Notes

Charlemagne’sblack stones: the re-use of Roman

columns in early medieval Europe

D.P.S. PEACOCK*

What were the ‘black stones’ about which Charlemagne wrote to King Offa of Mercia just
before AD 800? How do these special blocks fit into the broader pattern in re-using
Roman columns in early medieval buildings?

One of the most important documents bearing but querns would be quantified by number or
on Carolingian trade is a letter written by Char- diameter, not length. As if to emphasize length,
lemagne to King Offa of Mercia, apparently Charlemagne adds a grouse about the size of
shortly after the death of Pope Hadrian I in AD English cloaks, which other documents indi-
796. He discusses the problem of merchants cate he found inadequate for defending him-
fraudulently posing as pilgrims to avoid pay- self against wind and rain when riding and too
ing tolls and stresses the need to give traders short to cover himself up in bed (Loyn 1962:
the support of the law. He then goes on to re- 85). Reference to the length of the stones, and
ply to a request made by Offa in previous cor- a hint of special arrangements for their trans-
respondence [in Whitelock’s translation (1955: port, points to an exceptionally heavy item and
782)): it is difficult to imagine a long, heavy stone
artefact other than a column. Furthermore,
As for the black stones which your Reverence begged mention of special transport suggests that they
to be sent to you, let a messenger come and con- were not a regular item of trade to be entrusted
sider what kind you have in mind, and we will will- to the merchants, but more probably a gift.
ingly order for them to be given, wherever they are An alternative suggestion is that the stones
to be found, and will help with their transport. But
as you have intimated your wishes concerning the were of a black marble such as that from Tournai
length of the stones, so our people make a demand (Dodwell 1982: 3 5 ; Rahtz & Meeson 1992: 73).
about the size of cloaks, that you may order them to Tournai marble was fashioned into small col-
be such as used to come to us in former times. umns as well as the better-known fonts which
were distributed to Britain and occur in greater
For many years scholars have debated the numbers on the Continent within about 150-
nature of the black stones. Rahtz (1981: 4) and km radius of the quarry (Dunning 1944). Here
more recently Hodges (1982: 124; 1989: 136) the main problem is chronological: it seems
have plausibly suggested that they were Mayen probable that Tournai marble was introduced
mill stones. There is much to be said for this: into Britain during the 12th century, perhaps
Mayen lava is dark enough to be called black, by Henry de Blois, Bishop of Winchester, an
the quarries are a little over 100 km from Char- innovation that led to the exploitation of Purheck
lemagne’s capital in Aachen, and fragments of marble, which is black rather than grey when
querns from this source are found in some quan- polished with grease [Biddle 1965: 260; Blair
tity on many Pre-Conquest sites in England [cf. 1991: 41). The earliest evidence for the possi-
Hinton 1990: 129). Yet would a king concern ble use of black marble is a reference to the
himself with something as basic as a humble Waltham crucifix, of the early 11th century, said
quern? Offa intimates the ‘length’ of the stones, to be of ‘black flint’ impenetrable to nails. Al-
* Department of Archaeology, University of Southampton, Highfield, Southampton so17 ley, England.
E-mail: [email protected]
Received 20 November 1996, accepted 17 February 1997, revised 26 May 1997.
ANTIQUITY
71 (1997): 709-15
710 NOTES

though hardness is an established geological At Aachen, a readily accessible column is

