F. Scott Kieff, Troy A. Paredes Perspectives On Corporate Governance

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PERSPECTIVES ON CORPORATE GOVERNANCE
The events at Enron, WorldCom, Tyco, Adelphia, and elsewhere taught us a key
lesson: corporate governance matters. The financial crisis of 2008 taught us that
corporate governance can matter a great deal. But while it is now widely acknowl-
edged that good corporate governance is a linchpin of good corporate performance,
a significant debate remains over exactly how to improve corporate governance and
its impact on corporate and overall economic performance. Perspectives on Cor-
porate Governance offers a uniquely diverse and forward-looking set of approaches
from leading experts, covering the major areas of corporate governance reform
and analyzing the full range of issues and concerns, to offer a host of innovative
and original suggestions for how corporate governance can continue to improve.
Written to be both theoretically rigorous and grounded in the real world, the book
is well suited for practicing lawyers, managers, lawmakers, and analysts, as well as
academics conducting research or teaching in a range of courses in law schools,
business schools, and in economics departments, at either the undergraduate or
graduate level.
This volume is one of several collaborations between F. Scott Kieff and Troy
A. Paredes through the Hoover Project on Commercializing Innovation, which
studies the law, economics, and politics of innovation, including entrepreneur-
ship, corporate governance, finance, economic development, intellectual prop-
erty, antitrust, and bankruptcy, and is available on the Web at www.innovation.
hoover.org.
F. Scott Kieff is a professor at the George Washington University Law School in

Washington, DC, and also Ray and Louise Knowles Senior Fellow at Stanford
University’s Hoover Institution in Stanford, CA. He previously was Professor at
the Washington University School of Law in Saint Louis, MO, and has also been
a visiting professor in the law schools at Northwestern, Chicago, and Stanford.
Having trained in law at the University of Pennsylvania and in science and eco-
nomics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, he practiced law for several
years for firms in New York and Chicago. He regularly serves as a testifying and
consulting expert, mediator, and arbitrator to law firms, businesses, government
agencies, and courts, and on a range of government panels relating to the business
and technology sectors.
Troy A. Paredes is a professor at the Washington University School of Law in Saint

Louis, MO, with a courtesy appointment at Washington University’s Olin Business
School, and has been a visiting professor in the law schools at the University of
California in Los Angeles and Georgetown University. Having trained in law at
Yale University and in economics at the University of California at Berkeley, he
practiced law for several years for firms in Los Angeles and San Francisco. He is a co-
author (beginning with the fourth edition) of a multi-volume securities regulation
treatise with Louis Loss and Joel Seligman entitled “Securities Regulation,” and
is presently on leave from his academic appointments, having been appointed
by President George W. Bush to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission,
where he was sworn in on August 1, 2008.
Perspectives on Corporate
Governance
Edited by
F. SCOTT KIEFF
George Washington University Law School
Stanford University Hoover Institution
TROY A. PAREDES
Washington University in St. Louis, School of Law
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo
Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
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© F. Scott Kieff and Troy A. Paredes 2010
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the

provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part
may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published in print format 2010
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Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy

of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
Contents
Contributors page vii

Acknowledgments and Dedication ix
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
F. Scott Kieff and Troy A. Paredes
part one. the board of directors and the ceo

1 The Trouble with Boards . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Lawrence E. Mitchell
2 Rediscovering Board Expertise: Legal Implications of
the Empirical Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
Lawrence A. Cunningham
3 The CEO and the Board: On CEO Overconfidence and
Institutionalizing Dissent in Firms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
part two. the why, when, how, and how much of

executive pay
4 Pay Without Performance: Overview of the Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Lucian A. Bebchuk and Jesse M. Fried
5 Supersize Pay, Incentive Compatibility, and the
Volatile Shareholder Interest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
William W. Bratton
6 “Say on Pay”: Cautionary Notes on the U.K. Experience and
the Case for Muddling Through . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Jeffrey N. Gordon
v
vi Contents
part three. constraining managers and directors:

investors, securities regulation, and the media
7 Shareholder Activism in the Obama Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Stephen M. Bainbridge
8 After Dura: Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Merritt B. Fox
9 From Boardroom to Courtroom to Newsroom: The Media and
the Corporate Governance Scandals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
Kathleen F. Brickey
part four. delaware versus congress: on the

federalization of corporate governance
10 How Delaware Law Can Support Better Corporate
Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
James D. Cox
11 Federalism versus Federalization: Preserving the
Division of Responsibility in Corporation Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
E. Norman Veasey, Shawn Pompian, and Christine Di Guglielmo
part five. comparative corporate governance

12 Regulatory Differences in Bank and Capital Market Regulation . . . 399
Hideki Kanda
13 European Corporate Governance After Five Years
with Sarbanes-Oxley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413
Rainer Kulms
Epilogue: Three Secular Trends of Corporate Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
Joel Seligman
Index 467
Contributors
Stephen M. Bainbridge, William D. Warren Professor of Law, UCLA School

of Law
Lucian A. Bebchuk, William J. Friedman and Alicia Townsend Friedman

Professor of Law, Economics, and Finance and Director of the Program on
Corporate Governance, Harvard Law School; Research Associate, National
Bureau of Economic Research
William W. Bratton, Peter P. Weidenbruch, Jr., Professor of Business Law,

Georgetown University Law Center
Kathleen F. Brickey, James Carr Professor of Criminal Jurisprudence,

Washington University in St. Louis, School of Law
James D. Cox, Brainerd Currie Professor of Law, Duke University School of

Law
Lawrence A. Cunningham, Professor of Law, The George Washington

University Law School
Christine Di Guglielmo, Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP
Merritt B. Fox, Michael E. Patterson Professor of Law, Columbia Law School
Jesse M. Fried, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School
Jeffrey N. Gordon, Alfred W. Bressler Professor of Law and Albert E. Cinelli

Enterprise Professorship, Columbia Law School
Hideki Kanda, Professor of Law, University of Tokyo
vii
viii Contributors
F. Scott Kieff, Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law

School, and Ray and Louise Knowles Senior Fellow, Stanford University
Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace
Rainer Kulms, Senior Research Fellow, Max Planck Institute for Comparative
and Private International Law, and Lecturer-at-Law, University of Hamburg,
Germany
Lawrence E. Mitchell, Theodore Rinehart Professor of Business Law, The

George Washington University Law School
Troy A. Paredes, Professor of Law, Washington University in St. Louis, School

of Law∗
Shawn Pompian, Attorney Adviser, Office of the Legal Adviser at the U.S.
Department of State
Joel Seligman, President, University of Rochester
E. Norman Veasey, Chief Justice, Delaware Supreme Court (Retired); Senior

Partner, Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP
∗ Paredes is presently on leave for government service as a Commissioner at the Securities and
Exchange Commission (“SEC”). Paredes worked on this book while working as a Professor
of Law at Washington University School of Law before being sworn in and taking office as
a Commissioner of the SEC. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors of
the various chapters and do not necessarily reflect those of the co-editors. Nor are the views
expressed in this book properly attributable to the SEC.
Acknowledgments and Dedication
The chapters in this book were presented at a conference on “The ‘New’

Corporate Governance” held at the Washington University School of Law in
St. Louis. The conference was sponsored and hosted by the Center for Inter-
disciplinary Studies, along with support from the Whitney R. Harris Institute
for Global Legal Studies, both of which are housed at the Washington Uni-
versity School of Law. The conference was held in honor of Joel Seligman –
to whom this book is dedicated – and the contributions he has made to
the study of securities regulation and corporate governance during his distin-
guished career. Before becoming the President of the University of Rochester
in 2005, Joel Seligman served as the Dean and Ethan A. H. Shepley University
Professor at the Washington University School of Law.
This book is part of broader work through the Project on Commercializing
Innovation at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, which studies the law,
economics, and politics of the range of legal and business relationships that
can be used to bring ideas to market. We thank James E. Daily, who is a Post-
doctoral Fellow and Administrative Director of the Project, for his excellent
help editing the manuscript. More about the Project is available on the Web
at www.innovation.hoover.org.
Let us thank Professor John Drobak, who directs the Washington University
School of Law’s Center for Interdisciplinary Studies. Without John’s support,
this book would not have been possible. We also recognize Linda McClain
for her energetic efforts coordinating the conference behind this book; Tom
Ferguson, Lucas Gredell, Rebecca Keyworth, Sarah Lampe, Erin Nave, and
Timothy O’Connell for their editorial and research assistance; Sherrie Malone
for her help preparing the manuscript; and John Berger, our Cambridge
University Press editor, for his efforts and patience. We are particularly grateful
to the individuals whose work makes up this book.
ix
x Acknowledgments and Dedication
We also must point out that while Paredes is presently on leave for govern-
ment service as a Commissioner at the Securities and Exchange Commission
(“SEC”), he worked on this book while working as a Professor of Law at Wash-
ington University School of Law before being sworn in and taking office as
a Commissioner of the SEC. The views expressed in this book are those of
the authors of the various chapters and do not necessarily reflect those of the
co-editors. Nor are the views expressed in this book properly attributable to the
SEC.

PERSPECTIVES ON CORPORATE GOVERNANCE
Introduction
Although a number of factors contributed to the stock market decline that

started in 2000 – including the bursting of the “dot-com” bubble, a softer
economy than many expected, September 11 and the ongoing terrorist threat,
and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq – one factor that weighed on stocks
stands out for present purposes: corporate scandal. Beginning with Enron in
the fall of 2001, a wave of corporate scandal crashed on the U.S. economy. In
addition to Enron, the scandals involved companies such as WorldCom, Tyco,
HealthSouth, Adelphia, and Global Crossing. They also ensnared mutual
funds and leading financial institutions up and down Wall Street, along with
major accounting firms, such as the collapsed Arthur Andersen. As if the bona
fide scandals that made the headlines were not enough to drag the markets
down, a record number of earnings restatements – increasing steadily from
116 restatements in 1997, to 158 in 1998, 234 in 1999, 258 in 2000, and 305
in 2001 when the scandals began to break1 – fueled doubt about companies’
governance, finances, and business plans. These doubts became particularly
sharp as the overall market tumbled through 2008.
Broad and deep securities markets, where ownership and control are widely
separated, depend on a healthy dose of investor confidence to convince
1 Joel Seligman, The Transformation of Wall Street: A History of the Securities and
Exchange Commission and Modern Finance 624 (3d ed. 2003).
Kieff is Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School, and Ray and Louise
Knowles Senior Fellow, Stanford University Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace.
Paredes is Professor of Law, Washington University in St. Louis, School of Law, presently on-leave
for government service as a Commissioner at the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”).
Paredes worked on this chapter while working as a Professor of Law at Washington University
School of Law before being sworn in and taking office as a Commissioner of the SEC; and the
views expressed in this chapter are those of himself and Kieff and are not properly attributable to
the SEC. This chapter is part of their work on the Hoover Project on Commercializing Innovation,
which is available on the Web at www.innovation.hoover.org.
1
2 F. Scott Kieff and Troy A. Paredes
investors to hand over trillions of dollars to directors and officers over whom
they exercise relatively little influence.2 Although the nature of business is
that some enterprises will succeed and others will fail, shareholders need to
trust that the management team holding the company’s reins will run the
business honestly, in good faith, competently, and loyally – in short, that the
company will be run in the best interests of the shareholders as opposed to in
the best interests of the directors and officers. The abuses at what amounted to
a handful of companies, given that there are thousands of public companies
in the United States, rocked investor confidence, resulting in a major sell-off
of equities and deep concerns market-wide. Investors understandably became
skittish and, unable to distinguish the “good” companies from the “bad” ones,
dashed to the sidelines with cash in hand as events at Enron, WorldCom, and
elsewhere unfolded. Although the scandals affected relatively few companies
overall, the seeming perfect storm of corporate governance failures disillu-
sioned many about the U.S. corporate governance system and the integrity of
U.S. securities markets.
If the debacle at Enron had been an isolated incident that could have
been written off as the work of a few rotten apples at the company, perhaps
Congress and the President would have sat tight. But once WorldCom broke
in mid-June of 2002, it seemed apparent that the U.S. corporate governance
system was suffering from deep flaws that needed fixing. As political pressures
mounted, and as stock prices continued to plummet, something was bound to
be done. In late July, within weeks of the news of WorldCom’s massive fraud,
Congress almost unanimously approved the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002.
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act has proven to be the most important federal corpo-
rate governance and securities legislation since Congress adopted the original
federal securities acts as part of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal.
Once President George W. Bush signed the legislation into law on July 30,
2002, the markets were given additional assurance that fraud and corporate
abuses would not be tolerated.3 In addition to the legislative efforts of Congress
and the President, a number of cops on the beat stepped up their efforts to
detect and root out corporate wrongdoing: new listing standards were pro-
posed for companies trading on the New York Stock Exchange or Nasdaq;
2 For the classic treatment of the separation of ownership and control, see Adolf A. Berle, Jr.
& Gardiner C. Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Property (1932).
3 For overviews of events leading to the adoption of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, see Louis Loss, Joel
Seligman, & Troy Paredes, 2 Securities Regulation 510–659 (4th ed. 2007); William W.
Bratton, Enron and the Dark Side of Shareholder Value, 76 Tul. L. Rev. 1275 (2002); Roberta
Romano, The Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the Making of Quack Corporate Governance, 114 Yale
L.J. 1521 (2005); Joel Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters: Corporate and Securities Law
After Enron, 80 Wash. U. L.Q. 449 (2002).
Introduction 3
the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) engaged in wide-scale

rulemaking and intensified its enforcement efforts; the Department of Jus-
tice began to focus its attention on corporate fraud; and New York Attorney
General Eliot Spitzer assumed an unprecedented role in going after corporate
corruption.
There is no doubt that new legal mandates and credible threats of massive
civil fines and prison time reshaped the corporate landscape. But in addition
to all of this, shareholders, led by institutional investors and increasingly by
hedge funds, have become much more active, recognizing that they have a
role in protecting their own interests instead of simply relying on the govern-
ment to protect them. Consider, for example, the outrage over executive pay;
the spike in the number of shareholder proposals; and the growing push for
majority voting for boards of directors. Such shareholder activism is assisted
by a discerning financial and business media that has shined a bright light on
corporate wrongdoing and mismanagement.
As a result of all of this, it is fair to say that we have entered a new and espe-
cially controversial era in debates about corporate governance. The hallmark
feature of this era is greater scrutiny of corporate actors by Congress, the SEC,
state attorneys general, federal prosecutors, other corporate actors, judges, the
public, and the media. Louis Brandeis said, “Sunlight is said to be the best of
disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman.”4 Without question,
closer tabs are being kept on corporate America now than ever before. But
recognizing that more is not always better, this book’s purpose is to consider
what such close scrutiny has meant for corporate behavior so far and what it
will mean for corporate behavior in the future.
This book begins in Part I with chapters by Lawrence Mitchell, Lawrence
Cunningham, Scott Kieff, and Troy Paredes that study a fundamental rela-
tionship in the firm – that is, the relationship between the board of directors
and the chief executive officer. Part II turns to executive pay, one of the most
controversial issues in corporate governance. Chapters by Lucian Bebchuk
and Jesse Fried, William Bratton, and Jeffrey Gordon address the structure
of executive pay, the incentives executive pay creates for managers running
the business, and opportunities for reform. The chapters in Part III cover var-
ious mechanisms for holding accountable managers and directors who loot
the business, shirk, or “cook the books.” Stephen Bainbridge considers share-
holder activism. Merritt Fox considers the role of securities regulation. And
Kathleen Brickey looks into the media’s role. Part IV focuses on the source
of regulation. In other words, should Congress or the states regulate corporate
4 Louis D. Brandeis, Other People’s Money and How the Bankers Use It 92 (1914).
conduct? James Cox’s chapter takes Delaware to task for its handling of cor-
porate governance in the post-Enron era. Norman Veasey, a former Delaware
Supreme Court Justice, along with co-authors Shawn Pompian and Christine
Di Guglielmo, defend federalism and the role of the states in corporate gov-
ernance regulation. Part V looks outward, considering corporate governance
in foreign countries. Hideki Kanda’s chapter looks at the differences between
bank and capital market regulation with a special emphasis on Japan, while
Rainer Kulms discusses ongoing developments in European corporate gover-
nance. While these chapters cover different countries, they both engage the
broader debate of whether corporate governance around the globe is converg-
ing to the U.S. model. This book concludes with an epilogue by Joel Seligman.
Seligman’s contribution identifies three trends in corporate governance that
have impacted corporate conduct so far and that are bound to impact corporate
governance in the future.
Part I starts with Lawrence Mitchell’s “The Trouble with Boards.” Mitchell
studies the history of the board of directors. Mitchell starts by recounting
the board’s evolution from its early beginning to the present-day monitoring
model of the board. Mitchell argues that the board, as it functions today, was
designed principally to protect its members from legal liability and to leave
corporate power with management. Consider, for example, the deferential
business judgment rule and the fact that directors can be exonerated from
monetary liability for breaching the duty of care. Against the historical back-
drop he paints, Mitchell asks a fundamental question: “Is the board of directors
of the modern American public corporation a useful institution?” Put differ-
ently, Mitchell asks if we should even bother having boards. Shareholders
are told that the board is the corporation’s keeper and exists to represent the
shareholders’ interests. Yet, according to Mitchell, the board does not do this.
Thus, the board’s existence fosters a false sense of security for shareholders, as
well as other corporate constituencies. Mitchell is down on the board, but he
does note some possible remedies for what ails it. One option is simply to do
away with the board entirely. A very different choice is for the board to step up
and exercise real power. Another option is to have several boards at a company,
each with a different function. For example, one board could be responsible
for legal compliance, while a separate board takes charge of shaping corporate
strategy. A particularly thought-provoking suggestion stems from Mitchell’s
claim that real power rests not with the board, but with the CEO. If real power
resides with the CEO, then perhaps shareholders, and not the board, should
get to elect the CEO, according to Mitchell. Such direct-shareholder election
of the CEO would be a fundamental shift in corporate internal affairs. Mitchell
stresses that the starting point for any meaningful reform is to reconceptualize
Introduction 5
the board’s purpose, since in his view the predominant monitoring model has
let us down.
The second chapter in Part I is “Rediscovering Board Expertise: Legal Impli-
cations of the Empirical Literature” by Lawrence Cunningham. Cunningham
examines the balance between expertise and independence in the boardroom.
Historically, independence has been favored over expertise, but Cunningham
argues that theory, empirical evidence, and new legal pressures support plac-
ing a greater value on expertise. Accounting expertise, in particular, is called
for among the members of board audit committees. Cunningham goes on to
discuss the questions that arise naturally: what should be required of experts
and in whose interest should they act? To the first question, he argues that
accounting experts should take a broad role, monitoring both accounting earn-
ings management and real earnings management. To the second, he proposes
that the audit committee accounting experts themselves should determine the
balance of their constituency among equity investors, debt investors, bonus-
compensated employees, and society.
Cunningham also considers whether independence and expertise are nec-
essarily mutually exclusive. Although expertise derived from inside knowledge
of the corporation is often opposed to independence, expertise derived from
substantive knowledge in a discipline (e.g., accounting) is not. Cunningham
argues that it is in fact this latter variety of expertise that is especially valuable
when combined with independence. Promoting this combination requires
realigning legal doctrine with the empirical evidence favoring expertise.
“The CEO and the Board: On CEO Overconfidence and Institutionalizing
Dissent in Firms” by Scott Kieff and Troy Paredes concludes Part I. A great
deal of attention has been aimed at going after corporate malfeasance in
the post-Enron era. Fraud and looting are problems. But in trying to craft
a corporate governance regime that remedies such agency costs, a different
problem often is overlooked. That is, a great deal of firm value is destroyed
when companies are run poorly. Even when directors and officers are acting
loyally and are properly incentivized to maximize profits, the company can
struggle, and possibly go under, if corporate strategy is not properly tended
to and if particular business opportunities are not properly evaluated. Bad
business decisions, or even good business decisions that are then implemented
poorly, are a very real concern. Kieff and Paredes encourage more attention
to be paid to improving the strategic decision making of corporate actors
who are well-intentioned and hard-working and who are acting in good faith.
They stress that it is important for management and its advisers to have good
information and to deliberate earnestly to ensure there is a full airing of issues.
The hallmark of good decision making is a balanced assessment of risks and
rewards. Kieff and Paredes worry that boards and subordinate officers are too
deferential to the CEO in how the enterprise is run, such that one view, the
CEO’s, too frequently dominates corporate decision making. So they explore
a particular fix – namely, institutionalizing dissent in firms by appointing a
formal devil’s advocate on the board. The express job of the devil’s advocate
would be to challenge assumptions, identify risks, offer competing options,
and press counterarguments.
“Pay Without Performance: Overview of the Issues” by Lucian Bebchuk
and Jesse Fried starts off Part II of this book. What accounts for the struc-
ture of executive pay? Why are CEOs paid as much as they are? What does
it mean for CEO pay to be “excessive”? To what extent do CEOs set their
own pay? Bebchuk and Fried have developed one of the most influential the-
ories of executive compensation – the so-called “managerial power” theory.
Bebchuk and Fried contend that too often there is no meaningful arm’s-length
negotiation between managers and boards when boards fix managerial pay,
and their chapter details the various ways in which managers influence their
pay, even as boards have become more independent. Hence, it should come
as no great surprise that executive compensation has skyrocketed. The man-
agerial power theory highlights a cognate feature of executive compensation
arrangements – that is, the need to avoid public outrage over outsized pay
packages. Bebchuk and Fried claim that managers often structure their pay
to “camouflage” their compensation to avoid public outrage. Instead of taking
an especially large salary, senior executives may obscure their pay through
pension plans, deferred compensation arrangements, and retirement perks.
Managers and directors may also try to legitimize executive compensation
with the stamp of approval from a supposedly independent outside compensa-
tion consultant. Having problematized executive compensation, Bebchuk and
Fried offer a number of reforms. Among other things, they argue for improv-
ing transparency by having companies reduce all forms of compensation to a
single dollar value. They also suggest having companies disclose the extent to
which an executive’s pay is attributable to general market and industry devel-
opments and not the executive’s own efforts. The SEC has recently followed
a similar reform agenda in revamping the agency’s executive compensation
disclosure requirements for public companies. Bebchuk and Fried do not stop
with urging better disclosure, however. They also recommend several sepa-
rate substantive provisions for compensation arrangements. These terms are
designed to link pay to performance. Their most provocative suggestion strikes
at the heart of the firm. Bebchuk and Fried argue that shareholders should be
given more direct authority over the enterprise and greater freedom to remove
directors and to put forth their own nominees.
Introduction 7
The next chapter is William Bratton’s “Supersize Pay, Incentive Com-

patibility, and the Volatile Shareholder Interest.” Commentators and policy
makers generally agree that executive compensation should be structured not
only to compensate senior managers for their efforts, but to incentivize them
to run the business in the shareholders’ best interests. Put differently, the
CEO and other top executives should be financially motivated to enhance
shareholder value. But as Bratton highlights, this overlooks a key concern. It
typically is assumed that all shareholders are the same, in which case they all
have the same interests – say, a higher stock price today. Bratton explains that
this view of shareholders is too simplistic. Shareholders are not monolithic.
Bratton catalogues the different types of shareholders as follows: long-term
investors, speculators, noise traders, fundamental value investors, long-term
holders, “dumb money,” and “smart money.” Once the shareholder class is
unpacked this way, what maximizing shareholder value means in practice is
unclear, as Bratton illustrates. For example, a manager may make an impru-
dent investment in some fashionable new venture, such as an on-line business
strategy, if that is what the market will reward in the short term. This may get
today’s stock price up, which is good for a speculator, but it may mean a lower
stock price in the future, at the expense of long-term investors. Similarly, a
manager who makes capital budgeting decisions with an eye toward hitting
this quarter’s earnings target may sacrifice future firm value by delaying or
foregoing important investments. Further, executives may feel pressured to
manage earnings or, worse yet, engage in actual fraud to meet earnings targets.
Bratton says that compensation arrangements often align managers’ interests
with those of short-term speculators and that managers instead should be moti-
vated to maximize the long-term fundamental value of the firm. How can this
be done? One strategy that Bratton stresses is to turn managers into long-term
investors by restraining the alienability of their equity grants.
The third chapter in Part II is “‘Say on Pay’: Cautionary Notes on the
U.K. Experience and the Case for Muddling Through” by Jeffrey Gordon.
Gordon describes two strands in the executive compensation debate: pay for
performance and social responsibility. Although both have focused on giving
the board and possibly shareholders more power to evaluate and constrain
executive compensation, Gordon argues that pay for performance is likely
to dominate the decision making of boards and shareholders, leaving social
responsibility concerns to the political process.
Unfortunately, pay for performance does not produce an easy answer in all
situations, and Gordon suggests that it is best understood as a goal rather than
a simple, measurable output variable. With that in mind, Gordon turns to
current reform efforts, particularly shareholder involvement in compensation
setting. After describing a theoretical framework for understanding various

approaches to the issue, Gordon analyzes the U.K. approach to “say on pay”
and finds it lacking. Instead of a one-size-fits-all solution from the legislature,
he suggests “muddling through” with a refined version of the existing US com-
bination of firm-by-firm consideration of “say on pay” and shareholder threats
to remove compensation committee members. Although such an approach
may lead to socially unacceptably high levels of compensation, Gordon argues
that such considerations are best addressed through tax policy rather than cor-
porate governance reform.
Stephen Bainbridge opens Part III with his chapter, “Shareholder Activism
in the Obama Era.” Investors have long subscribed to the “Wall Street Rule” –
if the company you invest in is underperforming, sell. Today, shareholders
are much more active than in the past. Most notably, institutional investors
have been exercising their voice in an effort to influence management and
the board. Shareholder proposals are on the rise, for example, and share-
holders have resorted to “just vote no” campaigns, withholding their votes
for disfavored board nominees. As Bainbridge explains, there has been sup-
port for giving shareholders even more influence by facilitating the exercise
of their franchise. Among other developments, the SEC proposed new rules
that would have given shareholders access to the corporate ballot to nominate
directors to compete with the company’s slate. So-called “majority voting” for
director elections has also gained steam. Bainbridge defends the separation of
ownership and control and argues against shareholder activism in general and
against extending the shareholder franchise in particular.
In key respects, Bainbridge’s argument centers on his claim that the most
active investors are union and public pension plans, which are often motivated
by political considerations or the interests of non-shareholder constituencies,
such as union or government employees. He makes three primary arguments.
First, Bainbridge reasons that activist shareholders often pursue objectives that
are not shared by passive investors and that often cut against the interests
of passive investors. Second, he explains that shareholder activism undercuts
board authority over the enterprise. Third, Bainbridge argues that greater
investor activism simply relocates agency problems. For example, as institu-
tional investors become more active, we have a new worry about whether
pension fund managers are acting in the best interests of fund beneficiaries,
in addition to traditional concerns over whether directors and officers are
managing the business in the shareholders’ best interests. In sum, Bainbridge
argues against empowering shareholders to hold directors and managers more
accountable.
Introduction 9
Merritt Fox’s “After Dura: Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions” is

next. At the core of the federal securities laws is a mandatory disclosure regime.
The federal regime is designed to remedy the informational asymmetries that
exist between companies and investors. The logic is that by arming investors
with information, mandatory disclosure promotes informed investor decision
making, capital market integrity, and capital market efficiency. Once they are
empowered with information, investors can protect themselves against corpo-
rate abuses and mismanagement, and there is no need for the government
to engage in more substantive securities regulation. All of this presumes that
the information disclosed is complete and accurate. In reality, disclosures are
not always truthful. Fox’s chapter addresses the legal regime that empowers
private litigants to enforce the federal securities laws to ensure the accuracy of
corporate disclosures. Fox’s chapter examines the civil liability system under
the federal securities laws. Fox focuses his attention on an important Supreme
Court decision handed down in 2005, Dura Pharmaceuticals, Inc. v. Broudo.
Dura defines the loss causation element under the general federal antifraud
provisions, section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 and Rule 10b-5
promulgated thereunder. In finding that plaintiff-shareholders cannot show
loss causation by pleading that an alleged misstatement led to an inflated
stock price, the case has made it more difficult for shareholders to bring
actions alleging fraud. Fox gives a detailed account of Dura, loss causation,
and fraud-on-the-market actions generally. More pointedly, he argues that the
loss causation requirement is nonsensical in fraud-on-the-market cases. Fox
concludes that the Supreme Court has left several key issues unanswered, and
he offers a number of important suggestions for lower courts to follow as they
flesh out Dura in the years ahead. Depending on how the lower courts apply
Dura, private litigation for fraud will be more or less impactful in holding
parties to account under the federal securities laws and thus shaping corporate
behavior.
In Part III’s third chapter, “From Boardroom to Courtroom to Newsroom:
The Media and the Corporate Governance Scandals,” Kathleen Brickey stud-
ies the media. To the extent that sunlight is a disinfectant – and the mandatory
disclosure regime of the federal securities laws is premised on the view that
it is – the media play an important role shaping corporate conduct by shin-
ing light on wrongdoing and mismanagement. The media also influences
lawmakers by stirring up opposition to certain corporate practices. Reports in
the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal and on television often prod
public outrage and capture the attention of lawmakers, thus influencing the
agenda of legislators and regulators. Further, investors can use the media to
wage a public campaign against particular senior officers and board members,
and lawmakers can exhort particular reforms by taking to the airwaves and
the op-ed pages. That said, as Brickey describes, the media sometimes gets it
wrong and can be used as a tool to thwart corporate accountability. Through
the lens of high-profile cases involving individuals such as Martha Stewart,
Dennis Kozlowski, and Richard Scrushy, Brickey tackles a number of fun-
damental concerns. Has the media’s rush to provide instantaneous coverage
compromised journalistic integrity? Has reporting by the press risked causing
mistrials? Is the media manipulated by corporate actors or their opponents? Is
the media being used to influence juries? The media plays a more complex
role in securities markets than simply disseminating information to investors
and other stakeholders.
Part IV begins with “How Delaware Law Can Support Better Corporate
Governance” by James Cox. Delaware is the most important source of cor-
porate law in the United States. Cox takes Delaware to task for falling short
in regulating corporate behavior. He censures Delaware for not more actively
cultivating best practices for corporate actors and for too readily deferring to
management and the board. Cox goes so far as to describe the law of fiduciary
duty in Delaware as “vacuous” and says that “there is no there there.” Cox
spares almost no important corporate law doctrine, criticizing Delaware’s duty
of care, its lack of a meaningful duty of good faith, the demand requirement
in derivative litigation, the law governing the usurpation of a corporate oppor-
tunity, and Delaware’s takeover law. In so doing, Cox analyzes numerous
leading Delaware cases, including Disney, Aronson, Van Gorkom, Caremark,
Broz, Unocal, Moran, and Blasius. Cox concludes that the Delaware courts
must see themselves as being in the “norms business” and must announce
judicial expectations for directors and officers more sharply and sternly.
He also argues that the Delaware courts should defer less to management
and the board and should not be beholden to the standard claim that the
Delaware courts must tread lightly to avoid discouraging risk taking. Cox thus
calls into question longstanding judicial practice under the business judg-
ment rule. Why have the Delaware courts gone easy on directors and officers,
if indeed they have as Cox suggests? Cox notes one explanation – namely, that
in order to ensure that Delaware remains the jurisdiction of choice for incor-
poration, the Delaware courts have decided to be friendly to management and
boards.
Norman Veasey is much more sanguine about Delaware’s success crafting
corporate law. He is a unique authority on the topic, having served as the
Chief Justice of the Delaware Supreme Court. In his chapter in Part IV, “Fed-
eralism versus Federalization: Preserving the Division of Responsibility in
Introduction 11
Corporation Law,” Veasey, along with Shawn Pompian and Christine Di

Guglielmo, takes up the federalization of corporate law. Corporate law, which
can best be understood as regulating corporate internal affairs and fixing the
allocation of authority among directors, officers, and shareholders, has been
the domain of the states, with the federal government focusing on securities
regulation. Congress is seen to have upset this federal-state balance when it
adopted the Sarbanes-Oxley Act in response to the frauds at Enron and World-
Com. According to Veasey and his co-authors, Congress unwisely intruded
upon the traditional sphere of the states. The authors begin by describing the
longstanding federal-state regulatory balance and how the balance has changed
in recent years with federal regulation of non-audit services, board committee
composition, executive compensation, executive loans, lawyer conduct, and
director elections. Veasey, Pompian, and Di Guglielmo argue against the fur-
ther federalization of corporate law. First, they reason that federal intervention
hurts investors because it imposes a top-down regime that deprives investors
of the benefits of the regulatory competition that results when states compete
for corporate charters. In other words, Veasey and his co-authors believe that
competition among the states has resulted in a “race to the top,” with Delaware
“winning” because it has offered a corporate law regime superior to the rest
of the country. Second, Veasey et al. argue that states have a comparative
advantage over the federal government in regulating corporate internal affairs.
Because fiduciary relationships are highly particularized, they do not lend
themselves to the types of detailed bright-line rules that characterize federal
regulation. The states, particularly through courts like the Delaware Chancery
Court that are expert in business matters, are better equipped to apply open-
ended fiduciary standards in a granular, fact-specific way case-by-case. No
two companies are the same, and so no single regulatory regime should be
imposed.
Part V opens with Hideki Kanda’s chapter, “Regulatory Differences in Bank
and Capital Market Regulation.” The United States financial system is based
on capital markets, whereas in much of the rest of the world, such as in Asia,
financial systems center on banks. Kanda starts his analysis by providing a
very useful overview comparing the structure and regulation of bank-based
financial systems and capital market-based financial systems. These different
systems of finance present different challenges and opportunities and thus
call for different regulatory schemes. A logical extension of Kanda’s analysis
is that financial regulation around the globe will not (and should not) con-
verge to a single model. In fact, the regulatory pattern is likely to be one of
divergence, not convergence. Even more provocatively, Kanda explains which
type of financial system should exist in a country. He theorizes that the cost
of regulation and enforcement determines the type of financial system that is

and should be found. For example, Kanda says that in a bank system, regula-
tion is targeted to providing deposit insurance and preventing bank failures.
By contrast, he summarizes as follows the three types of regulations a capi-
tal market system requires: (1) strong investor protections, such as mandatory
disclosure, stringent antifraud protections, and uniform accounting standards;
(2) an active government enforcement agency, such as the SEC, comple-
mented by private enforcement; and (3) strong regulation of financial inter-
mediaries, such as broker-dealers, underwriters, and pension funds. Kanda
concludes that the regulatory regime needed to buttress a capital market sys-
tem of finance is more complex and costly and that not every country is up to
the task of crafting and enforcing such a regime. Kanda ultimately concludes
that a bank system is better when a country’s economy is small and that a cap-
ital market system is better when a country’s economy is large. Kanda points
to Japan as one country that has slowly graduated from a bank-based financial
system to a capital market-based financial system as its economy has grown and
become better equipped to shoulder the regulatory burden needed to sustain
capital markets.
The other chapter in Part V, “European Corporate Governance After Five
Years with Sarbanes-Oxley” by Rainer Kulms, takes the reader from Asia
to Europe. Company law in Europe is undergoing major change. A per-
sistent question continues to be whether company law should be harmonized
throughout Europe. The debate over company law harmonization in Europe
recalls the decades-long debate in the United States over whether competition
for corporate charters among the states has led to a “race to the top” or a “race
to the bottom” and the more recent debate, captured in Part IV of this book,
over the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the federalization of corporate law. Kulms’
analysis, which includes an effective overview of European regulation, centers
on recent proposals by the European Commission for harmonizing Euro-
pean corporate law and securities regulation. Kulms offers a thoroughgoing
assessment of the choice between harmonization as compared to regulatory
competition among European Union member states. For example, harmo-
nization (or centralization), particularly when reflected in mandates, may
help address externalities. On the other hand, one size of company law may
not fit the needs of each of the diverse member states and mandates crowd out
private ordering. Interestingly, as the debate continues over the pros and cons
of centralizing regulatory decision making in Europe, the United States has
recently experienced more centralized decision making as Congress under-
took a more active role regulating corporate governance when it adopted the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act.
Introduction 13
This book concludes with an Epilogue comprising an essay by Joel Selig-

man entitled, “Three Secular Trends of Corporate Law.” Seligman identifies
and explicates the following three trends, which he believes will continue
to influence corporate governance. First, state corporate law, according to
Seligman, has become increasingly irrelevant. Seligman claims that the states,
including Delaware, have abdicated their responsibility for regulating cor-
porate behavior. Second, federal securities regulation has become a more
prominent feature of the U.S. corporate governance system. That said, Selig-
man predicts that federal securities regulation will continue to have a kind
of “binge/purge” quality to it, with periods of regulatory inactivity interrupted
by flurries of hyperactivity after crises. Enron and WorldCom, for example,
ushered in historic reforms after years of understaffing and underfunding at
the SEC. Third, the SEC itself has become more bureaucratized. The SEC
is a larger agency with a more aggressive agenda than in the past. Its rules
are extremely detailed and often affect change not just at the margins, but
at the core. Consequently, SEC rulemaking often results in more complex
and more costly regulatory regimes that increasingly spur backlash. Seligman
claims that it may become more difficult for the agency to perform its job in
the future as the leading securities regulator in the United States. Just as there
are risks that the agency can be too aggressive, there also are risks that it can
become too tentative in the face of criticism.
***
It is hoped that this book enriches our understanding of the impact that the
new era of corporate governance, ushered in by Enron and WorldCom, has
had on corporate conduct for better and for worse. We should continue to give
securities markets and corporate governance a hard look, even when times
are good and no scandals are hitting the headlines. We should similarly give
a hard look to corporate and securities regulations, enacted and proposed,
regardless of whether headlines cry out for regulation, de-regulation, or are
silent on the topic. The regime regulating corporate behavior needs to be
nimble and able to accommodate changing business and investor needs and
concerns, which can arise when stock prices are climbing, as well as when
they are crashing. If there is one fundamental lesson to take away, it is that our
regulatory regime must remain “state of the art.” We must learn from our past,
including the natural experiments that history has run, and the ideas that have
previously been offered in the debates of our history. We must also anticipate
developments and not simply react to them.
When thinking about how to structure or improve a system of laws focused
on more market based, financial activities, as compared with those laws focused
on fairness and civil rights, etc., we should try hard to determine how future par-
ties will engage similar situations in the face of various possible legal responses
to present ones. That is, we should see things as dynamic not static. We also
should fully expect that we won’t be able to select the true, correct, outcome
in a given case with certainty and so we should try to develop a set of com-
parative analyses of relative magnitudes and frequencies of the inevitable over
inclusiveness and under inclusiveness that are associated with different legal
regimes designed to address the problem. We should also develop an under-
standing of who is the lowest cost provider and evaluator of the information
needed to make an appropriate decision and be vigilant about administrative
costs in different decision-making processes. We should be vigilant about the
transaction costs of those deals needed to help ensure resources regularly move
to their highest and best use as well as those agency costs for those hierarchies
we create within organizations. Throughout it all, we should be very skeptical
of comparative exposure to public choice problems for each different available
approach.
In the end, we must constantly endeavor to develop well reasoned
approaches to corporate and securities regulation. The contributions to this
book are designed to do just that.
part one
THE BOARD OF
DIRECTORS AND
THE CEO
1 The Trouble with Boards
Lawrence E. Mitchell
On Tuesday afternoon, December 2, 1913, Thomas W. Lamont and Louis D.

Brandeis met for a three-hour luncheon at the University Club in New York.
The famous Pujo Committee hearings had reached their controversial end,
convincing many Americans that the accusations of Brandeis and others as to
the existence of a Money Trust were right. The Money Tust appeared as a
small group of mostly New York bankers centered on the House of Morgan. It
allegedly controlled corporate America and its access to capital by placing its
members on the boards of many of the nation’s largest corporations.1
Lamont was a relatively new partner of J. P. Morgan and Co.2 Like his part-
ners, he served as a director of a number of corporations in which interlocking
bank directorates had been exposed by the Pujo investigations. Within just a
few years, he would take effective leadership of the Morgan firm and become
perhaps the most prominent financier of his generation.
1 The Pujo Committee was a subcommittee of the House Committee on Banking and Currency
appointed in April 1912 to investigate the existence of a so-called Money Trust on Wall Street.
The Committee delivered its report the following year. Rep. of the Comm. Appointed
Pursuant to H. Res. 429 and 504 to Investigate the Concentration of Control of
Money and Credit (Comm. Print 1913). For a detailed discussion of the committee and its
work, see Lawrence E. Mitchell, The Speculation Economy: How Finance Triumphed
over Industry (2007).
2 Ron Chernow, The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise
of Modern Finance (1990).

Lawrence E. Mitchell is Theodore Rinehart Professor of Business Law, George Washington
University. I would like to thank Bill Bratton, Mel Eisenberg, Jim Fanto, Jeff Gordon, Theresa
Gabaldon, Kent Greenfield, Tom Joo, and Dalia Tsuk Mitchell for their helpful advice and
comments. Participants in conferences at Columbia Law School and Washington University
School of Law also made helpful remarks. Finally, I would also like to thank Leslie Kramer for her
research help. Portions of this chapter previously were published in The Board as a Path Toward
Corporate Social Responsibility, in The New Corporate Accountability: Corporate Social
Responsibility and the Law 279–306 (Doreen McBarnet et al. eds., 2008).
17
18 Lawrence E. Mitchell
The conversation was polite, as befitted both the setting and the character of
the two men. Needless to say, they disagreed about much. The most interesting
turn in the conversation came during Brandeis’s remarks about the potential
conflicts of interest created by the fact that many of the same men sat on the
boards of competing corporations. Passing the point in complete disagreement
with Lamont’s response, Brandeis took a different tack, questioning Lamont
as to the sheer physical ability of Morgan’s men to do their work as directors:
ldb: Take your own house alone. Here are all you gentlemen, from all
accounts, worked half to death. How, in the nature of things, can you pos-
sibly attend intelligently to the affairs of railroad management? It is simply
impossible. . . .
twl: But, Mr. Brandeis, we don’t attempt to manage railroads. The public has
an idea that we do, but that is just what we don’t do. Nobody realizes better
than we do that that is not our function. We give the best counsel that we
can in the selection of good men, making mistakes sometimes of course . . . ,
but on the whole we do fairly well and we give our very best advice on the
financial policy, looking both backward and forward over a series of years, for
the purpose of building up and entrenching the company’s credit.3
For much of the succeeding ninety-four years, lawyers and businesspeople

have engaged in debates about the role of the board that are little more than
variations on Brandeis and Lamont’s exchange. It was not until the mid-1970s
that we came to accept Lamont’s description as the appropriate legal model.
Lamont was describing a version of what we have come to know as the
monitoring board. Since the 1980s, the monitoring board, composed largely
of outside directors, has been the received and dominant model of the board
of the large U.S. public corporation.4 But the monitoring board, or at least its
implementation, has come under fire from academics and reformers in recent
years. Critics see the monitoring board as outmoded and ineffectual and have
suggested a variety of reforms.5
3 The entire conversation is reported in Paul P. Abrahams, Brandeis and Lamont on Finance
Capitalism, 47 Bus. Hist. Rev. 72, 82–83 (1973).
4 Robert Hamilton, Corporate Governance in America, 1950–2000: Major Changes but Uncertain
Benefits, 25 J. Corp. L. 349, 363 (2000); The Business Roundtable, Statement on Corpo-
rate Governance (Sept. 1997) [hereinafter 1997 Business Roundtable Statement]. The
concept of the monitoring board as the dominant legal model was recently reinforced. In re
Walt Disney Co. Derivative Lit., 906 A.2d 27 (Del. 2006), aff’g 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005).
5 See, e.g., Lynne L. Dallas, The Multiple Roles of Boards of Directors, 40 San Diego L. Rev.
781 (2003); Jill E. Fisch, Taking Boards Seriously, 19 Cardozo L. Rev. 265 (1997); Donald
C. Langevoort, The Human Nature of Corporate Boards: Law, Norms, and the Unintended
Consequences of Independence and Accountability, 89 Geo. L.J. 797 (2001).
The Trouble with Boards 19
The reform literature ignores history. It typically assumes the monitoring

board as a given.6 Reform literature that begins with the assumption of the
monitoring board typically ends with suggestions for improving or modifying
the monitoring board. Once we understand the history of the development of
the monitoring board, we should not be surprised to see that reformers fail to
make it work. It was not designed to work.7
The exception to scholarly ahistoricism is a recent piece by Jeff Gordon.
Gordon traces the history of the independent board from the 1950s and observes
a roughly parallel development of the shareholder-value norm.8 From this,
he concludes that the monitoring board consisting of independent directors
grew as a way of fulfilling the shareholder-value norm and has had a positive
impact on corporate governance by better aligning managerial and shareholder
interests.9
My reading of the history is different. First, as I argue elsewhere, the con-
cept of shareholder valuism, if not the term, has been a constant since the
creation of the giant modern U.S. corporation at the turn of the twentieth
century.10 Almost from the beginning, the interests of shareholders were pro-
tected, during what is commonly known as the managerialist era, which ran
through the 1970s, by close corporate control combinations consisting of man-
agers with substantial equity stakes in their corporations, performance-based
compensation, and controlling stockholders. It was only a series of economic
and political events in the 1970s, which I will later describe, that broke this
structure in a way that led to the need for a new control model.
6 Indeed, it assumes the board of directors as a given.

7 As I will later explain, Mel Eisenberg, who developed the monitoring model, did intend it
to be a real reform effort and worked as reporter for the American Law Institute’s Corporate
Governance Project to impose real standards on the board. The story of how that process was
hijacked by the corporate bar is well known, and I will retell only a brief synopsis of it here. For
a good example of the corporate bar’s response to the reporter’s efforts to impose standards on
the monitoring board, see Bay Manning’s scolding classic The Business Judgment Rule and the
Director’s Duty of Attention: Time for Reality, 39 Bus. Law. 1477 (1984). My point, however, is
that, even if that process hadn’t been hijacked, the very concept of the monitoring board itself
is flawed. The problem, as Eisenberg well saw, is that there does not appear to be much of an
alternative.
8 The shareholder-value norm captures the idea that the corporation is to be run solely for
the purpose of maximizing shareholder value. Its desirability as a governing principle is hotly
contested in contemporary scholarship but has largely been accepted as a business matter.
Lawrence E. Mitchell, Corporate Irresponsibility: America’s Newest Export (2001).
9 Jeffrey N. Gordon, The Rise of Independent Directors in the United States, 1950–2005: Of
Shareholder Value and Stock Market Prices, 59 Stan. L. Rev. 1465 (2007).
10 For an extended history of the development of the shareholder-value norm through the creation
of the modern giant corporation, the modern stock market, and their relationship to one
another, see Mitchell, supra note 1.
Second, and the subject of this chapter, is my argument that Gordon’s

optimistic reading of the historical development of the independent moni-
toring board misses a darker story, a story grounded not in economics but
in politics, a story not of enhanced board accountability but of the loss of
board accountability.11 Simply put, the corporate board as we know it today
was developed primarily for the purpose of protecting directors from liability.12
Although it first came into being as an innovative and good-faith reform exer-
cise, it rapidly was refined to shield management directors from liability while
providing virtually no exposure for outsiders. The model’s use of nominating,
compensation, and audit committees gave rise to the practice of periodic inter-
vention by experts as a means of allowing outside directors to fulfill the light
duties contemplated by the monitoring board.13 Once the monitoring model
was fully embraced by the Delaware courts in the 1980s, it played a substantial
role in the diminished standards of fiduciary obligation, and particularly the
duty of care, that exist today.14
11Gordon’s reading is optimistic only if one accepts his favorable appraisal of the shareholder-
value norm.
12 This is the case despite some substantial business opposition to the monitoring board. James
W. Walker Jr., Comments on the ALI Corporate Governance Project, 9 Del. J. Corp. L.
580 (1984); Statement of the Business Roundtable on the American Law Institute’s
Proposed “Principles of Corporate Government and Structure: Restatement and
Recommendations” (1983) [hereinafter 1983 Business Roundtable Statement]. I believe
that much of this opposition was intricately related to perceived increased liability standards,
especially with respect to the duty of care, that accompanied the first formal introduction of
the monitoring board in Tentative Draft No. 1 of the American Law Institute’s Principals of
Corporate Governance. While that project (or at least that draft) showed real potential for
reform of corporate governance, the monitoring board had by that time come to be accepted,
for the most part, in legal doctrine, in a manner that diluted rather than enhanced director
liability, as I will explain herein. Daniel Fischel at the time suggested another ulterior motive –
that the use of an independent board (which he does not necessarily assume to be a monitoring
board) would compel managers to behave in more socially responsible ways. Daniel R. Fischel,
The Corporate Governance Movement, 35 Vand. L. Rev. 1259, 1284 (1982). I would suggest,
without arguing the point, that history has demonstrated either the incorrectness of this insight
or the failure of the project at the same time that it has demonstrated a strong protection
of directors from legal liability. Roberta Karmel, almost in passing, appears to have seen the
liability-protective possibilities of the monitoring board rather early. Roberta S. Karmel, The
Independent Corporate Board: A Means to What End? 52 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 534, 553 (1984).
13 I will discuss the growth of the director search firm and compensation consultant herein.
14 One can, of course, dispute the propriety of the current level of the duty of care. That is not
my issue. My point is that, whatever one might think of the duty of care, it is a considerably
lower standard than it might have been and that the institution of the monitoring board as the
dominant model bears substantial responsibility for that result.
Before I proceed, let me be clear about what I am not discussing as much as about what I
am discussing. I am not especially concerned with the institution of the outside director per
se. Outside directors are a logical (if perhaps unnecessary) corollary to the monitoring board.
Eisenberg himself appears to have considered independent directors a necessary component
This chapter proceeds as follows. Section I provides a brief overview of

the history of the board prior to the 1970s. The overview is necessarily brief
because the board generally was not a serious subject of legal study during
that time. Section II discusses the business and political failures during the
of the monitoring board, although others do not. Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Modernization of
Corporate Law: An Essay for Bill Cary, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 187, 205 (1983). But see Lawrence
E. Mitchell, Structural Holes, CEOs, and Informational Monopolies: The Missing Link in
Corporate Governance, 70 Brook. L. Rev. 1313 (2005) (arguing that inside directors have an
ability lacking among outside directors to perform important informational and monitoring
functions).
While much of the reform literature of the late 1970s and 1980s discusses the utility of outside
directors, my concern is with the monitoring board as an institution of corporate governance,
regardless of its composition. Brudney is almost alone among scholars of the era in making
the careful distinction between the use of outside directors and the reconceptualization of
the board as a monitoring board as qualitatively different phenomena. Victor Brudney, The
Independent Director: Heavenly City or Potemkin Village? 95 Harv. L. Rev. 597, 632 (1982).
The distinction was also observed in a note published in the Vanderbilt Law Review in 1987.
Note, The Corporate Governance Debate and the ALl Proposals: Reform or Restatement? 40
Vand. L. Rev. 693, 706 (1987). See also James S. Mofsky & Robert D. Rubin, Introduction:
A Symposium on the ALI Corporate Governance Project, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 169, 179 (1983)
(implicitly acknowledging the conceptual distinction between a monitoring board and a board
of independent directors); Kenneth E. Scott, Corporation Law and the American Law Institute
Corporate Governance Project, 35 Stan. L. Rev. 927, 934 (1983) (same). The history of the
former and its co-optation by the corporate establishment is a story that has been told. The
historical development of the latter and its consequences for reform has not. The latter is
the purpose of this chapter.
Moreover, it is not my purpose to accuse anybody of intentionally creating a dysfunctional
board. Determining motive is beyond my ability simply from reading the available historical
evidence. What I do argue is that the legal system rapidly came to see the way in which
the monitoring board could provide a greater liability shield than other models of board
governance at the same time that it left corporate power where it had always been, in the hands
of management. Boards and their lawyers lost little time in implementing the monitoring
model, notwithstanding a puzzling diversion during the early debates over the American Law
Institute’s Principles of Corporate Governance.
I should also be clear about terminology. In its basic form, the monitoring board is a
model of board governance that relies upon directors principally to hire, compensate, and
terminate the CEO and perhaps other senior officers; provide a check on the corporation’s
auditing processes; vote on conflict of interest transactions; and act on the most important (and
therefore episodic) corporate decisions. This contrasts with other board models, such as a board
that actually manages the corporation or a board that engages in strategic decision making.
These models and others do suggest that the board could provide a meaningful governance
function. My argument is that it does not and will not as long as we accept the monitoring
model as our starting point for reform. The Business Roundtable, in its 1983 response to the ALI
Principles, identified five types of boards – “legitimating, advisory, participating (monitoring or
overseeing), judicial, and dominating.” 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, at 25. The
statement was drawn from Kenneth R. Andrews, Rigid Rules Will Not Make Good Boards,
Harv. Bus. Rev. Nov–Dec. 1982 (citing Jeanne Lynch, Activating the Board of Directors,
unpublished doctoral thesis, Harvard Business School, 1979). While there has been a great
deal written about the board since then, the participating board is clearly accepted as dominant
in the literature on public corporations.
1970s that led to the first serious calls for board reform. The emergence of
the monitoring board as the favored model is grounded in an understanding
of this history. Section III, the heart of this chapter, describes and analyzes
the gradual acceptance of the monitoring board as the favored model, from
its early embrace by the American Bar Association (ABA), the Conference
Board, and the Business Roundtable, to its abandonment by these organiza-
tions in the heated political fights over the development of the American Law
Institute’s (ALI) Principles of Corporate Governance, and the eventual accep-
tance of the model by all relevant professional groups by the early 1990s as
they came to see its director-protective qualities. Section IV shows the gradual
acceptance of the monitoring board by the Delaware courts throughout the
1980s and its most recent strong support of the model in the Disney case, even
as they rearticulated the legal standards for directors’ conduct as formulaic,
procedural, and minimal. Section V concludes with some reflections on the
appropriate role of the board of directors in the modern public corporation.
I. EARLY UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE ROLE OF THE BOARD
Boards of directors, or institutions like them, have been around for centuries,
long before the development of the modern public business corporation.15
But, at least in the United States, we had no major reason to be concerned
with the proper role of boards of directors until the development of the large
modern public corporation in the last few years of the nineteenth century.
Until that time, we had very few large public corporations besides the rail-
roads, and these were often tightly controlled by a single shareholder or small
group of shareholders.16 When concern about boards was expressed during
that era, it was a different sort of concern from the concern developed later
in the century. Talk about the board was not so much about corporate gover-
nance and shareholder matters as it was a proxy for larger public issues, such as
antitrust, railroad regulation, and the control of securities speculation. Ques-
tions of board behavior principally involved questions of corporate finance
that related to these issues.17
15 Franklin A. Gevurtz, The Historical and Political Origins of the Corporate Board of Directors,
33 Hofstra L. Rev. 89 (2004).
16 Alfred D. Chandler, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American
Business (1977) dates the development of the large modern corporation to the 1880s. Although
there were some large extraction and marketing corporations, almost all of the corporations
Chandler talks about are railroads. There were very few manufacturing corporations approach-
ing modern size until the late 1890s. Lawrence E. Mitchell, The Speculation Economy:
How Finance Triumphed over Industry (2007); William Roy, Socializing Capital
(1997).
17 Mitchell, supra note 1.
The famous Pujo Committee hearings of 1911 and 1912 gave Congress the
chance to investigate the existence of an alleged Money Trust that controlled
corporate America by virtue of its position on corporate boards.18 Although
interlocking directorships that were said to result in concentrated board con-
trol by the Money Trust banks were a focus of the hearings, the main prob-
lem caused by this control was restrained competition and access to capital.
Evidence ranged from such relatively arcane matters as clearinghouse mem-
bership and stock certificate printing to stock underwriting; margin financing;
and finally, business and credit control.19 The function of the board in terms
of the corporation’s business was not a significant issue.
The disinterest in the board per se, or rather the interest in other aspects of
board control, is evident from the consequence of the hearings, the passage of
the Federal Reserve Act, the Federal Trade Commission Act, and the Clayton
Antitrust Act early in the first Wilson administration. There was some early
concern for the welfare of minority shareholders. At this point, the principal
public concern was over issues of corporate capitalization and finance, which,
at the end of the day, were proxies for concern about monopoly and consumer
protection. It was only with the widespread ownership of common stock by the
American public that developed in the 1920s that a focus on what the board
of directors was doing and should do with respect to the corporation and its
stockholders began to matter.20
18 Money Trust Investigation, Investigation of Financial and Monetary Conditions

in the U.S. Under H. Res. Nos. 429 and 504, Before a Subcomm. of the Comm. on
Banking and Currency (Comm. Print 1913).
The money-trust investigation was a delayed response to the panic of 1907, which combined a
bank panic and a stock market collapse that for the first time hurt the new and larger numbers of
American investors. The phrase “Money Trust” appears to have been coined by Congressman
Charles A. Lindbergh of Minnesota. While the investigation was a bit of a show trial, it did
lead to serious hearings on securities markets and some legislative action (although there were
no results). Lindbergh’s stability remains in question. In 1917, he introduced a resolution in
the House proffering articles of impeachment against the five members of the Federal Reserve
Board, including the draftsman of the predecessor to the Federal Reserve Act, the investment
banker Paul Warburg, of the important railroad house Kuhn, Loeb, alleging that the act itself
and the Federal Reserve was created by its members as part of a vast international banking
conspiracy to bilk America of its wealth. The committee report declaring a lack of sufficient
evidence to proceed with the impeachment was a terse single sentence. H.R. 450, 64th Cong.
(1917); 54 Cong. Rec. 3126–30 (1917); 54 Cong. Rec. 4953 (1917).
19 Market manipulation was another important concern and led to the introduction of the first
investor-centered securities regulation bill in Congress in 1914. Mitchell, supra note 16.
20 Concern with this last issue certainly existed from the 1890s and was bound up with these
other issues, but my point is that it did not become the principal issue until the role of big
corporations in American life had largely been resolved as a political matter. Mitchell, supra
note 16. It had nonetheless been so well established by this point that, apart from financing
decisions, if that, many boards did little or nothing. The literature was more concerned with
directorial abuse of power than defining the role of the board itself, which appears to have been
Corporate governance reform in the modern sense traditionally is traced

from the publication in 1932 of what is widely considered its ur-text, Berle
and Means’s The Modern Corporation and Private Property.21 Despite their
justifiable fame in opening broad debate about the legitimacy of corporate
dominance based both on their statistical demonstration of the separation of
ownership and control and on the enormous amount of economic and social
power held by management, Berle and Means actually had very little to say
about the appropriate role of the board. A large proportion of the book is
devoted to an examination of the ways in which the statutory rules of corporate
finance, which are directed to the board, can harm various classes of share-
holders, though they do discuss the legal rules (care and loyalty) governing
directors’ conduct.22 Beyond that, a few pages are devoted to the way that proxy
voting disempowers shareholders (and, by implication, empowers managers)
and the elimination of shareholders’ rights to remove directors at will.
The book really makes no contribution to the debate over the role of the
board in terms of corporate governance. The authors’ principal concern was
the economic, social, and political power the separation of ownership from
control gave corporate directors.23 The separation between ownership and
management led to a focus on shareholder democracy and the fiduciary duties
of directors, with the latter issue also reflected in the famous Berle-Dodd
debates.24
Nothing in Berle and Means’s argument necessarily required a focus on the
board from a corporate governance standpoint. They treated management as a
class, including not only directors but executives, too (except in the corporate
perceived as rather minimal. See generally Frederick Dwight, Liability of Corporate Directors,
17 Yale L.J. 34 (1907); H. A. Cushing, The Inactive Corporate Director, 8 Colum. L. Rev. 21
(1908); M. C. Lynch, Diligence of Directors in the Management of Corporations, 3 Cal. L.
Rev. 21 (1914).
21 Adolf A. Berle Jr. & Gardiner C. Means, The Modern Corporation and Private
Property (1932).
22 It is worth noting that Berle and Means discuss these duties as duties of management more
broadly than those of directors. Id.

23 Dalia Tsuk, From Pluralism to Individualism: Berle and Means and 20th Century American
Legal Thought, 30 Law & Soc. Inquiry 179 (2005).

24 A.A. Berle Jr., Corporate Powers as Powers in Trust, 44 Harv. L. Rev. 1049 (1931); A.A. Berle
Jr., For Whom Are Corporate Managers Trustees? A Note, 45 Harv. L. Rev. 1365 (1932); E.
Merrick Dodd, For Whom Are Corporate Managers Trustees? 45 Harv. L. Rev. 1145 (1932). It
is important to understand that neither The Modern Corporation and Private Property nor the
Berle-Dodd debates were about corporate governance in any modern understanding of the
term, because it is customary in the literature to genuflect to these works as the starting point of
our corporate governance debate. While they were important works in debates over corporate
power and responsibility, they are not about corporate governance but rather about corporate
purpose.
finance discussion, in which the board was the necessary subject because of its
statutory role). And, indeed, there was some (although not a lot) of scholarship
after Berle and Means in the literature of business and sociology devoted to
the role and power of executives and managers as distinct from the board of
directors itself.25 But managers and employees generally played a very little
role in the legal structure of corporate law.26
The first important discussion of the appropriate function of the board
appears to be William O. Douglas’s 1934 article “Directors Who Do Not
Direct.”27 Douglas observes that the responsibility of directors to direct had
become “a popular theme in recent years,” citing to House hearings on the 1933
federal securities legislation. The various ideas and criticism he surveys all go to
the question of board size and composition. The reform that Douglas advocates
is an independent board composed of nonmanagement shareholders, serving
as trustees of the shareholders, in control of the proxy machinery, and truly
independent of managers (in a direct nod to Berle and Means), governed by
a code of conduct laying out the directors’ responsibilities.28
The board envisioned by Douglas is at least in part an early version of
the monitoring board, and the article appears to be the first significant (if
implicit) description of this board function. As Berle and Means had describ-
ed concentrated board power and proxy capture by management, and others
had noted the problems of figurehead directors, Douglas focused mainly on
board capture by management, with the well-known consequence of highly
conflicted and self-referential management structures resulting in lack of cor-
porate vision, excessive compensation, and the use of corporate funds by
25 See, e.g., Chester I. Barnard, The Functions of the Executive (1938).

26 Kent Greenfield, The Place of Workers in Corporate Law, 39 B.C. L. Rev. 293 (1998). Brandeis’s
view of the managing board was apparently still quite current. In his 1931 treatise on directors,
Howard Hilton Spellman examines in detail the entire range of board powers, claiming power
for the board to make ordinary business decisions and even to purchase necessary supplies,
showing the full sweep of what we would consider managerial powers as well as all of the
financial powers identified by Berle and Means. Howard Hilton Spellman, A Treatise
on the Principles of Law Governing Corporate Directors, esp. §§ 134, 137, 143, 149,
& 151 (1931). Ballantine and Lattin’s 1939 casebook on corporations does not even address the
function of the board of directors. Henry Winthrop Ballantine & Norman Dunham Lat-
tin, Cases and Materials on the Law of Corporations (1939); see also Henry Winthrop
Ballantine, Ballantine on Corporations (1946); Alexander Hamilton Frey, Cases and
Materials on Corporations and Partnerships (1951); Ludwig Teller, Corporations
(1949).
27 William O. Douglas, Directors Who Do Not Direct, 47 Harv. L. Rev. 1305 (1934).
28 There is no strong indication that Berle was overly dubious about the actual function of the
board. For example, in a 1932 review of Howard Hilton Spellman, A Treatise on the Principles of
the Law Governing Corporate Directors, 80 U. Pa. L. Rev. 145 (1931–32), he mentions nothing
about the role of the board at all.
managers for their own benefit. Managerialism, replacing the early century
control by Morgan and his allies, was the result of board capture, with the
potentially pernicious consequence of unmonitored conflicting interests in
management.
While Douglas seems to anticipate the monitoring board (without using
the term), he remains equally tied to the statutory idea that directors supervise
management and formulate “financial and commercial policies.”29 Thus, at
the same time that he hints at a more modern version of the board, he remains
grounded in the early century view reflected by Brandeis that directors have
a strong managerial role in addition to the monitoring role he contemplates.
Douglas’s article had little influence on corporate scholarship and practice as
far as board function goes. Nor did it have any particular influence in stimulat-
ing a debate over the role of boards. To the extent it had any importance, it was
in perpetuating Berle and Means’s concerns about insular boards protected by
the fortress of the proxy machinery.
The general understanding that boards no more made the corporation’s
“financial and commercial policies” than they managed the corporation came
relatively late. Eisenberg places this recognition as revelatory in 1945.30 Thus,
perhaps we can mark 1945 as the beginning of the debate on modern board
functions, although there is very little legal literature on the subject following
that work until the 1970s. The discussion of board function took place more
among economists, management scholars, and sociologists than among legal
academics, and even the literature reflecting this discussion was relatively
sparse.31 Indeed, in 1960, the University of Chicago Law Review published an
article from a lawyer’s point of view suggesting that the board itself was an
“anachronism.”32
29 Douglas, supra note 27, at 1322.
30 Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Structure of the Corporation: A Legal Analysis 140 (1976).
Eisenberg marks the publication of Robert Aaron Gordon’s Business Leadership in the Large
Corporation as the “early” point at which it was revealed that “the boards of large companies
initiated decisions on either specific matters or broad policies.” Gordon clearly describes
both a modern-sounding monitoring function for the board and the fact that the board was
considerably more passive than even the light description of its monitoring function would
indicate. Robert Aaron Gordon, Business Leadership in the Large Corporation 116–
125 (1945).
31 George Hornstein noted in 1948 that critiques of boards were principally the province of judges
and sociologists. George D. Hornstein, The Board of Directors and Business Management, by
Melvin T. Copeland & Andrew R. Towl, 48 Colum. L. Rev. 164 (1948) (book review). A leading
example is James Burnham, The Managerial Revolution: What Is Happening in the
World (1941).
32 Robert A. Kessler, The Statutory Requirement of a Board of Directors: A Corporate Anachronism,
27 U. Chi. L. Rev. 696 (1960). Kessler was not in favor of an outright abolition of the board
but rather that shareholders have the option to abolish it and elect officers directly.
Most of the legal literature concerned with boards, from Berle and Means
through the 1960s, was focused on board control of the proxy machinery33 and
the fiduciary duties of directors.34 (There was also heavy attention to the role
of the board in close corporations.35 ) The assumption continued to be that
boards had at least a policy-making function if not a management function,
the latter of which they simply were not performing,36 even as it remained
clear that the real corporate power was held by management.37 As late as 1976,
Eisenberg could announce as news that “most of the powers supposedly vested
in the board are actually vested in the executives.”38 Yet the board remained
as the last, best hope against the increasing displacement of all other interests
by rampant managerialism.39
II. REFORMING THE BOARD
Matters had changed dramatically by the 1970s. It is fair to say that the early
1970s were a time when directors and their counsel were looking with deep
33 See, e.g., Mortimer M. Caplin, Proxies, Annual Meetings, and Corporate Democracy: The
Lawyer’s Role, 37 Va. L. Rev. 653 (1951); Mortimer M. Caplin, Shareholder Nominations of
Directors: A Program for Fair Corporate Suffrage, 39 Va. L. Rev. 141 (1953); Note, Corporations –
Payment of Proxy Solicitation Expenses – An Aspect of Corporate Democracy, 31 N.Y.U. L. Rev.
504 (1956). Another area of board concern was restrictions on board functions by shareholder
agreement, of interest principally in the close corporation area and a subject that also assumed
some degree of managerial power in the board. See, e.g., Comment, Shareholders’ Agreements
and the Statutory Norm, 43 Cornell L.Q. 68 (1957).
34 “The very heart and soul of the development of corporate law in the last two decades has been
the immense flood of cases and statutes concerned with the director’s duty of loyalty.” Samuel
M. Fahr, What Every Corporation Director Should Know, by Percival E. Jackson, 35 Iowa L.
Rev. 150 (1949) (book review).
35 See, e.g., George D. Hornstein, Stockholders’ Agreements in the Closely Held Corporation, 59
Yale L.J. 1040 (1950); Charles W. Steadman, Maintaining Control of Close Corporations, 14
Bus. Law. 1077 (1959).
36 Fahr, supra note 34; Hornstein, supra note 35 (noting that “corporations . . . function through
their directors”); Arthur A. Ballantine, Directors and Their Functions, by John C. Baker, 59
Harv. L. Rev. 151 (1945) (book review).
37 Sigmund Timberg, Corporate Fictions: Logical, Social and International Implications, 46
Colum. L. Rev. 533, 564–66 (1948). Timberg sees corporate power as pluralistic, much like
the state’s political pluralism.
38 Eisenberg, supra note 30, at 141. This actually was not news to Eisenberg or any other careful
observer, but the fact that it was worth noting suggests the tenacity of old ideas about board
management. John C. Baker, Directors and Their Functions (1945); Peter Drucker,
The Practice of Management 178 (1954); Harold Koontz, The Board of Directors
and Effective Management 21 (1967); Myles Mace, Directors: Myth and Reality 73,
76–77, 80 (1971).
39 Perhaps the apex of managerialism is illustrated by the wonderful description of IT&T’s
management meeting in Ralph Nader et al., Taming the Giant Corporation (1975).
concern at a series of legal and social developments, developments that threat-

ened them with significant liability.40 As one commentator put it in 1979:
“Corporate governance has, within approximately the last five years, again
become a subject of intense national debate in Congress, the federal regu-
latory agencies, the academic community, the organized bar, public interest
groups, and the business community itself.”41 It was these developments that
motivated this activity and that chased directors and their counsel to run to
safety. It was in the monitoring board that they found shelter.
The reasons for board concern are fairly clear. The middle of the twentieth
century was a time when U.S. industry unquestionably ruled the world. By the
early 1970s, the conglomeration movement was rapidly bringing that devel-
opment to a crisis point, and the stock market was faltering.42 The new con-
glomerates themselves presented problems for directors, including conflicts
of interest among various conglomerate boards and an overwhelming com-
plexity of worldwide business.43 The Watergate investigation’s revelation of
illegal corporate campaign contributions followed by the SEC’s questionable
payments investigations, with its discovery of corporate domestic and foreign
bribery, often unknown to directors, also diminished confidence in corporate
America and brought forth calls for reform.44 The impregnable Pennsylvania
Railroad, once the nation’s largest corporation, had gone bankrupt without
ever missing a dividend, and with that came an SEC investigation into its
causes, numerous suits against directors, and the development of the securi-
ties class action.45 Numerous other bankruptcies and severe financial losses,
40 Roberta S. Karmel, The Independent Corporate Board: A Means to What End? 52 Geo. Wash.
L. Rev. 534, 539 (1984); Bryan F. Smith, Corporate Governance: A Director’s View, 37 U. Miami
L. Rev. 273, 276 (1983).
41 Marshall L. Small, The Evolving Role of the Director in Corporate Governance, 30 Hastings
L.J. 1353 (1979); Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Modernization of Corporate Law: An Essay for Bill
Cary, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 187, 209–10 (1983).
42 Nader, Green, and Seligman describe 1975 as “a year of reckoning for a dozen major conglom-
erates.” Nader et al., supra note 39, at 78.

43 Richard J. Farrell & Robert W. Murphy, Comments on the Theme: “Why Should Anyone Want
to Be a Director?” 27 Bus. Law. 7 (1972).

