Finlay 1998

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Journal of World History, Volume 9, Number 2, Fall 1998, pp. 141-187

(Article)
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DOI: 10.1353/jwh.2005.0099
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The Pilgrim Art: The Culture of Porcelain
in World History*
robert finlay
University of Arkansas
I n 1619 Philip III of Spain made a ceremonial entrance into Lisbon,

the capital of his Portuguese kingdom.1 Among the triumphal arches
he paraded under was one put up by the guild of potters that depicted
Portuguese carracks unloading Chinese porcelain in the city’s harbor
and other ships taking aboard Portuguese imitations of the Chinese
wares for export to other European countries. An inscription boasted,
“Ours also go to different regions of the world.” Holding up an earth-
enware vase labeled “porcelains” (porcelanas), an allegorical figure
declared:
Here most gracious Majesty

We offer you the pilgrim art
* Some of the ideas in this paper were first presented at the National Endowment for
the Humanities 1995 Summer Institute at the University of California at Santa Cruz,
“Rethinking Europe/Rethinking World History, 1500–1750.” I would like to thank my
fellow participants for their encouragement, especially Edmund Burke III, Julia Clancy-
Smith, Ross Dunn, Sidney Mintz, Barbara Solow, and Joselyn Ziven. William H. McNeill
and Jonathan D. Spence provided advice and criticism after reading a longer version of the
paper, while Lynda Coon, Suzanne Maberry, and Patricia Singleton also responded with
many valuable suggestions.
1 Philip III was the second of that name as monarch of Portugal: Philip II of Spain
(r. 1556–98) became Philip I of Portugal in 1581 by virtue of the union of crowns that
followed the death in battle of the last of the Aviz dynasty, Dom Sebastian I (r. 1557–78).
See J. H. Elliot, “The Spanish Monarchy and the Kingdom of Portugal, 1580–1640,” in
Conquest and Coalescence: The Shaping of the State in Early Modern Europe, ed. Mark Green-
glass (London: Edward Arnold, 1991), pp. 48–67.
Journal of World History, Vol. 9, No. 2

©1998 by University of Hawai‘i Press
141
142 journal of world history, fall 1998
Made in the Lusitanian Kingdom

Which China sold us at such high prices!2
Philip III was familiar with Chinese porcelain, for his father Philip II
had a collection of some 2,000 pieces, including several with his coat
of arms, and the earthenware potters of Talavera (southwest of Madrid)
had turned out blue-and-white tiles for his Escorial palace in imitation
of the dominant color scheme of Chinese ceramics. Philip III saw similar
tiles adorning the churches of Lisbon, while the Santos Palace of the
Portuguese crown held several hundred pieces of porcelain.3
Lisbon had been a European port of entry for porcelain since 1499,
when Vasco da Gama returned from his historic voyage to India with
about a dozen pieces for Dom Manuel I (r. 1495–1521). After Portu-
guese captains reached China in 1517, the monarch had vessels com-
missioned for him: the earliest known piece of blue-and-white por-
celain with European decoration is a ewer of 1520 with Manuel’s coat
of arms.4 The Portuguese king and his fidalgos thus became the first to
be infected by “the contagion of China-fancy,” as Samuel Johnson
caustically described it. In response to the craze for porcelain, Western
merchants imported at least 70 million pieces in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.5 European princes and aristocrats succumbed to
“porcelain disease” (Porzellankrankheit), a feverish desire to possess the
Chinese ware, which they exhibited in a cabinet or arrayed in a Porzel-
lanzimmer. Indeed, Europeans condemned the Chinese as “porcelain-
headed extortioners” because of the treasure that went to China to pay
for the imports.6 This was a consequence of porcelain holding a unique
2 Jean McClure Mudge, “Hispanic Blue-and-White Faience in the Chinese Style,” in
Blue and White Chinese Porcelain and Its Impact on the Western World (exh. cat.), ed. John
Carswell (Chicago: David and Alfred Smith Gallery, 1985), p. 44; Robert C. Smith, The
Art of Portugal, 1600–1800 (New York: Meredith Press, 1968), p. 261.
3 Anthony Ray, “Sixteenth-Century Pottery in Castile: A Documentary Study,” Burl-
ington Magazine 33 (1991): 298–305; João Castel-Branco Pereira, Portuguese Tiles from the
National Museum of Azulejo, Lisbon, trans. Peter F. Ingham (London: Zwemmer, 1995), p.
47; Daisy Lion-Goldschmidt, “Les porcelaines chinoises du Palais de Santos,” Arts asiatiques
39 (1984): 5–72.
4 Rui Loureiro, “Portugal em busca da China: Imagens e miragens (1498–1514),” Ler
História 19 (1990): 33; Jorge Graça, “The Portuguese Porcelain Trade with China,” Arts in
Asia 7 (1977): 45–47.
5 On enthusiasm for porcelain, see J. H. Plumb, “The Royal Porcelain Craze,” in In the
Light of History (London: Allen Lane, 1972), pp. 57–68. On porcelain imports, see Peter
Wilhelm Meister and Horst Reber, European Porcelain of the 18th Century, trans. Ewald
Osers (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 18. For the quotation, see The
Letters of Samuel Johnson, ed. Bruce Redford, 5 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1992), 3:70–71.
6 Otto Walcha, Meissen Porcelain (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1981), p. 95; Meister and
Reber, European Porcelain, p. 19.

Finlay: The Culture of Porcelain in World History 143
position in trade between East and West. European merchants coveted

spices, which were grown in India, Sri Lanka, and maritime Southeast
Asia, and they wanted silk, which was produced in the Middle East and
Central Asia as well as in China, but porcelain remained a Chinese
monopoly until the early eighteenth century. In 1708 the researchers
of Augustus II (the Strong), elector of Saxony and king of Poland
(1670–1733), discovered the secret of porcelain manufacture—a dream
of European princes for two centuries. The porcelain manufactory of
Meissen brought the West into competition with China for the first
time.
For over a thousand years, Chinese porcelain was the most univer-
sally admired and most widely imitated product in the world. It influ-
enced virtually all ceramic traditions it encountered, and in some cases
—most notably in maritime Southeast Asia and coastal East Africa—
it displaced them altogether, thereby reaching deeply into indigenous
religious and social life. Porcelain played a central role in cross-cultural
exchange in the Afro-Eurasian oikumene, since it was the principal
material vehicle for the assimilation and transmission of artistic sym-
bols, themes, and designs across vast distances. It yields the first and
most extensive physical evidence for sustained cultural encounter on a
worldwide scale, perhaps even for indications of genuinely global cul-
ture. Moreover, porcelain presents striking evidence for artistic, com-
mercial, and technological interaction between the high cultures of
China and western Asia from the seventh century to the advent of the
modern age at the end of the eighteenth.
The cultural impact of porcelain provides an illuminating but un-
explored theme in the study of world history. Pottery in general has
been a crucial source of information for archaeologists since the eigh-
teenth century, but historical study of material culture, commodities,
and consumption began only in recent decades. In particular, it is not
surprising that historians have overlooked porcelain. Although there
is an enormous literature on the subject, much of it is in publications
rarely consulted by historians, such as exhibition catalogues, auction-
house magazines, museum booklets, and art journals. Even within the
realm of art history, porcelain is slighted: as one of the decorative arts,
it ranks considerably below painting and sculpture, and not much above
furniture and costume design. For the purpose of historical examina-
tion, however, porcelain vessels are particularly revealing, for they were
often simultaneously functional wares, treasured possessions, and bearers
of cultural significance; hence, the history of porcelain must be linked
to changes in commerce, art, and social values. This essay attempts to
place porcelain within these contexts while also relating it to some
central developments in world history.
The argument proceeds in roughly chronological order, beginning

with a sketch of the technology of ceramics in China from the Shang
period (c. 1700–1027 b.c.e.) through the Song (960–1279), followed
by an account of the development of blue-and-white porcelain in the
Yuan (1279–1368) and Ming (1368–1644) dynasties. The impact of
porcelain on other ceramic traditions in the ecumene is then surveyed,
a theme that is continued with examination of the rise of porcelain in
the West from 1500. The essay concludes with discussion of the role of
porcelain in cross-cultural exchange from the Tang period (618–906)
to around 1800.
The Technology of Ceramics from the Shang to the Song
China and the West categorize porcelain differently in relation to

earthenware and stoneware.7 The contemporary view, which is based
on a Western taxonomy, is that pottery encompasses all three types,
ranked according to the ware’s material composition and to the tem-
perature at which it is fired in a kiln. Made from many types of clay,
earthenware is formed at between 600°C and 1,000°C; if the tempera-
ture is higher than 1,000°C, the vessel will bloat and collapse in a liquid
melt. The fired clay, which is red, brown, or buff, is unfused and there-
fore porous; it must be covered with a glaze in a second firing to be-
come impermeable. Stoneware is produced at about 1,100°C to 1,250°C,
resulting in a ceramic whose hardness lies between that of earthenware
and porcelain; it is vitreous (or glassy), almost entirely nonporous, res-
onant when struck, and varies in color from light gray to black.
Whiteness and translucency chiefly distinguish porcelain from stone-
ware. The porcelain produced at Jingdezhen from around the thirteenth
century was composed of china-stone (or “porcelain-stone,” cishi) and
kaolin (or china-clay).8 China-stone gives translucency and hardness
7 For basic terms in ceramics (but without unanimity regarding them), see the glossa-
ries in the following works: The British Museum Book of Chinese Art, ed. Jessica Rawson
(London: Thames and Hudson, 1993), pp. 361–70; David W. Kingery and Pamela B. Van-
diver, Ceramic Masterpieces: Art, Structure, and Technology (New York: Free Press, 1986), pp.
315–24; Mary Tregear, Song Ceramics (London: Thames and Hudson, 1982), pp. 233–38;
S. J. Vainker, Chinese Pottery and Porcelain (London: British Museum Press, 1991), pp. 218–
25. For discussion of terms and various wares, see William Bowyer Honey, European
Ceramic Art from the End of the Middle Ages to about 1815, 2 vols. (London: Faber and Faber,
1949). For ease of exposition, some technical material will be placed in the notes.
8 Petuntse (baidunzi) appears in most descriptions of porcelain as the term for the
processed white briquettes of china-stone used in the manufacturing process. Originally

potters’ slang, it is now regarded as an inappropriate term in porcelain studies. See John
Addis
to the porcelain paste but is difficult to work with by itself; kaolin

softens the paste, providing plasticity, smoothness, and whiteness.9
The two components fuse to form a single mass when heated to above
1,300°C, undergoing a process of vitrification that renders the finished
product resonant, wholly impermeable, very white, and translucent
when thin. In terms of fusion of material, china-stone and kaolin that
are fired below 1,000°C make earthenware; fired below 1,300°C, they
produce stoneware. Since porcelain and stoneware are both high-fired
wares, they are glazed merely to improve their appearance, not because
they are porous.10
Earthenware, stoneware, and porcelain are regarded as distinct
categories in the West (and in all modern studies). The Chinese, how-
ever, traditionally recognize only two groupings, earthenware and ci,
the latter including both stoneware and porcelain. Of course, the West-
ern classification of stoneware and porcelain makes sense in terms of
chemical and physical analysis inasmuch as there are genuine differ-
ences in mineral ingredients and material formation between the two
ceramics. When the scientific categories are employed in historical
narrative, however, they result in considerable confusion. Depending
upon which modern account one reads, porcelain emerged in any one
of the periods of Chinese history from the Zhou (1027–221 b.c.e.) to
the Yuan.11 The terms proto-porcelain, quasi-porcelain, and porcellaneous
stoneware often are used to identify pottery made with some of the
Addis, “Porcelain-Stone and Kaolin: Late Yuan Developments at Hutian,” Transactions of

the Oriental Ceramics Society 45 (1980–81): 62 (journal hereafter cited as TOCS). The term
kaolin derives from Kaoling (High Ridge) near Jingdezhen, where the china-clay was mined
and processed.
9 There are two main kinds of kaolin, secondary and primary. The former is a product
of lengthy sedimentary transport and deposition and therefore contains impurities that
reduce its firing range. Ceramics of the Song period generally were made from secondary
kaolin. The china-clay used at Jingdezhen was primary kaolin. Inasmuch as Jingdezhen is
the only place where china-stone is found in association with primary kaolin, that pottery
center had a unique advantage in developing a formula for a ceramic of the highest quality.
See Vainker, Chinese Pottery and Porcelain, pp. 218–19.
10 On the manufacture of porcelain, see Rollo Charles, Continental Porcelain of the Eigh-
teenth Century (London: Ernest Benn, 1964), pp. 22–31. For a useful graph of firing ranges
and materials, see Adrian Malcolm Joseph, Ming Porcelains: Their Origins and Development
(London: Bibelot, 1971), p. 10.
11 For example, see Li Jiazhi, “The Evolution of Chinese Pottery and Porcelain
Technology,” in Ceramics and Civilization: Ancient Technology to Modern Sciences, ed. W. D.

Kingery (Columbus, Ohio: American Ceramic Society, 1984), p. 135; Robert Temple, The
Genius of China (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1986), p. 92; Philip Wen-Chee Mao,
“Early Blue and White,” Oriental Art 23 (1977): 333; Sherman E. Lee, A History of Far East-
ern Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1982), p. 286; Margaret Medley, Yüan Porcelain and
Stoneware (London: Pitman, 1974), p. 14.
ingredients of porcelain and sharing some of its physical characteris-

tics, centuries before the emergence of supposed “true porcelain” at
Jingdezhen in the Yuan dynasty.12
The Chinese category of ci for both porcelain and stoneware has
the virtue of avoiding such otiose terminology, albeit at the price of
ignoring real distinctions between the two ceramics. In fact, the vari-
ant classifications of porcelain reflect significant differences between
the ceramic experiences of China and the West. High-fired wares (or ci)
defined the ceramic history of China for some 1,600 years before Jing-
dezhen porcelain appeared in the thirteenth century. Grouping porce-
lain with stoneware was natural since the new material resulted from
incremental change within an established tradition, mainly a matter of
adjusting the proportion of known ingredients. Because porcelain ves-
sels, in their hardness, resonance, and impermeability, seemed indis-
tinguishable from stoneware, potters had every reason to regard the
new Jingdezhen product as just another, improved variety of ci. In
Europe, earthenware defined the pottery tradition until the arrival of
Chinese porcelain, which westerners subsequently investigated to learn
how to manufacture the ceramic for themselves. Their research re-
sulted in the contemporary scientific taxonomy.13 In other words, Euro-
peans in the early modern period analyzed the nature of porcelain
because of its novelty, while the Chinese in the thirteenth century
simply regarded the material as a natural extension of their ancient
craft of high-quality ceramics.
The most striking contrast between China and the West in the his-
tory of pottery is that the former was about two millennia ahead of the
latter in the manufacture of high-fired wares. The foundation for this
precocious achievement lies in the geology of the Tibetan plateau and
Gobi desert. Beginning more than a million years ago, loess from those
regions blanketed the plains of northern China. This fine rock dust,
produced by the weathering of igneous stone, was blown southeast to
form a topsoil as much as 300 meters deep in places. Loess (huangtu, or
12 In part, this nomenclature is a consequence of trying to account historically for wares
being made variously from secondary kaolin, naturally kaolinized china-stone, and china-
stone mixed with processed primary kaolin. See M. S. Tite, I. C. Freestone, and M. Bimson,
“A Technological Study of Chinese Porcelain of the Yuan Dynasty,” Archaeometry 26
(1984): 139–54.
13 The category of stoneware emerged by a kind of back-formation: having identified
the particular physical characteristics of porcelain, westerners necessarily recognized those

of stoneware as well. Some stoneware was made in the Rhineland from around the four-
teenth century, but since it had slight currency in Europe, it provoked no special interest or
investigation. See F. A. Dreier, “Stoneware in Germany,” in World Ceramics, ed. Robert J.
Charleston (London: Paul Hamlyn, 1968), pp. 129–33.
“yellow earth”) gave the Yellow River its name, and it provided the
raw material for the 7,000 terra-cotta warriors buried with Qin Shi-
huang, founder of the Qin empire (221–207 b.c.e.).14 The develop-
ment of Chinese ceramics depended on loess in two respects. First,
since it consists mainly of quartz, loess has a high melting point and
therefore made superb material for high-temperature kilns. Second,
since it has a very low clay content and thus does not shrink during
drying and firing, it proved ideal for making ceramic piece molds for
casting the bronze weapons and ritual bronze vessels that emerged dur-
ing the Shang dynasty.15
Employment of loess for ceramic molds meant that pottery and
metallurgy developed together in China. In western Asia, metal objects
were first made by being pounded out with a hammer and anvil as part
of a smithy tradition. In China, the earliest metal artifacts came out of
a ceramic context, in which the potter’s piece molds determined the
shape and ornamentation of bronze implements.16 Loess soil and the
early predominance of ceramics in metallurgy also impelled Chinese
craftsmen toward a highly effective kiln technology. In ancient Meso-
potamia, potters modeled their kilns on smelting furnaces, in which
the smithy strives to keep the metal and fuel in close contact with
each other: thus, they built kilns of brick from the ground up, with
large fireboxes directly beneath the pots, producing a uniform but
modest temperature (of about 1,000°C). The potter, however, achieves
the best results by separating pots from the source of heat in the kiln.
In the loess soil of China, all that artisans had to do was excavate a
chamber in rising ground, tamp the walls, and create a vent to the sur-
face; the sandy soil provided excellent insulation, and an effective
chimney gave a good draft and a strong flame.17 Some 10 meters in
14 On loess, see Gideon S. Golany, Chinese Earth-Sheltered Dwellings (Honolulu: Uni-
versity of Hawai‘i Press, 1992), pp. 14–21.

