The Reform of Penal Law in Italy

Author(s): Enrico Ferri

Source: Journal of the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology, Vol. 12, No. 2
(Aug., 1921), pp. 178-198
Published by: Northwestern University
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 THE REFORM OF PENAL LAW IN ITALY
ENRICO FERRI1

Italy has always been to the fore in the "sad and severe discipline
of crimes and punishments." From the "Libri Terribiles" of the
RonmanDigest to the "Parvus Libellus (le Maleficiis" of Rolandino dei
Rolandi, published in the thirteenth century, from Cesare Beccaria to
Cesare Lombroso, in criminal science Italy has undoubtedly always
been in the front rank.
Through the initiative of the Keeper of the Seals, Ludovico
Mortarq, an illustrious jurisconsult and formerly First President of
the "Corte di Cassazione," the new Italy can place herself in the
vanguard also in the realm of practical penal legislation, especially
since, in many European and American countries during the last
twenty years, laws have been promulgated or proposed for social
defense against criminality, which although fragmentary, inorganic
and sometimes contradictory, are the expression of an ever increasing
powerful confirmation of that current of ideas about crimes and
criminals which, for about forty years, the Italian school of criminal
anthropology has maintained in the scientific lists.
The Decree of September 14th, 1919, which institutes the Royal
Commission for the reform of penal laws, indicates as cardinal points
in the reform of penal justice in Italy, the two fundamental concep-
tions which for forty years the positive criminal school has been affirm-
ing in the field of thought. These two cardinal points are the defense
of society and the perilousness of the criminal.
The defense of society is un(lerstood to mean the daily practical
duty of the functions of the state outside and above philosophical
doctrines, religious beliefs and scholastic polemics. The state, admin-
istering penal justice, cannot pretend to work out a philosophical
system, a religious belief or an academic doctrine. The state has a
positive function of preserving and defending the community from
crime, which is one of the many social diseases that endanger and
offend the binding ties of civil society.
This then is the first fundamental conception wvith which this
decree is inspired. And the inaugural speech on the work of the
'Professor of Criminal Law in the University of Rome, Commission for the
Reform of the Italian Penal Code.

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PENAL LAW IN
PENAL 'LAW IN ITALY
ITALY 179

commission by the minister confirms and illustrates it in a clear and

evident manner.
The second point is that, while up to the present, in traditional
classic doctrine and in the majority of penal laws, penal justice in
its concrete form of the sanction established by the judge in his sen-
tence, is proportionate to the greater or less gravity of the crime as
material and anti-judicial fact, henceforth on the other hand penal
justice in its form of sanction of the law and especially of judicial
sanction, while it should indeed start from the crime committed as
anti-judicial fact, should be adapted and proportioned to the person-
ality of the criminal, without whom the crime could not take place.
Crime is not a natural phenomenon such as lightning or a flood or an
earthquake which disturb the conditions of social existence by natural
forces beyond control. Crime is always the work of a man and is
the symptom revealing the personality of the criminal.
These two fundamental criteria which the decree gives as the
compass pointing out the way to the work of the commission insti-
tuted by it, are the official recognition of the formal criteria of the
positive criminal school which in the sphere of criminal anthropology
owes its foundation to Cesare Lombroso, and in penal law to Garofalo
and others.
This decree, with these aims clearly developed, has certainly
caused surprise among the learned in criminal science and also among
philosophers in general and philosophers in jurisprudence in particular.
For the opinion had been slowly forming that with the death of
Cesare Lombroso had died also his doctrines and especially that most
essential feature in them., the Galileo-like method of observing the
criminal world, which with 'the true genius that inspired him he
donated to humanity.
That some particular doctrines of Cesare Lombroso are destined
to disappear, and have already perhaps disappeared, there is no
doubt.
No man can, in the field of thought, leave a legacy of scientific
affirmations which remain unaltered in the course of centuries; but
some of these doctrines fall because they do not respond to the
successive observation of facts, or because they no longer respond
to the conditions of the intellectual and social atmosphere of each
successive period.
But what a man of thought can leave as an indelible rule to
humanity, is above all a method of study, a method of investigation.

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180 ENRICO FERRI

The positive method, the method-that is to say-of observation

and of experiment, is the light of thought and scientific method re-
vealed to us through the agency of Galileo Galilei in his admirable
dialogue "Saggiatore," and from the Italian renaissance onwards has
received the most enlightened confirmation. The Galileo method of
observing the criminal is a Lombrosian innovation not destined to
perish.
That opinion, that the Italian positive criminal school was dead
or about to disappear, naturally had exterior reasons which could
apparently justify it. It is only forty years since the positive criminal
school of Italy asserted itself with "The Criminal," by Lombroso, the
second edition of which was published 1878, with "The Positive
Criterion of Punishment," published by Garofalo in the same year
and with my "Negation of Free Arbitration and Theory of Im-
putability" (1878) and "New Horizons of Penal Law" (1879). In
these forty years of the positive criminal school, since the scientific
schools are natural and living phenomena, which have their natural
laws of birth and development, the first twenty years was a period of
scientific production truly wonderful in the frequency and abundance
of new ideas and discoveries and was a twenty years of polemics
against the academical misoneism which opposed the new outlook of
criminal science. In the second twenty years that even flow of scientific
production and polemics could not continue; this was rather a period
of slow and less stormy infiltration into the public conscience of the
fundamental truths of the scientific school.
That the criminal, to say nothing of cases of evident and de-
clared madness, is an abnormal being, is a conviction which it is not
going too far to say has taken root in the public conscience precisely
owing to this infiltration of ideas and scientific observations of the
Lombrosian school. And it is a concept which has penetrated also
into the conscience of the magistrates who saw their functions being
more and more reduced to a sterile and material dosimetry of punish-
ments according to the scale of the crimes with no insight whatever
into the criminal who, cynic, rebel or mere luckless wretch, as the
case might be, only too often reappeared before them with half a
score of useless condemnations.
Naturally this idea which all have more or less, even the public
who only read the papers, especially with regard to the strange or
ferocious crimes or those most obstinately repeated by habitual crim-
inals, this idea, that the criminal is not a man like all others, even

