text and illustrate the text, and in the second book
the graphic appendices are “text for themselves” - the language of presentation and
analysis of urban form. Interactive teaching is based on developing the ability to “read”
a second book whereby engaging teachers and associates is geared toward approa-
ching drawing as a basic and significant cognition technique at all levels of architecture
studies. During the interactive course, students receive short instructions on how to read
the textbook.
As part of the course, guest lectures by eminent speakers from the field are organized
(Ivor Samuels Anglophone Urban Morphology from explanation to prescription: UM as
Dialogue between Cognitive and Normative in different contexts in 201 and What use
is Urban Morphology in 2019 and for 2020, a lecture by itor Oliveira is planned). Guest
lectures are open to all students and teachers of architecture, which is a kind of opportu-
nity to broaden the interest in this field and to learn about the specific approaches and
methodologies presented by the lecturers.

URBAN MORPHOLOGY COURSE

A Design Studio course, which is positioned in the th year of Integrated studies, is
always site-specific and contextually based. Within studio, urban morphology, both as a
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 theoretical framework and practical tool is used, for site-specific design and context-sen-
sitive researches. Within the Design studio, the teaching process is organized in that way
that it is intensely devoted to foster individual approaches of students and culture of
communication, both verbal and visual. In this process, teaching methodology is orien-
ted towards developing technics of communication in order to present ideas and con-
temporary designs to the professional and general public.
The course consists of three independent parts Seminar, Workshop and Design Stu-
dio. Each mentor within the course can organize it according to his own methods. Ac-
cording to this, for ten years within the of the leading author of the paper, a specific
methodological approach was developed.

The course is structures as follows:

The seminar is run through the semester parallel with Workshop and Design Studio.
The workshop is always organized at the beginning of the semester as a week-long study
trip (site visit, contact with the local community, field work etc ) and at the end of the
semester in the form of the exhibition on the site. Workshop results are used as inputs for
the Design Studio, deciding the theme, programme and character of the future spatial
interventions. The main result of Seminar is the verbalization of student s individual ideas
and research tactics that they developed on Design Studio. Design Studio is emphasizing
the role of the research. In this process divergent thinking in order to generate various in-
dividual themes and spatial interventions is promoted. At the same time, critical thinking
is fostered as a way of self-evaluation at the end and during the design process. During
the Workshop, Seminar is organized in the form of presentations and guided tours by lo-
cal experts.
During the course, individual results are produced for each part of it (Design Studio,
Seminar and Workshop) and are evaluated in the form of exam. After the completion
of the formal part of the semester, exhibition and publication of student semester works
are produced, as a selection of results from Seminar, Workshop and Design Studio and
as and outcome of coordinated activities and team work. Publication content consists
of illustrations of design work adapted to the book layout, themes derived from the work-
shop and written explanation of the research. Parallel to this, the exhibition is conceived
in the process of adapting the design to the agreed poster format, along with using in-
spiration from seminar work and exhibition techniques verified during the workshop. Each
student receives an individual grade, which in addition to evaluating individual stages
of work, is also based on assessing progress in developing a personal research sensibility
that was recognized at the beginning of the semester.
The evaluation criteria are based on the consistency of the research and the project.
There are four intersecting points in the evaluation process. The first one is the evaluation
of the workshop, which is organized during the 1st week of the semester. At this sta-
ge, the decision regarding the topic, character and programme of the intervention are
evaluated. The second point of intersection is the First Colloquium, organized in the th
week of teaching when the students present the concept design (in the scale of 1:1000).
Here, the correlation of the proposed concept and research or topic is evaluated. After
the colloquium, students complete their design focused on the requirements of the site.
The third point is the Second Colloquium when the students present design project (in
the scale of 1: 00), and it is organized in 1 th week of teaching. In the period from the
second Colloquium to the exam term, students work on presentation and elaboration of
the project in accordance with their individual topics.

RESEARCH SEMINAR – URBANISM: URBAN MORPHOLOGY AND TYPOLOGY

This Seminar objectives are focus to introduction to the research problem leading to
the PhD thesis - the improvement of scientific competences and academic skills, align-
ment of the topic with contemporary directions of development of the discipline in the
world, promotion of the multidisciplinary approach to contemporary topics dealing with
the phenomena of morphology and typology of urban spaces.
Regarding the learning outcomes seminar allows students to acquire the neces-

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sary critical knowledge and intellectual competences with which they will be able to
independently solve theoretical problems in their area. Using the latest knowledge on
morphological characteristics of urban space, students are introduced to the thematic
research leading to the PhD thesis; they develop critical thinking and the ability to com-
municate at a professional level.
Classes at the seminar are focused on the understanding of the phenomena of mor-
phology and typology of the city, as well as on a number of processes that accompany
their development and transformation. Morphological characteristics of urban areas
and their interdependence with functional characteristics, as well as their cultural con-
text, are the subject of complex considerations, while students are enabled to identify
and define their own interests in a given subject area. The overall phenomenon of the
structure of a city is observed morphogenetically or within the historical continuity of its
creation, development and change through time.
Independent research consists of the making of theoretical assumptions and their
practical verification on a specific polygon. Theoretical assumptions are typological and
morphological rules which establish principles and guidelines for urban planning and ar-
chitectural compositional solution of a selected polygon. The selected polygon is a spa-
tially functional unit which has the characteristics of unity and which includes different
morphological and typological elements of built structures and open spaces.

Conclusion
During the previous six years, 6 generations of Bachelor students have completed the
course of Urban Morphology (approximately 1 00 people ), two generations of Master
students have completed the course Design Studio 06u ( 34 people), and six generations
of PhD students have completed the Research Seminar – Urbanism: Urban morphology
and Typology (1 people). ased on the results achieved, the techniques and content of
the interactive teaching are reviewed annually. Experience so far has shown that small
but constant changes in teaching process are necessary in order to interact with new
generations and achieve the expected student activity. The personal interest and te-
amwork of the participants in the teaching so far has resulted in teaching aids: textbook,
illustrated glossary and a practicum is planned this year to help the students to acquire
and systematize the acquired knowledge in this subject / prepare the exam based on
linking the content of lectures and interactive teaching.

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 Figure 1.

Figure 2.

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Figure 3.

Figure 4.

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Footnotes
1
New School was active beetwen 19 1 and 19 . For more information see ( ,
201 ).
2
In 200 through international TEMPUS framework, many fundamental changes were
introduces into the Faculty Study Porgramme within the project entitled The Reform of
the Study Programme of the Faculty of Architecture of the University of elgrade. It is
through this Programme that the integration of the Faculty of Architecture into the “Eu-
ropean Area of Higher Education” as enabled. Programme has been operating since
200 . (Anon., 200 )

Caption
Fig.1 - Fig.2 - Illustrated Glossary (croquis drawings)
1. Urban structure, student: Tijana i i ; 2. Urban structure, student: Teodora Simonovi ;
3. Monocentric morphogenic processes, student: Una Korica; 4. Morphogenesis - Mode-
rate transformation, student: Ninoslav Markovic; 5. Monocentric morphogenic processes,
student: Jovana Stefanovi ; . Privileged position of the city, student: Daliborka Dabi
Fig. - Selected work from Master course, student: Tamara Koneska
Fig. - Selected work from PhD course, student: Aleksandra or evi

References
Anon., (19 ), kolska knjiga - Arhitektonski fakultet Univerzitet u eograd. eograd, Uni-
verzitet u Beogradu - Arhitektonski fakultet.
Anon., (199 ), Undergraduate studies - asic Study Teaching Plan and Program Faculty
of Architecture University of Belgrade. Belgrade, University of Belgrade - Faculty of
Architecture.
Anon., (200 ), Studije po evropskim standardima Univerzitet u eogradu - Arhitektonski
fakultet. Beograd, Univerzitet u Beogradu - Arhitektonski fakultet.
ladan, Djoki (200 ), Urbana morfologija - Grad i gradski trg, eograd, Univerzitet u e-
ogradu - Arhitektonski fakultet.
ladan, Djoki (2009), Urbana tipologija: Gradski trg u Srbiji (Urban Typology: City square
in Serbia). eograd ( elgrade), Univerzitet u eogradu - Arhitektonski fakultet (Univer-
sity of Belgrade - Faculty of Architecture).
oran, azovi ladimir, Mako eds. (201 ),1 0 li nosti za 1 0 godina visoko kolske na-
stave u oblasti arhitekture u Srbiji. eograd, Univerzitet u eogradu Arhitektonski fa-
kultet.
, , (201 ), (New School of Archi-
tecture in elgrade). , - ,
.

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PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Morphological ‘reading’ as a Catalyst for Conservation:

Results from an urban conservation course in Penang, Malaysia
Jeffrey W. Cody
Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles
Keywords: urban conservation, shop house morphology, mid-career training

Abstract

This paper focuses on the results of an urban conservation training course in Penang,
Malaysia conducted four times since 2012, the product of a collaboration between
the Getty Conservation Institute and Think City, an urban regeneration agency in the
World Heritage city of Penang, Malaysia (inscribed in 2008). This short, intense course is
for mid-career professionals (architects, urban planners, and urban designers) from the
ASEAN network, ten countries in Southeast Asia. Although the course is not focused on
urban morphology, an important component of the course centers on how to ‘read’
the historic fabric of a city such as Penang, which has several cultural overlays (South
Indians, Chinese, Muslims from several contexts, Europeans in a post-UK colonial con-
text, etc.). The course uses an actual historic neighborhood to introduce participants to
the challenges associated with ‘reading’ the neighborhood from a morphological and
historical evolutionary perspective. This entails understanding the ways that the tradition-
al Southeast Asian ‘shop house’ has evolved since its introduction into the city during
the late-19th century, and it implies the need for ‘reading’ the place with micro-level
sensitivity. This exercise provides an anchoring experience for participants, who not only
recognize forms and typologies from their home countries, but who also are required – in
the context of the course – to use this conceptual anchor as a basis for understanding
signi cance and how to lan for the retention of that signi cance as the city evolves
Other lessons from the course are: (1) the need to understand architectural typologies
within contemporary contexts of rapid change; (2) the importance of engaging with
local communities in determining how and where change should occur; and (3) the im-
portance of understanding and applying a well-recognized conservation methodology
so that signi cant historic fabric can be ro erly retained for the future

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 Introduction and Objective #1
This paper seeks to accomplish two inter-related objectives. First, it addresses a key
question related to urban conservation practice: how does historic context relate to the
significance of the place To provide one answer to this crucial question crucial be-
cause of the pivotal role that questions of significance figure in contemporary urban
conservation situations I will use a series of recent experiences from the historic city
of George Town, Penang (Malaysia), created in the late-18th century by the British in
the context of colonial expansion in the Southeast Asia region; George Town was jointly
inscribed (with Melaka) on the World Heritage List in 2008. These experiences stem from
four urban conservation training courses I have helped create and then directed, as a
Senior Project Specialist in the Buildings & Sites Department of the Getty Conservation In-
stitute in Los Angeles, along with staff from Think City, an urban regeneration organization
in Malaysia. In what follows, I will explain the important role played by the physical and
non-physical attributes of historic architecture in Penang, as elsewhere especially as
these attributes relate to the creation of a statement of significance for a historic place.
I will further explain how this statement relates to an overriding conservation-focused
methodology which, in turn, helps in the eventual conservation of the historic place. Thus,
in relation to this paper s title, the reading of the context historically, architecturally,
semiotically ultimately becomes an important catalyst for the eventual conservation of
the site.

Objective #2
The paper s second objective is to re ect upon how a Muratori-esque typo-morpholo-
gical approach which usually, but not exclusively, has been applied in European con-
texts might be useful in its application to the George Town case and, by implication, to
other places in East Asia. The deep respect that the mid-20th century Italian architectural
educator Saverio Muratori demonstrated for a full, rich, penetrating understanding of a
site s context along with its architectural genesis and evolution provides an inspiration
for better understanding the context one confronts in many historic urban landscapes
worldwide. By unlocking and analyzing more carefully the variegated meanings related
to any one building, site, setting, neighborhood or place, a better case can be made
for its significance. One salient reason why Muratori s focus on the evolution of classical
Roman, domestic house types has such relevance to understanding an urban manife-
station with very different architectural genomes is because of a proto-typical, partially
domestic structure that is often called the Asian “shophouse”. Recent scholarship has
shown that this “quintessential urban vernacular form evolves as a type in [its] techniques
and function, on the one hand, and the investment of meaning and cultural values in its
form, on the other [hand].” From Japan and China to India and other regions of South
Asia with many tributaries branching off this trade-related arc the shophouse spaw-
ned innumerable variations on the theme of a dually-functioning urban type: (1) a retail
shop facing a commercial street, over and behind which was (2) a series of domestic
spaces, some very private and others semi-public.

Muratori’s methodology applied to the shophouse

One can see how these Asian types resonate with the kinds of analyses that Muratori
and his followers conducted, using Roman domus prototypes. As one scholar has noted,
”Through the diachronic and synchronic analysis of building types, the [Italian morpholo-
gical] school attempted to explain the structural continuity of traditional cities and further
provided a non-arbitrary, powerful, and convincing reference for planning and design
projects of historic centers and areas. In general, the typology-led planning technique
regards building types as the engine driving the interventions of historic centers. It follows
specific typological rules to intervene and manage historic urban fabrics by single bits,
which means treating individual buildings and their aggregated urban forms as a unit of
intervention.” The “single bits” alluded to here, when applied to Asian historic cities, are
often shophouses. In some recent cases, scholars have suggested how the Italian typo-
logy and morphology-led techniques might provide a useful conceptual framework for

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contemporary planning in some Chinese cities.
However, ”another modality, the morphology-led planning technique, is more con-
cerned with the complex aggregates and individual constituent materials. Through
analyzing morphological features that shape urban sequences, groups of buildings, and
portions of urban fabrics, this technique aims to identify morphological units or, more
precisely, recognizable parts of urban landscape. It also cares about the materials and
elements of buildings and open spaces (e.g., fences, windows, doors, plaster coatings,
etc.), since they compose the morphological vocabulary and create the image of hi-
storic areas. The first significant application of this technique was the planning for Assisi
during 1955 to 1958, which provided a comprehensive survey and description of mor-
phological and social economic features of the historic center for the first time, and
included the care of common buildings and surrounding urban landscape, not solely
monuments.”

Astengo’s Assisi work, largely ignored

The meticulous planning and inventory work of Giovanni Astengo in Assisi during the
19 0s was not only impressive in its own right, but it also suggests a methodology one
where every structure and cadastral lot is scrutinized and assessed in terms of its contri-
bution to a larger urban whole that certainly has implications for all historic cities, Asia
included. However, the stark reality is that all-too-few Asian cities and their decision
makers have understood the importance of Astengo s work, or indeed of other Italian
architects and planners of the early twentieth century, many of whom urged caution
when modern architects advocated for radical reconstruction in the wake of war. In
addition to Muratori, Caniggia, and Astengo, these cautionary architects included Gu-
stavo Giovannoni in Rome(who preceded the three I just mentioned), Carlo Cesari in
Ferrara, and Gianluigi Cervellati in Bologna, just to name a few.

George Town, Penang as a useful urban landscape for an urban conservation course
One Asian city that has implicitly adopted this parcel-by-parcel documentation ap-
proach is George Town, Penang, where, as a result of the rigorous World Heritage inscrip-
tion process, organizations such as the Penang Heritage Trust before inscription in 200
and George Town World Heritage Incorporated, or Think City after inscription have
conducted careful physical and social surveys in order to understand more holistically
why the city is so significant. Recalling these actions leads me back to the Getty-Think
City urban conservation courses that I have been coordinating in their four similar, but
distinctive iterations since 2012. I will brie y summarize those training courses before I re-
turn to the point of how a morphological reading of the city for our course participants
helped them better understand social and architectural significance. The courses grew
out of a formal collaboration in 2011 between Think City and the Getty Conservation In-
stitute to deliver three training courses for mid-career Malaysian planners and architects,
some of whom are regularly charged with either accepting or rejecting development
proposals, based on plot ratios and other planning criteria. The first two courses were held
in George Town, in 2012 and 2013, and a third course was delivered in Kuala Lumpur in
2015. Although these courses focused on Malaysian cities, and most participants were se-
lected from Malaysia, course content could be adapted to the needs and uses of other
countries in the region; Hanoi, Phnom Penh, and Bangkok, for instance, all of which are
experiencing threats to their historic urban fabric, and all of which still have many extant
shophouses. The courses also related the values-based approach to the realities of con-
temporary planning practice, so that participants could connect methods they already
used in architectural or planning practice to this new, conservation-focused approach.
As one of our instructors put it, “We pulled the course participants completely out of
their comfort zone, since many of the ideas presented went against their formal training
and work approach. Participants quickly recognized that they could not plan from on
high and make decisions that will affect thousands of lives and properties without going
down to the ground to try and understand how people use their space, what their heri-
tage and social values are, and how it all connects. Or as we like to say, planners draw
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 spaces but people make places.” Conventionally, many planners in Malaysia either ap-
prove or reject proposals—often by property developers—to transform (or “renew”) older
parts of cities into more “modern” areas with high-rise structures. Thus, they sit “on high” in
front of their computers and match the development proposal with what the law permits
in terms of height, footprint, and number of square meters. If the proposal complies with
the law, they approve it, often without worrying about the implications of their decisions.
Many of our course participants experienced an epiphany when they realized there was
a sensible rationale for treating historic areas with greater care and sensitivity than what
their standard urban planning courses had required. The courses, designed for urban
planners and architects, stressed the importance of asking, “Why is this building or place
important To answer that question, participants needed to link a place s significance
to particular kinds of values cultural, social, architectural, scientific, or others as arti-
culated by a wide range of stakeholders in the community. A better understanding of
which values a place embodies helps us determine what makes it special. We can then
think about how best to manage the site s significance by implementing particular poli-
cies, interventions, or monitoring steps.” The key to taking necessary steps, therefore, was
understanding the context of the place in order to clarify its significance.

Imparting a conservation methodology

The courses used the Australian Burra Charter (1979, with later amendments) as a
basis for teaching a conservation-based methodology. By using this charter -- widely
employed throughout Asia and elsewhere -- instructors helped participants understand
(1) the challenges and practicalities associated with the documentation and recording
of historic places, (2) how to understand significance and the writing of a Statement of
Cultural Significance, ( ) how to develop policy based on that significance, and ( ) how
to manage historic sites in accordance with those policies. During the courses, small
neighborhoods within the World Heritage area were used as living laboratories, or field
sites, and participants were able to apply lessons learned from a PowerPoint lecture or
discussion to an actual place. One example and one course field exercise -- was rela-
ted Kedah Road, once a village path through Malay, Jawi Peranakan, and Indian Mu-
slim settlements in 19th-century George Town, where participants were asked to identify
the values that helped make this now seemingly ordinary neighborhood so significant.
We knew, since we had scoped out this location with the help of local course instructors,
that several South Indian bakers were still operating their small businesses behind un-
marked doors, that there was an important local temple within what looked like a shop
house, and that there were several small religious shrines at the rear of some structures.
ut participants didn t know these things until they asked residents questions and exami-
ned the social, as well as physical intricacies of the place. In this way, participants were
better able—as budding urban anthropologists—to specify what made Kedah Road so
distinctive and important. During another field exercise, which focused on the early 19th
century market town of alik Pulau, participants drafted a statement of cultural signifi-
cance and developed an abbreviated “special area plan” for the town. Saving the old,
abandoned market was a key element of the proposed plans, as was the maintenance
of rows of shop houses, which re ected the town s social and economic evolution.

Field site: shophouses as the predominant building type

In the most recent iteration of the course in 201 we selected a small neighborhood
on the periphery of the buffer zone of the World Heritage site, a popular enclave becau-
se of the food (especially “chendol” ) one can buy there from street vendors. However,
food was not the primary criterion for selecting this site. Instead, it was because this small
neighborhood exemplified many of the contemporary challenges to urban conservation
seen throughout the ASEAN region: what kind of infill architecture might be inserted into
empty space; how to retain authentic shophouses at a place where the urban mor-
phology changes so dramatically; what kind of public spaces might be designed in the
neighborhood; and how to cope aesthetically, architecturally, and otherwise with
the proximity of a new light rail line, which is proposed immediately adjacent to the area.

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Course participants were tasked with defining what made this small neighborhood so
significant ; they (in small groups) needed to create a statement of cultural significan-
ce that would become the baseline document for ultimate rehabilitation/redesign of
the site. In order to understand the morphology and evolution of the place, it proved
to be exceedingly beneficial for participants to begin their understanding of the place
by focusing on the shop house building type. As mentioned above, many were already
intimately aware of this type in their home settings, so they could immediately read
the neighborhood s morphology, thanks to the prevalence of the shop houses. I should
stress that their understanding of the physical evolution of the study site was aided by
this knowledge, even though their understanding of the social evolution stemmed from
interviews with local residents and other data that we supplied to them. The main point I
emphasize is that the morphological reading of the site was greatly facilitated by using a
Muratori-esque methodology, which was then supplemented by other readings of the
place, derived from other kinds of data.

Lessons and Conclusions

One of the key lessons we have learned from conducting this course and I should
add that the course will occur again in November 2020 and sometime in 2022 was
the need to understand architectural typologies within contemporary contexts of rapid
change. The rationale of the Getty has been that there is an enormous need for much
better-trained practitioners in the ASEAN (and Asian) region who have an ability to make
solid, well-founded judgments about urban change. This need is made even more inten-
se by the impending, likely but largely unknown changes from the climate crisis. If these
practitioners do not have the sensitivity to undersand deeply and in a Muratori-esque
fashion the physical context in which they are working, then their tasks are even more
formidable. A second lesson, and one perhaps not as germane to a Muratori methodolo-
gy, is the importance of engaging with local communities in determining how and where
change should occur. This kind of outreach, which the participants inherently seem to
embrace, is fundamental to sustainable solutions in urban conservation. Thus, a portion
of the course also stresses some of the ways such communication with local residents
might happen. A third lesson, and the final one I underscore, is the importance of under-
standing and applying a well-recognized conservation methodology so that significant
historic fabric can be properly retained for the future. The methodology we have found
to be most useful in the Asian context is the one largely promoted by Australian practitio-
ners, called the urra Charter. y imparting this methodology to participants and one
should note that first step in the methodology, since that s were a morphological reading
of the place is so crucial ad hoc solutions are avoided. Instead, participants in the cour-
se learned that by crafting a statement of cultural significance, they were not simply en-
gaged in a so-called academic exercise. Instead, they were creating a foundation upon
which to create policies for conservation, which then could enhance the site. Therefore,
Muratori s attention to contextual detail fits well within the scope of what we try to con-
vey in this distant urban conservation course, “distant” in time (from Muratori), “distant”
in place (from Italy), but fundamentally “near” to all of us who are concerned with the
importance of urban form in both understanding and conserving historic cities.

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 Figure 1. Aerial view of central George Town, Penang Island, Malaysia, 201 . Photo by
Author.

Figure 2. Main features of a typical, southern Chinese-derived shophouse in Penang.

Drawing by Tan Yeow Wooi, 2009.

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Figure 3. Street view of Chendol Street , the study site for the Old Cities, New Challenges
course, showing the prevalent building type of shophouses.

Figure 4. Conservation methodology derived from the Australian Burra Charter (1979,
with later revisions).

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 Footnotes
https://www.getty.edu/conservation/our projects/field projects/urban/
Jeff Cody and Francesco Siravo, eds., Historic Cities: Issues in Urban Conservation (Los
Angeles: Getty Publications, 2019), 209-215.
For Muratori and his importance, see, e.g., Giancarlo Cataldi, Gian Luigi Maffei and
Paolo Vaccaro, “Saverio Muratori and the Italian school of planning typology,” Urban
Morphology , no. 1 (2002): -1 ; and Marco Maretto, Saverio Muratori: il progetto della
città (Milano: FrancoAngeli s.r.l., 2012.
Wong Yunn Chii and Johannes Widodo, eds., Shophouse/Townhouse: Asian Perspecti-
ves (Singapore: Department of Architecture, National University of Singapore, 201 ;
Wang Han and Jia Beisi, “A morphological study of traditional shophouse in China and
Southeast Asia , Int. conf. Green Architecture for Sustainable iving and Environment, 29
November 201 ; Hideo Izumida, Historical Study on the Colonial Cities and Architecture
in Southeast Asia, Part I, Journal of Architecture, Planning, Environment, Engineering AIJ,
no. 1 (July 1990): 1 1-1 2.
Fei Chen and Ombretta Romice, Preserving the Cultural Identity of Chinese Cities in
Urban Design through a Typomorphological Approach,” Urban Design International, vol.
1 , no. 1 (April 2009): - ; and Shuyi ie, earning from Italian Typology- and Morpholo-
gy- ed Planning Techniques: a planning framework for ingping, iamen, Sustainability
2019, 11( ), 1 2; https://doi.org/10. 90/su110 1 2.
Shuyi ie, earning from Italian Typology .
Cody and Siravo, Historic Cities: Issues in Urban Conservation.
For more on this approach, see Erica Avrami, Susan Macdonald, Randall Mason, and
David Myers, eds., Values in Heritage Management: emerging approaches and research
directions (Los Angeles: Getty Conservation Institute, 2019).
These kinds of plans are permitted under Malaysian laws. See, e.g., World Heritage Site
Special Area Plan, George Town (2016).
Chendol, popular throughout Southeast Asia, is an iced sweet dessert that contains
droplets of green rice our jelly, coconut milk and palm sugar syrup.

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PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Schools of Municipality I of Rome: reading of the derivation

process from the special type: the palace and the convent
Cinzia Paciolla
La Sapienza Università di Roma, DiAP, DRACo - Dottorato di Ricerca in Architettura e
Costruzione, Rome.
Keywords: Urban morphology, architectural design, urban design

Abstract

This research presented is a part of a doctoral thesis that is not already concluded.
The latter wants to making a reading of the training and transforming school buildings
processes into consolidated fabrics.
S eci cally this a er describes how the school building retains the ty ological char-
acters of palaces and convents.
Indeed, the architects, who had the task of outlining the con guration of the schools,
had to reformulate new theoretical and ractical aradigms for these buildings The de-
sign must synthesize, coherently and organically, the new urban role of the building, the
relationship with the city and functional needs.
The searching for the school s sha e leads the designers to analyze the matri charac-
ters of the consolidated building types, that are permanent in the organic process made
by continuous transformations and innovations.
In this com le rocess of de nition of ty e, the references are convents and the
palaces. The schools of the Municipality I of Rome are studied through the tools of urban
morphology. They have some differences: one part of the schools analyzed is obtained
in re-e isting s ecial buildings in which it s ossible recognize some ty ological interven-
tions and adaptations, the other part collects the new buildings that is constructed on an
empty area adopting the matrix of the type adapted and updated to the new complex
of required functions.
The study of these organisms explains the typological process, arise from the need to
intertwine some new elements to the original matrix, such as special spaces (auditorium,
refectory, laboratory, gym ...).

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 Historical legacy as a design tool in the twentieth century
This research is a part of PhD thesis called “Rome. Municipality I: reading of the urban
fabric and of the school buildings for the contemporary transformation and design” de-
veloped in DRACo doctoral school. The research is dedicated to the school buildings
of the Municipality I of Rome intended as architectural organisms characterized by the
continuous need to transform themselves, adapting to the different conditions and main-
taining, however, the character of their structure.
Recently the issue about modernization of schools has been widely discussed. The
international discussion was very heated and brought to new distributive and functional
schemes, manuals and design guidelines. On the contrary, this research considers the
school as an act of process, moment of logical transformation, and the design as inven-
tion, line guide that allows to identify a continuity thread.
I mean design as invention. This word has no meaning of originality and something
new. It derives for the atin term invenio which, meaning to find or to meet , indicates
the finding and discovery. In this sense, the project arises from the observation of so-
mething already given and permanent and becomes an act of progress.
The case studies of this research, show how, in the process of transformation and de-
sign of the contemporary city, both a dramatic innovation of the fabric both an equal
continuity of the characteristics of architecture emerge. These special buildings, in their
complexity, collect some process laws, notions that contain the dialectical relationship
between enclosure and cover, serial and organic structures, cities and buildings.
In fact, at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury, institutional buildings, including schools, represented the government power and
the upgrade of the European capital city. Architects was called to formulate some pa-
radigms able to synthetize organically the urban role and the emerging functional needs
of education.
The school required some series of rooms reserved for teaching and for administrative
services, some rooms for special functions and a large interior space used both to distri-
bute the interiors and both to mediate the relationship with the city1.
When the capital was moved to Rome and the historic city suddenly underwent the
consequent transformation, there was an immediate propensity to reuse some special
buildings, palaces and convents, organized through paths tangent to the internal open
space. This is a process that follows what generated the Italian building as an organic so-
lidarity of housing units. This fusion determines one space that is a spatial and distributive
node, centre around which building’s life unfolds.
Below, in the search of the new shape of schools, the designers were inspired by the
matrix of the consolidated building types2.
The architects were in charge of outlining a new configuration of the school building.
They had to reformulate some theoretical-operational paradigms capable to synthetize
coherently the new relationships between portions of city determined by its growth (axes
of restructuring of the consolidated fabric and expansion matrices), the renewed urban
role of public buildings, the emerging functional needs of the instruction building.
The organization of these new buildings, although articulated according to new pa-
rameters, presented characteristics that are still found in tradition. They are not an ori-
ginal product of new distribution and structural logics. It is impossible interpreting the
characters of the new buildings as the exclusive result of new requests and languages.
From these considerations, school buildings are studied, through the tools of the typo-
logical/processual approach of Muratori’s urban morphology school an interpretations
of specific typologies classifiable in serial and nodal specialist buildings.
The first one is the result of the serial repetition of rooms (more or less equal and hierar-
chized) organized by a distribution path often carried out around open spaces such as
courtyards, cloisters, patios. The second one is characterized by a large central space,
distributively served and dominating the other serial and collaborating rooms.
The reference, taken from common experience, is constituted by the building type
of convent and palace. The study was conducted on about forty schools in the historic
center of Rome. In this paper are presented only two case studies that highlight how the

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nedded spaces of schools are adapted to the shape of the historical convent.
Specifically, two cases that derive from conventual typology are presented. The first
school is realized in a pre-existed building in the historic center and the second one is a
newly built school designed in the consolidated fabric.

Luigi Settembrini School

Consider the case of the “Luigi Settembrini” kindergarden and primary school on the
block overlooking the Trevi fountain. The school was built where there was the Chierici
Regolari Minori’s convent which dates back to around 1670.
The school occupies the entire section of the block because, through the monumen-
tal portal on via del avatore, you enter a vestibule, the corridor and finally you reach
the staircase located on Modelli street. In this way, the classrooms of the school are illu-
minated by the facade on the back and through to the two internal courtyards whose
architectural beauty is evidenced by the quality of the interiors, decorated with pilasters,
entablatures and frames.
This distribution system highlights the numerous transformations that the complex has
undergone over time. In this part of the research, we see the adaptations that defined
the building’s current shape and how it responded to the integration of different fun-
ctions.
The oldest part was probably made up of the oratory of the friars and a series of ele-
mentary cells carried out along the perimeter of the adjacent courtyard. In a second
phase these rooms were organized through a path that starts from the presbytery area
of the church. Probably the block had a completely different shape comparing to now.
It is possible that it had a road centrally, a continuation of Scavolino street, where some
perpendicular rooms were installed orthogonal. In a later phase, in the desire to expand
the building, these rooms are merged with the complex. The dividing axis, previously
coinciding with the path between the convent and the new structures, in this phase
works as overturning and doubling axis of the plant. Similar to what happens in urban fa-
brics, it becomes the nodal axis of the entire new organism and is readable through the
hierarchization of the monumentalized portal surmounted by three windows with frames
on the street that leads to the Trevi fountain. With this addition, are merged the internal
courtyard of the connected block and the corridor that retrace the old privatized road.
In the final phase, due to the need to more easily reach the elevations, the staircase is
built at the end of the corridor on Via dei Monelli. Thus the nodal axis corresponding to
the oratory is maintained. Its centralizing role is strengthened over time even if it loses re-
adability in the facade as a result of the increase along the path and the incorporation
of the private houses.
The convent distribution system today serves the school in the same way. Furthermo-
re, both in the convent and in the school, the functions occupy special positions along
the routes. The gym and the refectory occupy the oratory room on the different oors.
The main courtyard of the convent, adjacent to the corridor, maintains the recreational
function capable of hosting small events. The teaching rooms, on the other hand, are
arranged serially in the rooms previously used for the houses of the friars.

Alfredo Baccarini School

The second case study is the “Alfredo Baccarini” elementary school. The building is
located on the block between Sforza street and Cavour street in the historic Monti nei-
ghbourhood. In Giambattista Nolli historical map the block was occupied entirely by
Sant’Annunziata and the Augustinian’s church and monastery. Following the construction
of via Cavour, the complex underwent a partial demolition and a portion of it was desti-
ned for the Medici barracks. In 1926, the school building was built on the sediment in a
part of the military complex, in the raised garden area of the ancient monastery.
In the original design, the school consisted of the gym and the classroom building. The
latter is organized on paths carried out around the rectangular courtyard along which
the classrooms are disposed perimeter. The distribution system is organized according
to the hierarchy of internal routes and presents the stairs placed in a polar position with
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 respect to the main entrance route.
The typological analysis of the school allows us to highlight how the characters of the
conventual type are transmitted to the new buildings. Consider the convent normally
composed of a nodal special building, the church, and the adjacent part dedicated
to the monks’ dwelling which is consisting of the repetition of series of virtually interchan-
geable cells. The series of rooms that make up the convent is organized through a path
that starts from the presbytery area of the church. Similarly, to what happens in the urban
fabric, this path acts as the matrix3 of a subsequent building path4 on which the new
series of modular cells is organized. The next path, a connecting route5, concludes the
formation of the cloister and permanently identifies external access coincinding with the
dividing line tangent to the church.
The “Baccarini” school is a very clear example of the processual derivation of educa-
tional buildings from cloistered plant. It reinterprets the cloister replaced by the central
open and rectangular space.
On one side of the cloister the gym, similar to the nodal church, covers functions si-
milar to those of the religious building (events, manifestations ...). The double distributive
building that define the court is used for classrooms and administrative offices.
During the execution of the works, one part of the plot was destined for the barracks
and, although the building differs from the project, it preserves the principle that gene-
rated it.
These schools explain how many special buildings reinterpret the characteristics of tra-
ditional architecture. The design of the new schools provides for its continuous updating
of the typologies’ process.
In fact, the derivation of the school from the conventual types takes place through
the reinterpretation of the court and the reuse of the monastery which transmits the cha-
racters to the new organism. Moved by the need to perform new functions and roles, the
elements of the enclosure acquire specific characters capable of transforming, typologi-
cally, some simple and serial systems into complex and organic structures. This investiga-
tion is based on the belief that these potential changes constitute the substance of the
contemporary project and suggest looking at the design as a means of continuing and
innovating the inherited characteristics.