15 On loess and ceramics, see Pamela B. Vandiver, “Ancient Glazes,” Scientific American
262 (1990): 110; S. Vainker, “Ceramics for Use,” in The British Museum Book of Chinese
Art, p. 215; Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, p. 33. On Shang bronzes and
ceramics, see Jessica Rawson and Emma C. Bunker, Ancient China and Ordos Bronzes (Hong
Kong: Oriental Ceramic Society, 1990).
16 Noel Barnard, “The Role of the Potter in the Discovery and the Development of
Metallurgy in Ancient China—with Particular Reference to Kiln and Furnace Construc-

tion,” Bulletin of the Oriental Ceramic Society 2 (1976): 1–33.
17 Ursula Martius Franklin, “The Beginnings of Metallurgy in China: A Comparative
Approach,” in The Great Bronze Age in China, ed. George Kuwayama (Los Angeles: Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1983), pp. 94–99; Vandiver, “Ancient Glazes,” p. 110. See
also Henry Hodges, “Interaction between Metalworking and Ceramic Technologies in the
T’ang Period,” in Pottery and Metalwork in T’ang China, ed. William Watson (London: Per-
cival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 1970), pp. 64–67.
length, the “dragon kilns” (long) of the Han period (206 b.c.e.–220 c.e.)
in southern China used the natural slope of the hillside to produce
a natural draft that raised the firing temperature higher than Euro-
pean kilns could obtain before the nineteenth century. By the Song
period, multichamber dragon kilns stretched up hillsides as much as
60 meters and could fire more than 50,000 pieces at a time over sev-
eral days.18
This kiln technology led to the finest achievements of Chinese
pottery. As far back as the Shang period, craftsmen used kaolin for
making ceramics, although their kilns generally fell somewhat short of
the temperature needed to move beyond earthenware. In the Zhou
period, with better kilns, potters fired their kaolinic wares at about
1,250°C, making them hard, almost nonporous, and resonant.19 Long
before the first centuries of the Common Era, then, the most advanced
Chinese ceramic was no longer earthenware but some kind of ci. By
the Song period, the earthenware tradition was defunct, while high-
fired wares were increasingly diverse, in large part because of the
numerous pottery centers in China.
Ceramic variety also stemmed from kiln technology. The structure
of the tunnel-like kilns meant that there were temperature differences
of as much as 600°C between the firebox in the lower area and the
chimney in the upper. In a single operation, high-fired wares could be
produced in the lower chambers and earthenware in the top. In order
to use all parts of the kiln and thereby reduce the enormous expense of
firing with wood fuel, potters experimented with kaolin and china-
stone, mineral substances that were chemically unique in withstanding
the hottest portion of the kiln.20 This resulted in vessels that were
whiter and harder than those previously made—a much desired effect,
since it allowed ceramics to imitate the pale shades and thin body of
silverwork vessels, a medium introduced to China from western Asia
in the Tang period.21
18 Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, p. 77; Li Jiazhi, “The Evolution of Chi-
nese Pottery and Porcelain Technology,” pp. 143–48.

19 William Watson, Pre-Tang Ceramics of China: Chinese Pottery from 4000 B.C. to 600
A.D. (London: Faber and Faber, 1991), p. 175; Clarence F. Shangraw, Origins of Chinese
Ceramics (exh. cat.) (New York: China Institute in America, 1978), pp. 43, 45; Cécile
Beurdeley and Michel Beurdeley, A Connoisseur’s Guide to Chinese Ceramics, trans. Katherine
Watson (New York: Alpine Fine Arts Collection, 1984), pp. 26, 42.
20 William Willetts, Chinese Art, 2 vols. (New York: George Braziller, 1958), 2:410–11.
21 Jessica Rawson, “Song Silver and Its Connexions with Ceramics,” Apollo 120 (1984):
18–23. See Margaret Medley, “T’ang Gold and Silver,” in Pottery and Metalwork in T’ang
China, pp. 19–26.
In addition, the long cooling period required for the large kilns
sometimes produced bluish green shades on the glazed wares as a result
of excess carbon monoxide in the chambers. This revealed to Song
potters that striking effects of depth, brightness, and opalescence could
be achieved by controlling the kiln atmosphere.22 The Chinese prized
vessels with bluish green glazes because the surfaces resembled the
colors of jade, a material of enormous ceremonial and symbolic signifi-
cance in China. More prosaically, an eighteenth-century Chinese con-
noisseur praised Song glazes for being “as transparent and thick as
massed lard.”23 The lavish glazes on Song ceramics meant that most
pieces were monochromatic; the potters decorated them by incision of
the glaze or ceramic body rather than by the use of pigments. Judging
by the variety and excellence of their vessels, Song potters had an
impressive practical understanding of aesthetic effects, kiln technology,
and ceramic chemistry.24 Their whitewares and greenwares (or cela-
dons) are generally considered the finest achievement in the history of
ceramics.25
In the Song period, the most prestigious kilns producing white-
wares were located in Hebei Province in northern China, and those
manufacturing the best greenwares were at Longquan in Zhejiang Prov-
ince on the southeastern coast; both kinds of ci usually were made with
a variety of kaolin. At first a relatively minor pottery center, Jingde-
zhen produced wares made only of china-stone. From the tenth cen-
tury the main line of production was known as qingbai (bluish white).
These were small, thin vessels with a fine white body and a blue-tinted
transparent glaze. Qingbai had limited circulation in China, but mer-
22 Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, p. 107.

23 Stephen Bushell, Description of Chinese Pottery and Porcelain: Being a Translation of
the T’ao Shuo (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), p. 64. On the significance of jade, see
Jessica Rawson, Chinese Jade from the Neolithic to the Qing (London: British Museum Press,
1995).
24 P. Vandiver and W. D. Kingery, “Variations in the Microstructure and Microcomposi-
tion of Pre-Song, Song, and Yuan Dynasty Ceramics,” in Ceramics and Civilization, p. 218;
Robert D. Mowry, “Chinese Brown- and Black-Glazed Ceramics: An Overview,” in Hare’s
Fur, Tortoiseshell, and Partridge Feathers: Chinese Brown- and Black-Glazed Ceramics, 400–
1400 (exh. cat.) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Art Museums, 1996), pp. 23–42;
John Ayers, Margaret Medley, and Nigel Wood, eds., Irons in the Fire: The Chinese Potter’s
Exploration of Iron Oxide Glazes (exh. cat.) (London: Oriental Ceramic Society, 1988).
25 Tregear, Song Ceramics, pp. 7–48; Margaret Medley, The Chinese Potter: A Practical
History of Chinese Ceramics (Oxford: Phaidon, 1976), pp. 103–68. There is no agreement
on the origins of the term celadon. It may be derived from a character in a seventeenth-cen-
tury French novel who wore ribbons of a pale green color (Beurdeley, A Connoisseur’s Guide
to Chinese Ceramics, p. 94). The preferred usage is now greenware.
chants shipped large quantities to maritime Southeast Asia, and some

reached the Middle East.26
By the last years of the Song dynasty, however, the china-stone at
Jingdezhen was being mined from deep deposits that lacked aluminium
oxide, the chemical ingredient that allowed the mineral to withstand
high firing. To preserve the quality of their product, the Jingdezhen
potters began adding kaolin to the china-stone, thereby restoring the
percentage of aluminium oxide required.27 This was a turning point in
the history of pottery, for the new formula proved vastly superior to the
use of china-stone alone. The addition of kaolin permitted the potters
to raise the temperature for firing in the kiln to above 1,300°C. This
led to fusion (or vitrification) of the china-stone and kaolin, greatly
enhancing the translucency, whiteness, and hardness of the finished
product. The snow-white brilliance of the porcelain presented new
potential for decoration, while its strength meant that larger, more
elaborate vessels could now be produced.28 The potters of Jingdezhen
had invented a material with which they would change ceramic tradi-
tions around the world. Those transformations began, however, only
after they had adopted a significant innovation from the earthenware
craftsmen of the Middle East.
The Development of Blue-and-White Porcelain in the Yuan

and Ming
Blue-and-white porcelain developed as a long-term consequence of

the impact of Song ceramics on the Middle East. The Middle East and
India were the great areas of consumption in the ecumene; precious
metal, spices, and manufactured goods found their best markets there.29
26 Guo Yanyi, “Raw Materials for Making Porcelain and the Characteristics of Porce-
lain Wares in North and South China in Ancient Times,” Archaeometry 29 (1987): 3–6;
Chen Baiquan, “The Development of Song Dynasty Qingbai Wares from Jingdezhen,” in
The Porcelains of Jingdezhen, ed. R. Scott (London: Percival David Foundation, 1993), pp.
13–32. Qingbai also was known as yingqing (shadow-blue).
27 Peter Y. K. Lam, “Jingdezhen Wares of the Yuan Dynasty,” Orientations 15 (1984):
18–19; Tite, Freestone, and Bimson, “A Technological Study of Chinese Porcelain of the
Yuan Dynasty,” pp. 139–54. On china-stone and kaolin at Jingdezhen, see note 9 above.
28 Lam, “Jingdezhen Wares of the Yuan Dynasty,” p. 22. For technical reasons having to
do with glazing compounds, the glaze also lost its blue tint around the same time.
29 K. N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from
the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 39, 184–85;
Jack Goody, The East in the West (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 82–
97. As discussed below, however, Hindu prohibitions regarding ceramics strictly limited the
market for porcelain in India.
Whitewares and greenwares were exported by ship to Egypt and Persia

from as early as the ninth century, probably by Muslim merchants
in the port cities of Guangzhou (Canton) and Quanzhou.30 Porcelain
greatly inspired the potters of the Middle East, as is shown by hundreds
of thousands of earthenware shards in Egypt, Syria, and Persia.31 Mari-
time export of ceramics increased considerably after the Liao state of
the Qidan (907–1125) and then the Jin state of the Jurchen (1115–
1234) cut off northern China from contact with Central Asia. As
population mushroomed in the southeastern coastal provinces of
Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong, China turned decisively toward the
sea. The government of the Southern Song (1127–1279) came to
depend on maritime trade for at least 20% of its cash income, and
manufacturers of porcelain (along with those of other commodi-
ties) dramatically stepped up production to meet demand from foreign
markets.32
Given its population of well over 100 million in the late twelfth
century, as well as the attractions of its manufactured products, China
exerted enormous leverage when it committed itself to the wider
world. The overseas reach of the vast Chinese economy intensified an-
cient patterns of trade and cultivation throughout Southeast Asia and
the countries of the Indian Ocean. It caused an upsurge of activity in
marketplaces as distant as the merchant republics of Italy, which from
the eleventh century flourished on trade in Asian spices. With China
as its center, an economic system emerged for the first time to encom-
30 David Whitehouse, “Abbasid Maritime Trade: Archaeology and the Age of Expan-
sion,” Rivista degli studi orientali 59 (1987): 346–47; Peter Y. K. Lam, “Northern Song
Guangdong Wares,” in A Ceramic Legacy of Asia’s Maritime Trade, ed. Southeast Asian
Ceramic Society (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 9; Jessica Rawson, M. Tite,
and M. J. Hughes, “The Export of Tang Sancai Wares: Some Recent Research,” TOCS 52
(1987–88): 39–58. On Muslim merchants in Quanzhou, see Hugh P. Clark, “Muslims and
Hindus in the Culture and Morphology of Quanzhou from the Tenth to the Thirteenth
Century,” Journal of World History 6 (1995): 49–74.
31 Tsugio Mikami, “China and Egypt: Fusat,” TOCS 45 (1980–81): 67–89; George T.
Scanlon, “Egypt and China: Trade and Imitation,” in Islam and the Trade of Asia, ed. D. S.
Richards (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), pp. 85–88; Moira Tempoe,
Maritime Trade between China and the West: An Archaeological Study of the Ceramics from
Siraf (Persian Gulf), 8th to 15th Centuries A.D. (Oxford: BAR International Series, 1989),
pp. 47–68.
32 On maritime activity, see Jung-pang Lo, “The Emergence of China as a Sea Power
during the Late Sung and Early Yuan Periods,” Far Eastern Quarterly 11 (1952): 91–
105; “Chinese Shipping and East-West Trade from the Tenth to the Fourteenth Cen-
tury,” Sociétés et compagnies de commerce en Orient et dans l’Océan Indien (Paris: SEVPEN,
1970), pp. 167–74. On expansion of ceramic production, see So Kee Long, “The Trade
Ceramics Industry in Southern Fukian during the Song,” Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies 24
(1994): 1–19.
pass almost the entire ecumene.33 Furthermore, the effects of Chinese

commercial expansion to the southern seas were reinforced from the
thirteenth century by the spread of Islam into maritime Asia. Muslim
traders from the regions of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean,
especially from Gujarat and the Coromandel coast, established them-
selves along the littorals of Asia, where they provided a cultural foun-
dation for an extensive commercial network.34
The growth of Chinese seaborne commerce particularly benefited
the pottery industry, since ceramics are fragile, bulky, and heavy, thus
far easier to transport by ship than by camel or cart. Commodities high
in value and low in bulk (such as gemstones and musk oil), as well as
those high in value and relatively uncomplicated to transport (such as
silk and incense wood), were always the principal merchandise on the
silk road, which traversed some 8,000 kilometers from the Yellow River
to the Mediterranean. But with inauguration in the Song period of the
“ceramic route” to western Asia, a maritime equivalent of the ancient
caravan trail, porcelain became a preferred bulk export of high value.35
The great expansion of trade ceramics certainly led to a lowering of
costs to consumers in the Middle East. A merchant of Guangzhou in
the twelfth century reported that when ships left the harbor, “the
greater part of the cargo consists of pottery, the small pieces packed in
the larger, till there is not a crevice left.”36
Chinese whitewares and greenwares came as a revelation to the
Middle East. Compared to Egyptian and Persian pottery, porcelain
seemed to have a jewellike, magical quality. Writing in 851, an Arab
merchant named Sulayman marveled that porcelain vessels have “the
William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society since
33
A . D.1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 53–55; Janet L. Abu-Lughod,
Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250–1350 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1989), pp. 317–22, 347–48.
34 See Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World
Civilization, vol. 2, The Expansion of Islam in the Middle Periods (Chicago: University of Chi-
cago Press, 1974), pp. 532–51; Fernand Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism: 15th–18th Cen-
tury, vol. 3, The Perspective of the World, trans. Siân Reynolds (New York: Harper and Row,
1984), pp. 526–27.
35 K. K. Kwan, “Canton, Pulau Tioman, and Southeast Asian Maritime Trade,” in A
Ceramic Legacy of Asia’s Maritime Trade, ed. Southeast Asian Ceramic Society (Singapore:
Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 49. On the development and importance of the silk
road, see Philip D. Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984), pp. 93–96; Jerry H. Bentley, “Cross-Cultural Interaction and Peri-
odization in World History,” American Historical Review 101 (1996): 761–62.
36 Quoted in John Carswell, “Chinese Ceramics from Allaippidy in Sri Lanka,” in A
Ceramic Legacy of Asia’s Maritime Trade, p. 33.

transparency of glass bottles; water in these vases is visible through them

—and yet they are made of clay!”37 Middle Eastern potters aspired to
imitate the Chinese imports, but given their natural resources and
technology, they faced formidable ostacles. Because of impurities, the
clays of the Middle East could not fire beyond 1,000°C, which natu-
rally was also the temperature limit of kilns in the region.38 Potters
developed a ceramic body made of ground glass and white clay, but the
brittle vessels that resulted looked unsatisfactory next to the real thing.
A far more successful technique was pioneered by Egyptian craftsmen
of the Fatimid dynasty (908–1171) and developed further in Seljuk
Persia (c. 1040–1220) by potters at Rayy and Kashan: the effect of
Song whiteware was simulated by adding tin oxide as an opacifier to a
clear glaze, thus covering up the brownish tones of the earthenware
with a soft, matte white.39
Beyond the technical difficulties of imitation, however, Middle East-
ern potters also faced an aesthetic problem. The sober, monochromatic
nature of Song ceramics ran counter to an ancient tradition of color
and decoration on Middle Eastern glass and pottery.40 Around 4500
b.c.e. Egyptian craftsmen colored artifical gemstones a clear blue by
using cobalt oxide, and glassmakers in Mesopotamia tinted their wares
with cobalt about 2,000 years later. In the ninth century c.e. Persian
potters used cobalt to color glazes as well as to paint over them.41
Sometime in the twelfth century they began painting designs in cobalt
blue on the white background of their tin-glazed products. The proper
37 Quoted in Temple, The Genius of China, p. 91; see Voyage du marchand arabe Sulayman
en Inde et en Chine, rédigé en 851, trans. Gabriel Ferrand (Paris: Editions Bossard, 1992).
38 Ahmad Y. Al-Hasan and Donald R. Hill, Islamic Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1986), pp. 169–70; Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, p. 40.
Middle Eastern pottery had a very complex development that cannot be dealt with here.
See Helene Philon, Early Islamic Ceramics: Ninth to Late Twelfth Centuries (London: Islamic
Art Publications, 1980); Alan Caiger-Smith, Lustre Pottery: Technique, Tradition, and Inno-
vation in Islam and the Western World (London: Faber and Faber, 1985).
39 Alan Caiger-Smith, Tin-Glaze Pottery in Europe and the Islamic World: The Tradition of
1000 Years in Maiolica, Faience, and Delftware (London: Faber and Faber, 1973), pp. 45–46.
See also R. B. Mason and M. S. Tite, “The Beginning of Tin-Opacification of Pottery
Glazes,” Archaeometry 39 (1997): 41–58. For an early fourteenth-century account of
ceramic manufacture in Persia, see J. W. Allan, Abu’l-Qasim’s Treatise on Ceramics (Oxford:
Ashmolean Museum, 1973).
40 Marina D. Whitman, “Persian Blue-and-White Ceramics: Cycles of Chinoiserie,” 2
vols. (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978), 1:25.

