Chapter 3. The Economy

Chapter 3.
The Economy
Gold weight in the form of a striking scorpion (Asante)
GHANA'S ECONOMY HAS LEFT an indelible imprint on the
country's social and political structures. Just as the presence of
gold gave rise to the Asante confederacy and empire and
attracted European traders and colonial rulers, so, too, were
modern-day politicians moved to try to protect the country's
wealth by establishing the first socialist regime in twentieth-cen-
tury Africa. As the ambitious plans initiated by Ghana's first
president, Kwame Nkrumah, unraveled in the late 1960s, how-
ever, military officers seized control of the country and prom-
ised to overturn what they perceived as a corrupt ruling class
enriching itself from the nation's coffers. In the 1980s, military
and civilian officials failed to revive the economy through strin-
gent anti-corruption measures and embarked instead upon a
restructuring of the economy.
The transformation of Ghana's economy undertaken in the
1980s was considered a test case for "structural adjustment"
prescriptions advocated by international banking institutions.
Faced with growing impoverishment in Africa as well as in
much of the so-called developing world, the World Bank and
the International Monetary Fund proposed radical programs
to revive troubled economies and to restore their productivity.
The government ofJerryJohn Rawlings turned to these agen-
cies in 1983 and accepted their recommendations in exchange
for assistance packages to ease Ghana's economic and social
transformation. Foremost among the changes enacted in
Ghana were the disengagement of the government from an
active role in the economy and the encouragement of free-mar-
ket forces to promote the efficient and productive develop-
ment of local resources. The reformers cut government
budgets, privatized state enterprises, devalued the currency,
and rebuilt industrial infrastructure by means of assistance pro-
grams. As in other countries of Africa in the 1980s, government
was identified as the problem, and free-market forces were seen
as the solution.
By the 1990s, the effects of structural adjustment in Ghana
were beginning to be assessed. According to the World Bank
and other Western financial institutions, the economy had
become much more stable, and production was on a more
solid footing than it had been a decade earlier. Exports were
up, government deficits had been reduced, and inflation was
131
Ghana: A Countiy Study
down. Many Ghanaians, however, questioned whether the

structural adjustment benefited all Ghanaians or just a few sec-
tors of the economy. Critics of the World Bank charged, more-
over, that it concentrated on infrastructure such as airports,
roads, and other macro-economic projects that did little to
improve the lives of the average Ghanaian.
Under the sway of free-market forces, production had
increased in Ghana's traditionally strong sectors, cocoa and
gold, thereby reverting to the pre-independence economic
structure; still, a more broadly based economy had not devel-
oped. In addition, substantial loans had been incurred by the
government to promote those sectors—at the expense of cur-
rent budget expenditures such as health and education—with-
out a compensatory increase in government revenues.
Ironically, the tax breaks prescribed to encourage these sectors
worked against increased government revenues, so that by
1992 tax revenues began to drop. In addition, jobs not only
had been cut from the once bloated public sector but also had
not expanded in the more successful export sectors. Although
the government claimed its finances were much healthier in
the 1990s than in the 1980s, the long-term economic and social
impact of structural adjustment was uncertain.
Relying heavily on the exploitation of some non-renewable
and even endangered resources, Ghana's economy will have to
expand to create a broader and better balanced economy. In
addition to cocoa, Ghana's leading export commodities are
gold, a non-renewable resource, and timber, the harvesting of
which has included more than eighteen endangered species of
trees and has led to alarming deforestation. Furthermore,
Ghana's ocean waters are seriously overfished, leading the gov-
ernment to ban the catching of shellfish.
According to the government, Ghana's resources could be
used to develop local manufacturing, the goal Nkrumah tried
to reach through direct state intervention thirty years ago.
Local manufacturing could create jobs, cut the import bill, and
provide a more diversified economic base. The question for
Ghana is whether free-market forces will be more successful in
promoting healthy economic expansion than the failed poli-
cies of direct state intervention.
Historical Background
Endowed with gold and oil palms and situated between the
trans-Saharan trade routes and the African coastline visited by
132
The Economy
successive European traders, the area known today as Ghana

has been involved in all phases of Africa's economic develop-
ment during the last thousand years. As the economic fortunes
of African societies have waxed and waned, so, too, have
Ghana's, leaving that country in the early 1990s in a state of
arrested development, unable to make the "leap" to Africa's
next, as yet uncertain, phase of economic evolution.
As early as the thirteenth century, present-day Ghana was
drawn into long-distance trade, in large part because of its gold
reserves. The trans-Saharan trade, one of the most wide-rang-
ing trading networks of pre-modern times, involved an
exchange of European, North African, and Saharan commodi-
ties for the products of the African savannas and forests, includ-
ing gold, kola nuts, and slaves. Present-day Ghana, named the
Gold Coast by European traders, was an important source of
the gold traded across the Sahara. Centralized states such as
Asante controlled prices by regulating production and market-
ing of this precious commodity (see The Pre-Colonial Period,
ch. 1). As European navigational techniques improved in the
fifteenth century, Portuguese and later Dutch and English trad-
ers tried to circumvent the Saharan trade by sailing directly to
its southernmost source on the West African coast. In 1482 the
Portuguese built a fortified trading post at Elmina and began
purchasing gold, ivory, and pepper from African coastal mer-
chants.
Although Africans for centuries had exported their raw
materials—ivory, gold, kola nuts—in exchange for imports
ranging from salt to foreign metals, the introduction of the
Atlantic slave trade in the early sixteenth century changed the
nature of African export production in fundamental ways (see
Arrival of the Europeans, ch. 1). An increasing number of Gha-
naians sought to enrich themselves by capturing fellow Africans
in warfare and selling them to slave dealers from North Amer-
ica and South America. The slaves were transported to the
coast and sold through African merchants, using the same
routes and connections through which gold and ivory had for-
merly flowed. In return, Africans often received guns as pay-
ment, which could be used to capture more slaves and, more
importantly, to gain and preserve political power.
An estimated ten million Africans, at least half a million
from the Gold Coast, left the continent in this manner. Some
economists have argued that the slave trade increased African
economic resources and therefore did not necessarily impede
133
Ghana: A Coun try Study
development, but others, notably historian Walter Rodney,

have argued that by removing the continent's most valuable
resource—humans—the slave trade robbed Africa of unknown
invention, innovation, and production. Rodney further argues
that the slave trade fueled a process of underdevelopment,
whereby African societies came to rely on the export of
resources crucial to their own economic growth, thereby pre-
cluding local development of those resources. Although some
scholars maintain that the subsequent economic history of this
region supports Rodney's interpretation, no consensus exists
on this point. Indeed, in recent years, some historians not only
have rejected Rodney's interpretation but also have advanced
the notion that it is the Africans themselves rather than an
array of external forces that are to blame for the continent's
economic plight.
When the slave trade ended in the early years of the nine-
teenth century, the local economy became the focus of the so-
called legitimate trade, which the emerging industrial powers
of Europe encouraged as a source of materials and markets to
aid their own production and sales. The British, in particular,
gained increasing control over the region throughout the nine-
teenth century and promoted the production of palm oil and
timber as well as the continuation of gold production. In
return, Africans were inundated with imports of consumer
goods that, unlike the luxuries or locally unavailable imports of
the trans-Saharan trade, quickly displaced African products,
especially textiles.
In 1878 cacao trees were introduced from the Americas.
Cocoa quickly became the colony's major export; Ghana pro-
duced more than half the global yield by the 1920s. African
farmers used kinship networks like business corporations to
spread cocoa cultivation throughout large areas of southern
Ghana. Legitimate trade restored the overall productivity of
Ghana's economy; however, the influx of European goods
began to displace indigenous industries, and farmers focused
more on cash crops than on essential food crops for local con-
sumption.
When Ghana gained its independence from Britain in 1957,
the economy appeared stable and prosperous. Ghana was the
world's leading producer of cocoa, boasted a well-developed
infrastructure to service trade, and enjoyed a relatively
advanced education system. At independence, President
Kwame Nkrumah sought to use the apparent stability of the
134
The Economy
Ghanaian economy as a springboard for economic diversifica-

tion and expansion. He began the process of moving Ghana
from a primarily agricultural economy to a mixed agricultural-
industrial one. Using cocoa revenues as security, Nkrumah
took out loans to establish industries that would produce
import substitutes as well as process many of Ghana's exports.
Nkrumah's plans were ambitious and grounded in the desire to
reduce Ghana's vulnerability to world trade. Unfortunately, the
price of cocoa collapsed in the mid-1960s, destroying the fun-
damental stability of the economy and making it nearly impos-
sible for Nkrumah to continue his plans. Pervasive corruption
exacerbated these problems. In 1966 a group of military offic-
ers overthrew Nkrumah and inherited a nearly bankrupt coun-
try.
Since 1966 Ghana has been caught in a cycle of debt, weak
commodity demand, and currency overvaluation, which has
resulted in the decay of productive capacities and a crippling
foreign debt. Once the price of cocoa fell in the mid-1960s,
Ghana obtained less of the foreign currency necessary to repay
loans, the value of which jumped almost ten times between
1960 and 1966. Some economists recommended that Ghana
devalue its currency, the cedi (; for value of the cedi—see
Glossary), to make its cocoa price more attractive on the world
market, but devaluation would also have rendered loan repay-
ment in United States dollars much more difficult. Moreover,
such a devaluation would have increased the costs of imports,
both for consumers and nascent industries.
Until the early 1980s, successive governments refused to
devalue the currency (with the exception of the government of
Kofi Abrefa Busia, which devalued the cedi in 1971 and was
promptly overthrown). Cocoa prices languished, discouraging
cocoa production altogether and leading to smuggling of exist-
ing cocoa crops to neighboring countries, where francs rather
than cedis could be obtained in payment. As production and
official exports collapsed, revenue necessary for the survival of
the economy was obtained through the procurement of further
loans, thereby intensifying a self-destructive cycle driven by
debt and reliance on vulnerable world commodity markets.
By the early 1980s, Ghana's economy was in an advanced
state of collapse. Per capita gross domestic product (GDP—see
Glossary) showed negative growth throughout the 1960s and
fell by 3.2 percent per year from 1970 to 1981. Most important
was the decline in cocoa production, which fell by half between
135
Ghana: A Country Study
the mid-1960s and the late 1970s, drastically reducing Ghana's

share of the world market from about one-third in the early
1970s to only one-eighth in 1982—83. At the same time, mineral
production fell by 32 percent; gold production declined by 47
percent, diamonds by 67 percent, manganese by 43 percent,
and bauxite by 46 percent. Inflation averaged more than 50
percent a year between 1976 and 1981, hitting 116.5 percent in
1981. Real minimum wages dropped from an index of 75 in
1975 to one of 15.4 in 1981. Tax revenue fell from 17 percent
of GDP in 1973 to only 5 percent in 1983, and actual imports
by volume in 1982 were only 43 percent of average 1975—761ev-
els. Productivity, the standard of living, and the government's
resources had plummeted dramatically.
In 1981 a military government under the leadership of
Flight LieutenantJerryJohn Rawlings came to power. Calling
itself the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), the
Rawlings regime initially blamed the nation's economic prob-
lems on the corruption of previous governments. Rawlings
soon discovered, however, that Ghana's problems were the
result of forces more complicated than economic abuse. Fol-
lowing a severe drought in 1983, the government accepted
stringent International Monetary Fund (IMF—see Glossary)
and World Bank (see Glossary) loan conditions and instituted
the Economic Recovery Program (ERP).
Signaling a dramatic shift in policies, the ERP fundamentally
changed the government's social, political, and economic ori-
entation. Aimed primarily at enabling Ghana to repay its for-
eign debts, the ERP exemplified the structural adjustment
policies formulated by international banking and donor insti-
tutions in the 1980s. The program emphasized the promotion
of the export sector and an enforced fiscal stringency, which
together aimed to eradicate budget deficits. The PNDC fol-
lowed the ERP faithfully and gained the support of the interna-
tional financial community. The effects of the ERP on the
domestic economy, however, led to a lowered standard of living
for most Ghanaians.
Overview of the Current Economy
In the early 1990s, Ghana's economic recovery still appeared
uneven and was geared primarily to the export rather than
domestic market. GDP had risen by an average of 5 percent per
year since 1984, inflation had been reduced to about 20 per-
cent, and export earnings had reached US$1 billion. Most pro-
136
The Economy
duction came from the export sector, and by the 1992—93 crop
year, cocoa production surpassed 300,000 tons, placing Ghana
third in the world. In 1990 exports of minerals—primarily gold
but also diamonds, manganese, and bauxite—brought in
US$234 million, an increase of 23.2 percent from the year
before (see fig. 7). Nevertheless, salaries were low, and because
the cost of public services continued to rise, Ghana's poor bore
the brunt of the negative effects of the austerity program.
Despite devaluations by the Rawlings regime and rising
exports, the government has been unable to fulfill a key stabili-
zation goal of reducing the trade and current account deficits.
To stimulate production in various sectors, the government has
incurred loans to finance imports of necessary inputs such as
machinery, fertilizer, and petroleum. As a result, the country's
foreign debt exceeded US$4 billion in 1991. According to
World Bank estimates, the country's debt continued to rise in
1992, and was equivalent to almost 63 percent of gross national
product (GNP—see Glossary). In 1992 the debt service ratio
(debt service as a proportion of exports) was 27 percent, an
improvement over late 1980s levels, which averaged as high as
62.5 percent. To cover the deficits that result from loans and
increased imports, the government came to rely on rising levels
of foreign aid, with net aid disbursements increasing to an esti-
mated US$550 million by 1990. Unfortunately, foreign invest-
ment, compared with aid, was weak except in the mining
sector, and domestic savings were insufficient to finance the
country's ambitious development projects.
Government policies have produced mixed results in terms
of productivity and debt, and they have also incurred signifi-
cant social costs through job elimination and reduced public
expenditure policies. The government has addressed this prob-
lem by launching a special initiative to create 40,000 jobs pro-
viding services to the poorest groups. Spending on health and
education also has increased as a proportion of GDP, but the
central government believes that major poverty alleviation can
come only with even faster and higher economic growth.
Structure of the Economy
Most government efforts to restore the productivity of the
Ghanaian economy have been directed toward boosting the
country's exports. These policies, however, have had numerous
consequences. Following the initiation of the ERP in 1983 and
the devastating drought of 1983, Ghana's GDP has registered
137
Figure 7. Economic Activity, 1994
steady growth, most of it attributable to the export sector,