44 The story is well told in Joel Seligman, A Sheep in Wolf ’s Clothing: The American Law Institute
Principles of Corporate Governance Project, 55 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 325, 333–36; SEC, Rep.
on Questionable and Illegal Corporate Payments and Practices (1976). Karmel gives
a less sympathetic account of the era. Roberta S. Karmel, Realizing the Dream of William O.
Douglas: The Securities and Exchange Commission Takes Charge of Corporate Governance, 30
Del. J. Corp. L. 79 (2005).
45 SEC Staff Study of the Financial Collapse of the Penn Central Co.: Summary [1972–73 Transfer
Binder], Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 78,931 (1972). Numerous lawsuits resulted from the
collapse of Penn Central. See, e.g., In re Penn Central Transp. Co., 484 F.2d 1300 (3d Cir.
1973); In re Penn Central Transp. Co., 452 F.2d 1107 (3d Cir. 1971); SEC v. Penn Central Co.,
Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 94,527 (E.D. Pa. May 2, 1974). The securities class action first
brought on in part by recession, occurred, and with them the resignations or

firings of some prominent CEOs. Chrysler was in need of its eventual federal
bailout, and even New York City faced bankruptcy. An activist SEC, aided
by the Second Circuit, had a string of successes starting with BarChris46 and
Texas Gulf Sulphur,47 in attempting to make the securities laws into a body
of federal corporate law with far more teeth than state law had presented.48
Shareholder proposals by activist groups advocating a variety of social causes
were being thrust on corporations and litigated in court.49
These events by themselves would have been enough to spur on reform. But
they also suggested a particular type of reform, one for which the raw ingredi-
ents were readily available. Outside directors had, by the early 1970s, come to
constitute the majority of directors on most corporate boards. Outside directors
first became prominent as a way of helping to insulate boards from liability
for conflict-of-interest transactions, but now they were beginning to be seen
as a way of ensuring responsibility to – if not appeasing – different corporate
constituencies.50 The role of managerial directors was well understood – they
worked for the corporation and were answerable to the CEO. But questions
arose as to what exactly the role of outsiders was to be.51 Moreover, Congress
itself was investigating the structure of corporate law, with particular attention
to the social purpose of the corporation and the role of the shareholder, which
of course implicated the board as well.52 And, in 1971, Myles Mace published
his famous study demonstrating the almost complete passivity of corporate
became a practical remedy for shareholders after 1966. J. Vernon Patrick Jr., The Securities
Class Action for Damages Comes of Age (1966–1974), 29 Bus. Law. 159 (1974).
46 Escott v. BarChris Constr. Corp., 283 F. Supp. 643 (S.D.N.Y. 1968); see also Gould v. American-
Hawaiian 5.5. Co., 535 F. 2d 761 (3d Cir. 1976).

47 SEC v. Tex. Gulf Sulphur Co., 446 F. 2d 1301 (2d Cir. 1971), cert. denied, 404 U.S. 1005 (1972).
48 Roberta Karmel relates the history of the SEC’s attempts to federalize corporate law. Karmel,
supra note 44.

49 See, e.g., Med. Comm. for Human Rights v. SEC, 432 F. 2d 659 (D.C. Cir. 1970).
50 Victor Brudney, Panel Discussion, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 319, 321 (1983).
51 Noyes E. Leech & Robert H. Mundheim, The Outside Director of the Publicly Held Corpora-
tion, 31 Bus. Law. 1799 (1976); Cyril Moscow, The Independent Director, 28 Bus. Law. 9 (1972).
It was this increase (or recognition of the increase) in the number of outside directors that led
the Committee on Corporate Laws to amend section 35 of the Model Business Corporation
Act in 1974 to move to a monitoring model of the board. Model Bus. Corp. Act § 143 (1974)
[hereinafter MBCA]. By 1973, according to data published by the Conference Board and the
American Society of Corporate Secretaries, 77 percent of 855 corporations surveyed had a
majority of outside directors considering former or retired employees as such, and 62 percent
considering them as management directors. By 1977, the data were 84 percent and 66 percent.
Corporate Director’s Guidebook, 33 Bus. Law. 1595 (1978), app. C.
52 Hearings on Corporate Rights and Responsibilities Before the Senate Comm. on Commerce,
94th Cong. (1976); The Role of the Shareholder in the Corporate World: Hearings Before the
Subcomm. on Citizens and Shareholder Rights and Remedies of the Senate Comm. on the
Judiciary, 95th Cong. (1977).
boards.53 All of these developments put increasing pressure on boards to figure

out how to avoid liability. The first question that had to be answered was, What
was the board to do?
Board reform became an important subject of discussion for the first time
in the 1970s.54 But, as Eisenberg points out, most reform proposals began with
“the received legal model of the board,” that is, the board as manager.55 And the
variety of proposals demonstrates that this idea of board as manager retained a
strong hold on the legal imagination, as Eisenberg classifies them into “those
calling for professional directors; those calling for full-time directors; and those
calling for fully-staffed boards.”56
On one level, the move to board reform was an attempt to break managerial
control of U.S. corporations for the purpose of greater political and social
accountability. Perhaps the high point of the attack on entrenched manage-
rialism for social reform is Nader, Green, and Seligman’s Taming the Giant
Corporation, published the same year as Eisenberg’s Structure of Corporate
Law.57 Taming the Giant Corporation captured the deep fear of insulated cor-
porate power characterizing the social moment, and perhaps nowhere better
than in a description of an IT&T management meeting.58 The story reads like
a Cold War era description of a secret conclave of the Evil Empire’s polit-
buro and, except for the absence of nuclear weapons, is almost as frightening.
Nader, Green, and Seligman also targeted their reform suggestions by looking
to an older model of board management as the means to break managerialism,
but their choice was a board composed of representatives from all corporate
constituencies and working in the overall public interest.59
Breaking corporate power over the powerless was their goal. In fact, Nader,
Green, and Seligman, perhaps more than any other legal authors to that
time, picked up on Berle and Means’s central concern, unrestrained man-
agerial power run amok in society.60 Management uncontrolled was manage-
ment running the country.61 But the problem with managerialism was not
53 Mace, supra note 38.

54 Indeed, Brudney, who observed in 1982 that “[l]awyers, both academic and practicing, have
long been concerned with the function of the board,” cites literature almost exclusively from
the 1970s to support his claim. Brudney, supra note 14, at 603 nn.15–16.
55 Eisenberg, supra note 30, at 139. 56 Id. at 149.
57 Christopher Stone, Where the Law Ends (1975), though not as focused on governance, is
another important contribution to the reform literature of the era.

58 Nader et al., supra note 39, at 76–77 (quoting Anthony Sampson).
59 Id. at 125. For a more moderate exploration of the social responsibilities of business and a
description of a board model to accompany it, see The American Assembly, Corporate
Governance in America (1978).
60 In this respect, one can see Taming the Giant Corporation a worthy successor to The Modern
Corporation and Private Property.

61 Nader et al., supra note 39, at 76.
management. After all, management still runs corporate America, just as it

did then. The problem with managerialism was board capture, or, as Nader,
Green, and Seligman saw it, board composition and the complacency of plu-
tocratic directors.
This may sound like a precious distinction, but on a moment’s thought it
will appear that it is not. Board capture as a result of management’s control of
the proxy machinery was a major focus of corporate scholarship from the New
Deal until the late 1960s. But what was the goal of the arguments to reform
the proxy machinery and put it back into the hands of – whom? The share-
holders? While scholarship calls for shareholder, and sometimes stakeholder,
control, there was no practical expectation that shareholders would stir from
their historical lethargy and take control of their capital. Nor did the invest-
ment logic of diversification, always a typical American practice but further
strengthened by the development in the 1960s of mutual funds, suggest any
reason to believe that this would be the case. So who would regain control of
the proxy machinery from management? The board. To do what? Until the
monitoring model of the board developed, to manage, which, by common
consensus, they did not and could not do. So even if complete proxy reform
had been achieved, the result would have been the substitution of one set of
managers by another.
An extended analysis of managerialism is beyond the scope of this chapter,
but the relevant point is that, until we could develop an appropriate function
for the board, proposals for proxy reform would have allowed us to rearrange
deck chairs on the Titanic. Once the proxy-reform theories had played out,
it was naturally time to figure out what it was we wanted the board to do.
Eisenberg helped to provide the answer to this question. But the dominant
shape of reform was not, in the end, political, in the way contemplated by
Nader, Green, and Seligman, although political agitation surely contributed
to the atmosphere of fear in which the monitoring model was developed.
Reform was, instead, legal, and shaped to protect the board from liability.
III. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MONITORING BOARD
It was only in 1976, with the publication of Mel Eisenberg’s The Structure
of the Corporation, that the idea of the monitoring board was clearly formu-
lated and put forth as the appropriate description of the board’s function.62
62 Eisenberg based the book on an earlier set of law review articles, including Legal Models of
Management Structure in the Modern Corporation: Officers, Directors, and Accountants, 63
Calif. L. Rev. 375 (1975). Harvey Goldschmid had also described the monitoring board in a
speech given in 1973. Harvey J. Goldschmid, The Greening of the Board Room: Reflections on
Corporate Responsibility, 10 Colum. J. L. & Soc. Probs. 15, 24–25 (1973).
Eisenberg provides what is probably the first coherent statement of the mon-
itoring model.63 (It is interesting to note that almost all of the material cited
by Eisenberg in compiling and supporting this model is drawn from the late
1960s and early 1970s, further reinforcing my conclusion that there had been
no significant earlier interest in board function.64 ) Eisenberg reviews the tra-
ditionally accepted function of the managing board and the reform efforts to
enhance it and concludes, correctly in my view, that the board in fact can
perform none of these functions.65 The deductive process takes us from the
received legal model of a board that actually manages to the working model
in which power is mostly vested in executives. He then examines and takes
apart reform proposals, from professional directors to full-time directors and
fully staffed boards, before turning to the various functions attributed to the
board. These include giving advice and counsel to the CEO; authorizing
(rather than initiating) major corporate transactions; providing a mechanism
by which major shareholders and creditors might influence control over cor-
porate action; and finally, the monitoring function, including the selection
and firing of the CEO. Eisenberg concludes:
63 Eisenberg, supra note 30, at 162–68. Others have also credited Eisenberg with the development
of the monitoring model. George W. Dent Jr., The Revolution in Corporate Governance, The
Monitoring Board, and the Director’s Duty of Care, 61 B.U. L. Rev. 623 (1981); Karmel, supra
note 40, at 543; see also Note, The Corporate Governance Debate and the ALI Proposals:
Reform or Restatement? 40 Vand. L. Rev. 693, 705 (1987). A more nuanced understanding of
the practical functioning of the board, despite the received legal managerial model, can be
found earlier in the business literature. See, e.g., Melvin T. Copeland & Andrew R. Towl,
The Board of Directors and Business Management 4 (1947).
64 Eisenberg’s footnotes on the board, both in the book and in the article, are almost exclusively
drawn from the late 1960s and early 1970s. The few older citations are to books by business
scholars in the late 1940s and 1950s that principally discuss the power centers of U.S. business
as the senior executives and the role of the board as minimal. Indeed, the legal literature on
board reform almost exclusively began in the 1970s. See Brudney, supra note 14, at 597–98
nn.1–2 (cataloging the reform literature). Alfred Conard, in his well-regarded Corporations in
Perspective, published in the same year as Eisenberg’s book, gives very little attention to the role
of the board except to recognize the managerial latitude given the board by law and the very
limited supervisory function the board actually provides. See Alfred Conrad, Corporations
in Perspective §§ 197, 210 (1976).
65 A different and more elaborate reform proposal for a series of divisional boards corresponding
to divisions of corporate responsibility and following the logic of a corporation’s internal

organization was proposed by Jack Coffee a year later. John C. Coffee Jr., Beyond the Shut-
Eyed Sentry: Toward a Theoretical View of Corporate Misconduct and an Effective Legal
Response, 63 Va. L. Rev. 1099 (1977). Given its complexity and substantive content, it would
have been considerably harder for business to co-opt Coffee’s model than the monitoring
model. But it is precisely the complexity of Coffee’s model, as well as the significantly greater
obligation that it would have put on directors, that would have almost certainly prevented its
adoption.
The major effect of according central importance to the policymaking func-

tion . . . has been to divert legal and corporate institutions from implementing
a cluster of functions which the board can perform and which cannot easily
be performed by any corporate organ except the board: selecting, monitoring,
and removing the members of the chief executive’s office.66
As Eisenberg realized, the only functions left were hiring and firing the chief
executive and monitoring his or her performance. These are the functions he
targeted for reform by describing oversight boards with adequate information
to perform their tasks. In other words, having correctly eliminated all other
possible functions of the board, Eisenberg was left with the monitoring model.
Eisenberg was making an empirical claim about what boards actually did
and a commonsense normative claim about the limits of what boards were
capable of doing. He notes that the board is the only corporate organ that can
perform the monitoring function (with a similar observation made roughly
contemporaneously in financial economics by Michael Jensen and William
Meckling.67 ) He also saw a decided virtue in the monitoring board as a means
of controlling managerial power. Thus, there is a strong normative component
to the monitoring model as well. Monitoring might be all the board could
do, but if it was a necessary corporate function and the board was uniquely
equipped to perform it, then the board ought to do it.
For the monitoring board to work as the reform that Eisenberg planned, the
board needed the kind of true independence that would provide for serious
monitoring. Thus Eisenberg concludes with a normative recommendation.
Legal rules must “to the extent possible: (1) make the board independent of
the executives whose performance is being monitored; and (2) assure a flow
of, or at least a capability for acquiring, adequate and objective information
on the executives’ performance.”68 Had Eisenberg’s suggestions been fully
adopted, with a substantially independent and adequately informed board,
the monitoring board might have developed with a meaningful function.69
Instead, businesses and their lawyers hijacked the model, embracing its struc-
ture without its substance. They turned it into a shell of what Eisenberg had
imagined – and a very protective shell at that. Through no fault of his own,
Eisenberg’s reform effort was sandbagged by America’s corporate bar when
66 Eisenberg, supra note 30, at 170.

67 Michael C. Jensen & William H. Meckling, Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency
Costs, and Ownership Structure, 3 J. Fin. Econ. 305 (1976); see also Eugene Fama, Agency
Problems and the Theory of the Firm, 88 J. Pol. Econ. 288 (1980).
68 Eisenberg, supra note 30, at 170.
69 ALI, Principles of Corporate Governance: Analysis and Recommendations (1994).
the model received its only real chance for implementation, in the American
Law Institute’s (ALI) Principles of Corporate Governance.
The following pages detail the story of the rise, fall, and resurrection of the
monitoring model as the accepted description of board function. It is a story
of how business came to embrace the monitoring model, only to reject it in
the 1980s even as it had become a more or less accomplished fact. The debate
over the monitoring board that took place in the 1970s was modest, and not
so much over the idea of the monitoring board itself than the treatment of
the model largely as a structural concept. Critics called for a more substantive
description of the board’s duties.70 Commentators attempted to supply that
substance, as did Eisenberg himself, serving as reporter for the third part of the
Principles of Corporate Governance. But, as I soon demonstrate, acceptance of
the monitoring model in the 1970s was left to the American Bar Association
and business groups that rapidly seized upon it for their own reasons.
The monitoring model was controversial when it appeared but hardly as
controversial as it would become in 1982. Most of the early controversy was
among legal scholars and remained on the level of scholarly discourse.71 When
the ALI published its Tentative Draft No. 1 in 1982, the earlier skirmish among
academics became a full-blown battle among businesspeople and practicing
lawyers, on one side (including a healthy cadre of corporate academics), and
much of corporate legal academia on the other. But initially, as I show, the busi-
ness community generally welcomed the idea of the monitoring board. Victor
Brudney, puzzling in 1983 over the controversy surrounding the adoption of
the monitoring model by the ALI Principles, noted that the very monitoring
model about which the opponents were incensed was precisely the model
corporate America and the corporate bar had claimed they wanted in the
1970s.72
A. The Monitoring Board as Liability Shield

Three highly influential groups embraced the monitoring model in different
ways and with different emphases in the late 1970s. But, despite their differ-
ences, the American Bar Association, the Conference Board, and the Business
70 Dent, supra note 63; Small, supra note 41. Eisenberg’s substantial aspect of the model was to
require independent directors. Again, there was significant debate over whether this would be
enough to make the monitoring model work.
71 Karmel, supra note 12, at 550.
72 Victor Brudney, The Role of the Board of Directors: The ALI and Its Critics, 37 U. Miami L.
Rev. 223 (1983).

Roundtable all understood how the structure of the monitoring model could
be used to protect directors from serious threats of legal liability.
1. The ABA’s Contribution – The Corporate Director’s Guidebook,

1978–2004
Political agitation for board reform in the 1970s was symptomatic of the prob-
lems that had led to such broad legal and political concern with the public
corporation. As the problems of business were revealed, so, too, were social
issues and dislocations that had been masked at the height of the successful
conglomeration movement. These issues were important in helping to cre-
ate the atmosphere of reform, and the debate over directors’ roles during the
1970s developed in the atmosphere of fear and uncertainty they created. All
of this concern led to the ABA’s publication of the first Corporate Director’s
Guidebook in 1976,73 with the revised edition published in 1978.74 The Guide-
book placed the ABA’s imprimatur on the monitoring board as the best board
model.
The Guidebook is important. It was drafted by the Committee on Corporate
Laws of the American Bar Association. This was the same ABA committee
responsible for drafting and maintaining the Model Business Corporation Act
(Model Act). The 1978 edition was endorsed, after comment on the 1976 draft,
by the American Society of Corporate Secretaries (ASCS).75 As the preface
to the Guidebook notes, the Model Act embodies “the collective judgment
of experienced corporate lawyers and academicians from diverse locations
in the United States,” which contributed to entitling that act to “persuasive
weight.”76 Not surprisingly, the Guidebook is based upon the Model Act.
Certainly the endorsement of the powerful corporate bar and the ASCS, along
with the relationship between the Guidebook and the Model Act, made it
reasonably likely that compliance with the Guidebook would protect directors
from liability.
The 1978 edition makes it clear that the Guidebook was in large part a
response to directorial fears of liability. The introduction notes: “As a general
observation, it is believed that directors who act within the framework of con-
duct outlined in this Guidebook will not only be performing their directorial
functions competently, but will also be reducing the risk of being charged with
73 Corporate Director’s Guidebook, 32 Bus. Law. 5 (1976).

74 Corporate Director’s Guidebook, 33 Bus. Law. 1595 (1978).
75 Corporate Director’s Guidebook: Comments Submitted by the American Society of Corporate
Secretaries, 33 Bus. Law. 321 (1977).

76 Corporate Director’s Guidebook, supra note 74.
deficient individual performance as a director.”77 Not only does this situate the
development of the Guidebook in an atmosphere in which corporate directors
feared liability, but the statement itself is an attempt to put the quasi-official
legal imprimatur of the ABA on the monitoring board and its relatively light
directorial responsibilities.
Among its many functions, the Guidebook took upon itself the task of pre-
senting a “proposed model for the governance of a publicly-owned business
corporation.” While the model was admittedly not prescribed by statute, the
Guidebook presented it as a starting point for the development of best practices,
taking account of “current concerns in areas of public policy and emerging
trends of corporate governance.”78
The Guidebook importantly describes its board model as a “structural
model,” intended to “produce an appropriate environment for the governance
of publicly-owned corporations.”79 The choice of a structural model in contrast
to a model embracing substantive board duties is revealing. As an innocent
and entirely practical matter, it implicitly acknowledges significant variations
among the business practices and corporate structures of publicly held corpo-
rations. These led to differences in effective board functioning, so it might be
impractical to prescribe substantive directors’ roles.
Structure has other advantages over substance. Structure is relatively easy to
adjust, especially when talking about something like a balance between inside
and outside directors. So the structural approach has an additional practical
dimension as well.
But the ABA’s decision to adopt a structural model has somewhat darker
significance. A structural model cleverly avoids the need to establish standards
of substantive behavior. The role of directors is not to be specified beyond the
broad legal duties of care and loyalty already judicially imposed. Those duties,
77 Id. at 1597.
78 There was not, nor is there, any model of the board prescribed by statute. To the extent that
the law prescribes a model of the board, it can be inferred from the duty of care. Brudney,
in 1982, notes that “courts have not yet formally addressed the distinction between a duty to
manage and a duty to monitor in assessing whether the common law duty of care has been
met.” Brudney, supra note 14, at 632 n.90. One could argue that the Delaware Supreme Court’s
opinion in Graham v. Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Co., 188 A.2d 125 (Del. 1963), though it
long antedated the concept of the monitoring board, did just that. Certainly, it has been argued
that Chancellor Allen’s opinion In re Caremark International Inc. Derivative Litigation, 698
A.2d 959 (Del. Ch. 1996), has the potential to establish a duty to monitor, at least in terms of
requiring effective information systems in a corporation operating within a regulated industry.
This requirement appears in almost all of the descriptions of the monitoring board.
79 Corporate Director’s Guidebook, supra note 74, at 1619. The Guidebook took as its starting point
the proposition adopted in section 35 of the recently revised Model Business Corporation Act
that the board is not expected to manage the corporation on a day-to-day basis. MBCA (1974).
especially the duty of care, are dependent upon the director’s role to define
their scope. A structural model simply allows for adjustment in the overall
relationship of directors to the corporation that provides a distancing that
necessarily limits the director’s role and thus the scope of substantive duties.
Substantive models of directorial behavior would have been far more difficult
to implement and therefore far more constraining, and would have worked
contrary to the effect of the Guidebook by exposing directors to even greater
liability.80
As events played out, the structural model set out in the Guidebook paved
the way for future judicial developments of the application of the duties of
care and loyalty in a manner that allowed them to be filled almost exclusively
by process.81 This is certainly true as a matter of Delaware law and also led
to the growth of compensation consulting firms and a boom in business for
executive search firms in recruiting board members as protective adjuncts
to the compensation committee and nominating committee.82 It would have
been difficult, if not impossible, for a substantive model to have been adapted
so readily to procedural duties. And process is considerably easier to comply
with than substance. Thus judicial developments helped to seal the protective
nature of the monitoring model.83
The main thrust of the structural model was to focus on the distinction
between management and nonmanagement directors and suggest that the
good board should contain a significant quota of the latter. This is consis-
tent with the increase of outside directors that had begun in the 1950s and
accelerated through the early 1970s, both as a response to corporate scandals
arising because of the unchecked insularity of managerialism and as a way for
corporations to demonstrate their attempts to behave responsibly in an age of
turmoil.84 It was also consistent with Eisenberg’s view of the necessary pred-
icate to a successful monitoring board. Indeed, it was the remedy of outside
80 Brudney, supra note 14.

81 For the process-based nature of modern fiduciary adjudication, see Lawrence E. Mitchell,
Fairness and Trust in Corporate Law, 43 Duke L.J. 425 (1993).
82 It is worth noting that in the recent Disney opinion, Chancellor Chandler was far more critical
of compensation consultant Graef Crystal than he was of the Disney board’s compensation
committee. In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693, 770 (Del. Ch. 2005). The
process of employing a compensation consultant and the committee’s (and thus the board’s)
right to rely on his report shows the relationship between structure and process and the
protective nature of compliance with the latter.
83 I have made the argument at length in earlier works. See, e.g., Lawrence E. Mitchell, Fairness
and Trust, supra note 81; Lawrence E. Mitchell, Trust, Contract, Process, in Progressive
Corporate Law (Lawrence E. Mitchell ed., 1995).
84 The principal function of outside directors up to this point had been to sanitize conflict of
interest transactions. Brudney, supra note 50, at 322.

directors, rather than the more refined conceptual solution of the monitoring
board itself, that dominated corporate legal scholarship in the years following
Eisenberg’s statement of the model.85
The rest of the Guidebook describes the monitoring board in little detail, but
it is beyond question that the monitoring model is the model the Guidebook
endorsed.86 Directors are to review and confirm basic corporate objectives, as
well as select and monitor the CEO and senior management. They also have to
perform their few statutorily prescribed duties, such as approving mergers and
calling special meetings as set out in the Model Business Corporation Act.87
The monitoring model described by the Guidebook had a single focus. Unlike
Eisenberg’s structural model, that focus cabined possible director liability at
the same time that it completely rejected the possibility of corporate reform
along the political lines that reformers like Nader were arguing for:
It is important to emphasize that the role of the director is to monitor,

in an environment of loyal but independent oversight, the conduct of the
business and affairs of the corporation in behalf of those who invest in the
corporation. The director should not be perceived as, or perceive himself
as, a representative of any other constituency, either private or public. Were
the role of any director – whether management or non-management – to
be otherwise, profound changes would be required in defining the director’s
rights and obligations in a variety of contexts.88
And there it all is. The model is a monitoring model. The monitoring model
is a structural model. Independent directors are to be the key. And the social
role of the corporation was clear. Shareholders, and shareholders only, are to
be the objects of directors’ concern.89
Obviously, there is much that is unclear in this description of the monitoring
model, and the subsequent burgeoning literature on corporate governance is,
in many respects, an attempt to fill in the blanks. But it is striking to note
that the first quasi-official statement of what the board should do appeared as
85 See, e.g., Statement of the Business Roundtable, The Role and Composition of the Board of
Directors of the Large Publicly Owned Corporation, 33 Bus. Law. 2083 (1978); Brudney, supra
note 14; Leech & Mundheim, supra note 51; Lewis D. Solomon, Restructuring the Corporate
Board of Directors: Fond Hope – Faint Promise? 76 Mich. L. Rev. 581 (1978).
86 David Ruder, Panel Discussion, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 319, 337 (1983) (“I was on the committee
that drafted the Corporate Director’s Guidebook, and I agree with you that the monitoring
model was part of the Corporate Director’s Guidebook.”)
87 Corporate Director’s Guidebook, supra note 74, at 1607.
88 Id. at 1621.
89 While the phrase “those who invest in the corporation” as the sole constituent is ambiguous,
it clearly contemplates shareholders. It is possible that the language could include creditors,
but that interpretation is improbable given the modern position of creditors in corporate law.
late as 1978. It is even more striking to see the minimal nature of the duties
prescribed for directors to fulfill the duty of care, duties that easily could be
discharged even by relatively detached outside directors. And in light of the
later controversy over the ALI’s description of the monitoring model, it is at
least interesting to note that one corporate director wrote, in 1983 at the height
of that debate, that the arguments over the role of the board during the 1970s
produced a consensus model of the board, and that model was the monitoring
model. Moreover, he noted, “most corporations have voluntarily implemented
so many elements of this theory.”90
2. Guidebook II
A lot happened in the corporate world between 1978 and the next edition of
the Guidebook in 1994. One of the most significant legal developments was
the Delaware Supreme Court’s decision in Smith v. Van Gorkom.91 It was
generally accepted at the time that Van Gorkom challenged the minimalist
monitoring model. But one could easily read Van Gorkom as setting out a
procedural road map for the duties of the monitoring board in perhaps its
most significant context, that of a takeover, and others have so read it.92 The
way to avoid liability after Van Gorkom simply was to follow the road map. But
there was no need to fear even the potential mischief of Van Gorkom for long.
The Delaware legislature quickly restored the safety of minimal monitoring
by enacting section 102(b)(7) of the Delaware General Corporation Law.
The 1994 edition of the Guidebook acknowledges that “a lot has happened
and continues to happen, in the corporate governance world since 1978,”
justifying a revision of the Guidebook.93 But while the takeover decade had
passed, the ALI had adopted its Principles of Corporate Governance, institu-
tional investors were beginning to arise from their slumber, and the savings
and loan crisis and insider-trading scandals of the 1980s were history, the ABA
found itself in a position to declare victory in the revised edition. No longer
was it modest about its adoption of the monitoring board.
We deleted the “proposed model” of the board of a publicly held corporation

for two reasons: first, much of this material is now found in the discussion of
90 Bryan F. Smith, Corporate Governance: A Director’s View, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 273, 277–79
(1983); see also Andrews, supra note 14, at 36 (“And who can quarrel with the monitoring
model?”).
91 Smith v. Van Gorkom, 488 A.2d 858 (Del. 1985).
92 In the post-Disney era, it is almost impossible to claim that Van Gorkom had serious conse-
quences.
93 American Bar Association Committee on Corporate Laws, Corporate Director’s Guidebook:
1994 Edition, 49 Bus. Law. 1243, 1247 (1994).

the structure of the board and its committees; and second, developments in
applicable law have removed much of the need for the tentativeness reflected
in the concept of a model.94
The monitoring board was an accomplished fact.

That reality did not prevent the Guidebook from specifying again the func-
tions of the new monitoring board. Although slightly more detailed, the same
responsibility for approving corporate objectives and monitoring management
form the core of the directors’ role as they had sixteen years earlier. Added to
this are the obligations to adopt plans for senior executive succession, adopt
policies of corporate conduct, review procedures for financial information
flows, and “evaluate the overall effectiveness of the board.” In substance, this
added little and seems merely to be specification of the early duties tailored to
the events intervening between the two versions of the Guidebook.
3. Guidebook III
Skipping a 2001 revision of the Guidebook, the final interesting ABA document
is the Guidebook revision of 2004.95 The reason for revision is obvious:
Since the publication of the third edition, the stunning failures of several
prominent U.S. corporations, and the disclosure of abuses of office by some
of their senior executives, have led to widespread public concerns about
the role and responsibilities of corporate directors. . . . The public belief that
good corporate governance could have prevented these corporate failures has
resulted in a new reality in which corporations perceived not to have good
corporate governance will be penalized in the marketplace.96
Left unsaid was that, in the new era, penalization in the marketplace also
meant penalization in the boardroom and the executive suite. The director-
protective monitoring board needed some reconsideration.
What was that reconsideration? Not much. One aspect was a clearer defini-
tion of the director’s role, a definition that, as I show, had been adopted by the
Business Roundtable thirty years earlier. “As a general matter, a business cor-
poration’s core objective in conducting its business activities is to create and
increase shareholder value.”97 But monitoring was still the mode of behavior.
“Although recent changes in corporate governance standards effected by the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act . . . increase the compliance and disclosure requirements
94 Id. at 1248.
95 Corporate Director’s Handbook (Fourth Edition), 59 Bus. Law. 1057 (2004).
96 Id. at 1060. 97 Id. at 1063.
that the board and management of public companies must address, they do
not change the fundamental principles governing director action.”98
What were those principles? The Guidebook provides a longer list this time,
but the only new features were that the board should adopt ethical policies and
compliance programs, understand “the risk profile of the corporation,” and pay
greater attention to board and committee composition, all clearly responsive
to the problems that helped to bring down Enron. But taken individually, and
the list as a whole, they reinforce the simple monitoring model proposed in
1978, albeit with greater specificity. True, directors might have to spend a little
more time on the corporation’s affairs. But to satisfy their duties, they really
had to do little more than was expected of them thirty years earlier.99 The only
new advice, essentially, was to let the shareholders see you sweat a bit.
Thus, the monitoring model proposed and refined by the ABA, begun in a
climate of fear and most recently revised in a similar climate, specifies relatively
minimal duties for directors that, if minimally performed, will allow them to
avoid liability. And in the years between the adoption of the 1978 model up
to and including the present, with the singular exception of Van Gorkom
and a few cases involving takeovers, the monitoring board has performed its
protective function admirably well.
4. Business Protects Its Own – The Conference Board and

the Business Roundtable
The history and development of the Guidebook are revealing. But there were
other significant discussions surrounding the new monitoring model, and
both the Conference Board and the Business Roundtable endorsed it in the
late 1970s for the same reason – fear. Again, their reasons for favoring the
monitoring board seem clearly aimed at liability protection.
The Conference Board had long paid attention to boards, but its modern
contribution began in 1967, with the publication of its report Corporate Direc-
torship Practices (the Report).100 The Conference Board reported that by 1953
a majority of manufacturing companies had a majority of outside directors,
growing to 63 percent by the time of the Report. Nonetheless, the function of
these directors as, indeed, the function of all directors, remained a question.
It was clear on one level that the function of outside directors was to sanitize
98 Id. at 1064.
99 Chancellor Chandler confirms this observation in Disney. In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative
Litig., 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005).
100 Nat’l Indus. Conference Bd. and Am. Soc’y of Corp. Sec’ys, Corporate Directorship
Practices: Studies in Business Policy No. 125 (1967) [hereinafter Corporate Director-
ship Practices].
conflict of interest transactions. But beyond that, they had no particular pur-
pose other than to ratify management’s decisions. What else they might do, if
anything, was uncertain.101
The Report directly confronts the issue, noting that “it is difficult, if not
impossible, to delineate with precision the boundaries between the functions
of the board of directors and those of corporate management,” a problem that
was particularly difficult in corporations that had boards principally composed
of inside directors.102 The ambiguity of state law led to a wide variety in board
practices, with some of the best boards specifically enumerating their own
functions. In counseling directors as to their legal liability, however, the Report
was careful to state that “the fundamental legal responsibility of the board of
directors is to manage the company in the interests of the stockholders.”103
While recognizing the directors’ right to delegate, the Report cautions that
this does not relieve a director from liability but is simply a way of fulfilling
the director’s duties. As a general matter, and on this background, the Report
describes the board’s appropriate role as a cross between an advisory board and
a monitoring board.104
By 1975, the Conference Board had revisited and modified its views. It begins
its 1975 report, Corporate Directorship Practices (the 1975 Report), by noting,
“This Report is appearing at a time when, perhaps more than ever before, the
corporate board of directors is being seriously reexamined.”105 Interestingly,
the 1975 Report’s authors begin their study with the question not of what the
board should do but to whom it is accountable. This question, they write,
is a necessary precondition to determining the board’s role, and it is one we
have seen the ABA answer in the Guidebook, though rather more indirectly.
The 1975 Report describes some sort of a monitoring board, though not quite
as pure a one as Eisenberg’s model, as its description leaves some significant
managerial powers in the board itself. For example, strategic planning remains
101 The reality of outsider-dominated boards by the 1970s suggests that the outpouring of conver-
sation about outside directors was more about their purpose than their need, although it is fair
to say that there was considerable debate about their appropriate identity and the definition of
outside directors.
102 Corporate Directorship Practices, supra note 100, at 96.
103 Id. at 109. 104 Id. at 93.
105 Jeremy Bacon & James K. Brown, Corporate Directorship Practices: Role, Selection,
and Legal Status of the Board 1 (1975). For further evidence of the recent focus on board
function, see Noyes E. Leech & Robert H. Mundheim, The Outside Director of the
Public Corporation 3 (Korn-Ferry International 1976). (“At this time of reexamination for
many institutions of American life, the board of directors of the publicly held corporation is
drawing substantial attention”). Leech & Mundheim, supra note 51. And, of course, Myles
Mace’s 1971 classic, Directors: Myth and Reality, had already demonstrated that boards did
not actually manage the corporations they served. Instead, his model was close to that of a
monitoring and advisory or planning role contemplated by the Conference Board.
a significant function of the board, a function that still rings of the board’s
managerial role that was in the process of being phased out. Nonetheless, the
1975 Report can be seen as a serious attempt at giving greater specificity to the
role of the board at a time when directors felt as if they were coming under
increasing legal attack.
While the Conference Board Report attributed the new focus on board
function to more aggressive enforcement both of securities and corporate laws,
the ABA saw the increase in outside directors as the motivating force in shifting
from a managing board to some form of monitoring board.106 And a 1976 report
by Robert Mundheim and Noyes Leech for Korn-Ferry International, while
agreeing both with the Conference Board and the ABA, accepted as its model
Eisenberg’s monitoring board, but with a twist. The focus of the Korn-Ferry
report was on the increasingly prominent outside director, because inside
directors act “primarily as managers . . . they cannot perform objectively in any
capacity other than as managers and . . . , at the worst, they merely duplicate
the thinking of the chief executive officer.”107
All of this can be seen as a general movement not only to specify the
functions of directors but also to specify them away from any substantive
engagement in management that might have been practiced under older
board models or at least contemplated by older ideas about the proper role of
the board. Monitoring restricted what it was reasonable to expect the board to
do. Increasing the number of outside directors limited what it was reasonable
for the board to know.108 And increasing the number of outside directors also
provided a protective shield for the inside directors, as the Delaware courts
were quick to recognize.109
106 “Before the advent of the so-called ‘outside’ director, it was not unreasonable to expect the
board to be actively involved in the corporation’s business; however, with the development
of board participation by individuals not otherwise actively involved with the corporation,
any such expectation can no longer be viewed as feasible.” MBCA add. B at 143 (1974). The
Korn-Ferry report, mentioned subsequently, tended to agree with the Conference Board that
increased directorial litigation, including the landmark BarChris case, had a major role in
intensifying attention to boards.
107 Leech & Mundheim, supra note 105, at 7.
108 The then-recent Francis v. United Jersey Bank, 432 A.2d 814 (N.J. 1981), much cited at the time
both for its clear acceptance of the monitoring model and for its imposition of liability on
a director, is probably best seen in context as suggested by Elliott Weiss. “Francis . . . , much
cited by the ALI Project, is remarkable not because a director was actually held liable, but as
an illustration of the difficulty courts find in imposing due care liability on directors.” Elliott
Weiss, Economic Analysis, Corporate Governance Law, and the ALI Corporate Governance
Project, 70 Cornell L. Rev. 1, 14 n.61 (1984).
109 In a series of mostly takeover cases in the early 1980s (along with some derivative suit cases), the
Delaware Supreme Court made it rather clear that a corporate board composed of a majority
of outside directors had substantial insulation from liability. Lawrence E. Mitchell et al.,
Corporate Finance and Governance 825 n.2 (2d ed., 1996).
A final important endorsement of the monitoring board appeared in The

Business Lawyer as a companion piece to the ABA’s 1978 Guidebook. The
Business Roundtable, like the other organizations, began its own Statement on
the Role and Composition of the Board of Directors of the Large Publicly Owned
Corporation (the Statement) in fear.110 It concludes its brief introduction by
noting, “Some unfortunate developments of the last few years have caused
the U.S. business community to reexamine intensively board operations and
procedures as well as board composition.”111 The same liability environment
that had prompted the ABA and the Conference Board to act also motivated
the Business Roundtable.
It was motivated by fear but adopted a tone of defiance. The Statement
begins with a defense of the role of U.S. business in our democracy. In the
note “Corporate Legitimacy and Corporate Power” it states: “We think it incon-
testable that the U.S. system has led to greater political freedom, to better eco-
nomic performance, and to more personal autonomy, than any other actual –
as distinct from idealized – system with which it might be compared.”112
Defending its members further, it briefly summarizes the regulatory and com-
petitive environments in which American corporations operated, noting the
restraints they imposed on excessive or antisocial behavior. While the Busi-
ness Roundtable understood the legitimating effect these restraints created,
it was not without remorse. “We enumerate all these legal, regulatory and
political constraints on U.S. business organizations with some mixed emo-
tions because a number of them impose excessive and unnecessary costs –
costs borne ultimately by the consuming public.”113 Having asserted its own
primacy and exculpation and having tied its own victimization to that of
the American public, it was ready for a substantive discussion of board
reform.
That discussion was both more philosophical and considerably more defen-
sive than the statements of the ABA and the Conference Board. Its general
thrust was less one of board reform than of corporate legitimacy, defending
the corporate enterprise against the legal and social onslaught that character-
ized the decade. It defined the board’s role in terms of whom it was to serve
instead of defining the board’s role in terms of what the directors were to do,
although it did the latter as well. And the answer to that question was the same
as the ABA’s and the Conference Board’s – the shareholders. The Business
Roundtable’s approach to protecting directors from increasing liability was to
110 The Role and Composition of the Board of Directors of the Large Publicly Owned Corporation:
Statement of the Business Roundtable, 33 Bus. Law. 2083 (1978).
111 Id. at 2087. 112 Id. at 2089.
113 Id. at 2091.
accept the inevitability of the monitoring board and to make sure that the
focus of that board was crystal clear, thus also accomplishing the purpose of
limiting the scope of director behavior and liability.
The Statement does go into some detail as to the nature of the board.
Implicitly objecting to the rise of independent directors, the Statement recog-
nized the impossibility of “a board composed partly of ‘outsiders’ to conduct”
day-to-day business, giving pride of place to “the indispensable role played
by operating management in the conduct of day-to-day corporate affairs.”114 It
went on to sing the praises of hierarchy and centralized authority as serving
the needs of efficiency and rapid decision making. But, bowing to political
reality, it also acknowledged that “operating management derives its authority
and legitimacy from the board of directors.”115
Here was a somewhat different take on the contemporary debate on board
reform. The role of the board was clear – it provided the legitimacy necessary
to allow the experts – the management – to operate. What the board actu-
ally did to fulfill that role was less important, as long as it did not interfere
with management any more than was absolutely necessary to provide that
legitimation.
The Business Roundtable did make an effort to define the role of the board.
That role included monitoring top management and compliance with law.
But it also included a significant role for strategic planning, what the State-
ment referred to as “resource allocation.” Finally, the Statement described the
board’s role in maintaining the corporation’s social responsibility, the board
function perhaps most in keeping with its view of the board as legitimat-
ing corporate management. But that responsibility was heavily circumscribed.
Long-term profit maximization that might indirectly benefit other constituents
was legitimate, but the interests of the stockholders (and, interestingly, the
employees) were first and foremost. While this long-term approach could well
be good for business, the Statement cautioned, “[O]ther groups affected by
corporate activities cannot be placed on a plane with owners,” shareholder
proposals under Rule 14a-8 should be limited to business, and “many of the
social causes pursued by activist groups represent minority views rather than a
prevailing consensus.”116
The Business Roundtable bowed to the inevitability of outside directors,
noting both the importance of experienced businesspeople on boards and
the significant diversification of board membership it had perceived to have
already taken place. At the same time, it resoundingly rejected the idea of
114 Id. at 2094. 115 Id.

116 Id. at 2100.
constituency directors or codetermination, perhaps with the recent publica-

tion of Taming the Giant Corporation in mind.117 As to the overall board, the
Statement recommended that a corporation have enough outsiders “at least
sufficient to have a substantial impact on the board decision process. . . . ” It
recommended that in most cases this should be a majority of the directors. At
the same time, it was also reformist enough to suggest that the audit, compen-
sation, and nominating committees – the three committees most important to
the legitimating role of the board – be composed entirely of outside directors.118
The outside directors, with their minimal monitoring duties, could serve not
only a legitimating function but also as a shield to protect insiders from liability.
Thus the 1970s ended with substantial convergence by academics, lawyers,
and businesspeople on the monitoring model as the dominant vision of board
function. That happy state of agreement was about to be blown apart in
the 1980s. The political and social atmosphere had rapidly changed and the
chance for meaningful corporate reform evaporated. The Supreme Court deci-
sion in Santa Fe Industries Inc. v. Green in 1977 and the election of Ronald
Reagan in 1980 significantly diminished the immediate range of political
possibilities.119 It was in this new environment that the American Law Insti-
tute was to introduce its version of the monitoring board. The American Law
Institute Principles of Corporate Governance (the Principles or the Project) did
as much as anything to cement the monitoring board as the dominant model
of board governance. But it did not do so until the controversy surrounding
the Principles almost destroyed the monitoring board. The ABA, the Confer-
ence Board, and the Business Roundtable collectively did a volte-face from
their position in the 1970s to attack the very model they had unanimously pro-
moted. From the publication of its Tentative Draft No. 1 in 1982 until the ALI’s
final adoption of the Principles in 1992, the almost hysterical controversy sur-
rounding the Project could well have led to very different models of corporate
governance.
117 Id. at 2105–06.

118 Id. at 2108. As the debate in the 1980s would show, the definition of outsiders contemplated
by the Business Roundtable was quite different from that contemplated by Eisenberg and the
ALI.
119 By the time of publication of Elliott Weiss’s Social Regulation of Business Activity: Reforming
the Corporate Governance System to Resolve an Institutional Impasse, 28 UCLA L. Rev. 343
(1981), the chances for political reform had more or less passed. Ronald Reagan had been
elected president, and the next decade for corporate law was to be centered on the work of
lawyers employing the tools of neoclassical economics to make the case for a corporation more
strongly grounded in the sanctity of private property. Jensen and Meckling’s work had begun to
have its influence: the new scripture for this movement was Frank Easterbrook & Daniel
Fischel, The Economic Structure of Corporate Law (1991).
Virtually every aspect of those Principles came under aggressive attack by the
corporate bar and corporate America. I will now explain both the controversy
surrounding the monitoring board and the reasons for it.
5. The ALI – Fear and Loathing in Corporate America

It must have been a foregone conclusion that the Principles would adopt the
model of the monitoring board. Mel Eisenberg was reporter for the first three
sections, the last of which deals with (and indeed is titled) “The Structure
of the Corporation.” And the first item cited in the reporter’s note following
section 3.02, which delineated the function of the board, is The Structure of
Corporate Law, a reference that remained throughout every revision from that
first tentative draft to the final draft adopted in 1994.
The ALI had enough influence to make the corporate bar take the Project
seriously. The bar was so concerned about the possible results that it cre-
ated a lobbying group known as CORPRO to mold the Principles to their
clients’ interests.120 The members of CORPRO were representatives from
the Section’s Committees on Corporate Laws, Corporate Law Departments,
Corporate Counsel, and Federal Regulation of Securities. The principal con-
cern of CORPRO was that the reporters were enshrining aspiration as law in
the Principles, including “expand[ing] the directors’ duty of care to include
concern for the effectiveness of monitoring programs. . . . ”121 But there was
more.
The monitoring model described in the first tentative draft was, in substance,
exactly the same monitoring model that in the 1970s had been embraced
by the Guidebook, the Conference Board, and the Business Roundtable.122
120 For the story of CORPRO’s efforts as well as its successes, see Alex Elson & Michael L.
Shakman, The ALl Principles of Corporate Governance: A Tainted Process and a Flawed Product,
49 Bus. Law. 1761 (1994); Elliot Goldstein, CORPRO: A Committee That Became an Institution,
48 Bus. Law. 1333 (1993) (Goldstein was president of CORPRO from its formation until 1986);
Richard B. Smith, An Underview of the Principles of Corporate Governance, 48 Bus. Law. 1297
(1993) (Smith was also a member of CORPRO).
121 Goldstein, supra note 120, at 1334.
122 The Guidebook is, of course, not law, and the Committee on Corporate Laws might well have
been concerned that greater specificity of the role of directors in a form that appeared to be
statutory (although it was not) would have undue influence on courts in increasing directors’
duties. The Business Roundtable notes the voluntary nature of the Guidebook approvingly and
its pronounced evolutionary purpose, 1997 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note
4, at 30–31, although as I noted earlier the Guidebook itself has remained unchanged in its
fundamental principles over thirty years. Nonetheless, the 1974 comment on section 35 of the
Model Business Corporation Act not only describes a broad monitoring model almost identical
to that suggested by Eisenberg in his academic work. The comment further states: “The purpose
of the modification of the first sentence of section 35 is to eliminate any ambiguity as to the
director’s role in formulating major management policy as opposed to direct involvement
Section 3.02 of the Principles was somewhat more specific in describing what
that model meant, but even a casual look at the earlier literature, not to
mention the cases, supports Victor Brudney’s conclusion that the reporters
put forth a “quite faithful interpretation of current law on the duty of care”
and their adoption of “the structural principles of the monitoring board and
the role of independent directors.”123 But the reporters in Part IV – this time
under the authorship of Harvey Goldschmid – dared to attempt to draft a
detailed statement of the business judgment rule (BJR). While not my present
concern, one could have read the BJR provisions to have upped the ante a bit
by increasing the rigor of the duty of care and that, as the preceding quote
indicates, suggests a major reason for the corporate bar’s forceful opposition
to the Principles.124 But in attacking the BJR provisions, CORPRO and its
allies failed to distinguish between the standard of care and the concept of
the monitoring board that its members had already embraced (and was well
on its way toward becoming mainstream Delaware law). As a result, the board
model described by the ALI came in for the same kind of rough treatment as
the business judgment rule, despite the fact that, upon sober reflection, the
utility of that model as a liability shield should have been as obvious as it was
less than a decade earlier and a decade later.
The Business Roundtable, perhaps the most virulent opponent of the ALI
Project, published a lengthy statement in opposition to the Principles after
the release of Tentative Draft No. 1.125 That organization was agitated by the
entire Project, which it saw as creating new law and imposing new and greater
responsibilities on boards and corporations. The Business Roundtable was
particularly troubled by the form of the Principles, which was written as a
classic Restatement, implying that the Principles were indeed law even though
the Principles themselves clearly stated their aspirational character.126
The Roundtable’s Statement, based in part on a study it commissioned
by Paul McAvoy, practically predicts the destruction of corporate America if
in day-to-day management.” Of course, it is precisely this role contemplated by section 3.02

of the Principles, with additional but obvious specifications as to the board’s role in hiring
and compensating senior management. One last possibility for agitation by the ABA is its
acknowledgment in 1974 of its desire to retain flexibility in the hope that courts would adopt
liability rules “in this dynamic corporate area” that “more accurately recognize the proper role
of the corporate director.” MBCA, supra note 51, at 147.
123 ALI, Principles of Corporate Governance and Structure: Restatement and Recom-
mendations, Tentative Draft No. 1 (1982); Brudney, supra note 72, at 225.
124 See also Elliott Goldstein, The Relationship Between the Model Business Corporation Act and
the Principles of Corporate Governance: Analysis and Recommendation, 52 Geo. Wash. L. Rev.
501 (1984).
125 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12.
126 As I suggested supra note 122, this same issue of format may well have troubled the ABA.
the Principles were to be adopted.127 Among the targets was the monitoring
board itself, although at least in the Delaware courts the monitoring board
had already become an established fact and indeed had demonstrated its
effectiveness in shielding directors from liability. The Business Roundtable
had been comfortable with the monitoring board in the late 1970s. Indeed, it
was quite happy with the monitoring board again, in 1997, when it published
a new statement fully embracing the monitoring model in terms that are
substantially identical to those proposed in Tentative Draft No. 1.128 But matters
were different in 1983.
One objection made by the Business Roundtable was that the Principles
selected the monitoring model as the best-practices model for corporate boards.
The Business Roundtable argued that business research had identified at least
five kinds of boards, of which the monitoring board was one, and that it would
be foolhardy to adopt a single model in a dynamic field like business.129 But
it was also clear that the Business Roundtable read the monitoring model
as implying far more active board involvement in the business than appears
justified by the text of section 3.02(a) and the reporter’s comment. It objected to
the model on the grounds of technical, financial, and international complexity
in business. Reading all of the materials from the perspective of 2007 leads me
to conclude that the Business Roundtable saw the monitoring model to require
significantly more directorial work and allowed considerably less flexibility
in determining its function than it actually did. (Indeed, section 3.02(a) is
rather explicit about flexibility.) The development of the legal treatment of
the monitoring board since 1983 clearly supports this conclusion.
I have already suggested that a major cause for concern was the general
conflation of the monitoring model with the carefully articulated business
judgment rule. It is clear that this was the Business Roundtable’s perspec-
tive. The Statement muddles together the monitoring board and the business
judgment rule. In describing the monitoring board, the Statement includes
as inextricably related to that model the ALI’s requirement of a majority of
independent directors on boards and the establishment of an audit committee
of independent directors, with its perception that the duty of care would be
significantly expanded, the protection currently afforded to directors under
127 See 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12, at 6–7, setting forth in execu-
tive summary form a parade of horribles, including corporate inflexibility, increased costs,
decreased productivity, diminished risk taking, and short-term business focus.
128 1997 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 4, at 4–5.
129 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12, at 25. See also Bryan F. Smith, Cor-
porate Governance: A Director’s View, 37 U. Miami L. Rev. 273 (1983).

the business judgment rule would be narrowed, and derivative suits would be
easier to sustain.
The Statement addresses the monitoring model directly only in its observa-
tion that “a series of enumerated oversight responsibilities would be imposed
on the board and specific committees.” And in its specification of its objection
to this last point, the Statement is clear about some of its fears. Directors them-
selves could be subject to much greater liability because of the imposition of
increased responsibility. The Statement notes in particular section 3.02(a)’s
requirement that directors be responsible for “assuring the existence of com-
pliance programs” and betrays its anxiety that directors would become liable
for antitrust violations and conflict of interest transactions.130 In fact, section
3.02(a)’s description of board responsibilities is nothing more than a broad
statement of the minimal requisites for compliance with the duty of care as
articulated in contemporaneous cases.131
The fight over the Principles was also a turf war. The ABA’s Section on
Business Law has responsibility for drafting and revising the Model Business
Corporation Act. It was evident from the inception of the Project that the
Principles would cover much the same ground as the Model Act. A charitable
description of the ABA’s concern, expressed by CORPRO member Richard
Smith, was its fear of conflicting principles of law governing the same subject
area.132 A somewhat less charitable view would describe the conflict between
the ABA and the ALI as a dogfight over territory.133
The turf war was multilateral. The ALI was taking on nothing less than a
prescription for good corporate practice (and a good deal more). It was not just
about whose law governed but also about who decided how business should
be run. “Business school professors regard themselves as at least the equal of
law professors in dealing with organizational structures of business entities.”134
While the ALI did include some business academics and practitioners in the
debate, their interests were represented mainly by their counsel, largely in the
form of CORPRO. And if business academics were miffed by their relative
exclusion, businesspeople were furious at the idea that law professors might
tell them how to run their corporations. The chair of the Business Roundtable,
referring to the ALI drafters, said: “We don’t require four law professors to tell
us how to run our business. . . . I find it appalling arrogance that they think they
can vote on how America is managed.”135 And so a turf war among lawyers,
130 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12, at 16.

131 See Francis v. United Jersey Bank, 432 A.2d 814 (N.J. 1981) decided that same year.
132 Smith, supra note 120, at 1301. 133 See also Goldstein, supra note 124.
134 Smith, supra note 120, at 1303. 135 Andrews, supra note 14, at 35.
businesspeople, and academics was also part of the story. All of this created a
furor over Tentative Draft No. 1.136
A final fear that led to controversy was the statement in Tentative Draft
No. 1 that boards should be composed of a majority of independent directors
and that the audit, nominating, and compensation committees be exclusively
composed of outside directors.137 In light of what I have said of the liability-
shielding features of the monitoring model, cool thinking should have made
it apparent that outside directors serving in these capacities would have been
the ultimate shield for insiders. So something more has to explain the furor.
The background of the agitations of the 1970s suggests a reason. Business
groups and their legal allies were afraid that outsider-controlled boards would
be established for the purpose of changing the responsibilities of business, and
indeed the ALI was accused of pursuing this goal.138 Rather than serving as a
shield, then, the business perception was that the ALI’s monitoring model was
a backhanded way to impose upon business the social responsibilities it had
escaped with the change in the political climate in 1980. The fear was that
outside directors would be drawn from the multiple constituencies identified
by Nader, Green, and Seligman. This fear – one of the most pronounced
fears of the 1970s – blinded the business groups to the obvious truth that they
would control the composition of the outside board and that it would protect
them.
The development of the monitoring board as liability shield is what hap-
pened and what logic should have predicted would happen. After all, the
sources of most board candidates and their backgrounds, the well-known psy-
chological processes of director’s assimilation onto boards,139 and the obvious
ability of management to dominate a board of part-timers should have made
it clear to insiders and managers that the outside directors on the new moni-
toring boards would continue to be just like them. But with fresh memories of
the 1970s, and the takeover decade poised to begin, this was not the way the
opposition saw matters.
These fears were a major factor in business opposition to the Project.
Also significant was the fact that the neoclassical, free-market model of the
136 Among the objections of the Business Roundtable was the ALI’s failure to consult business
experts. 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12, at 20.
137 For my purposes it is not important here to follow the ALI’s distinction among different
types of outside directors. As Karmel points out, the New York Stock Exchange had required
independent audit committees since 1977. Karmel, supra note 44, at 18.
138 See Karmel, supra note 12.
139 James D. Cox & Harry L. Munsinger, Bias in the Boardroom: Psychological Foundations and
Legal Implications of Corporate Cohesion, 48 Law & Contemp. Probs. 83 (1985).

corporation had been developing and was now reaching maturity.140 A vision
of the corporation, restrained in its behavior principally by market mecha-
nisms and able to operate with a freedom that would not be possible when
constrained by law, had to be very attractive to businesspeople. The evidence
suggests that they did have a keen awareness of this relatively new scholarship.141
Any specification of director’s functions or duties would have restricted this
freedom.
Seligman offers a final explanation. The reforms of the 1970s evolved on
the background of a great deal of agitation, including SEC and congressional
investigations, for changes in the way and, perhaps, the purposes for which
corporate America was run. A monitoring board must have seemed to business
groups and their lawyers to be a more attractive alternative during the mid-
1970s than allowing public pressure to result in legislation. The atmosphere
following Reagan’s election in 1980 was different: “The ALI project was the
only significant corporate governance initiative with any reform component
remaining.”142 As Seligman sees it, with real pressure for reform out of the
way, all criticism was focused on the one remaining reform project, however
pallid.
This explanation is plausible and surely is at least partly correct. But it
cannot explain the complete reversal of business attitudes.143 The monitoring
board was quite a modest reform (if indeed a reform at all), it was accepted
in Delaware law, and it was ideally suited to director protection. Enlightened
self-interest should have led to continued business support for the monitoring
board. Besides, while the ALI is influential, it does not make law, and one
could reasonably expect that the Delaware courts in particular would have
charted their own course. Thus, an attitude of graceless victory might well have
stimulated the opposition, but the other factors I’ve mentioned are necessary
for a complete explanation.
The ALI won the war, as Delaware’s perfection of the monitoring model
and the Business Roundtable’s embrace of it in 1997 demonstrate. But it was a
Pyrrhic victory, one not for reform but, ultimately, for a recasting of the status
quo. This is demonstrated not only by the director-protective nature of the
140 Easterbrook & Fischel, supra note 119; Fama, supra note 67; Jensen & Meckling, supra
note 67.
141 1983 Business Roundtable Statement, supra note 12, at 24, 29; Goldstein, supra note 124, at
502; Seligman, supra note 44, at 346–49.

142 Seligman, supra note 44, at 359.
143 Seligman does discuss the law and economics movement as a “new mode” of criticism in
addition to this explanation. I see it as something more than that, although the difference is
subtle – as a justification for nonregulation and at the same time a vision of a deregulated
corporate society that provided affirmative ammunition.
contemporary legal model of the monitoring board144 but also by a comment

to section 3.02 that first appears in Tentative Draft No. 11, published in 1991
and embodying the first significant changes to section 3.02 (which changes
survive in the adopted the Principles):
Section 3.02 is intended as a statement of the rules that a court would adopt,
giving full weight to all of the considerations (including the judicial prece-
dents) that the courts deem it appropriate to weigh. Section 3.02 is not
intended . . . to enlarge the scope of a director’s legal obligations and liabil-
ity, the performance expected from directors to comply with the duty of
care, or the role and accountability of directors concerning the corporation’s
compliance with law.145
Section 3.02 was intended to clarify, not expand. It was not about reform at all.
There was no need for anybody to be upset.
It is clear from the literature that section 3.02 was not to create radical reform.
Roswell Perkins, president of the ALI, writing in the 1986 Business Lawyer
seems somewhat (and, in my view, understandably) perplexed as to what all
the fuss was about. He notes as to the monitoring board: “The statement of the
required functions of the board of directors . . . is essentially a simple one, plac-
ing emphasis on the election, evaluation, and dismissal, where appropriate,
of the principal senior executives. . . . The board can be as active as it wants
to be, but the drafts impose very few functions as being essential.” He goes
on to observe the concerns raised by those who saw this model as increasing
liability, arguing to the contrary that “the statement of the board’s functions in
section 3.02(a) is essentially a limiting one . . . ,” and that oversight is intended
to be indirect and general, not direct and active.146 That, indeed, is how it
reads to a disinterested observer in 2007. But the factors I have identified, as
well as the 1985 Van Gorkom decision,147 blinded observers to the modesty of
the function and the utility of the model to corporate directors. In addition, by
the mid-1980s, we were thick in the boom of hostile takeovers, insider-trading
scandals, the proliferation of junk bonds, and renewed congressional attention
to corporate America in an atmosphere that bore some of the characteristics
of the earlier decade of business fear.
144 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005).
145 ALI, Principles of Corporate Governance and Structure: Analysis and Recommendations,
Tentative Draft No. 11, 110–11 (1991).
146 Roswell B. Perkins, The ALI Corporate Governance Project in Midstream, 41 Bus. Law. 1195,
1201–02 (1986).
IV. DELAWARE SEALS THE DEAL
The creation of the monitoring board, with its emphasis on limited and atten-
uated directorial responsibility, could not have come soon enough for business
development. Just as the conglomeration movement marked the high point of
managerialism in the 1960s and early 1970s, the end of the latter decade and
the beginning of the next brought the deconglomeration movement, what we
have come to know as the great takeover decade of the 1980s with its bust-up
leveraged takeover. There is little point here in replaying the business history
of that decade. It is too well-known to require extended comment. Equally
well known but highly relevant to this discussion is Delaware’s response. For
as the Delaware courts grappled with the application of traditional doctrines
to a new transactional form that presented ineradicable conflicts of interest,
the development of the monitoring board gave the courts just the matrix they
needed on which to shape a director-protective doctrine.
It would be tedious and somewhat pointless to analyze the cases. What is
important, however, is the leitmotif of those cases. All directors were faced
with conflicting interests in hostile takeovers. But inside directors faced far
more serious conflicts than did outsiders. After all, the insiders derived their
livelihoods from their positions with the target corporations, positions almost
sure to be eliminated (at least for them) if the hostile offer were to succeed.
Outsiders presumably valued their jobs, as well. But if the corporation were
sold, they still had generally lucrative positions with their own corporations to
keep them occupied. And the 1980s were still before that time when directors’
compensation became truly significant. So while outsiders had some prestige
to lose, and perhaps an enjoyable avocation, they were hardly in the position
of insiders.
The Unocal proportionality test was artfully created by the Delaware court to
steer a course between the board’s entrenched conflict without doing violence
either to the business judgment rule (and its underlying precept that directors
manage the corporation) or the fairness test, designed to ensure directorial
fealty that invariably put the board on the defensive.148 Taken on its own, the
test was a substantial advance in corporate doctrine and well suited to the
problem it addressed. But the Delaware Supreme Court’s decision to forgo
the fairness test presented a substantial danger in the case of insider-dominated
boards. True, the first part of the Unocal test provided some metric of objectivity
for a board’s decision to resist a hostile takeover, and the second part, the
proportionality test, similarly provided some objective balance to evaluate the
148 Unocal Corp. v. Mesa Petroleum Co., 493 A.2d 946 (Del. 1985).
methods used to ensure their consistency with the board’s objectively perceived
threats to the corporation. But the application of that test to a managing board
of insiders would have presented its own difficult issues. While the Delaware
courts have been consistent in their refusal to inquire into directors’ subjective
motivations, an insider board would have made the Unocal test look more like
a procedural whitewash than a hard look at board behavior.
Fortunately, by the 1980s, a majority of major American corporations had
outside boards and the monitoring model was well established. The outsiders,
at least, were meant to cast a baleful eye on the conflicting transactions of
insiders. Both this role, and the status of outside directors, made takeover
doctrine that provided board deference far more plausible than would have
been the case with inside boards.
The Delaware courts were keenly aware of this. In case after case –
in Moran,149 Revlon,150 Newmont Mining,151 Mills,152 and Paramount;153 in
merger cases like Weinberger;154 and in derivative lawsuits like Zapata155 and
Grobow156 – the court repeatedly made clear the almost sanitizing effect that a
majority-independent board, which at this point necessarily meant a monitor-
ing board, would have on judicial evaluation of corporate behavior in conflict
of interest transactions. And, as has frequently been noted, this cleansing
effect – this protective effect – of the new board allowed the courts to look not
at the substance of the actions but the procedures pursuant to which they had
been taken. Good process – decision making by reasonably informed, rational,
independent boards – allowed the courts to bypass entirely the substance of
the decision making and even the substance of the process of the decision
making. Chancellor Allen went so far as to proclaim the incomprehensibility
of a rational process producing an irrational result.157 The monitoring board
had achieved its purpose. Directors serving on properly composed monitoring
boards, behaving in accordance with the model, were almost exempt from
liability.
The problem was that the monitoring board could serve as an effective
liability shield only for as long as directors were willing to abide by the script.
The very nature of a monitoring board, as a minimalist board, presented
149 Moran v. Household Int’l, Inc., 500 A.2d 1346 (Del. 1985).
150 Revlon, Inc. v. MacAndrews & Forbes Holding, Inc., 506 A.2d 173 (Del. 1985).
151 Ivanhoe Partners v. Newmont Mining Corp., 535 A.2d 1334 (Del. 1987).
152 Mills Acquisition Co. v. MacMillan, Inc., 559 A.2d 1261 (Del. 1988).
153 Paramount Commc’ns v. Time, Inc., 571 A.2d 1140 (Del. 1989).
154 Weinberger v. UOP, Inc., 457 A.2d 701 (Del. 1983).
155 Zapata Corp. v. Maldonado, 430 A.2d 779 (Del. 1981).
156 Grobow v. Perot, 539 A.2d 180 (Del. 1988).
157 In re Caremark Intl’l Derivative Litig., 698 A.2d at 967 (Del. Ch. 1996).
still-unresolved issues of inadequate board time and information, the almost-

intractable problem of structural bias, the continuing issues of proxy capture,
and real power vested where it always had been – the CEO and top manage-
ment. These lingering issues could and, in the late 1990s, did lead to problems.
Monitoring can be a serious and active engagement. But the unresolved issues
of board limitation combined with little corporate incentive to resolve them
almost ensured that boards would become lax in discharging their responsibil-
ities. And, as Brudney observed, if monitoring directors did their jobs properly,
their discovery of corporate problems would be “to expose the independent
directors to responsibility for failures or shortfalls over which they have little
control.”158
Take, for example, even the simplest and clearest of board responsibilities,
removing an underperforming CEO. That almost never happened. So rare
an occurrence was it that Robert Stempel’s termination as CEO of General
Motors in 1992 was widely viewed as a cataclysmic event.159 The fact that CEO
removal is such a rare occurrence is completely understandable. Leaving
aside all of the issues that we know help reinforce CEO power and board
complacency, the circumstances in which corporate underperformance can
be traced to the CEO are few, and the magnitude of the corporate problem
that has to exist to motivate a board to oust the CEO is large. For a variety
of reasons like stability, long-term vision, and corporate consistency that are
beyond the scope of this chapter, it is probably a good thing that CEOs
are not so easily removed. But the reluctance of monitoring boards to cross
their CEOs is legendary.160 This deference even extends to former CEOs, as
was demonstrated recently by Sandy Weill’s negotiations over his departure
package from Citigroup.
As everyone knows, the pace of CEO removal has quickened following the
corporate scandals of 2002.161 Those scandals occurred under the eyes of prop-
erly constructed monitoring boards, most of which, by all accounts, engaged
in precisely the processes that the monitoring model expected of them. While
some of the CEO removals have nothing to do directly with the scandals, it
is in a similar atmosphere of well-publicized scandal, increased legal activ-
ity, new regulation, shareholder agitation (at least on the part of institutional
158 Brudney, supra note 14, at 633.
159 See Doron P. Levin, Shakeup at GM; Stempel Quits Job as Top G.M. Officer in Rift with
Board, N.Y. Times, Oct. 27, 1992, at Al; Mark J. Roe, Clearing Boardrooms Like G.M.’s, Wall
St. J., Oct. 27, 1992, at A16.
160 See Eliezer M. Fich & Lawrence J. White, CEO Compensation and Turnover: The Effects of
Mutually Interlocked Boards, 38 Wake Forest L. Rev. 935, 936 (2003).

161 Chuck Lucier et al., CEO Succession 2005: The Crest of the Wave, Strategy + Business,
Summer 2006, available at http://www.strategy-business.com/press/article/06210?pg=0.

shareholders), and serious questions about corporate responsibility that existed

in the 1970s that these removals have occurred.
The model of the outsider-dominated monitoring board may be the prin-
cipal legal variable that differentiates the early 2000s from the 1970s. It is the
fact that this model has worked so well that has protected so many boards from
liability. But in an age of anxiety, there is always a response. The only defen-
sive response available to the monitoring board is to exaggerate its behavior
within the context of its responsibilities. Because CEO selection and removal
is first and foremost among these responsibilities, it is no surprise that we see
more CEO removals. When the atmosphere of crisis abates, as has already
begun, we can expect a return to the procedurally oriented, relatively passive
monitoring board.
On August 9, 2005, Chancellor Chandler of the Delaware Court of
Chancery handed down his long-awaited opinion in In re Walt Disney Com-
pany Derivative Litigation.162 It was no surprise in his long, thoughtful, mea-
sured opinion that he absolved the Disney board from breach of its duty of
care and obligation to act in good faith. But there is one aspect of the opinion
in particular that is highly relevant to my argument, and that is the chancel-
lor’s introductory remarks, well worth quoting at length. “As I will explain in
painful detail hereafter, there are many aspects of defendants’ conduct that fell
significantly short of the best practices of ideal corporate governance.” Noting
that the Disney board’s actions (and inactions) had occurred a decade earlier
than the decision, a decade that had seen the failures of Enron and World-
Com, he went on to write “that applying 21st century notions of best practices
in analyzing whether those decisions were actionable would be misplaced.”
He added:
Unlike ideals of corporate governance, a fiduciary’s duties do not change over

time. How we understand those duties may evolve and become refined, but
the duties themselves have not changed, except to the extent that fulfilling a
fiduciary duty requires obedience to other positive law. This Court strongly
encourages directors and officers to employ best practices, as those practices
are understood at the time a corporate decision is taken. But Delaware does
not – indeed, the common law cannot – hold fiduciaries liable for a failure
to comply with the aspirational ideal of best practices. . . . 163
162 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005). The ruling was affirmed
on June 8, 2006, by the Delaware Supreme Court in an opinion written by Justice Jacobs. 906
A.2d 27 (Del. 2006).
163 Disney, 907 A.2d at 697–98. Justice Jacobs noted this language approvingly in the Delaware
Supreme Court’s opinion. Disney, 906 A.2d at 72.

The monitoring board began as a model both of best practice and of appro-
priate law reform. And the monitoring board – like so many other best practices
such as interested director statutes, stakeholder legislation, directors’ indem-
nification, and antitakeover devices – became adopted as the law. We saw the
monitoring board develop as a response both to corporate crisis and confusion
about the proper role of the board. We saw how it was taken up by board-
friendly reform groups as a way of shielding directors from liability. We saw
how the Delaware courts accepted the monitoring board through its decisions
in the 1980s and 1990s. And now, with the Disney decision, we see not only a
court approving the minimal actions at least of outside members of a moni-
toring board but also acceptance of that very low level of board conduct as the
metric of fiduciary obligation. Whatever talk there is of reinvigorated or newly
activist boards, Chancellor Chandler’s undoubtedly correct and disarmingly
frank assessment of the relationship between law and best practice makes it
clear that the monitoring board has become a striking success in its function of
protecting directors from liability. All a director need do is to comply with that
minimal standard of monitoring, and he should be free. Whatever aspirations
corporate reformers may have, those who work in boardrooms, and those who
protect them, have absolutely no incentive to change the contemporary model
of board governance.
V. CONCLUSION
The historical lesson is important both in understanding the trouble with

boards and in providing some insight into meaningful board reform. An insti-
tution born in fear and designed for defense is unlikely to be useful when
aggressive action is necessary.
Our history began in a miasma of confusion over what precisely it was
that boards did or were supposed to do, a confusion that presented relatively
few serious problems in times of unquestioned general prosperity and corpo-
rate stability and in an era when hierarchy was expected and respected. The
question of the role of the board began to arise only as corporate America
destabilized during the age of conglomeration and began to come apart at
the seams in the 1970s. With no clearly defined role for the board and no
practical managerial role, the way was open to recast the board in the only role
it reasonably could perform, the minimal role of board as monitor. And in a
time of fear, it was particularly easy to shape that board in a way that provided
maximum protection for the directors. I do not claim that protection was the
principal reform motivation. I only claim that, with increasing attention to the
board and calls for reform in a climate of aggressive regulation and enforce-
ment, an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty, it was a natural response to mold
reform to be protective.
The problem for contemporary board reform is to understand the climate in
which our dominant board model was created and the forces that shaped it as it
is. The contemporary board is a defensive institution. As such, it is little surprise
that it is the first line of attack for corporate critics, the first line of litigation for
plaintiffs’ lawyers, and the first line of complaint for activist shareholders. To
recast the Business Roundtable’s understanding of the board as a legitimating
device, we can see that the board has been molded to serve as a scapegoat. But
this scapegoat institution protects its members with a legal superstructure that
permits the wolves to bray at the gates but rarely to enter. Such a board is not
and, I argue, was not, designed to serve the goal of ensuring the responsible
and efficient management of the large public corporation. Building reform on
this model is almost certain to fail. Reformers who truly believe in boards must
reconceptualize the very purpose of a board before engaging in meaningful
reform. In this case, building on the past simply won’t do.
The story of the development of the modern monitoring board raises an
important question: is the board of directors of the modern American public
corporation a useful institution? In light of the Disney opinion, which came
on the heels of a series of major corporate scandals that took place under the
eyes of properly constituted and apparently functioning monitoring boards,
one is entitled to ask why we bother to have boards at all. The economic and
social consequences of maintaining the institution of the board are significant
in light of the time, talent, expense, and litigation and compliance costs that
go into propping up the board as the facade of corporate governance. Its
existence requires justification and an explanation of its benefits, not simple
assumptions.
An in-depth examination of these issues requires empirical study and is
therefore beyond the scope of this chapter, which is designed to explain how
the modern board came to be what it is. But consistent with that history
and, perhaps, most dangerous of all of the board’s failings, the dominance
of the monitoring board, if not the existence of the board itself, has engen-
dered a false sense of security for all of those dependent upon the corpora-
tion. This is not simply a matter of disappointed expectations when boards
find themselves embroiled in corporate scandals or even simply criticized for
poor corporate performance. Rather, and more mundanely, an institution that
is so structurally handicapped in performing serious and meaningful func-
tions and that at the same time is held out as the oversight mechanism of
U.S. corporate capitalism leads even sophisticated investors and stakeholders

as well as the government and general public to believe that serious, mean-
ingful, and thoughtful oversight exists over the business and conduct of U.S.
corporations. Sometimes it does, though not always at the board level.164 Quite
often it does not.165 The board’s very existence creates a kind of false conscious-
ness in U.S. business and financial life.
All of these problems may be resolvable if we can infuse some substan-
tive content into board functions. Suggestions for this kind of reform have
been made.166 But while we fiddle with the board, perhaps more important
problems go unaddressed. Before the development of the monitoring board,
serious people knew that the top corporate officers were the center of corpo-
rate power.167 Our widespread acceptance of the monitoring board has masked
that continuing reality and diverted scholarly attention from this power.168 If
all goes well, the consequence is simply the enormous expense in money,
time, and talent that I have already mentioned. When something goes wrong,
we are left essentially helpless and uninformed in constructing appropriate
remedies.169 Nowhere is this more evident than in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of
2002, passed in response to the corporate scandals of the turn of the century,
which in its corporate aspects does little more than reinforce our unrelenting
focus on the board. In so doing, it, too, merely undergirds our reliance upon
an institution that time and again has disappointed us.
With whom or what would we replace the board? Perhaps no one and
nothing. Perhaps we will conclude that, flawed or not, the board should
remain largely as it is, and we will continue to muddle our way through to a
meaningful and effective role for the board. Perhaps we need multiple boards
164 As Lyman Johnson and David Millon have pointed out, corporate scholarship generally ignores
the central role of corporate officers. Lyman P.Q. Johnson & David Millon, Recalling Why
Corporate Officers Are Fiduciaries, 46 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 1597 (2005); Lyman P.Q. Johnson,
Corporate Officers and the Business Judgment Rule, 60 Bus. Law. 439 (2005).
165 James P. Holdcroft & Jonathan R. Macey, Corporate Governance: Flexibility in Determining
the Role of the Board of Directors in the Age of Information, 19 Cardozo L. Rev. 291, 294–95
(1997) (corporate complexity may make boards’ task impossible).
166 See, e.g., George W. Dent, The Revolution in Corporate Governance, the Monitoring Board,
and the Director’s Duty of Care, 61 B.U. L. Rev. 623, 661–80 (1981).
167 John Calhoun Baker, Directors and Their Functions: A Preliminary Study 12 (1945);
Peter Drucker, The Practice of Management 178 (1954).