Figure 1. Typological analysis of Luigi Settembrini School;

Figure 2. Typological analysis of Alfredo Baccarini School.

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Footnotes
1
Gazzetta Ufficiale del Regno d Italia n.2 2 del 0 novembre 1 , Monza, pp. 0-
5542.
2
The building type expresses the concept of “house” historically stated. It implies bu-
ilding set of rules belonging to a specific place and time which synthetizes the previous
experience of the same character assumed by the building operator as a guide before
acting. In these tenns the buiding type identifies with a collectively shared project.
3
Matrix route crossing through the territory to connect two poles in the most direct
way.
4
The building route are orthogonal to the matrix route when it is stated to devote to
building activity the borders of the latter. The distance between a planned building route
and the following one corresponds to back-to-back arrangement of the building lots.
5
The connecting routes connect two successive planned building routes, usually or-
thogonal to each other, to facilitate the relations between different pertinent strips.

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tura n.25.
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sabella, n. 245.
Panizza M. (1954), P. Scuole materne, elementari e secondarie, in Carbonara P ed., Archi-
tettura pratica, Utet, Torino.
Acocella A. (1986), “La tipologia unilineare: modello dell’edilizia scolastica italiana a
cavallo del 1900“, Edilizia scolastica e culturale, v. 1, p. 97-107.
Casalini M. (19 2), e scuole di Roma, Istituto Editoriale di Monografie Illustrative di Azien-
de, Roma. Casalina, M., Le scuole di Roma, Roma, 1932.
Secchi . (192 ), Edifici scolastici italiani primari e secondari. Norme tecnico-igieniche per
lo studio dei progetti. Hoepli, Milano.
Leschiutta F.E. (1985), Linee evolutive dell’edilizia scolastica. Vicende, norme, tipi, 1949-
1985. Bulzoni. Roma.
“Studi schemi progetti” (1953), in Centro Studi del Servizio Centrale per l’Edilizia Scolasti-
ca, Stabilimenti Tipografici E. Ariani e Arte della Stampa, Firenze.

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PH.5 Urban Morphology and Education/Methods and Spaces

Schools as Elements to Regenerate the Communities in the

Contemporary Cities. Case Study: Kashan, Iran
Elham Karbalaei Hassani
[email protected]
Ph.D. Candidate in Architecture and Construction at DRACo, Sapienza University of Rome
Keywords: Schools, Urban or hology, egeneration, Kashan, Community Center

Abstract

It is apparent that all around the world schools are considered as functional elements
of social, cultural and economic growth of the communities. Therefore, it could be an
area of interest for architects and urban planners to design schools not only as separated
and isolated buildings only for educational objectives but also as public centers with
interactions with the urban space next to them. Consequently, they could play a
signi cant role to re uvenate the conte t of settlements by romoting academic, social
and urban cohesion in this way.
This paper is going to address the issue of schools as integral elements to regenerate
communities in the contemporary cities through the ages. We carried out this procedure
in the historical city of Kashan in Iran. To achieve this goal, this research aims to study the
mor hology of Kashan rst at urban level to recognize different hases overla ed each
other, then in plot and block levels. In the following, it examines schools inside the urban
fabric to investigate possible transformations in nodal areas of the urban space.
To carry out this task, eld research and descri tive-analytical techni ues were
employed to develop the documents. The schools that were included as case studies
in this research were analyzed through urban mor hology tools oreover, block and
lot ty es inside the urban conte ts were studied to su ort better identi cation,
understanding and description of this procedure.

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 Introduction
The 21st century has been known as the ‘age of the city’. The concentration of
human action is what makes urban communities such a significant space of chance and
challenge. An admired vision of information based on urban improvement would argue
for fair attention regarding economic, social, environmental and governance issues in
order to accomplish comprehensive, prosperous cities (Yigitcanlar, 2014).
The difficulty in architectural and urban regeneration in the last decades, has led
scholars to search inside the conservation of the historic city the strategy towards the
problem of urban regeneration. Globalization poses to the city, and to whom takes care
of the urban and architectural project, a new fundamental question about the need
for more understanding of the process of urban transformation, in order to formulate
compatible adjustments, especially to be in position to propose new architectural
organisms renewed and enriched with spaces for relationships. The design tools
adopted up to this moment have often proved insufficient to meet the demands of the
contemporary city (Carlotti, 2014). Therefore, through the potentials of urban morphology
instruments, new rules and methodological criteria in order to regenerate the city urban
fabric will be extracted.
Public schools are significant components of public infrastructure within our countries.
Schools in uence neighborhoods, urban areas, and districts. We should be worried about
the role of public schools framework—a social and physical foundation that is crucial
for the strength of urban communities. The efficiency of urban areas depends, to some
extent, on the nature of schools.
Similarly, the quality of schools relies upon the quality of urban areas. However, there
is a significant detach among urban areas and schools that is obvious in local practice,
investigate, professional degree programs, and most policy-making levels. Moreover,
there is a problematic detach that should be overcome between the education system
and the field of city planning ( incent, 200 ).
Schools should consider themselves to be a community resource, opening their facilities
to neighborhood individuals, providing education to the community, or supporting
families under pressure and connecting them to different organizations.
this article is planned for arranging specialists to help dismantle the disconnect and
argues that public schools should be considerably more integrated into more extensive
urban planning and policy making, especially their infrastructure and capital planning.
It will be an opportunity to consider the relations between schools and community
regeneration projects in a different way.

efinition of Comm nit

Community is a social space in which people associate for individual and collective
interests. Community is also a social process marked by interaction and deliberation
among people who share purposes, interests, capacities and fallibilities. Relationships
and community grow out of shared values (like caring, participation, mutual respect,
equality, and inclusiveness) and experiences. Diverse members choose to engage in
common effort. Feelings of trust, competence, independence, and interdependence
are made clear and strengthened. Building, strengthening, and sustaining relationships is
a purpose and a function of creating communities of learning (Graves, 2011).

e ne i ion for c oo comm nit center to re ener te t e citie

Public schools are closely connected with communities. They operate as learning
centers. They utilize inhabitants, and they associate neighbors with each other. As
place-based foundations, they are a piece of an area’s physical texture, affecting
neighborhood housing markets and impacting the community’s architectural character
(Chung, 2005).
Important new exchanges over the nations are bringing up issues about the
connection between public school quality and neighborhood improvement, making
new approaches for public schools and, perceiving the capability of public schools as
instruments in urban development and regeneration (Bingler, 1999; Chung, 2002; Baum,
200 ; incent, 200 b).
These issues emerge when city authorities understand that poor-performing schools
hamper city regeneration objectives, for example, attracting and holding middle-class
families and when teachers perceive that concentration of urban suburban deprivation
makes academic performance more difficult to boost ( aum, 200 ; McKoy and incent,
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200 ; incent, 200 a). In spite of expanding proof of progress, for example, the movement
of community schools (Dryfoos, 1994; Blank et al., 2003; Dryfoos et al., 2005) and the
developing enthusiasm for linking schools and community improvement (Timpane and
Reich, 1997; Stone et al., 1999; McGaughy, 2000; Chung, 2002), this distinction stays clear
at various levels.
Michael Schubert believes that there are huge school improvement endeavors in
progress in numerous cities, however these are rarely related to attempts in similar urban
communities to rejuvenate neighborhoods. Schools are slowly being improved, yet there
is no deliberate method to interface that improvement to positive changes that might
be happening in the area.
Accordingly, The new vision for schools is to consider them to be the community’s
physical centers. All things considered, they exist in almost every community they are
possessed and administered by people in general. They are tangible places through
which the vast majority of people go in their lives. They have immense physical and
human resources of incredible quality and variety. Schools should be seen as places
that individuals of any age use day and night, year around for purposes decided by
community advisory committees representing every one of the numerous segments of
the schools’ communities. They should be the energizing points to build a community. In
cooperation with other city organizations and institutions, community building endeavors
ought to be done. To summarize, the academic, social and recreational needs of the
people in the communities should be met in schools (Edwards and Brown, 1996).
The target is to build a community where children, adolescents, instructors, parents
and members of the community interactively collaborate with each other.

C r cteri tic of c oo comm nit center

Community centers are intended to support social gathering and give spaces to
individuals to assemble and interact together in both scheduled and incidental ways.
A center typically includes a facility or potentially space that takes into account nearby
associations and local groups to offer a range of exercises, projects, resources and events
that meet a community’s social needs (Rossiter, 2007).
A center can be general in nature, like a neighborhood or multi-functional center,
with an emphasis on community data, social communication, meeting space, child care
and community improvement.
It also can incorporate public facilities, for example, a recreation center, library, school,
medicinal services and additionally social help programs. Different design structures may
include a commercial focal point like a market-place or transport center, or highlight an
open urban gathering place, for example a plaza.
There are multiple definitions of a school as community center including:
• Schools as community centers are viewed as those educational establishments,
which serve not only the school community (students and educators) but are open and
in the administration of all individuals from the neighborhood.
• They are organizations that set up and build up their work dependent on the
necessities of families, students and the community.
• They offer a wide range of services, after school hours for families, students and the
community.
• Schools as community centers welcome instructors and parents together as they
take part in shared decision-making.
• These centers guarantee social cohesion.
• They are based on the strengths of community (Graves, 2011).
• Schools to be the center of neighborhoods and communities demonstrate practical
applications of how schools and community can work together to share their facilities
(Persse, 2017).

Methodology
Urban morphology has grown primarily in Europe, where a wealth of historical maps,
plans and other documents exist. In most Iranian urban communities such records are
similarly rare. In any case, the historical backdrop of these cities over thousands of years
is exemplified in their urban development phases.
There are rarely any archaeological reviews of Kashan. Yet the city’s history is
embedded in its urban fabric. ia cautious assessment of the current urban fabric, it
is conceivable to follow the procedures that have formed the city, regardless of the
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 scarcity of documentary records (Caniggia and Maffei, 2001; Conzen, 1981a). In
accordance with a consolidated methodology, by analyzing small historical towns and
their landscape it is possible to acknowledge the urban fabric’s formation phases before
considering their transformation project (Strappa, Leva and Dimatteo, 2003).
By considering the capacities of the urban morphology approach this study has been
implemented through these methods:

1-Case study
The study implemented the case study approach, concentrating on schools in the
historical context of Kashan in Iran. All the selected schools have been examined in both
areas of urban and plot scales. Such case studies were chosen since they had been
and continued to be dependent upon regeneration activities. The case studies were
analyzed through urban morphology devices. It sought to examine:
- How the designers are able to use the potentials of inner and outer parts of the
schools to regenerate the neighborhoods around them.
- The opportunities and challenges which these schools might face in the process of
transforming to the community centers
- Another essential component of the investigation is the recognition of school building
types
eing aware of these components within the urban texture clarifies the significant role
school structures can play in nodal areas of the settlements to regenerate the context of
cities.

2-Survey and site visit

To obtain current information about the present situation and condition of the case study
areas, survey and site visit are needed.
Current information on the case study areas was gathered through school observation
followed by debate within the local authorities and school principals. Furthermore,
photographs, brochures and drawing maps have been acquired primarily in this phase.

3-Literature study
General comprehension of the issue and the case study areas was gained through the
study of relevant and up-to-date literatures including past and current studies in this field.

4-Interview
Interviews were conducted with school principals and local authorities, supplemented
by specific questions as suitable. They were recorded digitally, and subsequently
transcribed in full or part, and interview notes were taken to be utilized in the research
procedure.

e oc tion t e inter n n t e r n mor o o of n

Leaving Tehran in a south / southwest direction, the road leads one through a region
between the western outskirt of the central Iranian desert belt in the east and the Zagros
Mountains running in a north-western — south-eastern direction in the west. These
mountains ascend to nearly 4000 meters. The urban cities of Qum (ca. 160 km southwest
of Tehran) and Kashan (ca. 260 km southwest of Tehran and ca. 220 km north of Isfahan)
are situated between the alluvial fans of these mountains and the Dasht-I Kavir.
Proof on Kashan City’s morphology before modern extension originates from a variety
of sources. Over the past fifty years, physical improvement in Kashan s townscape has
been restricted and most has come through modern suburbs. The old part within the
walls has considerable qualities of an Islamic Persian city. It was a city which had evolved
over hundreds of years.
Before the improvement of the new suburbs, the developed region was completely
confined within the walls. It was compact and constructed corresponding to the axis of
the alluvial fan on which it was standing. The town had an elegant oval shape at the time
of the building of the present wall (most likely in the early nineteenth century).
From the air, Kashan looks like most old Islamic urban communities, gathered together
with various cell-like structures and a maze of irregular streets between. This irregularity
came from urban growth’s spontaneous nature. The network of route ways evolved and
formed without planning direction (Figure 1).

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Modern expansion
During the present century, significant changes have occurred in the physical
morphology of Kashan City . In a specific way, these mirror the patterns towards social
gathering by class and income as opposed to race, family or religion, evident in Iranian
society in general.
The reading of Kashan’s formation phases was essential because of the absence of
historical-archaeological information (which would have been useful in following the
various periods of development of the city and of its building fabric over time)
We depended on the method of process typology and on the identification of some
recognizable structures in the building fabric in order to retrace the various forms of
Kashan through time. These forms were associated with the different historical phases of
evolution and contraction of its urban structure by methods of logical and typological
reasoning (Gaube, Neglia, Petruccioli, and Rafipoor, 201 ).

tion of ome c oo c e t ie in t e r n f ric of n

In this research, the behavior of schools in the urban fabric of Kashan has been
investigated to explore the possibility of urban regeneration policies. Through LISP
Programming Language Software as an innovative methodology of urban morphology
approach used in this research, the transformation of different urban layers of the city has
been analyzed meticulously (Figure 2).
Accordingly, to analyze the morphology of Kashan and role of schools in a plot and
block scales, different types of schools as samples of study in the research area (circles 1
and 2) have been studied (Figure 3).
Then, the plan types of various Elementary, Secondary and High Schools depicted
(Figures 4, 5 and 6). This is a procedure that looks like helpful to transform schools into
community centers. In this paper, four schools with summaries of architectural information
are illustrated. They are located in the historical urban fabric of Kashan (Figures 7, 8, 9 and
10). Based on the theoretical research of this study, to change the role of these schools
with just educational functions to multifunctional community centers for city regeneration
policies the following approaches should be taken into consideration:

Support to meet the recreational and fitness needs of a community (providing both
indoor and outdoor facilities)
•Providing space for social programs and activities
•To offer health facilities like general health, mental and psychological care, speech
pathology, occupational treatment and youth laborers)
•To provide open areas including playgrounds, parks, and gathering zones
•To offer space for the arts to act as a hub for visual and performing arts programs,
theater and Music
• To consider special interest clubs such as cooking, languages and technology
upgrading
olunteering, enterprise and professional programs
•Housing and accommodation advice for students
•Sport and wellness classes
•To be open to individuals of all ages
• Promote progressively dynamic parental participation in school activities. For
example, the creation of a school parent resource center sends an incredible message
that parents are welcome and encouraged to engage in their children’s learning.
Improve associations with nearby organizations that are beneficial to students and
support the neighborhood economy
•Encourage cooperation by individuals of the community in various ways, including
mentorships, apprenticeships, and other learning opportunities according to work and
service
• Contain shared open spaces that are available throughout the year
Places where innovative space configurations broaden school use, where learning
happens after school, around evening time, and on weekends, and where school-to-
school associations, joins with organizations, and higher education collaborations are
encouraged and supported.

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 They need not be expensive, yet they should bring to the community a sense of
beauty, attraction and permanence. They will serve as obvious signs of community pride
by re ecting the honorable character of public architecture.

Conclusion
Schools are the most valuable resources in a community and they should develop as
community resources.
Effective schools promote a sense of identity and coherence within a community. Like
a modern form of the old town square, a school should act as a community center that
promoting cooperation and the benefit of all to its inhabitants.
Even without a physical space, schools can turn into a center for the community.
Previously, many schools were designed as stand-alone educational facilities that
limited community access rather than facilitated it.
Their auditoriums, sports complexes, food service facilities, libraries, media centers,
computer labs, and other particular spaces were normally only limitedly accessible to the
community. The educational facilities of tomorrow must be intended to be progressively
open and serve various needs of the community (Bingler, Quinn, and Sullivan, 2003).
Ultimately, the issue of school infrastructure is characterized by two complementary
realities: (1) the nature of schools impacts the development of cities and (2) how urban
communities change and develop affect the quality of schools. The potential success of
the territories, cities communities, and schools is therefore intertwined.
An obvious model for the future is providing buildings with space where the community
is welcome and where collaboration among all the community members are normal.
During a time when we are as often as possible concentrating on hindrances to learning,
such schools have discovered pathways (Figure 11).
We have far to go in connecting the urban communities and schools disconnect, and
the planning sector must better incorporate public schools inside its theories, research
and practice.

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Figure 1. Kashan-Shahristan (Castello); Figure 2. Analysis of transformation of historical
urban fabric.

Figure 3. Location of schools; Figure 4. (top left) Different types of Elementary Schools;
Figure 5. (down left) The core of Elementary, Secondary and High School types.

Figure 6. Some Elementary, Secondary and High School types.

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 Figure 7. Architectural information of Iman Khomeini High School.

Figure 8. Architectural information of Iman Khameini High School.

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Figure 9. Architectural information of Peyvandi Secondary School.

Figure 10. Architectural information of Lajevardi Secondary School.

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 Figure 11. In this section, an example of what school as ”Community Center” might look
like in practice is depicted as a result (Persse, 2017)

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 eference
aum, H.S. (200 ) Smart growth and school reform: What if we talked about race
and took community seriously?’ Journal of the American Planning Association 70
(1), 14-26.
ingler, S. (1999) What new schools, better neighborhoods, more livable
communities’, Los Angeles: The Metropolitan Forum Project and New Schools,
Better Neighborhoods.
Bingler, S., Quinn, L. and Sullivan, K. (2003) Schools as Centers of Community: A citizen’s
guide for planning and design (National Clearinghouse for Educational Facilities,
Washington, D.C.).
Blank, M., A. Melaville, and B. P. Shah. (2003) ‘Making the difference: research and
practice in community schools , Coalition for Community Schools, Washington DC.
Caniggia, G. and Maffei, G. L. (2001) ‘Architectural composition and building
typology: interpreting basic building’, Alinea, Firenze.
Carlotti, P. (2014) ‘Urban morphology and urban syntax. Text and design’, U+D_
urbanform and design Journal n.01, 52-55, Rome.
Chung, C. (2002) ‘Using public schools as community-development tools: Strategies
for community-based developers’, Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard
University, Neighborhood Reinvestment Corporation.
Chung, C. (2005) ‘Connecting Public Schools to Community Development’,
Communities and Banking, 10-16.
Conzen, M. R. G. (19 1a) The plan analysis of an English city centre , in Whitehand,
J. W. R. (ed.) The urban landscape: historical development and management
Institute of British Geographers Special Publication 13, 25-53, (Academic Press,
London).
Dryfoos, J. (1994) ‘Full-service: A revolution in health and social services for children,
youth and families’, San Francisco, Jossey-Bass.
Dryfoos, J., J. Quinn, and C. Barkin. (2005) ‘Community schools in action: Lessons from
a decade of practice’ (Oxford University Press, Oxford).
Edwards, P.K. and Brown, D.R. (1996) ‘Schools as Community Centers for Rebuilding
Community National Civic Review . Issue , - 1.
Gaube, H., Neglia, G.A., Petruccioli, A., and Rafipoor, F. (201 ) Kashan, An Iranian
City in Change (E - erlag Press, Germany).
Graves, D. (2011) ‘Exploring Schools as Community Hubs: Investigating application of
the community hub model in context of the closure of Athabasca School, Regina,
Saskatchewan, Canada and other small schools’, University of Regina, Canada.
McGaughy, C. (2000) ‘Community development and education: A tripod approach
to improving America’, The Urban Review 32 (4), 385-409.
McKoy, D. . and J. M. incent. (200 ) The Center for Cities Schools: Connecting
research and policy agendas’, Berkeley Planning Journal 18, 57-77.
Persse, R. (2017) ‘Schools as community hubs, A practical guide for schools and
preschools’, (Department for Education and Child Development, South Australia).
Rossiter, S. (2007) ‘Feasibility Study of Community Hubs for the Parramatta Local
Government Area , riefing Paper, Supporting Document to Final Report.
Schubert, M. ‘Schools and Neighborhood Revitalization: An Invitation to New Thinking’,
(https://urban.illinois.edu/images/Schools_and_Community_Development.pdf)
accessed 26 December 2019.
Stone, C., K. Doherty, C. Jones and T. Ross. (1999) ‘Schools and disadvantaged
neighborhoods. In Urban Problems and Community Development’, edited by R. F.
Ferguson and W. T. Dickens.
( rookings Institution Press, Washington DC).
Strappa, G., Leva, M., Dimatteo, M.A., (2003) ‘La citta come organism. Lettura di Trani
alle diverse scale (Adda, Bari).
Timpane, M. and R. Reich. (1997) ‘Revitalizing the ecosystem for youth’, Phi Delta
Kappan 78 (6), 464-470.
incent, J.M. (200 ) Public Schools as Public Infrastructure: Roles for Planning
Researchers’, Planning Education and Research Journal 25, 433-437.
incent, J. M. (200 b) Planning and siting new public schools in the context of
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 community development: The California experience’, Unpublished PhD Dissertation.
Berkeley, University of California.
Yigitcanlae, T. (2014) ‘Position paper. Benchmarking the performance of global and
emerging knowledge cities’, Expert Systems with Applications Journal 41, Issue 12,
5549-5559.

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PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration

From urban tissues to special buildings and public squares:

architectural design experimentation in Pera, Istanbul
Alessandro Camiz1, zge zkuvanc 2, Cemre Uslu3
1,2,3
zye in University, Department of Architecture, stanbul
1
[email protected], [email protected],
3
[email protected]
Keywords: Urban or hology, building ty ology, architectural design

Abstract

Pera, the Genoese urban settlement in Constantinople from 1303, despite the long
Ottoman urban development, still beholds some of the morphological characters typical
of western historical cities, (Conzen, 1960), (Mitler, 1979). This paper illustrates a design
case study based on the typo-morphological design approach (Caniggia, Maffei, 2001).
e founded the undergraduate design studio held at Özyeğin University S ring
on the hypothesis that the transformation of urban tissues is inevitable and necessary
Stra a, This modi cation can ha en in continuity with the diachronic evolution
of the conte t, as an organism Stra a, Carlotti, Camiz, , or in com lete o osition
to this processual sequence becoming a substitution. We used the formation process of
the urban tissue as a model for the design process (Camiz, Carlotti, Dìez 2017), by recast-
ing some of the adjacent demolished row-houses into a special building with an inside
courtyard (Palazzo), but adopting a contemporary architectural language. The project
herewith presented includes also the recasting of part of the urban tissue into a confer-
ence hall, in a diachronic sequence with is typical of the formation process of churches
within western monasteries and the transformation of urban tissues into public squares by
demolition (Camiz, 2016).

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 Introduction
The fourth term undergraduate design studio held at zye in University is based on
designing in a historical urban tissue. Throughout the term, students learn to read an
existing urban tissue through various analysis methods and techniques of representation
thus they can grasp the importance of the context. Herewith the studio of Spring 201
takes the formation process of the urban tissue as a model for the design process in Pera,
stanbul. The urban tissue of Pera has a long history respectively with Megarans, yzan-
tions, enetians, atins, Nicaeans, Pisans, Genoese, and Turkish. Formed by many diffe-
rent communities since ate Antiquity, the settlement resulted as an appropriate ground
for students both to practice their skills on reading the long term transformation process
of the tissue and to design the next step by considering their evaluations of the context.

Brief history of Pera

It is known as the first mark of human settling on the opposite land of yzantium, there
was a small inhabited area on the north of Golden Horn towards the end of the ate
Antiquity, named Sykai or Peran en Sykais (Eyice,19 9). The only archeological tra-
ces found and exist today belong to the ancient era of the region is a large cistern with
roughly shaped pillars and collapsed dome or vault ceiling, approximately from th cen-
tury. Other than the cistern, the open water reservoir of Saint enoit, underground water
canals near R stem Pa a Kervansaray and the Honorius aths close to Karak y Square
are mentioned as infrastructural elements in 1 0s but no traces left behind. ater con-
structions that reached the present day includes ancient remains such as statues, pillars
and inscriptions from 1st th centuries as spolia (Eyice, 19 9, p. 9-10, Sa lam, 201 )
How far the boundaries of this settlement extended is still not known, but it is said this
area became a part of the city during the re-organization process on the reign of Theo-
dosius II and became the IIIth Regio (Eyice, 19 9). According to records Regio IIIth
was including one church, a forum, a theatre, a dockyard, 1 houses, a large portico,
aths of Honoius and five private baths, one public and four private mills (Alciato, 1 2;
Eyice, 19 9, p. 9-10; M ller-Wiener, 2001, p. 20). After the Fourth Crusade (120 ) diverted
against the yzantine Empire, the port of Pera was occupied and as illehardouin wrote
The counsel of the barons was that they would lodge in the port in front of the tower of
Galata (Tor des Galathas), where was held the chain barring the Golden Horn and the
barons realized that unless they conquered this tower and broke this chain, they would all
be dead and ill-fated. So they lodged at night in front of the tower and in the juerie which
is called Estanor, where there was a city quite good and quite rich. The fortification of
Galata built during the period of Tiberius II Constantine was called kastellion tou Gala-
tou , where the chain protecting Golden Horn by extending between the castle and the
coast where the imperial palace of yzantium.
The Genoese have settled to Pera in 12 , therefore the enetian eet known as
Malabranca attacked Genoese entities along Aegean Sea and Galata during the
yzantine- enetian War of 129 1 02. Following this incident, the Genoese demanded
to have a secured settlement in Galata and gained the right to build houses with ne-
cessarily strong and secure in 1 0 but constructing any kind of defense wall or a castle
was not allowed. In 1 1 , they gained the right to build surrounding moats, meanwhile
Genoese were violating the articles by building walls among strong houses which ended
by encircling Galata at 1 .
With the conquest of Constantinople by Ottoman Empire, the era of semi-autonomy
of the Genoese colony ended. Despite the long Ottoman urban development, the area
still signifying some of the morphological characters typical of western historical cities
(Conzen, 19 0), (Mitler, 19 9). Galata had its Palazzo del Commune like every northern
Italian town, located in oyvoda Street (now ankalar Street), built in 1 1 by being mo-
delled on the Palazzo S. Giorgio at Genoa (Mitler, 19 9).
Evliya elebi ( 1- ) described Galata as stated below (translated by Mitler,19 9):

From the seashore to the Tower Gate on the north, an hour s ascent, there are Ge-
noese stone buildings, row on row. The main roads are set out like a checkerboard i.e.,

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parallel , all of the public roads numbering 1,1 0. Outside the castle are the great road
along the shore, oyvoda Street, Harbi Enemy Infidel Street, and Tower Door Street.
They are all narrow lanes. The Molla ane and Seyid Ali elebi ane together with R st m
Pa a s Inn are the work of Sinan the Architect. There are no vineyards or gardens in the
town.

The checkerboard tissue reached the present day in the first concession zone, also
the demolished Galata Walls covering the zone are still perceivable on the map as bor-
ders and irregular housing plots. nalc k interpreted the visible grid of the urban tissue as a
characteristic of the original Genoese city ( nalc k, 199 , p. 29 ). The orientation and plot
shape of the Franciscan convent with San Francesco and Sant Anna raises the possibility
of a Genoese foundation with a grid plan from the beginning of 1 th century. Moreover,
later period churches like San Michele (c. 1 2 ) and San Domenico (c.1 2 -1 ) are
also oriented according to the grid tissue (Sa lam, 201 ). Furthermore, Akyol (199 , p.2 -
2 ) asserted this layout might remained from the ancient periods of Sykai, which was
first established by the Greeks from Megara which also established yzantium. If the grid
plan of the tissue inside Galata city walls would be measured with actus domus (20 piedi
1 . m), it would be seen that tissue has been established accordingly with Roman
land division system (Centuriation). The average of the building plots are . meters wide
and 12 meters long, which is in same dimensions with characterizing row houses in dense
Italian cities such as Genoa, Rome and Florence (Caniggia, Maffei, 2001). Especially in
the Per embe Pazar region which is the project site of this educational design studio, the
urban tissue consisted of row houses in a grid layout is still perceivable.
The current situation of desolated Per embe Pazar is creating a suitable environment
for experimenting the formation process of urban tissue with diachronic sequence for
educational purposes. According to the Analytical Study and Study Report (Analitik Et d
ve al ma Raporu) done by Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality in 201 , 11, of the bu-
ildings in Per embe Pazar are in good, , in moderate and ,1 in poor condition.
uildings abounded by industrial mercantile shops, remains of demolished city walls and
empty building lots are constituting the tissue of the area. Currently, ,1 of the mer-
cantile businesses in the region are consisted of hardware stores, followed by machine
equipment stores by 1 ,2 , ship equipment stores by , , metal product shops by ,
manufacturing sector by and other sectors less than per each (Per embe Pazar
Social Impact Assessment, 201 ).

Methodology
The architect s traditional role as constructors of exceptional products and creators
of new forms in opposition to methods used to produce buildings before each (Canig-
gia, G., Maffei, G. ., 2001, p. 1) lasted until late seventies when the first discussions on
gaining equal rights to citizens such as The Right to the City ( efebvre,19 ) started to be
prominent. As Robert Park remarked, city is the most successful result of the efforts spent
by manhood on turning the world more suitable for his wishes (Park, R., 19 , p. ). The
design of environment is strongly associated with humanities and much of a town is the
result of an ongoing process of intangible choices and desires and slightly more tangible
activities, the town is also a physical entity (Kropf, K., 199 , p. 2 0).
The traces of the human activities are mostly perceivable on the existing tissue of the
city for whom can read. In a metropolis such as Istanbul, the traces of different cultures
are not only the remains of the past but a part of a living organism under an ongoing
process.
Reading of urban tissue has a long history of being used as a tool in universities for
educational purposes, in professional negotiations and public participation in urban de-
sign projects (Hayward,199 ). Territory is materia signata, a base which man consciously
acknowledges and transforms. The idea of territory is about the connection between
the notion of natural land and artificial transformation made by man, transforming and
adapting the land to living requirements (Strappa, 201 ). In 0s, active study of the terri-
tory as a historically identified organism has been taken a step further by the school foun-
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 ded by Saverio Muratori in Italy (Strappa, 201 ). The main idea behind this school was all
forms of the territory and the city are the result of a process, of the progressive, systematic
association of the parts, and that it makes sense to break it down and investigate its com-
ponents only if we take into account its essential unity and indivisibility (Strappa, 201 ).
Considering the long history of Pera under administration of Genoese and the Italian
character that Galata exhibits even today with many archeological remains, the princi-
ples of Italian school of urban morphology has been followed to generate the framework
of the methodology for the studio.
This design studio is founded on the hypothesis that the transformation of urban tissues
is inevitable and necessary, but it can happen in different ways: in continuity with the dia-
chronic transformations of the context as an evolution (Camiz, Carlotti, D ez 201 ), or in
complete opposition to this processual sequence becoming a substitution. The study pre-
sented here is located in the area named Per embe Pazar (Thursday Market) between
Galata ridge and Atat rk ridge on Galata waterfront (Figure 1), characterized with
a cavernous tissue of adjacent row-houses. As a case study of the transformation of
the contemporary metropolis, we continued the diachronic transformation process by
recasting some of the adjacent demolished row-houses into a special building with an
inside courtyard (Palazzo) while adopting a contemporary architectural language. y
recasting a part of the urban tissue into a conference / concert hall, in a diachronic se-
quence with is typical of the formation process of churches within western monasteries
and the transformation of urban tissues into public squares by demolition (Camiz, 201 ).

Reading Pera
efore the site visit, students were asked to prepare an invention poster about the
region they will be working in (Figure 2). The aim of this exercise is to divulge both their
past knowledge on the area and analyzing techniques they brought from their past stu-
dio experiences, also to promote brainstorming among the classroom. Following the site
visit, each course consisted of two stages. The first one was research based, after each
lecture, students used their new skills on exercises given prepared for the topic of the
day. In the second step, students developed design proposals taking into account the
individuated place s identity.
During the term the students learned to work on three different scales respectively;
territorial, building scale, urban block and building scale again for the design proposal.
To follow the steps of humankind on founding the settlements, they re-established the ter-
ritorial organism of Istanbul on a topographic map by defining ridges, cross-ridges, high
promontory settlements, connection roads, low promontory settlements then compa-
red the result with the existing territory (Figure 2). Following the courses on the formation
process of courtyard house and row house, they designed a row house on a process as
an exercise for understanding the evolution of the meaning of house and grasping the
fundamentals of designing a dwelling in a dense urban tissue.
After the lecture on formation process of the urban block, students continued the for-
mation process of an imaginary urban block consisted of row houses into a Palace. This
step was crucial for improving the awareness of students on the reading the morphologi-
cal evolution of urban tissues. Since the project area was a residential settlement formed
inside of city walls, mostly consisted of row houses, which are the foundation type of the
region, the main aim of this exercise was to establish the diachronic evolution of the con-
text as an organism as the layout for design.

Designing the next step as a diachronic transformation

The second step of the studio was designing a building for the current needs of the
historical area now being used as an industrial estate. ocated in the cultural center of
stanbul, one step away from the historical peninsula, yet by being covered with industrial
shops and their depositories, the project site is convenient for placing a conference/con-
cert hall. This stagnant and desolated neighborhood which doesn t include any residen-
ts was the subject of several renovation projects prepared by the Directorate General
of Cultural Assets and Museums therefore none of this projects has been implemented.

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,While the poor condition of the historical civil architecture examples is giving an uncan-
ny appearance, the area has a strong social structure between shop owners.
Students identified the empty areas in the cavernous tissue of Per embe Pazar , then
re-designed the area both by removing the existing structures without proper attributes
in poor condition and by regenerating the missing variants from scratch by following the
traces of antecedent row houses. The working area was consisting of two plots facing
the same street. While the northern part was selected for specializing into a Palazzo,
the southern part closer to shore has been transformed into a public square. The design
process of the Palazzo continued by creating a circulation path on the pertinent strip for
connecting each row house that will be another unit. The string of rooms shaped along
the courtyard has been cut on the pedestrian level for providing access to public square
by following the axis of the street encountering the building orthogonally. The northeast
corner closer to the city which is on the main polarity of the lot designed as a restaurant
on the ground level and a library on the first oor. For providing enough space to each
function defined by the student in a building scenario, the pertinent area was moved to
east to provide an open courtyard for the restaurant and southwest corner of the space
was left for the conference hall (Figure ).
While the southeast part of the building narrowed into a portico and designed as
a gate facing the public square, this public square took shape as the extension of the
courtyard belong to Palazzo (Figure ). The building completes the formation process
of the churches within western monasteries with the conference hall on the nodal posi-
tion. The fa ade of the building took shape pertinently with the functions, solid walls with
small openings for conference / concert hall and staircase, also a permeable gate clo-
sing by a metal door moving upward-downward which is indicating the inner courtyard.
Materials used on the fa ade such as brick, metal frames and exposed concrete were
chosen to recognize the building as a new addition in accordance with the features of
the environment. As the result of the term, a conference hall with rooftop concert area,
recording studios, classrooms for several courses, a library and an archive can hold up to
00 books has been conceived.