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PENAL LAW IN ITALY 181

if he is not in a state of clinical mental alienation, is an idea which

germinates in the traditional ground of the common conscience with
reference to the moral guilt that is his.
For thousands of years humanity has not believed in the moral
liberty of man, in free will. All the mystic East and Greece before
Socrates were convinced that "Ananke"-"Fatum"-was the great
power which hurried along willingly or unwillingly both men and
gods. But, with the post-Socratic philosophy and especially with the
moral doctrines of Christianity, has taken root in the common con-
science of western civilization the conviction of the moral sin in the man
who commits a crime and therefore of his moral responsibility before
the authority of the state, which exercises the function of penal justice.
This traditional foundation of thousands of years of our con-
science still lives, through a psychological stratification, together with
the idea born only a few decades ago that the criminal is really an
abnormal being. And from this inmost contrast are derived all the
difficulties and all the timidity of contemporary penal legislators in
forming new projects of penal codes in civilized countries.
The new penal code of Japan of 1910, the modifications in the
penal code suggested in Germany, in Austria, in Switzerland, in Servia,
in the Argentine Republic and in Sweden, waver between this tradi-
tional sentiment of the moral offense of the criminal and the positive
and objective criterion of the perilousness ("pericolosita") of the
criminal quite apart from the judgment of moral offense.
I hold that the Italian commission for the reform of penal justice
will be able to take the logical and straightforward step of putting the
sanction of penal laws and the provisions of penal justice on a basis
quite apart from philisophical,doctrines and religious beliefs as to the
moral guilt of the criminal.
To measure, to weigh, to punish the moral offense of the criminal
is not a function of the state. The state, acting through its function-
aries, the magistrates, has no means of weighing and of knowing the
moral offense of a human being. And this explains, for instance, why
in the first international congress of crimnal anthropology at Paris
and at Brussels we had not only help in our work, but the cordial
and open support of the Keeper of the Seals of Belgium, Le Jeune,
who was a sincere believer and member of the Catholic party; we had
in those congresses declarations of open adhesion to criminal anthro-
pology, from Abbot De Baete, for instance, who was professor of
moral philosophy in the Catholic University of Louvain. And this

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182 ENRICO FERRI

again, as it seems to me, explains why, for example, when some years
ago the Anglican clergyman Morrison asked my consent to publish
in English my "Criminal Sociology," he published it leaving out the
first chapter on the "Theory of Imputabilty," because for him, holding
as he did spiritual doctrines, and a clergyman by profession, it was
too heterodox; but in the preface he approves enthusiastically of my
conclusions on criminal anthropology and on criminal statistics, and
especially of my practical proposals for penal justice in the defense
against criminals. And it is for the same reason, that, a few months
ago, some universities of the United States decided to adopt, as schol-
astic text for the teaching of criminology, the recent North American
translation of my "Criminal Sociology," but they made explicit reserva-
tions on the premises of positive philosophy which are in my book, be-
cause these premises do not agree with the idealistic spirituality which
dominates in the North American people. But these same universities
approve "toto corde" and unreservedly, the practical proposals of
penal justice which that book contains.
Religious belief in the moral sin of man is foreign to the func-
tion of penal justice, because both Catholic and Protestant believers
know that there is a word and a precept of great wisdom in the
Bible which says "Judge not." And there is the word of Jesus, too,
that no man can judge another. And this belief is perfectly logical.
To measure and weigh the offense of a human being, nothing less than
the omniscience of God is needed. To know through what hereditary
vices of past generations arise in the soul of a living creature the
instinct of blood, or of arson, or of violation, to know by what changes
of his Ife, intro-uterine and extra-uterine, by what conditions, family
or social, that man has brought himself to commit homicide, arson,
violation is not a question that the limited mind of a judge, born of
woman, can decide. To claim this, is to claim omniscience. It needed
not to be repeated that the problem of proportioning the punishment
to the crime has never been solved and several criminalists, such as
Ellero, Conforti, Tissot, frankly declare it insolvable. And hence it
is that the Christian says: "The moral offense of the sinner is judged
only by the Divinity." The word of the Bible and the word of Jesus
tell us that one man cannot judge another, but a man face to face
with another man can but defend himself and take measures for his
own security.
A reform of penal justice carrying out the ideas of the positive
criminal school-social defense and perilousness of the criminal, wholly