41 Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, pp. 9, 53; Harry Garner, Oriental Blue
and White (London: Faber and Faber, 1970), pp. xviii–xix. Craftsmen concentrated on
cobalt oxide as a coloring agent because it was readily obtained in Persia and withstood
firing in a kiln far better than other oxides.
effect was hard to achieve, however, because the blue decoration tended
to run in the kiln.42
Although exact dates cannot be established, it is clear that signifi-
cant changes took place during the same centuries in the two great
ceramic traditions of the ecumene. In China, craftsmen at Jingdezhen
experimented with a new formula for their qingbai wares, while in the
Middle East, under the influence of Song imports, potters created an
innovative glaze and explored new techniques of decoration. These
developments eventually came together as a result of one of the great
cataclysms of history. In 1219 the Mongols launched their invasion of
Persia. Along with much else in Persian cultural life, the potteries of
Rayy disappeared, and those at Kashan subsided into provincialism.43
After the Southern Song fell to the Mongols in 1279, the nomadic
conquerors ruled an empire that stretched from Russia to the Pacific.
In 1271 Marco Polo began his journey to China on the silk road, and
seventeen years later he took ship from Quanzhou to return to Venice
by way of Vietnam, Java, India, and Persia. His Chinese sojourn is the
most famous example of the intense cross-cultural exchange that
flowed from the great Mongol conquests.44 Building on Song achieve-
ments, China under the Yuan dynasty of the Mongols became even
more closely linked with overseas regions, often through Muslim
government officials and traders. Chinese merchants competed for
seaborne commerce with Indians and Persians, and Chinese junks
sailed the Indian Ocean.45 Naturally, the ships carried large amounts of
porcelain.
Entrepreneurs and craftsmen in China and the Middle East in the
thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries engaged in a remarkable col-
laboration that brought the ceramic traditions of the two regions closer
together than ever before. As part of an international trading diaspora,
42 Medley, The Chinese Potter, p. 177; Hodges, “The Technical Problems of Copying
Chinese Porcelains in Tin Glaze,” in The Westward Influence of the Chinese Arts from the
14th to the 18th Century (London: Percival David Foundation of Chinese Art, 1973), pp.
79–87.
43 Arthur Lane, Later Islamic Pottery, 2nd ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1971), pp. xiv,
6–8; David Whitehouse, “Maritime Trade in the Gulf: The 11th and 12th Centuries,”
World Archaeology 14 (1983): 328–34; Caiger-Smith, Tin-Glaze Pottery, p. 44.
44 See Jerry H. Bentley, Old World Encounters: Cross-Cultural Contacts and Exchanges in
Pre-Modern Times (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 141–49; Thomas T. Allsen,
“Ever Closer Encounters: The Appropriation of Culture and the Apportionment of Peoples
in the Mongol Empire,” Journal of Early Modern History 1 (1997): 2–23.
45 Jung-pang Lo, “The Emergence of China as a Sea Power during the Late Sung and
Early Yuan Periods,” p. 95; and “Chinese Shipping and East-West Trade from the Tenth to
the Fourteenth Century,” p. 170.
Muslim merchants in Quanzhou provided the initiative. On the one

hand, they knew about the market for high-quality pottery in the
Middle East as well as about the frustrating attempts by Persian potters
to use cobalt in ceramic decoration. On the other hand, they recog-
nized that the Jingdezhen potters had developed an improved ceramic
body that offered an ideal surface for decoration and sufficient strength
to replicate in pottery the massive metal basins and platters that
people in the Middle East used as standard utensils.46 Moreover, the
homes of the Quanzhou merchants were famed for their riches, filled
with Middle Eastern metalwork that could serve Chinese potters as
models, along with carpets and textiles as sources of Islamic design. To
experiment with cobalt oxide for decoration, they could even provide
the potters with samples of the ore, which was sold as a medicine in
Muslim apothecary shops. The Jingdezhen craftsmen found that the
viscosity of their glazes prevented the cobalt from diffusing during
firing, thereby allowing the most intricate designs to be executed in
blue on white.47
For many decades to come, the Quanzhou merchants imported sub-
stantial quantities of processed cobalt oxide (or smalt) from Persia to
China, where it was a jealously guarded industrial asset at Jingdezhen,
known as huihui qing (Muslim blue) and sumali qing (from the Arabic
samawi, “sky-colored”).48 The scale and far-reaching nature of the enter-
prise—refined ore shipped over 6,000 kilometers from the Middle East
to China, customized wares manufactured in bulk at Jingdezhen for
Islamic markets—were unprecedented in world history, and provide
striking evidence of commercial and technological interaction in the
ecumene during the years of the Pax Mongolica and after.
It was also a highly profitable venture. The Muslim merchants of
Quanzhou probably were responsible for the great investment of capi-
tal that transformed the privately owned kilns of Jingdezhen into well-
organized industrial complexes controlled by commercial syndicates.
The transformation was inadvertently reinforced in the Ming period
46 Margaret Medley, “Chinese Ceramics and Islamic Design,” in The Westward Influence
of the Chinese Arts, pp. 2–3; The Chinese Potter, pp. 170–71; Addis, “Porcelain-Stone and
Kaolin,” pp. 58–60; Adrian Joseph, “The Mongol Influence on Blue-and-White Porcelain,”
in Jingdezhen Wares: The Yuan Evolution (Hong Kong: Oriental Ceramic Society of Hong
Kong, 1985), pp. 44–49.
47 Medley, “Chinese Ceramics and Islamic Design,” p. 2; Garner, Oriental Blue and
White, p. 2.
48 Clarence F. Shangraw, “Fifteenth Century Blue-and-White Porcelain in the Asian
Art Museum of San Francisco,” Orientations 16 (1985): 34–46; Liu Xinyuan, “Yuan Dynasty
Official Wares from Jingdezhen,” in The Porcelains of Jingdezhen, pp. 36–37. On varieties of
cobalt and their sources, see He Li, Chinese Ceramics (New York: Rizzoli, 1996), pp. 211–12.
by a new tax system (called the “single whip”), which commuted labor
services by peasants to silver payments, thereby creating a flexible
work force for the pottery center.49 By the sixteenth century, the
changes that had begun in the late Yuan period had made Jingdezhen
the largest industrial operation in the world, with over 1,000 kilns,
70,000 workers, and a production process that anticipated modern
methods of assembly-line manufacture. A sophisticated division of labor
made possible improvement of quality along with a great increase in
production. Always insistent on the finest wares, the imperial court
ordered as many as 105,000 pieces of porcelain at a time. Père François
Xavier d’Entrecolles, a Jesuit who visited Jingdezhen in the early eigh-
teenth century, declared that “one thinks that the whole city is on fire,
or that it is one large furnace with many vent holes.”50
Jingdezhen first decorated porcelain in blue and white around the
beginning of the fourteenth century. Until the last part of the century,
potters made it mainly for export to the Middle East and Southeast
Asia; it seemed vulgar and ostentatious to a domestic market accus-
tomed to austere Song whitewares and greenwares. Blue-and-white por-
celain finally won over the imperial court under the Xuande emperor
(r. 1426–35) of the early Ming period. By that time, the taste of the
elite had been educated to regard painted decoration on ceramics as
more significant and pleasing than glaze tone or body shape.51 In effect,
by thus applying the standards of expressive painting to pottery and
rejecting those of sculpture, the Chinese adopted the traditional aes-
thetic values of the Middle East.
Jingdezhen produced huge quantities of blue-and-white porcelain
for export. The potters turned out utensils—such as large dishes, wine
49 Margaret Medley, “Trade, Craftsmanship, and Decoration,” in Seventeenth-Century
Chinese Porcelain from the Butler Family Collection (exh. cat.) (Alexandria, Va.: Art Services
International, 1990), pp. 12–13. On the taxation system, see Liang Fang-chung, The Single
Whip Method of Taxation in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956). On
the importance of China and silver in the Ming period, see Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo
Giráldez, “Born with a ‘Silver Spoon’: The Origin of World Trade in 1571,” Journal of World
History 6 (1995): 201–21.
50 “The Letters of Père d’Entrecolles,” translated in Robert Tichane, Ching-te-chen:
Views of a Porcelain City (New York: New York State Institute for Glaze Research, 1983), p.
60. The letters are available in the original French in Bushell, Description of Chinese Pottery
and Porcelain, pp. 181–222. On the organization of Jingdezhen, see Michael Dillon, “Jing-
dezhen as a Ming Industrial Center,” Ming Studies 6 (1978): 37–44.
51 Medley, The Chinese Potter, pp. 178–91; Duncan Macintosh, “Beloved Blue and
White: An Introduction to the Porcelains of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties,” Orientations 4
(1973): 36–38. On the close relationship between scroll painting and porcelain painting in
the Yuan period, see Roderick Whitfield, Fascination of Nature: Plants and Insects in Chinese
Painting and Ceramics of the Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368), 2 vols. (Seoul, Korea: Yekyong
Publications, 1993).
jars, ewers, tankards, gourd-shaped bottles, basins, platter stands, and

massive vases—that were alien to Chinese taste.52 They decorated many
items with designs from Islamic culture, such as arabesques, vine-and-
leaf motifs, and renditions of Arabic calligraphy. But although they had
been converted to the Middle Eastern cause of painted decoration, the
Chinese generally drew upon their own traditional kaleidoscopic
repertoire for compositions, mainly plant forms (including the peony,
lotus, camellia, and morning glory), animal forms (such as the phoenix,
dragon, heron, and peacock), and scores of auspicious emblems from
Buddhism and Daoism.53
Indeed, the 200 years from the appearance of blue-and-white por-
celain to the sixteenth century witnessed a remarkable encounter and
accommodation between the two great calligraphic and design tradi-
tions of the ecumene.54 Since those traditions had developed largely in
isolation from each other, they embodied quite different aesthetic
values. The Islamic approach emphasized symmetry, mathematically
organized space, rectilinear patterns, and detailed enrichment of sur-
face. Chinese conventions stressed asymmetry, a flowing sense of space,
naturalism, curvilinear patterns, and rotating directional designs (such
as cloud, wave, and lotus scrolls). The contrast is epitomized by Islamic
metalwork embellished with interlocking units of Kufic script and a
Chinese painting of cranes flying toward the edge of a frame. The two
traditions learned from each other, however. Egyptian, Syrian, and
Persian potters, when they began copying Chinese blue-and-white
patterns in the fifteenth century, slowly adopted a more liberated sense
of movement and space, opening up their designs to some of the spon-
taneity and dynamism that characterized the Chinese tradition.55 In
52 John Ayers, “Some Characteristic Wares of the Yuan Dynasty,” TOCS 29 (1954–55):
69–83; Feng Xianming, “Yongle and Xuande Blue-and-White Porcelain in the Palace
Museum,” Orientations 18 (1987): 56–71.
53 Medley, The Chinese Potter, pp. 180–82.
54 On the following, see Medley, “Chinese Ceramics and Islamic Design,” pp. 3–5;
“The Yüan-Ming Transformations in Blue and Red Decorated Porcelains of China,” Ars
Orientalis 9 (1973): 97; Basil Gray, “The Influence of Near Eastern Metalwork on Chinese
Ceramics,” TOCS 18 (1940–41): 47–60; Yolanda Crowe, “The Islamic Potter and China,”
Apollo 103 (1976): 298–301. For comparison of the Chinese and Islamic calligraphic tradi-
tions, see Oleg Grabar, The Mediation of Ornament (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1992), pp. 55–58, 116.
55 On Persian blue-and-white earthenware produced at the court of the Timurid dy-
nasty (1378–1506), see Thomas W. Lentz and Glenn D. Lowry, Timur and the Princely
Vision: Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County
Museum of Art, 1989), pp. 108, 228–29; Ernest J. Grube, “Timurid Ceramics: Filling a Gap
in the Ceramic History of the Islamic World,” TOCS 58 (1993–94): 77–86. On Middle East-
ern adaptation of Chinese design, see Marina D. Whitman, “The Scholar, the Drinker, and
the Ceramic Pot-Painter,” in Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World, ed. Pris-
cilla P. Soucek (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988), pp. 255–61.
the course of time, Chinese craftsmen—partly because they were deco-

rating much larger objects than before—embraced elements of Islamic
composition, such as banded ornamentation and stricter regulation of
space.
Although Chinese ceramics had influenced the development of
pottery elsewhere from at least the time of the Tang dynasty, that
impact greatly intensified and expanded after the fourteenth century.
Above all, it was blue-and-white porcelain, with a color scheme and
design principles adopted from the Middle East, that most powerfully
shaped ceramic traditions throughout the ecumene.
Porcelain and Ceramic Traditions in the Ecumene
Wherever Chinese porcelain was traded and used, it greatly influenced

local ceramic traditions. India is the only exception to this generaliza-
tion, for it never fell under the spell of porcelain, even though
immense amounts of porcelain passed through the subcontinent to the
Middle East. Except for a minority of Muslims, Indians did not use por-
celain, and their ceramic traditions remained isolated from it. Ancient
Hindu notions of religious pollution dictated that utensils made from
earthenware, which are porous and thus cannot be thoroughly cleaned,
must be discarded after use. This injunction was naturally extended to
porcelain vessels when they became available in the ninth century, even
though their surface is impermeable. Of course, porcelain was always
too expensive for such casual employment. Many scrupulous Hindus
eschewed all ceramic utensils and instead used plates made of leaves or
metal. Small-scale craftsmen made crockery in every Indian village,
coarse red wares that reflected local social norms; they were neither
traded widely nor influenced by foreign commodities.56 Porcelain was
esteemed only among Muslim merchants in the port cities and Muslim
aristocrats at the courts of the Delhi sultanate (1206–1526) and Mughal
empire (1526–1707).
In general, the most creative responses to Chinese porcelain by
other ceramic traditions arose in regions with a sophisticated culture
(as characterized by density of urban life, organized religion, and some
measure of literacy), while peoples in relatively less developed areas
sometimes abandoned their native pottery styles altogether. Naturally,
56 K. N. Chaudhuri, Asia before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean
from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 332–33;
S. P. Gupta, “Pottery of the Indo-Pakistani Subcontinent,” Orientations 8 (1977): 46–48.
the countries closest to China felt its effects the most. Early in
the Koryo dynasty (918–1392) Korean potters encountered Chinese
ceramic styles and technology, and by the eleventh century they were
producing wares that even the Chinese admired for their excellence.57
Japan purchased Chinese porcelain from early in the Heian period
(645–1185). During the Kamakura period (1185–1333), substantial
imports of Chinese pottery influenced Japanese earthenwares in style
and decoration.58 Japanese and Chinese ceramic traditions came much
closer late in the Ashikaga period (1336–1600) when Toyotomi Hide-
yoshi, the ruler of Japan, attacked Korea. The invasions of 1592 and
1598 are sometimes called “the Potters’ Wars” because the Japanese
captured hundreds of Korean ceramic craftsmen and brought them to
Kyushu in southern Japan, where they introduced Chinese kiln tech-
nology and craftsmanship, as well as the use of kaolin.59 Japanese pot-
tery even competed successfully with Chinese wares in Japan and
Europe in the seventeenth century, in part by its inventive and color-
ful variations on Chinese styles.60
Vietnam also developed a sophisticated pottery tradition that rep-
resented a distinctive style within the context of Chinese influence. In
the first century of the Common Era, armies of the Han dynasty con-
quered the area that is today northern Vietnam. From that time, even
when Vietnam threw off Chinese control, the development of Viet-
namese ceramics paralleled that of Chinese wares.61 In the early Ming
57 Yutaka Minio, “Koryo and Choson Dynasty Ceramics,” in The Radiance of Jade and
the Clarity of Water: Korean Ceramics from the Ataka Collection (exh. cat.) (New York: Hud-
son Hills Press, 1991), pp. 27–34; G. St. G. M. Gompertz, Korean Celadons and Other Wares
of the Koryo Period (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), pp. 19–20.
58 Soame Jenyns, Japanese Pottery (London: Faber and Faber, 1971), pp. 164–96;
George Kuwayama, “The Significance of Chinese Ceramics in the East and West,” in Impe-
rial Taste: Chinese Ceramics from the Percival David Foundation (exh. cat.) (Los Angeles: Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1989), pp. 93–102.
59 Oliver Impey, The Early Porcelain Kilns of Japan: Arita in the First Half of the Seven-
teenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), pp. 26–27, 57; Tsugio Mikami, The Art of
Japanese Ceramics (New York: Weatherhill, 1972), p. 160; Judith H. Day, “Influence and
Innovation: Transplanted Korean Potters and Japanese Ceramics,” Bulletin of the Oriental
Ceramic Society of Hong Kong 10 (1992–94): 54–58.
60 Oliver Impey, “Shoki-Imari and Tianqi: Arita and Jingdezhen in Competition for the
Japanese Market in Porcelain in the Second Quarter of the Seventeenth Century,” Me-
dedelingenblad nederlandse vereniging van vrienden van de ceramiek 116 (1984): 15–29; “The
Trade in Japanese Porcelain,” in Porcelain for Palaces: The Fashion for Japan in Europe, 1650–
1750 (exh. cat.) (London: Oriental Ceramic Society, 1990), pp. 18–21; T. Volker, The Japa-
nese Porcelain Trade of the Dutch East India Company after 1683 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1959).
61 Roxanna M. Brown, The Ceramics of South-East Asia (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford Uni-
versity Press, 1977), pp. 16–17; Robert P. Griffing, Jr., “Dating Annanese Blue and White,”
Orientations 7 (1976): 32–48.
period the Yongle emperor (r. 1403–24) launched an invasion of Viet-

