OF BULLS AND MEN: THE MADURESE ADUAN SAPI

Author(s): HUUB DE JONGE

Source: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde , 1990, Deel 146, 4de Afl. (1990),
pp. 423-447
Published by: Brill

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27864154

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HUUB DE JONGE

OF BULLS AND MEN:

THE MADURESE ADUAN SAPI*

Introduction

Organized combat between animals enjoys great popular interest in In

donesia, as in other Southeast Asian countries. One of the best-known of
these is perhaps the fight between a tiger and a buffalo, which is now
forbidden. In this fight the tiger seems to represent the nobility, while the
buffalo stands for the commoners. Other animal games that are still staged,
whether legally or illegally, include cockfights, water-buffalo fights, buf
falo races, fights between horses, contests between pigeons, quails, and
crickets, matches between billy-goats or between a goat and a boar, and
bull races and bullfights. Organized fights between men and animals do
not now occur, although in the past they were not unknown. In past times
in Java a criminal armed with a blunt weapon might be pitted against a
tiger; this was more of a punishment than a game. Just as unequal was the
rampok macan, a 'game' between a tiger and a group of pikemen surround
ing and threatening it.1
It is remarkable that, with the exception of the cockfight (Geertz 1973),
little attention has been given to these games by anthropologists. Up to
now, we have only impressionistic accounts from colonial times of most
of them, written by travellers, veterinary inspectors, journalists and the
wives of local colonial officials. In their - often pretentious and moralistic

* A first version of this article was presented at the conference on Man and the Animal World
held in Berg en Dal, The Netherlands, on 22-23 September 1988. I am very grateful to
Pak Liakip, who accompanied me to bullfights in Bondowoso, and to Henk Driessen and
Robert Wessing for their comments on the first draft.
1 For some short descriptions of these animal fights see Van der Lith 1899, Raffles 1817:
346-349 and Wilken 1893:123-127. On tiger-buffalo fights and rampok macan see also
Nieuwenhuys 1984, Wessing 1986:28-29, and Kousbroek in the NRC Handelsblad of
13/4/1984.

HUUB DE JONGE is a lecturer in the Department of Cultural and Social Anthropology of

the University of Nijmegen, from which university he also obtained his Ph.D. Interested in
economic anthropology, with special reference to Indonesia, he has previously published
Handelaren en Handlangers; Ondernemerschap, economische ontwikkeling en islam op Madura,
Dordrecht: Foris, 1988, and, as editor, Agama, Kebudayaan dan Ekonomu Studi-studi Inter
disipliner tentang Masyarakat Madura, Jakarta: Rajawali, 1989. Dr. de Jonge may be con
tacted at ICSA, Postbus 9108, 6500 HK Nijmegen, The Netherlands.

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 424 Huub de Jonge

- reports, they are frequently led by their sensibilities and prejudices.

This paper focuses on the aduan sapi, a fight between two bulls.2
Nowadays, such fights are only held among the Madurese in the eastern
corner of Java. On the island of Madura itself, lying to the northeast of Java,
the game has not been performed since the first decade of this century. It
has been eclipsed by bull races, or kerapan sapi, which in turn were never
very popular in East Java.
In kerapan sapi two pairs of bulls race each other over a course of 80
to 130 metres pulling a sled with a jockey. The winners and losers of the
first round are assigned to separate categories, after which the races
continue according to the 'cup system'. Winners go on, while losers drop
out. Madura is famed for its bull races. Especially in the eastern residencies
they are held in nearly every village. Each year a major competition is held
in which all the island's districts are represented. As in the case of all
animal games in the archipelago, enormous sums are wagered. The final
race is attended by notables from Java and by foreign tourists.3
Aduan sapi is much less well-known and hardly attracts outsiders. The
game is also controversial, not so much because of the way the animals
are treated - which is liberal by Indonesian standards - but rather because
of the misconduct and the debauchery associated with it. In fact, these
secondary phenomena do not differ from those found in Madura. However,
in the eastern corner of Java they somehow give greater offence.
In this paper I want to examine the meaning of aduan sapi both for those
directly involved and for Madurese society in general. What does the game
represent and what exactly is symbolized by it? These are not new ques
tions. Rather, they have been asked by other authors with regard to other
games in other societies. Geertz (1973:444, 446), in his classjc article on
the cockfight in Bali, has described it as both a metaphor and an example
of Balinese social life. Douglass (1984), Driessen (1981) and Marvin
(1984, 1986), in their studies on Spanish animal games, have pointed to
the significance of these fights for the sexual identity of the persons
involved. Both of these notions seem to me to be of importance for the
analysis of the aduan sapi. Important ideas for a better understanding of
the game may also be found in the growing volume of literature on animal
treatment (inter alia Thomas 1983, Serpell 1986) and animal symbolism
(inter alia Blok 1981, Lawrence 1984).

2 Aduan means 'fight' and sapi means 'cattle', though in this combination it always means
'bull'. The game is also sometimes called tok-tok. I have not been able to trace the origin
of this term. It probably is an onomatopoeic for the sound of the crashing together of the
bulls' heads.
3 Today special races for foreign tourists are organized in the residency of Bangkalan in
western Madura. Travel agencies and hotels in Surabaya and Malang offer day excursions
to these races. In fact, three types of kerapan can be distinguished: village contests held
on special occasions, major competitions, and races for tourists. For more information on
the kerapan sapi see Noer and Maduratna 1976, Smith 1989:286-291, and Touwen
Bouwsma 1988.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 425

The following detailed description of the bullfight in the eastern corner

of Java is based on data gathered during various games held in 1986 and
1987.1 went to the fights primarily as a person would go to a ball game:
in order to relax and be entertained. Soon, however, I realized that the
bullfight was more than a game. Having familiarized myself with Madu
rese culture through earlier research, I was struck by the 'Madureseness'
of the whole event. The fights appeared to be an important cultural
manifestation in which significant notions of Madurese society were ex
pressed in both overt and covert ways. For this reason I decided to combine
the role of spectator with that of researcher.

