Between Communicative Interaction and Structures of Signification - Anna Holzscheiter

International Studies Perspectives (2013), 1–21.
Between Communicative Interaction and

Structures of Signification: Discourse Theory
and Analysis in International Relations
ANNA HOLZSCHEITER
Freie Universit€
a t Berlin
This paper discusses contemporary engagement with the theory and anal-
ysis of discourse in international relations. It argues that discourse under-
stood as “meaning in use” has emerged as one of the core concepts in
constructivist scholarship, being of tremendous theoretical and analytical
value. The paper identifies two distinct types of discourse analysis around
which most contributions in this field converge: micro-interactional
approaches that emphasize the communicative, pragmatic aspects of dis-
course and macro-structural approaches focusing on discourse as struc-
tures of signification. What unites these studies is their interest in the
diffuse power relationships that characterize social interaction in interna-
tional politics and the productive effects of power that the term “dis-
course” serves to underline. Through a combination of these two
different strands of discourse research, with two different conceptualiza-
tions of power (deliberative and productive), the paper develops a taxon-
omy of discourse approaches that reflects four distinct variants of
discourse research. These variants are illustrated by means of an in-depth
discussion of recent innovative studies. In conclusion, the paper points to
a number of limitations in the present conceptualization of power
through discourse as well as in terms of the uneasy combination of posi-
tivist epistemology and constructivist ontology in much empirical dis-
course research. Discussing the overlap between discourse and practice
scholarship, the paper sketches future directions for research in this field.
Keywords: discourse theory, discourse analysis, power, construc-
tivism, communicative interaction, signification
“You taught me language; and my profit on’t

Is, I know how to curse. The red plague rid you
For learning me your language!”
Caliban in William Shakespeare’s, The Tempest (1611)
Discourse ranges among the buzzwords that resound widely across the discipline
of international relations (IR) at present.1 Notwithstanding the appeal of the
term, the field of discourse approaches presents itself as a highly varied collection
of conceptual frameworks and analytical lenses.2 This diagnosis is at best
1
I thank Thomas Risse, Lora Anne Viola, Diana Panke, Antje Wiener, Chris Holden, Benjamin Stachursky, and
the three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article.
2
The following writings must be considered core contributions to the study of discourse in IR (Der Derian
1987; Litfin 1994; Doty 1996; Larsen 1997; Price 1997; Campbell 1998; Milliken 1999; Weldes, Laffey, Gusterson,
and Duvall 1999; Risse 2000; Diez 2001; Crawford 2002; Fierke 2002; Lynch 2002; M€ uller 2004; Payne and Samhat
2004; Bially-Mattern 2005; Hansen 2006; Epstein 2008; Steele 2008; Deitelhoff 2009; Wiener 2009; Holzscheiter
2010; Johnstone 2011).
Holzscheiter, Anna. (2013) Between Communicative Interaction and Structures of Signification: Discourse Theory
and Analysis in International Relations. International Studies Perspectives, doi: 10.1111/insp.12005
Ó 2013 International Studies Association
2 Discourse Theory and Analysis in IR
inspiring, at worst confusing to anyone not familiar with the concept and its
potential value for the investigation of international politics. In view of this vari-
ety, this paper pursues two goals: first, to provide a systematic overview of dis-
course approaches in IR and secondly, to evidence how the concept has proven
to add to contrasting theoretical and analytical programs.
In 1999, Jennifer Milliken provided the, to date, most concise, cutting-edge
overview over the use of discourse in IR—an article that is by now part and
parcel of the syllabus of IR theory (Milliken 1999).3 Milliken supported the argu-
ment that discourse is a concept closely attached to critical theory and poststruc-
turalist approaches to IR. Consequently, most of the authors Milliken discussed
were proponents of a first generation of IR discourse scholars, united by their
vigorous critical gaze on the very discipline of IR (Der Derian and Shapiro 1989;
Ashley and Walker 1990; Walker 1993; Campbell 1998). Yet, since Milliken’s
article was published, the concept of discourse has gradually traveled from post-
structuralist islands to even the faraway shores of middle-ground constructivism
that works hard to reconcile constructivist ontology and positivist epistemology.
That said, the discourse approaches discussed in this paper may all be classified
as constructivist in the broad sense that they theorize and investigate the co-con-
stitutive relationship between agents and structure, text and context, albeit with
differing assumptions on the degree to which agents are masters of discourse.
Such an examination of contemporary discourse scholarship in IR will still con-
firm what Milliken diagnosed some years ago—that “no common understanding
has emerged in International Relations about the best way to study discourse”
(Milliken 1999:226). Such a “common understanding” is neither desirable nor jus-
tifiable—in fact, agreeing on a “best way to study discourse” would be contradic-
tory, considering the profoundly social constructivist legacy of the notion of
discourse and the overall acknowledgment that discourse is not only about
essentially contested concepts, but is itself such a contested concept. Nevertheless,
I will argue that, today, it is possible to identify larger trends in IR discourse
scholarship that emphasize different facets of discourse, broadly understood as
“meaning in use” (Wiener 2009) or “talk and text in context” (van Dijk 1997:3).
After developing a working definition of discourse that allows bringing together
the most diverse approaches to the study of communication and meaning, I will
give a brief account of the intellectual history of the concept in IR. The core part
of the paper revolves around a taxonomy of discourse approaches to international
politics using two logics of differentiation mentioned above: levels of analysis
(micro and macro) and power–discourse relationship (deliberative vs. productive).
Within these different facets of discourse thinking in IR, four exemplary studies
have been selected whose discourse-theoretical and analytical frameworks most
accurately reflect the four specific types of discourse analyses that, at present, seem
to be most commonly practiced in the study of international politics. A review of
these cutting-edge studies therefore envisages less a critical assessment of the valid-
ity of their claims than an exemplification of a range of discourse-analytical lenses
in IR research. Finally, the paper will point to certain conceptual and methodologi-
cal weaknesses in the current employment of discourse, in terms of its persistent
inability to adequately explain the sources of profound transformations in power-
ful narratives and in terms of the challenges associated with the study of non-mate-
rial and more diffuse dimensions and effects of power that the concept of
discourse entails. The theory and analysis of practice will be identified in the
concluding section of the paper as a very likely bedfellow for future discourse schol-
arship as it offers possibilities to leave behind the contemporary preoccupation
3
For the most important discussions on the influence of the linguistic turn on IR theory see Zehfuß’ discussion
of early language-based constructivism and Fierke’s discussion of the thin border between language and logic in IR:
(Zehfuß 1998, 2002; Fierke 2002).
A NNA H OLZSCHEITER 3
with the study of text toward more refined theorizing on the relevance of social
context in the study of discourse.
Discourse and Reality—A Working Definition of Discourse

