Dealing With Difference in Audiovisual Translation - Subtitling Linguistic Variation in Films
Dealing With Difference in Audiovisual Translation - Subtitling Linguistic Variation in Films
Dealing With Difference in Audiovisual Translation - Subtitling Linguistic Variation in Films
Vol. 14
ISBN 978-3-0343-1816-7
Peter Lang
www.peterlang.com
Dealing with Difference in
Audiovisual Translation
New Trends in Translation Studies
V ol ume 14
Series Editor:
Professor Jorge Díaz Cintas
Advis or y Bo ard:
Profes s or S u san B assn et t
Dr Lynne Bowke r
Profes s or Frede r ic C hau me
Profes s or A lin e Re mael
PETER LANG
Oxford • Bern • Berlin • Bruxelles • Frankfurt am Main • New York • Wien
Dealing with Difference in
Audiovisual Translation
Claire Ellender
PETER LANG
Oxford • Bern • Berlin • Bruxelles • Frankfurt am Main • New York • Wien
Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek.
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche National-
bibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available on the Internet at
http://dnb.d-nb.de.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Ellender, Claire.
Dealing with difference in audiovisual translation : subtitling linguistic variation in
films / Claire Ellender.
pages cm. -- (New trends in translation studies; 14)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-3-03-431816-7 (alk. paper)
1. Sublanguage--Films for foreign speakers. 2. Dialectology--Films for foreign
speakers. 3. Motion pictures--Titling. 4. Dubbing of motion pictures. 5. Mass
media and language. I. Title.
P120.S9E45 2015
418’.03791--dc23
2014034999
ISSN 1664-249X
ISBN 978-3-0343-1816-7 (print)
ISBN 978-3-0353-0738-2 (eBook)
Acknowledgementsix
Introduction1
Chapter 1
Subtitling Scots: Translating Danny Boyle’s Trainspotting
and Ken Loach’s The Angels’ Share into French 17
Chapter 2
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys:
Conveying British Dialects in the French
Subtitles of Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels 55
Chapter 3
Transporting the Aquarium: Overcoming the Challenges
of Subtitling Andrea Arnold’s Fish Tank into French 83
Chapter 4
Police Patter: Retaining Linguistic Variation in the English
Subtitles of Maïwenn’s Polisse 103
Chapter 5
The Trials of the Foreign: Preserving Linguistic Alterity
when Subtitling The Terminal into French 131
vi
Chapter 6
Dealing with Dialect:
The Subtitling of Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis into English 149
Conclusion171
Appendix199
Bibliography205
Index213
Tables
Norwich Papers:
Ellender, Claire, 2012, ‘Coping with Cockney: Subtitling Lock, Stock and
Two Smoking Barrels for a French-Speaking Audience’, in Jean Boase-Beier,
ed., 2012, The Next Big Thing. Norwich Papers: Studies in Translation, 20
(Norwich: University of East Anglia Press), 85–105.
Introduction
1 For comprehensive definitions of subtitling see Delia Chiaro 2009: 148; Jorge Díaz-
Cintas and Aline Remaël 2007: 8; Henrik Gottlieb 2001: 87.
2 Alexandra Assis-Rosa (2001: 213–14) expands upon the concept of subtitling as
intersemiotic translation by discussing a number of changes which take place during
this process. There is a change of medium, as speech and gestures (audible and visual)
are recaptured in writing; a change of form of signal, as phonetic substance becomes
graphic substance; a change of code, as spoken verbal language (and non-verbal lan-
guage) becomes written verbal language.
2 Introduction
(De Linde and Kay 1999: 4–7).3 Furthermore, when transforming the
oral SL into a written form of the TL, they must suggest orality in their
writing and ensure, at all times, that the TL corresponds to the images of
the original film. Subtitlers are, as Díaz-Cintas points out (2003: 43–4),
particularly vulnerable as their translations can, potentially, always be
compared to the original (SL) text.
3 For additional discussion of the constraints on subtitling, see Díaz-Cintas and Remaël
2007; Basil Hatim and Ian Mason 1997; Ian Ivarrsson and Mary Carroll 1998.
4 Arthur Hughes and Peter Trudgill, for instance, term a standard English accent
‘received pronunciation’ (RP) (1996: 3), and a standard dialect ‘standard English’
(SE) (ibid.: 9).
5 Marie-Noëlle Guillot (2012: 106) rightly stresses that the language contained in films
is a representation of language rather than language itself. She writes: ‘Film dialogues
[…] are fabricated discourse and make-believe speech. Their text is projected orally,
but usually from a written script in which structural and narrative considerations,
and considerations of efficiency, loom large and have little place for features integral
to live verbal negotiations and the constraints or co-constraints of discourse.’ See also
Michaël Abecassis (2005) and Christine Heiss (2004). While fully acknowledging
this, the present study will consider the discourse contained in the films which it
examines to be realistic representations of real-life speech.
Introduction 3
6 Throughout the present study, the term ‘non-standard’ will describe any use of lan-
guage which is not classified as ‘standard’ (see FN 4). The term ‘substandard’, which
carries negative connotations of linguistic and cultural inferiority, is deliberately
avoided in the present pages.
7 Peter Trudgill (2008: 8) concisely distinguishes between accent and dialect when he
explains that: ‘The term dialect refers, strictly speaking, to kinds of language which
have differences of vocabulary and grammar as well as pronunciation. The term
accent, on the other hand, refers solely to differences of pronunciation’. He also clari-
fies that: ‘[…] the term dialect can be applied to all varieties of language, not just to
non-standard varieties’. The combination of RP (Received Pronunciation) – a prestige
accent which is essentially that of ‘those educated at public schools’ (Hughes and
Trudgill 1996: 3) – and Standard English – the dialect taught to learners of English
which is characterized by standard grammar and lexis – (ibid.: 9), can thus also be
referred to as a ‘dialect’.
8 If the sociolinguistic concepts employed in this book were not originally intended to
be applied to the study of language representations, they will be used in the present
work on the basis of the assumption that the discourse in the films under examina-
tion are accurate representations of authentic language (see FN 5).
4 Introduction
languages, but also different dialects, sociolects and idiolects (Bartoll 2006;
Bréan 2012).9 Whatever the particular manifestation of multilingualism, the
presence of this phenomenon provides significant information about the
social and cultural background of different characters (Federici 2009); it
thereby establishes the characters who belong to particular social or ethnic
groups in relation to each other, assists in constructing the narrative and,
fundamentally, helps the film to ‘make sense’.10
When seeking a paradigm which can assist in understanding texts
containing considerable linguistic variation, a prominent point of refer-
ence in mid- to late twentieth-century critical theory is the work of the
Russian philosopher, Mikhail Bakhtin, and the Circle of thinkers to which
he belonged.11 The Bakhtin Circle’s work is unified by the concept of dialo-
gism, which draws on the notions of dialogue, interactivity and interrelat-
edness (Lodge 1990: 5). This concept first emerges in Voloshinov’s 1929
treatment of spoken language in Marxism and the Philosophy of Language.
Beginning with the word, Voloshinov (1929 / 1973: 86) conveys the inter-
active, responsive character of this unit of language: ‘A word is a bridge
thrown between myself and another […]. [It] is a territory shared by both
addresser and addressee, by the speaker and his interlocutor.’ The Circle’s
more developed concept of dialogism can, in a number of respects, be
9 Sociolect: ‘A variety or lect which is thought of as being related to its ‘speakers’ social
background rather than geographical background’ (Trudgill 2003: 122). Idiolect:
‘The distinctive, and to some extent unique, configuration of language […] peculiar
to each person. It is our personal repertoire – a kind of verbal fingerprint – with the
difference that our verbal resources not only grow but also change in pattern over
the course of our lives.’ (Rob Pope 2013: 215).
10 For a brief discussion of the ways in which speakers of different dialects of British
English are perceived, see Trudgill (2000: 5).
11 Bakhtin was born in Orel, South of Moscow, in 1895. In 1918 he joined a group
of thinkers who were inspired by the study of German philosophers, and it
was in this group that he met his contemporaries, Pavel Medvedev (1892–1938) and
Valentin Voloshinov (1895–1936), who were later to become key figures in a distinct
group: the Bakhtin Circle. See David Lodge (1990: 1–4); Tzevetan Todorov (1939 /
1995: 3–13).
Introduction 5
12 See Giles and Giles’ 2013 discussion of ‘in-groups’ and ‘out-groups’. ‘An ‘in-group’ is a
social category or group with which you identify strongly. An out-group, conversely,
is a social category or group with which you do not identify.’ (ibid.: 142).
6 Introduction
13 This stance is in line with that of Lawrence Venuti (1995: 1) who argues that translation
is politically motivated at two levels: first, in relation to the ways in which publishers
Introduction 7
Dany Boon’s 2008 Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis (Chapter 6), which transforms
stereotypical and often negative perceptions of France’s Nord-Pas-de-Calais
region and its language by presenting them with affection and humour.
Essentially then, Bakhtinian thought provides an eminently suitable
point of reference when examining a number of themes which can be
witnessed in one or more of the films under investigation in the present
study, namely: the presence of social variety in films; the communication
of contrasting ideologies through language; in-group / out-group relation-
ships; the existence of power dynamics between interlocutors; the role of
films in valorizing non-standard varieties of language.
and editors choose works to be translated, commission translations and suggest the
translation method to be used; second, regarding the translation approach adopted
by translators which makes them more or less ‘visible’. This issue will be revisted in
some of Dealing with Difference in Audiovisual Translation’s principal chapters.
14 As André Lefevere (1992: 70) writes: ‘flavoured translations that deviate significantly
from the dominant linguistic norms may be dismissed as incorrect. […] Indeed, the
decision to attempt to include oral features in a written TT is not without risk.’
(Lefevere’s emphases.)
8 Introduction
The case of La Haine is concrete evidence that the subtitling of the non-
standard varieties of language which feature in a SL film can pose consider-
able linguistic and cultural challenges. Against this background, Dealing
with Difference in Audiovisual Translation focuses on a collection of British
and French films which belong to a range of genres but were all released
within a relatively restricted timeframe (1998–2014).16 The films have
French than French-language films subtitled into English. This reflects the interna-
tional film situation at large, in which more English-language films are translated
for export than vice-verse. Where the SL films are French, these are subtitled into
American English. Again, this is reflective of international practice; this latter strat-
egy ensures that a single set of subtitles can be used for the entire English-speaking
world.
17 Given that all of the films examined are inherently heteroglossic (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981:
67) and that a number of them display ‘diatopic’ variation (Flydal 1951), there are
clearly some areas of overlap between the chapters.
Introduction 11
18 Some scholars (Staiger 2005) have carried out detailed research into the ways in
which films are received by their intended audience. Others (Hall 1973: 129–30)
have established the audience’s active role in establishing a film’s meaning. While
the present study is fundamentally driven by examination of language rather than
reception, some consideration of the latter is helpful when seeking to establish if
‘pragmatic equivalence’ (Koller 1979: 186–9) has been achieved in a film’s subtitles.
Importantly, if Eugène Nida’s (1964) dynamic equivalence is often cited in discus-
sions of how ‘equivalent’ effect can be created for readers of a TT, Nida will not
be used as a point of reference in the present study. Not only does his work not
explicitly deal with films, but some serious criticisms of his equivalence theories
have also been formulated. His opponents suggest, notably, that dynamic equiva-
lence cannot be based on the responses of any original readers since that data is not
available and that Nida operates in too binary a way, that is, his distinction between
formal equivalence (equivalence of message) and dynamic equivalence (equivalence
of effect) reduces the complexity of texts. For more detailed discussions of these
issues, see Pym (2008).
12 Introduction
film, the corresponding challenges which arise when subtitling the film
into French, and the strategies implemented in order to overcome these
challenges. Its objectives are thus to establish the extent to which this char-
acter’s linguistic alterity is preserved in the film’s French subtitled version,
Le Terminal, and in doing so, to situate itself in relation to the key tenets
of Berman’s 1985 paper.
When characters in a film speak a particularly broad dialect of the SL
which is incomprehensible to most native speakers of the SL, they too may
be viewed as ‘foreigners’ and their speech can pose considerable translation
challenges. Such is the case of the film examined in Chapter 6, ‘Dealing
with Dialect’. This chapter focuses on the French film, Bienvenue chez
les Ch’tis (2008), which is set in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region of France
and provides a humorous portrayal of the cultural peculiarities and dialect
of this region’s people, les Ch’tis. Following its brief presentation of the
ch’ti dialect, this chapter concentrates on scenes from the film in which
pronunciation, vocabulary, expressions and grammar result in confusion
and amusement in the original French version. Examining how this lan-
guage has been rendered in English by subtitler Michael Katims, Chapter
6 explores the extent to which the translation of this film preserves the
linguistic specificity and the humour of the French ST in its correspond-
ing English subtitles.
In its Conclusion, Dealing with Difference in Audiovisual Translation
recalls its approach and objectives before summarizing its salient, text-based,
empirical findings, made in Chapters 1 to 6, in a series of tables which it
explains and expands upon. Drawing on these findings, it provides answers
to the key questions which it asked in its Introduction, namely: i) Why is
linguistic variation significant within the context of the given films? ii) How
does linguistic variation manifest itself in the films? iii) What translation
challenges does such language pose, and what solutions are offered to these?
iv) Could the linguistic variation which is such a significant part of the SL
films be retained more fully in the TL subtitles for the target audiences?
Ultimately, by exploring the range of practical approaches to the subtitling
of non-standard language which exist, this book challenges the commonly
held view that such language and linguistic varieties cannot be recaptured
effectively in TL subtitles.
Introduction 15
Introduction
This chapter centres on two films, Danny Boyle’s Trainspotting (1996) and
Ken Loach’s The Angels’ Share (2012), and examines how each of these has
been subtitled into French. The two films were selected for their similar
settings and content. Each is based in Scotland and has four main protago-
nists who belong to an underprivileged milieu, are in trouble with the law,
yet aspire to build better lives for themselves. The speech of the principal
characters of each film also features much use of non-standard language:
urban, slang and vulgar varieties of Scottish English, or Scots (Bryson
2009: 104; Hughes and Trudgill 1996: 116–17). In both Trainspotting and
The Angels’ Share, scenes are largely dominated by a Scottish accent, but
at times contain clear instances of dialect and, in connection with this,
numerous culture-bound lexical items.1 Also noteworthy are the ways in
which the language of both films’ protagonists is juxtaposed with that
of other speakers of Scots and English. Language variation within these
three films is thus inherently ‘diatopic’ (Flydal 1951). As it will be witnessed
throughout this chapter, given that the language used by these individuals
is central to their characterization and to their respective films’ narratives,
it is clearly important to attempt to preserve some of the films’ linguistic
particularities when subtitling them into another language; this will enable
Trainspotting
The film
whom are heroin addicts. The protagonists spend their time drinking,
thieving, buying drugs and taking them. Some of these characters are
sexually promiscuous, others are aggressive and violent. When Renton
narrowly escapes a prison sentence, he is placed on a drug intervention
programme and given methadone. After suffering from severe withdrawal
symptoms, he resolves to begin a new life and moves to London where
he is employed as a property letting agent. Shortly after, he is joined by
Begbie, who is on the run after being involved in an armed robbery, and
Sick Boy, who requires help with a drug deal. After agreeing to assist with
this heroin transaction, Renton again decides to make a fresh start. While
the others are asleep on his floor the following morning, Renton takes the
money and flees, leaving only some of the proceeds for Spud, who he feels
is deserving of a share. At all times, Trainspotting’s setting plays a major
role in conveying the deprived sector of inner-city Edinburgh which it
seeks to represent. Seedy bars and nightclub scenes are alternated with
the squalid bedsits of drug dealers.
If many of its scenes are actually shot in Glasgow, for the purpose of
its narrative Trainspotting is intended to be set in Edinburgh and the
speech of its main characters belongs to the South-East central Scots
dialect grouping typically spoken by natives of Edinburgh. 2 In the major-
ity of the film’s scenes, speech is marked by an unmistakable, yet mild,
Scottish accent and is relatively clear.3 This said, in certain scenes speech
2 For an in-depth explanation of this and other variants of Scots, see Adam Aitkens’
‘Scottish accents and dialects’ (1984: 94–114). See also <http://www.scots-online.
org/grammar/edinburgh.htm>.
3 Indeed, members of Edinburgh’s working class would undoubtedly speak with a
stronger accent. It is likely that the characters’ accent has been deliberately sof-
tened in order to make it comprehensible to English and US audiences. (Personal
communication: Catriona Parkin, former colleague and native of Edinburgh,
20 Chapter 1
December 2013). This suggestion is fully in line with the work of Marie-Noëlle
Guillot (2012: 106). Guillot stresses that the language contained in films is a repre-
sentation of language rather than language itself.
4 Of the way in which the Scottish accent is commonly perceived, Pitts (2013: 1) writes:
‘Perhaps because of its association with the ‘rough and tough’ North compared to
the metropolitan South, it has a no-nonsense, purposeful feel’. The North-South
divide which is reflected in British accents and dialects will be revisited in detail in
Chapter 2.
Subtitling Scots 21
Scene One
In this scene, Sick Boy explains to Renton how he has obtained a large
amount of heroin from a contact in Scotland. Sick Boy would like his
three friends – Renton, Begbie and Spud – to help him sell the drugs in
London. In turn, he offers to share the ample profits with them. Initially,
this idea is met with reluctance by Renton.
5 Trainspotting the film is based on Irvine Welsh’s 1993 novel of the same name which
has been translated into both French and many other languages. The text of the
book is substantially longer than that of the film and the Edinburgh dialect and
drug-related jargon which are heavily present in the book are explained in a bespoke
glossary. Critics believe that, globally, translations of the novelistic text show no signs
of the dialect variation / regional specificity apparent in the SL (Katherine Ashley
2010: 124). The text of the SL film is simplified in terms of its length, content, dialect
and jargon. This film thus poses proportionately fewer challenges for the subtitler
than does the novel for the literary translator, and clearly challenges which are of a
different nature (De Linde and Kay 1999; Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007; Hatim
and Mason 1997; Ivarrsson and Caroll 1998; Luyken et al. 1991).
22 Chapter 1
The principal feature of the language contained in this scene which marks
it as being Scottish is the characters’ accent; here, pronunciation is relatively
mild – ‘ye’ instead of ‘you’ (lines 1 and 2), trilled ‘r’ (‘very’, line 12), clipped
endings ‘fuckin’’ (12) – and is therefore easy for non-Scottish anglophone
viewers to understand. In the corresponding subtitles, no attempt is made
to recapture non-standard SL pronunciation in the TL. Similarly, as Sick
Boy’s use of grammar only features slight deviations from standard English
24 Chapter 1
structures (‘There’s this mate of Swanney’s’, 3), it does not require any
bespoke translation solutions.
As regards the vocabulary which the characters use, if this belongs
to a very informal register, it is not specifically Scottish.6 Frequently, this
is rendered with very close TL equivalents, be they more general words
– ‘mate’ [pote] (3), ‘punt on’ [refourguer] (17) – or drug-related terms
– ‘gear’ [came] (4 / 5), ‘scag deal’ [plan dope] (19).7 At times, however,
instances of under-translation occur – the term ‘fucking’ is never pre-
served (10 and 11) and on yet other occasions the subtitlers clearly over-
translate SL words, employing terms which are much more colloquial
in the TL: ‘drunk’ becomes torché (8); ‘carry’ is translated as trimballer
(10) and ‘got very fuckin’ nervous’ as flippe à mort (12). This technique
may be interpreted as the subtitlers’ attempt to compensate for the lack
of Scottish accent and more general swearwords in their rendering of
the present scene.
Of additional interest in this scene is the intonation of the two main
interlocutors, which evidently remains present in the SL soundtrack against
which the subtitles are set. Sick Boy is hesitant as he explains the scenario
and attempts to persuade Renton to come on board. Renton is much more
authoritative and this is reflected in his abrupt comments and responses
(lines 5, 14, 19). He is obviously a more senior member of the gang and this
is very much apparent in the tone which he adopts. As Voloshinov (1929 /
1973: 86) and subsequent Critical Discourse analysts posit (Fairclough 1995;
Hyatt 2006), language is highly revelatory of the power dynamic which
exists between interlocutors.
6 In practice, the language which the characters use is a mixture of English, Scots and
slang (Catriona Parkin, December 2013).
7 The drug-related subject-matter of this entire scene, which indeed dominates the
whole film, is particularly significant. As Bakhtin (1934–5 / 1981: 291) acknowledges,
all language is ideological and communicates specific world views. As these charac-
ters express their shared ideologies through their use of language, this binds them
together as a distinct social group and is indicative of their belonging to an ‘in-group’
(Giles and Giles 2013: 142).
Subtitling Scots 25
Scene Two
This scene takes the form of a monologue by Begbie, who is known for
his aggressive, violent nature and for his tendency to start fights. Here, he
is sitting in a nightclub, drinking beer, and is surrounded by a number of
friends. Enjoying being the centre of attention, he recounts his version of
a recent episode in a local pool club, ‘The Volley’. According to Begbie,
when he was about to win a game of pool, another man was intending to
begin a fight with him but, when he saw Begbie’s reaction, changed his
mind and fled. Begbie subsequently won the game of pool. In the scene
which follows the present one, his friend Tommy provides another version
of the story which is supposedly more truthful and accurate.