Cattle-Raising among the Madurese

The Madurese, of whom there are three million in Madura and at least
twice that number in East Java, are well-known cattle-raisers. The cattle
population of East Java, excluding water-buffaloes, is more than a third
of that of the whole of Indonesia in size. The larger part of these cattle are
raised in Madura and in those regencies of the eastern corner of Java that
are populated by the Madurese (Statistik Indonesia 1975:214; Statistik
Jawa Timur 1975:101).
Cattle, especially male, is to the Madurese what the water-buffalo is to
the Javanese: a symbol of power and prosperity. Paradoxically, cattle
raising flourishes most in those regions where grazing grounds are almost
non-available and where the animals must be hand-fed. In these areas,
cattle farming produces a substantial part of the peasant family income.
Peasant farms are seldom larger than half a hectare, and the land consists
mainly of non-irrigable fields, or tegal Agriculture and cattle-raising are
complementary activities on these small farms. The animals, normally one
or two adult pairs per extended family, are used as draught animals in
ploughing, harrowing and weeding. They are fed with hand-cut grass and
agricultural waste. Their faeces are burnt along with straw to make fer
tilizer for the fields. Young animals are sold for breeding or are raised for
slaughter, depending on the need for cash. The peasants themselves sel
dom eat the meat.
Aside from being draught animals and articles of trade, cattle also are
a means of saving money, an investment for hard times. They function at
the same time as currency and a standard of value. One can use animals
for payments and tell a person's status from their number. For a long time
in the colonial era the animals were used for transport. They carried sugar
cane to the factories. Bull-drawn carts can still be seen today in the cities
as well as the rural areas (for detailed information on Madurese cattle, see
Kok 1921, Smith 1989).
The Madurese care for their cattle as if these were members of their
family. They are penned beside the kitchen and tethered in view of the front
veranda of the house. Most writers about Madurese society emphasize the

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426 Huub de Jonge

attention that is given to the animals. The men are said to be more devoted
to their animals than to their wives. The theft or maiming of cattle in any
case is regarded as an equally serious offence as adultery, and nearly
always results in carok, murder or manslaughter. The men show an es
pecially great affection for their bulls, which are regarded as 'domestic
companions' and treated as humans, to speak with Thomas (1983:
93-100). They refuse to have the animals castrated, however much this
would facilitate their control during work, and improve the meat and, in
many cases, the breed. A castrated bull is considered to be incomplete and
ugly, and is said to lose its energy and power, and thus perhaps its symbolic
value (cf. Kok 1921:31).
The significance of cattle, especially bulls, is also evident from the
appearance of these animals in local folk-tales, proverbs, and wood car
vings depicting bulls, and from the horns on traditional houses. Male
characteristics that are most positively valued are often designated with
terms that refer to features of bulls. While many animals may figure in
verbal abuse, bulls, on the other hand, are spoken of only in terms of
endearment (cf. Leach 1964).4

Carving of a bull by a six-year-old child.

4 See, for example, the folk-tale 'Puteri Jenang' (Zawawi 1982). Wooden panels in which
bulls have been carved are often found as wall decorations in the houses of well-to-do
peasants. In the eastern part of Madura, I met several peasants who owned old wooden
sheaths for sickles in which a bull's head had been carved. They wore these sheaths on
their belts when climbing barefoot the 10- to 15-metre-high palm trees to tap the palm
sap (la'ang) from which palm sugar is made. Some also carried laro', the ground bark of
the kesambi tree, which is used to prevent the souring of the la ang, in bulls' horns.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi All

This metaphorically positive relation between men and bulls stands in

sharp contrast to the parallels between Madurese and bulls that are drawn
by outsiders, especially by Javanese and Balinese. They will tell one that
the Madurese are competitive, proud, excitable, violent, aggressive, and
even crude and uncultured - all of them negative and animal-like qualities
which these outsiders regard as being symbolized by the bull, which for
the Madurese is so meaningful.
These stereotypes are prompted by, among other things, the differenti
ated nature of Madurese society, which differs significantly from those of
Java and Bali. Rural Madurese live primarily in separate family com
pounds, and do not have closely integrated village societies with a well
developed government. For centuries they have had a relationship of
antagonism with the upper layers of their society, and have customarily
taken the law in their own hands (De Jonge 1986). Even today, differences
and problems are usually solved openly and directly or settled violently by
those involved. The Madurese also have a strong sense of honour. Adul
tery, theft and insulting behaviour in many cases provoke physical viol
ence. Not a week goes by when one does not read about a case of violent
revenge in the newspapers.

History and Organization of the Bullfight

About the origins of the animal games found in Southeast Asia, little is
known. Bishop (1925) thinks that they originally formed part of rituals
concerned with agricultural fertility and productivity. This view is similar
to that expressed by Kreemer (1956:89-90), who believes that in many
cases cattle games in Indonesia were meant to placate the rain gods. In
East Java, I often heard the statement that aduan sapi originally were
organized to mark the transition between the dry and the wet seasons.
According to Bishop (1925:633), various parts can be distinguished in
the archetype of the ritual, such as the training of the bull, the stimulation
of combativeness, the fight itself, the processional march of the winner, the
offering and bloodless killing of the winner, the communal consumption
of the meat, and the raising of the horns on poles. Several of these parts
can also be identified in the Madurese bullfight. However, the bull is not
sacrificed. A ritual meal is not held, in any case not after the fight, and the
horns are not used ritually, although they are honoured indirectly.
Kreemer (1956:89) points out that in animal games in Indonesia in
tended to bring about rain, blood tends to flow fairly often. The blood is
said to symbolize the rain. Van der Pias (1920-21:741), who describes the
water-buffalo races on the island of Kangean, speaks of the beating and
maiming of young buffaloes at the start of the races for that purpose.
During kerapan sapi in Madura, the jockey beats the bulls with a stick with
nails in order to fire them to greater speed. This often results in the

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428 Huub de Jonge

Sheath for a sickle in the shape of a bull's head

wounding of the animals. In bullfights in East Java no animals are woun

ded by people, although blood occasionally flows, and every so often a bull
is mortally wounded.5
5 The Madurese in Madura as well as in Java also have a fight_between menjntended to
bring on rain, the so-called ojung. Two men, bare to the waist, try to wound each other
with a rattan cane. The one who bleedsjksk loses. The fight takes place only sporadically
now, among others in the regency of Sumenep.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 429