Those not familiar with the term “discourse” often ask: Is everything discourse?
Where is the boundary between discourse and the material (touchable and
observable) world? Discourse scholars answer this question by stating that
discourse is the space where human beings make sense of the material world,
where they attach meaning to the world and where representations of the world
become manifest. The existence of a material world outside discourse is, thus,
not denied—what is refuted is the assumption that we can relate to this material
world without discourse (Holzscheiter 2010). In its essence, discourse analysis is
an engagement with meaning and the linguistic and communicative processes
through which social reality is constructed. Discourse can therefore be defined
as, basically, the space where intersubjective meaning is created, sustained, trans-
formed and, accordingly, becomes constitutive of social reality. This preliminary
and broad understanding of discourse already allows distinguishing discourse
from language inasmuch as discourse is an inherently social concept. Rather
than simply investigating the use of language in international politics, an explo-
ration of discourse asks for the social and political effects that result from using
a particular vocabulary on the one hand and the productive effects of particular
constructions of reality on the agency and identity of individuals and groups.
Any singular event of speaking or producing text, thus, is part of a larger social
and political process: It is conceived of as “text in social context.”
When discourse scholars set out to analyze international politics, the struggle
over meaning occupies a central role in their study—meaning understood as
intersubjectively shared interpretations of reality (Mead 1934). Actors wrestle to
fix their specific version of reality and one may ask: Who fights, using which
strategies, and how is meaning fixed? By those with the greatest material capabil-
ities? By those enjoying moral authority and credibility? What effects do these
meanings have on individuals and on collectivities? How does the struggle over
meaning manifest itself in the practice of international politics, for example, in
diplomatic practice or international negotiations? Does it leave room for trans-
formation and change and how much? Discourse analysis, then, examines what is
achieved by using particular discursive repertoires and strategies and which
dimensions of reality and options for political action are included and excluded
by specific representations of reality. It is fundamentally concerned with the poli-
tics of representation, for example, the definition of and the answers given to
particularly dramatic events in international politics, such as the deployment of
Soviet missiles in Cuba in 1962 (Weldes and Saco 1996), an environmental catas-
trophe such as Chernobyl (Philipps 2004), or mass killings within an ethnic con-
flict such as those happening in Bosnia (Kent 2005) or in the Darfur region in
Sudan since 2004 (Steele 2007). For all of these events, there is a range of possi-
ble interpretations, even though the material effects of these incidents appear to
be overwhelmingly real at first. According to a discourse perspective on interna-
tional politics, therefore, facts do not speak for themselves. Rather, it is assumed
that facts have to be represented (in speech, written text, and images) in order
to become socially real.
The Contemporary Engagement with Discourse in IR

Today, many scholars no longer question the circumstance that language is
important for the study of international politics, but instead seem to be eager to
discuss “how and why language is important” (Fierke 2002:331). Resulting from
this general sensitivity of IR scholars toward linguistic and communicative dimen-

sions of political life is a heterogeneity of discourse approaches in contemporary
studies of international politics. It is constructivist research in particular whose
understanding of social life fundamentally built upon the understanding that
“the objects of our knowledge are not independent of our interpretations and
our language” (Adler 2002:95). Here, discourse has offered itself almost natu-
rally as one of the most popular concepts. Early influential constructivist writings
that summarized the constructivist “credo” that “social constructivism rests on an
irreducibly intersubjective dimension of human action” (Ruggie 1998:856) have
implicitly supported the claim that intersubjectivity is, before all, constituted
through language, communication, and discourse (Onuf 1989; Wendt 1999). As
a result, the consolidation of a constructivist school moved language, communi-
cation, and discourse closer to the core of IR theory. Within constructivism, dis-
course has been used to explore the creation and effect of human rights norms
(Risse 1999; Brysk 2004); to investigate the powerful conjunction of knowledge
and discourse in environmental politics (Litfin 1994; Hajer 1995; Payne 1996);
or to understand processes of identity-building and its transformation (Fierke
1996; Neumann 1996; Bially-Mattern 2005; Hansen 2006). In the beginning, con-
structivists were reluctant to fully acknowledge that seeing intersubjectivity as
constituted through language and discourse necessitates a methodological focus
on language, communication, and discourse (Kratochwil 1989; Onuf 1989;
Wendt 1999; for a critique see Fierke 2002). Today, more often than not,
constructivists turn to the notion of discourse when they envisage to identify and
operationalize social facts such as ideas, identities, or norms and when they try
to demonstrate that these facts are not natural but are both a result of discursive
practices and constituted by socially shared meaning-structures (for example,
nuclear danger as constructed through discourse).4
The Social Ontology of Discourse in Constructivist Approaches to International Politics

Elaborating on the role of language in constructivist theory, Alexander Wendt
and Friedrich Kratochwil suggest distinguishing between thin and thick construc-
tivism, whereby a thick notion of constructivism sees language as the constitutive
element of reality and communication as the constitutive element of intersubjec-
tively created realities, rather than taking language and communication as addi-
tional facets of social life (Kratochwil 2001:23). Thin constructivists by contrast
assume that social facts can also exist independently of the “minds and
discourses of the individuals who want to explain them” (Wendt 1999:75).
Following this reasoning, this paper suggests drawing a line of differentiation
between thick discourse approaches that perceive discourse to be the precondi-
tion for social and political life and its analysis as the only way to access and
observe social reality and thin ones that treat discourse as one social logic among
others. The latter assumption can be roughly associated with certain constructiv-
ist works on communicative rationality who by and large belong to the “middle
ground” (Adler 1997) between rationalism and constructivism (M€ uller 2004;
Panke 2006; Kornprobst 2007; Krebs and Jackson 2007).
When the first tentative “rapprochements” were made between rationalism
and constructivism, the linguistic and discursive facets of international politics
emerged as the focal point in a debate about different “logics of action” in social
encounters: on the one hand, rational strategic interest-driven action (“bargain-
ing”) following a logic of consequences, on the other norm-guided exchange of
arguments (“arguing”) following a logic of appropriateness. The Habermasian
distinction between strategic use (rational, instrumental, self-interest) of
4
See for example Rublee (2009) and Jasper (2012).
language and communicative use (rational, dialogical, communitarian) has been

frequently employed as a theoretical basis for these deliberations (Habermas
1984, 1985, 1996). Harald M€ uller claimed in 2004: “Arguing and bargaining, at
face value, belong to two different social theories—rationalism and communica-
tive action theory” (M€ uller 2004:396). By the mid-1990s, approximately, one
could witness the birth of a whole new approach to international cooperation
and norm-creation that emphasized the role of communicative interaction in
international diplomacy and underlined the value of close observation of such
interaction for a deeper understanding of cooperation and socialization in inter-
national politics.
This debate evidences that a specific notion of discourse has also emerged in
more traditional schools of IR and that discourse has proven to be of added
value to the academic debate among constructivists and rationalists.5 Here, dis-
course as institutionalized communicative exchange has come to be seen as the
terrain where different logics of action can actually be observed and analyzed
and where argumentative justifications for behavior manifest themselves. The
significance of discourse understood as communicative interaction is mainly
epistemological in that it allows explaining how, when, and under which circum-
stances different social logics come to bear. Rationalists and constructivists con-
vinced of the overlapping terrain between the two social theories often
emphasize that discourse as communicative exchange can be seen as a precondi-
tion for rational interest-driven behavior: Thus, the social construction of reality
via discourse comes to bear particularly in social situations where little common
knowledge, uncertainty about other’s perspectives and interests and conflicts of
norms prevail. Discourse as the exchange of arguments is temporally prior to
rational decision making. Within this discursive middle ground between rational-
ism and constructivism, actors are being seen as positioned in an institutional-
ized context that partly constrains how and what they can argue. Yet, they are
still free to pursue a range of options in social interaction (Risse 2000, 2002;
M€ uller 2004; Krebs and Jackson 2007).
On the other hand, thick constructivist approaches posit that all social rela-
tions constitute discourse and are, in turn, constituted by discourse (see for
example Price 1995; Weldes 1996; Diez 2001; Hansen 2006). Here, it is assumed
that nothing can be meaningfully understood outside discourse, that is, even the
material outside can only be comprehended in and through language and dis-
course. For thick constructivists, discursive practices of representation (for exam-
ple, a cookbook) cannot be dissociated from non-discursive practices (for
example, the act of cooking, the tools we use for cooking). When this latter
group of researchers investigates discourse, they “study how the world is ‘talked
into existence’” (Adler 2002:101) and how the representations of cooking shape
what we perceive as cooking. This thick constructivism assumes that “social facts
are constituted by the structures of language and that, accordingly, conscious-
ness can be studied only as mediated by language” (Adler 2002:97).
Agents and Structure: Micro-Interaction and Macro-Structure Discourse Approaches