B = Begbie
Speaker ST TT
1) B Picture the scene. Imaginez la scène.
[Imagine the scene.]
2) B The other fuckin’ week there, En train de jouer au billard
down the fuckin’ Volley wi’ avec Tommy.
Tommy playing pool. [Playing pool
with Tommy.]
3) B I’m playing like Paul fuckin’ D’ailleurs, je joue
Newman, by the way, comme Paul Newman.
[Besides, I’m playing
like Paul Newman.]
4) B giving the boy a tannin’ alright, Je donne une raclée à ce garçon.
too. [I’m giving this boy a thrashing.]
5) B It comes to the last shot, the C’est la dernière bille,
deciding ball of the whole celle qui décidera du vainqueur.
tournament. [It’s the last ball,
the one which will decide on the
winner.]
6) B I’m on the black. He’s sat in the Il me reste la noire.
corner lookin’ all biscuit-arsed. Il est effondré.
[The black one is left for me.
He’s in bits.]
26 Chapter 1
Speaker ST TT
7) B When this hard c**t comes in. Puis entre un gros dur.
[Then a big hard-case comes in.]
8) B Obviously fuckin’ fancied himself, Du genre ‘m’as-tu-vu’.
like. [A ‘look-at-me’ sort.]
9) B Starts starin’ at me. Lookin’ right Il se met à me mater,
fuckin’ at me, as if to say: dans les yeux, comme
pour dire :
[He starts looking at me,
in the eyes, as if to say:]
10) B ‘Come ahead, square go.’ ‘Allons-y.’
[Let’s go for it.]
11) B You ken me. I’m not the type of Vous me connaissez.
c**t that goes lookin’ for Je suis pas du genre à chercher
[You know me.
I’m not the sort to
look for]
12) B fuckin’ bother, like, but er, at the des ennuis, mais …
end of the day … [trouble, but …]
13) B I’m er, I’m the c**t with the pool C’est moi qui tenais
queue la queue
[It’s me who was holding
the queue]
14) B and he could have the fat end et se la prenait dans
in his puss any time he fuckin’ la chatte quand il voulait.
wanted, like. [and he took it in
his pussy when he wanted it.]
15) B So I squares up, casual, like. Je prépare mon coup.
[I prepare my shot.]
16) B What does the hard c**t do ? Que fait le gros dur ?
[What does the hard-case do?]
17) B Or the so-called hard c**t? Le soi-disant gros dur.
[The so-called hard-case.]
18) B Shites it! Chie dans son froc.
Puts down his drink, turns Il pose son verre.
[Shits his pants.
He puts down his glass]
Subtitling Scots 27
In this scene, Begbie’s use of the Scots dialect and the speed at which he tells
his tale sometimes make his speech difficult for a non-native of Scotland
to understand. When viewing the film’s DVD version, this difficulty can
be overcome by opting for English (intralingual) subtitles for the Deaf and
Hard-of-hearing (SDH). As regards interlingual subtitling into French,
this scene clearly poses a greater range of translation challenges than did
the last scene examined.
Begbie’s accent is very pronounced. He omits the final sound from
words (‘th’ and ‘g’) – wi’, tannin’, lookin’, fuckin’ – and lengthens vowels –
‘last shot’ (5), ‘staring at me’ (9) (Hughes and Trudgill 1996: 97). However,
no attempt is made to recapture, or even hint at, this in the French subti-
tles. For the most part, Begbie’s use of grammar is relatively standard and
therefore not problematic to translate. When he informally adds the letter
‘s’ to the first person singular verb-form ‘I squares up’ (15), this is recaptured
with a TL expression of a similar register, Je prépare mon coup, which is
nevertheless grammatically accurate. This approach is clearly deliberate
on the part of the subtitlers; when working within the constraints of sub-
titling, use of ungrammatical turns of phrase may affect readability (De
Linde and Kay 1999).
The principal challenges to which subtitling this scene gives rise occur
at a lexical level. Begbie uses some informal, slang, vocabulary and expres-
sions which are not specifically Scottish. Sometimes these are omitted in
the TL, as in ‘[…] down the Volley […] playing pool’ (2): En train de jouer
au billard, and the meaningless SL tag ‘like’ (8, 12, 14, 15). Occasionally
they are rendered with TL equivalents: ‘[…] giving the boy a tanning’ (4):
Je donne une raclée à ce garçon. When Begbie’s expressions are specifically
Scottish, the semantic content of these is fully maintained and they are
translated with idiomatic TL equivalents:
28 Chapter 1
‘He could have the fat end in his puss […]’ (14) Il se la prenait dans la chatte […]
[He took it in his pussy]
‘Shites it!’ (18) Chie dans son froc […]
[Shits his pants]
‘[…] and gets the fuck out of there’ (19) […] et il fout le camp
[[…] and he fucks off ]
Culture-bound vocabulary
11 Pedersen’s 2005 ‘How is Culture Rendered in Subtitles?’ sets out seven strategies
for rendering ECRs in TL subtitles and seven parameters which influence the deci-
sion-making of subtitlers. For a concise summary of the contents of this paper, see
Appendix.
12 ANPE: Agence Nationale Pour l’Emploi. National employment agency (1967–2008).
A French government agency which provided counselling and aid to those in search
of work and housing. See also FN 13.
13 ASSESIC: Association pour l’Emploi dans l’Industrie et le Commerce. Association for
Employment in Industry and Trade (1958–2008). A French agency which collected
and paid unemployment insurance contributions. In 2008 the ANPE and ASSEDIC
merged to form a comprehensive employment agency, the Pôle d’Emploi (<http://
www.pole-emploi.fr>).
30 Chapter 1
‘Go down the bookies […] for us’ Va au PMU14 pour moi
[Go to the PMU for me]
‘Can I have one of those Pot Noodles […]?’ T’as un Bolino15 pour moi ?
[Have you got a Bolino for me?]
1415
The decision to adopt this approach and thereby domesticate these SL cul-
tural references in the TL is arguably questionable. If use of TL ECRs facili-
tates the TL audience’s immediate understanding of the film, it undeniably
results in a loss of source-culture information, a certain cultural displacement,
or ‘credibility gap’ (Pedersen ibid.) and, perhaps more importantly here since
the issue is one of reception, an interruption of the suspension of disbelief.
One would not, for instance, go to a PMU or eat a Bolino in Edinburgh.
The most striking example of a TL-oriented approach to handling SL
culture-bound vocabulary can be witnessed in the subtitles of the follow-
ing extract. Here, Renton explains how his friend, drug dealer Swanney,
has taught both Renton and the film’s other protagonists to be grateful to
the National Health Service; it is from the NHS that they have obtained,
illegally, much of their supply of drugs:
14 PMU: Paris Mutuel Urbain. French state-controlled betting system which has
branches throughout the country (<http://www.pmu.fr>).
15 Bolino: A brand of instant savoury snack-food available in France which is prepared
by adding hot water.
Subtitling Scots 31
In this extract, the medicines listed in the original scene are principally British
brand-named drugs used to treat heroin withdrawal, analgesics and barbitu-
rates / sedatives. It is reasonable to assume that, even though some members
of the ST audience would not necessarily know this, they would be able to
infer it from the context. These medicines are rendered in the TL with the
names of currently-used French brands of similar drugs and all names are
italicized in the TL. As the TT list is abbreviated, the drugs listed in the
subtitles do not always correspond exactly to the SL brands referred to in
the original scene; this is of no great consequence as the essence of the SL is
preserved in the TL subtitles. Indeed, in this instance, the subtitlers’ decision
to domesticate the SL references is entirely judicious; it may enable the mean-
ing of the lines to be more immediately comprehensible to the TL audience
and does not involve any significant loss of important cultural connotation.
The role which the Scottish accent and dialect play in the characterization
of Trainspotting’s protagonists is all the more apparent when these charac-
ters come into contact with speakers of other dialects of the English lan-
guage. As different strata of society exist alongside, and in relation to, one
another, such scenes are inherently heteroglossic (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981: 67).
i) When Renton is in court on charges of shoplifting, the English judge
summarizes his case, demonstrating perfectly both Received Pronunciation
(RP) (Hughes and Trudgill 1996: 3) and Standard English (SE) (ibid.: 9)
(cf. Introduction). The latter is recaptured very accurately through use of
correct TL grammar and vocabulary of an appropriate, equivalent register:
J = Judge
Speaker ST TT
1) J You know that shoplifting is theft Le vol à l’étalage est un délit,
which is a crime, and despite what you et quoi que vous pensiez
may believe, [Shoplifting is a crime,
and whatever you think]
32 Chapter 1
Speaker ST TT
2) J there is no such entity as victimless un délit sans victime
crime. n’existe pas…
[a victimless crime
does not exist …]
3) J Heroin addiction may explain your L’héroine peut expliquer
actions but it does not excuse them. vos actes mais non les excuser.
[Heroin may explain
your actions but does not
excuse them.]
5) B Nineteen. 19 000
[19,000]
6) DD I’m terribly sorry, I can’t go to Désolé, je ne peux pas.
nineteen. [Sorry, I can’t.]
7) B Well fucking sixteen then. Putain, 16 000 alors.
[Fuck, 16,000 then.]
8) DD Ok, well ‘fucking sixteen’ it is, then. ‘Putain, 16 000’,
ça me va.
[‘Fuck, 16,000’
suits me.]
9) DD These, gentlemen, are two- Messieurs,
thousand-pound bundles. ce sont des liasses de 2 000 £.
[Gentlemen,
these are bundles of £2,000.]
10) DD Thank you very much, gentlemen. Merci beaucoup, Messieurs.
[Thank you very much,
gentlemen.]
11) DD Right, gentlemen, I’d just like to Ça a été un plaisir de négocier
say it’s been a real pleasure haggling avec vous.
with you. [It has been a pleasure to negotiate
with you.]
The first section of this chapter has considered the challenges posed by, and
solutions proposed to, the subtitling of Danny Boyle’s Trainspotting into
French. Based in Edinburgh, the majority of the film’s characters speak with
a local accent and, at times, their speech also displays dialectal features. If
34 Chapter 1
this language is often softened and its pace is reduced in order to make it
comprehensible to a non-Scottish, anglophone audience, it nevertheless
still raises a number of issues for the subtitler; indeed, translation challenges
vary significantly between scenes.
Certain scenes are dominated by a local accent; no attempt to recapture
this is made by creating non-standard pronunciation in the TL subtitles.
Such scenes often contain informal, drugs-related, but not specifically
Scottish vocabulary; this is therefore rendered closely with appropriate TL
equivalents. These scenes are also marked by excessive use of vulgar language
which is frequently under-translated, or indeed omitted, in French. Both
in these scenes and in other parts of Trainspotting, the subtitlers sometimes
employ the contrasting technique of over-translating the SL, using terms
which are much more colloquial in the TL. This may be considered as an
attempt to compensate for the lack of accent and expletives which they
preserve in their translation.
Scenes which display features of the Edinburgh dialect clearly pre-
sent greater translation challenges. If the Scottish accent is slightly more
pronounced in these instances, the subtitlers still avoid attempting to
recapture this in the TL. Although the grammar used in these scenes is
relatively standard, greater translation challenges arise at a lexical level.
Informal, non-Scottish vocabulary and expressions are translated with
TL equivalents; specifically Scottish ones have their semantic content
preserved and are again translated into relatively informal French. As
regards vulgar expressions, these are under-translated or omitted in the
TL. This is often the case in subtitles and can be explained by a number
of factors, including the move from spoken to written language (Greenall
2011: 56), viewers’ sense of appropriateness and distributers’ regulations
(Zawanda 2011; see also Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007). If the Scottish
essence of these scenes is invariably lost in the subtitles, the latter’s seman-
tic content and offensive nature is largely preserved (Landers 2001: 151).16
16 Some translators feel strongly about the importance of retaining such SL vulgarity
in the TL. As Landers (2001: 151) writes: ‘What you cannot do is apply your own
standards of decency and morality, or those of any hypothetical audience to the task
[…]. A prissy or sanctimonious translator, or an unscrupulous one, can totally scew
the TL reader’s perception […]; as translators we do not have that right.’
Subtitling Scots 35
The film
English film and television director, Ken Loach, who is famed for the social
realism of his work and his socialist attitudes (Seino 2010: 22),18 bases his
comedy-drama, The Angels’ Share (2012), in inner-city Glasgow. In this
film, a number of local young offenders are sentenced to community pay-
back for a range of crimes. This work in the community, coordinated by
Mancunian Harry, brings together the film’s four protagonists – Robbie,
Albert, Mo and Rhino. Harry soon befriends Robbie who has a history of
violent crime and who has just become a father for the first time. By way
of celebrating the birth, Harry introduces Robbie to whisky; he later takes
the community payback group to visit a distillery as a reward for their good
behaviour. It is here that Robbie learns about the angels’ share, that is, the
quantity of alcohol which evaporates from casks during fermentation.
When the group later attends a whisky-tasting session near Edinburgh and
learns about the priceless Malt Mill, Robbie is inspired. He hatches a plan
to siphon off some of the Malt with the help of his friends and to sell it
to a professional buyer, Thaddeus. Fully clad in traditional Scottish dress,
the four friends head to the Balblair distillery in the Scottish Highlands
where they successfully carry out the crime and take away their siphoned
Malt Mill in three IRN BRU bottles. After one bottle is smashed, Robbie
sells one bottle to dealer Thaddeus, sharing the proceeds with his three
friends, and gives the remaining bottle to Harry, to thank him for having
given him a chance in life. As the film ends, Robbie, his girlfriend Leonie
and their baby son leave to start a new life in Stirling, where Robbie will
also begin a new job with Thaddeus.
18 As Seino (2010: 22) writes: ‘At the core of all of [Loach’s] films are political statements
about people marginalized economically or politically within British society […].
His main concern is that the social system designed to help people in a predicament
nevertheless works in the opposite manner to oppress the people and create misery.’
Subtitling Scots 37
The speech of the film’s four main protagonists and that of a number of
its other characters belongs to the West central Scots dialect grouping
typically spoken by natives of Glasgow (Aitkens 1984). This Glaswegian
Scots is entirely genuine; in line with his social-realist approach (Seino
2010), director Loach casts both actors and non-actors – that is, ‘real
people’ – to play his characters. Glaswegian-born Paul Brannigan (Robbie),
whose real-life background has included fighting and spells in prison, is
a case in point.19
In The Angels’ Share, most scenes are marked by a pronounced
Glaswegian accent which is not always easily understandable to non-natives
of Glasgow. In other scenes, this difficulty is reinforced by the presence
of full dialect (pronunciation, grammar and lexis) and a rapid pace of
speech. The film also contains a wealth of culture-bound vocabulary and
the Glaswegian-Scots protagonists are positioned not only in relation to
each other, as friends who are bound by their geographical and cultural
origins as well as their criminal pasts, but also in relation to individuals
belonging to other strata of society, both Scottish and English, who speak
very different dialects of English. Certain scenes of the film consequently
lend themselves to Bakhtinian analyses.
As was the case in Trainspotting, in the SL soundtrack to The Angels’
Share, the characters’ Scottish accent is significant as it immediately enables
them to be placed geographically and culturally (Pitts 2013: 1). Their uses of
non-standard language and particularly vulgar language indicate that they
belong to a certain social group; in brief, language provides the audience with
pre-packaged characters. The ‘diatopic’ (Flydal 1951) nature of the language
which features in The Angels’ Share is equally significant as it communicates
the characters’ belonging to geographical and cultural backgrounds.
If the TL audience is to experience the film as fully as possible, it is
thus clearly important to preserve the Scottish essence of the soundtrack,
and the linguistic variation which is present in the SL film, as far as pos-
sible in the subtitles. Bearing this in mind, the challenges confronted, and
solutions offered, by the film’s French-language subtitlers in relation to
accent, dialect, culture-bound vocabulary (Pedersen 2005) and contrast-
ing dialects, will now be examined. The French-language subtitles to The
Angels’ Share, translated as La Part des Anges, were provided by the subti-
tling company, C.M.C. Their work is clearly acknowledged at the end of
the main film’s credits and at the beginning of the ‘Extras’ section in the
film’s DVD version.
Scene One
The present scene is the opening one to The Angels’ Share. It serves as a
play-back of the crime for which Albert is subsequently trialled in court in
the following scene. Albert, who is clearly under the influence of alcohol
and is drinking from a bottle, is hanging around a small, empty railway sta-
tion, walking along the platform edge and trying to maintain his balance.
When a railway employee who is manning the security cameras spots him,
he talks to him over the loud-speaker and warns him to stand back as a
train is approaching. Not understanding where the voice is coming from,
Albert takes a while to obey the instructions, but eventually steps back
onto the track. Panic-stricken, the employee begins to shout and swear at
Albert who has lost his glasses in the fall. The tone of the scene becomes
increasingly amusing as the two men rapidly become more annoyed with
one another. The scene ends as Albert manages to clamber back onto the
platform, seconds before the train passes through the station.
Subtitling Scots 39
Speaker ST TT
13) RE Get off that track, there’s a train Ne reste pas sur
coming through here any second. les rails.
Un train arrive.
[Don’t stay on the track.
A train is coming.]
14) A What the fuck was that, you Mais putain, trouduc !
arsehole? J’ai failli casser ma
I fucking nearly broke my bottle. bouteille.
[Well fuck, arsehole!
I nearly broke my bottle!]
15) RE Fuck the bottle! Get off the track. On s’en fout !
Hurry up! Get a fucking move on! Remonte sur le quai !
Dépêche-toi!
[We don’t give a shit!
Get back up on the platform!
Hurry up!]
16) A I cannae find my glasses. Je trouve plus mes lunettes.
[I can’t find my glasses.]
17) RE This is God calling! C’est Dieu qui te parle !
[This is God speaking to you!]
18) RE Get off the fucking track, will you! Remonte sur le quai!
[Get back up on the platform!]
19) RE Get a fucking move on or you’re Tu veux finir écrasé, abruti ?
gonnae die! [Do you want to end up crushed,
moron?]
20) A Fuck me! Putain !
[Fuck!]
21) RE Move it, you fucking aresehole! Bouge-toi le cul !
[Move your arse!]
22) A Thank fuck. Holy shit! Super.
[Great.]
In this scene, the main linguistic feature which distinguishes these charac-
ters as being Scottish is their accent. This is easily identifiable, but entirely
comprehensible, for non-Scottish English speakers. No attempts are made
to recapture non-standard SL pronunciation in the TL subtitles.
Subtitling Scots 41
20 ‘In most Scottih dialects, negation is not formed with not but with no or with its
more typically Scottish form nae: I cannae go’ (Hughes and Trudgill 1996: 31).
21 Hyatt’s 2006 framework for providing a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is based
on a set of criteria which allow a text to be analysed on a ‘micro’ (lexico-grammatical)
level and a ‘macro’ (semantic) level. Application of Hyatt to the present scene con-
firms that the pronouns, nouns, adjectives and verbal phrases used in this exchange
are highly indicative of the nature of the relationship between the two interlocutors.
See also Voloshinov (1929 / 1973: 86).
42 Chapter 1
indeed slang, register (‘That’s lovely’: Elle déchire, cette gnôle). This strategy
may serve to compensate for the absence of other non-standard (Scottish)
linguistic features in the TL.
Scene Two
The present scene is set in the flat of one of the protagonists. Having just
explained to his friends the value of Malt Mill – three bottles could be
worth a million pounds – Robbie gathers them around to explain how they
could siphon off some of the whisky from a cask at the Dornoch Firth dis-
tillery in the North of Scotland. If Robbie is full of enthusiasm, his friends
are initially sceptical and believe that the plan will be difficult to execute.
Speaker ST TT
19) M It’ll be like fuckin’ Alcatraz, or Ça doit être Alcatraz.
somethin’. [It must be Alcatraz.]
20) O Aye, and then when we get it, Même si on vole le truc,
who’s gonnae take it off scum qui l’achètera à des nazes comme nous ?
like us? [Even if we steal the stuff,
who’ll buy it from pratts like us?]
21) M Speak for yourself. Parle pour toi.
[Speak for yourself.]
22) O It’d be like the equivalent of Ça serait comme avoir Mona Lisa
having Mona Lisa in your dans sa chambre.
bedroom. [It would be like having Mona Lisa
in your bedroom.]
23) A Mona who ? Mona qui ?
[Mona who?]
Culture-bound vocabulary
22 As was the case in certain scenes of Trainspotting, the subject-matter which the pro-
tagonists discuss here illustrates their shared ideologies and binds them together as
a tight-knit social group (Bakhtin 1929 / 1984: 252). The four characters evidently
all belong to the same ‘in-group’ (Giles and Giles 2013: 142).
46 Chapter 1
Mill. Clearly, these remain present in the film’s subtitled version and do
not pose any linguistic / translation challenges. Multiple references to the
names of Scottish whiskies are also left untouched in the TL, maintaining
the local colour of the ST.