parameter, the test is not helpful as a means of to be seen outside the door of the cathedral.
identification in this case as on one occasion it Texturally, it is similar to material from Elba
produced a flow of blood (Dodwell 1982: 35). and it has a magnetic susceptibility to match
Furthermore, the chronological problem remains. (0.15) (cf Williams-Thorpe & Thorpe 1993: fig-
Of course, black marbles are not limited to ure 4). Two further highly polished examples
the Tournai region: at one time Belgian black, in the cathedral museum can be readily exam-
from quarries in central Belgium, was regarded ined because of their excellent preservation.
as the finest anywhere in the world (Lee 1888: Seeming to match material from Kozak Dag in
45). However, there is no evidence that this Turkey, they have the appropriate magnetic sus-
material was worked before the 19th century, ceptibility of 20-3 and 19.5 (Peacock 1993; Pea-
and Charlemagne’sbiographer, Einhard the Frank, cock et al. 1994: 227). Of particular note are
specifically states that he was unable to obtain two columns in black porphyry (magnetic sus-
marble and columns locally. As he was a con- ceptibility 7.3 and 9.5), which can only have
temporary of Charlemagne his account may well come from Mons Porphyrites in Egypt.
be reliable (see e.g. Firchow & Zeydel(l972: 95), The situation is more complex than von
for a translation of Einhard’s Vita Karoli MagniJ. Cohansen and Worner allowed, because the
columns of Aachen cathedral have had a par-
Charlemagne’s columns ticularly eventful history, as Grimme (1994) has
Charlemagne seems to have used prodigious documented. In 1794, Napoleon besieged
quantities of columns in his building enterprises. Aachen; soon afterwards the conquering army
Von Cohansen & Worner (1876: 39) recorded began to take columns from the octagon and
the existence of many in his minster at Aachen; transport them to Paris. On 4 August 1795, the
no doubt more were used in his palace of which demolition was complete and it is recorded that
little is known. The palace at Ingelheim has been the last of 38 columns left the minster; noth-
more thoroughly explored; if the reconstructions ing was left. After the peace of 1815, 2 8 col-
are correct he would have needed upwards of umns were returned to Aachen; they were
150 in that building alone (Rauch & Jacobi 1976; re-positioned in 1843 for the coronation of
Riche 1976 (who puts the number at loo)). Friedrich Wilhelm IV. Eight remained in the
Louvre and it appears that 6 were damaged in
Aachen transit. Thus, some of the columns seen today
The rock used for the columns at Aachen is are not antique, but modern copies.
described by von Cohansen & Worner as a Grimme (1994: 57) identified eight copies,
‘syenite’, seeming to imply a grey granitic rock in what may be an optimistic picture. Exami-
which they thought originated in the quarries nation of the columns, at throne level in the
of the Felsberg in the Odenwald to the south octagon, gives the following results, anticlock-
of Darmstadt. Yet, as Roder (1992) has noted, wise from the throne (TABLE1).
the rock of the Felsberg has a rather distinc- In the inaccessible upper storey of the octa-
tive coarse appearance, seldom encountered gon there seems to be one verde anficoand eight
outside the quarries. Recently, Williams-Thorpe grey granodiorites similar to Turkish ones; the
& Thorpe (1993) have used magnetic suscep- remainder of the columns are less certain.
tibility as a quick non-destructive test for char- Of the eight columns in the Louvre, four are
acterizing columns of granitic material. The built into the Salle d’Auguste. They are of As-
Felsberg quarries have a susceptibility of c. wan granite, not porphyry, as has been claimed
0.71-1.91 SI x 10P. The only stone that I have (Grimme 1994: 57). Three have been repaired,
encountered in central Europe with a matching one heavily so. Four more columns are in the
texture and value is the well-known ‘Domstein’ vestibule to the Gallerie d’Apollon. Two are
at Trier -a fiagment of a massive column which Troad granodiorite with pale pink phenocrysts
lies at the entrance to the cathedral (0.99 SI x 10- (magnetic susceptibility 26.9,24-9) and two are
3)1 -is almost certainly a product of the quar- grey granodiorites which may originate in Kozak
ries, as Roder has already claimed. Dag (magnetic susceptibility 22.7, 24-7).
In sum: 8 columns are certainly antique and
1 Henceforth,magnetic susceptibility units are taken as read. a further 11are almost certainly so; the remain-
 NOTES 711

rock type, suggested by magnetic comment

visual examination susceptibility

Dark reddish gneiss 35.9 Unlikely to be antique

Dark reddish gneiss 35.5 Unlikely to be antique
Granodiorite with pink 34.4 Troad
phenocrysts
Granodiorite with pink 40.1 Troad
phenocryst s
Reddish gneiss 4.75 Unlikely to be antique
Reddish gneiss 39.4 Same source as first item?
Granodiorite. Grey with 16.0 Could be Kozak Dag, but pink a problem.
pinkish tinge ?Due to polish
Granodiorite. Grey with 13.9 Could be Kozak Dag, but pink a problem.
pinkish tinge ?Due to polish
Pink granite 6.23 Unlikely to be antique
Pink granite 37.9 Rock different from above. cf. first item
Pinkish grey granodiorite 0.12 Magnetic susceptibility too low to be Turkish.
Unlikely to be antique
Pinkish grey granodiorite 0.12 Magnetic susceptibility too low to be Turkish.
Unlikely to be antique
Pink gneissic granite 26.5 Unlikely to be antique
Pink gneissic granite 16.2 tinlikely to be antique
In front of throne:
2 columns in red breccia Unlikely to be antique
of unknown type
Behind throne:
2 columns in deep red granite 11.4 Unlikely to be antique
12.1 Unlikely to be antique