Conclusion
How to design in the borders of an ancient settlement located at center of a metro-
polis is a world-wide contemporary question to be answered. Initiating the notion of sup-
plying the current needs of society and preserving the heritage of the city at the same
time is an important aspect in architecture education. The method proposed here based
on following the formation process of the urban tissue is taking the historical background
of the city into consideration by adopting a contemporary language to design for mee-
ting the needs of today and future.

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 Figure 1. The working area and location of demolished city walls. The living organism
eyo lu-Pera, Architecture Design Studio III, Faculty of Architecture, zye in University,
lect. A. Camiz, asst. . zkuvanc , Spring, 201 -2019.

Figure 2. Reading of Pera, C. Uslu, The living organism eyo lu-Pera, Architecture Design
Studio III, Faculty of Architecture, zye in University, lect. A. Camiz, asst. . zkuvanc ,
Spring, 201 -2019.

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Figure 3. The formation process of the project, C. Uslu, The living organism eyo lu-Pera,
Architecture Design Studio III, Faculty of Architecture, zye in University, lect. A. Camiz,
asst. . zkuvanc , Spring, 201 -2019.

FIgure 4. Architectural drawings of the project, C. Uslu, The living organism eyo lu-Pera,
Architecture Design Studio III, Faculty of Architecture, zye in University, lect. A. Camiz,
asst. . zkuvanc , Spring, 201 -2019.

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 Footnotes
1
Means The Fig Grove on the other side .

References
Alciato, A. (1 2) Descriptio urbis Constantinopolitanae, Froben, asel
Conzen, M.R.G. (19 0) Alnwick, Northumberland: a study in town-plan analysis (Institute
of ritish Geographers, ondon).
Mitler, . (19 9) The Genoese in Galata: 1 -1 2 , International Journal of Middle Ea-
stern Studies, 10, 1: 1-91.
Strappa, G. (199 ) Unit dell organismo architettonico. Note sulla formazione e trasfor-
mazione dei caratteri degli edifici (Dedalo, ari).
Caniggia, G. and Maffei, G. . (2001) Architectural composition and building typology:
interpreting basic building. (Alinea Editrice, Florence).
Strappa, G., Carlotti, P., Camiz, A. (201 ) Urban Morphology and Historical Fabrics. Con-
temporary design of small towns in atium (Gangemi, Rome).
Camiz, A. (201 ). Utility of urban morphology studies for the design process: some educa-
tional experiences, in Strappa, G., Amato, A.R.D., Camporeale, G. (eds.) (201 ) City as
Organism. New isions for Urban ife, vol. 2, (U D Editions, Rome), 1 09-1 1 .
Camiz, A., Carlotti, P. and D ez C. (eds.) (201 ) Urban Morphology and Design, Joint rese-
arch perspectives and methodological comparison: Italy, Spain (U D edition, Rome).
Eyice, S. (19 9) Galata ve Kulesi. Istanbul: Turkiye Turing ve Otomobil Kurumu.
Eyice, S. (200 ) izans Devrinde o azi i, editepe ay nevi, stanbul
Kropf, K. (199 ) Urban tissue and the character of towns, Urban Design International, vol.
1 no. , 2 -2
efebvre, H. (19 ). e droit a la ville. Paris: Anthropos
Mitler, . (19 9) The Genoese in Galata: 1 -1 2 , International Journal of Middle Ea-
stern Studies, 10, 1: 1-91.
M ller-Wiener, 2001 stanbul un Tarihsel Topografyas Historical Topography of Istanbul
( . Say n trans.), K ay nlar , Istanbul
Park, R. E. (19 ) On Social Control and Collective ehavior: Selected Papers (The Herita-
ge of Sociology) University of Chicago Press
Per embe Pazar Social Impact Assessment (Per embe Pazar Kentsel Sit Alan nda er
Alan Ta nmaz K lt r arl klarina Ait R l ve, Restit syon, Restorasyon e Mimari Proje-
lerin Uygulanmas ile De erlendirilmesine nelik Sosyal Etki De erlendirme Raporu)
(201 )
stanbul Metropolitan Municipality
Sa lam, S. (201 ) Urban Palimpsest at Galata an Architectural Inventory Study for the
Genoese Colonial Territories In Asia Minor, PhD Thesis
The Oxford History of yzantium (2002) edit: Cyril Mango, Oxford University Press, New ork
illehardouin, G., (190 ). Memoirs of the crusades (F. Marzials trans.), J. M. Dent, ondon

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PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration

Urban morphology and critical reconstructions:

the case of Friedrichstadt
Ilaria Maria Zedda
RWTH Aachen, Lehr- und Forschungsgebiet Raumgestaltung
Schinkelstraße 1, D 52056 AACHEN, Germany
[email protected]
Keywords: Friedrichstadt, Berlin, critical reconstruction, urban block, plot

Abstract

Friedrichstadt is a neighbourhood of Berlin characterized by an heterogeneous fa-

bric. Its northern sector consists indeed of regular and relatively small blocks with closed
perimeter, while in the southern one blocks are bigger and more open to the street. This
difference is not much due to the Berlin Wall, which split Friedrichstadt for almost thirty
years, but rather is a feature of the district that already emerged along the eighteenth
century. At that time, the urban fabric in northern Friedrichstadt resulted from a com-
pact, regular grid, while in the south, where living and agriculture coexisted, blocks were
bigger and irregular. Even though both halves of Friedrichstadt were outcomes of baro-
que planning, the blocks in its southern part resulted from later interventions where priority
was given to the search for endless urban perspectives, which a regular grid of small plot
would have prevented. A considerable difference within the structure of Friedrichstadt
endured until the twentieth century, before the Second World War razed most of the
district. With the critical reconstruction of both sectors, conducted in accordance with
the historical urban plan, also the gap between their structures was restored. Indeed, the
different approaches followed in the reconstruction of southern Friedrichstadt in the ei-
ghties, conducted by the Internationale Bauausstellung (IBA), and of both Dorotheensta-
dt and northern Friedrichstadt in the rst half of the nineties, introduced further dis arities
for their different focuses. While the critical reconstruction of the IBA mostly concentrated
on the urban block, the plans of the nineties focused again on the plot, almost ignored
by the IBA. The research retraces, considering both bibliographical sources and histori-
cal plans, the development of Friedrichstadt and provides a critical retrospective to the
approaches of its post-war reconstruction, to clarify the reasons behind a dualism of the
neighbourhood still perceptible today.

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 Introduction
After the end of the Second World War, the issue of urban reconstruction assumed in
few European cities the proportion it reached in Berlin. Here the city was not only strongly
damaged, but also divided for almost thirty years through the Berlin Wall, and lost this way
much of its former identity. Among the areas that were mostly affected by both bom-
bings and the division of the Wall was Friedrichstadt, central neighbourhood of baroque
foundation, which lost its former lively cultural, commercial and administrative character.
Today, even though the Wall does not divide Friedrichstadt anymore, a dualism is still
perceptible. Moving from its northern to its southern half, indeed, changes not only the
name of the borough - from Mitte to Kreuzberg- but also the features of the district itself.
In Kreuzberg, southern of Zimmerstraße, where the Wall used to run, the dense network of
streets and the liveliness of the commercial and touristic Mitte is gradually substituted by
larger blocks as by a tangible prevalence of residences over public buildings. Although
this dualism could easily be attributable to the former physical division of the district, it
is as old as Berlin´s Friedrichstadt itself. Undoubtedly the Wall reinforced the differences,
since both halves of Friedrichstadt were rebuilt under different contingencies, yet the
structural gap has its roots in the baroque era when the neighbourhood was founded.
The intention of this paper is to retrace the most important stages in Friedrichstadt’s
development until today, to clarify both its most ancient differences and how its recon-
structions exacerbated a dualism already readable in historical maps.

Methodology
The subject addressed in this paper is part of a broader doctoral project on the crit-
ical reconstruction of the IBA Berlin and, in particular, on the reinterpretation that the
IBA proposed of the historical Berlin block1. The present contribute focuses on one of the
most important IBA’s areas of intervention - Friedrichstadt - considering both its historical
development and the approaches of its post-war urban reconstructions between the
eighties and the nineties. Through the analysis of historical maps and selected texts as
well as through redrawings, the paper moves from the scale of the neighbourhood to
then consider the size of the block and the plots within it, to clarify the peculiarities of a
piece of Berlin that is still waiting for adequate interventions to recover its original identity.

Friedrichstadt. Foundation and early development

Built between the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth cen-
tury, Friedrichstadt 2 was planned as the third urban expansion of the historical nucleus of
Berlin and Cölln, following Friedrichswerder (1662) and Dorotheenstadt (1674).
The northern part of Friedrichstadt was the first one to be realised, from 1 onwards,
planned by the architect Nering (1659-1695) according to the wills of the Elector Friedrich
III (1657-1713), who later became King Friedrich I of Prussia with the proclamation of the
Reich in 1701. The expansion was conceived in ideal continuity with Dorotheenstadt 3
with orthogonal streets, parallel and perpendicular to the axis of Unter den Linden, and
with regular blocks 125 until 150 meter long and around 75 meter wide (Peters, 1995).
The completion of Friedrichstadt, with its southern enlargement, followed between
1732 and 1737 and was designed by the architect Gerlach (1 9-1 ) according to the
wishes of the king Friedrich Wilhelm I (1 -1 0). Whereas northern Friedrichstadt was
planned with similar features to Dorotheenstadt, the logic behind its southern extension
was different. Instead of defining a regular urban grid, indeed, here the design of the
urban enlargement started with the extension of the axis of Friedrich- and Lindenstraße,
to which a third one was added –the Wilhelmstraße- to create a symmetrical system of
longitudinal streets converging in the south in a round square, a ”Rondell”, later named
elle Alliance Platz after the victory over Napoleon in 1 1 . Transversal minor streets fol-
lowed later, thus defining smaller urban blocks, whose dimensions were still very different,
with a lenght of more than 400 meters, from the small and regular ones of northern Frie-
drichstadt. This situation is well depicted in the Schmettau’s plan (Fig. 1), drawn in 1 ,
where is also evident how the huge blocks in the southern part of the district were built
only along their long perimeter and left space inside of their courtyard for huge gardens.
The latter however, differently from those of the smaller blocks of the nobility in northern
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Friedrichstadt, were not used for leisure, but as kitchen gardens instead, to meet the food
demands of a growing city ( iller and Sch che, 19 0).
The different planning approaches that shaped Friedrichstadt led obviously to typolo-
gical consequences. In the design of its northern sector the Elector Frederick III ceded to
the future dwellers not only the building rights (as in the case of Dorotheenstadt), but also
the ownership on the plots. Legal provisions on the buildings were limited to exterior ap-
pearance: they had to strictly adhere to the planning of the architect Nering, respecting
a uniform height of two storeys and directly facing the street, leaving the inner part of the
plot free. Beside, the freedom left to individual owners to build their houses within their
plots allowed them to define them individually, making changes to the common typolo-
gies of the five- and seven-axes houses (Hoffmann-Axthelm, 2011).
The building of southern Friedrichstadt occurred under different circumstances. Here
the king Friedrich Wilhelm I firstly took direct control of the construction initiatives, directly
financing the realisation of two-storey buildings along the perimeter of the huge blocks
south of Kochstraße. This way a series of buildings with uniform fronts was built in a short
timeframe, giving an impression of endlessness and thus fulfilling the expectations of the
sovereign, who wished “his” Friedrichstadt to stand out from the uniform regularity of its
northern part ( iller and Sch che, 19 0). As important as the desired optical effect was,
for the sovereign, that the district soon reached a considerable amount of inhabitants.
In order to quickly populate Friedrichstadt, he disposed that from every building in the
city housing four families one of the latter had to move in the new neighbourhood and,
furthermore, that soldiers from the Prussian troops had to be housed in the new buildings
( iller and Sch che, 19 0). The historical social mix of Friedrichstadt has its origins here,
where craftsmen and soldiers were joined by the upper class of lawyers, who were obli-
ged to reside near the Kollegienhaus, designed by the architect Gerlach in 1735 along
the Lindenstraße. This dwellers heterogeneity was soon re ected in the changes made
to the traditional housing typologies, especially in terms of width of both plot and house
as well as in their inner organisation and height, to the point that Hoffmann-Axthelm alre-
day distinguished, referring to those years, among the “craftsman’s”, “the burgher’s” and
the “noble” house “or public building” (Hoffmann-Axthelm, 2011).

Growth of the neighbourhood until the twentieth century

The freedom left to private individuals reinforced thereafter, with the rise of the bour-
geoisie. This phenomenon reached its peak at the end of the nineteenth century, when
almost all the land passed into the hands of private owners who started building for spe-
culative purposes. Thus, throughout both northern and southern Friedrichstadt, a gradual
but constant transformation of the houses took place, where the two-storey limitation in
force up to that moment was modified according to the will of owners mostly belonging
to the middle class ( iller and Sch che, 19 0).
What undoubtedly characterized the typological evolution of Berlin’s residential ar-
chitecture during the nineteenth century was the spread of tenements, first four and then
five storeys high4, resulting from the merging of several adjoining plots. It was already at
the end of the eighteenth century that the first state rental houses appeared, the so-cal-
led Immediatbauten5, whose construction was promoted by King Frederick II (1 12-1 ).
In the following century the construction of large rental houses, no longer financed by
the state but privately instead, reached enormous proportions. This phenomenon soon
affected the whole of Berlin, both the new expansions regulated by the Hobrecht Plan
of 1 2 as well as older districts, with serious consequences for the quality of life within
the blocks, which were built, in view of mere speculative purposes, with excessive density
and for too many tenants. This process interested in a first moment especially northern
Friedrichstadt, which, already in the first half of the nineteenth century, turned from a re-
sidential district for the high-middle class into an outstanding densely-built administrative
and commercial area in the heart of Berlin.
If in the eighteenth century blocks still had inner gardens, by the turning of the century
more and more constructions were built within the plot until blocks got almost completely
filled. Southern Friedrichstadt kept on offering instead, behind his continuous street fronts,
big gardens that attracted the middle class, eager to escape from the chaotic northern
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 part of the district. Only later, when almost no space was left in northern Friedrichstadt
to realise more public buildings, these started being built also in its southern part, which
thereafter rapidly lost its empty courtyards in favour of an increased density of buildings
within the blocks (Fig. 1).
By the end of the nineteenth century, when Berlin already turned in the “city of sto-
ne” described by Hegemann (19 ), the newly born typologies of the office and of the
commercial building spread throughout both northern and southern Friedrichstadt, an-
king the former residences together with newspaper offices, industrial and administrative
buildings (Schäche in: Burg, 1994). From that moment on, the urban structure of Friedri-
chstadt did not undergo any significant changes either on the layout of the streets or on
the Blockrandbebauung (perimeter of the block). However, narrowly considering typolo-
gical aspects, its development continued throughout the first decades of the twentieth
century until the Second World War. Most of the changes occurred within the blocks,
where several plots were merged together to build larger public buildings.
In the years of the Weimar Republic (191 -19 ) and of National Socialism (19 -19 )
no significant changes affected Friedrichstadt’s urban form, but the merging of the plots
continued. This procedure created the premises for the construction of large buildin-
gs like the Gauarbeitsamt, today’s Bundesagentur für Arbeit, between Friedrich- and
Charlottenstraße. Beside, another remarkable novelty in the years of National Socialism
was the conversion of some historic palaces in the north of Wilhelmstraße into important
centres of the Gestapo and of the SS. Due to the presence of such strategic buildings,
Friedrichstadt was intensively bombed in the Second World War, to the point of being
practically unrecognizable at the end of the con ict.

Urban reconstructions in the divided city (1950s-1989)

Berlin’s administrative division among the four winning powers in 1949, but especially
the physical one that followed with the construction of the Wall in 1961, soon made clear
that plans for an entire city, like those designed for the competition “Hauptstadt Berlin”
of 19 , could not be realized.
Friedrichstadt was cut in two by the Wall that ran along Zimmerstraße. Northern Frie-
drichstadt, together with Dorotheenstadt, ended up under Soviet control in East Berlin
(GDR), while the southern half was included in West Berlin (FRG). It is interesting to evi-
dence that the Wall developed along Zimmerstraße (Fig.3), thus almost resuming, pa-
rallel only one road further north, the historic axis of Kochstraße that used to mark, in the
baroque time, the end of Nering’s northern Friedrichstadt and the beginning of Gerla-
ch’s southern one. With the building of the Wall both halves of Friedrichstadt, formerly a
unique - even if heterogeneous - central district, suddenly found themselves in disarray
and became peripheral areas of their respective half of Berlin. Because of that they were
given lower priority in the earliest urban reconstructions conducted between the sixties
and the seventies. Among the transformations that affected Friedrichstadt in those years,
the change of its historical axis deserves being mentioned: only Friedrichstraße continued
to terminate in the Rondelle, renamed Mehringplatz, while both Wilhelm- and Linden-
straße were diverted, thus completely altering Gerlach’s baroque design.
It was not until the eighties that the discussions on the possibilities of a reconstruction
of Friedrichstadt began to be anked by concrete initiatives, both in West and East er-
lin. Southern Friedrichstadt was included among the working areas of the Neubau sec-
tor of the building exhibition known as Internationale Bauausstellung Berlin (I A) 19 - .
Focusing on the restoration and renovation of damaged buildings (IBA-Altbau) as well
as on the design of brand new ones in areas razed by bombings (IBA-Neubau), the IBA
worked according to the historical urban structure instead of denying it as Modernism
did. The building exibition undoubtedly marked a trend reversal in reconstruction practi-
ces in West Berlin. Firstly, it aimed to make historical central areas, like Friedrichstadt,
again suitable and attractive for residences. Furthermore, it aimed at achieving this goal
by reconstructing the destroyed areas with reference to their former urban plan and to
the historical image of the city (Kleihues, 1993).
The IBA can be considered as the greatest opportunity for large-scale application of
the international debate, developed since the late sixties and throughout the seventies,

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on the recovery of the architecture of the city. The IBA assumed both the ground plan
of the late nineteenth century, therefore the former Blockrandbebauungen, and the hi-
storical eaves heights of its buildings (about 22 meters) as referencial features that the
new project had to respect. Nevertheless, the compliance with these aspects did not
prevent new projects -while still respecting history - from being modern and experimen-
ting solutions suitable to their time. This approach, which overtly aspired to reconstruct
Berlin by means of a compromise between tradition and modernity, and not, therefore,
reconstructing everything exactly as it was, was defined by Josef Paul Kleihues, director
of the IBA-Neubau, as “critical reconstruction” (Kleihues, 1993).
Meanwhile, East Berlin was working on the reconstruction of northern Friedrichstadt.
Architects in the GDR, like their colleagues in West Berln, also considered the former fe-
atures of the neighbourhood, respecting both the historical Blockrandbebauung and
the eave heights, assuming as reference for the latter - like the IBA - the 22 meters of the
buildings of the late nineteenth century. Therefore, altough differently from the IBA, also
northern Friedrichstadt pursued its own critical reconstruction, even if there seems to be
no official evidence of contacts between the architects of the two halves of the city
(Bodenschatz et.al., 1995).
What substantially changed, both in East and West Berlin, and was not restored in the
eighties, concerned the ownership of the land. If in East Berlin, indeed, it was the socialist
government that banned the private property, also in West erlin the first years after the
war were marked by a constant erasing of the land division to allow the construction of
big projects (Bodenschatz et. al, 1995). In West Berlin, hence not so differently from the
East, much of the land was property of the government, in this case the Land Berlin. In
this context, despite dealing with the importance of both blocks and single houses, the
IBA concentrated on the former and assumed it as the basic unit of its reconstruction,
without dealing much on the restoration of any land division.
It is interesting to notice how Kleihues, in listing the principles of its critical reconstruction,
emphasized the importance of recovering the “physiognomy of the city”, since in such
claim is revealed how the IBA-Neubau focused mostly on aesthetic aspects rather than
on structural ones (Kleihues, 1993). Some IBA architects even tried to face with the land’s
issue by means of projects whose fronts simulated a sort of plot division. This is the case of
Rob Krier’s block in Ritterstraße Nord, whose project was split among different architects
on the basis of a common masterplan to give the illusion of smaller parcels. Neverthe-
less, the entire block still corresponded, except a few historical buildings survived to the
war, to only two large plots (Fig.4). The Blockrandbebauung was restored, but the com-
plexity of the former system of Höfes of the renting barracks was reduced to four, very
big, courtyards and to two crossing streets meeting in a central square. Similarly to the
reform blocks of the early modern, Rob Krier’s Ritterstraße Nord, as all I A blocks, defined
spaces differently from the historical Berlin block and lacked internal division of property.
Hoffmann-Axthelm observed on this point how both IBA and reform blocks share a basic
“misunderstanding of the block as architectural gure instead of as basic com onent of
urban planning” (Hoffmann-Axthelm, 1997).

Urban reconstructions after the Berlin Wall

The fall of the Wall in 19 9 transformed Friedrichstadt not less than its construction in
1961. At the beginning of the nineties, indeed, the district found itself once again in a cen-
tral position in Berlin and in its northern part, former area of the GDR, concentrated much
of the earliest planning activities after the reunification. One of the questions, however,
which arose for northern Friedrichstadt - no longer under Soviet control but not yet under
proper control of Berlin’s government - was how to handle a still undivided land. Weak-
nesses relating to large interventions on undivided properties had already emerged with
the projects of the critical reconstructions of the eighties, yet the interest in the huge plots
available was high and a division of the land in smaller units would have cost too much
effort and money. Nevertheless, greater awareness soon arose on the risks linked to spe-
culative interests for the realization of marco-projects, like in the case of Potsdamer Platz,
allowed by the availability of enormous plots. It became clear, for Berlin’s government,

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 the need to exercise greater control and directly conduct urban reconstruction initiatives
that had to reconsider the issue - hitherto ignored - of the land and of its division.
The work of the early nineties, conducted by Strecker and Hoffmann-Axthelm, brou-
ght the critical reconstruction of northern Friedrichstadt further from where the GDR left it,
improving its weaknesses. Firstly, a set of guidelines was defined concerning both the size
of the plots (Fig.2) and the functions to guarantee in the projects the restoration of the
former mix of the district. In the critical reconstruction of the nineties the layout referred to
the perimeter of the baroque blocks, while the building types -with a maximum height of
22 meters to eaves and 30 meters to ridges- rather referred to the following phase, when
the nineteenth-century city overlapped the baroque one filling the blocks and increa-
sing the height of their buildings (Caja and Malcovati, 2009).
Despite greater attention on the issue of land division, it was difficult, in the golden
years of Berlin’s speculation, to prevent the plots from reaching the maximum permitted
size of the whole block (Bodenschatz et al. 1995). After all, many built outcomes of the
critical reconstruction of the nineties present again, as Krier’s IBA project in Ritterstrasse,
only a simulation of a division in smaller plots, contradicted by the presence of a com-
mon garage under the block. Sometimes the unitary language, as in the projects for the
Friedrichstadt-Passagen, declares the coincidence of block and plot, while other cases,
like Kleihues’ projects for Konthorhaus Mitte, recur to the principle of the so-called Bauka-
sten, to simulate variety in the unity by means of a compromise where different architects
designed single houses adhering to the guidelines defined by a superordinate design for
the whole block (Burg, 1995). Even Aldo Rossi’s block in Schützenstraße (Fig.4) does not
actually have any plot division, altough the colorful partition of its facades aims at giving
an illusion of it.
Among the purposes of the critical reconstruction of the nineties there was also to
restore the traditional functional mix, to prevent Friedrichstadt from becoming a mere
office district. Hence the decision to require that each block should offer at least 20
residence. However, a large number of those apartments is used as luxury residences
due to their desirable location, thus marking a strong gap with the mostly social-granted
residences built by the IBA in southern Friedrichstadt.
Little was done in the nineties to remedy to the disparities between the two halves
of the neighbourhood. Except for few public buildings, like the Jewish Museum or the
Berlinische Galerie, southern Friedrichstadt is less attractive, both for berliners and tourists,
than its lively, commercial northern counterpart. Even today, indeed, the blocks southern
of Zimmerstraße lack proper integration between residences and services and look so-
mehow too big, too empty and incomplete. If it is true that these blocks have always
been bigger than those of northern Friedrichstadt, as shown in this paper, it is also true
that the reconstruction of the IBA did not succeed in restoring either their continuous fron-
ts, so essential in their original baroque conception, or their former lively mix of function
emerged along the nineteenth century.

Conclusions
Friedrichstadt is still waiting for its reconstruction to be completed, going beyond phy-
siognomic aspects and taking as well into account its former character. Restoring the
historical plan is not enough: the former identity of the neighbourhood should be reco-
vered with reference to more precise typological considerations as well as to its historical
functional and social mix. Already in the eighties it was pointed out how, to recover its
genius loci, it was necessary to consider not only the ground plan, but also more com-
plex aspects like the structure of the plots or the former relationship between buildings
and courtyards, as well to plan again aiming to create new perspective effects (Engel,
19 1). All these aspects, which concurred in defining the identity of Friedrichstadt until
the beginning of the twentieth century, disappeared due to both bombings and to the
mistakes in the reconstructions that followed.
The big void of the former area of the Prinz Albrecht Palais is only the most evident
and debated of many ones still present in the Friedrichstadt, especially in its southern
part, waiting to be addressed by proper design interventions. It is necessary to bridge the
current gap between the two halves of the district: a gap between a northern touristic,

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commercial and administrative area and a southern one still full of empty plots and cha-
racterized by a prevalence of social residences - today no less affected than the rest of
Kreuzberg by rental increase- with a lack of services. The restoration of a balanced and
positive dualism, the recovery of a Friedrichstadt “united despite differences”, as in the
nineteenth century, is still a challenge that needs to be worked on, necessarily with gre-
ater attention to typological aspects.

Figure 1.

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 Figure 2.

Figure 3.

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Figure 4.

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 Notes
1
Reference is made to the author’s ongoing PhD research “The open Block of Berlin
Careful design strategies of the Internationale auausstellung erlin 19 -
2
Friedrichstadt was named after the Elector Friedrich III, under whom its construction
began.
3
A physical continuity among Dorotheen- and Friedrichstadt was prevented by the
presence, until 1 1 , of a system of fortifications around Dorotheenstadt
4
The maximum building-height allowed by law requirements often changed along
the nineteenth century until reaching five storeys with the Bauordnung of 1 9
5
For a more precise description of the Immediatbauen see : Hoffmann Axthelm (2011),
9 -100

Caption
Figure 1: The plans below refer to four different phases in the development of
Friedrichstadt: shortly after the design of its southern extension by Gerlach (Schmettau
Plan, 1 , top left), before the proclamation of the Reich in 1 1 (Sineck Plan, 1 , top
right), shortly after it ( iebenow Plan, 1 , bottom left) and, finally, at the beginning of
the 20th century, shortly before the Weimar Republic (Straube plan, 1910, bottom right).
From: I A erlin 19 -19 (ed.) (19 0) Internationaler engerer Wettbewerb südliche
Friedrichstadt. Kochstraße / Friedrichstraße, (Berlin, IBA)
Figure 2: Comparison between the plot division in Berlin’s Friedrichstadt before the war
(19 ) and shortly after the fall of the erlin Wall (1991).
Plans redrawn by the author (2020) from: Architekten-Verein zu Berlin (ed.) (2009) Berlin
und seine Bauten, Teil I-Städtebau ( erlin, DOM Publishers) p.
Figure 3: Phases of the post-war reconstruction of Berlin’s Friedrichstadt, from the eighties
down to present day, compared with the historical structure of the neighbourhood (light
grey in the background). Redrawn by the author (2020) from: Digitale Schwarzpläne –
Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung und Wohnen Berlin
Figure 4: Analysis of the relations between voids and buildings and of the plot division
- before the war and after the critical reconstruction - of two selected case studies in
Berlin’s Friedrichstadt from the eighties and the nineties. The first case (above) concerns
the intervention in Ritterstraße Nord designed by Rob Krier in the eighties for the IBA
in southern Friedrichstadt. The second example (below) refers to the project Quartier
Schützenstraße by Aldo Rossi, designed as part of the critical reconstruction of northern
Friedrichstadt in the first half of the nineties.
Drawings and Photos by the author (2019)

References
Architekten- erein zu erlin (ed.) (2009), odenschatz H., D wel J., Gutschow N., Stimann
H., Berlin und seine Bauten, Teil I-Städtebau (Berlin, DOM Publishers)
iller, T., and Sch che, W. (19 0) The developement of South Friedrichstadt , in: I A
erlin 19 -19 (ed.) Internationaler engerer Wettbewerb s dliche Friedrichstadt.
Kochstraße / Friedrichstraße, (Berlin, IBA), 70-106
odenschatz, H., Engstfeld, H.J., Seifert, C. (199 ), erlin auf der Suche nach dem
verlorenen entrum, . Reihe (Hamburg, Junius).
Burg, A. (ed.) (1994) Neue Berlinische Architektur. Eine Debatte (Basel, Birkäauser).
Burg, A. (1995) Berlin Mitte. Die Entsehung einer urbanen Architektur (Berlin, Birkäauser).
Caja, M. and Malcovati, S. (2009) Berlino 1990- 2010: la ricerca sull’isolato e sul quartiere
(Milano, Lampi di stampa).
Engel, H. (19 2) Geschichtlichkeit eines Stadtteils. Die S dliche Friedrichstadt in Arch
n° 61, 16-20
Hegemann, W., (1930, consulted edition 1963). Das Steinerne Berlin: 1930 (Berlin/Frankfurt/
Wien, Birkhauser Bauwelt Fundamente)
Hoffmann-Axthelm, D. (199 ) Der erliner aublock in auwelt, n 1 /1 , 922-92
Hoffmann-Axthelm, D. (2011) Das Berliner Stadthaus. Geschichte und Typologie 1200 bis
2010 (Berlin, DOM Publishers).

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Kleihues, J. P. (ed.)(199 ) Internationale auausstellung erlin 19 / , Die Neubaugebiete,
Dokumente-Projekte Band 7 (Stuttgart, Hatje).
Peters, G. (1995) Kleine Berliner Baugeschichte (Berlin, Stapp).

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PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration

Munich DistURBANce and Urban Sponge

Pathways from a ‘Residence City’ to a ‘Resilient City’
Markus Stenger
Principal - Stenger2 Architekten und Partner, Munich (Germany)
Keywords: Disturbance, Urban s onge, Polycentre, Urban inlay, esilience, unich rewall,
mHUB

Abstract

For the reason that it combines a lot of ualities, and further am li ed by current glob-
al, national and regional develo ments, unich has for some time faced a ermanently
high rate of o ulation increase et the city is com letely un re ared for this level of
growth It is surrounded by communities that are nancially and olitically inde endent
and that offer it no ca acity for outward e ansion Facing this, Stenger Architekten
und Partner created the internal task force Freiheit Freedom , whose aim
was to s end one year coming u with interdisci linary ideas for a viable unich resil-
ience that will, for the time being, s an the ne t years The force of resilience is, like
its riming, not a static event, but rather a time-related dynamic rocess orking on a
city s resilience means understanding the agglomeration itself as a dynamic system
being able to read it
Architects in this endeavor, may take the liberty of utting themselves in the roles of
generalists who in their work are mediators between re resentatives of different interests
and uni ers of disci lines Architecture is thus elevated to an im ortant engine for bun-
dling lots of s ecial-interest grou s, not least because a city not manifested in s atial
construction is inconceivable
any such anels all around the world are working with varying degrees of success
on individual tasks Freiheit marks a start for unich, as sna shot that will subse-
uently always need to be reviewed ur concern is nding the courage to engage in
large-scale coo eration to lan years into the future in order to esca e the staccato
of acute and short-sighted a roaches to roblems And to give everyone involved,
foremost the citizens affected, a vision of a city one can become accustomed to

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 The problem with Munich
Munich has 1.5 million residents and is thus the third-largest city in Germany.
Its metropolitan area includes 6 million residents.
The Global Cities Index ranks Munich 33rd among the top 60 cities worldwide.
According to the most recent ranking published in 2016 by the Globalization and
World Cities Research Network (GaWC), Munich is a global city in the category Beta+.
The city lies in beautiful surroundings. It s af uent, safe, and full of self-confident people.
And it has a problem.
Munich is choking on itself.
Precisely for the reason that it combines all of the above qualities, and further ampli-
fied by current global, national and regional developments, the city has for some time
faced a permanently high rate of population increase. This will lead to its population of
about 1.55 million (2015), according to the city’s current demographic report, growing to
1.85 million people by 2035, an increase of 20 per cent (LH München, 2019). Yet the city is
completely unprepared for this level of growth. It is surrounded by communities that are
financially and politically independent and that offer it no capacity for outward expan-
sion — since the entire metropolitan region is growing in population along with Munich.
Additional sites capable of housing an additional fifth of the population cannot re-
adily be gained on the periphery. Add to this the continual growth of private transport
within the city and especially the daily commuter trips by automobile. Right now, every
day, 380,000 commuters drive into the city to work, while 180,000 drive out of it. Thus, eve-
ry working day, 200,000 people are added to the population; all of them, via their cars,
demand space — space the city does not have.
Munich’s infrastructure, however, dates in large part back to a time of massive con-
struction projects initiated for the 1972 Olympics. For thirty years, Munich’s population was
nearly constant. The rapid in ux of more than 200,000 people since 200 and the related
doubling of commuter trips has by now not only filled many major arteries to capacity,
but brought them to the brink of collapse.
The decision to rebuild the main railway station and construct a second trunk line
of commuter rail came very late. The continuing increase in the population’s need for
space and the traffic congestion that accompanies it along with all the other related
problems, such as the growing scarcity of affordable housing, con icts caused by unre-
gulated consolidation, high concentrations of airborne pollution, noise and congestion
— now represent the greatest challenge to the city since the end of the Second World
War and the period of reconstruction that followed it.