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PENAL LAW IN ITALY 183

apart from all research and measure of moral offense of the accused-
does not therefore oppose, nay is in full accordance with these religious
beliefs, which as to the moral offense of the criminal have doctrines of
their own, which we have here neither opportunity nor means of
judging.
And these criteria of the criminal anthropological school do not
contradict philosophical doctrines either, for they are on two different
planes.
During the first twenty years of the present century there has
appeared in contemporary philosophical thought an evident recourse to
spiritualism opposed to the triumphal and torrential affirmation of
positive thought from 1860 to the end of the nineteenth century. It
is, then, easy to understand how this revival of spiritualistic thought
in philosophy seems at first sight in irreconcilable antagonism with the
data and conclusions of the anthropological criminal school.
Nevertheless this is not the case, as it would not be just to con-
ceive of an antagonism between criminal anthropology and religious
beliefs. And I have a clear and notable proof of this in the critique
which Professor Gentile, an illustrious representative of this current
of spiritualistic revival, wrote in 1909 in the "Critica" of Benedetto
Croce with a monographical study of philosophy in Italy since 1850,
when speaking, in a certain chapter, of the Italian school of criminal
anthropology. Professor Gentile in his criticisms of the school of
criminal anthropology makes two remarks: The first is that the
anthropological criminal school has studied and seen only the body
of the criminal and knows nothing of his soul, "the interior world"
from which, nevertheless, the crime comes forth.
To this criticism of Professor Gentile's I might answer by point-
ing to the fact that the crim'inalist anthropologists have studied not
only the body of the criminal in its anatomical and physiological forms
but have made much more extensive and intensive studies on crim-
inals with regard to the psychological element of their nature-sen-
timents, ideas, will. But Professor Gentile might justly reply that even
studying criminal psychology with our Galileo method, we are, to say
the least, agnostics, if not deniers of that premise of an "inner world"
in the absolute spiritual sense.
But what is important in the criticism of Professor Gentile is
this: That after having pointed out this, according to him, theoretical
defect, he studies and examines the school of criminal anthropology
on practical grounds, that is on the ground of its proposals for social

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184 ENRICO FERRI

defense against crime, and on this ground, in the words of Professor

Gentile himself, "the Italian criminalist anthropologists are deserving
of the highest praise," which means, then, that it is in the name of
spiritualistic Ibelief that Professor Gentile makes all his observations
and all his objections against the philosophical premises of the positive
criminal school, but that he approves, like the Catholic minister, Le
Jeune, and the Abbot and Professor De Beats, the conclusions of
criminal anthropology and its practical proposals for social defense
against criminals.
If, then, this is the position, the commission instituted by Lud-
ovico Mortara, for the reform of penal justice in Italy may calmly
and surely set about the application of the practical proposals of an-
thropology and criminal sociology without worrying about philoso-
phical doctrines or religious beliefs, which, in a field foreign to the
action of the state, may be apparently, antogonistic to the proposals
of the new school.
Finally, this commission may, directly and securely, proceed to
apply the proposals which for forty years the Italian positive school
has been placing on a scientific basis, without troubling about that
current of criminological scientific thought which is represented by
some contemporary Italian criminalists; and which, I maintain, is a
methodical aberration. They study crime as a judicial .factor and
"dogmatically"-it is their word-fashion with the sole guide of
abstract logic, doctrines and legal rules about crime; but they com-
pletely and intentionally ignore the criminal, whereas in the reality
of life, through the agency of magistrates, the penal law is applied
not to the crime, for "factum infectum fieri nefas," but to the criminal
by whom that crime has been committed.
It is evident that such a method with regard to crime as a judicial
factor is foreign to the practical world of daily life and to the positive
function that the state should perform.
True it is that in Italy and in all civilized countries we are wit-
nessing this striking phenomenon: from the middle of the nineteenth
century up to the present day penal legislation has been technically
perfecting itself; it is the formulation of 'criminal doctrines always
more perfect from a theoretical point of view. Cesare Beccaria pub-
lished anonymously for the first time his wonderful pamphlet "On
Crimes and Punishments" in 1764 at Leghorn; but Cesare Beccaria
was not a jurist. Cesare Beccaria raised a cry of protest of tormented
humanity against the tyranny of the penal justice of the middle ages,

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PENAL 'LAW
LAW IN ITALY 185

and that is why his voice had such a formidable echo in all Europa,
from the encyclopedists of Paris to the Empress Catherine of Russia,
from Joseph II of Austria to Leopold of Tuscany. Cesare Beccaria
died thirty years later in 1794 almost forgotten. And fifty years more
had to pass after his death before many of his proposals were realized
in the penal laws of civilized countries.
But while on the one hand, these penal laws, brought to the high
level to which Cesare Beccaria raised them borne on the wings of his
genius, were being theoretically and technically perfected, on the other
hand this phenomenon became clear: that crime increased and is
increasing in all civilized countries of the world. In other words, we
have on the one hand the (I might say) academic perfection of
penal laws and hence of the regulations of penal justice, and on the
other hand complete bankruptcy of the practical function which these
regulations should exercise in defending the majority of honest people
from the minority of criminals.
This means, then, that the foundation on which the traditional doc-
trines were place(d is wrong. They have strayed from positive ideas
and the throb of daily life which still vibrate and make us shudder
when reading the pages of Beccaria, hut are completely forgotten in
the arid manifestation of that dogmatic criminal theory which I men-
tioned above and which was an unfortunate imitation of the doctrinal
constructions of Germans, more or less unknown. So that, when in
1911 we were able at last to hold an international congress of criminal
anthropology in Germany (at Cologne), whereas formerly this had
always been opposed because a victorious affirmation was refused to
Italian science, Professor Lintz, the well-known criminalist of Ber-
lin Uniiversity who died a few, months ago, on this occasion asked me
in surprise why in the world young Italian criminalists should trouble
to translate, to examine and to criticise publications of Germans whom
they, in Germany, had never heard the names of!
But, this first step taken, we must also have a second clear con-
ception of the task which awaits this commission. It is called to re-
form penal laws; therefore it is not called to solve the whole prob-
lem of crime.
Crime has causes which produce it and effects which it produces.
To eliminate the causes of crime, penal laws deal in only, or in part,
with the effects of crime, are not competent.
For forty years I have affirmed, and I am never tired of re-
peating, the remedies for the causes which spur men on to commit