TABLE1. Columns u t throne level in the octagon

der seem modern substitutes. Of the 19 which marble, almost certainly Proconnesian; the re-
can be accepted, 2 are of black porphyry, 4 are mainder are of grey granitic rocks, three of which
of Aswan granite, 1 is of verde anfico, 4 are have textures and magnetic susceptibilities
from the Troad and the remainder are of finer suggesting a source in Turkey, most probably
grey granodiorite, which could come from Kozak in Kozak Dag (15.7, 19-7, 17.8). Another is a
Dag or a similar locality in Turkey. little high (31.5), possibly indicating an origin
in the Troad (cf.Williams-Thorpe & Thorpe 1993:
Ingelheim figure 4). One further column in a coarser,
The columns from Ingelheim seem to have been slightly porphyritic leucocratic granite has a
largely dispersed, but Rauch found the bases magnetic susceptibility of 6.2; the source of this
in his excavations at the beginning of the cen- is unknown.
tury and a single fragment is illustrated in the A further column, less certainly attributed
report, without petrological comment (Rauch to Ingelheim, now forms a war memorial at
& Jacobi 1976: Tafel 30). Many of the examples Oppenheim. It is in the grey granodiorite which
recorded in von Cohansen & Worner's (1876) may come from Kozak Dag (magnetic suscep-
catalogue of columns in Germany may have tibility 19.2).
come from this site, with the exception of Trier
which was an Imperial capital. Unfortunately, Discussion
many have disappeared after an intervening None of this material comes from the Felsberg
century which has witnessed two world wars. and the evidence points to a Mediterranean
Six columns from Ingelheim, later re-used to origin. This is confirmed by the documen-
support the roof over the well in Heidelherg tary sources, for Einhard clearly states that
castle, can still be seen. One is of a banded white Charlemagne obtained his marbles from Ra-
712 NOTES

