The Structure of the Market and Musical Style: The Economics of Opera Production and

Repertoire: An exploration
Author(s): Rosanne Martorella
Source: International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music , Dec., 1975, Vol.
6, No. 2 (Dec., 1975), pp. 241-254
Published by: Croatian Musicological Society

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 THE STRUCTURE OF THE MARKET
AND MUSICAL STYLE
THE ECONOMICS OF OPERA PRODUCTION
AND REPERTOIRE: AN EXPLORATION

ROSANNE MARTORELLA

Queensboroulgh C. C., CUNY

Introduction

Sociologists have always been interested iin exploring the relati-

onship between art and society and have either studied the nature
of artistic roles, or the nature of the art form, emphtasizing th
effects of socio-economic conditions, the system of patronage, o
the changing nature of societal linstitutions upon careers, the orga-
n!izations artists participate in, and the content of creative expres-
sion. Consequently, there is an embarrassment of riches with re-
gard to painting and literature, but a dearth of sociological studies
exploring the nature of the performing arts in America.1 This pa-
per is an attempt to narrow this gap by investligating the nature of
opera production in ,the United States. It will examine the 'present
economic ba,se of the four largest opera companies and their reper-
toire for 1972-1973 season.
The conditions under which opera is produced today - its a
liation to large performing arts centers, its grandiose and expen
administrative machinery, the changing nature of philanthropy
the United States, and its strong reliance on the box office -
be seen to significantly affect what ils produced. Taking these fac
into account, the position throughout has been how the social st

1 Sociological studies in ithis area include: Milton C. ALBRECHT, et a

eds. The Sociology of Art and Literature. Praeger Publishing Co., New Y
1970; Edward ARIAN, Bach, Beethoven and Bureaucracy: The Case of t
Philadelphia Orchestra, University of Alabama Press, Alabama 1971; Pa
HIRSCH, The Structure of the Popular Music Industry, University of
chigan Press, Michigan 1969; Paul HONIGSHEIM, Music and Society, ed
P. Etzkorn, John Wiley & Sons, New York 1973; D. NASH, The Alienat
Comiposer, in: R. N. Wilson, ed. The Arts in Society, Prentice-Hall, New
sey 1952.

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242 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTHETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC

ture
ture within
withinwhich
whichthethe
opera
opera
is produced
is produced(created,
(created,
marketed
marketed
and co
a
sumed)
sumed) influenced
influencedthethedevelopment
development of operatic
of operatic
styles.
styles.
SinceSince
opera
produced
producedas aspart
part,of
,ofnon-profit
non-profit associations
associations
which
which
havehave
increasin
incr
relied
relied on
onprivate
privatepatronage,
patronage, andand
with
with
contributions
contributions
unable
unable
to off
t
inflationary
inflationarycosts,
costs,anananalysis
analysis
of ofolpera
olpera
mustmust
be seen
be seen
in terms
in t
such
such production
productionaspects
aspectsand
and
'it 'it
must
mustfocus
focus
on the
on the
consequences
consequ
production
productiongoals
goalsand
andvalues
values
of ofthethe
performing
performingart organizatio
art organ
Aesthetic
Aestheticnorms,
norms,exemplified
exemplifiedin in
thethe
repertory
repertory
will will
be seen
be seen
to eman
to
given the structure of the market.