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186 ENRICO FERRI

crime are nine-tenths of them outside the penal law-they are in the
civil code, in economic legislation, in the better regulation of family,
in the systematization of the school and of education, in all those
precautions of social life which eliminate or attenuate the causes
which make men commit crime.
If we wish to have a complete idea of the problem of crime, we
can make a kind of guiding plan of what the action of the state
against crime should be.
The first part of this guilding plan, which demands very power-
ful and watchful agents, concerns what might be called the social
prevention of crime: indirect and remote prevention which finds out
and studies the causes of crime and indicates remedies to eliminate it
if possible or to weaken its malignant power.
All these are laws which concern the conditions of the physical
and moral existence of the individual in society, beginning from his
birth and going on to the hygiene of infancy, to scholastic and edu-
cative rules, to the conditions of labor, to family life, material and
moral.
A municipality which builds houses cheaply for the people does
much more to prevent crimes against good morals than one which
doubles the penalties for these crimes, while continuing to allow
parents, children, brothers and sisters to sleep in the same room in
a cramped confusion of human organisms.
Besides this function of social and indirect prevention of crime,
there is also that of direct prevention, which is generally called
police prevention, in other words, immediate, prompt upon the mani-
festation of the crime. And here also I think that radical reforms,
which experience has been calling for decades, should be made in
our country.
The abolition, for instance, of the old police methods, which are
inefficacious and harmful, such as admonition, surveillance, compul-
sory confinement, will, in my opinion need no long consideration on
the part of our commission, for these methods when opposed to the
modern methods of crime are like so many flint muskets. But for
these we shall have to substitute disciplinary measures of preventive
defense for minors, beginning for instance with the elementary schools.
Imagine what power the modern state has in the regulation of the
instruction of the people to get to know all the individuals who
make up the nation. Every citizen, of whatever sex, must pass

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187

through the elementary school, then the state could make its own
anthropological census of the population.
In some countries, especially in North America (for the Anglo-
Saxon countries are those where practical applications are most easily
made without being lost sight of amid academic discussions), this has
already been partly done. In Italy we have a partial application of
the system of school doctors.
We believe that in the elementary schools of the future every
pupil will have his anthropological chart on which the doctor will
mark the characteristics of his body and of his psychology, of his
hereditary precedents and of his school conduct, and this will serve as
a preventive scrutiny for all those pupils who, morally deficient, are
candidates for crimes.
I had an opportunity to bring this out clearly when at the Court
of Assizes in Rome I defended.Antonio D'Alba, the regicide, and
showed that if there had been these institutions for scholastic pre-
vention this crime might have been avoided, as this unfortunate youth
from the first years of his interrupted and forcedly incompleted school
life had manifested an abnormal personality.
Besides all this, there remain the provisions for habitual drunk-
ards, idlers by profession, vagabonds, the criminal classes, etc., all
those who are either candidates for or reduced to crime; and all the
precautions against dangerous industries and sales, such as arms, of
poisons, etc., and the measures against gambling houses, etc.
And all this mass of rules for polite action is exercised by the
State without any consideration of moral guilt, with the sole criterion
of perilousness.
But when in a state all the rules are applied in every branch of
legislation for the social and'direct prevention of crime, crimes will
still be committed. Even when the greatest source of crime-i. e.,
misery-is dried up, there will always be crimes, if from no other
cause than an explosion of mental alienation or through an impulse
of erring passion. It is necessary, then, for the state to exert a re-
pressive action on crimes committed.
But for crimes committed, too, various are the branches of that
plan for social defense which I mentioned a while ago.
Before all there is, especially for our country, the problem of
judicial circumscriptions, and there is the problem of the personnel,
for the laws are what the functionaries are who apply them. As to
the personnel, it is necessary to modernize above all the recruiting,
technical instruction, guaranties and responsibility in the judicial

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police as well as in the magistrates who judge and in the personnel