When the Glaswegians arrive in Edinburgh, intellectually challenged
Albert does not recognize the castle. In order to explain its significance,
Harry refers to the castle which features on the tins of shortbreads, the
Scottish speciality biscuits. Here, the term ‘shortbread’ is transposed
directly onto the subtitle, which again reinforces the film’s Scottish
context:
A = Albert; J = Judge
Speaker ST TT
1) J It seems to me, young man Il me semblerait, jeune homme
[It would seem to me, young man]
2) J that your profound stupidity is que vous soyez aussi stupide
matched only by your fortune. que chanceux.
[that you are as stupid
as you are lucky.]
3) J I sentence you to one hundred and Je vous condamne à 180 heures
eighty hours of community payback. de travaux d’intérêt général.
[I sentence you to 180 hours
of community payback.]
4) J If you don’t carry out the required Si vous ne les effectuez pas,
work, you will come back here before vous serez incarcéré.
me and receive a custodial sentence. [If you do not carry them out,
you will be imprisoned.]
5) J Is that clear? C’est clair?
[Is that clear?]
6) A Nah, not really. Pas trop.
[Not really.]
A = Albert; H = Harry
Speaker ST TT
1) H Good morning, Sir. Bonjour.
[Hello.]
2) A Aye, I’m here to report in for Je viens
community payback. pour le travail d’intérêt général.
[I’ve come
for community payback.]
3) H And your name is? Ton nom ?
[Your name?]
4) A Albert Ridley. Albert Ridley.
[Albert Ridley.]
5) H You’re not on ‘ere, son. T’es pas sur la liste.
[You’re not on the list.]
6) A Are you sure? I should definitely be Ah bon ? Pourtant, j’y suis.
on the list. [Really? However, I am on it.]
7) H Are you sure it’s today? Aujourd’hui ?
[Today?]
8) A Aye. Wednesday. Mercredi.
[Wednesday.]
9) H You’re two days out, son. T’as 2 jours de retard.
[You’re two days late.]
10) A What ? Quoi ?
[What?]
11) H You’re two days out. T’as 2 jours de retard.
[You’re 2 days late.]
Two days out? 2 jours ?
[2 days?]
12) A It must be … I should definitely be Il doit y avoir …
on it. je dois être dessus.
[There must be …
I must be on it.]
13) H I tell you what, if you can tell me Si tu sais en quelle année on est,
what year it is, I’ll let you come t’es accepté.
with us. [If you know which year it is,
you’re accepted.]
Subtitling Scots 49
Harry speaks with a strong Mancunian accent (Hughes and Trudgill 1996:
132); for instance, ‘you’re not on ‘ere’ (line 5). He also uses certain expres-
sions which are commonly used in the North of England (‘son’ 5, 9); infor-
mal English (‘yeah’ 15); and jokingly addresses Albert as ‘Sir’ (1). This speech
contrasts starkly with Albert’s strong Glaswegian accent and occasional use
of ‘aye’ (2, 8). In the TL, no distinction whatsoever is made between differ-
ent dialects. This said, with the exception of ‘aye’ and ‘yeah’ which they do
not translate, the subtitlers succeed very well at recapturing the informal-
ity of this dialogue in the TL. They elide TL vowels T’as (Tu as) (9); T’es
(Tu es) (13), use the French informal second person pronoun tu rather than
the formal vous in order to translate the ways in which Harry addresses
Albert and ensure that Harry’s addresses are always relatively abrupt. At
times, this is more so in the TL than in the SL (lines 3 and 7). The authori-
tative and abrupt tone with which the judge (Scene One) and Harry both
speak to Albert is once again highly communicative of the power dynam-
ics (Fairclough 1995) which exist between the characters. Their speech is
instrumental in positioning them in relation to one another.
This chapter has focused on the French subtitling of two British films,
Danny Boyle’s Trainspotting and Ken Loach’s The Angels’ Share, which
share many similarities in terms of their setting and content. Both films
are based in one of Scotland’s major cities and have four protagonists who
belong to an underprivileged social group and speak a non-standard variety
of language. These varieties of urban Scots are infiltrated with slang and
vulgar language and are juxtaposed with other national and non-national
dialects of English. Given the importance of language in contributing to
the protagonists’ characterization and the films’ narratives, it is clearly
important to attempt to preserve, as far as possible, the essence of this
language in the TL subtitles.
Against this background, the present chapter set out to examine the
translation challenges posed by the presence of accent and dialect in the two
films, and the solutions adopted by their respective subtitlers. At the outset,
it thus asked three principal questions. Drawing on the findings presented
throughout this chapter enables responses to these questions to be provided.
i) The approaches of the two films’ subtitlers have a number of points in
common. Neither attempts to recapture any non-standard accent in the TL
and both translate specifically Scottish grammatical uses with non-standard,
but non-regional, TL uses. At a lexical level, both employ TL equivalents to
translate slang and vulgar language and the informal, colloquial register is
thus preserved; indeed, in practice, the vocabulary which features in both
films is not purely Scots, but a combination of English, Scots and slang.
This said, the subtitlers differ, to some extent, in their treatment of
culture-bound terms. Drawing on Pedersen (2005), it was witnessed that, in
the French-language translation of Trainspotting, many SL ECRs are substi-
tuted with TL ECRs. If this strategy facilitates the TL audience’s immediate
understanding of the film, it sometimes results in a loss of source culture
information and a certain credibility gap. This may have been avoided by
adopting more ‘retention’ and ‘paraphrasing’ techniques. However, other
cultural references, such as the names of drugs and currency are directly
transposed, or ‘retained’ when the subtitlers consider that the meaning
52 Chapter 1
23 In their treatment of literature, Gérard Genette and Marie Maclean (1987 / 1991:
261–2) define paratext as those things in a published work which accompany the
Subtitling Scots 53
text. These include the author’s name, the title, preface, introduction and illustra-
tions. Describing the unique nature of the paratext and its ability to influence and
assist the reader’s reception of a text, they write:
‘[The paratext is] a zone between text and off-text, a zone not only of transition but
also of transaction; the privileged site of a pragmatics and of a strategy, of an action
on the public in the service […] of a better reception of the text and a more pertinent
reading […]’. (My emphasis.)
54 Chapter 1
Introduction
The present chapter explores how Cockney and other dialects of British
English are handled in the French subtitled version of Lock, Stock and Two
Smoking Barrels and subsequently establishes how these dialects may be
conveyed more powerfully in translation.1 In order to do so, it proceeds in
a number of stages. After introducing the film and briefly presenting the
Cockney dialect, this chapter first focuses on two scenes in which the indig-
enous people’s speech is central to the film’s characterization and setting. It
examines how various features of Cockney have been rendered, and therefore
the extent to which this distinctive SL dialect has been recaptured, in French.
Turning to two other SL dialects, one regional (Liverpudlian) and one social
(‘private-school’ English), the chapter briefly presents these. It proceeds to
examine two heteroglossic scenes (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981: 67; 1934–5 / 1981:
292), in which these dialects are each juxtaposed with Cockney, and considers
the extent to which the distinction between these SL varieties, which is so
apparent in the SL soundtrack, is preserved for viewers of Arnaques, Crimes
1 ‘Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys’ builds on and extends my article, ‘Coping
with Cockney: Subtitling Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels for a French-speaking
audience’ (2012), which focuses uniquely on the ways in which Cockney is handled
in the film’s French subtitles. ‘Coping with Cockney’ is reproducd, in part, with the
permission of Norwich Papers (May 2014).
56 Chapter 2
The film
Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels is a British gangster film set in the
East End of London. It centres on the story of card-genius Eddy, who
loses £500,000 to Cockney crime lord and local sex-shop owner, Harry
Lonsdale, in a fixed game of three-card brag. In order to pay off his debts,
Eddy and his fellow East End friends – Bacon, Soap and Tom – plan to
rob his neighbours, a gang of thieves led by a man called Dog; Eddy has
heard that this gang is about to steal from some wealthy marijuana grow-
ers who operate under the protection of Dog. So as to appear fearsome
when they stage their robbery, Tom purchases two antique shotguns from
a dealer named ‘Nick the Greek’. Nick has bought these from two small-
time criminals from the North of England, Gary and Dean, who had stolen
them from a bankrupt lord while working for Harry Lonsdale. When local
gangster and sociopath, Rory Breaker, later discovers that some drugs
which he had planned to buy have actually been stolen from him, he and
his gang raid the flat and shoot the neighbours, killing all but Dog and
one of his flat-mates. After arriving at the flat where they intend to carry
out their robbery and finding everyone dead, Eddy, Bacon, Soap and Tom
are arrested in connection with the drugs but found to be innocent. The
four friends decide that they should dispose of the guns to fully remove
evidence that they were involved in the crimes. However, when Harry’s
debt collector, Big Chris, reveals the value of the guns, Bacon, Soap and
Eddy make an urgent call to Tom, who is preparing to throw the weapons
into the River Thames. The viewer is left in suspense, wondering if Tom
will drop the guns or pause to answer his phone.
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 57
The term ‘Cockney’ was first used to describe those born within the sound
of the bells of St Mary-le-Bow church (the Bow Bells) in the East End of
London ( Jones 1971: 6). Linguistically, it refers to the form of English
spoken by these people. The Cockney dialect is characterized by distinc-
tive pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary (Blunt 1994: 63, in line with
Trudgill’s (2008: 8) definition of dialect) and often includes the use of
rhyming slang. The construction of rhyming slang involves replacing a
common word with a rhyming phrase of two or three words then most often
omitting the secondary rhyming word, thereby making its meaning incom-
prehensible to non-speakers of Cockney. Better-known examples include:
‘telephone’ (dog and bone) ‘dog’
‘eyes’ (mince pies) ‘minces’
Rhyming slang has evolved over the centuries, drawing on various sources
of inspiration. Amongst these are locations in London:
Many original Cockneys were market traders and barrow boys in the market
places of the East End; their speech was fast and displayed quick-fire wit.
Indeed, for centuries, and in very different genres of text, Cockney has
therefore been stereotypically associated with dubious business dealings
and other criminal activity.2 These range from classical works of literature
Scene One
This, the film’s opening scene, is set in a street in the East End. Bacon is
working illegally as a street trader. He is surrounded by potential custom-
ers, including friend Ed who is keeping a look-out for the police. When
he tries to drum up business, Bacon’s lively personality is reflected in the
rich, rhyming and humorous language which he uses.
3 The connection which is frequently made between Cockney and London’s criminal
underworld will be returned to in a subsequent discussion of Cockney rhyming slang.
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 59
B = Bacon; E = Ed
Speaker ST TT
1) B Right, let’s sort the buyers from the Acheteurs, pas délateurs.
spyers. [Buyers, not informers.]
2) B The needy from the greedy. Dans le besoin, pas rapaces.
[In need, not vultures.]
3) B The ones who trust me from those Ceux qui ont confiance, pas les
who don’t. autres.
[Those who trust me, not the
others.]
4) B Cos if you can’t see value here today, Si vous voyez pas l’affaire,
you’re not happy shopping, you’re c’est que vous êtes voleur, pas
happy shoplifting. acheteur.
[If you can’t see it’s a bargain,
you’re a thief, not a buyer.]
5) B You see these goods? They’ve never Regardez. Brillant comme un clair
seen daylight. de lune.
[Look. It’s as shiny and
bright as
the moonlight,]
6) B Moonlight, Israelite, funny by the comme le soleil de midi.
gas light. [as the midday sun.]
7) B Take a bag, come take a bag. Prenez un sac.
[Take a bag.]
8) B I took a bag home last night. It cost 10 livres, c’est même
a lot more than £10, I can tell you. pas le prix
de mes courses d’hiver.
[Ten pounds, that’s not even the
price
of my winter shopping.]
9) B Anyone like jewellery? Look at that Qui aime les bijoux? Matez ça.
one there. [Who likes jewellery? Look at that.]
10) B Hand-made in Italy, hand-stolen in Fait main en Italie, volé main à
Stepney. Stepney.
[Hand-made in Italy, hand-stolen in
Stepney.]
60 Chapter 2
Speaker ST TT
11) B It’s as long as my arm. I wish it was Aussi long que mon bras.
as long as something else. Mais le reste sait pas …
[As long as my arm.
Nothing else …]
12) B Because these boxes are sealed up Ces boîtes sont loin d’être vides.
like antiques. [These boxes are far from being
empty.]
13) B The only man who sells empty Pas comme celles des croque-morts.
boxes is the undertaker. [Not like the undertakers’ boxes.]
14) B And by the look of some of you lot Et vu vos tronches,
here today, [And given your mugs,]
15) B I’d make more money with my je gagnerais plus avec mon mètre.
measuring tape. ‘Ere, one price, £10. Un seul prix, 10 livres.
[I’d earn more with my measuring
tape.
One price, ten pounds.]
16) E Did you say £10? 10 livres?
[Ten pounds?]
17) B Are you deaf ? T’es sourd?
[You’re deaf ?]
18) E That’s a bargain. I’ll take one. Ça vaut le coup.
[That’s worth it.]
19) B Squeeze in. Left leg, right leg, your Avancez. La jambe gauche,
body’ll follow. They call it walking. puis la droite, le reste suivra.
[Move forward. The left leg,
then the right, the rest will follow.]
20) B You want one as well? You do. Pour vous aussi? Bien, on se réveille.
That’s it, we’re waking up. [For you too? Good, we’re waking
up.]
21) B Treat the wife. Treat someone else’s Pour votre femme, ou celle d’un
wife. It’s a lot more fun autre.
C’est plus drôle.
[For your wife, or somebody else’s.
It’s more fun]
22) B if you don’t get caught. si on ne se fait pas choper.
[if you don’t get caught.]
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 61
23) B You want one as well? OK darling, Une pour vous? Allez, un peu
show me a bit of life then. d’entrain.
[One for you? Come on, get lively.]
24) B It’s no good standing there like 1 Restez pas plantée.
o’clock half-struck. [Don’t stay stood there.]
25) B You better buy ‘em. These are not Allez-y, c’est pas volé.
stolen. [Go on, it’s not stolen.]
26) B They just haven’t been paid for. Juste pas payé. Profitez-en.
No danger. They’ve changed the Ils ont changé les serrures.
bloody locks. [ Just not paid for. Make the most
of it.
They’ve changed the locks.]
27) B ‘Ere Tenez.
[Here.]
28) B No good coming back later when Pas la peine de revenir quand j’en
I’ve sold out. ai plus.
[Not worth coming back when I
have no more.]
29) B ‘Too late, too late’ will be the cry, ‘Trop tard’ lancera celui que vous
when the man with the bargains has aurez fui.
passed you by. [‘Too late’ will cry the man who you
ran away from.]
30) B If you’ve got no money now, you’ll Si vous avez pas de liquide,
be crying tears as big as October vous aurez plus qu’à pleurer.
cabbages. [If you have no cash,
you’ll just have to cry.]
31) E Bacon, the cozzers! Les flics!
[The coppers!]
The French negative ne is repeatedly omitted (lines 4, 8, 11, 25, 28). This
has a cumulative effect and does, it could be argued, compensate for the
impression of more standard pronunciation in the subtitles. As regards
vocabulary, Bacon’s language is sometimes figurative (24, 30), which is not
recaptured in the TT. However, Ed’s ‘cozzers’4 (31) is aptly translated as
les flics, and the subtitles of the entire scene are peppered with colloquial
TL terms (Matez ça 9; vos tronches 14; choper 22), which certainly ensures
that the informal register of the original lines is preserved in translation.
Much of Bacon’s sales banter has a pleasing, rhyming quality. If, at
times, this is not rendered in the TT (lines 2, 5, 6), on other occasions
clear attempts are made to recreate rhymes in the subtitles and these are
particularly successful:
‘Let’s sort the buyers from the spyers’ (1) ‘Acheteurs pas délateurs’
‘Too late, too late will be the cry, when ‘Trop tard lancer celui que vous aurez fui’
the man with the bargains has passed you
by’ (29)
Scene Two
In this scene, Tom is stood in a dimly lit bar. The barman recounts a recent
episode in a local pub in which Rory Breaker caused trouble. Rory’s tel-
evision had broken, so he went to the pub to watch a football match. He
changed the channel on the television, which upset another punter, and
Rory ultimately set light to this man. The language used in this scene is
much more specifically Cockney than that witnessed in Scene One. The
barman’s monologue contains a dense, and very contrived, concentration
of rhyming slang, which is difficult for a non-native – and, indeed, a native
– of the East End to understand. This is so much so that the original SL
film contains intralingual subtitles ( Jakobson 1959: 114),5 translating the
barman’s words into a more standard form of British English for the SL
viewer. In the following transcription, both the original audio soundtrack
and the intralingual subtitles are shown in the left-hand column.
5 In his ‘On linguistic aspects of translation’, Jakobson (1959 / 2000: 114) defines
Intralingual translation as a form of ‘rewording’. (Also cf. Introduction.)
64 Chapter 2
they have been rendered in the scene’s French subtitles. The letters ‘F’ and
‘A’ in column three specify whether the rhyming slang term is used in full
or as an abbreviated version. Abbreviated terms are, arguably, even more
difficult to understand; it may be easier for non-speakers of Cockney to
infer the meaning of terms when they are heard in full.
Thus, as these examples illustrate, the Cockney rhyming slang which fea-
tures in Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels is not recaptured as such in
the film’s French translation. In both the above-examined scene and iso-
lated examples quoted, TL subtitles are based on the intralingual subtitles
which accompany the original SL film. On occasions, no translation of
individual terms is provided, where this is not essential to understand-
ing the global meaning of a sentence (lines 13 and 18). For the most part,
however, the semantic content of these terms is accurately preserved in the
TL, but all notion of rhyming slang is understandably lost. This results in
some absence of cultural connotation and of information regarding both
the characters’ identities and film’s setting, in the film’s French-subtitled
version. It should nonetheless be acknowledged that Cockney rhyming
68 Chapter 2
slang was never going to be translated as such and, as was the case in the
subtitles of Scene One, the register of the present extract is successfully
preserved in the TT.
In Lock, Stock, the film’s Cockneys at times come into contact with char-
acters who speak other distinctive varieties of British English, namely the
Liverpudlian regional dialect and private-school English social dialect.6
Given this coexistence of different varieties of one national language in
Lock, Stock, this film assumes, in Bakhtinian terms, a distinctly heteroglossic
dimension (1940 / 1981: 67). Discussion of the following scene illustrates
how such heterolossia is created, what this juxtaposition of accents commu-
nicates to SL viewers (Bakhtin 1934–5 / 1981: 297) and how this therefore
helps the film to make sense.
Scene Three
The present scene is set in Harry’s sex club. Barry, Harry’s right-hand man,
is briefing Liverpudlians Gary and Dean on a job which they are about to
do for him; they are to steal some valuable antique shotguns from a stately
6 As it was seen in Chapter 1, Hughes and Trudgill distinguish explicitly between accent
and dialect, describing a private-school accent as ‘received pronunciation’ (1996: 9), and
the ‘dialect of educated people’ as ‘Standard English’ (ibid.: 33). For the puropose of
the present chapter, ‘dialect’ will continue to refer to uses of pronunciation, vocabulary
and grammar which are specific to a given region. The term ‘private-school English’
will refer to the social dialect which is juxtaposed with Cockney in Scene Four.
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 69
home. Throughout the conversation, Barry and the two thieves are impa-
tient with, and sarcastic to, each other. In the last three lines of the following
transcription, which occur after the men have parted company, Cockney
Barry and Liverpudlian Gary clearly articulate their dislike of one another.
Their mutual insults make reference to each other’s geographical origin,
thus drawing attention to the existence of a North-South divide in England.
Speaker ST TT
11) B It’s a fucking stately home. Of C’est un château. Bien sûr qu’il restera
course there’ll be something. plein de choses.
[It’s a castle. Of course there’ll be
loads of things left.]
12) D Like what? Comme quoi?
[Like what?]
13) B Like fucking antiques! Des antiquités.
[Antiques.]
14) D Antiques? Des antiquités?
[Antiques?]
15) D What the fuck to we know about On y connaît quoi?
antiques? [What do we know about them?]
16) D We rob post offices. On braque des postes.
[We rob post offices.]
17) G And steal cars. Et vole des voitures.
[And steal cars.]
18) D What the fuck do we know about On y connaît quoi?
antiques, mate? [What do we know about them?]
19) B If it looks old, it’s worth money. Si c’est vieux, ça vaut de l’argent.
Simple. C’est simple.
[If it’s old, it’s worth money.
It’s simple.]
20) B So stop fucking moaning and rob Alors, arrêtez de geindre et faites-le.
the place. [So, stop whining and do it.]
21) G So who’s the gov? Who are we Qui est le chef ? On bosse pour qui?
doing this for? [Who is the boss? Who are we
working for?]
22) B You’re doing it for me. Pour moi.
[For me.]
23) B That’s all you need to know. You Vous avez pas besoin de savoir plus,
know because you need to know. petits curieux.
[You don’t need to know any more,
you nosey little things.]
24) G I see, Je vois,
[I see,]
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 71
Speaker ST TT
25) G it’s one of those on a ‘need-to- c’est un de ces pas besoin de
know’ basis things. savoir plus.
[it’s one of those don’t need to know
any more things.]
26) G Like one of those James Bond Comme des James Bond.
films [Like James Bonds.]
27) B Careful. Remember who’s giving Attention. Rappelle-toi
you this job. qui te file ce boulot.
[Careful. Remember
who’s giving you this job.]