The Performer-Patron Relationship

The structure of the performer-audience relationship can explain

the emergence of various stylistic trends. Viewed historically, as
social institutions became specialized and market relations changed,
the social position of the artist, the nature of his role, and the cul-
tural product 'also changed. Both the a'ud'ience and 'the system of
patronage showed varying degrees -of preferences ifor the composer,
singer, director or conductor. These preferences affected the artist's
relative position 'of prestige and status in the musical community
and, consequently, his authority in the establishment of musical
styles.
Before the advent of a secular milieu, the artist was an integral
part oif the social activities of the group and was subservient to his
patron. With the dominance of religious institutions, a distinction
between professional and clerical status was eliminated and musical
achievement became the duty of churchmen for which status within
the ecclesiastical hierarchy was awarded. Music was church music
with a primary emphasis on the liturgy (Lang, 1941: 24-26; Rolland
1915: 12-24; Henderson, 1921: 17-22; Einstein, 1954: 18-30; and
Rushmore, 1971: 12-13). During the Middle Ages, art was consi-
dered a handicraft; in contrast, the Renaissance helped to establish
the belief that a work of art was possible only through the creative
individuality of the person. With the rise of the merchant cities,
mercantile classes emulating the life style of the aristocracy came
to support artistic expression. Give'n this new attitude toward the
musician and his work, and supported by a changing economic and
political order, music found a growing public. Henceforth, many
flocked tlo hear music, but they found their enjoyment in aristo-
cratic salons and later in the public opera houses instead of the
churches.
When Italian opera dominated the European market, it was firs
supported by the courts of southern Germany; but, when Germa
opera expanded to include the bourgeois patron, it took on a diff
ent form. The rise of mercantilism, antedated by the guild syste
caused the growth of a middle class. Their love for the Singspiel,

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THE STRUCTURE OF THE MARKET AND MUSICAL STYLE 243

representing
representing thethe
conviviality
conviviality
of rural
of life
rural
in life
fairytale
in fairytale
and mytholo-
and
gical
gicalform,
form,and
and
their
their
literary
literary
tradition
tradition
combined
combined
to create to
what
cre
Wagner
Wagnerlater
later
called
called
,>Gesamtkunstwerk<<
,>Gesamtkunstwerk<<
- a total- art
a total
formart
integrat-
form
ing
ing music,
music,poetry,
poetry,andand
drama
drama
(Rolland,
(Rolland,
1915: 220;
1915:
Thomson,
220; Thoms
1939;
and Lang, 1941: 378).
Musical preferences for performers, and hence, for particular mu-
sical expressions, developed along with particular systems of patron-
age and national distinctions. By the late seventeenth century, the
Venetian mercantile class, unlike the aristocratic and religious pa-
tronage of Rome and Florence at the !time, had established opera
houses that produced public spectacles (Bukofzer, 1947:408-11).
By taking opera out of aristocratic salons, a commercial public was
established; it was a public that showed a preference for super-
stars, virtuosli, and dramatic spectacles. Such a public created the
demand for opera, and a place where the castrati displayed their
skills. The solo singer came to dominate the market of the seven-
teenth and early eighteenth centuries while the composer remained
in the background of public attention. The freedom displayed in
their trills, appogiaturas, and crescendos of the >bel canto< style
was quite a departure from the religious and medieval polyphonic
style, in which voice ranges adhered strictly to the general design
and the expression of the individual talent was prohibited.
In the North, public concerts, reflecting the demands of a bour-
geois audience, encouraged the decline of the role of the singer,
since this audience came to adulate the virtuosity of the composer-
performer and finally the instrumentalist. Capable of combining
both composition and interpretative skills, the composer-performer
of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries came to domli-
nate the virtuoso market. The middle class, however, adulated the
performance skills of Beethoven, Schubert, Chopin, Paganini and
others, creating an enormous market for traveling virtuosi. The com-
poser-performer came to personify the spirit of the Romantic era,
the ultimate in virtuosity combining both creation and interpreta-
tion. This had great significance for the development of attitudes
toward the performer and it affected musical norms so that what
was considered musically aesthetic and tasteful concomitantly chan-
ged. Consequently, the compo,ser's social position changed, and the
conductor took his place as the chief performer4interpreter of our
time (Nash, 1952:45; Schonberg, 1973:51).
It was possible to invest conductors with >>star quality<< since they
played individuated and central roles in a symphony or opera. Once
again, mass audiences could be made to focus o,n a star. This time,
the conductor had elicited their interest, loyalty and financial sup-
port. The function of integrating the various elements of an opera
is given to the conductor, and especially with the decline of the
composer, changes in musical style, and the proliferation of pro-