However that may be, the bullfight in East Java has never been without
ritual significance. Until quite recently it was staged on important occa
sions, such as in rites of passage (circumcision and marriage), on garebeg
or Islamic religious holidays (Idul Fitri, the end of the fast, Idul Adha, the
day of Abraham's sacrifice, and Maulud, the day of Muhammad's birth and
death), or on national holidays such as Independence Day.6 The fight used
to take place in hamlets and villages, on plantations, and in the cities, and
was organized by private individuals, associations, and the government.
In the 1930's the colonial authorities attempted to restrict the staging
of aduan sapi because of the many excesses that occurred. Large amounts
of money were gambled away - sometimes the fight was organized just
for that purpose - and more than once the fights were attended with
violence and disorders. In those times, as to a lesser extent also today,
aduan sapi were not just fights between bulls, but also contests between
persons, and enemy and rival neighbourhoods, desa, regions, and towns.
The honour and status of an individual or a group was at stake in these
contests, with all the consequences that this entailed.
From 1934 onward, a permit issued by the regency office was needed
to organize an aduan sapi? In practice this meant that fights were allowed
only in the alun-alun (town square) of the bigger towns, while in the
countryside they were held illegally. After Independence, the Indonesian
authorities took over this rule. In the 1960's, the number of illegal fights
grew dramatically, and the violence surrounding the games increased,
while the official aduan sapi was in danger of becoming dominated by
criminal elements. There also was increasing Islamic opposition to the
gambling. In response to this situation the regional government decided
from then on to concentrate the fights in Bondowoso and to take control
of them.8
A committee of officials was formed to concern itself with safety and
the administration of the proceeds from the games. The organization of
the aduan sapi itself was contracted out to an entrepreneur who represen
ted a small kongsi, or combination of businessmen, who also owned
fighting bulls. In the past ten years Poa Tiong, alias Hendra, has been the
leading figure in the aduan business. Before him Swam Bing was the major
organizer. The organization of aduan has proved a lucrative activity. The
kongsU as is apparent from the names of its members, consists mainly of

6 In Indonesia, Idul Adha, the big sacrificial feast, is far less important than Idul Fitri. It is
the high point of the month of the pilgrimage. On this day pilgrims offer goats and sheep.
Those at home distribute meat there.
7 See Bijvoegsel van het Provinciaal Blad van Oost Java, 31 October 1934, serie C, no.9.
8 The town of Bondowoso, the old capital of the residency of Besuki, has always been the
centre of aduan sapi in the eastern corner of Java. Its choice is legitimated also by a folk
tale according to which the animal game had its origins in Bondowoso. Kiai Ronggo, a
descendant of a noble lineage, is said to have got the idea for the games while bringing
the land into cultivation. Moreover, the name Bondowoso is said to be derived from the
words banda (capital) and waisyo (cattle).

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430 Huub de Jonge

peranakan, or descendants of Chinese immigrants and Madurese women.

The Madurese-Chinese (who are closer to the indigenous population than
are the Indonesian Chinese elsewhere in Java) are most markedly present
in the cities on the north coast of the eastern corner, especially Pasuruan
and Besuki. As one of them told me, these persons have inherited 'the
business instincts of the Chinese, the love for bulls of the Madurese, and
the fondness for gambling of both.'
Until recently, the kongsi used to rent a piece of land in the environs of
Bondowoso, on the plateau between the Ijen and Yang mountains, each
year. Here an arena and several grandstands were erected. In 1987 a piece
of land was purchased in the village of Kademangan, halfway between
Bondowoso and Situbondo. The intention is to hold the aduan sapi in this
place in the coming years.
Government intervention did not immediately result in the desired
order. Illegal fights continued to cause problems, and the staging of the
game became an issue in the regional parliament (DPR II). The Islamic
parties, united in the United Development Party (PPP), opposed this form
of popular entertainment, while Golkar, the government party, and the
local military leadership were in favour of its continuation. A local police
chief, Jacky Mardono, was transferred to another place after putting a
temporary stop to the games because of the increased criminality (see
Tempo 27/9/1986). After the Petrus Affair - the mysterious killings of
criminals in Java a few years ago - both criminality and the number of
illegal fights declined.9 Recently, in compliance with the wishes of the
people, aduan were twice organized outside Bondowoso: once in Klakah
and once in Banyuwangi. The results of this move were disappointing, in
that in both places the games gave rise to tumultuous situations.
Each year, during the dry season, between June and November, fights
are organized on twenty-eight days, spread over thirteen weekends. Up to
now, a series of separate fights has been held on each day. In the future
the government plans to have competitions between different categories
of bulls; it is not certain whether this will be successful, however. The
public does not seem to be interested in this kind of change and seems to
prefer the old individual matches.
The arena - a bare, dusty expanse - is as big as half a soccer field. It
is enclosed by covered grandstands on all sides. The stands for the ordinary
people consist of seats made of bamboo constructed in rising rows. For the
adjudicators, official guests, and the owners of bulls and big gamblers there
are three small, separate stands. Underneath the jury stand is an area for
a peasant gamelan orchestra, supplemented for the occasion with a fe

9 Petrus is an acronym of pembunuhan misterius, that is, 'mysterious killings'. In the early
1980's criminals and those suspected of criminal activities were killed by 'parties un
known' without any form of legal process. Although it has since become known who
committed these murders, the term Petrus is still in vogue.

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 Of Bulb and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 431

Hebat ! G e m par dan Serti..

ADUAN SAPI BESARI
DI SEBELAH PASAR SAPI
Desa KEDEMANGAN BONDOWOSO

5
Juli 1986
Sabtu pon
Minggu wage
6
Juli 1986
Jaogaa lupa a)ak kcluarga anda ontok menyaksikaa
Kebudayaan aeli Bondowoso ini.
Catat tanggal mainnya.

8AF1* sadih dipers

apkan tedemikiao rapt
derisela ruh Ktbopatea
fix Ktreeideuan
Besuki din Utting

Pengangkutan Sapi A ITI A PELAK8ANA

Heti lume'at tgl. 4.7-1986
CV. TRI TUNGGAL JAYA

Pamphlet announcing an aduan sapi.

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 432 Huub de Jonge

male dancer. All stands are fenced off with chicken wire and large bamboos.
The days of the fights are announced beforehand by means of leaflets
distributed at the cattle markets. Owners of fighting bulls can register with
a representative of the organizing committee in their area. The bullfight
is popular throughout the eastern corner, especially in the regions of
Bondowoso, Jember, Situbondo, Besuki, and East Probolinggo. Because of
the concentration of the fights in Bondowoso, however, the total number
of spectators has declined. A day of fights attracts around 3000 visitors.
The committee estimates that there are several thousand fighting bulls
in East Java, of which around 1400 perform one or more times each year.
Individual bulls are not entered for each contest, as fighting too often
affects the bull's condition. Moreover, there are so many potential parti
cipants that not all bulls can perform each weekend. It is not always
possible to find an opponent, either. For this reason, famous bulls (jago)
which seldom lose take part only a few times each season.10 Such matches
are carefully prepared. Both the owner's reputation and that of his social
environment are involved. Inauspicious days are avoided. Chinese-Madu
rese owners may consult a kind of symbolic animal calendar. For a day
under the sign of the cat they will enter a bull with cat-like features, such
as fine bones and a small head. Madurese owners act in accordance with
the predictions of the local calendar.11 Especially elderly persons resort to
these devices.
The owners of bulls as well as the spectators at the fights are mainly
Madurese. Small- and medium-sized bulls are usually the property of
Madurese peasants. The large fighting animals are commonly owned by
well-to-do Madurese tobacco traders or Chinese-Madurese tradesmen,
shopkeepers and entrepreneurs. The latter often operate in kongsi. These
businessmen benefit from the fame of their bulls in their business dealings.
The ups and downs in the bulls' lives are discussed as in the case of sports
heroes and film stars. Common people will patronize the establishment of
the owner. The big entrepreneurs usually have good connections among
the civil and military authorities. Often they will land contracts for the
construction of government offices also by paying bribes out of the pro
ceeds from the bullfights. The advertising potential of the bulls also works
the other way round. For a few years the aduan sapi was sponsored by such
cigarette factories as Gudang Garam and Sukun.
The names of fighting bulls may indicate the qualities that the Madurese
value in their animals (and perhaps also in people), for example, Sabar