venna and Rome. Remarkably, his claim is Porphyry in Carolingian Europe

corroborated by a letter from Pope Hadrian I There is little doubt that the most treasured of
to Charlemagne giving him permission to re- the columns would have been those of black
move material from a palace in the city of porphyry. Red porphyry was obtained from
Ravenna (Mon. German. Hist. Epist. Merov. Mons Porphyrites in the Eastern desert of Egypt
et Karol. A e v i 1:614). It is not entirely clear during the first four centuries AD (see e.g. Kraus
which building was intended; it could be the et al. 1967; Lucci 1964; Gnoli 1971; Peacock &
ruin which is today called Theodoric’s Pal- Maxfield 1994; 1995; 1996).As purple had long
ace (Ghirardini 1916). Charlemagne’s link with been a mark of nobility, purple stone would
Ravenna is clearly witnessed i n his church have been particularly desirable and attempts
at Aachen which is modelled on San Vitale. (albeit unsuccessful) were made to limit its use
The 19th-century marble wall-cladding, a to the Imperial household (Reinhold 1970). The
cipollino from Saxon in Switzerland, rein- Byzantine monarchs adopted it as their own,
forces the similarity, but this apart, the source calling it the ‘Roman stone’, partly because their
of inspiration is clear (Bullough 1965; Grimme supplies came as spolia from Rome and partly
1994: 342). because they regarded themselves as Romans
The marbles of Ravenna itself were probably (Peacock 1995). Anna Comnena, daughter of
spolia from Rome (Greenhalgh 1989;McClendon the emperor Alexius I (AD 1081-1118) says of
19801,hence perhaps Einhard’s remark that the the subject (trans. Sewter 1969: 219):
stones came from both cities. However, Charle-
magne’s stones seem to have been very care- They had been born in the porphyra after their fa-
fully selected for colour and texture. Current ther’s elevation to the throne and for that reason had
the title porphyrogeniti. The porphyra is a room in
evidence suggests he limited himself to fine- the Palace built in the form of a complete square
textured blacks, whites and particularly greys. from floor to ceiling, but the latter ends in a pyra-
He does not seem, for example, to have been mid. The room affords a view of the sea and the
interested in the coarser rocks such as the granifo harbour where the stone oxen and the lions stand.
violetto from the Troad which is still available Its floor is paved with marble and the walls are cov-
in the ruins of Ravenna, for only a few of the ered with marble panels. The stone was not of the
paler variety were used, nor did he take the ordinary kind, nor marble of the kind which can be
granodiorite of Mons Claudianus, examples of easily obtained but at great expense; it was in fact
which can be seen in the Piazza del Populo casually acquired in Rome by former emperors. This
and in the Arians’ baptistery in Ravenna. Por- particular marble is generally of a purple colour
throughout, but with white spots like sand sprin-
phyry was no doubt in short supply as was kled over it. It was for this, I suppose, that our fore-
Aswan granite, although two fine examples fathers called the room porphyra.
of the latter still support the portico of the
cathedral in Ravenna. Above all Proconnesian Porphyry, originating in Rome, was rare and
marble seems to have been eschewed, for this still regarded as the stuff of emperors. There is
abounds in post-Roman Ravenna. A count of little doubt that Charlemagne, who had close
189 columns in Ravenna suggests that 80% contacts with Byzantium, would have wanted,
are Proconnesian; porphyry and grey grano- and would have had, his share of this imperial
diorites (including Troad an d Mons stone, although little remains apart from some
Claudianus) account for approximately 4% fragments in the paving around the throne at
each and the remaining types (Aswan, Aachen (McClendon 1980: 164). There is some
cipollino, verde antico, limestones etc.) are in a small portable altar bom Aldelhausen (Heer
present as 1 % each or less. 1975: 163), but this apart, porphyry seems to
If it is accepted that the black stones were be extremely rare in 8th-century Carolingia.
columns and that Charlemagne’s columns were Lothar, who died in AD 855, apparently imported
of Mediterranean origin, it seems that a porphyry plaque from Ravenna which was
Greenhalgh (1989: 120) was particularly per- ‘exceedingly valuable and very translucent, like
ceptive in suggesting that Offa was requesting glass’ (Greenhalgh 1989: 132).
spolia rather than quarried material because If red porphyry was valuable, black porphyry
of the statement ‘we will order them to be given, may have had a value almost beyond compre-
wherever they are to be found’. hension. Meredith & Tregenza (1950: 135) noted
 NOTES 713

black porphyry in their description of the north- cathedral built u p from literary sources (Birtsch
west quarries but knew of little evidence that et al. 1994; Schubert 1982).
the Romans used this variety. However, in 1994, Some of the decorative stones used in these
Dr Valerie Maxfield and I launched a new five- structures have been incorporated in the 13th-
year project of investigation at Mons Porphyrites, century cathedral which dominates Magdeburg
sponsored by the Egypt Exploration Society, today. The font is of Imperial porphyry, and
in collaboration with the Universities of South- the most striking feature, the apse, adorned with
ampton, Exeter and Brussels. In our prelimi- antique columns. Four are of red porphyry, but
nary season we found a new, previously one is of black porphyry with a greenish tinge,
unrecorded quarry, which seems to have been suggesting a source in the northwest quarry
devoted entirely to the exploitation of black complex of Mons Porphyrites. The remaining
porphyry (Peacock & Maxfield 1994; 1995; 1996). columns comprise three of Mons Claudianus
We have yet to study artefacts in this material, granodiorite, one of red limestone breccia and
and at present know only of a bath in the Na- one of white marble - both of uncertain ori-
tional Museum in Rome and the Aachen col- gin. Further colurnns support the roof of the
umns which are of this variety. Even if not refectory: two grey granodiorites, possibly of
unique, the Aachen columns must rank as a Turkish origin; two Proconnesian; two verde
great rarity. antico; one red limestone: and one granodiorite,
No doubt porphyry would have become possibly from Mons Claudianus, but this is
known to the status-conscious royalty of the uncertain because the surface is encrusted with
8th century, and Charlemagne’s black porphyry dirt. The source of this material is thought to
would have been the object of great admira- be Ravenna (Birtsch et al. 1994: 39).
tion. It seems to me likely that these are the Otto’s interest in antiquities has wider rami-
black stones that Offa was requesting and since fications. The church of Gernrode in east Ger-
he considered himself to be the equal of Char- many was completed in AD 971 by adding a
lemagne the request would not have seemed nave with galleries above the aisles, a feature
impertinent. In a society governed by the rules unknown north of the Alps. Krautheimer (1986:
of gift exchange (Mauss 1954) Charlemagne 336) drew attention to a chronological prob-
would have found it hard to refuse. However, lem: the type was obsolete in 10th-century
it is inconceivable that he would have given Constantinople, whence the inspiration was sup-
away anything quite so precious or so connected posed to have come. He suggests that it is more
with his own status. Offa has told him the length likely to indicate a connection with the Bulgar-
and the colour of the stones he wants, but Char- ian Czars, who were building similar churches
lemagne seems to be prevaricating: ‘send a at just that time. However, in view of Otto’s use
messenger with more precise details and we of antiquities, it might be in character for his ar-
will look around to see what can be found’. chitects to use an outmoded design.
On the other hand, a small fragment of black
porphyry was found in 14th-century contexts Vratislav I in Prague
at Lincoln (Peacock & Williams 1992). It is Excavations on the Vygehrad in Prague have
unclear whether i t is a residual piece from the revealed a settlement which dates in its earli-
Roman period or whether it is medieval spo- est phases to the l o t h century, but the place
lia, but it does demonstrate that this precious really rose to prominence in the 11th century
material was reaching Britain. Whatever the when Vratislav I, the first king of Bohemia, es-
interpretation, it seems that black porphyry tablished his palace there (Hum1 1990: 272).
columns are a subject fit for correspondence Today, three worn and weathered fragments of
between monarchs. antique columns, known as the Devil’s stones,
can be seen to the east of the church of St Peter
Otto I at Magdeburg and St Paul. It is uncertain how they got there,
In the l o t h century Otto I declared himself to but there must be a strong suggestion that they
be the new Holy Roman Emperor, and estab- were once part of Vratislav’s palace.
lished his seat at Magdeburg in eastern Ger- As they are a foliated granodiorite, identi-
many. Fragments of his palace have been cal to that of Mons Claudianus and with a mag-
revealed in excavations, and a picture of his netic susceptibility to match (12.6,9.4 and 12.4),
714 NOTES