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244 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTIETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC

ductions
ductionsofofnineteenth
nineteenthcentury
century
composers,
composers,
the conductor
the conductor
has beenhas b
given
giventhe
therole
roleofof
reinterpreting
reinterpreting and recreating
and recreating
their compositions.
their compositi
This
This development
development will
will
be made
be made
clearer
clearer
in theinforthcoming
the forthcoming
analysis analy
of
of the
theorganization
organizationandand
content
content
of opera
of opera
among among
the leading
the leading
opera o
companies
companiesinin the
the
United
UnitedStates
States
today.
today.

The
The Economics
Economicsofof
Opera
Opera
Production
Production

Lacking
Lackinginational
inationaltraditions
traditions
of its
of own,
its own,
and possessing
and possessing
a cultural
a cultu
eli,te
eli,tewhich
whichdiscounted
discountedAmerican
American
music,
music,
opera opera
in the in
United
the United
States St
tried
tried to
toincorporate
incorporateas much
as much
as possible
as possible
fromfrom
EuropeEurope
since the
since
middle
middleof ofthe
thenineteenth
nineteenth
century
century
(Pleasants,
(Pleasants,
1970:73).
1970:73).
From the
From
1930's
1930'son,
on,opera
operawas
wasreorganized
reorganized
as nonprofit
as nonprofit associations
associations
with con-
with
trol
trol independent
independentof of
those
those
whowho
owned
owned
it. It it.
hasItalso
hashad
also
to had
counter-
to counte
balance
balancethese
thesepatrician
patrician
roots
roots
and and
controls
controls
with thewithdemands
the demands
of an of
urban
urbanmiddle
middle class.
class.Opera's
Opera's
problems
problems
have have
been aggravated
been aggravated
by the by
enormous
enormousrise
riseinin
production
productioncostscosts
and the
andchanging
the changing
nature nature
of phi- of p
lantropy
lantropyininthe
theUnited
United States.
States.
Si'nce
Si'nce
selling
selling
tickets
tickets
has made
hasopera
made op
more
moreresponsive
responsive to tothethe
demands
demandsof theof >box
the office<,
>box office<,
the costs
the
ofcos
productions
productionsand
and
their
their
popularity
popularity
havehave
affected
affected
decision-making
decision-mak
more
morethanthanconcern
concern forfor
thethe
future
future
of the
ofart
theform
art form
or of the
or creative
of the cre
artist.
artist.These
Thesedevelopments
developments havehave
coincided
coincided
with and
withwere
andcontingent
were contin
upon
upon thetheri,se
ri,seofof
a commercially-minded
a commercially-minded industry,
industry,
including
including
large- la
scale
scale organizations
organizationsof of
imanagement,
imanagement,
public
public
relations
relations
men, unions,
men, un
journals,
journals,and
and>iincorporated,
>iincorporated,
music
music
centers.
centers.
Opera Opera
in America
in Americ
can
only
only be
beunderstood
understoodin in
thethe
light
light
of this
of institutionallization
this institutionallization
which has
whic
brought
broughtan
anincreasing
increasing
professionalization
professionalization
and bureaucratization
and bureaucratizatio
to
the arts.
The sixties witnessed an enormous expansion of activity in the
performing arts across the 'nation. Many new independent organiza-
tions and large art centers have been organized since 1960. Most
opera in the United States is 'produced by a handful of large and
well k,nown opera companies, but there are approximately forty
major organizations (Central Opera Service, 1970). The combined
budgets of the big four opera producers, which include the Lyric
Opera of Chicago, the Metropolitan Opera, the New York City Ope-
ra, and the San Francisco Opera, and to over twenty-two million
dollars and thus make up over half 'of the total budget of the forty
major professional companies. On 'the other hand, semi-professional
groups, workshops and university-affiliated opera groups receive
foundation support and government subsidies, especially through
the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Council of
the Arts, and state-education grants.
The income of established commercial companies comes mainly
from ticket sales, recording and broadcasting rights, program ad-
vertisements, house rentals, and restaurant-theater concessions