168 This is true despite somewhat increased institutional investor activism. While institutions
may pressure CEOs, they do so largely through the board. There has been recent legal
scholarly attention paid to the CEO and top executives, though principally limited to the
problems of executive compensation. Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Pay Without
Performance: The Unfulfilled Promise of Executive Compensation (2004).
169 Even the board is left bewildered, as the Enron and WorldCom scandals demonstrate.
with very distinct functions;170 or a return to boards with real managerial

powers; or some other substantive modification of the role of the board and,
with it, its composition. Perhaps we need direct shareholder elections of CEOs.
Whatever the solution, it is with an understanding of how our board came to
be, and why it does not work, that we can arm ourselves properly to answer
these questions.
170 John C. Coffee Jr., Beyond the Shut-Eyed Sentry: Toward a Theoretical View of Corporate
Misconduct and an Effective Legal Response, 63 Va. L. Rev. 1099 (1977); Lynne L. Dallas, The
Multiple Roles of Boards of Directors, 40 San Diego L. Rev. 781 (2003).
2 Rediscovering Board Expertise
Legal Implications of the Empirical Literature
Lawrence A. Cunningham
People are rediscovering the value of expertise on corporate boards of directors.

The rediscovery occurs after several decades of celebrating independent direc-
tors under the guise of the monitoring model of boards. While independence
remains fashionable, and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX) continues its
long-standing promotion, SOX also requires companies to disclose whether
their boards have expertise on the board audit committee and, if not, why
not.1 This hastens an inchoate ten-year trend favoring expertise. The value of
expertise is supported by theory and empirical research. Accidents of political
history appear to explain its subordination, until recently, to independence.
As a matter of theory, board expertise harmonizes with basic division of labor
principles, yet little attention is paid to the specific expertise that directors offer.
The most prominent model of director expertise, developed during the rise of
the monitoring board, envisioned an expertise in “decision control.”2 But this
views boards as monoliths and hides the significance of individuals in group
decision making.3 Accompanying the rise of the monitoring board and its priv-
ileged place for independence was the rise of the board committee, especially
the audit committee. Although committees have designated functions, until
recently, the focus has been on member independence rather than expertise
benefiting from division of labor.
1 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 301, 15 U.S.C. § 78j-1(m)(2) (2007).

2 Eugene F. Fama & Michael C. Jensen, Separation of Ownership and Control, 26 J.L. & Econ.
301, 315 (1983).
3 See Darian M. Ibrahim, Individual or Collective Liability for Corporate Directors?, 93 Iowa L.
Rev. 929 (2008).

Lawrence A. Cunningham is Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School.
Thanks to Richard Baker, Donald Clarke, Renee Jones, Troy Paredes, and Robert Prentice.
Another version of this chapter appeared in the Cincinnati Law Review.
62
Rediscovering Board Expertise 63
As an empirical matter, the value of expertise is supported by a large body of

research. Most strikingly, research shows that accounting expertise is valuable
in promoting audit committee effectiveness, while general financial and other
expertise contribute less value. The rise of independence and its displacement
of expertise were due largely to periodic needs to quell political disputes or
respond to crises. The appeal to independence helped generate consensus. The
rediscovery of the value of expertise appears after an abundance of empirical
research showing that independence on boards of directors is of uncertain
value at best.
Despite this rediscovery of the value of expertise, no statement of purpose
accompanies the new imperatives for expertise. Legal doctrines developed over
several decades, based on the independence construct, should be reviewed to
adapt to increased value resulting from reintroduction of expertise into the
boardroom. Restoring expertise requires revisiting basic conceptions of corpo-
rate governance, including some encrusted principles of state corporation law
and some recently developed gestures in securities regulation.
After a brief summary of the rise of board independence, showing its political
roots and uncertain economic value, the analysis below considers the origins
and current state of interest in director expertise. This includes a review of
the considerable body of recent empirical evidence showing high value of
accounting expertise among directors on audit committees. Analysis suggests
that desired expertise for board audit committees centers on accounting exper-
tise rather than other types of expertise. SOX rightly contemplated that kind
of expertise but, under pressure, the SEC instead adopted an expansive con-
ception of expertise that dilutes its value.
Discussion then explores more complex challenges that arise from redis-
covering the value of expertise. First, the purpose of accounting expertise on
audit committees is not self-evident. One issue concerns what scope of burden
those experts bear: whether their enlistment to control accounting earnings
management (artificial bookkeeping manipulations) extends to a mandate to
control real earnings management (substantive business decisions taken to
generate desired bookkeeping consequences). Another is to whom audit com-
mittee accounting experts should be beholden, a twenty-first century twist on
last century’s debate concerning for whom managers are trustees. The current
issue hinges on the meaning and beneficiaries of conservatism in account-
ing, considering competing demands for relative conservatism from varying
corporate constituencies.
Second, it is customary to see independence and expertise as trade-offs. This
view seems correct when expertise arises from insider status but incorrect when
64 Lawrence A. Cunningham
the expertise is substantive knowledge in a discipline. It should be possible

for a director to be both an expert and independent. Indeed, empirical evi-
dence shows that the combination of independence and expertise is uniquely
valuable and should be encouraged. Yet while law has long promoted indepen-
dence, it discourages expertise. This appears to reflect unintended doctrinal
consequences of the decades-long independence bias. Accordingly, the redis-
covered value of expertise demands doctrinal adjustments so that courts can
bring law into line with what is known to work in corporate governance.
I. THE POLITICS AND ECONOMICS OF INDEPENDENCE
Two schools of thought have influenced conceptions of the corporation: a

private law account based in trust and contract law, with shareholders as ben-
eficiaries, and a public law account based on state concessions of charter
grants with multiple constituencies. During the twentieth century, the domi-
nant view came to center on private shareholder interests to be advanced by
boards – although standard formulations of directorial duty retain vestiges of
the dueling schools when invariably announcing that directors must act in the
interests of “the corporation and its shareholders.”4
A. Politics
The assumptions of private ordering were first tested amid the economic
upheavals of the 1930s and the ensuing regulatory frenzy and academic debates.
A series of exchanges from 1931 to 1935 between Professors Adolph Berle and
Merrick Dodd reflect the familiar positions.5 Professor Berle saw the corpo-
ration as involving a relinquishment of control by shareholders to corporate
managers and believed that the resulting separation of ownership from control
required imposing trustlike duties on managers to act for shareholder bene-
fit. Professor Dodd, accepting that separation existed, proposed to fill it not
with managerial duties to shareholders but with managerial duties to various
corporate constituencies that included employees and communities.6
4 See William T. Allen, Our Schizophrenic Conception of the Business Corporation, 14 Cardozo
L. Rev. 261 (1992).
5 Adolph A. Berle, Corporate Powers as Powers in Trust, 44 Harv. L. Rev. 1049 (1931); Adolph A.
Berle, For Whom Corporate Managers Are Trustees: A Note, 45 Harv. L. Rev 1365 (1932); E.
Merrick Dodd Jr., For Whom Are Corporate Managers Trustees?, 45 Harv. L. Rev. 1145 (1932);
E. Merrick Dodd Jr., Is Effective Enforcement of the Fiduciary Duties of Corporate Managers
Practicable?, 2 U. Chi. L. Rev. 194 (1935).
6 This is obviously an overgeneralized summary of these stances, which are far more complex and
must be understood in their historical context. For those purposes, see William W. Bratton &
With a nod to Dodd, contemporaneous legislative reforms occurred at

the federal level. But they mostly embraced Berle’s stance, with the role for
independent directors to promote investor interests, not broader public ones.
The political role of independent directors thus appears at this early stage,
reflecting how the new federal securities laws were “a pragmatic compromise
between proponents of direct federal control over corporations through char-
tering [and] those who sought to leave all regulation of corporations to the
states.”7
This model was tested again during the turmoil from the mid-1960s to
the late 1970s. Investigations into the Watergate scandal revealed that U.S.
corporations made extensive and illicit bribes to foreign officials – without
accurately accounting for them.8 Flurries of SEC consent orders mandated
corporate governance reforms, with an emphasis on installing independent
directors.9 This began a custom, which continues today, of responding to
corporate crises by looking to independent directors. Then, Congress banned
such bribes and mandated systems of internal control and the maintenance of
books and records to promote faithful financial reporting.10
The period’s lack of directorial oversight is understandable, however, for
Delaware courts had told directors a decade earlier (in 1963) that they had
no duty to maintain internal control or to discover misreporting within cor-
porations whose boards they occupied.11 Joining Congress in the wake of the
bribery scandals, Delaware courts began a decades-long process of rewarding
the use of independent directors. In opinions arising out of related derivative
litigation, they accorded special deference to decisions of independent direc-
tors serving on special litigation committees and made this role pivotal to the
law of demand futility in derivative litigation.12
Michael L. Wachter, Shareholder Primacy’s Corporatist Origins: Adolf Berle and “The Modern
Corporation” (Univ. of Penn. Inst. for Law & Econ., Research Paper No. 07-24, 2007), available
at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1021273.
7 See Roberta S. Karmel, The Independent Corporate Board: A Means to What End?, 52 Geo.
Wash. L. Rev. 534 (1984).

8 See, e.g., SEC v. ITT Corp., [1979 Transfer Binder] Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 96,948 (D.D.C.
Aug. 8, 1979); SEC v. Lockheed, [1975–76 Transfer Binder] Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 95,509
(D.D.C. Apr. 13, 1976).
9 See Arthur F. Mathews, Recent Trends in SEC Requested Ancillary Relief in SEC Level Injunc-
tive Actions, 31 Bus. Law. 1323 (1976); Lewis D. Solomon, Restructuring the Corporate Board
of Directors: Fond Hope, Faint Promise?, 76 Mich. L. Rev. 581 (1978).
10 Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, 15 U.S.C. § 78m(b)(2); see SEC v. World-Wide Coin Invs.,
Ltd., 567 F. Supp. 724 (N.D. Ga. 1983).

11 Graham v. Allis-Chalmers Mfg. Co., 188 A.2d 125 (Del. 1963).
12 Zapata v. Maldanado, 430 A.2d 779 (Del. 1981); see also Auerbach v. Bennett, 393 N.E.2d 994
(N.Y. 1979).
Amid a campaign for corporate social responsibility led by Ralph Nader

and Joel Seligman,13 Melvin Eisenberg14 focused inquiry on variation between
state law, which indicated that boards were to manage the corporation, and
practice, which showed that they did no such thing.15 A brilliant political
compromise resulted in the demise of the advisory board model – seen as non-
functional – and its replacement with the monitoring board and a heightened
emphasis on independence and subordination of expertise. Yet no consensus
existed concerning exactly what independent directors were to do16 – or how
independence was to be defined.17
The 1980s takeover boom gave independent directors a specific role.
Delaware courts, continuing a pattern dating at least to the bribery scandal
litigation, strengthened the appeal of independent directors by increasingly
deferring to their decisions.18 Using independent directors insulated from
judicial review a variety of recurring classes of cases, including: self-interested
transactions,19 cash-out mergers,20 adoption of poison pills,21 resisting hostile
takeover threats22 and simply “saying no” to hostile takeover bids.23 Delaware
law eschewed the question of director expertise, although the New Jersey
Supreme Court famously announced that the duty of care requires directors
to examine and understand a corporation’s financial statements.24
By the 1990s, director independence was heralded to solve virtually all cor-
porate governance challenges.25 The construct became a routine policy tool,
13 See Ralph Nader et al., Taming the Giant Corporation 123–28 (1976).
14 Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Structure of the Corporation: A Legal Analysis (1976).
15 See Myles Mace, Directors: Myth and Reality (1971); William O. Douglas, Directors Who
Do Not Direct, 47 Harv. L. Rev. 1305 (1934); Myles L. Mace, Directors: Myth and Reality –
Ten Years Later, 32 Rutgers L. Rev. 293 (1979).
16 The monitoring model and its independent directors arrived with critics, including well-
chronicled debates within the American Law Institute (ALI) and between the ALI and the
Business Roundtable and the American Bar Association. For a thorough analytical review of
this history, see Jeffrey N. Gordon, The Rise of Independent Directors in the United States,
1950–2005: Of Shareholder Value and Stock Market Prices, 59 Stan. L. Rev. 1465 (2007).
17 See Donald C. Clarke, Three Models of the Independent Director, 32 Del. J. Corp. L. 73
(2007).
18 On the previous pattern, see Lawrence E. Mitchell, “The Trouble with Boards,” included in
this volume (the principal role of independent directors before the 1970s, and to a lesser extent
since, was sanitizing interested director transactions and providing insulation from liability).
19 Marciano v. Nakash, 535 A.2d 400 (Del. 1987); see also Fliegler v. Lawrence, 361 A.2d 218
(Del. 1976).
20 Weinberger v. UOP, Inc., 457 A.2d 701 (Del. 1983).
22 Unocal Corp. v. Mesa Petroleum, Inc., 493 A.2d 946 (Del. 1985).
23 Paramount Commc’ns, Inc. v. Time, Inc., 571 A.2d 1140 (Del. 1990).
24 Francis v. United Jersey Bank, 432 A.2d 814 (N.J. 1981).
25 See Richard A. Epstein, In Defense of the Corporation, 2004 NZ L. Rev. 707, 719 (2004).
used in numerous contexts.26 Independence was to promote optimal com-

pensation and recruiting despite directors lacking expertise in the relevant
subjects. Some promoted “perspective and diversity” on boards,27 which may
be seen as a kind of expertise, such as sensitivity to the interests of other con-
stituencies, although it remained true that no expertise was sought on behalf
of traditional shareholder constituencies. State courts made using indepen-
dent directors irresistible to corporations, giving deference to decisions that
were widely condemned and hard to defend so long as made by independent
directors.28
These ambitions continued in response to the parade of accounting scan-
dals that erupted in the early 2000s at numerous companies – epitomized
by revelation at Enron Corp., nominally the seventh-largest U.S. corpora-
tion – that were elaborate frauds. In their immediate aftermath, politically
astute corporate leaders sought to avert regulation by advocating reforms that
concentrated on increasingly using independent directors.29 While this effort
failed, when Congress intervened by passing SOX, it continued the habit of
celebrating director independence. Despite continuing resort to independent
directors for political purposes or in response to crisis, there has never been
much evidence of related benefits.30
B. Economics
At Enron and firms that committed other frauds of the early 2000s, boards
were endowed with abundant independence, yet they failed miserably. This is
unsurprising considering a comprehensive 1999 survey of empirical studies that
found little correlation between independence and corporate performance.31
In fact, as two recent updated reviews of this literature attest, the considerable
26 These included concerning (1) compensation disclosure (1992), (2) tax deductibility of certain
compensation expenses (1994), and (3) application of short-swing profit rules (1996).
27 See Martin Lipton & Jay W. Lorsch, A Modest Proposal for Improved Corporate Governance,
48 Bus. Law. 59, 67–68 (1992).

28 See, e.g., Brehm v. Eisner, 746 A.2d 244 (Del. 2000); In re The Walt Disney Co. Derivative
Litig., 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005).

29 See Stephen M. Bainbridge, A Critique of the NYSE’s Director Independence Listing Standards,
30 Sec. Reg. L.J. 370 (2002).

30 See Laura Lin, The Effectiveness of Outside Directors as a Corporate Governance Mechanism:
Theories and Evidence, 90 Nw. U. L. Rev. 898 (1996).

31 Sanjai Bhagat & Bernard Black, The Non-Correlation Between Board Independence and Long-
Term Firm Performance, 27 J. Corp. L. 231 (2002); Sanjai Bhagat & Bernard Black, The
Uncertain Relationship Between Board Composition and Firm Performance, 54 Bus. Law. 921
(1999).
evidence shows at best weak correlation between board independence and

corporate performance.32
Evidence is slightly stronger of correlations between director independence
and specific tasks. Some evidence suggests that independence associates with
prudent cash management and facilitating or resisting changes in corpo-
rate control. Independent directors may be better at firing subpar managers,
although evidence is slight and scattered.
There is little or no evidence that independent directors achieve greater
gains for takeover targets or adopt different defensive profiles from those of
other directors. Evidence conflicts on whether firms with independent boards
are less likely to make value reducing takeover bids; any effect that appears
is small. Research does not show any particular effects of independence on
CEO compensation. Evidence does show a relation between board and audit
committee independence – and expertise – and various measures of financial
reporting quality (but that gets ahead of the story and will be discussed in the
next section of this chapter).
While scholars generally construe the empirical evidence as not support-
ing claims that independent directors improve firm performance, that con-
clusion is not inevitable. Professor Jeffrey Gordon reinterprets the empirical
relations by explaining the data on other grounds.33 This reinterpretation
emphasizes diminishing returns to independence, because the data all look
at changes in independence levels during periods after the construct had
achieved normative status. The more important effects may be systemic, not
unique to individual enterprises, and include more accurate stock prices and
fuller financial disclosure that benefit all enterprises, according to Professor
Gordon.
Another basis for reinterpreting the studies that examine corporate per-
formance is how independent directors may contribute other skills, such
as promoting compliance or advancing social interests. This view seems
plausible given how some original proponents of the monitoring board
sought to promote compliance amid the bribery scandals and how some
current champions continue to seek compliance, especially with financial
reporting requirements.34 These purposes may not translate into measurable
32 The comprehensive reviews are Gordon, supra note 16, and Robert A. Prentice & David B.
Spence, Sarbanes-Oxley as Quack Corporate Governance: How Wise Is the Received Wisdom?,
95 Geo. L.J. 1843 (2006). Readers are referred to these works for citations to the research
summarized in the following paragraphs.
33 Gordon, supra note 16.
34 See Prentice & Spence, supra note 32, at 1868.
improvements in corporate performance (indeed, Professor Daniel Fischel

warned of, and some proponents advocated, the opposite).35
On the other hand, this reinterpretation fits uneasily alongside studies show-
ing weak correlations between independence and specific tasks, suggesting yet
other possibilities: that nominal independence was subverted by managerial
control over the appointments process36 or that nominal independence trans-
forms into structural bias once an outsider joins a board.37 In any event, the
independent director remains a powerful norm, despite initial and continuing
disagreement about its purposes or effects. However, there is an emerging
appeal for expertise that promises to alter conventional attitudes toward boards
in corporate governance.38
II. THE EMERGING APPEAL FOR EXPERTISE
The fascination for independent directors that arose in the 1970s brought
increased attention to board committees, especially audit, compensation, and
nominating committees.39 This attention implicitly recognized the value of
division of labor on a board of directors. Yet there was little discussion of
the qualifications that would be put to use by these committees. Instead, the
motivation was to put certain kinds of decisions in the hands of independent
directors, whether they had expertise or not.
A changing of the guard is afoot, with expertise becoming at least as impor-
tant as independence in corporate governance. That change was led by stock
exchanges in the late 1990s and reinforced with SOX’s encouragement of
expertise on audit committees in 2002. In the years since SOX, the percentage
of accountants on board audit committees increased significantly.40
35 See Daniel J. Fischel, The Corporate Governance Movement, 35 Vand. L. Rev. 1259 (1982).
36 See William W. Bratton & Joseph A. McCahery, Regulatory Competition, Regulatory Capture,
and Corporate Self-Regulation, 73 N.C. L. Rev. 1861, 1867–68 (1995).
37 See James D. Cox & Donald E. Schwartz, The Business Judgment Rule in the Context of
Termination of Derivative Suits by Independent Committees, 61 N.C. L. Rev. 541, 542–43

(1983).
38 Previous efforts to overcome the independence obsession have called for accountability,
although that is not the same as the call for expertise. E.g., Ronald J. Gilson & Reinier
Kraakman, Reinventing the Outside Director: An Agenda for Institutional Investors, 43 Stan. L.
Rev. 863, 865 (1991).
39 See ABA Comm. on Corporate Laws, Corporate Director’s Guidebook, 33 Bus. Law. 1591,
1619–20 (1978); Business Roundtable, Statement, The Role and Composition of the Board of
Directors of the Large Publicly Owned Corporation, 33 Bus. Law. 2083, 2108–10 (1978).
40 See Stephen Taub, Audit Committees Embracing Accountants, CFO Mag., Sept. 20, 2007
(referring to a report from Huron Consulting Group), available at http://www.cfo.com/article.

cfm/9853512?f=search.
A. Audit Committees
It has long been recognized that the audit committee is the most important
board committee.41 Proposals for mandatory audit committees date to the
late 1930s and early 1940s.42 Interest resumed in the late 1960s and gathered
momentum through the 1970s.43 In the 1970s, the SEC encouraged the use of
independent directors on audit committees;44 adopted rules requiring compa-
nies to disclose whether or not they had an audit committee;45 and published
guidelines addressing audit committee attributes.46 As a result, audit commit-
tee use expanded dramatically from the mid-1960s, when they were relatively
rare, to the mid-1970s, when they became commonplace.47
In 1977, the New York Stock Exchange adopted a listing requirement man-
dating independent directors on audit committees.48 The provision offered a
capacious conception of independence. It allowed persons to have “custom-
ary” commercial and professional relationships with the company, so long as
this did not otherwise pose a threat to independent judgment. This formu-
lation may strike contemporary students as nearly empty given current sensi-
bilities about independence. But at the time, the provision was a significant
change, and the “customary relationships” exception was not seen to nullify
41 See PricewaterhouseCoopers, What Directors Think Annual Survey (2005).

42 See In re McKesson & Robbins, Inc., Exchange Act Release No. 2707, [1940 Transfer Binder]
Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 72,020 (Dec. 5, 1940); Edward F. Greene & Bernard B. Falk,
The Audit Committee: A Measured Contribution to Corporate Governance [and] A Realistic
Appraisal of Its Objectives and Functions, 34 Bus. Law. 1229, 1233 n.16 (1979) (noting 1939
NYSE proposal).
43 See Greene & Falk, supra note 42, at 1233 & 1234 n.16 (noting 1967 proposal made by the
AICPA); Subcomm. on Oversight & Investigations of the H. Comm. on Interstate and For-
eign Commerce, 94th Cong., Report on Federal Regulation and Regulatory Reform 29–42
(Subcomm. Print 1976).
44 See SEC, Standing Audit Committees Composed of Outside Directors, [1971–1972 Transfer
Binder] Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 78,670, at 81,424 (No. 9548, Mar. 23, 1972).
45 Item 8(e), Schedule 14A, 17 C.F.R. § 240.14a-101 (1978).
46 SEC, Notice of Amendments to Require Increased Disclosure of Relationships Between Reg-
istrants and Their Independent Public Accountants, 40 Fed. Reg. 1010 (1974), reprinted in
[Accounting Series Release Transfer Binder] Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 72,187, at 62,394
(No. 11147, Dec. 20, 1974); Proposed Rules Relating to Shareholder Communications, Share-
holder Participation in the Corporate Electoral Process and Corporate Governance Generally,
Exchange Act Release No. 14,970, 15 SEC Docket (CCH) 291 (July 18, 1978).
47 See Gordon, supra note 16, at n.211 (citing evidence that in 1967 from one-third to one-fifth of
companies boasted audit committees, whereas by 1977 nearly all did).

48 Proposed Rule Change by Self-Regulatory Organizations, 42 Fed. Reg. 8737 (Feb. 11,
1977); Securities Exchange Act Release No. 13,346 (Mar. 9, 1977), 11 SEC Docket (CCH)
1945, 1946 (1977); Order Approving Proposed Rule Change, 42 Fed. Reg. 14,793 (Mar. 16,
1977).
the innovation.49 The other exchanges followed the NYSE’s lead during the
1980s.50
A series of audit failures in the early 1980s sparked interest in accounting
aspects of corporate governance. In 1987, the American Institute of Certified
Public Accountants (AICPA) and others sponsored the National Commission
on Fraudulent Financial Practices. In addition to founding the Committee
of Sponsoring Organizations of the Treadway Commission (COSO) – which
became the chief architect of corporate internal controls51 – it produced the
Report of the National Commission on Fraudulent Financial Reporting.52
This Commission, named for Chairman James Treadway, recommended that
boards be required to have independent audit committees and suggested the
high value of accounting expertise for audit committee members. No official
action was taken on the recommendations as the late 1980s turned into the
roaring 1990s.
In 1994, the Public Oversight Board of the SEC Practice Section of the
AICPA formed an advisory panel to give auditing a central role in corporate
governance and return auditing to an important place in society.53 It urged
that audit committees be informed as to the appropriateness of a company’s
accounting principles and the degree of conservatism in their application.54
This demand for information is a precursor to ensuing calls for actual knowl-
edge – expertise – on audit committees.
Those calls began in the late 1990s, when SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt
launched a campaign to improve corporate governance by emphasizing exper-
tise, not mere independence.55 He urged companies to recruit more audit
committee members with financial experience. A group he impaneled echoed
the point, urging that audit committees have at least three financially literate
members and one with financial management experience.56 The NYSE and
Nasdaq adopted these recommendations under rules, still in effect, requiring
49 See Karmel, supra note 7, at 536 (citing Securities Exchange Act Release No. 13,346 (Mar. 9,
1977), 11 SEC Docket (CCH) 1945, 1946 (1977)).
50 See Karmel, supra note 7, text at nn.69–70. 51 See http://www.coso.org.
52 Report of the National Commission on Fraudulent Financial Reporting (1987),
available at http://www.coso.org/Publications/NCFFR.pdf.
53 See http://www.publicoversightboard.org/about.htm.
54 See Public Oversight Board of the SEC Practice Section of the AICPA Rep. (1994).
55 See Arthur Levitt, Chairman, SEC, Remarks at the New York University Center for Law and
Business (Sept. 28, 1998), available at www.sec.gov/news/speeches/spch220.txt.

56 See Ira M. Millstein, Introduction to the Report and Recommendations of the Blue Ribbon
Committee on Improving the Effectiveness of Corporate Audit Committees, 54 Bus. Law. 1057
(1999). The group also followed the tradition of boosting independence, including by recom-
mending eliminating the allowance of the “customary relationships” loophole appearing in
previous definitions.
all audit committee members to be financially literate and show financial

sophistication, demonstrated by oversight responsibilities, past experience, or
professional certification.57
Sarbanes-Oxley reformed structural features as well as highlighted abstract
independence and substantive expertise. Previously, power over the audit
function was lodged with outside auditors and internal management, with
limited audit committee oversight.58 Managers hired, fired, and paid auditors,
so auditors were beholden to them – not to the committee. An independent and
expert committee under those circumstances might be worth little. However,
SOX puts the committee in charge and vests it with important powers.59 This
alters the monitoring model, equipping independent – and now expert –
directors with power they never had before.60
Moreover, SOX injects expertise into the audit committee indirectly. It
requires companies to disclose whether the audit committee boasts exper-
tise or not (and if not, why not). Even so, this gesture toward expertise is a
dramatic change from the traditional habit of simply adding formal indepen-
dence (although SOX indulges that habit too, as noted).61 SOX conceives of
the required audit committee expertise in explicit, focused terms, measuring
expertise by formal training and experience in accounting.62 But SOX also
directed and deferred to the SEC to define the requisite expertise in imple-
menting the statute.
In its first proposed definition, the SEC followed SOX’s language to draw
expertise narrowly, emphasizing knowledge of accounting through extensive
57 NYSE, Inc., Listed Company Manual §§ 303.01(B)(2)(a) and 303.01(B)(2)(b)-(c) (2007); NASD
By-Laws, art. 9, § 5; NASD Marketplace Rules, § 4350(d)(1)-(2). NYSE listing rules also
currently require compensation and nominating committees, both with independent directors,
but are silent as to desired expertise. NYSE, Inc., Listed Company Manual § 303A.04-.05
(2007).
58 On the problems embedded in the old relationship, see Melvin A. Eisenberg, Legal Models
of Management Structure in the Modern Corporation: Officers, Directors and Accountants, 63

Cal. L. Rev. 375 (1975).
59 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 301, 15 U.S.C. § 78j-1(m)(2) (2007); see Strengthening the Com-
mission’s Requirements Regarding Auditor Independence, Exchange Act Release No. 47,265,
79 SEC Docket (CCH) 1284 (Jan. 28, 2003).
60 William W. Bratton, Enron, Sarbanes-Oxley and Accounting: Rules versus Principles versus
Rents, 48 Vill. L. Rev. 1023, 1034–36 (2003).

61 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 301, 15 U.S.C. § 78j-1(m)(2) (2007) (“to be considered to be
independent for purposes of this paragraph, a member of an audit committee of an issuer may
not, other than in his or her capacity as a member of the audit committee, the board of directors,
or any other board committee (i) accept any consulting, advisory, or other compensatory fee
from the issuer; or (ii) be an affiliated person of the issuer or any subsidiary thereof ”).
62 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 407, codified at 15 U.S.C. § 7265 (2007).
experience in the field.63 This conception is now described in the literature

as an accounting financial expert – only professional accountants qualified.
Critics objected to the narrow definition. Some claimed that, under it, finan-
cial heavyweights like Warren Buffett and Alan Greenspan would not qualify
as experts; others said it would be hard to attract people who met the narrow
definition and that the narrow skills would absorb limited resources needed to
recruit other persons with other desirable skill sets.64
In response to objections, the SEC broadened the definition beyond
accounting experience to include experience in finance, financial statement
analysis or evaluation, and even supervision of accounting and financial execu-
tives or personnel.65 The revised definition resembles the definitions of exper-
tise adopted a decade earlier by the NYSE and Nasdaq. No longer limited to
professional accountants, nearly anyone in business qualifies – managers of
other companies, investment bankers, commercial bankers, and venture cap-
italists. Reflecting this broad definition, three categories of audit committee
experts are now described in the literature: accounting experts, nonaccounting
financial experts, and nonfinancial experts.
B. Evidence
Empirical evidence on the correlation between director independence and
corporate performance reveals weak links, as discussed above.66 The excep-
tion is a well-developed body of evidence demonstrating a strong, positive
63 Disclosure Required by Sections 404, 406, and 407 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Exchange
Act Release No. 34–46701, 78 SEC Docket (CCH) 1907 (Oct. 22, 2002). The SEC’s proposed
definition of financial expert mimicked SOX’s language, saying that SOX requires the SEC,
in defining financial expert:
[T]o consider whether a person has, through education and experience as a public
accountant or auditor or a principal financial officer, or controller, or principal account-
ing officer of an issuer, or from a position involving the performance of similar functions:
(1) an understanding of [GAAP] and financial statements; (2) experience in (a) the prepa-
ration or auditing of financial statements of generally comparable issuers and (b) the
application of such principles in connection with the accounting for estimates, accruals
and reserves; (3) experience with internal accounting controls; and (4) an understanding
of the audit committee functions.
Id.
64 See C. Bryan-Low, Defining Moment for SEC: Who’s a Financial Expert?, Wall St. J., Dec.
9, 2002, at C1.
65 Disclosure Required by Sections 406 and 407 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Exchange
Act Release No. 47,235, 79 SEC Docket (CCH) 1077 (Jan. 23, 2003) (coining the designation
“audit committee financial expert”).
66 See supra text accompanying notes 31–38.
correlation between director independence and financial reporting quality

(measured in various ways, as discussed below).67 Researchers and theorists
struggled to interpret this exception and soon ascertained that it operates
through audit committees.68 Increasingly, evidence shows that this correlation
strengthens significantly when accounting experts serve on audit committees
(and strengthens incrementally when audit committee members have other
expertise encompassed in the SEC’s expansive, criticism-induced definition).
Research has long examined the correlation between board-level indepen-
dence and various proxies for financial reporting quality. Evidence shows
a strong, negative correlation between relative board independence and
accounting fraud.69 A similar pattern appears in relation to the probability
of financial misreporting, with pending SEC enforcement actions and share-
holder lawsuits serving as a proxy.70 These results are corroborated in tests that
use other proxies of financial statement reliability, including the presence of
abnormal accruals and other signs of earnings management.71 Similar results
were obtained when the independence of audit committees was examined
67 See Prentice & Spence, supra note 32, at 1869 (explaining that “the vast bulk of existing
empirical studies indicates that more board independence does translate into more accurate
financial reporting”); id. at 1869 (“[M]ost evidence supports the . . . conclusion that more
independence means less financial monkey business.”).
68 See Gordon, supra note 16, at 1504 (explaining that the “best-developed evidence” is a “pos-
itive association between board independence and financial reporting accuracy” [and why it
occurs is not certain], but “some studies suggest it could be through the independent audit
committee”).
69 Mark S. Beasley, An Empirical Analysis of the Relation Between the Board of Director Com-
position and Financial Statement Fraud, 71 Acct. Rev. 443, 455 (1996) (negative association
between accounting fraud and relative board independence); see also Mark S. Beasley et al.,
Fraudulent Financial Reporting: Consideration of Industry Traits and Corporate Governance
Mechanisms, 14 Acct. Horizons 441, 452 (2000) (negative association between independence
and fraud in several industries); Hatice Uzun et al., Board Composition and Corporate Fraud,
Fin. Analysts J., May-June 2004, at 33 (similar relationship using broader proxy for fraud).
70 Patricia M. Dechow et al., Causes and Consequences of Earnings Manipulation: An Analysis
of Firms Subject to Enforcement Actions by the SEC, 13 Contemp. Acct. Res. 1, 21 (1996)
(comparing firms with high likelihood of accounting fraud, as signaled by SEC enforcement
action, with a control group of firms); David W. Wright, Evidence on the Relation Between
Corporate Governance Characteristics and the Quality of Financial Reporting (Stephen M.
Ross Sch. of Business at the Univ. of Mich., Working Paper, 1996), available at www.ssrn.
com/abstract=10138 (firms facing SEC enforcement actions sport less audit committee inde-
pendence compared to sample of industry or size cohort); Eric Helland & Michael E. Sykuta,
Who’s Monitoring the Monitor? Do Outside Directors Protect Shareholders’ Interests?, 40 Fin.
Rev. 155, 171 (2005) (association between independence and fewer shareholder lawsuits).
71 April Klein, Audit Committee, Board of Director Characteristics, and Earnings Management,
33 J. Acct. & Econ. 375, 387 (2002) (negative association between board independence and
abnormal accruals); Sarah E. McVay et al., Trading Incentives to Meet the Analyst Forecast,
11 Rev. Acct. Stud. 575, 575 (2006) (earnings management “is weaker in the presence of an
independent board”).
discretely, finding that independence is associated with lower levels of earn-

ings manipulation or accounting fraud.72
The idea that audit committee expertise might contribute to more accu-
rate financial reporting is intuitive.73 This intuition was the basis for early
interest in promoting expertise, including the Treadway Commission’s
recommendations.74 Experimental studies show the relativity of expertise,
ranging from the command of rudimentary knowledge (“literacy”) to expe-
riential knowledge derived from extensive applications in practice (“actual
expertise”).75 Also intuitively, neither independence nor expertise contributes
to results unless those commanding such traits have power to implement rec-
ommendations (a result that SOX’s structural audit committee reforms make
promising).76
Empirical evidence supports these intuitions. Extensive research investi-
gates the correlation between various conceptions of audit committee exper-
tise and related proxies for financial reporting quality (sometimes thought of as
audit committee effectiveness). Studies show an inverse relationship between
72 Jeffrey Cohen et al., The Corporate Governance Mosaic and Financial Reporting Quality, 23
J. Acct. Lit. 87, 99–102 (2004) (surveying studies of relationship between governance charac-
teristics, especially of audit committee independence, and earnings manipulation or fraud);
compare Klein, supra note 71 (association between abnormal accruals and independent direc-
tors but “no meaningful relation between abnormal accruals and having an audit committee
comprised solely of independent directors”).
73 E.g., Todd DeZoort, An Investigation of Audit Committees’ Oversight Responsibilities, 33
Abacus 208 (1997); Dorothy A. McMullen & Kannan Raghunandan, Enhancing Audit Com-
mittee Effectiveness, J. Accountancy 182 (1996) (companies with deficient financial reporting
less likely to have CPAs on audit committee); Kannan Raghunandan et al., Audit Committee
Composition, “Gray Directors,” and Interaction with Internal Auditing, 15 Acct. Horizons
105 (2001); F. Kannan Raghunandan & William J. Read, The State of Audit Committees, 191
J. Accountancy 57 (2001); Stephen A. Scarpati, CPAs as Audit Committee Members, 196
J. Accountancy 32 (2003).
74 See I. Bull & Florence C. Sharp, Advising Clients on Treadway Audit Committee Recommen-
dations, 167 J. Accountancy 46 (1989).

75 See Linda S. McDaniel et al., Evaluating Financial Reporting Quality: The Effects of Financial
Expertise vs. Financial Literacy, 77 Acct. Rev. 139 (Supp. 2002) (experimental research using
audit managers as “experts” and executive MBA graduates as “literates” and finding that experts
are better than literates at evaluating financial reporting quality).
76 See Lawrence P. Kalbers & Timothy J. Fogarty, Audit Committee Effectiveness: An Empirical
Investigation of the Contribution of Power, 12 Auditing: J. Prac. & Theory 24 (1993) (examin-
ing relation between audit committee power and effectiveness, finding that “expert power” is
highly associated with financial reporting effectiveness). The internal control apparatus within
an enterprise also has a bearing on the effectiveness of both corporate governance and finan-
cial reporting. See Robert A. Prentice, Sarbanes-Oxley: The Evidence Regarding Section 404,
29 Cardozo L. Rev. (2007), available at www.ssrn.com/abstract=991295 (reviewing empirical
studies concentrating on the association between internal control aspects of Sarbanes-Oxley
and various proxies for corporate governance and reporting effectiveness).
expertise and likelihood of financial reporting irregularities,77 artificial earn-

ings management,78 fraud,79 and restatements.80 Various degrees of expertise
also are associated with higher financial statement quality,81 more conserva-
tive accounting,82 and a propensity to provide or update managerial forecasts
containing adverse rather than favorable news.83 Studies show that greater
expertise is associated with less-frequent suspicious auditor switching84 and a
lower likelihood of material weaknesses in internal controls.85
Recent research examines more closely various conceptions of audit com-
mittee expertise. This is motivated by debates concerning how to define
expertise, especially by comparing the SEC’s initial and revised definitions
of expertise for audit committees.86 Evidence is strong that there is a correla-
tion between accounting expertise and high-quality financial statements and
audit committee effectiveness.87 There is also some (but limited) evidence of
77 See Dorothy A. McMullen & Kannan Raghunandan, Enhancing Audit Committee Effective-
ness, 182 J. Accountancy 79 (1996).
78 See Biao Xie et al., Earnings Management and Corporate Governance: The Role of the Board
and the Audit Committee, 9 J. Corp. Fin. 295 (2003).

79 See Anup Agrawal & Sahiba Chadha, Corporate Governance and Accounting Scandals, 48
J. L. & Econ. 371 (2005).

80 See Lawrence J. Abbott et al., Audit Committee Characteristics and Restatements, 23 Auditing:
J. Prac. Theory 69 (2004).

81 See Andrew J. Felo et al., Audit Committee Characteristics and the Perceived Quality of Finan-
cial Reporting: An Empirical Analysis (Working Paper, 2003), available at http://papers.ssrn.

com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=401240.
82 See Gopal V. Krishnan & Gnanakumar Visvanathan, Does the SOX Definition of an Accounting
Expert Matter? The Association Between Audit Committee Director’s Expertise and Conservatism
(Working Paper, 2007), available at http://www.ssrn.com/abstract=866884.
83 See L. Karamanou & Nicos Vafeas, The Association Between Corporate Boards, Audit Com-
mittees, and Management Earnings Forecasts: An Empirical Analysis, 43 J. Acct. Res. 453
(2005) (propensity to update forecasts for bad news more likely when audit committee boasts
expertise).
84 See Deborah Archambeault & F. Todd DeZoort, Auditor Opinion Shopping and the Audit
Committee: An Analysis of Suspicious Auditor Switches, 5 Int’l J. Acct. 33 (2001).

85 See Yan Zhang et al., Audit Committee Quality, Auditor Independence and Internal Control
Weaknesses, J. Acct. & Public Policy (2006) (SOX internal control weakness more likely for
firms with audit committees boasting less accounting financial expertise).
86 As discussed above, SOX and the SEC first floated a narrow definition of expertise limited
to accounting expertise, but the SEC, under pressure, expanded it to include other kinds
of financial expertise (nonaccounting financial expertise) as well as expertise in supervising
accountants and other financial experts (nonfinancial expertise).
87 See, e.g., Dan Dhaliwal et al., The Association Between Audit Committee Accounting Expertise,
Corporate Governance and Accruals Quality: An Empirical Analysis (Working Paper, 2006),
available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=906690; Joseph V. Carcello et
al., Audit Committee Financial Expertise, Competing Corporate Governance Mechanisms, and
Earnings Management (Working Paper, 2006), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.
cfm?abstract id=887512.
a correlation between nonaccounting financial expertise and those virtues.88

Evidence is strong that there is no particular correlation between nonfinancial
expertise and various measures of financial statement reliability or general
audit committee effectiveness.89
Some of this research emphasizes normative implications. Several studies
expressly support the SEC’s original narrow definition of expertise as opposed
to the broader definition it later adopted under pressure. Classifying audit
committee members as boasting accounting, nonaccounting financial, and
other nonfinancial expertise, one study finds a significant, positive correlation
between accounting expertise and accruals quality but no such correlation with
the other two kinds of expertise.90 The prescription is to favor SOX’s and the
SEC’s first narrow definition – recognizing that other committee features can
influence effectiveness, too.91 Using similar definitions, another study likewise
finds a correlation between accounting expertise and accounting conservatism
but no correlation between other expertise and that quality – also expressly
supporting SOX’s and the SEC’s original narrow definition.92
Another study stating normative implications finds the strongest correlation
is with accounting expertise, following similar definitional classifications.93
Accounting expertise and some nonaccounting financial expertise are
88 See, e.g., Jean Bedard et al., The Effect of Audit Committee Expertise, Independence and Activity
on Aggressive Earnings Management, 23 Auditing: J. Prac. & Theory 13 (2004); Lawrence
J. Abbott et al., Audit Committee Characteristics and Financial Misstatement: A Study of the
Efficacy of Certain Blue Ribbon Committee Recommendations (Working Paper, 2002), available
89 See, e.g., Joseph V. Carcello & Terry L. Neal, Audit Committee Characteristics and Auditor
Dismissals Following “New” Going Concern Reports, 78 Acct. Rev. 95 (2003); Robert C.
Anderson et al., Board Characteristics, Accounting Report Integrity and the Cost of Debt, 37 J.
Acct. & Econ. 315 (2004).
90 Dhaliwal et al., supra note 87. Following an emerging standardization of these classifications
in the empirical literature, the study delimits them as follows: accounting expertise is current
or past experience as CPA, CFO, comptroller, VP finance, or “any other major accounting
positions”; finance expertise is current or past experience as investment banker, financial
analyst, or “any other financial management roles”; and supervisory expertise is current or past
experience as CEO or company president or the like. Dhaliwal et al., supra note 87.
91 Notably, the Dhaliwal, Naiker, and Navissi study also finds significant positive interaction
between audit committee accounting expertise and attributes that signal strong audit committee
governance (namely independence, a relatively larger size, and more frequent meetings).
Dhaliwal et al., supra note 87.
92 Gopal V. Krishnan & Gnanakumar Visvanathan, Does the SOX Definition of an Accounting
Expert Matter? The Association Between Audit Committee Director’s Expertise and Conservatism
(Working Paper, 2007), available at http://www.ssrn.com/abstract=866884.
93 Joseph V. Carcello et al., Audit Committee Financial Expertise, Competing Corporate
Governance Mechanisms, and Earnings Management (Working Paper, 2006), available at

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=887512.
associated with lesser earnings management for firms with weak alternate
corporate governance mechanisms. But independent audit committee mem-
bers with financial expertise are most successful in mitigating earnings
management. The researchers emphasize that “alternative corporate gover-
nance mechanisms are an effective substitute for audit committee financial
expertise.”94 The normative implication: firms should have flexibility to choose
the governance mechanisms that fit their unique situations, recognizing the
likely value of accounting expertise on audit committees.
Research also considers market reaction to adding various kinds of expertise
to audit committees. A widely cited study found favorable market reactions
to companies naming new audit committee members who boasted account-
ing expertise, especially when other good governance attributes exist, but no
reaction to nonaccounting expertise.95 These researchers emphasize that the
findings are consistent with accounting expertise on audit committees improv-
ing corporate governance, but only when the expert and the corporation’s other
governance attributes empower experts to make a difference.96 This market-
based study thus is consistent with the other empirical research as well as with
long-standing intuition that accountants will contribute accounting expertise
when empowered to do so.
Given the normative prescriptions of such studies, it is worth noting that
some studies find a correlation between broader conceptions of expertise and
desirable financial reporting traits. For example, one study found a correla-
tion between financial and governance expertise and lower levels of earnings
management and even some correlation between other kinds of firm-specific
expertise and that quality.97 This study’s findings are also generally consis-
tent with the view that independent directors contribute to quality financial
reporting.
In summary, there are many ways to promote financial reporting quality and
audit committee effectiveness, including through independence, accounting
expertise, and possibly other kinds of expertise. This may suggest that legal man-
dates are neither wise nor necessary.98 Indeed, despite the empirical evidence
94 Id.
95 Mark DeFond et al., Does the Market Value Financial Expertise on Audit Committees of Boards
of Directors?, 43 J. Acct. Res. 153 (2005).
96 Id.
97 See Jean Bedard et al., The Effect of Audit Committee Expertise, Independence and Activity on
Aggressive Earnings Management, 23 Auditing: J. Prac. & Theory 13 (2004).

98 See Roberta Romano, The Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the Making of Quack Corporate Governance,
114 Yale L. J. 1521 (2005) (making this point in light of the lack of evidence supporting
association between independence and firm performance and the mixed evidence on the
association between audit committee independence and financial reporting quality although
suggesting that audit committee accounting experts contribute to financial

statement quality, there are contrasting scenarios. At Enron, for example, both
independent directors and experts on its audit committee failed to catch man-
ifest irregularities.99 Even so, the evidence suggests that some combinations
are stronger and others weaker, with the optimal combining independence
and accounting expertise. Yet numerous policy and legal issues arise from the
intuition and evidence, to which the next section turns.
III. THE FUTURE ROLE OF EXPERTISE
A normative implication of the empirical evidence on expertise is to encourage

– if not mandate – the appointment of accounting experts to audit committees.
After all, CEOs – and many other business experts – rarely have knowledge of
generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP), generally accepted audit-
ing standards (GAAS), or rules and regulations of the SEC and applicable
securities laws.100
Objections to a mandatory or even hortatory commitment to board expertise,
including on audit committees, concern the considerable burden of expecta-
tions that would befall those members. The burden is significant as a practical
matter, given lack of specification of what those expectations should be. It is
exacerbated by uncertainty as to what legal consequences follow from the fact
that a director has expertise. The following sections consider each of these
problems in turn.
A. Specifications
Rediscovering the value of expertise underscores a significant shift at the basic
level of specifying the expertise that boards of directors should wield. Before the
SOX era spawned interest in substantive expertise, theorizing about expected
expertise was limited. Professor Eugene Fama offered the general theory that
independent directors contributed expertise in “decision control.”101 It is possi-
ble that decision control is the expertise that all independent directors offer,102
not exploring the evidence concerning audit committee expertise and financial reporting
quality).
99 See William W. Bratton Jr., Enron and the Dark Side of Shareholder Value, 76 Tul. L. Rev.
1275, 1333–38 (2002); Paul M. Healy & Krishna G. Palepu, Governance and Intermediation
Problems in Capital Markets: Evidence from the Fall of Enron (Harvard NOM Working Paper
No. 02–27, 2002), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=325440.
100 See Dennis Beresford, Take a Seat in the Boardroom, 200 J. Accountancy 104 (2005).
101 Fama & Jensen, supra note 2.
102 For criticism, see Lucian Arye Bebchuk et al., Managerial Power and Rent Extraction in the
Design of Executive Compensation, 69 U. Chi. L. Rev. 751, 771 (2002).

yet that imagines boards as monoliths without attention to particular skills that,
under the division of labor, contribute individualized value.
While focusing on expertise associated with quality financial reporting,
SOX recognizes that directors, independent and otherwise, each can con-
tribute different expertise. In the future, one should expect increased atten-
tion to other kinds of expertise that exploit the division of labor, too, such as
in recruiting business leadership through nominating committees that boast
not merely independence but also knowledge of relevant labor markets and
through designing compensation systems using directors who are not merely
independent but also knowledgeable on the subject. Sparked by SOX, the fol-
lowing focuses solely on specifying the expertise that it seems to contemplate
in order to highlight both the importance and difficulty of doing so.
First, SOX appears to demand expertise to promote financial reporting
quality. True, SOX covers much ground by tinkering with many aspects of
corporate governance. But there is no doubt that SOX was inspired by prob-
lems with accounting and control systems and sought to respond with tools to
improve both.103 Thus, it emphasizes internal control, adding its most elabo-
rate provisions, sections 103 and 404 concerning maintaining, certifying, and
auditing internal control.104 Many consider the rearrangement of the audit
supervision function to be among SOX’s most important changes.105 In short,
SOX is about accounting, and so the expertise on audit committees should
be accounting expertise – not necessarily the broader conceptions reflected in
the SEC’s final definition.
The historical catalyst for independent directors and developments in inter-
vening decades also supports this view. During the 1970s, and since SOX, the
expertise expected from independent directors appears more in the nature
of expertise in internal control systems designed to promote financial report-
ing quality and compliance with law.106 The 1970s bribery scandals that led
to laws requiring internal control systems and independent directors were
logical servants of compliance. In the late 1990s, even a Delaware court, in
103 See Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, preamble.

104 See Lawrence A. Cunningham, Facilitating Auditing’s New Early Warning System: Control
Disclosure, Auditor Liability and Safe Harbors, 55 Hastings L.J. 1449 (2004).
105 John C. Coffee Jr., Gatekeepers: The Role of the Professions in Corporate Gov-
ernance 367 (2006); Erica Beecher-Monas, Corporate Governance in the Wake of Enron: An
Examination of the Audit Committee Solution to Corporate Fraud, 55 Admin. L. Rev. 357
(2003); Bratton, supra note 60, at 1034–36.
106 See Michael P. Dooley, Two Models of Corporate Governance, 47 Bus. Law. 461 (1992); Melvin
A. Eisenberg, The Board of Directors and Internal Control, 19 Cardozo L. Rev. 237 (1997).
Caremark,107 questioned the continuing validity of the 1963 Graham decision

that minimized director responsibilities over internal control.108
The demand for accounting expertise is reflected in audit committee char-
ters widely adopted in SOX’s wake. A survey of selected charters is revealing.
First, there is substantial standardization of these documents across a variety of
enterprises.109 Second, they tend to concentrate on fundamentals of account-
ing, along with internal controls. A reasonable inference from the objectives
stated in these charters is that the implicit expectations can be met only by
those with accounting expertise.110 Meeting the objectives in these charters
likely calls for directors who understand not only accounting principles and
inherent need for estimates but also (1) the various maneuvers available to
massage reported accounting results and (2) the scope of relative conservatism
and the consequences of achieving any given level of conservatism.
Despite this plausible claim that SOX and current audit committee mem-
bers seek to use accounting expertise and internal control to promote financial
reporting quality, such statements are broad and conceal trade-offs. Expertise
may enable an enterprise to promote quality financial reporting in conformity
with GAAP, GAAS, and SEC regulations – including internal control require-
ments – but these subjects allow for considerable leeway in application. The
following explores two examples of the challenges that result: (1) earnings man-
agement raises the issue of how involved audit committee accounting experts
must be in substantive decisions that managers make in pursuing desired
accounting results, and (2) conservatism raises the issue of whose interests
audit committee accounting experts should seek to promote.
1. Earnings Management
Managers can deliberately influence reported financial results through
manipulation of discretionary accounting estimates and allocations (called
accounting earnings management) or though manipulation of discretionary
107 In re Caremark Int’l Inc. Derivative Litig., 698 A.2d 959 (Del. Ch. 1996).
108 Caremark’s language and subsequent Delaware court applications of it suggest that it poses
no real liability threat to directors. See Stone ex rel. AmSouth Bancorp. v. Ritter, 911 A.2d 362
(Del. 2006). Delaware law rarely does, yet its admonitions can play a norm-shaping function.
See Melvin A. Eisenberg, Corporate Law and Social Norms, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 1253 (1999);
Edward B. Rock, Saints and Sinners: How Does Delaware Corporate Law Work?, 44 UCLA L.
Rev. 1009 (1997); David A. Skeel Jr., Shaming in Corporate Law, 149 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1811 (2001).
109 See also Lawrence A. Cunningham, Law & Accounting: Cases and Materials 612–15
(2005) (presenting illustrative audit committee charter).

110 See also Krishnan & Visvanathan, supra note 82, at 13–14 (noting that audit committee charters
are standardized, giving examples from Ruby Tuesday and eBay).

expenditures (referred to as real earnings management).111 Survey evidence

indicates that managers engage in real earnings management when necessary
to meet targeted or expected accounting results, such as earnings per share.112
Empirical evidence is strong that accounting expertise on audit committees
reduces accounting earnings management.113 Empirical evidence concern-
ing whether audit committee accounting expertise influences real earnings
management is both limited114 and conflicting, with studies showing both the
absence115 and the presence116 of a negative correlation.
Whether audit committee experts influence real earnings management may
depend, in part, on whether they believe that doing so is their responsibility,
because no authority specifies what their purpose is. The SEC, SOX, and the
exchanges only suggest or require expert presence without saying anything
about its purpose. Authoritative silence on the purpose of expertise leads to
two competing views in the literature.
One view sees audit committees as monitors and enforcers, whose presence
is solely to assure compliance with what law, accounting, and regulations
111 See Sugata Roychowdhury, Management of Earnings Through the Manipulation of Real Activ-
ities That Affect Cash Flow from Operations (Working Paper, 2005), available at http://papers.
ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=477941 (providing a model to measure real earnings
management; relating levels of actual operating cash flows, discretionary expenditures such as
research and development and selling, general and administrative expenses, and production
costs to normal levels estimated by industry and company experience; and finding evidence
of real earnings management for sample of enterprises from 1987 to 2001). Real earnings
management can be achieved through any means that enables the acceleration or delay of
recognizing events, thus including decisions concerning investment, inventory, training, and
so on.
112 See John R. Graham et al., The Economic Implications of Corporate Financial Reporting, 40 J.
Acct. & Econ. 3 (2005); John R. Graham et al., Value Destruction and Financial Reporting
Decisions (Working Paper 2006) (fall 2003 survey reveals that CFOs think earnings per share
are important and are willing to use real earnings management to meet expectations or to
smooth, with 80 percent saying they would decrease discretionary spending on research and
development, advertising, and maintenance to meet earnings expectations and 55 percent
saying they would delay a positive net-present-value investment project to meet earnings
expectations), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=871215.
114 See Krishnan & Visvanathan, supra note 82, at 34 (“there is limited evidence on whether audit
committees are able to constrain real earnings management”).

115 See Carcello et al., supra note 93 (finding no negative association between audit committee
expertise and real earnings management). This study actually finds a positive association
between audit committee expertise and the component of real earnings management involving
the level of discretionary expenditures. Id. at 5.
116 See Krishnan & Visvanathan, supra note 82, at 7 (finding negative association between audit
committee accounting expertise and real earnings management); id. at 34 (greater audit
committee accounting expertise “mitigates tendencies to manipulate earnings through real
activities”).
require.117 If so, then accounting earnings management is their bailiwick, but

real earnings management is not. Under the other view, audit committee
experts are present for the purposes of directing and monitoring the man-
agement of the enterprise, including decisions concerning internal resource
allocation.118 That role includes understanding whether resource allocation
decisions are driven by substantive business judgments concerning long-term
value enhancement or by short-term aspirations or pressures to achieve desig-
nated accounting results, such as meeting earnings-per-share expectations.
The latter view seems compelling as a matter of law, logic, and policy.
As a matter of law, committee experts are directors, too, and directors are
not excused from understanding, reviewing, or even controlling internal firm
resource allocations – whatever their specific purpose. As a matter of logic, the
distinction between accounting earnings management and real earnings man-
agement is ultimately superficial – both are artificial exercises. Most impor-
tant, as a matter of policy, evidence is strong that the post-SOX reduction
in accounting earnings management has increased managerial appetite and
resolve to pursue real earnings management.119 Determining that audit com-
mittee accounting experts should police accounting earnings management
but not real earnings management would produce a policy backfire.
The backfire would be at least as serious as the problem that accounting
earnings management presents, although the problems differ slightly. The
problem with accounting earnings management is that investors are misled
into suboptimal capital allocation decisions that could result in investment
losses. The problem with real earnings management is that managers deliber-
ately commit to suboptimal capital allocation decisions that almost certainly,
117 See Carcello et al., supra note 93 (“Since real earnings management is within the bounds of
GAAP, we argue that it is not in the purview of the audit committee.”); id. (“Real earnings
management . . . is not illegal[,] not a violation of financial reporting rules, and even if discov-
ered would not result in charges of financial fraud or create cause for an earnings restatement.
Thus, we argue that it is beyond the scope of the audit committee’s responsibility to filter out
real earnings management.”); id. at 29 (real earnings management “is generally not fraudulent
and would be well within the accepted province of management’s discretion”); see also Hillary
A. Sale, Independent Directors as Securities Monitors, 61 Bus. Law. 1375 (2006).
118 See Krishnan & Visvanathan, supra note 82, at 35 (also opining that audit committee member
incentives to constrain real earnings management are the same as those for accounting earnings
management: knowledge base, job expectations stated in charter, plus litigation and reputation
risk).
119 See Carcello et al., supra note 93, at 31 (findings suggest that accounting experts “can miti-
gate earnings management via discretionary accruals” but that managers “react by increasing
real earnings management”); Daniel A. Cohen et al., Trends in Earnings Management in the
Pre- and Post-Sarbanes Oxley Periods (Working Paper, 2005) (finding that post-SOX account-
ing earnings management has declined but that real earnings management has increased),
available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=658782.
although stealthily and indirectly, inflict investment losses on investors.120

Accordingly, the expectations and duties of audit committee experts should
include controlling real earnings management precisely as much as account-
ing earnings management.121 At least, specification of expectations is in order.
2. Conservatism
A general definition of conservatism in accounting is a prudential preference,
in the face of uncertainty, to understate economic reality rather than overstate
it.122 In practice, this entails the understatement of net assets by more timely
recognition of losses compared to gains.123 These concepts can be unpacked
by specifying the circumstances in which such asymmetric recognition can
occur.124
Strong conservatism would describe a pervasive preference so that no or few
circumstances depart from that norm, epitomized in such traditional dicta as
the lower of cost or market principle. Weak conservatism would describe a
limited preference so that numerous contexts allow departures from that kind
of dictum, such as where fair value accounting allows using actual or estimated
current fair-market values for designated asset classes (like marketable securi-
ties or property, plant, and equipment). Neutral conservatism would designate
a median position between the extremes.
Different corporate constituencies have different appetites and demand
for relative conservatism.125 Consider four classes of potential constituents:
120 See Carcello et al., supra note 93 (“Real earnings management may diminish firm and share-
holder value. . . . ”); Graham et al., supra note 112.
121 See Graham et al., supra note 112 (suggesting that boards and audit committees should exer-
cise oversight to prevent managerial decisions that promote real earnings management while
destroying corporate and shareholder value).
122 Fin. Acct. Stnds. Bd., Statement of Financial Accounting Concepts No. 2 ¶¶ 91–95
(1980).
123 See Sudipta Basu, The Conservatism Principle and the Asymmetric Timeliness of Earnings, 24
J. Acct. & Econ. 3 (1997). A variety of definitions of conservatism appear in the literature,
including proxying it by the level of verification required to support recognition or measure-
ment of an accounting item. The variety of definitions and the range of emphasis placed on
the principle reflect the breadth of discretion in application.
124 The concept of conservatism also can be tested using a wide variety of proxies. See Krishnan
& Visvanathan, supra note 82, at 16. In addition to asymmetric loss recognition, examples
include book-to-market ratio, correlation between cash flows and contemporaneous accruals,
and correlation between changes in current earnings and lagged changes in earnings. See
Anne Beatty et al., Conservatism and Debt (Working Paper, 2006).
125 See Donald C. Langevoort, The Social Construction of Sarbanes-Oxley, 105 Mich. L. Rev
1817, 1839 (2007) (“conservative financial reporting is comforting to creditors, shareholders,

and others who see it as a disciplinary or monitoring tool [but with a] corresponding loss
in accuracy. . . . [C]onservative GAAP reporting on average understates the true economic
value of the firm. . . . How much, if at all, conservative reporting deprives investors of useful
equity investors; debt investors; employees compensated using accounting-

based bonus systems; and society, governmental taxation being the proxy.
All other things being equal, debt demands strong conservatism to protect
downside risks,126 employees demand weak conservatism to exploit bonus
payments,127 and equity demands weak or neutral conservatism depending
on time horizons and prevailing market conditions.128 While government
may prefer weak conservatism to maximize immediate tax revenue (setting
aside supply-side effects), to minimize tax obligations, enterprises prefer strong
conservatism (to the extent that financial and tax accounting regimes are
coextensive). In whose interests should audit committee accounting experts
draw the conservatism line amid resulting trade-offs?
Two constraints ameliorate the magnitude of these trade-offs, but they
are incomplete, leaving the question and significant challenges open. First,
accounting standards established through formal standard setting limit the dis-
cretionary range. But they do not eliminate it. GAAP historically embedded
a conservatism principle, generally favoring asymmetric recognition of losses
compared to gains. But it allowed a range within which conservatism could
be relatively stronger or weaker in designated contexts, such as estimating
warranty reserves and loss contingencies.129 Moreover, GAAP is becoming less
conservative through expanded use of fair value accounting and by moving
away from traditional dictums such as the lower of cost or market principle.130
information is controversial” (citing Anil Arya et al., Are Unmanaged Earnings Always Better
for Shareholders?, 17 Acct. Horizons 111 (Supp. 2003)).
126 See William W. Bratton, Shareholder Value and Auditor Independence, 53 Duke L.J. 439,
477 (2003) (debt investors prefer conservative accounting because they do not enjoy capital
appreciation and so concentrate on negative analysis of default risk and rely on hard assets for
ultimate recovery). Other advantages of conservatism for debt investors include how result-
ing accounting would sooner signal adversity and trigger applicable remedial rights such as
acceleration. See Raymond J. Ball et al., Is Accounting Conservatism Due to Debt or Equity
Markets? An International Test of “Contracting” and “Value Relevance” Theories of Accounting
(Working Paper, 2005), available at http://www.csom.umn.edu/Assets/51165.pdf.
127 Other employees likely exhibit risk aversion akin to debt investors. See Bratton, supra note 126,
at 477.
128 See Bratton, supra note 126, at 455–63 (providing a taxonomy of equity investors arrayed accord-
ing to their diverse types: speculators, investors, short-term holders, long-term holders, noise
traders, fundamental value investors, dumb money, and smart money); id. at 465–72 (illus-
trating range of shareholder demand functions using examples of relatively benign cookie-jar
reserves to more aggressive earnings management through the timing of revenue recognition
and finding that even in the more extreme contexts, the shareholder interest, subject to chang-
ing environments over time, “does not unite against management and aggressive accounting”).
129 See Cunningham, supra note 109, at 39–40 (excerpting selections from relevant standards).
130 See Stanley Siegel, The Coming Revolution in Accounting: The Emergence of Fair Value as
the Fundamental Principle of GAAP, 42 Wayne L. Rev. 1839 (1996); Fin. Acct. Stnds. Bd.,
Statement of Financial Accounting Concepts No. 7, Using Cash Flow Information
Accordingly, managers – and audit committee accounting experts – face

choices along the conservatism continuum within existing standards and will
have more discretion under broadening fair value standards.
Second, debt contract covenants can be used to supply conservatism that
lenders demand, without regard to relative conservatism of official standards or
decisions enterprises make when producing published financial statements.131
While there is some modest empirical evidence that lenders use covenants to
do this,132 the weight of the evidence indicates that contractual modifications
only partly satisfy lender demand for accounting conservatism.133 For exam-
ple, studies show a positive correlation between contractual tailoring toward
conservatism and conservative financial reporting apart from that tailoring.134
The costs of contracting are too great to meet lender demand for conservatism
entirely by contract.135 The empirical results support conjectures and historical
evidence that the conservatism principle in GAAP arose from lender demand
for standardization of conservatism to reduce costs of contracting.136
Two other factors amplify the magnitude of the trade-offs, increasing their
significance and accentuating the question of audit committee beneficia-
ries. First, managers are commonly those employees who are compensated
and Present Value in Accounting Measurements (Feb. 2000); Fin. Acct. Stnds. Bd.,
Statement of Financial Accounting Standards No. 133, Accounting for Derivative
Instruments and Hedging Activities, Statement of Financial Accounting Standards
No. 133 (1998); Fin. Acct. Stnds. Bd., Statement of Financial Accounting Standards
No. 142 Goodwill and Other Intangible Assets (2001).
131 Debt contract terms invariably reflect conservatism, as where covenants count losses fully and
credit gains only partly. See Beatty et al., supra note 124.
132 See Wayne R. Guay & Robert E. Verrecchia, Discussion of Bushman and Piotroski and
Theory of Conservative Accounting (Working Paper, 2006), available at http://papers.ssrn.

com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=884302.
133 Roy L. Watts, Conservatism in Accounting Part I: Explanations and Implications, 17 Acct.
Horizons 207 (2003) [hereinafter Watts, Conservatism Part I]; Roy L. Watts, Conservatism
in Accounting Part II: Evidence and Research Opportunities, 17 Acct. Horizons 287 (2003)
[hereinafter Watts, Conservatism Part II]; see also Ball et al., supra note 126 (international data
showing economies with larger debt markets than equity markets produce more conservative
reports, implying that lender demand influences financial reporting outcomes).
134 Beatty et al., supra note 124.
135 Id. (“findings suggest that lenders may find it too costly to meet their demand for conservatism
through contract modifications [so that] [a]s GAAP becomes less conservative, borrowers may
be forced to make more conservative accounting choices within GAAP to avoid the costly
modifications to contract GAAP”).
136 Roy L. Watts, A Proposal for Research on Conservatism (Working Paper, 1993), available
at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract id=6044; see also Fin. Acct. Stnds. Bd.,

Statement of Financial Accounting Concepts No. 2, Qualitative Characteristics
of Accounting Information, 94 (1980) (noting a preference of lenders for conservative
accounting).
according to accounting-based measurements. They have strong incentives

against conservatism and essentially set its level. Again, this reality partly
explains why U.S. accounting standards historically embed the conservatism
principle.137 Audit committee accounting experts have an important monitor-
ing and control function to play in negotiating the competing demands for
relative conservatism, particularly when managers have incentives to demand
weak conservatism, at best.138
Second, equity investors exhibit demand for neutral to weak conservatism
according to respective time horizons and market conditions.139 Short-term
equity investors demand weaker conservatism, while long-term investors
demand stronger conservatism. In periods of economic expansion and rising
stock prices, equity investors tend to demand weaker conservatism, and in
economic downturns and bear markets, preferences tend to return to stronger
conservatism.140 This variation adds competing demand functions that audit
committee accounting experts should be expected to balance.
Finally, the tax function cuts both ways.141 Supply-side theory aside, govern-
ment may seek weaker conservatism in corporate financial reporting, but other
constituents – equity, debt, and employees – prefer comparatively stronger
conservatism. At least this is true to the extent that GAAP and tax accounting
impose uniform requirements, which is not always the case in the United
States. But there are important contexts in which the two requirements are
coextensive, as with inventory accounting to take an example for merchandis-
ing enterprises. And empirical evidence demonstrates that tax-paying enter-
prises use more conservative accounting than tax-exempt entities.142 The result
is an additional factor that influences the degree of conservatism that finan-
cial reports supply – and additional challenges for audit committee financial
experts.
137 See Watts, Conservatism Part I (conservatism facilitates monitoring of managers and contracts
by constraining overpayments to managers); Watts, Conservatism Part II (same).
138 If audit committee financial experts were compensated in any part using accounting-based
measures, these functions would become more difficult to perform. The role of incentive com-
pensation also points to the importance of related expertise – not so much independence –
on the board compensation committee. It also suggests developing critical relationships
between experts on the audit committee and compensation committee to coordinate tasks
to achieve optimal enterprise policies.
139 Beatty et al., supra note 124 (noting how lenders demand conservative accounting given asym-
metric nature of claims, in contrast to equity, which prefer symmetric or neutral accounting).
140 Bratton, supra note 126, at 455–63.
141 See Watts, Conservatism Part I.
142 Watts, Conservatism Part II (empirical evidence showing that tax-paying enterprises use more
conservative accounting than tax-exempt entities).