there seems no doubt they were brought as spolia were regarded as noble stones almost on a par
from Italy, almost certainly Rome or Ravenna, with porphyry.
for Mons Claudianus rock is virtually restricted In Roman times the rock of Mons Claudianus
to those cities (Peacock & Maxfield 1997). seems to have been an imperial monopoly, the
quarries operated at the behest of the emperor
Discussion and the rock reserved for imperial projects in
The evidence outlined above documents the Rome (Peacock 1993; Peacock et al. 1994). At
interest of early medieval monarchs in antiq- present it is unclear whether this was the ear-
uities. Although they were used for decoration, liest of the grey rocks to be exploited, but if
their symbolism would have been of greater the name associates the quarries with Claudius,
significance. It would be entirely appropriate it is possible that it may have been among the
for a Holy Roman Emperor to acquire noble first. As I have said elsewhere, its importance
stones from the ruins of ancient Rome; as Hodges lay not so much in the appearance of the rock, as
& Whitehouse (1983) have claimed, it would where it came from: the emperor who used it
re-enforce political power and make a visible could command rock from quarries at the utmost
reminder of the legitimacy of their owner. No end of the world (Peacock 1993). It was thus a
doubt lesser monarchs such as Offa or Vratislav symbol of his domination. This may have led to
would hope to acquire such stones to enhance a mania for grey rocks and could account for their
their status in similar manner. popularity among early medieval monarchs.
It is interesting to note which stones were
preferred. The use of porphyry need occasion
no surprise. It may be significant that white Acknowledgements. I wish to thank the Cathedral authorities
marbles, which abound in the Mediterranean, at both Aachen a n d Magdeburg, for kindly granting me
full access to columns in their care. I also thank the Lou-
and particularly the Proconnesian, which domi- vre mus e um, Paris, a n d in particular Mme Charlotte Hure,
nates Ravenna today, were little used. Porphyry for assistance. Without their he lp this paper could not have
apart, the most favoured stones seem to be grey been written.
granodiorites either from Mons Claudianus or, I am particularly indebted to M r Christopher Sparey
Green for drawing my attention to the Devil’s stones in
more frequently from Turkey. To us these may Praguc.
seem rather dull and uninteresting rocks, but My colleague, David Hinton, kindlyread a nd commented
it seems that in the early medieval period they o n a draft, for w hic h the reader will be as grateful as I am.