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THE STRUCTURE OF THE MARKET AND MUSICAL STYLE 245

though
thoughthesetheseare are
sometimes
sometimes
supplemented
supplemented
by contributions
by contributi
and
grants.
grants.BoxBoxoffice
office
income
income
accounts
accounts
for about
for sixty
about
per sixty
cent ofper
the cen
total
totalincome
income forfor
the the
Metropolitan
Metropolitan
Opera and
Opera
the San
andFrancisco,
the San while
Francis
it
it provides
provideshalf
half
of the
of income
the income
for thefor
Lyric
theOpera
Lyricof Chicago.
Opera of Contri-
Chicago
butions
butionshave
haverisen
risen
considerably,
considerably,
andc without
andc without
them organizations
them organiz
could
couldnotnotsurvive.
survive.For For
example,
example,
in a ten-year
in a ten-year
study from study
1963-1972,
from 1
the
theMetropolitan
Metropolitan reported
reported
that income
that income
had doubledhadwhile
doubled
expenses
while e
had
hadtripled
tripled(Metropolitan
(MetropolitanOpera Opera
AnnualAnnual
Report, 1973).
Report,
Table1973).
1 re- Ta
veals
vealsthis
this
disparity
disparitybetween
between
incomeincome
and expenses
and expenses
for the 1971.
forseason
the 197
for
forthetheMetropolitan,
Metropolitan, Chicago,
Chicago,
and Sanand
Francisco.
San Francisco.

TABLE 1

1971 BOX OFFICE INCOME AND EXPENSES

(in millions of dollars)

Income (Box Office) Expenses

Metropolitan $ 12.8 $ 19.6
Chicago 1.6 3.1
San Francisco 2:0 3.2

SOURCE: Metropolitan Opera Association Annual

Report 1970-1971, Lyric Opera of Chicago Annual
Report 1970-1971, and the San Francisco Opera
Annual Report 1970-1971.

Unfortunately, the gap between income and expenses cannot be

explained by inflation alone. The very nature of the performning arts
organization anticipates such dilemmas as to the economies of scale.
It is indeed a >lablo,r intensive< organization with unexpected expen-
ses in staffing front and backstage personnel, wardrobes, settings,
supernumeraries, and solo performers.2 The excessive costs in pro-
ducing opera are poignantly revealed by the losses incurred night
after night, and these losses act to justify the overzealous preoccu-
patio'n with costs by art administrators. Table 2 !presents data taken
from a Metropolitan Opera study which ranks operas according to

2 For other studies analyzing the economics of the performing arts see:
William J. BAUMOL and William G. BOWEN, The Performing Arts - The
Economic Dilemma, Twentieth Century Fund, New York 1966; Ford Foun-
dation, The Finances of the Performing Arts, Ford Foundation, New York
1974; R. MARTORELLA, The Performing Artist as a Member of an Organi-
zation: A Sociological Study of the Economics of Opera Production and of
Opera Performers, Ph. D. Dissertation, New School for Social Research, New
York 1974; National Council of the Arts, Arts and the People, and A Study
of the Non-Profit Arts and Cultural Industry in New York State, Cran'ford
Wood, Inc., New York 1973; Rockefeller Foundation, The Performing Arts:
Problems and Prospects, McGraw-Hill and Company, New York 1965.