who execute the sentences of the magistrates.
And this is why I have maintained for a long time that the Man-
agement of Prisons, instead of being under the Minister for Home
Affairs (no one knows why) should be under the Minister of Justice,
if, as is the fact, the Management of Prisons represents the last step
in the action of the state against crime, that action which, beginning
with judlicial police, runs its course through all the wire-drawn pro-
cesses that have to be wrought out from the notification of the crime
to the action of the investigating and judging legal authority, until
the execution of the sentence.
In Italy we have made an attempt at improvement in this person-
nel, both in the magistracy with several partial reforms, and also in
the personnel of the executive administration.
We may mention, for instance, tle reform effected by the former
Director-General of Prisons Doria, wlho, in cases of correction of
criminal or dissolute minors, substituted elemientary school teachers
for prison warders-a wise reform but one vwhichstands alone amid
all the rest of state actioin. We also recall a law of June, 1904, on
the employment of the condemned in work out of doors, which has
also remained unapllied owing to the unpropitious atmosphere which
pervades the entire penal code, inspired as it is by the prison system of
cell isolation.
Once this personnel, which applies the penal laws, is organized
and established, what presents itself in our regulating plan, the more
particular work confided to the new commission is this, the work of
reform the penal code and also of the code of penal procedure, espe-
cially with respect to judicial police and judicial examination, which
are more intimately connected with and dependent on the reform of
the penal code. And after this, that regulating plan is completed with
rules for prisons, for it is not sufficient' to write prison rules in the
penal code, but they must be applied and put into practice.
Besides the regulations for prisons, this regulating plan, it seems
to me, demands a last field of action of the state, and this is state
measures of control and vigilance over those set free from prisons to
help them to readapt themselves to the social life of free and honest
labor.
For the state cannot open the prison doors to one who has been
years inside them and expose him to all the difficulties and tempta-
tions of free, modern life and then rest satisfied simply with increas-
ing the penalty for his legal relapse.

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In any case, in this full and complete regulating plan, we can

now see precisely what position will be occupied by the work which
the recently instituted commission has to do.
It is, then, a question of reforming the penal code, especially in
its general rules, for evidently the second part of the penal code, in
which are the enumeration and definition of crime, is the part which
will be touched least, first of all because it is technically more perfect
through the labors of jurists of the Italian classic school, and through
the assiduous control of practical jurisprudence, but especially be-
cause the general rules of Book I of the penal code are those which
establish this system of social defense against crime.
I would not, nor can I, anticipate and prejudge the work and the
proposals of the commission of which I have the honor to be presi-
dent; but this I can say that, given the two fundamental principles
laid down by the decree which institutes the commission, social de-
fense and the perilousness of the criminal, certain logical and inevi-
table consequences follow.
The first is this: that in the rules of the penal code it will be
necessary, from now on, to make two clear and preliminary distinc-
tions. The first consists in the distinction and division between com-
mton criminals and political-social criminals. Modern civilization has
seen in the field of political crime new forms unknown to past cen-
turies; for crime is the shadow which follows the body of civiliza-
tion and therefore with the variations of civilization the forms of
crime also vary.
No matter what the outward form, sometimes noble and re-
spectable, sometimes repugnant and terrible, of this political-'social
crime, we cannot possibly forget or put aside this fact: that a com-
mon crime is always caused by an egoistic sentiment in the man who
coimmits it; be it an egoistic sentiment more or less brutal, Such as
vengeance, hatred, covetousness; or an egoistic sentiment more or less
excusable, nay, even pardonable, as is the case of impulse of the pas-
sions of love or of honor; but they are always crimes caused by selfish
motives. On the other hand, political-social crime, although it may
assume repugnant, violent or sanguinary forms, is always actuated by
an altruistic sentiment; an erring altruism, maybe, but altruism none
the less.
W\hen Ravachol kills the old hermit to carry off the scanty sum
he has saved, he may afterwards pose as a political criminal as long
as he likes; but as his crime was actuated by selfish motive, he has
committed a common crime. But when, on the other hand, Caserio

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wounds and kills President Carnot, or Felice Orsini throws the homi-
cidal bomb at Napoleon III, we have, it is true, political criminals of
different types certainly, but they act not for a selfish purpose but
through the aberration of an altruistic idea.
I think, then, that in a penal code, in order to give the sentences
of the magistrates the moral and suggestive force of the consent of
the public conscience, this first fundamental distinction should be
made: rules for common crime, rules for political-social crime.
I say political-social because, as is well known, especially on ac-
count of the great competition of an economical social order that the
second half of the nineteenth century has left as a heritage to the
twentieth, the altruistic motives for which a man may infringe the
law are not only those of strictly political character which prevailed
until the middle of the nineteenth century, but they may also have a
reforming purpose and a social and economic development.
In a preliminary and partial scheme of a penal code which I had
the honor to present to the commission, I have proposed two forms
of punishment for political-social criminals: exile and simple impris-
onment. Exile from the state for the less dangerous political-social
criminals, those, for instance, who have not committed an act of vio-
lence on persons or things; for the less dangerous criminals repeat;
otherwise foreign states naturally would not accept the gift of its
criminals that another state might make to them.
It must be remembered that a political criminal may be danger-
ous in one state and not in another. A republican who in Italy makes
a conspiracy to overthrow the monarchy and found a republic becomes
an orthodox citizen if we send him to Switzerland or to France. Just
as a French monarchist would become if he came to Italy.
If, on the other hand, the manifestation of the political-social
crime is of the more dangerous type, because it is accompanied by acts
of violence against persons or against things, it seems to me, there
should be a punishment of prison segregation, but with a different
discipline from that used for common criminals. It may be a simple
detention, such as we have now in France, where those condemned for
less serious political crimes undergo a simple confinement with the
right to receive visits from persons of their family and with the right
to read books, newspapers and so on.
This particular regime, in my judgment quite distinct from the
methods of defense against common crimes (and the decree which
institutes our commission calls particular attention to this)--should,
in my opinion, be applied also to those who are condemned for press