This is not to suggest that the trade-offs are cannot be resolved. They fre-
quently are resolved, among standard setters and preparers alike.143 The critical
point is that the demand for conservatism is relative and varies across corporate
constituencies. GAAP grants extensive discretion, even under its conservatism
principle, and contracts do not satisfy all lender demand for conservatism.
Conflicting interests are acute for managers enjoying accounting-based
bonuses. Resolving these trade-offs suggests an important role for audit com-
mittee accounting experts, even though authoritative guidance is lacking.144
To the extent that such experts are expected to perform new functions in
the post-SOX environment, clarifying these trade-offs would be desirable. In
theory, the prescription may simply be that, as directors, the audit commit-
tee should act in the interests of shareholders.145 But shareholder demand
for conservatism varies across shareholder types and with market conditions.
And the greater the bias for weak conservatism, the greater is the managerial
discretion.146 The new expertise on audit committees is intended to address
managerial abuse of accounting discretion. This opens an alternative prescrip-
tion: audit committee accounting experts have duties akin to those of auditors,
meaning duties owed equally to shareholders and debt investors.147
These plausible alternatives suggest that the need is acute to clarify to whom
audit committee accounting experts should be beholden. This inquiry is not
to say that all audit committees should work to supply any particular level
of conservatism or that law should supply the incentives to achieve such an
objective. The exact demand and supply of conservatism varies among enter-
prises and across time according to varying capital structures and constituency
demographics (including use of accounting-based bonus compensation and
tax status).
143 See Watts, Conservatism Part I (lender demand drives conservatism in law, standards, contracts,
and practice; Financial Accounting Standards Board and reporting enterprises all balance com-
peting demands of equity and debt when setting and applying standards); Watts, Conservatism
Part II (same).
144 See Krishnan & Visvanathan, supra note 82 (despite importance of conservatism principle,
there is “limited empirical evidence of the relation between audit committee characteristics
and conservatism”).
145 Cf. Homer Kripke, The SEC, the Accountants, Some Myths and Some Realities, 45 N.Y.U. L.
Rev. 1151, 1188–91 (1970); Lynn A. Stout, The Investor Confidence Game, 68 Brook. L. Rev.
407, 433–34 n.71 (2002).
146 See Melvin A. Eisenberg, Legal Models of Management Structure in the Modern Corporation:
Officers, Directors, and Accountants, 63 Cal. L. Rev. 375, 417–19, 424–30 (1975); Faith Stevel-
man Kahn, Transparency and Accountability: Rethinking Corporate Fiduciary Law’s Relevance
to Corporate Disclosure, 34 Ga. L. Rev. 505, 507–18 (2000).
147 See United States v. Arthur Young & Co., 465 U.S. 805 (1984) (“The independent public
accountant performing this special [public] function owes ultimate allegiance to the corpora-
tion’s creditors and stockholders, as well as to the investing public.”).
Moreover, there is no way for accounting standards or external auditors to

define the optimal supply and demand intercept in general or for a particular
enterprise. But someone must exercise the resulting discretion among com-
peting trade-offs. Managers do so in the first instance, but isn’t it reasonable
to ask experts within the enterprise to promote the optimal supply in response
to varying demand? If so, the logical persons to do so are audit committee
accounting experts. This does not, ipso facto, warrant judicial or regulatory
intrusion into those decisions. On the contrary, if directors command exper-
tise, judges and regulators – lacking it – should grant them as much latitude
as independent directors have enjoyed for four decades.
The next section pursues this line of inquiry further, but before proceed-
ing, the observation concerning fair value accounting mentioned above bears
elaboration. Conservative accounting traditions, such as the lower of cost or
market principle, emphasize reliability over relevance when these traits are at
odds. Fair value accounting is not conservative, being symmetrical to gains
and losses and having no preference for lower or higher asset amounts. It
purports to emphasize relevance over reliability. But, as noted, relevance may
differ across constituents. Fair value accounting may be more “relevant” to
equity investors and less relevant to debt investors.148
Yet even this proposition is doubtful, because fair value accounting simply
uses prevailing valuations over other measures. Those values may not be rele-
vant either to equity investors or to debt investors (or to any other constituents).
Prevailing valuations are drawn from market transactions, if available, and from
managerial estimates, if they are not. That expands managerial discretion and
points to an important particular function for audit committee experts: to
police fair value assumptions. The move toward fair value accounting thus
will underscore the challenge for audit committee experts in determining
their purpose and how best to meet it.
B. Adjustments
Audit committee accounting experts add value to corporate governance, yet
receive no special benefits from contributing it compared to other directors and
can face disincentives and threatened penalties. Both points require review.
The following first explores disincentives that arise from the curious but com-
mon habits of celebrating independence, rewarding it over expertise, and
holding that independence and expertise are mutually exclusive. Discussion
148 See Bratton, supra note 126, at 478–79.

then explores how law, especially Delaware corporate law, reinforces those
biases by rewarding independence and penalizing expertise.
1. Compatibility
It is customary to observe a trade-off between director independence and
director expertise. This relationship may hold for expertise that arises from
corporate knowledge commanded only by senior executives. That kind of
expertise, which may be called status expertise, is mutually exclusive with
attributes of detachment associated with most definitions of independence.
Both sorts of directors contribute different kinds of value. The status expert
may have greater ability than the outsider to identify excesses or duplicities of a
CEO. The outsider may have greater freedom or capacity to act on that ability
to interdict CEO shenanigans. Not only are the roles mutually exclusive in
this sense; they are also mutually complementary. The challenge is to find the
optimal combination of these different kinds of expertise.149
The customary trade-off analysis has less force when expertise is considered
as substantive command of a specialized field of knowledge, such as account-
ing. A director having no other affiliation with a corporation and providing
accounting expertise presents none of the trade-offs between independence
and that particular kind of expertise. Rather, the independent expert director
adds mutually complementary value by bringing detachment, along with use-
ful knowledge. Considering the weight of empirical evidence, the value that
independence alone adds is tenuous compared to the strong contributions
to quality financial reporting that independence plus accounting expertise
makes.150
Seen in this light, existing federal law and exchange rules are unobjection-
able. They leave corporations with substantial flexibility to achieve optimal
board design. Independence is rewarded in certain circumstances, such as con-
cerning executive compensation and taxation matters at the board level.151 The
goal of independence is addressed by SOX’s rules speaking to audit committee
obligations.152 But companies are free to have as many or as few independent
149 See Epstein, supra note 25, at 719 (stating that the optimal combination may be determined
by thinking of the relationship between the marginal cost and the marginal benefit of an
additional independent director compared to inside directors).
150 This remains so even if independence alone contributes advantages to corporate governance
that elude capture in statistical models testing its association with corporate performance, supra
text accompanying notes 31–37, and despite how independence alone sometimes associates
with financial reporting quality, supra text accompanying notes 67–72.
151 See supra text accompanying notes 26–28. 152 See supra text accompanying notes 61–62.
directors as they wish.153 They are also free to have any number and type
of persons wielding any variety of expertise. Although SOX’s have-or-disclose
provision encourages having experts on audit committees and exchange rules
require some expertise, neither definition of expertise is rigorous. Further,
federal law provides that designation of an audit committee member as such
an expert imposes no greater or different duty or liability risk on that director
compared to other directors.154
Despite the empirical reality and federal law flexibility, it may be tempt-
ing to believe that the customary trade-off between independence and status
expertise carries over to the context of substantive expertise. In some federal
securities law contexts and in exchange rules, the definition of independence
concentrates on the amount of money and benefits a person receives in various
capacities from the corporation. Too much is said to impair independence. For
example, exchange rules provide that one loses independence if income from
advisory, consulting, or related activities exceeds designated dollar amounts
($60,000 under Nasdaq rules and $100,000 for NYSE companies).155
However, SOX goes further, saying that independence and expertise are
mutually exclusive as a functional matter, denying that anyone can be inde-
pendent if performing expert services, outside a directorial capacity, for a given
corporation. One corporate governance scholar testified before Congress that
if a person is to provide consulting services, he or she should be retained as
a consultant, and if the person is to provide directorial services, he or she
is to be nominated and elected as a director; in binary fashion, the witness
testified that “[y]ou cannot blend the two.”156 While this view is congruent
with the customary trade-off applicable to outsiders compared to those with
status expertise (insiders), it is harder to square with the injection of substantive
expertise where that trade-off dissolves.
153 See, e.g., Bhagat & Black, The Uncertain Relationship, supra note 31, at 941–42 (summarizing
studies suggesting difficulty in establishing optimal size); Dan R. Dalton, Number of Directors
and Financial Performance: A Meta-Analysis, 42 Acad. Mgmt. J. 674, 676 (1999) (surveying
studies); Charu G. Raheja, Determinants of Board Size and Composition: A Theory of Corporate
Boards, 40 J. Fin. & Quant. Analy. 283 (2005).
154 See Disclosure Required by Sections 406 and 407 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Exchange
Act Release No. 47,235, 79 SEC Docket (CCH) 1077 (Jan. 23, 2003) (text accompanying notes
34–38 explaining inclusion of safe harbor against exposing audit committee financial expert
to any different legal liability than other directors and expressing the opinion that this should
obtain under both federal securities laws and state corporation laws).
155 Nasdaq Rule 4200(a)(15); NYSE Listed Company Manual, Rule 303A.02(b)(ii).
156 See Douglas M. Branson, Too Many Bells? Too Many Whistles? Corporate Governance in
the Post-Enron, Post-WorldCom Era, 58 S.C. L. Rev. 65, 82–90 (2006) (quoting testimony of
Professor Charles Elson, University of Delaware).
An expert in accounting remains an expert in accounting when serving

either as a director or as a consultant. Treating the activities as mutually exclu-
sive gives content to the makeweight arguments opposing the SEC’s original
definition of the relevant expertise: fewer qualified people will be available,
and attracting them will absorb resources from other recruiting efforts.157 Cor-
porations that recognize the value of expertise among directors will pay expert
directors more – and classify payments as director compensation, not as outside
compensation.158 This reveals the constraints as formalistic (evidenced further
by how exchange rules use fixed dollar figures for all directors rather than
specify compensation in meaningful terms such as a percentage of a person’s
adjusted gross income or net worth).
In such an environment, experts may prefer consulting to serving as mem-
bers of a board of directors. Consultancy became an increasingly appealing
line of work throughout the period of the monitoring board’s ascendancy,
which may be explained by the decline of interest in board expertise as the
advisory model ceded to the monitoring model.159 The appeal of consulting
was reinforced by how consultants can serve in capacities that are equivalent to
other gatekeepers – including independent directors, auditors, and lawyers –
but without associated burdens or liability risks.160 Under the mutually exclu-
sive approach, rules drive more experts off boards and into consulting. Yet if
expertise is desired on boards – as intuition, evidence, and brewing change
suggests – this framework requires adjustment. This is not to say that pris-
tine definitions of independence must be forsaken but that to appreciate that
zealous commitment to such purity carries a higher price than seems to be
appreciated.
2. Incentives
More acute talent pool contraction arises from the strange reality that, in
Delaware at least, independent directors enjoy extraordinary deference and
158 See Clarke, supra note 17, at 80 & 84.
159 See Gordon, supra note 16, at 1513–14 & n.185 (the “advisory board . . . included . . .
knowledgeable parties [who] could serve as a useful sounding board for the CEO, a kitchen
cabinet, and could provide expertise. . . . In an important sense, boards were an extension of
management. . . . Thus another way to understand the movement from the advisory to the
monitoring board is in terms of the rise of consultants, who can better provide cross-industry
expertise and strategic counseling than board members recruited by the CEO.”).
160 See Christopher D. McKenna, The World’s Newest Profession: Management Con-
sulting in the Twentieth Century (2006). True, also, is that expert consulting firms can
face liability risks for breach of contract or perhaps negligence when advice they give or
projects they contribute backfire in ways that breach contracts or constitute torts. But that kind
of liability exposure differs considerably from that imposed on recognized gatekeepers. Id.
face essentially no risk of judicial rebuke, whereas expert directors are held to
a higher standard of performance. These strange consequences follow from
the awkward structure of director duties, which traditionally are classified as
the duties of loyalty and care.161 Allegations of loyalty breaches are defended
by showing independence and that showing enables invoking the business
judgment rule under which discharge of the duty of care is presumed. So
directors able to establish their independence are rewarded with complete
deference under state law. The theory of this deference is that judges are not
competent to make business decisions (or at least are less competent than
independent directors).
In contrast, a director who is an expert suffers a burden rather than enjoying
a benefit. A director expert in financial matters, for example, is expected
to exercise that expertise. If one does not, that weakens the defense against
allegations of breaching any fiduciary duty.162 The doctrine purports to enable
judicial inferences from unexercised expertise that a person has acted with
volition – with scienter using securities law parlance or in breach of the duty of
loyalty in corporate law terms. Thus, directors are penalized for commanding
expertise but rewarded for independence.
Rewarding ignorance over knowledge is ironic. Moreover, to hold an expert
director liable for failing to exercise expertise, a judge must have first decided,
as a substantive matter, that a transaction was unfair, as when a merger price
is too low. Irony thickens: directors who are independent but nonexpert win
deference from judges who say they lack business acumen while directors who
are expert (without regard to independence) are second-guessed by those same
(self-confessed) incompetent judges.
Incrementally punishing expertise while privileging independence may not
matter much, of course, when few directors of any kind ever face personal
liability for any decisions they make. But to capitalize on the recognized value
of this expertise, policy should be alert to signals being sent. After all, signaling
norms is one of the few important functions that Delaware courts perform.
More important is how this stance conflicts with the concept of the division
of labor. Incentives for independence may be desirable to promote the optimal
mixture of independence and status expertise on a board and even to maintain
161 More recently, a splinter duty that Delaware courts call good faith has appeared, although it
is in fact a long-standing component of the other duties. See Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Duty
of Good Faith in Corporate Law, 31 Del. J. Corp. L. 1 (2005); see also Stone ex rel. AmSouth
Bancorp. v. Ritter, 911 A.2d 362 (Del. 2006) (acknowledging that any duty of good faith is a
component of the duty of loyalty).
162 See In re Emerging Commc’ns, Inc., Civil Action No. A-16415, 2004 WL 1305745, at 40 (Del.
Ch. May 3, 2004, rev’d June 4, 2004) (expert director liable for failing to use financial expertise
in testing financial fairness of cash out merger benefiting controlling shareholder).
some independence while adding substantive expertise. But as a matter of

intuition, extensively supported by empirical evidence, incentives should be
offered for substantive expertise, too.
Benefits of the division of labor are advanced by substantive expertise in
multiple disciplines not by increasing the outsider status of directors for the
sake of achieving outsider status. Encouraging substantive expertise should be
at least as important – or more so – than encouraging independence. Delaware
courts have to wrestle with this problem. The solution could include following
federal law, which provides that expert directors face no different or greater
legal duty or liability risk than other directors.163 Attracting valuable expertise
to boards of directors may depend on it.
V. CONCLUSION
Board independence has been the product of political compromise in most

corporate governance debates during the past several generations. It has been
possible for independence to be heralded so that all sides seem to get something
from it – a reduction in agency costs for investors (both equity and debt)
and protection of the interests of other corporate constituencies and perhaps
society. One consequence of the political dimension is absence of consensus
as to exactly what role independent directors are to play. While definitions of
independence are regularly rewritten, no one knows exactly what independent
directors are supposed to do and most evidence suggests that they do not do
anything particularly well.
Gestures in SOX signal a sharp, yet still inchoate, conception of expertise
on audit committees to promote superior financial reporting. Empirical evi-
dence suggests that this works – directors with accounting expertise on audit
committees are associated with more faithful financial reporting. However,
it remains to specify the functions and expectations for these experts, includ-
ing the role experts are to play in policing real earnings management and
the degree of conservatism to supply. Real earnings management raises ques-
tions about how involved such directors should be in nominally substantive
business decisions that amount to subterfuges to achieve accounting results;
conservatism compels asking for whom audit committee expert directors are
163 Notably, in its release adopting final rules on audit committee financial experts, the SEC
opined that neither the Sarbanes-Oxley Act nor the SEC regulations should affect liability,
under federal or state law, of directors designated as audit committee financial experts. See
Disclosure Required by Sections 406 and 407 of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Exchange
Act Release No. 47,235, 79 SEC Docket (CCH) 1077 (Jan. 23, 2003) (text accompanying notes
34–38).
trustees, particularly whether their conduct should be guided according to the

interests of equity or debt investors.
Taking the empirical evidence on expertise together with the history of
redefining independence, one can predict that, in the wake of future financial
scandals, reforms will redefine expertise, too. Reforms will most likely consider
using the SEC’s initial proposal and may even fiddle with the possibility
of mandating expertise. Debate probably will have to address exactly what
directors are supposed to do with their expertise. It seems prudent to begin
these discussions before the next scandals erupt – which might even delay
their timing, reduce their magnitude, or tame their character.
3 The CEO and the Board
On CEO Overconfidence and Institutionalizing Dissent
in Firms
I. INTRODUCTION
In describing the “effective executive,” Peter Drucker said:
Unless one has considered alternatives, one has a closed mind.

This, above all, explains why effective decision makers deliberately dis-
regard the second major command of the textbooks on decision making and
create dissension and disagreement, rather than consensus.
Decisions of the kind the executive has to make are not made well by
acclamation. They are made well only if based on the clash of conflicting
views, the dialogue between different points of view, the choice between
different judgments. The first rule in decision-making is that one does not
make a decision unless there is disagreement.1
He continued:
The effective decision-maker . . . organizes disagreement. This protects him

against being taken in by the plausible but false or incomplete. It gives him
the alternatives so that he can choose and make a decision, but also so that
1 Peter F. Drucker, The Effective Executive 148 (1985).

F. Scott Kieff is Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School, and Ray and
Louise Knowles Senior Fellow, Stanford University Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and
Peace. Troy A. Paredes is Professor of Law, Washington University in St. Louis, School of Law,
presently on leave for government service as a commissioner at the Securities and Exchange
Commission. Paredes worked on this chapter while working as a professor of law at Washington
University School of Law before being sworn in and taking office as a commissioner of the SEC;
the views expressed in this chapter are those of himself and Kieff and are not properly attributable
to the SEC. This chapter is part of the authors’ work on the Hoover Project on Commercializing
Innovation, which is available on the Web at www.innovation.hoover.org. Special thanks to
Chris Bracey, Bill Bratton, Kathleen Brickey, and Mike Meurer for their comments and insights.
This chapter is adapted from Troy A. Paredes, Too Much Pay, Too Much Deference: Behavioral
Corporate Finance, CEOs, and Corporate Governance, 32 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. 673 (2005).
96
The CEO and the Board 97
he is not lost in the fog when his decision proves deficient or wrong in
execution. And it forces the imagination – his own and that of his associates.
Disagreement converts the plausible into the right and the right into the good
decision.2
Managing a company as CEO is about making decisions. Making decisions

is not the hard part.3 The hard part, as Drucker suggests, is making good
decisions and then implementing them successfully.
Without question, chief executives make astute, effective decisions routinely
but not always.4 Lots of possibilities explain why bad decisions get made
and why even good decisions get implemented poorly. A CEO, for example,
may lack important information or suffer from a “blind spot,” failing, say, to
identify a competitor’s countermoves in response to the CEO’s initiative.5 A
CEO simply may not be up to the task of being CEO; he may not be well
equipped to run the company. Even a highly capable individual with very good
information may not manage the business successfully if she does not spend
enough time and effort thinking through issues in all of their complexity.
A CEO may make a bad decision from the company’s perspective and the
viewpoint of its stakeholders if the chief executive acts disloyally, such as by
“empire building” that manifests itself in imprudent acquisitions.6 And at least
from the perspective of the company’s shareholders, the CEO may make a bad
decision in aggressively fending off a bid for the company to entrench himself
as CEO.7 A chief executive who believes that she will be ousted unless there is
a major success (i.e., who believes that she is in a final period) may reasonably
conclude that there is little to lose personally by taking a big risk, even if it
jeopardizes the enterprise’s future. On the other hand, a CEO may be risk
2 Id. at 153. See also id. at 148–55 (more by Drucker on the role of disagreement in decision
making).
3 To be more precise, being seen as making decisions is not hard. But being seen as making
a decision is different from making one. When a leader or decision maker acts in the case
of a broad consensus that has welled up before him or her, the seeming act of leadership or
decision making is nothing more than an act of following.
4 For present purposes, I consider a decision that maximizes the value of the enterprise on an
expected basis to be effective or good.

5 See, e.g., Edward J. Zajac & Max H. Bazerman, Blind Spots in Industry and Competitor
Analysis: Implications of Interfirm (Mis)Perceptions for Strategic Decisions, 16 Acad. Mgmt.

Rev. 37 (1991); see also Colin Camerer & Dan Lovallo, Overconfidence and Excess Entry: An
Experimental Approach, 89 Am. Econ. Rev. 306 (1999).
6 See, e.g., Bernard S. Black, Bidder Overpayment in Takeovers, 41 Stan. L. Rev. 597, 626–28
(1999); John C. Coffee Jr., Regulating the Market for Corporate Control: A Critical Assessment
of the Tender Offer’s Role in Corporate Governance, 84 Colum. L. Rev. 1145, 1167–69, 1224–29,
1269–80 (1984).
7 Cf. Unocal Corp. v. Mesa Petroleum Co., 493 A.2d 946 (Del. 1985).
averse and thus too cautious. A CEO, for example, may manage the business
conservatively to protect his firm-specific human capital – in other words,
his job.
This catalog of well-studied types of ineffective CEO decision making essen-
tially breaks down into two categories. First, managers may make poor deci-
sions because of imperfect information; and second, managers may make poor
decisions because of traditional agency (or conflict-of-interest) problems.8 But
there is a third category that has more recently been receiving growing atten-
tion: poor business decisions that result from various psychological biases that
impact managerial decision making. The study of such psychological influ-
ences on managers is a focus of the field called behavioral corporate finance.9
The behavioral model of corporate decision making does not adhere to
the standard assumption that people are rational, and instead it openly takes
account of human psychology by focusing on how a range of cognitive biases
affect how executives decide things.10 When matters of managerial psychology
are addressed, the discussion tends to stress CEO overconfidence. The essen-
tial concern when it comes to CEO overconfidence is that a CEO may make
a bad decision by overvaluing projects or strategic initiatives, which leads the
CEO to make too much investment in them, thereby failing to maximize
8 On agency problems, see generally Eugene F. Fama, Agency Problems and the Theory of
the Firm, 88 J. Pol. Econ. 288 (1980); Eugene F. Fama & Michael C. Jensen, Separation
of Ownership and Control, 26 J.L. & Econ. 301 (1983); Michael C. Jensen & William H.
Meckling, Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure, 3
J. Fin. Econ. 305 (1976).
9 For a concise discussion, see Malcolm P. Baker et al., Behavioral Corporate Finance: A Survey
(2005), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=602902. For another excellent overview, see Max

H. Bazerman, Judgment in Managerial Decision Making (2002).
10 For a sampling from the growing field of behavioral law and economics that focuses on
corporate governance and securities regulation, see Stephen M. Bainbridge, Why a Board?
Group Decisionmaking in Corporate Governance, 55 Vand. L. Rev. 1 (2002); Lawrence A.
Cunningham, Behavioral Finance and Investor Governance, 59 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 767
(2002); Lynne L. Dallas, A Preliminary Inquiry into the Responsibility of Corporations and Their
Officers and Directors for Corporate Climate: The Psychology of Enron’s Demise, 35 Rutgers
L.J. 1 (2003); James A. Fanto, Quasi-Rationality in Action: A Study of Psychological Factors in
Merger Decision-Making, 62 Ohio St. L.J. 1333 (2001); Kimberly D. Krawiec, Accounting for
Greed: Unraveling the Rogue Trader Mystery, 79 Or. L. Rev. 301 (2000); Donald C. Langevoort,
Organized Illusions: A Behavioral Theory of Why Corporations Mislead Stock Market Investors
(and Cause Other Social Harms), 146 U. Pa. L. Rev. 101 (1997) [hereinafter Langevoort,
Organized Illusions]; Donald C. Langevoort, Taming the Animal Spirits of the Stock Markets:
A Behavioral Approach to Securities Regulation, 97 Nw. U. L. Rev. 135 (2002); Donald C.
Langevoort, The Organizational Psychology of Hyper-Competition: Corporate Irresponsibility
and the Lessons of Enron, 70 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 968 (2002); Robert Prentice, Whither
Securities Regulation? Some Behavioral Observations Regarding Proposals for Its Future, 51
Duke L.J. 1397 (2002). See also the symposium published by the Lewis & Clark Law Review
(2006), “Behavioral Analysis of Corporate Law: Instruction or Distraction?”
firm value or perhaps even destroying firm value. Put differently, the legiti-
mate worry is that a business decision is prone to turn out badly when, as a
result of overconfidence, a manager overestimates a project’s benefits while
underestimating its costs and risks.11
This chapter’s goal is to offer some suggestions to consider for improving
corporate decision making, with particular focus on the risk of overconfidence.
Corporate decision making may improve if senior management and the board
better appreciate the reasons poor decisions sometimes get made. To this end,
section II of this chapter amplifies the above introduction to CEO overconfi-
dence. The discussion briefly fleshes out how overconfidence can lead even
a well-intentioned CEO who is working diligently to maximize firm value
to make poor decisions. Simply recognizing the risk of overconfidence can
lead to better decision making as CEOs and the board take steps to guard
against it. Section III offers a particular suggestion for improving corporate
decision making, picking up on the thrust of Drucker’s statements quoted
above. Namely, section III discusses the prospect of institutionalizing dissent
in firms by appointing a member or members of the board of directors to serve
as a formal devil’s advocate. Formalizing the devil’s advocate function not only
might help debias and manage CEO overconfidence but also might improve
the flow of information and help identify and thus remedy conflicts of interest.
Section IV concludes.
II. SOME OBSERVATIONS ON CEO OVERCONFIDENCE
An extensive literature shows that people tend to be overconfident.12 The long

and short of overconfidence is that individuals tend to be overly optimistic
11Lovallo and Kahneman refer to managers who see business opportunities through “rose-colored
glasses,” in effect “setting themselves up for failure.” Dan Lovallo & Daniel Kahneman,
Delusions of Success: How Optimism Undermines Executives’ Decisions, Harv. Bus. Rev., July
2003, at 56, 57–58. Consider also the literature on the “hubris hypothesis” of takeovers and the
“winner’s curse.” See Richard H. Thaler, The Winner’s Curse: Paradoxes and Anomalies
of Economic Life (1992) [hereinafter Thaler, Winner’s Curse]; Richard Roll, The Hubris
Hypothesis of Corporate Takeovers, 59 J. Bus. 197 (1986); Richard H. Thaler, Anomalies: The
Winner’s Curse, J. Econ. Persp., Winter 1998, at 191 (1988); see also G. Anandalingam &
Henry C. Lucas Jr., Beware the Winner’s Curse: Victories That Can Sink You and
Your Company (2004).
12 As De Bondt and Thaler have noted, “[p]erhaps the most robust finding in the psychology of
judgment is that people are overconfident.” Werner F. M. De Bondt & Richard H. Thaler,
Financial Decision-Making in Markets and Firms: A Behavioral Perspective, in 9 Handbooks
in Operations Research and Management Science: Finance 385–410 (R.A. Jarrow et al.
eds., 1995).
The following discussion draws from a wide-ranging literature on overconfidence, overopti-
mism, and self-attribution biases. For a small sampling, see Stephen J. Choi & A. C. Pritchard,
about the future they have in some way selected as they place too much
faith in themselves and their ability to generate good results. Two ingredients
seem to mix to create overconfidence. Not only do people overestimate their
abilities, but they also tend to suffer from a so-called illusion of control – that
is, people tend to believe that they control outcomes more than they actually
do.13 Correspondingly, people tend to take too much credit for their success
and to blame other factors when they underperform. As a result, studies suggest
that prior success leads a person to become increasingly confident.14
For business, the risk is that an overconfident CEO will make bad busi-
ness decisions, at least in terms of expected payoffs. An overconfident CEO’s
assessment of business opportunities is not objective, but rather it accentu-
ates the benefits of some course of action while downplaying the costs and
uncertainties. In terms of any net-present-value calculation, this translates into
benefits that are perceived as too high and costs that are too low, causing the
risk of overinvestment as the CEO initiates and undertakes projects that in
reality have lower or even negative net present value. March and Shapira put
Behavioral Economics and the SEC, 56 Stan. L. Rev. 1, 28–30 (2003); Christine Jolls, Behav-
ioral Economics Analysis of Redistributive Legal Rules, 51 Vand. L. Rev. 1653, 1659–61 (1998);
Asher Koriat et al., Reasons for Confidence, 6 J. Experimental Psychol.: Hum. Learning
& Memory 107 (1980); Russell B. Korobkin & Thomas S. Ulen, Law and Behavioral Science:
Removing the Rationality Assumption from Law and Economics, 88 Cal. L. Rev. 1051, 1091–
95 (2000); Sarah Lichtenstein & Baruch Fischhoff, Do Those Who Know More Also Know
More About How Much They Know?, 20 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Performance
159 (1977); Paul J. Healy & Don A. Moore, The Trouble with Overconfidence (2007), available
at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1001821; Paul J. Healy & Don A. Moore, Bayesian Overconfidence
(2007), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1001820; Jeffrey J. Rachlinski, Misunderstanding
Ability, Misallocating Responsibility, 68 Brook. L. Rev. 1055, 1080–82 (2003). For work that
focuses on corporate decision making from which the discussion in this section II draws, see
infra note 16.
13 See, e.g., Daniel Kahneman & Dan Lovallo, Timid Choices and Bold Forecasts: A Cognitive
Perspective on Risk Taking, 39 Mgmt. Sci. 17, 27 (1993); Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10,
at 58–59; James G. March & Zur Shapira, Managerial Perspectives on Risk and Risk Taking,
33 Mgmt. Sci. 1404, 1410–11 (1987).
14 For additional consideration of this point and citations to the literature, see Troy A. Paredes,
Too Much Pay, Too Much Deference: Behavioral Corporate Finance, CEOs, and Corporate
Governance, 32 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. 673, 713–20 (2005).
Relatedly, managers may have “blind spots” leading them to underestimate the competition.
See, e.g., Zajac & Bazerman, supra note 4.
Further, commitment and confirmation biases can exacerbate the impact of overconfidence.
Individuals are prone to commit increasingly to a course of action once a decision has been
made and tend to search for and welcome evidence that confirms their choice while failing to
search for disconfirming evidence and discounting it when it is discovered. See, e.g., Choi &
Pritchard, supra note 11, at 30–33; Pamela R. Haunschild et al., Managerial Overcommitment
in Corporation Acquisition Processes, 5 Org. Sci. 528 (1994); Langevoort, Organized Illusions,
at 142–43; Barry M. Staw & Jerry Ross, Knowing When to Pull the Plug, Harv. Bus. Rev.,
Mar.–Apr. 1987, at 68.
it this way: “managers accept risks, in part, because they do not expect that
they will have to bear them.”15 Camerer and Lovallo similarly characterize
the impact of overconfidence: “Overconfidence predicts that agents will be
relatively insensitive to risk; indeed, when risk is high their overconfidence
might lead them to prefer riskier contracts because they think they can beat
the odds.”16 Overly aggressive business expansions, overpayment in acquisi-
tions, and rejections of premium bids for the company represent some of the
potential concrete consequences flowing from CEO overconfidence.17
We do not want to overstate the concern. Although studies support the
claim that CEOs are overconfident, it is hard to measure the extent of over-
confidence, and it is even more difficult to ascertain its impact on actual
business decisions. In fact, results that are consistent with overconfidence
might be attributable to imperfect information or conflicts of interest. More
15 March & Shapira, supra note 12, at 1411 (discussing managerial belief in the ability to control
risks, thereby distinguishing taking “good” risks from “gambling”).
16 Camerer & Lovallo, supra note 4, at 315. See also Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10, at 59
(explaining that managers’ “self-confidence can lead them to assume that they’ll be able to
avoid or easily overcome potential problems in executing a project”).
17 An extensive literature, both theoretical and empirical, has considered managerial overconfi-
dence and its impact on corporate decision making. See, e.g., Thaler, Winner’s Curse; Ball
et al., infra note 18; Roland Benabou & Jean Tirole, Self-Confidence and Personal Motivation,
117 Q.J. Econ. 871 (2002); Antonio Bernardo & Ivo Welch, On the Evolution of Overconfi-
dence and Entrepreneurs, 10 J. Econ. & Mgmt. Strategy 301 (2001); Marianne Bertrand &
Antoinette Schoar, Managing with Style: The Effect of Managers on Firm Policies, 118 Q.J.
Econ. 1169 (2003); Camerer & Lovallo, supra note 4; John A. Doukas & Dimitris Petmezas,
Acquisitions, Overconfident Managers and Self-Attribution Bias (working paper on file with Troy
Paredes); Simon Gervais & Itay Goldstein, Overconfidence and Team Coordination (Rodney L.
White Ctr. for Fin. Res., Working Paper No. 08–04, 2004), available at http://finance.wharton.
upenn.edu/∼rlwctr/papers/0408.pdf; Simon Gervais et al., infra note 27; Goel & Thakor, infra
note 27; Haunschild et al., supra note 13; Mathew L. A. Hayward & Donald C. Hambrick,
Explaining the Premiums Paid for Large Acquisitions: Evidence of CEO Hubris, 42 Admin. Sci.
Q. 103 (1997); J. B. Heaton, Managerial Optimism and Corporate Finance, 31 Fin. Mgmt. 33
(2002); Pekka Hietala et al., What Is the Price of Hubris? Using Takeover Battles to Infer Over-
payments and Synergies, 32 Fin. Mgmt. 5 (2003); Kahneman & Lovallo, supra note 12, at 24–29
(distinguishing between an “inside view” of a problem and an “outside view” in explaining
various causes and consequences of optimistic biases in organizations); Roderick M. Kramer,
The Harder They Fall, Harv. Bus. Rev., Oct. 2003, at 58 (discussing how overconfidence and
ego can lead to a CEO’s fall); Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10, at 58 (explaining how a
more objective “outside view” can act as a “reality check” that counteracts managerial over-
confidence); Dan Lovallo et al., Deals Without Delusions, Harv. Bus. Rev., Dec. 2007, at 92;
Ulrike Malmendier & Geoffrey Tate, Does Overconfidence Affect Corporate Investment? CEO
Overconfidence Measures Revisited, 11 Eur. Fin. Mgmt. 649 (2005); David M. Messick & Max
H. Bazerman, Ethical Leadership and the Psychology of Decision Making, Sloan Mgmt. Rev.,
Winter 1996, at 9; David de Meza & Clive Southey, The Borrower’s Curse: Optimism, Finance
and Entrepreneurship, 106 Econ. J. 375 (1996); Roll, supra note 10; Zajac & Bazerman, supra
note 4.
to the point, there is no bright line indicating when a CEO has become
overconfident. More importantly, while there is reason to be concerned about
CEO overconfidence, overconfidence may be self-correcting, at least for some
executives and at least to some degree. Studies indicate that feedback can help
debias overconfidence. In other words, CEOs can learn from their mistakes
and from the mistakes of others. For example, a CEO may infer the risk
of overconfidence by having himself overpaid in some earlier acquisition or
observing transactions involving other companies that were overly optimistic
and turned out poorly.
The central cause of trouble is that CEOs often do not receive the kind
of pointed feedback needed to remedy or avoid overconfidence. Rather, feed-
back is often noisy and delayed. As Zajac and Bazerman have explained,
the kind of “accurate and timely” feedback required to improve managerial
judgment
is rarely available [to managers] because (1) outcomes are commonly delayed
and not easily attributable to a particular action, (2) variability in the environ-
ment degrades the reliability of feedback, (3) there is often no information
about what the outcome would have been if another decision had been
made, and (4) many important decisions are unique and therefore provide
little opportunity for learning.18
While each of these reasons explains why the CEO may not know of more,
there are additional, incentive-based reasons why the CEO and others might
not want this information. For example, potential dissenters may not want to
take on the risk of challenging the CEO or others. The CEO also may not
want to be challenged.19
Even when a CEO makes a bad decision, plenty of other factors that the
CEO does not determine can plausibly be blamed for a bad outcome –
18 Zajac & Bazerman, supra note 4, at 42 (citing Amos Tversky & Daniel Kahneman, Rational
Choice and the Framing of Decisions, 59 J. Bus. S251, S274–75 (1986)). See also Sheryl B. Ball
et al., An Evaluation of Learning in the Bilateral Winner’s Curse, 48 Organizational Behav. &
Hum. Decision Processes 1 (1991); Kahneman & Lovallo, supra note 12, at 18 (explaining that
learning can occur “when closely similar problems are frequently encountered, especially if
the outcomes of decisions are quickly known and provide unequivocal feedback”). J. Edward
Russo & Paul J.H. Schoemaker, Managing Overconfidence, Sloan Mgmt. Rev., Winter 1992,
at 10 (“Overconfidence persists in spite of experience because we often fail to learn from
experience.”).
For more on feedback, see, for example, Garland, infra note 29; Therese A. Louie, Decision
Makers’ Hindsight Bias After Receiving Favorable and Unfavorable Feedback, 84 J. Applied
Psychol. 29 (1999); Rachlinski, infra note 29, at 1212; Stone & Opel, infra note 29; Zakay, infra
note 29.
19 For more on the relationships among these cognition and incentive effects, see Troy A. Paredes,
Too Much Pay, Too Much Deference: Behavioral Corporate Finance, CEOs, and Corporate
Governance, 32 Fla. St. U. L. Rev. 673, 702-736 (2005).
climbing interest rates, an economic slowdown, bad lawyers, bad bankers, an

unforeseen regulatory change or judicial opinion, and so on. Further, it can
be years before a bad decision is identified as a failure – again, with lots of
intervening events along the way to take the blame. In addition, a manager
can always reasonably claim that she made a good decision, even when the
outcome is bad, given that business is inherently risky. Put differently, an
executive can deflect responsibility by pointing out that business failures are
an unavoidable cost of taking action and doing business and that a CEO who
never fails is not taking enough risks.20
Whether or not learning debiases managerial overconfidence, markets may
keep it in check.21 In this view, product market competition, capital market
pressures, the market for corporate control, and the market for management,
or some combination thereof, discipline executives to run their companies
profitably. The implication is that ineffective managers – such as those prone
to make bad decisions as a result of overconfidence (or otherwise) – either will
be chased from the market or will improve their decision making. In short, the
argument is that overconfident CEOs (and the companies they run) cannot
survive.
This market discipline argument has currency, but it also has limits. First,
although CEO turnover has appeared to increase in more recent years –
especially since the collapse of Enron and WorldCom, as boards have become
more demanding of management – a company still has to struggle considerably
for some period of time before the CEO is removed.22 A great deal of firm
value can be destroyed during the period of underperformance leading to a
CEO’s displacement. When the chief executive finally is replaced, there are
no guarantees that the new CEO will successfully turn things around. The
damage already done may be irreparable. Even if things can be turned around,
it takes time to craft and implement a new strategy.
Second, capital market discipline does not bite particularly hard for a com-
pany that does not have to tap capital markets to any meaningful extent to
meet its business needs.
20 Cf. Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10, at 58: “According to standard economic theory, the
high failure rates are simple to explain: The frequency of poor outcomes is an unavoidable
result of companies taking rational risks in uncertain situations. Entrepreneurs and managers
know and accept the odds because the rewards of success are sufficiently enticing. In the long
run, the gains from a few successes will outweigh the losses from many failures.”
21 For discussions of the disciplining effect of markets, see, for example, Black, supra note 5, at
630–32; Langevoort, supra note 9, at 148.

22 See, e.g., Making Companies Work, Economist, Oct. 25, 2003, at 14–15; Eric Dash, Boards
More Likely to Oust Underperforming Chief Executives, a Study Finds, N.Y. Times, May 22,
2007, at C6; Patrick McGeehan, Study Finds Number of Chiefs Forced to Leave Jobs Is Up,
N.Y. Times, May 12, 2003, at C5.
Third, boards of directors can adopt defensive tactics that fend off unsolicited
bids, thus undercutting the disciplining effect of hostile takeovers.
Fourth, market discipline is thought to remedy conventional agency prob-
lems by incentivizing managers to maximize shareholder value. However,
debiasing CEOs who are overconfident is not primarily about encouraging
CEOs to focus on running the business profitably instead of helping them-
selves. In addition, CEO overconfidence is not about conflicts of interest
between the CEO and shareholders; it is about unconscious psychological
biases that can impact well-intentioned, hardworking CEOs. Put differently,
there is somewhat of a mismatch between the solution of market discipline
and the problem of cognitive bias. In fact, studies have shown that greater
accountability can actually worsen the CEO overconfidence problem.23
23 See Philip E. Tetlock, The Impact of Accountability on Judgment and Choice: Toward a Social
Contingency Model, in 25 Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 331, 344–59
(Mark P. Zanna ed., 1992) (explaining that “defensive bolstering” – that is, “efforts to generate
as many justifications as possible” – can lead to greater confidence and commitment); Hal R.
Arkes, Costs and Benefits of Judgment Errors: Implications for Debiasing, 110 Psychol. Bull.
486, 493 (1991) (“Incentives are not effective in debiasing association-based errors because
motivated subjects will merely perform the sub-optimal behavior with more enthusiasm. An
even more assiduous search for confirmatory evidence will not lower one’s over-confidence
to an appropriate confidence level.”); Christina L. Brown, “Do the Right Thing:” Diverging
Effects of Accountability in a Managerial Context, 18 Marketing Sci. 230, 231 (1999) (“[S]ince
accountability can encourage defensive thinking or ‘bolstering,’ it may create overconfidence
in one’s predictions and encourage decision makers to stick with a losing course of action. This
leads to the discouraging implication that accountability can distort decisionmaking exactly
when it makes its adherents feel more certain they are ‘doing the right thing.’” (citations
omitted)); id. at 244 (“This effect is exacerbated if accountability also creates overconfidence
in one’s predictions, either because providing reasons for one’s predictions makes one more
confident (whether or not the reasons are good ones), or because concern over being evaluated
encourages one to express one’s ideas more confidently (whether or not one is genuinely con-
fident).”); Jennifer S. Lerner & Philip E. Tetlock, Accounting for the Effects of Accountability,
125 Psychol. Bull. 255, 257 (1999) (“Defensive bolstering should also lead people to generate
as many reasons as they can why they are right and potential critics are wrong. This gener-
ation of thoughts consistent with one’s views then leads people to hold even more extreme
opinions.” (citations omitted)); id. at 258 (“Research on attitude change reveals that people
who sense that an audience wants to control their beliefs will often respond to the threat to
their autonomy by asserting their own views all the more vigorously.”); Philip E. Tetlock &
Richard Boettger, Accountability: A Social Magnifier of the Dilution Effect, 57 J. Personality
& Social Psychol. 388 (1989); Philip E. Tetlock & Jae Il Kim, Accountability and Judgment
Processes in a Personality Prediction Task, 52 J. Personality & Social Psychol. 700 (1987).
See also Mark Seidenfeld, Cognitive Loafing, Social Conformity, and Judicial Review of Agency
Rulemaking, 87 Cornell L. Rev. 486, 508–26 (2002) (summarizing accountability literature).
For others suggesting a similar mismatch, see, e.g., Koriat et al., supra note 11, at 117 (“Working
harder will have little effect unless combined with a task restructuring that facilitates more
optimal cognitive functioning.”); Amos Tversky & Daniel Kahneman, Rational Choice and the
Framing of Decisions, 59 J. Bus. S251, S274–75 (1986) (explaining that there is little experimental
support for the view that “proper incentives” remedy cognitive bias).
Beyond all of this, it is important to acknowledge that CEO overconfidence

is not necessarily bad and something that needs to be rooted out. An over-
confident CEO ultimately may advance the best interests of the corporation,
at least compared to the prospect of a halting chief executive. The clarity of
purpose, commitment, and charisma that mark effective CEOs may best be
realized when a CEO is overconfident.
First, to be effective, a CEO needs to be decisive and willing and able to
act quickly when necessary.24 More to the point, incrementalism is not always
feasible in business; boldness often is called for. And once a decision is made,
a CEO has to be confident and determined enough to push through adversity,
as there will always be challenges and doubts. Put bluntly, overconfidence
can give managers the guts to take the risks and make the business changes
necessary for a company to remain competitive, even if it sometimes means
they take too much risk.25
Second, an overconfident CEO can be an inspiring leader. A charismatic,
self-confident chief executive can boost morale and motivate others in the
organization to work hard.26
Third, by projecting confidence, a top executive can signal to competitors a
plan, willingness, and ability to compete aggressively that may give the CEO
and her company an advantage in future business dealings.27
Fourth, overconfidence may offset a CEO’s incentive to be cautious to avoid
jeopardizing his job.28 A CEO who is risk averse, managing to the downside,
24 See Langevoort, Organized Illusions, at 153 (explaining that the benefit of a determined focus
is that it can “avoid the informational paralysis that often comes from seeing and thus dwelling
on too many risks or opportunities” and that “[h]igh levels of self-esteem and self-efficacy are
associated with aggressiveness, perseverance, and optimal risk-taking”).
25 Cf. Clayton M. Christensen, The Innovator’s Dilemma: When New Technologies
Cause Great Firms to Fail (1997); Clayton M. Christensen & Michael E. Raynor,
The Innovator’s Solution: Creating and Sustaining Successful Growth (2003). These
works reflect the view that companies have to continue to innovate to succeed over the long
run.
26 Maccoby expressed a similar sentiment as follows: “Why do we go along for the ride with
narcissistic leaders? Because the upside is enormous. . . . When narcissists win, they win big.
Narcissists create a vision to change the world; they are bold risk takers who think and act
independently, pursuing their vision with great passion and perseverance. This is exactly the
kind of leader we expect to take us to places we’ve never been before, to build empires out
of nothing.” Michael Maccoby, The Productive Narcissist: The Promise and Peril of
Visionary Leadership xiv (2003). See also Rakesh Khurana, Searching for a Corporate
Savior: The Irrational Quest for Charismatic CEOs (2002).
27 See generally Andrew D. Brown, Narcissism, Identity, and Legitimacy, 22 Acad. Mgmt. Rev.
643 (1997) (summarizing literature regarding reputation and signaling).

28 On the prospect of overconfidence counterbalancing CEO risk aversion, see, for exam-
ple, Simon Gervais et al., Overconfidence, Investment Policy, and Executive Stock Options
(Rodney L. White Ctr. for Fin. Res., Working Paper No. 15–02, 2003), available at
usually does not maximize the firm’s value, although it is recognized that
when everything in the market is going down, this strategy may actually turn
out best for the firm.
Where does this leave things when it comes to CEO overconfidence? There
are pros and cons of overconfidence; not every CEO is overconfident to the
same degree; and a given CEO may be overconfident to different degrees –
including not at all – under different circumstances. In other words, there is a
great deal of uncertainty when trying to assess CEO overconfidence generally,
let alone with respect to a particular chief executive.
That said, it is important for all constituents to recognize the risk of over-
confidence to position themselves to guard against it. Metacognition concerns
thinking about and understanding how one thinks. Alerting a chief executive
to her cognitive tendencies can mitigate flawed decision making.29 Put simply,
recognizing overconfidence can itself go a long way toward remedying it to
the extent it is a problem. A CEO who recognizes and accepts that she may be
overconfident can institute decision-making techniques, such as seeking out
disagreement (as Drucker urges) and explicitly interrogating her own assump-
tions and analysis. A loyal manager looking to maximize firm value has an
incentive to try and make better decisions once she realizes her own cognitive
shortcomings and biased judgment.
It is important to underscore that the goal is not to avoid taking risks. Busi-
nesses have to take risks to survive. Rather, the goal is for CEOs and the
companies they run to avoid taking excessive risks unknowingly. Overconfi-
dence can lead to the inadvertent taking of unrecognized risks.
http://ssrn.com/abstract=361200 (showing that CEO overconfidence and optimism can ame-

liorate conflicts of interest between risk-averse managers and shareholders); Anand Mohan
Goel & Anjan V. Thakor, Rationality, Overconfidence and Leadership 29 (Univ. of Mich. Bus.
Sch., Working Paper No. 00–022, 2000), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=244999 (“CEO
overconfidence turns out to be a virtue for risk-neutral shareholders . . . because it helps over-
come to some extent the risk aversion of managers and thus closes the ‘preference gap’ between
shareholders and managers.”).
29 See Metacognition, Cognition, and Human Performance (D.L. Forrest-Pressley et al.
eds., 1985); Mahzarin R. Banaji et al., How (Un)ethical Are You?, Harv. Bus. Rev., Dec. 2003,
at 56–58 (explaining that to remedy bias, “managers must bring a new type of vigilance to bear.
To begin, this requires letting go of the notion that our conscious attitudes always represent
what we think they do. It also demands that we abandon our faith in our own objectivity and
our ability to be fair.”); Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10, at 61 (“Simply understanding
the sources of overoptimism can help planners challenge assumptions, bring in alternative
perspectives, and in general take a balanced view of the future.”); Russo & Schoemaker, supra
note 17, at 8–11, 13–15 (discussing the debiasing effects of metaknowledge – that is, knowing
what you do not know – and explaining that “awareness alone may be all that is needed”
to remedy overconfidence); Staw & Ross, supra note 13, at 71 (explaining that, to counteract
overcommitment, “[t]he most important thing for managers to realize is that they may be
biased toward escalation”).
III. DEVIL’S ADVOCATE
Generally, better business decisions result when a firm’s corporate governance

structure is designed to promote a full airing of issues. In other words, some
degree of disagreement is important. An engaging deliberative process not
only ensures that information is uncovered and shared but also can help
ensure that conflicts of interest manifest themselves. Furthermore, studies
show that dissent can mitigate overconfidence.30 By considering arguments
30 The discussion of dissent in this section III draws from an extensive literature. See, e.g., Bazer-
man, supra note 8, at 155–59; Cass R. Sunstein, Why Societies Need Dissent (2003); Using
Conflict in Organizations (Carsten De Dreu & Evert Van De Vliert eds., 1997); Hal R.
Arkes, Costs and Benefits of Judgment Errors: Implications for Debiasing, 110 Psychol. Bull.
486, 494 (1991); Hal R. Arkes et al., Two Methods of Reducing Overconfidence, 39 Organiza-
tional Behavior & Human Decision Processes 133, 141–42 (1987); William K. Balzer et al.,
Effects of Cognitive Feedback on Performance, 106 Psychol. Bull. 410 (1989); Carsten K.W.
De Dreu & Michael A. West, Minority Dissent and Team Innovation: The Importance of Partic-
ipation in Decision Making, 86 J. Applied Psychol. 1191 (2001); Baruch Fischhoff, Debiasing,
in Judgment Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases (Daniel Kahneman et al. eds.,
1982), at 422; Howard Garland et al., De-Escalation of Commitment in Oil Exploration: When
Sunk Costs and Negative Feedback Coincide, 75 J. Applied Psychol. 721 (1990); Heather
K. Gerken, Dissenting by Deciding, 57 Stan. L. Rev. 1745 (2005); Theodore T. Herbert &
Ralph W. Estes, Improving Executive Decisions by Formalizing Dissent: The Corporate Devil’s
Advocate, 2 Acad. Mgmt. Rev. 662 (1977); Stephen J. Hoch, Counterfactual Reasoning and
Accuracy in Predicting Personal Events, 11 J. Experimental Psychol.: Learning Memory &
Cognition 719 (1985); Koriat et al., supra note 11; Kramer, supra note 16, at 64–66; Laura J.
Kray & Adam D. Galinsky, The Debiasing Effect of Counterfactual Mind-Sets: Increasing the
Search for Disconfirmatory Information in Group Decisions, 91 Organizational Behav. &
Hum. Decision Processes 69 (2003); Martin Landau & Donald Chisholm, The Arrogance of
Optimism: Notes on Failure-Avoidance Management, 3 J. Contingencies & Crisis Mgmt.
67 (1995); Charles G. Lord et al., Considering the Opposite: A Corrective Strategy for Social
Judgment, 47 J. Personality & Social Psychol. 1231 (1984); Messick & Bazerman, supra
note 16, at 20; Charlan Jeanne Nemeth, Dissent as Driving Cognition, Attitudes, and Judg-
ments, 13 Social Cognition 273 (1995); Charlan Jeanne Nemeth, Differential Contributions
of Majority and Minority Influence, 93 Psychol. Rev. 23 (1986); Charlan Nemeth & Cyn-
thia Chiles, Modelling Courage: The Role of Dissent in Fostering Independence, 18 Eur. J.
Social Psychol. 275 (1988); Charlan Nemeth et al., Devil’s Advocate Versus Authentic Dis-
sent: Stimulating Quantity and Quality, 31 Eur. J. Social Psychol. 707 (2001); Randall S.
Peterson & Charlan J. Nemeth, Focus Versus Flexibility: Majority and Minority Influence
Can Both Improve Performance, 22 Personality & Social Psychol. Bull. 14 (1996); Ran-
dall S. Peterson et al., Group Dynamics in Top Management Teams: Groupthink, Vigilance,
and Alternative Models of Organizational Failure and Success, 73 Organizational Behav.
& Hum. Decision Processes 272 (1998); S. Plous, A Comparison of Strategies for Reducing
Interval Overconfidence in Group Judgments, 80 J. Applied Psychol. 443 (1995); Jeffrey J.
Rachlinski, The Uncertain Psychological Case for Paternalism, 97 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1165, 1214
(2003); William Remus et al., Does Feedback Improve the Accuracy of Recurrent Judgmental
Forecasts?, 66 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 22 (1996); Russo &
Schoemaker, supra note 18, at 10–13; Stefan Schulz-Hardt et al., Productive Conflict in Group
against some course of action – such as by asking probing questions and follow-
ups, challenging key assumptions, focusing on counterfactuals, or developing
other options – risks become more salient to a decision maker and she may
realize that she exerts less control over outcomes than she thought. Relatedly,
research shows that conflict in decision making can spawn creativity and
open-mindedness and more expansive thinking.
At bottom, dissent in a firm can help ensure that a more informed and
balanced assessment of some course of conduct prevails and that more business
options are considered. In addition, the careful exploration of contrasting views
often leads to a fulsome ventilation of ideas, thereby revealing the reasons
for particular decisions; and the elucidation of those reasons ex ante can
help managers better manage whatever problems eventually arise from those
decisions, ex post.
Presumably, more dissent exists today in boardrooms and executive suites
in Sarbanes-Oxley’s wake than did in the past.31 Nonetheless, companies still
Decision Making: Genuine and Contrived Dissent as Strategies to Counteract Biased Informa-
tion Seeking, 88 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 563 (2002); David M.
Schweiger et al., Group Approaches for Improving Strategic Decision Making: A Comparative
Analysis of Dialectical Inquiry, Devil’s Advocacy, and Consensus, 29 Acad. Mgmt. J. 51 (1986);
David M. Schweiger et al., Experiential Effects of Dialectical Inquiry, Devil’s Advocacy, and
Consensus Approaches to Strategic Decision Making, 32 Acad. Mgmt. J. 745 (1989); Charles
R. Schwenk, Devil’s Advocacy in Managerial Decision-Making, 21 J. Mgmt. Stud. 153 (1984);
Charles Schwenk, A Meta-Analysis on the Comparative Effectiveness of Devil’s Advocacy and
Dialectical Inquiry, 10 Strategic Mgmt. J. 303 (1989); Charles R. Schwenk, Effects of Devil’s
Advocacy and Dialectical Inquiry on Decision Making: A Meta-Analysis, 47 Organizational
Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 161 (1990); Charles R. Schwenk & Richard A. Cosier,
Effects of the Expert, Devil’s Advocate, and Dialectical Inquiry Methods on Prediction Perfor-
mance, 26 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Performance 409 (1980); Charles Schwenk &
Joseph S. Valacich, Effects of Devil’s Advocacy and Dialectical Inquiry on Individuals Versus
Groups, 59 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 210 (1994); Eric R. Stone &
Ryan B. Opel, Training to Improve Calibration and Discrimination: The Effects of Performance
and Environmental Feedback, 83 Organizational Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 282
(2000); Dan N. Stone et al., Formalized Dissent and Cognitive Complexity in Group Processes
and Performance, 25 Decision Sci. 243 (1994); Cass R. Sunstein, Group Judgments: Statistical
Means, Deliberation, and Information Markets, 80 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 962 (2005); David Trafimow
& Janet A. Sniezek, Perceived Expertise and Its Effect on Confidence, 57 Organizational
Behav. & Hum. Decision Processes 290 (1994); Vincent A. Warther, Board Effectiveness
and Board Dissent: A Model of the Board’s Relationship to Management and Shareholders, 4 J.
Corp. Fin. 53 (1998); Dan Zakay, The Influence of Computerized Feedback on Overconfidence
in Knowledge, 11 Behav. & Info. Tech. 329 (1992).
31 See generally Alan Murray, Revolt in the Boardroom: The New Rules of Power in
Corporate America (2007); Arthur Levitt Jr., The Imperial CEO Is No More, Wall St. J.,
Mar. 17, 2005, at A16; Joann S. Lublin & Erin White, Deferential No More, Directors Are
Speaking Out More Often: When Is Dissent Dysfunctional?, Wall St. J., Oct. 2, 2006, at B1;
Alan Murray, Calling Ebbers and Other CEOs to Account, Wall St. J., Feb. 23, 2005, at A2.
might consider whether more should be done in this regard to improve cor-
porate decision making, at least when it comes to especially material matters.
One possibility is to formally appoint a devil’s advocate from the board of
directors to participate in corporate decision making, an idea that has received
some attention recently.32
32 See Colin B. Carter & Jay W. Lorsch, Back to the Drawing Board: Designing Cor-
porate Boards for a Complex World 174–75 (2004) (proposing that boards appoint a
“designated critic” as a means of “legitimizing dissent” to better ensure that management
is challenged but without creating “resentment and conflict”); Randall Morck, Behavioral
Finance in Corporate Governance – Independent Directors and Non-Executive Chairs (Nat’l
Bureau of Econ. Res., Working Paper No. 10644, 2004) (recommending that nonexecutive
chairmen of the board and independent directors counter the psychological tendency of indi-
viduals to obey authority), available at http://www.nber.org/papers/w10644; Barry Nalebuff
& Ian Ayres, Why Not? How to Use Everyday Ingenuity to Solve Problems Big and
Small 6–9 (2003) (arguing that boards should identify a devil’s advocate to make counter-
arguments and in effect to ask “Why not?” pursue some alternative course of action when
presented with a proposal); Marleen A. O’Connor, The Enron Board: The Perils of Groupthink,
71 U. Cin. L. Rev. 1233, 1304–06 (2003) (advocating a devil’s advocate on the board to counter
groupthink); Harold J. Ruvoldt Jr., A Way to Get to “What if . . . ?,” Directors & Boards,
Fall 2003, at 31, 33 (stressing the importance of directors asking, “What if?” and suggesting the
development of “black papers” to articulate the worst-case scenario); cf. David Gray, Wanted:
Chief Ignorance Officer, Harv. Bus. Rev., Nov. 2003, at 22 (explaining that ignorance is a “pre-
cious resource,” in part because it can spawn new ideas); Diane L. Coutu, Putting Leaders on
the Couch: A Conversation with Manfred F.R. Kets de Vries, Harv. Bus. Rev., Jan. 2004, at 70
(quoting Manfred F.R. Kets de Vries as saying that leaders, including CEOs, need a “fool” or,
more generally, “people with a healthy disrespect for the boss – people who feel free to express
emotions and opinions openly, who can engage in active give-and-take”); Lynne L. Dallas, The
Multiple Roles of Corporate Boards of Directors, 40 San Diego L. Rev. 781, 784–86, 817–18
(2003) (recommending “business review boards” that would be charged with evaluating busi-
ness decisions); James A. Fanto, Whistleblowing and the Public Director: Countering Corporate
Inner Circles, 83 Or. L. Rev. 435, 490–524 (2004) (advocating the election of so-called public
directors who would bring an “oppositional” attitude to boards to counter groupthink). See also
Jay Lorsch, Pawns or Potentates: The Reality of America’s Corporate Boards 91–93,
182–83 (1989); Myles L. Mace, Directors: Myth and Reality 52–65, 180, 186–88 (1986)
(discussing the role of the board when it comes to “asking discerning questions”). For a rele-
vant assessment focusing on the CEO, see Bob Fifer & Gordon Quick, The Enlightened
CEO: How to Succeed at the Toughest Job in Business (2007).
Kahneman and Lovallo have suggested a complementary approach, emphasizing that man-
agers should take an outside view when evaluating a project. In particular, to introduce more
objectivity into forecasting, the outside view would have managers: (1) select a reference class
for the proposed project, (2) assess the distribution of outcomes, (3) make an intuitive prediction
of the project’s position in the distribution, (4) assess the reliability of one’s prediction, and (5)
correct the intuitive estimate. Lovallo & Kahneman, supra note 10, at 62; see also Kahneman
& Lovallo, supra note 12.
For another discussion of the importance of dissent in corporations, see Jeffrey A. Sonnenfeld,
What Makes Great Boards Great, Harv. Bus. Rev., Sept. 2002, at 106. Sonnenfeld explains:
If you’re the CEO, don’t punish mavericks or dissenters, even if they’re sometimes pains
in the neck. Dissent is not the same thing as disloyalty. Use your own resistance as an
A key benefit of actually appointing a formal devil’s advocate as part of

corporate decision making is that it institutionalizes dissent in the firm. This
may be most important when it comes to ensuring that the CEO does not
dominate decision making. With a devil’s advocate appointed, tough, persis-
tent questioning does not depend on directors or subordinate officers deciding
to step forward to press the CEO, which can be difficult. Rather, it becomes
the specific job of an identified director or small group of directors to develop
counterarguments, ask pointed questions, challenge assumptions, and other-
wise ensure an open and frank discussion of issues. Even if a CEO says that
he welcomes disagreement, individuals may be reluctant to take him at his
word and may thus temper their probing or simply go along. Furthermore,
once a devil’s advocate speaks up, others on the board and in the senior man-
agement ranks may be more comfortable speaking out and contributing their
independent views.
The devil’s advocate function could be implemented in many different
ways. That said, some features of the approach come to mind as particularly
important.
First, directors serving in the devil’s advocate role need access to good
information. Good information will equip the devil’s advocate to ask hard
questions that are worth asking, to sniff out misleading or evasive answers,
and to offer helpful alternatives. Second, the director must not be concerned
about the potential costs of expressing an opposing view to the CEO. In other
words, the director must be independent – that is, not beholden to or otherwise
unduly under the control or other influence of the CEO. To aid in this regard,
opportunity to learn. Probe silent board members for their opinions, and ask them to
justify their positions. If you’re asked to join a board, say no if you detect pressure to
conform to the majority. Leave a board if the CEO expects obedience. Otherwise, you
put your wealth and reputation – as well as the assets and reputation of the company –
at risk.
Id. at 110. See also Kenneth R. Andrews, Corporate Strategy as a Vital Function of the Board,
Harv. Bus. Rev., Nov.–Dec. 1981, at 174; Kathleen M. Eisenhardt et al., How Management
Teams Can Have a Good Fight, Harv. Bus. Rev., July–Aug. 1997, at 77; Lovallo et al., supra
note 16; see generally J. Edward Russo & Paul J.H. Schoemaker, Winning Decisions
(2002).
For an influential treatment, see Irving L. Janis, Groupthink: Psychological Studies
of Policy Decisions and Fiascoes (2d ed. 1982).
The idea of appointing one or more directors to serve as a devil’s advocate suggests that there
is room for the board to serve a more active managerial role. For excellent discussions of the
different models of boards of directors, see the chapters by Lawrence Mitchell and Lawrence
Cunningham. See also Melvin A. Eisenberg, The Structure of the Corporation: A
Legal Analysis (1976); Lorsch, supra; Mace, supra.
A company’s decision to institute a devil’s advocate should be voluntary. One could imagine
that enhanced dissent could in effect be mandated through evolving fiduciary duties. For an
assessment of such an eventuality, see Paredes, supra note 13, at 747–57.
it might be prudent to rotate the devil’s advocate role among directors or even
to randomly choose which director will serve this function when a particular
issue meriting serious consideration arises. Third, individuals serving as a
devil’s advocate should have sufficient stature so that they and their views
are respected and taken seriously. Fourth, the devil’s advocate needs to take
her responsibility seriously, spending enough time and effort to do the job
earnestly and effectively. Simply going through the motions, having adopted
a check-the-box approach to dissent, could do more harm than good. If the
devil’s advocate does not approach her task diligently, she risks being ignored
and may simply provide cover for a bad decision. Fifth, it may be important
to ensure that an individual serving as devil’s advocate does not have any, or
at least not too much, ambition of becoming CEO herself.33 Otherwise, she
may exploit her role as devil’s advocate to undercut and ultimately edge out
the incumbent CEO. It is one thing for the devil’s advocate to dissent in the
spirit of trying to ensure a good decision is reached. It is another thing for the
devil’s advocate to compete for power.
This fifth point suggests a troubling risk inherent in appointing a devil’s
advocate or otherwise institutionalizing dissent in an organization. It is impor-
tant that the devil’s advocate does not take himself too seriously and actively
try to block a course of action the CEO prefers after appropriate reflection.
The devil’s advocate is not a co-CEO and is not there to usurp the CEO’s
role. Rather, the devil’s advocate exists to ensure that information is disclosed,
arguments are heard, risks are recognized, assumptions are studied, and flawed
logic is exposed. In other words, the devil’s advocate function exists to improve
the CEO’s decision making, as well as that of the board; the purpose is not to
wrest power from the CEO or even to unduly influence the rest of the board. A
word of caution for the rest of the board, then, is in order. The other directors
should seriously engage and consider the devil’s advocate’s views and probing
but should not readily defer to the devil’s advocate. There is no reason to
presume that the devil’s advocate is right. The board also should avoid rushing
to question whether the CEO is right for the company if the CEO changes
his or her mind in response to the devil’s advocate. The board should not rush
33 Cf. Robert F. Felton & Simon C.Y. Wong, How to Separate the Roles of Chairman and CEO,
McKinsey Q., No. 4, 2004, at 59, stating about nonexecutive chairs:
For chairmen, the most important characteristic – over and above the usual ones, such
as integrity and leadership ability – is a lack of ambition to be CEO: only someone
content to serve in a secondary, behind-the-scenes role can have a productive and
trusting relationship with the chief executive. The lack of rivalry fosters cooperation,
eases the flow of information, and helps chairmen to serve as effective mentors to CEOs
and to revel in their success.
Id. at 65.
to see the CEO as too tentative or, worse yet, as lacking the judgment and
knowledge required to succeed as the business’s top executive.
The added challenge in instituting a devil’s advocate is to get the benefit of
dissent without too much disruption or ill will being fostered or causing things
to grind to a halt. At a minimum, a CEO who has to tend to a devil’s advocate
may be distracted from other serious matters and may become frustrated and
even demoralized when faced with repeated questioning. More to the point,
when disagreement focuses attention on risk, a CEO might be dissuaded
from taking even prudent risks and might become too tentative. In other
words, dissent may push a CEO off good business decisions and turn even an
overconfident CEO into a weak one. Even if the CEO remains committed
to some course of action, the earlier dissent may undercut the conviction
with which others implement the CEO’s decision. Support for the CEO and
his initiatives may wane so that good decisions do not get the organizational
support needed to succeed. At the same time, well-recognized team-building
strategies can go a long way toward mitigating these risks.
Given these general guideposts, before implementing the devil’s advocate
role, a company should consider its own particular needs and circumstances,
including the rest of its corporate governance structure. No single approach
is optimal for each firm or each circumstance. Indeed, an active lead director
or nonexecutive chairman of the board may already ensure adequate dissent
within a firm,34 as might a chief risk officer. And some chief executives bring a
trusted senior adviser on board to provide the chief executive counsel, which
presumably includes asking tough questions and delivering bad news, as one
would expect from a devil’s advocate.35
IV. CONCLUSION
A fundamental goal of corporate governance is to ensure that corporate exec-

utives and directors make good business decisions. Given the complexity of
business, making good decisions is not easy. Even well-intentioned individuals
who are working earnestly and in good faith to run a business successfully will
make mistakes, sometimes disastrous ones. Accordingly, it is important that
we constantly strive to find ways to improve corporate decision making.
This chapter explores the problem of CEO overconfidence and the possible
solution of a devil’s advocate on the board. The chapter connects and extends
34 Cf. John Roberts et al., Beyond Agency Conceptions of the Work of the Non-Executive Director:
Creating Accountability in the Boardroom, 16 British J. Mgmt. S5 (2005).
35 Cf. David A. Nadler, Confessions of a Trusted Counselor, Harv. Bus. Rev., Sept. 2005, at 68.
a wealth of diverse literatures from different areas of study – management,

economics, psychology, law, political science, and so on – to explore some
of the ways this solution can help solve this problem. The chapter’s authors
themselves are sufficiently aware of the overconfidence problem that we rec-
ognize the proposals we explore here also are fraught with their own serious
limitations and so should not be received with too much confidence. For
example, the strategies offered here for mitigating problems of overconfidence
bring with them other risks, including having the devil’s advocate try too hard
to compete for the CEO’s job, having the devil’s advocate be seen as a mere
straw man whose ideas never have any value, and having the team as a whole
not act as a sufficiently coherent team after decisions have been made. While
well-known techniques for maintaining team spirit can mitigate these risks,
the net benefit or cost of any set of strategies will vary across different settings.
In addition, while procedures may succeed in mitigating overconfidence in
some ways, they may still lead to their own form of overconfidence in other
ways. For example, a decision-making process that includes rich ventilation of
concerns about issues of one type may yield a decision that is not sufficiently
robust to issues of a second type, leaving the CEO potentially overconfident
about problems relating to that second type.
At bottom, the overall effort toward better management can be advanced
when corporate governance takes into account managerial psychology, in
addition to managerial incentives. That said, it is critical that we do not assume
that we know more than we actually do about how corporate actors make
decisions and exercise judgment. While it is prudent to consider psychology,
we must appreciate that important gaps remain in our understanding of how
people make choices and why. Because we still have a great deal to learn
about decision making, we need to be cautious and deliberate in making
recommendations for reforming corporate governance based on our present
understanding of managerial psychology.
part two
THE WHY, WHEN,