?OJago means 'leader, champion, rooster'. It is a term that is usually used of gang leaders,
rowdies and machos.
L1 The 5th, 13th, 21st, and 29th days of the lunar month are cat-days. There are seven other
animals in this calendar: the sekko (a bird), wild pig, tiger, deer, chicken, mouse, and dog.
This is closely related to the Chinese lunar calendar. The Madurese calendar is not very
different from the Javanese one (see Van den Bosch 1980). There are also owners who play
only on either even or odd days.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 433

(Patient), Untung (Fortune), Sifat (Quality), and Langsar (Clever). There

are also such names as Colok (Torch), Pecut (Whip), Keong (Snail), Senter
(Flashlight), Topeng (Mask), Tembak (Shot), Suntik (Injection) and Pelor
(Bullet).
The spectators are all men and boys. Only among the honoured guests
does one see wives and daughters of local notables. The games are not
highly regarded outside the Madurese community. As was said above, the
Javanese generally look down on the Madurese. The latter are stereotyped
as hot-tempered, ill-mannered and rude, as well as outspoken and untrust
worthy. Aduan sapi is seen as a typical expression of crude Madurese
culture. It has a bad name, which is further aggravated by the gambling
and former violence.
In colonial times there were occasionally Europeans among the guests.
The Indies correspondent of the Dutch newspaper De Maasbode wrote
about the fight: 'By such a bullfight - a show of massive power and bestial
fury - you can recognize a brutal and savage, rough and cruel, aggressive,
but at the same time heroic people'. About the spectators he wrote: Their
heads cruel and hard, their eyes impudent above wide cheekbones and
jaws like those of predatory animals'.12
These days the fighting season opens with a cattle show, including the
final judging of the best regional breeding stock, known as kontessapl The
kontes was added to the programme in order to give the aduan sapi better
standing, and to make it clear that the government is concerned with the
improvement of livestock. A number of traditional dances, which used to
be performed at bullfights in the desa, is also performed. The best-known
of these are the tan pecut (whip dance) and the tari selir sapi (the dance
of the bull's seconds). These dances close with a simulated bullfight. Men
dressed as bulls stage a perfect imitation of the bullfight.
After the introductory programme, the first pair of bulls enters the arena
in full ceremonial rig. They are preceded by an orchestra, the Indonesian
flag, papayas skewered on sticks (possibly a substitute for horns on poles?),
and payung (parasols) the carrying of which was a privilege that in the past
was reserved to royalty. These regalia in a carnavalesque way indicate the
importance of these animals for the Madurese.

The Breeding, Training and Care of Fighting Bulls

Various kinds of bovines are entered in the fights. Most of them are crosses
between varieties of the indigenous, domesticated banteng (Bos javanicus)
and the zebu (Bos indicus) from southern India and Sri Lanka, between

12 Reprinted in the Java Post (1912) 10-36:574-575; 37:588-589. Aside from this article,
which deals with the bullfight obliquely, I have come across only four impressions of aduan
sapi, namely those of't Hoen (1922-23), N. (1931), Van Hulten (1931) and Schmidt auf
Altenstadt (1905).

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 434 Huub de Jonge

European cattle (Bos taunts) and zebu cattle, or between European cattle
and local varieties (for zoological details see Simoons and Simoons 1968:
14-34). Among these hybrids the Madurese bull naturally occupies an
important place. This bovine, like Javanese cattle, is a cross between the
zebu and the domesticated banteng. However, owing to relative geo
graphical isolation, climatic and ecological factors, and import restrictions
on other kinds of cattle under the colonial regime, it developed into a
separate species. Javanese cattle, on the other hand, were exposed to far
more outside influences and thereby lost many of their original character
istics. Among the non-hybrid fighting bulls, the zebu and the Bali bull are
the most important. Balinese cattle (Bos javanicus domesticus) are direct
descendants of the wild banteng. European bulls, imported from Australia
or New Zealand, are only rarely seen in the arena.
Fighting bulls are chosen for their intrinsic qualities. They are selected
from available varieties in Java and surrounding islands, especially
Madura, Bali, Lombok, and sometimes Sumba. In addition, bulls may also
be bred especially for the aduan. By crossing various breeds, one tries to
improve the fighting qualities of the animals. The strange thing is that
varieties are crossed but that famous individual animals are seldom in
volved in the breeding process. Pedigrees do not exist. On the contrary,
fighting bulls are used as little as possible for breeding, to prevent them
losing any of their energy. Some crosses also seem to produce sterile male
offspring (Simoons and Simoons 1968: 28-30). If a fighting bull is used
for breeding, this will often be outside the aduan season, in order to please
the bull or to do the owner of a cow in heat a favour. For the sperm of a
prime bull no more than a couple of eggs are given.
Every variety of bull has specific qualities that make the animals intrin
sically suited for fighting. Madurese bulls, for example, are small but
solidly built. Their chests are better developed than their hind quarters.
They have a short, wedge-shaped head and a very muscular, broad neck
with a hump on top. The horns are short and wide. Their position varies,
because they are forced to grow in specific directions when the bull is
young. These bulls are good at striking their adversary head-on or butting.
The zebu bulls have relatively long legs and carry their heads low. They
have a long, rather sinewy than solid body, and long wide horns. They do
not create an aggressive impression, and may even appear to be sluggish.
They have stamina and are masters in the use of their horns. Sometimes
they will push an opponent from one side of the arena to the other.
For outsiders, the Balinese bull is without doubt the most impressive and
beautiful animal to take part in the aduan. It is well proportioned and is
blackish brown in colour, with white areas on the rear and legs. The
bundles of muscles are distributed over their entire body. Their horns,
which first spread and then turn upward, end in sharp points. Physically
the animal is a smaller version of the banteng that is still found in protected
nature reserves in Java. During the fight it reminds the spectator of the