Table 1 shows the ontological line of division between particular discursive
approaches to international politics with regard to the relationship between dis-
course and social reality. On an epistemological level, this line of division can
also be portrayed as a differentiation between those approaches emphasizing the
processes through which “subjects create meaning” and those that are primarily
interested in understanding how “meaning creates subjects.” Thin constructivists’
5
For seminal discussions of the rationalism-constructivism divide see Adler (1997); Fearon and Wendt (2002);
and Risse (2002).
TABLE 1. The Role of Discourse in Thin and Thick Constructivism
Thin Constructivism Thick Constructivism
Discourse Some forms of communication Material reality can never exist

and Reality mirror the “world out there” independently of discourse—the world
(bargaining by coercion) is always “talked into existence”
while others construct that
world (arguing by discourse)
Definition Discourse as a specific form of No social reality conceivable outside discourse

of Discourse social interaction
Discourse defined as a particular Discourse as meaning-structure influences
logic of action that depends on how individuals perceive the world and act
institutional and normative toward it; it is constitutive of social reality
setting within which
communicative interaction
takes place
interest in understanding the different logics of action that agents engage in

results in an emphasis of actors as speaking agents. Even though they see these
agents and their communicative practice as embedded in institutional structures,
their analysis of communicative interaction presumes that agents can purpose-
fully choose from a range of possible articulations and speech-acts in these set-
tings. The core bone of contention among thin constructivists is the degree to
which the performativity and success of communicative strategies varies accord-
ing to the social/institutional setting and the extent to which the difference
between arguing and bargaining can be empirically established (Krebs and
Jackson 2007; Deitelhoff 2009). Thick constructivists, by contrast, presume that
all speech-acts are instances of larger systems of signification, that is, expressions
of discursive formations from which speaking subjects cannot escape and which
constrain not only possibilities for articulation but also for cognition.
Generally speaking, it is thus possible to cluster discourse-focused work in IR
alongside a continuum that places agents (or speakers producing text and talk)
on one side, and structures (or context) on the other. This continuum allows
for a labeling of discourse approaches as either predominantly macro-structural
or micro-interactional. The latter cluster of discourse approaches comprises prag-
matic, actor-based, and action-oriented approaches to discourse that privilege
the “in use” dimension of the basic working definition developed in the section
“Discourse and Reality—A Working Definition of Discourse” of this paper.
Owing to their belief in agency and intentionality, their analytical emphasis is on
the real-time communicative processes in which agents actively construct,
re-negotiate, and transform intersubjectively shared interpretations of reality. By
contrast, macro-structural discourse approaches focus on discourse as all-embrac-
ing structures that govern actors’ behavior and thoughts (thereby stressing the
meaning-dimension of the basic working definition given in the section
“Discourse and Reality—A Working Definition of Discourse”). Take the example
of genocide: emphasizing the communicative dimension of discourse would
imply to seek to account for how actors construct the material reality of mass
killings in order to justify or delegitimize humanitarian intervention (Orford
2003; Hansen 2006). Emphasizing the structural facets of discourse would
require to look at the genesis and history of the term “genocide,” highlight the
meaning-structures that have come to surround the term and, from there, show
how these structures precondition actors’ choice of responses to these incidents.
While both macro-structure and micro-interaction discourse approaches share
the basic presupposition that discourse is always more than text, that it is text in
context, they nevertheless privilege either text or context in their exploration of

discourse. As a consequence, there is considerable variation in their definition of
“text” (as the materialization of discourse) and in what discourse approaches
consider to be the relevant context within which this text must be embedded.
Differentiating along these parameters allows grouping together those works
revolving around synchronic analysis of textual practices in very small contextual
settings (micro-context), often taken from only one specific discursive genre (for
example, media reporting, protocols of international negotiations, foreign policy
speeches, policy papers, etc.). These analyses can be distinguished from others
investigating large amounts of text (diachronic) in broad historical or sociopoliti-
cal contexts (macro-contexts) often exploring a wide variety of textual genres
and simultaneous contexts. Scholars who promote a micro-interaction under-
standing of discourse tend to confine their empirical interest to small, clearly
demarcated communicative events, the properties of the setting, and the quality
of the argumentative exchange—the speaking events they choose to analyze are
typically embedded in smaller institutional settings such as multilateral treaty
negotiations in international politics (Ulbert and Risse 2005; Deitelhoff 2009).
Scholars subscribing to the macro-structure notion of discourse, by contrast, usu-
ally collect their evidence from a wide range of texts and events, covering larger
historical spans. Discourses as coherent aggregations of single speech-acts are
presented in a rather detached manner, as floating ideas existing at specific
points in time and being both condition and resource for political action.
Accordingly, the notion of context these scholars adopt is very large. As shall be
seen, these various lines of differentiation neither present themselves as exclusive
nor are they incommensurable. Rather, the following table serves to identify lar-
ger trends in discourse scholarships and different types of discourse analyses that
logically follow from the epistemological accentuation of either language use in
real-time communication or the structures of signification that enable and
texture social interaction, reality and relations. Scholars aim to answer the same
broad research questions and underline similar political dynamics with regard
to the role of discourse in social and political life but, as the various studies pre-
sented later in this article will evidence, may chose to study quite diverse aggre-
gations of social life and to employ a broad range of methodologies (Table 2).
TABLE 2. Ontological Differences
Micro-Interaction Approach Macro-Structure Approach
Discourse Definition Discourse as text in context but Discourse as text in context but
emphasis on discourse as emphasis on historically grown
communicative exchange structures of signification
Predominant Level Agents/Individual—“Subjects Structure/Holistic—“Meaning
of Analysis make meaning” makes Subjects”
Text/Context Text: Small instances of everyday Text: Texts as aggregated
communication evidence for large meaning-structures
Context: Institutional Setting for Context: Broad historical or
Communicative Exchange sociopolitical context
Discourse and Power—Deliberative and Productive Approaches to Discourse