including cocoa and minerals and, to some extent, timber pro-
cessing. The cost of this growth is apparent, however, in
Ghana's growing external debts, which have financed rehabili-
tation of the export sector, and in the country's steady rate of
inflation which has curbed consumer imports. The govern-
ment has tried with limited success to avoid some of the coun-
try's historical pitfalls by broadening the range of both exports
138
The Economy
and trading partners. Nevertheless, prices for the goods that

most Ghanaians purchase have been rising faster than the
wages they receive for their work.
Gross Domestic Product
In current prices, Ghana's GDP rose from 511 billion in
1986 to 3 trillion in 1992. In constant 1987 prices, these GDP
figures amounted to 713 billion (US$4.62 billion) in 1986 and
934 billion (US$6.06 billion) in 1992 (see table 6, Appendix).
During the 1980s, Ghana's economy registered strong
growth of approximately 5 percent per year because of a rever-
sal in the steadily declining production of the previous decade.
Ghana's worst years were 1982 and 1983, when the country was
hit with the worst drought in fifty years, bush fires that
destroyed crops, and the lowest cocoa prices of the postwar
period. Growth throughout the remainder of the decade
reflected the pace of the economic recovery, but output
remained weak in comparison with 1970 production levels.
The same was true of consumption, minimum wages, and
social services.
Growth fell off considerably in 1990 when another drought
caused real GDP growth to decline by nearly two percentage
points. Government estimates claimed that real GDP growth in
1993 was 6.1 percent, which reflected a recovery in cocoa out-
put and an increase in gold production. At the same time,
gross domestic fixed investment rose from 3.5 percent of the
total in 1982 to 12.9 percent in 1992. The share of public con-
sumption in GDP fell from a peak of 11.1 percent in 1986 to
9.9 percent in 1988, but appeared to have risen again to 13.3
percent in 1992.
Significant changes have taken place in the structure of
GDP since the ERP began. Agriculture continues to be the bed-
rock of Ghana's economy, accounting for more than 48 per-
cent of GDP in 1991. Agriculture's long-term importance has
declined, however, in favor of that of industry, the contribution
of which to GDP more than doubled from 1988 to 1991, when
it constituted almost 16 percent of GDP, and in favor of ser-
vices, the contribution of which was 35.3 percent in 1991. Nota-
ble changes have also occurred within the broader sectors:
cocoa's share rose from 5.6 percent in 1983 to 9.5 percent in
1991; manufacturing's contribution increased from 3.9 percent
to 8.7 percent; and construction output from 1.5 percent to 3.5
percent (see fig. 8; table 7, Appendix).
139
Debt and Inflation

ERP policies during the 1980s resulted in increased external
debts as well as in relatively high inflation rates (see table 8,
Appendix). Most ERP projects were funded by foreign loans,
notably from the IMF. At the same time, the government
repeatedly devalued the country's currency to raise producer
prices for exports and to encourage production, but devalua-
tion also led to price rises on all other goods as well. ERP
attempts to promote production have, at least in the short
term; resulted in higher debts and inflation.
World Bank figures show that Ghana's total external debt
exceeded US$4 billion by 1991; this figure rose to nearly
US$4.3 billion in 1992. The external deficit and requirements
for repayments on principal were met through additional
loans. The debt figures revealed a strong reliance on official
creditors, who accounted for about 92 percent of public dis-
bursed debt, and on concessional funding, which approached
60 percent of total external debt in 1992. In addition, Ghana
began to borrow on international capital markets in 1991. Nev-
ertheless, the country's debt service ratio fell at an annual aver-
age of 25 percent in 1991 and 1992, reflecting repayment of
large IMF obligations and the ending of the government's use
of IMF funding at the end of 1991. An additional factor was
debt cancellation by a number of leading bilateral creditors
totaling US$1.5 billion since 1989.
In the early 1990s, the government was unable to reduce
high inflation significantly. Although down from the staggering
levels of the early 1980s when inflation hit 123 percent because
of drought, inflation in the following six years averaged almost
30 percent. Recovery in agricultural output in 1984 and 1985
helped shrink inflation rates, but a marginal decline in food
production in 1986 was accompanied by an upward trend in
inflation. For the next four years, ever higher food prices,
driven by devaluation, contributed greatly to high inflation. By
late 1994, the country's inflation rate stood at about 28 per-
cent.
Trade
The promotion of Ghana's foreign trade has been central to
all government plans to revive the economy since 1983. Under
the ERP, export-producing industries received the most direct
support; they also received the most indirect support through
140
The Economy
the improvement of their proximate infrastructure. By promot-

ing exports, the government sought to obtain foreign
exchange essential to repay debts and to ease the country's
restrictions on imports. Imports, of course, are also necessary
to upgrade many of the export industries hamstrung for lack of
equipment.
Prior to 1983, economic conditions conspired to erode the
terms of trade to such an extent that Ghanaians had reverted
to smuggling goods across the borders as well as to trading on
the black market on a significant scale. Ghanaians who had
anything to sell could multiply their earnings by selling their
goods in French-speaking countries, especially neighboring
Côte d'Ivoire, and then changing the resultant francs into cedis
at black-market rates. Smuggling cut down the amount of for-
eign exchange available for official transactions, leading to a
reduction in imports, which hit manufacturing enterprises
dependent on imported equipment and raw materials espe-
cially hard. As a result, many consumer goods were no longer
available in Ghana, which further boosted smuggling across
borders of those countries where such goods could be
obtained. By 1982 the World Bank estimated that transactions
on the parallel, or black, market constituted 32.4 percent of all
domestic trade.
Since the start of the ERP in 1983, the government has intro-
duced several policies to adjust the pattern of Ghana's trade
structure. These include devaluing the currency as well as rais-
ing producer prices for crucial exports such as cocoa to offset
the advantages of smuggling such goods across borders. In
addition, the government introduced an interbank foreign
exchange market to facilitate currency exchange. To ease the
importation of essential capital goods, but not necessarily con-
sumer goods, the government revised and reduced numerous
import duties and trade taxes.
By the early 1990s, government efforts had resulted in the
restoration of many of Ghana's historical trade relationships.
Exports were again dominated by cocoa, which earned US$280
million in 1993. Other significant export commodities in 1993
were gold (US$416 million) and timber (US$140 million), fol-
lowed by electricity, diamonds, and bauxite. Ghana's nontradi-
tional exports, such as furniture, cola nuts, and pineapples,
have also increased significantly. On the import side, fuel and
energy, mainly oil, accounted for 16 percent of 1990 imports,
followed by capital goods, 43 percent; intermediate goods, 28
141
GDP1 1991 = 2.6 billion2

OTHER
4.3 %
TRANSPORTATION AND
COMMUNICATIONS
4.5%
MININI
1.8%
GOVERNMENT
SERVICES
9.4 %
ELECTRICITY CONSTRUCTION
AND WATER 3.5 %
1GDP at current prices.
2.0 %
2For value of the Ghanaian cedi--see Glossary.
Source: Based on information from Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Profile: Ghana,
1994—95, London, 1994, 16.
Figure 8. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector 1991
percent; and consumer goods, 10 percent, according to the

World Bank.
In addition to supporting traditional export industries such
as cocoa and gold, the government also attempted to diversifr
the content of Ghana's exports. To encourage nontraditional
exports in the fishing and agriculture sectors, the government
offered to refund 95 percent of import duties on goods des-
tined for reexport and even to cancel sales taxes on manufac-
tured goods sold abroad. In addition, the government devised
a scale of tax rebates ranging from 20 percent to 50 percent
determined by the volume of total production that was
exported. These incentives generated considerable response.
By 1988 more than 700 exporters were dealing in 123 export
products, the major items being pineapples, marine and fish
products (especially tuna), wood products, aluminum prod-
ucts, and salt. By 1990, the last year for which figures were avail-
142
The Economy
able, the value of nontraditional exports had risen to US$62

million.
In 1992 the government's Ghana Export Promotion Council
announced a plan to raise nontraditional exports to US$335
million by 1997 through increased market research, trade mis-
sions, trade fairs and exhibitions, and training. Among its most
ambitious specific targets were increases in tuna and shrimp
sales to US$45 million and US$32 million, respectively, by
1995, and increases in pineapple sales to US$12.5 million. In
the manufacturing sector, wood products, aluminum goods,
and processed rubber were targeted to yield US$44 million,
US$42 million, and US$23 million, respectively. Earnings from
salt were projected to rise to US$20 million.
In the early 1990s, Ghana continued to trade primarily with
the European Community, particularly Britain and Germany.
Britain continued to be the principal market for Ghanaian
cocoa beans, absorbing approximately 50 percent of all cocoa
beans exported. In 1992, Germany was the single most impor-
tant destination of Ghana's exports, accounting for some 19
percent of all exports. Britain was next, accounting for about
12 percent, followed by the United States, 9 percent, and
Japan, 5 percent. The same year, Britain supplied approxi-
mately 20 percent of Ghana's imports, followed by Nigeria,
which provided 11 percent. The United States and Germany
were third and fourth, respectively.
Ghana also belongs to the sixteen-member Economic Com-
munity of West African States (ECOWAS), founded in 1975
with headquarters in Abuja, Nigeria. ECOWAS is designed to
promote the cultural, economic, and social development of its
component states. To achieve these ends, ECOWAS seeks to
foster regional cooperation in several areas, including removal
of barriers to the movement of peoples and trade, harmoniza-
tion of agricultural policies, improvements in infrastructure,
and, as of 1991, renewed commitment to democratic political
processes and non-aggression against member states.
Ghana also has a number of barter trade agreements with
several East European countries, China, and Cuba. Under the
agreements, imports of goods and services are paid for mainly
by cocoa from Ghana. A major change occurred in 1991 when
the German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany)
abrogated its barter trade agreement with Ghana following the
union of the two Germanies. In spite of this, agreement was
reached between the two countries to honor existing commit-
143
ments. In late 1991, the Ghanaian government showed

renewed interest in trade with the countries of Eastern Europe
following the adoption of free-market systems in the wake of
political upheavals in those countries. Ghanaian trade officials
expect that the barter trade system will give way to open market
operations.
Role of the Government

In the 1990s, the government continued to play a decisive
role in the direction and pace of economic development in
Ghana. Under the Economic Recovery Program initiated in
1983, the Rawlings government tried to shift the burden of eco-
nomic growth from government to the private sector through a
dual strategy of cutting government spending and promoting
private production. In particular, the government tried to
boost export production through currency devaluations, tax
incentives, and government-funded development projects. At
the same time, budget deficits were almost entirely wiped out.
These measures caused drastic cutbacks in current government
spending and widespread privatization, while the government
incurred further loans (and thereby debt) to balance the coun-
try's budget.
The Economic Recovery Program
In 1983 the government launched the Economic Recovery
Program (ERP) under the guidance of the World Bank and the
IMF. The overriding purpose of the ERP was to reduce Ghana's
debts and to improve its trading position in the global econ-
omy. The stated objectives of the program focused on restoring
economic productivity at minimum cost to the government
and included the following policies: lowering inflation through
stringent fiscal, monetary, and trade policies; increasing the
flow of foreign exchange into Ghana and directing it to priority
sectors; restructuring the country's economic institutions;
restoring production incentives; rehabilitating infrastructure
to enhance conditions for the production and export of goods;
and, finally, increasing the availability of essential consumer
goods. In short, the government hoped to create an economic
climate conducive to the generation of capital.
The ERP was carried out in roughly three phases. Beginning
in 1983, the government focused on reducing its expenditures
while creating incentives for private production. Initial expen-
144
The Economy
diture cuts and improved tax collection brought the budget

deficit down from 6.3 percent of GDP in 1982 to 0.1 percent by
1986, relieving government pressure on the banking system,
while a series of cedi devaluations boosted export activity. Dur-
ing the second phase, which lasted from 1987 to 1989, the gov-
ernment moved to divest itself of many assets through
privatization and to institute radical foreign exchange reforms
to devalue the cedi further. Although privatization was slug-
gish, the hard-currency black market was nearly eliminated
with the introduction of foreign exchange bureaus in 1988. In
the ERPs third phase, the government intensified monetary
reforms and reduced private corporate taxes to boost private-
sector growth.
By the end of 1991, ERP efforts had improved the countrys
international financial reputation because of its ability to make
loan repayments (although not wipe out foreign debt) and its
first entry onto the international capital market in almost two
decades. Critics maintained, however, that the ERP had failed
to bring about a fundamental transformation of the economy,
which still relied on flncome earned from cocoa and other agri-
cultural commodities. Critics also contended that many Ghana-
ians had seen few, if any, benefits from the program.
In addition to its focus on stabilizing the country's financial
structure, the ERP also aimed to promote production, espe-
cially in the export sectors. In 1986 the government began to
rebuild infrastructure through a US$4.2 billion program, more
than half of which was provided by external sources. This
amount was divided roughly equally among infrastructure
repair, energy imports (oil for machinery), and export indus-
tries. Increased imports financed by the IMF, the World Bank,
and other sources made possible the rehabilitation and repair
of some key parts of the infrastructure through the supply of
spare parts and inputs for industry, mining, utilities, and agri-
culture.
Although the ERP was geared primarily toward restoring the
country's international economic standing, it came under pop-
ular criticism inside Ghana for ignoring the plight of those not
involved in the export sector. The overwhelming shift in
resources was toward cocoa rehabilitation and other export
sectors, not toward food production. Government employees,
especially those in state enterprises, were actively targeted, and
many lost their jobs. Farmers suffered as the percentage of the
total budget devoted to agriculture fell from 10 percent in 1983
145
to 4.2 percent in 1986 and to 3.5 percent in 1988, excluding