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 Of Bulb and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 435

banteng'% wildness. Among the owners of bulls there is no preference for

any specific species of cattle. What they want is a fighter, a winner, a
champion, of whatever origin.
In the arena one sees relatively few bulls of the same variety engage each
other, certainly among the heavyweights. Connoisseurs, of whom there are
thirteen to the dozen, say that bulls of the same kind either will not fight
each other or will not give their all.131 found no evidence for this and did
not notice it during the fights. This view could have a symbolic meaning:
one does not fight with members of one's own group but rather with
outsiders. It could also be that fights between different breeds of bull are
more fascinating or exciting to watch. However that may be, the prevalent
practice of having bulls of different builds fight each other makes for
beautiful visual combinations, such as a white, seemingly uninterested
zebu struggling against a brawny, eager Madura bull, or a heavily built
European animal pitted against an elegant Balinese one.
The care and training of fighting bulls belonging to owners who are not
themselves peasants is usually left to keepers. Such persons, usually peas
ants (tani), on average look after two or three bulls belonging to one owner
or kongsi. One person is never put in charge of bulls belonging to different
owners. In such a case one owner would quickly suspect that the bull
belonging to another is given preferential treatment. Where more than one
bull is looked after, these are usually in different stages of development,
for instance an adult animal with a couple of younger ones. All are housed
in separate sheds, otherwise there would be havoc. An owner of many bulls
will lodge them at different addresses.
The care of fighting bulls is a time-consuming activity that involves the
entire peasant family. To prevent foul play, such as the wounding or
poisoning of an animal, and to ensure the safety of the neighbours, the bulls
are continually watched. The sheds are cleaned every few hours and the
animals are washed and scrubbed once or twice a day. Every morning their
whole body is massaged with the hands and feet. The animal's back is
rubbed by the boys of the keeper's family hanging from a tree branch or
a rafter in the shed. When the weather is too warm the animal is tethered
in a shady spot. Each day women and children cut fresh grass, which is
mixed with the leaves of maize, various pulses and cassava. This diet is
regularly supplemented with tonics and various medicinal herbs (jamu). A
keeper in the village of Jelbuk gave the bulls he was tending a mixture of
boiled betel leaves, palm sugar, water, turmeric, ginger and eggs each
week. In cool weather he gave them seven to nine extra eggs. Chunks of
sugar and squash were prescribed for bulls who were panas, a term literally
meaning 'hot', but often indicating nervousness or sexual heat.
The animal's keeper is also its trainer. He begins to train it and to whet

13 This could be one of the reasons why aduan sapi is not popular in Madura. As was pointed
out above, non-Madurese varieties of cattle hardly occur there.

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 436 Huub de Jonge

its horns when the bull is only a few months old. From the age of six months
bulls are made to walk uphill every day. The more mature they become,
the greater will be the distance the bulls have to climb. Once in a while
they will have to carry a bag of about 50 kg. of sand on their neck. Both
the climbing and the weight training are aimed at improving the animal's
stamina and muscle tone. When the bulls are 2Vi to 3 years old, they are
taken to be trained in fighting other bulls somewhere in the area every two
weeks. During these training sessions the bulls are restrained with reins
attached to a rope running through their nose. During such practice fights,
each bull is escorted and encouraged by two men, the so-called tokang selir,
one on each side.14 After the age of Vh years, the bulls are ready for the
ring. If everything goes well, they will be mature fighting animals at the
age of 5 or 6. A well-trained bull will then be able to participate in the top
class for at least five to six years. After this their strength and endurance
decline. Of course only a small portion of the bulls reach the jago class.
Absentee owners regularly visit their animals and attend all their prac
tice fights. They will bring traditional medicines or ginseng, discuss the
bull's condition and speculate about his future. The keeper receives a wage
for his services or will be given the right to half the animal's added value
when it is sold. By this 'share-cropping' arrangement (adegan) the owner
pays all permanent and incidental expenses, while the peasant and his
family provide the necessary labour. If the owner should not wish to sell
the bull, the peasant can demand his half of the animal's added value and
continue to look after it for wages. The tending of bulls in many cases is
a lucrative activity. A young bull may be worth four times its original value
after only a year's training.15
Bulls that are successful in the ring fetch exceptional prices. For some
owners the trade in aduan bulls is more important than the fights. Letting
bulls participate in the ring is a means of selling them to real aficionados.
Real champions are of course seldom sold. The owner will keep his 'alter
ego' as long as possible. At the close of its career the animal is usually
slaughtered and the meat is distributed among neighbours and friends. The
offering of the animal further enhances the status of the owner. This way
he allows others to share in the magical and supernatural powers attributed
to bull's meat. Perhaps this is a 'delayed' version of the communal meal
of which Bishop (1925:633) speaks.
The relation between the owner and keeper is one of trust. The owner
is a kind of patron to the family living with his bulls night and day. He will
support them financially in difficult times or may buy a piece of land that
they may use for their support. A good keeper is worth his weight in gold.

14 In high Madurese, the term selir means 'excellent', but also 'concubine'. Note that the
keeper may also act as tokang selir, though this is not necessary.
15 Fighting bulls are never traded at the cattle market. They are bought and sold at home.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 437

Preparations for the Fight

The days preceding an official fight, the animals are especially spoilt. They
are given double portions of eggs, tonics, stimulating foods, and even food
and herbs that normally are reserved only for humans. Neighbours and
acquaintances come to help with the final preparations and stay the night
to guard the animal.
It seems as if at this time the boundary between man and animals is even
vaguer than usual. The bulls are addressed in a friendly and comradely
tone and are rubbed and caressed. The dukun (kind of shaman) is asked
to prevent black magic through spells, and offerings (sajen) are made at
sacred places to placate the spirits. Often a delegation will make a pilgrim
age to the grave of a local saint. Traditional kiaU or religious leaders, who
are not averse to this are asked for their blessing for the fight. They usually
provide a religious text written in Arabic script on a palm leaf which the
bull then has to consume. A kind of 'guardian lamp' to ward off evil influ
ences is left burning in the shed during the final nights before the game.
On the evening before the weekend of the fight a ritual meal will often
be held for the bull, which is attended by men and boys from the neigh
bourhood. The preparations for this are made by the women of all the
families. During this night all those present express their sympathy with
the bull, sing his praises, and promise to bet on him. If the bull belongs to
a small peasant, money is collected for a communal bet. The greater the
confidence in the bull - but also the greater the dependence of the betters
on its owner - the greater will be the contributions to this. One has to
realize here that at that moment the opponent of most bulls is not yet
known. On the days before an aduan long lines of people usually queue
up outside the pawnshops, while the gold dealers in the city (the 'peasant
bank') are offered much jewellery by people trying to raise cash for bets
(see Tempo 27/9/1986).
The men remain awake until the truck belonging to the aduan com
mittee comes to fetch the bull. A small following will travel with the bull
to the arena. This group consists of the owner, the keeper, the tokangselir,
guards, helpers, and some boys in their late teens. Others follow separately.
To enliven the nights at the ring, some owners may take along an enter
tainer. This may be a comedian, a person who plays a musical instrument,
or a singer or dancer.
The bulls are put in enclosures of woven bamboo or canvas located
around the ring. The accompanying group is not given separate quarters.
They will remain with the bull and even sleep next to him. As Jacob ( 1984;
83) has a character in one of his novels say, 'leaving a fighting bull alone
is as dangerous as leaving a virgin unattended . . . After all, a [covetous]
eye is kept on both.' The attendants usually wash in the river or at a well
and eat at stalls in the grounds. Wealthy owners may rent a house near the
arena, where they will then keep the bull and its followers.