28) B Right, I’m off. Call me when it’s J’y vais. Appelez-moi quand
done. Ta da. c’est fait.
[I’m going. Call me when
it’s done.]
… …
29) B Fucking Northern monkeys. Putains de débiles du Nord.
[Fucking Northern morons.]
30) G I hate those fucking Southern Je déteste ces pédés du Sud.
fairies. [I hate those Southern poofs.]
… …
31) G Fucking Southern shandy- Sale buveur de panaché.
drinking bastard. [Dirty shandy drinker.]
7 North-South divide. This term refers to the perceived social, cultural and economic
differences which exist between the South-East of England and the rest of the United
Kingdom. It evokes numerous stereotypes and assumptions regarding class, political
allegiances and wealth (see Maxwell 2014).
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 73
are hardened drinkers, and that those who live in the South are not. In line
with this, it is sometimes suggested that ‘Southerners’ drink shandy, whereas
‘Northerners’ drink full-strength, undiluted beer. These comments clearly
articulate their respective regional origins and, given their close tranlsation,
compensate in part for the absence of this information throughout the scene.
Second, Barry and Gary’s repeated use of ‘fucking’ to reinforce their insults of
each other are rendered with the comparatively strong SL terms putain (29)
and pédé (30). Implementation of this translation strategy fully retains the
characters’ mutual dislike in the TL. In this particular instance, it is therefore
not imperative that their accents be recaptured more fully in the subtitles.
Scene Four
In this, the final scene of Lock, Stock to be examined, Dog and his three
accomplices prepare to break into the premises of the four private-school
marijuana growers in order to steal large supplies of drugs and money. Dog
sends Plank to ring the doorbell and request to be let it, while he and the
others prepare to attack. The conversation between Plank and J takes place
first via an intercom, and subsequently at the entrance to the house. Hesitant
to let Plank in, J soon agrees to open the gate; Dog and his gang descend.
J = J; P = Plank
Speaker ST TT
1) P I thought you were gonna leave me J’ai cru que tu allais me laisser
out here all day. poireauter.
[I thought that you were going to
leave me standing around.]
2) J I didn’t know you were a removal T’es déménageur maintenant?
man, Plank. [Are you a removal man now?]
3) P Lives and learns, don’t ya? On en apprend tous les jours!
[You learn something new everyday!]
74 Chapter 2
Speaker ST TT
4) P Keep the gates locked now, do ya? Vous fermez à clef ?
[You lock it?]
5) J Yeah, sorry. Got to do business On fait comme ça maintenant.
like that now. Can’t be too careful Il faut pas prendre de risques.
nowadays. [We do that now.
Shouldn’t take any risks.]
6) P I know. Je vois.
[I see.]
7) P Shut it. You say one word and your Si tu gueules, je te fais sauter les
right ear goes. You say another and oreilles.
it’s your left. [If you yell, I’ll blast off your ears.]
8) J What are you doing, Plank? Tu fais quoi?
[What are you doing?]
9) P What do you think I’m doing? Oy, A ton avis? Attends, tu fais quoi?
‘ang on. What are you doing? [In your opnion? Wait, what are you
doing?]
10) P Unlock the gate! I said, unlock the Ouvre la porte! Putain, ouvre!
fucking gate! [Open the door! Fuck, open!]
11) P That’s it! Go, go! Fucking run! C’est bon, en avant!
[That’s right, onward!]
As was the case in the previous scene, these characters speak two very dif-
ferent dialects of British English – regional Cockney (Plank) and social
private-school English ( J). Discussion of this inherently heteroglossic
scene (Bakhtin 1949 / 1981: 67) will deal with the ways in which Plank’s
and J’s speech is rendered in the scene’s French subtitles. In the film’s
original soundtrack, Plank’s Cockney accent contrasts starkly with J’s
‘received pronunciation’, or ‘RP’ (Hughes and Trudgill 1996: 9). As it was
acknowledged in the discussion of Scene One, it is challenging enough to
convey different SL accents when transcribing these in the SL, let alone
when translating these into another language and also working within
subtitling constraints. However if, in the transcription of this scene, it is
clear that Plank’s pronunciation is much less correct, or standard, than
that of J (‘gonna’ 1; ‘ya’ 3, 4; ‘’ang on’ 9), no sense of relaxed pronuncia-
tion is hinted at in the TL. Furthermore, and slightly confusingly, J’s
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 75
‘yeah’ (5) is not recaptured in French, but one instance of elision can be
witnessed in the second subtitle T’es déménageur?, when translating J’s
extremely correct RP. As was the case in the subtitling of the previous
scene, the clear distinction between the two varieties of pronunciation
heard in the present SL scene is not at all preserved in its French subtitles.
Translation of the grammar used by the characters in this extract is also
similar to that featured in Scene One. Here, Plank uses one unusual con-
struction – ‘lives and learns’ (3) – which is translated with a standard On
en apprend tous les jours, but most of his lines include relatively standard
uses of SL grammar. By contrast, in lines 5 and 8, J’s words are translated
with more informal grammatical constructions than are used in the SL.
Again, in the TL no distinction is made between the different speakers’
uses of language. As regards vocabulary, Plank’s idiomatic words in line
7 are translated with a comparatively idiomatic TL expression and, in
this scene, his angry use of ‘fucking’ (10) is closely translated as putain,
which conveys the full force of his tone. These SL uses are not specifically
Cockney and, from a lexical point of view, no distinction can be wit-
nessed between the speakers’ uses of language in either the SL or the TL.
This said, what is also interesting in this particular extract is that
Plank is very aggressive (lines 7, 9), abrupt (3, 4) and bossy (10) with
J. Here, he is reversing the social order which, elsewhere in the film, is
reinforced by the characters’ accents (Voloshinov 1929 / 1973: 85).8 If
the protagonists’ intonation remains present in the SL soundtrack, the
tenor of this exchange is also recaptured perfectly thanks to the short,
sharp sentences which the subtitlers use and the lexical choices which
they make (lines 7–10).
Summary of findings
In the above discussions of Scenes One and Two, it has been demon-
strated that the translation of Cockney presents a range of challenges for
the subtitler of Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels, and that these have
been handled in the following ways by the European Captioning Institute.
Distinctive Cockney pronunciation is challenging to capture when tran-
scribing lines from the original SL film. Clearly, reproducing this oral
SL accent in written TL subtitles is even more onerous, and perhaps not
surprisingly, is not achieved. Uses of non-standard grammar, which are
not always specific to Cockney speakers, are rendered much more success-
fully, as are a large number of the colloquial – but again, not necessarily
Cockney – terms used by Lock, Stock’s characters. Some attempts are made
to recapture market trader Bacon’s rhyming banter (Scene One), and all
of the humour of his original lines is communicated admirably through
use of close translation strategies. Such preservation of rhyme and humour
in the TL is particularly important as it ensures that the personality of
this East End market trader is communicated to the film’s French audi-
ence. The challenges posed by the presence of Cockney rhyming slang in
the second scene examined are not, however, dealt with as successfully.
Although the semantic content of the SL lines is preserved in transla-
tion – the TL is based on explanations provided in the film’s intralingual
subtitles ( Jakobson 1959: 114) – the real sense of rhyming slang and its
cultural connotations are lost, albeit understandably, in the TL. The East
End barman’s character and the setting of the scene are, as a consequence,
somewhat diluted in the French subtitles.
The third and fourth scenes examined were particularly interesting for
their heteroglossic nature (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981: 67), that is, the ways in which
they juxtapose different dialects of the SL – Cockney and Liverpudlian
(Scene Three) and Cockney and private-school English (Scene Four).
Each of these varieties of language communicates certain world views and
ideologies (Bakhtin 1934–5: 291) and therefore contributes significantly to
the construction of the characters’ personalities. Despite some successful
rendering of relaxed, non-standard pronunciation in the French subtitles
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 77
9 Bartoll (2006: 3–4) makes some similar observations in his discussion of the
intralingual subtitling of the film, My Fair Lady.
78 Chapter 2
Cockneys and other protagonists from the South of England who dominate
scenes and are, globally, in positions of power when dealing with characters
from the North. Throughout the film, the long-established North-South
divide which exists in the UK and the related connotations of RS and SE
as being superior to Northern dialects of British English are striking. As
these are immediately familiar to a British SL audience, the characters’
social, cultural and geographical backgrounds, and their roles in the film,
can be easily understood by SL viewers. In the BBC’s ‘Online Subtitling
Editorial Guidelines’ Ford-Williams (2009: 22) suggests that:
Subtitles should […] indicate accent […] where it is relevant for the viewers’ under-
standing […]. Where a character’s accent is crucial to the plot or enjoyment, the
subtitles must establish the accent when we first see the character and continue to
reflect it from then on.
As the accents, and indeed dialects, of Lock, Stock’s various characters are
undoubtedly crucial to the film’s plot, greater attempts to communicate
in the film’s subtitles the linguistic stereotyping which is apparent in the
SL would arguably enhance the French audience’s experience of this film.
If Bartoll suggests that SDH (Subtitling for the Deaf and Hard-
of-Hearing) features, such as brackets and brief explanations, could be
used in order to convey dialects in the subtitling of multilingual films
(2006: 3–4), Díaz-Cintas (2005: 11) expresses reservations about such
an approach when he writes: ‘[…] space and time limitations […] explain
why subtitlers cannot resort to metalinguistic devices such as footnotes,
prologues or afterwords in order to justify their solutions’. He also stresses
(ibid.: 12) that:
While fully acknowledging this advice, in the same vein as Chapter 1, the
present chapter ventures to suggest that a small exception to the above
could be made. Providing that any given subtitle does not exceed a maxi-
mum of two lines and that the amount of characters (letters) is propor-
tional to the amount of time that the subtitle remains on the screen, it
may be helpful to include a headnote with the first subtitled line of a
character (person) whose speech is marked by a distinctive accent or
dialect, in order to set the scene. Ford-Williams (2006: 22) suggests the
following presentation:
AMERICAN ACCENT
All the evidence points to a plot
Scene One
Scene Two
These two scenes can be considered together as they present a very similar
translation issue, that is, how to preserve a distinction between different
SL dialects in the TL subtitles. Once again, the first line of each of the
10 As it stands, the French-language version of this film only provides the SL film’s
existing bonus materials with subtitles. These materials consist of the film’s trailer, a
number of interviews with the writer (Guy Ritchie) and producer (Mathew Vaughn),
which focus on the content and genre of the film, and with the cast, in which the
members each discuss the character which they play in Lock, Stock.
Southern Fairies and Northern Monkeys 81
11 The subtitling of the American series, Royal Paris, on French television made use of
this strategy in an episode which contained multilingual scenes. La Trois (30.01.12).
82 Chapter 2
Introduction
Andrea Arnold’s Fish Tank is set in a council estate in the county of Essex,
England, and provides a gritty portrayal of the social deprivation and per-
sonal problems which its characters face. After introducing the film and
outlining the challenges to which its subtitling gives rise, the present chap-
ter focuses firstly on four representative examples of character interaction
in Fish Tank, and secondly on three key songs from the film’s musical
soundtrack.1 Considering the particular difficulties presented by the sub-
titling of these extracts into French and examining the strategies employed
in order to deal with these, this chapter sets out to establish the extent to
which Emmanuelle Boillot and Nicola Haughton’s translation preserves
the linguistic and cultural specificity of this quintessentially British film
in its corresponding written French subtitles.
1 This chapter is based on my article of the same name which was originally published
in <http://www.translationjournal.com> ( July 2011).
84 Chapter 3
The film
Both the non-standard, colloquial and vulgar language which Fish Tank
contains and its accompanying musical soundtrack contribute significantly
to the portrayal of the social class and culture, or fish tank, which this film
seeks to represent. Fish Tank’s main protagonists speak English with a pro-
nounced Essex accent which may be termed ‘Estuary English’;2 this variety
2 Estuary English: A milder form of the London (Cockney) accent which was originally
thought to be predominant along the Thames Estuary. It is characterized, notably,
by the dropping of some dipthongs (‘right’ is pronounced as ‘roight’), shortening
of some elongated words (‘been’ becomes ‘bin’) and dropping of the sound ‘l’ (‘old’
is heard as ‘owd’). For a detailed account of various features of the pronunciation of
Transporting the Aquarium 85
Character interaction
The use of language in Fish Tank is colloquial, local and colourful; it could
therefore aptly be defined as ‘marked speech’ (Díaz-Cintas and Remaël
2007: 187):
Estuary English, see Coggle (1993) and Maidment (1994). However, some linguists
claim that there is no such thing as a homogenized, regional variety of Estuary (see
Maidment ibid.). They suggest, rather, that it is a non-regional accent which has arisen
due to the spread of some linguistic features of the English used in London to other
parts of the country and that this phenomenon can be explained by geographical
mobilization and social change.
3 In his paper, Maidenment (1994) quotes a number of negative descriptions of Estuary,
including ‘lazy speaking that grates on the ear’ and ‘[…] debased London: slack-jawed,
somnambulant, London’.
4 ‘Diastratic variation’: linguistic variation which occurs in different social groups
(according to age, sex, profession). See Flydal (1951).
86 Chapter 3
[…] speech characterized by non-standard language features, or features that are not
‘neutral’. Speech can be marked by style or register, and it can also be […] bound to
socially and / or geographically defined population groups. Besides, marked speech
includes taboo words, swear words and emotionally charged utterances such as
interjections and exclamations.
[…] social and geographical kinds of language are known as dialects. […] Dialect is
the particular combination of words, pronunciations and grammatical forms that
you share with other people from your area and social background and that differs in
certain ways from the combination used by people from other areas and backgrounds.
With reference to the above definition of ‘marked speech’, this chapter will
examine four representative examples of character interaction from Fish
Tank which feature taboo words, swear words and non-standard gram-
mar. The extracts to be examined also include distinct accents, cultural
references and instances of humour and irony which are linguistically and
socially bound. By adopting this approach, the chapter will draw attention
to the specific challenges which the subtitling of such language poses, and
examine how these are handled by Boillot and Haughton.
Scene One
In this scene a gang of girls from the local housing estate, including Mia’s
former best friend, Keeley, do a dance routine to pop music which they
perform to some local boys. The style of dancing and music is very differ-
ent to that which Mia likes. Mia watches the girls with a critical expression
on her face and this results in a confrontation.
Transporting the Aquarium 87
5 Thon: Literal translation: a tuna fish. Here: ‘a dull, unattractive girl or woman; a
dog’.<http://www.interglot.com> (accessed 26.05.14).
88 Chapter 3
This scene centres on the fact that the gang of girls want Mia to stop
watching them and leave. The principal translation challenges which the
scene poses centre on the need to render culturally specific taboo words,
swear words and non-standard grammar in the TL in such a way that the
French-speaking audience can still appreciate their force. If the range of SL
expressions used to convey this – ‘fuck off ’ (line 7), ‘get away’ (line 8) and
‘walk away’ (line 11) – is preserved in the TT – casse-toi, dégage, tire-toi –
the force of line 7 is certainly lost in translation. Indeed, ‘fuck’ is used
three times in this scene, but is not once translated into French. As this
language is central to the characters’ identities, some loss occurs in the TT
(Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007: 197). Attempts are nevertheless made to
compensate for this elsewhere in the TT. In lines 2, 3 and 4 the vocabulary
used – bouse, chier and thons – is more vulgar than that in the corresponding
ST. ‘Bitch’ (line 8) and ‘c**t’ (line 10) are both translated with an offensive
TL term, sale pute, which preserves the aggressive nature of the exchange.
However, as the second term is far more offensive in the SL than the first
one, there is again a sense of loss in the TT. Furthermore, when the slang
and highly derogatory ‘you skanky6 little pikey7’ (line 5) is rendered as
sale gitane, another case of under-translation occurs. Manouche [gippo /
pikey] would have been a preferable alternative to the more conventional
gitan(e) [gypsy].
The use of non-standard grammar is a noteworthy feature of the trans-
lation of this scene. In line 1, C’est quoi, ton problème? compensates in part
for the fact that the vulgarity of the ST is sometimes under-translated and,
in line 3, omission of the French negative ne helps to preserve the collo-
quial quality of Keeley’s ‘Quit it, Mia’. This said, when Mia asks, ‘What
you gonna do about it?’ (line 6), the French translation, Tu vas porter
6 Skanky: ‘The act of looking cheap, dirty and nasty. Also acting slutty.’ <http://www.
urbandictionary.com> (accessed 03.07.10).
7 Pikey: ‘From the English ‘turnpike’, the place where itinerant travellers and thieves
would camp near a settlement. Pikey is not a racial group; the term is used to
describe anyone who lives in a caravan or shares the same values and ‘culture’ of
the travelling community […].’ <http://www.urbandictionary.com> (accessed
03.07.10).
Transporting the Aquarium 89
plainte?, is much more correct in terms of its lexis; this results in a definite
neutralization of the ST style.
Given that this is an audiovisual text, any such losses are, however,
minimal. It is not only the lexis and grammar which convey the aggres-
sive nature and informal register of this scene. As was discussed in the
Introduction to this book, films are inherently multi-model in character
and the process of subtitling is consequently intersemiotic in nature (Assis-
Rosa 2001: 213–14). In the present case, multiple aural clues – tone, volume
and speed of voice and constant interjections – and visual ones – facial
expressions, body language and violent gestures – are available to the TT
audience. These contribute significantly to the sense of acrimony which
pervades the scene.8
In brief, if instances of loss in translation and under-translation can
be witnessed in the subtitling of this scene, these are, for the most part,
successfully compensated for, both lexically and grammatically. Moreover,
when translation results in a neutralization of the style of the source lan-
guage, aural clues play an important part in preserving the aggression and
informality of the original scene in its subtitled version.
Scene Two
In this scene, Mia meets Connor for the first time. She is in the kitchen,
dressed in her pyjamas, waiting for the kettle to boil and dancing seduc-
tively to music on the television. Connor sees Mia dancing as her enters
the room. Taken by surprise and embarrassed, she is defensive and rude to
him. Nevertheless, the camera shots, which show Mia watching Connor,
suggest her immediate interest in, and attraction to, this new man.
8 Tveit (2009: 87) also acknowledges that ‘[…] tone of voice, stress and intonation
[…] contribute to conveying information across language barriers […]’.
90 Chapter 3
C = Connor; M = Mia
Speaker ST TT
1) C Don’t mind me, girl. Carry on. T’occupe pas de moi,
continue.
[Don’t bother about me. Continue.]
2) C I was enjoying it. Ça me plaisait.
[I was enjoying it.]
3) M As if. C’est ça.
[That’s it.]
4) C You making eggs? Tu te fais des oeufs?
[Are you making yourself
some eggs?]
5) M No. Non.
[No.]
6) C What’s the water for? C’est pour quoi, l’eau?
[What’s the water for?]
7) M I’m making tea. Je me fais du thé.
[I’m making myself some tea.]
8) C I’m a friend of your mother. You Je suis un ami de ta mère.
dance like a Black. Tu danses comme
une Black.
[I’m a friend of
your mother.
You dance like a Black.]
9) C It’s a compliment. C’est un compliment.
[It’s a compliment.]
10) M What do you know? D’où tu sors ça?
[Where do you get that from?]
11) C I watch videos, like everyone else. Je regarde des clips,
comme tout le monde.
[I watch video clips, like everyone.]
12) M And that makes you some kind of Ça fait de toi un spécialiste?
expert, does it? [That makes you a specialist?]
13) C You’ve got a mouth on you! T’as réponse à tout?
[You got an answer for everything?]
Transporting the Aquarium 91
The key challenge which this scene presents concerns the translation of
accent, the sociocultural implications of which are not immediately avail-
able to the French audience. The most noteworthy linguistic feature of this
scene is the clear distinction between Mia’s Essex accent and Connor’s Irish
lilt; an accent which is somewhat musical and pleasant to listen to (Pitts
2013).9 The recapturing of this in translation is handled in a number of
ways. First, both of these non-standard SL accents (Hughes and Trudgill
1996: 3) are partially compensated for in the TT through less accurate use
of TL grammar. Mia’s ‘What do you know?’ (line 10) becomes D’où tu
sors ça ? rather than a lengthier and more correct Qu’est-ce que tu en sais?.
Similarly, Connor’s use of ‘girl’ (line 1) is recaptured by the non-standard
T’occupe pas de moi (omission of negative ne) (Strutz 1999: iv).
More significant, and easier to preserve in the TT, are the characters’
very different attitudes. If Mia is somewhat snappy, her speech is less aggres-
sive than usual and she uses no vulgar language. Her defensive responses
are successfully preserved by using relatively close translation strategies
(lines 3, 5, 12, 15). By contrast, Connor is not only of another culture but
also has a very different personality. His relaxed manner is reflected in his
voice, both in his use of non-aggressive language and in the slow pace of his
speech. This is easily preserved in the TT, given that the subtitles evidently
accompany the original soundtrack (Tveit 2009: 87). Last, Connor’s gentle
use of irony, which serves to diffuse the slight tension in the atmosphere
9 As was the case of the films examined in Chapters One and Two, Fish Tank clearly
has a distinctly heteroglossic quality (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981: 67; 1934–5 / 1981: 292).
92 Chapter 3
(line 16), is fully maintained in the TL through use of a more concise, but
perfectly equivalent, expression: ‘That’s a charming personality you’ve got
there!’: Tu sais charmer ton monde.