foreign aid projects. Although cocoa contributed less to
Ghana's GDP than food crops, cocoa nonetheless received 9
percent of capital expenditures in the late 1980s; at the same
time, it received roughly 67 percent of current agricultural
expenditures because of its export value.
In response to criticism of such policies, the government ini-
tiated the US$85 million Program of Action to Mitigate the
Social Costs of Adjustment (PAMSCAD). Beginning in 1988,
the program sought to create 40,000 jobs over a two-year
period. It was aimed at the poorest individuals, small-scale min-
ers and artisans in particular, and communities were to be
helped to implement labor-intensive sew-help projects.
As part of PAMSCAD, t10 billion was slated in the 1993 bud-
get for the rehabilitation and development of rural and urban
social infrastructure. The new program, organized through
PAMSCAD and the new district assemblies, was designed to
focus on improving water supply, sanitation, primary educa-
tion, and health care. An additional 51 billion was set aside for
redeployment and end-of-service benefits for those who had
lost their jobs in civil service and parastatal reorganizations.
In the early 1990s, the government was committed to con-
tinuing the policies of the ERP. New agreements were con-
cluded with the World Bank to continue credit arrangements
on condition that Ghana review and revise its various economic
laws and regulations and support private-sector development.
In particular, the government agreed to revise or to repeal
existing laws and regulations affecting private investment that
undermine the spirit of deregulation, economic liberalization,
and exchange-rate reforms. The government also agreed to
develop and to strengthen the institutional framework that
would facilitate private investment. Key priorities for 1992 and
afterward included giving new impetus to state enterprise
reform, broadening the scope of banking-sector reforms, liber-
alizing the administrative framework, and strengthening pub-
lic-sector management. Basic education and primary health-
care services were to receive attention over the long term as
well.
State Enterprises
State-owned enterprises in Ghana date to the colonial
period and especially to the post-World War II era. For exam-
ple, the British organized a number of public utilities, such as
146
Craftsmen making cane furniture in Accra
CourtesyJames Sanders
water, electricity, postal and telegraph services, rail and road

networks, and bus services. To foster exports of coffee, palm
kernels, and cocoa, the Agricultural Produce Marketing Board
was founded in 1949. In addition, the colonial government
established the Industrial Development Corporation and the
Agricultural Development Corporation to promote industries
and agriculture. In the mid-1970s, the National Redemption
Council under I. K. Acheampong also emphasized state enter-
prises. The Acheampong government established a number of
new enterprises and partly or wholly nationalized a number of
foreign-owned companies, including Ashanti Goldfields Cor-
poration and Consolidated African Selection Trust. Intermit-
tent efforts to improve performance and efficiency often led to
the transferral of duties and functions to alternative state bod-
ies but not to the wholesale privatization of ownership rights
and assets.
By the 1980s, state enterprises were suffering along with
mOst businesses in Ghana, but they were also held to blame for
the economy's general condition. In particular, many were
heavily subsidized and were draining much of the country's
domestic loan capital. Under pressure from the World Bank
and in accordance with the principles of the ERP, in 1984 the
147
government began to sell state enterprises to private investors,

and it initiated the State-Owned Enterprise Reform Program in
1988.
In 1984 there were 235 state enterprises in Ghana. The gov-
ernment announced that twenty-two sensitive enterprises
would not be sold, including major utilities as well as transport,
cocoa, and mining enterprises. In 1988 thirty-two were put up
for sale, followed by a further forty-four in 1990 under what was
termed the Divestiture Implementation Committee. By Decem-
ber 1990, thirty-four enterprises had been either partially or
totally divested. Four were sold outright, a further eight were
partially sold through share issues, and twenty-two were liqui-
dated. Divestiture of fifteen additional enterprises was also
underway, and by 1992 plans were afoot to privatize some of
the nation's banks.
Joint ventures were set up for four enterprises, including two
state mining companies, Prestea Goldfields and Ghana Consol-
idated Diamonds. In 1992 the Divestiture Implementation
Committee considered resource-pooling programs to enable
smaller domestic investors to buy up state enterprises. Such
pooling would accelerate the program, but more importantly,
it would enable the Provisional National Defence Council
(PNDC) to deflect charges that it was auctioning off the
nation's assets to foreigners.
The government also introduced a performance monitoring
and evaluation system to improve state enterprise productivity
and efficiency as well as to provide incentives for strong per-
formers and disincentives for weak performers. By 1989 fifteen
enterprises had responded positively, turning a combined pre-
tax loss of ¢418 million from the previous year into pre-tax
profits of ¢19 billion, following a 9 percent cut in costs and a 30
percent increase in sales. In early 1992, the chairman of the
State Enterprises Commission announced that the government
would pass legislation requiring state-owned enterprises to reg-
.ister as limited liability companies by 1993 to stimulate compe-
tition and to improve their performances.
Budgets
Major policies of the ERP and conditions of IMF funding
were that the budget deficit be reduced and that resources be
directed from current to capital spending. Consequently, the
government achieved a budget surplUS each year between 1986
and 1989 and simultaneously boosted the percentage of spend-
148
The Ecorwmy
ing for development projects. During the mid-1980s, budget

deficits as a percentage of GDP consistently declined, falling
from 4.7 percent in 1982 to 2.7 percent in 1983 to 0.3 percent
in 1987. To accomplish this, the government cut spending and
reversed its budgetary priorities, raising capital investment at
the expense of increased current consumption in order to pro-
mote future growth. The government allocated 62 percent of
the budget to physical infrastructure and about 33 percent to
the country's productive sector. At the same time, spending on
social programs, including health, education, and welfare,
declined drastically to between 4.7 and 5 percent. As a percent-
age of GDP, expenditures on health care fell from 1.2 percent
in 1970 to 0.26 percent in 1980-83; during the same period,
spending on education dropped from 3.9 percent to 0.85 per-
cent.
The 1993 budget, consistent with ERP policies and objec-
tives, aimed to stimulate private-sector growth through lower-
ing taxes on commerce and corporations and by internally
balancing accounts. The previous budget reduced the tax rate
for commerce, printing, and publishing businesses from 50
percent to 35 percent, bringing these sectors into line with
agriculture, manufacturing, real estate, construction, and ser-
vices, the taxes on which were cut in 1991.
Relief for the financial sector was less generous. The tax rate
was reduced from 50 percent to 45 percent to encourage more
lending and better terms for borrowers and to reduce the 8
percent to 9 percent gap between deposit and lending rates of
interest. The government also reduced the withholding tax on
dividends from 15 percent to 10 percent, in line with 1991 cuts
from 30 percent. The annual standard personal exemption for
individual taxpayers was set at lt150,000 (US$380), up from the
previous ltI26,000. This figure reflected a 19 percent increase,
1 percent above Ghanaian inflation the previous year. The top
marginal rate of tax was raised from 25 percent to 35 percent,
payable on earnings over lt14 million, compared with the previ-
ous level of lt3 million. Finally, import taxes were reduced or
abolished, including duties and sales taxes on all building
materials. The super sales tax on luxury goods, introduced in
1990, was also abolished. A maximum rate of 10 percent was set
on such imports.
Tax evasion and corruption, both of which are rampant
throughout Ghana, severely affected the government's ability
to collect taxes in all categories. In December 1993, the Ghana-
149
ian parliament passed the Serious Fraud Office Bill. This act
empowered the Serious Fraud Office to investigate fraud and
embezzlement crimes against the state. Despite this action, it is
unlikely that the authorities will be able to stop tax evasion or
other white-collar crimes anytime soon.
Reform of the tax base and prudent fiscal management con-
tributed to budget surpluses and dramatically reduced govern-
ment recourse to the banking sector. By the early 1990s,
nonetheless, Ghana still relied heavily on external grants to
achieve its twin goals of running balanced budgets and increas-
ing necessary capital expenditures (see .table 9, Appendix).
Moreover, compared with the rest of sub-Saharan Mrica, total
government revenue as a proportion of GDP continued to be
re latively low. It was less than 16 percent in 1990 (including
grants), compared with an average of 19 percent for sub-
Saharan Mrica as a whole. In 1993 revenue raising efforts
aimed to secure income equivalent to 22.2 percent of GDP.
By 1992 the government's financial position had weakened.
From 1986 to 1991, government finances were in surplus. In
1992, however, tax receipts from all sources of revenue were
below projected levels, and with national elections in view, the
government relaxed its tight controls on spending. Despite
inclusion of foreign funding as a source of revenue, the deficit
for 1992 was estimated at ¢177 billion but fell to ¢119 billion in
1993. To rectify the situation, the government proposed to
raise taxes on gasoline, kerosene, diesel fuel, and liquefied
petroleum gas by as much as 60 percent.
Banking and Currency

Control of money-supply growth and liquidity management
have been among the ERP's most difficult tasks, and expansion
generally exceeded targets for most of the 1980s. The initial
phase of monetary policy (1983-86) focused on reducing gov-
ernment borrowing from the domestic banking system and on
using quantitative controls via credit ceilings. Although these
succeeded in reducing domestic credit growth, larger than
expected foreign earnings and the money market's inability to
process them efficiently contributed to a rapid expansion in
the broad money supply until the late 1980s.
The subsequent introduction of more dynamic monetary
policies in 1989 involved a phase-in of indirect controls and
market-based policy instruments. A further series of measures
was introduced in 1990 to strengthen the responsiveness of
150
The Ecorwmy
interest rates to changes in liquidity conditions. There followed

a phased increase in the Bank of Ghana's rediscount rate from
26 percent to 35 percent by mid-1991, the introduction of
three- and five-year instruments later that year, and a widening
of access to Bank of Ghana financial instruments in favor of the
non-bank financial sector. The policies were quite effective.
Money supply growth was brought convincingly under control
in 1990 and 1991; however, a decline in interest rates and in
monetary control, compounded by salary increases in the pulr
lic sector, prompted monetary growth in 1992.
InJanuary 1994, the Bank of Ghana relaxed its monetary
policy. As a result, the government's 91-day treasury bill dis-
count rate was lowered five percentage points to 27 percent.
The interest rate equivalent of the discount rate fell from 34.78
percent to 28.95 percent. Savings deposit rates also fell in
December 1993 from 17.5-22 percent to 15-22 percent. The
wider range suggests competition for funds in the banking
market. The range for longer-term money (two-year) declined
from 22-32 percent to 25.2-28 percent.
Banking
Ghana has a well-developed banking system that was used
extensively by previous governments to finance attempts to
develop the local economy. By the late 1980s, the banks had
suffered substantial losses from a number of bad loans in their
portfolios. In addition, cedi depreciation had raised the banks'
external liabilities. In order to strengthen the banking sector,
the government in 1988 initiated comprehensive reforms. In
particular, the amended banking law of August 1989 required
banks to maintain a minimum capital base equivalent to 6 per-
cent of net assets adjusted for risk and to establish uniform
accounting and auditing standards. The law also introduced
limits on risk exposure to single borrowers and sectors. These
measures strengthened central bank supervision, improved the
regulatory framework, and gradually improved resource mobi-
lization and credit allocation.
Other efforts were made to ease the accumulated burden of
bad loans on the banks in the late 1980s. In 1989 the Bank of
Ghana issued temporary promissory notes to replace non-per-
forming loans and other government-guaranteed obligations
to state-owned enterprises as of the end of 1988 and on private-
sector loans in1989. The latter were then replaced by interest-
bearing bonds from the Bank of Ghana or were offset against
151
debts to the bank. Effectively, the government stepped in and

repaid the loans. By late 1989, some ¢62 billion worth of non-
performing assets had been offset or replaced by central bank
bonds totaling about ¢47 billion.
In the early 1990s, the banking system included the central
bank (the Bank of Ghana), three large commercial banks
(Ghana Commercial Bank, Barclays Bank of Ghana, and Stan-
dard Chartered Bank of Ghana), and seven secondary banks.
Three merchant banks specialized in corporate finance, advi-
sory services, and money and capital market activities-Mer-
chant Bank, Ecobank Ghana, and Continental Acceptances;
the latter two were both established in 1990. These and the
commercial banks placed short-term deposits with two dis-
count houses set up to enhance the development of Ghana's
domestic money market-Consolidated Discount House and
Securities Discount House, established in November 1987 and
June 1991, respectively. At the bottom of the tier were 100 rural
banks, which accounted for only 5 percent of the banking sys-
tem's total assets.
By the end of 1990, banks were able to meet the new capital
adequacy requirements. In addition, the government
announced the establishment of the First Finance Company in
1991 to help distressed but potentially viable companies to
recapitalize. The company was established as part of the finan-
cial sector adjustment program in response to requests for eas-
ier access to credit for companies hit by ERP policies. The
company was a joint venture between the Bank of Ghana and
the Social Security and National Insurance Trust.
Despite offering some of the highest lending rates in West
Mrica, Ghana's banks enjoyed increased business in the early
1990s because of high deposit rates. The Bank of Ghana raised
its rediscount rate in stages to around 35 percent by mid-1991,
driving money market and commercial bank interest rates well
above the rate of inflation, thus making real interest rates sub-
stantially positive. As inflation decelerated over the year, the
rediscount rate was lowered in stages to 20 percent, bringing
lending rates down accordingly.
At the same time, more money moved into the banking sys-
tem in 1991 than in 1990; time and savings deposits grew by 45
percent to ¢94.6 billion, and demand deposits rose to ¢118.7
billion. Loans also rose, with banks' claims on the private sector
up by 24.1 percent, to ¢117.4 billion. Banks' claims on the cen-
tral government continued to shrink in 1991, falling to a mere
152
The Economy
lt860 million from lt2.95 billion in 1990, a reflection of contin-