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 438 Huub de Jonge

Many owners and keepers will visit the grave of kiai Ronggo in Bon
dowoso after their arrival. This kiai is considered to be the founder of
aduan sapi (see note 8 above). They give some money to the caretaker of
the grave, burn incense, and meditate in order to ask for wangsit, or
permission to enter the fight, and a blessing.
Beside the bull enclosures there are a great many of food sellers and
market stalls in the grounds. Hundreds of traders, pedlars and hucksters
try to sell their wares - eggs, shoes, fruit, agricultural implements, sweets,
and toys - at prices usually twice the normal. Especially the winning
gamblers are known to be easy spenders.
On the night between the two days of the fights a pasar maiam, or night
market, is held in the arena itself. Hawkers try to outdo each other in witty
comments. Especially ointments and potions reputed to enhance sexual
potency sell well in this male-dominated environment.16 Sometimes the
organizers commission a ludruk, a kind of comical folk-play in which
doubles entendres and bawdiness predominate. Women's roles are played
by men, and when this is done convincingly, men from the audience will
jump onto the stage to embrace the 'girls' and slip some money into their
bodice. During this night prostitution is also rampant. The harlots know
exactly from the go-betweens who has a lot of money to spend, and will
offer their services openly and in rather a pushy fashion. In the decidedly
male atmosphere surrounding the aduan sapi many men feel compelled
to express and gratify their maleness through sexual acts.

The Fight

The fights in the arena take place between eight in the morning and sunset.
The day begins with an offering, involving the burning of incense for the
safety of man and beast. Next a wooden drum is beaten to summon the
participants and their animals to the ring for the gandengan, or selection
of an opponent. On average thirty to forty bulls participate in this ganden
gan (lit. 'comparison'). Champions or potential champions never take part
in this matching. They will have been pre-matched days or weeks before.
Usually two or three gandengan are held each day, depending on how long
the fights last.
When looking for an opponent one looks among other things at the size,
length, width, position of the horns, and breed of the animals. Mostly a

It has always amazed me how much money people are willing to spend on medicines such
as powdered horn, ground scorpions, ointments and potions of unknown composition, and
how quickly they let themselves be convinced of their efficacy. Some hawkers will show
pictures of penises before and after using the relevant remedy. Others adorn their pitch with
complicated medical diagrams. Once I saw a pitchman among the bystanders who, after
some hesitation, showed his indeed extraordinarily proportioned member to the audience.
People were dumbfounded.

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 Of Bulb and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 439

member of the organization will act as matchmaker17 in the arena. After

agreement has been reached, the jury is informed accordingly and the 'rent
of the ground' is paid.18 Besides this symbolic payment of Rp. 1000, the
participants pay a contribution toward the organizational costs. The
amount of this contribution is not fixed and is kept a secret. I was told that
for inexperienced bulls it is a set amount, while for exceptional bulls it is
a percentage of the gambling stakes.19 After the gandengan the jury
decides on the order of the fights, taking care that there is an alternation
between experienced and inexperienced combatants. Not every bull can
be matched with a suitable opponent right away, and some must even
return home without having participated.
Before the fight commences, the bull is rigged out especially finely.
Around his neck are hung a rope with a bell and paper flowers, while the
ordinary ropes are now replaced with coloured tasselled reins. The horns,
which have been painted gold or silver for this occasion, are now polished
to a high gloss. The last stimulants are administered, including eggs and
alcoholic beverages such as whiskey or brandy, and an irritant, such as
reumasol or sambal, is applied to the animal's ears and genitals.
Animals whose turn it is to fight are led into the arena with their
attendants - the tokang selir, the keeper, two assistants, and sometimes the
owner. If a bull hesitates to enter the arena, he is lured in with the aid of
a cow in heat. Especially the entrance of the big bulls is impressive. The
cheering audience hails them like heroes. The bull's attendants first lead
him to a spot near the fence. Often this spot will have been picked by a
dukun. They wait there until all is ready. In the meantime they talk to the
nervous bull and try to calm him by rubbing his rear and genitals. Some
people will rub a bit of the animal's saliva on their face. At a sign from
the chief adjudicator, the chairman of the jury, the bulls are brought to the
centre of the ring. Here the referee smells the animals to make sure that
no repulsive or repellent ointments have been applied to their skin. Then
all the ropes are removed. Without the nose-rope, the animals can no
longer be controlled. The fight may begin.
Trained bulls immediately seek each other out. Jago approach each
other cautiously, their bodies taut with tension. They snort or bellow and
keep their gaze fixed on the ground. At the moment the heads touch each
other frontally, the referee holds up a handkerchief, at which the chief
judge blows a whistle and the fight has officially commenced.
The animals push each other with their heads as hard as they can, turn
around and around, delivering blows with their head, and try to gore each

17 Tokang atek\ ngatek means 'to put in a good word for or to discuss the suitability of
something1.
18 The Indonesian expression for this is sewa tanah, although one may also hear emas kawin,
'dowry'. Both words are common euphemisms for these kinds of payments.
19 In 1985 the regional authorities received nearly Rp. 39,000,000 in pajak tontonan (enter
tainment tax). This money probably came from the levy on gambling monies.