HOW, AND HOW
MUCH OF
EXECUTIVE PAY
4 Pay Without Performance
Overview of the Issues
Lucian A. Bebchuk and Jesse M. Fried
I. INTRODUCTION
In our recent book Pay without Performance,1 and in several accompanying

and subsequent papers,2 we seek to provide a full account of how managerial
power and influence have shaped executive compensation in publicly traded
U.S. companies. Financial economists studying executive compensation have
typically assumed that pay arrangements are produced by arm’s-length con-
tracting, contracting between executives attempting to get the best possible
1
Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Pay Without Performance: The Unfulfilled
Promise of Executive Compensation (2004). Earlier articles by us on which the book
draws include Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Executive Compensation as an Agency
Problem, 17 J. Econ. Persp. 71 (2003); Lucian A. Bebchuk, Jesse M. Fried, & David I. Walker,
Managerial Power and Rent Extraction in the Design of Executive Compensation, 69 U. Chi.
L. Rev. 751 (2002).
2 These studies include Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Executive Compensation at
Fannie Mae: A Case Study of Perverse Incentives, Nonperformance Pay, and Camouflage, 30
J. Corp. L. 807 (2005); Lucian A. Bebchuk & Robert Jackson Jr., Executive Pensions, 30 J.
Corp. L. 823 (2005); Lucian A. Bebchuk & Yaniv Grinstein, The Growth of Executive Pay, 21
Oxford Rev. Econ. Pol’y 282 (Summer 2005); Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Stealth
Compensation via Retirement Benefits, 2 Berkeley Bus. L.J. 291 (2004); Lucian A. Bebchuk &
Yaniv Grinstein, Firm Expansion and CEO Pay (2005) (unpublished manuscript, on file with
Lucian A. Bebchuk).
Lucian A. Bebchuk is William J. Friedman and Alicia Townsend Friedman Professor of Law,
Economics, and Finance and Director of the Program on Corporate Governance, Harvard Law
School, and Research Associate, National Bureau of Economic Research. Jesse M. Fried is
Professor of Law, Harvard Law School. For financial support, the authors would like to thank
the John M. Olin Center for Law, Economics, and Business; the Guggenheim Foundation; the
Lens Foundation for Corporate Excellence; and the Nathan Cummins Foundations (Bebchuk);
and the Boalt Hall Fund and the University of California, Berkeley, Committee on Research
(Fried). This piece was originally published in the Journal of Corporation Law and subsequently
reprinted with minor adjustments in the Journal of Applied Corporate Finance and Academy of
Management Perspectives. This version reflects some additional revisions.
117
118 Lucian A. Bebchuk and Jesse M. Fried
deal for themselves, and boards trying to get the best possible deal for share-
holders. This assumption has also been the basis for the corporate law rules
governing the subject. We aim to show, however, that the pay-setting process
in U.S. public companies has strayed far from the arm’s-length model.
Our analysis indicates that managerial power has played a key role in shap-
ing executive pay. The pervasive role of managerial power can explain much of
the contemporary landscape of executive compensation, including practices
and patterns that have long puzzled financial economists. We also show that
managerial influence over the design of pay arrangements has produced con-
siderable distortions in these arrangements, resulting in costs to investors and
the economy. This influence has led to compensation schemes that weaken
managers’ incentives to increase firm value and even create incentives to take
actions that reduce long-term firm value.
The dramatic rise in CEO pay during the past two decades has been the
subject of much public criticism, which intensified following the corporate
governance scandals that began erupting in late 2001. The wave of corporate
scandals shook confidence in the performance of public company boards and
drew attention to possible flaws in their executive compensation practices. As
a result, there is now widespread recognition that many boards have employed
compensation arrangements that do not serve shareholders’ interests. But there
is still substantial disagreement about the scope and source of such problems
and, not surprisingly, about how to address them.
Many take the view that concerns about executive compensation have been
exaggerated. Some maintain that flawed compensation arrangements have
been limited to a relatively small number of firms and that most boards have
carried out effectively their role of setting executive pay. Others concede that
flaws in compensation arrangements have been widespread but maintain that
those flaws have resulted from honest mistakes and misperceptions on the
part of boards seeking to serve shareholders. According to this view, now that
the problems have been recognized, corporate boards can be expected to fix
them on their own. Still others argue that even though regulatory intervention
was necessary, recent reforms that strengthen director independence will fully
address past problems; once the reforms are implemented, boards can be
expected to adopt shareholder-serving pay policies.
Our work seeks to persuade readers that such complacency is unwarranted.
To begin with, flawed compensation arrangements have not been limited to
a small number of bad apples; they have been widespread, persistent, and
systemic. Furthermore, the problems have not resulted from temporary mis-
takes or lapses of judgment that boards can be expected to correct on their
own. Rather, they have stemmed from structural defects in the underlying
Pay Without Performance 119
governance structure that enable executives to exert considerable influence

over their boards. The absence of effective arm’s-length dealing under today’s
system of corporate governance has been the primary source of problem-
atic compensation arrangements. Finally, while recent reforms that seek to
increase board independence will likely improve matters, they will not be
sufficient to make boards adequately accountable. Much more needs to be
done.
Another broader aim of our work has been to contribute to a better under-
standing of some basic problems with the U.S. corporate governance system.
The study of executive compensation opens a window through which we can
examine our current reliance on boards to act as guardians of shareholders’
interests. Our corporate governance system gives boards substantial power
and counts on them to monitor and supervise company managers. As long
as corporate directors are believed to carry out their tasks for the benefit of
shareholders, current governance arrangements, which insulate boards from
intervention by shareholders, appear acceptable. Our analysis of the executive
pay landscape casts doubt on the validity of this belief and on the wisdom of
insulating boards from shareholders.
A full understanding of the flaws in current compensation arrangements,
and in the governance processes that have produced them, is necessary to
address these problems. After providing a full account of the existing problems,
our work also puts forward a set of proposals that could be considered for
improving both executive pay and corporate governance. We provide detailed
suggestions for how both the amount of pay and its performance sensitivity
could be made more transparent. Such transparency will provide a better
check on managers’ power to influence their own pay. It will also eliminate
existing incentives to choose compensation arrangements that are less efficient
but more effective in camouflaging either the amount of pay or its insensitivity
to managers’ own performance.
Furthermore, our analysis of the many ways in which pay schemes weaken
or distort managerial incentives provides a basis for examining how corporate
boards could strengthen the link between pay and performance and thereby
improve incentives. Finally, we put forward a number of reforms that would
make directors not only more independent of insiders but also more dependent
on shareholders, thus improving board accountability to shareholders. Such
reforms could well offer the most promising route for improving executive
compensation and corporate governance more generally.
In this chapter, we outline some of the main elements of our critique of con-
temporary executive compensation and corporate governance arrangements,
as well as some suggested reforms. We start by describing the limitations of
the official arm’s-length model of executive compensation. We then turn to

the managerial power perspective. We show that managerial influence can
explain many features of the compensation landscape, and we explain how
this influence has led to opaque and distorted pay arrangements. We conclude
with a discussion of suggestions for making pay more transparent, improving
the design of pay arrangements, and increasing board accountability.
Before proceeding, we want to emphasize that our critique of existing pay
arrangements and pay-setting processes does not imply that most directors and
executives have acted less ethically than others would have in their place.
Our problem is not with the moral caliber of directors and executives but
with the system of arrangements and incentives within which directors and
executives operate. As currently structured, the U.S. corporate governance
system unavoidably creates incentives and psychological and social forces that
distort pay choices. Such incentives and forces can be expected to lead most
people serving as directors to go along with arrangements that favor their
firms’ executives, as long as these arrangements are consistent with prevailing
practices and conventions and thus not difficult to justify to themselves and
to others. If we were to maintain the basic structure of the system and merely
replace current directors and executives with a different set of individuals, the
new directors and executives would be exposed to the very same incentives
and forces as their predecessors, and by and large, we would not expect them
to act any differently. To address the flaws in the pay-setting process, we need
to change the governance arrangements that produce such distortions.
II. THE STAKES
What is at stake in the debate over executive pay? Some might question whether
executive compensation has a significant economic impact on shareholders
and the economy. The problems with executive compensation, it might be
argued, do not much affect shareholders’ bottom line and instead are mainly
symbolic. However, the questions of whether and to what extent pay arrange-
ments are flawed are important for shareholders and policy makers because
defects in these arrangements can impose substantial costs on shareholders.
Let’s start with the excess pay that managers receive as a result of their
power – that is, the difference between what managers’ influence enables
them to obtain and what they would get under arm’s-length contracting. As
a recent study by Yaniv Grinstein and one of us documents in detail,3 the
amounts involved are hardly pocket change for shareholders. Among other
3 Bebchuk & Grinstein, The Growth of Executive Pay, supra note 2.

table 4.1. Aggregate top-five compensation, 1993–2003 (in $ billions)
Period All ExecuComp firms Non-ExecuComp firms All firms

1993–2003 212 139 351
1993–1997 68 55 123
1999–2003 122 70 192
Source: Lucian A. Bebchuk, The Case for Increasing Shareholder Power, 118 Harv. L. Rev.
833 (2005).
things, this study provides figures for aggregate compensation of the top five
executives of publicly traded U.S. firms. According to the study’s estimates,
which are shown in Table 4.1, these companies paid their top five executives a
total of $351 billion during the eleven-year period from 1993 to 2003, with about
$192 billion of this amount paid during the five-year period from 1999 to 2003.
Note that the aggregate compensation figures reported by the study reflect only
those amounts reported in each firm’s annual summary compensation table.
As will be discussed later, standard executive compensation data sets (like
the ExecuComp data set used in the study) omit many significant forms of
compensation, such as the substantial amounts of retirement benefits received
by executives. Thus, the aggregate compensation figures may significantly
understate the actual compensation received by firms’ top executives during
this period.
Table 4.1 shows aggregate compensation paid by a large set of public firms
to their top five executives. The set of firms includes all ExecuComp firms
and Compustat firms with a market capitalization larger than $50 million,
except for firms for which there is no net income information in Compustat as
well as real estate investment trusts, mutual funds, and other investment funds
(SIC codes 67XX). All figures are in 2002 dollars. The compensation paid to
executives of non-ExecuComp firms is estimated using the coefficients from
annual regressions of compensation on firm characteristics in ExecuComp
firms.
Table 4.2 displays the ratio of the aggregate top-five compensation paid
by publicly traded U.S. firms to their aggregate corporate earnings. Such
aggregate compensation accounted for 6.6 percent of the aggregate earnings
(net income) of publicly traded U.S. firms during the period from 1993 to
2003. Moreover, during the most recent three-year period examined by the
study (2001–2003), aggregate top-five compensation jumped to 9.8 percent
of aggregate earnings, up from 5 percent during the period from 1993 to
1995. Income information is obtained from Compustat, and the estimates
table 4.2. Compensation and corporate earnings
Aggregate top-five compensation

Period to aggregate earnings (%)
Three-year periods 1993–1995 5.0
1994–1996 4.9
1995–1997 5.2
1996–1998 5.5
1997–1999 6.0
1998–2000 6.5
1999–2001 8.6
2000–2002 12.8
2001–2003 9.8
Five-year periods 1993–1997 5.2
1999–2003 8.1
Full period 1993–2003 6.6
Source: Lucian A. Bebchuk, The Case for Increasing Shareholder Power, 118 Harv.
L. Rev. 833 (2005).
of aggregate top-five compensation are calculated in the same way as in

Table 4.1.
These figures indicate that if compensation levels could be cut without
weakening managerial incentives, the gain to investors would not be merely
symbolic. It would have a discernible effect on corporate earnings. But excess
pay is unlikely to be the only or even the main cost of current compensation
practices. Managers’ influence over their compensation arrangements can
result in the weakening and distortion of managerial incentives. In our view,
the dilution and distortion of incentives could well impose a larger cost on
shareholders than excessive compensation per se.
Existing pay arrangements have been producing two types of incentive
problems. First, compensation arrangements have provided weaker incentives
to increase shareholder value than would have been provided under arm’s-
length contracting. Both the nonequity and equity components of managerial
compensation have been more severely decoupled from managers’ contribu-
tions to company performance than appearances might suggest. Making pay
more sensitive to performance could therefore have substantial benefits for
shareholders.
Second, prevailing practices not only fail to provide cost-effective incentives
to increase value but also create perverse incentives. For example, managers’
broad freedom to unload company options and stock can lead them to act in
ways that reduce shareholder value. Executives who expect to unload shares
have incentives to report misleading results, suppress bad news, and choose
projects and strategies that are less transparent to the market. The efficiency
costs of such distortions may well exceed – possibly by a large margin –
whatever liquidity or risk-bearing benefits executives obtain from being able to
unload their options and shares at will. Similarly, because existing pay practices
often reward managers for increasing firm size, they provide executives with
incentives to pursue expansion through acquisitions or other means, even
when that strategy is value reducing.
III. THE ARM’S-LENGTH CONTRACTING VIEW
According to the official view of executive compensation, in setting pay

arrangements, corporate boards are guided solely by shareholder interests and
operate at arm’s length from the executives whose pay they set. The premise
that boards contract at arm’s length with executives has long been and remains
a central tenet in the corporate world and in most research on executive com-
pensation by financial economists. In the corporate world, the official view
serves as the practical basis for legal rules and public policy. It is used to
justify directors’ compensation decisions to shareholders, policy makers, and
courts. These decisions are portrayed as being made largely with shareholders’
interests at heart and therefore deserving of deference.
The premise of arm’s-length contracting has also been shared by most of the
research on executive compensation. Managers’ influence over directors has
been recognized by those writing on the subject from legal, organizational, and
sociological perspectives, as well as by media commentary on executive pay.
But the vast majority of research on executive pay has been done by financial
economists, and most of their work assumes that corporate boards adopt pay
arrangements that serve shareholders by providing managers with cost-effective
incentives to maximize value. Because boards and executives operating at
arm’s length have incentives to avoid inefficient provisions, the arm’s-length
contracting view has led researchers to assume that executive compensation
arrangements will tend to increase value.4 Some financial economists, whose
studies we discuss at length in our book, have reported findings that they
viewed as inconsistent with the arm’s-length model.5 However, most work in
4 See Bebchuk, Fried, & Walker, supra note 1; Bebchuk & Fried, Executive Compensation as
an Agency Problem, supra note 1 (noting that the link between arm’s-length contracting and
efficient arrangements has led us to label arm’s-length contracting as “efficient contracting” or
“optimal contracting” in some of our earlier work).
5 See, e.g., Marianne Bertrand & Sendhil Mullainathan, Are CEOs Rewarded for Luck? The
Ones Without Principals Are, 116 Q.J. Econ. 901 (2001); Olivier Jean Blanchard et al., What
the field has started from the premise of arm’s-length contracting between
boards and executives.
Financial economists, both theorists and empiricists, have largely worked
within the arm’s-length model in attempting to explain common com-
pensation arrangements and differences in compensation practices among
companies.6 In fact, upon discovering practices that appear inconsistent with
the cost-effective provision of incentives, financial economists have labored to
come up with clever explanations for how such practices might be consistent
with arm’s-length contracting after all. Practices for which no explanation has
been found have been described as anomalies or puzzles that will ultimately
either be explained within the paradigm or disappear.
In our book, we identified many compensation practices that are difficult
to understand under the arm’s-length contracting view but that can readily be
explained by managerial influence over the pay-setting process. In response,
critics suggested reasons some of these practices could still have an explanation
within an arm’s-length contracting framework and argued that we therefore
have not succeeded in completely ruling out the possibility of arm’s-length
dealing. For example, in response to our account of the significant extent
to which pay is decoupled from performance, Core, Guay, and Thomas
argued that there are circumstances in which large amounts of nonperfor-
mance pay might be desirable.7 Similarly, in response to our criticism of the
widespread failure of firms to adopt option plans that filter out windfalls, both
Gordon and Holmstrom argue that our analysis has not completely ruled out
the possibility of explaining such failure within the arm’s-length contracting
model.8
These arguments reflect an implicit presumption in favor of arm’s-length
contracting: pay arrangements are assumed to be the product of arm’s-
length contracting unless one can prove otherwise. The presumption of arm’s-
length contracting, however, does not seem warranted. As we discuss below, an
Do Firms Do with Cash Windfalls?, 36 J. Fin. Econ. 337 (1994); David Yermack, Good Timing:
CEO Stock Option Awards and Company News Announcements, 52 J. Fin. 449 (1997).
6 For surveys from this perspective in the finance and economics literature, see, e.g., John M.
Abowd & David S. Kaplan, Executive Compensation: Six Questions That Need Answering,
J. Econ. Persp., Fall 1999, at 145; John E. Core et al., Executive Equity Compensation and
Incentives: A Survey, 9 Econ. Pol’y Rev. 27 (2003).
7 See, e.g., John E. Core et al., Is U.S. CEO Compensation Inefficient Pay Without Performance?,
103 Mich. L. Rev. 1142 (2005).

8 See Jeffrey Gordon, Executive Compensation: If There’s a Problem, What’s the Remedy? The
Case for “Compensation Disclosure and Analysis,” 30 J. Corp. L. 675 (2005); Bengt Holmstrom,
Pay Without Performance and the Managerial Power Hypothesis: A Comment, 30 J. Corp. L.
703 (2005).
examination of the pay-setting process suggests that managerial influence is

likely to play a key role. Thus, given the a priori likelihood of managerial influ-
ence, the burden of proof should be on those who argue that the executive pay
arrangements are not significantly shaped by such influence. In any event, the
fact that financial economists continue to implicitly or explicitly use arm’s-
length contracting as their baseline presumption indicates the dominance and
power of this long-held view.
IV. LIMITS OF THE ARM’S-LENGTH VIEW
The official arm’s-length story is neat, tractable, and reassuring. But it fails
to account for the realities of executive compensation. The arm’s-length con-
tracting view recognizes that managers are subject to an agency problem and
do not automatically seek to maximize shareholder value. The potential diver-
gence between managers’ and shareholders’ interests makes it important to
provide managers with adequate incentives. Under the arm’s-length contract-
ing view, the board attempts to provide such incentives cost-effectively through
managers’ compensation packages. But just as there is no reason to assume
that managers automatically seek to maximize shareholder value, there is no
reason to expect that directors will, either. Indeed, an analysis of directors’
incentives and circumstances suggests that director behavior is also subject to
an agency problem.
Directors have had and continue to have various economic incentives to
support, or at least to go along with, arrangements that favor the company’s
top executives. A variety of social and psychological factors – collegiality, team
spirit, a natural desire to avoid conflict in the board, friendship and loyalty, and
cognitive dissonance – exert additional pull in that direction. Although many
directors own some stock in their companies, their ownership positions are too
small to give them a financial incentive to take the personally costly, or at the
very least unpleasant, route of resisting compensation arrangements sought by
executives. In addition, limitations on time and resources have made it difficult
for even well-intentioned directors to do their pay-setting job properly. Finally,
the market constraints within which directors operate are far from tight and
do not prevent deviations from arm’s-length contracting outcomes in favor of
executives. Below we briefly discuss each of these factors.
A. Incentives to Be Reelected
Besides an attractive salary, a directorship is also likely to provide prestige
and valuable business and social connections. The financial and nonfinancial
benefits of holding a board seat naturally give directors an interest in keeping

their positions.
In a world where shareholders select individual directors, board members
might have an incentive to develop reputations as shareholder serving. Typ-
ically, however, the director slate proposed by management is the only one
offered. The key to retaining a board position is thus being placed on the
company’s slate. And because the CEO has had significant influence over
the nomination process, displeasing the CEO has been likely to hurt one’s
chances of being put on the company slate. Directors thus have an incentive to
go along with the CEO’s pay arrangement, a matter dear to the CEO’s heart,
at least as long as the compensation package remains within the range of what
can plausibly be defended and justified. In addition, developing a reputation
as a director who blocks compensation arrangements sought by executives can
only hurt a director’s chances of being invited to join other boards.
The new stock exchange listing requirements, which attempt to give inde-
pendent directors a greater role in director nominations, weaken but do not
eliminate executives’ influence over director nominations. The CEO’s wishes
can be expected to continue to influence the decisions of the nominating
committee; after all, the directors appointed to the board are expected to
work closely with the CEO. As a practical matter, director candidates who are
opposed by the CEO are not expected to be offered board nomination and
would likely decline nomination if it were offered.9 Even if the CEO had no
influence over nominations, members of the nominating committee would
be unlikely to look favorably on an individual who has taken a tough position
on the CEO’s pay. They might wish to avoid the friction and unpleasantness
accompanying disputes over the CEO’s pay or might simply side with the
CEO because of the other factors discussed below.
B. CEO Power to Benefit Directors

There are a variety of ways in which CEOs can benefit individual directors
or board members as a group. For one thing, CEOs have influence over
director compensation. As the company leader, usually as a board member,
and often as board chairman, the CEO can choose to either discourage or
encourage director pay increases. Independent directors who are generous
toward the CEO might reasonably expect the CEO to use his or her bully
9 Daniel Nasaw, Opening the Board: The Fight Is on to Determine Who Will Guide the Selection
of Directors in the Future, Wall St. J., Oct. 27, 2003, at R8.
pulpit to support higher director compensation. At a minimum, generous

treatment of the CEO contributes to an atmosphere that is conducive to
generous treatment of directors. And, in fact, a study finds that companies
with higher CEO compensation have higher director compensation as well –
and that such high pay levels appear to reflect insider “cooperation” rather
than superior corporate performance.10
In addition, CEOs have often used their power over corporate resources to
reward individual directors who were particularly cooperative. The new stock
exchange listing standards place some limits on the ability of CEOs to reward
independent directors, but they do leave CEOs with substantial power in this
area. For example, the requirements allow the company to pay $100,000 in
additional compensation to an independent director. And there is no limit
to how much the firm can pay an independent director’s immediate family
members, as long as they are nonexecutive employees.
Similarly, the requirements limit but do not prohibit business dealings
between a company and an independent director’s firm, and they place abso-
lutely no limit on the company’s dealings with the director’s firm before or
after the director qualifies for independent director status. The standards also
permit unlimited contributions to charitable organizations that independent
directors run, are affiliated with, or simply favor. In sum, executives’ control
over corporate resources continues to enable them to provide many directors
with rewards. These rewards generally outweigh the small, direct personal cost
to most directors of approving pay arrangements that fail to serve shareholder
interests.
C. Friendship and Loyalty

Many independent directors have some prior social connection to the com-
pany’s CEO or other senior executives. Even directors who did not know
the CEO before their appointment may well have begun their service with a
sense of obligation and loyalty to the CEO. The CEO often will have been
involved in recruiting the director to the board. As a result, directors often start
serving with a reservoir of goodwill toward the CEO, which will contribute
to a tendency to favor the CEO on compensation matters. This kind of reci-
procity is expected and observed in many social and professional contexts. Not
surprisingly, studies find that compensation committees whose chairs have
10 Ivan E. Brick et al., CEO Compensation, Director Compensation, and Firm Performance:
Evidence of Cronyism, 12 J. Corp. Fin. 403 (2006).
been appointed after the CEO takes office have tended to award higher CEO
compensation.11
D. Collegiality and Authority

In addition to friendship and loyalty considerations, there are other social
and psychological forces that make it difficult for directors to resist executive-
serving compensation arrangements. The CEO is the directors’ colleague, and
directors are generally expected to treat their fellow directors collegially. The
CEO is also the company’s leader, the person whose decisions and visions
have the most influence on the firm’s future direction. In most circumstances,
directors treat the CEO with respect and substantial deference. Switching hats
to contract at arm’s length with one’s colleague and leader is naturally difficult.
E. Cognitive Dissonance and Solidarity

Many members of compensation committees are current and former execu-
tives of other companies. Because individuals have a tendency to develop views
that are consistent with their self-interest, executives and former executives are
likely to have formed beliefs that support the type of pay arrangements from
which they themselves have benefited. An executive who has benefited from
a conventional option plan, for example, is more likely to resist the view that
such plans provide executives with excessive windfalls.
Further reinforcing such cognitive dissonance, an executive who serves as
a director in another firm might identify and feel some solidarity or sympathy
with that firm’s executives. She naturally would be inclined to treat these
executives the same way she would like to be treated. Not surprisingly, there is
evidence that CEO pay is correlated with the pay levels of the outside directors
serving on the compensation committee.12
F. The Small Cost of Favoring Executives

Directors typically own only a small fraction of the firm’s shares. As a result,
the direct personal cost to board members of approving compensation arrange-
ments that are too favorable to executives – the reduction in the value of
their shareholdings – is small. This cost is therefore unlikely to outweigh the
11Brian G. Main et al., The CEO, the Board of Directors, and Executive Compensation: Economic
and Psychological Perspectives, 4 Indus. Corp. Change 293 (1995).
12 Id.
economic incentives and social and psychological factors that induce directors
to go along with pay schemes that favor executives.
G. Ratcheting
It is now widely recognized that the rise in executive compensation has in part
been driven by many boards seeking to pay their CEOs more than the industry
average. This widespread practice has led to an ever-increasing average and a
continuous escalation of executive pay.13 A review of reports of compensation
committees in large companies indicates that a large majority of them used
peer groups in determining pay and set compensation at or above the 50th
percentile of the peer group.14 Such ratcheting is consistent with a picture
of boards that do not seek to get the best deal for their shareholders but are
happy to go along with whatever can be justified as consistent with prevailing
practices.
H. Limits of Market Forces

Some writers have argued that, even if directors are under the considerable
influence of corporate executives, market forces will cause boards and exec-
utives to adopt the compensation arrangements that arm’s-length contracting
would produce. Our analysis, however, finds that market forces are neither
sufficiently fine-tuned nor sufficiently powerful to compel such outcomes.
The markets for capital, corporate control, and managerial labor impose some
constraints on executive compensation. But these constraints are by no means
stringent, and they permit substantial deviations from arm’s-length contracting.
Consider, for example, the market for corporate control – the threat of
a takeover. Most companies have substantial defenses against takeovers. For
example, a majority of companies have a staggered board, which prevents a
hostile acquirer from gaining control before two annual elections are held
and often enables incumbent managers to block hostile bids that are attractive
to shareholders. To overcome incumbent opposition, a hostile bidder must
be prepared to pay a substantial premium.15 The disciplinary force of the
market for corporate control is further weakened by the prevalence of golden
13 Kevin J. Murphy, Executive Compensation, in Handbook of Labor Economics 2485, 2517–18

(Orley Ashenfelter & David Card eds., 1999).
14 John M. Bizjak et al., Has the Use of Peer Groups Contributed to Higher Levels of Executive
Compensation? (2000) (unpublished manuscript, on file with Jesse M. Fried).

15 Lucian Bebchuk et al., The Powerful Antitakeover Force of Staggered Boards: Theory, Evidence,
and Policy, 54 Stan. L. Rev. 887 (2002).

parachute provisions, as well as by payoffs made by acquirers to target managers

to facilitate the acquisition. The market for corporate control thus exerts little
disciplining force on managers and boards, leaving them with considerable
slack and the ability to negotiate manager-favoring pay arrangements.
I. New CEOs
Some critics of our work have assumed that our analysis of managerial influ-
ence does not apply when boards negotiate pay with a CEO candidate from
outside the firm.16 However, while such negotiations might be closer to the
arm’s-length model than negotiations with an incumbent CEO, they still fall
quite short of this benchmark.
Among other things, directors negotiating with an outside CEO candidate
know that after the candidate becomes CEO, he or she will have influence
over their renomination to the board and over their compensation and perks.
The directors will also wish to have good personal and working relationships
with the individual who is expected to become the firm’s leader and a fellow
board member. And while agreeing to a pay package that favors the outside
CEO imposes little financial cost on directors, a breakdown in the negoti-
ations, which might embarrass the directors and force them to reopen the
CEO selection process, would be personally costly to them. Finally, directors’
limited time forces them to rely on information shaped and presented by the
company’s human resources staff and compensation consultants, all of whom
have incentives to please the incoming CEO.
J. Firing of Executives
Some have suggested that the increased willingness of directors to fire CEOs
over the past decade, especially in recent years, provides evidence that boards
do in fact deal with CEOs at arm’s length.17 However, firings are still limited to
unusual situations in which the CEO is accused of legal or ethical violations or
is viewed by revolting shareholders as having a record of terrible performance.
Without strong outside pressure to fire the CEO, mere mediocrity is far from
enough to get a CEO pushed out. Furthermore, in the rare cases in which
boards fire executives, boards often provide the departing executives with
benefits beyond those required by the contract to sweeten the CEO’s departure
16 Kevin J. Murphy, Explaining Executive Compensation: Managerial Power vs. the Perceived
Cost of Stock Options, 69 U. Chi. L. Rev. 847 (2002).
17 See, e.g., Holman W. Jenkins, Outrageous CEO Pay Revisited, Wall St. J., Oct. 2, 2002, at
A17.
and alleviate the directors’ guilt and discomfort. All in all, boards’ record of
dealing with failed executives does not support the view that boards treat CEOs
at arm’s length.
In sum, a realistic picture of the incentives and circumstances of board
members reveals many incentives and tendencies that lead directors to behave
very differently than boards contracting at arm’s length with their executives
over pay. Recent reforms, such as the new stock exchange listing requirements,
may weaken some of these factors but will not eliminate them. Without addi-
tional reforms, the pay-setting process will continue to deviate substantially
from arm’s-length contracting.
VI. POWER AND PAY
The same factors that limit the usefulness of the arm’s-length model in explain-
ing executive compensation suggest that executives have had substantial influ-
ence over their own pay. Compensation arrangements have often deviated
from arm’s-length contracting, because directors have been influenced by
management, insufficiently motivated to insist on shareholder-serving com-
pensation, or simply ineffectual. Executives’ influence over directors has
enabled them to obtain rents, or benefits greater than those obtainable under
true arm’s-length contracting.
In our work, we find that the role of managerial power can explain many
aspects of the executive compensation landscape. It is worth emphasizing
that our conclusion is not based on the amount of compensation received
by executives. In our view, high absolute levels of pay do not by themselves
imply that compensation arrangements deviate from arm’s-length contracting.
Our finding that such deviations have been common is based primarily on an
analysis of the process by which pay is set and an examination of the inefficient,
distorted, and nontransparent structure of pay arrangements that emerge from
this process. For us, the smoking gun of managerial influence over pay is not
high levels of pay but such things as the correlation between power and pay,
the systematic use of compensation practices that obscure the amount and
performance insensitivity of pay, and the showering of gratuitous benefits on
departing executives.
A. Power-Pay Relationships
Although top executives generally have some degree of influence over their
boards, the extent of their influence depends on various features of the com-
pany’s governance structure. The managerial power approach predicts that
executives who have more power should receive higher pay – or pay that is
less sensitive to performance – than their less powerful counterparts. A sub-
stantial body of evidence does indicate that pay is higher, and less sensitive to
performance, when executives have more power.
First, there is evidence that executive compensation is higher when the
board is relatively weak or ineffectual vis-à-vis the CEO. In particular, CEO
compensation is higher: (1) when the board is large, which makes it more
difficult for directors to organize in opposition to the CEO; (2) when more of
the outside directors have been appointed by the CEO, which could cause
them to feel gratitude or obligation to the CEO; and (3) when outside directors
serve on three or more boards, and thus are more likely to be distracted.18 Also,
CEO pay is between 20 percent and 40 percent higher if the CEO is the
chairman of the board, and it is negatively correlated with the stock ownership
of compensation committee members.19
Second, studies find a negative correlation between the presence of a large
outside shareholder and pay arrangements that favor executives. A large outside
shareholder might engage in closer monitoring and thereby reduce managers’
influence over their compensation. One study finds a negative correlation
between the equity ownership of the largest shareholder and the amount of
CEO compensation. More specifically, doubling the percentage ownership
of a large outside shareholder is associated with a 12–14 percent reduction in
a CEO’s nonsalary compensation.20 Another study finds that CEOs in com-
panies without a 5 percent (or larger) outside shareholder tend to receive
more “luck-based” pay – that is, pay associated with profit increases that
are generated entirely by external factors (such as changes in oil prices and
exchange rates) rather than by managers’ own efforts.21 This study also finds
that, in companies lacking large, outside shareholders, boards make smaller
reductions in cash compensation when they increase CEOs’ option-based
compensation.
Third, there is evidence linking executive pay to the concentration of institu-
tional shareholders, which are more likely to monitor the CEO and the board.
One study finds that more concentrated institutional ownership leads to lower
and more performance-sensitive compensation.22 Another study finds that the
18 John E. Core et al., Corporate Governance, Chief Executive Compensation, and Firm Perfor-
mance, 51 J. Fin. Econ. 371 (1999).
19 Id.; Richard M. Cyert et al., Corporate Governance, Takeovers, and Top-Management Com-
pensation: Theory and Evidence, 48 Mgmt. Sci. 453 (2002).

20 Cyert et al., supra note 19.
21 Marianne Bertrand & Sendhil Mullainathan, Agents With and Without Principals, Am. Econ.
Rev., May 2000, at 203.

22 Jay C. Hartzell & Laura T. Starks, Institutional Investors and Executive Compensation, 58 J.
Fin. 2351 (2003).

effect of institutional shareholders on CEO pay depends on the nature of their

relationships with the firm.23 This study reports that CEO pay is negatively
correlated with the presence of pressure-resistant institutions, institutions that
have no other business relationship with the firm and presumably are con-
cerned only with the firm’s share value. But CEO pay is positively correlated
with the presence of pressure-sensitive institutions – institutions that have busi-
ness relationships with the firm (such as managing its pension funds) and are
thus more vulnerable to management pressure.
Fourth, studies find a connection between pay and antitakeover provisions,
arrangements that make CEOs and their boards less vulnerable to a hostile
takeover. One study finds that CEOs of companies adopting antitakeover
provisions enjoy above-market compensation before adoption of the provisions
and that adoption is followed by further significant increases in pay.24 This
pattern is not readily explainable by arm’s-length contracting. Indeed, if risk-
averse managers’ jobs are more secure, shareholders should be able to pay
the managers less. Another study finds that CEOs of companies that became
protected by state antitakeover legislation enacted during the period from 1984
to 1991 reduced their holdings of shares, which became less important for the
purpose of maintaining control, by an average of 15 percent.25 Arm’s-length
contracting, by contrast, might predict that CEOs protected by antitakeover
legislation would be required by their boards to increase their shareholdings
to restore their incentive to generate shareholder value.
Finally, there is evidence that managerial power affects the likelihood that
firms opportunistically time executives’ option grants via backdating or other-
wise. A study by Yaniv Grinstein, Urs Peyer, and one of us finds that grants to
a CEO were more likely to be lucky – to have a reported grant date resulting
in an exercise price equal to the lowest price of the month – when the board
lacked a majority of independent directors.26 The study also found that such
grants were more likely to be lucky when the CEO had served in the role for
a long time – and therefore could be expected to have greater influence over
internal pay-setting processes. 27
23 David Parthiban et al., The Effect of Institutional Investors on the Level and Mix of CEO
Compensation, 41 Acad. Mgmt. J. 200 (1998).
24 Kenneth A. Borokhovich et al., CEO Contracting and Anti-Takeover Amendments, 52 J. Fin.
1495 (1997).
25 Shijun Cheng et al., Identifying Control Motives in Managerial Ownership: Evidence from
Antitakeover Legislation, 8 Rev. Fin. Stud. 637 (2005).

26 Lucian Bebchuk et al., Lucky CEOs (Nat’l Bureau of Econ. Res., Discussion Paper No. 12771,
2006), available at www.nber.org/papers/w12771.

27 Id. For a discussion of the literature finding a link between backdating and managerial power,
see Jesse M. Fried, Option Backdating and Its Implications (working paper, on file with Jesse
M. Fried, 2007).
B. Limits of Managerial Influence

There are, of course, limits to the arrangements that directors will approve
and executives will seek. Although market forces are not sufficiently powerful
to prevent significant deviations from arm’s-length outcomes, they do impose
some constraints on executive compensation. If a board were to approve a
pay arrangement viewed as egregious, for example, shareholders would be less
willing to support incumbents in a hostile takeover or a proxy fight.
In addition, directors and executives adopting such an arrangement might
bear social costs. Directors approving a clearly inflated and distorted pay pack-
age might be subject to ridicule or scorn in the media or in their social and
business circles. Most directors would wish to avoid such treatment, even if
their board positions were not at risk, and these potential social costs reinforce
the constraints imposed by market forces. Like market forces, the potential
costs cannot preclude significant deviations from shareholder-serving arrange-
ments, but they may discourage the adoption of arrangements that are patently
abusive and indefensible.
One important building block of the managerial power approach is, there-
fore, outrage costs. When a board approves a compensation arrangement
favorable to managers, the extent to which directors and executives bear eco-
nomic costs (such as heightened risk of takeover) and social costs (such as
embarrassment) will depend on how the arrangement is perceived by out-
siders whose views matter to the directors and executives. The more outrage
a compensation arrangement is expected to generate, the larger the potential
economic and social costs will be, and thus the more reluctant directors will
be to approve it and the more hesitant managers will be to propose it in the
first place.
There is evidence that the design of compensation arrangements is indeed
influenced by how outsiders perceive them. One study finds that, during
the 1990s, CEOs who were the target of shareholder resolutions criticizing
executive pay had their annual (industry-adjusted) compensation reduced
over the subsequent two years.28
C. Camouflage and Stealth Compensation

The critical role of outsiders’ perception of executives’ compensation and
the significance of outrage costs explain the importance of yet another
28 Randall S. Thomas & Kenneth J. Martin, The Effect of Shareholder Proposals on Executive
Compensation, 67 U. Cin. L. Rev. 1021 (1999).
component of the managerial power approach: camouflage. The desire to

minimize outrage gives designers of compensation arrangements a strong
incentive to try to legitimize; justify; obscure; or more generally, camouflage
the amount and performance insensitivity of executive compensation.
The desire to camouflage has an important effect on pay structures. We
show that compensation designers’ attempts to obscure the amount and per-
formance insensitivity of compensation have led to arrangements that under-
mine and distort managerial incentives, thereby weakening firm performance.
Overall, the camouflage motive turns out to be quite useful in explaining
many otherwise-puzzling features of the executive compensation landscape.
Among the arrangements that have been used in the past to disguise or down-
play the amount and performance insensitivity of compensation are executive
pension plans and deferred compensation arrangements. Most executive pen-
sions and deferred compensation arrangements do not enjoy the large tax
subsidy granted to the standard retirement arrangements provided to other
employees. In the case of executives, such arrangements merely shift tax lia-
bility from the executive to the firm. The efficiency grounds for providing
compensation through in-kind retirement perks are also far from clear.
All of these arrangements, however, have made executives’ compensation
less visible to investors, regulators, and the general public. Among other things,
until recently, disclosure rules did not require companies to place a dollar
value on, or include in their publicly filed summary compensation tables, the
amounts provided to executives after they retire. Although the existence and
terms of executives’ retirement arrangements had to be disclosed in various
places throughout the firm’s public filings, this disclosure was less visible
because outsiders, including compensation researchers and the media, focus
on the dollar amounts reported in the compensation tables.
In a recent empirical study, Robert Jackson and one of us used information
provided in proxy statements to estimate the value of the executive pension
plans of S&P 500 CEOs.29 About two-thirds of CEOs have such plans, and
the study estimates the value of these plans for all CEOs who had recently
left their firms or were close to retirement age. For the median CEO in the
study’s sample, the actuarial value of the CEO’s pension was $15 million,
which made up about one-third of the total compensation (both equity and
nonequity based) they had received during their service as CEOs.
Furthermore, the study indicates that when pension value is included in
calculating executive pay, compensation is much less linked to performance
than is commonly perceived. After pension value is included, the percentage
29 See Bebchuk & Jackson, supra note 2.

of a CEO’s total compensation that is salary like (that is, the portion that con-
sists of fixed annual payments, such as basic salary during the CEO’s service
and pension payments afterward), increases from 16 percent to 39 percent.
The study documents that the omission of retirement benefits from standard
compensation data sets has distorted investors’ picture of pay arrangements.
In particular, this omission has led to (1) significant underestimations of the
total amount of pay, (2) considerable distortions in comparisons among exec-
utive pay packages, and (3) substantial overestimations of the extent to which
executive pay is linked to performance.
In our book and subsequent work, we advocated that companies be required
to disclose the monetary value of the benefits awarded to executives via exec-
utive pensions and deferred compensation.30 The SEC subsequently adopted
enhanced disclosure requirements for these types of compensation.31 While
the SEC’s new disclosure rules will make it more difficult for firms to use
executive pensions and deferred compensation plans to hide the amount and
performance insensitivity of executive pay, the motive to camouflage pay per-
sists. After all, it took SEC intervention to get companies to disclose the mon-
etary value of executive pensions and deferred compensation arrangements.
Thus, we can expect many firms to seek other types of arrangements that can
camouflage pay.
D. Gratuitous Good-Bye Payments

In many cases, boards give departing CEOs payments and benefits that are not
required under the terms of a CEO’s compensation contract. Such gratuitous
good-bye payments are common even when CEOs perform so poorly that their
boards feel compelled to replace them. For example, when Mattel’s CEO Jill
Barad resigned under fire, the board forgave a $4.2 million loan, gave her an
additional $3.3 million in cash to cover the taxes for forgiveness of another
loan, and allowed her unvested options to vest prematurely. These gratuitous
benefits were offered in addition to the considerable benefits that she received
30 See Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Pay Without Performance: The Unfulfilled
Promise of Executive Compensation (2004); Bebchuk & Jackson, supra note 2; Bebchuk
& Fried, Stealth Compensation via Retirement Benefits, supra note 2.
31 See Executive Compensation and Related Person Disclosure, Sec. Act Release No. 8732A,
88 SEC Docket (CCH) 2353 (Aug. 29, 2006); Executive Compensation Disclosure, Sec.
Act Release No. 8765, 89 SEC Docket (CCH) 1921 (Dec. 22, 2006). For comments filed
by us and Robert Jackson in support of the new disclosure requirements, see Letter
from Lucian A Bebchuk, Jesse M. Fried, & Robert Jackson to Nancy M. Morris, SEC
Secretary (Apr. 14, 2006), available at http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/bebchuk/Policy/
Bebchuk-Fried-Jackson%20Comment.pdf.
under her employment agreement, which included a termination payment

of $26.4 million and a stream of retirement benefits exceeding $700,000 per
year.
It is not easy to reconcile such gratuitous payments with the arm’s-length
contracting model. The board has the authority to fire the CEO and pay no
more than the CEO’s contractual severance benefits. There should be no
need to “bribe” a poorly performing CEO to step down. In addition, the signal
sent by the gratuitous good-bye payment will, if anything, only weaken the
incentive of the next CEO to perform.
The making of such gratuitous payments, however, is quite consistent with
the existence of managerial influence over the board. Because of their relation-
ship with the CEO, some directors might be unwilling to replace the existing
CEO unless the CEO is very generously treated. Other directors might be
willing to replace the CEO even without a gratuitous good-bye payment but
prefer to give it either to reduce their personal discomfort in forcing out the
CEO or to make the separation process less personally unpleasant. In all of
these cases, directors’ willingness to make such payments stems from their
relationships with the CEO.
Of course, taking managerial power as given, providing gratuitous payments
to fired CEOs could be beneficial to shareholders in some instances. If many
directors are loyal to the CEO, such payments might be necessary to assemble
a board majority in favor of replacing the executive. In this case, the practice
helps shareholders when the CEO’s departure yields a benefit larger than the
cost of the good-bye payment. For our purposes, however, what is important is
that the gratuitous payments, whether or not they are beneficial to shareholders
(given managers’ power), reflect the existence and significance of managerial
influence.
VII. THE DECOUPLING OF PAY FROM PERFORMANCE
In the early 1990s, prominent financial economists such as Michael Jensen

and Kevin Murphy urged shareholders to be more accepting of large pay
packages that would provide high-powered incentives.32 Shareholders, it was
argued, should care much more about providing managers with sufficiently
strong incentives than about the amounts spent on executive pay. Defenders
of current pay arrangements view the rise in pay over the past fifteen years
32 See, e.g., Michael C. Jensen & Kevin J. Murphy, CEO Incentives – It’s Not How Much You
Pay, But How, Harv. Bus. Rev., May-June 1990, at 138; Michael C. Jensen & Kevin J. Murphy,
Performance Pay and Top-Management Incentives, 98 J. Pol. Econ. 225 (1990).
as the necessary price – and one worth paying – for improving executives’
incentives.
The problem, however, is that executives’ large compensation packages have
been much less sensitive to their own performance than has been commonly
recognized. Shareholders have not received the most bang for their buck.
Companies could have generated the same increase in incentives at a much
lower cost to their shareholders, or they could have used the amount spent to
obtain more powerful incentives.
A. Nonequity Compensation
Although the equity-based fraction of managers’ compensation has increased
considerably during the past decade and has therefore received more atten-
tion, nonequity compensation continues to be substantial. In 2003, nonequity
compensation represented, on average, about half of the total compensation
of both the CEO and the top five executives of S&P 1500 companies not
classified as new-economy firms.33
Although significant nonequity compensation comes in the form of base
salary and sign-up, or golden hello, payments that do not purport to be perfor-
mance related, much nonequity compensation comes in the form of bonus
compensation that does purport to be performance based. Nonetheless, empir-
ical studies have failed to find any significant correlation between nonequity
compensation and managers’ own performance during the 1990s.34
A close examination of compensation practices suggests why nonequity
compensation is not tightly connected to managers’ own performance. First
of all, many companies use subjective criteria for at least some of their bonus
payments. Such criteria could play a useful role in the hands of boards guided
solely by shareholder interests. However, boards favoring their top executives
can use the discretion provided by these plans to ensure that executives are
well paid even when their performance is substandard.
Furthermore, when companies do use objective criteria, these criteria and
their implementation are usually not designed to reward managers for their
own contribution to the firm’s performance. Bonuses are typically based not
on how the firm’s operating performance or earnings increased relative to its
peers but on other metrics. And when companies fail to meet the established
targets, the board can reset the target (as happened at Coca-Cola in 2001 and
33 See Bebchuk & Grinstein, The Growth of Executive Pay, supra note 2.
34 See Murphy, supra note 13.
at AT&T Wireless in 2002) or compensate the executives by setting even lower

figures going forward.
Finally, many boards award bonuses to managers simply for buying other
companies. In about 40 percent of large acquisitions during the period from
1993 to 1999, the acquiring-firm CEO received a multimillion-dollar bonus for
completing the deal.35 But making acquisitions hardly appears to be something
for which managers should receive a special reward – that is, a payment above
and beyond whatever benefit they get from the effect of the acquisition on the
value of the managers’ options, shares, and earnings-based bonuses. Executives
do not lack incentives to make value-increasing acquisitions. If anything,
investors’ concern is that executives may engage in empire building and make
too many acquisitions. Thus, although the making of a large acquisition might
provide a convenient excuse for a large bonus, acquisition bonuses are not
called for by incentive considerations.
B. Windfalls in Equity-Based Compensation

In light of the historically weak link between nonequity compensation and
managerial performance, shareholders and regulators wishing to make pay
more sensitive to performance have increasingly encouraged the use of equity-
based compensation, often in the form of stock options. We strongly support
equity-based compensation, which in principle can provide managers with
desirable incentives. In practice, however, the design of executives’ stock
options has enabled executives to reap substantial rewards even when their
own performance was merely passable or even poor.
1. Rewards for Marketwide and Industrywide Movements

Conventional stock options enable executives to gain from any increase in the
nominal stock price beyond the grant-date market value. This, in turn, means
that executives can profit even when their companies’ performance signifi-
cantly lags behind that of their peers, as long as marketwide and industrywide
movements provide sufficient lift for the stock price. A substantial fraction of
stock price increases is due to such movements rather than to firm-specific
factors that might reflect the manager’s own performance.
Although there are a variety of ways in which market- and industry-driven
windfalls could be filtered out, very few companies have adopted equity-based
plans that even attempt to filter out such windfalls. Unfortunately, most of
35 Yaniv Grinstein & Paul Hribar, CEO Compensation and Incentives: Evidence from M&A
Bonuses, 73 J. Fin. Econ. 119 (2004).
the boards now changing their equity-based compensation plans in response

to outside pressure still choose to avoid plans that would effectively eliminate
such windfalls. Instead, they are moving to plans based on restricted stock that
fail to eliminate, and sometimes even increase, these windfalls.
2. Rewards for Short-Term Spikes

Option plans have been designed, and largely continue to be designed, in
ways that enable executives to make considerable gains from temporary spikes
in the company’s stock price, even when long-term stock performance is poor.
Companies have given executives broad freedom to unwind equity incentives,
a practice that has been beneficial to executives but costly to shareholders. In
addition to being granted the freedom to exercise their options as soon as they
vest and sell the underlying stock, executives often have considerable control
over the timing of sales, thus enabling them to benefit from their inside infor-
mation. Compounding the problem, many firms have adopted reload plans
that make it easier for executives to lock in profits from short-term spikes. The
features of option plans that reward managers for short-term spikes not only
decouple pay from managers’ own performance but also provide incentives
to manipulate earnings. There is, in fact, significant evidence linking exec-
utives’ freedom to unload options with earnings manipulation and financial
misreporting.36
C. Compensation at and after Departure

As we have already noted, the dollar value of a substantial portion of exec-
utive compensation has not been reported in firms’ publicly filed summary
compensation tables and has therefore not been included in standard compen-
sation data sets. This stealth compensation has included executive pensions,
deferred compensation arrangements, and postretirement consulting contracts
and perks. These less visible forms of compensation have tended to be insen-
sitive to managerial performance, thus further contributing to a decoupling of
pay from performance.
Take, for example, Franklin Raines, who was forced to retire as Fannie Mae’s
CEO in late 2004. On Raines’s departure, Fannie owed him (and his surviving
spouse after his death) an annual pension of approximately $1.4 million, an
amount specified without any connection to the firm’s stock performance
36 See, e.g., Daniel Bergstresser & Thomas Philippon, CEO Incentives and Earnings Manage-
ment: Evidence from the 1990s, 80 J. Fin. Econ. 511 (2006); Scott L. Summers & John T.
Sweeney, Fraudulently Misstated Financial Statements and Insider Trading: An Empirical
Analysis, 73 Acct. Rev. 131 (1998).
under Raines. In a case study of his compensation, we estimated the value of

this nonperformance element of pay at about $25 million.37
Further decoupling pay from performance are severance payments given to
departing executives. Executives pushed out by their boards are typically paid a
severance amounting to two or three years’ worth of annual compensation. The
payments are not reduced even when the executive’s performance has been
clearly and objectively dismal. Furthermore, standard severance provisions do
not reduce the severance payment even if the executive quickly finds other
employment.
It is doubtful that severance arrangements reflect efficient and arm’s-length
contracting. Nonexecutive employees are generally both more likely to be
terminated than executives and less financially capable of bearing this risk.
But they are not protected from having to bear a substantial monetary loss in
the event of termination. If executive severance provisions were driven by risk-
bearing considerations, one would expect nonexecutive employees to have
such provisions as well.
More important, if executives’ high pay is justified by the importance of
providing them with incentives, one would expect their compensation arrange-
ments to be more sensitive to performance than nonexecutive pay and to pro-
vide less protection in the event of dismal failure. Current corporate severance
practices not only fail to strengthen the link between pay and performance but
also undermine it by diminishing the difference between payoffs for good and
bad performance.
VIII. IMPROVING TRANSPARENCY
We now consider ways of improving pay arrangements and the governance

processes that produce those arrangements. We start with a proposition that
could be viewed as a no-brainer, one for which there seems to be no reasonable
basis for opposition. Specifically, the SEC should vigilantly ensure that public
companies make the amount and structure of their executive pay packages
transparent.
Financial economists have paid little attention to transparency. They tend to
focus on stock price behavior and assume that any publicly available informa-
tion – even if understood by only a small number of professionals – becomes
incorporated into stock prices. Thus, economists are commonly interested in
whether certain information is publicly available, not in how it is disclosed.
37 Bebchuk & Fried, Executive Compensation at Fannie Mae: A Case Study of Perverse Incentives,
Nonperformance Pay, and Camouflage, supra note 2.
As we have discussed, SEC regulations already require detailed disclosure of

the compensation of a company’s CEO and of the four other most highly
paid executives. Thus, from economists’ stock-pricing perspective, there is
already a significant amount of information available about executive com-
pensation.
In our view, however, is it important to recognize the importance of making
such disclosures transparent. The purpose of executive compensation dis-
closure is not merely to enable accurate pricing of corporate securities. Its
purpose is also to provide some check on arrangements that are too favorable
to executives. This goal is not well served by disseminating information in a
way that makes the information understandable to a small number of market
professionals but opaque to others.
Transparency provides shareholders with a more accurate picture of total pay
and its relationship to performance, thereby providing some check on depar-
tures from arrangements that serve shareholder interests. Furthermore, trans-
parency can eliminate the distortions that arise when pay designers choose par-
ticular forms of compensation for their camouflage value rather than for their
efficiency. Finally, transparency imposes little cost on companies, because it
would simply require them to clearly disclose information they have or can
obtain at negligible cost.
In our work, we have proposed various ways in which disclosure and trans-
parency could be improved.38 The SEC subsequently adopted new disclosure
rules that implement some of our proposals.39 Among other things, firms must
now report each year the increase in actuarial value of executives’ defined
benefit pension plans. In addition, firms must disclose the balances under
executives’ deferred compensation arrangements.
Nonetheless, these reforms and current practices fall short of complete
transparency. Investors still lack a clear picture of many aspects of execu-
tives’ compensation arrangements. For example, shareholders will still find
it hard to figure out the extent to which the arrangements shift tax costs
from the executives to the firm and the degree to which the compensation
reflects market and industry windfalls rather than firm-specific performance.
We believe that additional steps – such as the ones we describe here – would be
desirable.
38 See, e.g., Lucian A. Bebchuk & Jesse M. Fried, Pay Without Performance: The Unful-
filled Promise of Executive Compensation (2004); Bebchuk & Jackson, supra note 2;
Bebchuk & Fried, Stealth Compensation via Retirement Benefits, supra note 2.
39 See Executive Compensation and Related Person Disclosure, Sec. Act Release No. 8732A,
88 SEC Docket (CCH) 2353 (Aug. 29, 2006); Executive Compensation Disclosure, Sec. Act
Release No. 8765,89 SEC Docket (CCH) 1921 (Dec. 22, 2006).
First, firms could be required to disclose all nondeductible compensation.

The tax code permits companies to deduct certain payments to executives
but not others. Companies routinely include in their disclosure boilerplate
language notifying shareholders that some of the arrangements may result in
the firm being unable to deduct a portion of an executive’s compensation, but
they do not provide details about what particular amounts end up not being
deductible. Companies could be required to provide full details about the
components of pay that are not deductible, place a monetary value on the costs
of this nondeductibility to the firm, and disclose this dollar cost to investors.
Second, companies could be required to report to their shareholders how
much of their executives’ profits from equity and nonequity compensation is
attributable to general market and industry movements. This could be done by
requiring firms to calculate and report the gains made by managers from the
exercise of options (or the vesting of restricted shares, in the case of restricted
share grants) and to report what fraction, if any, reflects the company’s success
in outperforming its industry peers. Such disclosure would help clarify the
extent to which the company’s equity-based plans reward the managers for
good relative performance.
Third, companies could be required to make transparent to shareholders on
a regular basis the extent to which their top five executives have unloaded any
equity instruments received as part of their compensation. Although a diligent
and dedicated researcher can obtain this information by sifting through stacks
of executive trading reports filed with the SEC, requiring the firm to compile
and report such information would highlight for all investors the extent to
which managers have used their freedom to unwind incentives.
Of course, even before improved mandatory disclosure requirements are put
in place, companies could voluntarily make pay more transparent. Companies
need not follow a lawyerly approach of disclosing only what is legally required.
Given executives’ and directors’ strong interest in camouflaging CEO pay, we
do not expect many firms to disclose more than what is absolutely required.
However, there may well be some boards that are willing to provide more
investor-friendly compensation disclosure.
While we have suggested above some ways in which current pay practices
can be made more transparent, we must emphasize that the task of keeping
disclosure requirements sufficient and adequate is an ongoing one. As long as
pay designers are motivated to camouflage CEO pay, firms will seek new ways
of delivering stealth compensation to executives. Thus, it is important that
public officials, governance reformers, and investors scrutinize developments
in compensation practices to ensure that disclosure requirements remain up
to date.
IX. IMPROVING PAY ARRANGEMENTS
Well-designed executive compensation can provide executives with cost-

effective incentives to generate shareholder value. We have argued, however,
that the promise of such arrangements has not yet been realized. Below we
note various changes that companies could consider in order to strengthen
the link between pay and performance and thereby improve executives’
incentives.
A. Proposal 1: Reduce Windfalls in Equity-Based Compensation

Firms would do well to consider adopting equity compensation plans that filter
out at least some of the gains in the stock price that are due to general market or
industry movements. With such filtering, the same amount of incentives can
be provided at a lower cost, or stronger incentives can be provided at the same
cost. This can be done not only by indexing the exercise price of stock options
but in other ways as well. For example, by linking the exercise price of options
to changes in the stock price of the worst-performing firms in the industry,
marketwide movement can be filtered out without imposing excessive risk on
executives.
It is also important to note that moving to restricted stock is not a good way
to address the windfall problem. In fact, restricted stock grants provide even
larger windfalls than conventional options.
B. Proposal 2: Reduce Windfalls in Bonus Plans

For similar reasons, companies should consider designing bonus plans that
filter out improvements in financial performance due to economy- or indus-
trywide movements. Even assuming that it is desirable to focus on accounting
rather than stock price performance, as most bonus plans seek to do, rewarding
executives for improvements in accounting measures enjoyed by all companies
in the industry is not a cost-effective way to provide incentives. Thus, bonus
plans should be based not on absolute increases in earnings, sales, revenues,
and so forth, but rather on such increases relative to peer companies.
C. Proposal 3: Limit the Unwinding of Equity Incentives

Pay arrangements could be improved by curtailing executives’ broad freedom
to unwind the equity-based incentives provided by their compensation plans.
It may well be desirable to separate the vesting of options and managers’
ability to unwind them. By requiring that executives hold vested options (or
the shares resulting from the exercise of such options) for a given period after
vesting, boards would ensure that options already belonging to executives will
remain in their hands for some time, continuing to provide incentives to
increase shareholder value. Furthermore, such restrictions would eliminate
the significant distortions that can result from rewarding executives for short-
term spikes in the stock price that do not subsequently hold. To prevent
circumvention, such restrictions could be backed by contractual prohibitions
on executives’ hedging or using any other scheme that effectively eliminates
some of their exposure to declines in the firm’s stock price.
It would also be desirable to make it more difficult for executives to profit by
selling ahead of bad news. Letting executives sell their shares when their inside
information indicates that the stock price is about to decline can dilute and
distort their incentives. Firms could reduce executives’ ability to profit from
insider selling by requiring them to predisclose their trades. Under such an
approach, executives would disclose in advance their intention to sell shares,
providing detailed information about the intended trade and including the
number of shares to be sold.40 If the sale were large or otherwise unusual,
the announcement would trigger enhanced scrutiny of the firm. If investors
believe the company is hiding bad news, the stock price would decline before
managers sell, reducing their insider-trading profits. Alternatively, firms could
create a hands-off option plan that takes unwinding decisions out of the hands
of executives. Under such a plan, options would be cashed out according to
a prearranged, predisclosed schedule. Executives thus could not use inside
information to inflate their option profits.41
D. Proposal 4: Tie Bonuses to Long-Term Performance

Even assuming it were desirable to reward managers for improvements in
accounting results, it might be desirable to give such rewards not for short-term
results but only for improvements that are sustained over a considerable period
of time. Rewarding executives for short-term improvements is not an effective
way to provide beneficial incentives and indeed might create incentives to
manipulate short-term accounting results.
It also might be desirable for compensation contracts to include gen-
eral clawback provisions that require managers to return payments based on
40 For a detailed proposal, see Jesse M. Fried, Reducing the Profitability of Corporate Insider
Trading Through Pretrading Disclosure, 71 S. Cal. L. Rev. 303 (1998).
41 For a more detailed description of hands-off option plans, see Jesse M. Fried, Hands-Off
Options, 61 Vand. L. Rev. 453 (2008).

accounting numbers that are subsequently restated. Such return of payments

is warranted, regardless of whether the executive was in any way responsible
for the misreporting. When the board believes it is desirable to tie executive
payoffs to a formula involving a metric whose value turns out to have been
inflated, correctly applying the formula requires reversing payments that were
based on erroneous values. The governing principle should be this: what wasn’t
earned must be returned.
E. Proposal 5: Be Wary of Paying for Expansion

Because running a larger company increases managers’ power, prestige, and
perquisites, executives might have an incentive to expand the company at the
expense of shareholder value. Executive compensation arrangements should
seek to counter rather than reinforce this incentive. A recent study by Yaniv
Grinstein and one of us finds that executives’ decisions to expand company
size – by issuing new equity to finance acquisitions or investments or by avoid-
ing distributions – are associated with increases in subsequent executive pay.42
Controlling for past performance, the compensation of continuing CEOs is
positively and substantially correlated with firm expansion during their service.
While a larger firm size might lead the board to raise executive pay, boards
should keep in mind that the expectation that expansion results in higher pay
can provide executives with incentives to expand even when doing so would
not be value maximizing.
F. Proposal 6: Restore Dividend Neutrality

Under current option plans, terms are not updated to reflect the payment of
dividends and, as a result, executives’ payoffs are reduced when they decide
to pay a dividend. There is evidence that companies run by executives whose
pay has a large option component tend to pay lower dividends and instead
distribute cash through share repurchases,43 which have a less adverse effect
on the value of managers’ options but may not be the most efficient form
of payout.44 To reduce distortions in managers’ payout decisions, it might be
desirable to design all equity-based compensation in such a way that it neither
42 Bebchuk & Grinstein, Firm Expansion and CEO Pay, supra note 2.
43 Christine Jolls, Stock Repurchases and Incentive Compensation (Nat’l Bureau of Econ. Res.,
Working Paper No. 6467, 1998), available at http://www.nber.org/papers/w6467; George Fenn
& Nellie Liang, Corporate Payout Policy and Managerial Stock Incentives, 60 J. Fin. Econ. 45
(2001) (confirming Jolls’s findings).
44 See Jesse M. Fried, Informed Trading and False Signaling with Open Market Repurchases, 93
Cal. L. Rev. 1326 (2005).

encourages nor discourages the payment of dividends. In particular, in the

case of option plans, the exercise price of options could be adjusted downward
to reflect a dividend payment.
G. Proposal 7: Rethink Executive Pensions

There are reasons to doubt the efficiency of the widespread practice of using
supplemental executive retirement plans (SERPs) to provide executives with
a major component of their career compensation. Unlike pension plans used
for nonexecutive employees, SERPs do not enjoy a tax subsidy. And given that
companies have been moving away from defined benefit plans to defined con-
tribution plans for nonexecutive employees, it is far from clear that providing
executives with defined benefit plans is required by risk-bearing considera-
tions. Unlike defined contribution plans, which force the employee to bear
the risk of poor investment performance, defined benefit plans shift the risk
of investment performance to the firm. However, executives do not seem less
able to bear such risk than other employees. Although the efficiency benefits
of SERPs are far from clear, SERPs impose incentive costs. They provide exec-
utives with pay that is largely independent of performance, thereby weakening
the overall link between total pay and performance. Boards would thus do well
to reconsider their heavy use of SERPs.
H. Proposal 8: Avoid Soft-Landing Arrangements

Soft-landing arrangements, which provide managers with a generous exit pack-
age when they are pushed out due to failure, dilute executives’ incentives.
While companies spend large amounts on producing a payoff gap between
good and poor performance, the money spent on soft-landing arrangements
works in the opposite direction, narrowing the payoff gap between good and
poor performance.
At present, executives are commonly promised generous severance arrange-
ments in the event of termination, unless the termination is triggered by an
extremely narrow set of circumstances (such as criminal indictment or malfea-
sance). Boards should consider provisions that make the termination payoff
depend on the reasons for the executive’s termination and the terminated
executive’s record. Even if companies stick to the existing, broad definition of
termination without cause, the payoff in such a termination should depend
in part on the firm’s performance relative to its peers during the executive’s
service. An executive who is terminated against a background of extremely
poor stock performance should get less than an executive who is terminated
when the company’s performance is reasonable.
X. IMPROVING BOARD ACCOUNTABILITY
Past and current flaws in executive pay arrangements have resulted from under-
lying problems in the corporate governance system: specifically, directors’ lack
of sufficient incentives to focus solely on shareholder interests when setting
pay. If directors could be relied on to focus on shareholder interests, the pay-
setting process, and board oversight of executives more generally, would be
greatly improved. The most promising route to improving pay arrangements
is thus to make boards more accountable to shareholders and more focused
on shareholder interests. Such increased accountability would transform the
arm’s-length contracting model into a reality. It would improve both pay
arrangements and board performance more generally.
Recent reforms require most companies listed on the major stock exchanges
(the New York Stock Exchange, Nasdaq, and the American Stock Exchange)
to have a majority of independent directors, which are directors who are
not otherwise employed by the firm or in a business relationship with it.
These companies must also staff compensation and nominating committees
entirely with independent directors. Although such reforms are likely to reduce
managers’ power over the board and improve directors’ incentives somewhat,
they fall far short of what is necessary.
Our analysis shows that the new listing requirements weaken executives’
influence over directors but do not eliminate it. More important, there are
limits to what independence can do by itself. Independence does not ensure
that directors have incentives to focus on shareholder interests or that the
best directors will be chosen. In addition to becoming more independent of
insiders, directors also must become more dependent on shareholders. To
this end, it might be desirable to eliminate the arrangements that currently
entrench directors and insulate them from shareholders.
To begin, it might be desirable to turn shareholders’ power to replace
directors from myth into reality. Even in the wake of poor performance and
shareholder dissatisfaction, directors now face very little risk of being ousted.
Shareholders’ ability to replace directors is extremely limited. A recent study
by one of us provides evidence that outside the hostile takeover context the
incidence of electoral challenges to directors has been practically negligible
in the past decade.45 It might well be desirable to change this state of affairs.
To improve the performance of corporate boards, it might be desirable to
reduce impediments to director removal.46 As a first step, shareholders could
45 Lucian Arye Bebchuk, The Case for Shareholder Access to the Ballot, 59 Bus. Law. 43 (2003).
46 For a fuller analysis of the ways in which shareholder power to remove directors could be made
viable, see Lucian A. Bebchuk, The Myth of the Shareholder Franchise, 93 Va. L. Rev. 675
(2007).
be given the power to place director candidates on the corporate ballot. In

addition, proxy contest challengers that attract sufficient support could have
their expenses reimbursed by the company. Furthermore, it might be desirable
to limit the use of staggered boards, a feature of most public companies, to
impede director removal. Staggered boards provide powerful protection from
removal in either a proxy fight or a hostile takeover. Also, a recent study by
Alma Cohen and one of us finds that staggered boards are associated with
economically significant reductions in firm value. It might be desirable to
enable shareholders to replace all the directors each year or at least every other
year.47
In addition to making shareholder power to remove directors viable, it
might be undesirable for boards to have veto power, which current corporate
law grants them, over proposed changes to governance arrangements in the
company’s charter. Shareholders could be given the power, which they now
lack, to initiate and adopt changes in the corporate charter. Under current
rules, shareholders can pass only nonbinding resolutions. And, as documented
in a recent empirical study by one of us, boards often choose not to follow
resolutions that receive majority support from shareholders, even after the
resolutions have passed two or three times.48 This state of affairs might well be
undesirable.
Allowing shareholders to amend the corporate charter would eventually
improve the entire range of corporate governance arrangements without
outside regulatory intervention. If there is concern that shareholders are
influenced by short-term considerations, shareholder-initiated changes could
require approval by majority vote in two successive annual shareholder meet-
ings. But denying shareholders the power to change the corporate charter, no
matter how widespread and long lasting shareholder support for such a change
may be, is unlikely to be desirable. Allowing shareholders to set governance
arrangements would help make boards more accountable to shareholders.
To fully address the existing problems in executive compensation and corpo-
rate governance, structural reforms in the allocation of power between boards
and shareholders may be necessary. Given political realities, such reforms
would not be easy to pass. But the corporate governance flaws that we have
discussed – and have shown to be pervasive, systemic, and costly – make
considering such reforms worthwhile.
47 Lucian A. Bebchuk & Alma Cohen, The Costs of Entrenched Boards, 78 J. Fin. Econ. 409
(2005).
48 Lucian A. Bebchuk, The Case for Increasing Shareholder Power, 118 Harv. L. Rev. 833 (2005).
5 Supersize Pay, Incentive Compatibility, and
the Volatile Shareholder Interest
William W. Bratton
The compensation of chief executive officers (CEOs) increased by a factor of

six over the past two decades,1 with the overwhelming share of the increase
coming not as salary but as “incentive pay,” mostly in the form of stock options
and cash bonuses triggered by performance metrics.2 Observers from outside
the corporate governance arena perceive a social problem and question the
magnitude of this raise. They worry about the fact that executives in the United
States are by far the world’s best paid.3 On the domestic level, observers also
worry about a growing inequality of income: the average CEO of an S&P 500
company made 30 times more than the average American production worker
in 1970, but 210 times more in 1996.4 By 2005, the multiplier was 262.5
See Bengt Holmström & Steven N. Kaplan, The State of U.S. Corporate Governance: What’s
1
Right and What’s Wrong? 10 (ECGI Finance Working Paper No. 23/2003, 2003), available at
http://ssrn.com/abstract=441100.
2 Average total remuneration of executives of S&P 500 companies (adjusted for inflation) went
from $850,000 in 1970 to $14 million in 2000, falling with the stock market to $9.4 million
in 2002. At the same time, average base salaries merely doubled, going from $850,000 to $2.2
million. Michael C. Jensen & Kevin J. Murphy, Remuneration: Where We’ve Been, How We
Got to Here, What Are the Problems, and How to Fix Them 24–25 (Harv. NOM Working Paper
No. 04–28, 2004), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=561305. Amounts have risen since then.
The CEO of an S&P 500 company made on average $14.78 million in total compensation in
2006, according to a preliminary analysis by the Corporate Library. See AFL-CIO Executive
Pay Watch, AFL-CIO, available at http://www.aflcio.org/corporatewatch/paywatch/.
3 See Randall S. Thomas, Explaining the International CEO Pay Gap: Board Capture or Market
Driven?, 57 Vand. L. Rev. 1171 (2004) (suggesting reasons to justify the transnational pay gap).
4 Kevin J. Murphy, Executive Compensation 51 (University of Southern California Working
Paper, 1998), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=163914.

5 Jeanne Sahadi, CEO Paycheck, CNN Money, June 21, 2006, available at http://money.cnn
.com/2006/06/21/news/companies/ceo pay epi/index.htm (based on all firms earning more

than $1 billion annually).
William W. Bratton is Peter P. Weidenbruch Jr. Professor of Business Law, Georgetown University
Law Center. This chapter was previously published by the Virginia Law & Business Review, at 1
Va. L. & Bus. Rev. 55 (2006).
150
Supersize Pay, Incentive Compatibility, and Volatile Shareholder Interest 151
Inside the world of corporate governance, the question is different, because

the level of compensation is not by itself seen as a problem.6 Tournament eco-
nomics provides a widely accepted justification for supersize amounts. The
tournament sweeps in the entire set of aspiring executives, who then compete
for a small number of top-tier jobs. High-powered competition ensues among
executives, which is thought to result in better management.7 The corporate
governance question is whether compensation mechanisms within the win-
ner’s circle should be subject to exacting standards of incentive compatibility.
Critics of prevailing practices argue that large payoffs to managers should be
strictly conditioned on the creation of shareholder value.8 According to critics,
prevailing arrangements fail to impose such conditions because the bargain-
ing framework is skewed in management’s favor.9 Defenders of the prevailing
practice answer that the governance framework is effective, if not perfect. To
support this view, they point to rational risk-return trade-offs embodied in the
contracts.10
This chapter intervenes in the debate to assert that an evaluation of com-
pensation practices should concern more than the attributes of the bargaining
space. The discussants all posit the maximization of shareholder value as the
firm’s objective and agree that value can be enhanced by aligning manage-
ment’s interests with those of the shareholders. A follow-up question rarely
arises: how should the shareholder-beneficiary be modeled for the purpose
of designing incentives? This chapter unpacks the notion of the shareholder,
introducing a more particularized account in which the unitary model of the
shareholder disintegrates into a differentiated cast of characters made up of
investors, speculators, noise traders, fundamental value investors, short-term
holders, long-term holders, dumb money, and smart money. The model is
not only fragmented but also volatile, for different shareholder types predom-
inate in different firms and in different stock markets. A normative question
emerges concerning the design of equity incentive compensation: what kind
of a shareholder do we wish the incentivized manager to be?
6 Lucian Bebchuk & Jesse Fried, Pay Without Performance: The Unfulfilled Promise
of Executive Compensation 5, 70–74 (2004).
7 See, e.g., Sherwin Rosen, The Economics of Superstars, 71 Am. Econ. Rev. 845, 846, 857 (1981);
see also Edward P. Lazear, Output-Based Pay: Incentives, Retention or Sorting? (IZA Discussion
Paper No. 761, 2003), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=403900.
8 Professors Lucian Bebchuk and Jesse Fried are the leading critics. See generally Bebchuk &
Fried, supra note 6.