The broad lines of differentiation identified and systematized above do not only
relate to the relationship between language and (social) reality that is expressed
in the term “discourse,” they also reflect on one of the most central dimensions
of international politics that discursive approaches emphasize: power. Discourse
in the social science has always been intimately linked to a notion of power that
departs from rationalist-instrumentalist theories on power. Critics of realist
notions of power routinely distance themselves from a world politics simply dri-
ven by actors’ utilitarian desire to realize self-interests and maximize power and,
instead, emphasize the “causal significance of normative structures and processes
of learning and persuasion” (Barnett and Duvall 2005b:41). While some have
confronted constructivist thinking as being strangely devoid of power consider-
ations, others have pointed to the fact that different kinds of social power,
among them the power displayed in discourse and communication, have come
to prevail here (Guzzini 2000; Barnett and Duvall 2005a). In this regard, dis-
course has emerged as an invaluable concept to establish that the power asym-
metries posited by materialist power theory often work, in fact, in the opposite
direction; where actors that are materially inferior successfully deploy discursive
rather than material capabilities (Holzscheiter 2005). A number of groundbreak-
ing studies have worked with the notion of discourse in order to conceptualize
the specific power of advocacy coalitions, individual NGOs or small island states
and the discursive strategies they pursue, such as reflexive discourse (Steele
2007, 2011); rhetorical coercion (Krebs and Jackson 2007); or shaming, blaming,
and moral persuasion (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink 1999).
The overall acknowledgment that power and discourse are inseparable and co-
constitutive is owed before all to Michel Foucault and J€ urgen Habermas who
have arguably formulated the most influential discourse theories of the twentieth
century. To the present day, theoretical engagement, with their notion of
discourse and its empirical translation, represents a challenge and unbroken
inspiration to social scientists. Both authors merged the premises of the linguis-
tic turn with a critical program that regarded language as a central parameter in
power relations and discourse as a fundamental dimension of society. Discourse,
thus, was primarily a sociological concept, intended to grasp specific power
dimensions in social life.
Authors reverting to Habermasian discourse theory stress the value of
discourse as a counterfactual type of communication, which is truth-seeking
exchange of arguments. Habermas formulates a deliberative concept of dis-
course in which discourse denotes the place where, theoretically, the use of
instrumental power could be replaced by the “power of the better argument”
(Habermas 1984, 1985, 1996). Essentially, his notion of discourse sees meaning-
ful, consensus-oriented communication following rules of equality (of access,
speaking rights, and introduction of issues) as the epitome of a truly deliberative
forum: If all participants, he claims, can participate in the debate on an equal
footing, if they all listen to each other carefully and weigh each other’s argu-
ments, and if they are all prepared to be potentially convinced by a better argu-
ment, the result should be the best possible consensus on normatively
contentious matters.
Foucault’s notion of discourse fundamentally revolves around the structural
force of specific, historically situated discourses—using the notion of discourse
bolstered his principal aim to critically re-examine the production of knowledge
under specific historical circumstances and within specific cultural contexts
(Foucault 1970, 1972, 1981). Discourse is defined as a system of representation
which manifests itself through particular institutionalized practices in social life
and which is made up of rules of conduct—these systems or discursive forma-
tions, he posits, are “governing” human life inasmuch as they establish an exclu-
sionary brink beyond which speaking and thinking is not possible. Foucault
presumes that power relations are all-pervasive and only shift throughout history
but do not disappear. As such, his discourse theory is at the same time a theory
of productive power. A Foucauldian notion of power underlies discourse
approaches that elucidate the silent workings of power hidden in moral institu-
tions and social practices that have become both the dominant and the natural
ways of perceiving reality and reacting toward it.
Fierce academic disputes have raged over the so-called Foucault/Habermas

debate (Kelly 1994). Those in the Foucauldian tradition have treated the
Habermasian idea of the possibility of true deliberation among human beings
guided by communicative rationality as being part of the very discursive forma-
tions of modernity and rationality that Foucault himself sought to unveil, decon-
struct, and criticize (Ashenden and Owen 1999). Habermasians, in turn, sought
to show the determinism of Foucault’s idea of discourse as an all-pervasive struc-
ture of power, knowledge, and regimes of truth, incarcerating subjects rather
than pointing to possibilities for emancipation, agency, and change. While for
Foucault any project of critique would always be situated and caught within the
confines of forceful regimes of truth, Habermas sought to define a universal
principle—truth-seeking discourse—that would allow human beings to recon-
sider and eventually transcend these regimes of truth.
International relations scholars working with Habermasian or Foucauldian the-
ory largely adhere to the critical programs lying behind these theories to differ-
ent degrees and with different emphasis on social progress. The Habermasian
concept of discourse serves to exhibit the transformative/deliberative potential
of international politics, whereas Foucault’s notion of discourse underlies intel-
lectual projects of deconstruction/reconstruction of the power structures inher-
ent to historically dominant, institutionalized discourses. The Foucauldian and
the Habermasian understanding of discourse therefore stand in for different the-
oretical standpoints as regards power—Foucault maintains that discourses are
always places of power and domination and serve to perpetuate, institutionalize,
and legitimize asymmetries of power between individuals in society. While this
understanding of discourse shares a common ground with the realist understand-
ing of international politics as essentially power driven, it represents a fundamen-
tal departure from behaviourist understandings of power as interpersonal
relationships shifting the focus to the historical, institutional, and linguistic struc-
tures of domination that foreground and give meaning to social relationships.6
Habermas, by contrast, formulates a deliberative theory of discourse in which dis-
course comes to represent an ideal-type speech situation in which rational indi-
viduals reach agreement through the force of the better argument. Combining
these two power perspectives with the levels-of-analysis differentiation established
below leads to the following classification scheme for discourse approaches to
international politics. How these theories on power and discourse have been
applied to the study of world politics will be discussed in the following section
(Table 3).7
TABLE 3. Levels of Discourse-Analysis (L) and Discourse-Power Relationship (P)
L1: Agent L2: Structure
P1: Deliberative Discourse as communicative rationality—discourse Deliberative design of

as the place where “power of the better international institutions
argument” comes to bear allows redressing power
asymmetries in global
politics through discourse
P2: Productive Discourse as knowledge–power nexus: Actors strive Discourses as institutionalized
to impose their view of reality on others in meaning-structures inevitably
discourse produce and perpetuate
power asymmetries
6
For an innovative discussion of the overlapping terrain between a realist and a postmodern notion of power
see Sterling-Folker and Shinko (2005).
7
For recent and particularly thorough discussions of the (im)possibility of applying the Habermasian concept of
discourse to IR see Deitelhoff and M€ uller (2005); Diez and Steans (2005); and Deitelhoff (2009).
One Concept, Different Methodological Frameworks—Studying Power

Through Discourse
The ensuing discussion of methodological frameworks and their empirical appli-
cation illustrates how IR scholars have exploited the concept of discourse in
order to understand the intimate relationship between communication, mean-
ing, and power. The four studies discussed below have been selected (i) because
they stand in for particular types of discourse analysis in IR that reflects ongoing
expansion of the discourse-analytical agenda in IR, and (ii) because their theo-
retical approach substantiates the core position that discourse occupies in the
constructivist quest for understanding the social construction of identities,
knowledge, and norms. In addition, all four studies are notable for their concep-
tual clarity and methodological rigor. Yet, despite the ambitious nature of these
attempts to apply discourse analysis to “puzzles” in world politics, this section will
identify problematic aspects related to the study of discourse in international
politics and, from there, will sketch a future research agenda.
The Deliberative Discourse–Power Relationship from a Micro-Interaction

