IN DEFENSE

OF HOUSING
The Politics of Crisis

DAVID MADDEN
PETER MARCUSE

VERSO
London , New York
 Contents

First published by Verso 2016

© David Madden and Peter Marcuse, 2016

All rights reserved

The moral rights of the author have been asserted

Acknowledgments vii

1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 Introduction: The Residential Is Political

Verso
Against the Commodification of Housing 15
UK: 6 Meard Street, London WlF 0EG 2 Residential Alienation 53
US: 20 Jay Street, Suite 1010, Brooklyn, NY 11201 3 Oppression and Liberation in Housing 8S
versobooks.com 4 The Myths of Housing Policy 119
Verso is the imprint of New Left Books
5 Housing Movements of New York 145
Conclusion: For a Radical Right to Housing 191
ISBN-13: 978-1-78478-354-9 (PB)
ISBN-13: 978-1-78478-353-2 (HB) 'I
Index 219
ISBN-13: 978-1-78478-356-3 (US EBK)
ISBN-13: 978-1-78478-355-6 (UK EBK)

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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library _

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 Introduction

The Residential Is Political

The symptoms of housing crisis are everywhere in evidence

today. Households are being squeezed by the cost of living.
Homelessness is on the rise. Evictions and foreclosures are
commonplace. Segregation and poverty, along with displacement
and unaffordability, have become the hallmarks of today's cities.
Urban and suburban neighborhoods are being transformed by
speculative development, shaped by decisions made in board-
rooms half a world away. Small towns and older industrial cities
are struggling to survive.
In America, the housing crisis is especially acute in New York
City. The city has more homeless residents now than at any time
since the Great Depression. More than half of all households
cannot afford the rent. Displacement, gentrification, and evic-
tion are rampant.' Two pillars of New York's distinctive

Office of the Comptroller Scott Stringer, The Growing Gap:

New York City's Housing Afferda6ility Challenge (New York: Office of
the Comptroller, 2014); Coalition for the Homeless, New York City
Homelessness: The Basic Facts (New York: Coalition for the Homeless,
 2 IN DEFENSE OF HOUSING The Residential Is Political 3