Motivation
As Munich architects, we at Stenger2 Architekten und Partner work on a daily basis
with tasks that are highly contextually relevant. Such a task might be the modification of
a building, a change in use, an annex, or even a new building within a more or less dense
urban fabric. In approaching it, components, buildings and urban structures — that is,
the built context — routinely have to be considered and evaluated according to their
present and future capabilities and, as a result of this, according to their complete or
partial reusability.
In recent years, we have been working on ever larger scales and have ascertained
that the tools used for these projects, like the insight gained from them, can be applied
to the scale of the entire city.
Our office thus established an internal task force we call Freiheit 20 0 ( Freedom
20 0 ), whose aim is to spend a year coming up with interdisciplinary ideas for a viable
Munich resilience that will, for the time being, span the next 30 years. As architects in this
endeavour, we take the liberty of putting ourselves in the role of a generalist who in his
work is a mediator between representatives of different interests, a unifier of disciplines
and, metaphorically speaking: a conqueror of language barriers. Architecture is thus
elevated to an important tool and an engine for bundling lots of special-interest groups,
not least because a city not manifested in spatial construction is inconceivable.

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Munich, the ‘Residence City’
A conspicuous characteristic of Munich is its alignment, manifested over centuries of
urban development, with a geometric centre. The city grew out of its centre and arran-
ged itself around of it. A centre that was anchored to the 16th-century ducal and royal
residence prominently adjacent to the Old Town and that has been preserved until to-
day, still coinciding with the area of the historic city inside the former city walls (Pauli, 2019).
What’s remarkable is the fact that this primordial cell of Munich now resembles an
amusement park of museums with very expensive shopping .
In this sense, the quality of time spent there during the day is very high. By now, howe-
ver, authenticity and diversity of urban life are found only sporadically. Living downtown
is not something regular people can afford; business leases can be paid only by interna-
tional corporations and upscale law firms.
What’s truly disastrous, though, is the fact that not only the network of automobile-
dominated personal transport, but also that of public transport, is set up like a target,
focusing on the centre. Just like the high culture in the form of concert halls, prominent
museums and venues, both universities, the main government agencies and the most
important markets are located either directly in the centre or adjacent to it.
The collision of both networks of mobility, or rather their significant degree of overlap,
is currently the main cause of the gridlock that is manifesting itself.
The current efforts by local politicians and the city council to install a largely overlap-
ping web of new cycle and pedestrian routes across the city, while expanding public
transport but without wanting to significantly limit individual transport by car, have led to
strongly palpable public protests, clashes over the distribution of resources, and hysteria.
It is this growing negative mood that has led to a new Munich feeling like that of one’s
air supply slowly but surely being cut off.

Munich, the Resistance City?

With one of our projects, the KRAFTWERK, a conversion of a former thermal power
station in Munich into a hybrid-use neighbourhood hub, we noticed what can be achie-
ved if one knows how to recognize and react appropriately to the different speeds of
project work.
In so doing, we have identified three main gears in the city s mechanisms.
The smallest, rapidly spinning gear is that of the citizen, with his generally legitimate
needs and desires. He requires quick and practicable solutions, ideally at once.
The medium-sized gear is the city council along with the lower level of politics, the
neighbourhood representatives. Here, processes take longer, are to be gauged among
various positions and are subject to discussion and evaluation.
The largest and slowest-moving gear is that of framework planning and that of the
overarching building regulations, even on levels that lie outside the city’s sphere of in-
uence.
The vast majority of panel discussions, which currently are being held in rapid succes-
sion and with varying participants on the city’s future, all too often end in a clash of cul-
tures. On the panels are representatives of the administrative body; within the audience,
citizens react angrily to the time frame and plans being put forth. Routinely, the tone is:
it’s all proceeding too slowly.
At the same time, however, initiatives are being made in many areas in the city. Fresh
ideas are sprouting and are being formulated, only to be strangled by harsh criticism a
short while later. We want to know why that is. And how it can be avoided.
As architects, we constitute the physical transmission of the gearbox. A unit that can
convey the power and force of each ot the three gears of urban development, spinning
at different speeds — here the citizens of the surrounding district, there the municipal au-
thorities and above them the political opinion-makers — onto all of them. We’ve learned
that the prerequisite to this is the transfer of information. Resistance to building projects
unravels quickly when the participating special-interest groups are brought to the table
early and all available information is laid out. This can certainly be fragmentary, as long
as it s presented early enough. ona fide individuals who speak with the authority of
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 experience then emerge during the discussion, as does the certainty that something is in
good hands .
In our particular project with the thermal power station, the resounding rejection pu-
blicly expressed by a few turned into strong approval by many within a very short time.
How can this experience be applied to the large scale of the city? We are proposing the
composition of a directive for Munich : a story of the period from 2020 to 20 0 which
describes a possible 30-year development of comprehensive interdisciplinary measures.
An agenda that is thus no longer dependent on the far too narrow time spans between
elections. One that achieves political independence. A directive that demonstrates the
effects and results, the potential, of a decision made today in 5, 10 and 30 years. For
when a city resident is shown that a decision on urban development made today only
has a specific and limited effect on him in or 10 years, that this means he s given a
chance to adapt, and he understands at the same time that it’s less about him and ra-
ther about the future of his kids, then a hindrance protest will turn into a guiding, fruitful,
joint project.

Munich, the Resilience City!

The interesting thing about the term resilience is that the withstanding it connotes
should not be interpreted as standing against something. Resilience is not, for example,
erecting a wall to keep out refugees from Central America.
It is the exible MASTER of difficult situations without continual impairment of the exi-
sting order. Every city, every urban agglomeration, represents an ordered system that is
geared towards self-preservation. If such a system faces an external in uence it percei-
ves as a threat, the power and force of its resilience become manifest. The decisive fac-
tor in this is the accessibility of resources and structures that belong to the existing system
and that are prepared and made available by it for this purpose.
The force of resilience is, like its priming, not a static event, but rather a time-related
dynamic process. Working on a city’s resilience means understanding the agglomeration
itself as a dynamic system being able to read it. This, too, qualifies architects. Many of
them have learned over the years, in work on specific projects and through their interdi-
sciplinary network, to decode the built environment and to use their work to re-evaluate
the processed context. Only through the shared insights of its historians, urban sociolo-
gists, psychologists, urban and traffic planners, developers, experts on energy and waste
management, churches, artists and representatives of the citizenry along with many,
many more does reading a city automatically result in an exciting informational fabric
that is so extensive that the individual can’t help but become lost in it. One person alone
can neither identify nor solve a city’s problems.
Only in collaboration with many is the architect able to provide his pivotal contribu-
tion: he can design built structures in and around the city’s problem areas which give the
city back its freedom of agency. Entities that are ideally fertile ground for other discipli-
nes. Conducive urban fabric for residents in places where the city is in need of repair. Or
as we call it: the urban sponge that attenuates a recognized impairment to the urban
fabric (distURBANce) or even - heals it.

The impairment to the urban fabric (the distURBANce) — the urban sponge as the solution
Impairments to a system detract from its capabilities and diminish its capacity for re-
sistance. They lead to signs of deficiency this is just as true of a city as of an organism.
ut what is af uent Munich actually lacking Allow us to attempt an overview.

At present, the following, among other things, are lacking:

1. Free parking spaces as alternate room for immobile traffic
2. Solutions to the ever-expanding traffic jams
. Affordable ats
4. Cycle routes and express routes for cyclists
5. More frequent metro, tram and bus service
. Individually configurable open spaces
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 7. Areas for sport and recreation
8. Artists’ studios and rehearsal rooms
9. Areas for start-ups and new entrepreneurs
10. Reasons to stay in town at the weekend

How could it come to this? What are the causes? After a year of research, we can
identify the following Munich distURBANces:
• Unregulated, unmonitored transition between city and countryside
• Still-prevailing dogma of the city centre
• Conservation of boundaries and trenches within the built city

The solution to removing these impairments is the urban sponge in the following pos-
sible configurations:
As MunichHU (mHU ) to exibly absorb private automobile traffic from the
periphery long before it reaches the city (1)
• As a polycentre within the city, able to take on functions of a sub-centre as a
component of a city comprised of villages (2)
• As a complement or urban inlay for the sake of repairing an impairment to
urban space (3)

It’s perfectly clear to us that these architectural means of repairing a city must be ac-
companied by a web of socio-cultural, communicative, infrastructural and procedural
measures and experts with experience in them. The architectural solution can, however,
offer precisely the decisive inducement to put the other tools in place for a common
task.
The basis of all such developments must be the use of what is today the city’s most va-
luable resource: land and property. The municipality as the representative of its residents
must form task forces with everyone involved publicly who owns property within the city
boundary: the state of Bavaria, the Federal Republic of Germany, Deutsche Bahn Immo-
bilien and the Federal Autobahn Agency, but also foundations and institutions indebted
to the city or that claim the use of tax money, such as churches.
All of them must, for the greater good, reveal their potential and concede usage
rights, leases and so on to the public. Only in this manner will the city be capable of
taking action. The goal must be to reduce the cost of purchasing land to a minimum in
order to subsequently devote the entire budget to the construction project. This will make
experimental uses and low rents possible.
Alliances must be forged, in each of which one of the involved parties must be set
from the start: the city as an active partner.
It proved only recently what it is capable of. In a very short building phase, a car park
belonging to a municipal swimming pool was built over without having been sacrificed.
In the aerial space above it, dozens of ats were created that were rented out by a mu-
nicipal housing association. The critical aspect of this project was: the parking-space sta-
tute, which determines how many new parking spaces have to be provided for the new
ats, was de facto suspended for this project. That s the great achievement: creating
new living space for people WITHOUT expensive measures for unpopular additional cars
in the city. It demonstrates the scope for action the city has for its own projects.

The mHUB (1)

The mHU is the manifestation of the first alliance: between city and countryside, ur-
ban area and periphery, affecting the entire metropolitan region. The unchecked incre-
ase in commuter ow into and out of the city must be managed quickly and expediently,
or else the city will collapse. The daily traffic jams in contrast even to 2010 which are
an economic and environmental hazard, are no longer tolerable. This is the first stage of
healing: the new firewall for Munich. Not as a new city wall, but as support for improved
mobility.
The Munich firewall was developed by us in collaboration with A GUTH, a Munich
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 petrol station and service company (Amberger and Stenger, 2019). Like a string of pe-
arls, a series of HUBs arranges itself around the city at the points where the main routes
of daily commuters intersect. Each consists of a multistorey car park with a capacity of
5,000 parking spaces and a modern service facility that is able to provide people with
daily routine supplies.
These structures take care of the shift in mobility, the transition from periphery to city,
from individual transport to public transport. At every HUB, connections to metro and su-
burban trains must be guaranteed by the realization of additional transit stops.
Express bus routes served with high frequency at least every five minutes as well as
express cycle routes interconnect the HUBs and the city. Offers for bicycle and car sha-
ring are guaranteed at every location. All service facilities for the automobiles of the
metropolitan area, still necessary for decades, are in place, as are service stations offe-
ring the common sources of energy, as are garages, the provision of spare parts, car wa-
shes and inspection facilities. To prevent unnecessary downtime, transport and delivery
routes, HUBs must include features for commuters that can otherwise only be found in
the city, such as medical attention, package shipping and receiving desks, and modest
administrative facilities. In this context, reduced-price tickets for public transport and the
regional rail network can significantly increase the effectiveness of the mHU . The goal
is to seamlessly guarantee and supply the commuter routes and offer congestion-free,
time-saving, stressless arrival at one’s place of employment.
In the final phase of expansion after 0 years, as many as 100,000 automobiles could
be intercepted before they enter the city. The open spaces that would then emerge in
the city are then available for conversion to streets for cyclists, pedestrian routes and
green belts. For only in conjunction with the development of the mHUBs will the city be
able to develop inwards.

The polycentre (2)

Since its origin, Munich has been a centralized city. The old royal city, with the palatial
residence of the Wittelsbach dukes at its centre, was, with regard to the hegemony of its
core area, never really modernized, certainly not in a sustainable manner.
Each of the following urban developments subordinated itself to the idea of a centre.
Even the buildings for the Olympic Games stand next to a ring road whose midpoint is
near Marienplatz.
The hasty incorporation, primarily by the Nazis, of originally self-contained villages sur-
rounding the old city core was accompanied by a withering of the functionality of these
former local centres. All important institutions were moved to the city centre.
Munich s fixation with its centre turned into a bottleneck for the city. In the next 0
years, the city with only one centre must become a city of many villages . It must
break free of the historically centralized royal city and become a fully interwoven city of
resilience.
In our work for Freiheit 2050, it became clear that, even today, the centuries-long fo-
cus on the city centre surrounding the historic Old Town affects the cultural, social and
administrative quality of districts far from the centre.
At the same time, however, lots of potential locations for polycentres in the urban
area presented themselves. These were either historically founded, with a fragment pre-
served and thus able to be reactivated, or would have to re-emerge in potential spots
predestined for them.
A new polycentre must shine and bind new energies. It must be multifunctional, exci-
ting and creative, and be upgraded such that it can be capable of providing diverse
services as a centre. Not monofunctional like a shopping mall or an administrative cen-
tre, not as a marketplace, theatre, concert hall or food court — but as a conglomerate
offering all these and many other functions besides.
For this, at suitable locations, all existing spatial conventions and in particular all public
spaces must be put to the test. Not as a compacting effect, but as an enhancement.
Multifunction instead of monofunction, even as a creative space, anarchic and hetero-
geneous. In lieu of many more possibilities of this evaluation of monofunctions, we wor-
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ked in small groups to observe various scenarios more closely.
The result of these preliminary examinations are schools expanded to include rooms
for senior citizens, homes for the elderly expanded to include day care for children. Ce-
meteries that become peaceful oases for digital detoxification, public parking garages
that while and especially after their purpose is being fulfilled are used as spaces for recre-
ation. Churches that are used outside of masses and prayer sessions as libraries, exhibition
spaces or places that relate the history of the neighbourhood. Garden plots that today
are fenced in (the ‘Schrebergärten’) become areas of urban gardening. Austere public
squares are given spaces for free and creative development at the polycentre. For all
these scenarios, there are proven examples around the world. Nothing has to be inven-
ted here, just put into practice. The permanent or temporary appropriation of municipal
infrastructure is even today put into practice as pop-up architecture in Munich, a relati-
vely new development for this city.
Starting from the polycentre, the components of living, working and supply must be in-
terwoven anew over the coming 30 years. The city of CIAM, an automobile city, is, as we
know today, not future-oriented. A city that is largely on a pedestrian scale must develop
on the same level as a living environment.
Beyond this, the development of polycentres offers lots of ways to massively involve
residents. They must be a pillar in the design, needs assessment and realization and be
active contributors — by demanding a park bench out in front, a new tree in the middle
of the square, owers on a patch of grass, their own surfaces for urban gardening.
In this way, old village centres of former independent settlements can be turned into
attractive sub-centres with the power to supply themselves, which makes them intere-
sting to adjacent neighbourhoods as well. They will then compete with the city centre
and with each other. Parallel to this, the radial traffic patterns emanating from the city
centre are reduced.
Further, through their pioneering work and de-escalation of con ict, the reactivated
sub-centres will lead, within their radius of in uence and in the entire city, to private and
public developments.
The main goal of the new polycentres is, however, to offer sufficient local quality to
keep residents not only during the week, but also in their free time, in their neighbourho-
od. This is the second alliance: that between the city and its population.

The urban inlay (3)

Parallel to the long-term measures of HUBs and polycentres, the plaque in the arteries
of our city must be removed. The past has left Munich with dotted, linear or spread-out
types of urban spaces within the otherwise conspicuous homogeneity of the city’s built-
upon body, which have often unfurled without consideration for their neighbourly con-
text.
Venerable spaces such as the Theresienwiese and the English Garden are among
these, as are infrastructural spaces such as the broad system of railway tracks between
Pasing and the main rail station, but also underpasses, bridges, road troughs and Auto-
bahn junctions, some of which extend well into the city. Planned outdoor areas, such as
cemeteries and parks and areas intended to be left in their natural state such as the now
partially restored riverbed of the Isar River as well as its robust embankments and angled
terrain to the south are further examples.
Along with many structures that have reached the end of their useful life, or have alre-
ady become obsolete architectural or infrastructural structures, therefore, these spaces
and objects spawn sources of irritation along their edges: distURBANces. Urban repair is
needed there, by all means even on protected spaces that at first glance appear to be
sacrosanct. It is precisely these corners, edges and urban impairments whose repair or
removal must be performed spatially, above built structures, constructs that can be used
multifunctionally, opening traffic routes closed off at that point, making green areas and
urgently needed living space available and at suitable points, on a transitional basis,
sufficient space for automobiles to resort to.
What all distURBANces have in common is the fact that they are invisible: the habit
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 of driving past them often enough makes them vanish from the field of view of the city s
residents — until such time as the urban wound they formed is again revealed and made
a subject of discussion. Urban repair necessitates not only noticing a distURBANce, but
also a dynamic investigation of its potential. The result of this investigation of its potential
could be our proposal of an urban inlay.
This subtype of an urban sponge is still under development. The current model is defi-
ned by its three components. On the ground oor, contact with a public space occurs,
and with it the specialized adaptation to the individual context. This is where we always
find the transition between automobiles and going on foot.
The area above the eaves offers the possibility of conquering the city’s third dimension.
Building structures resolved into smaller pieces merge with pathways of green growth.
This world above the world is comprised of small interspersed building elements that
are stacked, placed in series or staggered, that offer surfaces of motion, that combine
the former pedestrianness of a medieval city with a spectacular view. The world of pixels
above the rooftops offers multiple creative functions and space for self-fulfilment. It links
the intimacy of areas people withdraw to with a public boulevard. It is a green lung and
mediates between the hard edges of a city.
In between, the actual material of the sponge is deployed: the static framework of
this vertical middle zone is made of joined construction materials that in the best-case
scenario could be reused whole. This applies to supports, valances, girders, wall sections.
Load-bearing elements, reinforcements, ceilings and access cores will still, for years to
come, within densely built cities, be made of concrete mixed on-site, preferably from
concrete made from recycled materials.
The number of stories, length and breadth are determined according to context. Insi-
de a framework fitted with plumbing and wiring, basic modules made from renewable or
recycled raw materials are placed: boxes and drawers that offer space for differentiated
uses.
In this manner, a mesh is created that can be taken over, filled up as needed, designated
for living and for housing groups in varied forms, but exible in its use, its wiring and its occu-
pancy. The housing group is the basis of many of the following scenarios of use. The result of
an encounter with a good friend, aged , who came to us and said: What I d like now is a
place where I can spend my golden years with some friends. Each one would have his own
room with a bathroom, for when he wants to be alone, but there’d also be a big living room-
kitchen-dining room in which we could come together at any time to make music and talk.
In drafting this blueprint, one notices that this basic module of the housing group can
be applied to lots of different groups in society, completely independently of their financial
background, age, etc. What all of these groups have in common is that if they are able to
find housing in today s Munich, it s only with the greatest difficulty and effort.
Aside from the senior-citizens’ group described above, this applies to, among others:
students sharing ats
at-sharing among people doing traineeships
• housing groups made up of refugees, including unaccompanied minors
• housing groups for whom accessibility is a priority
• therapy groups
• groups of single mothers
• employees of temporary events: trade fairs, Oktoberfest
• workers during temporary installations
• an initial dwelling for company workers new in town
• the unemployed
Occupancies, that is, that can help those affected, either temporarily or during a parti-
cular phase of their life. This is where the city can now practise its responsibility. Allocate the
space and allow a exible management of the occupancy. What a powerful tool it would
then have at its disposal! It could use it to provide for the weakest members of society and
at the same time offer a large percentage of the 15,000 new citizens who arrive in Munich
each year an initial place to stay.
The directive for Munich: Freiheit 2050
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 The step from recognizing a problem to designing a solution is one we architects are
familiar with. Where we routinely fail is in conveying the contents.
Freiheit 20 0 thus means not only the means of architecture and urban planning,
but getting an overview of and questioning the most important components of the city’s
infrastructure. The results of this investigation must be made public as part of after-effects.
Important when communicating this subject matter is conveying the temporal and cau-
sal dependency of all the points.
A timeline, provisionally over a period of the next 30 years, should be made, which
should also be structured according to the If ... then principle.
It will then be possible to see that a decision made today will have an effect in 5, 10,
or 15 years, and that if it isn’t made now, what is necessary won’t happen in 10 years.
For the citizen, this means:
transparency regarding the contents
the possibility of being involved, similar to the tried and tested procedure of displaying
development schemes
the possibility of becoming accustomed and adapting
enough time for weighing individual interests against those of society
transition periods for the institution or withdrawal of regulations and laws.
The goal of this directive for the city must be the maintenance of the three speeds.
Contents that require lengthy preparation by (municipal) politicians cannot and don’t
have to be processed by individual citizens. Conversely, the urgently needed greening
of the most beautiful neighbourhood squares should not have to depend on protracted
political decisions.
The result is a forward-looking, sustainable and adaptable vision for the future of the
city. A exible master plan for dynamic growth inside its boundaries, an agenda for this
city that is so far-reaching that hectic problem-solving is turned into a structural interac-
tion with the challenge of growth. This is the starting point.
The critical thing, however — as shown by professional practice starting with any small
construction plans — is that this directive is regularly evaluated and maintained. To en-
sure this, a panel must be installed that logically consists of all those who do the work of
transmission in the three-speed gearbox.
As a temporally limited, continually mixing group of many whose activities overlap and
who in their entirety represent the largest possible cross section of the city’s population.
Independently of age, income, political and sexual identification. An ethics commis-
sion for the greater good of the city, with the power to offer advice and make decisions.
A group of orphans who support the operational work of the political bodies of the mu-
nicipal council just as much as the representatives of industry and the individual citizens.
This evaluatory commission is to draft the master plan for the city, improve it at regular
intervals, delete, insert and overall do three things: make the work of municipal politics
objectively verifiable, require appropriate action from citizens and open up resources
across all rifts by linking employees and employers, industry and the social state, culture
and sport.
This notion is neither utopian nor new.
Around the world, there are already many such panels, working with varying degrees
of success on individual tasks. Now the summary must follow. With this, we have made a
start for Munich. Our work on Freiheit 20 0 is a snapshot that will subsequently always
need to be reviewed. What we re concerned with, though, is finding the courage to
engage in large-scale cooperation to plan 30 years into the future in order to escape
the staccato of acute and short-sighted approaches to problems. And to give everyone
involved, foremost the citizens affected, a vision of a city one can become accustomed
to.

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 Figure 1. No escape for Munich; Figure 2. (right) Commuters daily target.

Figure 3. (left) Sand in the gears; Figure 4. (right) The KRAFTWERK - getting rid of a distURBANce.

Figure 5. (left) mHU and the Munich firewall; Figure 6. (right) The new network.

Figure 7. (left) The city of one centre vs. the city of multiple neighbourhoods; Figure 8. (right) Types of
distURBANces.
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Figure 9. Scanning for distURBANces.

Figure 10. Calcareous sponges as model.

Figure 11. First sketch: the directive for Munich.

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 Figure 12. Urban inlay for a global city.

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Captions
Figure 1: No escape for Munich, T. Chutchawanjumrut, Freiheit 2050
Figure 2: Commuters daily target, T. Chutchawanjumrut and A. Pauli, Freiheit 2050
Figure 3: Sand in the gears, A. Pauli, Freiheit 2050
Figure 4: T. Chutchawanjumrut and A. Pauli, Freiheit 2050
Figure : The Munich firewall, M. Stenger et al
Figure 6: The new network, A. Pauli, Freiheit 2050
Figure 7: The city of one centre vs. the city of multiple neighbourhoods, A. Pauli, Freiheit
2050
Figure 8: Calcareous sponges as model, by Ernst Haeckel (from ‘Art Forms in Nature’)
Figure 9: Munich distURBANces, A. Pauli, Freiheit 2050
Figure 10: Scanning for distURBANces, A.P. Nitzsche, M. Stenger, Freiheit 2050
Figure 11: The Munich script, M. Stenger, Freiheit 2050
Figure 12: Urban inlay for a global city, V. Kovach, S. Meyer, Freiheit 2050

References
andeshauptstadt H M nchen (ed.), (2019) Demografiebericht M nchen Teil 1 , M n-
chen
Amberger, M., Stenger, M., (2019), Tankstelle uo adis , M nchen (unpublished pa-
per)
Pauli, A. (2019), ‚Historische Erstarrung‘, München (unpublished paper)
Stenger, M., Scanning for distUR ANces Resilience for the prosperous , arcelona/M n-
chen (unpublished lecture)

Translation
Michael Pilewski, Munich

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PH.6 Continuity and Resilience as Tools for Regeneration

Read to create and create to design. Urban Morphology as a

guide to the transformation process of the 21st century city.
Francesco Scattino
“Sapienza” University of Rome, DIAP - Department of Architecture and Project, Rome
Keywords: Urban Design, Urban Morphology, Architecture

Abstract

The city is subject to constant processes of transformation visible in the design of its
tissue and the architect cannot fail to take them into account in the creative act of
design. Consequently, it is necessary to identify these processes and their components,
which are indispensable tools to achieve the design goal. The elaboration of a new
oint of view re uires us to review our ositions towards it The rst ste is to e amine in
more detail the different approaches to the analysis of the urban form, starting from the
typo-morphological, linked to the Italian architectural research that belongs to S. Mu-
ratori and G. Caniggia, and from the historico-geographical of the English school with
Conzen, in articular their logic and their s eci c ob ective, to understand if and
how they t together or how they could integrate more actively with each other It is
clear that if the different approaches are studying the same thing - the urban form - and
a multi le descri tion rovides more insights into a single oint of view, we will bene t
from understanding the s eci c relationshi s between them It is ossible to select the
concepts and methods that allow common principles to manifest themselves and avoid
unnecessary analogies. The aim is to use a methodology of analysis able to work on the
structural substance of an urban organism, on the traces left by the fabric of its formative
logic and the way citizens live and transform it. A methodology, able to read and classify
the characters and aspects of the urban form as an architectural condition and that
always implies, in addition to the historical judgement, also a judgement on the quality
of the urban fabric, allows to re gure, through the ro ect, the ossibility to modify its
nature in order to better achieve those objectives related to a new perspective of needs
imposed by the constant evolution of society.

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 Reading the processes of transformation of the urban form
Ab ovo, at the origin of the development of the built environment we find a double
and reciprocal causality: the physical conditions of a natural environment constitute the
inevitable basis of every human settlement and, in turn, the interpretation of the place
by the different civilizations forge its history and identity. Human activities, therefore, are
the engine that generates the creation of the built environment and they must necessa-
rily be placed in a context of social, economic and political activities. Building a picture
of the social and economic context means identifying the values, ideas and intentions
typical of the population and resulting from the cultural habits, structures and technology
that they generate.
So, thanks to its attention to the process of formation and transformation, the analysis
of urban morphology offers the designer a rich understanding of the historical roots and
meaning of places. It provides a very relevant view of the urban form and a deeper un-
derstanding of the relationships between its different aspects such as shape, land use,
control and physical structure.
Today urban morphology is not yet a unified and compact subject of study. Debates
on what we might call orthodoxy are not yet dormant. But one of the most important de-
velopments of the last two decades has been the importance assumed by two schools of
thought of international urban morphology: one linked to the world of Italian architectu-
ral research with S. Muratori and G. Caniggia, and the other to that of British geography
with M.R.G. Conzen. The mere reading of the theoretical principles that have guided the
formulation of the best known approaches, however, is no longer enough and efficient
if connected to the constant transformation of urban space and, specifically, requires us
to review our positions towards it, in particular in relation to the phenomena responsible
for the transformation of the contemporary city. The aim is to identify the elements in
common between the two approaches, not as deconstruction and taxonomy, but as an
ordering and comparison of existing concepts and methods. It is not an easy task, but
as a starting point, it is already encouraging to know that both approaches analyse the
unifying aspect of form. Yet, the points of contact and exchange are numerous. Both
approaches consider as fundamental the cultural importance of the historical continuity
of the urban landscape and its transformation mechanisms; hence the common com-
mitment to a morphogenetic approach to the study of the built environment. Both have
identified cycles of temporal mutation and their spatial dimension. oth have observed
the weakness of modernism as a cultural project. The city is interpreted as a vital synthesis
of a ow of historically identified experiences. At the same time there are differences,
for example, that divide their work in Caniggia and Conzen. Although both look at the
urban fabric as a whole, the first as an architect has given greater importance to buildin-
gs and their formative process; while the second has systematically analysed the city’s
layout in all its complexity, relegating buildings to their position within the wider spatial
configuration of the city. Caniggia formulated a very useful and functional history of the
evolution of building types, highlighting their derivations and continuity, while for Conzen
building types are differentiated only to define the formal regions and sub-regions within
the spatial mosaic of the urban landscape. Examining in more detail the two different
approaches to urban morphology, in particular their logic and their specific objective,
will allow us to understand if and how they fit together.

The comparative analysis of morphological approaches

The starting point is to identify those key concepts in common that characterize the
two approaches to urban morphology. First of all, both consider each form as the result
of a process, of the progressive organic association of parts, and it makes sense to break
it down and investigate its components only if one considers its substantial unity and indi-
visibility. There are, in addition to the general basic notion of model, three fundamental
concepts that form the common basis of the two morphological approaches to the built
environment and are: process, type and hierarchy. The act of constructing is fundamen-
tally a cultural and social process that includes an interaction between individuals or
groups and their physical environment.

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 There is a strong relationship between urban morphology and architecture, this is evi-
dent in the construction of a common cultural background around a concept of typolo-
gy that has always had a strong systematic link with the design of the urban form. Nicola
Marzot identifies, in his study on urban form in Italy, a series of different positions based on
different conceptions of type. These are mainly due to interpretations of what a contem-
porary city could be; in turn this has had an in uence on the analysis of the urban form.
Some misunderstandings in these positions are based on the interpretation of all types
of buildings according to a single language, rather than focusing on historical ones
( . Oliveira 201 ). The reproduction of artifacts using the same model or configuration
of elements creates a type. To make a distinction, a configuration is an arrangement of
parts and a type is a configuration that has a degree of modularity and integration as a
cultural habit. The type is a configuration that has been actively reproduced. While each
type example may change slightly, the configuration always remains the same. Simple
elements have combined together over time to form more complex artifacts: small spa-
ces have created buildings; buildings and fences have created lots; lots and paths have
created streets. The result is not a chaotic mass of parts but an appearance of composite
artifacts with distinct levels of complexity. The link between the levels forms a composi-
tional hierarchy. In simple form the hierarchy includes: Streets, Plots, Buildings. The com-
bination of streets, lots and buildings, seen as a composite form, is commonly referred to
as the urban tissue. It is the main component or unit of urban growth and transformation
(Kropf 2017). The elements to be taken into consideration in the morphological analysis
form a compositional hierarchy based on the relationships between them.
Karl Kropf, in his “The Handbook of Urban Morphology” suggests a table of a series of
elements that allow for a greater resolution of the analysis and includes structure, ma-
terials, rooms, buildings, lots, paths, urban blocks, streets, urban fabric. Each element is
composed of or contains the previous element in the list. This allows us to read the urban
tissue on progressive levels of resolution. The different types of elements can be combi-
ned in different ways. The table also helps to distinguish the complementary relationships
between the different approaches and the methods that are used for element analysis.
For example, the typo-morphological approach treats the hierarchy as a whole as a
design context, focusing on the building type level and the urban fabric, while the histo-
rico-geographical approach focuses on the transformation cycle of lots and the urban
fabric as a geographical structure. Therefore, in the practical act of the morphological
investigation there will be two sequences to be used as a guide to reach the objective:
to the analysis-comparison-synthesis sequence must be added that description-judg-
ment-design. We know that analysis alone is not enough; we need to compare the results
and study them from different points of view in order to reach a better understanding of
things and their synthesis. This represents a continuity between “looking” - “reading” and
“creating” - “designing”. A designer who works with the built environment must see it as
a means of design with technical characteristics. Once we understand how it works and
why we are attracted to it, we are in a better position to use that knowledge in design
and to achieve better results.
The general starting point for the morphological analysis will be to choose the area
to analyse, selecting which of the different aspects of the urban form to include. Each
aspect will have various levels of resolution according to the chosen architectural scale
and will be included in a specific time interval because all morphological studies have
a temporal dimension. Once an aspect of the urban form to be analyzed has been ta-
ken into consideration, within the comparative model each morphological approach
will have its own levels of resolution and historical framework and will be immediately
superimposed to the same ones of the other approach, in order to have a comparative
analysis framework as complete as possible and able to provide us with the information
we need. Identifying consistently defined aspects of form only clears the ground for and
facilitates looking in more detail at the individual aspects, comparing them and investi-
gating their interrelationships, associations and correspondences in order to identify the
part they play in the processes of formation and transformation of urban form (K.Kropf
2009).
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 The description of the urban form, read through the different interpretative tools, will
be polytropic1, it will find different types of communication for different types of appro-
ach, as in medicine patients are healed with remedies adapted to their conditions and
predispositions.

r n mor o o refi r tion of t e ro ect

The description-judgment-design sequence will allow us to develop a methodology
that can read and classify the characters and aspects of the urban form as an archi-
tectural condition and that always implies, in addition to the historical judgement, also
a judgement on the quality of the urban tissue, and therefore allows us to prefigure,
through the project, the possibility of modifying its nature. Kropf also suggests that this sy-
stem allows us to find and free embedded types, patterns and associations for creative
recombination. Through abstraction, for example, it is possible to select the patterns of
relationships we find in our perception of the built environment and use them as potential
solutions. The generation of innovation and solutions is an ongoing process that is inextri-
cably linked to the cultures that produce them. Any type has roots in the activities and
cultural habits that generated it.
Ex nihilo nihil fit - most pure inventions fail. Working on the structural substance of
an urban organism, on the traces left by the tissue of its formative logic, the way citizens
live and transform it, reworking or combining different elements that have been tested
with continuous use and reproduction is certainly a safer way than starting from scratch.
Taking this idea forward suggests that the most significant source of potential solutions for
innovation lies in the built environment itself. The built environment is a design resource,
a library of tools ideal for new design that matches the continuous transformations of the
city and society.

Figure 1. Example of a general comparative model of the analysis.

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Footnotes
1 Polytropy: from the greek term pol tropos, the art of finding different types of speech
for different types of listeners.