nam, an ultimately unsuccessful venture, but as a result of the conflict
Vietnamese potters shifted entirely to production of blue-and-white
earthenware. Merchants in Tonkin exported Vietnamese pottery in
Chinese styles to Japan and Southeast Asia, while craftsmen made tiles
in blue and white for the Hindu-Javanese court of Majapahit.62 In the
late sixteenth century entrepreneurs shipped some Vietnamese ceramics
to Persia, where potters copied their designs—in fact, mainly variations
on themes taken from fifteenth-century Ming pieces—onto Persian
earthenware whose decorative patterns also came in part from Chinese
porcelain. In turn, Chinese potters sometimes copied Vietnamese styles
onto their own exports to Southeast Asia.63
The Thai people of the lower Mekong basin lived far enough from
China to escape invasion yet close enough to benefit from the impact
of Chinese culture and technology. Chinese merchants exported
porcelain to Angkor soon after a polity emerged there in the ninth
century, and kilns at Sukhothai and Sisatchanalai produced vessels
that owed much to China, along with glazed tiles for the temple com-
plexes of the Thai kingdom. During the Yuan period Chinese potters
even migrated to Thailand, where they set up kilns at Sukhothai and
then at Sawankhalok. Thai wares sold well in maritime Southeast Asia
for a time, but by the sixteenth century political disruption in Thai-
land and an increase in Chinese trade ceramics brought the exports to
an end.64
Maritime Southeast Asia responded in a dramatically different way
to porcelain than did Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. The peoples of the
archipelago first came into contact with Chinese pottery during the
Tang dynasty. Since their own crude kilns produced only unglazed
earthenware (or terra-cotta), they enormously admired the high-quality
62 John Guy, Ceramic Traditions of South-East Asia (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1989), pp. 42, 51–54; and Guy, “Cultural Relations and Asian Trade: The Vietnamese Wall
Tiles of Majapahit,” in Southeast Asian Archaeology 1986, ed. Ian and Emily Glover (Ox-
ford: BAR International Series, 1990), pp. 275–85; Hiromu Honda and Noriki Shimazu,
Vietnamese and Chinese Ceramics Used in the Japanese Tea Ceremony (Singapore: Oxford
University Press, 1993).
63 Whitman, “Persian Blue-and-White Ceramics,” 1:141–42; Eng-Lee Seok Chee,
“Adaptations and Mimicry in Trade Ceramics,” Arts of Asia 17 (1987): 88.

64 Hiroshi Fujiwara, Khmer Ceramics from the Kamratan Collection in the Southeast Asian
Ceramics Museum, Kyoto (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 6–7; Guy,
Ceramic Traditions of South-East Asia, pp. 16–17, 28–36; Hiram Woodward, “The Dating of
Sukhothai and Sawankhalok Ceramics: Some Considerations,” Journal of the Siam Society
66 (1978): 1–7.
Chinese imports and came to scorn their own crockery.65 The substan-
tial nature of the trade is revealed by the shards of porcelain that litter
the beaches of Southeast Asia and lie buried in middens in the high-
lands of Sumatra, Borneo, and the Philippines.66 An English traveler
in the isolated Andaman Islands (in the Bay of Bengal) in 1613
reported, “Heere uppon a little ile wee founde a greate percell of
broken porseleyn of all manner of sortes. . . . From whence it was come
wee coulde not knowe, for wee sawe no signe att all of any junckes or
shipps which might there have bene caste awaye.”67 Chinese imports
devastated native ceramic traditions, for porcelain, along with Chi-
nese-style earthenwares from Vietnam and Thailand, replaced locally
made crockery for all important cultural functions, such as marriage
and burial ceremonies. The Philippines were typical: beginning in the
Song period, a flood of Chinese porcelain dealt a deathblow to tradi-
tional pottery styles. Given the thousands of tons of porcelain shards
excavated in the islands, the period of Filipino history from the Tang
to the arrival of the Spanish at Cebu in 1565 has been termed “the
Porcelain Age.”68
The advent of porcelain destroyed rather than invigorated the
ceramic traditions of the archipelago because there was an enormous
cultural and technological gap between China and maritime South-
east Asia. It is clear that many tribes there regarded pottery in the con-
text of the supernatural world. Like peoples in early Mesopotamian
and Chinese civilization, they looked upon the seemingly magical
65 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680, vol. 1, The Lands
below the Winds (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 104; John S. Guy, Oriental
Trade Ceramics in South-East Asia, Ninth to Sixteenth Centuries, with a Catalogue of Chinese,
Vietnamese, and Thai Wares in Australian Collections (Singapore: Oxford University Press,
1986), pp. 4–22; Barbara Harrisson and P. M. Shariffuddin, “Sungai Lumut: A 15th Cen-
tury Burial Ground,” Brunei Museum Journal 1 (1969): 47–48.
66 Abu Ridho, “The Chinese Ceramics Found in Muara Jambi, Sumatra,” in Proceedings
of the 31st International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, ed. Yamamoto
Tatsuro (Tokyo: Toho Bakkai, 1984), pp. 420–21; C. Zainie and Tom Harrisson, “Early Chi-
nese Stonewares Excavated in Sarawak, 1947–67,” Sarawak Museum Journal 30 (1967): 30–
90; Rita C. Tan, “Vestiges of the Nanhai Trade,” in Guangdong Ceramics from Butuan and
Other Philippine Sites (exh. cat.), ed. Roxanna M. Brown (Manila: Oriental Ceramic Society
of the Philippines, 1989), pp. 29–33.
67 Peter Floris: His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611–1615, ed. W. H. More-
land (London: Hakluyt Society, 1934), p. 108.

68 Michael Sullivan, “Notes on Chinese Export Wares in Southeast Asia,” TOCS 33
(1960–62): 71–74; Jesus T. Peralta, Kayamanan: Pottery and Ceramics from the Arturo de
Santos Collection (Manila: Central Bank of the Philippines, 1982), pp. 6–10; Chinese and
Southeast Asian Greenware Found in the Philippines (exh. cat.) (Manila: Oriental Ceramic
Society of the Philippines, 1991).
transformation of clay in fire as a metaphor for divine creation and for

human contact with occult forces.69 To societies that made only terra-
cotta, porcelain, with its ethereal qualities and enigmatic designs, was
not merely a functional commodity but a talismanic substance to be
comprehended in exalted terms. The peoples of the archipelago viewed
porcelain vessels as communal entities imbued with cosmological power,
not as utilitarian articles for the domestic economy. Furthermore, since
the vessels came to the islands as precious foreign commodities, they
took on great political and symbolic significance. Porcelain utensils
(and other prestige trade goods) conferred wealth and power on those
who controlled their distribution, while their mysterious origin in dis-
tant, potent realms enhanced their value.70 As a consequence of their
assumptions about ceramics, and precisely because Chinese imports so
thoroughly displaced local pottery traditions, the inhabitants of mari-
time Southeast Asia integrated porcelain more thoroughly into their
culture than did any other people.
This is suggested by the scene that greeted Ferdinand Magellan’s
survivors in the Victoria when they reached northwestern Borneo in
1521, just after the commander and forty other men had been killed at
Cebu. Ranks of warriors carrying porcelain jars draped in silk welcomed
the Spaniards, and women later served the mariners a feast on “china
dishes.”71 Those ceremonial displays involved more than just bringing
out the best tableware for guests: the natives apparently employed the
apotropaic force of their porcelain to establish a harmonious footing
with unsettling strangers. Chinese “dragon jars” (martarban) radiated
power; the peoples of Borneo and the Philippines saw them in magical
terms. The jars were given names, inducted into clans, married to each
69 See P. R. S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries (Oxford: Claren-
don Press, 1994), pp. 147, 162–63; Karen D. Vitelli, “Pots, Potters, and the Shaping of
Greek Neolithic Society,” in The Emergence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient
Societies, ed. William K. Barnett and John W. Hoopes (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian
Institution Press, 1995), pp. 61–62; John Hay, Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth: The Rock in
Chinese Art (exh. cat.) (New York: China Institute in America, 1986), pp. 44, 54, 56. For
similar notions in contemporary West Africa, see Nicholas David, Judy Sterner, and Kodzo
Gavua, “Why Pots Are Decorated,” Current Anthropology 29 (1988): 365–89.
70 On political power and trade goods, see Leonard Y. Andaya, The World of Maluku:
Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modern Period (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1993),
pp. 177–78. On symbolic significance and trade goods, see Mary W. Helms, “Essay on
Objects: Interpretations of Distance Made Tangible,” in Implicit Understandings: Observing,
Reporting, and Reflecting on the Encounters between Europeans and Other Peoples in the Early
Modern Era, ed. Stuart B. Schwartz (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp.
355–77.
71 Antonio Pigafetta, The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan, ed. and trans.
Henry Stanley (London: Hakluyt Society, 1874), p. 115.

other, buried with ceremony, and passed down through generations;

they were seen to converse, chase one another, turn into animals and
forest spirits, take human form, heal the sick, tell fortunes, and issue
prophecies.72
The Pala’wan people of Palawan Island, between Borneo and the
Philippines, believed that shooting stars striking the earth gave birth
to porcelain jars. The Tinguian from the region of Abra in the Philip-
pines and the Ifugao from the province of that name regarded the jars
as gifts from gods who lived in the sky and in local caves. The Tagba-
nuwa on Palawan Island summoned deities and spirits to tribal feasts
by tapping their porcelain jars to give a musical ring. Blowing across
the tops of the vessels produced vibrating moans, which were read as
divine warnings against calamity.73 The Melanau of Borneo rubbed
coconut oil from small porcelain jars on the bodies of married couples
to ensure fertility. The nearby Kelabit hung Chinese pots from the
rafters of their homes along with the heads of their enemies so that
the spiritual energy of the latter would be drained into the con-
tainers. Warriors used seventeenth-century Chinese flasks to offer
libations to enemy heads. The Iban of Sarawak in Borneo placed Chi-
nese ceramics at the base of carved poles from which the heads of
enemies were suspended, and the Punan Ba adorned their carved
funeral columns with porcelain to celebrate the heroic loss of fellow
warriors.74 In short, porcelain played a central role in the whole cycle
of existence in maritime Southeast Asia—birth, marriage, feasting,
combat, and death.
The Chinese ships that brought porcelain and other commodities
to the archipelago sometimes continued to the littoral of East Africa,
the western edge of the great maritime realm that stretched from the
72 Atremio C. Barbosa, “Heirloom Jars in Philippine Rituals,” in A Thousand Years of
Stoneware Jars in the Philippines (Manila: Jars Collectors, 1992), pp. 70–94; Barbara Harris-
son, Pusaka: Heirloom Jars of Borneo (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1986). Jars with
dragon and phoenix designs were especially popular in maritime Southeast Asia. See Bar-
bara Harrisson, Later Ceramics in South-East Asia: Sixteenth to Twentieth Centuries (Kuala
Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 35. On dragon jars see Eine Moore, “A Sug-
gested Classification of Stonewares of Martabani Type,” Sarawak Museum Journal 36–37
(1970): 1–78.
73 Barbosa, “Heirloom Jars in Philippine Rituals,” pp. 76–77, 80; Michael Sullivan,
“Notes on Chinese Export Wares in Southeast Asia,” TOCS 33 (1960–62): 63; Fay-Cooper
Cole, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History, 1912),
pp. 11–12.
74 Tutong Kaboy and Eine Moore, “Ceramics and Their Uses among the Coastal Mela-
naus,” Sarawak Museum Journal 30–31 (1967): 10–29; Lucas China, “Chinese Ceramics in
Sarawak,” Orientations 11 (1980): 34–36; Harrisson, Pusaka: Heirloom Jars of Borneo, pp.
25–28.
Philippines and the Spice Islands.75 Substantial amounts of porcelain

began arriving on the Swahili coast in the fourteenth century. Peddlers
traded some of it inland, perhaps as far as the Upper Niger region of
West Africa. Here, as in the Philippines and Borneo, foreign wares
displaced locally made crockery. From the Horn of Africa to the Zam-
bezi, some forty ports measured good fortune by their access to Chinese
pottery. A Swahili poet thus lamented the ruin of a town north of
Mombasa: “Where once the porcelain stood in the wall niches, now
wild birds nestle their fledgings.”76
Shards of porcelain, along with pieces of Chinese-influenced earth-
enware from the Middle East, replaced elaborately carved coral deco-
ration on Muslim tombs and holy places.77 At many sacred sites
associated with ancestors and honored dead, such as caves and rock
shelters, Muslims and members of other faiths left porcelain vessels as
offerings to propitiate spirits and to serve as recompense for answered
prayers. The arrival of blue-and-white porcelain in the mid-fifteenth
century impelled worshipers to employ it as decoration in the vaults of
mosques, as well as in spandrels and architraves of mihrabs.78 Muslims
decorated the façade of a large domed tomb on Pate Island (now in
northern Kenya) with pieces of blue-and-white Chinese and Middle
Eastern wares, and they set blue-and-white pottery in the roof of a fif-
teenth-century building in Kilwa, south of Dar es Salaam.79 Porcelain
pieces encircled the base of the Great Pillar of Malindi, and a frieze of
Ming bowls topped the Great Pillar of Mambrui, north of Malindi.
75 See Neville Chittick, “East Africa and the Orient: Ports and Trade before the Arrival
of the Portuguese,” in Historical Relations across the Indian Ocean (Ghent: UNESCO, 1980),
p. 13.
76 Peter S. Garlake, “The Value of Imported Ceramics in the Dating and Interpretation
of the Rhodesian Iron Age,” Journal of African History 9 (1968): 13–33; J. J. L. Duyvendak,
China’s Discovery of Africa (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1949), pp. 5–26; Caroline Sassoon,
Chinese Porcelain Marks from Coastal Sites in Kenya: Aspects of Trade in the Indian Ocean,
XIV–XIX Centuries (Oxford: BAR International Series, 1978), pp. 1–7. The poem is quoted
in Gervase Mathew, “Chinese Porcelain in East Africa and on the Coast of South Arabia,”
Oriental Art 2 (1956): 54.
77 Abdul Sheriff, Slaves, Spices, and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration of an East African Com-
mercial Empire into the World Economy, 1770–1873 (London: James Currey, 1987), p. 15. On
East African connections with the Middle East, see André Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of
the Indo-Islamic World, vol. 1, Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7th–11th Cen-
turies (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), pp. 25–33.
78 Peter S. Garlake, The Early Islamic Architecture of the East African Coast (Nairobi:
Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 36, 47, 62–63.