and Macro-Structure Perspective
Among studies that investigate deliberation and argumentation in international
politics, Ian Johnstone’s studies on interpretive communities in international
politics (and more specifically his empirical research on legal discourse within
the Security Council) range among the most widely noted (Johnstone 2003,
2005, 2011).8 In one of his studies, agents’ capacity to shape international poli-
tics by using the “power of the better argument” (in his case of legal arguments)
rather than strategies of coercion or non-deliberative behavior9 is investigated by
choosing an unlikely case for deliberation, both in terms of the social setting
(the Security Council) and in terms of the issue at stake (the Kosovo crisis in
1998/1999) (Johnstone 2003, 2011). By examining the semantics and structure
of arguments put forward in the Security Council’s debates on Kosovo,
Johnstone seeks to provide evidence that the practice of deliberation understood
as the employment of legal discourse is a recurrent feature of debates within the
UN Security Council. He concludes that (i) the Security Council can be por-
trayed as an interpretive community sharing common norms in the form of
“legal discourse” (rather than merely as a forum for the display of hard power
and bargaining for control) and (ii) that during the discussions of the Kosovo
crisis specific Security Council members were justifying their standpoints by
reverting to international law rather than individual preferences, thereby display-
ing the motivation to argue rather than bargain.
Johnstone’s work focuses on discourse as language use, as concrete communi-
cative interaction on specific issues in international politics, such as the Kosovo
crisis or nuclear non-proliferation. As a consequence, he investigates a mixture
of documentation (official UN reports, specific politicians’ statements,
background reports to the event in question, and interview material with stake-
holders) that relates to a specific debate within a specific social setting (for
example, the Security Council). Johnstone’s research on the logic of communi-
cative action and its impact on Security Council negotiations also exemplifies
how, methodologically, it is possible to evidence the mutual constitution between
8
Crawford’s (2002) Argument and Change in World Politics must also be considered a key contribution to this field
of social inquiry. However, I have chosen to discuss Johnstone’s approach to discourse in detail, for the sake of its
theoretical and analytical clarity.
9
For example, when states “remain silent, cast votes without explanation, or stomp their shoes on the table”
(Johnstone 2011:204).
A NNA H OLZSC HEITER 11
agents’ logics of action and the institutional structures that constrain or enable
specific practices of these actors. His analysis aims to capture the influence of a
specific institutional culture within the Security Council (the prevalence of legal
discourse) and, at the same time, demonstrates how this culture needs constant
re-enacting through consensus-oriented discursive practices of members of this
institution. Even though the force of the better argument can be attributed to
specific agents, it is intertwined with the characteristics of the institutional set-
ting—following the assumption that the institutional context predisposes yet
does not entirely determine what type and structure of arguments are consid-
ered convincing or normatively acceptable.
The deliberative quality of international and transnational structures has also
been seized from a more structural perspective. In Payne and Samhat’s “Democ-
ratising Global Politics,” for example, the emphasis is clearly placed on the struc-
tural features of international and transnational institutions as preconditions for
enhancing the democratic quality of global politics (Payne and Samhat 2004).
Their study compares the deliberative qualities of different institutional settings
in order to make inferences on how the democratic potential of international
regimes could eventually be enhanced. Payne and Samhat also take the Haberm-
asian concept of discourse as a theoretical starting point for their deliberations
about a new global order, characterized by greater inclusion and openness
toward weaker actors, and a plurality of interests and ideas. At the heart of their
critical normative project lies the belief that certain international regimes already
hint at the existence of a global public sphere which shows traces of the Hab-
ermasian ideal speech situation inasmuch as its opinion-building and decision-
making rules are exceptionally open and transparent. By analyzing the transpar-
ency of decision-making structures, hierarchical/horizontal relationships of
power, and rules for participation and communication within a range of interna-
tional and transnational organizations such as the “Global Environmental Facil-
ity” (GEF) and the World Trade Organization, Payne and Samhat aim to
evaluate the democratic character of such international regimes. Even though
the authors acknowledge that “a truly deliberative world society, for many obvi-
ous reasons, seems impractical and utopian” (Payne and Samhat 2004:23), their
empirical case studies suggest that there are “immanent possibilities of discursive
democracy in world politics” (Payne and Samhat 2004:24). The value of a dis-
course-theoretical framework, thus, is seen primarily in its potential to assess
international institutions and the forums in which norms are debated, created
or rejected in terms of their democratic character—democratic, above all, with
regard to particular contextual parameters: Who (which groups, individuals) is
allowed to participate? Who is considered a legitimate speaker? How are opin-
ions exchanged and decisions taken? To what extent are marginalized voices rep-
resented in discourse (NGOs, grassroots organizations, people affected by the
norms and policies)?
Comparing Johnstone’s and Payne/Samhat’s deliberative versions of discourse
analysis shows that in both accounts of the deliberative quality of influential
international institutions, the mutual constitution between agents (as potentially
open to deliberation) and structures (as social institutions potentially engender-
ing deliberation) plays an important role. However, the studies differ in the
emphasis they attribute to single speech-acts: Whereas Johnstone and Payne/
Samhat share a similar perspective on the relationship between discourse and
power, they seek to study the reality or possibility of deliberation from different
levels of analysis. Johnstone’s discourse-analytical framework focuses on commu-
nicative interaction and the composition and content of single speech-acts,
whereas in Payne/Samhat’s discourse analysis, the deliberative discourse–power
nexus is operationalized through the structural prerequisites for deliberation
and public reasoning. On a methodological level, the difference between these
two discourse approaches can, thus, be also portrayed as one between micro-
interaction and macro-structure approaches.
Micro-Interaction and Macro-Structure Perspectives on the Productive Discourse–Power Relationship