References
G. Caniggia, G.L. Maffei (1979) Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia. Lettura
dell’edilizia di base, Venezia, Marsilio
M.R.G. Conzen (1960) Alnwick, Northumberland. A study in Town Plan Analysis, The Institu-
te of British Geographers, Publications N° 27, London, Orge Philip and Son, LTD
K. Kropf 2009) “Aspects of urban form”, Urban Morphology 13:105-120
K. Kropf (201 ) The handbook of urban morphology, John Wiley and Sons td, Southern
Gate, Chichester, West Sussex
K. Lynch (1990) The Image of the City, The M.I.T. Press
M. Maretto (2008) Il paesaggio delle differenze; Architettura,città e territorio nella nuova
era globale, Pisa, Edizioni ETS
N. Marzot (2002) “The study of urban form in Italy”, Urban Morphology, 6:59-73
S. Muratori (1960) Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, Roma, Istituto poligra-
fico dello Stato, ibreria dello Stato
V. Oliveira (2016) Urban Morphology. An introduction to the Study of the Physical Form of
Cities, Springer International Publishing Switzerland, pp. XXXIII, 192

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

On methods.
Towards an operative reading of city morphological legacies
ordinary-building and building-type
Sérgio Padrão Fernandes1, João Silva Leite2
Universidade de Lisboa
1,2

1
[email protected], [email protected]
keywords: Building-type, street layout, urban fabric, Portuguese city

Abstract

The paper addresses an operative reading of the city to decode the Portuguese city
form and explores the transfer of its principles to urban design process. The research ob-
jective is to learn from the past and establish an analogous relationship between reading
and designing the city. Starting from the topic of the urban fabric composition, particu-
larly in regard to the reading of “samples”, i.e. urban fragments with urban elements
serial repeated, the aim is to deduce the laws or design principles behind the shape of
historical cities.
Methodologically, the proposed approach is based in a form of dialectics attempting
to bridge a conceptual relation between the urban fabrics produced throughout the
time with the conjectural process of its design. Using drawing as an interpretation tool, to-
gether with delayering and elementarism as methodological procedures of decompo-
sition, allowed for the e ercise of rogressive abstraction and conse uent sim li cation
of the complexity of the urban form. The purpose is understanding the whole through the
knowledge of its components. From the conjectural point of view, we reconstituted the
code of design rinci les based on a theoretical frame which de nes the built ty ologies
structural interference within the city built-fabric.
With the comparation of some paradigmatic case studies from the Portuguese urban
fabric it is explored an operative reading of the city according the role of the building
typologies as element of urban composition. In addition, this methodology proposes an
interference between the analytical procedure and the design approach, both urban
and architectural. It means that operative reading should be understood as a transfer
from the built-city and from the history to establish an analogous relationship between
the interpretative reading and designing of the city.

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 It has been said scienti c discoveries consists in seeing analogies
where everybody else see just bare facts.
Oswald Mathias Ungers

1. Towards an operative reading of the city

The paper addresses a method of reading of the city to decode the Portuguese city
form and explores the transfer of its principles to urban design process. The research
objective is to learn from the built city and from the legacies of the past and, on the other
hand, with the possibility to explore the analogies between the reading process and the
design behind the form of the built city. The study of the relationship between the buil-
ding typologies and the urban form aims to explain how the buildings can play an urban
role in the design process of the city.
If we understand the built city form as a repository of knowledge, the urban layout or
the analytical stratum of the public space is where concentrated the essential characte-
ristics of the city, both the identity of its shape and the timelessness matrices that support
its evolution. In this sense, the urban layout can be understood as a powerful element
of analysis. It is a structural element of the urban form because it connects the territory
and its form with an idea of order or space organization, attach the plot pattern with the
building typologies and, more than that, the urban layout give a nexus to link the public
and the private components of the urban fabric.
From the conjectural point of view, we reconstituted the code of design principles
based on a theoretical frame which defines the built typologies structural interference
within the city built-fabric. With the comparation of some paradigmatic case studies from
the Portuguese urban fabric it is explored an operative reading of the city according the
role of the building typologies as element of urban composition.
In addition, this methodology proposes an interference between the analytical pro-
cedure and the design approach, both urban and architectural. It means that operative
reading should be understood as a transfer from the built-city and from the history to
establish an analogous relationship between the interpretative reading and designing
of the city.

2. On methodology: elementary decomposition and delayering

Starting from the topic of the urban fabric composition, particularly in regard to the
reading of “samples”, i.e. urban fragments with urban elements serial repeated, the aim
is to deduce the laws or design principles behind the shape of historical cities.
Methodologically, the proposed approach is based in a form of dialectics attempting
to bridge a conceptual relation between the urban fabrics produced throughout the
time with the conjectural process of its design. Using drawing as an interpretation tool, to-
gether with delayering and elementarism as methodological procedures of decompo-
sition, allowed for the exercise of progressive abstraction and consequent simplification
of the complexity of the urban form. The purpose is understanding the whole through the
knowledge of its components.
In a broad sense the reading process of the urban fabric is based in a theoretical exer-
cise of deconstruction of the built reality, where segmentation means division the city by
parts and decomposition means delayering of systems and identification of elements
within the urban fabric.
The book of O. M. Ungers about “city metaphors” is one important theoretical refe-
rence to understand the city as a complex system made by systems. The comparison of
Manhattan “street structure” with the “bone structure” of a human body and also with a
frame structure of a car brought to the definition of city a powerful analogy with a very
clear meaning, where the city is represented as something in-between the organism and
the machine, an entity a half organic and a half mechanic (Ungers, 1982).
Besides that, the fragments that represents the pediment of the Greek temple of
Aphaia on Aegina, which we can find in M nchen Glyptothek, give us the notion that
an element can be seen as a fragment or even as a member that represent part of an
entire body. In this current exhibition of Aphaia pediment we understand the shape of

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the object only through the recognition of its fragments.
Furthermore, if we remind of Ernesto Nathan Rogers and his quotes that said that the
“Element, is the part that contains everything of which it is part” (Rogers, 1981). When we
look at a city as Lisbon through a set of samples of the urban layout, we acknowledge
through its elements the shape of the city in a similar way as we do with the fragments to
recognize the pediment of Aphaia temple. In fact, urban samples, hide much of Lisbon’s
urban complexity. But, that is why it gives us a clear idea of the homogeneous parts that
compose Lisbon urban fabric, and also the idea of the city as body made by different
members.
In methodological terms to the reading of the city layout, it is necessary to acknow-
ledge the homogenous parts that compose the shape of the city. For this, it is needed
to identify within the city the limits in which we can find a coherent and consolidated
urban form. This task follows the steeps of M.R.G. Conzen and its theory on morphological
regions (Conzen, 1960) but also the notion of neighborhood established by Kevin Lynch
on the classic book about the Image of the City (Lynch, 1960).
In this sense and regarding the built city as a case study, the analysis proposes the the-
oretical deconstruction of the urban fabric and the decomposition of the urban layout
into a set of parts, which are homogeneous urban layouts or urban fragments composed
by similar urban elements.
Each recognized homogeneous urban layout has its own structure. The delayering of
each one shows a set of morphological strata, namely the limit, the theoretical grid and
also an internal structure.
The small town of Caminha, in the north of Portugal, is here a clear example of where
the medieval wall defines the limit of the urban layout. And where the conceptual refe-
rence is the Rua Direita, i.e. the Portuguese straight street that defines a linear system of
public spaces that structure and hierarchies the grid or the regular matrix.
As noted, when we focus on analyzing the shape of Lisbon by reading the samples
of urban layout, we hide the structure of the city urban shape and mainly its complexity,
according the specificities of each context and the formal composition of each neigh-
borhood. (Figure - 1)
Thus, regarding the samples as an abstract fragment of fabric, we carefully observe
the ordinary elements of the urban composition that allow us to find the elements type of
the urban form namely: streets, intersections and urban-blocks.
The urban decode and interpretation of the Baixa neighborhood sample, in Lisbon,
is based on decomposition by gradual simplification of the urban fabric (Figure - 2). y
decomposing the urban sample, it is possible to obtain an explanation of the built city,
but, more than that, it provides a theoretical model of the city making that is behind its
design process. Through methodical decomposition we turn more simpler the identifica-
tion of the ordinary elements and, by simplification we become evident the elements of
composition behind the design urban form.
Regarding the urban-block type previous identified in aixa urban fabric, its oor-type
plan is characterized by buildings with a similar typology. However, the different dimen-
sion of each plot and the variety of the buildings is characterized by the modularity of
the theoretical grid of composition (Figure - 3). The grid is here a powerful element of
composition that codifies the regularity, but also the variety of the plots and buildings.
The representative building that we can find in aixa, or on the other words its ordinary
building has the ground- oor for commercial use, strict connected with the public space
of the street, and a oor-type plan characterized by a sequence of modular rooms and
a structure of spaces that allow the exibility of use for different housing programs (Figure
- 4). The building typology in Baixa varies according dimension and position. The dimen-
sion in terms of footprint vary according the width of the buildings, which depends on the
number of windows. Each building has around 12m deep which means the increase of
area vary according the width of the building façade. On the other hand, the position of
the building varies within the urban-block, facing the street in a regular position or in the
corner which defines the streets intersection.

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 3. Building typologies and city composition
Taking Lisbon as case study, in the process of analysis we can ask the role of the buil-
dings within the design process of the city, or even in the urban fabric itself.
According to the theory of Gianfranco Caniggia we can divide the building typolo-
gies in two main groups, i.e. “edilizia speciale” or the specialized buildings and the “edili-
zia di base or the basic buildings. The concept of singular building finds its root closer to
the idea of edilizia speciale. It can be widely understood as a building with an important
public role as those typologies we can find when looking closer to the city center of
Lisbon. They are public typologies that structure the urban layout according the public
system of the city (Figure - 1).
The typical urban fabric of Rua do Almada, in Oporto, is very characterized by an
ordinary building, which was a 18th century re-interpretation of the row-house. In this
urban fabric, it is the “common building” or the repeated use of the same typology as
the “Edilizia di base” that rules the design, both urban and architectural, as an integral
composition.
This building type has a ground oor for workshops and warehouses and the upper
oors held housing programs according a narrow plot with around m width.
In this fabric the buildings are serial repeated and aggregated in straight line and the
building type can even be understood as the generator of the urban form. On the other
words the urban fabric results from these unity between street and buildings. It is the buil-
ding-type who define the public space of the street, mainly the street section. The width
of the street, which is twice of the width of the building, and its height that is leveled by
the façade of the building. Also, the façade of the street is ruled by the serial repetition
of the building type.
The reading of urban fabric in Malagueira shows the use of building typologies com-
bined mainly with a modular urban block and not so much with the design of the street.
Malagueira is a housing program, designed in 1977 by Álvaro Siza Veira in the outskirts
of the old city of Évora. The urban layout is conceptually supported in an ordered grid
system, where the regular plot pattern is the key to understand the shape of the streets
and also the fabric itself as a volumetric and spatial entity.
In Malagueira, the modularity of the plots is strongly related with the typology of buil-
dings, which are an evolutive typology of courtyard houses that produces volumetric va-
rieties in the urban-blocks based in a few differences of buildings types. The building type
is aggregated according to a modular urban-block, with a similiar composition principles
that is also used in the neighborhood of Baixa, in Lisbon. However, the built fabric is less
exible than in aixa because the root of the buildings, i.e. the plots, are equal in terms
of area and shape.
The ela ista neighborhood is a project designed in 19 by Jos Charters Monteiro
and Aldo Rossi. The design behind this housing program proposed to Setúbal expansion
area is conceptually rooted in the idea of continuous built fabric where the oor-type is
the result of an aggregation of two types of dwellings, serial repeated according the use
of a gallery for circulation and to give access to the houses, and also in a set of principles
to design the image of the street façade.
In Bela Vista the urban form is in a broad sense the result of the combinations of four
main systems that follow the traditional idea of street but reinterpreted. One of these
systems is the (1) grid, which defines the hierarchization of composition axis and mainly
support the design of the streets in articulation with the pedestrian passages and galle-
ries. The (2) urban layout is here related with the design of the public ground, specially
composed by streets and urban patios. The (3) street-façade, which design according a
street image results from a nexus for the aggregation of (4) cellular dwellings type.•
Nevertheless, the urban fabric can be also the result of the design with parameters of
form and not only with the spatial definition of the final form of urban fabric. In this sense,
the specialized urban fabric of the university campus of Aveiro, design by Nuno Portas in
1986, plays an important role as example. The design principles behind this urban fabric
are based on a volumetric definition of the buildings, which uses typological parameters
of form in order to relate the plots to the building’s footprint and also the height of each

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college, placed around a wide arcaded square.
Here the urban layout has the role to define the public ground and the support of the
urban composition mainly centered in a contemporary reinterpretation of a cloister with
urban character.

4. Manifesto towards a Città Analoga

The comparation of some paradigmatic case studies of the Portuguese urban fabric
allowed exploring an operative reading of the city, according the role of the building
typologies as element of urban composition. In addition, the methodology proposes an
interference between the analytical procedure and the design approach, both urban
and architectural. It means that operative reading should be understood as a transfer
from the built-city and from the legacies of history to establish an analogous relationship
between the interpretative reading and designing of the city.
From these considerations it is possible to admit that the knowledge extracted from
reading the existing city may be transferred to the development of new concepts, as
well as to the creation of new urban realities or even to design the urban fabric, whereby
it may inform a position on the way of thinking the production of the form of the city.
In this sense, the Aldo Rossi’s manifesto in 1976, towards a “Città Analoga”, still seems
actual today. Legacies from the past mean, more than ever, collecting references from
the past to imagine a parallel reality in the future. According that, we must remember
the undercover message behind the Rossi’s collage, an idea of future and modernity
must be rooted in the idea of continuity.

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 Figure 1. Lisbon, singular buildings.

Figure 2. Decode of Baixa sample.

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Figure 3. Baixa, urban-block.
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 Figure 4. Baixa, building type.

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Footnotes
1
Ungers, O. M. (1982) Morphologie: City Metaphors (Köln: Walther König), p. 4
2
The paper is part of the ongoing research project “Building Typology – morphological
inventory of the Portuguese city, funded by FCT ref. PTDC/ART-DAQ/30110/2017.

References
Caniggia, G. and Maffei, G.L. (1979), Composizione architettonica e tipologia edilizia,
Venezia.
Conzen, M.R.G. (1960), Alnwick, Northumberland: A study in town-plan analysis, London,
Institute of British Geographers.
Dias Coelho, C. coord. (2013), Os Elementos Urbanos, Lisboa, Argumentum.
Christ, E.; Gantenbein, C. (2012) Typology – Hong Kong, Rome, New York, Buenos Aires,
Zurich, Park Books.
Eisenman, P. (200 ), Diez edificios can nicos 19 0-2000, arcelona: UPC)
Lynch, K. (1982), A Imagem da Cidade, Lisboa, Edições 70.
Moudon, A.V. (1989), “The role of typomorphological studies in environmental design
research” in The Environmental Design Research Association, Proceedings, EDRA 20,
Oklahoma.
Muratori, S. (1960), Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, Roma, IPS.
Napolitano, U.; Jallon, B. (2017) Paris Haussmann, Zurich, Park Books.
Panerai, P.; Depaule, J. C.; Demorgon, M. (1999), Analyse Urbaine, Marseille: Éditions Pa-
renthèses.
Rogers, E. N. (1981), Gli elementi del fenomeno architettonico, Napoli: Guida.
Strappa, G.(199 ), Unitt dell organismo architettonico, ari: Dedalo.
Ungers, O. M. (1982). Morphologie: City Metaphors, Köln: Walther König.

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

Designing for Productive Urban Landscapes.

Applying the CPUL concept in Lisbon Metropolitan Area
Teresa Marat-Mendes1, Sara Silva Lopes2, João Cunha Borges3
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, ISCTE-IUL, Dinâmia’cet, Lisbon, Portugal
1,2,3

Keywords: urban agriculture, continuous productive urban landscapes, spatial planning

for change, regional planning, sustainable urban cities

Abstract

Designing for urban agriculture has been recently acknowledged as a young

discipline requiring the attention of architects, urban designers and planners to promote
more sustainable urban cities and continuous productive landscapes. However, how to
assess such landscape proposals? How can these be evaluated in terms of their social,
ecological and spatial dimensions?
Based on the Continuous Productive Urban Landscape (CPUL) tool proposed by
Bohn and Viljoen (2005) this presentation exposes a framework for action which could
be applied in Lisbon Metropolitan Area (LMA) in order to evaluate the spatiality of its
contemporary food system and promote design solutions to improve it.
In order to do so, this paper is organized in three parts. First, it introduces the problematic
under analysis and the case study. Secondly, it exposes how an analysis of the urban
agriculture, more precisely along Lisbon - Vila Franca de Xira axis, contributed to expand
our understanding of the productive dimension of LMA Food System and interrelates it
to a morphological perspective. Finally, it introduces the CPUL concept and a possible
application of it within the case study, with impact at the several stages of food system.

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 Introduction
SPLACH - Spatial Planning for Change research project aims at preparing a body
of transformative planning policies, implementation mechanisms, and decision support
systems, to guide Portuguese planning practice towards a transition to a low carbon and
social inclusive urban system. Among SPLACH contributions, is the evaluation of the food
system through an analysis of its spatial dimension, inclunding its typo-morphological
layers, at the several stages of the food system.
This paper exposes the contributions of an ongoing task of SPLACH project which aims
to expand the analysis of the food system of LMA through the spatial dimension. To do so,
it applies the concept of CPUL in the LMA while identifying for the food system different
stages, both their territorial implications and morphological outputs.
The more recent issue of the Urban Morphology journal (2019) acknowledges the
importance of urban green spaces as a key problem for urban morphologists. This call for
greater attention to the non-built aspects of cities meets the concerns raised by the need
for a sustainable transition, pressed by several policy proposals such as the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development (UN, 2016) and the New Urban Agenda – Habitat III (UN,
2017). The problem of urban sustainability must encompass a discussion of what types
of urban green spaces are most useful for such transition. The concept of Continuous
Productive Urban Landscape (CPUL), as advanced by Viljoen, Bohn and Howe (2005) is
a proposal for a continuous, mostly productive, territory infrastructure, whose role must
accept both natural, economic and social dimensions, including agricultural diversity.
Urban morphology has an important role here, in assessing the conditions of the territory
to develop a CPUL and even to propose design solutions according to such conditions.
This paper introduces the results of an ongoing morphological exercise to LMA food
system. In this context, it introduces the application of CPUL, by following the results of
two specific surveys previously conducted by SP ACH project. One, a survey to the urban
agricultural practices in the LMA, and another one, a survey which aimed to evaluate
the level of integration of the food system concerns within the planning instruments, at
the municipal scale, which are in force in LMA. More recently, the latter task has been
extended to the historical roots of the urban planning of the Lisbon Region, whose territory
roughly corresponds today to LMA. The information contained in those two surveys
constituted the main data which supported the exercise presented in this essay.

The LMA and its productive aspect

The LMA constitutes an administrative territorial area, which includes 18 municipalities:
Alcochete, Almada, Amadora, Barreiro, Cascais, Lisbon, Loures, Mafra, Moita, Montijo,
Odivelas, Oeiras, Palmela, Seixal, Sesimbra, Set bal, Sintra and ila Franca de ira. All
these, do integrate both urban and rural land, expect Lisbon which is only urban. Today,
the LMA is the most populated Portuguese metropolitan area, concentrating nearly
3 million inhabitants within 3000 km2 (INE, 2017). The SPLACH survey conducted to the
municipal planning instruments found that each of those 18 municipalities had established
its own land-use system (see Figure 1). In order to ease the visualization of such land uses
distribution over MA, the SP ACH Project systematized the identified land uses into six
mains land-use typologies. Here we focus on only two of those typologies, namely the
rural and the mixed uses (see Figure 2). This last one, mixed uses, includes areas of the
territory, which do accept different kinds of activities, and that can co-exist in both urban
and rural areas, and therefore these activities are not exclusive for any specific land use.
Although such exercise was performed all over the LMA area, this essay will focus only in
a specific area, which is isbon - ila Franca de ira, and shall be introduced further on.

Urban agriculture
The specific task of SP ACH project which consisted on a survey to current urban
agricultural practices in LMA aimed to identify, at the production stage of the LMA urban
food system, the location of such activities within the territory, why are they happening,
how are they occurring, but also what spatial outcomes do they contain.
In isbon, the most recent Municipal Director Plan has classified all the land as

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urban. Nevertheless, a number of significant urban agricultural practices are taking
place within the city, in particular in its East-end area, named as Chelas Valley, where
a considerable area of municipal allotment gardens and informal allotment gardens
cover a considerable area within the Lisbon Municipality area. These allotment gardens
areas, are located within the territory between Lisbon and the urban cores of Loures
and ila Franca de ira municipalities, as can be identified in Figure . The number of
situations present along such axis do indicate however the possibility of such territory to
be analyzed as an opportunity to explore a possible East green axis for isbon territory,
while connecting the city to its nearby surroundings municipalities, likewise had been
attempted during 1930’s ad 1940’s with the East green axis for ‘Costa do Sol’ (Marat-
Mendes, 2009).

The Lisbon – Vila Franca de Xira axis

This paper focusses its analysis on the East axis of isbon - ila Franca de ira, as this
has been lest studied and explored from the green and agriculture perspective, but
also because it endowers an opportunity to rethink the food system from a spatiality
perspective, as identified in SP ACH project. In order to so, we will follow first a brief
historical reading of the evolution of Lisbon urban planning.
During 19 0s, when the first Portuguese planning documents were created and
designed (only for settlements with more than 2500 inhabitants), the regional territory of
Lisbon, the capital city, was of special interest given its urban growth. Rural populations
were attracted to the city but also to the nearby smaller cities. A Regional Director Plan
(PDRL), would be concluded in 1964, however it failed to be approved. Yet, one can
testify earlier planning attempts at the sub-regional scale. For example, the Plano de
Urbaniza o da Costa do Sol (PUCS, 19 -19 ), designed by tienne de Gr er (1 1-
1952), which has been already examined (Pereira, 2009). This plan, covered an area
between Lisbon and Cascais, on the west ed of the city, and determined the new tourist
and leisure area, framed by beaches, low-rise residential areas surrounded by green
spaces (rural areas, gardens and parks) which would be later converted into high-rise
residential constructions (Marat-Mendes, 2009).
et, in 19 , Gr er was also called to create a foreground plan for the northern extension
of Lisbon starting in Moscavide, a neighborhood in southern Loures, and ending in Vila
Franca de ira, which came to be approved in 19 . The plan, named as Anteplano de
Urbaniza o de Moscavide a ila Franca de ira , can thus be considered as the first plan
to establish the northern Lisbon axis. Likewise, ‘Costa do Sol’ axis, this new axis established
a new regional sub-regional unit of Lisbon region. This it is very different from the ‘Costa
do Sol’ sub-regional axis. While the former was predominantly touristic, this later one
was significantly taken by large-scale industrial facilities, ranging from mills to concrete
factories, with agriculture as another relevant activity. Particularly, in ila Franca de ira,
agriculture extended to the Eastern riverbank, known as the Great Wetland (Grande
ez ria), and to four islets (mouch es) resulting from alluvial deposition (Rodrigues et al,
2016) on the Tagus riverbed.
Gr er s strategy was to adapt preexisting settlements and industrial facilities to the
creation of the new urban units, through town-extensions and strategic use of free
space while guaranteeing the protection of urban green space. As these soils were,
already back then, acknowledged for their agricultural potential, even in the riverfront,
the majority of space is reserved as rural area, while most urbanization is developed
mostly westwards. While Gr er always placed a significant amount of free space within
or around urban settlements, the zone classified as rural in this plan is only identified in the
plan around these urban clusters, as a sign of protection, while the Tagus islets and Great
Wetland have no land-use, perhaps due to property issues.
A municipal Masterplan for isbon was commissioned to Gr er in 19 , but due to
technical difficulties this took nearly ten-years to be completed. The final version was only
ready in 1948 and although it was approved by the Lisbon city Council, this was never
approved by by the Central State (Marat-Mendes Oliveira, 201 ).
Gr er worked on the Moscavide ila Franca de ira axis on one plan, while for
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 Lisbon he designed a Masterplan at the municipal scale. However, in 1964, the Regional
Director Plan (PDR ) advanced for the first time an integral plan for the region of isbon.
The isbon ila Franca de ira axis is still highly recognizable in this plan, not only because
it had been under development throughout the 20th century, but also because of the
dynamics imprinted by the Gr er s Foreplan. All the territory is classified, including the
Tagus islets and Great Wetland which are classified as rural, as is a small area of ila
Franca de ira Western bank. In the case of oures, a great amount of agricultural space
can be identified, although nearly all of it is located in the interior of the municipality,
and in particular proximity to the municipalities of Mafra and Sintra, also strongly rural.
et, even by the 19 0s, riverside urbanization is visibly stronger in oures than ila Franca
de ira.
After Gr er s isbon Masterplan was rejected by the Central State, a new one was
started, but would also fail to receive the Lisbon Council approval in 1959. However, with
both plans, their rejection did not keep it from providing de facto guidelines for the urban
growth, designed through Urbanization Plans for the involved municipalities. In isbon,
one key area is its Eastern end, which comprehends a set of valley systems. Blocked from
the riverfront by industrial facilities and largely occupied with agricultural fields and some
significant slumlands, the Chelas alley became the territory were the most ambitious
social housing program for Lisbon, was applied of its time. This consisted a high-rise new
town in town, as identified by Teresa Heitor 2001, which echoed some radical ideas from
international urbanism debates (Borges & Marat-Mendes, 2019).
In the original plan by the Technical Housing Office (GTH) of the isbon Council,
the Chelas Urbanization Plan , as this Chelas alley urbanization plan was named, is
conceived as a large-scale set of neighborhoods clustered around a specific spot of
service center, which was meant to be a sort of the departing point of isbon F
industrial axis, as already identified (GTH, 19 ). Given its generous dimensions, 10 ha,
Chelas was urbanized in phases, with the last ones finished in the early 2000s. The delays
and revisions in the plan, alongside national shifts in social housing policy, sacrificed
however the original urban structure as proposed in the original GTH Plan. Therefore,
today Chelas has little significative links to the sub-regional unit planned by Gr er.
Only in 2002 a new regional planning instrument was delineated. In the Regional
Spatial Plan of isbon Metropolitan Area (PROT-AM ) it is possible to determine also
the above-mentioned isbon F axis (see Figure ). However, most interestingly it is
possible identify within this axis, the presence of several dimensions of the food system,
including production, transformations, distribution, consumption and recycling, that are
also present in a cluster from this axis (Figure 2). In this plan can be verified a triangulation
between the stages of processing (Food industry factories) and distribution from the food
system. The latter one concerns both national and international importations (Logistical
hub) of food products and local food products (Supply Market).
Nowadays the isbon ila franca de ira axis is relevant also because of its inter-
regional importance (which Costa do Sol never had) establishing a relationship with the
northern region of the Tagus alley. A study (Antunes Ferreiro, 201 ) of rice production in
the Tagus and Sorraia River-basins concluded it is done in integrated farming (i.e. restricted
chemicals), helping preserve biodiversity and ecological stability, and promoting food
security. However, and despite Portuguese rice consumption being three times the
European average, culture is disappearing in this area, leaving unused soils which will
hardly adapt to other agricultural types, and feeding the cycle of abandonment visible
also in the rice-transformation industry in the area (Antunes Ferreiro, 201 ). ila Franca
de ira occupies a special place in this context, as it is a passage from the Ribatejo to
the Lisbon Region. But this very proximity also means that the agricultural land (especially
if currently unused) in ila Franca de ira are especially seductive for non-productive
activities and land-uses. This may be another instance in which, as Steel (2008) ironically
suggests, green-fields are turned into scenarios for the rich. This is visible in the case of the
‘Mouchão de Alhandra’, on sale since 2016 by a company with veiled hints at land-use
change (JE, 2016).
So, the challenge is to link what remains of agricultural production with the urban

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territories, which at first seems to be difficult, considering how polarized urban and rural
settings are in the MA in general, including the isbon - ila Franca de ira axis.

The CPUL Concept

Introduced in the context of sustainable urbanism and architecture, CPUL expands
the sustainability concept of Continuous Productive Urban Landscape towards a spatial
dimension with the spatial which can be translated into an urban model which transforms
contemporary cities towards ‘an unprecedented naturalism’ (Bohn & Viljoen, 2005, 11).
Thus, it proposes are ‘open landscapes’ productive, in economical, sociological and
environmental terms (Bohn & Viljoen, 2005, 11) while valuing the ‘genius loci’ (Viljoen &
Bohn, 2005, 1). What this means is that the CPUL, despite having clearly stated spatial
values, it is fundamentally programmatic, and its implementation depends on site-
specific adaptations therefore, it is strategic in the same way as Ebenezer Howard s
(1 99) Garden City model was.

A modest CPUL proposal

It is now important to attempt a possible application of the CPUL in LMA reality.
Therefore, we proposed to test it first in a specific area, such as the isbon - ila Franca
de ira axis. Given its historical sub-regional value and its continued, albeit fragmentary
and chaotic planning, we suggest here a modest proposal of CPUL for the Lisbon - Vila
Franca de ira axis. This is less of a proposal than an exploration of possibilities allowed by
planning and morphological analysis of this axis. Furthermore, we aim to identify possible
spatial clues for the food system and urban planning. Taking urban-rural connections
as a key purpose and through the results of our analysis, we aim to expose a possible
continuous productive territory infrastructure.
The analysis of the isbon - ila Franca de ira axis implicated the survey and identifies
of the productive, transformation, distribution, consumption and recycling areas (see
Figure ). For each of these areas, our analysis aims to explore morphological, each of
them in order to identify, if possible, the various typologies which make part of current
food system.
So far, we have already concluded the typo-morphological analysis of the productive
stage. We have identified types of urban agriculture uses and 12 morphological
outputs of urban allotment gardens. The typologies were defined according to the type
of management and administration of the allotment, while the physical features of the
site have provided the basis for the morphological analysis.
The identified typologies of allotment gardens were: the Municipal, the Associative
and the Informal allotment gardens. The municipal gardens regard formal and municipal
management, also they are characterized by the various programs and initiatives in
which they are inserted. The associative gardens are also formal, but their management
is organized by associations founded from civil society initiatives. Informal gardens are
regarded as illegal in nature, as they do not result from a formality expenditure, and are
not managed by any entity, but rather by the farmers themselves, mostly individually,
but in cooperation with their neighbor farmers. They are also characterised by their
emergence in isolated parts of the territory where socio-economic difficulties occur.
For the morphological analysis of the allotment gardens we have identified 12 possible
outlines, inclunding: orthogonal grid, orthogonal grid with the size of the variable plots, grid
adapted to the terrain, regular grid adapted to existing irregular forms, grid generated
by footpaths, grid adapted to stream, adapted to the ruin, narrow strips, ellipse shape,
circular shape, isolated and support elements for agriculture (see Figure ).
Most interesting is the fact that these allotment gardens are located nearby the
mixed use spaces, which were identified as spaces of opportunities, within the interface
between the urban and rural areas and suppresses, through the urban agriculture, the
urban-rural divide.
The isbon - ila Franca de ira axis although it was originally labelled as an industrial
axis in the 1950s, and later in 2002 an industrial and logistical hub, because of its
contemporary agricultural presence, we believe it can be revitalized as a continuous
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 food system productive landscape.
Thus, our work aims to test this modest proposal and our next task will involve the
typological and morphological analysis also in other dimensions of the food system,
apart from the productive stage, in this particular axis, and therefore fulfil a further
morphological account for future urban forms regarding the food system.

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 0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70
Km

10

20

30

40

50

60

70
Km N

Figure 1. LMA Municipality’s development plan (PDM) Land-uses;

Figure 2. LMA Land-uses: Mixed land use (red) and rural (blue).
Morphological legacies URBAN SUBSTRATA ISUFitaly 2020 757
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 0
Allotment gardens

10

20

30

40

50

60

70
Km

Central urban area

0 Central urban area

to be structured and

Critical urban area

10 to be contained

Axes / links to be
20 strengthened or

30

40

50

60 Center for economic

and cultural

Industrial and logisti-

70
Km Subregional level N
equipment and

Figure 3. LMA Urban agriculture: Land-uses and urban productive clusters;

Figure 4. MA Strategic axis and land uses from Regional Spatial Plan (PROT 2002).
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 Formal Informal

Orthogonal Orthogonal Grid adapted Grid generated

Regular Grid Grid with to terrain by footpaths
Variable Plot
Sizes

Support Grid adapted Adapted to

elements for to preexisting Ruin
agriculture elements

Ellipse Circular Narrow Grid adapted

shape shape to stream

10

20

30
Production areas Consumption areas
Agricultural area
Recycling areas
Tranformation Waste water
areas treatment
Solid waste
treatment
Distribution areas
40 Supply Market N

Km Supermarket
Municipal Market

Figure 5. Morphologies of allotment gardens in LMA; Figure 6. Food System survey on the
axis, proposed as agricultural axis, Chelas - ila Franca de ira.
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 Captions
Fig.1 - MA Municipality s development plan (PDM) and-uses.
Fig.2 - MA and-uses: Mixed land use (red) and rural (blue).
Fig. - MA Urban agriculture: and-uses and urban productive clusters.
Fig. - MA Strategic axis and land uses from Regional Spatial Plan (PROT 2002).
Fig. - Morphologies of allotment gardens in MA.
Fig. - Food System survey on the axis, proposed as agricultural axis, Chelas - ila
Franca de ira.
Source for figures in this paper: SP ACH Project.

References
Antunes, H.I.S. Ferreiro, M.F. (201 ), Seguran a alimentar e sustentabilidade: O caso do
setor do arroz no ale do Tejo e Sorraia, in DOI: 10.1 /dinamiacet-iul.wp.201 .0 .
Borges, J. & Marat-Mendes, T. (2019), ‘When Lisbon met the Team 10 Cluster City’, in
Joelho, nº10 ,November 2019, pp 86-99.
GTH (19 ), Plano de Urbaniza o de Chelas, in isbon, CM .
JE Jornal Econ mico (201 ). Ilha no rio Tejo venda por 22 milh es de euros , in https://
jornaleconomico.sapo.pt/noticias/ilha-no-rio-tejo-venda-22-milhoes-euros-83768
(accessed 16-1-2020).
ucena, J.P.S.C. (2012), Estudo da Reabilita o do Parque Habitacional Unifamiliar do
Bairro da Petrogal na Bobadela in Unpublished MSc Thesis, in Lisbon, ISEL.
Marat-Mendes, T. Oliveira, . (201 ), Urban planners in Portugal in the middle of the
twentieth century: tienne de Gr er and Ant o Almeida Garrett, Planning perspectives,
nº 28, pp. 91-111.
Pereira, M. (ed) (2009), O Plano de Urbaniza o da Costa do Sol, in Oeiras, CMO.
Rodrigues, M.; Freire, P.; Fortunato, A. .; Alves, E. (201 ), Characterization of the hydro-
agricultural development of the ez ria Grande de ila Franca de ira and of Mouch o
de Alhandra, in Lisbon, LNEC.
Steel, C. (2008), Hungry City, in London, Vintage.
UN. (2016), The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, in http://www.un.org/ga/
search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/1&Lang=E (Accessed 21-01-2019).
UN. (2017), Habitat III – New Urban Agenda, in http://habitat3.org/wp-content/uploads/
NUA-English.pdf (Accessed 21-01-2019).
Heitor, T. . (2001), ulnerabilidade do espa o em Chelas, in isbon, FCG.
Viljoen, A., Bohn, K. and Howe J. (2005), CPULs Continuous Productive Landscapes.
Designing Agriculture for Sustainable Cities, in Routledge, London.
Viljoen, A., Bohn, K. (2014), Second Nature Urban Agriculture. Designing Productive Cities.
Ten years on from the Continuous Productive Urban Landscape (CPUL City) concept,
Routledge, London.