79 George H. Okello Abungu, “Islam on the Kenyan Coast: An Overview of the Ken-
yan Coastal Sacred Sites,” in Sacred Sites, Sacred Places, ed. David L. Carmichael, Jane
Hubert, Brian Reeves, and Audhild Schanche (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 159–60;
Neville Chittick, Kilwa: An Islamic Trading City on the East African Coast, 2 vols. (Nairobi:
British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1974), 1:306–309.
Broken Chinese pots of the seventeenth century adorned the bases of

the Mbaraki Pillar and a nearby mosque in Mombasa. In the sixteenth
century, Portuguese imitations of Chinese porcelain were set into the
walls of the Small Mosque at Mnarani, a town between Malindi and
Mombasa.80 This use of ceramics as ornamentation on Muslim holy
places may have come to East Africa with pilgrims from India, after
which it became imbued with local occult notions.81
Clearly, in both East Africa and the archipelago, porcelain and its
imitations permeated spiritual life. In contrast, porcelain in the Middle
East and Europe remained marginal to religion, employed only as an
occasional decorative material on mosques and churches, apparently
unaccompanied by connotations of supernatural power. Chinese por-
celain in the West after 1500 had an impact similar to what it had had
centuries earlier in Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. It profoundly reshaped
ceramic traditions and entered cultural life as an exotic manifestation
of high civilization.
The Rise of Chinese Porcelain in the West
The Middle Eastern innovation of painted decoration on tin-glazed

earthenware revolutionized ceramic traditions at both poles of the
ecumene. In China, it led to the creation of blue-and-white porcelain,
while in the West, it transformed the coarse brown earthenware that
had been virtually the only pottery made there since the fall of the
Roman empire.82 From the thirteenth century Middle Eastern tin-glaz-
ing and painted decoration inspired potters in Europe to reconceptualize
their craft, to turn from producing mundane, utilitarian crockery to
making vessels with vivid colors and imaginative decoration. Western
potters thereby achieved a level of mastery that made it possible for
them to take on the challenge of copying Chinese porcelain after
1500.
The Middle Eastern techniques reached Málaga in Andalucía in
80 James Kirkman, “The Great Pillars of Malindi and Mambrui,” Oriental Art 4 (1958):
55–67; Abungu, “Islam on the Kenyan Coast,” p. 155; Garlake, Early Islamic Architecture,
p. 56.
81 See Klaus Fischer, “Citations and Copies of Islamic and Buddhist Columns,” in
Indian Art and Connoisseurship: Essays in Honour of Douglas Barrett, ed. John Guy (New
Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, 1995), pp. 263–75.
82 On the Greco-Roman preference for glass over pottery for high-grade tableware, see
S. A. M. Adshead, Material Culture in Europe and China, 1400–1800: The Rise of Consumer-
ism (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), pp. 163–64.
the thirteenth century, probably carried there by potters from Fatimid

Egypt. Knowledge of the methods spread north to Manises in Valencia
during the next century, and by the early fifteenth century merchants
there exported to Italy large quantities of earthenware vessels in “His-
pano-Moresque” style.83 In fact, parts of Italy already were acquainted
with tin-glazed earthenware because of imports from Egypt, North
Africa, and Andalucian Spain. In a custom reminiscent of the warrior
columns of Borneo and the Islamic pillars of the Swahili coast, Italians
decorated the walls of churches and civic monuments with lustrous
ceramics (called bacini) from foreign realms.84
Hispano-Moresque imports stimulated widespread adoption of tin-
glazing in Italy. In Tuscany and Umbria, however, Italian potters added
vivid colors—rich greens, yellows, and oranges—when they copied
the floral patterns and arabesques of the Spanish vessels. From the
early sixteenth century they also used Renaissance pictorial conven-
tions drawn from paintings and engravings for decorative scenes on
ceramics.85 The new istoriato (story-painted) pottery elevated the
respectability of earthenware in the eyes of sophisticated patrons, who
came to regard clay as a noble substance, worthy of admittance to the
realm of art. In I tre libri dell’arte del vasaio (1557), the first major Euro-
pean treatise on the art of pottery, Cipriano Piccolpasso assures his
readers that “the making of earthen pots . . . will not diminish the
greatness and worth” of princes.86
The Italian tradition of tin-glazed earthenware reached Antwerp in
the early sixteenth century, carried there by Guido di Savino (known
83 Caiger-Smith, Tin-Glaze Pottery, pp. 53–72, 82; Guillermo Rosselló Bordoy, “The
Ceramics of al-Andalus,” in Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain (exh. cat.), ed. Jerrilynn D.
Dodds (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 191–205. Tin-glazed earthen-
ware is known as maiolica in Spain and Italy, faience in France, and delftware in Holland
and England. There are only relatively minor differences among these types.
84 H. Blake, “The ‘Bacini’ of North Italy,” La céramique médiévale en Méditerranée occi-
dentale: Xe–XVe siècle (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1980), pp. 93–
111; Graziella Berti and Liana Tongiorgi, Ceramiche importate dalla Spagna nell’area pisana
dal XII al XV secolo (Florence: All’insegna del Giglio, 1985); David Abulafia, “The Pisan
Bacini and the Medieval Mediterranean Economy: A Historian’s Viewpoint,” in Papers in
Italian Archaeology IV, ed. Caroline Malone and Simon Stoddart (Oxford: BAR Interna-
tional Series, 1985), pp. 287–302.
85 See Timothy Wilson, Ceramic Art of the Renaissance (exh. cat.) (Austin: University
of Texas Press, 1987); Jeane Giacomotti, La majolique de la Renaissance (Paris: Presses Uni-
versitaires de France, 1961).
86 Cipriano Piccolpasso, The Three Books of the Potter’s Art, ed. and trans. Ronald Light-
bown and A. Caiger-Smith, 2 vols. (London: Scolar Press, 1980), 2:105. On increased use
of earthenware by the Italian elite, see J. V. G. Mallet, “Mantua and Urbino: Gonzaga
Patronage of Maiolica,” Apollo 113 (1981): 162–69; Peter Thornton, The Italian Renaissance
Interior (New York: Abrams, 1991), pp. 105–107.
also as Andries), identified in Flanders as a “Venetian potter” (veneet-

sienpotbacker).87 Northern Europeans had previously known only drab
earthenware, so they quickly embraced the vibrant colors made possi-
ble by the technique of tin-glazing. French potters came to Flanders
and carried the skill back home. When troops sacked Antwerp in the
infamous Spanish Fury of 1576, three of Guido’s sons fled to England,
where they introduced tin-glazing to potteries in London and Nor-
wich; another son brought the craft, enriched with Italian and Flemish
variations in design and color, to the Iberian peninsula.88
After roughly 150 years, then, the Hispano-Moresque legacy had
come full circle. Things had changed in the meantime, however. The
coming of porcelain to Europe since the voyage of Vasco da Gama
meant that the new art of tin-glazed earthenware, for all its vitality
and originality, was destined for obliteration. The potters of Lisbon
who greeted Philip III with their imitations of porcelain were on the
verge of having their craft displaced by the real thing.
Despite the market for porcelain in Europe, however, massive
quantities did not begin arriving until a century after the voyage of
Vasco da Gama, and when they did, they came in Dutch rather than
Portuguese ships. Neither the Portuguese crown nor its merchants ob-
tained very large amounts of porcelain or spread it far beyond the
Iberian peninsula.89 The failure of the Portuguese was mainly a conse-
quence of their bad luck in reaching China at a time when that coun-
try’s government looked upon foreign merchants and maritime trade
with exceptional hostility. That policy originated with the Hongwu
emperor (r. 1368–98), the founder of the Ming dynasty, who over-
threw the Mongols and reversed the commitment to seaborne com-
merce upon which China had thrived during the Song and Yuan
dynasties.90 Although their ships reached the Chinese coast in 1517, it
87 Marcel Laurent, “Guido di Savino and the Earthenware of Antwerp,” Burlington
Magazine 41 (1922): 288–97; Angelica Alverà Bortolotto and Claire Dumortier, “Les
majoliques anversoises ‘à la façon de venise’ de la première moitié du XVIe siècle,” Revue
belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 59 (1990): 55–74.
88 Caiger-Smith, Tin-Glaze Pottery, p. 103; Frank Britton, London Delftware (London:
Jonathan Horne, 1987), pp. 18–21; H. P. Fourest, Delftware: Faience Production at Delft,
trans. Katherine Watson (New York: Rizzoli, 1980), pp. 182–83.
89 On the small quantities of porcelain shipped by the Portuguese, see James C. Boya-
jian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–1640 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1993), pp. 48–49, 324.
90 On the emperor’s policy of commercial isolation, see Edward Dreyer, Early Ming
China: A Political History, 1355–1435 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), pp. 102,
115, 121–22. On consequences of the emperor’s policy, see Robert Finlay, “The Maritime
Expeditions of Zheng He: Ideology, State Power, and Overseas Trade in Ming China,”
Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History (forthcoming).
was only in 1557 that the Portuguese received permission from

the imperial government to occupy a permanent settlement, the port
that became Macao. The golden age of Portuguese trade in Asia fol-
lowed, for Macao became the commercial linchpin between China,
Japan, and the West.91 Within a generation, however, ships of the
Dutch East India Company (Vereenigte Oost-Indische Compagnie, or
VOC) wrested leadership in Asian trade from the Portuguese. In 1602
and 1603, Dutch admirals captured Portuguese carracks sailing from
Macao with cargoes of lacquer, silk, and porcelain. The auction of the
porcelain in Holland caused an international sensation and convinced
the VOC to begin purchasing it in China.92 With a bow to Portuguese
precedence in the trade, the Dutch coined the term kraakporselein
(carrack-china) for the imports.93 The Western mania for porcelain
had begun.
From the beginning of the seventeenth century to the end of the
eighteenth, the VOC imported about 43 million pieces of porcelain,
while the English, French, Swedish, and Danish East Indies Compa-
nies shipped at least 30 million. There certainly were additional mil-
lions not recorded in official ledgers.94 Individual cargos were sizable:
the Goteborg, sailing for the Swedish East India Company, sank in
1745 near its home port with about 700 thousand pieces of porcelain.95
In addition, European potteries turned out hundreds of millions of
pieces of tin-glazed earthenware, almost all now in imitation of blue-
and-white porcelain rather than in the tradition of Italian polychrome
91 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and
Economic History (London: Longman, 1993), pp. 101–105; Charles R. Boxer, The Great
Ship from Amacon: Annals of Macau and the Old Japan Trade, 1555–1640 (Lisbon: CEHU,
1963). On early contacts and conflict between the Chinese and Portuguese, see T’ien-tse
Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), pp. 47–53, 71, 83.
92 T. Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company as Recorded in the Dagh-Registers
of Batavia Castle, Those of Hirado and Deshima and Other Contemporary Powers (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1954), p. 22; Chang, Sino-Portuguese Trade, p. 112. On creation of the VOC, see
Jonathan I. Israel, Dutch Primacy in World Trade, 1585–1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1989), pp. 67–73.
93 See Maura Rinaldi, Kraak Porcelain: A Moment in the History of Trade (London: Bam-
boo Publications, 1989), pp. 60–61.

94 Porcelain, which yielded annual profits of 80%–100%, represented about 5% of all
VOC shipments from Asia during the period. In terms of care, concern, and steady profit,
however, that does not reflect the importance of porcelain to the company. See C. J. A.
Jörg, Porcelain and the Dutch China Trade (The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1982), pp. 93, 149, 193.
After 1717 porcelain represented about 2% of the value of the Asian imports of the English
East India Company. See Chinese Export Art and Design (exh. cat.), ed. Craig Clunas (Lon-
don: Victoria and Albert Museum, 1987), p. 16.
95 Stig Roth, Chinese Ceramics Imported by the Swedish East India Company (Goteburg:
Gothenburg Historical Museum, 1965), p. 12.

decoration.96 In fact, European potters for several generations had

been taking designs from Italian copybooks and engravings, thereby
preparing themselves for the task of responding to the visual culture of
the Chinese.97
Judging by the enthusiasm for blue-and-white porcelain in places as
different as Japan, Borneo, Mombasa, Istanbul, and Amsterdam, the
ceramic had an intrinsic, virtually universal appeal.98 Its enormous
popularity in the West, however, also stemmed from changes in dining
conventions and elite taste. With a population of some 100 million in
1700, Europe offered an exceptionally receptive market for high-qual-
ity pottery. In the sixteenth century most people still used trenchers of
wood and bread, as well as drinking cups made from horn and ash-
wood. In England, unglazed earthenware mugs replaced “black jacks,”
tankards made from leather coated with pitch, only in the late six-
teenth century.99 Paintings of the early seventeenth century, such as
Spanish and Dutch tavern scenes, suggest the wretched quality of the
crockery on most tables.100
In fifteenth-century Italy, tin-glazed earthenware became fashion-
able among the increasingly prosperous middling rank of people who
could not afford expensive pewter and silver plate but who desired
something better than terra-cotta and wood.101 During the seventeenth
century those social classes grew considerably in northern Europe,
especially in the Dutch republic and England. In part because of that,
food conventions and etiquette changed dramatically in ways that
created novel demands for tableware and kitchen utensils. Recipe
books included greater varieties of meats, vegetables, and fresh fruit;
butter, rice, maize, shallots, mushrooms, and salads became part of the
96 On the huge amounts produced at Delft, see Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude,
The First Modern Economy: Success, Failure, and Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, 1500–
1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 309.
97 Caiger-Smith, Tin-Glaze Pottery, p. 129; Frits T. Scholten, “The Variety of Decora-
tion on Dutch Delft, 1625–1675,” Magazine Antiques 147 (1995): 194–203.

98 For speculation on the color blue as one source of that appeal, see Philip Rawson,
Ceramics (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), pp. 139–41.

99 Sara Paston-Williams, The Art of Dining: A History of Cooking and Eating (London:
National Trust, 1993), pp. 75–76. See also Lorna Weatherhill, The Growth of the Pottery
Industry in England, 1660–1815 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1986), pp. 90–91.
100 See the illustrations in Velázquez in Seville (exh. cat.), ed. Michael Clarke (Edin-
burgh: Trustees of the National Gallery of Scotland, 1996), pp. 132–53; Masterpieces of Sev-
enteenth-Century Dutch Genre Painting, ed. Jane Iandola Watkins (Philadelphia: Philadel-
phia Museum of Art, 1984), plates 22–25, 27–29.
101 Richard Goldthwaite, “The Economic and Social World of Renaissance Maiolica,”
Renaissance Quarterly 42 (1989): 17–18.

diet of the well-to-do.102 Spices poured in from Asia and sugar from the
great plantations of the Caribbean and Brazil. Tea, coffee, and choco-
late, hot beverages that were best prepared and served with porcelain
utensils, became popular in homes and taverns, especially after the
1650s.103
Before the seventeenth century eating in the West had a commu-
nal aspect, with spoons, platters, and mugs passed around the table.
Traveling through southern Germany in 1580, the essayist Montaigne
noted with disdain that when soup was served in taverns, “everyone
fishes together, for there is no individual serving.”104 “Let the dishes be
of pewter, wood, or earthenware . . . it is all the same to me,” he de-
clared, but “I no more like drinking out of a common cup than I would
like eating out of common fingers.”105 A century later the elite no
longer endured communal meals. That was partly the consequence of a
consumer revolution that swept Europe, with ceramics leading the way
in catering to the expanding domestic needs of the individual.106 With
the most ample diet, best appointed homes, and most highly devel-
oped market for the decorative and applied arts in Europe, the Dutch
led the way in providing new tableware. Inventories of the Delft pot-
teries increased enormously during the seventeenth century.107 In 1729
102 Stephen Mennell, All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from
the Middle Ages to the Present (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985), pp. 62–101; T. Sarah Peterson,
Acquired Taste: The French Origins of Modern Cooking (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University
Press, 1994), pp. 163–208. See also Carole Shammas, “The Eighteenth-Century English
Diet and Economic Change,” Explorations in Economic History 21 (1984): 254–69.
103 Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New
York: Viking Press, 1985), pp. 45, 113–14, 147–48; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of
Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1978), p. 406; John E. Wills, Jr., “European Consumption and Asian Production in
the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in Consumption and the World of Goods, ed.
John Bewer and Roy Porter (London: Routledge, 1993), pp. 140–46.
104 Montaigne’s Travel Journal, trans. Donald M. Frame (San Francisco: North Point
Press, 1983), p. 27.

105 Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays, ed. and trans. M. A. Screech (London:
Penguin Books, 1993), pp. 1114, 1230–31.

106 See Neil McKendrick, “Commercialization and the Economy,” in The Birth of a
Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Neil McKen-

drick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982), pp. 9–
33; Carole Shammas, The Pre-Industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1990), pp. 181–93.
107 Jan Daniel van Dam, “A Survey of Dutch Tiles,” in Dutch Tiles in the Philadelphia
Museum of Art (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), p. 27; John Michael
Montias, Artists and Artisans in Delft: A Socio-economic Study of the Seventeenth Century
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 293–313. On the superiority of Dutch
diet, homes, and arts, see Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of
Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 174–
88, 304–19.
the VOC opened an office in Guangzhou and gave the Jingdezhen

potters drawings and wooden models of earthenwares to copy into
porcelain. These included a wide range of utensils that recently had
crowded into Dutch cupboards, such as soup tureens, radish saucers, salt-
cellars, sauceboats, butter coolers, juice pourers, and mustard pots.108
The ultimate in individualized dining was the dinner service, with
a complete setting for each person. The VOC and the English East
India Company started importing porcelain dinner services in the early
eighteenth century, while Meissen (in response) began manufacturing
large quantities around the same time. In the course of the eighteenth
century English families that could afford the extra expense—some ten
times the price of ordinary settings—commissioned from China 4,000
services with their coats of arms.109 In fact, Chinese dinner services had
an impact that extends to the present day. The West was (so to speak)
imprinted on blue-and-white pottery in the early modern period,
shortly before the introduction of sets of tableware; thus, the configu-
ration of the modern dinner plate—essentially a flat, white surface
embellished with a border design and a central pictorial emblem—is a
legacy of the porcelain of the Ming dynasty.110
Beyond a receptive market for high-quality pottery, however,
princely and aristocratic enthusiasm for porcelain accounts for the
enormous popularity of the product. Changes in the European dietary
regime increased that fervor. During the Middle Ages the high cost of
spices naturally restricted their use to the wealthy. Ginger, cinnamon,
and nutmeg functioned primarily as markers of social discrimination,
not as condiments to disguise tainted meat; they set off the aristocracy
from lower social ranks as surely as Pantagruelian feasts of roast swan
and stewed boar. When spices became abundant, from the sixteenth
century, the elite gradually abandoned them and adopted new social
signifiers.111 The gastronomic culture of the rich and well born began
emphasizing what were regarded as “natural” foods, such as soups and
108 C. J. A. Jörg, “Porcelain for the Dutch in the Seventeenth Century,” in The Porce-
lains of Jingdezhen, p. 187.