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440 Huub de Jonge

other in the flank with their horns. The fighting animals shift from left to
right and from one end of the arena to the other. Sometimes they will stand
for minutes in one spot, pushing at each other, their legs stretched, their
muscles swollen, and their necks and heads in a straight line. Then one will
push the other again through the billowing dust in the arena. Once in a
while a bull may be lifted into the air or thrown to the ground.
The fight is over when one of the bulls, the loser, stands with his rear
straight in front of the face of the other bull, the winner, without touching
him. This seldom happens accidentally. A bull who feels he has lost will
turn around and walk off with his tail in the air, which the audience
interprets as a sign of fear and shame. The winner remains standing in
triumph, his head held high. Sometimes he will chase his defeated op
ponent once or twice around the arena, to the accompaniment of the
swelling sound of the gamelan.
There are few rules. Sometimes bulls lose their concentration and refuse
to continue fighting. The one who first turns his rear to the other, according
to the rules, is the loser. A bull who in the heat of the battle goes crashing
into the stands and accidentally lands up in the losing position is allowed
to continue fighting. If a bull, irritated by his own tokang selir, attacks him
arid in so doing turns around, he loses. If an animal is treated improperly
by the tokang selir of the opposing party, the fight is discontinued, with
sometimes the wronged bull being declared the winner. Those involved try
to avoid this kind of situation at all costs. Finally, all fights must be stopped
after they have gone on for an hour. Such fights end in a draw.20

Bulls with tokang selir.

20 For similarities and differences with the now forbidden Kelantan bullfight, see Brown 1928
and Osman 1964.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 441

Not all bulls will actually fight. Sometimes one of them will flee before
the heads touch. The fight then is discontinued. Fights may also be can
celled after the starting whistle. Many bulls are horny because of the long
period of sexual abstinence and will not feel like fighting. They will smell
and lick and try to mount each other, to the great hilarity of the audience,
which will make obscene gestures and yell out lewd remarks. Even the
ladies of the official party openly show themselves amused at these dis
plays. Such animals are excused. Further, if a bull lies down within two
minutes of the start of the fight, the match is declared void. After those two
minutes, a fight may also be discontinued if, because of lack of comba
tiveness, the bulls stop fighting and just walk about without coming to a
decisive finish.21 The duration of the fights differs all the time. Most take
ten to twenty minutes. A fight may end in a draw once or twice in a
weekend.
The tokang selir play an important role during the matches. Important
bulls usually have their own seconds, while owners of lesser ones may
borrow these from the organization. All parties take care to ensure that
a tokang selir from one region never seconds a bull from another region.
Every bull is accompanied by two of these persons. They wear matching
sashes that differ in colour from those of the opposition. Each stands on
one side of the bull. Their task is to incite the animal to fight and keep him
facing in the right direction. They do so by imitating bull sounds, yelling
and waving their outstretched arms about in a varying rhythm. They must
keep two metres away from the animals. They may not make any vertical
movements, broaden their shoulders, and frighten the opposing bull.
The task of the tokang selir is difficult and dangerous. It is not easy to
keep up with the bulls and to control an angry animal. They must be lithe
and constantly alert. It regularly happens that they have to jump onto the
fence to avoid an enraged bull. The seconds usually are not younger men,
but rather are middle-aged persons with long experience with bulls. They
command a lot of respect, and to the best among them magical powers are
attributed. Some are even said to be invulnerable. Tokang selir who do not
play fair are either reprimanded or suspended. Those who work for a bull
owner share in the proceeds from the betting. Others are paid a sum of
money.
Besides the bulls, the seconds and the referee, the other members of the
bull's following also stay in the arena. They attentively follow their bull
from a safe distance and carry his attributes. One of them continually rings
the bell that was suspended from the bull's neck and calls his name.
Another carries the reins draped about his neck and over his arms. A third
holds the nose-rope between his teeth and slowly and rhythmically slides
his hands along the rope. Magical and healing qualities are attributed to

21 If a certain bull frequently refuses to fight, suspicions of black magic quickly arise.

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 442 Huub de Jonge

bull saliva and nasal mucus.22 Possibly it is believed that by taking the rope
in one's mouth one can establish a mystical connection with the bull and
thus convey one's support.
Although it is forbidden for any other persons to be in the ring during
the fight, there are always some people who believe they are indispensable.
A certain prestige attaches to walking around in the arena, since this marks
a person as courageous. If this becomes too disturbing, the police clears
the ring.
Bulls walking around loose after a fight are caught by skilled lassoers.
This is apt to lead to precarious, but also comical situations. The winning
party is exuberant and usually does not pay attention to what is going on.
As soon as the beast is lassoed, the rope is dropped to the ground and
further responsibility for the bull is handed over to his party. As soon as
the nose-rope is in place, the bull is back under control.
The more famous the bull, the greater will be the tension before and
during the fight, the higher the amounts bet, and the greater the joy at
victory. The winning bull is embraced, slapped on his back and dressed
up like a champion. A sash, scarf or T-shirt is tied to his horns and a wreath
hung around his neck. Heavy-weights have a cloak with their name
embroidered on it and bordered with gold brocade placed over their back.
To the accompaniment of special, swelling gamelan music the bull and his
followers parade in the direction of the grandstand. Halfway there the
group is met by the pesinden, or female dancer, singing a song in a sensual
way. The men dance quite an erotic dance around the woman, during
which some men hold a taut rope or whip between their legs. Others make
the same movements and gestures around her as those made by the tokang
selir around the bull. They try to put their arms around the pesinden and
to pinch her in the rear. In conclusion the owner or one of his men puts
some paper money between her breasts.
Big winners continue the celebration at home. The bull is welcomed like
a hero. Days later the owner will still receive visitors, with whom the fight
is discussed again and again from beginning to end. The pride in the victory
spreads throughout the neighbourhood and even the entire village.

Betting
At the entrance to the arena a large board is suspended, proclaiming that
betting is forbidden. Gambling, however, constitutes an integral part of the
games. Except for the grandstand, there is gambling in all the stands. The
big gamblers are found in the stand for the owners of bulls. In a society
like that of the Madurese, where most people continually suffer shortages

22 The attribution of supernatural powers to saliva and other bodily fluids is found quite
frequently in Indonesia. The saliva of nobles, for instance, is believed to be possessed of
magical qualities. From Java there are reports that discarded sink quids were collected by
commoners. For references, see Wessing 1986:52.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 443