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246 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTHI-ETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC

their dollar loss

loss per
per perfoirmance.
perfoirmance. The
The total
total amount
amount ofof ticket
ticketsales
sales
is reflected fin
fin box
box office
office percentage
percentage (percent
(percent ofof house
house capacity).
capacity).
In order to see
see which
which operas
operas are
are the
the most
most costly,
costly, box
box office
officesuccesses
successes
are measured against
against the
the costs
costs per
per performance.
performance. Consequently,
Consequently,

TABLE 2

OPERAS RANKED BY NET LOSS PER PERFORMANCE

METROPOLITAN OPERA
(SEPTEMBER 1972 TO FEBRUARY 1973)

Rank Opera Box Office Loss per Performance

1 Aida 980/o $ 29,000
2 Walkure 96 25,000
3 Siegfried 97 24,500
4 Sonnambula 77 24,500
5 Orfeo 70 23,000
6 Un Ballo 80 23,000
7 Macbeth 84 22,000
8 Lucia 84 22,000
9 Giovanni 86 20,000
10 Pique Dame 80 20,000
11 Faust 89 19,000
12 La Traviata 93 18,000
13 Carmen 98 18,000
14 Romeo 81 17,000
15 Otello 95 17,000
16 Norma 98 16,000
17 Flute 92 15,000
18 Rigoletto 92 15,000
19 La Boheme 93 14,500
20 La Fille 98 14,000
21 Butterfly 94 13,000

SOURCE: Metropolitan Opera Association, 1973.

operas which are box office successes do not insure reduced costs.
For example, Aida with the highest box office capacity incurs the
largest loss per performance, ,or $ 29,000, while La Boheme and
Faust with smaller house capacities, have been able to offset some
losses since they are less expensive to produce, and lose $14,500 (at
930/o house capacity) and $19,000 (at 890/o house capacity) respective-
ly. The average cost per performance stands at $60,000, with an
average loss of $20,000. Thus, we can see that in a market which
lacks a more secure income base, there exists an almost slavish de-
pendence on its audience and private patron.

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THE STRUCTURE OF THE MARKET AND MUSICAL STYLE 247

Repertoire

The preceding discussion focused on the source and nature of the

economic dilemma in the performing arts, and these foregoing exi-
gencies become the basis for investigating the extent in which such
market conditions have influenced the production and organization
of opera. An examination of the repertory systems of the four ma-
jor opera companies in the United States will reveal whether any
dominant styles prevail. If repertoire is seen to reflect a reconcili-
ation between public tastes, private patronage, and the preference
of superstars, then our thesis as to the relationship between the
structure of the market and muslical style is established. If, as in
the case of the large companies caught in the financial squeeze,
every opportunity to increase box office receipts is taken, popular
operas will be mainly selected for presentation and superstars cast
in major roles.
The standard repertoire3 accounted for 3,332 of the 5,246 perform-
ances presented in 1970-1971 and was similarly overrepresented
in 1971-1972 when 3,875 of the total 5,723 performances were in

TABLE 3

MOST POPULAR STANDARD OPERAS AND COMPOSERS

IN THE UNITED STATES, 1966-1972

Opera Number of Composer Number of

Performances Performances

La Boheme 1,023 Puccini 3,228

Il Barbiere Mozart 2,564
di Siviglia 870 Verdi 2,254
Le Nozze di Figaro 800 Rossini 1,187
Traviata 759 Donizetti 1,029
Madame Butterfly 707 Gounod 442
Die Fledermaus 673 Offenbach 411
Carmen 661 Pergolesi 358
Cosi Fan Tutte 558 Mascagni 359
Hansel and Gretel 534 Leoncavallo 229
Tosca 504 Wagner 261

SOURCE: Central Opera Service, New York, Opera Repertory 1966-1972,

(Central Opera Service Bulletin, New York 1972).

3 It is extremely difficult and debatable to employ historical periods in

order to represent the end of the >standard< repertoire and the beginning of
>>contempora,ry<( repertoire. Hewever, for the purposes of this study, let us
use the term >standard& to include all operas premiered before 1930.