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crimes, when this press crime is caused by zeal for the public interest,
though obviously when the press crime is on the other hand com-
mitted from an egoistic motive, revenge or hatred, spite or avarice, it
can no longer be considered as a political-social crime.
The second preliminary distinction that should be made in the
general rules of the code is that for criminals over 18 years of age
and criminals under age. For those over 18 years of age the cri-
terion of the greater or less perilousness of the criminal is of the
greatest importance; for minors, on the other hand, the action of
penal justice should aim above all at aid and moral and professional
improved training, besides, of course, special provision for minors
abnormal and defective.
Besides all this there are the rules for common criminals who
are the most numerous and a small minority of whom constitute a
real social danger.
For this purpose the new penal legislation, and therefore the
reform of penal justice in Italy, should be inspired by a fundamental
rule logically based on the two leading principles of social defense
and of perilousness. The principle, namely, that when a human being
has committed a crime he should always legally answer for it, no
matter what his personal circumstances are, no matter what his age
or sex, his mental alienation or habitual drunkenness, and so on.
The present judicial problem, according to traditional ideas, has
these different phases: The judge has first of all to collect, discuss
and decide on the proofs that the act has been committed; secondly,
to establish that the act has the character of a crime legally defined
in the penal laws; thirdly, and lastly, the judge has to prove that the
accused has really committed or participated in the execution of the
criminal act.
This judicial problem will evidently remain unaltered, even when
our commission has made its proposals for the reform of penal
justice in Italy, because it is the preliminary and constant work of
every penal process.
But once the judge has ascertained by probatory tests that the
accused is the actual author of a criminal act, the consequence will be
that the accused must legally answer for it, except in cases where the
act is apparently criminal, but substantially justifiable; in other words,
only apparently "contra jus," as in the case of legitimate defense,
state of necessity, and so on.
If I kill my unjust aggressor, apparently I am a homicide; but
my act is only the exercise of my right of self-preservation. "Feci

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sed jure feci." Except in these cases of justification of the act, who-
ever commits a crime must legally answer for it, whether he is
of age or under age, man or woman, drunk at the moment of the
crime or not; no matter in what condition he was, he must legally
answer for it.
This seems a profoundly radical innovation, which the positive
school has affirmed for 40 years and which it will now introduce into
the reform of penal justice; but really it is not so far from the actual
lines of contemporary penal justice as at first sight it may appear.
Our penal code, which had its birth on January 1st, 1890, came
too soon to systematize the proposals of the criminal anthropological
school, which was then at its dawn, came too late to be a rigid system-
atization of the rules of the traditional classic school, which was al-
ready at its setting, and so it stands midway between the old and the
new. When in the first line of Article 45 of the Italian penal code it
is laid down that the man who has been acquitted because he has
committed a crime in a state of mental infirmity may be shut up in a
ltnatic asylum for an indefinite period if the judge thinks him dan-
gerous, we have here a method for security against an individual who
is declared morally irresponsible for the crime committed, but who,
being dangerous to society, is isolated by the judge, in an institution
which will have a different name, it will be called an asylum instead
of a prison, but it will have chains and bolts as the latter has.
So that this idea that whoever commits a crime must legally
answer for it, is not an innovation so different from the present state
of things as to constitute an absolute novelty; it will be, on the other
hand, a systematic application to all criminals of laws already ex-
istent.
The question will simply be, once the accused has been declared
the author of the crlime by the judge, to decide what is the best
method adapted to his personality, according to his personal prece-
dents, his preceding honest or dishonest life, his physical and psy-
chical conditions, according to the material circumstances of the act,
according to the family and social conditions of the criminal, accord-
ing to the mode of committing the crime, in so far as this is a revela-
tion of the greater or less moral insensibility of the criminal, and so
on. It will be a question of adapting one form of punishment or an-
other within the limits laid down by the law. But the criminal must.
always answer before the law, apart from every philosophical doc-
trine or religious belief, not because of the moral sin in the criminal
act committed by him, but because of the perilousness that he has

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revealed through the doing of it. It will be the fundamental prin-

ciple that will place penal justice on a new basis, systematizing log-
ically and therefore more efficaciously those provisions for social
defense which, especially in Anglo-Saxon countries, have been estab-
lished by the recent special laws for habitual criminals.
Then there will be the different forms of punishment to be as-
signed to this legal responsibility of the actual authors of a crimi-
nal act. These various methods of punishment will have for a mini-
mum, for example, judicial pardon as has been proposed in some
bills laid before parliament.
In France, for instannce, it has been proposed that when the
crime is not grave and the criminal is not dangerous but has acted
under really pitiable and excusable circumstances, the judge may state
in the sentence that the criminal has conmmitteda crime, but he may
also at the same time give him judicial pardon. This will be the
smallest and slightest form of legal sanction which may be extended
as far as the most serious forms of isolation.
In my opinion, the form of prison confinement preferable for
our country is the agricultural colony, which should not exclude the
existence of reformatories where industries are carried on more or
less connected with agriculture. Our country is always called the land
of the sun; and it seems to me absurd that in the land of the sun
prisons that are mere groups of cells should be constructed for men
to be thrown into and buried alive, so that they come out of them
ferocious and brutalized.
It is comprehensible that the countries in the north should have
thought of such prisons: it is the consequence of their climate. Nor-
wegians, for example, are for months and months of their long win-
ter isolated and confined to their houses. But to adopt a cell system in
sunny countries was really, as the first Anthropological-Criminal Con-
gress in 1885 at Rome described it, "one of the errors of the nine-
teenth century."
Isolation must be obligatory only at night, for obvious reasons;
but in the daytime there is only one hygiene for all criminals, mad
or not mad, dangerous or not dangerous, and it is the hygiene of
work in the open air.
Workhouses, agricultural colonies, isolation buildings for the most
dangerous criminals, special houses for the victims of alcohol, for
lunatics, for neuropathics, and so on, all should have work as the law
of their daily life.
All these forms of imprisonment will have no fixed term, for this