housing system --public housing and rent regulation-are hoth In fact, the housing crisis is global in scope. London,
under threat. Shanghai, Sao Paulo, Mumbai, Lagos, indeed nearly every
But housing problems are not unique to New York. Shelter major city faces its own residential struggles. Land grabs, forced
poverty is a problem throughout the United States. 2 According to evictions, expulsions, and displacement are rampant. According
the standard measures of affordability, there is no US state where a to the United Nations, the homeless population across the planet
full-time minimum wage worker can afford to rent nr own ;:i one- may be anywhere between l 00 million and one billion people,
bedroom dwelling. Nationwide, nearly half of all renting house- <lepending on how homelessness is defined . Tt has been esti-
holds spend an unsustainable amount of their income on rent a mated that globally there are currently 330 million house-
'
figure that is only expected to rise. This is not only a big-city issue. holds- more than a billion people- that are unable to find a
Around 30 percent of rural households cannot afford their hous- decent or affordable home. 4 Some research suggests that in
ing, including nearly half of all rural renters. 3 recent decades, residential displacement due to development,
extraction, and construction has occurred on a scale that rivals
displacement caused by disasters and armed conflicts. In China
2015); NYU Furman Center, State of New York City's Housing and and India alone in the past fifty years, an estimated 100 million
Neighhorhoods in 2014 (New York: Furman Center 2014) 38· Elvin
' ' ' people have been displaced by development projects. 5 ·
Wyly, Kathe Newman, Alex Schafran, and Elizabeth Lee, "Displacing
New York," Environment and Planning A 42.11 (2010): 2602-23.
2 Michael E. Stone, "Housing Affordability: One-Third of a Goodman, Rolf Pendall, and Jun Zhu, Headship and Homeownership:
Nation Shelter-Poor," pp. 38-60 in Rachel G. Bratt, Michael E. Stone, What Does the Future Hold? (Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2015);
and Chester Hartman, eds, A Right to Housing: Foundation for a New Housillg Assistance Council, Taking Stock: Ruml People, Poverty_, and
Social Agenda (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006). In their Housing in the 21st Century (Washington, DC: HAC, 2012), 43-4.
introduction, the editors note that in 2006, more than 100 million 4 Stefano Liberti, Land Grahhing: Journeys in the New
people across the United States were estimated to be living in "hous- Colonialism, trans. Enda Flannely (London: Verso, 2013); Saskia
ing that is physically inadequate, in unsafe neighborhoods, over- Sassen, Expulsions: Brutality and Complexity in the Glohal Economy
crowded or way beyond what they can realistically afford." Rachel G. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014); United Nations
Bratt, Michael E. Stone, and Chester Hartman, "Why a Right to Centre for Human Settlements, An Urhaniz.ing World: Global Report
Housing Is Needed and Makes Sense: Editors' Introduction," pp. on Human Settlements (UN-HABITAT, 1996), 6; McKinsey Global
1-19 in Bratt, Stone, and Hartman, A Right to Housing, I. Institute, A Blueprint for Addressing the G!ohal Ajfordahle Housing
3 National Low Income Housing Coalition, Out ofReach 2015: Challenge (MGI, 2014), 2. It should be clear that the claim that the
Low Wages and High Rents Lock Renters Out (Washington, DC: housing crisis is global does not imply that we are arguing that hous-
NLIHC, 2015), l; Allison Charette, Chris Herbert, Andrew Jakabovics, ing problems are identical everywhere.
Ellen Tracy Marya, and Daniel T. McCue, "Projecting Trends in 5 Miloon Kothari, The Glohal Crisis of Displacement and
Severely Cost-Burdened Renters: 2015-2025" (Enterprise Community Evictions: A Housing and Land Rights Perspective (New York: Rosa
Partners and Joint Center for Housing Studies 2015) 6· Laurie Luxemburg Stiftung, 2015), 6.
' ' '
 4 IN DEFENSE OF HOUSING The Residential Is Political 5

And yet if there is broad recognition of the existence of a Many of the examples here are drawn from housing struggles
housing crisis, there is no deep understanding of why it occurs, in the city that we know best, New York City. 6 But our target is
much less what to do about it. The dominant view today is that much broader: the role of housing within contemporary society,
if the housing system is broken, it is a temporary crisis that can economy, and politics. Housing inevitably raises issues about
be resolved through targeted, isolated measures. In main- power, inequality, and justice in capitalist society. Much of this
stream debates, housing tends to be understood in narrow book is thus about helping to recover a language through which
terms. The provision of adequate housing is seen as a techni- to understand housing conflicts and to contest residential injus-
cal problem and technocratic means are sought to solve it: tice. We want to refocus the debate around political-economic
better construction technology, smarter physical planning, processes like commodification, alienation, exploitation, oppres-
new techniques for management, more homeownership, sion, and liberation. And we seek to develop a critical understand-
different zoning laws, and fewer land use regulations. Housing ing of the actors and forces that have produced the housing system
is seen as the domain of experts like developers, architects, or in the past and the present.
economists. Certainly, technical improvements in the housing
system are possible, and some are much needed. But the crisis
is deeper than that. Reposing the Housing Question
We see housing in a wider perspective: as a political-
economic problem. The residential is political-which is to say The classic statement on the political-economic aspects of hous-
that the shape of the housing system is always the outcome of ing was written by Friedrich Engels in 1872. At the time, few
struggles between different groups and classes. Housing neces- disputed the fact that housing conditions for the industrial prole-
sarily raises questions about state action and the broader tariat were unbearable. What Engels called "the housing ques-
economic system. But the ways in which social antagonisms tion" was the question of why working-class housing appeared
shape housing are too often obscured. This book is an attempt in the condition as it did, and what should be done about it. 7
to bring them to light.
Housing is under attack today. It is caught within a number
of simultaneous social conflicts. Most immediately, there is a 6 We recognize that our analysis becomes more limited the
farther away it moves from contexts like New York. And we are not
conflict between housing as lived, social space and housing as
claiming that housing is alike in all North American or \Yestern
an instrument for profitmaking-a conflict between housing
:European cities, nor that housing problems in these places are iden-
as home and as real estate. More broadly, housing is the subject !lical to residential issues in other regions. But we do seek to draw
of contestation between different ideologies, economic connections where appropriate. And we hope that, where relevant,
interests, and political projects. More broadly still, the hous- our points can be applied to other contexts.
ing crisis stems from the inequalities and antagonisms of class 7 Frederick [sic] Engels, The Housing Question, ed. C. P. Dutt
society. (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1936 (1872)).
6 The Residential Is Political 7
I N D E FE N S E O F H O U S I N G