109 David Howard and John Ayers, Masterpieces of Chinese Export Porcelain from the Mot-
tahedeh Collection in the Virginia Museum (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet, 1980), pp. 18–19;
D. S. Howard, Chinese Armorial Porcelain (London: Faber and Faber, 1974), p. 68; Meister
and Reber, European Porcelain of the 18th Century, pp. 101–102.
110 Jessica Rawson, Chinese Ornament: The Lotus and the Dragon (London: British
Museum Publications, 1984), p. 11; see Marina D. Whitman, “Sixteenth-Century Persian

Blue-and-White Dish,” Orientations 14 (1983): 27–28.
111 Massimo Montanari, The Culture of Food, trans. Carl Ipsen (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994),
pp. 59, 119; Bruno Laurioux, “Spices in the Medieval Diet: A New Approach,” Food and
Foodways 1 (1985): 52–61.
meats seasoned with herbs. Modern dining protocols became fashion-

able, with the elite distinguished from their inferiors by the correct
employment of fourchettes and serviettes.112
Displays of expensive tableware served the same social function, as
well as being essential to the new alimentary sensibility and genteel
conventions. Ceremonial feasting in the Middle Ages took the form of
“potlatch”-style gatherings, with a lavishly dressed carcass on the
table, tinted with cinnamon or spinach juice, exhibited with theatrical
panache, and festively consumed before a crowd of spectators. By the
mid-seventeenth century aristocratic fashion in dining shifted to the
vessels that accompanied the relatively unadorned food, to table ser-
vices whose magnificence and ostentation reflected the lofty status
and sophisticated taste of the host. Pyramids of sweetmeats and song-
birds were exiled from the center of the table, replaced with prancing
porcelain figurines, Lilliputian models of splendor and privilege.113
From the kings of Portugal to the tsars of Russia, the princes of
Europe collected porcelain. Like palaces and ermine robes, massed dis-
plays of the ceramic functioned as assertions of power and magnifi-
cence. Porcelain became the currency of social emulation among the
aristocracy of every nation and spread down the social ladder to pros-
perous burghers and country gentry. Henry VIII of England (r. 1509–
47) may have owned a porcelain vessel, while Elizabeth I (r. 1558–
1603) possessed several. James I (r. 1603–25) may have received a gift
of eight porcelain dishes from Sultan Iskandar Muda of Aceh in
Sumatra. Charles II had a larger collection, especially after he married
Catherine Braganza of Portugal in 1662, whose dowry included many
Chinese wares.114 After the Glorious Revolution of 1688, William III
and Mary II brought several hundred pieces of porcelain from the
Dutch republic to England, along with a new continental fashion. The
popularity of porcelain throughout Europe stemmed not only from its
use in dining but also from its incorporation into the new consumer
vogue for interior decoration, a trend that grew as the elite built
increasingly spacious homes.115 According to Daniel Defoe (1660–
112 Margaret Visser, The Rituals of Dinner: The Origins, Evolution, Eccentricities, and Mean-
ing of Table Manners (New York: Grove Press, 1991), pp. 163–66, 189–90.
113 See Rawson, Ceramics, p. 200; Visser, The Rituals of Dinner, pp. 161–62. On feasts in
the Middle Ages, see Mennell, All Manners of Food, pp. 40–61.
114 Jean Martin, “Identifying Chinese and Japanese Porcelain in Early European Col-
lections,” Orientations 23 (1992): 68; The Voyage of Thomas Best to the East Indies, 1612–14,
ed. William Foster (London: Hakluyt Society, 1934), p. 213.
115 See Anne Somers Cocks, “The Nonfunctional Use of Ceramics in the English
Country House during the Eighteenth Century,” in The Fashioning and Functioning of the
British
1731), Queen Mary at Hampton Court introduced the English to

the “fatal excess” of “piling their china upon the tops of cabinets,
scrutores, and every chymney-piece, to the tops of the ceilings, and
even setting up shelves for their china-ware, where they wanted such
places, till it became a grievance in the expence of it, and even injuri-
ous to their families and estates.”116
As the great dynasty of the Dutch republic and an investor in the
VOC, the house of Orange naturally did much to spread the fashion
for porcelain around Europe. William III’s aunt, Louise Henriette,
married Frederick of Prussia, who built the Oranienburg Palace around
1688 to house porcelain, while another aunt, Albertina Agnes, mar-
ried William Frederick of Nassau-Dietz, who built the Oranienstein
Palace in 1683 for the same purpose.117 Frederick William I of Prussia
established a mirrored Porzellankabinett in 1702 in his palace at Char-
lottenburg near Berlin for his collection of 400 Chinese pieces. Influ-
enced by his visit to Holland, Tsar Peter (the Great) of Russia (r. 1682–
1725) set up a porcelain chamber in his palace of Monplaisir near
Peterhof.118 William III’s great enemy, Louis XIV of France (r. 1643–
1715), the arbiter of culture for European royalty, also promoted the
fashion for porcelain. He inherited several hundred pieces from his
grandmother Marie de’ Medici (1573–1642) and from Cardinal
Mazarin (1602–61). In the 1680s he received a gift of over 1,000 por-
celain vessels from Siamese embassies, after which the Sun King often
dined en porcelaine at Versailles. In the next decade dozens of shops
dealing in Chinese wares opened in Paris.119
European princes, however, aspired to manufacture their own por-
celain rather than purchase it from China. A crucial stumbling block
was to determine what sort of material to use. According to Marco
British Country House, ed. Gervase Jackson-Stops, Gordon J. Schochet, Lena Cowen Orlin,
Elisabeth Blair MacDougall (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1989), pp.
195–215.
116 Daniel Defoe, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, ed. P. N. Furbank and
W. R. Owens (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), p. 65. On Hampton Court, see
Joan Wilson, “A Phenomenon of Taste: The China Ware of Queen Mary II,” Apollo 96
(1972): 116–23.
117 Oliver Impey, “Porcelain for Palaces,” in Porcelain for Palaces, p. 59.
118 Meister and Reber, European Porcelain of the 18th Century, p. 18. See also Tatiana B.
Arapova, “The Double-headed Eagle on Chinese Porcelain: Export Wares for Imperial
Russia,” Apollo 135 (1992): 21–26.
119 D. F. Lunsingh Scheurleer, Chinese Export Porcelain: Chine de Commande (London:
Faber and Faber, 1974), p. 113; F. J. B. Watson and Gillian Wilson, Mounted Oriental Porce-
lain in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul Getty Museum, 1982), pp. 6–8. On
the Siamese gifts, see H. Belevitch-Stankevitch, Le goût chinois en France au temps de Louis
XIV (Paris: Jouve, 1910), pp. 10–48, 256–62.
Polo, the Chinese mined a kind of earth or mud and left it to age in
the open air for a generation before shaping it into shiny, beautiful
bowls tinted the color of azure—surely a description of the qingbai of
Jingdezhen.120 Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese writer, claimed in 1516
that porcelain was made from “fish ground fine, from eggshells and the
white of eggs and other materials,” all of which was seasoned under-
ground for up to a century.121 Although most early investigators sensi-
bly concluded that porcelain was made from clay, they also agreed that
it must be of a recondite sort, closer to precious stones, the chambered
nautilus, rock crystal, and rhinoceros horn than to common earth.
Fashionable cabinets of curiosities included porcelain vessels along
with such treasures, for they seemed to focus and fuse the qualities of
the exotic, the natural, and the artificial.122 The aristocracies of Europe
and the headhunters of Borneo evidently shared some similar views
about the marvelous nature of porcelain.
Alchemists took up the task of discovering the secret of porcelain,
the new “white gold” (weissener geld).123 Maestro Antonio, a Venetian
alchemist, tried to create porcelain in the late fifteenth century, per-
haps inspired by some vessels in the treasury of the Basilica of San
Marco, but he produced only milky glass. Francesco I de’ Medici, the
grand duke of Tuscany (r. 1574–87) and a fervent patron of alchemy,
poured a fortune into trying to create porcelain by combining ground
glass, powdered crystal, and Vicenza clay. Although his product was as
white as porcelain, it proved virtually impossible to fire, carve, or
mold. Researchers at Saint-Cloud near Paris in 1698 apparently pro-
duced something similar, but no vessels or documents survive from the
experiments.124 Merchants in China sent samples of kaolin to Europe
to be analyzed, perhaps as early as the 1520s. In 1712 Père d’Entre-
colles described the manufacturing process at Jingdezhen in a letter to
France and dispatched a sample of porcelain paste to be examined by
René A. F. de Réaumur, a well-known French chemist. Although de
Réaumur correctly identified the essential constituents of the material,
120Carswell, “Blue-and-White Porcelain in China,” p. 16.

121The Book of Duarte Barbosa, ed. Mansel Longworth Dames, 2 vols. (London: Hak-
luyt Society, 1921), 2:213–14.
122 See Martin Kemp, “ ‘Wrought by No Artist’s Hand’: The Natural, the Artificial, the
Exotic, and the Scientific in Some Artefacts from the Renaissance,” in Reframing the
Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America, 1450–1650, ed. Claire Farago (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), pp. 176–96.
123 Claire Le Corbeiller, “German Porcelain of the Eighteenth Century,” The Metropoli-
tan Museum of Art Bulletin 47 (1990): 6.

124 Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, pp. 13–14, 135–47; Claire Le Corbeiller,
“A Medici Porcelain Pilgrim Flask,” J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 16 (1988): 119–26.
the secret of porcelain manufacture actually had been discovered just a

few years earlier by the alchemist Johann Friedrich Böttger.125
In 1701 Böttger fled Prussia when he angered King Frederick I by
failing to turn base metals into gold. Seized by Augustus of Saxony and
forced to work on creating porcelain in the dungeons of the Jungfern-
bastei in Dresden, Böttger bitterly wrote over the entrance to his labo-
ratory that “God the Creator has made a potter out of an alchemist.”126
Obsessed with porcelain, Augustus built a palace in Dresden to house
his collection of some 10,000 pieces, and he even fantasized having
tables and chairs made from the ceramic. In 1717 he traded 600 Saxon
dragoons (later formed into the Porcelain Regiment) to King Freder-
ick William I of Prussia in exchange for 151 large Ming vases.127
Böttger and his associates arguably formed the first research and
development enterprise in history, driven by visions of enormous profit
and haunted by fears of industrial espionage. After considerable labor,
Böttger produced his first piece of porcelain in January 1708, and a
year later, Augustus opened the Royal Saxon Porcelain Manufactory at
Meissen, northeast of Dresden.128 But despite draconian methods of
guarding against spies and betrayal, such as imprisoning his own crafts-
men, Augustus failed to keep the secret of porcelain manufacture,
known as the arcanum, for himself. Within a few years workers and
“arcanists” escaped from Meissen and peddled the precious informa-
tion to other European princes. Problems in constructing high-firing
kilns and in locating sources of kaolin delayed Meissen’s rivals, but in a
few decades porcelain manufactories dotted the map of Europe. In the
mid-eighteenth century Duke Karl Eugen of Württemberg expressed a
commonplace in declaring that a porcelain factory was “an indispens-
able accompaniment to splendor and magnificence.”129
Of course, the Chinese eventually suffered a great deal more than
Augustus the Strong from the spread of the secret. They lost their
monopoly of porcelain, their longest and most dearly held treasure.
125 “The Letters of Père d’Entrecolles,” p. 67; Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Master-
pieces, p. 15.
126 Quoted in S. Ducret, “German Hard-Paste Porcelain,” in World Ceramics, pp. 217–18.
127 Walcha, Meissen Porcelain, pp. 128–29; Gerald Heres, Dresdener Kunstsammlungen in
18. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: E. A. Seeman, 1991). On Augustus, see Herman Schreiber,

August der Starke, Kurfürst von Sachsen, König von Polen (Munich: W. Heyne, 1986).
128 Walcha, Meissen Porcelain, pp. 16–19, 44–45. For an early account of the discovery
and development of Meissen porcelain, see the reprint of an 1810 edition published at
Meissen: C. B. Kenzelmann, Historische Nachrichten über die Konigliche Porzellan-Manufaktur
zu Meissen, und deren Stifter Johann Friedrich Freiherrn von Böttger (Leipzig: Zentralantiquar-
iat der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, 1977).
129 Quoted in Rawson, Ceramics, p. 64.
There is a certain irony in the consideration that they did so as a direct

consequence of the triumphal expansion of their ancient trade in
pottery into the new, predatory marketplace of Europe.
Porcelain and Cross-Cultural Exchange in the Ecumene
From the early centuries of the Common Era, porcelain generally ran a
distant third behind imports of spices and silk to western Asia.130 Por-
celain, however, played an exceptional role in cross-cultural exchange
between China and the rest of Asia, a role that other commodities
intrinsically could not perform. Spices not only came from various
parts of Asia, they naturally were intended for immediate use and con-
sumption; although they were seen as possessing pharmacological and
social significance, such meanings were imposed by consumers and were
not intrinsic to the nutmeg, cinnamon, and pepper.131 Silk was regarded
as indispensable for elite apparel and for employment in religious ritual
in Roman and Byzantine Christianity, but China lost its silk monopoly
by the sixth century, when other countries obtained the technology of
sericulture. Moreover, silk exported from China was often plain and in
the form of yarn.132 Chinese silks with embroidered designs conveyed
something about Chinese culture, but they were sometimes unwoven
and recycled, and like all textiles they were subject to relatively rapid
deterioration if not kept in tombs, reliquaries, and shrines.133
In contrast, porcelain was a Chinese monopoly that was always
exported in finished form and could not be recycled. Easy to break yet
hard to destroy, it retained its color and decoration perfectly, even
after centuries at the bottom of the sea.134 It invariably conveyed cul-
130 See Michael Loewe, “Spices and Silk: Aspects of World Trade in the First Seven
Centuries of the Christian Era,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-
land 2 (1971): 166–79; A. D. H. Bivar, “Trade between China and the Near East in the
Sasanian and Early Muslim Periods,” in Pottery and Metalwork in T’ang China, pp. 1–11.
131 On the significance of spices, see J. Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969); Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise: A

Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York: Ran-
dom House, 1993).
132 Liu Xinru, “Silks and Religion in Eurasia, c. A.D. 600–1200,” Journal of World History
6 (1995): 25–48.
133 See Hattie Mae Nixon and Ellen Johnston Laing, “Recycled Chinese Textiles in the
University of Oregon Museum of Art,” Orientations 14 (1983): 25–37.