Thus, although it would be impossible to fully recapture Connor’s
Irish accent in translation, Boillot and Haughton partially compensate
for this through their use of non-standard TL grammar. Again, the pres-
ence of the original soundtrack, against which the subtitles are set, allows
the relaxed pace of his speech to be preserved. The use of equivalent TL
expressions also enables the ironic tone of the ST to be recaptured in its
subtitles. It can thus be argued that, by employing a combination of trans-
lation strategies and relying on the presence of the original SL soundtrack,
the film’s subtitlers manage to preserve the different, contrasting qualities
of Mia and Connor’s voices for the TL audience.
Scene Three
In this, the penultimate scene of Fish Tank, Mia is about to leave home to
begin a new life with her traveller boyfriend. In the lounge, Joanne is danc-
ing to one of Mia’s CDs, which is in fact the theme tune of the film. The
music is very different to that which Joanne usually listens to; this scene
therefore suggests her eventual attempt to connect with her daughter.
Following the dialogue below, Mia responds to Joanne. The pair dance
together in synchrony, are joined by Tyler and are watched closely by their
pet Staffordshire bull terrier, Tennent’s.
J = Joanne; M = Mia
Speaker ST TT
1) M I’m going then. J’y vais.
[I’m going.]
2) J It’s one of your CDs. C’est un de tes CD.
[It’s one of your CDs.]
3) M Yeah. NO SUBTITLE
Transporting the Aquarium 93
The overriding translation issue to which the present scene gives rise is
again the recapturing of accent. The way in which culture-bound terms
are handled also proves interesting. The language which accompanies this
scene is typically informal and the characters’ regional accent comes across
strongly. The challenges of rendering this in the TL are dealt with vari-
ously. In line 4, Joanne’s slovenly pronunciation of ‘It’s alright’ (‘Sorright’)
is partly recaptured by an omission of the French negative ne. Mia’s ‘yeah’ is
not translated in line 3, as the meaning of this internationally understood
word is self-evident. However, in line 5, her ‘Yeah, it’s Nas.’ becomes Oui,
c’est Nas.10 Boillot and Haughton opt for a standard spelling in their sub-
title, avoiding the non-standard French equivalent of ‘yeah’, ouais.11 This,
in turn, is compensated for in line 6 when Joanne’s standard SL question,
‘What are you waiting for?’, becomes a very informal T’attends quoi? as
opposed to a more standard Qu’est-ce que tu attends?
This is an emotionally charged scene; Joanne is upset and has obviously
been crying. Her listening and dancing to Mia’s CD and her giving approval
to this music are the only signs of affection which she shows her daughter
in the entire film. Despite this, Joanne ultimately tells Mia to ‘fuck off ’
(line 6), which is once again under-translated as casse-toi. Joanne is so used
to addressing her daughter aggressively that she seems unable to talk to her
in any other way. In sum, despite some instances of under-translation, the
non-standard register of the language which pervades this scene is largely
recaptured through the use of non-standard, informal TL grammar.
10 This is the only explicit reference which is made to Nas in Fish Tank. The film’s
theme tune, sung by Nas, will be discussed at a later stage in this chapter.
11 The predominance of written-register features in subtitles has been investigated and
demonstrated by other researchers in the field (Assis Rosa 2001: 215–16).
94 Chapter 3
As was previously mentioned, the family’s pet dog witnesses this scene.
Due to the drinking culture which prevails on this housing estate, alcohol
assumes considerable importance; the characters are seen drinking at home,
in the street, while dancing and at parties. In this spirit, the family’s pet is
named Tennent’s, after the famous Scottish lager. Thus, the issue of trans-
lating cultural allusions arises. As Luyken (1991: 157) comments aptly: ‘If
language consisted of just words, subtitling would be easy. The problem
lies in the fact that behind the words lies a world of associations, customs,
institutions: in short, a whole culture’. When Mia returns home in one scene
and the dog growels, she says: ‘It’s only me, Tennent’s, stupid dog’. This
name is directly transposed from the ST to the TT: C’est moi, Tennent’s,
gros débile. To the ST audience, this name is very funny. By contrast, the
source-oriented translation strategy used here results in a loss of humour
in this TT. In order to achieve similar amusement in the TT, it would be
necessary to substitute this name with a brand of French lager, which is
nevertheless well-known in anglophone countries, such as Kronenbourg
or Stella. As Boillot and Haughton do not make this choice, it is perhaps
a lost opportunity to render the humorous name of the dog amusing to a
French-speaking audience.
Scene Four
Throughout Fish Tank, Mia’s interaction with her sister, Tyler, is character-
ized by bitching and nastiness.12 However, before Mia gets in to the car to
go to Wales with her boyfriend, she and Tyler share an affectionate hug.
12 In one scene, Tyler asks Mia ‘What are you doing? [Tu fais quoi?]. Mia replies ‘Mind
your own, fuck face’ [T’occupe-toi, petite pétasse], to which Tyler retorts ‘If I’m a fuck
face, you’re a c**t face’ [T’occupe toi-même, grosse pute]. The translation of this short
exchange is particularly effective as the second insult is even more offensive than the
first in both the the SL and the TL.
Transporting the Aquarium 95
As the car pulls away, Tyler runs after it, shouting. These two characters
are not used to being nice to each other; the sentiment which they show
here is therefore masked by use of apparently hostile language.
M = Mia; T = Tyler
Speaker ST TT
1) T I hate you. Je te déteste.
[I hate you.]
2) M I hate you too. Moi aussi.
[Me too.]
3) T Bye you scank. Don’t forget to Salut pétasse. Envoie-moi un SMS.
text me! [See ya, you tart. Send me a text.]
4) M Say hello to the W(h)ales for me! Dis bonjour aux galeux de ma part.
[Say hello to the scruffs from me.]
When translating this scene, Boillot and Haughton again confront the
issue of translating humour and irony which is linguistically and culturally
bound. This scene is underpinned by a strong sense of affection. Due to the
audiovisual context in which the speech is set – viewers witness the two
sisters hugging – the irony of lines 1 and 2 is immediately apparent. This
is recaptured closely and concisely in the TL. In line 2, Tyler calls Mia a
‘skank’. In the above discussion of Scene One, it was seen that ‘skanky’ can
be defined as ‘cheap’, ‘dirty’, ‘nasty’ or ‘slutty’. Pétasse (‘slut’) is therefore an
apt translation of this SL insult. The offensiveness of this term is, however,
mitigated; in the second part of line 3, Tyler reminds Mia to keep in touch.
Her ‘Don’t forget to text me’ is translated by the contracted and equally
effective TL structure Envoie-moi un SMS [Send me a text].
The wordplay contained in line 4 ensures that this scene ends on a
lighter note. In Tyler’s ‘Say hello to the W(h)ales for me!’, it is unclear whether
this young girl thinks that the Welsh are called the Wales, or whether she is
deliberately referring to these people as animals. In any case, the SL viewer
hears the noun ‘whales’, which has a gently humorous effect. Translation of
this term as galeux (‘shabby’ / ‘scruffy’) instead of the phonetically similar
Gallois (‘Welsh’), has an equally amusing effect on the TT audience; in
96 Chapter 3
Musical soundtrack
As this chapter mentioned at the outset, it is not only the character interac-
tion which Fish Tank contains but also its musical soundtrack which con-
tribute significantly to the portrayal of the social class and culture which
the film seeks to represent. In their discussion of the subtitling of songs,
Díaz-Cintas and Remaël (2007: 207–10) suggest that the translation of
certain tracks may be necessary. These include songs: which are long and
which would leave viewers wondering about their meaning if they were
left untranslated; which constitute the essence of a film; which support the
narrative more or less explicitly; which suggest mood or create atmosphere.
Díaz-Cintas and Remaël also posit that, when the decision to translate has
been made, three issues should be considered; those of content, rhythm
and rhyme (ibid.: 211). Bearing in mind these points, three of the film’s
key songs will be examined. The first two are the only ones in the film to
have been subtitled. The third, somewhat surprisingly, is not translated.
Me & U
Line ST TT
1. You’ve been waiting so long. Tu as attendu si longtemps.
[You have waited so long.]
2. I’m here to answer your call. Maintenant, je suis là.
[Now I’m here.]
3. I know that I shouldn’t have Je sais, j’aurais pas dû
[I know I shouldn’t have]
4. had you waiting at all. te laisser attendre si longtemps.
[left you waiting so long.]
5. I’ve been so busy J’ai eu beaucoup à faire
[I’ve had a lot to do]
6. but I’ve been thinking ‘bout what I mais j’ai imaginé tout ce que je veux te
wanna do wit you. faire.
[But I’ve thought about everything that
I want to do to you.]
7. I know them other guys Je sais que tous les mecs
[I know that all the guys]
8. they been talking ‘bout the way I racontent que j’assure comme aucune
do what I do. autre nana.
[say that I’m great [in bed] like no
other girl.]
9. They heard I was good. Ils savent que je suis bonne.
[They know that I’m good.]
10. They wanna see if it’s true. Ils fantasment sur moi.
[They fantasize about me.]
11. They know you’re the one I wanna Mais tu es le seul que je veux
give it to. aujourd’hui.
[But you are the only one I want today.]
12. I can see you want me too. Et tu me veux aussi.
[And you want me too.]
98 Chapter 3
The above translation is not always exact; simplifications are made (lines
2, 7, 9, 12), as are some slight modifications (8, 10, 11). This said, the song
is, at all times, couched in a perfectly equivalent TL idiom and the content
of the ST is fully preserved in the subtitles. The rhythm is also maintained
as the subtitles are set against the song’s melody on the SL soundtrack.
Nevertheless, whereas alternate lines of the ST rhyme (call / all, you /
do, true / too), such is not the case in the TT. This is, however, of no real
consequence. Content and rhythm take precedence over the rhyme of
the song and an absence of the latter entails no real linguistic or cultural
loss in translation; this song is successfully transferred across cultures.
Indeed, the decision to subtitle this particular track enhances the TL
audience’s appreciation of both the message and the mood of the scene.
California Dreamin’
The film’s second translated song, California Dreamin’, was first released
in 1965 by the ‘Mamas and the Papas’, an American vocal group. However,
when Joanne and Connor discuss his CD collection in his car, it becomes
apparent that the track which features in Fish Tank is in fact Bobby
Womack’s 1968 cover version of the song.
California Dreamin’ features three times in Fish Tank: first, when
Connor takes Joanne and her two daughters for a drive in the countryside;
second, when Mia is practising a dance which she intends to perform at an
audition; third, as she is about to perform her dance at the audition, before
she changes her mind and leaves. Again, the decision to translate these
lyrics was particularly appropriate. The song is lengthy and is repeated;
an explanation of its meaning is therefore necessary. It supports the nar-
rative very explicitly and the words describe an exotic and better world in
America. In the car, the song helps to create a relaxed atmosphere on the
family day out. At the audition, it may be seen to encourage Mia to accept
a challenge and to aspire to something which is preferable to her current
situation. Thus, in both of these contexts, this use of intertextuality con-
tributes to, and enhances, the film.
Transporting the Aquarium 99
Line ST TT
1. All the leaves are brown Les feuilles sont brunes
[The leaves are brown]
2. (All the leaves are brown) NO SUBTITLE
3. and the sky is gray. et le ciel est gris.
[and the sky is grey.]
4. (And the sky is gray). NO SUBTITLE
5. I’ve been for a walk Je marche sans but
[I’m walking aimlessly]
6. (I’ve been for a walk) NO SUBTITLE
7. on a winter’s day. par un jour d’hiver.
[on a Winter’s day.]
8. (on a winter’s day). NO SUBTITLE
9. I’d be safe and warm Il ferait plus doux
[It would be milder]
10. (I’d be safe and warm) NO SUBTITLE
11. if I was in L.A. si j’étais à L.A.
[if I was in L.A.]
12. (if I was in L.A.) NO SUBTITLE
13. California dreamin’ Je rêve à la Californie
[I’m dreaming of California]
14. (California dreamin’) on such a par ce jour d’hiver.
winter’s day. [on this Winter’s day.]
15. Stopped in a church I passed J’ai vu une église, je m’y suis arrêté.
along the way. [I saw a church, I stopped there.]
16. Well I got down on my knees Je me suis agenouillé
[I knelt down]
17. (got down on my knees) NO SUBTITLE
18. and I pretend to pray. et j’ai commencé à prier.
[and I started to pray.]
19. (I pretend to pray). NO SUBTITLE
20. You know the preacher likes the Le prêtre bénit le froid.
cold. [The priest blesses the cold.]
100 Chapter 3
Line ST TT
21. (Preacher likes the cold). NO SUBTITLE
22. He knows I’m gonna stay. Car il sait que je vais rester.
[Because he knows that
I’m going to stay.]
23. (Knows I’m gonna stay). NO SUBTITLE
Life’s a Bitch
The third song to be considered in the present chapter is Life’s a Bitch (2007)
by the American rapper, Nas, who was referred to explicitly in the third
scene discussed above. This song is heard during the film as Mia practises
her hip-hop dancing and as she dances in synchrony with Joanne in the
penultimate scene of the film (Scene Three, discussed above). It is also the
film’s theme tune. Although its lyrics contain a certain amount of rap slang
which would have been extremely difficult to translate, the decision to sub-
title not even the song’s chorus is surprising; the latter recurs, contributes
to the film’s atmosphere of rap culture and supports Mia’s own narrative:
Life’s a bitch and then you die, that’s why we get high
Cause you never know when you’re gonna go
Life’s a bitch and then you die, that’s why we puff lye
Cause you never know when you’re gonna go.
Transporting the Aquarium 101
Life is indeed something of a bitch for Mia; she takes her own refuge from
it in her dancing and drinking. It could be argued that subtitling these
four lines, possibly during the previously examined third scene or as an
accompaniment to the theme tune, would enhance the non-anglophone
TL audience’s appreciation of both the relevance of this track and the film
as a whole.
Conclusion
Any method of Language Transfer will inevitably interfere with the original film […]
but it should attempt to be as unobtrusive as possible so that, ideally, the new view-
ers’ experience […] will differ as little as possible from that of the original audience.
Introduction
The film
1 Patter: ‘The special language or jargon of a profession or other group.’ The New
Oxford Dictionary of English (1998: 1361).
104 Chapter 4
of the Unit’s work, which includes dealing with child molesters, teenage
prostitutes, abused children and foreign people in difficulty. The emotional
strain under which the BPM work is extreme, and Polisse illustrates vividly
how this impacts on the personal lives of the team. The film ends dramati-
cally as female officer Iris, who has just been informed of her promotion,
can no longer handle the pressure and jumps from the window of the room
in which a meeting with her colleagues is being held.
Scene One
3 In the field of Sociocultural Linguistics, which examines the social and cultural func-
tions and meanings of language use (Nilep 2006: 2), the concept of code switching
refers to the practices of using different languages or language varieties in different
social situations and of switching varieties in order to mark a change in situation.
According to Goffman (1981: 128), such shifts in language, which may be accompa-
nied by changes in pitch, rhythm, stress and tone, are indicative of changes in footing,
that is, of the stance or position which an individual adopts within an interaction.
These may reflect changes in purpose, context or the roles of participants. Close
observation of discourse therefore helps to clarify the function of language variation
within social interaction (Nilep ibid.: 14).
106 Chapter 4
When the new, well-spoken officer, Gabriel, wishes to have his say, he is
criticized and belittled by the older and more established officer, Bamako;
the latter is annoyed by, and fails to understand, some of Gabriel’s more
refined uses of language. When ultimately asked by Bamako why he does
not speak ‘normally’, Gabriel resorts to an amusing and exaggerated imita-
tion of the vulgar language, non-standard uses and hand-gestures used by
Bamako and some other colleagues, explaining that he chooses not to use
the same language as them because he finds it annoying.
Speaker ST TT
21) G mais vous avez tous votre identité dans le you all have your own
groupe, identity,
[but you all have your identity in the group,]
22) G vous êtes tous super différents, you’re all different,
[you’re all really different,]
23) G vous avez tous des rapports les uns avec you all respect each other’s
les autres et vous vous respectez par votre identity.
identité.
[you all have contact with each other and
respect each other by your identity.]
24) G Je suis désolé, je ne vois pas pour quelle I don’t see why the way I talk
raison le fait que je m’exprime bien
[I’m sorry, but I don’t see why the fact that
I express myself well]
25) G m’empêche d’être respecté par vous. stops you respecting me.
[prevents me from being respected by you.]
26) B Pourquoi tu ne parles pas normal ? Talk normal!
[Why don’t you speak normal?]
27) G Pourquoi je ne parle pas normalement ? Talk normally?
[Why don’t I speak normally?]
28) G Parce que, eh, vas-y, tu vas me pomper, Hey, blow me right here.
viens, viens ! C’mon man!
[Because, hey, go on, you’re going to give
me a blow-job, come on, come on!]
29) G Eh, on va se niquer, etc ! We’re gonna get laid!
[Hey, we’re going to get laid!]
30) G La putain, c’est super! Check out that clit shit!
[That slut is great!]
31) G Moi, c’est juste, ça me fatigue, quoi. Fine, but it gets on my
[Me, it’s just, it annoys me, you know.] nerves.
(Goffman 1988: 128). In line 2, this character is abrupt and his words are
closely translated in the TL. Gabriel defends himself (lines 3 and 5), again
somewhat abruptly, and the curtness of his response is also closely preserved
in the corresponding subtitles. In line 6, Gabriel’s words are polite, and his
register is much more elevated. This is again fully and closely recaptured in
its English translation. This line contrasts with Bamako’s very colloquial
language (7 and 9). The subtitlers ensure that the switch between, and
contrast of, registers is fully preserved here and through the remainder of
the scene. Towards the end of the exchange, Bamako and Gabriel’s non-
standard and correct adverbial uses (26 and 27) are also translated close-
ly.4 By contrast, Gabriel’s ultimate annoyance and amusingly exaggerated
imitation of vulgar slang5 (28 to 31), which mark a change of his footing
in this interaction (Goffman 1981: 128), do not lend themselves to such
close renderings; instead the subtitlers use a number of (American) TL
equivalents. If the decision to use very colloquial American expressions
when subtitling the French film, La Haine, into English has been heavily
criticized (cf. Introduction), the limited use of this translation strategy in
the subtitling of the present scene does seem acceptable; it is employed only
very selectively and therefore does not entail any real linguistic or cultural
displacement of the SL film’s original scene.
Juxtaposed, self-conscious uses of language throughout this scene are
thus accurately recaptured by the film’s subtitlers through the use of close, and
sometimes literal, translation strategies and some TL equivalents. Acrimony,
growing tension and annoyance are also very apparent in the tone of the SL
soundtrack, as are the facial expressions and hand gestures of both officers
throughout the scene (Tveit 2009: 87). From the outset, Gabriel speaks
calmly but firmly (3, 5, 10, 11), maintaining eye contact with his colleague,
until the point at which he deliberately alters the tone and speed of his
4 The use of ‘normal’ (adjective) rather than ‘normalement’ (adverb) has been
described by Gadet (1996; 1998) as a feature of popular, banlieue French. While
non-standard, this use is also systematic amongst these speakers (as can be witnessed
in the dialogue of La Haine, cf. Introduction), so cannot necessarily be described
as ‘incorrect’.
5 See also discussion of l’argot des cités [slang used on underprivileged urban housing
estates] (George Pilard 2002: 90).
110 Chapter 4
speech to mimic that of certain other officers (27 to 30). By contrast, Bamako
stares confontationally at Gabriel, uses fast and aggressive hand gestures,
constantly speaks with a raised tone (2, 7, 8, 9) and shouts loudly when he
does not understand (15, 18, 26). The fact that these audiovisual clues are
still present as a backdrop to the subtitles is of considerable help in ensur-
ing that the flavour of the scene is fully preserved in the TL version of the
film. As the latter is a multi-semiotic medium (Tveit: ibid.), linguistic and
audiovisual modes constantly work together and complement each other.
Scene Two
Here, female officer, Chrys, and her male colleague, Mathieu, who have
been questioning a man accused of molesting his young daughter, talk to
their boss and head of the BPM, Beauchard. If Beauchard suspects that the
accused man is guilty of child abuse, Chrys and Mathieu argue his inno-
cence. Early in the conversation, Mathieu incorrectly uses the word ‘proto-
type’ instead of ‘stereotype’. Chrys promptly corrects her colleague, but finds
the mistake amusing. In the remainder of the scene, Chrys and Mathieu
speak in broken sentences as they attempt to address their superior sensi-
bly and to recover from their respective amusement and embarrassment.
3) C Prototype ? Prototype?
[Prototype?]
4) C Prototype, non. Tu veux dire stéréotype ! Stereotype!
[Not prototype. You mean stereotype!]
5) M Oui, mais, enfin … C’est pareil. Same difference.
[Yes, but, well … It’s the same.]
6) M Bref, ce n’est pas le stéréotype de … All right, he’s not your
[In short, he’s not the stereotypical …] stereotypical …
7) C Oui, c’est un grand type … Yeah, he’s a tall guy
[Yes, he’s a tall bloke …]
8) C Il fait nounours, un peu … a cuddly bear type of guy.