of ready cash for daily spending or investments, gambling is not just a form
of entertainment. It also has economic importance. It is a way of accumu
lating money for important events like weddings or for business purposes.
The Madurese word for gambling, taw, also means 'to save' or 'to have
in reserve'. In this respect, aduan sapi does not differ greatly from aresan,
a saving method that is popular throughout Indonesia, in which a large sum
of money is won by the participants in turns. In both cases, people are
looking for a large return, except that in betting the return is not assured,
whereas in aresan it is - unless the manager absconds with the funds. There
are few other ways of obtaining large sums of badly needed money.
The gambling at the aduan sapi does not differ markedly from that
which goes on at the cockfights as described by Geertz (1973:425-432).
Here, too, one finds on the one hand owners of bulls with their followers
or kongsi, who wager enormous sums at even odds somewhat clandestinely
in their own group, and on the other hand the little man, who publicly bets,
equally illegally, with relatively small amounts mostly at various odds.23
Nevertheless, some differences can be pointed out. The scale of the odds
in bullfighting is wider but less refined than in the cockfights. At the latter
there are combinations running from 10 to 9, 9 to 8, 8 to 7 through to 2
to 1. At bullfights, however, the odds always are any figure under ten to
ten itself, such as 3 to 10,4 to 10,6 to 10,7 to 10, etc. Among the spectators
the even odd of 1 to 1 is also found, though not very often.
The betters can announce their wager in two ways: by choosing and
announcing the lowest figure, or by yelling ten. When asor enam (below
six) is called, the caller is indicating that he is choosing the number six and
thereby simultaneously asking the other to opt for ten. When atas enam
(above six) is called, the caller is indicating that he is choosing ten and
asking the other to take six. For the odds of 5 to 10 or 1 to 2 a separate
term, apit, is used. The precise odds in this case are negotiable. Of course
when making a bet, one also announces the bull concerned (by name,
colour, or position and shape of the horns) and the amount bet. For
instance, if someone yells 'asor enam Rp. 1000 on the red bull', this means
that if the red bull wins, he is to be paid Rp. 10,000, and if that bull loses,
he will have to pay Rp. 6000.
Another difference with the cockfight is that the betting continues while
the fight is in progress. Bets may be made and odds changed even after
the whistle has been blown. This is closely connected with the character
of the fight. In cockfighting one of the animals usually dies very quickly,
while in bullfighting there is time to gauge the powers of the respective
animals. Especially in the case of animals which are relatively unknown,
people tend to await developments. Some visitors make more than one bet,
sometimes conflicting ones, in order to avoid over-great risks. Among the
23 Large betters, among them owners of bulls, wager millions of rupiah, while smaller ones
bet thousands - no small amount when one considers that the daily wage of a tradesman
is about Rp. 1500.

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 444 Huub de Jonge

spectators there are always a large number of small professional gamblers

who try to conclude as many transactions as possible using their own
money or a patron's (bandar). They will not shrink from staking a large
amount on a bull that seems to be losing a fight.
Quite differently from Balinese cockfighting, where the sound of the
betting is akin to that of the passing of a swarm of bees, gambling at
bullfights is surrounded by a lot of noise. Betters yell out the odds and
amounts gesticulating wildly. Yet, there seems to be a taboo on betting
quite separately from the announcement at the entrance. People seem to
be hesitant about this because of a growing resistance to gambling in
society at large. Whenever I asked about gambling, I was told that it did
not take place. When I tried to sit among the various groups of spectators,
both the public at large and the owners, I was literally removed and made
to sit among the honoured guests.
All bets are settled at the end of each fight. Among the general public
no intermediaries come into play. Trust and cash are the basis of all
agreements, although the public does exercise some social control. Welsh
ers ask for trouble, and in their case physical violence is not excluded. In
the past, knives were quickly pulled. Now that weapons are proscribed in
the arena, any differences are settled later.

Conclusion

It is clear from the foregoing that the bull occupies an important place in
Madurese life. The animal serves important human purposes. These are
of both a practical arid a spiritual nature. The animal is an important link
in human adaptation to the natural environment, and to a certain degree
with the supernatural world related to it. Bishop (1925) is probably right
in saying that the bullfight originally formed part of a complex of rituals
aimed at ensuring good harvests and thus continued existence. The tran
sition from swidden to sedentary agriculture after all was due to an
important degree to the domestication of wild cattle. As a result of the
influence of Buddhism and Islam respectively, this early religious cult has
declined in importance. The ritual lost constituent elements as well as its
original meaning, although traces of this may still be found. At the same
time, new meanings were attached to it with time. Aduan sapi has proved
to be a festivity that is far from unchangeable. As society changed, the
aduan changed as well.
Just like the cockfight (Geertz 1973), the bullfight has for a long time
been a mirror and an expression of the society in which it is found. The
spectators see in the arena a reconstruction of their society, which is
sometimes just as exciting, sometimes just as disappointing, and always
just as gripping. It is the struggle of life, the battle for higher status and
the defence of personal honour that are acted out and experienced here.

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 Of Bulls and Men: The Madurese Aduan Sapi 445

It is not difficult to imagine the bulls as a representation of people or as

people. Not just the fight, but also the phenomena surrounding it point in
this direction. The ultimate illustration of this is perhaps the reconstruction
of the reconstruction, that is, the imitation of the bullfight by people
dressed up as animals at the beginning of the fighting season. It is a
metaphor of society raised to its own power.
It would be incorrect to characterize the fight as only a symbolic game
at this level of abstraction. Until recently, bullfights were often staged and
were used locally as a way of settling feuds, rivalries and other conflicts
between individuals or groups of people. Now the distance between the
groups involved in the fights has become much greater. This is a result of
government intervention, leading to such changes as the localization of the
games in one place. In some cases, however, such factors as feuds, and so
on, still play a manifest role in the fights.
However contradictory this may appear to be with the nature of the
event - the literal combat between bulls and the figurative opposition
between persons and groups - the aduan sapi also to some extent displays
features of a rite of intensification. On the one hand it emphasizes the unity
and solidarity of the community to which the owner of a bull belongs. On
the other hand, despite all internal rivalry, it strengthens the unity and
solidarity of the larger Madurese society in opposition to the outside world
(especially the Javanese). In explicitly and implicitly stressing common
values, the game confirms, strengthens and renews the Madurese identity,
while at the same time clarifying various individuals' places in the social
hierarchy.
The aduan sapi is replete with sexual symbolism. The arena and its
immediate surroundings are a stage for the expression of 'male sociability',
and the fights as well as the surrounding phenomena serve 'male identity
functions' (Driessen 1983:123). Bulls are symbols par excellence of sexual
vigour, courage, power, and aggressiveness. What Lawrence (1984:180)
says about bulls in the rodeo also applies to aduan bulls: 'The quality of
its maleness is paramount - in the form of its body, its behavior, and its
spirit'. To watch and take part in the contests, even through betting or by
hanging around the arena, enhances the masculine identity of those con
cerned. This way their machismo is strengthened and they are encouraged
to display the connected behaviour and continue in this (cf. Marvin 1984:
60). The sexual symbolism is confirmed down to the last detail, as is
apparent from the rubbing of the area around the bull's genitals and the
painting, polishing and decorating of its horns, which are phallic symbols
(Blok 1981:427). The high point of the event is perhaps the dance around
the pesinden - the only woman allowed in the arena - by the following of
the winning bull. At that moment, the bull's power is metaphorically taken
over by the men and displayed to the woman (cf. Douglass 1984:243). The
events inside and outside the arena unambiguously emphasize and re
inforce Madurese ideas about relations between the sexes.

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 446 Huub de Jonge

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