134 On the fragility and durability of porcelain, see Carswell, “Blue-and-White Porce-
lain,” p. 22. Some 190,000 porcelain plates and bowls recovered in excellent condition
from Dutch shipwrecks of c. 1645 and c. 1752 were auctioned in London for about
£10,000,000 in the 1980s. See Colin Sheaf and Richard Kilburn, The Hatcher Porcelain
Cargoes: The Complete Record (Oxford: Phaidon, 1988), pp. 7–11.
tural meaning in its shapes and decoration, although often this was
confusedly (if creatively) apprehended by foreign patrons, most strik-
ingly in the case of the peoples of maritime Southeast Asia. Moreover,
spices and silk went on a one-way journey, from east to west, at the
end of which the spices were consumed and the silks frayed, faded, and
finally vanished. Porcelain, however, not only endured but also played
a central part in reciprocal cultural influence throughout the ecu-
mene.135 It was the principal material vehicle for the assimilation and
transmission of cultural themes across immense distances. Chinese
porcelain artists often adapted alien forms and decoration for their
products, which were then exported to the very foreign realms where
those forms and decoration had originated generations before. Thus, a
Sinicized version of foreign artistic motifs would be imitated by crafts-
men half a world away, who had no suspicion that they were heirs
of the cultural tradition that had first inspired what they were now
emulating.
The history of the lotus design illustrates this remarkable circuit of
cross-cultural exchange.136 Persian earthenware potters of the Il-Khanid
period (1258–1353) copied undulating lotus scolls from the borders of
Chinese plates, unaware that the foliage was a mutation of acanthus
patterns and vine scrolls carved on classical temples of the Middle East
in the Hellenistic period (323–30 b.c.e.). The acanthus and vine
motifs had been transferred in Sassanian Persia (224–651 c.e.) from
the Greek temples to silver vessels, which merchants then traded east-
ward along the silk road. In oasis communities on the caravan route,
the Hellenistic designs merged with Buddhist artistic themes that had
migrated from India since their origin there hundreds of years earlier.
By the sixth century the distinctive lotus design resulting from this
encounter appeared as sculpted decoration in Buddhist cave temples
at Yungang in Shanxi Province, northern China.137 Generations later,
135 On the significance of the ecumene as a framework for cross-cultural exchange, see
Marshall G. S. Hodgson, Rethinking World History: Essays on Europe, Islam, and World His-
tory, ed. Edmund Burke III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 17.
136 On the following, see Rawson, Chinese Ornament, pp. 33–88; also Alois Riegel,
Problems of Style: Foundations for a History of Ornament, trans. Evelyn Kain (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 187–206.
137 On connections between Persia and China, see Jane Gaston Mahler, The Westerners
among the Figurines of the T’ang Dynasty of China (Rome: Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed
Estremo Oriente, 1959), pp. 13–20. On the caves, see Roderick Whitfield and Anne Farrer,
Caves of the Thousand Buddhas: Chinese Art from the Silk Route (London: British Museum
Press, 1990). On the significance of the lotus in Indian and Chinese Buddhism, see Jack
Goody, The Culture of Flowers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 326–27,
335, 354.
Chinese craftsmen adopted the design for ornamentation of vessels in

silver and then ceramics. When merchants exported porcelain pieces
with lotus decoration to Persia in the fourteenth century, potters there
copied the foliage onto their earthenware. Two hundred years later the
lotus appeared so often on Chinese blue-and-white vessels in Europe
that botanists referred to it as the “porcelain flower.”138
Porcelain thus played a central role in the transmission of a
renowned artistic theme from region to region (from the Middle East
to China and back again) and from medium to medium (from archi-
tecture to silverwork to sculpture to silverwork to porcelain to earth-
enware). Nor did the motif’s pilgrimage stop there, for once Persian
potters had painted the lotus design onto a plate or bowl, craftsmen
adopted it as ornamentation on textiles and buildings. Because ceramic
workers in Persia (as well as in Europe) were mainly tilemakers, trans-
fer of a design from utensils to architecture was commonplace. Thus,
potters decorated tiles on the Masjid-i-Jami, a sixteenth-century mosque
in Kirman, with patterns of lotus blossoms and Chinese plum (or
prunus) branches.139
Since clay is an abundant and malleable substance, pottery served
as an inexpensive, ubiquitous medium for the assimilation of techni-
ques and designs from work in other materials.140 Ceramic vessels often
functioned as down-market substitutes for wares made of gold, silver,
and bronze. In China, burial pottery emerged in the Zhou period in
imitation of costly bronze pieces, and in the Han period families of
middling rank increasingly used earthenware vessels painted to resem-
ble bronze and lacquer as funerary goods.141 In the Tang dynasty pot-
ters imitated forms derived from western Asiatic metal and glass
imports, and in the Song they fashioned porcelain vessels in the shape
of precious silverwork from Persia.142 In fourteenth-century Japan, Long-
138 Donald F. Lach, Asia in the Making of Europe, vol. 2, A Century of Wonder (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 23.

139 Whitman, “Persian Blue-and-White Ceramics,” 1:125; Hodges, “The Technical
Problems of Copying Chinese Porcelains in Tin Glaze,” p. 82.

140 Alan Caiger-Smith, “Continuity and Innovation in Ceramics,” TOCS 58 (1993–
94): 59. On pottery’s facility for imitation, see an eighteenth-century Chinese connoisseur’s
comment in Bushell, Description of Chinese Pottery and Porcelain, p. 6.
141 Vainker, Chinese Pottery and Porcelain, p. 36; Rosemary E. Scott, “Archaism and
Invention: Sources of Ceramic Design in the Ming and Qing Dynasties,” in New Perspec-
tives on the Art of Ceramics in China, ed. George Kuwayama (Los Angeles: Los Angeles
County Museum of Art, 1992), p. 88. On burial and pottery, see Albert E. Dien, “Chinese
Beliefs in the Afterworld,” in The Quest for Eternity: Chinese Ceramic Sculptures from the
People’s Republic of China (exh. cat.) (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art,
1987), pp. 1–15.
142 Vainker, “Ceramics for Use,” in The British Museum Book of Chinese Art, p. 231;
Jessica Rawson, The Ornament on Chinese Silver of the Tang Dynasty (A.D. 618–906) (Lon-
don: British Museum Occasional Papers, 1982), p. 23.
quan greenwares replaced bronze vessels, prompting a Japanese monk

to declare, “These products of heaven are deeply loved. Their lus-
trous and glossy appearance is comparable to that of jade. With
green censers by our sides, who needs those big bronze incense
tripods?”143
During the Song period the Chinese elite came to regard gold
vessels as impairing the natural flavor of food, and they increasingly
used porcelain copies at meals.144 Koranic tradition condemned those
who ate and drank from silver and gold, so Chinese wares served as an
elegant substitute in Islamic lands. The throne room of Süleyman the
Magnificent (r. 1520–66) of the Ottoman empire was embellished with
precious metals, yet the sultan and his viziers dined from wooden
spoons and blue-and-white porcelain.145 In 1563, when Pius IV asked
his cardinals to contribute their silver table services to fund defense of
Italy against the Turks, a Portuguese cleric urged his colleagues to pur-
chase porcelain from Lisbon, “as blue as sapphire and as white as ala-
baster.”146 During the English Civil War (1642–49) aristocratic fami-
lies melted down a great deal of their silver plate, and when peace
came with the Restoration, they replaced their services with Delft imi-
tations of porcelain.147 According to the Duc de Saint-Simon, when
Louis XIV in 1709 commanded his aristocrats to turn over their silver
plate to support the army during the War of the Spanish Succession
(1701–14), they rushed to boutiques for tin-glazed imitations of their
accustomed table settings. This paved the way for their conversion to
porcelain within a few decades.148
143 Quoted in Jessica Harrison-Hall, “Representational Longquan Ware: The Making
and Function of Yuan and Ming Dynasty Ceramics,” Apollo 145 (1997): 33.
144 Michael Freeman, “Sung,” in Food in Chinese Culture: Anthropological and Historical
Perspectives, ed. K. C. Chang (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), p. 173.
145 On Koranic condemnation, see Richard Ettinghausen, Medieval Near Eastern
Ceramics in the Freer Gallery of Art (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1960), p.
4. On Süleyman’s porcelain, see Julian Raby and Ünsal Yücel, “Chinese Porcelain at the
Ottoman Court,” in Chinese Ceramics in the Topkapi Saray Museum, Istanbul, ed. John
Ayers, catalogue by Regina Krahl, 3 vols. (London: Sotheby’s Publications, 1986), 1:27–54.
On Süleyman’s opulence and wooden utensils, see Corneille Duplicius de Schepper, “Mis-
sions diplomatiques de Corneille Duplicius De Schepper (1533–34),” ed. Baron de Saint-
Genois and G. A. Yssel de Schepper, Mémoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres
et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique 30 (1857): 170, 172.
146 Quoted in Charles R. Boxer, “Carreira and Cabotagen: Some Aspects of Portuguese
Trade in the Indian Ocean and the China Sea, 1500–1650,” Renaissance and Modern Studies
30 (1986): 46.
147 Paston-Williams, The Art of Dining, p. 189.
148 Memoires complets et authentiques du Duc de Saint-Simon, ed. M. Chéruel, 14 vols.
(Paris: Hachette, 1856), 7:226. In the principal English translation of Saint-Simon, faience,
the term for the tin-glazed earthenware purchased in 1709, is rendered as “porcelain” and
les boutiques as “china shops”; see Historical Memoirs of the Duc de Saint-Simon, ed. and trans.
Lucy Norton, 3 vols. (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1967), 1:441.
Ceramics adopted and transmitted artistic symbols, themes, and

shapes from all other media, especially jade, lacquer, sculpture, metal-
work, coins, textiles, engravings, woodblock prints, and painting. Dec-
orative patterns and shapes journeyed from medium to medium, from
country to country, were adapted to different cultures, took on innova-
tive readings, and promiscuously mingled cultural symbols. While
China and its porcelain had a dominant role in this far-reaching
exchange, the ecumene as a whole collaborated in the creation of a
ceramic culture and visual language that in some measure transcended
regions and peoples.
Two kinds of flasks illustrate the remarkable fusion of influences
typical of this process. Kendi is a Malay word deriving from the Indian
kundika (water pot) and denoting a metallic vessel used for ritual ablu-
tion and drinking since the third century b.c.e. With a bulbous body
and a long, narrow neck, the flask was designed so that it would not
touch the drinker’s lips. Along with other ritual paraphernalia asso-
ciated with Hinduism and Buddhism, it spread into mainland South-
east Asia by the early centuries of the Common Era.149 Potters first
copied kendi into porcelain in Tang China, where Confucian scholars
used the vessels as water-droppers in calligraphy. Merchants sold
miniature Chinese versions of the ware in the Philippines and Java,
where tribes incorporated them in marriage ceremonies, burial rites,
and folk divination. A Chinese kendi exported to Malaysia in the six-
teenth century carried decoration of Buddhist auspicious symbols and
Islamic inscriptions.150 China also exported kendi, often in fanciful
animal forms, to Japan and western Asia, where artisans copied them
in earthenware in the seventeenth century. German potters also repli-
cated the zoomorphic kendi, sometimes embellished with Dutch ver-
sions of Chinese designs.151 The porcelain collection of the Ottoman
sultans included seven Ming elephant kendi equipped with silver-gilt
mounts. Shah Abbas I (r. 1588–1629) of the Safavid dynasty of Persia
149 A. K. Coomaraswamy and F. S. Kershaw, “A Chinese Buddhist Water Vessel and Its
Indian Prototype,” Artibus Asiae 3 (1928–29): 122–41. On the spread of Indian religious
and artistic influence to Southeast Asia and China, see Himanshu P. Ray, The Winds of
Change: Buddhism and the Maritime Links of Early South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1994), pp. 87–161.
150 Khoo Joo EE, Kendi: Pouring Vessels in the University of Malaya Collection (Singapore:
Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 21–26; Treasures from the National Museum, Singapore,
ed. Eng-Lee Seok Chee (Singapore: Singapore National Museum, 1987), pp. 116–17.
151 Michael Sullivan, “Chinese Export Porcelain in Singapore—II,” Oriental Art 4
(1958): 18–21; Yolande Crowe, “Aspects of Persian Blue and White and China in the Seven-
teenth Century,” TOCS 44 (1979–80): 18; J. G. Lee, “Kraak and Kendi,” Brooklyn Museum
Bulletin 19 (1958): 9–11.
collected several sorts of kendi, including one shaped like an elephant

and decorated with carnations. In the seventeenth century Persian
potters translated the vessel into a hookah or smoking pipe (kendi-
qalian) for tobacco.152 In the course of this remarkable peregrination,
the kendi shed all connections with Indian religious ritual and became
instead a utensil and curio for the elite of various cultures.
The vessel known as the “pilgrim flask” (or bianhu, “flattened
flask,” in Chinese) traced a similarly wide circuit. An early version
appeared in Nabatean pottery in Petra (now in Jordan) in the second
century b.c.e., and the shape—a tapering neck and compressed moon-
shaped body—resurfaced in Mesopotamian and Roman pottery. Early
Christian pilgrims employed small replicas for carrying holy water and
sanctuary lamp oil. Merchants traveling through Central Asia into
China in the Tang period sold Persian metalwork pilgrim flasks with
Hellenistic decoration, including acanthus patterns, dancing girls, and
piping boys. Chinese craftsmen replicated the flasks in porcelain.
Embellished with designs from Greece and Persia, they became pres-
tige items as funerary goods in the Song period.153
In later centuries pilgrim flasks made their way back from China to
western Asia. Jingdezhen potters in the sixteenth century decorated
one, probably made to order for Portuguese Christians in India, with a
choir of angels at Bethlehem.154 Persian potters produced a blue-and-
white earthenware flask in 1523, copied from a Chinese pilgrim flask
of a century earlier; they adorned it with a nightingale on a rosebush,
perhaps an adaptation of a Chinese phoenix on a plum branch. Mer-
chants traded Middle Eastern copies of Chinese flasks by way of Otto-
man Anatolia to central Italy, where potters in sixteenth-century
Umbria reproduced them in blue-and-white earthenware.155 Count John
Casimir of Bavaria had an earthenware flask made for him at Nîmes in
1581, decorated with his coat of arms and anti-Catholic caricatures,
including monkeys in ecclesiastical vestments. Philip II of Spain ordered
officials in Manila to commission several blue-and-white pilgrim flasks
for his porcelain collection: potters in Jingdezhen painted them with a
152 Julian Thompson, “Blue and White at Topkapi,” Antique Collector 62 (1991): 70;
Whitman, “Persian Blue-and-White Ceramics,” 1:195–203.

153 Geza Fehervari, “Near Eastern Wares under Chinese Influence,” in Pottery and Metal-
work in T’ang China, p. 29; Willetts, Chinese Art, 2:472–73; William Watson, Tang and Liao
Ceramics (New York: Rizzoli, 1984), pp. 145–47.
154 Basil Gray, “The Export of Chinese Porcelain to India,” TOCS 36 (1964–66): 30;
Regina Krahl, “A New Look at the Development of Chinese Ceramics,” Orientations 23

(1992): 68.
155 Whitman, “Persian Blue-and-White Ceramics,” 1:90–92; Le Corbeiller, “A Medici
Porcelain Pilgrim Flask,” pp. 119–26.

Chinese sage in a landscape, a border of lotus scrolls, and a central

medallion with the royal coat of arms of Castile and León, probably
copied from a Spanish coin. Finally, the Meissen manufactory in the
early eighteenth century produced pilgerflaschen, decorated with Chi-
nese floral designs and with landscape scenes copied from Japanese
lacquerwork.156
The history of kendi and pilgrim flasks suggests how ceramic vessels
lend themselves to a bewildering cross-fertilization of influences. Styles,
shapes, and decorative themes wandered as freely and as far as any
Buddhist or Muslim pilgrim. The concepts informing them generally
remained behind, however, for material objects traveled more easily
across cultural frontiers than abstractions. Potters appropriated styles
and motifs heedlessly, with little regard for the indigenous significance
of the exotic vessel or emblem. In the Chinese tradition, multivalent
meanings clustered around symbols; for example, ideas of spiritual at-
tainment, female sexuality, and dynastic loyalty were focused respec-
tively on the lotus, peony, and winter-flowering plum. In the West,
severed from their roots, these plant forms generally were reduced to
mere embellishment.157 The Dutch treatment of Chinese compositions
illustrates this process. VOC purchases of Chinese merchandise
declined in the 1640s as a result of war between the Ming and the
Manchu; accordingly, the Delft potteries shifted from tile manufactur-
ing to producing facsimiles of porcelain, complete with renderings of
Chinese dynastic reign marks (nianhao), a practice the Dutch potters
adopted from Persian imitations of porcelain because they wanted to
sell their wares in the Middle East.158 They also painted them with
fanciful versions of Chinese themes, such as the lotus and peony, so
that the porcelyn (as they called it) mimicked the appeal of the foreign
product. The Delft potters thus developed a make-believe Chinese
style that proved so popular that Jingdezhen craftsmen of the Qing
156 Penelope Hunter-Stiebel, “Faience—Prelude to Porcelain,” Apollo 106 (1977): 358–
63; Howard and Ayers, Masterpieces of Chinese Export Porcelain, p. 34; Walcha, Meissen Por-
celain, pp. 38–39; Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay (London: John Murray,
1961), p. 104.
157 See Rawson, Chinese Ornament, pp. 31–32; Goody, The Culture of Flowers, pp. 370–
71. On multiple meanings in Chinese decoration, see Jan Stuart, “Layers of Meaning,” in
Joined Colors: Decoration and Meaning in Chinese Porcelain: Ceramics from Collectors in the
Min Chiu Society, Hong Kong (exh. cat.), ed. Louise Allison Cort and Jan Stuart (Washington,
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1993), pp. 33–61.
158 Volker, Porcelain and the Dutch East India Company, pp. 66–67; Lane, Later Islamic
Pottery, p. 89. On VOC problems with Chinese trade in the seventeenth century, see
Leonard Blussé, “No Boats to China: The Dutch East India Company and the Changing
Pattern of the China Sea Trade, 1635–1690,” Modern Asian Studies 30 (1996): 51–76.
dynasty (1644–1911) later imitated the novel “chinoiserie” patterns