Among newer approaches to power and representation, Bially-Mattern’s (2005)
analysis of representational force during the Suez crisis stands out as a particu-
larly original attempt to observe the role of identity narratives in (re)construct-
ing international order in times of crisis.10 Bially-Mattern conceptualizes
identities as “power-laden narrative constructs” which are, nevertheless, “under
the control of their authors” who decide “what and how to narrate” (12-13).
Thus, power is in the first place, “language-power,” that is, the control over nar-
ratives and over narrative strategies deployed to exert representational force.
Using such a post-constructivist model of identity, she explores how international
order—the “Special Relationship” (17)—between the United States and Britain
has been rebuilt after its initial breakdown during the Suez Crisis in 1956. Her
analysis epitomizes a productive micro-interaction approach, since it sees agents
as the authors of narratives and, consequently, as active and deliberative con-
structors of social reality (in this case the social reality of identity). As such, she
grants considerable power to individual actors in the sense that actors can
choose how to represent events and subjectivities and, accordingly, may wield
considerable representational power. For her empirical analysis of representa-
tional force during the Suez Crisis, Bially-Mattern uses a discourse-analytical
method that focuses on the structure of arguments employed by politicians and
statesmen in the two countries. Ultimately, the analysis of the linguistic composi-
tion of phrases uttered by political stakeholders during the Suez Crisis aims to
show how representational force in the construction of identities prevented a
violent outcome by quickly restoring the security community between the United
States and Britain.11 By examining how British and American decision makers
communicated their relationship during the crisis, Bially-Mattern concludes that
decision makers purposefully reinforced the narrative of the security community
in their communication and, consequently, reconstructed the foundation for
ordered and peaceful relations between the two states.
Bially-Mattern’s methodology takes its inspiration from the poststructuralist
theory of Lyotard with its emphasis on the analysis of narratives as the funda-
ment of representational force. Her method is linguistic inasmuch as it entails
the investigation of ensembles of phrases taken from memoranda, telegrams,
communiqu es, and letters that have been exchanged between British and US
ambassadors, heads of state, and foreign policy advisers during the Suez crisis.
These phrases are then searched for particular structures within and between
the phrases defining the identity of Britain vis-a-vis the United States and vice
versa. The representational force of the speaker is deduced from a particular
type of argument that dismisses alternative visions of this relationship and
attempts to force the addressee to yield to the force of the argument. Bially-Mat-
tern reduces the analysis to a synchronic “snapshot” of the discursive universe.
However, her interest lies not so much in the motivation of the individual speak-
ers but rather in the effects of the narratives they construct, thereby creating a
particular social reality (identity, order). For Bially-Mattern, the power of repre-
sentation still rests with the agents who engage in communicative practices and
effectively influence larger narratives—discursive orders such as identity narra-
tives, thus, are the production of the articulators of such narratives. However,
10
Steele (2007) adopts a similar approach toward the relationship between representation and identity albeit
with less emphasis on the intersubjective moment in representational practices.
11
See Bially-Mattern (2005), chapter 4 discussing her discourse-analytical framework.
the productive force of meaning-structures has also, and more commonly, been
explored from a macro-structure perspective. Charlotte Epstein’s The Power of
Words in International Relations and her thorough analysis of the history of anti-
whaling discourses represents a convincing Foucault-inspired analysis of how nar-
ratives influence the normative beliefs of actors and, as a consequence, predis-
pose political practice (that is, the condemnation of whaling as an inhuman
action threatening to extinct a whole species) (Epstein 2008). Epstein explicitly
borrows Foucault’s notion of power as productive and defines a discourse as “a
cohesive ensemble of ideas, concepts, categorizations about a specific object that
frame that object in a certain way and therefore delimit the possibilities for
action in relation to it” (2). For her, powerful discourses are discourses “that
make[s] a difference” (2)—these discourses, however, are seen as grounded in
social relations which are both the source of hegemonic discourses and the out-
come of discursive power. The productive power of discourses is first and fore-
most evidenced by the fabrication of specific subject positions, such as the
subject position of environmental NGOs which were becoming increasingly influ-
ential the more an anti-whaling discourse occupied center state globally.
Epstein’s diachronic analysis of data spans approximately 100 years of history
and comprises historical studies on whaling from a variety of perspectives and
sources: her evidence for dominant discourses on whaling is taken primarily
from academic literature on various aspects of whale hunting and the emergence
of a dominant global save-the-whale (and save-the-planet) discourse, and a range
of interviews with pro- and anti-whaling campaigners and activists. These sources
are complemented by newspaper reports, reports of environmental NGOs, etc.
The historiographic exercise serves to identify patterns of meaning attached to
the hunting of whales that, even though being constantly subject to contestation,
have remained particularly influential as a “moral system” disciplining interna-
tional political practice and defining the boundaries of ethical behavior in this
field throughout the twentieth century.
The analysis of linguistic facets of international politics provided by Bially-
Mattern and Epstein takes place on very different levels, even though they both
converge on the assumption that discourse has productive and, as such, constitu-
tive effects on the identities and beliefs of decision makers. In terms of method-
ology, scholars such as Bially-Mattern or Johnstone, whose methodological focus
lies on the semantic structure and logic of individual speech-acts, mostly choose
single, or comparative, case studies. These are then subjected to a combination
of ethno-methodological (for example, thick description); quantitative
(for example, content-analysis); linguistic or conversation analytical;12 and pro-
cess-tracing methods. Since discourse stands for a sequence of communicative
events, the data is taken to evidence different lines of argumentation; micro-
processes of discursive persuasion; or the role of particular ideas, knowledge
resources and identity constructions in individual argumentative moves. Such
micro-approaches, thus, study discourse as a discrete social event and often share
an interest in the “trivial” details of interpersonal encounters between actors.
Thinking Beyond Interactionist and Structural Discourse-Analytical Frameworks

The above overview of contemporary discourse studies makes it clear that
discourse research does not present itself as a completely new route in construc-
tivist research. Rather, a discourse lens serves to accentuate the linguistic and
communicative facets of the social construction of reality. The various research
frameworks and methodologies presented here demonstrate that to classify them
in terms of micro-interaction and macro-structure approaches by no means
12
On the method of conversation analysis see most importantly Drew and Heritage (1992) and Linell (1998).
implies that agency-centered discourse approaches neglect the structures within

which communication takes place or that structural discourse approaches ignore
individual speech-acts. It is the methodological accentuation of one or the other
dimension of discourse (that is, “meaning” or “in-use”) that allows differentiation
of contemporary discourse scholarship according to this scheme. All of the
above-mentioned studies must be considered exemplary and cutting-edge in the
way they apply discourse-analytical frameworks to the empirical study of the pres-
ence or absence of power in interpersonal communication and structures of sig-
nification. That said, probably their most fundamental dilemma lies in the desire
to marry a constructivist ontology based on the co-constitution between speaking
agents and structures of signification on the one hand, with a positivist episte-
mology that seeks to identify causal relationships on the other. This quandary
plays out both in their operationalization of power through discourse as well as
in their desire to account for the origins of change in norms and identities in
international politics.
Co-Constitution or Causality? Sitting Uncomfortably Between

Positivist and Constructivist Epistemology
While discourse approaches are strong on the co-constitutive relationship
between agents and structures, articulators and articulations, text and context,
their prescriptive value is naturally limited in terms of extrapolating causal rela-
tionships between discourse and political action. Epstein’s analysis of how the
anti-whaling discourse produced specific subject positions, particularly for anti-
whaling NGOs, is a case in point. While adopting a Foucauldian understanding
of discourse as a forceful historically specific structure of power, knowledge, and
truth—thus embracing a thick constructivist perspective on the relationship
between language and reality—Epstein still adheres to an understanding of artic-
ulation as “speech-acts,” that is, of social actors as “speaking actors” who pursue
“powerful articulatory practices” in order to make discourses powerful (113).
Epstein’s analysis of the history of whaling norms in international politics exhib-
its the difficulties that arise as soon as one seeks to weigh the power of structures
of signification against the influence of human articulation. In her study, Epstein
comes to the conclusion that the “anti-whaling discourse was produced by a spe-
cific set of actors, environmental activists” (248). This discourse, in turn, was pro-
ductive in bringing with it specific subject positions, which, again, increased the
positive moral reputation of environmental NGOs and, as a consequence, their
influence on global politics. Epstein’s account of the history of an anti-whaling
discourse is deeply ambivalent with regard to the extent to which actors can step
outside powerful discourses and strategically “mobilize” discourse for their inter-
ests or reject them altogether—as a consequence she cannot resolve the tension
between strangely personified discourses that “successfully impose [themselves]
as dominant global discourses” (112) and actors who had “produced the dis-
course in the first place” (114).13
Even though Epstein’s analysis of the processes and events that gave rise to an
anti-whaling discourse is impressive, her desire to point to moments of causation
between discursive formations and social actors would have required her to
adopt a more decisive standpoint in terms of the origins of discourse, falling
back onto the well-known agent-structure problematique (Doty 1997). Or to put
it more simply, if she had intended to demonstrate genuine co-constitution, she
should have made do with a how-account of the emergence of whaling norms in
13
Epstein (2008:249) concludes from her analysis: “If science speaks to us in a discourse that is completely at
odds with our own—with the one we have chosen to speak, because it marks us in certain ways—then it is likely we
will simply not listen.”
international politics. To show traces of causation and proceed to answer why