.Engels was generall y p essimistic about th e prospects for housing The social theorist H enri Lefebvre helps us understand the
stru ggles per se. Criticizing bou rgeois attempts at housing reform, political role of housing and the potential for changing it. In his
he argued that housing problems should be under rood as some of 1 968 book The Right to the City, Lefebvre argued that industrial
"the numerous, smaller, secondary evils which result from the insurrection was not the only force for social transformation .
p re ent-day capitalist mode of p roduction."8 He concl uded, "As n " u rban strategy" for revol utionizing society was possible. 1 1
long as the ca pital ist mode of pr ducrion continues to exist, it is Given changes to the nature of wo rk and o f urban development
foll y to hope for an i olated olution to the housing question or of the industrial proletariat wa no longer the only agent of r vo­
any other social question affecting the fate of the workers. " 9 For lutionary change, or even the p redominant one. Lefebvre
En gels, housing struggl es were derivative of class stru ggle. Hou ing claimed that there was a new political sub j ect: the city dweller.
probl em , then could only be addres ed through social revolution. More general ly, Lefebvre invokes the p olitics of " the inhabit­
We ta ke from En gels the idea that the housing question is ant," a category that incl udes any worker, in the broade t sense,
embedded within the structures of cl ass socie ty. Posing the seen from the per pective of everyday so cial and residential
ho usin g q u estion today means uncovering the co nnections Ji fe. l l
between societal power and the residential e xp erience. I t means Lefebv re is vague about what exactly the inhabitant a s a
askin g who and what housing i s fo r, who controls it , who it political subj ect wi ll accomp lish with the u rban revolution. But
emp o we r s, who it o ppresses. I t means questioning the function he doe point to a different way of inhabiting. He imagines a
of housin g within gl obalized neoliberal cap ital ism . 10 future where social needs would not be subordin ated to
H o weverJ residen ti ;:i I truggl es today are not imply deriva­ economic necessity, where disalienated dwel ling space wou ld be
tive of other conflicts. H o u i ng movemen ts a re i gn i ficant pol i t­
ical actors in their own righ t . The housing question m ay not be 11 "The R ight to the City " , pp. 63- 1 8 1 in Henri Lefebvre,
resolv able under ca p i talism . But the shap e of the housing sy stem Writings on Cities, ed. and trans. Eleonore Ko fman and Elizabeth

can be acted upon, modified , and chan ged. Lebas (Mal den, M A : Blackwell, 1 996 [ I 967] ) , 1 54 . And see Lefebvre,
The Urban Revo lution, trans. Robert Bonanno (Minneap olis, MN:
8 Ibid., 1 8, em phasis in o ri ginal . U ni versi ty of Minnesota P ress, 2003 [ 1 970 ] ) . See also Peter Marcuse,
9 Ibid . , 73. "Reading the Righ t to the City, " City 1 8 . 1 (20 1 4) , 4-9; Ma rcuse,
10 O n conce p tua l izi ng neol ib eralis m , see Will iam D avies, Th e " From C ritical U rban heory to the R i ght to the City, " City 1 3 . 2-3
f
Limits o Neoliberalism: AuthoriL.Y: Sovereignty and the Logic o
f
(2009), 1 85-97; D avid J . Mad den , " City B e com ing Wo rld: ancy,
Competition ( L o nd on: AG E , 20 1 4) ; J am ie Peck Constructions of Le febvre , and the Global-U rban I m aginatio n , " Environment and
Neoliberal Re ason ( O xford : O x fo rd University Press, 20 1 3); David Planning D 30 .5 (20 1 2) , 772-87 .