ued budget surpluses. Claims on nonfinancial public enter-
prises rose by 12.6 percent to lt27.1 billion.
Foreign bank accounts, which were frozen shortly after the
PNDC came to power, have been permitted since mid-1985, in
a move to increase local supplies of foreign exchange. Foreign
currency accounts may be held in any of seven authorized
banks, with interest exempt from Ghanaian tax and with trans-
fers abroad free from foreign-exchange control restrictions.
Foreign-exchange earnings from exports, however, are specifi-
cally excluded from these arrangements.
The Ghana Stock Exchange began operations in November
1990, with twelve companies considered to be the best per-
formers in the country. Although there were stringent mini-
mum investment criteria for registration on the exchange, the
government hoped that share ownership would encourage the
formation of new companies and would increase savings and
investment. Mter only one month in operation, however, the
exchange lost a major French affiliate, which reduced the start-
ing market capitalization to about US$92.5 million.
By the end of 1990, the aggregate effect of price and volume
movements had resulted in a further 10.8 percent decrease in
market capitalization. Trading steadily increased, however, and
by mid:July 1992, 2.8 million shares were being traded with a
value of ¢233 million, up from 1.7 million shares with a value of
lt145 million in November 1991. The market continued to be
small, listing only thirteen companies, more than half in retail-
ing and brewing. In June 1993, Accra removed exchange con-
trol restrictions and gave permission to non-resident
Ghanaians and foreigners to invest on the exchange without
prior approval from the Bank of Ghana. In April 1994, the
exchange received a considerable boost after the government
sold part of its holdings in Ashanti Goldfields Corporation.
Currency
One of the most pressing economic problems faced by all
postindependence Ghanaian governments was the overvalua-
tion of the currency. In 1961 Ghana broke with the British
pound sterling and pegged the value of the cedi to the United
States dollar. As Ghana's terms of trade worsened in the 1960s,
the real value of the cedi fell; however, successive governments
feared either to float the cedi or to adjust its value, thereby rais-
ing the cost of imports and consumer prices. The overthrow of
153
the Kofi A. Busia regime in 1971, following the introduction of

a devaluation package, reinforced the unpopularity of such a
move. The Acheampong government reversed course and
revalued the cedi. It also increased the money supply to pay
Ghana's debts, leading to a sharp divergence between the offi-
cial and the real rates of exchange.
The overvalued cedi, on the one hand, and low, regulated
prices for commodities, on the other, led to a robust smuggling
industry and to an extensive black mar ket in currency. It
became common practice for Ghanaians, especially those liv-
ing along the country's border, to smuggle Ghanaian produce
such as cocoa and minerals into neighboring francophone
countries. Mter selling on the local market, Ghanaians would
then return home and trade their hard-currency Central Afri-
can francs for cedis on the black market, making handsome
profits. Smuggling and illegal currency operations had become
so extensive by 1981 that the black-market rate for cedis was 9.6
times higher than the official rate, up from 1.3 in 1972. At the
same time, reliable estimates placed transactions in the parallel
economy at fully one-third of Ghana's GDP.
Fifteen months after the PNDC came to power, in April
1983, the government began efforts to devalue the cedi. Rawl-
ings introduced a system of surcharges on imports and bonuses
on exports that effectively devalued the currency because the
surcharges on imports amounted to 750 percent of the amount
being spent and the discounts on exports amounted to 990
percent. Further, an official devaluation began in October
1983 in which the exchange rate reached ¢90 to US$l by
March 1986. By 1993, ¢720 equaled US$l; by late 1994, ¢1,023
equaled US$l.
In September 1986, the government sought alternative
methods for establishing the value of the cedi. At that time, the
government relinquished its direct role in determining the
exchange rate. The rate was instead determined at regular cur-
rency auctions under the pressure of market forces on the basis
of a two-tier exchange-rate system, with one rate for essentials
and another for non-essentials. In April 1987, the two auctions
were unified. In subsequent reforms also designed to diminish
smuggling and illegal currency dealings, private foreign-
exchange bureaus were permitted to trade in foreign curren-
cies beginning at the end of March 1988. By July 1989, there
were 148 such bureaus operating, ninety-nine in Accra and
154
The Economy
thirty in Ashanti Region, with the remainder in other urban

centers.
In 1987, U5$207 million was allocated through the auction;
and in 1988, U5$267 million. By comparison, the foreign-
exchange bureaus in the first year of operation, ending in
March 1989, traded U5$77 million worth of foreign currency,
or about one-fourth the amount of foreign exchange allocated
through the auction. Initially, prices at the auction and those at
the foreign-exchange bureaus differed greatly. Efforts to
reduce the difference, however, brought the gap from 29 per-
cent in March 1988 to approximately 6 percent by February
1991. In early 1992, the auction was closed, although no official
announcement was made. Purchasers were referred to the
Bank of Ghana, which used an exchange rate determined
largely on the basis of market forces.
The government also successfully slowed growth in the
money supply. In the late 1980s, the average annual growth
rate reached 61 percent. By 1990 it had dropped to 13.3 per-
cent but then accelerated slightly to 16.7 percent, standing at
lt317 million the following year. In 1991 the Bank of Ghana
introduced a n,ooo note, the highest denomination issued
since independence in 1957. Previously, the highest denomina-
tion had been lt500. A total of lt50 billion of the new notes was
printed.
Labor Force
Despite the revival of the export sector, most Ghanaians con-
tinued to find employment with the government or to rely on
informal employment for their livelihood. An increasing num-
ber of Ghanaians also turned to smuggling or to crime to earn
a living. Reductions in the number of government workers had
not been offset by increased employment in the export sector
by the early 1990s. At the same time, wages had not kept up
with the cost of living. The government also sought to reform
the education system, because increased education often led to
.better jobs and higher wages. However, because students were
expected to bear an increasing portion of the cost of their edu-
cation, it was unlikely that the poorest Ghanaians would be
able to take full advantage of the school system.
National Requirements
Although the Ghanaian labor force grew throughout the
155
Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of

&atistics, Accra, December 1991, Table 42.
Figure 9. Employment by Sector, 1988
1980s, the structure of employment remained relatively stable

(see fig. 9). Between 1981 and 1988, the official number of
workers grew by almost 100,000. Despite efforts under the ERP
to stimulate private production, public-sector jobs still
accounted for more than 80 percent of total employment over
the decade. Employment in the public sector rose every year
between 1981 and 1985 (from 175,700 to 397,100), but thereaf-
ter fell three years in a row, standing at 251,500 in 1988. By
1992 the number of public-sector workers had grown to an esti-
mated 595,000, although some 55,000 had been declared
redundant.
Considering the relative importance of public-sector
employment, ERP policies to reduce the scope of state enter-
prises had a profound impact on patterns of unemployment.
In the mid-1980s, cutbacks at the Ghana Cocoa Board (20,000
jobs), the Ghana National Trading Corporation (2,000 jobs),
and the shipping enterprise, the Black Star Line (1,000 jobs),
contributed to nearly 30,000 job losses in the parastatal sector
156
The Ecorwmy
alone by the end of 1986. The civil service lost an estimated

15,000 jobs in the same period. In 1990 fifteen of the remain-
ing state-owned enterprises reduced their payrolls by about
13,000 employees; no figures were available for losses resulting
from the liquidation of an additional twenty-two state enter-
prises that year.
Although ERP policies resulted in the loss of many jobs for
Ghanaians, their implementation met relatively minor resis-
tance from organized labor. The most serious challenge came
in 1986 on the issue of income rather than that of layoffs. The
unions threatened action in response to the government's deci-
sion (under pressure from the IMF) to abolish leave allow-
ances, a crucial benefit that substantially supplemented low
public-sector wages. In response, the government reversed its
decision and revised the 1986 budget. Mter that, the govern-
ment stepped up taxes on allowances and, in some cases, con-
solidated them into wages and salaries. Meanwhile, the
unemployed continued to express concern over the slow mate-
rialization of end-of-service payments. In response, the 1992
budget contained proposals for packages comprising down
payments, shares in profitable state-owned enterprises, and
interest on deferred payments.
Income and Wages

During the 1980s, per capita income rose slightly but was
overshadowed by the increased cost of living. Per capita
income climbed from the decade low of US$340 in 1983 to
US$400 by 1988 because of the devaluation of the cedi and ris-
ing producer prices. The same factors, however, worked to
increase consumer prices four-fold from 1985 to 1988. This
trend continued throughout the early 1990s as consumer
prices rose from 393.2 in 1990 to 634.7 in 1993 based on a 1985
price index of 100.
Real wages and salaries are estimated to have fallen by an
enormous 83 percent between 1975 and 1983 and to have con-
tinued to fall through 1989, forcing many workers to seek addi-
tional sources of income. The level of real wages reached in
1988 was less than half that attained in the mid-1970s; never-
theless, the government was committed under the ERP to hold-
ing down inflation and, hence, wages. In the 1990 budget, the
government linked pay increases to productivity, inflation, and
companies' ability t.o pay. With some exceptions, notably a one-
time allowance for civil servants to compensate for increased
157
fuel and transport costs in 1990, public-sector wages increased

roughly in line with projected inflation in 1989, 1990, and
1991. In 1992, however, the government, which had scheduled
elections late in the year, granted a salary increase to public-
sector workers. Although no recent data were available for the
private sector, wage increases under collective bargaining
arrangements appeared to have been relatively modest.
Although increases in the minimum daily wage under the
PNDC appear spectacular, they are linked to the steady devalu-
ation of the cedi and have not overcome a constant erosion of
worker purchasing power. Beginning in April 1984, the govern-
ment increased the minimum daily wage to ¢35, then to ¢70 in
January 1985, ¢90 in January 1986, and ¢122 in 1987. In March
1990, the minimum wage was raised to ¢218, and by August
1991, it had risen to ¢460, an increase of 111 percent as agreed
to by the government, the Trade Union Congress, and the
Ghana Employers Association.
In the face of popular elections and increasing strikes, the
government agreed to massive pay raises at the end of 1992,
including a 70 percent increase for nurses. Overall, civil service
pay raises added more than ¢50 billion to the wage bill, reach-
ing ¢175 billion in 1992, or 50 percent of government revenue.
At the same time, the government moved to contain the wage
bill by freezing staff recruitment in public-sector organizations
as well as state salaries that exceeded those in the civil service.
Agriculture
Agriculture is Ghana's most important economic sector,
employing more than half the population on a formal and
informal basis and accounting for almost half of GDP and
export earnings. The country produces a variety of crops in
various climatic zones, which range from dry savanna to wet
forest and which run in east-west bands across the country.
Agricultural crops, including yams, grains, cocoa, oil palms,
kola nuts, and timber, form the base of Ghana's economy.
Although Nkrumah attempted to use agricultural wealth as
a springboard for the country's overall economic development,
Ghanaian agricultural output has consistently fallen since the
1960s. Beginning with the drop in commodity prices in the late
1960s, farmers have been faced with fewer incentives to pro-
duce as well as with a general deterioration of necessary infra-
structure and services. Farmers have also had to deal with
increasingly expensive inputs, such as fertilizer, because of
158
The Ecorwmy
overvaluation of the cedi. Food production has fallen as well,

with a decline in the food self-sufficiency ratio from 83 percent
in 1961-66 to 71 percent in 1978-80, coupled with a four-fold
increase in food imports in the decade prior to 1982. By 1983,
when drought hit the region, food shortages were widespread,
and export crop production reached an all-time low.
When the Rawlings government initiated the first phase of
the ERP in 1984, agriculture was identified as the economic
sector that could rescue Ghana from financial ruin. Accord-
.ingly, since that time, the government has invested significant
funds in the rehabilitation of agriculture. Primarily through
the use of loans and grants, the government has directed capi-
tal toward repairing and improving the transportation and dis-
tribution infrastructure serving export crops. In addition,
specific projects aimed at increasing cocoa yields and at devel-
oping the timber industry have been initiated. Except for spe-
cific development programs, however, the government has
tried to allow the free market to promote higher producer
prices and to increase efficiency.
Although the government was criticized for focusing on
exports rather than on food crops under the ERP, by the early
1990s the PNDC had begun to address the need to increase
local production of food. In early 1991, the government
announced that one goal of the Medium Term Agricultural
Development Program 1991-2000 was to attain food self-suffi-
ciency and security by the year 2000. To this end, the govern-
ment sought to improve extension services for farmers and to
improve crop-disease research. Despite the statements con-
cerning the importance of food crops, however, the plan was
still heavily oriented toward market production, improvement
of Ghana's balance-of-payments position, and provision of
materials for local industrial production. Furthermore, follow-
ing World Bank guidelines, the government planned to rely
more heavily on the private sector for needed services and to
reduce the role of the public sector, a clear disadvantage for
subsistence producers. In particular, industrial tree crops such
as cocoa, coffee, and oil palm seedlings were singled out for
assistance. Clearly, agricultural sectors that could not produce
foreign-exchange earnings were assigned a lower priority
under the ERP.
The government attempted to reduce its role in marketing
and assistance to farmers in several ways. In particular, the
Cocoa Marketing Board steadily relinquished its powers over
159
pricing and marketing. The government, furthermore, estab-

lished a new farmers' organization, the Ghana National Associ-
ation of Farmers and Fishermen, in early 1991 to replace the
Ghana Federation of Agricultural Cooperatives. The neworga-
nization was to be funded by the farmers themselves to operate
as a cooperative venture at the district, regional, and national
levels. Although the government argued that it did not want to
be accused of manipulating farmers, the lack of government
financial support again put subsistence producers at a disad-
vantage.
Cocoa
Cocoa production occurs in the forested areas of the coun-
try-Ashanti Region, Brong-Ahafo Region, Central Region,
Eastern Region, Western Region, and Volta Region-where
rainfall is 1,000-1,500 millimeters per year. The crop year
begins in October, when purchases of the main crop begin,
while the smaller mid-crop cycle starts in July. All cocoa, except
that which is smuggled out of the country, is sold at fixed prices
to the Cocoa Marketing Board. Although most cocoa produc-
tion is carried out by peasant farmers on plots of less than
three hectares, a small number of farmers appear to dominate
the trade. Indeed, some studies show that about one-fourth of
all cocoa farmers receive just over half of total cocoa income.
In 1979 the government initiated reform of the cocoa sec-
tor, focusing on the government's role in controlling the indus-
try through the Cocoa Marketing Board. The board was
dissolved and reconstituted as the Ghana Cocoa Board (Coco-
bod). In 1984 it underwent further institutional reform aimed
at subjecting the cocoa sector to market forces. Cocobod's role
was reduced, and 40 percent of its staff, or at least 35,000
employees, Was dismissed. Furthermore, the government
shifted responsibility for crop transport to the private sector.
Subsidies for production inputs (fertilizers, insecticides, fungi-
cides, and equipment) were removed, and there was a measure
of privatization of the processing sector through at least one
joint venture. In addition, a new payment system known as the
Akuafo Check System was introduced in 1982 at the point of
purchase of dried beans. Formerly, produce-buying clerks had
often held back cash payments, abused funds, and paid farmers
with false checks. Under the Akuafo system, a farmer was given
a check signed by the produce clerk and the treasurer that he
could cash at a bank of his choice. Plantation divestiture pro-
160
The Economy
ceeded slowly, however, with only seven of fifty-two plantations