questions, she should have dared to adopt a more rigorous ontological stand-
point on the extent to which structures of signification enable or constrain dis-
cursive practices and mediate between material and social reality. It is less
Epstein’s empirical analysis itself than her choice of wording and logic of reason-
ing that renders her conclusions tautological—she suggests in many places that
the same actors whose identities were being produced by powerful, hegemonic
discourses were, at the same time, strategically exploiting these discourses in
order to increase their leverage in IR.14
Both micro-interaction and macro-structure productive discourse approaches
struggle to “detach” the constitutive quality of discourse from an agent-centered
realist notion of power—thus, more often than not the power of meaning-struc-
tures (as the power of discourse) is inferred from the discourses of the materially
powerful, and particularly state actors. Individual actors that are considered to
be authoritative because of their material, positional, or representational author-
ity are, in analogy, taken to be in a privileged position to shape, sustain, and
eventually transform discourses and the structures of signification they represent.
Bially-Mattern’s empirical analysis shows that, when the capabilities for represen-
tational and coercive power are confounded, it is difficult to demonstrate that
the power to represent reality in a certain way could exist independently of mate-
rial power in a given course of action. In light of this, the explanatory potential
of Bially-Mattern’s case study appears weak, since both parties involved in the
diplomatic crisis she investigates (the United States and Britain) were considered
to be powerful agents fighting “to claim leadership of the West” (Bially-Mattern
2005:21) and, according to her analysis, wielded considerable representational
force over each other. If both parties are successful in using representational
force as she claims, it is no longer clear who had power over whom and how
exactly order was restored in the relationship between the United States and the
UK. How can we attribute any explanatory force to representational power if, as
Bially-Mattern concludes, both parties shared, from the onset, the same narrative
of identity? To study their discursive behavior gives an important insight into
how during the Suez crisis the United States and Britain constructed their
identity vis-a-vis each other and, as a consequence, reconstructed their Special
(that is, friendly) Relationship. The study’s capacity to explain the outcome of
the crisis by referring to the effects of representational force, however, remains
limited.
Indeed, discourse analysts interested in the productive facet of discourse use
and deconstruct powerful speech-acts for the purpose of showing how specific
representations of the world acquire the quality of natural rather than social
facts, and as such, have an effective ordering function in social relations. Yet, the
narrow focus on classical speaking agents in IR, such as heads of state, diplo-
mats, and ministers of foreign affairs, in the analysis of who sustains or trans-
forms powerful discourses needs broadening. It is essential to expand the
discourse research agenda by showing how such discourses shape the everyday
realities of larger constituencies and populations, that is, those not directly
involved in politics or those positioned most weakly in global politics (for exam-
ple, local communities, women, etc.) and by extending the range of potentially
powerful speaking agents—particularly those considered to be without the means
to coerce or threaten (Holzscheiter 2005). Since from a discourse perspective
the boundaries of what is considered political discourse are constantly shifting
and disputed, defined by the extent to which political institutions are produced,
reproduced and reflected in communicative interaction among human beings
(no matter how “ordinary”), the range of subjects/agents/speech-acts to be
14
For a recent argument along these lines see Lebow’s paper on‚ Constitutive causality (Lebow 2009).
considered relevant to discourse analysis is potentially infinite. The productive

power of discourse then entails discursive regimes that diffuse from a specific
discursive event or process of communication to other social spheres and con-
texts: for whaling regulations to become publicly accepted, normatively “natural-
ized” and successfully globalized beyond the realm of environmental activism
and state concern; for the post-Suez special relationship between Britain and the
United States to forge their identity vis-a-vis other actors in IR, across time and
in different contexts; or for legal discourse within the United Nations to become
effective beyond the confines of that specific international organization. In short,
for discursive practices in the first place to crystallize, once more, into institu-
tionalized structures of signification that shape and give meaning to social and
political practices beyond the narrow realm of diplomacy between states. This
leads me directly to my second point of criticism: the ambition of discourse
scholars to provide detailed accounts of transformation and change in interna-
tional politics.
The Quest to Understand Drivers of Change: Privileging Agents over Structures