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

e ro ction of t e e itrine in O n r i toric i

trict i e ir
Acalya Alpan1, Hasan Unver2
Eskisehir Osmangazi University, Turkey
1,2

1
[email protected], [email protected]
keywords: urban mor hology, historic landsca e, design, star architecture, ski ehir

Abstract
ski ehir has become a brand in city lanning and a ma or destination in domestic
tourism in Turkey in the last ten years The new role of museums uarter that is attributed
to the edge of dun azar historic district settled on hillside has a signi cant role in this
branding rocess The museums uarter se arates the historic and modern arts of the
city owever, the area was once lined with landmark historic houses, facing the main
street going downward towards the city s landmark train station These houses, with a
traditional ski ehir architecture, were demolished during the street widening works in
the s Neighboring the new boulevard, the rest of the demolished area stayed un-
derused until s In the s, buildings with an architecture similar to traditional s-
ki ehir architecture were constructed from scratch with modern construction materials
These new buildings that are built to be used as museums have de ned the new edge
for the historic district and they soon became a brand in domestic tourism In , the
design of this vitrine is com leted with star architect Kengo Kuma s Contem orary Art
useum In this conte t, the study will e lore this re roduction rocess from the s to
through historical analysis method and will investigate the hows and whys of the
re roduction focusing on the lanning and design decisions that lead to mor hological
changes, and the roles of the actors in the rocess

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 Introduction
Eskisehir is a medium-sized Central Anatolian town by the Porsuk River with an advan-
tageous location between two major cities of Turkey: the global city of stanbul and the
capital, Ankara. Beginning with 1999, becoming a liveable city became the vision of
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (EMM - EBB) and related multi-task works resulted in
turning the city a model in Turkey. The reproduction of the northern edge of Odunpazari
historic district (in Lynch’s terms, Lynch, 1960), that connects the area to the modern
town has a particular role in this branding process. Odunpazari historic district, including
the study area, was first designated as a conservation site in 19 (Ulu, 199 ), when Con-
servation Act No.1 10 was issued in Turkey; the first conservation initiations in the area
began in the 1980s. However, the street widening works in the 1990s started the profound
morphological changes in the tissue. In this framework, this study will investigate the hows
and whys of this change through historical analysis. To achieve the aim, two scales will
be looked at. Major changes in the city scale that can be related to the brand image,
and conservation and development decisions in the study area scale will be examined
between 1980 and 2020 under four sub-periods of ten-year interval. The study is part of
a detailed analysis of the study area, made in the graduate course of ‘Historic Urban
Landscape’ in Eskisehir Osmangazi University, Department of Architecture, with Conzen’s
morphogenetic method. The data is gathered from previous academic studies, strategic
plans and annual reports of EMM, the archives of EMM Conservation Implementation
and Supervision of Cultural Assets (KUDEB), the archives of Eskisehir Regional Council for
the Conservation of Cultural Property (Eskisehir K lt r arl klar n Koruma lge Kurulu, Es-
kisehir KVKBK) -before 2011 it was Eskisehir Regional Council for Conservation of Cultural
and Natural Assets- and the archives of Odunpazari Municipality (OM -OB).
Odunpazari historic district is settled on Bademlik Hill in central Eskisehir and it is a small
part of Odunpazari municipal area. Eskisehir was declared a metropolitan city in 199 ;
following it, Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality and two sub-municipalities, Odunpazari
at the southern side of the Porsuk River and Tepebasi at the northern side, were founded
(Koç, 2018). In common use, the name ‘Odunpazari’ corresponds to the historic settle-
ment; therefore, it will be used as such in the study.

Development of central Eskisehir until the 1980s

The central city, which is divided into two by the Porsuk River, has been settled down
since the ancient times thanks to its well-known hot springs near the River. Under the Sel-
juk rule, Alaeddin Mosque was constructed in 1220 in Odunpazari (Ertin, 199 ), marking
where the Turkmens were settled separately from the other ethnic groups. It stands at
the north edge of today’s historic district (Figure 1a). Hot spring area was the main trade
and recreational area and it continued to be as such in the Ottoman Era, whereas the
Turkmen settlement extended towards the south on Bademlik Hill (Dogru, 2005 cited in
K v lc m, 200 ). In 1 2 , Kursunlu Kulliyesi, consisting of a mosque, madrasah, caravanserai
and soup kitchen was built in Odunpazari (Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality, 2006).
At the end of the 19th century, an important development affected Eskisehir: Ber-
lin- aghdad railway was opened in 1 92 (Efe, 199 cited in lmaz and etgin, 201 ). This
led to the industrialization of Eskisehir, starting with the establishment of a small wagon
and locomotive repair workshop (Cer At lyesi) by the Germans. An important effect of
the railway and the station on Odunpazari is the new street that directly connects the
station to the Turkmen settlement on the hill (Figure 1b).
In the beginning of the 20th century, linked to the upgrading of the Ottoman educa-
tion system, model schools were introduced. Its first example in Eskisehir was Turan Nu-
mune School built between 191 -191 in the north edge of Odunpazar by famous Turkish
architect Mimar Kemalettin (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2019).
During the Turkish War of Independence, the commercial and residential area near
the River was destroyed by a massive fire in 1922. Following the establishment of the
Republic of Turkey in 192 , new commercial and residential development took place
connecting the hot springs area and Odunpazari (Ertin, 199 ; K v lc m, 200 ). The pedes-
trian street, called as Hamamyolu (Hammam Way), transformed into a street-mall with

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traditional commerce on both sides, leaving the middle part to green and Akar Stream
(a small branch of the Porsuk River, Figure 1a and 1b).
As an effect of the railway, the city was one of the firsts in the Republic of Turkey that
gained industrial character, which it kept until the 1980s. The industrial sites lied close
to the station and the River. The industrial development, together with the mechaniza-
tion in agriculture in the 1950s led to an intense rural-to-urban migration, increasing the
population of the city. The concept of at ownership , which was introduced in Turkish
legislation in 19 , opened the way for multi-storey buildings. In 19 , the first master plan
of Eskisehir was approved (Koca, 200 cited in K v lc m, 200 ). The Plan proposed new
residential area -military, therefore in borders without any permeability- and a new bou-
levard -Atatürk Boulevard- to the west, which constitutes the western context of the study
area today. Despite the Plan had no building-storey decisions, it later led to develop-
ment of -storey buildings, facing the northern border of Odunpazari ( zkut and lmaz
(Ed), 2011), creating contrasting and con icting tissues on two sides of the main street
entitled Seyit Gazi (Figure b). With the construction of new buildings in the town centre,
the wealthy families started to abandon Odunpazari in favour of modern buildings, mark-
ing the beginning of filtering down in the area.
The Plan extended the commercial centre towards the industrial area in the north. In
19 , Anadolu University was founded in Tepebasi district as the first university of the city.
With the opening of the northern highway and the university, residential areas also ex-
tended towards the north after the 19 0s (Ertin, 199 ). According to Ertin (199 ), the slope
of ademlik Hill formed a natural threshold; therefore, Seyit Gazi Street passed from the
northern border of the historic district in east-west direction. Despite the threshold, eyh
ehabettin Street (new name Kemal eytinoglu Street) -east border of the study area-,
cutting Odunpazar urban tissue into two was opened in 19 0 to connect the city centre
and State Engineering and Architecture Academy (current Bademlik Campus of Eskise-
hir Osmangazi University) and the city s main recreational area on ademlik Hill. In 19 ,
Odunpazari was designated as a conservation area by Act No.1 10 (Ulu, 199 ).

The study area between the 1980s and 1990s

In 1981, 202 traditional buildings were registered by Higher Council for Immovable
Antiquities and Monuments (Gayrimenkul Eski Eserler ve An tlar ksek Kurulu- GEEA K).
The process restricted interventions to the houses, accelerating their decay. In 1986, a
new 1/5000 scale master plan was prepared for the city and its implementation plans in
1987, 1988 and 1989 were approved by the Municipality (Koç, 2018). The Plan envisaged
the widening of the main street at the northern border of Odunpazari, turning Seyit Gazi
Street to a boulevard as a continuation of Atatürk Boulevard (approved by the 1956
Plan) opened at the same era -after its intersection point -node in Lynch’s terms- with the
Atat rk oulevard, Seyit Gazi Street continues as a main vehicular street bordering the
military residential area-. The first Odunpazari Conservation Plan is approved by Konya
Regional Council for Conservation of Cultural and Natural Assets (Konya KTVKBK) in 1988.
However, according to the 19 master plan of the city, five registered houses facing the
direct street to the landmark station and superimposing with the proposed boulevard
had to be removed. Konya KTVKBK declared that it could only be possible if measured
survey projects of the houses were submitted to KTVKBK to reconstruct them either in
the same urban block or in suitable areas preferred by the Municipality (Decision n.168-
29. .19 ).
Meantime, industries started to move to the organized industrial zone at the eastern
periphery, leaving their old factories at the centre. The city, which started losing its in-
dustrial image, gained an educational identity. In 1989, seven houses, which are used
as Anadolu University Guesthouse today, were bought by Anadolu University (K v lc m,
200 ), when Prof.Dr. lmaz y ker en, the later major of the city, was the rector be-
tween 19 2-199 . Turan Numune School designed by Mimar Kemalettin was transferred
to Anadolu University the same year. o azi i akut (201 ) states that this was the first
work in the area to conserve the traditional buildings.

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The study area between the 1990s and 2000s
The five registered houses superimposing with the new Seyit Gazi oulevard were de-
molished in 199 without doing measured survey (Ulu, 199 ). During the works, anoth-
er important element of town identity, Akar Stream was also closed being claimed to
cause pollution. When the houses, having node-defining landmark value facing the di-
rect street to the station were demolished, the defined edge of the historic settlement
also disappeared and the legibility of the area lost (Figure ). The level of difference after
the opening of the Boulevard worsened the situation.
Meanwhile, Turan Numune School was reopened as the Museum of History of the
Republic in 199 , as the first museum at the north edge of Odunpazari. In 199 , Eskisehir
KTVKBK was established and the Conservation Plan was revised in 1997. In 1999 local
elections, Prof. Dr. lmaz y ker en, ex-rector of Anadolu University, was elected as
the new mayor of the Metropolitan Municipality with a vision of a clean, green, art and
high-culture city (Koç, 2018). The vision also required a new edge to the historic district,
which had been turned into no man’s land.

The study area between the 2000s to 2010s

y ker en s initial projects were affected by several factors, a significant one was
the Porsuk River’s image as one of the most polluted waters of Europe according to the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The River had been polluted for
many years by the industry nearside. As a result, the rehabilitation of the River to use it as
an economic and a social catalyst for further development became the initial project
( im ek, 2011). The aim was achieved; riverside turned into a lively place with many ca-
fes and encouraged further investment. The following projects continued as: develop-
ing sustainable transportation modes such as tramway, creating cultural events, urban
parks, restoring the historic district, adaptive re-use of the industrial heritage in Tepebasi,
building hotels and museums in different places. Koç (2018) comments that these initial
projects, pursing a branding strategy, were to improve the living conditions of the inhab-
itants and ensure liveability rather than international competition for capital. Neverthe-
less, they grabbed media’s attention and started to attract domestic tourists. Koç (2018,
121-122) interprets the situation as “This is a locally focused and initiated policy on city
branding but it has also given birth the making of Eskisehir a model city with a brand of
liveability in national level.”
In 2002, EMM started Historic Odunpazari Houses Conservation and Development Proj-
ect covering the study area (Figure c). The Project, including the restoration of three
registered buildings and construction of reinforced concrete imitations -not recon-
struction- of historic Odunpazar houses, aimed the conservation of the traditional image
while it actually aimed to create a new edge to the historic district to make the district
perceivable again. According to EMM, the Project would foster economic development
of Eskisehir and encourage tourism (Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality, 200 ). The first
works in Odunpazar triggered others and restorations of Odunpazari Houses and street
rehabilitation projects, realized by different institutions such as Anadolu University, EMM,
OM, Governorship of Eskisehir, Turkish World Association (Ko , 201 ) and General Direc-
torate for Foundations, accelerated the revitalisation of the historic district. In 2000s, sev-
eral facilities were added to the area by different institutions that contributed to the
revitalisation: Museum of Cartoon Art -in the edge but outside the study area- in 200 by
Anadolu University; Atlihan Handicrafts Bazaar -the south neighbour of the study area- in
200 by OM; Contemporary Glass Art Museum -in the study area- in 200 by EMM in the
scope of city museums strategy; Meerschaum Museum -in Kursunlu Kulliye- in 2008 by
OM. In the second half of the 2000s, with the popularisation of Odunpazari, the interven-
tions that different institutions desire to realise started to increase in number. These inten-
tions by diverse institutions, EMM and OM as the leading ones, started to result in many
amendments in the 1997 Conservation Plan, leading to challenges and confusions in the
process.

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Development of the study area between the 2010s to 2020s
lmaz y ker en was elected as the major for the third, fourth and fifth time in the
local elections of 2009, 201 and 2019 respectively. In the 2011-201 and 201 -2019 Stra-
tegic Plans of EMM, being a model city in museology, being the city of art galleries and
exhibitions, conserving the historic and cultural heritage are among the six goals of the
Strategic Plans. In this perspective, the study area thrust itself forward by becoming a fo-
cal implementation space of these three major goals of the city out of six. In this period,
different from the previous period, branding strategies started to transform into compet-
itive strategies and these strategies generated more investment focused actions. This
can also be understood from Strategic Plan 2011-2015, which clearly states that the share
of industry in total economy would continue to decrease, as such, Eskisehir’s gaining
a tourist value is seen as a long-term opportunity. Relatedly, development of tourism,
particularly regarding cultural and art activities and Eskisehir’s hot-spring identity and
thus hammam culture, became a major policy. Besides EMM, OM had its own vision for
Odunpazari as a tourist destination; therefore, its action plans included rehabilitating and
revitalising the area through street rehabilitation projects and restoration of individual
buildings. To act freely in realising their intentions within the scope of their visions, mu-
nicipalities tend to expropriate building plots in private properties; yet, the principle of
public interest is obliged to be provided prior to the claim for expropriation. To fulfil the
condition, municipalities claim for ‘municipal service areas’ (MSA -BHA), a concept de-
fined in the spatial planning legislation, which are areas used for meeting a large range
of public needs. Therefore, when a property becomes MSA, it means that it will serve for
the public interest. Once the transformation of a property into MSA is approved by the
competent authority, right of eminent domain is obtained by the municipality. In addi-
tion, in areas where there are more than one competent municipalities -in metropolitan
cities-, such as Odunpazar Conservation Site, there is no written regulation clarifying the
owner municipality of a certain MSA; municipalities share the MSAs between each other
by unwritten rules. The MSA claims of EMM and OM for later expropriations and the new
functions they propose were long causing challenges in the implementation process of
the 1997 Conservation Plan through amendments in the scale of lots or lot-groups, mak-
ing a sustainable conservation process much more difficult. As a result, to ensure a holistic
conservation approach for Odunpazari, OM prepared the revision of the 1997 Conserva-
tion Plan in 2011 (Figure 2b). It was approved by Municipality Councils and Eskisehir KVKBK
the same year. Besides, street rehabilitation projects were continued by OM. Within this
framework, three streets inside the study area, corresponding to the commercial area in
the southeast according to the Revised Conservation Plan, were rehabilitated.
Within the framework of the defined goals of the strategic plans, EMM continued with
the actions of opening new museums, particularly in the museum complex in the study
area: EMM City Memory Museum in 2012, EMM lmaz y kersen Wax Museum in 201 ,
EMM Liberation Museum in 2016. Future museums to be added include: Museum of Turk-
ish Music; Museum of Ceramic Arts; Museum of Photography; Museum of 20th Century
Toys; Museum of World Women (Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality, 2011). In 201 , due to
the leading role of Odunpazari Historical Urban Site in one-day touristic excursions to Es-
kisehir, as a continuation to the previous Odunpazar Houses Conservation and Develop-
ment Project, a new project is given a start by EMM at the edge of Odunpazari, enlarging
the previous project borders. The new project, entitled ‘EMM Odunpazari Touristic Devel-
opment Project (Figure e), aims to create a neighbourhood of museums and culture.
The rational behind the Project is regenerating the depressed areas around the previous
project area to contribute into city life. The Project includes Contemporary Art Muse-
um, Hammam Museum, commercial units and multi-storey parking. In 2015, EMM put the
construction work of the Contemporary Art Museum, cafeteria and commercial units
out to tender in regard to State Bidding Law (Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality, 2015).
Contemporary Art Museum Complex has art gallery, art workshops, exhibitions spaces,
museum, multi-functional saloon, hotel, bookstore, administrative and office units (Eskise-
hir Metropolitan Municipality, 2015). The tender was won by Polimeks Holding, of which
chairman of the executive board is Erol Tabanca, an architect with the hometown Es-
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 kisehir. Polimeks Holding preferred to work with world famous architects Kengo Kuma and
Yuki Ikeguchi for the complex, which was opened in 2019, attracting international atten-
tion in world architecture platforms such as Archdaily, dezeen, designboom and so on.
When the huge data on conservation including related registrations, property move-
ments, demolitions, expropriations, functional changes, planning amendments, etc.
obtained from the archive of Eskisehir KVKBK is examined, it is seen that more than 10
lots were expropriated; many 2011 Conservation Plan amendments were approved by
Eskisehir KVKBK; several registered buildings, neighbouring the Contemporary Art Muse-
um, were demolished to leave free space for the Museum and not to prevent its visibil-
ity. During the preparation and implementation phases of the Project, sometimes there
have been dissensus between Eskisehir KVKBK and EMM on the interventions to several
either registered or unregistered buildings, such as demolition or reconstruction in an-
other block; there have also been court cases between the property owners and EBB
regarding expropriations in certain lots.

Discussion
In 2017, Hammam Museum, on the west outside the study area was put out to tender
(Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality, 2017). Nevertheless, the Project area of EMM could
not much further extend towards the west in the future since the area is blocked with
the institutional small campuses and military residential areas along Seyit Gazi Street. The
border of Odunpazari Historical Urban Site superimposes with the eastern border of the
study area; therefore, the study area is located in the buffer zone of the Historical Urban
Site. This administrative border turned into an opportunity for EMM to claim MSA in the
study area to act freely. In relation to this, due to being in Historical Urban Site, similar pol-
icies cannot be extended towards the eastern part of eytino lu Street as the rest of the
northern edge of Odunpazari, including the Museum of History of the Republic. Whereas,
the part of Seyit Gazi Street that behaves as the continuation of Atat rk oulevard and
the neighbouring 8-storey apartments towards the city centre limits public spaces for the
pedestrians. Despite this limitation, since the opening of EMM lmaz y kersen Wax Mu-
seum in 201 , it is seen that long visitor queues, starting from the gates of the City Muse-
ums complex extending for blocks till the military residential area, form. This phenomenon
in the future may lead to the urban regeneration of the blocks that include the 8-storey
buildings without any architectural quality. This way, the new vitrine can connect with the
other historic areas such as the ex-factory area, in other words, the industrial heritage,
with the hot-springs area and the rehabilitated riverside in the city centre creating a
public space network defined with history, recreation and commerce, but also resulting
in another huge process of urban morphological change.

Conclusion
According to brand identity, Ko (201 ) specifies different images for the city: be-
tween the end of the 19th century and the foundation of the Republic in 192 , Eskisehir
was a one-functioned city, it was an ‘agricultural town’, which was ruined during the
Turkish War of Independence (1919-192 ); it became a multifunctional city in industry
and commerce between 192 and the 19 0s; from the 19 0s to the 19 0s, with the active
role of the Chamber of Commerce Role and the investments of firms, the city gained the
identity of an ‘industrial city’; with the degradation of the industrial identity from the 1980s
to 2000s, city’s identity transformed into a ‘university city’; and as the last, from the 2000s
onwards, ‘European city & liveable city’ became the brand identity. With the second
decade of the 2000s, the attempt of getting share from the global capital started more
investment-focused policies turning the city into an entrepreneurial one. Within this pic-
ture, the study area, once a local significant node bordered with traditional but modest
landmark buildings, forming the edge of the historic Odunpazar district was erased and
transformed into a global vitrine.

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Figure 1.

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 Figure 2.

Figure 3.

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Figure 4.

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 Caption
Figure 1. a. Eskisehir at the end of the 1 th century: the Porsuk River, Hot Spring area,
Akar Stream, trade area and the settlement areas near the River and Odunpazar (K v l-
c m, 200 , Fig. . . after Tanyeli, 19 , evha .1 ). The study area is marked with red.
b. Eskisehir in 1896, prepared by the Ministry of War’s Division of Land Commission (Eskise-
hir Metropolitan Municipality). The study area is marked with black.
Figure 2. a. The development of the city by Tufan Mut (K v lc m, 200 , p.9 , Eskisehir
Metropolitan Municipality). The study area is marked with red. B. The Revision of Eskisehir
Odunpazar Conservation Plan ( zkut and lmaz, 2011) The study area is marked with
black.
Figure . a. The edge in 201 (eskisehir.bel.tr). b. Two sides of Seyit Gazi oulevard (2020
by the study group). c. Historic Odunpazar Houses Conservation and Development Proj-
ect by EMM (K v lc m, 200 , p.1 1). d. The edge as the vitrine with Kuma s Contemporary
Art Museum (mimaritasarimveelestiri.wordpress.com). e. EMM Odunpazar Touristic
Figure . Figure-ground analyses of the four sub-periods between 19 0 and 2020

References
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zar rne i , unpublished Master s Thesis. Anadolu University. Turkey.
Dogru, H. (200 ) I. y zy lda Eskisehir ve Sultan n Sancag . (Odunpazar elediyesi: Es-
kisehir).
Efe, A. (1998) ‘Eskisehir demiryolu’, unpublished Master’s Thesis. Anadolu University. Turkey.
Ertin, G. (199 ) Eskisehir Kentinde erlesmenin Evrimi. (Anadolu niversitesi ay nlar : Eski-
sehir)
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (2006) 2006-2010 Strategic Plan. (http://www.eskisehir.
bel.tr/dosyalar/stratejik_plan/2010.pdf) accessed 20 January 2020
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (2011) 2011-2015 Strategic Plan. (http://www.eskisehir.
bel.tr/dosyalar/stratejik_plan/2015.pdf) accessed 20 January 2020
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (201 ) 201 Annual Report. (http://www.eskisehir.bel.
tr/dosyalar/faaliyet raporlari/201 .pdf) accessed 20 January 2020
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (2015) 2015 Annual Report. (http://www.eskisehir.bel.
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tr/dosyalar/faaliyet_raporlari/2016.pdf) accessed 20 January 2020
Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality (2017) 2017 Annual Report. (http://www.eskisehir.bel.
tr/dosyalar/faaliyet_raporlari/2017.pdf) accessed 20 January 2020
K v lc m, F. (200 ) Tarihi ap l evrelerde Tasar m lkeleri zerine ir al ma, Eskisehir,
Odunpazar rne i , unpublished Master s Thesis. Anadolu University. Turkey.
Koca, G. (200 ) Planl D nemde Eskisehir de asanan Kentsel Gelisme ve Planlama So-
runlar . In I. International Symposium on Eskisehir throughout History: Political, Econo-
mical, Social and Cultural Aspects, - 99, (Anadolu niversitesi ay nlar : Eskisehir).
Koç, Evrim (2018) ‘City Branding / Image Building as A New Paradigm: The Case of Eskise-
hir’, unpublished PhD Thesis. Middle East Technical University. Turkey.
Lynch, K. (1960) The Image of the City. (MIT Press: Cambridge)
zkut D., lmaz R. (ed) (2011) Odunpazar : Kentsel Sit Alan Koruma Ama l mar Plan
Revizyonu (KA P). (Odunpazar elediyesi: Eskisehir, T rkiye).
M EK, G l (2011) An Approach to Urban River Rehabilitation for Coexistence of River
and Its Respective City: Porsuk River Case and City of Eskisehir’, unpublished PhD The-
sis. Middle East Technical University. Turkey.
Tanyeli, U. (19 ) Anadolu - T rk Kentinde Fiziksel ap n n Evrim S reci (11-1 .yy) , unpub-
lished Phd Thesis. stanbul Technical University. Turkey.
Ulu, A. (199 ) Sit Alan n Koruma Politikas in ir Model Denemesi, rnekleme Odunpa-
zar , unpublished Master s Thesis, stanbul Technical University. Turkey.
lmaz, A. and etgin, D. (201 ) Seyyahlar n Anlat m le Osmanl n n Son 0 l ndaki Es-
kisehir (1 92-1922) . Akademik ncelemeler Dergisi, 201 , 1 /2: 1 9-1 2
Development Project (Eskisehir Metropolitan Municipality)

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

Trisungo: a typological-procedural research for the recovery of

a village hit by the 2016/2017 earthquake.
Michele Zampilli1, Giulia Brunori2
Roma Tre University, DARC, Department of Architecture, Rome
1,2

Keywords: Reconstruction, typological procedural analysis, earthquake, identity features

Abstract

Trisungo is a small valley-bottom village developed on the two banks of the Tronto
river, in the Arquata del Tronto municipality (AP). It is historically connected with the ro-
man route Salaria that joins Roma and Ascoli and, in this municipality, it connects also
Norcia and Fermo. This settlement has always been a nerve centre for the commerce of
Central Italy and this is the reason why we can nd there an incredible orid I-century
architecture. After the earthquake, Trisungo suffered important damage, without arriving
at a total destruction. Starting from a multi-scalar reading of the village (landscape-set-
tlement-urban fabric- building types- constructive techniques) a series of recovery-tools
are proposed. Within this layout are presented some pilot projects for both blocks and
buildings with the overall aim of combine conservation and safety improvement. The
contribution sets out the importance of a systematic approach to the post-disaster re-
construction based on the typological-procedural research in order to outline the inal-
ienable identity features of an historical center. The only way to assure a kind of recon-
struction consistent with the nature of the settlements and in continuity with their historical
development is to base the recovery designs on the comprehension and re-proposing of
these identity characteristics.

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 Post-seismic reconstruction in Central Italy
Three years after the seismic events which upset the central Apennine area, the assess of
the reconstruction is disarming. The process is completely blocked.
In many municipalities the emergency works, such as clearing rubble or building safety,
have not even been completed. Calls for designs for the historic centers are late and private
reconstruction is stalled in the complexity of the bureaucratic machine. The state of immobil-
ity in which local administrations find themselves is the result of a chain of factors.
A material factor: the earthquake of 2016-2017 is (considering only the events of the re-
cent past) minor, according to size and extent of the crater, only to the disastrous Irpinia’s
earthquake: 4 regions involved, 140 municipalities affected with more than half of the build-
ing heritage destroyed
or unusable, 2,500,000 tons of rubble, 300 victims and more than 48,000 displaced peo-
ple1.
Another critical factor is of a management nature with the perpetuation of the financing
methods used in Umbria-Marche 1997 earthquake2. This method identifies private owners
as the beneficiaries of the state funding to reconstruction and if it worked well for an earth-
quake characterized by limited damages to buildings, it is instead risky in a scenario, such as
that of central Italy, where the object of the reconstruction are not the individual buildings
but the entire settlements.
In this context, the difficulty in coordinating private resources risks blocking the entire re-
construction process, as it’s happening in most of the municipalities involved.
Finally, a socio-economic factor contributes to this immobility, which is concerned with
the intrinsic fragility of the area concerned.
An area that of the Umbria-Marche Apennines, mostly mountainous or hilly, characterized
by a very low population density and dotted with hundreds of small or medium-sized historical
centers.
This territory was affected, even before the last seismic events, by important depopulation
phenomena (40% of the municipalities had less than 1,000 inhabitants before the earthquake)
caused by scarce employment opportunities, the remoteness of services and a strong
housing distress3.
The geographical-administrative conformation of the crater, which encloses the less
populated internal areas and the more peripheral fringes of the four regions involved, has
condemned this reconstruction to be unattractive from an economic and political point of
view, relegating it at the end of the political agendas of these last years.

The village of Trisungo: reading of the settlement

The issue of partially damaged villages.
In this complex situation there is the problem related to the villages that suffered more
or less important damage without arriving at a total destruction. These centers, due to
their partial damaged situation, have not been included in the “perimetrazioni4.” by the
municipalities and they will not receive a unitary recovery project (Zampilli and Brunori, 2018).
Apparently this particular situation could speed up the recovery process, that shouldn’t
wait for the calls for design, but actually it opens to the risk of an uncontrolled reconstruction,
careless to the conservation of identity features and not completely effective or safe.
This is the case, for example, of many settlements of the municipality of Arquata del Tronto:
Borgo, Colle, Trisungo, Spelonga and others.
We have deal with these fractions thanks to the according5 between the university of
Roma Tre and the municipality of Arquata del Tronto that included, amongst other research
activities (Zampilli and Brunori, 2019), the realization of a “Manuale del Recupero”, on the
entire municipal territory, made up by an analytic dictionary of the villages main features
and an intervention’s handbook.
Amongst the settlements “non perimetrati” of Arquata del Tronto’s area, the village of
Trisungo is particularly interesting and unique. We operated a systematic multi-scalar reading
of this center in order to understand its identity components, and their interactions, with the
overall aim to define design practices consistent with the settlement s historical nature and
consistent with the readability of the typological features.

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The reading method.
This research follows the solid tradition of studies aimed to the preservation and protection
of architectural heritage, particularly the so called minor one, the basic buildings heritage.
Italian tradition which has been developed in autonomous and original way in the
architecture school of the University of Roma Tre, in the work of Paolo Marconi and his
colleagues on recovery manuals (Giovanetti, 1992) (Giovanetti, 1997), fundamental for
understanding the traditional way of building. At the same way the work of Antonino Giuffré
on the Codes of practice (Giuffrè, 1993), an irreplaceable tool for the correct use of traditional
constructive techniques for securing historic building.
The roots of this school are in the principles of philological restoration and also in the
typological-procedural research of the school of Saverio Muratori (Muratori, 1963) and
particularly the outcome of this research in the work of Gianfranco Caniggia in interpreting
the formative process of the urban fabric and building types also in order to understand
the mechanism of aggregation of building boxes (Caniggia, 1979). These mechanisms of
aggregation lead the buildings to different behaviors during the seismic event, so it’s really
important to understand it in order to solve but also to prevent specific damage.
Starting from the signs left by the historical stratifications, our reading of Trisungo reconstructs
backwards the process of formation and transformation of the entire settlement and tries
to outline the identity matrices that define the village (at the different scales: landscape,
settlement, urban fabric, building types, construction techniques), (Brunori, Cretarola and
Zampilli, 2016).

Arquata del Tronto’s territory.

The research started from the scale of the landscape for which, thanks to the analysis
of both natural features and anthropic ones, the territorial invariables that characterize the
municipality of Arquata del Tronto are detected.
This area is really particular because it is located at the con uence, on the Tronto river, of
two different geo-morphological and natural systems: the Monti Sibillini system and the Monti
della Laga one ( and of the corresponding National Parks). The valley bottom is marked by
the Tronto river, that sailing the homonymous Valley, to which runs parallel the ancient roman
route Salaria. This route connected, today as in the past, Rome to Ascoli and, in this area, it
also distributes to Fermo and Norcia (Dall’Aglio and Giorgi, 1997).
The paths-system is completed by the hillside road network, which connects the different
villages, and by the ridge-paths network, from whom, at the beginning, the territorial
anthropization started.
Within this framework it is located the village of Trisungo, a valley bottom historical center,
developed on the two Tronto river banks and conditioned, throughout its history, by the
relationship with the important road artery Salaria.
This settlement stood in a nerve center for what concerns the commercial and cultural
exchanges of Central Italy and that could be the reason why we find, in a peripheral territory,
a so orish 1 th century-architecture (probably connected with the presence of comancini’s
craftsmen that from the northern Italy moved, following the economical ows and the
commissions, toward the Umbria and Marche regions).
The settlement of Trisungo: reading of the urban substrata and structuring features.
In order to understand the identity components and the genesis of the settlement, we
started from the realization of a base map on which the interactions between different
historical maps can be read and on which develop the critical readings.
This base map is the result of the re-drawing of the official land register, fundamental to
understand the ownership structure and the land subdivisions, on an aerial-survey basis, that
is more trustworthy for what concerns geometry and that is accompanied by altimeter data.
On this basis we created thematic maps: the pre-earthquake state with the precise
indication of the special buildings; the post-earthquake state with the analysis of the
demolitions and of the damages through the classification of the schede Aedes ; the
comparisons between the nineteenth-century land registers (Catasto Pio Gregoriano of
about 1824 and subsequent update of 1881) that allow us a clearer reading of the settlement
components of the inhabited area because they don t present the recent modifications
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 and building’s additions.
We defined, then, the structuring features of the settlement thanks to the study of historical
land registers and thanks to the analysis of the relationship between the road structure and
land ownership structure.
Following these analysis have been enlighten: the generative paths of the settlement, the
fences of ancient court-houses (that are present today at different stages of clogging, the
row-houses built on the edge of the main paths, special buildings, alignments and territorial
signs attributable to ancient planning (Fig.1).
All these elements define the identity of settlement arrangements and re ect the outcome
of the long process of formation and transformation that each historical center has gone
through over the centuries
The two main nucleus of Trisungo, which were kept compact until the beginning of the
nineteenth century, developed specularly on the banks of Tronto. The centers are, however,
quite distant from each other, so as to suggest that initially they were two distinct settlements,
a hypothesis that would also be confirmed by the toponyms reported in the Gregorian
land register which identify Trisungo in the southern settlement and the Ponte district in the
northern one.
Originally the Salaria route (as at the beginning of the 19th century) ran between the
northern town and the Tronto, crossing the river (with different bridges depending on the
time) to connect to the southern town and then continue on the right bank.
The matrix path of the two settlements is clearly the Salaria route. A series of court-yard
house fences were arranged perpendicularly to this path, the scan of this fences is still clearly
visible in the analysis of the alignments and discontinuity of the urban fabric.
The modularity with which the fences are repeated, about 15 meters in front and 20/30
meters deep, would suggest a planned plot of which, however, we have not enough
confirmations.
The ancient urban fabric, present in the maps of the Gregorian land register of 1824,
develops almost entirely inside the court-yard fences with an occupation of the space that
follows to three different typological models (Fig. 1). All these models are in uenced by the
threatening presence of the river that forced to build over the centuries leaving a wide
space of respect to contain the damage caused by the oods.
This would explain the singular characteristic of the Trisungo fabric which presents the
clogging cells in the area in front of to the oldest buildings, unlike the classic model which
sees the original units, aligned on the roadside , clog gradually the back pertinent area.
In both inhabited areas the original line, on which the fronts had to be placed, is still clearly
legible both on a plan level and in the walls-discontinuities.
The fabric on the right bank configures as a succession of well-recognizable court-yard
house, about the size of 15x20 meters, and some courtyards, at the outermost edge of the
inhabited area, dimensionally out of standard (about 20x 0), sufficiently typical if compared
with similar fabrics found in other fractions of the same municipality.
The anomalous dimensions could be connected to an ancient agricultural lots,
subsequently occupied by both residential and agricultural buildings, as demonstrated by
the coexistence of barns, houses with ga and so on.
A series of lines of fronts advancement can be found throughout the town due to the
widespread presence of the protruding bodies of the profferli (the external traditional stairs)
whose progressive occlusion has caused, over the centuries, the movement of the façades
to the detriment of the road section.
At the edge of the matrix paths, portions of row-houses’ fabric have gradually developed,
connecting, through the only nineteenth-century bridge left, the two inhabited areas.