when their porcelain reentered Western and Middle Eastern markets
in the late seventeenth century.159
In effect, the end result of this cultural encounter was a creative
imagining of China, a way of assimilating and domesticating it. Chi-
noiserie designs, especially those with figural and landscape elements,
acted as filters that reduced the complexity of Chinese visual culture
to stereotyped constituents, thereby rendering it picturesque and acces-
sible rather than potent and enigmatic. Painted in pseudo-Chinese style
and planted in a European perspective, the lotus retreated from Bud-
dhism, the peony lost its sexual charge, and the flowering plum shed
its links to political alienation. In like fashion, imperious Confucians
turned into quaint mandarins, solitary Daoists became affable gentle-
men, and the Bodhisattva Guanyin (as an icon of fertility) assumed
the guise of the Madonna with Child.160 Chinese potters reinforced this
benign, reductive image of their own culture when they replicated the
Western fantasy of China on their porcelain exports. In the end, some-
thing was gained as well as lost, for the circuit of cross-cultural ex-
change promoted both innovation and misreading. Immense simplifi-
cation inevitably took place when foreign craftsmen reformulated
artistic representations of Chinese culture, but that very simplifica-
tion resulted in the creation of new decorative patterns with inter-
national currency. The world grew closer together through mutual
misunderstanding.
Porcelain and its imitations played a primary role in cross-cultural
exchange because potteries pursued the strategy of replicating foreign
artistic forms to win customers in remote markets. From the seventh
century to the sixteenth, the principal circuit of exchange ran between
China and the Middle East; the circuit thereafter expanded to encom-
pass the West, including European settlements in the Americas and
159 C. J. A. Jörg, “The Interaction between Oriental Porcelain and Dutch Delft-
ware,” Orientations 14 (1983): 10–15; Richard S. Kilburn, Transitional Wares and Their Fore-
runners (exh. cat.) (Hong Kong: Oriental Ceramic Society of Hong Kong, 1980). On Jing-
dezhen and foreign markets, see Stephen Little, “Economic Change in Seventeenth-
Century China and Innovations at the Jingdezhen Kilns,” Ars Orientalis 26 (1996): 47–54.
Chinoiserie is an artistic style reflecting Chinese influence as manifest in fanciful repre-
sentations of Chinese culture, especially in the use of elaborate decoration and intricate
patterns.
160 For illustrations, see Madeleine Jarry, Chinoiserie: Chinese Influence on European Dec-
orative Art, 17th and 18th Centuries (New York: Vendome Press, 1981); Honour, Chinoiserie;
Howard Davis, Chinoiserie: Polychrome Decoration on Staffordshire Porcelain, 1790–1850
(London: Rubicon Press, 1991).
Africa.161 Chinese potters copied lotus scrolls and Persian silverwork in

the eighth century, Arabic calligraphy and Islamic prayer screens in
the fourteenth, biblical illustrations and Dutch flagons in the eigh-
teenth. Just as enterprising, Middle Eastern and Western potters repro-
duced the Chinese decorative repertoire and even devised their own
versions of it to compete with Chinese imports. Completing the
circuit, the chinoiserie patterns migrated to China, where craftsmen
copied them for marketplaces in the Middle East and Europe. Global
patterns of trade thus fostered the recycling of cultural fantasies, the
creation of hybrid wares, and the emergence of a common visual
language.
Turkish potters at Iznik (east of Istanbul) in the early sixteenth
century combined Chinese decoration, Ottoman court designs, and
European silverwork models to produce wares that appealed to cus-
tomers throughout the Mediterranean.162 Venetian potters adopted
floral patterns from Iznik pottery and designs alla porcellana from Chi-
nese vessels, while Chinese craftsmen replicated Venetian glass vases
in porcelain.163 Potters in Florence decorated a pilgrim flask with a gro-
tesque mask from ancient Rome and tulips from Iznik ware. At the
same time, Italian earthenware influenced Iznik pottery, which some-
times combined medallion portraits in Renaissance istoriato style with
spiral scrolls derived from the Ottoman sultan’s imperial monogram
(or tughra).164 From the late sixteenth century Spanish galleons carried
tens of thousands of porcelain pieces from Manila to Acapulco, inspir-
ing Mexican potters in Puebla to produce their own distinctive blue-
and-white earthenwares in order (as an eighteenth-century priest
boasted) “to emulate and equal the beauty of the wares of China.”165
161 See Carl Robert Quellmalz, “Chinese Porcelain Excavated from North American
Pacific Coast Sites,” Oriental Art 18 (1972): 148–54; Julia B. Curtis, “Chinese Export Por-
celain in Eighteenth-Century Tidewater Virginia,” Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture 17
(1987): 119–44; Jane Klose, “Excavated Oriental Ceramics from the Cape of Good Hope,
1630–1830,” TOCS 57 (1992–93): 69–80.
162 J. A. Pope, “Chinese Influence on Iznik Pottery: A Re-Examination of an Old Prob-
lem,” in Islamic Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, ed. R. Ettinghausen (New York: Met-
ropolitan Museum of Art, 1972), pp. 99–124; Nurhan Atasoy and Julian Raby, Iznik: The
Pottery of Ottoman Turkey (London: Alexandria Press, 1994).
163 Daphne Carnegy, Tin-Glazed Earthenware from Maiolica, Faience and Delftware to the
Contemporary (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1993), p. 33; T. Harrison Tidswell, “The
Influence of Oriental Porcelain on Western Ceramics,” Apollo 110 (1979): 212.
164 Catherine Hess, Italian Maiolica: Catalogue of the Collections (Malibu, Calif.: J. Paul
Getty Museum, 1988), pp. 120–23; James W. Allan, Islamic Ceramics (Oxford: Ashmolean
Museum, 1991), p. 68.
165 Quoted in Mudge, “Hispanic Blue-and-White Faience in the Chinese Style,” p. 53.
On Puebla ware, see Edwin A. Barber, Mexican Maiolica in the Collection of the Hispanic
Society
Japanese potters in the seventeenth century decorated blue-and-white

beer mugs for the Amsterdam market with Dutch versions of Chinese
lotus scrolls and with human figures drawn from Japanese traveling
puppet shows, while Japanese officials placed orders with Delft and
Chinese potteries, providing wooden models of the wares they de-
sired.166 In the late seventeenth century a French earthenware ewer
from a Nevers pottery had a shape that ultimately derived from Middle
Eastern metalwork, a color scheme (blue-and-white) from China, and
ornamentation from diverse sources, including classical antiquity (a
coiled serpent), early Christianity (a winged angel), and China (exotic
birds).167
Jingdezhen craftsmen in 1690 made a plate decorated with a scene
of a tax riot in Rotterdam, copied from a Dutch commemorative coin,
with representations of the Eight Precious Objects of Buddhism around
the central medallion. Chinese plates of 1722, commissioned by Dutch
merchants, satirized the financial debacle of the South Sea Bubble,
accompanied by advertisements for Delft earthenware and with human
figures derived from the Italian Commedia dell’arte, a fashion copied
from Meissen porcelain. Decoration on a tin-glazed earthenware platter
from Nîmes in 1736 included a scene of Venus and Adonis, repro-
duced from a French engraving, circled by a border of Chinese pome-
granate vines taken from cottons printed for Dutch merchants in
India.168 Pottery produced at Chelsea in England in the early eigh-
teenth century imitated Meissen porcelain wares, which themselves
imitated Japanese imitations of Chinese vessels.169 Chinese copies of
Dutch wares included marks signifying Delft manufacture, while a
Society of America (New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1915). On the Manila-
Acapulco trade route, see William Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New York: E. P.
Dutton, 1939). The porcelain was transported overland from Acapulco to Veracruz by way
of Puebla, southeast of Mexico City.
166 T. Volker, “Two Early Blue-and-White Japanese Jugs,” Oriental Art 1 (1955): 3–5; C.
J. A. Jörg, “Exoticism in Japan—Japanese Interest in Dutch Ceramics and Other Curiosi-

ties,” TOCS 58 (1993–94): 11; Stephen Little, Chinese Ceramics of the Transitional Period:
1620–1683 (exh. cat.) (New York: China House Gallery, China Institute in America,
1983), p. 7.
167 Olga Ruggio, Clare Vincent, and Alice M. Zrebiac, “French Decorative Arts during
the Reign of Louis XIV, 1654–1715,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 46 (1989): 41.
168 Makiko Ichiura, “The Helena Woolworth McCann Collection of Chinese Trade
Porcelain at the Metropolitan Museum of Art,” Arts of Asia 5 (1975): 42; Hunter-Stiebel,
“Faience—Prelude to Porcelain,” pp. 361–63.
169 Oliver Impey, “Japanese Export Art of the Edo Period and Its Influence on European
Art,” Modern Asian Studies 18 (1984): 695. On Meissen’s use of Japanese models, see
Masaka Shono, Japanisches Aritaporzellan im sogenannten ‘Kakiemonstil’ als Vorbild für die
Meissener Porzellanmanufaktur, trans. Richard Rasch and Rainer Rückert (Munich: Editions
Schneider GmbH, 1973), pp. 16–35.
Chinese copy of a Meissen copy of a Japanese dish came with a forged

Meissen mark.170 A Chinese plate of 1750 decorated with a painting of
a knight and his squire, surrounded by Chinese scenery and birds, rep-
resented a four-step adaptation: it derived from a pattern on a Meissen
porcelain service of 1742 that replicated a Dutch engraving, which in
turn copied a woodprint in a French translation of Cervantes’ Don
Quixote.171 A Chinese tureen of the late eighteenth century had a sim-
ilarly tangled genealogy: its precursor was a Staffordshire earthenware
variation on a Sèvres porcelain vessel, which itself stemmed from a
piece of French silverwork whose shape originated in engravings of the
pottery of classical antiquity.172
To be sure, tracing such connections induces a certain vertigo, but
the exercise conveys the extent to which artists, craftsmen, and entre-
preneurs around the world during the early modern period were relay-
ing, integrating, and generating cultural forms. The history of the
flowering-tree design, a counterpart to the earlier creation of the lotus
motif, exemplifies this circuit of exchange.173 Sometime after the
fifteenth century, Persian painters, in adapting themes from blue-and-
white porcelain, translated the blossoming plum (mei hua) into a flower-
ing tree, a theme that soon appeared on Persian earthenware and
Indian cotton fabric. In the seventeenth century European potters and
textile producers adopted the Persian chinoiserie design, after which it
mutated into the most characteristic of the patterns known as chintz
(from Hindi chint, “many colored”). Sending the design back to its
source, English merchants commissioned Indian weavers to produce
cottons with chintz patterns. In the eighteenth century the merchants
even sent drawings of the Indo-European chinoiserie fantasy to China
as instructions for porcelain artists. The flowering-tree motif also sur-
faced on Japanese and Meissen porcelain of the eighteenth century
and as an element in the famous blue-and-white Willow pattern, the
most popular ornamentation ever devised for tableware.
The flowering-tree decoration is representative of ceramic develop-
170Tidswell, “The Influence of Oriental Porcelain on Western Ceramics,” pp. 214–15.

171Howard and Ayers, Masterpieces of Chinese Export Porcelain, pp. 27, 49, 55.
172 Jessica Harrison-Hall, “A Meeting of East and West: Print Sources for Eighteenth-
Century Chinese Trade Porcelain,” Apollo 139 (1994): 3–6.

173 On the following, see John Irwin, “The Chinese Element in Indian Chintz,” in The
Westward Influence of the Chinese Arts, pp. 30–32; Michael Snowdin and Maurice Howard,
Ornament: A Social History since 1450 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 202;
Mary Gardner Neill, “The Flowering Plum in the Decorative Arts,” in Bones of Jade, Soul of
Ice: The Flowering Plum in the Decorative Arts, ed. Maggie Bickford (New Haven: Yale Uni-
versity Art Gallery, 1985), pp. 193–244; Robert Copland, Spode’s Willow Pattern and Other
Designs after the Chinese (London: Rizzoli, 1980).
ment in that it sprang from the intersection of art and commerce, and
from the long-distance cooperation of anonymous craftsmen in diverse
media. Most significantly, it is impossible to say which culture was
responsible for creation of the celebrated design, since China, India,
the Middle East, and Europe all played significant roles in its thematic
development and geographic expansion.
Porcelain artistry of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries sug-
gests that the various regions of the ecumene, across the countless
boundaries dividing them, collaborated in the formation of a common
cultural tradition. Although the taste of elites played a role in shaping
it, the tradition stemmed far more from the ingenuity and enterprise of
the potters themselves, in China, Japan, the Middle East, and Europe.
By the end of the eighteenth century craftsmen around the world had
created a collective visual language, a koine of ceramic art. The potters
of Lisbon acclaimed their copies of Chinese porcelain as examples of
“the pilgrim art,” products of a globally integrated circuit of aesthetic
and commercial exchange. Given the peripatetic and imitative nature
of ceramics, extended and intensified by the exemplary status of porce-
lain, potteries active in long-distance trade shared a common legacy,
however provisional and indiscriminate. The lotus scroll and the flow-
ering tree, kendi and pilgrim flasks, tureens and platters did not repre-
sent either high art or monumental achievement. At their best, they
embodied a novel and creative cultural synthesis, enhanced by the
charm of surprising associations; at their worst, they epitomized a sort
of international kitsch, a harbinger of the tourist art of a later century.
In neither case did they engage the attention of intellectuals striving
to comprehend the emergence of a new global consciousness in the
early modern era.174 Nevertheless, porcelain and its imitations provide
the first and most widespread material evidence for sustained cultural
encounter on an ecumenical scale, perhaps even for intimations of
truly global culture.
174 See John M. Headley, “The Sixteenth-Century Venetian Celebration of the Earth’s
Total Habitability: The Issue of the Fully Habitable World for Renaissance Europe,” Journal
of World History 8 (1997): 1–27.

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Journal of World History, Volume 9, Number 2, Fall 1998, pp. 141-187

For additional information about this article

Access provided by Central Michigan University (8 Dec 2015 07:36 GMT)

I n 1619 Philip III of Spain made a ceremonial entrance into Lisbon,

Here most gracious Majesty

Journal of World History, Vol. 9, No. 2

Made in the Lusitanian Kingdom

2 Jean McClure Mudge, “Hispanic Blue-and-White Faience in the Chinese Style,” in

Reber, European Porcelain, p. 19.

position in trade between East and West. European merchants coveted

The argument proceeds in roughly chronological order, beginning

The Technology of Ceramics from the Shang to the Song

China and the West categorize porcelain differently in relation to

processed white briquettes of china-stone used in the manufacturing process. Originally

to the porcelain paste but is difficult to work with by itself; kaolin

Addis, “Porcelain-Stone and Kaolin: Late Yuan Developments at Hutian,” Transactions of

Technology,” in Ceramics and Civilization: Ancient Technology to Modern Sciences, ed. W. D.

ingredients of porcelain and sharing some of its physical characteris-

12 In part, this nomenclature is a consequence of trying to account historically for wares

the particular physical characteristics of porcelain, westerners necessarily recognized those

14 On loess, see Gideon S. Golany, Chinese Earth-Sheltered Dwellings (Honolulu: Uni-

versity of Hawai‘i Press, 1992), pp. 14–21.

Metallurgy in Ancient China—with Particular Reference to Kiln and Furnace Construc-

nese Pottery and Porcelain Technology,” pp. 143–48.

22 Kingery and Vandiver, Ceramic Masterpieces, p. 107.

chants shipped large quantities to maritime Southeast Asia, and some

The Development of Blue-and-White Porcelain in the Yuan

Blue-and-white porcelain developed as a long-term consequence of

Whitewares and greenwares were exported by ship to Egypt and Persia

pass almost the entire ecumene.33 Furthermore, the effects of Chinese

Ceramic Legacy of Asia’s Maritime Trade, p. 33.

transparency of glass bottles; water in these vases is visible through them

vols. (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1978), 1:25.

Muslim merchants in Quanzhou provided the initiative. On the one

49 Margaret Medley, “Trade, Craftsmanship, and Decoration,” in Seventeenth-Century

jars, ewers, tankards, gourd-shaped bottles, basins, platter stands, and

the course of time, Chinese craftsmen—partly because they were deco-

Porcelain and Ceramic Traditions in the Ecumene

Wherever Chinese porcelain was traded and used, it greatly influenced

period the Yongle emperor (r. 1403–24) launched an invasion of Viet-

“Adaptations and Mimicry in Trade Ceramics,” Arts of Asia 17 (1987): 88.

land (London: Hakluyt Society, 1934), p. 108.

transformation of clay in fire as a metaphor for divine creation and for

69 See P. R. S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries (Oxford: Claren-

Henry Stanley (London: Hakluyt Society, 1874), p. 115.

other, buried with ceremony, and passed down through generations;

72 Atremio C. Barbosa, “Heirloom Jars in Philippine Rituals,” in A Thousand Years of

Philippines and the Spice Islands.75 Substantial amounts of porcelain

Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 36, 47, 62–63.

Broken Chinese pots of the seventeenth century adorned the bases of

The Rise of Chinese Porcelain in the West

The Middle Eastern innovation of painted decoration on tin-glazed

the thirteenth century, probably carried there by potters from Fatimid

also as Andries), identified in Flanders as a “Venetian potter” (veneet-

87 Marcel Laurent, “Guido di Savino and the Earthenware of Antwerp,” Burlington

was only in 1557 that the Portuguese received permission from

91 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and

boo Publications, 1989), pp. 60–61.

Gothenburg Historical Museum, 1965), p. 12.

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