[He looks like a teddy, a bit …]
9) M Il n’a pas l’air, il est plutôt beau, il n’est pas I don’t know. He’s not an
moche … ugly,
[He doesn’t look, he’s rather handsome, he
isn’t ugly …]
10) M Il n’est pas vilain, quoi. nasty-looking kind of guy …
[He’s not nasty, you know.]
11) C Voilà, il fait … Yeah, he seems really …
[That’s right, he looks …]
12) C Il fait sain. Wholesome.
[He looks sound.]
13) B D’accord. OK.
[OK.]
14) B Bah, écoutez, on va quand même But we’ll run psychiatric tests
demander des tests psychiatriques avant de before we let him go.
le lâcher dans la nature, d’accord ?
[Er, listen, all the same, we’ll carry out
some psychiatric tests before we let him
loose, alright?]
15) C Oui, bien sûr. Of course.
[Yes, of course.]
écoutez, on va quand même […] is recaptured very concisely with the TL ‘But,
well …’. Chrys and Mathieu’s language is of the same informal register, and
this is in fact reinforced in subtitles 7 and 11 through use of the TL ‘yeah’. The
distance between Beauchard and his officers (Fairclough 1995; Hyatt 2006;
Voloshinov 1929 / 1973) is, then, not so much apparent in the language as in
the tone of this scene (Goffman 1981: 128). Chrys and Mathieu’s sniggering
and embarrassment strongly suggest their discomfort in the presence of their
superior. While Mathieu’s misuse of vocabulary (line 2) and Chrys’ correc-
tion of it (4) are translated closely and the pair’s subsequent broken sentences
(lines 6 to12) are also recaptured perfectly in the TL, the tone of this scene
is largely preserved thanks to the presence of the film’s original audiovisual
context, that is, both its soundtrack and images (Tveit 2009: 87). In lines 1 and
2, the tone is professional and serious. However, following line 3, this changes
markedly; Chrys sniggers and covers her mouth (4) and Mathieu smiles with
embarrassment as he continues to speak (5). The pair then glance amusedly
at each other (6 to 8), before Mathieu begins to speak faster and recovers his
composure (9 and 10). With a mildly amused expression, Beauchard concludes
the conversation in a professional, collected manner.
In sum, superior-subordinate police interaction in this scene does not
pose considerable translation challenges. Here, the subtitlers have suc-
ceeded in preserving the flavour of the original scene by employing both
close translation strategies and some equivalent TL uses. This is supported
significantly by the presence of the film’s original soundtrack and images
in the TL version of Polisse.
Scene Three
This, the final scene of the present chapter to focus uniquely on interaction
between members of the BPM, centres on another self-conscious discus-
sion of a different aspect of the officers’ speech. In the following dialogue,
Chrys explains to new colleague, Gabriel, how the team is sometimes crea-
tive with language, thereby inventing new words. A case which is neither
Police Patter 113
a ‘rape’ [viol], nor an ‘act of love’ [acte d’amour] is, for instance, termed a
miol. The officers apply this principle more broadly, adding the letter ‘m’
before other SL nouns. Gabriel quickly grasps the concept, which amuses
and pleases Chrys.
In the following transcript, back translations are not provided for
certain words in the SL lines but instead appear as ***. As will be discussed
below, given that certain SL words are not standard, they cannot be trans-
lated literally.
C = Chrys; G = Gabriel.
Speaker ST TT
1) C Ah, tu vois, ce que tu viens de voir, You’ve just seen your first ever
ça s’appelle un miol. rave.
[Ah, you see, what you have just
seen, is called a ***.]
2) G D’accord. NO SUBTITLE
[OK.]
3) C D’accord. Donc, c’est ni un viol, ni It’s neither rape nor love.
un acte d’amour. It’s a rave.
[OK. So, it’s neither a rape, nor an
act of love.]
4) C Il y a des maffaires, les mardes à vue, We also have rarrests. Rustody.
les mictimes. Rictims.
[There are ***, ***, ***.]
5) G Je pense que j’ai compris. I think I get the picture.
[I think that I’ve understood.]
6) G A priori, le concept n’est pas hyper It’s not that complicated.
compliqué, on met un M devant. You put an R in front.
[In principle, the concept isn’t really
complicated, you put an M in front.]
7) C Voilà, c’est un génie ! The boy’s a genius!
[That’s it! He’s a genius!]
approach. Thus, in the SL viol + acte d’amour = miol, and in the TL ‘rape’
and ‘love’ become ‘rave’ (line 1). The letter ‘r’ is then retained in order to
render subsequent creative additions of the letter ‘r’ which are used either
as prefixes to, or to replace the first syllable of, TL words (line 6). Hence:
maffaires (m + affaires) becomes ‘rarrests’ (r + arrests);
Scene Four
This scene is set in a police car. Two members of the BPM, Fréd and Nora,
both of North-African origin, are accompanying a teenage girl, also of
North-African descent, to the police station. As Fréd drives, Nora is sit-
ting in the back of the car next to their subject; she asks the girl if she
understands the seriousness of her actions. Annoyed at the interrogation,
Police Patter 115
the girl becomes angry, offensive and argumentative. As Nora goads her,
the argument becomes heated.
N = Nora; S = Subject
Speaker ST TT
1) N Mais tu réalises que tu as aidé des mecs à You realize you helped
violer une copine à toi ? guys
[But you realize that you helped some rape your friend?
blokes to rape a friend of yours?]
2) N T’as pas honte? Aren’t you ashamed?
[Aren’t you ashamed?]
3) N Tu t’en prends conscience? You realize?
[You’re aware of that?]
4) N Tu te rends pas compte de ce que tu as fait ? You see it’s serious?
[You don’t realize what you’ve done?]
5) S Ferme ta gueule. Shut your face.
[Shut your gob.]
6) S Depuis tout à l’heure, tu me suces la chatte. Stop sucking my pussy off !
Je t’ai demandé de me parler, là ?
[Since earlier, you’ve been sucking my pussy.
Did I ask you to speak to me, then?]
7) N Je te suce la chatte ? Sucking your pussy off ?
[I’m sucking your pussy?]
8) N Parce que tu crois que de tes 14 ans, tu me You’re 14. Ooh, scary!
fais peur ?
[Because you think that at 14 years old, you
scare me?]
9) S Parce que tu crois que de ton 1 mètre 50, tu You’re five feet tall. Ooh,
me fais peur ? scary!
[Because you think at 1 m 50 (~ 5 ft), you
scare me?]
10) S Sale vendue ! You sellout!
[You’re past it!]
11) N Quoi vendue ? Quoi vendue ? Sellout?
[Past it? Past it?]
116 Chapter 4
Speaker ST TT
12) S Fais chier ! Skank bitch.
[You piss me off !]
13) S Tu n’as qu’à me demander. T’as qu’à garder You ask my opinion? Take
la pêche. a chill pill!
[ Just ask me. You just need to chill out.]
14) N Garde la pêche ? Ça veut dire quoi, garde la Take a chill pill? What’s
pêche ? that mean?
[Chill out? What does that mean, chill
out?]
15) S Là, tu kiffes parce que c’est marqué police. You big up cos it says
Mais où j’habite, tu vas voir. police.
[You’re getting off on it because it says Come by where I live.
police. But where I live, you’ll see.]
16) N D’accord, tu habites où ? And where do you live?
[OK, where do you live?]
17) S Je suis de Rébeval. Rébeval.
[I’m from Rébeval.]
18) N Rébeval ? Rébeval?
[Rébeval?]
19) N Mais c’est le pays des nounours, Rébeval. That’s teddy bear country.
[But that’s teddy bear country, Rébeval.]
20) S Mais tu vas voir ce qui va t’arriver. Tu vas te Your skank ass’ll get it.
faire défoncer, tu vas voir.
[But you’ll see what’s going to happen to
you. You’re going to get smashed in. You’ll
see.]
21) N D’accord, je vais te donner mes horaires, c’est OK. I work 9–5 every day.
9 h–17 h tous les jours.
[OK. I’ll give you my hours. It’s 9–5 every
day.]
22) S Tu vas voir. Je vais revenir sur le Qu’ran. Je On the Qu’ran, I’ll come
vais niquer ta grand-mère. Sale pute. and fuck you up.
[You’ll see. I’m going to go back to
the Qu’ran. I’m going to fuck your
grandmother. Dirty bitch.]
Police Patter 117
6 ‘Speakers of standard French often elide vowels and leave out ne in negatives […]
[but] such omissions occur more frequently in slang’ (Strutz 1999: vi).
7 Sociolect: ‘A variety or lect which is thought of as being related to its speakers’ social
background rather than geographical background’ (Trudgill 2003: 122).
118 Chapter 4
1981). While this subject’s body language and intonation remain present in
the SL soundtrack, her particular lexical uses are extremely difficult, albeit
impossible, to preserve in the TL (Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007; Jäckel
2001). The subtitlers of Polisse do, however, make an admirable attempt at
this (lines 15 and 20).8 While any linguistic or cultural displacement of the
film should clearly be avoided (cf. Introduction, Jäckels’ discussion of La
Haine), the language used in the subtitles of this scene resembles so closely
the sociolect of the young gang members in Andrea Arnold’s Fish Tank (as
seen in Chapter 3), that it seems an entirely appropriate, equivalent, con-
temporary idiom in the present context.9 As such uses are also selective, they
do not in any way affect or displace the SL cultural context.
In short, this scene presents certain translation challenges due to its
extreme linguistic specificity. Nora’s colloquial, informal language is fre-
quently communicated in the TL by employing compensation strategies
rather than adopting a close approach to its translation. For the most part, the
subject’s vulgar and contemporary slang is preserved through close translation
and by the use of contemporary TL equivalents; as these are used appropri-
ately and relatively sparingly, any cultural displacement of the original context
is avoided. Once again, the fact that the subtitles are set against the original
soundtrack and its increasingly angry tone, is a major factor in ensuring that
the essence of the original scene is fully retained in the film’s TL version.
Scene Five
In this scene, officers Sue-Ellen, Nora and Fréd are questioning a girl named
Caroline who has had her smartphone snatched and been blackmailed by
another girl. When told that her phone would be returned to her if she
agreed to grant the other girl’s male friends sexual favours, Caroline agreed
to comply. When she admits this, the officers are momentarily shocked.
Sue-Ellen and Fréd both make passing jokes and the three officers, as well
as two other members of the team – Nadine and Iris – who are present in
the room, break into uncontrollable and inappropriate laughter. When
Nadine and Iris leave the room to attend to other matters, the remaining
officers regain their composure. However, when Iris pops her head back
around the door and makes another joke, this triggers yet more laughter.
In the film, this type of reaction is rare among members of the BPM, but
these officers are under considerable strain; here, they can no longer con-
tain themselves.
Speaker ST TT
9) F OK, elle a ça et elle avait ton portable et So, the girl’s taken your phone
tu disais … and you say …
[OK, she has it and she had your phone
and you were saying …]
10) SE Ils ont ton portable. On en est là. They’ve got your phone.
[They have your phone. We’re there.]
11) SE Après, qu’est-ce qui s’est passé ? After that, what happened?
[After, what happened?]
12) C Je leur demande de me le rendre. I ask for it back.
[I ask them to give it back to me.]
13) C Elle me fait, er, si tu veux récupérer, il She’s like, sure,
faut que tu suces mes copains. if you give my friends head.
[She says to me, er, if you want it back,
you have to give my friends a blow-job.]
14) C Donc, je dis bon, OK. I’m like, OK.
[So, I say right, OK.]
15) SE OK ? OK quoi ? OK to what?
[OK? OK, what?]
16) C Er, pour sucer les mecs, pour mon To blowing them for my
téléphone. phone.
[Er, to give the blokes a blow-job for my
phone.]
17) SE Mais dis, tu l’aimais vraiment beaucoup, You really liked your phone.
ce portable.
[But say, you really liked it a lot, that
phone.]
18) C Bah oui, quand même. No kidding.
[Er yes, I did actually.]
19) F Et pour un ordinateur, tu fais quoi ? And for a laptop?
[And for a computer, what do you do?]
20) F Je suis désolé, ça m’a échappé. Sorry, it slipped out.
[I’m sorry, it slipped out.]
21) SE Excusez-moi. Take no notice.
[Excuse me.]
Police Patter 121
Other expressions which Caroline uses, such as Bah oui, quand même (18),
translated as ‘no kidding’, are rendered equally idiomatically and effectively.
The language which the officers use when dealing with Caroline is less col-
loquial than that which she uses, but remains informal. This slight distinc-
tion is mirrored accurately in the TL through the use of a close translation
approach (10 and 11). The sexual term which Caroline uses when giving her
evidence (13 and 16) is also rendered closely using two different TL terms
(Landers 2001: 151). This recurs in line 27, as Sue-Ellen tries to explain to
a bemused Caroline why her behaviour was inappropriate.
This scene only becomes amusing in line 17 when Sue-Ellen com-
ments Mais dis, tu l’aimais vraiment beaucoup, ce portable [You really liked
your phone]. Fréd promptly follows with his Et pour un ordinateur, tu fais
quoi? [And for a laptop?]. These lines are again translated concisely in the
TL. However, from this point in the scene, a considerable part of the mes-
sage and tone are communicated through audiovisual clues present in the
original film, such as the officers’ uncontrollable laughter (Tveit 2009: 87).
Similarly, Iris’ closing joke J’ai perdu mon portable is translated literally in
the TL [I’ve lost my phone], but the actual laughter which this triggers
remains a hugely important part of the scene, in both the original film and
in its subtitled TL version; indeed, it ensures that ‘pragmatic equivalence’
(Koller 1979) is achieved in the translation.
In short, the linguistic variation present in this scene – from Caroline’s
colloquial French, through the police’s slightly more correct but still infor-
mal language which gives some indication of their authority (Goffman
1981: 128), to the officers’ jokes, which call into question their professional-
ism (Goffman ibid.) – can be recaptured very effectively through the use
of close translation strategies and equivalent TL vocabulary and expres-
sions. Once again, however, the language used in the original scene – at
times vulgar, and at other times humorous – is reinforced considerably by
the film’s audiovisual context (Tveit ibid.). Caroline begins by telling her
story in a serious, matter-of-fact tone (Lines 1 to 5). The officers all watch
her intently (14 and 15). Their surprise at what they hear is first reflected
in their facial expressions which are immediately followed by sniggering
(17), prolonged, uncontrollable laughter (19 to 24), an attempt at self-
composure (26) and further hilarity, during which they rest their heads
on the table and on each other (28, 30, 32). This audiovisual backdrop is of
Police Patter 123
Scene Six
In this, the last scene to be examined in ‘Police Patter’, male officer Borloo
treats his subject with kindness and compassion. In this instance, a homeless
Black African lady visits the BPM with her young son, Ousman. Having spent
six months on the streets with her son, the lady no longer feels able to look
after her child and wants to entrust him to the BPM for care. Borloo attempts
to fully understand this subject’s situation before later trying to find sheltered
accommodation for her and her child. As this scene is particularly lengthy,
the present discussion will focus on approximately the first half of the dia-
logue between Borloo and his subject; this section contains a representative
example of the translation challenges which are presented by the entire scene.
B = Borloo; S = Subject.
Speaker ST TT
1) B Bonjour Madame. Hello Madame.
[Hello Madam.]
2) B Asseyez-vous, je vous en prie. Take a seat.
[Sit down, please.]
3) B Je vous écoute. Go ahead, Madame.
[I’m listening to you.]
4) S Je dois vous donner mon enfant. I have to give you my son.
[I must give you my child.]
5) S Je n’ai pas l’endroit où dormi. I have no place where slept.
[I no longer have the place where slept.]
6) S Je ne veux pas mon fils il dort dans la rue I don’t want him
avec moi. to sleep in street with me.
[I don’t want my son he sleeps in the street
with me.]
124 Chapter 4
Speaker ST TT
7) S Je veux qu’il soit au saud. I want him in warm place.
[I want him to be in the warm.]
8) B Vous voulez qu’il soit … J’ai pas compris. You want him …
[You want him to be … I haven’t
understood.]
9) S Chaud. – Warm.
[Warm.]
B Au chaud. OK, j’ai compris. – Somewhere warm. OK.
[In the warm. OK, I’ve understood.]
10) S Il doit dormir dans lit. He must sleep in bed.
[He must sleep in bed.]
11) B Bien sûr. Of course.
[Of course.]
12) S Je ne veux pas qu’il devienne comme moi. I don’t want him be like me.
[I don’t want him to become like me.]
13) S T’as pas compris ? You see?
[You haven’t understood?]
14) B Si si, je comprends. Sure, I understand.
[Yes yes, I understand.]
15) B Vous n’avez plus d’endroit où dormir. – You have nowhere to
[You no longer have a place to sleep.] sleep.
S Oui.
[Yes.] – Yes.
16) B On va mettre les choses dans l’ordre. Vous Let’s see. Are you married?
êtes mariée ?
[We’re going to put things in order. Are you
married?]
17) S Je suis toute seule. I’m on my own.
[I’m on my own.]
18) B Et donc vous dormez dans la rue avec votre You’re both on the street.
fils.
[And so you sleep in the street with your
son.]
19) S Oui oui. Yes.
[Yes yes.]
Police Patter 125
Speaker ST TT
20) B Depuis combien de temps, – How long on the street?
vous m’avez dit ?
[For how long, did you tell me?]
S Depuis six mois. – Six months.
[For six months.]
21) S Des foiyers. Un hôtel et des foiyers. Sleeping hospesses. Hotels
[Hostels. A hotel and hostels.] and hospesses.
22) B En forêt? Hostesses?
[In the forest?]
23) B En foyer! In hospices!
[In hostels!]
24) S Y en a marre ! No more.
[Fed up!]
25) S C’est sous des tentes. It’s under tents.
[It’s under tents.]
26) S Dormir sous des tentes, je ne … Sleep under tents. I not …
[Sleeping under tents, I not …]
27) B Si si si, mais je comprends très bien. Yes, I understand.
Alors avec le petit, c’est difficile. It’s hard for you and your
[Yes yes, but I understand very well. So with son.
the little one, it’s difficult.]
Throughout the scene, Borloo’s speech is soft and slow and his tone, kind
and compassionate. He looks at this subject intently, nodding when he
understands her. In the present case, this officer’s footing (Goffman 1981:
128) is clearly reflected in the competent, caring role which he adopts.The
qualities of Borloo’s voice and his body language clearly remain present
in the subtitled film, as it is set against the original audiovisual context.
Borloo addresses his subject politely and professionally. In lines 1 and 3,
this respect is preserved through use of a close translation approach. These
two subtitles are also given some local colour as they retain the SL address,
madame.
Subtitling of the African lady’s speech poses greater challenges than
does that of Borloo. First, when she speaks French, she does so with a
pronounced African accent. This is not recaptured in the subtitles, which
126 Chapter 4
not exist in the SL (line 12). This strategy, which recaptures the SL pro-
tagonist’s communication difficulties and consequent sense of desperation
and helplessness, clearly compensates for any under-translations which
occur in other lines.
Fourth, this subject repeatedly fears that Borloo does not understand
her (13, 26 to 27). However, her mispronunciation of TL words only hin-
ders communication on two occasions. First, when the French word chaud
[∫aud][warm] (lines 7 to 9) is pronounced as [saud], this error is not recap-
tured in the TL. Second, the SL word foyer [fwaje][hostel] is pronounced
as [foje]. Borloo hears this as forêt [foRe][forest] and the mispronunciation
is recreated very successfully in the TL (lines 21 to 23). In line 21, this is
first achieved by misspelling the TL ‘hospices’ as ‘hospesses’. The word is
then misheard by Borloo as ‘hostesses’ (22), before he guesses the correct
term ‘hospices’ (23).
In sum, the subtitling of Scene Six presents a range of translation
challenges which require a corresponding range of translation solutions.
If Borloo’s language can be preserved through the use of many close strate-
gies, the speech of his Black-African subject poses greater difficulties. This
lady’s accent, her misuse of register and some of her grammatical errors are
often lost in translation. The latter, and the communication difficulties to
which they lead are, however, sometimes preserved creatively and very suc-
cessfully; at times, this involves employing foreignizing strategies (Venuti
1997: 242). Such creativity, coupled with the film’s original images, as
previously discussed, ensure that the exotic nature of this subject’s speech
remains present in the film’s TL version.
and partly foreignizing – they are constantly present against the SL soundtrack and
viewers are thus inevitably aware that they are watching a translated version of the
film. Clearly, when the ST contains linguistic variation, a further layer of complexity
is added. It is no longer merely a question of a ‘foreign’ ST being translated into the
TL. Now, the challenge is one of recapturing the multidimensional, linguistically
variegated character of the ST in the TL by using the resources available in the TL
to draw attention to ‘difference’ in the SL (Venuti 1998: 16–17).