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is one of the conclusions on which the criminal anthropological school

has insisted the most, namely, that it is absurd to fix beforehand the
term when the condemned man shall leave the prison. As 1 said once
at the International Congress of Paris in 1889, this is just as if a
doctor stood at the door of the hospital and said to each patient:
"You will remain a fortnight in the hospital." "But if I get well
before that?" "You will remain a fortnight all the same." "And if
at the end of the fortnight I am not well?" "It doesn't matter, you
will leave all the same." This is an absurd system which cannot give
good results. On the contrary, there should be arrangements for the
abbreviation of criminals' imprisonment, according to the conditions of
reducibility, of correction and of amendment which each criminal
shows.
Incorrigible criminals are only a small minority in the great mass
of crime; whereas the majority of criminals (the occasionals) may
yet become useful citizens.
And even this imprisonment for an indefinite period will not be
an absolute innovation in the state of our contemporary penal justice,
for, in Italy for instance, when the judge condemns a homicide, say,
to twenty years' imprisonment, that judge cannot be certain that the
homicide in question will be twenty years in prison.
There is the right of grace, which depends only on the executive
power and which can set him free when it wishes; there is the system
of conditional liberty, by which, when the prisoner's conduct has been
good he may, after two-thirds or three-fourths of his time, be freed,
always by consent of the administrative authority.
We shall introduce, on the other hand, into this exemption from
imprisonment, the jurisdictional power of the magistrate to give a
greater guarantee to individual rights. And this is the last point I
can touch on with respect to the reform of penal justice.
In this new reform of penal laws the power of the judge will evi-
dently be more ample than it is now, as we see in all the recent penal
laws and suggestions made for changes in them. The legislator estab-
lishes a method of punishment for a crime, but the judge's task is to
adapt that method to the personality of the criminal, and some re-
formers of penal law wish also to give the judge the faculty of sub-
stituting one sanction for another, according to the more or less dan-
gerous personality of the man who has committed the crime. The
judge, then, will have powers much more extensive than he has now.
The individualization of punishments, if it is, as I said years ago, an
ideal not realizable by the legislator, who can only range in order

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classes of criminals, can and should be the result of the work of the
judge, who has living individuals before him. But, on the other hand,
this increased power of the judge cannot and should not constitute
a danger to that individual liberty which is the irrevocable conquest
of modern civilization.
When in, France, the name of Magnaud, the "good judge," was
becoming celebrated, I ventured (it often happens in my life that I
think differently from the majority) to say: "But I am against the
good judge, because a good judge connotes the possibility of a bad
judge. You admire Magnaud, my personal friend, who came to the
Criminal Anthropological Congress at Turin in 1906 to bring the
assurance of his scientific solidarity; I admire him as much as you
do. But if we admit that he, to acquit an accused man, can violate the
law and therefore create a new law in favor of those who were really
under unfortunate and pitiful conditions, in so doing we admit the
possibility that another judge may modify the existing law in the
sense of a savage severity towards the accused and so suppress the
guarantees of individual right. The judge should apply the law as
it is and nothing more. It is the law which constitutes the guarantee
of individual right, and it is the genuine application of the erroneous
law which, by bringing its defects into relief, further facilitates and
accelerates its reform.
It is indeed certain that in this reform of penal justice, in which
the personality of the criminal is made the first consideration and is
not left in the shade as up to now, the judge will have increased pow-
ers to adapt the form of punishment to the personality of the criminal.
But, as proposed in its first Congress in Rome in April, 1914,
by the Italian Society of Anthropology and Criminal Law, we shall
put side by side with such wide and necessary powers of the judge,
greater guarantees for individual right. Penal justice should progress
but we cannot allow the progress of penal justice to coincide with the
diminution of individual guarantees and rights which modern civiliza-
tion has irrevocably recognized and established.
Such guarantees may be found above all in the choice of judges, in
their technical capacity, in their conditions of independence and cor-
relative responsibility.
In the second place, we have the rules which will be fixed in the
penal code to decide the conditions according to which the judge
may exercise his powers for the judicial individualization of the re-
pressive sanction.
My proposal, then, and my idea is this: While the criminalists