sold by the end of 1990.
Although Ghana was the world's largest cocoa producer in
the early 1960s, by tlhe early 1980s Ghanaian production had
dwindled almost to the point of insignificance. The drop from
an average of more than 450,000 tons per year to a low of
159,000 tons in 1983-84 has been attributed to aging trees,
widespread disease, bad weather, and low producer prices. In
addition, bush fires in 1983 destroyed some 60,000 hectares of
cocoa farms, so that the 1983-84 crop was barely 28 percent of
the 557,000 tons recorded in 1964-65. Output then recovered
to 228,000 tons in 1986-87. Revised figures show that produc-
tion amounted to 301,000 tons in 1988-89, 293,000 tons in
1990-91, and 305,000 tons in 1992-93. Mter declining to
255,000 tons in 1993-94, the crop was projected to return to
the 300,000 ton range in 1994-95.
In the early 1990s, Cocobod continued to liberalize and to
privatize cocoa marketing. The board raised prices to produc-
ers and introduced a new system providing greater incentives
for private traders. In particular, Cocobod agreed to pay trad-
ers a minimum producer price as well as an additional fee to
cover the buyers' operating and transportation costs and to
provide some profit. Cocobod still handled overseas shipment
and export of cocoa to ensure quality control.
In addition to instituting marketing reforms, the govern-
ment also attempted! to restructure cocoa production. In 1983
farmers were provided with seedlings to replace trees lost in
the drought and trees more than thirty years old (about one-
fourth of the total number of trees in 1984). Until the early
1990s, an estimated 40 hectares continued to be added each
year to the total area of 800,000 hectares under cocoa produc-
tion. In addition, a major program to upgrade existing roads
and to construct 3,000 kilometers of new feeder roads was
launched to ease the transportation and sale of cocoa from
some of the more neglected but very fertile growing areas on
the border with Cote d'Ivoire. Furthermore, the government
tried to increase Ghana's productivity from 300 kilograms per
hectare to compete with Southeast Asian productivity of almost
1,000 kilograms per hectare. New emphasis was placed on
extension services, drought and disease research, and the use
of fertilizers and insecticides. The results of these measures
were to be seen in rising cocoa production in the early 1990s.
161
Other Commercial Crops

The main industrial crops are oil palms, cotton, rubber,
sugar cane, tobacco, and kenaf, which is used in the produc-
tion of fiber bags. None is of strategic economic importance,
and all, apart from oil palms, have suffered as a result of the
country's economic difficulties. Despite claims that such crops
could assist local industrialization efforts, the government has
not focused the same attention on this sector as on export
crops. For example, sugar cane output has diminished with the
closure of the country's two sugar mills, which produced
237,000 tons per year in 1974-76, but only 110,000 tons in
1989.
The government has actually encouraged the export rather
than the local processing of rubber, rehabilitating more than
3,000 hectares of plantations specifically for export production
rather than revitalizing the local Bonsa Tire Company, which
could produce only 400 tires per day in 1988 despite its
installed capacity for 1,500 per day.
By the 1990s, the tobacco sector was expanding and moving
toward higher export production. Ghana's dark-fired leaf prob-
ably grows too fast and requires too rich a soil to compete effec-
tively with rival crops, but the potential for flue-cured and
Burley varieties is good. Pricing difficulties had reduced
tobacco production from 3,400 tons in the early 1970s to an
estimated 1,433 tons in 1989. Output began to improve in
1990, however, reaching 2,080 tons.
The Leaf Development Company was established in 1988 to
produce tobacco leaf for the local market and to lay the basis
for a future export industry. In 1991 the company's first com-
mercial crop amounted to 300 tons of flue-cured, 50 tons of
Burley, and 50 tons of dark-fired tobacco (all green-leaf
weights), of which 250 tons were exported, earning
US$380,000. In 1991 Rothmans, the British tobacco company,
acquired a 49.5 percent stake in the company and took over
management of the Meridian Tobacco Company in partner-
ship with the state-owned Social Security and National Insur-
ance Trust. Another firm, the Pioneer Tobacco Company,
announced a 92 percent increase in post-tax profits of more
than ¢1 billion for 1991. The company declared dividends
worth ¢360 million, double the amount paid out in 1990.
Cotton production expanded rapidly in the early and mid-
1970s, reaching 24,000 tons in 1977, but it fell back to one-
third of this figure in 1989. Since the reorganization of the
162
Felling timber Forestry is one of Ghana's major industries
and sources of exports.
Preparing afield for planting yams
Courtesy Embassy of Ghana, Washington
163
Ghana Cotton Development Board into the Ghana Cotton

Company, cotton production has steadily increased from 4 per-
cent of the country's national requirement to 50 percent in
1990. Between 1986 and 1989, Ghana saved US$6 million
through local lint cotton production. The company expected
that between 1991 and 1995, about 20,000 hectares of land
would be put under cotton cultivation, enabling Ghana to pro-
duce 95 percent of the national requirement.
Food Crops and Livestock

The main food crops are corn, yams, cassava, and other root
crops. Despite government efforts to encourage farmers to
switch to production of staples, total food production fell by an
average of2.7 percent per year between 1971-73 and 1981-83.
By 1983 Ghana was self-sufficient in only one staple food
crop-plantains. Food imports rose from 43,000 tons in 1973
to 152,000 tons in 1981.
There were various reasons for this poor performance,
including growing urbanization and a shift in consumer prefer-
ence from starchy home-grown staples to rice and corn. How-
ever, farmers also suffered from shortages of production
inputs, difficulties in transporting produce to market, and
competition from imported foods that were underpriced
because of the vastly overvalued cedi. Weather also played a
major part, particularly in 1983, when drought cut cereal pro-
duction from 518,000 tons in 1982 to only 450,000 tons at a
time when an extra million people had to be fed after the
expulsion of Ghanaians from Nigeria. Food imports in 1982-83
amounted to 115,000 tons (40 percent as food aid), with the
1983-84 shortfall estimated at 370,000 tons (of which food aid
commitments covered 91,000 tons).
There was a spectacular improvement beginning in 1984,
mainly because of recovery from the prior year's drought. By
1988 the agricultural sector had vastly expanded, with food
crops responsible for the bulk of the increase. Drought condi-
tions returned in 1990, bringing massive falls in the production
of all food crops apart from rice, but better weather and
improved production brought prices down in 1991.
In August 1990, the government moved to liberalize the agri-
cultural sector, announcing the end of minimum crop prices.
The measure's impact was difficult to gauge because higher
production meant more food was available at better prices any-
way. The government's medium-term plan, outlined in 1990,
164
The Ecorwmy
sought to raise average crop yields and to increase food secu-

rity, with special attention to improved producer incentives and
storage facilities.
Livestock production is severely limited by the incidence of
the tsetse fly in Ghana's forested regions and by poor grazing
vegetation elsewhere. It is of major importance only in the rela-
tively arid north and has not been earmarked for special treat-
ment in Ghana's recovery program. In 1989 there were an
estimated 1.2 million cattle, 2.2 million sheep, 2 million goats,
550,000 pigs, and 8 million chickens in Ghana.
Forestry
Forests cover about one-third of Ghana's total area, with
commercial forestry concentrated in the southern parts of the
country. This sector accounted for 4.2 percent of GDP in 1990;
timber was the country's third largest foreign-exchange earner.
Since 1983 forestry has benefited from more than US$120 mil-
lion in aid and commercial credits and has undergone substan-
tial changes, resulting in doubled earnings between 1985 and
1990. In 1993 timber and wood products earnings totalled
US$140 million against a targeted level of US$130 million.
Between January and November 1994, exports amounted to
919,000 tons and eamed US$212 million.
Until the 1980s, forestry production suffered because of the
overvalued cedi and deterioration of the transportation infra-
structure. Log production declined by 66 percent during
1970-81 and sawed timber by 47 percent. Exports fell from
US$130 million in 1973 to US$15 million in 1983, and four
nationalized firms went bankrupt during that period.
The forestry sector was given a large boost in 1986, mainly
because of the World Bank's US$24 million timber r6habilita-
tion credit, which financed imports of logging equipment. As a
consequence, log production rose 65 percent in 1984-87, and
export revenues rose 665 percent in 1983-88. Furthermore,
the old Ghana Timber Marketing Board was disbanded and
replaced by two bodies: the Timber Export Development
Board, responsible for marketing and pricing; and the Forest
Products Inspection Bureau, responsible for monitoring con-
tracts, maintaining quality standards, grading products, and
acting as a watchdog for illegal transactions. Some of the exter-
nal financing underwrote these institutional changes, while
much of the rest financed forestry management and research
165
as well as equipment for logging, saw milling, and manufactur-

mg.
The sector, however, faced several problems. The most
important was severe deforestation. A century ago, Ghana's
tropical hardwood forest extended from about the middle of
the country southward to the sea. Moreover, nearly half the
country was covered with forests, which included 680 species of
trees and several varieties of mahoganies. Most of this wood has
been cut. By the early 1990s, only about one-third of the coun-
try was still forested, and not all of this was of commercial
value. This situation has forced the government to make diffi-
cult choices between desperately needed hard currency earn-
ings and conservation. The Forest Resource Management
Project, part of the ERP, was initiated in 1988, and in 1989 the
government banned log exports of eighteen species. The gov-
ernment later extended the list and imposed high duties on
other species, planning to phase out log and air-dried timber
exports altogether by 1994.
Instead, the government hoped to increase sales of wood
products to replace earnings from logs. Government figures
showed that one cubic meter of lumber and plywood was worth
more than twice as much as the same amount of logs; veneers
earned five times as much; and other products, such as furni-
ture and floorings, earned six times the price of an equivalent
volume of logs. Improvements in the processing sector caused
wood products (excluding lumber) to rise to about 20 percent
of export earnings in 1991, accounting for 6.9 percent of vol-
ume exports. By comparison, wood products represented 11
percent of earnings and 5.5 percent ofvolume in 1985. The fall
in the proportion of volume sales accounted for by logs was
accompanied by a dramatic fall in their share in earnings, from
50-60 percent in the mid-1980s to 23 percent in 1990.
By the early 1990s, there were approximately 220 lumber
processors in Ghana, but the industry operated under several
constraints. Most overseas demand is for kiln-dried products,
and Ghanaian manufacturers lack sufficient kilns to meet that
demand. The cheap air-dried processing method is not satisfac-
tory because air-dried wood tends to destabilize over time. For-
eign investment incentives are not so attractive in this sector as
in other sectors, for example, mining. Furthermore, infrastruc-
ture in the Western Region, where lumber processing is
located, continues to be relatively neglected compared with
mining and cocoa production regions. Other difficulties
166
The Economy
include lack of expertise at technological and managerial lev-

els.
Scandals have been reported in Ghana's forestry industry
since 1986, and they erupted again in early 1992. The most
notable case involved African Timber and Plywood, once
Ghana's largest exporter of round logs. In the mid-1980s, the
government embarlked on a US$36 million rehabilitation
project to boost the company's production. In 1992 as much as
US$2.3 million was alleged to have been siphoned off from the
project through various malpractices, and a number of officials
were arrested. Furthermore, the environmental group, Friends
of the Earth, alleged that there had been additional thefts by
numerous foreign companies totaling almost US$50 million in
hard currency during the 1980s. In 1992 the government
began investigating the activities of hundreds of companies,
both foreign and local, that were alleged to have entered into a
range of illegal dealings, including smuggling, fraudulent
invoicing, violations of local currency regulations, corruption,
bribery, and nonpayment of royalties. The corruption is so
widespread, however, that it is unlikely that the Ghanaian
authorities will stop timber-related crimes anytime soon.
Fishing
Fishing increased considerably in the late 1960s, from
105,100 tons of marine fish caught in 1967 to 230,100 tons in
1971. In 1982 the yield was 234,100 tons, composed of 199,100
tons of marine varieties and 35,000 tons of freshwater fish from
Lake Volta. The industry was hit by fuel shortages, inadequate
storage facilities, and the general economic difficulties of the
1970s and the 1980s. Nevertheless, by 1988 the fish catch was
302,900 tons; by 1991 it amounted to 289,675 tons, down from
more than 319,000 tons in 1990.
Large-scale poaching by foreign vessels has severely depleted
fish stocks in Ghana's 200-nautical-mile maritime Exclusive
Economic Zone, causing major government concern. The
most affected stocks are sea bottom-feeding fish. Tuna stocks
reportedly remain unaffected. A 1992 Ministry of Food and
Agriculture report recommended that the government acceler-
ate mobilization of surveillance and enforcement units and
step up regulation of trawler fleets. That same year, the govern-
ment passed a fisheries law to curb overfishing and to help pro-
tect the marine environment. Fishermen were banned from
catching specified shellfish, and all fishing vessel operators
167
were required to obtain licenses. The law provided for a regula-

tory body-the Fisheries Monitoring, Control, Surveillance,
and Enforcement Unit-as well as a fisheries advisory council.
These organizations, however, both of which are underfunded
and undermanned, are unlikely to stop illegal fishing activities
anytime soon.
Mining and Petroleum Industries