128 Chapter 4
Conclusion
This chapter has considered Maïwenn’s 2011 film, Polisse, which focuses
on the daily activities of Paris’ Brigade de Protection des Mineurs. Against
this murky and often brutal background, much linguistic variation is
present in the film’s SL version. This includes not only the police’s often
highly self-conscious patter, but also juxtapositions of the officers’ inter-
action with many and varied uses of the SL by the subjects with whom
they deal. ‘Police Patter’ has thus concentrated on six significant scenes
from Polisse, three which involved conversations between members of the
BPM, and three which contained police-subject interaction. All of these
scenes have contained instances of heteroglossia (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981:
67; 1934–5 / 1981: 292). Multiple instances of code switching (Goffman
1981) have also been demonstrated within certain scenes and between all
scenes. For each of these, the chapter set out to identify the translation
challenges faced, and strategies employed, by the film’s English-language
subtitlers, and subsequently to establish the extent to which the TL suc-
ceeds at preserving the linguistic variation which is such a significant
feature of the SL soundtrack.
As it was witnessed, there are some occasions on which the subti-
tles may lend themselves to criticism. At times, TL (American) idiom is
employed to recapture SL uses (Scenes One and Four), which may give
the TL a somewhat American flavour; it will be recalled that such an
approach was heavily criticized by critics of the English-language subti-
tles of Kassowitz’s La Haine (cf. Introduction). However, in the present
case, it is only used in relatively small doses throughout the film’s subtitles;
it therefore causes no significant linguistic or cultural displacement of the
film and suspension of disbelief can be preserved. Furthermore, when a
Black African lady speaks (Scene Six), no attempt is made to recapture her
accent, and some of her inaccurate uses of French are lost, in the subtitles.
Once again this is, however, excusable; her lack of mastery of the SL is
preserved in the translation by incorporating a number of grammatical
Police Patter 129
Introduction
Based on a true story, Steven Spielberg’s 2004 film, The Terminal, centres
on Viktor Navorski, a man of Eastern European origin who is temporarily
stranded in New York’s JFK airport. Lost, confused and able to speak little
English, Viktor is portrayed as unmistakably foreign in the film’s original
English-language version. This chapter begins by providing a brief outline
of the film. Subsequently, it sets the present study against the background
of Antoine Berman’s seminal 1985 article from which its title is inspired.1
Working with four major categories – poor mastery of English, positive and
negative consequences of this poor mastery, attempts to improve English and
entertaining errors – this chapter proceeds to examine the ways in which
Viktor’s linguistic otherness is communicated in the SL film. Within each of
these four categories, it identifies the challenges, or trials, which arise when
subtitling the film into French and considers the translation strategies which
are employed in order to overcome these challenges. Thus, this chapter sets
out to establish the extent to which Viktor Navorski’s linguistic alterity, and
the communication problems to which his use of a ‘broken’ language gives rise,
are preserved in Béatrice Thomas-Wachsberger’s French subtitled version of
Spielberg’s film. By extension, it also determines how Thomas-Wachsberger’s
approach to translating ‘foreignness’ compares to that of Berman.
1 This chapter is based on my article of the same name which was originally published
in <http://www.translationjournal.com> (December 2011).
132 Chapter 5
The film
Throughout much of The Terminal, Viktor Navorski appears lost and con-
fused and speaks little English. As has been witnessed in previous chapters,
subtitles are evidently set against the original visual context of a film.2 In
the present case, the non-verbal manifestations of Viktor’s foreignness are
automatically preserved in the subtitled version of The Terminal. Viktor’s
foreignness, that is, his Eastern European origin, is, however, also highly
apparent in his use of language. Clearly, it is these manifestations of his
otherness which render many of the film’s scenes heteroglossic (Bakhtin
2 Luyken (1991: 153–4) captures this idea in the following: ‘In films, the message is
expressed by the whole visual opus i.e. image, acting, sound and language […]. In
subtitling, the whole original work, apart from the language element, will remain
intact […].’
The Trials of the Foreign 135
1940 / 1981: 67; 1934–5 / 1981: 292) and give rise to translation challenges.
These challenges, and the ways in which they are handled by the film’s
subtitler, form the focus of the present study. The chapter will proceed by
grouping these manifestations of linguistic otherness into four principal
categories: poor mastery of English; positive and negative consequences
of this poor mastery; attempts to improve English; entertaining errors.
Within each category, it will identify key examples of linguistic alterity,
the difficulties, or trials, which these present for the subtitler and how they
have been handled. Once this evidence has been gathered, the chapter will
seek to determine the extent to which Viktor Navorski’s linguistic alterity,
and the communication problems to which his use of a ‘broken’ language
gives rise, are preserved in Béatrice Thomas-Wachsberger’s French subtitled
version of The Terminal. It will also seek to situate Thomas-Wachsberger’s
approach to the translation of ‘foreignness’ in relation to that which is
advocated by Antoine Berman (1985).
i) Accent
Furthermore, Viktor often struggles with basic question forms. These are
recaptured relatively closely in French with comparably inaccurate ques-
tion- and verb-forms, and confused word order:
in her French subtitles. In Berman’s terms, she avoids ‘effacing the super-
imposition of languages’ within (1985 / 2000: 295), or destroying the het-
eroglossic quality of, much dialogue in The Terminal.
i) Negative consequences
O = Officer; V = Viktor
Speaker SL TL
1) O What exactly are you Pourquoi êtes-vous venu aux Etats-Unis ?
doing in the United States, [Why have you come to the United
Mr. Navorski? States?]
2) V Yellow taxi cab, please. Taxi jaune, s’il vous plaît.
[Yellow taxi, please.]
4 As it has been witnessed in previous chapters, the language used in this scene is revela-
tory of the power dynamic which exists between these two interlocutors (Fairclough
1995; Hyatt 2006; Voloshinov 1929 / 1973). Viktor’s limited mastery of the foreign
(source) language disadvantages him; his discomfort and uncertainty can conse-
quently be observed in his facial expressions and body language. A parallel can thus
be drawn between this scene and the last scene examined in Chapter 4, in which an
African immigrant lady’s faltering use of French results in self-doubt.
The Trials of the Foreign 139
D = Dixon; Viktor
Speaker SL TL
1) V Goat! Bouc !
[Goat!]
2) D What? Quoi?
[What?]
3) V Goat. Medicine for goat. Bouc. Médicament pour bouc.
[Goat. Medicine for goat.]
4) D Goat? Bouc?
[Goat?]
5) V Yes, yes. Medicine for goat. Oui, pour bouc.
[Yes, for goat.]
6) V He not understand. Rien pigé.
[Didn’t get anything.]
7) V I not understand. Je pas compris.
[I not understood.]
8) V The Krakozhia, the name for father. Cracozie, père souvent appelé
[Krakozhia, father often called]
9) V Sound like goat. ‘vieux bouc’.
[‘old goat’.]
10) V I make mistake. Je fais erreur.
[I make mistake.]
D = Dolores; V = Viktor
Speaker ST TT
1) V You have two stamps – one red, Vous avez deux tampons – un rouge,
one green. un vert.
[You have two stamps – a red, a green.]
2) D So? Et alors?
[So what?]
3) V So I have chance go New York, Mes chances de New York: fifty-fifty.
fifty-fifty. [My chances of New York: fifty-fifty.]
Despite these efforts to improve his English, Viktor often mislearns new
expressions and vocabulary, misunderstands culture-bound terms and pro-
nounces certain words inaccurately. These manifestations of his linguistic
alterity clearly require that particular translation strategies be employed
if both the mistake and the humour of the original utterances are to be
accurately preserved in the TL.
V = Viktor
Speaker ST TT
1) V Amelia, would you like to get Amelia, voudrais-tu aller morceau manger?
eat to bite? [Amelia, would you like to go bit to eat?]
2) V Bite to eat? Cantaloni? Manger morceau? Cantaloni?
[To eat bit? Cantaloni?]
3) V Bite to eat? Bite to eat? Manger morceau?
[To eat bit?]
When he finally asks Amelia to dinner, Viktor makes his original mis-
take. He quickly realizes this and uses the simpler word ‘food’ – translated
as repas [meal]- which he has also recently learned in the airport.
Speaker ST TT
1) V Amelia, would you like … eat to bite? Tu aimerais … morceau manger?
[You would like … bit to eat?]
2) V Food! Tonight? Repas! Ce soir?
[Meal! This evening?]
iii) Mispronunciation
E = Enrique; V = Viktor
Speaker ST TT
1) V Eat shit. Caca.
[Shit.]
2) E What? Comment?
[Pardon?]
3) V Eat shit. Caca.
[Shit.]
4) E Eat shit? Caca?
[Shit?]
5) V Eat shit! Eat shit! Caca! Caca!
[Shit! Shit!]
6) E Try to repeat exactly. Répète exactement ses mots.
[Repeat her words exactly.]
7) V He shit. Il a fait caca.
[He did a shit.]
8) V She catch him … Elle l’attraper et …
[She to catch him and …]
9) E Oh, he cheats! Il l’a faite cocue?
[He cheated on her?]
10) V What we call kruskach. Chez nous, se dire kruskach.
[In our counrty, to say to oneself kruskach.]
11) E He cheats. Il cocufie.
[He cheats.]
12) E We say cheat, not shit. On dit cocu, pas caca.
[We say cheat, not shit.]
13) V Enrique, no shit. Toi, pas caca.
[You, not shit.]
14) E I won’t cheat. Pas cocu.
[Not cheat.]
15) E Not shit. Pas caca.
[Not shit.]
16) E I promise I won’t cheat. C’est promis.
[Promise.]
17) V Nice girl, she no shit. Fille bien. Pas caca avec elle.
[Nice girl. Not shit with her.]
146 Chapter 5
Conclusion
the chapter set out to establish the extent to which Viktor Navorski’s linguis-
tic alterity is preserved in the French subtitled version of Spielberg’s film.
In short, it was observed that Thomas-Wachsberger employs a combi-
nation of distinct strategies in order to meet these translation challenges. If
this chapter suggested that a failure to transpose Viktor’s accent phoneti-
cally from the SL to the TL inevitably results in some loss in the TT, this
apparent shortcoming is compensated for in many ways. Considered glob-
ally, Thomas-Wachsberger’s translation approach incorporates a number of
strategies. These range from occasions on which no translation is deemed
necessary (passages of mother tongue left untouched; individual lexical
items transposed directly onto the TL subtitles and italicized for height-
ened effect), through close translations (which incorporate simplified and
inaccurate uses of TL grammar, comparable to those apparent in the SL,
Venuti 1998: 16–17), to freer distortions of the TL and creative rewritings
of humorous wordplays. If Viktor Navorski’s idiosyncratic use of language
does indeed present certain trials for the translator, this chapter has dem-
onstrated that, by implementing a diverse range of translation strategies,
Thomas-Wachsberger succeeds extremely well at preserving the various
manifestations of this character’s linguistic alterity, and the communication
problems to which his use of a ‘broken’ language gives rise, in her French-
subtitled version of The Terminal.
When situating Thomas-Wachsberger in relation to Berman, it could
be argued that this subtitler adopts a very balanced approach. Berman
insists that preserving in a TT the linguistic variety, or ‘superimposition
of languages’, present in the ST is vital to preserving the essence of the
ST in the TL; this is certainly a valid assertion in cases where such uses
of language are key to characterization and to the film’s plot. Berman is,
however, sometimes extreme in his approach, prioritizing the preservation
of ‘foreignness’ over comprehension of the TT (1985 / 2000: 295). Thomas-
Wachsberger, by contrast, ensures that the foreign quality of Viktor’s speech
and the heteroglossic nature of the scenes in which this character appears
are preserved, while at the same time rendering her translations entirely
comprehensible for her TL audience and respecting stringent subtitling
constraints. Her translations bring the ST close enough to the TL viewers
for them to be understood, but not so close that they lose the foreign or
148 Chapter 5
Introduction
1 ‘Dealing with Dialect’ is based on my article of the same name which was originally
published by Cambridge Scholars Publishing. It is republished here with the permis-
sion of Cambridge Scholars Publishing (April 2015).
150 Chapter 6
The film
Pooley (1996: 13) clarifies that, in theory, ‘[…] a Ch’ti [is] a person from
Northern France and ch’timi, a markedly regional form of speech, although,
generally speaking, both forms are used interchangeably’. This chapter will
refer to the region’s people as the Ch’tis and to their speech as ch’ti. However,
as will be witnessed in some of the scenes examined, the characters refer
to this dialect as both ch’ti and ch’timi.
The ch’ti dialect is characterized by distinctive pronunciation, vocabu-
lary, expressions and grammar and its translation therefore creates a range
of exciting challenges. At this juncture, it is apt to explore how the film’s
English subtitler, Michael Katims, handles some of the key translation
challenges to which ch’ti can give rise.
In Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis, comparisons are often made between the
Nord-Pas-de-Calais and other regions of France, between ch’ti, which is
considered a low dialect, and standard French (Hornsby 2012: 182). Given
that this heteroglossic (Bakhtin 1940 / 1981: 67; 1934–5 / 1981: 292) film per-
petually draws attention to the otherness of ch’ti, this language is frequently
self-reflexive and, as the following sections illustrate, some scenes are domi-
nated by the self-conscious treatment of one particular linguistic feature.
152 Chapter 6
Scene One
When Philippe Abrams arrives in Bergues in his car, it is dark and it has
started to rain heavily. Visibility is poor and he collides with future col-
league, postman Antoine Bailleul, who is returning home on his bicycle.
As soon as Antoine speaks, distinctive ch’ti pronunciation can be detected;
the French sound s [s] is replaced by a sh [∫]. The subtitler preserves this
pronunciation by transposing it directly onto the TL, thereby recreating
the latter in his subtitles and suggesting the presence of ch’ti in the TL.2
2 Other practitioners also employ this translation strategy. It can be witnessed in Bell
and Hockridge’s (1973: 23) translation of slurred, drunken speech in Astérix chez
les Bretons (Goscinny and Uderzo 1966 / 1995: 23) and in Ellender’s (2007: 22–5)
translation of a speech impediment in ‘P(o)ur homme’ (Claude Sarraute 2000).
Dealing with Dialect 153
Speaker ST TT
1) P.A. Votre mâchoire, vous êtes blessé, là? Your jaw is hurt?
[Your jaw, are you injured there?]
2) P.A. Vous voulez pas qu’on aille montrer Wouldn’t you like to see a doctor?
votre mâchoire à un médecin?
[Don’t you want us to go and show
your jaw to a doctor?]
3) A.B. Non, ch’est rien ! No, I shed I’m fine.
[No, it’s nothing!]
Speaker ST TT
1) P.A. Je vous assure, vous vous exprimez de Listen, you’re really talking funny.
façon très très particulière.
[I assure you, you express yourself in a
very very peculiar way.]
2) A.B. Parch’que j’parle ch’ti, ch’est cha? Cosh I talk sh’ti?
[Because I speak ch’ti, is that it?]
3) P.A. Pardon? Talk what?
[Sorry?]
4) A.B. Bah, j’parle ch’timi. I talk sh’ti, that’sh ole.
[Er, I speak ch’timi.]
5) P.A. Oh putain, c’est ça le fameux ch’timi? You mean that’s sheteumi?
[Oh fuck, is that the famous ch’timi?]
154 Chapter 6
While this character’s facial expression and use of the expletive putain [fuck]
convey his surprise, his comment reveals that the ch’ti dialect is nationally
renowned for being a non-standard, incomprehensible variety of French.
The humorous nature of Abrams’ reaction is fully preserved for the TL
audience. First, his expression can be seen. Second, with the exception
of his expletive, which is deleted in the TL not only as it may appear too
offensive in the written subtitle (Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007: 196) but
also as space is limited and the function of this term is phatic in the SL,
his comment is translated closely. In this instance, ‘functional equivalence’
(Koller 1979) is clearly achieved.
Scene Two
Speaker ST TT
1) P.A. C’est pas meublé? Isn’t it furnished?
[It’s not furnished?]
2) A.B. L’anchien directeur est parti avec, hein. The ex-manager took it.
[The ex-manager left with it, huh.]
3) P.A. Pourquoi il est parti avec les meubles? Why?
[Why did he leave with the furniture?]
4) A.B. Parch’que ch’est peut-être les chiens? For hish new offish.
[Because it is perhaps the dogs?]
Dealing with Dialect 155
Speaker ST TT
1) A.B. Non, les chiens. Il les a pas donnés à des Offish! He didn’t give it to the
chiens. Il est parti avec. fish.
[No, the dogs. He didn’t give them to He took it with him.
dogs. He left with them.]
2) P.A. Mais pourquoi vous dites qu’il les a Why give it away?
donnés?
[But why are you saying that he gave
them?]
3) A.B. J’ai jamais dit cha. I never shed dish.
[I never said that.]
4) P.A. Pourquoi des chats? Vous avez dit Why dish? You said fish.
chiens.
[Why cats? You said dogs.]
156 Chapter 6
Scene Three
Speaker ST TT
1) P.A. Antoine, vous portez ça au centre de tri Antoine, for the sorting center
et vous dites au responsable qu’on en a manager.
besoin d’urgence. It’s urgent.
[Antoine, you take this to the sorting
office and tell the person in charge that
we need it urgently.]
Dealing with Dialect 157
2) P.A. Une fois là-bas, appelez-moi pour me Call me and tell me he has it.
dire qu’il l’a en mains propres.
[Once you are there, call me to tell me
that he has it in his hands.]
3) A.B. Entendu, j’vous appelle et j’vous dis quoi. I’ll call and shay wot.
[Understood. I’ll call and I’ll tell you
what.]
4) P.A. Eh bien, qu’il a bien le dossier en mains. That he has it.
[Well, that he has the file in his hands.]
5) A.B. Oui, ch’est cha. J’vous apelle là-bas et Right. I’ll call and shay wot.
j’vous dis quoi.
[Yes, that’s it. I’ll call you there and I’ll
say what.]
6) P.A. Quoi? Mais je viens de vous dire quoi. I just told you what.
[What? But I’ve just told you what.]
3 This technique is used by Belmont and Chabrier in their 1977 translation of Anthony
Burgess’ A Clockwork Orange. By preserving lexical items of the Russian dialect nadsat
in their French translation, these translators produce an alienating effect on the TT
reader which is comparable to that which the original use of nadsat has on the ST
reader.
158 Chapter 6
Scene Four
Once again, this scene is centred on Philippe Abrams’ confusion and misun-
derstanding due to his lack of familiarity with the ch’ti dialect. In this instance, a
local Ch’ti resident and customer, Monsieur Vasseur, comes into the post office.
He speaks to Abrams to ask if he can have an advance on his pension to fund
the purchase of garden tools as his previous tools were damaged by heavy rain.
Behind the counter’s glass window and unable to understand a word of what
is said, Abrams attributes this to a faulty intercom system. When he comes to
the front of the counter to speak to Vasseur face-to-face, he in fact feels that
he understands even less than before. Eventually Abrams asks his assistant
Annabelle, who is familiar with the local dialect, to deal with this customer.
This scene juxtaposes Abrams’ use of standard French and Vasseur’s local
dialect. Vasseur’s language is therefore incomprehensible not only to Philippe
Abrams, but also to the film’s viewers who speak standard French. The sense
of unintelligibility is even more apparent in this scene than it is in others due
to the high concentration of ch’ti features which Vasseur’s language displays.
If this scene is slightly longer, it is nevertheless interesting to examine it in its
entirety. It is arguably the scene which contains the greatest amount of ch’ti
language and it illustrates the broad range of translation challenges confronted,
and solutions offered, by Katims. Despite the fact that Vasseur’s words are
largely incomprehensible to the SL audience, semantic translations of these
are provided below, for the benefit of the present reader.
Speaker ST TT
4) E. Bah, il vient vous voir. To shee you.
[Er, he’s coming to see you.]
5) P.A. Bonjour Monsieur. Qu’est-ce que je peux faire Hello, what can I do
pour vous? for you?
[Hello Sir. What can I do for you?]
6) M.V. J’suis content d’voir c’lui qui va s’occuper … Mighty glad to shpy
[I’m happy to see the one who is going to deal the one in charge.
with …]
7) M.V. de min compte à banque. Who’s in charge of my
[with my bank account.] bank account.
8) M.V. Faut pas me raconter des carabistoules. I don’t take
[Don’t give me any nonsense.] confabulation.
9) M.V. Faut pas m’en baver, hein. Don’t beshmeer me.
[No nonsense, huh.]
10) P.A. Je n’ai pas compris, là. Il vous faut quoi? I didn’t get that.
[I didn’t understand that. What do you need?] What do you want?
11) M.V. Il faut pas baver des carabistoules à mi. I don’t cotton to
[Don’t say any nonsense to me.] confabulation.
12) P.A. Marche pas ce truc. Doesn’t work.
[Doesn’t work, this thing.]
13) M.V. Quo qu’c’est qu’teu baves? What you
[What are you saying?] beshmeering?
14) P.A. Deux secondes. Two seconds.
[Two seconds.]
15) P.A. Deux secondes, Monsieur. Two seconds, Sir.
[Two seconds, Sir.]
16) P.A. Voilà. There.
[There.]
17) P.A. Qu’est-ce que vous voulez? What do you want?
[What do you want?]
18) M.V. J’avo acaté gramint d’matériel pour min gardin. I wash a need a
[I had bought a lot of material for my garden.] quipment
for me gard.
19) M.V. Ch’est qu’y avo fort draché. Eune berdoule. Cosh it mighty
[It’s that it had rained a lot. A mud.] mucked. A whop.
160 Chapter 6
Speaker ST TT
20) P.A. Je crois que c’était mieux avant. It was better before.