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think that the provisions, for example, against criminals who are
insane or habitual drunkards, are administrative provisions, measures
of security, as they are called, different from the penalty, which,
according to them, is moral retribution for the crime by means of
punishment, my view is that there is no substantial difference between
the penalty and tlie measure of security, and that the latter, instead of
being administrative provisions should be jurisdictional provisions.
If my view prevails, when the criminal is not dangerous, the form
of punishment will not be prison confinement. To put in prison for
five, ten or fifteen days a criminal who has committed slight and not
dangerous offenses, means putting him in a Pasteur stove for the
culture of criminal microbes. And this is why we are against short
prison penalties. There are other forms of punishment which will
be enough and which I cannot now enumerate to you, but which, as
the positive school has always held, will always be accompanied by the
obligation to compensate for the damage caused by the crime. Such
compensation every condemned person will make even in prison with
his own labor, organized not only for an educational and hygienic
purpose, but also for economic profit, with hours and salary equal to
those in the open market.
Of this salary, half is to be destined to compensate the party
injured by the crime, and half for the family of the condemned, and
as a sum put by for himself; while the economic profit of prison work
will go as indemnity to the public treasury. At Buenos Aires I saw
the penitentiary, which is under the the superintendence of the Posit-
ivist Ballue, and which was not costing the state a single penny, nay,
often yielding it a sum to the good as the residue of profit of the
industrial business after having paid all the expenses of the inmates.
But when prison confinement is necessary we hold that the con-
demned and his family have the right, after, say, the half of the
penalty, to ask the judge who pronounced the first sentence, to exon-
erate him from the rest of the penalty if in prison he has shown
himself improved and has learned a trade which puts him in a position
to live honestly in a life of liberty. And for this there should be a
real and proper legal act. The judge should hear from him the man-
agement of the prisons about the conduct of that prisoner, for in the
places of imprisonment, the anthropological chart should be organized,
filled in with methodical observations by the prison doctor, who should
be a criminal anthropologist, as the Minister Cruppi proposed in
France eight or ten years ago, though I have not been told whether his
proposal was accepted.

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The management of the prison will say whether the individual

is improved or not, whether readapted to a free life or no. The
judge will hear the advocate of the state and the advocate of the con-
demned and the advocate of the injured party, too, who may present
records and facts that may show whether the individual may be ex-
onerated from the rest of his penalty or no.
And if the appeal is rejected, the judge will fix a date when the
condemned may present a new appeal. It seems to me that in this
way the power of the judge, more extensive though it be than it is at
present, may find in the law and in these jurisdictional forms, the
limits that guarantee the rights of the liberty of the individual.
And it is to this end that in one of its first meetings the commis-
sion for the reform of penal laws has expressed a wish which con-
cerns the choice and career of magistrates, concerns the university
studies of jurisprudence, and concerns the legal profession. The
commission considered that the reform of penal laws could not be
efficaciously and practically applied in Italy if there were not a homo-
geneous and favorable atmosphere, especially in those whose task it
is to apply these forms of penal justice and help in their application.
As to the magistrates, the commission has repeated the wish that
from now on, in the choice and career of magistrates, a clear division
be made of civil judges and penal judges. To expect a magistrate to
be an encyclopedia of law is to expect an absurdity. The mentality
of the jurisconsult, of the student of private law, is a legal, logical
mentality different from what is necessary in the penalist, who ought
above all things to be a profound discerner of human psychology.
Besides, this distinction between civil judge and penal judge was
actually made in the days of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and
gave the very best results in tilat period before our nation was welded
into one.
With regard to university studies, the commission has proposed
that in the next university reform in the faculty of jurisprudence,
after two years of the common instruction of all law students, the
second two years should see the division, at the student's pleasure,
between the studies of private law and the studies of penal law, the
students of course having always the right to attend, if they willed,
the courses in both.
But to obtain the degree of doctor in penal law, it will be nec-
essary to add to the subjects now existing courses of practical exer-
cises in anthropology, in psychology and in criminal sociology, in
statistics, in legal medicine, and in the technics of the judicial inter-

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rogatory. There should, therefore, be in the university special studies

for penal justice to be continued, too, later on by lawyers during the
practice of their profession. We have proposed that those who in
future wish to be registered as lawyers must have a special certificate
of competence in the defense of clients before the Court of Assizes
and be inscribed in a special list; while to be so qualified to defend
prisoners before the Court of Assizes, lawyers must, in the examina-
tion in professional practice, add to the usual subjects those special
subjects of anthropology, criminal psychology, etc., which I have just
referred to for the second two years of university studies.
I have, it seems to me, now very sufficiently demonstrated that we
have a very organic and positive idea of what a reform of penal
justice in Italy may be.
But although for forty years I have had a passion for studies of
criminology, my insight is always sufficiently keen to force on me the
profound conviction that no legal reform of civil justice or of penal
justice can be applied or be useful in a country if it is not rooted in
the ground of social justice. A progressive social justice is, in my
opinion, the necessary condition, if the application of civil laws and
of penal laws is really to lead to that ameliorating elevation of hu-
manity which is the aim of each one of us, no matter what our re-
ligious, philosophical or political belief may be.
I am thinking at this moment that forty years ago, in the Novem-
ber of 1879, whlen in the University of Bologna, succeeded to the chair
of my great master in criminal law, Pietro Ellero, I held up to view
with the audacity of youth "new horizons of penal law," thinking,
too, that last October I was able to reassert those same ideas, in my
reply to the Minister of Justice as president of the commission
charged with this reform of penal justice in Italy.
A cycle of scientific existence this, which closes with an obvious
personal satisfaction, not most assuredly from any personal merit in the
initiator, but because on the one hand contemporary civilization has
now a more accelerated rhythm and because, on the other hand, the
experience of hard facts has spread abroad and rooted firmly the con-
viction of the truth of our proposals.
But great as is my personal satisfaction as a worker in this field
from the days of my "nlew horizons" at the University of Bologna to
my presidency of this commission, I trust that before the hour be come
of my eternal sleep, my eyes may be illumined by the new horizons
of a wise social justice, truly courageous and energetically efficient.

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