9 Id. at 6, 9.
10 For a theoretical showing along these lines, see Benjamin E. Hermalin, Trends in Corporate
Governance 13–20 (University of California, Berkeley Working Paper, Sept. 3, 2003), available
152 William W. Bratton
Most will agree that compensation should be designed to encourage man-

agers to take the view of a long-term, fundamental value investor rather than a
short-term speculator sensitive to market moods. Yet prevailing compensation
practices align management interests with those of speculative, short-term
shareholders. Three possible perverse effects result, all well known in the
compensation literature.11 First, speculatively inclined managers can ratio-
nalize investments in projects that decrease the long-term value of the firm.
Second, speculative incentives encourage aggressive accounting and distorted
corporate reporting. Third, speculative incentives skew payout policy away
from dividends and toward open-market repurchases of firm stock, with pos-
sible adverse consequences. Long-term restraints on the alienation of equity
awards, whether purchased through the exercise of stock options or granted
outright, would ameliorate all three problems. These are not seen in practice
because they diminish the value of equity grants by impairing liquidity and
inhibiting the reduction of risk by means of diversification.
Strict incentive compatibility, then, decreases the compensation value of
equity grants. A question accordingly arises concerning the appropriate medi-
ation of this conflict between compensation value and incentive effects. Eco-
nomic theory holds out no calculative solution; there is no general theory of
optimal incentive contracting with respect to corporate managers.12 Pending
such a theory’s appearance, three alternative approaches can be suggested.
First, the imposition of alienation restraints can be offset by an increase in the
number of shares awarded, leaving the present value of compensation unaf-
fected. Here a question arises respecting the amount paid, for at some point
the value of the concession becomes unreasonably large. Second, a decrease
in value for the sake of incentive compatibility could be deemed noncompens-
able as a normative proposition: why should shareholders have to pay more for
correctly aligned incentives? In this case, the problem lies in the tournament
payoff, because at some point a pay cut hurts the firm by dulling incentives.
The third approach, which recognizes the problems just noted, deems the mat-
ter ill suited to rule-based resolution and leaves it to case-by-case negotiation.
Here, the problem lies in the flawed bargaining context.
Although there is no theoretical template that correctly determines trade-
offs between compensation and incentive compatibility, economic theory does
11See, e.g., Randall Thomas & Thomas Martin, The Determinants of Shareholder Voting on
Stock Option Plans, 35 Wake Forest L. Rev. 31, 40–46 (2000).
12 If we had such a theory, there would be nothing to dispute except the level of pay. See
Patrick Bolton et al., Pay for Short-Term Performance: Executive Compensation in Specula-
tive Markets 33 (ECGI Finance Working Paper No. 79/2005, 2005), available at http://ssrn.
com/abstract=691142.
table 5.1. Shareholder types
Speculation Investment
Noise trading Fundamental value investment
Short term Long term
Dumb money (smart money) Smart money (dumb money)
hold out normative guidance. Equity grants make no sense when viewed as
pure compensation. If a supersize pay package were the sole objective in
view, the shareholders would get more bang for their buck by paying cash.
Equity grants accordingly can be justified only to the extent that they hold
out positive incentive effects, effects that can be maximized only by impos-
ing retention constraints that detract from compensation value. An ordering
of priorities is implied. Incentive compatibility should come first, with the
level of compensation being set only in an incentive-compatible framework.
So long as corporate boards treat incentive alignment and compensation as
coequal objectives, trade-offs will follow, and equity compensation schemes
will continue to hold out perverse incentives.
This chapter’s first part describes behavioral variations in the shareholder
population. The second part looks at stock option and bonus plans to see
what kind of shareholder they usher into corporate headquarters. Speculators
emerge in significant numbers. The third part shows that this chapter’s analysis
holds negative implications for both sides of the debate over executive pay.
I. MODELING THE SHAREHOLDER
To value a share is to project returns and then find a factor with which to
discount them. The appraiser studies facts presently ascertainable about the
company, the industry, and the economy, and then takes out a crystal ball.
Valuations are just guesses, albeit some are better calculated than others. That
being the case, it comes as no surprise that financial economics has never
managed to come up with a robust asset-pricing model. Absent such a model,
which would provide a means to verify present prices, there is much room for
behavioral variation, diversity of approach, and opinion among shareholders
on matters of valuation. And nearly all matters of concern to shareholders
ultimately come down to matters of value. Behaviorally speaking, then, there
is no unitary, empirical shareholder. One only can describe a series of binary
alternatives, which are shown in Table 5.1.
It follows that when the shareholder interest is called on to provide a nor-
mative benchmark (whether better to align the incentives of executives or
for some other purpose), the shareholder must be modeled. Modeling means
choosing among the different shareholder types above. The choice proceeds
under constraint: one can mix and match characteristics from the various rows
and from either column of Table 5.1, but if one includes too many charac-
teristics from both columns at once, a model providing a coherent normative
instruction will not emerge.
The shareholder is indeed modeled routinely in boardrooms and in corpo-
rate and securities law. But the more particular attributes of such shareholder
constructs tend to be implicit and often vary with the context or over time.
Securities law provides an example. Historically, it has regulated from the
perspective of the investment column, but it has been increasingly solicitous
of the speculative side during the past two decades. Corporate law presents
a contrasting case. It often models its shareholder beneficiary so vaguely as
to elide the problem of making menu choices. This is not necessarily a fail-
ing; the governance problems on corporate law’s table often do not require
further inquiry into the shareholders’ financial and behavioral profiles. For
example, when the question is whether managers should be able to line their
pockets with an unfair self-dealing transaction, the law may fairly assume a
unitary shareholder interest in a fiduciary duty of loyalty. Sometimes, how-
ever, corporate law does model the shareholder interest more particularly. For
example, it draws selectively from the investment column in articulating the
law of takeover defense,13 aligning the long-term shareholder with the manager
against short-term speculators, so as to justify management takeover defenses.14
There follows a more particular look at the columns and the categories.
A. Speculation versus Investment

The typology’s headings come from the classic conservative treatise on finance
and valuation, Graham and Dodd’s Security Analysis.15 Graham and Dodd
divided stockholders into two types. On one side, they placed those who
play the market looking for quick gains. Against this category of speculators,
Graham and Dodd contrasted a second category of investors, which itself
comprises two subsets. The more conservative subset of investors looks for
13 Compare Martin Lipton, Pills, Polls, and Professors Redux, 69 U. Chi. L. Rev. 1037 (2002),
with Lucian Bebchuk, The Case Against the Board Veto in Corporate Takeovers, 69 U. Chi. L.
Rev. 973 (2002).
14 See, e.g., Paramount Commc’ns, Inc. v. Time, Inc., 571 A.2d 1140, 1155 (Del. 1989) (approving
defensive tender offer on the ground of protection of long-term investment plan).

15 Benjamin Graham & David L. Dodd, Security Analysis: Principles and Technique
33–36 (3d ed. 1951).

safe income streams, analyzing past performance and avoiding any forward-
looking projection. The less conservative subset looks for capital appreciation
rather than income and invests based on projections of future growth. They
thereby resemble speculators, with the difference lying in the approach taken.
Investment in growth requires something “more tangible than the psychology
of the purchaser,” specifically the safety of the principal and a satisfactory
return, and these goals are best achieved by thorough analysis.16 Such analysis
has to address the quality of the company, but it cannot stop there. Quantity,
in the sense of the relation of the stock price to the company’s fundamental
value, matters just as much. In Graham and Dodd’s picture, the market price
is not necessarily the best-available evidence of the value on offer. Given a
market full of speculators, it certainly will not be: the best firm in the world is
the issuer of just another speculative stock if speculators have bid its price to
the stratosphere.17
Investment, said Graham and Dodd, is “good for everybody and at all
times.”18 But speculation is not always bad, depending on who does the spec-
ulating and the prevailing conditions. Unfortunately, speculation often turns
out badly. The failure properly to distinguish between the two activities, they
said, brought about the disaster of 1929.
B. Noise Trading versus Fundamental Value Investment

The essence of Graham and Dodd’s distinction between speculation and
investment shows up in the contemporary noise-trading theory of stock market
pricing.19 The noise theorists, looking to behavioral psychology, divide the
market into two types of shareholders: noise traders and fundamental value
investors.20 The fundamental value investors resemble the less conservative
subset of Graham and Dodd’s investors. These actors know that value lies
in hard cash flows and invest in those flows even as they look for growth.
Their time lines tend to be longer, and their information sets include only
facts respecting the investee and the economy (so-called fundamental value
16 Id. at 37.
17 Contemporary observers term their approach value investing. Warren Buffett, a student of
Graham and Dodd, is a famously successful exemplar. See Roger Lowenstein, Buffett:
The Making of an American Capitalist 36–59 (1995) (describing Buffett’s relationship with
Graham).
18 Graham & Dodd, supra note 15, at 34.
19 See, e.g., Andrei Shleifer & Lawrence Summers, The Noise Trader Approach to Finance,
4 J. Econ. Persp. 19, 19–22, 23–26 (Spring 1990).

20 For a leading model, see Joseph Lakonishok et al., Contrarian Investment, Extrapolation, and
Risk, 49 J. Fin. 1541, 1542–44, 1575–76 (1994).

information) rather than the latest word from Wall Street. Market trends and
daily noise do not impress them.
The noise traders resemble Graham and Dodd’s speculators, although this
model adds an overlay of psychology to reinforce the description of the spec-
ulative mindset. Noise traders chase trends: when they see somebody make
a killing on a rising stock, they assume that actor to be smart rather than
lucky, and they imitate the strategy.21 Noise traders also display behavioral
biases. They are overconfident in their own investment abilities.22 When the
stock price is trending upward, they react too favorably to good news. Once
a downward trend becomes manifest, they react too unfavorably to bad news.
In both cases, they suffer from availability bias and place too great a weight on
recent events and easily available information.23 An availability bias also leads
noise traders to make poorly considered risk-return projections, in which they
underweight the importance of risks of low probability and high magnitude.
Finally, at the moment when the trend turns, noise traders can be slow to read
the handwriting on the wall. Their irrational inaction24 results from a hind-
sight bias, in which traders overweight past events that actually occurred rather
than those that might have occurred.25 It also follows from confirmation bias,
which is the tendency to confirm earlier decisions regardless of their intrinsic
soundness.26 Noise traders get embedded notions about their strategies and
shut out information.
Trends dominate the resulting picture of market pricing.27 When the mar-
ket trends upward, too much is made of good news, and bad news is filtered
out. Indeed, market information may influence the price as much as (or even
more than) fundamental value information. Market information most clearly
dominates in a bubble, where a feedback loop takes over as one stock price
21 See Shleifer & Summers, supra note 19, at 28–30.
22 Robert Prentice, Whither Securities Regulation? Some Behavioral Observations Regarding Pro-
posals for Its Future, 51 Duke L. J. 1397, 1459–60 (2001).
23 See Amos Tversky & Daniel Kahneman, Judgment Under Uncertainty: Heuristics and Biases,
185 Science 1124, 1127–28 (1974).

24 See Donald C. Langevoort, Selling Hope, Selling Risk: Some Lessons for Law from Behavioral
Economics About Stockbrokers and Sophisticated Customers, 84 Cal. L. Rev. 627, 659–60
(1996).
25 See Baruch Fischhoff, Hindsight Is Not Equal to Foresight: The Effect of Outcome Knowl-
edge on Judgment Under Uncertainty, 104 J. Experimental Psych.: Hum. Perception &
Performance 288, 297 (1975).
26 See Charles G. Lord et al., Biased Assimilation and Attitude Polarization: The Effects of Prior
Theories on Subsequently Considered Evidence, 37 J. Personality & Soc. Psych. 2098, 2099
(1979).
27 For models, see Nicholas C. Barberis et al., A Model of Investor Sentiment, 49 J. Fin. Econ. 307
(1998); Kent Daniel et al., Investor Psychology and Security Market Under- and Overreactions,
53 J. Fin. 1839 (1998).
increase feeds the next increase.28 The trend turns only sometime after infor-
mation about fundamental value has ceased to justify the price.29 Eventually,
the accumulation of bad news causes investors to substitute a new, negative
model. Then the trend turns downward, with investors thereafter tending to
underweight good news.30
Restating the above in less formal terms, speculative investors experience
mood swings. Uncertainty is the ultimate cause: no shareholder, whether a
speculator or an investor, can ascertain fundamental value with surety, even
while staking significant sums in a highly competitive marketplace. Cool
rationality can turn out to be the behavioral exception rather than the rule.
C. Short Term versus Long Term

The speculative interest tends to have a short-term time horizon, with the
investment interest more likely to look long. This follows from speculators’
differing behavioral characteristics. The market information that drives the
speculators bears primarily on the near term. The fundamental value that
drives the investment side tends to have meaning only over the intermediate
or long term.
The appellations short term and long term have come to stand in for
Graham and Dodd’s terms speculation and investment. The change in usage
has normative implications, as reference to a short-term time horizon avoids
the pejorative implication of the “speculation” label31 when coupled with
strong assumptions about the accuracy of market pricing. Under this approach,
widely prevalent in the 1990s, different time horizons hold out no complica-
tions for the model of the shareholder, and the phrase “shareholder value
maximization,” when keyed to today’s stock price, carries a positive normative
connotation. Present-value theory brings all time horizons together into today’s
market price and, under the efficient market hypothesis (EMH), today’s price
reflects fundamental value. It follows that maximizing today’s stock price maxi-
mizes fundamental value and that directing management to maximize present
value holds out no risk of perverse effects. The converse also obtains under
this market-favorable view: maximizing fundamental value maximizes today’s
28 Robert J. Shiller, Irrational Exuberance 44–68 (2000).

29 See Barberis et al., supra note 27, at 307–08 (describing price underreaction to news).
30 Andrei Shleifer, Inefficient Markets: An Introduction to Behavioral Finance 113–14
(2000).
31 Graham and Dodd pointed out that there is no clear line separating the short and long terms
and that one can “invest” in the short term and “speculate” in the long term. Graham &
Dodd, supra note 15, at 35.
stock price, so that management confidently can invest for the long term,
without having to worry about being punished by the speculative interest in
the stock market.
Problems come up if the EMH drops out of the picture and market under-
pricing and overpricing become possible. If the market price does not automat-
ically self-correct, then it can be driven in incorrect directions by short-term,
noise-trading shareholders. If pursuing a shareholder value strategy causes
management to align the business plan with these shareholders’ preferences,
the result could be underinvestment in productive projects and overinvestment
in suboptimal projects.
D. Dumb Money versus Smart Money

The final binary – dumb money versus smart money – complicates the typol-
ogy’s division of the world into speculators and investors, as indicated by the
parentheticals in the chart. The noise traders make up the core of the dumb-
money shareholders. But the category can also sweep in an uninformed funda-
mental value investor – someone, for example, who collects stocks with high
price-to-earnings ratios in an underdiversified portfolio for the long term. The
core smart-money investor is a well-informed fundamental value investor. But
the category includes speculative actors as well. Some smart money will com-
bine fundamental and market value information, watching the noise traders
and the market trend. When the noise traders push the market upward, bid-
ding up stocks in a feedback loop where an uptick is good news that triggers
another uptick, smart money certainly can ride along. After all, there is money
to be made as prices rise; thus did momentum funds make an appearance
in the institutional investment community during the 1990s. But the smart
money knows when fundamentals do not support the market price and, being
(relatively) free of behavioral biases, will be ready to be the first to bail out
when the trend turns. The same insights invite the smart money to profit by
bucking the trend. If fundamental value does not support the market price,
then the price inevitably falls. Accordingly, money can be made by shorting
the stock (or the whole market). More generally, given a lot of noise, some
smart money will be contrarian.
In its contrarian posture, the smart money plays a key role in the scenario
cited in support of the EMH. The EMH asserts that the market price is the best
reflection of fundamental value and that new fundamental value information
gets into the stock price almost immediately, even as it accepts the existence of
dumb money and noise trading. It can do both at once because it asserts that
smart money trumps dumb money. Dumb money goes off in every direction,
canceling itself out in the random-error term. Smart money goes consistently
in the direction of fundamental value, keeping stock prices correctly aligned
with fundamentals.
Under the EMH it follows that supply and demand do not determine stock
prices. What is on offer in the stock market is money in the future, and demand
for money is consistently high. The valuation questions go only to the amount
of money, the time of payment, and the quantum of risk – questions answered
by fundamental value information. Since demand is a constant, the only thing
that can cause a price to change is new fundamental value information. Noise
traders, meanwhile, always get wiped out in the long run.
Although the EMH continues to have defenders,32 the contrasting noise-
trading description of the market has been ascendant for more than a decade.
Erratic stock market behavior encouraged the shift. Under the present consen-
sus view, the stock market is a place where noisy supply and demand intermix
with fundamental value because there is not enough smart money to trump
the dumb money in the short term.33 Contrarian investment is just too risky.
Overpricing and underpricing are constant possibilities. But in the long run,
fundamental value always prevails.
E. Summary: Shareholders and Fundamental Value

The division of shareholders into variegated speculators and investors does
not preclude the employment of a unitary model, depending on the question
presented. For example, all shareholders want managers to create long-term
fundamental value (or at least to be seen as so doing). To see why this is
the case, try to imagine a stock market bubble occurring in the absence of
a plausible fundamental value story. Absent the story, investors will have no
cause to get excited in the first place. Even the dot-com bubble of the late
1990s began within a fundamental value scenario. The Internet was new, and
more and more people were becoming acquainted with it, giving rise to the
reasonable projection that it would become an important center of commerce.
According to the story, that meant there were going to be fantastic profits for
a handful of winners who got in early with attractive Web sites, gained market
share, and established a brand. Unfortunately, the story, although rational,
also was highly probabilistic. Worse, it became exaggerated in the telling, in
the interpretation, and in the wake of actual stock price increases. When the
market puts present money on the table, the connection between that market
32 For a contemporary defense, see Eugene Fama, Market Efficiency, Long-Term Returns, and
Behavioral Finance, 49 J. Fin. Econ. 283, 284–85 (1998).
33 See, e.g., Andrei Shleifer & Robert Vishny, The Limits of Arbitrage, 52 J. Fin. 35, 39–54 (1997).
value and the supporting fundamental value story can become attenuated. But
the story has to be in place before the market takes off; even at the crest of tulip
mania, there was an operative fundamental value story.34
All of this implies that for a stockholder, whether a noise trader or a funda-
mental value investor, news about fundamental value always matters. Beyond
that base point, however, a unitary shareholder perspective on value cannot
be assumed. As the next part of this chapter demonstrates, shareholder pref-
erences respecting investment policy, financial reporting, and payout policy
vary with behavioral characteristics, time horizons, and the state of the market.
II. THE VOLATILE SHAREHOLDER INTEREST

AND INCENTIVE COMPENSATION
We now draw on the variant shareholder perspectives just described to evalu-

ate prevailing compensation practices and ask two questions. First, what sort
of manager-shareholder is likely to be produced by prevailing incentive com-
pensation practices? Second, does shareholder interest provide a coherent
normative yardstick with which to evaluate prevailing practices? Section A
outlines the terms of standard stock option plans, along with the main points
made by their critics. Section B asks how the plans affect incentives to invest
for the long term. Section C looks into the plans’ impact on financial report-
ing. Section D shows how stock option compensation affects payout policy.
Section E looks into the incentive compatibility of two additional compo-
nents of standard pay packages: cash bonuses and exit payments. Section F
summarizes.
A. Stock Option Plans: Prevailing Practice and Critique

Under prevailing practices, stock option plans have ten-year durations, with
options granted under the plans vesting gradually over the period.35 When an
option vests, the manager is free to exercise it and sell the stock. The exercise
price is the stock’s market price at the time the option is granted. The price
remains fixed for the life of the option.36 Critics question both the pricing and
the vesting practices. 37
34 Peter Garber, Tulipmania, 97 J. Pol. Econ. 535, 555–57 (1989) (arguing that rare bulbs had
high fundamental value due to sales of offshoots).
35 Yale D. Tauber & Donald R. Levy, Executive Compensation 663 (2002). Vesting usually
occurs ratably over time but could be based on performance incentives. Id.
36 Thomas & Martin, supra note 11, at 39.
37 Bebchuk and Fried also question the numbers granted. They think that fewer would be better.
According to the empirical evidence they cite, the positive incentive effect declines as the
As to exercise prices, the critics make a simple behavioral point: higher

hurdles require greater effort and therefore hold out a bigger payoff for share-
holders. If exercise prices were set higher than the market price, the manager
would have to create some value in order to put the option into the money. Yet
despite the apparent sacrifice of incentive effect, only a small subset of compa-
nies price options out of the money, that is, above the market price of the stock
at grant. The practice of leaving the price fixed for the life of the option also
arguably softens the incentive effect. A fixed price rewards the executive for
marketwide and sectorwide upward price movement, in addition to upward
movement due to the company’s own performance (which is said to account
for only 30 percent of stock growth on average).38 So long as the market rises
over time, a payoff is virtually guaranteed. Indexing solves the problem. Under
this, the exercise price is reset upward and downward over time to filter out
changes attributable to the market or sector. Alternatively, vesting could be
conditioned on meeting a fixed performance target. Neither palliative was seen
much in practice before 2003. Since then, mounting criticism has caused a
minority of boards to attach performance targets.39
The critics also question the vesting rules. Once the option vests, the exec-
utive is free to exercise it and sell the underlying stock. And executives do sell
90 percent of the stock purchased on exercise.40 This, of course, defeats the
purpose of aligning their interests with that of the shareholders. No nefarious
intentions need be read in, however. The managers sell in order to diver-
sify their portfolios, acting no different from other rational investors. At the
same time, nefarious deeds do occur. Executives use inside information to
time their sales,41 and firms use inside information to time option grants. A
notorious subset even backdated grants.42
Other common features of option plans come under fire, most notably
reloading and replacement. A reloading feature automatically grants the
beneficiary a new option for every option exercised, with the exercise price
number granted increases, so that the benefits of the last option granted may be less than the
cost. Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 138.
38 Id. at 139.
39 See Joann S. Lublin, Boards Tie CEO Pay More Tightly to Performance, Wall St. J., Feb.
21, 2006, at A1 (noting that “30 of 100 major U.S. corporations” base a “portion” of equity
grants on performance targets, up from seventeen in 2003, but that the targets tend to remain
undisclosed).
40 Id. at 176–77. Stock sales are not the only problem. Executives also can employ derivative
contracts to put themselves in the economic position of diversified stockholders, even as they
continue to own the stock purchased under the plan. See Steven A. Bank, Devaluing Reform:
The Derivatives Market and Executive Compensation, 7 DePaul Bus. L.J. 301, 323–24 (1995)
(describing risk shifting in the derivatives market).
41 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 179–83, 191.
42 See Ryan v. Gifford, 918 A.2d 341 (Del. Ch. 2007).
set at the stock’s price at the time of reloading. According to the critics, the
new option can serve as a form of protection against subsequent price volatility
respecting the shares purchased. So long as the stock price manages to spike
above the exercise price of the replacement option at some point during its life,
the executive gets a chance to profit on the stock purchased even if the overall
price trend is downward. Stock price volatility thereby becomes a potential
source of personal profit.43 Replacement occurs when options expire out of
the money. The firm creates new options to replace them, with the exercise
price pegged at the lower market price at the time of the replacement grant.44
The critics assert that this insures against performance failure and works at
cross-purposes with the original option, which was granted to discourage the
stock price decline that triggers the new option grant.45
As a theoretical matter, many of the criticisms are as contestable as the
prevailing practice. As already noted, we have no ironclad theory of optimal
incentive contracting. If we did, the theory would tell us how to design the
contracts, and there would be nothing to dispute except the level of pay.46
Absent a theory, there is room for debate about means to induce the productive
incentives. As to exercise prices, it can be noted that the stock price at the time
of the option grant reflects the market’s present expectation about all future
value scenarios, expectations shaped in light of the incentive compensation
scheme. Strictly speaking, as the option goes into the money, value has been
created with the executive’s participation. As to the absence of indexing, it has
been argued that there may be reason to reward executives for general market
increases: the value of good managers may go up during good times, creating
a retention incentive. Even reloading could be the means to the end of an
optimal long-term incentive arrangement. Perhaps the additional options also
have a positive effect; it all depends on the overall mix of incentives, and
nobody has a guiding template. Finally, replacement options may not look
plausible ex ante, but ex post, at the time of expiration, new options import
continued incentives to succeed.47
None of these back-and-forth arguments can be settled here. But a complex
model of the shareholder sharpens understanding of the stakes. The following
sections take up three matters particularly likely to trigger conflicting interests
in the group of shareholders, namely investment policy, reporting practice,
and payout policy. In all of these cases, the particular shareholder incentive
43 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 169–70.

44 Formerly, the result also was accomplished by amending the plan to lower the price, a practice
that ceased when the Financial Accounting Standards Board changed the accounting treatment
in 1998. Id. at 165–67.
45 See Thomas & Martin, supra note 11, at 43. 46 See Bolton et al., supra note 12, at 33.
47 Id. at 34–37.
profile fostered by an equity compensation scheme can skew the firm’s choices
in unproductive directions.
B. Investment Policy
Hypothesize a choice of investments. The firm can invest in a line of business
much favored in the stock market – say, a broadband network or Internet-
access business in the late 1990s. Alternatively, it can invest in a less glamorous
extension of its core business. The firm does not have the capacity to make
both investments. Its managers know three things: (1) the market will reward
the glamorous investment in the near term, (2) the glamorous investment is
highly risky, and (3) the firm’s capital-budgeting analysis yields a slightly higher
present value for the less glamorous investment in the core business.
In theory, the firm should make the less glamorous investment due to its
higher net present value. Only an irrationally risk-prone actor would opt for
glamour. A properly designed equity compensation scheme should not cause
the firm’s managers to stray from this rational choice.
Stock option compensation is defended on the theory that it encourages
the very risk-neutral investment policy favored in financial economic theory.
It does so by counterbalancing the perverse effects of straight salary. Managers
on straight salary are thought to tend toward risk aversion. They have an undi-
versifiable human capital investment in the firm and a consequent interest
in institutional stability. This contrasts with the interest of the shareholders,
who tend to hold well-diversified portfolios and approach risk neutrality in
their evaluation of new investments. The conflict of interest ripens when the
managers choose a low-risk, low-return investment instead of the high-risk,
high-return investment preferred by the shareholders. Stock options counter-
balance the managers’ risk-averse tendencies by holding out the possibility
of future stock ownership. But they do not thereby automatically make man-
agers risk neutral. Prior to an option’s expiration or exercise, its holder is
benefited by an increase in the underlying asset’s volatility; high volatility
enhances the probability of exercise in the money. This creates a potential
problem. High-risk choices made from an option holder’s perspective may
be too risky, decreasing the firm’s long-term fundamental value even as they
make the option more valuable. This is just the possibility held out by the
glamour investment in the hypothetical. Defenders of standard stock option
plans acknowledge the problem, counseling that the solution lies in setting
the right mix between options granted and the flow of straight salary tied to
the managers’ low-risk human capital investment.48
48 Thomas & Martin, supra note 11, at 40.

Although the theory may well be sound, realizing the theoretically correct
mix of incentives presents a serious practical problem. To see why, let us
examine the hypothetical from the various shareholders’ points of view.
We begin on the investment side. A long-term shareholder will want man-
agement to expand the core competency, despite the short-term opportunity
cost to the stock price. On a long-term basis, the core investment causes the
stock price to increase. A fundamental value investor, viewed without regard
to the time horizon, will make the same choice, because dispassionate risk
appraisal shows the investment to be more valuable. But a caveat must be
entered: a smart fundamental value investor with a short time horizon might
see things differently, opting for a near-term bump in the stock price.
The noise trader and the short-term holder also will see things differently.
The market’s near-term reaction matters greatly to both of them, so both favor
the glamour investment. Dumb money, impressed by a stock price uptick,
also will favor glamour; indeed, additional dumb money might be induced to
invest in the wake of the glamour investment’s announcement, thus further
driving up the stock price.
If the firm makes the glamour investment, some smart-money observers
will conclude that the market overvalues it and short the stock. If the smart
money thereby corrects the overvaluation, there is little risk that stock option
compensation will encourage suboptimal investing by the firm. But how much
smart money will be out there to perform the price correction function? The
investment decisions of publicly traded firms tend to be opaque. Their periodic
reports do not lay out precise decision parameters such as those assumed in
the hypothetical. Accordingly, to perform its job of correcting prices, the
smart money needs to be more conversant with the fundamentals of the firm’s
business than any reference to publicly available information permits. Quite
apart from the costs and risks of short positions, smart money will not necessarily
be available to correct the stock price.
We now turn to the managers, assuming that they are the beneficiaries of a
generous, conventional stock option plan in the middle of its term. They hold
vested, exercisable options; unvested options that can be exercised in the near
term; and unvested options that can be exercised only in the intermediate term.
They also hold stock purchased through the past exercise of options. How these
holdings affect the investment decision depends on the numbers projected and
the managers’ personal preferences. From a long-term, fundamental value
point of view, the glamour investment is suboptimal. But it also will cause
the stock price to be significantly higher in the short term. If the executives
are ready to sell the stock they now own or will soon acquire through option
exercise during the period in which the firm’s stock is overpriced due to the
glamour investment, they have an incentive to choose it. If, on the other
hand, the glamour investment is so risky that it holds out a possibility of future
distress, they may reject it because their job-term projections extend into the
intermediate or long terms.
Three points emerge from this exercise. First, shareholder interest does not
necessarily send a clear signal on the choice of investment. Second, con-
ventional stock option compensation does not necessarily incent managers to
create long-term fundamental value. Third, managers make stock-price-based
calculations from a smart-money position. Even if they realize that the glam-
our investment presents significant negative long-term possibilities, they may
opt for it anyway, knowing that they can adjust their stockholdings during
the projected period of overvaluation. They can even act before astute market
players. There arises a high risk of opportunism.
Two adjustments advocated by the critics of stock option plans address these
problems. First, vesting practices could be changed so that the managers are
locked into long-term positions in the stock. Plans have typically required
executives to retain a minimum amount of stock, but the minimums set
have been too low to be meaningful.49 Stricter retention policies have been
mooted,50 but it is too early to tell whether these will significantly constrain an
executive’s tendency to dispose of stock in the wake of option exercise. Second,
executives could be forced to disclose their stock sales in advance (rather than
after the fact), so as to minimize their smart-money advantage and increase
the stock of information moving market prices in correct directions.51
Some advocate a different approach, suggesting that stock options be aban-
doned and replaced by restricted stock plans. Such plans award the stock
outright and thus ameliorate perverse effects respecting investment policy. As
has been noted, options gain value as the firm’s stock becomes more volatile,
perversely tying executive wealth to stock volatility. To the extent that the exec-
utives’ risk-averse attachment to their jobs does not counteract this incentive,
a problem is presented. Restricted stock addresses the problem by importing
more stable incentives. Where options allow for value only in the event that
the stock price exceeds the exercise price after vesting and before expiration,
long positions in stock have value on both the upside and the downside.52
49 See James F. Reda et al., Compensation Committee Handbook 259 (2d ed. 2005).
50 Id. To be effective, these would have to bar risk shifting through derivative contracting. See
Bank, supra note 40, at 323–24.
51 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 179–81, 191; Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 68.
52 Brian J. Hall & Kevin J. Murphy, The Trouble with Stock Options 19 (Harv. NOM Working
Paper No. 03–33, 2003), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=415040. The corporate world’s

failure to take advantage of these asserted benefits can be explained in part by reference to
The restricted stock argument is correct so far as it goes, subject to the

important caveat that the substitution of long holdings for options does not by
itself achieve incentive compatibility. Note that the managers in the hypothet-
ical have long holdings of the stock from past option exercises in addition to
options under the present plan. So long as the executives hold significant num-
bers of shares that may freely be sold in the overpriced market, the suboptimal
glamour investment may make them better off. Absent retention constraints
on those long holdings, the incentive problem remains unsolved. The same
goes for restricted stock plans.
Restricted stock has an additional shortcoming. Compared to stock options,
it holds out an opportunity cost respecting incentives to create value.53
Restricted stock amounts to an option with an exercise price of zero, and
there is no reason to believe zero is an optimal exercise price.54 To see the
point, compare the award of an option to buy one hundred shares at $100 and
an outright grant of one hundred shares, both awarded with the stock trading
at $100. Assume that the stock price declines to $80 on the day after the grant
and stays at $80 forever because the firm is badly managed. The holder of the
option is wiped out; the holder of the stock emerges with 80 cents on the dollar
despite poor performance.
These value implications help explain the trend toward restricted stock
after 2001.55 From one point of view, it looks like a healthy reaction to option-
related excesses of the 1990s. But at a time when stock market averages showed
little forward motion, it also neatly dovetailed with managers’ self-interest. In a
retrenching market, restricted stock increases net management compensation,
not only compared to the alternative of indexed options but even compared to
conventional, fixed-price options. The restricted stock alternative accordingly
makes economic sense only if the grants are conditioned on the firm’s meeting
strict performance targets, or, in the alternative, the firms take care to make
the grant in the form of a trade-off, with the executive taking the stock in lieu
of cash salary or bonus payments otherwise to be received.56
In summary, given variegated shareholders and the possibility of market
mispricing, equity compensation holds out negative possibilities respecting
investment policy. The incentive problem is time sensitive: mispricing occurs
in the short and intermediate term, but in the long term, fundamental value
accounting and tax regimes, which have pushed preferences in the direction of options. Id.
at 24.
53 See Reda et al., supra note 49, at 244.
54 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 170–71; Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 58.
55 See Reda et al., supra note 49, at 244. 56 See Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 59.
controls. It follows that time holds out the cure. Equity incentive schemes,
whether in option or in long form, should restrict alienation so as to align the
incentives of managers with the long-term stock price and thus the long-term
shareholder interest.
The analysis changes for a firm with underpriced stock. Here, two scenarios
present themselves. The first is benign. The firm’s managers, as smart money,
have a strong incentive to hold until the stock price reaches fundamental
value, whatever the terms of the plan. The second scenario is more troubling.
Here, a lack of upward movement in the stock price induces impatience and
ill-advised investment in overpriced assets. Retention constraints are irrelevant
in the first case but beneficial in the second. Across-the-board restrictions on
alienation accordingly appear to be in order.
Just how long such retention constraints should endure is another question,
with the answer presumably varying from firm to firm, depending on the
nature of the business and the state of the market. A one-size-fits-all standard
still can be suggested: the executive should be required to retain an amount
of stock that is material in light of the executive’s overall net worth until a year
after the termination of employment at the firm.
A final caveat should be entered. For most purposes, long-term stock price
enhancement and long-term fundamental value creation amount to different
terms for the same objective. However, they may send different signals when
an unwanted merger bid appears. The long-term fundamental value objective
has been used to justify management resistance to a premium bid on the
ground that the firm’s long-term value under present management exceeds
the price offered by the bidder. The justification rings hollow in the eyes of
many because long-term fundamental value investors still tend to favor the
premium bid. In the hostile-offer case, the conflict between long-term and
short-term interests occurs not among the outside shareholders but between
inside managers and the outside shareholders as a group. Prevailing stock
option practices help to realign managers’ interests with those of the outside
shareholders. Significant, vested, and alienable equity stakes make managers
less likely to oppose the takeover. Thus did stock option compensation appar-
ently counteract the tendency to resist, facilitating unprecedented numbers
of friendly mergers during the 1990s. Strict, enduring restraints on alienation
would change this. Managers with an equity interest that remains unvested in
the wake of a takeover paid for in bidder stock will have every reason to resist,
preferring to leave the pursuit of long-term value in their own hands rather
than those of a hostile stranger. A united shareholder interest, then, would want
revised vesting restrictions made contingent on events in the control market.
C. The Quality of Financial Reports

Now consider the impact of equity-based compensation on management’s
incentives respecting financial reporting. We take a simple, relatively benign
example of 1990s earnings management: the cookie-jar reserve. The firm takes
an extraordinary loss in a given quarter respecting an unsuccessful line of
business. The stock price effect of the bad news is muted because the loss is
a one-time-only affair. Given, say, a $15 billion company, the market will not
be overly concerned as between a write-off of $1.5 billion or $1.75 billion. So,
management, which expects actual write-offs over time to total $1.5 billion,
tops up the present deduction from earnings to $1.75 billion. The extra $250
million goes to the cookie jar. In a subsequent quarter when the earnings
come in a tad less than expected, management conveniently revisits the loss
reserve and reduces it. The released sum supports earnings in the subsequent
quarter.57 A cookie-jar stash also can derive from any overestimated cost, such
as unrealistically high estimates of any of sales returns, loan losses, or warranty
costs.
Managers in the 1990s held out the shareholder interest in justifying the
manipulation. It was said that investors prefer a time series of smoothly increas-
ing income figures.58 The drawdowns from the cookie jar let management con-
struct that steadily rising line of earnings, avoiding volatile income results that
mean a higher discount rate and a lower stock price. Such income smoothing
does not necessarily corrupt the trend, even as it beneficially reduces volatility.
And since the trend determines the long-term run value, any misrepresentation
is not material.
Managers cited the noise traders in the alternative. In the overheated 1990s
market, the noise interest hyped every piece of news about fundamental value
to such a degree as to make it plausible to argue that earnings manage-
ment serves a higher shareholder interest.59 If, to take a much-used exam-
ple, the firm misses its expected quarterly earnings number by $0.01 and the
57 The use of the big-bath write-off to increase cookie-jar reserves is constrained for business exits
commenced after December 31, 2002; liabilities incurred in respect of closures must now be
recognized on incurrence and not in advance. Fin. Acct. Stands. Bd., Accounting for
Costs Associated with Exit or Disposal Activities, Statement of Fin. Accounting
Standards No. 146 (2002).
58 Mary E. Barth et al., Market Rewards Associated with Patterns of Increasing Earnings, 37
J. Acct. Res. 387, 398, 412 (1999) (showing that firms with patterns of greater earnings have
higher price-per-earnings ratios, after controlling for other factors).
59 For a detailed description of quarter-to-quarter earnings pressures in the late 1990s, see Joseph
Fuller & Michael C. Jensen, Just Say No to Wall Street, 14 J. Applied Corp. Fin. 41 (Winter
2002), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=297156.
overheated market as a result punishes the stock by bidding it down 10 percent,

then a reserve that holds out the missing penny benefits the shareholders. It
allows management to anticipate and counteract the shareholders’ behavioral
shortcomings, protecting the stock price from short-term market mood swings.
Shareholder responses to these justifications depend on the state of the mar-
ket and the makeup of the particular shareholder. We begin on the investment
side. The fundamental value investor will not favor the manipulation of earn-
ings figures through loss reserves. Because these investors only care about cash
flows in the future, they want an unvarnished present report. Management
advocacy that results in smoother numbers makes it harder to work through to
the most accurate valuation. Since greater volatility means a higher discount
factor, the appraiser needs accurate information about volatility so as to make
the adjustment.
The profiles of long-term and smart-money investors will differ. The long-
term investor, once situated in a stock, presumably will not be destabilized
when management turns up a couple of cents short of expectations in the
current quarter. At the same time, earnings management, pursued in modera-
tion, will not inflict any significant injury on this investor. In the long run, the
empirical cash flow absolutely controls, and the long-run question is whether
the company produces competitively. Therefore, the long-term investor could
profess indifference to earnings management keyed to the short-term interest.
The profile alters as accounting manipulation becomes more aggressive and
holds out a risk of ex post enforcement. An accounting scandal means dead-
weight costs of defense and accompanying institutional instability. All of these
impair long-term value. Better to submit accurate reports in the first place.
The smart money is supposed to be able to see through the ruse to the
periodic cash flows, at least so long as the published reports give it an adequate
basis for so doing. It incurs the cost of the analysis, but, since it is smart, it will
be doing the analysis in any event. For example, from a smart-money point of
view, there arguably would have been nothing wrong with Enron’s practice
of pumping up its earnings numbers with results from sham transactions with
special-purpose entities, so long as Enron fully disclosed the transactions in
the footnotes to its financials.60 Enforcement costs remain a negative, but the
smart money, by definition, gets out first.
Now let us consider the speculators. Assume a shareholder buys a stock
on a trend-chasing basis. The trend is that earnings are rising. The holding
period is short or intermediate, without a definite termination date. Given
60 For a description of the Enron fraud, see William W. Bratton, Enron and the Dark Side of
Shareholder Value, 76 Tul. L. Rev. 1275, 1314–22 (2002).
this profile, an earnings shortfall hyped as bad news could be destabilizing,

causing the shareholder to sell and incur tax and transaction costs. It follows
that a little finagling to avoid the firm being short on its earnings projections
will not be objectionable. Just by arranging the numbers, management protects
a shareholder from herself and from the manic nature of the market.
Unfortunately, earnings management also holds out problems for specula-
tors, even as they are its nominal beneficiaries. It works well only so long as
management massages the numbers to protect an upward trend that responds
by staying on trajectory for at least the intermediate term. Let us suppose that
the upward trend stalls, causing management to draw down from the cookie
jar to protect the slope of the line. There will be some shareholders who are
influenced to hold who might otherwise have sold because of the stall. As to
these, the income smoothing may or may not be beneficial. It will certainly
turn out to be detrimental if events make clear that the upward trend was
history as of the time of the income smoothing. Once the trend turns down,
the manipulation undertaken protectively turns out to be injurious. Indeed,
all speculative investors’ interests then presumptively lie in getting out in the
first wave. Where the unvarnished truth prompts that sale, income smoothing
injures the holder. The injury is even worse for the holder buying in reliance
on the manipulated numbers at or after the turning point in the trend. With
earnings management, then, the speculative investor to which management
caters could turn out to be an injured party.
Standard stock option plans do nothing to skew management’s incentives
to a long-term, fundamental value view of financial reporting. Managers who
massage numbers protect a trend into which they can sell stock purchased
through option exercise, pocketing a premium over fundamental value. They
do so as the smartest of smart money, for they control the reports. Bolton,
Scheinkman, and Xiong show this in a formal model in which, given large dif-
ferences of opinion about the value of the stock, even a contract that optimally
trades off risk sharing and management incentives will induce a short-term
orientation and encourage actions that feed speculation.61
Presumably, smart-money shareholders of managers thus incentivized,
whether noise traders or value investors, will be closely watching the man-
agers’ selling activity so as to benefit along with them. These holders can
protect themselves. A sharper conflict of interest opens up between man-
agers employing aggressive accounting and noise-trading, dumb-money share-
holders who rely on the trend and hold on to the stock.62
61 Bolton et al., supra note 12, at 6.

62 Note also an additional conflict between management and the dumb-money interest. Prior
to the change of the accounting rules in 2005, stock option compensation did not entail
Speculative shareholders acted out this volatile behavior pattern in the real
world over the past decade. In the standard account of the recent corporate
reporting crisis, managers in the late 1990s, incentivized by stock options, used
consulting rents to induce auditors to accord a free hand to manage bottom-
line numbers. Auditors defended the practice by reference to the shareholder
interest: if the threat to independence did not upset the shareholders, then
regulators should not intervene to impose their more conservative views about
accounting choices.63 At the time, the supply-and-demand dynamic respecting
audit services operated to make auditors sensitive to the speculative shareholder
interest. Unfortunately for the auditors, stock market reverses later caused the
speculators to take a fundamental value view of financial reporting, condemn-
ing accounting formerly viewed with favor or indifference. The experience
of Enron, WorldCom, and other scandals ameliorated the incentive problem
respecting financial reports by prompting a shift in the way investors view the
numbers.
The recent shift in shareholder demand respecting reporting does not solve
the incentive problem, however. The same shift in demand occurred after
1929, with conservatism prevailing long thereafter. But speculative demands
for aggression eventually returned during the bull markets of the 1960s and
early 1970s. A similar, cyclical return to the speculative perspective on finan-
cial reporting thus can be predicted to occur at some point in the future.
When the time comes, unrestricted management stockholdings will hasten the
transition.
There again arises a powerful case for retention constraints. A long-term
restraint on alienation ties management’s interest to long-term cash flows
rather than constructed numbers in present reports. Here again, the need for
constraint is reduced in undervalued firms, whose managers only want to get
the markets to see the truth. But a clear distinction cannot be made in practice
between overvalued and undervalued firms – no one ever knows for certain
which firm is which. Indeed, if the manager of an overvalued firm believes the
firm to be undervalued, an incentive to overstate results could follow. Strict
retention rules again are signaled across the board.
a charge to periodic earnings. See Fin. Acct. Stands. Bd., Accounting for Stock-Based
Comp., Statement of Fin. Accounting Standards No. 123 (1995). Thus could management
compensate itself without reporting the arrangement’s economic cost to existing shareholders.
Of course, smart-money shareholders, whether speculators or investors, were not fooled. Dumb
money presumably would have taken the earnings reports at face value.
63 Rick Antle et al., An Economic Analysis of Auditor Independence for a Multi-Client,
Multi-Service Public Accounting Firm (Report for AICPA, 1997), available at http://ftp.
aicpa.org/public/download/members/div/secps/isb/0117194.doc. The industry’s advocates also
pointed to informational advantages and the adequacy of legal liability constraints.
D. Payout Policy
Hypothesize a firm with free cash flow. Management has a choice as to how
to disgorge the money. It can raise the regular dividend (or declare a special
dividend), or it can cause the firm to repurchase its shares in the open market.
If the EMH were true and the choice had no tax consequences, the share-
holders would be indifferent.64 In the real world, however, the choice has tax
implications. In addition, the real world holds out the complicating possibility
that stock may be overpriced or underpriced at the time of the repurchase.
Different shareholders will have a different view of the choice. Long-term
taxpaying holders who view the stock as correctly priced or underpriced will
favor repurchase. Even under the regime of rate parity between ordinary
income and capital gains introduced by the Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Rec-
onciliation Act of 2003,65 repurchase holds out the benefit of a tax deferral for
long-term holders.66 Short-term and noise-trading holders need not disagree.
Repurchase announcements are taken as good news and tend to trigger a
3 percent announcement-period gain. They thus can figure into the stock’s
momentum. Disagreement breaks out only if the stock is overpriced at the
time of repurchase. Here, repurchase programs disadvantage long-term, fun-
damental value investors, particularly if they are not smart enough to see the
temporary overvaluation. A noise trader who overcredits the signal might be
similarly disadvantaged.
Meanwhile, standard stock options skew management’s choice away from
dividends and toward repurchases in all states of the world. Consider the choice
between a dividend and a repurchase from an option holder’s point of view.
Dividends are paid to shareholders but not to option holders. One dollar paid
out as a dividend does an option holder no good unless the option is dividend-
protected, that is, unless the option contract provides for a diminution of the
exercise price to make up for the dividend. But only 1 percent of executives
have dividend-protected stock options.67 It follows that stock option value is
negatively related to the firm’s expected dividend payout. Assume a manager
with a ten-year option. Further assume that the firm’s stock price has a volatility
64 This follows from the irrelevance hypothesis of Modigliani and Miller. See Franco Modigliani
& Merton Miller, The Cost of Capital, Corporation Finance, and the Theory of Investment, 48
Am. Econ. Rev. 261 (1958).
65 Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003, Pub. L. No. 108–27, 117 Stat. 752
(codified as amended in scattered sections of 26 U.S.C., 42 U.S.C., and 46 U.S.C.).

66 William W. Bratton, The New Dividend Puzzle, 93 Geo. L. J. 845, 852–55 (2005).
67 Kevin J. Murphy, Executive Compensation, in 3B Handbook of Labor Economics 2485,
2509–10 (Orley Ashenfelter & David Card eds., 1999).

of 30 percent and that the risk-free rate of return is 5 percent. Under the Black-
Scholes option-pricing model, a cut in the dividend yield from 2 percent to
1 percent increases the option’s value by 18 percent. Cutting the dividend
entirely raises option value by 39 percent.68
Stock options, then, raise the financial stakes of the choice between div-
idends and repurchases, giving managers a strong incentive to prefer repur-
chases. Unsurprisingly, empirical studies show a strong correlation between
stock options and payout choices. The probability of stock repurchase is posi-
tively related to the presence of stock options.69 Firms with large stock option
plans are more likely to announce share repurchase plans.70 Dividends are
strongly negatively correlated with options.71 A study of the largest S&P 500
firms from 1994 to 1997 shows that even as the repurchase payout rose from 17
percent to 41 percent as a percentage of income, the dividend yield dropped
steadily from 2.76 percent to 1.41 percent.72
In addition, the number of shares repurchased in open-market repurchase
programs relates positively to the total number of options exercisable.73 Some
studies report that firms repurchase gradually over the lives of options to
reduce the options’ dilutive effect.74 But there also is evidence that firms
time repurchase announcements around the times stock options are being
exercised.75 Whatever the timing, the numbers are large. One survey finds
that firms repurchase roughly 38 percent of the shares underlying their option
grants prior to exercise.76 The more stock options that are outstanding, the
more stock the firms repurchase. Managers admit this. Three-fifths of the
68 Scott J. Weisbenner, Corporate Share Repurchases in the 1990s: What Role Do Stock Options
Play? 9 (Fed. Reserve Bd. Working Paper No. 2000–29, 2000), available at http://www.
federalreserve.gov/pubs/feds/2000/200029/200029pap.pdf.
69 Christine Jolls, Stock Repurchases and Incentive Compensation 15–17 (Nat’l Bureau of Econ.
Res., Working Paper No. 6467, 1998), available at http://www.nber.org/papers/w6467.

70 Mary E. Barth & Ron Kasznik, Share Repurchases and Intangible Assets, 28 J. Acct. & Econ.
211, 238 (1999).

71 See George W. Fenn & Nellie Liang, Corporate Payout Policy and Managerial Stock Incentives,
60 J. Fin. Econ. 45, 47–48 (2001) (using the Lambert model to show that a 1 percent standard-
deviation change in the stock option variable reduces dividends by thirty-eight basis points).
72 Nellie Liang & Steven A. Sharpe, Share Repurchases and Employee Stock Options and
Their Implications for S&P 500 Share Retirements and Expected Returns 17 (Fed. Reserve
Bd. Working Paper No. 1999–59, 1999), available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/feds/
1999/199959/199959pap.pdf.
73 Kathleen M. Kahle, When a Buyback Isn’t a Buyback: Open Market Repurchases and Employee
Options, 63 J. Fin. Econ. 235, 238 (2002).

74 Weisbenner, supra note 68, at 3.
75 Konan Chan et al., Do Firms Knowingly Repurchase Stock for Good Reason? 2 n.4 (2001),
available at http://www.ruf.rice.edu/∼jgspaper/W Ikenberry insiderv6.pdf.

76 Weisbenner, supra note 68, at 23.
executives reporting in one survey acknowledged that they instituted an open-

market repurchase program to prepare for stock option exercise.77
The situation can be corrected in part. Interpolating dividend protection in
option plans removes the incentive skew toward repurchases. Of course, given
a dividend-paying firm, dividend protection increases the value of the options;
the giveback would be a decrease in the number granted or an increase in the
exercise price. But even given dividend protection, management may retain
the urge to warehouse in advance of exercise, particularly in light of the new
rules requiring that the option’s cost must be deducted from periodic earnings.
Now that options cause earnings to be lower, there appears to be more reason
than ever to reduce the number of shares outstanding so that the earnings-
per-share figure, so critical in the eye of the noise traders, stays as high as
possible.
E. Bonuses and Exit Payments

Stock option plans, whatever the shortcomings in their design, have one great
merit: they condition rewards on the stock price, which in turn is determined
by free-market actors. Firms also dispense large cash bonuses. These could be
tied to the stock price but tend not to be. This section looks first into periodic
performance bonuses and then into bonuses paid on exit.
1. Performance Bonuses
Many cash bonus plans employ periodic earnings targets. This practice returns
us to incentives respecting financial reports. Accounting standards give man-
agement room to manipulate numbers to magnify current results. Condition-
ing bonuses on earnings encourages this, with possible benefits for short-term
holders and noise traders, at least where the earnings reports cause the stock to
be overvalued. However, to the extent that smart-money investors determine
the market price and the stock is valued correctly, earnings ruses do not hold
out stock price benefits. But the perverse incentive remains: the cash bonus
scheme still rewards management for putting numbers on a page, without
spillover benefits to shareholders of any type.
Other periodic cash bonus awards are tied to particular performance targets.
To the extent the targets are tied to the improvement of bottom-line perfor-
mance, these bonuses may be unobjectionable. Indeed, in the case of a firm
with undervalued stock, they may be an effective means to provide periodic
rewards to effective managers pending the stock’s recovery. In addition, these
77 Id. at 8 (citing a 1999 survey of 1,600 CFOs).

bonuses can be tailored to the performance of particular tasks. Unfortunately,

however, the practice often falls short. Some performance targets lack a strong
connection to the improvement of bottom-line performance. Consider one
common target – spending all the funds in an annual budget.78 This has the
benefit of being cash-flow-based and thus less subject to manipulation than an
earnings target. On the other hand, it holds out a bonus for the act of invest-
ment rather than for the longer process of investing successfully and realizing
projected returns.79 Compare a bonus paid for closing an acquisition.80 As
with the budget bonus, the target’s accomplishment lies within the discretion
of the executive payee, and the bonus is paid for the act of investing rather
than the result of investing successfully.81 Recent results have been particularly
dismaying. Despite stock option compensation, the period 1998–2001 was the
worst in history with respect to acquirer losses from bad mergers.82 In these
cases, a unified model of the shareholder suffices to condemn the practice; no
shareholder interest is advanced.
The criticisms trigger a question. If accounting numbers fall short as a per-
formance metric and the stock price suffices only on a long-term basis, is there
any reliable bonus metric available from quarter to quarter? Critics of prevail-
ing practice point to cash flow as an alternative metric. Private equity firms
use cash flows to reward the managers of leveraged-buyout firms, triggering
bonuses on the generation of cash flows sufficient to service debt.83 Other
firms reward managers when cash flows exceed the cost of capital.84
Consider, as a possible variation on this theme, the dividend. Oliver Hart
shows that in an ideal (and taxless) world, first-best results easily can be
achieved with an all-common-stock capital structure and a simple incentive
compensation system. Hart describes a simple two-period situation where the
firm is founded at t = 0 and liquidated at t = 2, with an intermediate decision
respecting liquidation or continuance to be made at t = 1, along with a div-
idend payment. Hart would make the compensation of the manager depend
entirely on the dividend d. That is, incentive compensation I should equal
78 See James F. Reda, Compensation Committee Handbook 115–16 (2002).

79 Unfortunately, these budget-based bonus plans tend to open doors for manipulation. By setting
thresholds and caps, they encourage smoothing and manipulation of the capital budgeting
process. See Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 69–75, which recommends a linear approach
that is not keyed to any particular year’s capital budget.
80 In addition, when performance targets are not met, they often are lowered ex post. Bebchuk
& Fried, supra note 6, at 124–27.

81 Id.
82 See Sara B. Moeller et al., Wealth Destruction on a Massive Scale? A Study of Acquiring Firm
Returns in the Recent Merger Wave, 60 J. Fin. 757, 758, 770 (2005).
83 See Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 76. 84 Id. at 76–77.
B (d1 + d2), where B is a proportion of the firm’s total returns. If the payment
also covers liquidation proceeds, where I = B [d1 + (d2, L)], the manager can
be expected to make an optimal decision respecting liquidation at t = 1. If
the expected value of L at t = 1 is greater than the total returns expected at
t = 2, the firm is liquidated at t = 1, and no costly contracting designed to
align the manager’s incentives with those of outside investors is necessary.85
The problem, in Hart’s conception, is that the bribe B required to align man-
agement incentives with those of outside security holders is unfeasibly large.86
Accordingly, a complex capital structure must be devised to align incentives
in the direction of optimal investment and to ensure that the actor with the
appropriate incentives controls the assets.
In theory, then, the dividend cannot feasibly serve as the exclusive basis for
measuring executive pay. But might it serve a limited purpose as a metric for
periodic cash bonuses? Unlike accounting numbers such as periodic earnings,
the dividend follows from actual operations and cash flows. Unlike the stock
price, it is not the product of valuation under uncertainty. A dividend-based
bonus scheme would encourage firms to pay dividends, thereby alleviating
problems of overinvestment and excess reliance on open market stock repur-
chases. The question is whether a dividend-contingent bonus would cause
the opposite problem, underinvestment. Dividends, like bonuses contingent
on acquisition closings, follow from actions within the zone of management
discretion. Managers seeking larger bonuses could divert cash flows needed to
finance good projects into dividend flows. But there could be countervailing
incentives. Managers holding stock options subject to retention constraints
would retain an incentive to make good long-term investments. Given such a
long-term incentive alignment, a dividend-based bonus might have the limited
effect of causing the managers to raise by one notch the hurdle rate applied
in evaluating investments, which need not be a bad thing. The matter would
come down to the amount of the dividend-based bonus: it should import an
85 Oliver Hart, Firms, Contracts, and Financial Structure 146–48 (1995); see also Anat R.
Admati & Paul Pfleiderer, Robust Financial Contracting and the Role of Venture Capitalists,
49 J. Fin. 371 (1994) (articulating a fixed-fraction model of venture capitalist participation
in the decision of whether to continue). In the model, there is no ex ante prospect of firm
continuance in the event of poor results; in the real world, managers derive private benefits
from asset management and might opt to continue.
86 The large B is conceded in venture-capital financings and private-equity restructurings. But the
context is different from that of the pay debate. Venture capital and private equity both involve
arm’s-length negotiations with outside equity capital that exercises control, and transaction
structures share a limited duration. The pay debate concerns mature publicly traded firms,
with their separation of ownership and control, and an implicit, unlimited time horizon.
incentive toward objective evaluation of new investments, without skewing

hurdle rates to destructive, uneconomically high levels.
That said, a dividend-based bonus suits only mature firms with steady cash
flows. For a contrast, hypothesize a firm at an early growth stage of its life cycle
with an investment set that holds out excellent returns for the indefinite future.
Further hypothesize that the firm seriously pursues an incentive-compatible,
long-term equity compensation scheme. Stock purchases through option exer-
cises are locked down so that executives at all times have a material portion
of their wealth tied to the long-term performance of the firm’s stock. Regular
salaries are capped at $1 million per year in light of Internal Revenue Code
section 162(m).87 Finally, cash bonuses are paid only in tandem with dividend
announcements, with the payment mechanism designed so that no perverse
incentives arise respecting investment policy. The scenario implies a problem:
as of t = 0, the top team has to wait for the long term to come about before
receiving big payoffs. The long wait fails to synchronize with tournament eco-
nomics. As of t = 0, any potential manager with bargaining power will reject
the terms of the compensation plan. At t = 1, an impatient manager might look
for a job elsewhere. This firm, then, will be thrown back to more problematic
bonus calculations.
2. Exit Payments
Firms also pay bonuses on entry and exit. Bonuses for signing are unsurprising,
assuming a competitive market for the best managers. Bonuses for leaving,
whether by firing, retirement, or acquisition, are more disturbing, competitive
market or not. The average severance package equals three or more years
of compensation, with only 2 percent of firms reducing it in the event that
the CEO finds new work. The critics argue that firing should not be a cash
bonanza.88
Exit payments still can be defended in theory. Long-term value creation fol-
lows from long-term investment under uncertainty. A payment that cushions
failure arguably encourages risk taking, for whatever the reputational conse-
quences of forced exit, the executive does not have to worry about personal
cash flow. This argument resonates especially well with respect to under-
valued firms whose executives might be unjustly blamed for a languishing
stock price. It also comes to bear in defense of golden parachutes triggered by
87 Internal Revenue Code § 162(m) (2006), enacted in 1994, limits the deductibility of straight
salaries to $1 million; compensation beyond $1 million is not deductible unless conditioned
on a link to performance.
88 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 88–89, 132–35.
acquisitions, as the bonus encourages a neutral posture with respect to sale of

the company.89
Questions still arise, however. The golden parachute makes sense because
exit coincides with a premium payment to the other shareholders more easily
secured with the executive’s cooperation. Other terminations, whether for
retirement or for incompetence, do not coincide with such upside events. If
these exiting executives already are the beneficiaries of supersize pay packages,
cash flow should not be a near-term problem. In addition, the exit payment, by
ensuring against failure even as the executive is richly compensated at present,
could diminish incentives to succeed. The tournament incentive obtains only
for those trying to reach the top team. For the winners, continued high-powered
incentives depend on the posttournament compensation package. Of course,
reputational incentives motivate executives whatever their pay arrangements.
But recent decades’ experience counsels against reliance on reputation. If
reputation mattered greatly, firms presumably would revert to the practice of
three decades ago and remit the lion’s share of compensation in the form of
straight salary, saving the shareholders the dilution costs of supersize equity
compensation. The system abandoned reliance on reputation a decade and
a half ago when it shifted its focus to high-powered incentives. Whatever the
system’s present shortcomings, turning back is not a plausible option.
F. Summary
This section began with two questions. First, what kind of manager-share-
holders are prevailing incentive compensation practices likely to produce?
Second, does the shareholder interest provide a coherent normative yardstick
with which to evaluate prevailing practices?
The answer to the first question depends on the case. With an undervalued
firm, managers are likely to resemble long-term, fundamental value share-
holders. With an overvalued firm, present practice aligns their interest with
short-term noise traders, making it rational for managers to make suboptimal
investments, distort financial reports, and follow suboptimal payout practices.
The informational advantage that comes with the managers’ inside positions
exacerbates the problem.
The answer to the second question is yes and no. Sometimes, as with some
bonus payments, the shareholder interest answers normative questions with
a unitary voice. But responses often depend on the shareholders’ type, the
state of the market, and the undervaluation or overvaluation of the particular
89 See Reda et al., supra note 49, at 231–32.

firm’s stock. The noisier the stock market and the more overvalued the firm’s
stock, the less coherent is the signal from the shareholder interest. The share-
holder interest will more likely be united, and management’s incentives will
more likely be well aligned with it when the firm’s stock is undervalued. Under-
valued firms attract the fundamental value interest; noise traders stay away.
But suppose that managers of all firms are prone to believe that the mar-
ket undervalues their stock. One often enough hears managers complaining
that the market underappreciates their firms’ stock. If widespread belief in
undervaluation is the case, it helps explain the laxity in prevailing practice, for
conventional plans make more economic sense assuming undervalued stock.
But the incentive problem is simultaneously aggravated. Some managers may
believe their stock to be underappreciated when the stock in fact is overval-
ued. Managers of other overvalued firms may accurately appraise the situation.
Either way, incentive pay schemes invite suboptimal investment, inaccurate
financial reports, and skewed payout policy.
III. THE VOLATILE SHAREHOLDER INTEREST AND THE DEBATE

OVER SUPERSIZE PAY
The debate over executive compensation focuses on the quality of the bargain-
ing space in which corporate boards and top team members effect trade-offs
between incentives and compensation.
The leading critics, Lucian Bebchuk and Jesse Fried, charge that com-
pensation practices fail to satisfy the validation standard of an arm’s-length
contract. Managers, they say, possess and effectively wield power, assuring that
compensation prevails over incentives and that performance rewards come on
easy terms. Bebchuk and Fried make a short, direct prescription, reasoning
as follows: given that (1) the victims of the imbalanced arrangement are the
shareholders and (2) the injury is the result of management empowerment, it
follows that (3) the only plausible cure lies in empowering the shareholders.90
Those who view the governance system more favorably offer three defenses
of pay practices. First, the same phenomena that the critics ascribe to executive
empowerment can be better explained in terms of the economic relationship
between risk and return, as higher risks attending equity-based pay must be
compensated with higher upside payouts. Second, to the extent the practice
falls short of the arm’s-length ideal, informational shortcomings are respon-
sible. Boards incorrectly believe that stock options are a bargain mode of
compensation and tend to overvalue them in comparison to cash payments.
90 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 4–5, 10–12, 61–117, 189–216.

Third, whatever the shortcomings of the practice, the system is fundamen-

tally sound. Managers have on the whole done well for the shareholders since
shifting to performance pay in the early 1990s. Loud attacks only enhance the
political credibility of the outsider social critics, whose calls for social justice
will only crimp the incentive system.
This section reviews this debate against the background of volatile share-
holder behavior. It shows that less ground separates the various positions than
first appears. Both sides agree that incentive compatibility must be traded off
against present compensation. They thus together hold open a door for the
perverse effects of speculative shareholding.
A. Power and Rents

Bebchuk and Fried’s normative base point is a model of arm’s-length bargain-
ing. Under the model, executive pay packages should reward an executive with
a sum in excess of his or her reservation price, should contain terms that encour-
age the executive to increase the value of the firm, and should avoid terms that
reduce the value of the firm. More particularly, “arm’s length” means mod-
ifying existing arrangements to add more upside pull. Stock options should
be priced out of the money at grant and the price should be indexed so as to
filter out marketwide advances. Reloading and backdoor repricing should be
prohibited. Retention constraints should be imposed. Bonus triggers should
be performance sensitive, and exit payments should be curtailed.91
1. The Arm’s-Length Bargain

Compensation packages, say Bebchuk and Fried, do not conform to the arm’s-
length model because managers influence independent directors. Restating
the point, managers use power to extract rents, defined as benefits better than
those available under an arm’s-length bargain. A prediction follows: the more
power a manager possesses, the greater the rents in the pay package.92 Power,
of course, cannot be observed and quantified directly, forcing Bebchuk and
Fried to back their positive assertion with inferences drawn from institutional
arrangements. They point out that corporate institutions are ill suited to foster
arm’s-length bargaining between top managers and their corporate employ-
ers, drawing on a list of shortcomings well known to students of corporate
governance.
Bebchuk and Fried’s assertions about power, rents, and the boardroom bar-
gaining context all follow from a basic assumption concerning the appropriate
91 Id. at 18–19, 121–46, 159–62, 164–70, 174–85. 92 Id. at 63.

trade-off between incentives and compensation: an arm’s-length deal, they

assert, would tightly tie pay to performance. At first this seems surprising; one
somehow expects a firmer foundation than an intuitive association of hur-
dle height and value creation. But on reflection, Bebchuk and Fried have
no basis for proceeding other than by raw assertion. After all, we have no
robust positive theory of optimal incentive compensation. The absence of a
theory also explains why process infirmities figure so prominently in Bebchuk
and Fried’s substantive case, for if managers possess a bargaining advantage
and intrinsically prefer more compensation and less incentive compatibility,
then the resulting contract will reflect their preference. Given Bebchuk and
Fried’s assumption respecting the appropriate trade-off, the contract is ipso
facto substantively infirm.
Bebchuk and Fried bump up against the problem of trading off incentives
and compensation at two critical points in their analysis. The issue arises when
they propose stricter terms for option plans, like out-of-the-money pricing and
indexing. Both of these increase the option price and thus decrease the value
of each option granted. They propose a reciprocal adjustment: the number of
options granted can be increased to adjust for the price increase so that the
present value of the grant (and thus the compensation) remains unchanged.93
Here, in effect, incentives and compensation synchronize perfectly so that
the firm’s value can be increased as a result of intensified management effort
without management having to give up even a single dollar of compensation
value. Although the managers may end up working harder in exchange for the
same overall compensation value, the harder work is rewarded with a bigger
upside payoff.
The trade-off problem also arises with respect to retention constraints. All
other things being equal, a tighter restraint on alienation decreases the pay
plan’s compensation value by blocking the executive’s access to liquidity and
portfolio diversification. But here, Bebchuk and Fried propose no Pareto-
optimal swap. Instead, they see a pie to be sliced. An “efficient” contract, they
say, slices carefully, striking a balance between the competing interests with
staged holding periods that would vary from case to case.94 A question arises:
why not gross up again in this case, compensating the executive with a larger
number of inalienable shares so as to make up for the loss in value to the
alienation restraint? Bebchuk and Fried appear to intuit a limit to usefulness
of tit-for-tat trades of compensation for incentives.
The differential treatment is puzzling, given the strong commonalities in
the two cases. In both, present value would be increased in exchange for
93 Id. at 140–43. 94 Id. at 174–76.

incentive compatibility. The difference is that in the first case, the gross-up
pays for forward motion in the stock price, while in the second case, it guards
against perverse effects. Perhaps the benefits of forward motion justify increased
compensation because the firm is projected to be more valuable net of the
trade, where downside-avoided costs of misalignment with the speculative
shareholder interest are more difficult to confront and gauge. Note that such
a judgment is more likely to follow if the shareholder is modeled in a unitary
and benign mold.
Other factors also may be at work. Perhaps the problem identified by Hart
creeps into the option compensation scenario at some point: full incentive
compatibility may just cost too much in terms of the percentage interest in
the firm conceded. But trade-offs made in practice probably follow from a
very different intuition. Corporate actors may perceive a small-scale trade-off
or no trade-off at all because they perceive the management interest at stake
in the case of retention constraints to be more legitimate than that implicated
in a negotiation over price. In this view, diversification and liquidity are to
shareholding what freedom of movement is to citizenship, and only a limited
concession can reasonably be expected at the bargaining table. So limited is
the concession demanded that the question of countervailing compensation
never arises. Significantly, this approach also tends to imply a unitary and
benign model of the shareholder.
A contrasting approach to the trade-off should be put on the table for
consideration. Under this, the firm just says no to short-term liquidity and
diversification because proper incentive alignment should not be negotiable.
To remit the matter of a long-term time horizon to the black box of arm’s-length
contracting leaves open the possibility of perverse effects. Even assuming
an arm’s-length bargaining context, the more bargaining power brought to
the table by the executive, the more the incentives are skewed toward the
speculative shareholder model. Executive pay plans have two purposes: to
compensate and to incentivize. If, in the context of a package that mixes
straight salary, cash bonuses, and equity awards, it is the incentive purpose
that justifies the equity-based component, then it is unclear why retention
constraints automatically must be countered by significant concessions to the
compensation objective.
2. Shareholder Empowerment
The skew toward the speculative interest persists when Bebchuk and Fried set
out a menu of governance improvements. Some of the items on the list would
tweak the present system so as to make it more likely that the shareholder voice
registers inside boardrooms. For example, transparency could be enhanced.
All compensation could be reported with a dollar value attached, and executive
stock sales could be directly reported by the company.95 In addition, the
shareholder vote could be made more meaningful, with separate votes on
different segments of compensation plans giving shareholders the opportunity
to pinpoint objectionable provisions. Other proposals on the menu are more
radical and would empower the shareholders, fundamentally changing the
system. For example, binding shareholder initiatives on compensation could
be permitted. More than that, the board could lose its legally vested control
of the agenda over important corporate legislation so that shareholders could
remove entrenching provisions. Finally, shareholders could have access to the
ballot on terms broader than those recently proposed by the Securities and
Exchange Commission.96
As the proposals become more radical, volatile shareholder behavior
becomes more of a problem, or at least holds out no circumstantial guar-
antee of a solution. To see why, consider the counterfactual possibility of a
decade in all respects like the 1990s, except that Bebchuk and Fried’s share-
holder access reforms are in place. The question is whether the shareholder
voice rises up to insist on reforms assuring that compensation packages hold
out no perverse effects respecting investments, financial reports, and payout
policy. The scenario is highly unlikely. Shareholders at the time, including
the institutional investors on which access schemes rely, were happy to ride
market momentum. It took a bear market and scandals to trigger shareholder
demands about bad mergers and the quality of financial reports. At the same
time, on some compensation issues, shareholders probably have unified and
unproblematic interests. Out-of-the-money pricing and indexing stand out as
possibilities. As to these matters, which go purely to the issue of bang for the
buck, shareholder access might have a consistently beneficial effect. Mean-
while, the access cure holds out minuses as well as pluses.
B. Defensive Tactics
Defenders of the practice respond to the critics at three levels. The first level
presents a full-dress defense of prevailing practice. The second level steps
back to admit process infirmities but to reject the unequal bargaining power
95 Id. at 192–94. The SEC, apparently influenced by all the criticism, has adopted new rules
requiring more extensive disclosures of executive compensation arrangements. See Executive
Compensation and Related Person Disclosure, Securities Act Release No. 33–8732A, 88 SEC
Docket (CCH) 2353 (Aug. 29, 2006).
96 Bebchuk & Fried, supra note 6, at 197–98, 210–12.
description. The third level steps farther back still to admit management
empowerment but to argue that the system is robust nonetheless.
1. The Fair Deal

The full-dress defense, put forward by Professor Murphy and others, draws
on the economic relationship between risk and return to describe prevailing
compensation practice as a fair trade.97 This analysis turns on comparison of
outside and insider option valuation. From the firm’s point of view, the cost
of an executive stock option is the cash consideration the firm would receive
from a third-party investor for the same contingent interest in the stock. But
third-party investors and firm employees differ in a critical respect as option
buyers. Third-party investors are fully diversified and positioned to hedge the
risk attending the option position.98 They accordingly are risk neutral, where
employees are underdiversified and risk averse. It follows that the option’s value
to the employee is less than its value to the third party.99 It further follows that
an option makes no sense when considered as pure compensation in com-
parison to cash: in order to constitute $1 of pay in the eyes of the employee,
option compensation must be increased to make up for the employee’s valu-
ation discount. The option thereby costs the firm more than the $1 in value
the employee receives. An option nevertheless might make sense as incen-
tive compensation. But the overall terms of an arm’s-length option package
should be expected to reflect the employee’s risk aversion. This explains terms
that otherwise could be seen as giveaways, such as exercise prices set at the
money rather than at a discount, the failure to index the exercise price, and
the allowance of both early exercise and stock sales after exercise.100
This fair deal emerges only on a critical assumption – that the employee’s
compensation objective and the firm’s incentive objective may be traded off
without any further scrutiny of the resulting contract’s incentive properties.
This contrasts sharply with Bebchuk and Fried’s assumption that an arm’s-
length deal tightly ties pay to performance and avoids harm to the firm. It also
leads to a strange result when viewed through the lens of this chapter’s typology
of shareholding. In the fair deal story, the executive bargains to attain the status
of a fully diversified outside shareholder with full exit rights. The bargained-
for status invites the executive to take the speculative mind-set, much like an
97 See Brian J. Hall & Kevin J. Murphy, Stock Options for Undiversified Executives (Harv. NOM
Research Paper No. 00–05, 2001), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=252805.
98 Kevin J. Murphy, Explaining Executive Compensation: Managerial Power Versus the Perceived
Cost of Stock Options, 69 U. Chi. L. Rev. 847, 859–60 (2002).