Urban blocks.
Moving to a lower scale, we analyzed urban blocks for which we studied an urban fabric
portion particularly significant for building variety and damage state (Fig. 2).
The critical relief detects all these discontinuity, found on the plans and on the façades,
which demonstrate the aggregative process of fabrics.
This allows, first of all, us to interpret the still visible signs of the evolution process to outline

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the urban block entire formation history.
The goal is to understand the system of subsequent additions, and so strengths and weak-
nesses, that is fundamental to understand the behavior of a block of buildings during the
earthquake. In fact the block behavior depends on the degree of connection and on the
continuity of the masonry-box.
This kind of analysis is a useful tool to detect the damage mechanisms trigged by the
seismic event and to understand what was the structural cause. The aim is to develop resto-
ration design consistent with the structural set-up of the historical organism and aware about
the interaction between the different buildings forming the block.

Buildings: the detection of the typological invariants.

For what concerns the building scale we did a reconnaissance of the architectural
heritage of the fraction, and of the whole municipal territory, in order to realize an abacus
of the basis building types and their synchronic and diachronic variations (Fig. 3). In addition
to this summary tab we punctual studied and made survey of some buildings which are
emblematic on a typological and architectural point of view.
The historical built of Trisungo is marked by a capillary presence of house a profferlo, both
in the basis type with the stairs parallel to the front and in its typological variant with the
stairs perpendicular (configuration probably due to the new spatial needs resulting from the
complete occupation of the street fronts) also grown in high with multiple oors.
The street front is characterized by two bands of openings usually in columns, excepting for
the houses in which remains the archaic layout with a window at the first oor near the door
in a semi-central position. The layout is completed by an entrance portal to the residential
oor and larger portal, at the ground oor, that originally gave access to the commercial
activities.
Some of these houses maintain a 16th century layout and are configured as little mono-
cellular palace with triple oor consistency in their mature state. These buildings have an high
quality masonry, portals, windows frames and other stone elements. Other houses, part of this
building type, present more modest architectural features or characteristics typical of a 18th
century, or later, language.
This building type brings with it, in this territory, the presence of wooden elements
projecting, named ga or bu rie (Fig. 3). These elements, born originally with the double
function of profferlo’s covering and of external space for the harvest storage, become, in
time, wooden balconies directly connected with the residential spaces and present also in
overlapping oors. Today many of these elements are occluded, partially or completely,
with a consequent advancement of the entire building front.
The ga are elements extremely characteristic of this built environment and of its originally
link with the peasant traditional economy. Unfortunately they are equally fragile and in
danger, both for a material-constructive reason and for their scarcely correspondence to
the contemporary housing models.
Another building type very popular, and strongly characteristic, is that of the 16th century
small palace which reach its maximum expression in the twin-palace.. The twin-palace is
the greatest witness of the 16th century building richness of the Arquata’s municipality. This
richness is probably connected with the presence, at that time, of the comancini’s Lombard
craftsmen that were skilled and fine stonemasons.
These buildings are bi-cellular on the street front with a strong central axis of symmetry,
sometimes they born directly with this unifying arrangement but, more frequently, they
resulted from the doubling of a pre-existing building box. The façade is the typical casa a
profferlo one, but doubling it and favoring the archaic layout with a window at the first oor in
a semi-central position and two spread apart windows at the second oor. This building type
is characterized by a strong 16th century architectural language that involved the masonry,
made with blocks of squared stones, the portals, usually twin at the main oor, and the others
stone details.
The urban fabric of Trisungo is completed by 19th-20th century buildings distinguished by
a regular front layout with openings in columns ( two opening bands for the row-houses
and, usually, three for the small palace) and with two or three oor consistency without
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 dimensional hierarchy. They are clearly different from the more ancient types also for a larger
distance between openings and lateral bearing walls.

Tools for the village recovery

The design and the realization of the interventions of conservation, completion, recon-
struction and replacement of the damaged building heritage have as main goal the safe-
guard of typological, architectural and structural features of the historic center, as the result
of a constructive tradition made up in centuries of civilian life.
For a “non perimetrata” fraction, as Trisungo, the challenge is to assure the conservation
of these general urban values while remaining within the limits imposed by interventions al-
lowed only on the single building units.
The goal, for the urban scale, is to guarantee the building units’ articulation that represent
the original “structural step”, excluding substantial alterations to the access and overlooking
mode. At the same time it is essential to enhance the persistence of the land subdivisions
of the substrata types of court-yard houses; in other words it is important to keep every plan
signs, every fronts alignments and every urban fabric articulation that are evidence of the
procedural evolution of the settlement.
In the guidelines for the recovery of Trisungo village we suggested the “perimetrazione”
of two different urban areas (Fig. 1), even in the awareness that this operation could be very
complex from an administrative point of view.
The first area involve the portion of fabric that maintained better the readability of archi-
tectural and urban features typical of the 15th century. In addition to its historical-testimonial
value, this fabric portion is a very compact block, in which every building collaborates and
is structurally “supportive” with the neighboring buildings. This aspect would make the resto-
ration of small compartments of the block (the single building units) complex and not very
effective in terms of improving structural safety.
The second area, more extended than the other, involve a large part of the south set-
tlement. This fabrics were, before the earthquake and the subsequent demolitions, strongly
over-layered and over-clogged both in plan and in elevation.
In plan we observe an advanced clogging state with a more or less completely occupa-
tion of the pertinent areas of the ancient courtyards. These clogging, as well as the excessive
growth in high, are often made of building boxes scarcely connected with the pre-existing
houses and they will represent a double problem during the reconstruction process.
On one hand there is a safety issue: these building boxes, less structural supportive with
the rest of the fabric, risk to collapse sooner than the others and, insisting on the areas that
were open-spaces in the past, would make very complicate the realization of efficient es-
cape-routes and safe places.
On the other hand this kind of fabric represent a problem for the future of the center. The
clogging and the extreme growth in high have resulted in confined spaces, scarcely aerat-
ed and lighted and not healthy. If we want to give an opportunity to survive to this village,
thinly populated even before the catastrophe, we should make this urban fabric habitable
again.
Both the issues cannot be resolved by a private intervention on the single houses but they
deserve a unitary and general design based on controlled thinning6.
Thinning should be carried out basing on a real knowledge of this specific historical fabric
and it should be make in continuity with its procedural development and, therefore, with its
mechanical functioning.
In addition to this indication we produced to the municipality a classification of the entire
settlement in order to define for every single building the restoration and reconstruction inter-
ventions allowed.
uildings are classified in safeguard degrees7 according to their historical-architectural
and typological value but also to their urban value (Fig. 1).
This urban value is given according to the presence or absence of the building in the his-
torical land map and according to its role in the definition of the fabric. In other words it has
been considered the level of congruence with the logic of settlement arrangements: build-
ings belonging to the clogging fabric of the courtyard house or to the fabric of row-house;

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building developed in continuity with the historical urban fabric or in expressed discontinuity.
The allowed interventions range from the philological restoration to the demolition with
faithful reconstruction including also the demolition with reconstruction in the original plan.
The overall aim is preserving or re-proposing the main features of the historical center and the
buildings typological features.
For this purpose, we have supported the drafting of some pilot recovery-design for the
buildings, with punctual indications about those architectural features that allow a correct
typological readability and whose conservation is indispensable in the restoration and re-
construction designs (Fig. 4).
The final goal is to enhance these typological invariants, trying to preserve particularly:
- The original features of the distribution system that characterize the different building types,
especially the articulation of portals and entrance halls, internal stairs, balconies, terraces,
profferli, loggias and underpasses.
- The architectural autonomy of the single building units marked by: the façade lay-
out connected to the distributive and structural layout; the proportional configuration of the
fronts; the alternation of solids and voids; the symmetries, but also the a-symmetries and dis-
continuities as witnesses of the procedural evolution of the building.
The definition of these features is aimed to be a tool for the municipal administration in the
evaluation of the private owners’ proposal of recovery in order to orient the designs to an
aware enhancement of the buildings’ typological variety.

Conclusions
The activities described above are aimed at understanding and interpreting the settle-
ment features and the damage provoked by the earthquake, in order to set up the inter-
vention criteria for the damages-compensation and to schedule the actions for the future
reconstruction.
The recovery designs have to be able to combine the exigence to secure and improve
the structural strength of buildings with the conservation of their identity features that shouldn’t
be irreversibly altered (Zampilli, 2017). These features are the expression of a constructive
tradition settled in centuries of communitarian activity to satisfy the housing necessities and
improve life conditions. Often the building activity has been conditioned by the need of
reconstruct or fix buildings damaged by the frequent and disastrous earthquakes that have
affected the Appenine’s area. This contributed to the formation of a “seismic local culture”,
still visible today in the several traditional elements for the seismic prevention (like chains and
counterforts). These elements, together with a constant maintenance, made up of small and
necessary interventions, have allowed many buildings, also those of ancient formation, to
overcome the earthquake with few damages.
This seismic culture of good constructive-practices is detectable not only in the construc-
tive details but also in the choice of the sites and the way to settle, disposing houses in rela-
tion to the orographic characteristics and favorable solar-expositions.
These good practices, result of a secular tradition handed on from generation to gener-
ation, are getting lost in these last decades. It would be appropriate to reconquered them,
not only for the design and the realization of the post-seismic recovery interventions but also
in order to improving the structural efficiency of traditional buildings in the so called peace-
ful times”.

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 Figure 1. Identity features of the settlement and models of court-yard fences occupation.
Graphic elaboration by Giulia Brunori.
Classification of safe-guard degrees.

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Figure 2. Critical survey of the urban block with the indication of: walls-masonry discontinu-
ities ( as juxtaposed masonry, occluded openings, growth-high lines and so on); settlement
discontinuities ( as occluded ambitus, occluded entrances and wall exes); anti-seismic ele-
ments (as chains or counterforts); damages and crack pattern.
Hypothesis of formation stages of the block.
Analysis of the collapse mechanisms activated by the seismic event.
Graphic elaborations by Giulia Brunori, Edoardo Fabbri, Enrico Pagano, Lea Fanny Pani.
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 Figure 3. Building types abacus (excerpt of the type ‘house with profferlo’ and ‘twin pala-
ce ), graphic elaboration by Arianna aldoni and Giulia runori; House with gafi, graphic
elaboration by Marianna Larovere.

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Figure 4. Individuation of the typological main features of building fronts and reading-exam-
ple on real cases of Trisungo fabric. Graphic elaboration by Giulia Brunori.

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 Footnotes
1
https://sisma2016.gov.it.
2
In 1997 a series of seismic events stroked the area of Central Italy and particularly the
Umbria and Marche regions. Even if the seismic crater was quite extended, the collapses
involved above all the monumental architecture while the residential buildings were more
or less damaged without arriving to a total destruction of the settlements.
3
This phenomena is part of the larger issue of Italian internal areas for which today it is
necessary a serious and urgent program of developing and economical reconversion, with
a subsequent secured of the historical built. (Brunori and Magazzù, 2020). This is the pur-
pose of the SNAI (National strategy for the internal areas) with whom Italy want to stop the
demographic fall and to re-launch the develop of peripheral areas. http://www.program-
mazioneeconomica.gov.it
4
With the order n.25 of 2017, the special commissioner for the reconstruction, has de-
creed the criteria for the perimetrazione of the towns, or parts of them, involved in the
earthquake. Perimetrazione is the delimitation of some urban areas for which is needed
a uniform reconstruction project. Once adopted the implementation plan (order n.39 of
2017) it will be possible to move forward the private reconstruction. Even if one of the cri-
teria for the choose of these areas was the historical, architectural and landscape quality
of the settlement, most of municipalities has detect as areas for the uniform reconstruction
only the districts strongly damaged or completely destroyed.
5
Agreement between the municipal administration of Arquata and the University of
Architecture of Roma Tre for which Prof Michele ampilli is the scientific manager ( working
group: Prof. C. Baggio; Prof. G. Cangi; Prof. M. Canciani; Prof. S. Converso; Prof. S. Ombuen;
Prof.ssa E. Pallottino; Dott.ssa G. Brunori)
6
Thinning is referred to the theory developed by Gustavo Giovannoni (Giovannoni,
1931) (Giovannoni, 1943), at the beginning of the 20th century, to resolve the issue of big
cities’ historical centers, like Rome, which urban fabric was so congested to represent an
hygienic problem and an obstacle for the new circulation (two fundamental aspects for a
city facing the modern era). Giovannoni proposed instead of the big demolitions, that risk
erasing the urban memory of important city’s portions, the controlled and punctual thin-
ning, basing on the knowledge of the historical fabric and eliminating, preferably, the build-
ings added most recently. An interesting outcome of these theories is that of the studies of
A. Giuffrè, and his collaborators, on Ortigia village. In this case thinning is proposed in order
to simplify over-layered fabrics to improve their mechanical behavior and also to improve
road-network with the creation of new exodus routes using the re-opening of the ancient
systems of court-yard houses’ open spaces (Giuffrè, 1993).
7
The classification in safeguard degrees and the individuation of allowed interventions
was made in collaboration with SAAD-UNICAM, the technical department of Arquata del
Tronto municipality and the regional superintendence of cultural assets.

References
Brunori, G., Cretarola, A. and Zampilli, M (2016), ‘Tivoli: lettura di una città’, ‘Urbanform and
design’ 05/06.
Brunori, G. and Magazzù, M. (2020), ‘Centri minori: metodi per la conoscenza e la consa-
pevole valorizzazione’, in Fiore, P. and D’Andria, E. (ed.) I centri minori…da problema a
risorsa (Franco Angeli, Milano) 153-162.
Dall’Aglio, P.L. and Giorgi, E. (1997), ‘La mutatio di surpicano e i diverticoli della salaria nell’al-
ta valle del tronto’, in La Salaria in età antica, Atti del Convegno di Studi.
Caniggia, G. (1979), ‘Lettura dell’edilizia di base’ (Marsilio, Venezia).
Caniggia, G. (1984), ‘Analisi tipologica: la corte matrice dell’insediamento’, in CRESME, “Re-
cupero e riqualificazione urbana nel programma straordinario per Napoli , (Giuffr edi-
tore, Milano).
Giovanetti, F. (ed.) (1992), ‘Manuale del recupero di Città di Castello’ (DEI, Roma).
Giovanetti, F. (ed.) (1997), ‘Manuale del recupero del centro storico di Palermo’ (Flaccovio
Editore, Palermo).
Giovannoni, G. (19 1), ecchie citt e edilizia nuova (Unione tipografica-editrice torinese,

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 Torino)
Giovannoni, G. (1943), ‘Il diradamento edilizio e i suoi problemi’, in Urbanistica 5-6
Giuffrè, A. (ed) (1993), ‘Sicurezza e conservazione dei centri storici. Il caso Ortigia’ (Editori
Laterza, Bari)
Muratori, S., Bollati, R., Bollati, S. and Marinucci, G. (1963) ‘Studi per una operante storia urba-
na di Roma’ (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Roma).
Zampilli, M. (2009) ‘Il restauro del tessuto urbano’, in Marconi, P. (ed): ‘Com’era, dov’era.
Dopo il terremoto, o la guerra’, “Ricerche di Storia dell’arte” 99 (Carocci Editore, Roma).
Zampilli, M, (2017) ‘Come affrontare il processo di ricostruzione dei centri storici’ in Pallottino,
E. (ed.) ‘Sicurezza e Identità’, ‘Ricerche di Storia dell’arte’ 122 (Carocci Editore, Roma).
ampilli, M. and runori, G. (201 ) Scenari di ricostruzione post-sisma. Come definire modali-
tà di intervento differenziate in rapporto ai danni’, Rec magazine 149, 28-31.
Zampilli, M and Brunori, G. (2019) ‘La ricostruzione: quando? come? Come affrontare la rico-
struzione dei monumenti e dei centri storici dell’Italia centrale devastati dai terremoti del
2016.’, Quaderni del Master.

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

Chelas Zone J revisited:

Urban morphology and change in a recovering neighbourhood
João Cunha Borges1, Teresa Marat-Mendes2, Sara Silva Lopes3
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, ISCTE-IUL, Dinâmia’cet, Lisbon, Portugal
1,2,3

Keywords: social housing, planned neighbourhood, urban areas in crisis, megastructure,

sustainability

Abstract

Among new council housing areas from 1960s Lisbon is the Chelas Valley, by then
overwhelmingly agrarian. Although an integral urbanization plan - the Plano de
Urbanização de Chelas (PUC) – was prepared until 1964, the area was divided into six
zones, urbanized in different periods, with great deviances from the original plan.
Upon construction, Chelas was challenged by social problems. One of the zones, Zone
J, has been particularly associated with this negative image. The architectural designs by
Tomás Taveira and Victor Consiglieri introduced changes to the urban plan by Francisco
Silva Dias and José Lobo de Carvalho. After construction, several municipal initiatives
tried to improve living conditions in Zone J, ranging from façade changes to demolitions.
All along, it has been accepted that the urban form of Zone J was a determinant factor
of its failure as an habitat.
Here, we revisit the original Zone J Plan. How was it implemented, and how has it
changed since? What has been the input of the residents in the territory they inhabit?
Can it contribute to make Lisbon a more sustainable city? This presentation aims to
answer these questions, while trying to identify parallels with other urban areas in crisis
which share morphological characteristics with Chelas Zone J.

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 Introduction
For over forty years in Portugal, Chelas – Zone J has been synonymous with social
housing gone wrong. Throughout the 1990s it was often on the news for poverty, violence
and drug-trafficking. A feature film by eonel ieira, ona J (199 ), portrayed those
anathemas. Today, the situation has improved, and the neighbourhood is recovering.
Here, we highlight the conceptual roots and design of Chelas and of Zone J, disclosing
the principles underlying the original plans, i.e., their ground-rules , as well as the
transformations verified so far, establishing if and how they have been accommodated.
For ground-rules we mean rules governing physical elements of urban form, including
grids, streets, squares, blocks, lots, buildings and fa ades (Marat-Mendes, 2002). This
methodology is inspired by Marat-Mendes (2002) research on sustainable urban form,
and was elsewhere ( orges and Marat-Mendes, 2019) applied to first zone of Chelas,
Zone I.
We also seek to promote new approaches to the territory responding to contemporary
societal needs, such as housing demand and environmental concerns, which the project
SP ACH -Spatial Planning for Change is researching, to improve urban food systems and
contribute to de-carbonization.

Urban paradigms
In the early 20th century, Portugal was ruled by the New State (19 -19 ), a
conservative dictatorship. Its council housing programmes for Portuguese cities were
initially low-density Garden City-inspired neighbourhoods. In 19 0s and 19 0s isbon, this
proved insufficient, and slumlands continued growing (Teixeira, 1992).
Although urban planning efforts were only beginning and only in larger settlements
the isbon Masterplan (19 -19 ) by tienne de Gr er was rejected by the Central
State. Finished in 1959, a second plan was rejected by the municipality itself, leaving
the growth of the capital city – particularly at its suburban areas – without a general
framework for over 0 years.
In 19 , the Gabinete T cnico de Habita o (GTH), or Housing Technical Office
was created in Lisbon, comprising architects, urbanists, engineers and sociologists, and
tasked with urbanizing the isbon Eastern end in three plans whose key goal was council
housing: Olivais Norte (19 -19 ), Olivais Sul (19 -19 0) and Chelas (19 0-19 ).
This marks the transition to modernist paradigms, especially as defined in CIAM (Congr s
Internacionaux d Architecture Moderne). The Olivais plans take the Chartre d Ath nes
as a model for high-density housing (Gon alves et al, 201 ), justified by pressures from the
construction industry and the need to eliminate slums.
However, modernist paradigms would soon meet criticism within CIAM, particularly
from Team 10, a group of younger radical architects who valued context and particular
conditions instead of universal solutions ( orges, 201 ). ut critiques also emerged outside
this circle. The 19 International Union of Architects (UIA) Congress in isbon privileged
debates on architectural modernity and tradition. In the late 1950s, the typological and
historical researches of Italian architect Saverio Muratori, beyond contributing to modern
urban morphology, informed the planning of State-led urbanization. In the 19 0s, utopian
designs like those of Hungarian architect ona Friedman, the collectives Archigram and
Superstudio radicalize modern aspirations, depicting a world in transformations in mobility,
construction technology, politics and economics. In the early 1970s, the environmental
impact of such changes questioned the limits of urban growth (Moorcroft, 19 2).
The Portuguese context was, in the early 19 0s, deeply changed by the publication of
Inqu rito Arquitectura Popular Portuguesa , a survey on autochthonous architecture
(mostly rural), which prompted a Portuguese revision of modernism. This can be observed
in the Portuguese participation at CIAM , at Dubrovnik 19 (organized by Team 10),
with a project for a rural housing estate but also in the one I of Chelas ( orges and
Marat-Mendes, 2019).
The following decades saw a duality emerge between a modernity that dialogued with
vernacular tradition, as in the work of lvaro Siza, and a rising postmodernism in uenced
by internationalization, consumerism and pop culture, as in the work of Tom s Taveira,

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the architect of one J buildings (Consiglieri and opes, 19 ). In the latter, new radical
ideas would emerge, echoing foreign ideas, particularly after the 19 Revolution, as is
the case with Zone J.

The ‘Plano de Urbanização de Chelas’

Until the 19 0s, the Chelas area was a rural area with several agricultural fields, a
system of valleys unattractive for the private sector as a development site. In 1959 the
Plano de Urbaniza o de Chelas (PUC) was allowed by the State. In 19 0, Jos Rafael
otelho, chief-planner of Olivais Sul, joins Francisco Silva Dias and Jo o Reis Machado
to start the urbanization plan, following that of Olivais Sul: a cellular organization with
housing areas on ridgetops, separated by green areas, and a service area on the centre
(GTH, 19 ).
However, two years later, these ground rules are revised, and a new plan is started,
now coordinated by Silva Dias, with Reis Machado, Alfredo Silva Gomes, u s assalo
Rosa and Carlos Worm. The Definitive Plan is finished in 19 (Figure 1). Its ground-rules
are: linear distribution of equipment in ramified urban-life strips across housing areas;
association of activities instead of zoning; and linked but detached motorways and
walkways (GTH, 19 ). The urban-life strips have ground-rules of their own, namely high-
density housing; commerce along pedestrian walkways; equipment for culture; points for
nightlife; and services to provide links to the city (GTH, 19 ).
The Definitive Plan also divided the territory of the Chelas alley in six zones: I, J, , M,
N and O, each to be the object of detailed plans. As it was originally conceived (19 0-
19 ), the PUC echoes other large-scale urban plans, including those critical of pre-WW2
CIAM. A sort of New Town in town (Heitor, 2001), Chelas was conceived similarly to Cluster
City, close to Alison and Peter Smithson s (unbuilt) Golden ane Cluster City (19 ) and
Hambourg Steilshoop (19 1), eslie Hugh Wilson s plan for Cumbernauld New Town (19 -
19 ) or Candilis-Josic-Wood s masterplan for Toulouse- e-Mirail (19 -19 ).
Unlike the earlier GTH plans, whose key reference had thirty years of development
abroad, Chelas runs parallel to projects still under development and thus contains an
experimental value highly surprising during a conservative and nationalist dictatorship.
Despite radical social values they encapsulated, GTH plans were approved and
implemented, most likely because authorities had little understanding of urbanism (Dias,
2019).

Zone J – from plan to construction

The detailed plan for one J was originally published in 19 0 (Dias and Carvalho, 19 0),
but a rectified version was published years later (Dias and Carvalho, 19 ). Signed by
Francisco Silva Dias and Jos A. obo de Carvalho, it was consciously planned as a city-
building, i.e. an aggregation of different buildings with different functions within a unified
structure (Dias, 2019). As a specific project, it echoes the radical architecture Reyner
anham (19 ) would later synthesize as megastructure . Among the canonic features
anham takes from Ralph Wilcoxon is that a megastructure is a structural framework into
which smaller structural units (for example, rooms, houses, or small buildings of other sorts)
can be built—or even “plugged-in” or “clipped-on” after having been prefabricated
elsewhere ( anham, 19 , p. )
Indeed, one J could be described with anham s (19 , p.1 ) idea of concentration
in a megastructure, the heaping up in one place of all the social facilities of a city,
and all the commercial ones as well . The annus mirabilis of mesgastructure was 19
( anham, 19 , p. 0), which seems to have created enough precedents for this concept
to be of interest for Portuguese planners. The stem experience in Toulouse- e-Mirail
(19 -19 ), a continuous structure with public activities linking housing slabs ( orges and
Marat-Mendes, 2019), was also important (Dias,2019).
The detailed plan revised the indications of the PUC, towards greater capacity,
achieving 202 ats for 912 people (Dias and Carvalho, 19 , p. ). The ground-rules of
one J (Figure 2) are: the zone is structured by a linear zone of intense urban life formed
by motorways and a continuous plateau concentrating equipment and services and
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 defining the morphology of the zone (Dias and Carvalho, 19 , p.9); from the centre
to the periphery, buildings with lower density ramify (Dias and Carvalho, 19 , p.10);
the whole system is linked by continuous decks, smaller on the periphery and larger in
the centre and with equipment on the cusps (Dias and Carvalho, 19 , p.10); interior
equipment within the central plateau which widens when descending to future one O
to include a cinema, a parking silo and supermarkets (Dias and Carvalho, 19 ; p.11).
The central plateau, extending over the ridgetop, defines the central street and
two structuring squares and includes offices, services, commerce and ats for larger
families. On top of these, slabs with deck-access ats are placed, and around each of
the two squares is a set of towers (six on the north and three on the south). Despite the
topographical conditions, all the elements are arranged either in orthogonal relation to
one another, or under a -degree glitch, repeated throughout the megastructure.
Even conceptually, this resonates with the canonical definition of megastructure
preferred by anham, in the juxtaposition and plugging of different pieces in a
symbolically unified structure. It is very significant that the ground rules of the GTH plan
(and corresponding rules for the architectural competition) included deck-accesses,
meant to allow pedestrian circulation throughout the whole megastructure.
The winning architectural proposal was led by architect Tom s Taveira with ictor
Consiglieri, Madalena Peres and Ant nia Pimenta. It confirmed the ground-rules of the
GTH but introduced changes (Figure ). Taveira rejects the plateau, creates instead a
double-slab (Figure ) for the central block, with mixed-use larger slabs on the main street
and parallel three storey slabs behind them, assuring the transition to the residential-only
peripheral areas. This interior street was expected to function as a meeting place for
the community.
With the disappearance of the central plateau, the towers become only visually
linked with the slabs. They have their own entrances and interior U-shaped decks are
disconnected from outside elements.
Instead of integrating decks in the fa ades of the slabs, Taveira sometimes detaches
them and thus gives them great visual weight in the fa ade design. Furthermore, both
rectangular and circular windows are used (Figure ), the latter reminding one of James
Stirling s Southgate Estate (19 -19 ) in Runcorn.
Many peripheral housing slabs by architect ictor Consiglieri, despite using some similar
elements to Taveira s, are tower-blocks functionally detached from the megastructure.
Another independent tower-block in the southern area was afterwards designed
by architect Aires Mateus. In the same area, a fourth tower by another architect was
added. Both schools predicted in the plan were constructed, although the hospital in the
northern area was not. The set of slabs designed by Taveira to articulate Zone J with the
centre of the Chelas alley (future one O) also remained unbuilt.
All the buildings were originally painted white (Figure ), conceived as such by the
GTH (Dias, 2019) for continuity with the earlier one I (north of one J), whose buildings
were predominantly white ( orges and Marat-Mendes, 2019).
In 199 , invited by the municipality, Taveira designed a complex color-scheme of brash
psychedelic colors, taking heed of fa ade elements (Figure ). However, in 200 this was
interrupted and all towers and some slabs were repainted white. While many residents
disliked Taveira s scheme, few wanted the buildings white again, preferring softer colors
instead ( atista, 200 ). Currently, one J presents a mix of all these color schemes: some
are white (Figure ), others have brash colors and others have soft pastel colors (Figure
). Although in the past graffiti was regarded as vandalism, it has been reframed as a
positive grassroots intervention, and many examples of urban art some sanctioned by
institutions now mark one J public spaces.
In 2009, the municipality demolished 8 three-storey lots from the central interior street
(Figure ) known as death row , frequently used for drug-trade. Three years later, the
space left open was filled with one small garden, one gymnastics circuit and the rest with
parking space.

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Changes in Zone J
The PUC was revised in the early 19 0s and its ground-rules deeply changed. Further
zones would have conventional solutions parallel streets with massive tower-blocks. This
PUC revision also in uenced interventions in zones already built.
From the start, Zone J was aggressively associated with problems related to poverty,
unsafety and criminality, often associated with drug-commerce. Heitor (2001) in the late
1990s points out problems of vandalism. This prompted physical change, but a key aspect
seldom mentioned is that, although Chelas was designed with a strong focus on social
housing, it aimed at mixed communities. However, the first two neighbourhoods, one
I and one J, were occupied after the 19 Revolution by squatters from surrounding
slums, from different ethnic origins and generally poor. Although the State eventually
legitimized their housing situation, little efforts were mobilized towards integration in the
general Lisbon social fabric. Spatial and physical changes often hoped to solve problems
which despite having spatial and physical expression were of a fundamentally social
nature.
uildings designed by architects other than Taveira rejected the continuous deck-
accesses becoming isolated from centre, but ensuring precise public-private separations.
With the criminality problems spreading in the neighbourhood, many decks were
enclosed, sometimes with gates at different access-points. Furthermore, deck-facing
windows were added ironwork. Some balconies in towers and slabs were turned into
marquees, while occasionally circular windows were replaced by rectangular windows.
In some slabs, the parapet grid has been turned into a monolithic plan.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s the municipality sought to improve public spaces,
mostly through tree plantation and pavement inception (DCH, 199 ). The southern square
had a plan by landscape-architect Maria Jo o Ferreira (DCH, 199 ). New tower-blocks
were constructed, by the private-sector, in the western fringe of the neighbourhood.
In the mid-1990s, to fight social exclusion, the isbon Council replaced the one
designation of Chelas neighbourhoods. Zone J became the Condado Neighbourhood
(DCH, 199 ), although many residents still use the old name.
More recently, architecture researchers have proposed solutions to make one J
more similar with the conventional city functioning, and to reduce management-costs
for the municipality (Silva et al, 2011). These include demolition of staircases and partition
of continuous decks, as well as a clear-cut segregation between housing and other
functions, especially if above the ground- oor.
In 2019, the municipality demolished another of the lower slabs to eliminate a death
row -like situation in the northern area.
The northern area of Zone J was to receive a local hospital, never built. However,
the idea was revived in 200 , now as the University Hospital, and a design by Pritzker
laureate Eduardo Souto de Moura was ordered. The massive building (a contemporary
megastructure ) ignores the morphological features of ones J and I (standing
between them) and proposes a new scale, morphology and aesthetic. It is a generic
armored structure on the ground- oor (as if defending from the council estates) with
several rectilinear slabs above it. It bears no relationship with the Chelas territory or its
neighbourhoods and in a sense it confirms the worst expectations about megastructures,
namely that are the perfect symbol of liberal-capitalist oppression ( anham, 19 ,
p.209).
The vacant hospital plot had been appropriated by the community for informal
agricultural gardens. These extend to adjacent lots, with productive plots of several
dimensions around ruins of rural buildings. On the southern end, where housing slabs were
not completed, vacant space also became agricultural space. In 2019, the council has
cleared the hospital lots, and most of the agricultural gardens are gone or be soon.
However, in the southern area, they show great fertility (Figure 9), mobilizing residents
to clean and treat the land, ensuring its basic quality. At a time when sustainability
concerns point out the many advantages of urban agriculture ( iljoen and ohn, 201 ),
this grassroots appropriation is wise and requires legitimation and encouragement in the
future.
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 The future of Zone J – a discussion
Considering the very distinct outlook proposed by the upcoming University Hospital, a
serious consideration of the future of one J is in order. Must it eventually come down Or
should this neighbourhood be refurbished and valued?
Researchers have so far been unfavorable of its urban and architectural features
(e.g. Heitor, 2001; opes, 2011; Silva et al, 2011; Silva, 2019). Here, they are hardly alone.
Internationally, morphological solutions like those of one J have long been objects
of contempt and even demolition, especially with social housing. However, there has
been a recent shift in appreciation for precisely these architectural and urban solutions
(e.g. Powers, 2010; Hatherley, 2010; Taylor, 2010; oughton, 201 ). This revision exposes
the spatial determinism sometimes implicit in negative views of these neighbourhoods,
ignoring the social and cultural conditions under which degradation emerged.
A 201 -201 survey on isbon parishes reveals worrisome numbers about Marvila the
parish mostly constituted by the Chelas neighbourhoods, which according to the last
Censos (2011) is:
a) the parish with more people who cannot read nor write (2. 1 people, followed
by Olivais with 1. ) and less people with complete College degrees (RS , 201 , p. 2);
b) the sixth parish with more school drop-outs (2,01 against the average 1, ) (RS ,
201 , p. );
c) the second parish with more neither-not youngsters, i.e. people between the
age of 20 and 0 who do not work nor study, 2 , (against the average 1 ,21) (RS ,
201 , p. );
As of 201 Marvila was the isbon parish with higher unemployment 2 2 people
and the second one with more people on social benefits ( , double the isbon average)
(RS , 201 ).
ones urbanized prior to the Plan revision are morphologically different from the
conventional city. ut with extremely deprived social circumstances, must one expect
a middle-class ambience The enclosure of decks, for instance, expressing people s
sense of unsafety, will probably better solved through a serious approach to the social
reproduction of poverty than with their elimination or further enclosure.
eyond dereliction, one J is a great example of experimental architecture. It may
not please everyone, but that does not mean it is good for no one. Its unconventional
urban solutions can withstand the reappraisal its international peers are undergoing, and
its design has a concern for community that, while unfavorable to the market (Silva et
al, 2010) may prove favorable for other housing options, highly urgent considering the
current isbon housing crisis, due not to shortage, but precisely to the market (Cocola-
Gant, 201 ).
one J is significant as a megastructure. Despite the worst fears of post-19 politics,
megastructures have different meanings in different contexts. True, they may symbolize
liberal-capitalist oppression , as with the forthcoming University Hospital, but may also
symbolize a breakaway from conventional morphologies which, providing clear-cut
separations, do not challenge the ways in which, in spatial terms, we live our lives and
relate to our community. The one J city-building was to have cinema and supermarkets,
at a time when conventional neighbourhoods had only churches and schools. It offered
what the New State withheld and what democracy never delivered – at least to these
communities.
Despite its complex and detailed architectural design, one J has accommodated
change and neither fa ade changes nor the death-row demolition eliminated the
neighbourhood s coherence. Although the psychedelic color-scheme did not please
residents 20 years ago, its remains are now sometimes celebrated as a pop aesthetic, for
instance in the videoclip laya s Faz gostoso (201 ), a widely popular song (nearly
000 000 ouTube views) recently covered by Madonna.
However, the exibility displayed by the one J morphologu may continue to
accommodate changes, which, in spatial terms, must be negotiated with the living
community while also being sensible to architectural features whose historical importance
is yet to be understood. Further changes would mostly benefit from considering the

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territory, instead of focusing on architectural details. This would allow political power
to negotiate with grassroots initiative. A robust strategy for promoting urban agriculture
could improve the quality of soil and public space, create labour and contribute to the
sustainability of Chelas and of Lisbon in general, improving living conditions in Zone J not
by destruction but through a constructive approach.
community while also being sensible to architectural features whose historical
importance is yet to be understood. Further changes would mostly benefit from considering
the territory, instead of focusing on architectural details. This would allow political power
to negotiate with grassroots initiative. A robust strategy for promoting urban agriculture
could improve the quality of soil and public space, create labour and contribute to the
sustainability of Chelas and of Lisbon in general, improving living conditions in Zone J not
by destruction but through a constructive approach.