Ghana's mineral sector had started to recover by the early
1990s after its severe decline throughout the 1970s. One indi-
cator of the scale of decline was that by 1987, only four gold
mines were operating in Ghana, compared with eighty in 1938.
Throughout the 1970s, the output of gold, as well as bauxite,
manganese, and diamonds, fell steadily. Foreign-exchange
shortages inhibited mine maintenance, new exploration, and
development investment. The overvalued cedi and spiraling
inflation exacerbated mining companies' problems, as did
smuggling and the deteriorating infrastructure. Energy sup-
plies failed to meet the industry's growing needs; foreign-
exchange shortages constrained oil imports, and domestically
generated hydroelectricity was unable to make up the shortfall.
Mter 1983, however, the government implemented a series
of measures to enhance the sector's appeal. In 1986 new min-
ing legislation for the gold and diamond sectors replaced the
previous complex and obsolete regulations, and a generous
incentives system was established that allowed for external for-
eign-exchange retention accounts, capital allowances, and a
flexible royalties payment system. Since 1986 the sector has
benefited from a wave of fresh investment totaling US$540 mil-
lion, and by the early 1990s mining was the country's second
highest foreign-exchange earner.
Under legislation passed after 1983, the government liberal-
ized and regularized the mining industry. For the first time, the
government made small claim-holding feasible, with the result
that individual miners sold increasing amounts of gold and dia-
monds to the state-operated Precious Minerals Marketing Cor-
poration. In 1990 the company bought 490,000 carats of
diamonds and 20,000 ounces of gold and earned a total of
US$20A million through sales, 70 percent of it from diamond
sales and 30 percent from gold bought from small-scale opera-
tors. Diamond output totaled 688,000 carats in 1991 and
694,000 carats in 1992, while gold production amounted to
843,000 fine ounces in 1991 and 1,004,000 fine ounces in 1992.
168
The Economy
Furthermore, the government succeeded in attracting signifi-

cant foreign investment into the sector and, by early 1991, had
signed more than sixty mining licenses granting prospecting
rights to international companies. To forestall domestic criti-
cism of large-scale foreign control of the sector, the govern-
ment announced in mid-1991 the establishment of a state-
controlled holding company to buy shares in mines on behalf
of foreign investors.
Gold
Ghana has produced and exported gold for centuries. In
precolonial times, present-day Ghana was one source of the
gold that reached Europe via trans-Saharan trade routes. In the
fifteenth century, Portuguese sailors tried to locate and to con-
trol gold mining from the coast but soon turned to more easily
obtained slaves for the Atlantic slave trade. Most gold mining
before the mid-nineteenth century was alluvial, miners recover-
ing the gold from streams. Modern gold mining that plumbs
the rich ore deposits below the earth's surface began about
1860, when European concessionaires imported heavy machin-
ery and began working in the western areas of present-day
Ghana. The richest deposit, the Obuasi mine, was discovered
by a group of Europeans who sold their rights to EA. Cade, the
founder of Ashanti Goldfields Corporation (AGC). Since the
beginning of the twentieth century, modern mining in the
Gold Coast has been pursued as a large-scale venture, necessi-
tating significant capntal investment from European investors.
Under British colonial rule, the government controlled
gold mining to protect the profits of European companies. The
colonial government also restricted possession of gold as well
as of mercury, essential in recovering gold from the ore in
which it is embedded. Following independence, foreign con-
trol of the sector was tempered by increasing government
involvement under the Nkrumah regime; however, production
began to decline in the late 1960s and did not recover for
almost twenty years. In the mid-1960s, many mines began to hit
poorer gold reefs. Despite the floating of the international
gold price in the late 1960s, few investors were willing to invest,
and the government failed to provide the capital necessary to
expand production into new reefs. Of the two major gold min-
ing enterprises, neither the State Gold Mining Corporation
nor AGC (40 percent controlled by the government) expanded
or even maintained production.
169
Under the ERP, the mining sector was targeted as a potential

source of foreign exchange, and since 1984, the government
has successfully encouraged the rejuvenation of gold mining.
To offer incentives to the mining industry, the Minerals and
Mining Law was passed in 1986. Among its provisions were gen-
erous capital allowances and reduced income taxes. The corpo-
rate tax rate was set at 45 percent, and mining companies could
write off 75 percent of capital investment against taxes in the
first year and 50 percent of the remainder thereafter. The gov-
ernment permitted companies to use offshore bank accounts
for service of loans, dividend payments, and expatriate staff
remuneration.
Companies are permitted to retain a minimum of25 percent
of gross foreign-exchange earnings from minerals sales in their
accounts, a level that can be negotiated up to 45 percent.
Reconnaissance licenses are issued for one-year renewable peri-
ods, prospecting licenses are valid for three years, and mining
licenses are in force for up to thirty years. The government has
the right to 10 percent participation in all prospecting and to
extend its share if commercial quantities of a mineral are dis-
covered. In response, between 1985 and 1990, eleven compa-
nies became active with foreign participation, representing
investments totaling US$541 million. Since 1986 there has
been a gradual recovery in overall production.
More than 90 percent of gold production in the early 1990s
came from underground mines in western Ashanti Region,
with the remainder coming from river beds in Ashanti Region
and Central Region. AGC, the country's largest producer,
mined 62,100 fine ounces inJanuary 1992, the highest monthly
production ever recorded since the company began operation
in 1897. The company also lowered its costs in relation to pro-
duction during the last quarter of 1991 from 0.26 percent in
October to 0.24 percent in December. Production during the
company's fiscal year of October 1990 to September 1991 was
569,475 fine ounces, 42 percent more than the previous year's
figure of 400,757 fine ounces and the largest amount ever pro-
duced by the mine. The second largest amount produced was
533,000 fine ounces, produced in 1972.
AGC planned major expansions in the early 1990s funded by
World Bank loans. In early 1991, the corporation announced
the discovery of new reserves estimated at more than 8 million
ounces, in addition to its known reserves of 22.3 million
ounces. The new reserves include lower-grade and remnant
170
Production in a textile fact ory
Gol4tlelds and processing plant at Obuasi, south of Kumasi
171
ores that the corporation had been unwilling to mine because

of high costs. AGC planned to lower costs through capital-
intensive operations and a sharp reduction of labor costs. It
also planned then to raise output from a projected 670,000 fine
ounces for 1992 to more than 1 million fine ounces a year in
1995. The expansion was to be funded by an International
Finance Corporation loan package totaling US$140 million.
AGC was to put up the balance, estimated to exceed US$200
million.
AGC was not the only company to benefit from an upsurge
in production. Despite its increased production, the company's
overall share of the domestic gold market declined from 80
percent to 60 percent in the same period that other operators
entered the industry. Provisional figures for 1991 showed that
two new mines, Teberebie and Billiton Bogoso, produced
100,000 fine ounces each, while other companies, including
State Gold Mining Corporation, Southern Cross Mining Com-
pany, Goldenrae, Bonte, and Okumpreko, were stepping up
production.
Several other enterprises were on the drawing board or were
about to open by mid-1992. The British company Cluff
Resources had raised US$10.2 million to finance a new mine at
Ayanfuri. The company had been involved in exploration since
1987 and planned to produce as much as 50,000 ounces of
gold annually. A Canadian-Ghanaian joint-venture gold mine
and associated processing facilities was commissioned in mid-
1991 in Bogoso, western Ghana. Finally, in May 1992, ajoint-
venture company was created to prospect for gold in the Aowin
Suamang district in Western Region. Shareholders in the new
company included the Chinese government (32.68 percent),
private investors in Hong Kong (32 percent), the Ghanaian
government (10 percent), and private Ghanaian interests.
In 1992 Ghana's gold production surpassed 1 million fine
ounces, up from 327,000 fine ounces in 1987. In March 1994,
the Ghanaian government announced that it would sell half of
its 55 percent stake in AGC for an estimated US$250 million,
which would then be spent on development projects. The
authorities also plan to use some of the capital from the stock
sale to promote local business and to boost national reserves.
The minister of mines and energy dispelled fears that the stock
sale would result in foreign ownership of the country's gold
mines by saying that the government would have final say in all
major stock acquisitions.
172
The Ecorwmy
Diamonds
The government also is trying to expand Ghana's diamond-
mining industry, which has produced primarily industrial-
grade gems from alluvial gravels since the 1920s. More than 11
million carats of proven and probable reserves are located
about 110 kilometers northwest of Accra. The main producer is
the state-owned Ghana Consolidated Diamonds (GCD), which
operates in the Birim River Basin. In the 1960s, the company
mined 2 million carats of diamonds a year, but annual produc-
tion in 1991 amounted to only 146,000 carats. This downturn
resulted from technical problems and GCD's weak financial
position. Production from all mines came to 688,000 carats in
1991 and to 694,000 carats in 1992.
In the early 19908, the government announced plans to
privatize its diamond-mining operations and to expand pro-
duction. At Accra's invitation, De Beers of South Mrica agreed
to undertake an eighteen-month feasibility study to determine
the extent of the Birim River Basin diamond reserves. The sur-
vey was to cost US$1 million. A De Beers subsidiary will be the
operator and manager of GCD, while Lazare Kaplan Interna-
tional, a New York-based diamond polishing and trading com-
pany, will produce and market the diamonds.
In 1989 the government established the Precious Minerals
Marketing Corporatlion (PMMC) to purchase minerals from
small producers in an effort to stem diamond smuggling. Esti-
mates suggested that as much as 70 percent of Ghana's dia-
monds was being smuggled out of the country in the mid-
1980s. In its first sixteen months of operation, the PMMC
bought 382,423 carats of diamonds and 20,365 ounces of gold
and sold 230,000 carats of diamonds worth US$8 million. The
corporation also earned ¢130 million in 1991 on its jewelry
operations, up 48 percent from the previous year, and it
planned to establish joint marketing ventures with foreign
firms to boost sales abroad. Nevertheless, because of new com-
plaints over raw gem sales, the government in March 1992
ordered an investigation into the operations of the state agency
and suspended its managing director.
Manganese
Ghana is one of the world's leading exporters of manganese;
however, only 279,000 tons were produced in 1992, compared
with the all-time high of 638,000 tons in 1974-75. Ghana has
173
reserves exceeding 60 million tons, and considerable rehabili-

tation of the sector took place in the 1980s. Ghana National
Manganese Corporation's mine and the surrounding infra-
structure were repaired, helping to raise production from a low
of 159,000 tons in 1983 to 284,000 tons in 1989 and 247,000
tons in 1990. The corporation earned US$20 million from its
exports in 1991, up from US$11.6 million in 1989 and US$14.2
million in 1990. Approximately US$85 million was also
invested by private investors at the newly explored Kwesikrom
deposit.
Petroleum Exploration
Although commercial quantities of offshore oil reserves
were discovered in the 1970s, by 1990 production was still neg-
ligible. In 1983 the government established the Ghana
National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) to promote explora-
tion and production, and the company reached agreements
with a number of foreign firms. The most important of these
permitted US-based Amoco to prospect in ten offshore blocks
between Ada and the western border with Togo. Petro Canada
International has prospected in the Tano River Basin and Dia-
mond Shamrock in the Keta Basin. In 1989 three companies,
two American and one Dutch, spent US$30 million drilling
wells in the Tano basin. OnJune 21, 1992, an offshore Tano
basin well produced about 6,900 barrels of oil daily.
In the early 1990s, GNPC reviewed all earlier oil and gas dis-
coveries to determine whether a predominantly local opera-
tion might make exploitation more commercially viable. GNPC
wanted to set up a floating system for production, storage, off-
loading, processing, and gas-turbine electrici ty generation,
hoping to produce 22 billion cubic feet per day, from which
135 megawatts of power could be generated and fed into the
national and regional grid. GNPC also won a contract in 1992
with Angola's state oil company, Sonangol, that provides for
drilling and, ultimately, production at two of Sonangol's off-
shore oil fields. GNPC will be paid with a share of the oil.
The country's refinery at Tema underwent the first phase of
a major rehabilitation in 1989. The second phase began in
April 1990 at an estimated cost of US$36 million. Once rehabil-
itation is completed, distribution of liquified petroleum gas will
be improved, and the quantity supplied will rise from 28,000 to
34,000 barrels a day. Construction on the new Tema-Akosombo
oil products pipeline, designed to improve the distribution sys-
174
The Ecorwmy
tern further, began in Jan uary 1992. The pipeline will carry
refined products from Tema to Akosombo Port, where they will
be transported across Lake Volta to northern regions. Distribu-
tion continues to be uneven, however. Other measures to
improve the situation include a US$28 million project to set up
a national network of storage depots in all regions.
The Tema Lube Oil Company commissioned its new oil
blending plant, designed to produce 25,000 tons of oil per
year, in 1992. The plant will satisfy all of Ghana's requiremen ts
for motor and gear lubricants and 60 percent of the country's
need for industrial lubricants, or, in all, 90 percent of Ghana's
demand for lubricant products. Shareholders include Mobil,
Shell, and British Petroleum (together accounting for 48 per-
cent of equity), GNJPC, and the Social Security and National
Insurance Trust.
Manufacturing and Tourism