Discourse approaches are very strong in accounting for the ordering functions
of structures of signification as well as for the transformative potential of human
interaction understood as real-time communication processes. To be more pre-
cise, they are strong in exploring how structures of signification and discursive
formations shape social life and to account for how patterns of meaning and dis-
cursive practices change through communicative interaction. However, in seek-
ing to do more than that, IR discourse analysts, again, seem to sit uncomfortably
between positivist epistemology and constructivist ontology. As soon as processes
of discursive transition and lasting change (of identities, norms, and knowledge)
are at play, the desire to account for factors responsible for such transition and
transformation seems to drive discourse analysts to fall back onto privileging
agents over structures, the processes of text production over their contextual
parameters. In fact, Bially-Mattern’s analysis of representational power is a clear
example for a discourse-analytical framework that rests on a strong and convinc-
ing theory on linguistic practice, power, and identity construction—what is lack-
ing in her study is a corresponding substantial theory on the context in which
representational power becomes effective. For her, identity speech-acts simply
become powerful because “of the manner in which they are structured” (Bially-
Mattern 2005:94).
By nature of its underlying assumption that argumentation and deliberation
are a considerable driving-force behind normative change in international poli-
tics, discourse analysis that is grounded in the deliberative power–discourse
nexus is also focused on processes of normative transformation. Deliberative dis-
course approaches still face the challenge of establishing a direct link between
particular types of communication and communicative behavior and the impact
of these practices on their social environment. Thus, micro-interaction delibera-
tive approaches struggle to attribute the power of persuasion and arguing to spe-
cific actors in discourse—the inability of deliberative micro-interaction studies to
clearly differentiate between arguing and bargaining as different logics of action
in empirical observations testifies to this challenge (Deitelhoff and M€ uller 2005).
Identifying a social setting as engendering deliberative reasoning through truth-
seeking dialogue still seems to be a rather intricate endeavor. By analyzing the
communicative procedures and argumentative moves made during a specific
international social encounter, those operationalizing a deliberative notion of
discourse (both on micro- and macro-levels) might be able to show that arguing
(or legal reasoning as in Johnstone’s study) as a specific form of communication
was present, but pointing to the “real motives” that underlie specific communica-
tive moves (such as persuasion and “arguing”) has been repeatedly dismissed as
an impossible endeavor (Krebs and Jackson 2007). Johnstone for his part con-
tends himself with showing the mere existence of deliberation and legal argu-
mentation in international politics rather than seeking to explain when and why
deliberation is powerful. He concludes at the end of his study, “power and short-
term calculations of interests count more, but the impact of these factors is miti-
gated by norms and discourse” (Johnstone 2003:477).
The Way Forward: What the Practice Turn Can Do for Discourse Research and Vice Versa
Considering the above discussion of the limitations of extant discourse analyses,
progress on issues of power and change seems to depend on a creative coales-
cence of the methodological strengths of both micro-interaction and macro-
structure approaches. Discourse research focusing on structures of signification
has produced pioneering studies that show how patterns of representation and
meaning have changed over longer periods of time. However, as soon as it is
interested in accounting for the discursive practices that brought about such
changes in the first place, it needs to theorize on the contextual parameters
within which the perlocutionary force of individual speech-acts can be traced
and the contexts in which transformative discursive moves are observable. That
said, the overall conclusion drawn from the above overview of discourse
approaches is that discourse analysis in IR is not so much in need of further the-
orizing on the role of “text” (that is, representation) as it needs a theory on con-
text (that is, the situatedness of text production). Micro-interaction approaches
working with the concept of discourse have made an exceptional contribution to
a more refined understanding of the social, interpersonal dynamics that consti-
tute IR, allowing us to see communicative exchange as a “struggle over mean-
ing,” especially in times of crisis when new norms are created or already existing
ones readjusted and reformulated. However, discourse approaches that focus on
micro-interaction still need to address the question of how, when, and where the
communicative action of discursive agents has a transformational, perlocutionary
effect not only within the confines of specific social contexts (for example, nego-
tiation settings, international organizations), but also on the larger constitutional
discourses and “narratives” that support particular normative and symbolic
orders in international politics.
Bearing in mind these contentious issues in contemporary discourse research
in IR, it is the recent wave of studies on practices in IR that promises to take dis-
course analysis a significant step forward in its quest to contextualize and situate
the dynamic relationship between structures of signification, discursive practices,
and other types of practices.15 In fact, in my view the “practice turn”16 that is so
often conjured up nowadays, in essence denotes the fundamental move from lin-
guistic to discursive constructivism: from the recognition of the central position
of language in IR to the recognition that linguistic practices and other forms of
practice in IR cannot be separated. In international practice theory, practices are
the observable performances that “embody, act out, and possibly reify background
knowledge and discourse in and on the material world” (Adler and Pouliot
2012:6). Going beyond textual and discursive practices as the only practices rele-
vant to IR, the theory of practice urges us to think about how different practices
(discursive, social, esthetic, corporate, etc.) simultaneously evoke “processes of
stability and change” (Adler and Pouliot 2011a:2). By conceiving of practices as
15
For seminal contributions to practice theory and analysis in IR see Pouliot (2010); Adler and Pouliot (2011a,
b); Steele (2011); and Neumann (2012).
16
The work that inspires much of the theoretical debate on practices is Schatzki, Knorr-Cetina, and Von Savigny
(2001), The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory.
actions that are “embedded in particularly organized contexts” (Adler and Pouli-
ot 2011a:5), the notion of practice serves to underscore the relevance of studying
discourse in situ, i.e. embedded in social and institutional structures, routines
and inarticulate, tacit knowledges that give meaning to a particular communica-
tive action as a recognizable, patterned practice (Pouliot 2008:271).
What is most remarkable about practice research, however, are its methodolo-
gies, particularly its combination of discourse-analytical and ethnographic
research that I deem to be most relevant in terms of the challenges for discourse
research identified above (Neumann 2012). By linking the contextualized study
of practices to the larger representational “scripts” they reflect, practice research
incorporates the meticulous analysis of micro-interaction in specific social
encounters into larger “communities of practice” (Adler 2008). International
diplomacy or security therefore are seen as ensembles of competent perfor-
mances that constitute the specific social field in which that practice is taking
place. At the same time, the close observation of the tacit practices and everyday,
trivial, unquestioned organizational routines of specific events is taken to evi-
dence the small instances of subversion that may gouge from the contingent
“play of practice” and transform the structures of signification that order a social
field. In sum, it is here that I see tremendous potential for a significant leap for-
ward in the methodological translation of the thick constructivist program.
Conclusion
The contemporary landscape of discourse scholarship in IR still validates Millik-
en’s claim that there is no agreement on any best way to analyze discourse
(Milliken 1999:226). However, the observations made in this paper also support
the argument that, due to quite distinct intellectual traditions and analytical
frameworks, discourse scholarship cannot agree on any “best way” to study inter-
national politics from a discourse perspective. Rather than finding a consensual
understanding of how to conceptualize and practically employ discourse, the
heterogeneous field of discourse approaches inspires a lively intra- and inter-
disciplinary debate in the present study of international politics. This is both risk
and opportunity—on the one hand, the relative openness of the term allows
accommodation of a whole range of philosophical and intellectual traditions,
neighboring concepts, and methodological frameworks; on the other, a weakly
reflected employment of discourse might result in its selling-off as a hollow
phrase rather than a theoretically and analytically profound concept. In fact, any
overview of the field must come to the conclusion that there are probably as
many methodological frameworks as there are case studies. At first sight, this
finding corresponds with a frequent argument of sociolinguistic discourse ana-
lysts who contend that discourse-analytical methods should be tailored to the
empirical subjects studied rather than vice versa (Wodak and Meyer 2001).
An idiosyncratic way of doing discourse analysis is legitimate but does not
imply that the analyst should not be bothered with uncovering his or her analyti-
cal procedures. All discourse studies should, in theory, be replicable and, ulti-
mately, through comparison between different cases achieve a greater potential
for generalization. To do discourse analysis of any kind thus requires a rigorously
chosen methodological framework as well as a meticulous justification for the
data chosen as empirical evidence. It is this point in particular that has, in the
past, turned many innovative theoretical frameworks into rather underdeveloped
and unsystematic empirical analyses of discourse. The empirical studies chosen
for this paper are proxies for the, to date, most thoroughly grounded explora-
tions of the discursive facets of IR. Yet, the studies also reveal that IR scholars
are still very much concerned with intra-disciplinary debates on the value of dis-
course and the various theoretical and conceptual origins of the concept. Look-
ing beyond the theoretical and methodological horizons of IR could contribute

to a stronger anchoring of discourse in the IR curriculum and, through even
more refined and systematic empirical studies, could convince skeptics that the
concept and analysis of discourse is not synonymous with obscure and woolly
ways of conducting social science research.
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International Studies Perspectives (2013), 1–21.

Between Communicative Interaction and

“You taught me language; and my profit on’t

Discourse and Reality—A Working Definition of Discourse

The Contemporary Engagement with Discourse in IR

this general sensitivity of IR scholars toward linguistic and communicative dimen-

The Social Ontology of Discourse in Constructivist Approaches to International Politics

language and communicative use (rational, dialogical, communitarian) has been

Agents and Structure: Micro-Interaction and Macro-Structure Discourse Approaches

TABLE 1. The Role of Discourse in Thin and Thick Constructivism

Thin Constructivism Thick Constructivism

Discourse Some forms of communication Material reality can never exist

Definition Discourse as a specific form of No social reality conceivable outside discourse

interest in understanding the different logics of action that agents engage in

context, they nevertheless privilege either text or context in their exploration of

Micro-Interaction Approach Macro-Structure Approach

Discourse and Power—Deliberative and Productive Approaches to Discourse

Fierce academic disputes have raged over the so-called Foucault/Habermas

TABLE 3. Levels of Discourse-Analysis (L) and Discourse-Power Relationship (P)

L1: Agent L2: Structure

P1: Deliberative Discourse as communicative rationality—discourse Deliberative design of

One Concept, Different Methodological Frameworks—Studying Power

The Deliberative Discourse–Power Relationship from a Micro-Interaction

Micro-Interaction and Macro-Structure Perspectives on the Productive Discourse–Power Relationship

Thinking Beyond Interactionist and Structural Discourse-Analytical Frameworks

implies that agency-centered discourse approaches neglect the structures within

Co-Constitution or Causality? Sitting Uncomfortably Between

international politics. To show traces of causation and proceed to answer why

considered relevant to discourse analysis is potentially infinite. The productive

The Quest to Understand Drivers of Change: Privileging Agents over Structures

ing beyond the theoretical and methodological horizons of IR could contribute

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