[I think that it was better before.]
21) P.A. Oui. NO SUBTITLE
[Yes.]
22) M.V. J’éto fin bénache, mais min livret O, i a eu des I wash dandy but the
russ. bankbook
[I was fine, but my bank book, it has had some wash a wee shortish.
problems.]
23) M.V. J’suis pas là pour braire, mais si vous pouviez me I don’t bray but I
faire une avanch. needsh
[I’m not here to bray, but if you could give me a shmall advansh.
an advance.]
24) M.V. Jusqu’à l’prochaine quinzaine deume retraite. Till the next
[Until the next fortnightly instalment of my schtalment
pension.] of my penshion.
25) P.A. Prochaine. Retraite. Oui. Next. Pension.
[Next. Pension. Yes.]
26) M.V. Ch’est oui ou non? Yesh or no?
[Is that yes or no?]
27) P.A. Bougez pas. Don’t go away.
[Don’t move.]
28) P.A. Vous vous appelez comment déjà, vous? What’s your name
[What are you called again, you?] again?
29) A.D. Annabelle Deconink. Annabelle Deconink.
[Annabelle Deconink.]
30) P.A. Annabelle, vous voulez bien vous occuper de ce Annabelle, could you
monsieur, s’il vous plaît. Parce que, voilà. see
[Annabelle, do you want to deal with this to this gentleman?
gentleman, please. Because, there.] Because I …
31) P.A. Très bien. Fine.
[Very good.]
Pronunciation
Although this line may sound strange to SL viewers who are unfamiliar
with the ch’ti dialect, it can certainly be understood. In order to preserve
this strangeness, while still ensuring comprehensibility, Katims uses the
informal American-English adverbial ‘mighty’ together with the verb ‘to
spy’, with transposed pronunciation into a fricative ‘shpy’, instead of the
standard English ‘to see’.
When SL sounds are contracted, as in line 24, Katims at times uses a
comparable technique in the TL. Vasseur’s deume (=de ma) retraite is ren-
dered as ‘of my pension’. Given that it would be impossible to contract ‘of my’
in English, Katim compensates for this by taking the TL noun ‘instalment’,
removing the first syllable ‘in’, creating the noun ‘stalment’ and transpos-
ing onto this the sh [∫] sound: ‘schtalment’. Ch’ti pronunciation is further
reinforced in the TL as the noun retraite [pension] becomes ‘penshion’. By
162 Chapter 6
implementing this strategy, Katims captures the presence of ch’ti in his TL.
This exemplifies an approach commended by Díaz-Cintas and Remaël
(2007: 191), who, when discussing the difficulty of translating dialect, write:
‘Talented subtitlers […] manage to “suggest” this kind of language variation’.
Vocabulary
Monsieur Vasseur’s frequent use of ch’ti vocabulary largely accounts for his
not being understood. In lines 8 and 9, Katims deals with this by employing
TL words which begin with the same letter as the SL word and have approxi-
mately the same meaning, but which either belong to formal and literary
registers or are used out of their usual context and thus sound odd. This
tendency to juxtapose TL registers in order to preserve the strangeness of the
SL is, once again, evidence of a distinctly foreignizing approach (Venuti 1998:
16–17). In line 8, the polysyllabic, high-register term ‘confabulation’ is used:
In line 9, the verb baver [dire: to tell, to say] is given similar treatment. Here,
pronunciation is again transposed onto the TL, and ‘besmear’ becomes
‘beshmear’, but the tag hein [huh] is deleted. Use of this verb appears
particularly strange in the subtitle. Not only is its meaning (to smear or
cover with a greasy or sticky substance) unusual in this context, but it also
belongs to a literary register and is probably never used in spoken English
Dealing with Dialect 163
Furthermore, in line 23, use of the ch’ti colloquial verb braire to mean
pleurer [to cry, to whinge] is noteworthy. In standard French, braire means
‘to bray’; that is, to make a loud, harsh cry or sound, like that made by a
donkey. Although this term is used by a native ch’ti speaker, it may appear
somewhat controversial. As ch’ti is considered a low dialect, it could be
inferred that speakers seem to ‘bray’, like animals, rather than complain.
This verb is translated literally by Katims which ensures that it preserves
its original connotation in the TL. Moreover, the translation of this line
includes a feature of ch’ti which is not, on this occasion, present in the origi-
nal: ‘needsh’ [needs]; ‘schmall’ [small]. Once again, as previously discussed,
it could be argued that this serves as a compensation strategy.
ST J’suis pas là pour braire, mais si vous pouviez me faire une avance.
Standard French Je ne suis pas là pour râler, mais si vous pouviez me faire une
avance.
English I’m not here to whinge, but if you could give me an advance.
TT I don’t bray, but I needsh a shmall advansh.
Grammar
The presence of ch’ti grammar in this scene also requires particular atten-
tion. On occasions, Katims chooses not to recapture this in the TL. In
line 7, for instance, the ch’ti first-person possessive pronoun min, a vari-
ant of the standard mon, is translated with the standard TL equivalent
164 Chapter 6
‘my’; arguably, the translation could have resorted to the colloquial and
frequent use of the possessive adjective ‘me’: ‘me bank account’. Indeed,
‘me’ is used in exactly this way in the translation of line 18.4 Furthermore,
in line 11, Vasseur’s emphatic use of the dialectal demonstrative à mi [à
moi; to me] is not translated. Instead, Katims complements his repeated
use of the substantive ‘confabulation’ (line 8) with the alliterated verb
‘cotton to’, informal American English for ‘approve of ’. In this instance,
as in other previously discussed examples, features of ch’ti are not neces-
sarily recaptured in the corresponding TL words but are compensated for
elsewhere in the subtitles.
The ch’ti construction, Quo qu’ c’est qu’ teu baves?, which deviates quite
considerably from standard French, is used in line 13. Katims chooses to
simplify the usual TL question form by removing the verb ‘are’; ‘what are
you’ thus becomes ‘what you’. He then accompanies this with a repeated
use of the verb ‘besmear’, which again appears as ‘beshmear’. As discussed
above, this usage seems bizarre due to its meaning and register which are
unusual in the present context (Venuti 1998: 16–17).
4 It must be conceded that this strategy is not entirely unproblematic. Given that
the non-standard first-person possessive pronoun ‘me’ is used in several varieties of
English, including Cockney and some Northern dialects, it may have regional con-
notations for some members of the TL audience.
Dealing with Dialect 165
To convey the idea of heavy rain and mud, Katims transforms the noun
une boue [a mud] – which sounds strange as it is never used as a countable
noun in French or English – into the verb ‘to muck’, which does not exist
in the TL. He then supplements this with the American- English noun ‘a
whop’, meaning ‘a hard hit’. Arguably, this line is incomprehensible to an
166 Chapter 6
Scene Five
Speaker ST TT
10) P.A. la même chose, s’il vous plaît, hein ! the shame again pleash.
[the same thing, please, huh!]
11) W. Excusez-moi, je ne suis pas Ch’timi. Je suis de Sorry, I’m not Shtimi.
la région parisienne et je n’ai rien compris. I’m from Paris. I didn’t
[I’m sorry, I’m not Ch’timi. I’m from the Paris get that.
region and I didn’t understand anything.]
Conclusion
At the outset, this chapter quoted Landers (2001: 117), who was adamant
about the impossibility of translating dialect.5 Against this background,
‘Dealing with Dialect’ set out to establish the extent to which Michael
Katims succeeds at preserving the flavour of the ch’ti dialect in his English
subtitles of the French film Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis. Bearing in mind the
widely acknowledged difficulty of translating dialect (Berman 1985: 294;
Hatim and Mason 1990: 40–5), this chapter has focused on instances in
the film where ch’ti pronunciation, vocabulary, expressions and grammar
result in confusion and, ultimately, amusement, and has explored how this
language has been rendered in its English subtitles. Examining five scenes,
the chapter has shown Katims’ use of an eclectic blend of distinct transla-
tion solutions. These range from the freer and more creative – including
transposition of pronunciation, juxtaposition of different linguistic registers
and national variants, and rewriting of wordplays – to the closer-to-the-
original and more foreignizing such as literal transferral of SL terms and
close translation of expressions (Venuti 1998: 16–17). Collectively, these
solutions produce a TT which draws attention to the otherness of ch’ti
and retains the self-conscious references to this dialect which are present
in the ST. As was witnessed in Chapter 5, this is exactly the approach rec-
ommended by Berman (1985 / 2000: 285–6) in his discussion of translat-
ing novels. Berman criticizes those translation strategies which conceal
the foreign identity of the ST. In his eyes, the translation of novels, which
contain a proliferation of languages and accents, almost always results in
the production of homogenized, or linguistically flat, discourse in the
TT. He thus advocates making the foreign qualities of the ST visible in
5 This quote by Landers was chosen in order to illustrate an extreme point of view
on this subject. His argument can, admittedly, not only be countered using the pre-
sent film-based study, but also by referring to the work of playwrights. The plays of
French-Canadian Michel Tremblay have, for instance, been successfully translated
into Scots (see Les Belles-Soeurs (1972) [The Sisters-in-Law], translated as The Guid-
Sisters [guid-sister: sister-in-law in Scots]).
170 Chapter 6
the TT in order to render the latter less ‘flat’ or more ‘textured’ (See also
Venuti 1995; 1997; 1998). In Chapter 5 it was also suggested that, if some
of Berman’s observations and recommendations are specific to the transla-
tion of literature, others are of intergeneric application and relevant to the
present, audiovisual-based study.
Perhaps one of the best measures to gauge the success of Katims’ trans-
lation is to consider the response of anglophone viewers with more or less
knowledge of the linguistic skills involved in producing these subtitles.
Amongst reviews on <http://www.amazon.co.uk> are the following: ‘Just
stick the English subtitles on (which somehow have an accent) and enjoy!’;
‘Kudos to Michael Katims’ excellent subtitle adaptation that manages to
pull off the tricky […] puns and wordplays that a lesser translator might
decide were simply untranslatable’. Katims is, it appears, highly successful
in preserving both the linguistic specificity and the resulting humour of
Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis in his translation. As it has been witnessed in previ-
ous chapters, viewers rarely comment explicitly on the linguistic quality of
a film’s subtitles. The above statements are therefore particularly meaning-
ful and may be explained by the heightened visibility which Katims gives
to linguistic variation in his English-language subtitles, especially through
his use of foreignizing translation strategies (Venuti ibid).
To return to Landers (2001: 117), dialect is indeed firmly rooted in the
particular geographical and cultural context in which it originates; close
translation of this could therefore never be achieved. As Díaz-Cintas and
Remaël (2007: 191) write: ‘The connotations of different target language
dialects will never be the same as those of the source culture dialects they
replace’. However, in the present case, no attempt is made to substitute ch’ti
with an equivalent TL dialect. Rather, when working against the audio-
visual background, which always contributes significantly to preserving
an original film’s context and colour (Díaz-Cintas and Remaël 2007: 193;
Tveit 2009: 87), Katims succeeds in alluding to this dialect in the TL,
and therefore in conveying the essence of ch’ti in his subtitles. If Landers
is convinced that dialect should never be translated, the present chapter
has demonstrated that this certainly can be achieved.
Conclusion
which linguistic variation can be handled in film subtitles and what there
is to learn from this.
Each chapter provided micro-level analyses in order to explore the
range of challenges posed by the subtitling of linguistic variation in the
given film(s) and the corresponding solutions offered by their respective
subtitlers. It then sought to determine the extent to which linguistic varia-
tion is retained for the TL audience before suggesting, where appropriate,
how this could be achieved more fully. Essentially, drawing on the findings
of its six chapters, Dealing with Difference in Audiovisual Translation has
thus sought to answer four key questions: i) How is linguistic variation
significant in the context of the given films? ii) How does this variation
manifest itself in the films? iii) What translation challenges does such lan-
guage pose and what solutions are offered to these? iv) Could the linguistic
variation, which is such a significant part of the SL films, be retained more
fully in the TL subtitles for the target audience?
If, as previously suggested, the unique audiovisual, multimodal nature
of films (Tveit 2009) can increase translation challenges, it can, at other
times, be of considerable assistance to subtitlers. Indeed, in an audiovisual
text, language is not the sole means of conveying meaning; paralinguistic
features, that is, aural clues – tone, volume, speed of speech and frequency
of interjections – and visual ones – facial expressions, body language and
gestures – contribute significantly to meaning (Díaz-Cintas and Remaël
2007: 191, 193; Hatim and Mason 1997: 82; Mével 2012: 156; Tveit 2009:
87). While fully acknowledging this, Dealing with Difference in Audiovisual
Translation primarily focused on the linguistic challenges posed by the inter-
lingual translation ( Jakobson 1959: 114) of the linguistic variation which
occurs in its chosen corpus of audiovisual texts. In order to present clearly
and concisely the salient empirical findings of Dealing with Difference in
Audiovisual Translation’s six principal chapters, and ultimately respond to
the key questions which this book set out to answer, the present Conclusion
uses a series of four tables. Driven by Trudgill’s definition of dialect (1996:
3; 2008: 8) (cf. Introduction), each table is nevertheless sufficiently flex-
ible to incorporate the features of the various language varieties which
are present in the films concerned, but which may not all be fully classed
as ‘dialect’. The four tables are thus entitled: i) Accent / Pronunciation;
Conclusion 173
Table 2: Grammar
Table 3: Vocabulary
1 For discussions of the importance of translating vulgar and taboo language accurately,
see Landers (2001: 151) and Trudgill (2000: 19).
Conclusion 177
in Polisse. As the TL subtitles are evidently set against the original SL audio-
visual context, the audiovisual medium plays a significant role in ensuring
that the distinctiveness of the different protagonists’ speech is preserved
in the TT (Tveit 2009: 87).
Now that the findings made in Dealing with Difference in Audiovisual
Translation have been synthesized and explained, it is apt to revisit, and provide
concrete responses to, the key questions which this book set out to address.
i) and ii) Throughout the chapters it has been demonstrated that
linguistic variation is significant in very different ways within the context
of the films examined, and that such variation also manifests itself in a
multitude of ways in these films.
iii) The translation challenges which these linguistic varieties pose,
and the solutions which are offered to these, have also been detailed. The
translation approach adopted depends on the preferences of individual sub-
titlers, or subtitling companies, and indeed on the constraints under which
they are operating (Venuti 1995: 1). When translating both from English
to French and French to English, subtitlers sometimes tend towards stand-
ardization of such linguistic variation, adopting a TL-oriented approach to
their translation.2 When this occurs from English to French, Mével (2012:
54) attributes the tendency to subtitle into standard French to the strict
difference which exists between spoken and written registers of the French
language and to the rigour of the Académie Française. When a tendency to
subtitle into standard English can be observed, Hatim and Mason (1997:
79) also explain that this is due to the difference between spoken and writ-
ten discourse and to a need for clarity in the TL subtitles.
By contrast, in this study, many instances on which subtitlers have
attempted to preserve linguistic variation and the presence of non-standard
SL uses in the TL, thereby adopting a SL-oriented approach to producing
their TTs, have also been recorded. If it has been witnessed that subtitlers
often do not manage – or possibly make a deliberate choice not to attempt
– to recapture non-standard accent / pronunciation in the TL, it has also
been seen that attempts to render non-standard grammatical forms and
The subtitling of Pygmalion must seek to bring out Eliza’s socio-linguistic ‘stigma’
[…] which should not necessarily entail opting for a particular regional variety and
could as effectively be relayed by simply modifying the standard itself. […] the user’s
status could adequately be reflected not primarily through phonological features but
through a deliberate manipulation of the grammar or the lexis to relay the necessary
ideological thrust.
3 See also Díaz-Cintas and Remaël (2007: 193–4); Hamaida (2007); Mével (2012).
4 See also Ashley (2010); Berman (1985); Mével (2012).
Table 1: Accent / Pronunciation Conclusion
of standard British /
American accents could
recognize exaggerated
‘foreign’ accent which
remains present in SL
soundtrack
Mispronunciation leads to Wordplays rewritten ‘He Linguistic alterity /
misunderstanding shit’ / ‘he cheats’: Il a fait entertaining errors are
caca / Il l’a faite cocue conveyed forcefully in
TL, as is the case in S
Bienvenue chez les Distinctive ch’ti Pronunciation transposed Emphasizes ch’ti N/A
Ch’tis (Subtitles: prononciation. French directly onto TL suggests ‘otherness’; gives local
Michael Katims) sound ‘s’ replaced by ‘sh’ presence of ch’ti in TL. ‘Oui, colour to TT
ch’est moi’: ‘Yesh
it’sh me’
Non-standard Les siens vs. les chiens. In SL, humour is
pronunciation Subtitlers recreate confusion created by mounting
of SL results in of sounds by using two confusion caused by ch’ti
misunderstanding / alternative SL words which pronunciation. This is
confusion are phonetically similar in successfully recaptured
English: ‘offish’ is heard as in TL subtitles
‘fish’.
Also ça / chats rewritten as
183
‘fish’ / ‘dish’
Table 2: Grammar 184
Songs / rhyming lines Rhyme not preserved in SL This does not detract from
translation or from essence
of given scenes. Semantic
content fully preserved
in TL
185
Polisse Grammatical uses Non-standard SL uses Not preserved Some selective 186
(Subtitles: translators largely non-standard translated with non- one-line
unnamed) standard TL, but no headnotes
distinction made between or subtitles (see
uses of different SL speakers Table 1)
in TL (see Table 4)
The Terminal Viktor Navorski’s N/A
(Subtitles: speech characterized by:
Béatrice Thomas- Simplified syntax; Corresponding Generally recaptured very
Wachsberger) simplifications of TL effectively with comparable
syntax: ‘I need visa’ Besoin distortions of standard TL
visa grammatical forms
Incorrect uses of SL Recaptured in TL by
tenses; replacing correct verb forms
with TL infinitive, e.g. ‘I do
this’ Je faire
Inaccurate question Recaptured in French with
forms comparably inaccurate
question-forms, verb-forms
and word order, e.g. ‘What
you like?’ Quoi vous aimez?
Bienvenue chez les Ch’ti grammar / Preserved subtly in TL Often preserved N/A
Ch’tis morphology through slight modifications successfully
(Subtitles: Michael (see Table 4) to standard TL verb-forms /
Katims) pronouns, e.g.: on voudron
(on voudrait): ‘we wont’ (‘we
Conclusion
want’)
Table 3: Vocabulary Conclusion
through simplified
question-forms in TL
Appendix
Parameter Explanation
1) Transculturality ECRs once familiar to people in one culture, now
accessible on a global scale
Transcultural ECR: not bound to source culture,
but could be assumed to be known in both SC
and TC
Monocultural ECR: less identifiable to majority
of relevant TT audience than it is to relevant ST
audience
Microcultural ECR: bound to source culture,
too specialized / local to be known even by the
majority of ST audience. Reference must be
achieved through context or co-text
2) Extratextuality Does ECR exist outside ST or not? If it does, it is
text external. If it does not, it is text internal
3) Centrality of reference Macro-level ECR = subject-matter / central
theme
Micro-level ECR carries discourse forward /
triggers a joke
4) Intersemiotic redundancy Subtitles = part of a polysemiotic text. They add
information. Picture / music / sound effects /
dialogue / visual channels. Often degree of
overlap / intersemiotic redundancy between them
5) Co-text Overlapping information in dialogue. No need
to explain information again if already explained
earlier
6) Media-specific constraints Time-space restrictions / pace of dialogue
7) Paratextual considerations Skopos-related questions
TT audience-related questions (amount of
specialized / culture-bound knowledge)
Broadcasting-related questions
Questions relating to other pragmatic matters
Film Corpus
Arnold, Andrea, 2009, Fish Tank, DVD version, BBC Films. (United Kingdom, 124
mins). French-language subtitles: Emmanuelle Boillot and Nicola Haughton.
Bescot, Maïwenn, 2011, Polisse, DVD version, Mars Distribution. (France, 129 mins).
English-language subtitles: unnamed.
Boon, Dany, 2008, Bienvenue chez les Ch’tis, DVD version, Pathé. (France, 106 mins).
English-language subtitles: Michael Katims.
Boyle, Danny, 1996, Trainspotting, DVD version, Channel Four Films. (United King-
dom, 94 mins). French-language subtitles: unnamed.
Kassovitz, Mathieu, 1995, La Haine, DVD version, Canal +. (France, 98 mins). English-
language subtitles: Alexander Whitelaw and Stephen O’Shea.
Loach, Ken, 2012, The Angels’ Share, DVD version, Entertainment One. (Scotland,
106 mins). French-language subtitles: C.M.C.
Ritchie, Guy, 1998, Lock, Stock and Two Smoking Barrels, DVD version, PolyGram
Filmed Entertainment. (United Kingdom, 120 mins). French-language subtitles:
European Captioning Institute.
Spielberg, Steven, 2004, The Terminal, DVD version, DreamWorks Pictures. (USA,
128 mins). French-language subtitles: Béatrice Thomas-Wachsberger.
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Index
Vol. 4 Anabel Borja Albi and Fernando Prieto Ramos (eds): Legal
Translation in Context: Professional Issues and Prospects
325 pages. 2013. ISBN 978-3-0343-0284-5
Vol. 15 forthcoming
Peter Lang
www.peterlang.com