References
BIDDLE,M. 1965. Excavations at Winchester, 1964, Antiquar- Pirenne thesis. London: Duckworth.
ies Journal 45: 260. HUML, V. 1990. Research in Prague. An historical and archaeo-
BIRTSCH,F. et al. 1994. Des Kaisers neuer Dom. Magdeburg. logical view of the development of Prague from the 9th
BLAIR,J. 1991. Purbeck marble, in J. Blair & N . Ramsay led.), century to the middle of the 14th century, in D. Austin &
English medieval industries. Cmftsmen, techniques, prod- L. Alcock led.) From the Baltic to the Black Sea: studies
ucts: 41-56. London: Hambledon. in Medieval archaeology: 267-79. London: [Jnwin Hyman.
BULLOUGH, D. 1965. The Age ofChar1emagne. London: Elek. One World Archaeology 18.
DODWELL, C.R. 1982. Anglo-Saxon art: a newperspective. Man- KRAIJS.T., J. RODER& W. MIJI.I.ER-WTENER. 1967. Moils Claudianus
Chester: Manchester University Press. -Morn Porphyrites. Beticlit iiber die zweite Forsdiungsreise.
DIJNNING, G.C. 1944. The distrihulion of black Tournai fonts, 1964. Mitt. Deulsch Inst. Kairo 22: 108-205.
Antiquaries Journal 24: 66-8. KRAUTHEIMER, R. 1986. Early Christiun and Byzantine Archi-
FIRCHOW, E.S. & E.H. ZEYDEL. 1972. The life of Charlemagne. tecture. 4th edition. New Haven (CT): Yale University
Coral Gables (FL). Press.
GHIRARDINI, G.1916. Gli scavi del palazzo di Teodorico a Ra- LEE,A. 1888. Marble and murble workers, a handbook for ur-
venna, Mon. Ant. Acud. Lincei 24: 738-840. chitects, artists, masons, and students. London.
GKOLI,1<. 1971. Marmora romana. Rome. LOYN,H.R. 1962. Anglo-Saxon England and the Norman Con-
GREENHALCH. M. 1989. The survival of Roman antiquities i n quest. London: Longman.
the Middle Ages. London: Diickworth. T,UC:C:I, M.L. 1964. I1 pnrfido nell’antichiti, Arch. CIRSR.18: 226-
G K I M M FE.G.
, 1994. Der Dom z u Aachen. Architekfur und 71.
Ausstuttung. Aachen. MAUSS, M. 1954. The Gift. London: Cohen &West.
HEER, F. 1975. Charlemagne and his world. London. MCCLENDOY, C.B. 1980. The revival of opus sectile pavements
HINTOK, D.A. 1990. Archaeology, economy and society. Eng- in Rome and the vicinity in the Carolingian period, Pa-
land from thefifth to thefifleenth century. London: Seaby. pers of the British School at Rome 48: 157-65.
HODCES, R.A. 1982. Dark Age economics: the origins oftowns MEREDITH, D. & L.A. TRECENZA. 1950. Mons Porphyrites: the
and trade AU 600-1000. London: Duckworth. northwest village and quarries, Bulletin of the Faculty of
1989. The Anglo-Saxon achievcmeni: archaeology and the Arts, Foilad 1 university 12: 131-47.
beginnings of English Society. London: Duckworth. PEACOCK.D.P.S. 1995. The Passio Sonctorum Qunttuor
HODGES, R.A. & D.B. WHITEHOUSE. 1983. Mohammed, Charle- Coronalorum: a petrological approach, Antiquity 69: 362-
magne and the origins of Europe: archaeology and the 8.
 NOTES 715