H a rve y, A BriefHistory ofNeoliberalism (Oxford: O x ford U niversi ty 1 2 Lefebvre " Right to the City, " 1 5 9 . O n the idea o f the " p oli­
P ress, 2 007); N ei l B renner and ik Theodore, ed Spaces o
f
tics of the inhabitant, " see Ma rk P u rcell , " Excavating Lefebvre : The
Neo liberalism : Urban Restructun'ng in North America and Westem Right to the City and Its U rban Politics o f the In habitant, "
Gen Tn11r., ,,, I c; Q t">fl"'" nn , ""
Eur ope (O x fo rd : B lackwell 2002) .
 The Residential Is Political 9
8 IN DEFENSE OF HOUSING

is right, housing is becoming an ever more important site for the

universally available, where both equality and difference would
reproduction of the system-a change that might open new
be the basic principles of social and political life. 13
strategic possibilities for housing movements to achieve social
Whether or not anything like Lefebvre 's urban revolution is
on the horizon, we can use his ideas to understand a basic point: change.
the politics of housing involve a bigger set of actors and inter-
ests than is recognized either by mainstream debates or by
conventional political-economic analyses such as that offered by Whose Crisis?
Engels. In the orthodox account, the only conflicts that matter
Critics, reformers, and activists have invoked the term "hous-
are those surrounding exploitation and value. But the ruling
ing crisis" for more than a hundred years. The phrase once
class also needs to solidify its rule, and preserving the ability to
again became pervasive after the global economic meltdown of
exploit is only one aspect of this. There are also political, social,
2008. But we need to be careful with this usage of the concept
and ideological imperatives that significantly affect residential
conditions. of crisis.
The idea of crisis implies that inadequate or unaffordable
In the financialized global economy-which was only begin-
housing is abnormal, a temporary departure from a well-
ning to emerge when Lefebvre was writing-real estate has
functioning standard. But for working-class and poor commu-
come to have new prominence in relation to industrial capital.
nities, housing crisis is the norm. 14 Insufficient housing has been
Housing and urban development today are not secondary
the mark of dominated groups throughout history. Engels made
phenomena. Rather, they are becoming some of the main
processes driving contemporary global capitalism. If Lefebvre exactly this point:

The so-called housing shortage, which plays such a great

13 Lefebvre describes this world using the word "urban," but
with his idiosyncratic usage of the term: "The right to the city cannot role in the press nowadays, does not consist in the fact that
be conceived of as a simple visiting right or as a return to traditional the working class generally lives in bad, overcrowded or
cities. It can only be formulated as a transformed and renewed right unhealthy dwellings. This shortage is not something pecu-
to urban life. It does not matter whether the urban fabric encloses the liar to the present; it is not even one of the sufferings pecu-
countryside and what survives of peasant life, as long as the 'urban,' liar to the modern proletariat in contradistinction to all
place of encounter, priority of use value, inscription in space of a earlier oppressed classes. On the contrary, all oppressed
time promoted to the rank of a supreme resource among all
resources, finds its morphological base and its practico-material
14 See Peter Marcuse and W. Dennis Keating, "The Permanent
realization" (Lefebvre, "Right to the City," 158, emphasis in origi-
Housing Crisis: The Failures of Conservatism and the Limitations
nal). Lefebvre is not talking about any actual city so much as articu-
of Liberalism," pp. 139-62 in Bratt, Stone, and Hartman, A Right to
lating a theory of urbanization and what he sees as its political
Housing.
potential. .
 10 -IN DEFENSE OF HOUSING The Residential Is Political 11