99 Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 38. 100 Hall & Murphy, supra note 97, at 3, 13.
aggressive mutual fund. The question asked above comes up again: why should
a bargaining zone holding out that result be deemed normatively acceptable?
Substantive scrutiny of incentive effects cannot be avoided under the fair-
deal story’s own basic assumptions. The trade-offs that make the deal fair
follow from the assumption that stock options, viewed solely as compensation,
amount to an intrinsically inefficient form of compensation. It follows that
option compensation can be justified based on the incentives it creates.
A justificatory standard can be set loosely or strictly. The relaxed standard
takes a Kaldor-Hicks approach; that is, the value of the incentives created must
exceed the options’ opportunity cost as compensation and the costs of perverse
effects. This allows incentive incompatibility to be traded for compensation
so long as the overall result makes the firm more valuable. Real-world trade-
offs could be evaluated only by intuition, of course; here, as with any other
exercise in valuation, present verification is not a possibility. The strict standard
takes the just-say-no approach mooted above and aspires to a Pareto-optimal
result, in which the value of the incentives created must exceed the options’
opportunity cost, and the scheme may allow no foreseeable perverse effects.
This standard’s benefit lies in the imposition of retention constraints on a
per se basis. Bargaining and unverifiable cost-benefit trade-offs proceed in
respect of the other elements of the deal. Assuming an arm’s-length context,
the executive with bargaining power gets a gross-up in the number of shares
granted; the executive with fewer chips at the table comes away with reduced
compensation value.
2. The Free-Lunch Fallacy

Now we turn to a process defense mooted to counter the charge of executive
empowerment. This begins with the same assertion as the fair-deal defense:
stock options, viewed as compensation, fail to pass the cost-benefit test. The
follow-up assertion is that board members fail to appreciate the costs. They
incorrectly believe stock options to be a bargain mode of compensation and
overvalue options in comparison to cash payments by underestimating the
options’ economic cost to the shareholders whose stakes they dilute.101
Jensen and Murphy use this point to account for a number of practices. For
example, during the 1990s, firms continued to grant the same number of stock
options year after year, even as their stock prices doubled, causing the value of
incentive grants to balloon. Had pay plans been tightly focused on performance
sensitivity, the number of options would have been cut back as the market rose.
In contrast, when the market fell after 2000, option value decreased in lockstep
101 Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 37–39.

with it. Had the value of the grants been the center of attention, rather than
the absolute number of shares granted, further adjustments would have been
required.102 (Indeed, if management were all-powerful, the market decline by
itself should have caused a gross-up in the numbers.) For Jensen and Murphy,
this free-lunch fallacy does a better job of accounting for practices during
the past decade and a half than executive empowerment. They also look to
lack of sophistication to explain the absence of indexing: prior to 2005,103
firms were required under generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP)
to expense the value of indexed options from their earnings, but no deduction
was required for fixed-price, unindexed options. It follows that boards gave up
performance sensitivity not because they were dominated but because they
were naively fixated on earnings per share (EPS), and the applicable GAAP
was badly articulated.104
Murphy takes this a step farther, folding the free-lunch fallacy into the fair-
deal story. The firm grants options not to incentivize but because it mistakenly
believes them to be cheap compensation.105 It follows that concessions keyed
to the managers’ risk aversion – the fixed price set at market and the absence of
restraints on alienation – bother the firm little because it does not view them
as costly. The manager would prefer an exercise price set below market; the
firm would prefer an exercise price above market; and they split the difference
when they set the price at the market.106
This analysis suffers from the same infirmity as the substantive defense in
chief. The mistaken perception of low cost starts out as a positive observation
that counters the power description, casting board decision making in the pos-
itive light of good faith. But the observation ends up as a statement of purpose,
and the purpose is compensation taken alone. The transformation creates a
normative problem. Given that stock options are intrinsically inefficient when
viewed only as compensation, a board that proceeds on this basis and trades
away incentive properties may be making a bad deal.
The lack of sophistication resonates better as pure description. Of course,
one can go only so far in depicting board members as dumb money. But the
characterization still carries due to the agency context: board members are
not trading for their own accounts when approving compensation packages,
and they operate in a cooperative environment. Given these qualifications, it is
plausible to model businesspeople reacting differently to cash and scrip. At the
102 See id. at 37.

103 See Fin. Acct. Stands. Bd., Share-Based Payment, Statement of Fin. Accounting
Standards No. 123 (2004).
104 Murphy, supra note 4, at 21. 105 Murphy, supra note 98, at 865–66.
106 Id. at 863–64.
same time, EPS matters in the boardroom because it matters to noise traders in
the markets. A boardroom seminar on basic financial economics accordingly
would fall short as a cure. For whatever reason – and the fact that someone
else’s money is being spent provides a good reason – the economic costs of
equity kickers are not perceived as equivalent to those of cash payments.
Admitting lack of sophistication into the picture detracts from the power
explanation only if we define power narrowly as the authority to direct the
actions of others, the power possessed by a sovereign or a military superior. If we
relax the definition and describe power in terms of a position to exploit others
economically, lack of sophistication fits neatly into the power description.
The unequal bargaining power described in contract law is power in this
lesser mode. It is also the mode of empowerment referenced by the critics.
3. Substantial Performance
The third defense makes still more concessions. Just as management power
is hard to prove, so is its presence hard to deny. Many defenders accordingly
concede it a place in the institutional description.107 Some even concede that
some managers take excessive rewards, that equity compensation is more liquid
than shareholders would want, and that perverse incentives have cropped up
in the form of accounting manipulation.108 The dispute goes to the normative
implications of the diagnosis of systemic imperfection. Here is the question: to
what extent does the system succeed or fail in cost-effectively channeling the
energy of empowered managers to productive ends that serve the shareholder
interest? To answer the question is to make a judgment call. Defenders of the
practice make a three-part case for relative success.
The first part of the defensive case takes a broad view and looks at the bright
side. Shareholders, it is said, should be pleased with the way things have gone
in the past decade and a half. Returns, measured net of the cost of executive
compensation, have been generally higher since the switch to option-based
compensation. And the shift did succeed in aligning management interests
with those of the shareholders to a greater extent than in the past. Meanwhile,
from 1992 to 2000, growth of gross domestic product in the United States was
higher than in any of Italy, France, Britain, Germany, or Japan.109
Defenders also point to governance improvements initiated in the 1990s.
Boards became smaller and more independent, shareholders became more
107 See Hall & Murphy, supra note 52, at 27–28; Holmström & Kaplan, supra note 1, at 13; Jensen &
Murphy, supra note 2, at 54; see also John E. Core et al., Is U.S. CEO Compensation Inefficient
Pay Without Performance?, 103 Mich. L. Rev. 1142, 1160–61 (2005).
108 Holmström & Kaplan, supra note 1, at 3–4, 12–14.
109 Id. at 3–4.
vigilant, compensation committees became the norm, and federal disclosure

regulations required greater transparency than ever before.110 Shareholders
apparently welcomed the shift to option compensation as they enjoyed the
bull market of the 1990s. In contrast, a much smaller net-pay increase to man-
agement during the 1980s triggered a populist backlash, due to the association
of high salaries with layoffs, plant closings, and downsizing.111
Finally, the defenders argue that problems with executive compensation
after the year 2000 mainly concern a few cases of abuse, and that any break-
downs due to the strain of the 1990s boom market have been addressed
quickly.112 Cases where high pay and poor performance coincide can be iden-
tified statistically and dealt with accordingly. The existence of bad apples does
not compel the conclusion that the whole economy suffers from governance
problems.113
No one on either side of the debate questions any of these points. The matter
comes down to a dispute over the characterization accorded to a system that
is admittedly dysfunctional. There is no objective resolution. Meanwhile, the
whole discussion deflects attention from the important question: Assuming
that equity incentive compensation can be better designed, should it be better
designed? The answer clearly is yes.
IV. CONCLUSION
Supersize pay can have unpleasant side effects. To the extent that equity
incentive compensation turns managers into speculative shareholders, per-
verse effects will follow. Redirecting incentives to the investment mode of
shareholding cures those problems but creates new ones. A compensation plan
designed to create manager-investors delays supersize cash payoffs in order to
keep the focus on long-term fundamental value. The delay reduces the value
of the compensation package. One must then ask whether the purpose of
incentive compensation is actually to incentivize or merely to compensate. To
the extent that the answer is both, perverse effects remain a constant possibility.
It is time to raise the bar and emphasize incentives. Incentive compatibility
should be the first priority, with the level of compensation being fixed in a
framework that lacks foreseeable perverse effects.
110 Hall & Murphy, supra note 52, at 27–28. 111 Murphy, supra note 4, at 1.
112 Jensen & Murphy, supra note 2, at 3–4. 113 Core et al., supra note 107, at 1166.
6 “Say on Pay”
Cautionary Notes on the U.K. Experience and the
Case for Muddling Through∗
Jeffrey N. Gordon
I. INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW
Executive compensation seems always on the public agenda. At a 2003

Columbia Law School conference that debated the newly published Pay
without Performance by Lucian Bebchuk and Jesse Fried, an editor of Fortune
magazine showed a series of magazine covers beginning with the early 1950s
to illustrate the persistent fascination with the pay of the chief executive of
large public companies. Excessive CEO pay led to tax law changes in the
early 1990s. Large stock option payoffs and megagrants made for especially
vivid magazine cover stories in the late 1990s. Golden parachute payouts to
fired CEOs made for lurid headlines in the 2000s. The changing ratio in the
compensation level of CEO versus line worker from 20 to 1 in the 1950s to 350
to 1 today has taken on traction in the political realm as well as the boardroom.
Add to the uneasy contemporary mix the preening of hedge fund managers,
whose billion-dollar annual paychecks dwarf the typical CEO package.
Thus, there are really two strands in the contemporary executive com-
pensation debate. One is the pay-for-performance strand, which accepts that
managers should be paid commensurate with performance but focuses on
management’s purported ability to extract compensation beyond an arm’s-
length bargaining outcome. The other is the social-responsibility strand, which
focuses on the social demoralization and economic justice concerns that high
∗ Note: This work was previously published as “Say on Pay”: Cautionary Notes on the U.K.
Experience and the Case for Shareholder Opt-in, 46 Harv. J. on Legisl. 323 (2009).
Jeffrey N. Gordon is Alfred W. Bressler Professor of Law, Columbia Law School, and Fellow,
European Corporate Governance Institute. I am grateful to Fabrizio Ferri for discussion and
insightful comments on an earlier draft. In honor of Joel Seligman, whose scholarship on the
Securities and Exchange Commission, securities regulation, and corporate governance has been
mandatory reading even before he entered law teaching, and with the hope that he will find time
to continue this valuable work in addition to his new duties.
189
190 Jeffrey N. Gordon
levels of CEO compensation may raise. Pay without performance may be

especially demoralizing on this view, but performance would be an insuffi-
cient basis for current levels of executive compensation, in part because the
firm’s performance is the result of a team’s effort in an environment created
by stakeholders. A major reform focus in both debates, however, has been cor-
porate governance, namely the role of the board and possibly the shareholders
in evaluating and constraining executive compensation.
The fundamental inconsistency in the two strands is reminiscent of the
tensions behind the initial burst of corporate governance reform energy in the
1970s, which focused on the composition of the board, specifically the case for
independent directors. The analogous strands were reflected by advocacy for a
monitoring board, principally in service of shareholder interests, versus a stake-
holder board, which would balance the interests of shareholders against other
important stakeholders. The shareholder-value position triumphed because
of critical changes in the 1980s: the rise of hostile takeover bids, which were
necessarily geared to the shareholders, and the increasing equity ownership
positions of institutional investors, who were, as a matter of fiduciary law,
concerned to maximize the value of their investments. Thus, independent
directors – the major corporate governance innovation of the period – came
to see their principal role as serving shareholders, not other constituencies.1
In the current debate over executive compensation, the balance of forces
within the corporation today is, if anything, more tilted in the shareholder
direction than it was in the 1970s, when critical corporate objectives seemed
up for grabs. Institutional shareholders own even more stock; shareholder
activism has spread beyond transactions in control. The social responsibility
strand in the debate is likely to have far more influence in the political and
legislative realm than in corporate governance reform. For example, marginal
tax rates have, historically, had a large effect on executive compensation.2 This
is not to rule out a feedback loop between the political traction of the executive
compensation debate and subsequent public corporation practice, only that
boards and shareholders are likely, in the end, to give much greater emphasis
to pay-for-performance considerations.3
1 See generally Jeffrey N. Gordon, The Rise of Independent Directors in the United States, 1950–
2005: Of Shareholder Value and Stock Market Prices, 59 Stan. L. Rev. 1465 (2007).
2 See Carola Frydman & Raven Saks, Executive Compensation: A New View from a Long-
Term Perspective, 1936–2005 (July 6, 2007), FEDS Working Paper No. 2007–35, available at
3 Note that if high levels of CEO compensation lead to own-firm employee demoralization, that
becomes a pay-for-performance issue because it directly affects the profitability of the firm.
This is why CEO compensation in a firm facing financial distress becomes such a fraught
problem.
Say on Pay 191
A. The Complexity of Pay for Performance: Why We Leave It to the Board

But focusing on pay for performance as the lodestar of compensation practice
hardly produces straightforward solutions in the real world or even provides an
easy metric to determine which corporate boards have most faithfully adhered
to that precept. Among other reasons, this is because executive compensation
must serve four goals that are not in stable relationship with one another.
The first goal is to provide a reward for successful prior service; the second
is to provide incentives for future service; the third is to retain and attract
managerial talent; the fourth is to align managerial and shareholder interests
in light of embedded legal rules that favor managers.
Three examples illustrate the dilemma. The first example: the firm has
not done well in the preceding period, but the board does not want to fire
the CEO, either because it believes that the CEO has made ex ante correct
strategic choices that worked out poorly because of unpredictable economic
shocks or because, all things considered, the board believes the CEO is the
leader most likely to lead the firm out of its present straits. The current envi-
ronment of rapidly escalating oil prices and an abrupt turn in credit markets
provide many examples of CEO decisions that might plausibly fit into this
category. Assume that the CEO’s stock options (or other long-term incen-
tive arrangements) are now significantly underwater. To reprice the options
(anathematized in the corporate governance literature) or to issue new options
with a different strike price could be readily characterized as rewarding fail-
ure, inconsistent with the first goal. Yet to leave the situation unchanged may
poorly incentivize the CEO for the next period, or even worse, leave the CEO
with incentives to swing for the fences, as the upside-downside payoffs are so
asymmetric.4
The second example: the firm has done extremely well; indeed, the CEO
has been a star performer over a significant period, to the point that the CEO
now owns a meaningful percentage of the firm’s equity. What should be the
shape of the CEO contract for the next period? From a rewards perspective,
the compensation package should continue to include hefty stock-related
compensation and bonus opportunities consistent with the value creation that
the board hopes the CEO will continue to deliver. But from an incentives
perspective, why should the board give the CEO more than a token? The
4 This is one reason there is apparently little correlation between the value of stock option grants
and performance. See Fabrizio Ferri & David Maber, Say on Pay Vote and CEO Compensation:
Evidence from the U.K. (June 2008), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1169446, at 14 (citing
sources).
largest part of the CEO’s personal wealth is tied up in the firm’s stock.5 The
CEO is already well incented to increase shareholder value. Would the CEO
start shirking or otherwise make bad decisions with his or her personal wealth
on the line just because the pay is less? Would he or she quit, putting the
firm in the hands of someone whom the CEO probably believes will do a
poorer job?6 The polar case merely illustrates the more general claim: that
rewards objectives and incentives objectives would not necessarily produce
the same compensation contract and that the optimal CEO contract for a
particular firm could well vary in CEO wealth accumulation.7 This means
that direct comparison of compensation packages across firms is much noisier
and potentially misleading about board performance.
Awareness of rewards or incentives differences has already begun to perco-
late among professional executive compensation observers. For example, some
have begun to complain that the Securities and Exchange Commission’s newly
revamped annual compensation disclosure, compensation discussion and
analysis (CD&A), does not include sufficient disclosure of the CEO’s accumu-
lated ownership position, in particular, what is taken to be the critical variable
(from an incentives perspective): the sensitivity of CEO wealth to changes
in firm performance. Disclosure of the annual compensation package –
what the firm is paying out on an annual basis to its CEO – incompletely
informs investors about the CEO’s performance incentives. But this is not
simply a disclosure point, because the accumulation of ownership changes
the optimal rewards-incentives mix. The board’s role is not to benchmark
compensation to some industry measure (though that may be relevant) but to
tailor compensation to its actual CEO.
5 This of course assumes that the CEO has not been able to unwind his or her equity exposure
through stock dispositions or hedging transactions, itself a complicated matter for the board to
monitor.
6 The example implicitly includes some lock-in of the CEO’s stock ownership position in the
immediate postretirement period and some limit on the CEO’s ability to find another firm
that, to compete for the CEO’s services, will simply replace the accumulated original firm
equity with new firm equity.
7 This intuition is behind some of the noticeable elements in executive compensation at private
firms, particularly the inverse relationship of compensation to CEO ownership and to CEO
age. See Rebel A. Cole & Hamid Mehran, What Do We Know About Executive Compensation
at Privately Held Firms? (July 6, 2008), FRB of New York Staff Report No. 314, available at
For a development of the idea of a CEO’s “wealth leverage,” see Stephen F. O’Byrne & S.
David Young, Top Management Incentives and Corporate Performance, 17 J. App. Corp. Fin.
105 (Fall 2005); id., Why Executive Pay Is Failing, 84 Harv. Bus. Rev. 28 (June 2006). For
an evaluation of CEO wealth sensitivities in the United States, see John E. Core et al., Is US
CEO Compensation Broken? 17 J. App. Corp. Fin. 97 (Fall 2005).
Say on Pay 193
The third example: one area of great concern to many governance activists
and critics has been the golden parachute, a special payment to the CEO
triggered by a change in control or, commonly, termination without cause.
Here a little history is in order. Golden parachutes arose in response to the
hostile takeover movement of the 1980s. There are two ways to tell the story. On
the bright side, golden parachutes compensated target managers, who typically
faced displacement after such a takeover, for the loss of what an economist
would call firm-specific human capital investments. But why should a laid-off
CEO receive such compensation, and so generous, when a laid-off rank-and-
file worker – also having made firm-specific human capital investments, often
of equal or greater value relative to net worth – usually does not?
That brings us to the dark side. The courts, Delaware most important, gave
managers what might be called a takeover-resistance endowment – that is, the
right to fight a hostile takeover using corporate resources, including the power
to “just say no.”8 One way to solve this dilemma is to structure compensation to
align managerial and shareholder incentives in the face of a hostile bid – that’s
the polite way to describe the resulting golden parachute arrangement. So if the
CEO receives approximately three times salary and bonus and the accelerated
vesting of a large stock option grant to boot, the chance to become truly rich
in a takeover solves the problem of managers fighting off hostile bidders. But
the devil is in the details and the triggers for these chutes were crafted for
broader situations than the core case of the takeover where the CEO loses
his or her job. Most notably, the chutes broadened into a general severance
arrangement that covered not only takeover situations but also virtually any
case of termination without cause.9 This had led to nightmare cases of $100-
million-plus payouts, not pay for performance, not the CEO getting a share of
8 See Paramount Commc’ns Inc. v. Time Inc., 571 A.2d 1140 (Del. 1989); Unitrin, Inc. v. Am.
Gen. Corp., 651 A.2d 1361 (Del. 1995).
9 Of course, firing a CEO is arguably just a lower-cost way to achieve the result of a significant
fraction of hostile deals, which seek gains in the replacement of inefficient managers. The
CEO’s loss of human capital in such a case is equivalent to the actual takeover. The only
difference is in the CEO’s resistance right, which in the firing case comes from managerial
control over the proxy machinery that has been a source of the CEO’s ability to stack the
board with allies. The corporate governance changes that have undercut the CEO’s ability to
dominate the board selection process are parallel to other changes in the corporate control
markets that have reduced the antitakeover endowment.
Some would defend large severance payments as providing insurance to encourage CEO risk
taking, particularly given the reality that even an ex ante correct decision that turns out badly
may result in CEO turnover. The question is how large a payout is appropriate. The acceleration
of unvested stock-related compensation seems hard to justify even a generous reading of that
rationale. Moreover, many failed business decisions were ex ante wrong. Clawbacks are rarely
invoked for failure short of fraud.
the upside when the firm is sold at a premium, but pay for failure so egregious
that even a Chief Executive who has awarded the Medal of Freedom despite
failure felt obliged to take notice.10
Conditional on the initial grant of the takeover-resistance endowment, the
golden parachute may have been a locally efficient response. It is a famil-
iar Coasean observation that the assignment of a legal entitlement does not
necessarily interfere with attaining efficient outcomes (though wealth may
be redistributed). The golden parachute payment can be seen as shareholder
buyback of the resistance endowment so as to permit value-increasing trans-
actions to occur. But changes in the corporate governance environment that
have reduced CEO power over the board11 and that have otherwise empow-
ered shareholder activists12 have reduced the value of the takeover-resistance
endowment. We should expect to see significant changes in golden parachute
arrangements, which will separate out compensatory features from hold-up
features. But a simple pay-for-performance metric may not tell us how well a
board is accomplishing this transition, given the loss-avoidance and endow-
ment effects that make downward renegotiation difficult.
These three examples just illustrate the more general point that pay for
performance is an objective rather than an easily measureable output variable
and that the effort to attempt to reduce it to a simple output may lead boards
(and the evaluators of boards) astray. Much additional complexity arises from
the substitutability and the complementarity of the many different instruments
in executive compensation. Restricted stock, for example, which can be seen
as a combination of cash plus an option, substitutes for each separate element,
10 Speaking before an audience of financial leaders in New York City on January 31, 2007,
President Bush said:
Government should not decide the compensation for America’s corporate executives,
but the salaries and bonuses of CEOs should be based on their success at improving
their companies and bringing value to their shareholders. America’s corporate board-
rooms must step up to their responsibilities. You need to pay attention to the executive
compensation packages that you approve. You need to show the world that American
businesses are a model of transparency and good corporate governance.
“State of the Economy” address, Jan. 31, 2007, available at http://georgewbush-whitehouse.
archives.gov/news/releases/2007/01/20070131-1.html. Among the recipients of the Medal of
Freedom from President Bush have been Paul Bremer, head of reconstruction and humanitar-
ian assistance and the Coalition Provisional Authority in postinvasion Iraq, 2003–04; Tommy
R. Franks, leader of U.S. military forces in the invasion of Iraq and the postinvasion aftermath;
and George Tenet, director of the Central Intelligence Agency from 1997 to 2004.
11 Gordon, supra note 1, at 1468, 1470, 1520–23, 1531–33, 1539–40.
12 An example is the use of equity swaps to accumulate significant economic ownership and
“virtual” voting positions that do not trigger a poison pill. See, e.g., CSX Corp. v. Children’s
Inv. Fund Mgmt. (U.K.) LLP, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 46039 (S.D.N.Y. June 11, 2008), appeal
pending.
Say on Pay 195
but the blending of such elements is complementary. A different combina-

tion of elements from even a standardized menu may produce quite different
effects. The ultimate CEO performance incentive is threat of termination
or nonrenewal, which means that managers may value identical compensa-
tion packages differently across firms depending on comparative performance
delivery patience.
Moreover, when we say “pay for performance,” what performance are we
trying to reward and incentivize? Presumably stock price gains are of the great-
est interest to shareholders, but measuring profits also has its appeal, because
bottom-line results may be less susceptible to stock market fashion (though
more vulnerable to accounting conventions). Profits also seem associated with
a hard measure, like more cash in the bank or funds available for dividends.
Yet current profits reflect past investments; how to reward and incent the firm’s
development of valuable real options?13 Stock price measures may imperfectly
measure the value of such investments, particularly given that the firm may
resist disclosure to hold on to competitive rents. As the firm becomes more
granular in its performance objectives, success and compensation become
harder to measure and monitor.
Of course, even after performance has been defined and measured, there
remains this question: how much pay for how much performance? We gave
up on the idea of a just price a long time ago, relying instead on markets
to set prices. But the market price for a CEO is hardly self-defining, as the
market for senior managerial services has no posted prices (hence the hunt for
comparators). Executive compensation at any particular firm seems inevitably
the result of a bargaining process between the CEO and someone empowered
to act for the firm. Thus, recent reform efforts have been principally process
focused and have been particularly geared toward process reform for the large
public firm without a controlling shareholder.
B. Boards and Shareholders

The consensus view in the United States is that the board of directors needs
to serve as the shareholders’ agent in negotiating CEO compensation. As
13 “Real options” refer to business opportunities that become more or less valuable depending
upon future states of the world. For example, a pilot plant in an area of technological uncertainty
creates a real option for a major commercial rollout, whose exercise (or abandonment) is
conditional on the arrival of new information about the technology’s feasibility. So the return
on the investment in the pilot plant includes not only expected profits on its output but also
the value of the embedded real option associated with the investment. For accounts of how
real options theory should figure in business decision making, see, for example, Richard
A. Brealey et al., Principles of Corporate Finance 597–615 (8th ed. 2006); Avinash
K. Dixit & Robert S. Pindyck, Investment Under Uncertainty (1994); Timothy A.
Luehrman, Strategy as a Portfolio of Real Options, 76 Harv. Bus. Rev. 89 (1998).
with many other reforms in corporate governance, the standard move is to

strengthen board independence, both generally and with respect to this partic-
ular function. This has meant tightening standards of director independence
and attempting through a series of process reforms to imbue boards with a self-
conception of independence.14 On the functional dimension, stock exchange
listing rules now mandate a special board committee, a compensation com-
mittee composed exclusively of independent directors, to focus specifically
on the CEO compensation question.15 This committee is empowered to hire
outside experts. As part of the SEC’s 2006 CD&A regulation, the compen-
sation committee is required to prepare a compensation committee report
over the name of each member that discloses whether the compensation
committee “reviewed and discussed the [CD&A] with management . . . and
recommended . . . that the [CD&A] be included in the . . . annual report,”16 in
effect, an ownership statement.
One of the major current issues is the extent to which this ostensibly
independent committee has been captured by its advisers, the compensation
consultants either generally or specifically. That is, does the fact that compen-
sation consultants are often part of diversified human relations service providers
hired by managements instill a CEO-favoring tilt to compensation consultant
work? This raises the question of inherent bias in the compensation consultant
industry as presently structured. Or is same-firm work by the compensation
consultant (meaning, human relations work for the firm in addition to com-
pensation work for the board) a specific (and limited) source of independence-
undermining bias, as commonly hypothesized with accounting firms?
Or do compensation consultants have a style, that is, a reputation for pay pack-
ages of a particular mix of compensation elements and level, so that boards pick
consultants after a basic decision on the compensation approach? As part of its
2006 CD&A regulations, the SEC required public firms to disclose the role of
compensation consultants in the executive compensation-setting process, and
quite interesting data are beginning to emerge on these questions.17
14 For a fuller account, see Gordon, supra note 1, at 1490–99.

15 Id., at 1490–93.
16 Regulation S-K, item 407(e)(5), 17 C.F.R. § 229.407(e)(5).
17 Alexandra Higgins, The Effect of Compensation Consultants (Corporate Library, Oct. 2007);
U.S. H.R. Comm. on Oversight and Govt. Reform (Majority Staff), Executive Pay: Conflicts
of Interest Among Compensation Consultants (Dec. 2007); Kevin Murphy & Tatiana Sandino,
Executive Pay and “Independent” Compensation Consultants (WP June 2008), available at
http://ssrn.com/abstract=114899; Christopher S. Armstrong et al., Economic Characteristics,
Corporate Governance, and the Influence of Compensation Consultants on Executive Pay
Levels (WP June 2008), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1145548; Brian Cadman et al.,
The Role and Effect of Compensation Consultants on CEO Pay (WP March 2008), available at
Say on Pay 197
Another current issue, even more salient, is the extent to which shareholders
should be involved in the pay-setting process. For most proponents of a share-
holder role, the objective is not to substitute the shareholders’ business judg-
ment for the board’s but to heighten the board’s independence in fact given
subsequent shareholder response. Alternatively, we can frame the shareholder
role in compensation setting (and corporate governance more generally) in
terms of accountability.18 First, strengthen the board’s independence; then
strengthen the board’s internal process; and finally, strengthen the board’s
accountability to shareholders. Of course, the annual election of directors
provides a recurrent shareholder check on board action, an annual account-
ability moment. Additional disclosure of compensation information per the
2006 CD&A regulations now provides shareholders even more information
to assess board performance on this critical element of corporate governance.
Proponents of shareholder influence in compensation setting argue, however,
that replacing directors or even targeting compensation committee members
through a just-vote-no campaign is costly and cumbersome and therefore not
a credible constraint on the board. They support a more specific shareholder
role, one that unbundles executive compensation from other elements of board
decision making, more granular accountability.
One way to categorize the shareholder role in compensation setting is with
respect to a 2 × 2 × 2 × 2 matrix that sets up shareholder consultation choices
between (1) before versus after, (2) binding versus advisory, (3) general versus
specific compensation plans, and (4) mandatory versus firm optional. So, for
example, the present U.S. system requires (via stock exchange listing rule)
shareholder approval of stock option plans, meaning that consultation must
occur before implementation, the consultation is binding, and consultation is
mandatory. Yet U.S. shareholders have no role in the specific implementation
http://ssrn.com/abstract=1103682; Martin J. Conyon, Compensation Consultants and Executive

Pay: Evidence from the United States and the United Kingdom (WP May 2008), available at
In using the empirical studies, it’s important to appreciate their methodological limita-
tions. The House Report, the boldest in its suggestion of firm-specific conflict, relies on basic
quantitative descriptions of the differences between firms that do and do not use compensation
consultants, without assessing the statistical significance of those differences and without taking
into account standard control variables. More sophisticated papers by financial economists nec-
essarily rely on one year’s disclosure data and thus the effects they observe are all cross-sectional.
Policy makers customarily are interested in the dynamic effects of disclosure generally and
for specific firms. Policy decisions are often taken without the benefit of authoritative empir-
ical studies, but apart from seeking more disclosure, it might be wise to see how the com-
pensation consultant industry practice unfolds, particularly given the complementary effects
of shareholder voice.
18 Fabrizio Ferri suggested this way of formulating the issue.
of stock option plans, that is, the decision to make specific grants to particular
officers, so this consultation right is general. Presumably, the basis for the
distinction is the sense that shareholders should have approval rights over
establishment of a compensation plan that may dilute shareholder interests
but that approval of specific grants (as with other compensation elements)
would interfere with the board’s role in setting (and tailoring) compensation.
Current proponents of a larger shareholder role call for a shareholder advisory
vote on both general and specific compensation plans, so-called say on pay. In
terms of the matrix, this means an after consultation that is advisory with respect
to general and specific plans (bundled into a single vote). Some proponents
think say on pay should be mandatory, meaning shareholders at all firms should
have the right; others that the principle should be adopted on a firm-by-firm
basis, meaning optional.
This chapter addresses the say-on-pay question, in particular recent federal
legislative proposals modeled on U.K. legislation adopted in 2002 that makes
shareholder consultation mandatory. The advantage to mandatory legislation
is that the shock of greater shareholder consultation rights across the full
range of firms could well destabilize an equilibrium of accretions to executive
compensation that otherwise would be hard to prune and reset. The disad-
vantage is the likely evolution of a best-compensation-practices regime that
would ill suit many firms. The cookbook and normatively opinionated nature
of compensation best practices that are emerging in the United Kingdom
seems a cautionary tale. In the U.S. setting, the consequences might be even
more concerning, as the energized shareholder actors have even less basis for
independent business judgment than their U.K. counterparts and thus may
delegate these judgments to a small number of specialized advisers.
If pay for performance is the ultimate objective of compensation activism, it
could be that the jury-rigged version of shareholder consultation that is evolv-
ing in the United States, firm-by-firm consideration of say-on-pay proposals
and firm-specific threats to target compensation committee board members
through withhold-vote campaigns, is the best way to muddle forward. From the
public and social responsibility perspective, this form of muddling through19
may be insufficient because it will probably result in compensation that is
still “too much.”20 Resetting the basic equilibrium may be highly valued, and
a systemwide rule may offer a greater chance for that outcome. But if the
master problem is on the social responsibility dimension, how likely is it that
19 See Charles A. Lindblom, The Science of Muddling Through, 19 Pub. Admin. Rev. 79 (1959).
20 See Jeffrey N. Gordon, Executive Compensation: If There Is a Problem, What’s the Remedy?
The Case for “Compensation Discussion and Analysis,” 30 J. Corp. Law 675 (2005) (reaction
to pay-for-performance compensation for Harvard endowment managers).
Say on Pay 199
a corporate-governance-based solution will lead to a better outcome than a

general tax policy change?
II. SHAREHOLDER CONSULTATION AND SAY ON PAY
A major goal of the SEC’s 2006 adoption of a CD&A requirement was to

stimulate shareholder reaction to the firm’s executive compensation practices
through the existing means of public and private response. These include
media reactions, private shareholder interventions with managements and
directors, precatory resolutions, and withhold-vote campaigns against com-
pensation committee directors. Some have argued that these mechanisms are
insufficient to check potential compensation excess,21 most notably because
of general shareholder debility in corporate governance, and have pushed
for an explicit shareholder role in the compensation-setting process. This
push is partly fueled by what has been revealed through CD&A disclosure,
particularly pension and deferred-compensation benefits whose bottom-line
dimensions may have startled even experienced directors. Some have been
especially concerned by compensation inequities, including the large dispar-
ities between CEO compensation and even other C-level managers, not to
say other members of the management team and line employees.22 The sense
of out-of-control compensation has been heightened both by enormous pay-
outs to unsuccessful CEOs at a time of economic unease23 and by the option
backdating scandal,24 which suggested widespread overreaching by already-
well-paid senior managers.
21 See, e.g., John E. Core et al., The Power of the Pen and Executive Compensation, 88 J. Fin.
Econ. 1 (2008) (finding that press coverage focuses on firms with higher excess compensation
(“sophistication”) and greater executive stock option exercise (“sensationalism”) but also find-
ing “little evidence that firms respond to negative press coverage by decreasing excess CEO
compensation or increasing CEO turnover”).
22 Lucian Bebchuk et al., CEO Centrality, Harv. Law & Econ. Discussion Paper No. 601
(May 2008), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1030107.

23 Dismissed CEOs of Pfizer and Home Depot, for example, received severance packages in
the $200 million range. See Ylan Q. Mui, Seeing Red over a Golden Parachute Home Depot’s
CEO Resigns, and His Hefty Payout Raises Ire, Wash. Post, Jan. 4, 2007, at D1; Ellen Simon,
Pfizer’s McKinnell to Get $180M Package, Wash. Post., Dec. 21, 2006, available at http://www.
washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/12/21/AR2006122101167.html.
24 Erik Lie, On the Timing of CEO Stock Option Awards, 51 Mgmt. Sci. 802 (2005); Randall A.
Heron & Erik Lie, Does Backdating Explain the Stock Price Pattern Around Executive Stock
Option Grants?, 83 J. Fin. Econ. 271 (2007); Mark Maremont, Authorities Probe Improper
Backdating of Options: Practice Allows Executives to Bolster Their Stock Gains; A Highly
Beneficial Pattern, Wall St. J., Nov. 11, 2005, at A1. The backdating persisted even after the
adoption of the Sarbanes-Oxley legislation, which imposed internal controls standards that
should have ended it. See Jesse Fried, Options Backdating and Its Implications, 65 Wash. &
Lee L. Rev. (2008).
In the search for remedies, governance activists, already inspired by the

U.K. model of greater shareholder governance rights, looked to the United
Kingdom’s 2002 adoption of a mandatory shareholder vote on a firm’s annual
directors’ remuneration report, in effect an advisory vote on the firm’s exec-
utive compensation practices, as rejection of the report did not invalidate a
compensation agreement.25 After the Democratic takeover of the Congress in
the November 2006 midterm elections, Congressman Barney Frank, the chair
of the House Committee on Financial Services, and then Senator Barack
Obama sponsored a similar bills calling for a mandatory annual shareholder
advisory vote on executive compensation.26 The House passed the legislation
on April 20, 2007, but it was not taken up by the Senate. In the course of his
presidential campaign, Senator John McCain has embraced the say-on-pay
cause.27 After the 2008 elections, it seems likely that the legislative push will
be renewed.
A. Self-Help Say on Pay in the United States

In the meantime, governance activists have employed the shareholder pro-
posal route to put precatory say-on-pay resolutions before shareholders. The
issue apparently caught fire at a meeting of governance activists and profes-
sionals in December 2006.28 For the 2007 proxy season, activists led by the
American Federation of State, Country, and Municipal Workers (AFSCME)
and Walden Asset Management, the social investor, put forward approximately
sixty proposals.29 The proposals generated average support of 42 percent and
25 The U.K. legislation did two things. First, it expanded disclosure of executive compensation
beyond the requirements of London Stock Exchange Listing Rule 12.43A(c), requiring a
directors’ remuneration report. See Schedule 7A of the Companies Act of 1985, effective Aug. 1,
2002. Second, it required an advisory shareholder vote on the report. Id. § 241A. The report must
provide particularized disclosure for senior executives of the various sources of compensation
as well as an explanatory statement by the company’s compensation policy (including the
company’s comparative performance). The report must be signed by remuneration committee
members, and its quantitative elements must be audited. Although a shareholder vote is
mandatory for every public company, “No entitlement of a person to remuneration is made
conditional on the resolution [required by this section] being passed . . . .” Id. § 241A.(8). See
Directors’ Remuneration Report Reg. 2002/1986 Explanatory Para. 1 [U.K. Stat. Inst. 2002/1986];
Palmer’s Company Law from Sweet & Maxwell ¶ 8.207.3.
26 H.R. 1257 (110th Cong, 1st Sess.); Sen. 1181 (110th Cong, 1st Sess.).
27 McCain Seeks Shareholders’ Say on Pay, Newsweek, June 10, 2008, available at http://www.
businessweek.com/bwdaily/dnflash/content/jun2008/db20080610 480485.htm.
28 Kristin Gribben, Divisions Grow Within Say-on-Pay Movement, Agenda, July 7, available at
http://www.shareholderforum.com/sop/Library/20080707 Agenda.htm.
29 Erin White & Aaron O. Patrick, Shareholders Push for Vote on Executive Pay, Wall St. J.,
Feb. 26, 2007, at B1.

Say on Pay 201
passed at seven firms, including Verizon, Blockbuster, Motorola, and Ingersoll

Rand.30 Two of the firms, Verizon and Blockbuster, adopted annual say-on-pay
bylaw provisions.
Anticipation grew that sentiment for these proposals would snowball.31 Aflac
voluntarily adopted say on pay; so did RiskMetrics, the keeper of corporate gov-
ernance scorecards, and H&R Block, trying to make amends after an unfortu-
nate foray into mortgage lending led to a successful shareholder insurgency.
But 2008 was not the banner year that proponents had expected. Although
tallies are not yet complete for the 2008 proxy season, the number of proposals
grew only moderately, to seventy, and the level of support has remained at
the same level, approximately 43 percent.32 Majority support was attained at
six firms, including Alaska Air, Pacific Gas and Electric, Lexmark, Motorola
(again), and Apple (presumably because of its stock option backdating involve-
ment). Interestingly, support for say on pay slipped at financial firms from near
40 percent to around 30 percent.33 Proponents had thought that massive losses
would occasion shareholder outrage, especially in light of large payouts to
departing CEOs at Merrill Lynch and Citigroup. Apparently, investors were
nervous about disrupting governance at a time of stress and concerned about
retention of highly compensated employees in an industry with great job
mobility. Indeed, the hesitation to press for say on pay in the financial ser-
vices industry may show the complexity of trying to figure out what counts
as good performance and how to devise an appropriate pay-for-performance
scheme.
It appears that more traditional investors and even some governance profes-
sionals are rethinking the matter of an annual say on pay.34 Some think that
an annual vote will be divisive and will disrupt shareholder-board commu-
nications. Others think such a vote will provide cover for the board and the
compensation committee, pointing to the U.K. experience of invariable share-
holder approval, and is not a stern enough rebuke compared to the alternative
of voting against retention of compensation committee members.35 Others are
30 RiskMetrics Group, 2007 Postseason Report 8 (Oct. 2007).

31 George Anders, Say on Pay Gets a Push, But Will Boards Listen?, Wall St. J., Feb. 27, 2008
at A2.
32 L. Reed Walton, U.S. Midseason Review, May 23, 2008, available at http://blog.riskmetrics.
com/gov/2008/05/us-midseason-reviewsubmitted-by-l-reed-walton-publications.html.
33 Tom McGinty, Say-on-Pay Doesn’t Play on Wall Street: Fewer Investors Back Plans to Weight
in Executive Compensation, Wall St. J., May 22, 2008, at C1.

34 Kristin Gribben, supra note 28.
35 Claudi H. Deutsch, Say on Pay: A Whisper or a Shout for Shareholders?, N.Y. Times, Apr. 6,
2008, at BU9. See RiskMetrics Group, supra note 30, at 10–12 (detailing significant withhold
votes at seventeen firms over compensation issues).
wary of what they foresee as dependence on proxy advisory firms for voting
guidance.
Because of the slow slog – the adoption of say-on-pay provisions by only
eight firms over two years – proponents have put their hopes on mandatory
adoption by federal legislation.
B. Legislated Say on Pay in the United Kingdom

So what of the U.K. experience? The relevant questions include the follow-
ing: How successful has the United Kingdom been in reining in excessive
compensation? Are there other effects that might be positive or negative? How
would that experience translate to the U.S. setting? In particular, how does a
U.K.-like rule compare with firm opt-in through shareholder-proposed bylaw
amendments?
The stylized facts of the U.K. experience appear to be as follows: sharehold-
ers invariably approve the directors’ remuneration report, with perhaps eight
turndowns across thousands of votes over a six-year experience. This level
of shareholder approval reflects (at least in part) board behavior that flows
from direct and indirect shareholder influence. Such influence comes prin-
cipally from best-practice compensation guidelines issued by the two largest
shareholder groups, the Association of British Insurers (ABI) and the National
Association of Pension Funds (NAPF), and further elaborated in the United
Kingdom’s Combined Code of Corporate Governance. Shareholder influ-
ence also comes, less commonly, from occasional firm-level shareholder con-
sultation. In terms of direct effects on pay, U.K. executive compensation has
continued to increase significantly in both the fixed and variable components.
It may be that some performance-pay elements are more tightly geared to
actual performance. There is also some empirical evidence that the pay-for-
performance sensitivity of U.K. compensation increased after adoption of the
advisory vote, particularly for firms that paid excess compensation or otherwise
had controversial pay practices in the preadoption period.
The U.K. adoption of a shareholder advisory vote on executive compensa-
tion had its roots in a particularly U.K. experience of compensation “outrage.”36
36 This follows Jonathan Rickford, Do Good Governance Recommendations Change the Rules
for the Board of Directors?, in Capital Markets and Company Law (Klaus J. Hopt & Eddy
Wyrmeersch eds., 2003); Jonathan Rickford, Fundamentals, Developments and Trends in British
Company Law – Some Wider Reflections (Second Part), 2 Eur. Corp. & Fin. L. Rev. 63
(2005) (Rickford was the former project director of the U.K. Company Law Review of the
Department of Trade and Industry and a member of European Commission’s High Level
Group on Company Law); Guido Ferrarini & Niamh Moloney, Executive Remuneration and
Say on Pay 203
One of the hallmarks of the Thatcher government in the 1980s was the privati-
zation of many utilities, including the gas, water, electricity, and telecommu-
nications monopolies. The salaries of the senior officers skyrocketed for doing
allegedly the same job, and, in the case of all but British Telecom, not doing
that very well. The public reaction to such “fat cats” (so labeled in the press)
threatened to undermine privatization itself. In 1995, the Study Group on
Directors’ Remuneration produced the Greenbury Code,37 which called on
boards to establish a remuneration committee of independent directors to set
executive compensation and for disclosure of an audited remuneration report.
Subsequent corporate governance reform consolidation by the Hempel Com-
mittee in 1998 produced the Combined Code on Corporate Governance. The
Combined Code was attached to the London Stock Exchange Listing Rules,
which obliged firms to “comply or explain [noncompliance]” with Code pro-
visions. In addition to remuneration report disclosure, boards were obliged to
annually consider and minute their consideration of whether to seek share-
holder approval of the firm’s remuneration polices, especially in the case of
significant changes or controversial elements.
The New Labor government that took power in 1997 began a review of var-
ious elements of the U.K. corporate governance system in light of a growing
international consensus that good governance added a competitive economic
edge. Escalating U.K. CEO pay, post-tech-bubble payouts to dismissed CEOs,
and survey data that fewer than 5 percent of firms had brought compensation
policy questions to shareholder vote38 led to amendment of the U.K. Com-
panies Act to require both a somewhat-more-detailed disclosure regime than
under the Listing Rules and to require a shareholder advisory vote on a newly
fashioned directors’ remuneration report (DRR). The DRR was to supply not
only audited compensation information but also a novel (for the United King-
dom) stock price performance graph and the board’s compensation rationale.
What has been the effect on U.K. compensation of the shareholder advisory
vote? It seems fair to say that the new regime brought about much greater
shareholder engagement with the pay-setting process. In the initial year, there
was a flurry of high visibility activity, most famously in the case of Glaxo-
SmithKline, in which a large golden parachute (estimated by shareholders at
$35 million) for the CEO triggered a shareholder revolt that led to rejection
Corporate Governance in the EU: Convergence, Divergence, and Reform Perspectives, 1 Eur.
Corp. & Fin. L. Rev. 251 (2004).
37 Named after its chair Sir Richard Greenbury (then chairman of Marks and Spencer, the
retailer).
38 See PricewaterhouseCoopers, Monitoring Corporate Aspects of Directors’ Remu-
neration (1999).
of the remuneration committee’s report.39 During that year, there were press
accounts of shareholder interventions into the remuneration policy of perhaps
a dozen large firms.40
In subsequent years, observers have noted four visible effects of the regime
shift.41 First, consultation has increased between firms and large sharehold-
ers, or at least with the leading institutional investor groups42 and with the
proxy services firms RREV and IVIS.43 The communications range from the
perfunctory to the serious. Second, rejections of remuneration reports have
been rare, only eight over the six-year history of the new regime – all but
GlaxoSmithKline have involved small firms. Deloitte has reported that, over
the period, only 10 percent of a large sample of firms received a negative vote
of 20 percent or more. Nevertheless, in recent years, the proxy services firms
have recommended negative votes in 10–15 percent of cases, principally involv-
ing smaller firms. Presumably, most firms shape their compensation policies
to avoid negative shareholder votes. There is also some evidence that firms
receiving a significant negative vote in one year receive a much higher posi-
tive vote in the subsequent year, which suggests that most firms accommodate
shareholder views.44 Third, the leading associations of institutional investors,
the ABI and the NAPF, have extended their compensation influence through
the fashioning of compensation guidelines that provide a set of yellow and
red lines.45 These guidelines build on the best practices for executive pay
39 Gautum Naik, Glaxo Holders Reject CEO’s Compensation Package, Wall. St. J., May 20,
2003, at D8; Heather Timmons, Glaxo Shareholders Revolt Against Pay Plan for Chief, N.Y.
Times, May 20, 2003, at W1. The vote was narrow, 50.72 percent to 49.28 percent. Two large
institutional investors voting against the report were Isis Asset Management, a U.K. money
manager with nearly $100 billion in assets, and CalPERS, a U.S. public pension fund with
more than $150 billion in assets that is a notable proponent of corporate governance reform
worldwide.
40 See Rickford, supra note 36; Ferrarini & Moloney, supra note 36, at 295–97.
41 This draws generally from Stephen Davis, Does “Say on Pay” Work? Lessons on Making CEO
Compensation Accountable, Policy Briefing No. 1 [Draft] (2007), which cites relevant sources.
42 Joanna L. Ossinger, Regarding CEO Pay, Why Are the British So Different?, Wall St. J., Apr.
10, 2006, at R6 (two hundred firms annually consult with ABI).

43 RREV is owned by ISS in affiliation with the National Association of Pension Funds. IVIS is
owned by the Association of British Insurers.

44 See Kym Sheehan, Is the Outrage Constraint an Effective Constraint on Executive Remu-
neration? Evidence from the U.K. and Preliminary Results from Australia (March 18, 2007),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=974965 (analyzing results for 2003–2005 votes); Ferri &
Maber, supra note 4 (finding increase in performance sensitivity of CEO compensation in
firms receiving more negative votes).
45 See ABI & National Association of Pension Funds, Best Practice on Executive Contracts and
Severance – A Joint Statement, initially issued in December 2002 and then reissued annually
as part of ABI, Principles and Guidelines on Remuneration. The most recent version of the
ABI’s Principles and Guidelines (2007) is available on the IVIS Web site, http://www.ivis.co.
uk/ExecutiveRemuneration.aspx.
Say on Pay 205
built into the Combined Code.46 The consultations often arise with respect to
changes in a firm’s approved compensation practices (because it passed muster
the prior year) or practices that trench on the guidelines. Indeed, compliance
or not with the guidelines often becomes the basis for the shareholder vote.
Fourth, long-term CEO employment agreements, which in the U.K. setting
gave rise to highly salient episodes of pay for failure, seem to have ratcheted
down. GlaxoSmithKline was such a case. Indeed, the most dramatic changes
have occurred in this area. Almost no large U.K. firms now enter into senior
manager contracts of more than one year or provide for accelerated options
on a change in control, thus putting to an end the U.K. version of the golden
parachute.47 This change, however, could have partly resulted from the gov-
ernment’s initiation of a consultative process that raised the threat of legislation
on termination payments, a threat made credible by legislation of the DRR
regime.48
When it comes to looking at the effect of the new regime on actual pay, the
results are much murkier. In the United Kingdom, CEO salaries and bonus
payouts have increased at a double-digit rate in recent years.49 The value of
long-term incentive plans is harder to measure, but the growth rate is similar,
indeed, higher than in the United States,50 though U.K. observers have noted
a tightening of performance triggers to vesting of particular benefits. The most
thorough empirical analysis, albeit through 2005 only, is by Ferri and Maber
(2008),51 which analyzes U.K. compensation trends before and after adoption of
the DRR regime. Using standard controls for documented influences on CEO
compensation (such as firm size), they report a number of important findings.
First, the overall growth rate of CEO pay is unchanged; there is no onetime
46 See Fin. Reporting Council, Combined Code on Corporate Governance, Part B (rev’d
June 2008) (prior versions issued in 1998, 2003, and 2006).
47 See Deloitte, Report on the Impact of the Directors’ Remuneration Report Regu-
lations 6, 19–20 (Nov. 2004).

48 See Department of Trade & Industry, Rewards for Failure: Directors’ Remuneration
– Contracts, Performance and Severance (Consultation, June 2003). Moreover, the

ratcheting-back of pay for failure began with the Greenbury best-practice guidelines in this
area, which had reduced the typical three-year managerial term to one year by 2002. See Steve
Thompson, The Impact of Corporate Governance Reforms on the Remuneration of Executives
in the U.K., 13 Corp. Gov. 19, 22, 23 (2005) (suggesting that investors pushed to limit contract
terms to one year, which generally produced relatively small savings, because shorter terms
“facilitate[d] the ousting of under-performing executives”).
49 See, e.g., RREV Executive Remuneration: Trends in Executive Remuneration 2006
(2007); Ferri & Maber, supra note 4, at 49, table 1, panel A.

50 Id., table 1 (and author’s own calculations). This is merely a continuation of the narrowing of
the compensation gap between U.S. and U.K. CEOs. See Martin J. Conyon et al., How High
Is US CEO Pay? A Comparison with U.K. CEO Pay (WP June 2006), available at http://ssrn.
com/abstract=907469.
51 Ferri & Maber, supra note 4.
downward revision or a moderation in the trend. Second, they nonetheless

find greater pay-performance sensitivity in certain categories of firms: firms
with a controversial compensation history, namely those with high levels of
shareholder dissent in the first year of the shareholder advisory vote and those
with excess pay in the pre-DRR period (firms in the top 20 percent of CEO
pay after controlling for standard pay determinants). These, by hypothesis, are
the firms in which compensation is least tied to performance and in which a
regime that brings shareholder focus to bear may have its strongest effect.
To counter the suggestion that contemporaneous U.K. governance changes,
but not the DRR regime, drove the greater pay-performance sensitivity, they
ran tests with firms listed on the Alternative Investment Market (AIM). They
find AIM firms did not experience a comparable increase in pay-performance
sensitivity. Similarly, to test the possibility that worldwide governance or com-
petitive factors were the driver, they ran comparable tests on a sample of U.S.
firms, which showed no comparable change in pay-performance sensitivity
over the period.
Although Ferri and Maber’s results are suggestive, only a body of literature,
not any single empirical paper, can securely ground a conclusion about the
positive effects of the DRR regime. Among the elements in their work that
counsel against overenthusiasm on its finding of firms’ greater responsive-
ness to pay-for-performance demands are factors that suggest the possibility of
efficiency losses. For example, the demonstrated increased pay-performance
sensitivity is generally with respect to losses, not gains (although they test both).
In other words, after the DRR regime, pay is more likely to go down if per-
formance declines, but there is no evidence of the reverse. This, of course,
is consistent with avoiding pay for failure, certainly a major theme, if not the
preoccupation, of the reform impulse behind the DRR. Similarly, the perfor-
mance indicator that is associated with greater sensitivity is return on assets
(ROA), an accounting measure, rather than stock price performance. Putting
aside the matter of shareholder preference, stock prices measure expectations
of future earnings, which relate to new investment. A possible message of
the new regime is, “Don’t overcompensate the ‘failed’ CEO; focus on today’s
safely measurable earnings, not tomorrow’s.” If that is the result of a share-
holder advisory vote, it seems an odd way to build a system that relies on
entrepreneurial energy and the risk of failure.52
52 A more positive interpretation might be that because the U.K. compensation scheme is gener-
ally tilted toward cash payouts rather than stock-related compensation, 65 percent to 35 percent,
pay-to-return-on-assets performance is the right, or at least more important, sensitivity measure.
Then the concern becomes the guidelines that lock in a normatively controversial tilt against
stock-related compensation. It is still a consequence of the regime as a whole.
Say on Pay 207
An additional point is a possible size effect in Ferri and Maber’s results,

meaning that independent of performance, the DRR regime may have had a
negative effect on CEO compensation at the largest firms. Since pay generally
increases in size, this suggests that the DRR may have produced a decrease in
the rate of compensation growth where pay was on average the highest and
where high pay was most visible. This may serve perfectly fine social objectives,
but it does not fit the pay-for-performance objectives of the DRR.53
A more technical factor that may confound the Ferri and Maber result is
that the DRR regime consisted of two elements: extensive mandatory disclo-
sure of executive compensation particulars, including the board’s reasoning
process in the award of compensation, and the shareholder advisory vote. As
the authors observe, many compensation elements were already mandatorily
disclosed via the London Stock Exchange’s Listing Rule 12.43(c), though the
report requires significantly more detail, particularly on long-term incentive
plans and severance. Contemporary market participants, though they appre-
ciated the improved disclosure, seemed to think that the new advisory vote
was a more significant change than the improved disclosure. A 2004 Deloitte
survey of leading institutional investors on the impact of the new DRR regime,
commissioned by the Department of Trade and Industry, reported that 70 per-
cent of respondents regarded the shareholder vote as having “very significant
impact,” whereas only 26 percent regarded the detailed disclosure of compen-
sation particulars as having comparable significance, even though nearly 90
percent regarded the remuneration report as providing better understanding
of compensation.54 Thus, Ferri and Maber seem safe in attributing most of
the effect to the shareholder empowerment elements of the scheme.
C. Lessons from the United Kingdom for the United States in Say on Pay
1. Side Effects of the U.K. System
The efficiency effects of the U.K. system are potentially a matter of concern.
As noted previously, the only available empirical evidence shows pay-
performance responsiveness tied to a current earnings measure, not a stock-
based measure. Beyond that, the workings of the system seem ill suited for
a dynamic environment. For example, immediately upon adoption of the
DRR regime, the ABI and the NAPF adopted best practices of compensation
guidance. Because of the dominance of those two actors, whose institutional
53 The size effect looks to be separate from the excess-compensation effect.
54 Deloitte, Report on the Impact of the Directors’ Remuneration Report Regula-
tions 34, 27 (2000). The Report used an intensity scale of 1–5. On a broader definition of
significance that adds 4 and 5, the gap is less pronounced: 92 percent versus 74 percent.
investor members own 30 percent of the shares of large U.K. public firms, the
annual shareholder vote is often a test of comply or explain with those guide-
lines. Indeed, an alternative approach, in which shareholders would annually
evaluate firm compensation practices in light of the firm’s performance and
prospects as a whole, would be very costly.55 The tendency for firms to herd in
their compensation practices is very strong: follow the guidelines, stay in the
middle of the pack, and avoid change from a prior year when the firm receives
a favorable vote. Yet what is the normative basis for giving authoritative weight
to the guidelines, whose conventional wisdom has not itself been tested for
performance-inducing effect?
For example, the current ABI guidelines contain elaborate prescriptions for
the issuance of stock options and other sorts of stock-related compensation,
including a requirement of “performance based vesting” based on “challeng-
ing and stretching financial performance” (not just a high exercise price) that
applies not only to shares from an initial grant but also to shares from a bonus
grant, meaning that an option (or share) grant will not necessarily ever be
in the money.56 To a nonprofessional eye, this reads simply like a prejudice
against stock-based compensation, and the expression of a preference for a
U.K.-style of compensation that traditionally has been tilted toward cash salary
and bonus. Indeed, this is consistent with the Ferri and Maber evidence that
shows pay-performance responsiveness to earnings-based measures that com-
monly are used in bonus awards, not stock-based measures geared toward
stock-related compensation. The guidelines may be correct in their outcome
in particular instances of compensation form, but it is hard to believe that they
will persistently produce a result similar to arm’s-length bargaining, if that is
the ultimate comparator. More concerning is that the implementation of the
guidelines may transmit a particular form of compensation practice across an
entire economy.
Deviations from the guidelines require, as a practical matter, a consultation
with the proxy adviser of one of the institutional groups, either RREV or IVIS.
To do otherwise may be to risk a negative recommendation on the advisory
vote. There are no studies on the bureaucratic capabilities or expertise of
either proxy adviser. The system as a whole seems to tilt toward stasis rather
than innovation in compensation practices. Perhaps this is wise. In light of the
generally greater shareholder power in the United Kingdom, it does, however,
55 See Kristin Gribben, U.K. Investors Warn U.S. About Say on Pay, Agenda (Nov. 12, 2007)
(citing experience of U.K. fund managers, who nevertheless want to retain the advisory vote),
available at http://www.shareholderforum.com/op/Publications/20071112 Agenda.htm.
56 ABI, Executive Remuneration – ABI Guidelines on Policies and Practices §§ 4.1., 4.6,
4.12, 5.7 (2006).

Say on Pay 209
seem ironic that the implementation practicalities of say on pay may reduce
the freedom in fact of the shareholders’ bargaining agent.
2. Translation of the U.K. Experience to the United States

Possible side effects do not necessarily negative the value of the shareholder
advisory vote in the United Kingdom. But it could be that many of its benefits
are bundled with an overall corporate governance system that gives sharehold-
ers considerably more power than in the United States, so that a transplant
of say on pay alone would trade differently in the United States. Corporate
governance in this sense is a function of ownership and legal rules. The U.K.
ownership is characterized by what might be called concentrated institutional
ownership, meaning that although U.K. firms are Berle-Means firms without
controlling owners, the shares are held, first, by institutions rather than retail
investors, and second, that these institutions are “concentrated” rather than
“dispersed.”57 As noted previously, the dominant U.K. institutional investors
have been insurers and private industry pension funds. They share a common
address, the City of London, and common objectives, long-term holdings pro-
ducing steady dividends and gains. Over a forty-year period, they have gained
considerable experience in collaborative efforts to engage their investee firms
on business and governance matters.
Part of the reason they are paid attention to is a legal regime that empowers
shareholders to a much greater extent than in the United States. For exam-
ple, shareholders can remove directors or amend the articles. Five percent of
the shareholders can call a special meeting. The board may not interfere with
shareholder choice in a takeover bid. Through the exercise of preemptive
rights, shareholders can constrain the firm’s access to equity capital mar-
kets. Yet it is the coordination possibilities of the U.K. form of concentrated
institutional ownership that has transformed these statutory rights into gover-
nance power. Thus, the benefits of shareholder advisory voting in the United
Kingdom need to be assessed against that backdrop. The dialogue about com-
pensation may be genuinely informative in a two-sided sense and may inject
leeway that is not immediately apparent. In the course of the compensation
talk, the conversation may turn to performance more generally, including the
performance of the CEO or perhaps consultation about business plans.
The U.S. statutory system empowers shareholders less, granting the board
greater autonomy but taking greater pains to bolster its independence. The
57 This and much of the succeeding discussion draws from John Armour & Jeffrey N. Gordon,
The Berle-Means Firm of the 21st Century (working paper, Feb. 2008, on file with Jeffrey N.
Gordon).
fraction of independent directors in the United States is considerably higher;

the requirements of independence are stricter; the compensation committee
is entirely independent. By comparison, the U.K. Combined Code currently
permits the Chairman (if formerly an independent) to sit on the remuneration
committee. But an equally important difference is ownership structure. Even
as recently as 1980, most U.S. firms had a dispersed retail ownership base.
Dramatic increases in institutionalization began in the 1980s, but the form
of ownership was dispersed institutional ownership, meaning that the institu-
tions were very different in investment objectives, anticipated holding periods,
and geographic location. That diversity has, if anything, increased. Moreover,
U.S. securities regulation has placed various barriers to coordination among
institutional investors that increase its cost and legal risk.
So how would a say-on-pay regime work in the United States? There are
many more firms in the United States (think S&P 1500 versus FTSE 350)
and many more institutional investors, but a very limited practice of institu-
tional consultation and much less coordinated consultation. The most active
institutional investors have been public pension funds and union pension
funds, and they certainly act from shareholder value economic motives but
may have other motives as well. Hedge funds have recently joined the ranks
of shareholder activism, but they are looked at warily, not just by boards but
also by other institutions, whose managers cannot benefit from two and twenty
compensation schemes.
Only a relative handful of the large public pension funds have indepen-
dent corporate governance expertise to guide their share voting, and even the
largest and most experienced of these, CalPERS and TIAA-CREF, depend on
guidelines that they fashion with only limited company-specific accommoda-
tion. Most of the rest simply delegate most of the substantive decision making
in the governance area to a proxy services firm, in particular Institutional
Shareholder Services (ISS), now part of RiskMetrics.58
Like ABI and NAPF, ISS will establish guidelines on compensation; indeed,
such guidelines already exist. As in the United Kingdom, firms that do not want
to stir trouble will herd. Or firms with alternative ideas will engage ISS in nego-
tiation – but the numbers of firms and the time for serious engagement could
easily make the situation untenable. The propensity of many U.S. institu-
tional investors to delegate such decisions could well give power to a hand-
ful of proxy service firms to make substantively very important decisions with
58 See Stephen J. Choi & Jill E. Fisch, On Beyond CalPERS: Survey Evidence on the Developing
Role of Public Pension Funds in Corporate Governance, 61 Vand. L. Rev. 315 (2008).
Say on Pay 211
potentially economywide ramifications. Indeed, the economywide embrace of

stock options in the 1990s resulted in part from institutional investor pressure
on firms to adopt this best-practice way to enhance managerial incentives.59
The favored accounting treatment established plain-vanilla options as the best-
practice implementation. In other words, much of what we now regret was
the result of prior standardized practice that guidelines epitomize.60 It is clear
that legislated say on pay in the United States is one way to catch and stop the
bad-behaving outliers. But there are costs and risks that cannot be ignored.
The major advantage of mandatory say-on-pay legislation is the powerful
shock it might deliver to the executive compensation structure, which would
destabilize the present equilibrium. This is some of what happened in the
United Kingdom. Adoption of the DRR regime suddenly roused the U.K.
institutions into a very significant role in reviewing and challenging com-
pensation practices, a kind of big bang of compensation engagement. Some
dubious practices like long-term contracts and lavish golden parachutes simply
disappeared in the new equilibrium. The trend to more U.S.-style stock-based
incentive compensation appears to have reversed. Yet even in the United King-
dom, the new equilibrium is not a dramatic change. As Ferri and Maber show,
the trend line of compensation increases was not affected.
Moreover, there would be no big bang in the United States. As discussed
above, U.S. shareholder activists have focused on executive compensation for
some time, through both the shareholder proposal machinery and withhold-
vote campaigns for offending compensation committee directors.61 Rules on
majority voting for directors that have been adopted by a majority of U.S. public
firms only add to the potency of such withhold-vote campaigns. Ironically, such
activity in the United States over the same period as the DRR regime may
have produced a onetime downward revision lacking in the United Kingdom,
according to Ferri and Maber’s data.62
59 Gordon, Independent Directors, at 1529 n.257.

60 It is only now, with adoption of FAS 123R, that firms may feel free to experiment with alternative
stock option forms, such as performance triggers for grant or vesting, possibly using industry
indices to measure performance. Yet the concerns about valuation of tailored instruments for
accounting purposes may have its own uniformity pressure.
61 The one area in which U.S. law favors shareholders relative to that of the United Kingdom is
with respect to the making of shareholder proposals. Rule 14a-8 under the U.S. 1934 Securities
and Exchange Act, 17 C.F.R. § 240.14a-8(b) provides access to the issuer proxy to a small
shareholder (owning the lesser of $2,000 in market value or 1 percent). By contrast, section 376
of the U.K. 1985 Companies Act 1985 imposes a 5 percent share-ownership threshold.
62 Ferri & Maber, supra note 4, at 56, table 7, panel A. This finding may have resulted from
exchange-rate fluctuations (see table 7, panel B), and so must be taken cautiously.
3. Executive Compensation as a Hard Problem

Putting aside agency cost consideration, devising an effective executive com-
pensation scheme is hard. Private equity firms have a solution – very high
levels of stock-related compensation that pays off only on a successful exit
from the going-private transaction. Success results in very large payoff, but a
fired private equity CEO typically loses unvested options and restricted stock
(rather than obtaining acceleration through a U.S.-style golden parachute).
Severance is typically limited to the equivalent of one or two years’ salary,
but of course the salary base is much smaller because of the concentration
on incentive-based pay.63 For such high-powered incentives to work well, a
high-powered governance structure is also required.
So why isn’t the private equity model an exemplar for public company
practices? One possible answer is that it may be too demanding, both on
the executives who bear enormous firm-specific risk and on the governance
structure, which requires directors who are knowledgeable about the business
and deeply engaged. For example, a recent paper by Leslie and Oyer observes
that compensation patterns in reverse leverage buyouts begin to revert to
the public company norm within one year of the going public transaction.64
“Executive ownership drops quickly and substantially right after the IPO . . . to
levels similar to public firms.”65 Salary levels take a little longer to reach the
comparable public firm norm – three or four years. Private equity owners
presumably have every incentive to maximize the value of their shares in the
exit IPO and bear the cost of compensation structures, so it is hard to believe
that they would knowingly install a suboptimal regime.
III. CONCLUSION: ON MUDDLING THROUGH
So we need public firms, and we need compensation mechanisms that reward,

provide incentives, and are political sustainable – in short, that serve a num-
ber of social ends. My tentative view is that the current U.S. compensation
reform project is headed in the right direction. Firm-specific say-on-pay cam-
paigns can be targeted against compensation miscreants and can have useful
demonstration effects for many other firms. Targeted just-vote-no campaigns
against compensation committee members can have similar, perhaps even
63 See David Carney, Deliver and You Get Paid, Deal, June 1, 2007.
64 Philip Leslie & Paul Oyer, Managerial Incentives and Strategic Change: Evidence from Private
Equity (draft, Mar. 2008, manuscript on file with Jeffrey N. Gordon).
65 Id. at 16–17.
Say on Pay 213
more powerful, effects.66 These efforts could be augmented by concerted

efforts by institutional investors, other governance groups, and the securities
analyst community to develop a set of compensation good practices, akin to
the Greenbury Code, that could provide a focal point for engagement. In
a 2005 article, I said that the regime launched by the SEC’s CD&A regula-
tion deserved a five-year trial before we undertook significant change.67 Having
looked more closely at the United Kingdom’s say-on-pay regime, I am prepared
to reaffirm my prior view. We need more information about the consequences
of the U.K. system. And we need more experience about the possible success
of present compensation-reform efforts by shareholder activists at particular
firms. If this is not a satisfactory result from a social responsibility perspec-
tive, then the tax code would be a better place to look than adjustment with
corporate governance.
Previously published as Say on Pay”: Cautionary Notes on the U.K. Expe-
rience and the Case for Shareholder Opt-in, 46 Harv. J. on Legisl. 323 (2009).
66 See Diane Del Guercio et al., Do Boards Pay Attention When Institutional Investor Activists
“Just Vote No”? 90 J. Fin Econ. 84 (2008), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=575242 (posi-
tive effects from just-vote-no campaigns”); Jie Cai et al., Electing Directors (WP March 2008),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1101924) (the fewer votes for directors are correlated with
subsequent reductions in excess compensation). See also Yonca Ertimu et al., Board of Direc-
tors’ Responsiveness to Shareholders: Evidence from Shareholder Proposals (WP April 2008),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=816264 (greater board responsiveness to recent majority-
vote shareholder proposals than prior proposals).
67 See Gordon, supra note 20, at 701.
part three
CONSTRAINING
MANAGERS AND
DIRECTORS
Investors, Securities
Regulation, and the Media
7 Shareholder Activism in the Obama Era
Stephen M. Bainbridge
The first decade of the new millennium has seen repeated efforts by cor-
porate governance activists to extend the shareholder franchise and other-
wise empower shareholders to take an active governance role. The major
stock exchanges, for example, implemented new listing standards expand-
ing the number of corporate compensation plans that must be approved by
shareholders.1 The Delaware General Corporation Law (DGCL) and the
Model Business Corporation Act (MBCA) were amended to allow corpora-
tions to require a majority vote – rather than the traditional plurality – to elect
directors.2
The financial crisis of 2008, the election of Barack Obama as president
of the United States, the expansion of Democratic majorities in both houses
of Congress, and the installation of a Democratic majority at the Securi-
ties and Exchange Commission gave these efforts renewed impetus. Echoing
such constituencies as unions and state and local government pension plans,
Washington Democrats blamed the financial crisis in large part on corporate
governance failures.3 Accordingly, much of their response took the form of
new shareholder entitlements. The Department of Treasury’s implementation
rules for the Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP), for example, contained
a so-called say-on-pay provision requiring TARP-recipient institutions to hold
1 See, e.g., New York Stock Exchange, Listed Company Manual § 3.12.
2 Del. Code Ann., tit. 8, § 141(b), 216; Mod. Bus. Corp. Act. § 10.22.
3 See Transcript, The Federalist Society – Corporations Practice Group: Panel on the SEC and
the Financial Services Crisis of 2008, 28 Rev. Banking & Fin. L. 237, 238 (2008) (remarks of
Stephen M. Bainbridge) (“We have heard many calls for financial services reform, a so-called
‘new New Deal’”).
Stephen M. Bainbridge is William D. Warren Professor of Law, University of California, Los
Angeles. Portions of this chapter were adapted from The Case of Limited Shareholder Voting
Rights, 53 UCLA L. Rev. 601 (2006).
217
218 Stephen M. Bainbridge
an annual nonbinding shareholder vote on executive compensation.4 Senator

Charles Schumer’s (D-NY) proposed Shareholder Bill of Rights Act “would
add a new Section 14A to the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 requiring each
proxy statement covered by it to provide for a non-binding shareholder vote
on executive compensation as disclosed in the proxy statement,” as well as
requiring shareholder approval of golden parachutes in certain acquisition
transactions.5 Then Senator Barack Obama had sponsored similar say-on-pay
legislation in the preceding Congress.6 A pending SEC rule-making proposal
would allow a shareholder to nominate 25 percent of the company’s board of
directors or one nominee, whichever is greater.7
In contrast to these incessant reforms, state corporate law has traditionally
limited shareholder voting rights. Under the Delaware code, for example,
shareholder voting rights are essentially limited to the election of directors
and approval of charter or bylaw amendments, mergers, sales of substantially
all of the corporation’s assets, and voluntary dissolution.8 As a formal matter,
only the election of directors and amending the bylaws do not require board
approval before shareholder action is possible.9 In practice, of course, even the
election of directors (absent a proxy contest) is predetermined by the existing
board nominating the next year’s board.10
These direct restrictions on shareholder power long have been sup-
plemented by a host of other rules that indirectly prevent sharehold-
ers from exercising significant influence over corporate decision making.
Three sets of statutes are especially noteworthy: (1) disclosure requirements
pertaining to large holders,11 (2) shareholder voting and communication
4 Davis, Polk & Wardwell, “Say on Pay” Now a Reality for TARP Participants (Feb. 25, 2009),
available at http://www.davispolk.com/1485409/clientmemos/2009/02.25.09.say.on.pay.pdf.
5 Joseph E. Bachelder III, TARP, “Say on Pay” and Other Legislative Developments, Harv. Law
School Forum on Corporate Governance and Fin. Reg. (July 4, 2009), available at http://blogs.
law.harvard.edu/corpgov/2009/07/04/.
6 Stephen M. Bainbridge, Is “Say on Pay” Justified, Regulation, Spring 2009, at 42.
7 Stephen M. Bainbridge, Rising Threat of Dysfunctional Boards, Agenda, May 25, 2009, at 3.
8 See Michael P. Dooley, Fundamentals of Corporation Law 174–77 (1995) (summarizing
state corporate law on shareholder voting entitlements).