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 TABLE 4

COMPOSER AND NUMBER OF PERFORMANCES

OF EACH PRODUCTION, 1972-1973

New York City Opera San Fr

Metropolitan
(Spring)

Verdi Puccini Wagner

Aida (14) Tosca (4) Der
Un Ballo in Maschera (11) Butterfly (4) Das R

Macbeth (9) La Boheme (3) Die W

Otello (9) Siegf

Mozart
Rigo,letto (8) Gott
Cosi Fan Tutte (3)
La Traviata (8) Nozze di Figaro (4) Donizet
11 Trovatore (8) Don Giovanni (3) *Luc

Puccini Donizetti
Meye
La Boheme (14) Lucia di Lammermoor (3) *L'Af
Madame Butterfly (7) Roberto Devereux (3)
To,sca (3) Maria Stuarda (2) Durren
*Th
Mozart Verdi
Puccini
Don Giovanni (17) La Traviata (7)
*Tos
Rigoletto (4)
Donizetti
Bizet: Carmen (5) Verdi:
Lucia di Lammermoor (13)
La Fille du Regiment (6) Offenbach Bellini:
Les Contes d'Hoffman (7)
Gounod
Mozart
Faust (16) Ginastera

Romeo et Juliette (10) *Beatrix Cenci (5) Total:

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Bellini Monteverdi Lyric
Norma (6) *L'Incoronazione (4)
La Sonnambula (7)
Verdi
Henze: *Young Lord (4)
Un B
Strauss
Stravinsky: Oedipus Rex (4) La Tr
Der Rosenkavalier (7)
I Due
Salome (6)
Orff: Ca!rmina Burana (4)
Bizet Wagn
Mascagni-Leoncavallo (3)
*Carmen (11)
Debuss
Strauss: Rosenkavalier (3)
Wagner
Berg: W
*Siegfried (5) Massenet: Manon Lescaut (3)
Die Walkiire (5) Mozart:
Boito
Tschai,kowsky Mefistofele (3) Puccini
Pique Dame (8)
Total: 85 performances, 22 Total:
Britten ducti
productions, 15 composers
Peter Grimes (6)
*New Productions *New P
Gluck
Orfeo ed Euridice (5)

Rossini
Il Barbiere di Siviglia (4)

Total: 13 composers, 26 pro-

ductions, 223 performances

*New Productions

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 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTHETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC
250

the
thestandard
standardcategory
category
(Central
(Central
Opera Opera
Service,Service,
1972:27). Table
1972:27).
3 T
shows
showswhich
whichoperas
operas
and and
composers
composers
were the
were
mostthe
popular
most and
popular
how an
often
oftenthey
theywere
were
performed
performed
between
between
1966 and
1966
1972.and
>La 1972.
Boheme<
>La B
was,
was,undoubtedly,
undoubtedly,the the
mostmost
popularpopular
production,
production,
accountingaccounting
for 1,023 f
performances.
performances. TheThe
composers
composers
are, inare,
rankin
order:
rankPuccinti,
order: Mozart,
Puccinti, M
Verdi,
Verdi,Rossini,
Rossini,
Donizetti,
Donizetti,
Gounod,
Gounod,
Offenbach,
Offenbach,
Pergolesi,Pergolesi,
Mascagni, M
Leoncavallo,
Leoncavallo, andand
Wagner.
Wagner.
As oneAscanone
see,can
thesee,
productions,
the productions
as well
as
as the
thecomposers,
composers,
whichwhich
prevail
prevail
includeinclude
works from
worksthe from
Romantic
the Rom
Era,
Era,predominately
predominatelyfromfrom
the nineteenth
the nineteenth
century,century,
and exemplify
and bel
exem
canto,
canto,melodic
melodic
andand
virtuoso
virtuoso
styles.styles.
The
Therepertory
repertory of 'the
of 'the
four four
majormajor
companies
companies
corresponds
correspond
to the
national trend outlined above. Based on an examination of the 1972-
1973. seasons, outlined in Table 4, Verdi and Wagner were favored
in Chicago, Wagner and Donizetti appeared at the San Francisco
Opera, Puccini and Donizetti were selected at the New York City
Opera, and Verdi and Puccini became the staples 'of the Metropoli-
tan Opera.