classes in all periods suffered more or less uniformly from We should reject ideological versions of the concept of hous-
it. IS
ing crisis. But the term is still useful. For those compelled to
dwell in oppressive and alienating conditions, housing crisis is
For the oppressed, housing is always in crisis. The reappearance not empty rhetoric; it is daily reality. To millions of households,
of the term "housing crisis" in headlines represents the experi- "crisis" describes precisely the chaos, fear, and disempowerment
ence of middle-class homeowners and investors, who faced that they experience. The state of their housin~ is critical indeed.
unexpected residential instability following the 2008 financial Our objective, then, is not to argue for the resolution of some
implosion.
temporary crisis and return to the status quo. We use the concept
The idea of a housing crisis is politically loaded. Though the of crisis to highlight the ways that the contemporary housing
concept of crisis has a long history in critical theory and radical system is unsustainable by its very nature. We point to the crisis
practice, it can be deployed for other purposes. In the United tendencies in housing under contemporary capitalism, in order
States, the discourse of housing crisis is often used to condemn to draw attention to the urgent but systemic character of these
state "interference" in housing markets. In the UK, the crisis problems.
frame is invoked in support of granting new legal powers to
developers in order to override local planning guidelines.
Discrete moments when housing crises become acute tend to Jn Defense ofHousing
be interpreted away as exceptions to a fundamentally sound
system. But this is an ideological distortion. The experience of We do not seek to defend the housing system as it currently
crisis in the residential sphere reflects and amplifies the broader stands, which is in many ways indefensible. What needs defend-
tendencies towards insecurity in capitalist societies. Housing ing is the use of housing as home, not as real estate. We are
crisis is a predictable, consistent outcome of a basic characteris- interested in the defense of housing as a resource that should be
tic of capitalist spatial development: housing is not produced available to all.
and distributed for the purposes of dwelling for all; it is produced Housing means many things to different groups. It is home
and distributed as a commodity to enrich the few. Housing crisis for its residents and the site of social reproduction. It is the larg-
is not a result of the system breaking down but of the system est economic burden for many, and for others a source of wealth,
working as it is intended. 16 status, profit, or control. It means work for those who construct,
manage, and maintain it; speculative profit for those buying and
15 Engels, The Housing Question, l 7, emphasis in original. selling it; and income for those financing it. It is a source of tax
16 ~f. "homelessness exists not because the system is failing to revenue and a subject of tax expenditures for the state, and a key
work as tt should, but because the system is working as it must," component of the structure and functioning of cities.
from Peter Marcuse, "Neutralizing Homelessness," Socialist Review Our concern is squarely with those who reside in and use
88.1 (1988), 93.
housing-the people for whom home provides use values rather
 The Residential ls Political 13
12 IN DEFENSE OF HOUSING

consequences of the multidimensional attack on housing: ~ur

than exchange value. From the perspective of those who inhabit
goal is to provide a critical understanding of the political-
it, housing unlocks a whole range of social, cultural, and politi-
economic nature of housing, such that we may develop a greater
cal goods. It is a universal necessity of life, in some ways an
sense of the actions needed to address housing's crises today and
extension of the human body. Without it, participation in most
of social, political, and economic life is impossible. Housing is in the future.
more than shelter; it can provide personal safety and ontological
security. While the domestic environment can be the site of
oppression and injustice, it also has the potential to serve as a
confirmation of one's agency, cultural identity, individuality,
and creative powers.
The built form of housing has always been seen as a tangible,
visual reflection of the organization of society. It reveals the
existing class structure and power relationships. But it has also
long been a vehicle for imagining alternative social orders.
Every emancipatory movement must deal with the housing
question in one form or another. This capacity to spur the polit-
ical imagination is part of housing's social value as well.
Housing is the precondition both for work and for leisure.
Controlling one's housing is a way to control one's labor as
well as one 's free time, which is why struggles over housing are
always, in part, struggles over autonomy. More than any other
item of consumption, housing structures the way that individu-
als interact with others, with communities, and with wider
collectives. Where and how one lives decisively shapes the
treatment one receives by the state and can facilitate relations
with other citizens and with social movements. No other modern
commodity is as important for organizing citizenship, work,
identities, solidarities, and politics.
It is this side of housing- its lived, universally necessary,
social dimension, and its identity as home-that needs defend-
ing. Our challenge as analysts, as residents, and as participants
in housing struggles is to understand the causes and