1993. Rome in the desert: a symbol ofpower. Southampton: RAUCII,C. & H.J. JACOB]. 1976. Die Ausgrabungen in der
University of Southampton. Konigpfalz Ingelheim, 1909-1914. Bonn.
PEACOCK, D.P.S. & V.A. MAXFIELD. 1994. The Roman imperial REINHOLD,M. 1970. History of purple as a status symbol in
porphyry quarries: Gebel Dokh an. Egypt. Interim Report, Antiquity. Brussels. Coll. Latomus 116.
1994. Southampton and Exeter. RICHE, P. 1976. Les representations du palais dans les textes
1995. The Romon imperial porphyry quarries: Gebd Doklion, lilteraires du haut inoyen bge, Froncio 4: 161-71.
Egypt. lnterirn Report,. 3995. Southampton and Exeter. RUDER,C. 1992. Felsberg granite as a substitute for Claudianus
1996. The Roman iniperiolporphyryquarries: Gebel Dokhan granite, in M. Waelkens & N. Herz [ed.), Ancient stones:
Egypt. fnterim Report,. 1996. Southampton and Exeter. quarrying, trade and provenance: 131-5. Leuven.
1997. Survey and excavotion at Moons Claudianus, 1987- SCIIUBERT, E. 1982. Die Baugeschichte und die Angaben dcr
1993 1: The topogrophy ond quorries. Cairo. literarischen Quellen iiber die Bestattungen Kaiser Ottos
PEAcm,D.P.S.&D.F.Wll.I.IAMS. 1992.Imported Roman marldefroni I und seiner Gemahlin Edith, Acto Hist. ort. Acad. sci-
Lincoln, Ancient Monuments Labomtory Report 36/92. ent. Hung. 28: 229-35.
PEACOCK, D.P.S., 0.WILLIAMS-THOWE,R.S. THORPE &A.G.TINDLC. SEWER, E.R.A. 1969. ?'he Alexiad oJ Anna Cornnena.
1994. Mons Claudianus and the problem of the 'gronito Harmondsworth: Penguin.
del f o rd : a geological and geochemical approach. Antiq- VON COHANSEN, A. & E. 'WljRNER. 1876. RBmische Steinbriiche
uity 68: 209-30. ouf dem Felsberg un der Bergstrasss in historisclie und
RAHTZ,P.A. 1981. Medieval milling, in D.W. Crossley (ed.), technicher Bezieh ung. Darmstadt.
Medieval industry: 1-15. London: Council for British WHITELOCK, D.1955. English historical documents, c. 500-1 042.
Archaeology. Research report 40. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode.
RAHTX, P.A. & R. MEESON.1992. A n Anglo-Saxon watermill at WILLIAMS-THORPE, 0. & R.S. THORPE.1993. Magnetic suscepti-
Tamworth. Lnndon: Council for British Archaeology. bility used in non-destructive provenancing of Roman
Research report 83. granite columns, Axhaeometry 35: 185-95.

Rock-art image in Fern Cave, Lava Beds National

Monument, California:
not the AD 1054 [Crab Nebula) supernova
C. BARAT& M.W. ROWE*
M. HYMAN,J. SOUTHON,
R.A. ARMITAGE,

The visual manifestation of the recent Hale-Bopp comet reminds us h o w telling are those
rare objects which suddenly flare in the sky One can suppose ancient people living b y
natural light were more compellingl~7struck by the sight of comets and supernovae, and
understandably researchers seek images of them in the shapes of rock-art motifs. An
absolute dating contradicts that supposition in respect of a presumed image of the visible
supernova of A D 1054.

On 4 July AD 1054 a supernova brighter than carvings in the western United States as record-
Venus appeared in the sky, remaining visible ings of the AD 1054 supernova. More than 20
for approximately 23 days and 650 nights. It such depictions (circle or star-like symbols and
was chronicled in five independent historic ac- a crescent) have been located (Brandt & William-
counts, four from China and one from Japan son 1979). In particular, two panels of rock
(Duyvenduk 1942).Hubble (1928) suggested that paintings in Lava Beds National Monument,
the Crab Nebula is a result of the AD 1054 event, California (FIGURE I ) , one at Fern Cave and one
a view generally accepted (Clark & Stephenson at Symbol Bridge, were listed as recording the
1977). For at least 40 years investigators have AD 1054 supernova. Brandt et a]. (1975: 521,
attributed certain distinctive rock paintings and noting that the orientation of the moon and su-

* Armitage, Hyman & Rowe, Department of Chemistry, Texas A&M University, College Station TX 77843, USA.
E-mails: raaGl [email protected] hymanQchemvx.tamu.edu roweQchemvx.tamu
So u th o n , Center for Accelerator Mass Spectrometry. Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, Livermore CA 94551,
USA. E-mail: john.southonBquickmail.LLNL.gov
Barat, Lava Beds National Monument, Tule Lake CA 96134, LJSA. E-mail: [email protected]
Received 1 9 December 1996, accepted 19 March 1997, revised 1 9 May 1997
ANTIQUITY71 (1997): 715-19