Acknowledgements
The authors thank architect Francisco Silva Dias, who generously shared his thoughts
and memories about the PUC in an interview at his place on May 13th, 2019.

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 Figure 1. Definitive PUC in isbon context. Source: adapted from GTH, 19 .

Housing
Commerce, equipment
and offices
Urban green spaces
Industrial spaces

Figure 2. one J urban plan. Source: Dias and Carvalho, 19 , p.12.

Figure 2

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 Slabes and towers Central plateau Structuring squares Secondary public places Roads

Figure 3. Changes from urban to architectural design. Source: authors.

Housing Commerce, equipment and offices

Figure 4. Central axis in the urban plan vs. the architectural design. Source: adapted from
Dias and Carvalho, 197.

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 Figure 5. one J slab. Photo source: JC ; Figure 6.New color-scheme. Source: PT DGPC: SIPA
FOTO. 00 991 9, Ferreira, T., 2010.

Figure 7. Most recent slab color-scheme. Photo source: JCB. Figure 7

Figure 8. Death-row . Photo source: https://vivermarvila.blogs.sapo.pt/ .html;

Figure 9. Southern agricultural allotments. Photo source: JCB.
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References
anham, R. (19 ), Megastructure, in ondon, Thames Hudson.
atista, A. (200 ), Pr dios coloridos de Chelas v o ser repintados de branco , in P blico,
2-2-200 in https://www.publico.pt/200 /02/02/jornal/predios-coloridos-de-chelas-
vao-ser-repintados-de-branco-197812
orges, J. (201 ), The dissolution of the modern complex, in Unpublished MSc thesis, ISCTE-
IUL, Lisbon.
orges, J. and Marat-Mendes, T. (2019), When isbon met the Team 10 Cluster City , in
oelho, 1nº10 ,November 2019, pp 86-99.
oughton, J. (201 ), Municipal dreams, in ondon, erso.
Cocola-Gant, A. (201 ), O capitalismo imobili rio e a crise da habita o em isboa , in
Monde Diplomatique, February.
Consiglieri, . and opes, J. T. (19 ), lvaro Siza e Tom s Taveira , in JA 1- 2, p1 .
DCH (199 ), Espa os exteriores Chelas , in oletim DCH, , pp92-10 .
DCH (199 ), Espa os exteriores airro do Condado, Pra a Eduardo Mondlane , in
oletim DCH, , pp110-111.
Dias, F. S. (2019, May 1 th), in Personal interview.
Dias, F. Silva and Carvalho, J.A. . (19 0), Plano de urbaniza o de Chelas ona J , in
oletim GTH, n 19, pp - .
Dias, F. Silva and Carvalho, J.A. . (19 ), Plano de urbaniza o de Chelas ona J , in
Boletim GTH, nº27, pp3-30.
Gon alves, J.M., Carvalho, .S., Santos, J.R. (201 ), A cidade entre edif cios , in handle
- https://www.researchgate.net/publication/ 10 21 .
GTH (19 ), Plano de Urbaniza o de Chelas, in isbon, GTH.
Hatherley, O. (2010), A Guide to the new ruins of Great ritain, in ondon, erso.
Heitor, T. . (2001), A vulnerabilidade do espa o em Chelas, in isbon, FCG.
opes, R. N.S. (2010), Aprender com os erros (Unpublished MSc thesis), in isbon,
Universidade Cat lica.
Marat-Mendes, T. (2002), The sustainable urban form (Unpublished PhD thesis), in The
University of Nottingham, UK.
Moorcroft, C. (ed. 19 2), Designing for survival , in Architectural Design, July, pp. 1 - .
Powers, A. (2010, ed), Robin Hood Gardens, in Re- isions, odon, C20.
RS (201 ), II Diagn stico Social de isboa 201 -201 , in isbon, Rede Social isboa.
Silva, T. M. (2019), Espa os Nem-nem , in F rum Sociol gico, , pp 1- 2.
Silva, T. M., Alves, P.M., Magalh es, M. ., Oliveira, M.J. (2010), Edif cios de Habita o
Social: Diagn stico e Cen rios de Interven o no Edificado , in Cidades Comunidades
e Territ rios, n 22, pp 2-9 .
Taylor, J. (2010), Cumbernauld: The Conception, Development, and Realisation of a Post-
War ritish New Town (Unpublished MSc thesis), in The University of Edinburgh, UK.
Teixeira, M.C. (1992). As estrat gias de habita o em Portugal, 1 0-19 0 , in An lise
Social, n 2 (11 ), pp - 9.
iljoen, A., and ohn, K. (201 , eds), Second nature urban design, in ondon, Routledge.

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 B.1 Reading/Design Study cases

The Campidanese House and its housing typology.

Studies and strategies for an integrated recovery of Sardinian
historical centres.
Alessandra Pusceddu
La Sapienza Università di Roma, DiAP, DRACo - PhD Architettura e Costruzione, Rome.
Keywords: courtyard house, raw earth, sardinia, rural morphology

Abstract

Sardinia, the second largest island in the Mediterranean, is the Italian region with the
largest number of historical centres built on raw earth. As a result of the modernization
of society and new construction methods, the vernacular architecture of this beautiful
island is gradually disappearing: over the years, the negligence of the municipalities
combined with a lack of awareness of the heritage on the part of the inhabitants, have
destroyed entire testimonies of an architecture that has lived for centuries and has been
an integral part of the social life of the population. The Campidanese House is the symbol
par excellence.
To de nitively lose this heritage of historical and testimonial value is unthinkable
The aim of this work is to de ne a methodology that focuses on a strategy of intervention
aimed at the recovery of this heritage. This starting from a careful analysis of the general
themes of the building culture of the earthen architecture, de ning the eculiar building
characteristics of Sardinia, divided into ve macro areas Subse uently, and for each
area, the fabrics of the most relevant historical centres were studied, as well as their
morphological characteristics linked to the type of building and its variations. In order
to achieve a targeted intervention strategy, the analysis material has been reworked
in various actions and projects, in particular on the case study of the city of Quartu
Sant’Elena, the second largest city in Sardinia, which boasts the largest historical centre
built in raw earth on the island.

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 Introduction
Before we can talk about the housing typology of the Campidanese House, two
important premises are necessary: the first is linked to the geomorphology of Sardinia
and the construction technique of raw earth, the second is inherent to the socio-cultural
context that gave birth to this typology.
Raw earth: a poor building material that has always been used by man, since the birth
of the first cities (Jericho, Harappa, Catal Uyuk, Mohenjo-daro, are just some of the ancient
examples of this construction technique). Raw earth, as a matter, offers infinite possibilities
of application and is well connected to the modern principles of eco-sustainability, not
only environmental, but of the built - the high thermal comfort is due to the consistent
mass that allows low dispersion in winter, and good isolation in summer, the breathability
of raw earth facilitates the regulation of internal humidity, avoiding the excesses of both
dry and humid air - and the disposal of “buildings” if they are demolished. In fact, there is
no need for special measures during the disposal phase, a building made of raw earth -
its rubble - can be almost completely reused through a selection of granulometries of the
same material, which will then be put back in place according to the same techniques
of raw earth construction.
Today it is built in raw earth all over the world, from ziqqurats in Syria to mosques in Mali,
from monuments in Nigeria to buildings in Yemen, from houses in New Mexico to urban
aggregates in Morocco, even in territories that may not seem suitable for this material
(areas that are notoriously rainy like Germany, France and England boast a considerable
rural heritage in raw earth); this is because all the “ earths” are suitable for construction
if wisely used. Man, over the centuries, has thus perfected construction techniques by
making the best use of the matters at his disposal, whether it be richer in clay, silt or
gravel; this is how CraTerre (World Association that deals with raw earth in association
with the School of Architecture of the city of Grenoble) has catalogued the different
earths” and construction techniques for which they are best suited: we will thus obtain
that in Africa construction is carried out using the Pisè technique - walls built by means
of wooden formworks on which the mixture of earth, straw and water is poured, then
beaten by mechanical or manual pestles - in Northern Europe the Torquis is used - made
with wooden frames on which “ twisters” of earth are wrapped - or the most widely used
Adobe, spread all over the world - bricks formed with soft dough arranged in sun-dried
wooden reinforcements, which are then placed to form masonry through the laying of
binder made with the same mixture. It is precisely this last construction technique - Adobe
- that provides the backdrop for the case study: the housing typology of the Sardinian
Campidanese house. Through a first investigation into the geomorphology of Sardinia, it
was possible to identify what were the so-called “raw earth territories”, that is, those places
affected by the different types and construction techniques that then outlined different
characteristics of the construction according to their location on the island. Sardinia can
then be divided into two fundamental macro-groups: the Geographies of Construction
Systems in Raw Earth - in the centre and south - and the Geographies of uilding Systems
in Stone and rick - mainly in the north. The Geographies of Construction Systems in Raw
Earth - visible in Fig.1 and marked mainly with the colour orange - are those territories
affected by deposits in the Continental Area - Holocene and Pleistocene - and wind,
lake and coastal sediments. All this is quite obvious since it is precisely these deposits and
sediments that create the “earth” with which adobe - a sun-dried raw earth brick - rich
in clay, silt and gravel, fundamental parts of the “inert” that constitutes the very mixture
of the ladiri (from the atin later - brick - is the name in Sardinian to indicate adobe),
with different grain sizes and percentages depending on where the earth is taken from.
The areas north of the island are instead affected by different types of buildings, mainly
made of stone quarried from the large basaltic and granitoid complexes, raw materials
therefore more readily available to the rural population of Sardinia, which has built its
monumental nuragic complexes - the Nuraghe Losa, the Nuraghe Santu Antine or the
Nuragic Complex of Barumini are some of the largest nuragic complexes among the
more than 7000 present on the island - with megalithic blocks of basalt that still compares
on a par with the splendid landscape in which it is set.

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 In order to put into practice a new model of recovery of the existing one, with reference
to a series of complex factors and phenomena, which cannot be traced back only to
the constructive-typical elements of the single architectural building and its construction
technique, it is necessary to read the housing heritage in its entirety, in its similarities as
well as in its differences, in order to understand the extraordinary cultural, historical and
identity value of the Campidano territory. In order to do this, it is essential to understand
first of all how the typology of the Campidanese House was born. The housing typology
of this house, considered in its widest meaning and not in the most specific classification,
is a unique model of its kind. It brings with it references to the Roman domus, to the
Mediterranean Arab houses, but it represents a case in itself; the courtyard house is the
social symbol of a peasant Sardinia, of living together, and is the result of how, over
the years, cities have come to be defined through a complex system of land use, with
collective rules of places, ways and phases of work, agricultural and pastoral. The
inhabitants of the cities ( idda in Sardinian, from villa ) have always been theoretically
self-sufficient individuals, both from a productive and housing , legal and administrative
point of view, organized according to a well-defined and delineated social hierarchy:
• “Su Meri” or “Proprietarius Mannu”, in smaller numbers, were the householders
with an abundance of their own means of production (land, animals and tools), who
therefore needed helpers and servants;
Small and medium farmers or autonomous shepherds, we could define it as the
“middle class”, that is those who were neither at the service of the big owners, nor had
such vast estates that they had labourers or helpers under them;
• “Zeraccos” or “Serbidoris”, represent a large number of families without or few
means of production of their own that go to the service of the big owners;
“Meri” and “Serbidoris” both live within the same farm house, each according to their
own spaces and tasks. And it is precisely in this context that the house is the symbol of
the well-defined social stratification between subordinates and dominants, as well as the
way of living is a typically local way of relating to each other as social figures; without
such social organization linked to the territory, cereal production, wine, oil - all activities
that required large spaces for the storage of finished products - but also to sheep-farming
and breeding, there would not exist this type of housing, created to meet the specific
needs of the community.
This happened in the past in Sardinia, but today what are the dynamics that have led
to the abandonment of such settlement models?
After the Second World War there was a massive abandonment of the production
sector of historical building materials (Raw Earth); this was mainly due to a change in
the social status of the population: it went from a “peasant” population to a “ labourer”
population (to cope with a deeply depressed economy large industrial sectors had been
installed throughout the island). Therefore, continuing to live in houses made of raw earth,
on one oor, with typically rural features, no longer re ected the social achievements
obtained by the population. Since the same years there has been a slow but inexorable
typological transformation of Campidanese houses - divisions, elevations, duplication
and clogging - so much so that today in many of Sardinia’s historical centres it is now
impossible to recognise them in the context of the fabric of the city.
Over time, the magisterium and traditional building practices have disappeared, as
well as a deep crisis in the design culture of the new city expansions - which has not been
able to maintain the deep historical-critical awareness that has always existed in the world
of traditional building - has produced architectural artefacts of poor quality and lack of
attention to the context in which they were inserted. The new models of consumption
and building production end up distorting the historical centres, modifying not only the
external “facades”, but above all the urban and residential form. In the 80s and 90s
there was a first rediscovery of the themes of the Sardinian local tradition, through
the studies and research carried out by the Universities of the island, which mapped,
catalogued and classified the traditional typological characteristics of the architecture
of the historical-rural centres - and not only - of Sardinia. (Fig.2)

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 Reading of the territory, tissues and basic aggregative systems
Taking into consideration the historical duality of approach to construction, we went
down in detail to codify which were the characteristic settlement patterns of the raw
earth territories rather than those in stone and brick:

STONE AND RICK

This includes all the central-northern Sardinian territories (especially the districts of
Nuoro and Sassari); here the city is often built and arranged following the orography
of the terrain, with dwellings that often develop in height - thanks to the mechanical
characteristics of the material itself. For simplicity we will divide these territories into two
distinct models:

- NORTHERN SETT EMENT MODE

(Areas between Sassari, Olbia, Alghero and Porto Torres) The urban landscape is
dominated by the large street-square and public space. The house is the elementary cell
that aligns itself along public paths and uses them as its own external projection in the
absence of private open spaces. The settlement model appears so closely in uenced
by the example of the urban structures of the Italian Middle Ages - matrix paths and
terraced plots.
The result of these models is an extrovert urban landscape, regulated by the windowed
view of the inhabited fronts over public space, with a linear arrangement of mostly
elongated and narrow blocks, with a width of two or three building cells;

- MOUNTAIN SETT EMENT MODE

(Areas included in the District of Nuoro, within the Gennargentu Mountain Complex)
The heart of the central mountain is structured according to different settlement cultures
and equidistant from the northern and southern models. In the centres on the slope the
“third dimension” is the predominant factor and the building cell is an element of terraced
construction of the living space. The house is, also in this case, elementary because the
economy of space and resources is extreme, the soil is contended with the slope and
public space is reduced to a very narrow path between the dwellings.
This creates a dispersed urban landscape, which rarely has the unity of a village, but
more often the unity of the neighbourhood returns a natural and disorderly image of
the settlement, with the housing cells arranged according to family clans rather than
according to community solidarity;

RAW EARTH
Widespread in general throughout southern Sardinia, especially in the territories of the
Campidano Plain, they are characterized by buildings made of raw earth, which re ect
in the fabrics and in the basic housing form the socio-economic morphology to which
they are subject. They are cereal-growing territories and the Campidanese Courtyard
House (as a unique model) not only performs a housing function, but more properly
a house-farm. In each area, moreover, different “forms” of Campidanese House are
specialized, each with its own peculiarities, while maintaining the general canons thanks
to the presence of fixed elements such as the courtyard, the loggia facing south-east (sa
“lolla”), the enclosure and sometimes even the well. Also in this case we have two very
precise models of settlement, which arise from the layout of the house inside the plot:

- SOUTHERN SETT EMENT MODE

(The whole area to the south of the island, from coast to coast up to the north with
the Province of Oristano) The courtyard fabrics of the cereal-growing centres of lower
Campidano, with the housing cells oriented towards the south, are realized lie like
medinas, urban labyrinths with the grid of narrow, walled streets. The alleys separate the
buildings and the layout of the house is introverted into the enclosure, with the patio that
regulates the bio-climate of the house itself.

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 The public space in this case is reduced to a minimum and sociality is achieved in the
private and domestic sphere of the court, which is the real space of relationship between
the private dimension and community relations. The result this time is an introverted urban
landscape, with large blocks with a blind perimeter and full of high walls, often broken
only by access portals and cut by alleys that also house three or four internal alignments
of courtyard houses;

- THE ORISTANESE CAMPIDAN E CEPTION

(Area included in the Oristano district) Oristano is located in the central-western part
of the island and it is the area where the interaction between the settlement cultures is
particularly sensitive; equidistant from all three models (north, south and mountain) here
is the mixed urban landscape, made of fabrics of extrovert (or backward courtyard )
courtyard houses that combine the connotation of the northern public space with the
private and familiar character of the south.
The Oristano house with hall defines an extremely rich transition on a cultural and
settlement level, which draws on the Tirso Valley urban landscapes that make the hall the
real border between public and private.
From this analysis it was decided to subdivide the Geographies of Construction
Systems in Raw Earth into territorial areas, each with its own typological characteristics
and settlement models (Fig. ):
- Campidano di Oristano, “House with back courtyard and hall”;
- Cixerri, “House with back courtyard and development on two levels”;
- Campidano Centrale, “House with double courtyard”;
- Sarrabus, “ House with front or double courtyard”;
- Campidano di Cagliari, “ House with courtyard in front”;

From these subdivisions and a careful analysis, not only of the individual architectural
characteristics of the house itself, but above all of how they “aggregated” to form the
urban fabric of Sardinian cities, we have come to the definition of three categories of
housing arrangement within the lot - courtyard behind (house with hall), double courtyard
and courtyard in front. (Fig.1)

The northern Campidano and the Cixerri: “ Street - Hall - House - Court”.
The houses of the northern Campidano, in the universe of the court houses, constitute a
typological anomaly, a subtype with a mainly backward court; the houses of the centres
of Oristano are in fact almost exclusively facing the street and it is the street, and no
longer the courtyard, that becomes the seat of social relations, a habit that, moreover,
is still in use today. The morpho-typical relationship between public urban spaces and
private property, and which defines the structure of the fabric in the inhabited centres of
the northern Campidano, is transformed into a street-house-court, giving rise to a strongly
hierarchical road structure:
MAIN ROUTES: the sense of the building prevails over the void, it is no longer the
boundary wall, but the residential volume that becomes the element that dominates the
roadway;
SECOND ROUTES: often alleys, are necessary to ensure vehicular access to the
courtyards behind. The boundary wall resumes being the architectural and formal figure
that draws the urban landscape;
The residential building becomes the element of mediation and permeability between
the street and the courtyard behind it, and a very special room, the “hall”, constitutes - as
it happens for the loggia in the houses of the central-southern Campidano - the fulcrum
of the distributive and functional concept of the Oristano s home. The room defines the
type of house of the Northern Campidani: it is the entrance room into which the others
are entered; it is the largest of all and is the only one that communicates not only with the
street but also directly or indirectly with the back courtyard.
The house is different from the houses of the southern plains in terms of relations with
the courtyard and the street, the internal distribution, the size and development in height:
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 • the planimetric layout is generally symmetrical, the building body is at least twice,
and often even three times thick. The hall is arranged according to the axis of symmetry
orthogonal to the street and is the distribution sorting room of the entire house. Usually
on both sides of the room opens a couple of rooms used as a representation room and
parents’ bedroom, those with direct access to the street are the bedrooms and storage
rooms the internal ones; in addition, a third row of service rooms, including the kitchen,
closes the planimetric distribution at the back overlooking the courtyard;
• the architecture of the northern Campidano has a predominantly horizontal
character; the houses, as a rule, are developed on one level only, presenting the two
levels only on a limited number of rooms assuming an asymmetrical street front quite
common and typical in almost all the centers of Oristano north of the Tirso;
Although the court is more isolated from public space, it is considered exclusively as a
working space, and in this way it loses the centrality that it represents in the south. (Fig. )

The Central Campidano and the Sarrabus: “ Street - Court - Home - Court”
The house of the southern central Campidano is in general a medium-large size
house and preserves almost everywhere a character that strongly represents its direct
link with the rural world. It is a housing model generally with a double courtyard, even in
cases of small and minimal residences, which reaches a very high degree of distribution
articulation and functional specialization. The fundamental elements in this case are: the
double courtyard, the loggia and the portal.
• The double courtyard allows for a double overlook and consequently also a
double thickness of the body of the building: the front courtyard has a more civic use
and plays a central role in domestic spaces and activities; the back courtyard has a
more rural character, there are placed the instrumental outbuildings, stables and sheds
for the shelter of livestock;
• The loggia is the distributive element through which it is possible to access all the
rooms on the ground and upper oors. The loggia expresses the relationship between the
house and the place, is a sign of the identity of the culture of living in the Campidano
and highlights the care that once lent itself to the specific climatic conditions of the
settlements. It helps to restore the bioclimatic balance of the house, shielding the rooms
from the summer heat and limiting heat loss in winter. The loggia is usually exposed to the
south and its width varies from a minimum of 2 meters to a maximum of even meters;
• The access portal to the courtyard is usually placed frontally or laterally; it is a
singular element of the architecture of the courtyard type: it is the only point where the
continuity of the “ enclosure” is interrupted, which makes the courtyard an introverted
and invisible space outside, thus representing the projection of the house on the street.
The only architectural element of permeability, the portal takes on a very special symbolic
value and becomes a distinctive sign of the house;
The house of the Sarrabus is also a single or double courtyard, medium-large size. Also
in this portion of the regional territory, there are the elements that define the courtyard
type: the loggia, the portal, the distribution organization of the variously specialized
buildings around the fence, the prevalent horizontal development of the building. In this
case there is a greater rural connotation with the strong presence of archaisms in the
building languages. (Fig. )

The Campidano of Cagliari: “ Street - Court - Loggia - House”

In the southern Campidano and in particular in the towns closer to the Cagliari area,
the building density increases compared to rural areas, responding to a higher degree of
planning; the typological model of the courtyard house of it is thus spread as a necessary
reduction of the double courtyard model - there is no longer the space needed to afford
two courtyards, the building density increases. The house is located at the end of the lot
and keeps the south or south-east view of the courtyard, located between the building
and the public pathway, between which there is always the high separating wall.
The articulation of the house, however, does not differ from the double courtyard
house, with which it shares most of the elements structuring the type: the loggia, the

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portal, the distribution structure, the development in height, the fence, etc..
The courtyard, being always south oriented, generates different views of the street,
thus creating fabrics in opposing plots.
The connection between the courtyard and the road is also ensured in this case
by the only opening of the fence in which the access portal is located; however, with
subsequent changes over time, it is often also possible to find a small entrance door
directly to the house, without passing through the courtyard and therefore the large
portal - this occurs only in the case of layout of the building on the north side of the plot.
The arrangement of the plot with respect to the street, in fact, binds the position of the
entrance to the courtyard and involves two different typological variants:
the house with direct access to the courtyard (side or front);
• the house with access from the north, where the passage to the courtyard crosses
the residential building changing its distribution;
The house is usually developed in a simple, only rarely double, building body consisting
of two or more cells aligned along the northern side of the plot, on one or two oors.
In the centres close to the urban area of Cagliari, the rural bourgeoisie establishes itself
as the dominant class, while a good number of medium and large court houses in centres
like Pirri, uartu Sant Elena and Monserrato, belong to rich families of landowners from
Cagliari, who spend only a few periods of the year in these houses - during the cereal
harvest or the grape harvest for example - or live permanently in these large farmhouses
in order to be able to better control their possessions and their workers.
The compactness of the settlement, the logic of the enclosure that defines the building
scale, the wall as an exclusive structural element, the wooden warp roofs with brick
roofing tiles and a system of minimum openings that reduce the relationship between
private and public space, highlight the common features of living in the Campidani
plains, which has introversion as its main cultural matrix. (Fig. )

entific tion of n nter ention Str te C e St

uartu Sant Elena, a city on the coast of the Gulf of Cagliari with 0,92 inhabitants,
is the third largest city in terms of population, after Cagliari and Sassari, in the whole
island, with a historical centre of about ha. The city - and its historical centre - has
always been a territorial garrison as far as cereal and wine production in the area of
Cagliari is concerned. It underwent major changes during the second half of the 20th
century; here was born the model of the purest Campidanese house - in its forms - with
valuable typological, technical and architectural features. It is precisely for this reason
that it was chosen as an example for the case study, to which the modern principles of
“modulation of protection” should be applied: in line with the principles established at the
time by the Gubbio Charter (19 0), it is based on a scrupulous critical historical reading
of the historic centre, which aims to avoid its “freezing”. Therefore, do not consider the
heritage as an object that must exist over time unchanged in its form or function, but
as an urban witness able to be transformed, in line with the new housing, social and
cultural needs in place. It is expressed through a set of rules of “good practice” that
provides for the maintenance, restoration and conservation of that part of the historical
building heritage that has remained unchanged over time, but at the same time allows
the controlled transformation of those buildings of the minor heritage that have been
subject to significant transformations, already in the past, so that today they have only
an “urban footprint” value.
The classification of buildings and areas, together with the normative apparatus,
based on groupings of categories of intervention and uses allowed, constitute the core
of the modulation of protection.
Through a new recovery model - inspired by the very interesting studies carried
out by the “Versus - Heritage for Tomorrow - Vernacular Knowledge for Sustainable
Architecture an important international research attempt with the main objective of
acquiring knowledge from the fundamental principles of sustainability learned from
the vernacular heritage to explore new methods/ways of applying these principles in
modern sustainable architecture - we try to place the Campidanese House at the centre

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 of every initiative as a symbol of union between social-cultural-economic-environmental
aspects, as it has always been in the past. In line with these principles, collecting the
long work of morphological analysis and carrying out an investigation into the criticality
and potential of the case study itself, we then came to the real recovery strategy for the
historic centre of uartu Sant Elena. It is composed of three main project layers that
put the fundamental basis for a design that goes down to the architectural definition.
The mobility plan, which in the perspective of a general redesign of urban mobility -
with the aim of reversing the trend towards more sustainable models - moves the public
transport circulars outside and inserts electric microbuses inside; the establishment of a
T ( imited Traffic one) and the pedestrianization of the entire historic center by time
steps, will free the area from cars and give it back the character of ‘neighborhood’
typical of its urban structure. The Public Works Plan, on the other hand, aims to respond to
the primary need of ‘attraction’; in order to strengthen the role of urban centrality, new
services and cultural activities are planned that are currently absent throughout the city
(cinemas, theatres, exhibition spaces, co-working spaces, libraries and reading rooms,
etc.) and the strengthening of existing ones. In this way, the Historic Center will have the
opportunity to transform itself from a simple place of passage to the hub of urban energy
and the nucleus of life. Finally, the Modulation of Protection: after the real estate crisis
of 200 , which led to a widespread stop in urban growth, urban planning policies have
for the first time the opportunity and the task of revitalizing the historical heritage. (Fig. )

Conclusions
In this specific case, the aim was to approach a very specific and historical-
documentary value reality, a historical centre in the South of Sardinia, uartu Sant Elena,
applying to it the tested criteria of protection modulation. Raw earth is a poor material
that is very sustainable, energetically productive and therefore convenient. It is linked to
a particular way of building the city that makes the historical raw earth centres unique
and, in a certain sense, not repeatable. Their protection is therefore possible through the
definition of integrated policies of recovery, enhancement, and therefore also possible
transformation, which preserve their characteristics and at the same time make them
adaptable to the needs of contemporary life.
A historical center, raw or not, is a resource of unlimited value from which the
contemporary city can be reborn.

Figure 1. Reading of the territory, tissues and basic aggregative systems.

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Figure 2. The territories of the raw earth, housing patterns and fabrics of the campidani
court types
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 Figure 3. Reading of aggregative systems.

Figure 4. Project strategy fragment on the case study.

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Alphabetical index
A G

Acalya Alpan 18, 761 Carla Galanto 15, 519

Ana Amado 16, 611, 623, 632, Francesca Geremia 12, 39, 49
Denise Antonucci 14, 393 Santiago Gomes 16, 635
Gianpiero Gorgoglione 15, 449, 500
B Rossella Gugliotta 14, 359

Özlem c 15, 403 H

Maddalena Barbieri 16, 635
Rosalba Belibani 16, 565, 575 Małgorzata Hanzl 6
Zoltán Bereczki 13, 165, 175 Elham Karbakaei Hassani 17, 689
Liora Bigon 13, 237 Fatos Merve Hidiroglu 13, 201
Andreea Boldojar 16, 543 I
João Borges 18, 751, 754, 760, 785, 786, 787, 788
Irina Branko 16, 577, Ileana Iacono 15, 519
Giulia Brunori 18, 771, 772, 773, 782, 783 Matteo Ieva 6, 12, 15, 23, 71, 72, 77, 134, 280, 282,
Iuliia Viktorovna Bushmakova 13, 225, 228,236 283, 286, 499, 500, 504, 518,
Greta Indrio 15, 499, 500
C
K
Alessandro Camiz 6, 12, 17, 125, 126, 134, 391,
622, 687, 701, 704, 708 Selen r o n 12, 79
Marta Garcia Carbonero 15, 429 Ecem Kutlay 12, 79
Paolo Carlotti 6, 16, 21, 24, 125, 134, 282, 391,
458, 613, 614, 615, 622, 687, 690, 699, 701, 704 L
Nelcy Echeverría Castro 16, 531
Giancarlo Cataldi 6, 24, 62, 126, 134, 327, 328, Davide Lasorella 15, 499, 500
336, 682, Deborah C. Lefosse 15, 483
Marlene Chahine 15, 439, 440, 441, 445 João Silva Leite 16, 18, 396, 601, 611, 612, 741
Nadia Charalambous 15, 447, 445, Francesco Maria Leone 12, 71
Jeffrey William Cody 17, 675, 682 Gisela Loehlein 15, 495
Carlos Dias Coelho 6, 12, 24, 61, 62, 67, 69, 602, 603, Sara Lopes 18, 751, 785, 787
611, 612, 633, 749, Éva Lovra 12, 13, 33, 165
Martina Crapolicchio 13, 247
M
D
Michele Magazzù 14, 327, 328, 336, 782
Vincenzo d’Abramo 13, 147 Mark David Major 13, 14, 177, 183
Maria Chiara De Luca 15, 519 Svetlana Valentinovna Maksimova 17, 225, 645
Francesca Delia De Rosa 7, 15, 282, 509 Teresa Marat-Mendes 6,18, 751, 785
Ermelinda Di Chiara 14, 337 Nicola Marzot 6, 12, 38, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 98, 99,
Miriana Di Gioia 12, 71, 72 100, 101, 109, 111, 134, 737, 739
Vladan o i 17, 665, 668, 669, 674 Chiara Melchionna 12, 39
Aleksandra or e i 17, 665 Cesar Damian Mifsut Garcia 12, 51
Ambra Migliorisi 16, 587
F Milica i o e i 17, 665

Farzaneh Nahas Farmaniyeh 15, 457 N

Sérgio Padrão Fernandes 18, 61, 611, 612, 741
Maxime Nadon-Roger 14, 271, 278
Camila Nardino 13, 135
O T

Heba O. Tannous 14, 186, 189, 287, 288, 302, 303 Maria Luiza Sorace Grande Tavares 16, 595
Vitor Oliveira 24, 669 Zeynep Tulumen 16, 555
Daniel Olivier-Cividino 17, 655
Özge nc 17, 701 U
Burak Ozturk 13, 191
Hasan Unver 18, 761
P Cemre Uslu 17, 701

Cinzia Paciolla 17, 683 V

Antonio Blanco Pastor 15, 411
Mladen e i 17, 665 Juljan Veleshnja 16, 577
Laura Pezzetti 14, 369, 370, 371, 378, 380, 381 Federica Visconti 7, 12, 24, 25, 338, 339, 345
Junior Dirceu Piccinato 13, 135 Maria Vitiello 12, 113, 118, 123
Greta Pitanti 15, 423
Sérgio Barreiros Proença 16, 601, 611, 623 Z
Elisa Valentina Prusicki 14, 347, 357
Alessandra Pusceddu 7, 18, 797 Michele Zampilli 7, 18, 771, 772, 773, 777, 782, 783
Ilaria Maria Zedda 17, 709
R

Rossella Regina 12, 71

Ana Ricchiardi 13, 231
Giuseppe Francesco Rociola 14, 305, 314, 315, 316
Ombretta Romice 682
Eric Ross 13, 237, 238

Fazilet Duygu Saban 13, 155, 156, 157, 161

eliz ra in 13, 155, 156, 157
Cristian Sammarco 14, 317
Luiza Cardoso Santos 14, 383
Nicola Scardigno 7, 14, 279, 282
Francesco Scattino 17, 735
Fausta Schiavone 12, 71
Anastasia Evgenievna Semina 17, 645
Andi Shameti 16, 577
ojana ojani Obad it roci 13, 257, 258, 268
José Miguel Silva 12, 61
Gabriela Lamanna Soares 14, 393
Ali Sokhanpardaz 15, 457
Ana Sopina 13, 257, 258, 268
Idamaria Sorrentino 15, 519
Markus Stenger 17, 721
Giuseppe Strappa 6, 19, 23, 69, 77, 98, 108, 111,
125, 134, 282, 283, 284, 286, 317, 318, 325, 345, 370,
382, 391, 504, 518, 545, 554, 613, 622, 687, 692, 699,
701, 703, 704, 708, 749
ISBN 978-88-941188-8-9