Conclusion: The Standardization of Repertoire

It is proposed to conclude this study by assembling the arguments

and inferences made throughout and re-examine 'the thesis as to the
socio-economic effects on the content and style of opera. We have
shown that a significant amount lof opera performed in the leading
opera houses has consisted of the standard works, and the tendency
is to rely moire and more on the staples to offset the expenses of
new productions for the season, and to curtail costs which would
arise from extra rehearsal time, scenery, etc. The standard reper-
toire represents approximately 75 percent of a season's repertoire
and includes the mainliners, while 10-25 per cent are new pro-
duction's, the remaining per cent being contemporary or experi-
mental. What companies select for presentation does, therefore,
depend on what the public buys and the funds acquired to supple-
ment ticket sales; and 'this relationship is greater with the increased
size of the budget and reliance on the box office. For example, the
Metropolitan and the Lyric Opera of Chicago have been more con-
servative with half of their lincome coming from iticket sales; in
contrast, the New York City Opera, with subsidization from the
National Council of the Arts and the Ford Foundation, have been
able to commission new works and present operas which are con-
sidered avant-garde or are Irarely performed. In addition, increased
deficits have made companies extend their seasons to increase their
income, but diversity in repertoire has not been commensurate with
the extended season. Given the time needed for 'the standard reper-
toire to become firmly established and the complex 'institutional ma-
trix mobilized 'to support it (including publishers, the recording ,in-
dustry, educational institutions, unions, the mass media, etc.), re-

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THE STRUCTURE OF THE MARKET AND MUSICAL STYLE 251

pertory
pertory trends
trends
are highly
are highly
resistantresistant
to change.4to
This
change.4
trend hasThis
been tre
consistent since the 20's or about the time when Puccini had his
immediate success as a composer. Since that time, the classical re-
pertory has been performed with the virtual exclusion of the con-
temporary repertoire among the major opera houses. Such >stan-
dardiza'tion<< is a manifestation of production values.
Opera has always been a battleground for different elements of
music, but these battles today are resolved within a framework
where economic forces dominate. Consequently, opera has come
to be defined as a recreative, virtuoso, and interpretative art form.
This development has been facilitated by the fact that the standard
repertoire is mainly produced. The shift from dependence on the
upper class to middle class subscriptions has nlot caused either
boldness in production or in the selection of operas. The long-term
trend has been an increased reliance on the composers of the nine-
teenth century as was shown by revealing the repertoire of the ma-
jor opera companies in the United States. Middle class sponsorship
has emphasized the role of the virtuoso singer and an emphasis on
performing virtuosity rather than on music so that we presently
witness the authority of the superstar conductor and stage director.
Since there is little diversity 'in the selections of repertoire, and
little commissioning of new works, the way operas are produced
becomes most important. Audiences come to hear singers, while
stage directors and conductors provide dramatic changes to the
old staples. The desire for the spectacular and the advance in stage
technology have facilitated this trend. The importance of the sin-
ger cult and the spectacular performance both have to do with the
economics of opera. The financial crisis has become the norm. The
difference between a relatively successful and a relatively unsuccess-
ful performance is a narrow margin in the occupancy of the house.
Cutting costs is psychologically difficult, because one then cuts
prestige. Income increase through ticket sales is limited because
the major strategy for the past thirty years has been to rely on sub-
scription series and on an audience that may reflect its power by
not purchasing tickets.
Aesthetically, the struggle is between the various elements in ope-
ra-between libretto and score, voice and instrument, conductor and
singer, musical line and orchestration. Presently, these conflicts
take different forms. Wagner argued for a total lintegration of the
score, music, voice, and orchestra. Yet, it was the emphasis on the
orchestral score over all other elements that dominated and deter-
mined musicianship and excellence in artistic standards. Today the
4 For a similar analysis with regard to the symphony orchestra in the
United States, see Edward ARIAN, Bach, Beethoven, and Bureaucracy: The
Case of the Philadelphia Orchestra, Alabama 1971; and John MUELLER, The
American Symphony Orchestra: A Social History of Musical Taste, Indiano-
polis 1951.