Manufacturing
At independence in 1957, the Nkrumah government
launched an industrialization drive that increased manufactur-
ing's share of GDP from 10 percent in 1960 to 14 percent in
1970. This expansion resulted in the creation of a relatively
wide range of industrial enterprises, the largest including the
Volta Aluminum Company (Valco) smelter, saw mills and tim-
ber processing plants, cocoa processing plants, breweries,
cement manufacturing, oil refining, textile manufacturing
operations, and vehicle assembly plants. Many of these enter-
prises, however, survived only through protection. The overval-
ued cedi, shortages of hard-currency for raw materials and
spare parts, and poor management in the state sector led to
stagnation from 1970 to 1977 and then to decline from 1977 to
1982.
Thereafter, the manufacturing sector never fully recovered,
and performance remained weak into the 1990s. Underutiliza-
tion of industrial capacity, which had been endemic since the
1960s, increased alarmingly in the 1970s, with average capacity
utilization in large- and medium-scale factories falling to 21
percent in 1982. Once the ERP began, the supply of foreign
exchange for imported machinery and fuel substantially
improved, and capacity utilization climbed steadily to about 40
percent in 1989. Nevertheless, by 1987 production from the
175
manufacturing sector was 35 percent lower than in 1975 and 26

percent lower than in 1980.
Ghana's record with industrialization projects since indepen-
dence is exemplified by its experience with aluminum, the
country's most conspicuous effort to promote capital-intensive
industry. This venture began in the mid-1960s with the con-
struction of a 1,186-megawatt hydroelectric dam on the lower
Volta River at Akosombo. Built with assistance from Britain, the
United States, and the World Bank, the Akosombo Dam was
the centerpiece of the Volta River Project (VRP), which the
Nkrumah government envisioned as the key to developing an
integrated aluminum industry based on the exploitation of
Ghana's sizable bauxite reserves and its hydroelectric potential.
Foreign capital for the construction of an aluminum smelter in
Tema was obtained from US-based Kaiser Aluminum, which
acquired a 90 percent share in Valco, and from US-based Rey-
nolds Aluminum, which held a 10 percent share. Valco became
the principal consumer of VRP hydroelectricity, using 60 per-
cent of VRP-generated power and producing up to 200,000
tons of aluminum annually during the 1970s.
Changing global economic conditions and severe drought
dramatically affected the Ghanaian aluminum industry during
the 1980s. The discovery of vast bauxite reserves in Australia
and Brazil created a global oversupply of the mineral and
induced a prolonged recession in the aluminum trade. Under
these conditions, Valco found it far more economical to import
semi-processed alumina fromJamaica and South Korea than to
rely on local supplies, despite the discovery in the early 1970s
of sizable new deposits at Kibi. Valco's refusal to build an alumi-
num production facility brought Kaiser and Reynolds into bit-
ter conflict with the government
Severe drought compounded the effects of unfavorable mar-
ket conditions by reducing the electricity generating capacity
of the Akosombo Dam and by forcing a temporary shutdown of
the smelter from 1983 to 1985. Aluminum production was slow
to recover in the wake of the shutdown. In the early 1990s, alu-
minum production and exports continued to be negligible.
Drastic currency devaluation after 1983 made it exception-
ally expensive to purchase inputs and difficult to obtain bank
credit, which hurt businessmen in the manufacturing sector.
Furthermore, the ERP's tight monetary policies created liquid-
ity crises for manufacturers, while liberalization of trade meant
that some enterprises could not compete with cheaper
176
The Ecorwmy
imports. These policies hurt industries beset by long recession,

hyperinflation, outmoded equipment, weak demand, and
requirements that they pay 100 percent advances for their own
inputs. Local press reports have estimated the closure of at
least 120 factories since 1988, mainly because of competitive
imports. The garment, leather, electrical, electronics, and
pharmaceuticals sectors have been particularly hard hit. In
1990, even the New Match Company, the only safety match
company in the country, closed.
ERP strategies made it difficult for the government to assist
local enterprises. Committed to privatization and the rule of
free-market forces, the government was constrained from offer-
ing direct assistance or even from moderating some policies
that had an obviously detrimental impact on local manufactur-
ers. Nevertheless, the Rawlings government initiated programs
to promote local manufacturing.
In 1986 the government established the Ghana Investment
Center to assist in creating new enterprises. Between 1986 and
1990, the vast majoriity of projects approved-444 of 621-were
in the manufacturing sector. Projected investment for the
approved ventures was estimated at U5$138 million in 1989
and at U5$136 million in 1990. In the initial phase, timber was
the leading sector, giving way in 1990 to chemicals. In 1991 the
government established an office to deal with industrial dis-
tress in response to complaints that "unrestrained imports" of
foreign products were undermining local enterprises. The
1992 budget included assistance for local industrialists; ¢2 bil-
lion was set aside as financial support for "deserving enter-
prises."
The dominant trends in manufacturing, nonetheless, were
the involvement of foreign capital and the initiation of joint
ventures. Significant new enterprises included a U5$8 million
Taiwanese-owned factory, capable of turning out ten tons of
iron and steel products per hour, which began trials at Tema in
1989. Although approximately 500 projects had been approved
since the investment code came into force in 1985, almost half
had still not been launched by the end of 1989. Between 90
and 95 percent of the approved projects were joint ventures
between foreign and local partners, 80 percent of which were
in the wood industry. Restructuring of the sector was proceed-
ing through divestiture, import liberalization, and promotion
of small-scale industries.
177
Electric Power
In the early 1990s, Ghana's total generating capacity was
about 1,187 megawatts, and annual production totalled
approximately 6 million kilowatt hours. The main source of
supply is the Volta River Authority with six 127-megawatt tur-
bines. The authority's power plant at Akosombo provides the
bulk of all electricity consumed in Ghana, some 60 percent of
which is purchased by Valco for its smelter. The power plant
also meets most of the energy needs of Togo and Benin, which
amounted to an estimated equivalent of 180,000 tons of oil in
1991. The balance of Ghana's electricity is produced by diesel
units owned by the Electricity Corporation of Ghana, by min-
ing companies, and by a 160-megawatt hydroelectric plant at
Kpong, about forty kilometers downstream from Akosombo. A
third dam at Bui on the Black Volta River has been under study
for some time, with the aim of increasing power supplies in
northern Ghana or of selling power to Cote d'Ivoire and
Burkina Faso (Burkina, formerly Upper Volta). There have
been difficulties, however, in raising the funds needed for the
450-megawatt generating plant. Other sites with the potential
for power generation, on the Pra River, the Tano River, the
White Volta River, and the Ankobra River, would also require
substantial investment.
Ghana has attempted to increase distribution of its electric-
ity throughout the country. One program, funded by the
World Bank's International Development Association, will pro-
vide reliable and widespread electricity in the urban and south-
ern parts of the country. In addition, the extension of the
national grid to the Northern Region was commissioned in
1989. The extension links northern Ghana to the power gener-
ated from the Akosombo Dam.
The second phase of the extension will connect major towns
in Upper East Region with the regional capital, Bolgatanga, at
a cost of US$100 million. The final phase will see exports of
electricity across the northern border to Burkina. In early
1991, furthermore, the International Development Association
announced a loan to the Electricity Corporation of Ghana to
finance the supply and expansion of electricity networks in the
northwestern areas of Accra. The corporation aims to extend
the supply of electricity to all isolated centers where diesel is
the main source of power.
Plans were also afoot to increase the supply of electricity by
utilization of thermal energy. Construction was anticipated by
178
:.-,
•I
• •.•• -'.• -.- .- -•
.
Hydroelectric sluices in the Akosombo Dam
late 1994 on the country's first thermal power generating plant

near Takoradi. Scheduled for completion in 1997, the plant
will contribute 300 megawatts of electricity to the national grid.
Ghana has a National Nuclear Research Institute, which
trains undergraduate and postgraduate students in the tech-
niques of nuclear science application in such areas as agricul-
ture, medicine, and research. In late 1994, work was nearing
completion on a nuclear reactor at Kwabenyan, near Accra, to
be used to aid research in these fields. In addition, a second
nuclear physics center is to be established in Kumasi on the
recommendation of the Ghana Atomic Energy Commission.
Tourism
Under Ghana's 1985 investment code, tourism is a priority
sector with incentives and benefits for investors. The govern-
179
ment hopes to triple its foreign exchange earnings from tour-

ism under a five-year tourism plan, based on a projection that
between 1991 and 1995, the number of tourists visiting Ghana
every year will double from the 1991 base of 145,000. Jobs in
the tourism industry are projected to reach 270,000, with more
created in other sectors that derive business from the tourist
trade. There are also incentives for star-rated hotels, approved
tourist villages and beaches, and holiday recreational resorts.
Investors are involved in the development of other tourist
attractions, such as waterfalls, beaches, forts, castles, and histor-
ical sites, and even in specialized restaurants, tourist coaches,
and buses. Incentives in this sector include tax and rate exemp-
tions on building properties for three years in addition to
investment and depreciation allowances.
Transportation and Telecommunications

Ghana's transportation and communications networks are
centered in the southern regions, especially the areas in which
gold, cocoa, and timber are produced. The northern and cen-
tral areas are connected through a major road system; some
areas, however, remain relatively isolated.
The deterioration of the country's transportation and com-
munications networks has been blamed for impeding the distri-
bution of economic inputs and food as well as the transport of
crucial exports. Consequently, the first priority of the ERP was
to repair physical infrastructure. Under the program's first
phase (1983-86), the government allocated US$1.5 billion, or
36 percent of total investment, for that purpose and an addi-
tional US$222 million in 1987 for road and rail rehabilitation.
In 1991 the Ghanaian government allocated 27 percent of its
budget for various road schemes.
Foreign donor support helped to increase the number of
new vehicle registrations from 8,000 in 1984 to almost 20,000
in 1989. The distribution of vehicles was skewed, however,
because, by 1988, more than half of all vehicles were in Accra,
which contained approximately 7 percent of the country's pop-
ulation. Furthermore, most new vehicles are intended for pri-
vate use rather than for hauling goods and people, a reflection
of income disparities. Transportation is especially difficult in
eastern regions, near the coast, and in the vast, underdevel-
oped northern regions, where vehicles are scarce. At anyone
time, moreover, a large percentage of intercity buses and Accra
city buses are out of service.
180
The Ecorwmy
Roads and Railroads

Ghana contains about 32,250 kilometers of roads, of which
about 12,000 kilometers are main roads. Approximately 6,000
kilometers are paved; the remainder are gravel, crushed stone,
or graded earth. The country's rail network is 953 kilometers in
length; all track is 1.067 meter (narrow) gauge and all but
thirty-two kilometers are single track. The network connects
Sekondi-Takoradi with Kumasi and Accra; branch lines run to
Prestea, Awaso, Kade, Tema, and Shai Hills (see fig. 10). Poor
rural infrastructure has been blamed for problems in agricul-
ture, partly because transportation costs account for about 70
percent of the difference between farm prices and retail prices.
Only about one-third of the feeder road network can carry
vehicular traffic.
The government has no plans to extend the railway system
beyond its limited coverage of the southwestern regions of the
country. The western section of the rail system (Takoradi-
Kumasi) was renovated under a US$240 million program, the
bulk of which the World Bank financed. Figures indicate a
downward trend in passenger traffic from a high of 389 per
kilometer in 1988 to 277 per kilometer in 1990. Freight steadily
increased throughout the 1980s from forty-four million tons
per kilometer in 1984 to a decade high of 131 million tons per
kilometer in 1989.
The government has instead focused on improvement of the
road system. Since 1985 all trunk roads and about 2,900 kilo-
meters of feeder roads as well as a number of bridges and
drainage systems have been undergoing repairs. For example,
275 kilometers of the Accra-Kumasi road's northern section are
slated to be repaved, but as of early 1994 only the 135 kilome-
ters from Kumasi to Anyinam had been completed. In 1987
Japan offered US$80 million to rehabilitate the main road
between Kumasi and Takoradi, which carries cocoa and timber
exports; this project was well under way in 1993. By the early
1990s, a World Bank loan of US$22 million was funding the
rehabilitation of three major roads in Accra in yet another
effort to ease import and export traffic. The road between
Tema and Akosombo, an important link in the transportation
network between the Gulf of Guinea and Burkina, was also due
for improvement.
Ports and Shipping
Ghana has two deep artificial harbors, one at Tema and the
181
Figure 10. Transportation System, 1994
other at Takoradi. The first stage of the government's five-year

plan to improve Ghana's physical infrastructure began with the
expenditure of U5$80 million to rehabilitate the port at Tema.
As a result of the work, the port's capacity for handling dry ton-
nage rose by 50 percent to 2.7 million tons. Work planned at
Takoradi should increase capacity by 128 percent to 1.6 million
tons. The Volta River, the Ankobra River, and the Tano River
provide 168 kilometers of perennial navigation for launches
182
The Ecorwmy
and lighters. Lake Volta provides 1,125 kilometers of arterial

and feeder waterways. In addition, the government is develop-
ing new ports on Lake Volta to create an inland waterway net-
work. Ghana's merchant marine service includes six ships (five
cargo and one refrigerated).
Civil Aviation
On July 4, 1958, the Ghanaian government established
Ghana Airways (GA) to replace the former Mrican Airways
Corporation. By the mid-1990s, GA operated international
scheduled passenger and cargo service to numerous European,
Middle Eastern, and Mrican destinations, including London,
Dusseldorf, Rome, Abidjan, Dakar, Lagos, Lome, and Johan-
nesburg. The airline also operates direct service to New York.
The GA fleet includes two Fokker 28s, one McDonnell Douglas
DC-10, and one McDonnell Douglas DC-9. Since the late
1980s, GA has received overhaul and maintenance service
from, among others, Swissair, Field Aircraft Services, and Fok-
ker Aviation. Historically, the airline has suffered from chronic
financial problems and thus has had difficulties meeting its for-
eign debt obligations. Additionally, GA has been unable to pur-
chase new aircraft to bolster its domestic and regional routes.
Ghana has eleven airports, six with hard surfaced runways.
The most important are Kotoka International Airport at Accra
and airports at Sekondi-Takoradi, Kumasi, and Tamale that
serve domestic air traffic. In 1990 the government spent US$12
million to improve Accra's facilities. Workmen resurfaced the
runway, upgraded the lighting system, and built a new freight
terminal. Construction crews also extended and upgraded the
terminal building at Kumasi. In early 1991, the government
announced further plans to improve Accra's international air-
port. The main runway was upgraded, improvements were
made in freight landing and infrastructure, and the terminal
building and the airport's navigational aids were upgraded.
Telecommunications
Despite improvements carried out in the 1980s under the
auspices of the Economic Community of West Mrican States
(ECOWAS), Ghana's telecommunications system continues to
be one of the least developed in Mrica. In 1994 the country
counted about 50,000 telephones, or approximately 2.6 tele-
phones per 1,000 people, one of the world's lowest figures.
Telephone service is heavily concentrated in Accra, and even in
183
the capital, only government offices, large commercial con-

cerns, or wealthier households have telephone service. Domes-
tic long-distance communications are carried over two radio-
relay systems, one that extends east-west through the major
coastal cities, and another that goes north from the capital to
Burkina. International telecommunications, except to neigh-
boring countries, are sent via a satellite ground station near
Accra. This station, working with the International Telecom-
munications Satellite Organization (Intelsat) Atlantic Ocean
Satellite, provides high-quality telephone, television, and data
links to countries in Mrica, Europe, and the Americas.
Broadcast service is typical ofMrican countries. The country
has four amplitude modulation (AM) radio stations and one
frequency modulation (FM) radio station. Three shortwave
transmitters provide countrywide service: two for domestic
reception that broadcast in English and six local languages,
and one international transmitter that broadcasts in English,
French, and Hausa. There are four (eight translators) televi-
sion stations. Television transmitters are located at or near
Accra, Cape Coast, Kumasi, and Bolgatanga; eight low-power
television repeaters are located in smaller cities. In 1993 the
country had an estimated 4 million radio receivers and 250,000
television sets.
In 1992 the Ghanaian government approved the formation
of a National Communications Commission. This organization
undertakes numerous missions, including the promotion of
research and development, improvement of communications,
management of the radio frequency spectrum, and encourage-
ment of private ownership in the telecommunications sector.
Given Ghana's lack of resources and the difficulty of acquiring
foreign aid, it is unlikely that the commission will make any sig-
nificant improvements in the country's telecommunications
system in the near future.
Foreign Investments and Assistance

Despite efforts to increase private capital participation in the
Ghanaian economy, in the early 1990s foreign investments con-
tinued to be sparse, and the economy relied heavily on aid and
loans. By 1991 the external debt exceeded US$4 billion, and it
was nearly US$4.3 billion in 1992, an amount equal to the level
of assistance provided by donors over the previous decade. The
country continued to experience trade and service deficits
even though exports increased.
184
Buses, such as this one at Navrongo in far northern Ghana, are a vital
part of local transportation.
Courtesy life in general (Brook, Rose, and Cooper Le Van)
Traffic on the highway between Winneba and Accra
Courtesy James Sanders
185
nvestment
Despite efforts to induce foreign investment in the economy,
interest has been restricted primarily to the mining sector.
Although at least eleven mining companies enjoyed some for-
eign participation by 1990, the government had succeeded in
creating only two joint ventures in former state enterprises out-
side the mining industry.
In 1985 the government adopted an investment code to
encourage foreign investment. It excluded the petroleum and
mining sectors, for which the government introduced a sepa-
rate code in 1986; and it offered special conditions for agricul-
ture, manufacturing (for export, using local raw materials, and
for the production of agricultural equipment, spare parts, and
machine tools), construction, and tourism. Agricultural
projects were given a 45 percent corporate income tax allow-
ance, a 100 percent allowance on plant and equipment, and a
10 percent investment allowance. In manufacturing and con-
struction, the investment allowance was 7.5 percent, with
depreciation and capital allowances of 40 percent and 50 per-
cent, respectively, the latter two halved in subsequent years.
Finally, in tourism, the investment allowance was 7.5 percent,
and the depreciation allowances were 50 percent for plant and
20 percent for buildings, which also were halved in subsequent
years. In all cases, imports required for the projects were
exempted from duties. Additional tax reductions were granted
to projects located in Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi, while
other areas (excluding Accra-Tema) were given even larger
reductions.
Some activities (retail and wholesale trade, except where
employed capital was over US$500,000; land transport; travel;
advertising; estate agencies) were reserved for Ghanaian-
owned firms. Foreign investors were required to supply a mini-
mum of US$60,000 in the case of partnerships with Ghanaians,
or US$100,000 in the case of fully owned enterprises. Only net
foreign-exchange earning ventures were allowed to be fully
owned by foreigners. The code guaranteed investments against
nationalization, and where disputes needed arbitration, they
were to be settled through existing international forums.
Transfers abroad were allowed for dividend payments, debt ser-
vicing, charges for technology transfers, or liquidation of enter-
prises. Implementation of the code and processing of
applications by potential investors were made the responsibili-
ties of the Ghana Investment Center.
186
The Economy
In mid-1993 Minister of Finance Kwesi Botchwey announced

that a new investment code had been presented to Ghana's par-
liament. Under the new code, minimum foreign capital
requirements for joint ventures will be dropped from
US$60,000 to US$10,000, and the minimum for fully owned
foreign enterprises will be reduced to US$50,000. Companies
established solely for export will be exempt from the minimum
capital requirement. The new code outlaws government expro-
priations and provides a five-year tax holiday for the agricul-
tural and real estate sectors.
Foreign Assistance and Loans
Ghana's economic well-being and recovery program are
closely tied to significant levels of foreign loans and assistance,
especially from the World Bank and the International Mone-
tary Fund. Altogether, between 1982 and 1990 foreign and
multilateral donors disbursed a total of approximately US$3.5
billion in official development assistance; at the same time, the
country's external debt reached US$3.5 billion. By 1991 the
largest bilateral donors were Germany, the United States,
Japan, and Canada, which together provided Ghana with
US$656 million in development assistance. The largest multi-
lateral donors in 1991 included the European Community, the
IMF, and the International Development Association, which
furnished almost US$435 million to Ghana.
In addition, the government obtained five IMF programs
amounting to approximately US$1.6 billion: three standby
loans, simultaneous Extended Fund Facility and Structural
Adjustment Facility loans, and an Enhanced Structural Adjust-
ment Facility loan in 1988. The government signed more than
twenty policy-based program loans with the World Bank. The
World Bank also sponsored six consultative group meetings;
the first, held in November 1983, resulted in pledges of
US$190 million. Between 1984 and 1991, almost US$3.5 billion
more was raised at five additional meetings.
In 1991 Ghana successfully raised the country's first syndi-
cated loan in almost twenty years in the amount of US$75 mil-
lion. The loan's collateral was a proportion of the country's
cocoa crop. Special arrangements were made to ensure that a
specific amount of the crop was purchased using letters of
credit. Then in March 1992, the IMF announced that following
the expiration of Ghana's third and final arrangement under
the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility, Ghana needed
187
no further IMF financing. Even so, the Ghanaian government

asked the IMF to monitor progress on the country's economic
program and to continue policy dialogue.
In early 1994, Ghana accepted the obligations of Article VIII
of the IMF's Articles of Agreement. According to the IMF,
Ghana will no longer impose restrictions on payments and
transfers for current international transactions or engage in
discriminatory currency arrangements or multiple currency
practice without IMF approval. Ghana's decision undoubtedly
will enhance its image with foreign investors and bankers.
Balance of Trade and Payments

Despite efforts under the ERP to stabilize the country's bal-
ance of payments, Ghana's current account remained in deficit
throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990s. Both trade and
services deficits continued into the 1990s, given thecountry's
dependence on concessional inflows and IMF funding. The
current account deficit fell by US$91 million in 1986 from
US$134 million in 1985, but it rose again by US$54 million in
1987. After another recovery in 1988, the deficit was back at
US$99 million in 1989 and widened to US$228 million in 1990,
US$253 million in 1991, and US$378 million in 1992. It was
projected to fall to US$190 million in 1994 (see table 10,
Appendix).
The government did succeed, however, in building up at
least some external reserves. By the end of 1991, official for-
eign-exchange reserves totaled US$538 million, more than
double the level at the end of 1990 and the highest amount for
at least a decade. The increase resulted from the Bank of
Ghana's attempt to boost reserves to cover more than four
months' imports. For example, the government allowed
exporting companies to retain some of their foreign-exchange
earnings inside the country. For Ashanti Goldfields Corpora-
tion, the portion is 45 percent. Exporters of other products,
except cocoa, may keep up to 35 percent of earnings in reten-
tion accounts, and the Ghana Cocoa Board may keep 10 per-
cent. The retained export earnings can be used for the import
of equipment, spare parts, and essential inputs as well as for
meeting the exporters' external financial obligations. By late
December 1991, foreign exchange reserves were sufficient to
finance almost twenty weeks of imports. In 1992 foreign-
exchange reserves dropped to US$291.6 million because the
government had to use its reserves to cover current foreign
188
The Economy
obligations. By September 1993, the foreign-exchange reserve

totalled US$276.9 million.
Foreign assets and liabilities of the Ghanaian banking system
as a whole showed a positive trend. Compared with the first
half of 1991, Ghana's assets with reporting banks rose by 14.7
percent to US$1 billion in the second half of the year. Assets at
the end of 1991 were 12.7 percent higher than the US$923 mil-
lion on hand at the end of 1990. Liabilities also rose signifi-
cantly from US$368 million to US$437 million during the first
half of 1991 and by 25.9 percent during the year as a whole.
Overall, however, there was a positive net increase. Net assets
stood at US$603 million at the end of 1991 as against US$539
million inJune 1991 and US$576 million in December 1990.
Growth Trends and Potential

During the 1980s, the Ghanaian government successfully
rehabilitated major economic sectors that had deteriorated
since the 1960s. Throughout the decade, Ghana saw growth in
GDP and the repair of some of its economic infrastructure.
Through fiscal austerity, the government achieved balanced
budgets at the same time that it invested in development
projects. In particular, the export sector regained some
strength by the early 1990s with a resurgence in cocoa, gold,
and timber exports.
The cost of this growth, however, raised serious questions
about the long-term viability of the government's programs.
Growth has been possible only through foreign assistance and
loans, which totaled US$7 billion by 1990. Although the gov-
ernment has been effective in directing these funds toward
productive sectors, it has cut current spending on social ser-
vices, which will require attention in the future. Currency
devaluations, while helping exports, have increased both the
cost of living and prices for imports. Most important, the gov-
ernment has emphasized export production, while subjecting
import-substitution industries to stiff foreign competition and
neglecting local crop production, leading to an increasing reli-
ance on imports of goods and food. Thus, although exports
have increased, they have been offset by rising imports, with
the result that Ghanaians are increasingly subjected to higher
prices.
The Economic Recovery Program has succeeded in allowing
Ghana to regain its international credit standing and has
curbed the worst excesses of economic protectionism. The
189
country is in a position to exploit its considerable agricultural

and mineral potential. At the same time, sustained long-term
growth will require that attention be given to domestic indus-
tries and to consumption rather than exclusively to exports and
the wealth generated thereby.
* * *
Sources on Ghana's economic past and present are relatively

rich and varied because of the country's continuing promi-
nence in discussions about economic development and struc-
tural adjustment programs on the African continent. For good
historical studies, see Kwame Yeboah Daaku's Trade and Politics
on the Gold Coast, 1 600—1 720 and Edward Reynolds's Trade and
Economic Change on the Gold Coast, 1807—1874. Polly Hill's study,
The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A Study in Rural
Capitalism, is a seminal examination of African economic initia-
tive and enterprise during the colonial period. For the inde-
pendence period, see Tony Killick's Development Economics in
Action: A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana, Douglas Rimmer's
Staying Poor: Ghana's Political Economy, 1 95 0—1 990, and Donald
Rothchild's "Ghana and Structural Adjustment: An Overview."
The multilateral assistance organizations have also published
numerous studies of Ghana in light of its prominence as a
showcase of structural adjustment policies. They include the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
study by Alan Roe and Hartmut Schneider, Adjustment and
Equity in Ghana, the World Bank's Ghana: 2000 and Beyond: Set-
ting the Stage for Accelerated Growth and Poverty Reduction, and the
International Monetary Fund's Ghana: Adjustment and Growth,
1 983—91. For statistics and current information, see Ghana in
Figures, Quarterly Digest of Statistics, and Statistical Newsletter, all
published by the Ghanaian government's Statistical Service,
and the Economist Intelligence Unit's quarterly Country Report:
Ghana and annual Country Profile: Ghana. Numerous periodi-
cals contain much information about Ghana's economy,
including African Business, Africa Economic Digest, and Africa
Research Bulletin. (For further information and complete cita-
tions, see Bibliography.)
190

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Chapter 3.

down. Many Ghanaians, however, questioned whether the

successive European traders, the area known today as Ghana

development, but others, notably historian Walter Rodney,

Ghanaian economy as a springboard for economic diversifica-

the mid-1960s and the late 1970s, drastically reducing Ghana's

Figure 7. Economic Activity, 1994

steady growth, most of it attributable to the export sector,

and trading partners. Nevertheless, prices for the goods that

Debt and Inflation

the improvement of their proximate infrastructure. By promot-

GDP1 1991 = 2.6 billion2

Figure 8. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by Sector 1991

percent; and consumer goods, 10 percent, according to the

able, the value of nontraditional exports had risen to US$62

ments. In late 1991, the Ghanaian government showed

Role of the Government

diture cuts and improved tax collection brought the budget

to 4.2 percent in 1986 and to 3.5 percent in 1988, excluding

water, electricity, postal and telegraph services, rail and road

government began to sell state enterprises to private investors,

ing for development projects. During the mid-1980s, budget

Banking and Currency

interest rates to changes in liquidity conditions. There followed

debts to the bank. Effectively, the government stepped in and

lt860 million from lt2.95 billion in 1990, a reflection of contin-

the Kofi A. Busia regime in 1971, following the introduction of

thirty in Ashanti Region, with the remainder in other urban

Although the Ghanaian labor force grew throughout the

Source: Based on information from Ghana, Statistical Service, Quarterly Digest of

Figure 9. Employment by Sector, 1988

1980s, the structure of employment remained relatively stable

alone by the end of 1986. The civil service lost an estimated

Income and Wages

fuel and transport costs in 1990, public-sector wages increased

overvaluation of the cedi. Food production has fallen as well,

pricing and marketing. The government, furthermore, estab-

ceeded slowly, however, with only seven of fifty-two plantations

Other Commercial Crops

Ghana Cotton Development Board into the Ghana Cotton

Food Crops and Livestock

sought to raise average crop yields and to increase food secu-

as well as equipment for logging, saw milling, and manufactur-

include lack of expertise at technological and managerial lev-

were required to obtain licenses. The law provided for a regula-

Mining and Petroleum Industries

Furthermore, the government succeeded in attracting signifi-

Under the ERP, the mining sector was targeted as a potential

ores that the corporation had been unwilling to mine because

reserves exceeding 60 million tons, and considerable rehabili-

Manufacturing and Tourism

manufacturing sector was 35 percent lower than in 1975 and 26

imports. These policies hurt industries beset by long recession,

late 1994 on the country's first thermal power generating plant

ment hopes to triple its foreign exchange earnings from tour-

Transportation and Telecommunications

Roads and Railroads

Figure 10. Transportation System, 1994

other at Takoradi. The first stage of the government's five-year