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 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTHETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC
252

emphasis
emphasis is onis total
on total
effect,
effect,
'but Ithe'but
majorIthe
effort
major
is in effort
staging to is in
provide
provide a total
a total
sensation
sensation
for thefor
audience.
the audience.
The music isThe devalued.
music is
Changes
Changes areareintroduced
introduced
'to keep'to
thekeep
same the
audiences
samereturning
audiences to see
retur
the
thesame
sameoperas
operas
seasoln
seasoln
after season.
afterThese
season.
innovations
These innovations
are not inno- ar
vations
vations in in
operaopera
as a musical
as a musical
fo'rm; they
fo'rm;
are undertaken
they are primarily
undertaken
with
withreference
reference to thetorestaging
the restaging
and redesigning
and redesigning
of >dead< opera. of >d
Wagner's
Wagner's total
total
operaopera
was a creation
was a creation
'in music, 'in
:notmusic,
libretto,:not
in sta-
librett
ging,
ging,inin all all
its elements.
its elements.
The total
The opera
total
of the
opera
present
of the
is only
present
an
innovation
innovation in staging.
in staging.
Creative
Creative
work iln work
the development
iln the developme
of the
opera is done outside the major opera companies. This limits the
development of opera that is creative in its essential form. The
battle among opera's various components continues; but, unlike the
past, the battle lis primarily over its reproduction or recreation. Be-
cause of economic conditions, creativity in opera is hidden away at
the universities. Communication 'between contemporary opera and
an audience is limited (Ad'orno, 1939; Pleasants, 1970). The world
of opera is split in two. One is a world of virtuoso production and
the other a world of living but sometimes uncommunicative creation.
These two worlds do not form the basis for opera as a living force
presenting new ideas to an audience. Consequently, it has become a
museum for the art of 'the nineteenth century and involves an
aesthetic cult of groups anxilous to belong to a very small elite.

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 INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE AESTHETICS AND SOCIOLOGY OF MUSIC
254

Sa'etak

STRUKTURA TRZI8TA I GLAZBENI STIL

U ovom se 6lanku pokugava istra2iti priroda operne proizvod

6im opernim kudama Sjedinjenih Ameri'kih Driava. Organizacij
Limjetnosti koja proizvodi operu analizira se s obzirom na njenu sa-
dagnju ekonomsku bazu, repertoarni sistem i drustvene odno,se izmedu iz-
vodilaca i menad&era. Clanak zavrgava otkrivanje,m posljedic,a drui?tveno-
-ekonom,skih uvjeta u sadr'aju i stilu opere, te drultvenom polo2aju izvo-
dada koji tvore operno-simfonijsku strukturu.
Kako su se drugtvene insititucije specijalizirale i kako su se promijenili
trziSni odnosi tako su se promijenili i dru'tveni polo2aj umjetnika, pri-
roda njegove uloge i dru'tveni proizvod. I publika i sistem po,kroviteljstva
pokazivali su promjenljive stupnjeve nakionosti sprai skladate1ja., pjevada,
redatelja iii dirigenta. Ove su naklonosti utjecale na umjetnikov reLativni po-
loiaj ugleda i statusa u glazbenoj zajednici, njegova autoriteta u ustanovlja-
vanju stilova i glavnih glazbenih smjerova koji danas postoje.
Izvor i priroda ekonomske baze u izvodila6kim umjetnostima postala je
osnovom za ispitivanje obima do kojeg su takvi tr2igni uvjeti utjecali na
proizvo,dnju i organizaciju opere. Oitkriveno je da je poku?aj pomirbe s pri-
vatnim pokr,oviteljstvom, javnim ukusima i zahtjevima Dsuperstarovaa -
oIte'an ekonomskom dilemom - uzrokovao standardizaciju repertoara u
Sjedinjenim Drzavama. Popratna okolnost te te2nje bila je pove6ana profe-
sionalizacij'a i birokratizacija umjeitnosti.

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