9 Del. Code Ann., tit. 8, §§ 109, 211 (2000).
10 See generally Bayless Manning, Book Review, 67 Yale L.J. 1477, 1485–89 (1958) (describing
incumbent control of the proxy voting machinery).

11 Securities Exchange Act § 13(d) and the SEC rules thereunder require extensive disclosures
from any person or group acting together which acquires beneficial ownership of more than
5 percent of the outstanding shares of any class of equity stock in a given issuer. 15 U.S.C. § 78m
(2001). The disclosures required by section 13(d) impinge substantially on investor privacy and
may discourage some investors from holding blocks greater than 4.9 percent of a company’s
stock. U.S. institutional investors frequently cite section 13(d)’s application to groups and the
consequent risk of liability for failing to provide adequate disclosures as an explanation for
Shareholder Activism in the Obama Era 219
rules,12 and (3) insider-trading and short-swing profits rules.13 These laws affect
shareholders in two respects. First, they discourage the formation of large stock
blocks.14 Second, they discourage communication and coordination among
shareholders.
This chapter contends that state corporate law gets it right. The director-
primacy-based system of U.S. corporate governance has served investors and
society well.15 This record of success occurred not in spite of the separation
of ownership and control but because of that separation. The shareholder
empowerment proposals being driven by President Obama and the Demo-
cratic majorities in Congress and at the SEC thus threaten the very foundation
of corporate governance.
I. IN DEFENSE OF THE SEPARATION OF OWNERSHIP

AND CONTROL
The laws just described long solidified the phenomenon famously associated
with Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means’s 1932 book The Modern Corporation
the general lack of shareholder activism on their part. Bernard S. Black, Shareholder Activism
and Corporate Governance in the United States, in The New Palgrave Dictionary of
Economics and the Law 459, 461 (1998).
12 To the extent shareholders exercise any control over the corporation, they do so only through
control of the board of directors. As such, shareholders are able to affect the election of
directors, which determines the degree of influence they will hold over the corporation. The
proxy regulatory regime discourages large shareholders from seeking to replace incumbent
directors with their own nominees. See Stephen M. Bainbridge, Redirecting State Takeover
Laws at Proxy Contests, 1992 Wis. L. Rev. 1071, 1075–84 (describing incentives against proxy
contests). It also discourages shareholders from communicating with one another. See Stephen
Choi, Proxy Issue Proposals: Impact of the 1992 SEC Proxy Reforms, 16 J.L. Econ. & Org. 233
(2000) (explaining that liberalization of the proxy rules has not significantly affected shareholder
communication practices).
13 See Stephen M. Bainbridge, The Politics of Corporate Governance, 18 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y
671, 712–13 (1995) (noting insider-trading concerns raised by shareholder activism).

14 Large block formation may also be discouraged by state corporate law rules governing minority
shareholder protections. Under Delaware law, a controlling shareholder has fiduciary obliga-
tions to the minority. See, e.g., Zahn v. Transam. Corp., 162 F.2d 36 (3d Cir. 1947). A controlling
shareholder who uses its power to force the corporation to enter into contracts with the share-
holder or its affiliates on unfair terms can be held liable for the resulting injury to the minority.
See, e.g., Sinclair Oil Corp. v. Levien, 280 A.2d 717 (Del. 1971). A controlling shareholder who
uses its influence to effect a freeze-out merger in which the minority shareholders are bought
out at an unfairly low price likewise faces liability. See, e.g., Weinberger v. UOP, Inc., 457 A.2d
701 (Del. 1983).
15 See generally Stephen M. Bainbridge, Director Primacy: The Means and Ends of Corporate
Governance, 97 Nw. Univ. L. Rev. 547 (2003) (describing the director-primacy model of the
corporation and outlining its benefits).
and Private Property;16 namely, that public corporations are characterized

by a separation of ownership and control – the firm’s nominal owners, the
shareholders, exercised virtually no control over either day-to-day operations
or long-term policy. Instead, control was vested in the board of directors and
the professional managers to whom the board delegated authority, neither of
which group typically owned more than a small portion of the firm’s shares.
Berle and Means believed that this separation of ownership and control was
both a departure from historical norms and a serious economic problem.17
They were wrong on both scores.
According to Berle and Means, dispersed shareholder ownership arose as
a consequence of the development of large capital-intensive industrial cor-
porations during the late nineteenth century. These firms demanded capital
investments far greater than any single entrepreneur could provide; instead,
the capital they required could be raised only by attracting funds from many
investors. Because investors recognized the necessity of diversification, even
very wealthy individuals limited the amount they put at risk in any given firm,
which further fragmented share ownership.
Professor Walter Werner dismissed this account as the erosion doctrine. As
he explained, in this version of history, there was a time when the corporation
behaved as it was supposed to:
The shareholders who owned the corporation controlled it. They elected
a board of directors to whom they delegated management powers, but they
retained residual control, uniting control and ownership. In the nation’s early
years the states created corporations sparingly and regulated them strictly. The
first corporations, run by their proprietors and constrained by law, exercised
state-granted privileges to further the public interest. The states then curtailed
regulation . . . , and this Eden ended. The corporation expanded into a huge
concentrate of resources. Its operation vitally affected society, but it was run
by managers who were accountable only to themselves and could blink at
obligations to shareholders and society.18
In contrast, Werner demonstrated that the separation of ownership and con-

trol in fact was a feature of American corporations from the earliest periods:
“Banks, and the other public-issue corporations of the [pre–Civil War] period,
contained the essential elements of big corporations today: a tripartite inter-
nal government structure, a share market that dispersed shareholdings and
16 Adolf A. Berle & Gardiner C. Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Prop-
erty (1932).
17 Id. at 6–7.
18 Walter Werner, Corporation Law in Search of its Future, 81 Colum. L. Rev. 1611, 1612 (1981).
divided ownership and control, and tendencies to centralize management in

full-time administrators and to diminish participation of outside directors in
management.”19
If this version of history is correct, there never was a time in which unity
of control and ownership was a central feature of U.S. corporations. To the
contrary, it appears that ownership and control separated at a very early date.
In turn, this analysis suggests that the separation of ownership and control may
be an essential economic characteristic of such corporations. What survival
value does the separation of ownership and control confer? In short, it creates a
central decision-making body vested with the power of fiat. To be sure, Armen
Alchian and Harold Demsetz famously claimed that the firm “has no power
of fiat, no authority, no disciplinary action any different in the slightest degree
from ordinary market contracting between any two people.”20 Hence, Alchian
and Demsetz argued, an employer’s control over its employees differs not all
from the power of a consumer over the grocer with whom the consumer does
business.
If they were right, however, the firm would be nothing more than a quasi-
market arena within which a set of contracts between various factors of
production are constantly renegotiated. It is not. Power exists within firms,
however, and it matters. The corporation has a nexus – and that nexus wields
a power of fiat different from that of a consumer over a grocer. Indeed, fiat
is the chief characteristic that distinguishes firms from markets. As economist
Ronald Coase explained long ago, firms emerge when it is efficient to substi-
tute entrepreneurial fiat for the price mechanisms of the market.21 By creating
a central decision maker – a nexus – with the power of fiat, the firm thus
substitutes ex post governance for ex ante contract.
Granted, coordination can be achieved without fiat, as demonstrated by
the democratic decision-making processes of many partnerships and other
small firms. As the contrast between such firms and the public corporation
illustrates, governance arrangements fall out on a spectrum between consensus
and authority. Authority-based decision-making structures are characterized
by the existence of a central office empowered to make decisions binding on
the firm as a whole and tend to arise when the organization’s constituencies
have different interests and access to information.
The necessity of a center of power capable of exercising fiat within the corpo-
ration thus follows as a matter of course from the asymmetries of information
19 Id. at 1637.
20 Armen A. Alchian & Harold Demsetz, Production, Information Costs, and Economic Organi-
zation, 62 Am. Econ. Rev. 777, 777 (1972).
21 Ronald Coase, The Nature of the Firm, 4 Economica (n.s.) 386 (1937).
and interests among the corporation’s various constituencies. Shareholders

care about the value of the residual claim on the corporation. Customers
care about the quality and quantity of the goods produced by the corpora-
tion. Workers care about salary and conditions of employment – and so on.
Under such conditions, efficient decision making demands an authority-based
governance structure.
This is true even though corporation law confers rights to participate in
corporate governance only to shareholders. Overcoming the collective action
problems presented when one is dealing with many thousands of shareholders
would be difficult and costly, of course, if not impossible. Even if one could
do so, moreover, shareholders lack both the information and the incentives
necessary to make sound decisions on either operational or policy questions.
Under these conditions, it is “cheaper and more efficient to transmit all the
pieces of information to a central place” and to have the central office “make
the collective choice and transmit it rather than retransmit all the information
on which the decision is based.”22 Accordingly, shareholders prefer to irrevo-
cably delegate decision-making authority to some smaller group, namely the
board of directors.
To be sure, the separation of ownership and control creates a principal-agent
problem, as Berle and Means explained: “The separation of ownership from
control produces a condition where the interests of owner and of ultimate
manager may, and often do, diverge.”23 Associated with the shareholders’
purchase of the residual claim on the corporation’s assets and profits is an
obligation on the part of the board of directors and managers to maximize
shareholder wealth.24 Given human nature, it would be surprising indeed if
the board of directors (or some members thereof ) did not occasionally use its
control of the corporation to increase its members’ own wealth rather than that
of the shareholders. Consequently, much of corporate law is best understood
as a mechanism for constraining agency costs.
In my view, however, corporate law academics are far too preoccupied with
agency costs. In the first instance, corporate managers operate within a per-
vasive Web of accountability mechanisms that substitute for monitoring by
residual claimants. The capital and product markets, the internal and exter-
nal employment markets, and the market for corporate control all constrain
shirking by firm agents.
22 Kenneth J. Arrow, The Limits of Organization 68–69 (1974).

23 Berle & Means, supra note 16, at 6.
24 See generally Stephen M. Bainbridge, Corporation Law and Economics 418–29 (2002)
(explaining that the basic corporate law principle that directors have a fiduciary duty to
maximize shareholder wealth arises not out of shareholder ownership of the corporation but
out of the terms of the shareholders’ contract with the corporation).
In the second, agency costs are the inescapable result of placing ultimate
decision-making authority in the hands of someone other than the residual
claimant. We could substantially reduce agency costs by eliminating discre-
tion. That we do not do so implies that discretion has substantial virtues.
A complete theory of the firm thus requires one to balance the virtues
of discretion against the need to require that discretion be used responsibly.
Neither the power to wield discretionary authority nor the necessity to ensure
that power is used responsibly can be ignored, because both promote values
essential to the survival of business organizations.25 Unfortunately, however,
they also are antithetical.26 Because the power to hold to account differs only
in degree and not in kind from the power to decide, one cannot have more of
one without also having less of the other. As Kenneth Arrow explained:
[Accountability mechanisms] must be capable of correcting errors but should

not be such as to destroy the genuine values of authority. Clearly, a sufficiently
strict and continuous organ of [accountability] can easily amount to a denial
of authority. If every decision of A is to be reviewed by B, then all we have
really is a shift in the locus of authority from A to B and hence no solution to
the original problem.27
Hence, directors cannot be held accountable without undermining their dis-

cretionary authority.
The principal argument against shareholder activism follows ineluctably
from this line of analysis. The chief economic virtue of the public corporation
is not that it permits the aggregation of large capital pools but rather that it
provides a hierarchical decision-making structure well suited to the problem
of operating a large business enterprise with numerous employees, managers,
shareholders, creditors, and other inputs. In such a firm, someone must be
in charge: “Under conditions of widely dispersed information and the need
for speed in decisions, authoritative control at the tactical level is essential
for success.”28 While some argue that shareholder activism “differs, at least
in form, from completely shifting authority from managers to” investors,29 it
is in fact a difference in form only. Shareholder activism necessarily contem-
plates that institutions will review management decisions, step in when man-
agement performance falters, and exercise voting control to effect a change in
policy or personnel. For the reasons identified previously, giving investors this
power of review differs little from giving them the power to make management
25 Cf. Michael P. Dooley, Two Models of Corporate Governance, 47 Bus. Law. 461, 471 (1992).
26 Id. 27 Arrow, supra note 22, at 78.
28 Id. at 69.
29 Mark J. Roe, Strong Managers, Weak Owners: The Political Roots of American
Corporate Finance 184 (1994) (emphasis in original).

decisions in the first place. Even though investors probably would not micro-
manage portfolio corporations, vesting them with the power to review board
decisions inevitably shifts some portion of the board’s authority to them. This
remains true even if only major decisions of A are reviewed by B.
If the foregoing analysis has explanatory power, it might fairly be asked
why we observe any restrictions on the powers of corporate takeovers or any
prospect for them to be ousted in a takeover or proxy contest. Put another way,
why do we observe any right for shareholders to vote?
In the purest form of an authority-based decision-making structure, all deci-
sions in fact would be made by a single, central body – here, the board of
directors. If authority were corporate law’s sole value, shareholders thus likely
would have no voice in corporate decision making. As we have seen, however,
authority is not corporate law’s only value, because we need some mecha-
nism for ensuring director accountability with respect to the shareholders’
contractual right requiring the directors to use shareholder wealth maximiza-
tion as their principal decision-making norm.30 Like many intracorporate
contracts, the shareholder-wealth-maximization norm does not lend itself to
judicial enforcement except in especially provocative situations.31 Instead, it is
enforced indirectly through a complex and varied set of extrajudicial account-
ability mechanisms, of which shareholder voting is just one.
Importantly, however, like all accountability mechanisms, shareholder vot-
ing must be constrained in order to preserve the value of authority. As Arrow
observes:
To maintain the value of authority, it would appear that [accountability]

must be intermittent. This could be periodic; it could take the form of what
is termed “management by exception,” in which authority and its decisions
are reviewed only when performance is sufficiently degraded from expecta-
tions. . . . 32
Accordingly, shareholder voting is properly understood not as an integral

aspect of the corporate decision-making structure but rather as an account-
ability device of last resort to be used sparingly, at best. Indeed, as Robert
Clark observes, the proper way in which shareholder voting rights are used
to hold corporate directors and officers accountable is not through the
30 See Bainbridge, supra note 24, at 419–29 (explaining why shareholder wealth maximization
would emerge from hypothetical bargaining between directors and shareholders even in the
director-primacy model).
31 See id. at 422 (noting that “the business judgment rule (appropriately) insulates director from
liability” in this context).

32 Arrow, supra note 22, at 78.
exercise of individual voting decisions but rather collectively in the context of

a takeover.33 Because shares are freely transferable, a bidder who believes the
firm is being run poorly can profit by offering to buy a controlling block of
stock at a premium over market and subsequently displacing the incumbent
managers, which presumably will result in an increase in firm value exceeding
the premium the bidder paid for control. Hence, just as one might predict
on the basis of Arrow’s analysis, shareholder voting properly comes into play
as an accountability only “when [management] performance is sufficiently
degraded from expectations” to make a takeover fight worth waging.34
In sum, given the significant virtues of discretion, one ought not lightly
interfere with management or the board’s decision-making authority in the
name of accountability. Indeed, the claim should be put even more strongly:
preservation of managerial discretion should always be default presumption.
Because the separation of ownership and control mandated by U.S. corporate
law has precisely that effect, by constraining shareholders both from reviewing
most board decisions and from substituting their judgment for that of the
board, that separation has a strong efficiency justification.
II. THE RISE OF INSTITUTIONAL INVESTORS
Does the foregoing analysis change when we take into account the rise of insti-
tutional investors? Since the early 1990s, various commentators have argued
that institutional investor corporate governance activism could become an
important constraint on agency costs in the corporation.35
A. The Theory
Institutional investors, they argued, will approach corporate governance quite
differently than individual investors. Because institutions typically own larger
blocks than individuals and have an incentive to develop specialized expertise
in making and monitoring investments, the former should play a far more
active role in corporate governance than dispersed shareholders. Their greater
access to firm information, coupled with their concentrated voting power,
33 Robert C. Clark, Corporation Law 95 (1986).

34 Space does not permit an evaluation here of whether shareholders therefore ought to have
unfettered rights to accept any takeover offer or, to put it another way, whether the board of
directors properly has a gatekeeping function even with respect to corporate takeovers. I argue
in favor of such a board function in Bainbridge, supra note 24, at 805–17.
35 See, e.g., Roe, supra note 29; Bernard S. Black, Shareholder Passivity Reexamined, 89 Mich.
L. Rev. 520 (1990).

should enable them to more actively monitor the firm’s performance and to
make changes in the board’s composition when performance lags. Corpora-
tions with large blocks of stock held by institutional investors thus might reunite
ownership of the residual claim and ultimate control of the enterprise. As a
result, concentrated ownership in the hands of institutional investors might
lead to a reduction in shirking and, hence, a reduction in agency costs.
B. In Practice
In the early 1990s, it seemed plausible that the story might eventually play out.
Institutional investors increasingly dominated U.S. equity securities markets.
They also began to play a somewhat more active role in corporate governance
than they had in earlier periods: taking their voting rights more seriously and
using the proxy system to defend their interests.
They began voting against takeover defenses proposed by management and
in favor of shareholder proposals recommending removal of existing defenses.
Many institutions also no longer routinely voted to reelect incumbent direc-
tors. Less visibly, institutions influenced business policy and board compo-
sition through negotiations with management. But while there seemed little
doubt that institutional investor activism could have effects at the margins,
the question remained as to whether the impact would be more than merely
marginal.
By the end of the 1990s, the answer seemed to be no. A comprehensive
survey found relatively little evidence that shareholder activism mattered.36
Even the most active institutional investors spent only trifling amounts on
corporate governance activism. Institutions devoted little effort to monitoring
management; to the contrary, they typically disclaimed the ability or desire
to decide company-specific policy questions. They rarely conducted proxy
solicitations or put forward shareholder proposals. They did not seek to elect
representatives to boards of directors. They rarely coordinated their activities.
Most important, empirical studies of U.S. institutional investor activism found
“no strong evidence of a correlation between firm performance and percentage
of shares owned by institutions.”37
36 Bernard S. Black, Shareholder Activism and Corporate Governance in the United States, in The
New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics and the Law 459 (1998). Because of a resurgence
of direct individual investment in the stock market, motivated at least in part by the day-
trading phenomenon and technology stock bubble, the trend toward institutional domination
stagnated. Large blocks held by a single investor remained rare. Few U.S. corporations had
any institutional shareholders who owned more than 5 percent or 10 percent of their stock.
37 Id. at 462.
Today, institutional investor activism remains rare. It is principally the

province of union and state and local public employee pension funds.38 But
while these investors’ activities generate considerable press attention, they can
hardly be said to have reunited ownership and control.
C. Even Institutions are Rationally Apathetic

One should not be surprised that most institutions appear to be just as apathetic
as individual shareholders. Because institutional investors generally are profit
maximizers, they will not engage in an activity whose costs exceed its benefits.
Even ardent proponents of institutional investor activism concede that insti-
tutions are unlikely to be involved in day-to-day corporate matters. Instead,
they are likely to step in only where there are serious long-term problems. On
the benefit side of the equation, corporate governance activism is unattractive
because in many cases activism is unlikely to be availing. In some cases, inter-
vention will come too late. In others, the problem may prove intractable, as
where technological changes undercut the firm’s competitive position.
Turning to the cost side of the equation, because it is impossible to predict
ex ante which corporations are likely to experience such problems, activist
institutions will be obliged to monitor all of their portfolio firms.39 Moreover,
because corporate disclosures rarely give one a full picture of the corpora-
tion’s prospects, additional and more costly monitoring mechanisms must be
established.
In any case, monitoring costs are just the price of entry for activist institu-
tions. Once they identify a problem firm, steps must be taken to address the
problem. In some cases, it may suffice for the activist institution to propose
some change in the rules of the game, but less tractable problems will neces-
sitate more extreme remedial measures, such as removal of the incumbent
board of directors.
38 The chief exception to that rule, as of this writing, is an apparent increase in the willingness of
private hedge funds to exercise the limited control rights granted to shareholders.
39 It is for this reason that Professor Black’s economies of scale arguments fail. Black contends
that activist investors will find that monitoring issues cut across a wide range of companies,
which permits them to make use of economies of scale by developing standard responses
to managerial derelictions; see Black, supra note 35, at 580–84, while nonactivist investors
can obtain economies of scale by developing standardized voting procedures. Id. at 589–91.
If institutional activism is more likely to take the form of crisis intervention, however, such
economies of scale are unlikely to obtain because different crises will necessitate differing
responses. At most, we might expect institutions to adopt standard voting practices on issues
such as takeover defenses, which is a low-cost technique consistent with observed institutional
behavior. It is also consistent with the thesis that only marginal effects should be expected from
institutional activism.
In public corporations with dispersed ownership of the sort under debate

here, such measures necessarily require the support of other shareholders,
which makes a shareholder insurrection against inefficient but entrenched
managers a costly and difficult undertaking. Putting together a winning coali-
tion requires, among other things, ready mechanisms for communicating with
other investors. Unfortunately, SEC rules on proxy solicitations, stock own-
ership disclosure, and controlling shareholder liabilities have long impeded
communication and collective action. Even though the 1992 SEC rule amend-
ments somewhat lowered the barriers to collective action, important impedi-
ments remain.40
Yet even if there were further erosion in the barriers to shareholder com-
munication, coordinating shareholder activism may remain a game not worth
playing, because the benefits are low. Because many companies must be mon-
itored, and because careful monitoring of an individual firm is expensive,
institutional activism is likely to focus on crisis management. In many crises,
however, institutional activism is unlikely to be availing. In some cases, inter-
vention will come too late. In others, the problem may prove intractable, as
where technological changes undercut the firm’s competitive position.
Putting together a winning coalition requires, among other things, ready
mechanisms for communicating with other investors. Unfortunately, SEC
rules on proxy solicitations, stock ownership disclosure, and controlling share-
holder liabilities have long impeded communication and collective action.
Even though the 1992 SEC rule amendments somewhat lowered the barriers
to collective action, important impediments remain.41
Even where gains might arise from activism, only a portion of the gains
would accrue to the activist institutions. Suppose that the troubled company
has 110 outstanding shares, currently trading at $10 per share, of which the
potential activist institution owns ten. The institution correctly believes that
the firm’s shares would rise in value to $20 if the firm’s problems can be solved.
If the institution is able to effect a change in corporate policy, its ten shares will
produce a $100 paper gain when the stock price rises to reflect the company’s
new value. All the other shareholders, however, will also automatically receive
a pro rata share of the gains.42 As a result, the activist institution confers a
gratuitous $1,000 benefit on the other shareholders.
40 See Black, supra note 35, at 49–52.
41 See Bernard S. Black, Next Steps in Proxy Reform, 18 J. Corp. L. 2, 49–52 (1992).
42 One could plausibly expect institutions to surmount this problem by seeking private benefits,
which makes investor activism even less appealing. See infra notes 46–54 and accompanying
text. Instructively, one of the highest-profile successes of shareholder activism was the effort to
get investors to withhold authority for their shares to be voted to elect directors at Disney’s 2004
annual shareholder meeting. In that case, however, the campaign had a central organizing
figure – Roy Disney – with a private motivation for doing so. Even then, a plurality of the
As a result, free riding is highly likely. In a very real sense, the gains resulting
from institutional activism are a species of public goods. They are costly to
produce, but because other shareholders cannot be excluded from taking a
pro rata share, they are subject to a form of nonrivalrous consumption. As with
any other public good, the temptation arises for shareholders to free ride on
the efforts of those who produce the good.
Granted, if stock continues to concentrate in the hands of large institutional
investors, there will be marginal increases in the gains to be had from activism
and a marginal decrease in its costs.43 A substantial increase in activism seems
unlikely to result, however. Most institutional investors compete to attract
either the savings of small investors or the patronage of large sponsors, such
as corporate pension plans. In this competition, the winners generally are
those with the best relative performance rates, which makes institutions highly
cost conscious.44 Given that activism will only rarely produce gains, and that
when such gains occur they will be dispensed upon both the active and the
passive, it makes little sense for cost-conscious money managers to incur the
expense entailed in shareholder activism. Instead, they will remain passive
in hopes of free riding on someone else’s activism. As in other free-riding
situations, because everyone is subject to and likely to yield to this temptation,
the probability is that the good in question – here, shareholder activism – will
be underproduced.
In addition, corporate managers are well positioned to buy off most insti-
tutional investors that attempt to act as monitors. Bank trust departments are
an important class of institutional investors, but they are unlikely to emerge
as activists because their parent banks often have or anticipate commercial
lending relationships with the firms they will purportedly monitor. Simi-
larly, insurers “as purveyors of insurance products, pension plans, and other
shares was voted to reelect the incumbent board. Disney: Restoring Magic, Economist, July
16, 2005, available at 2005 WLNR 11134752. It is also instructive that Disney management
later persuaded Roy Disney to drop his various lawsuits against the board and sign a five-year
standstill agreement pursuant to which he would not run an insurgent slate of directors in
return for being named a director emeritus and consultant to the company, which nicely
illustrates how a company can buy off the requisite central coordinator when that party has a
private agenda. Roy Disney, Gold Agree to Drop Suits, Corp. Gov. Rep. (BNA), Aug. 1, 2005,
at 86.
In contrast, when CalPERS, the biggest institutional investor of them all, struck out on its
own in 2004, withholding its shares from being voted to elect directors at no less than 2,700
companies, including Coca-Cola director and legendary investor Warren Buffet, the project
went nowhere. See Dale Kasler, Governor’s Plan Could Erode CalPERS Clout, Sacramento
Bee, Feb. 28, 2005, at A1.
43 Edward Rock, The Logic and Uncertain Significance of Institutional Investor Activism, 79 Geo.
L.J. 445, 460–63 (1991).

44 Id. at 473–74.
financial services to corporations, have reason to mute their corporate gover-

nance activities and be bought off.”45 Mutual fund families whose business
includes managing private pension funds for corporations are subject to the
same concern.
This leaves us with union and state and local pension funds, which in
fact have generally been the most active institutions with respect to corporate
governance issues.46 Unfortunately for the proponents of institutional investor
activism, however, these are precisely the institutions most likely to use their
position to self-deal (i.e., to take a non–pro rata share of the firms assets and
earnings) or to otherwise reap private benefits not shared with other investors.
With respect to union and public pension fund sponsorship of shareholder
proposals under existing law, Roberta Romano observes:
It is quite probable that private benefits accrue to some investors from sponsor-
ing at least some shareholder proposals. The disparity in identity of sponsors –
the predominance of public and union funds, which, in contrast to pri-
vate sector funds, are not in competition for investor dollars – is strongly
suggestive of their presence. Examples of potential benefits which would
be disproportionately of interest to proposal sponsors are progress on labor
rights desired by union fund managers and enhanced political reputations
for public pension fund managers, as well as advancements in personal
employment. . . . Because such career concerns – enhancement of political
reputations or subsequent employment opportunities – do not provide a com-
mensurate benefit to private fund managers, we do not find them engaging
in investor activism.47
This is not just academic speculation. The pension fund of the union
representing Safeway workers, for example, used its position as a Safeway
shareholder in an attempt to oust directors who had stood up to the union
in collective bargaining negotiations.48 This is not an isolated example.
Union pension funds tried to remove directors or top managers, or other-
wise affect corporate policy, at more than two hundred corporations in 2004
45 Roe, supra note 29, at 62.

46 See Randall S. Thomas & Kenneth J. Martin, Should Labor Be Allowed to Make Shareholder
Proposals?, 73 Wash. L. Rev. 41, 51–52 (1998).
47 Roberta Romano, Less Is More: Making Shareholder Activism A Valued Mechanism of Corpo-
rate Governance, 18 Yale J. Reg. 174, 231–32 (2001). None of this is to deny, of course, that
union and state and local pension funds also often have interests that converge with those
of investors generally. See Stewart J. Schwab & Randall S. Thomas, Realigning Corporate
Governance: Shareholder Activism by Labor Unions, 96 Mich. L. Rev. 1020, 1079–80 (1998).
48 Iman Anabtawi, Some Skepticism About Increasing Shareholder Power 4 (unpublished
manuscript on file with author).

alone.49 Union pension funds reportedly have also tried shareholder proposals
to obtain employee benefits they couldn’t get through bargaining.50
Public employee pension funds are even more vulnerable to being used
as a vehicle for advancing political or social goals unrelated to shareholder
interests generally. Recent activism by CalPERS, for example, reportedly is
being “fueled partly by the political ambitions of Phil Angelides, California’s
state treasurer and a CalPERS board member, who is considering running for
governor of California in 2006.”51 In other words, Angelides allegedly used the
retirement savings of California’s public employees to further his own political
ends.
Using public pension fund investments to support so-called socially respon-
sible investments long has been a particularly popular program of politicians
and others on the left. Some have gone so far as to suggest that “the road to
socialism, or some substantial socialization of the investment process, might lie
through an expanded, publicly regulated system of pension finance.”52 Some-
what to the right of that position was President Clinton’s call for the Rebuild
America Fund, which would have leveraged federal funding by tapping “state,
local, private sector, and pension fund contributions.”53 Although that pro-
posal never came to fruition, the Clinton Department of Labor did encourage
pension funds to make “economically targeted investments” in such areas as
infrastructure, housing, and job creation.54
To be sure, like any other agency cost, the risk that management will be
willing to pay private benefits to an institutional investor is a necessary conse-
quence of vesting discretionary authority in the board and the officers. It does
not compel the conclusion that we ought to limit the board’s power. It does
suggest, however, that we ought not to give investors even greater leverage to
extract such benefits by further empowering them.
D. Rearranging the Deck Chairs

The analysis to this point suggests that the costs of institutional investor
activism likely outweigh any benefits such activism may confer with respect to
49 Stephen M. Bainbridge, Flanigan on Union Pension Fund Activism, available at http://www.
professorbainbridge.com/2004/04/flanigan on uni.html.
50 Id.
51 Stephen M. Bainbridge, Pension Funds Play Politics, Tech Central Station, Apr. 21, 2004,
available at http://www.techcentralstation.com/042104G.html.
52 William H. Simon, The Prospects of Pension Fund Socialism, in Corporate Control &
Accountability 165, 166 (Joseph McCahery et al. eds., 1993).

53 Bill Clinton & Al Gore, Putting People First: How We Can All Change America
144 (1992).
54 Jim Saxton, A Raid on America’s Pension Funds, Wall St. J., Sept. 29, 1994, at A20.
redressing the principal-agent problem. Even if one assumes that the cost-
benefit analysis comes out the other way around, however, it should be noted
that institutional investor activism does not solve the principal-agent problem;
rather, it merely relocates its locus.
The vast majority of large institutional investors manage the pooled savings
of small individual investors. From a governance perspective, there is little
to distinguish such institutions from corporations. The holders of investment
company shares, for example, have no more control over the election of com-
pany trustees than they do over the election of corporate directors. Accordingly,
fund shareholders exhibit the same rational apathy as corporate shareholders.
Kathryn McGrath, a former SEC mutual fund regulator, observes: “A lot of
shareholders take ye olde proxy and throw it in the trash.”55 The proxy sys-
tem thus “costs shareholders money for rights they don’t seem interested in
exercising.”56 Indeed, “Ms. McGrath concedes that she herself often tosses a
proxy for a personal investment onto a ‘to-do pile’ where ‘I don’t get around
to reading it, or when I do, the deadline has passed.’”57 Nor do the holders
of such shares have any greater access to information about their holdings, or
ability to monitor those who manage their holdings, than do corporate share-
holders. Worse yet, although an individual investor can always abide by the
Wall Street rule with respect to corporate stock, he cannot do so with respect
to such investments as an involuntary, contributory pension plan.
For beneficiaries of union and state and local government employee pension
funds, the problem is particularly pronounced. As we have seen, those who
manage such funds may often put their personal or political agendas ahead
of the interests of the fund’s beneficiaries. Accordingly, it is not particularly
surprising that pension funds subject to direct political control tend to have
poor financial results.58
III. CONCLUSION
If the separation of ownership and control is a problem in search of a solution,

encouraging institutional investors to take an active corporate governance role
simply moves the problem back a step: it does not solve it. Yet it is not at all
clear that the separation of ownership and control is a pathology requiring
treatment. For many years, the ability of our system of corporate governance
55 Karen Blumental, Fidelity Sets Vote on Scope of Investments, Wall St. J., Dec. 8, 1994, at C1,
C18.
56 Id. 57 Id.
58 Roberta Romano, Public Pension Fund Activism in Corporate Governance Reconsidered, 93
Colum. L. Rev. 795, 825 (1993).

to function largely without shareholder input worked pretty well. As the Wall
Street Journal explained:
The economy and stock market have performed better in recent years than
any other on earth. “How can we have done marvelously if the system is
fundamentally flawed?” [economist Bengt] Holmstrom asks. If the bulk of
American executives were stealing from shareholders and financial markets
were rigged, they reason, then capital would flow to the wrong places and
productivity wouldn’t be surging.59
Economists Holmstrom and Kaplan likewise concluded that the following:
Despite the alleged flaws in its governance system, the U.S. economy has per-
formed very well, both on an absolute basis and particularly relative to other
countries. U.S. productivity gains in the past decade have been exceptional,
and the U.S. stock market has consistently outperformed other world indices
over the last two decades, including the period since the scandals broke. In
other words, the broad evidence is not consistent with a failed U.S. system. If
anything, it suggests a system that is well above average.60
Does the financial crisis require us to rethink that model, as President

Obama, the Washington Democrats, and the corporate governance activist
community insist? No. First, to the extent corporate governance contributed
to the financial crisis, it did so because shareholders are already too strong, not
because they were too weak. Professor Lawrence Mitchell explains:
Managers thrive by increasing their portfolios’ value. That is a hard thing to

do and it takes time. So for years fund managers have increased their pay by
putting pressure on corporate managers to increase short-term stock prices at
the expense of long-term business health. Doing business that way puts jobs
and sustainable industry at risk, now and in the future.
For example, managers responded to the pressure by using their retained
earnings to engage in large stock buybacks. In the three years to September
2007, companies in the S&P 500 used more money to buy back stock than to
invest in production. With retained earnings gone, all that was left to finance
production was debt. When the credit markets collapsed, these corporations
could not borrow, and thus could not produce. Are boards and managers
to blame? Sure. But so are the big shareholders who have been pushing
59 David Wessel, “The American Way” is a Work in Progress, Wall St. J., Nov. 13, 2003, at A2.
60 Bengt R. Holmstrom & Steven N. Kaplan, The State of U.S. Corporate Governance: What’s
Right and What’s Wrong? 1 (Sept. 2003), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.
cfm?abstract id=441100.
management for this kind of behavior for years. They are more the problem
than the solution. Enhancing their voting rights will only make things worse.61
Mitchell continues:
The proposals [to enhance those rights] are fighting the last war. Inattentive
boards of non-financial companies may have been a big factor in the corporate
scandals at the start of the century. But it is hyperbolic to suggest, as the
Schumer bill does, that this had anything significant to do with the current
recession. The Schumer bill and the SEC proposal only exacerbate the
problem by chaining boards to the ball of stock prices – which helped to
cause those scandals in the first place.62
Mitchell therefore asks:

Do we really want speculators telling corporate boards how to manage their
businesses? Those who say “yes” want to increase short-term management
pressure and thus share prices, regardless of the corporate mutilation this
induces. They do not seem to care that their profits come at the expense
of future generations’ economic well-being. But if our goal is to give expert
managers the time necessary to create long-term, sustainable, and innovative
businesses, the answer is a clear “no.”63
In sum, the separation of ownership and control did not cause the financial
crisis of 2008. Efforts to reduce the degree to which ownership and control are
separated by empowering shareholders will not help prevent future crises. To
the contrary, such efforts undermine the system of corporate governance that
served us well for a very long time and that, if protected from the reformists’
zeal, can continue to do so when the current crisis abates.
61 Lawrence Mitchell, Protect Industry from Predatory Speculators, Fin. Times, July 8, 2009.
62 Id. 63 Id.
8 After Dura
Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions
Merritt B. Fox
Legal causation is sometimes called “proximate cause” or in recent years

“loss causation” in federal securities cases. We have already observed that the
proliferation of terms to describe causation in the federal securities law is not
helpful. . . . What other field of law alternatively refers to causation in terms
of an “in connection with” element; cause in fact; causal nexus; transactional
causation; loss causation; legal cause; proximate cause; but for causation;
or simply causation? This etymological mishmash is a breeder of confusion
concerning both the cause in fact and the legal causation elements.∗
The Supreme Court decision in Dura was notable for . . . how limited its
impact is likely to be on future securities class actions. . . . The question is
not must the plaintiff plead and prove that the defendant was responsible for
the plaintiff’s loss, but rather, how does the plaintiff plead and prove such
responsibility. Here Dura is strikingly limited in its significance.∗∗
On April 19, 2005, the Supreme Court announced its unanimous opinion in
Dura Pharmaceuticals, Inc. v. Broudo,1 concerning what a plaintiff must show
∗ 9 Louis Loss & Joel Seligman, Securities Regulation 4401 n.463 (3d ed. 2004).
∗∗ Louis Loss, Joel Seligman, & Troy Paredes, Securities Regulation 1096 (Supp. 2007).
1 Dura Pharms., Inc. v. Broudo, 544 U.S. 336 (2005).
Merritt B. Fox is Michael E. Patterson Professor of Law, Columbia Law School. Thanks for helpful
comments go to Professor Jill Fisch and to participants at workshop conferences at the University
of Iowa Law School, Georgetown Law School, and Tilburg University in the Netherlands. The
author wishes to thank Neil Weinberg, Rachel Jacobs, Mehdi Miremadi, and Jason Rogers for
their valuable research assistance. Another version of this piece appears as an article, Merritt B.
Fox, After Dura: Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions, 31 J. Corp. L. 829 (2006). Substantial
portions of this piece are based on two earlier articles concerning causation in fraud-on-the-market
cases. Merritt B. Fox, Demystifying Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions, 60 Bus. Law. 507
(2005); and Merritt B. Fox, Understanding Dura, 60 Bus. Law. 1547 (2005). This chapter, in
addition to tying the ideas of the two earlier articles together, extends their analysis by critiquing
several academic commentaries that have been published since the Supreme Court’s Dura
decision and considering a number of relevant lower-court cases, both before and after Dura.
235
236 Merritt B. Fox
to establish causation in a Rule 10b-5 fraud-on-the-market suit for damages.

The opinion had been awaited with considerable anticipation, being described
at the time of oral argument in the Financial Times, for example, as the “most
important securities case in a decade.”2 After the opinion was handed down,
a representative of the plaintiffs’ bar lauded it as a “unanimous ruling protect-
ing investors’ ability to sue.”3 A representative of the defendant’s bar equally
enthusiastically hailed it as “a significant victory for public companies and
others named as defendants in securities fraud cases.”4 This chapter seeks to
ascertain the opinion’s real significance and to provide a framework for resolv-
ing the issues that remain open to be decided by future courts. Joel Seligman,
with his usual prescience, has anticipated my conclusions as indicated by the
two quotes that start this chapter.
The Supreme Court’s grant of certiorari in Broudo v. Dura Pharmaceuti-
cals, Inc.5 came against the backdrop of years of highly confusing lower-court
decisions concerning what a plaintiff needs to show to establish causation in
a fraud-on-the-market suit. This confusion had arisen, I will argue, because
the lower courts had tried to analyze causation in fraud-on-the-market cases
using the twin concepts of transaction causation and loss causation. These
concepts had been originally developed in connection with causation deter-
minations in cases based on traditional reliance. Traditional reliance-based
cases, unlike fraud-on-the-market cases, involve the plaintiff establishing that
defendant’s misstatement induced the plaintiff to enter into what turns out
to be a losing transaction. In such cases, transaction causation was satisfied
by the very showing of traditional reliance (i.e., the plaintiff would not have
purchased but for the misstatement).6 Loss causation in these cases involved,
in turn, an additional showing that the purchased security declined in value
from what was paid (or sold at a loss) and that the decline or loss was in
some way reasonably related to the falsity of the statement that induced the
purchase.7 The function of the loss-causation requirement, like the function
of proximate cause in actions for negligence, was to prevent the wrongdoer
2 Patti Waldmeir, Supreme Court to Rule on “Most Important Securities Case in a Decade,” Fin.
Times, Jan. 10, 2005, at 5.
3 Press Release, Lerach Stoia Geller Rudman & Robbins, LLP (Apr. 19, 2005).
4 Pamela S. Palmer et al., Supreme Court in Dura Pharmaceuticals Unanimously Endorses
“Loss Causation” Requirement in Fraud-on-the-Market Cases, Sec. Litig. & Prof. Lia-
bility Prac. (Latham & Watkins LLP, 2d quarter 2005), at 2, available at http://www.lw.
com/upload/pubContent/ pdf/pub1370 1.pdf.
5 Broudo v. Dura Pharms., Inc., 339 F.3d 933 (9th Cir. 2003), cert. granted, 542 U.S. 936 (2004).
6 See, e.g., Emergent Capital Inv. Mgmt. v. Stonepath Group, Inc., 343 F.3d 189, 197 (2d Cir.
2003).
7 See infra section I.
After Dura 237
from being responsible for all of the consequences for which his action was
a but-for cause (i.e., all of the losses, however unrelated to the misstatement,
that the plaintiff might suffer over time as a result of purchasing this security).
Fraud-on-the-market actions such as Dura are very different from traditional
reliance-based actions. The plaintiff in a traditional reliance-based action is
typically a purchaser involved in either a face-to-face transaction in shares of
a nonpublicly traded issuer or an IPO. These are the only situations where
plaintiffs are likely to be able to show traditional reliance. These are situations
where there is no reason to assume that the price is an efficient one. In
contrast, plaintiffs in fraud-on-the-market actions such as Dura are purchasers
in active public secondary markets, where prices can be assumed to be efficient.
Fraud-on-the-market actions involve a fundamentally different kind of causal
connection between the defendant’s misstatement and the plaintiff’s injury.
The defendant’s misstatement injures the plaintiff not because it caused her
to make a purchase that later, ex post, turned out to be a losing transaction.
Rather, it injures her because, ex ante, it caused her to pay a purchase price
that is higher than it would have been but for the misstatement. The purchase
is one that she might well have made even if the defendant had not made
the misstatement. This causal connection between the misstatement and an
injury in the form of its effect on price at the time the plaintiff enters into the
transaction was recognized by the Supreme Court when it originally approved
fraud-on-the-market actions in Basic Inc. v. Levinson8 almost twenty years ago.
8 Basic Inc. v. Levinson, 485 U.S. 224, 243 (1988), in which the Supreme Court stated that
the fraud-on-the-market theory, based on the idea that a material misstatement will affect the
plaintiff’s purchase price, provides the plaintiff with an alternative way to demonstrate “the
requisite causal connection between a defendant’s misrepresentation and a plaintiff’s injury.”
Specifically, the Court said, “There is, however, more than one way to demonstrate the causal
connection.” Characterizing the Third Circuit’s opinion in Peil v. Speiser, 806 F.2d 1154 (3d
Cir. 1986), as “succinctly putting” the question of reliance and the fraud-on-the market theory,
the Court quoted Speiser:
[T]he price of a company’s common stock is determined by the available material
information regarding the company and its business. . . . Misleading statements will
therefore defraud purchasers of stock even if the purchasers do not directly rely on
the misstatements. . . . The causal connection in such a case is no less significant than
in a case of direct reliance on misrepresentations.
Basic, 485 U.S. at 243–44 (citation omitted).
The rule in Basic applies both to suits by secondary market purchasers in cases of falsely pos-
itive statements and to suits by secondary-market sellers in cases of falsely negative statements.
This chapter assumes throughout a suit by a purchaser based on a falsely positive statement.
Everything I say here about the causation requirement in positive misstatement cases would,
with the appropriate reversals, apply equally to a suit by a seller based on a falsely negative
statement.
238 Merritt B. Fox
The fraud-on-the-market theory’s ex ante focus on the price at the time of

purchase is, for transactions occurring in efficient markets, what is called for by
the modern, efficiency-oriented economic thinking that has been the driving
force behind the evolution of securities regulation over the past two decades.
Efficiency-oriented thinking considers problems from an ex ante perspective
because its concern is with the law’s effect on the structure of incentives of
the various actors involved at the time the plaintiff enters into the transaction.
Thus, it is these actors’ expectations at the time of the transaction that matters.
Other than the inflation in price due to the misstatement, the efficient market
hypothesis guarantees that the purchase price is a fair one because the other
factors affecting price in the future are as likely to increase price as decrease
it.9 Thus, the injury is the inflation in price at the time of purchase.
The twin concepts of transaction causation and loss causation are reasonably
serviceable in helping to determine when causation is or is not present in an
action for fraud based on traditional reliance. These twin concepts simply do
not make sense in an action for fraud based on the fraud-on-the-market theory,
however, because of the difference between the two kinds of actions in terms
of the causal connections between misstatement and injury. The transaction
causation requirement makes no sense in a fraud-on-the-market action, as
the plaintiff is not required to show that she would not have purchased but
for the defendant’s misstatement. Indeed, often she would have. The typical
plaintiff is a member of a class predominantly consisting of portfolio investors
who have made impersonal purchases of shares in the secondary market on
the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) or Nasdaq and may not have been
aware of the misstatement. Alternatively, the plaintiff may be an index fund.
Even if the plaintiff had been aware of the misstatement and was investing
speculatively, the misstatement is unlikely to have been decisive in the decision
to purchase, as a believable misstatement, while making the stock appear more
attractive than it really was, would also have made it commensurately more
expensive.
9 Stated more precisely, the efficient markets hypothesis holds that future returns from holding
a security will be priced in an unbiased way given all publicly available information. Richard
A. Brealey et al., Principles of Corporate Finance 333–41 (8th ed. 2006). Combined
with the capital asset pricing model, see id. at 188–92, the efficient markets hypothesis provides
that other factors are as likely to add to as to subtract from what would be the price predicted
on the basis of the return on a completely safe asset, such as U.S. government bonds, plus a
premium reflecting the expected return on an investment in the market as a whole and the
systematic riskiness of the issuer’s shares. Thus, while the efficient markets hypothesis does
not stand for the proposition that there will be no long-term growth in share prices on average
over time, it says that the ordinary investor cannot on average make profits by trying to pick
particular, unusually attractive stocks based on publicly available information.
After Dura 239
The loss causation requirement makes no sense either in the context of

a fraud-on-the-market action because the injury – that the plaintiff paid too
much – flows directly from the misstatement. Requiring the defendant to
compensate for such an injury presents no danger of providing compensation
for risks unrelated to the misrepresentation because injury is unrelated to
anything that happens to price after the purchase date. Thus, there is no need
for some intervening proximate cause requirement to prevent the defendant
from compensating a loss for which its misconduct is a but-for cause but is
unrelated in the sense that it did not increase the risk that the plaintiff would
suffer the loss.
Abandoning the transaction-causation and loss-causation framework would
have permitted the Supreme Court, I argue, to have avoided the confusion
exhibited by the lower courts as they struggled to redefine the twin concepts
to make them fit the fraud-on-the-market context. By casting this rhetorical
baggage aside, the Court could have used the Dura case self-consciously to
develop standards concerning what an ex ante analysis suggests are the two
main concerns relating to causation in fraud-on-the-market actions. One main
concern involves identifying those situations where a misstatement actually
did inflate the plaintiff’s purchase price and hence create an injury. Rules
are needed concerning what the plaintiff must plead and prove, and the
acceptable forms of evidence, concerning this question.10 The other main
concern involves how to prevent damages from being paid to the subset of
investors who suffer injury by purchasing shares at a price inflated by the
misstatement but who recoup this injury in part or in whole by reselling
sufficiently quickly that the price at the time of sale is still inflated. Thus, rules
are also needed concerning who, at the pleading stage and at trial, has the
burden of proof on the question of when the market realized the true situation,
thereby dissipating the inflation in price, and what are the acceptable forms
of evidence of the occurrence of such realization.
The design of each of these sets of rules has an impact on the extent
to which we achieve two important public policy aims. One aim relates to
the desirability of enhancing share-price accuracy, in particular by deterring
corporate misstatements. The other relates to the desirability of limiting the
variety of transaction costs associated with civil litigation, including, but not
limited to, the costs associated with strike suits. These two aims are in part
conflicting. Good design involves minimizing these conflicts to the extent
10 As will be discussed in more detail here in section IV, under some circumstances this concern
breaks down into two subquestions: did the misstatement inflate share price at some point in
time; and was it still inflated at the time that the plaintiff purchased?
240 Merritt B. Fox
possible and then choosing the appropriate place in the inevitable remaining
degree of trade-off between the two aims.
Unfortunately, the Supreme Court in its opinion in Dura did not abandon
the bifurcated transaction-causation and loss-causation framework for fraud-
on-the-market actions, and so it was not able to address the two main concerns
in a fully self-conscious way. Rather, as the lower courts had been doing in
various different ways, the Court redefined the twin concepts to try to make
them fit fraud-on-the-market actions. The Court allowed plaintiffs to satisfy the
transaction-causation requirement by use of Basic’s “presum[ption] that the
price reflects a material misrepresentation”11 – in other words, a presumption
that the price is inflated by the misrepresentation. This is a very different
standard from the “but for the misstatement, the plaintiff would not have
purchased” transaction-causation standard used in traditional reliance-based
cases. As for loss causation, the Court ruled that a mere showing that the price
has been inflated by the misstatement is not sufficient.12 The Court was not
specific concerning what kind of additional showing would be sufficient, thus
creating a void that future courts are left to fill. The argument of this chapter is
that, in doing so, these future courts should be mindful that whatever the legal
rhetoric, the rules that they develop are best evaluated in terms of the two main
concerns discussed above: how well and at what cost they (1) identify those
situations where plaintiffs have purchased shares at a price that has genuinely
been inflated by a misrepresentation, and (2) avoid payment of damages to
the subset of such plaintiffs who recoup their injury by reselling sufficiently
quickly that the price is still equally inflated.
This chapter develops the foregoing points in more detail. Section I explores
the origins of the concepts of transaction causation and loss causation in Rule
10b-5 fraud cases based on traditional reliance. Section II explores the pre-Dura
attempts of the lower courts to apply these concepts to fraud-on-the-market
theory cases and the opportunity that Dura presented to the Supreme Court
to clear up the resulting confusion. Section III discusses the history of the
Dura litigation and the holding in the Supreme Court opinion. Section IV
addresses what issues have been definitively decided by the Court in Dura and
what issues remain open to be decided in future cases. Section V considers to
what extent the reasoning used by the Supreme Court in reaching its decision
is useful in determining how these open issues should be resolved. Section
VI considers how, from a policy point of view, these open issues should be
resolved. Section VII concludes.
11 Basic, 485 U.S. at 341–42. 12 Id.

After Dura 241
I. CAUSATION IN ACTIONS BASED ON TRADITIONAL RELIANCE
A. The Origins of the Transaction-Causation and

Loss-Causation Framework
The twin requirements of transaction causation and loss causation were devel-
oped in the context of Rule 10b-5 fraud cases where plaintiffs were able to
show traditional reliance. The seminal case defining traditional reliance is
the Second Circuit’s 1965 opinion in List v. Fashion Park.13 The district court
in List found that the plaintiff, with regard to one of his allegations, would
have purchased even if he had known the true situation.14 On the basis of
this finding, the district court dismissed the claim relating to this allegation.
The Second Circuit affirmed.15 In reaching its decision, the Second Circuit
started with a ruling that the requirement in common law misrepresentation
cases that the plaintiff show that reliance “carried over into civil suits under
Rule 10b-5.”16 Citing common law authorities, the court found that “the test of
‘reliance’ is whether ‘the misrepresentation is a substantial factor in determin-
ing the course of conduct which results in (the recipient’s) loss.’”17 Given the
district court’s finding that the plaintiff would have purchased anyway, which
the appeals court did not find clearly erroneous, the plaintiff clearly failed the
test. The court stated that “the reason for this requirement is to certify that the
conduct of the defendant actually caused the plaintiff’s injury.”18
List left an open question. Suppose the plaintiff had been able to show that
he would not have purchased had he known the true situation. Would that by
itself have been sufficient to establish causation? A positive answer would mean
that any person who made a misleading statement in violation of Rule 10b-5
would be liable to anyone who could show that the statement was a but-for
cause of the purchase of a security that subsequently declined in price for any
reason. The plaintiff would essentially be complaining to the defendant: “You
got me into this through your violation and because I got into it, I suffered a
13 List v. Fashion Park, 340 F.2d 457 (2d Cir. 1965). List was a nondisclosure case in which the
plaintiff claimed injury because an insider stayed silent when he allegedly had a duty to speak,
not a case based on an affirmative misleading statement. The court’s analysis, however, drew
on affirmative misleading statement cases in the common law, and the court’s definition of
reliance has been regularly cited as controlling in subsequent Rule 10b-5 affirmative misleading
statement cases.
14 Id. at 464. 15 Id.
16 Id. at 462–63.
17 Id. at 462 (citations omitted) (emphasis added).
18 Id.
242 Merritt B. Fox
loss for which you should make me whole.” This, however, was not the route
chosen by the federal courts in working out the contours of the implied right
of action under Rule 10b-5. Over time, a clear requirement developed that
for liability to be imposed, a plaintiff basing a claim on a showing that the
defendant’s Rule 10b-5 violation impelled her to make a securities purchase
must show something more.
The first signs that a showing of something more was required appeared in
1969 in another Second Circuit opinion, Globus v. Law Research Service, Inc.19
In Globus, the jury found that defendants, who had made misleading state-
ments in violation of Rule 10b-5 in a circular for a stock offering, were liable
to plaintiffs, who had presented evidence that they had been attracted by the
misleading statements to purchase some of the offered shares and subsequently
sustained a loss. On appeal, defendants argued that the jury instructions on cau-
sation were improper and that there was insufficient evidence of causation.20
The jury instructions were that “the plaintiff is required to prove . . . that he or
she suffered damages as a proximate result of the alleged misleading statements
and purchase of stock in reliance on them . . . in other words that the damage
was either a direct result or a reasonably foreseeable result of the misleading
statement.” The court described these as “clear instructions on causation”21
and found that they “were sufficient to bring home the basic concept that
causation must be proved else defendants could be held liable to the world.”22
As for the evidence, the appeals court observed not only that the plaintiffs
introduced evidence that the statements were a but-for cause of the purchases
but also that the jury could infer that the stock price was bloated as a result of
the statement. The court held that this “was sufficient to support a finding of
a causal relationship between the misrepresentation and the losses appellees
incurred when they sold.”23 Thus, while the court did not explicitly say that a
showing of more than just traditional reliance was required, it did, in response
to a defendant’s argument that more needed to be shown, approvingly recite
jury instructions that appeared to call for a showing of more and point to
evidence suggesting the existence of more than just but-for causation.
Five years later, in Schlick v. Penn-Dixie Cement Corp., the Second Circuit
moved one step closer to a clear requirement that a plaintiff who bases a
claim on a showing that the defendant’s Rule 10b-5 violation impelled her
into making a securities purchase must show something more.24 Introducing
19 Globus v. Law Research Serv., Inc., 418 F.2d 1276 (2d Cir. 1969).
20 Id. at 1291. 21 Id.
22 Id. at 1292. 23 Id. at 1291–92.
24 Schlick v. Penn-Dixie Cement Corp., 507 F.2d 374 (2d Cir. 1974).
After Dura 243
for the first time into the case law the terms loss causation and transaction
causation, the court stated in dicta:
This is not a case where the 10b-5 claim is based solely upon material omis-
sions or misstatements in the proxy materials. Were it so, concededly there
would have to be a showing of both loss causation – that the misrepresenta-
tions or omissions caused the economic harm – and transaction causation –
that the violations in question caused the appellant to engage in the trans-
action in question.25
The court added, however, that the something more that needed to be
shown, what it termed loss causation, was “rather easily shown by proof of
some kind of economic damage.”26 Finally in 1981, the Fifth Circuit provided
a clear appellate court ruling that a showing of something more was required.
In Huddleston v. Herman & MacLean, the court, in finding that the trial
court’s failure to submit issues of reliance and causation to the jury required a
new trial, stated:
The plaintiff must prove not only that, had he known the truth, he would not
have acted, but in addition that the untruth was in some reasonably direct, or
proximate, way responsible for his loss. The causation requirement is satisfied
in a Rule 10b-5 case only if the misrepresentation touches upon the reasons
for the investment’s decline in value.27
The Huddleston court links these two requirements to the transaction-
causation and loss-causation language used by other courts.28
B. The Transaction-Causation and Loss-Causation Framework Fits

Traditional Reliance-Based Actions Reasonably Well
The twin requirements of transaction causation and loss causation are now
firmly established.29 In the context of an action based on traditional reliance,
25 Id. at 380. The crux of the complaint was based on a “corporate mismanagement theory” that
there was a scheme to defraud in violation of Rule 10b-5 based on “market manipulation and a
merger on preferential terms” in connection with the purchase or sale of a security. Id. at 381.
26 Id. at 380.
27 Huddleston v. Herman & MacLean, 640 F.2d 534, 549 (5th Cir. 1981).
28 The court in Huddleston says that courts sometimes consider reliance to be a component of
causation and that “the term ‘transaction causation’ is used to describe the requirement that
the defendant’s fraud must precipitate the investment decision” and is “necessarily closely
related to” reliance. Id. at 549 n.24. “Loss causation,” the court continues, “refers to a direct
causal link between the misstatement and the claimant’s economic loss.” Id.
29 See Suez Equity Investors v. Toronto-Dominion Bank, 250 F.3d 87, 95 (2d Cir. 2001) (“It is
settled that causation under federal securities laws is two-pronged: . . . both transaction causa-
tion . . . and loss causation.”). For a survey of the cases requiring loss causation, see Michael
J. Kaufman, Securities Litigation: Damages § 11:1 (2001).
244 Merritt B. Fox
their meanings are fairly settled. Transaction causation involves a showing

that the plaintiff would not have purchased but for the misstatement.30 Loss
causation in this context follows on this first showing. It involves the additional
showing that the purchased security declined in value from what was paid (or
was sold at a loss) and that the decline or loss was in some way reasonably
related to the falsity of the statement that induced the purchase.31 These
twin requirements fit neatly within traditional reliance-based actions and in
this context have a reasonably sensible rationale. The objection to imposing
liability based on a showing of transaction causation alone is the same as it
would be to imposing liability for every injury for which an act of negligence
is a but-for cause. As every first-year law student learns, the chain of but-for
results flowing from any act of negligence can go on forever and encompass
an infinite number of injuries. For most or all of these injuries, it would
be ridiculous to hold the actor responsible. Thus, a showing of something
more than but-for causation is required. In tort, the something more is proxi-
mate cause. In Rule 10b-5, misleading statement cases based on traditional
reliance, the something more is loss causation. In each case, the something
more involves at a minimum a showing that the wrongful act somehow raised
the probability that the plaintiff would suffer a loss of the kind that he or she
did in fact suffer.
There is also a reasonable, though not quite as compelling, rationale for
the requirement that the loss be in the form of a sale at a lower price than
the plaintiff paid (or, if the plaintiff still holds the security at the time suit is
brought, a decline in the market price from the price paid) rather than in the
form of the amount extra that the plaintiff paid as a result of the misstatement.
The rationale involves an ex post perspective rather than the ex ante perspective
that is characteristic of modern, economics-based securities law analysis.32 It
relies on the observation that being induced by a misstatement into making
a securities purchase does not by itself inherently mean that the purchaser
will ultimately be worse off. The inducement simply puts the purchaser in
a position to enjoy all kinds of possible gains and suffer all kinds of possible
losses. If the purchaser ultimately does realize a loss and the loss is one that
would have been predictable, given knowledge of the true state of affairs, then,
the thinking goes, an injury has occurred for which the person who made the
misstatement in violation of Rule 10b-5 should be liable.
The critical first step in developing the rationale for this requirement of a
loss at sale or decline in price is to recognize that an action based on a showing
30 See, e.g., Emergent Capital Inv. Mgmt. v. Stonepath Group Inc., 343 F.3d 189, 197 (2d Cir.
2003).
31 Id. 32 See infra section III.B.
After Dura 245
of traditional reliance typically grows out of a face-to-face purchase of shares

of a nonpublicly traded issuer or a purchase at or about the time of an IPO.
In these situations, the price that the plaintiff pays is not one established in
an efficient secondary market. As a consequence, the value of the security is
much more subjective and the relationship between the misleading statement
and the price that the plaintiff paid is unclear.33 Unlike what I will contend
should be the proper approach with fraud-on-the-market actions, the focus in
traditional reliance-based actions should not, the argument for the rationale
goes, be on the difference created by the misstatement between the price paid
and value of the security or on the effect of the misstatement on the price
paid. This is because just how low a price, if any, would have spurred this
particular plaintiff to have been willing to buy had she been aware of the
truth – the measure of price inflation for this particular plaintiff – is inherently
unknowable. The focus instead should be on two facts. First, whatever the
value of the security at the time of purchase relative to the price paid, this
particular plaintiff would not have purchased at the price offered if she had
known the truth. Second, the risks that the truth would have revealed have in
fact revealed themselves.
It may be easiest to conceptualize the requirement of a loss at sale or decline
in price as related to a modified form of recissionary damages. This form of
damages is called for because of the special situations that typically give rise
to traditional reliance-based actions, where the price the plaintiff paid has
not been set in an efficient secondary trading market.34 Pure recissionary
damages would be the difference between the price paid and the price at
33 As one district court, quoted in Basic, put it, “In face-to-face transactions, the inquiry into an
investor’s reliance upon information is in the subjective pricing of that information by that
investor.” Basic Inc. v. Levinson, 485 U.S. 224, 244 (1987) (quoting In re LTV Sec. Litig. 88
F.R.D. 134, 143 (N.D. Tex. 1980)).
34 See 9 Louis Loss & Joel Seligman, Securities Regulation 4407–28 (3d ed. 2004) (dis-
cussing problems with calculating damages in close corporation and thin-market situations
and the use of recissionary damages); Robert B. Thompson, The Measure of Recovery Under
Rule 10b-5: A Restitution Alternative to Tort Damages, 37 Vand. L. Rev. 349, 361–62 (1984)
(discussing modifications to the out-of-pocket measure of damages needed when there is no
ready market for stock or when market price of traded stock does not reflect its actual value
at the time of the transaction). Some of the early Rule 10b-5 misstatement cases even suggest
that full recissionary damages are appropriate in such situations. See Baumel v. Rosen, 283 F.
Supp. 128, 146 (D. Md. 1968) (calling for equitable recission in the case, where defendant close
corporation sold shares to plaintiffs who relied on the corporation’s misstatements); Esplin
v. Hirschi, 402 F. 2d 94, 104–05 (10th Cir. 1968) (plaintiff entitled to recover the difference
between price paid and value at time of discovery of the fraud); Harris v. Am. Inv. Co., 523 F.2d
220, 226–27 (8th Cir. 1975). The modification that damages would be reduced or eliminated to
the extent that there were other causes for the loss at sale or decline in price can be regarded as
reflecting a concern that full recissionary damages could result in unjustified compensation.
246 Merritt B. Fox
which the securities were sold (or, if still held, the price at the time suit was
brought). Modified recissionary damages would start with this measure but
reduce or eliminate the damages to the extent that the loss or decline was
due to factors other than ones related to the false statement. This modified
recissionary measure of damages fits nicely with the idea that plaintiff was
put by the defendant’s wrongful misstatement in the position of potentially
suffering losses and that, as a result, there should be compensation for any
losses that in fact do occur, but not if the losses arose from reasons unrelated
to the misstatement.
It should be emphasized that this rationale for requiring an ex post loss is
driven by the face-to-face or thin-market situations that are associated with
most traditional reliance-based cases and the special measure of damages that
such situations may suggest. It is only logical that in an action for compensatory
damages, the form of loss for which we make a causation determination should
correspond to the measure of damages. Compensatory damages, after all, are
supposed to measure loss. The standard measure of damages in Rule 10b-5 cases
is “out of pocket” damages – the extra amount the plaintiff pays because of the
misstatement.35 The form of loss that corresponds to this measure of damages
is the amount by which the misstatement inflates the price the plaintiff pays.
Thus, the particular situations in which traditional reliance-based fraud actions
arise are what call for the special semirecissionary measure of damages, which
in turn call for looking for the causes of an ex post injury rather than the causes
of an injury at the time of purchase, as should be the case with standard Rule
10b-5 cases including fraud-on-the-market cases.
II. CAUSATION IN FRAUD-ON-THE-MARKET CASES
A. The Difference in Causal Link

Fraud-on-the-market actions are distinctly different from actions based on
traditional reliance. As discussed above, the plaintiff in a traditional reliance-
based action needs to show that she would have acted differently but for
the wrongful misstatement. At a minimum, this requires that the plaintiff
was aware of the statement. The fraud-on-the-market theory, approved by the
Supreme Court in 1988 in Basic Inc. v. Levinson,36 provides the plaintiff an
35 Randall v. Loftsgaarden, 478 U.S. 647, 662 (1986); Estate Counseling Serv., Inc. v. Merrill
Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith, Inc. 303 F.2d 527, 532 (10th Cir. 1962); Loss & Seligman,
supra note 34 at 4409–14.
36 Basic Inc. v. Levinson, 485 U.S. 224 (1988).
After Dura 247
alternative way to demonstrate “the requisite causal connection between a

defendant’s misrepresentation and a plaintiff’s injury.”37 This alternative is
to show that the misstatement caused the price the plaintiff paid at the time
of purchase to be too high, an effect that can be presumed in the case of
a material misstatement by an official of an issuer whose shares trade in an
efficient market.
The Court insisted in Basic that its ruling maintained the need for plaintiff
to show reliance, just in the form of “reliance on the integrity of [the market]
price”38 instead of reliance on the misstatement itself. There is a big difference
between these two forms of reliance, however. Unlike traditional reliance, the
plaintiff no longer needs to show he or she would have acted differently
(i.e., not purchased the security) if the defendant had not made the mis-
statement.
B. The Transaction-Causation and Loss-Causation Framework Fits

Fraud-on-the-Market Actions Poorly
As a result of this difference in causal link, the twin requirements of transaction
causation and loss causation fit very poorly with fraud-on-the-market actions.
In these actions, the typical plaintiff is a member of a class predominantly
consisting of portfolio investors and index funds that have made impersonal
purchases of shares in the secondary market on the NYSE or Nasdaq. As noted,
the plaintiff need not allege that she relied on the misstatement. Indeed, she
may well not even have been aware of it.39 Even if she were, the misstatement
is unlikely to have been decisive in her decision to purchase, since the misstate-
ment, while making the stock appear more attractive than it really is, would
also have made it commensurately more expensive. Thus, whether she was
aware of the statement or not, she likely would have made the purchase even
if the misstatement had not been made, just at a lower price. Consequently,
the misstatement is not likely to be a but-for cause for the purchase. The fact
that, for most fraud-on-the-market plaintiffs, the defendant’s misstatement is
not a but-for cause for their purchase renders nonsensical both elements of the
37 Id. at 243. See discussion supra note 8. 38 Basic, 485 U.S. at 247.
39 In Basic, the Court recognizes the difference between the kind of situation that gives rise to
the traditional reliance-based fraud action and the one that gives rise to a fraud-on-the-market
action: “The modern securities markets, literally involving millions of shares changing hands
daily, differ from the face-to-face transactions contemplated by early fraud cases, and our under-
standing of Rule 10b-5’s reliance requirement must encompass these differences.” Id. at 244.
248 Merritt B. Fox
transaction-causation and loss-causation framework as developed in traditional

reliance-based cases.
1. Transaction Causation
Transaction causation, as we have seen, involves a showing that the plaintiff
would not have purchased but for the misstatement. Thus, transaction cau-
sation is just another name for traditional reliance. If courts were seriously
to impose a transaction causation requirement in fraud-on-the-market cases,
they would be acting in direct contradiction to Basic. The whole purpose
of Basic was to provide the purchaser in the secondary trading markets, for
whom demonstrating traditional reliance would be an unrealistic evidentiary
burden, an alternative way to demonstrate the causal connection between a
defendant’s misrepresentation and her injury.40
2. Loss Causation
Once it is recognized that requiring fraud-on-the-market plaintiffs to show
transaction causation is inconsistent with Basic, it becomes clear that the
loss-causation requirement makes no sense, either. Remember that the loss-
causation requirement is a follow on to transaction causation. If, to impose
liability on a defendant, all that an investor has to show is that she was induced
into purchasing shares by the defendant’s misstatement (i.e., transaction causa-
tion), the defendant would be insuring the plaintiff against every risk that could
possibly depress the price below the price paid at time of purchase, including
risks totally unrelated to the misstatement. Loss causation is the requirement
of something more, akin to proximate cause in negligence, which prevents
such wide-ranging liability.
A loss-causation requirement serves no comparable purpose in a fraud-on-
the-market action, because imposing liability based solely on a showing of
this special kind of reliance does not lead to similarly wide-open results. The
“causal connection between a defendant’s misrepresentation and a plaintiff’s
injury”41 is simply different. The plaintiff, rather than saying to the defendant,
“You got me into this and now I’ve suffered a loss,” is saying, “I might have
purchased anyway even without your misstatement, but your misstatement
made me pay more that I otherwise would have.” The claimed loss – that
the plaintiff paid too much – flows directly from the misstatement. If proved
true, the resulting damages paid to the plaintiff compensate the plaintiff for
that loss and nothing more. No insurance for any kind of risk would be
provided.
40 Id. at 245. 41 Id. at 243.

After Dura 249
C. The Pre-Dura History of the Application of the Transaction-Causation

and Loss-Causation Framework to Fraud-on-the-Market Cases
While the Supreme Court had never discussed the matter prior to Dura,
the lower courts had consistently said over the preceding twenty years that
plaintiffs must show both transaction causation and loss causation in all Rule
10b-5 damage actions, whether based on traditional reliance or on the fraud-
on-the-market theory.42 Having developed the twin-requirement framework
for traditional reliance-based actions, the lower courts apparently felt bound to
apply it to fraud-on-the-market actions as well after the new alternative theory
of liability became accepted. These efforts by the lower courts to cram fraud-
on-the-market cases into the ill-fitting transaction-causation and loss-causation
framework has led to muddy legal reasoning and arbitrary results.
1. Transaction Causation
While the lower courts continue to reiterate the idea that transaction causation
means that the defendant’s misstatement induced the plaintiff’s purchase,43
the success of plaintiffs in pleading and proving transaction causation never
seems to be an issue in fraud-on-the-market cases. This is odd, given that a
substantial portion of the plaintiffs in a typical fraud-on-the-market class action
almost certainly would have purchased even if the misstatement had not been
made. The courts seem satisfied by the fact that the plaintiffs have shown
some sort of “reliance.”44 This effort at resolution ignores the fact that while
traditional reliance and transaction causation are just two names for the same
but-for concept of causation, the Basic type of reliance on the integrity of the
market price that characterizes fraud-on-the-market cases is not the same as
transaction causation.45 By glossing over this distinction, the courts make the
42 See Suez Equity Investors v. Toronto-Dominion Bank, 250 F.3d 87, 95 (2d Cir. 2001) (“It is
settled that causation under federal securities laws is two-pronged: . . . both transaction causa-
tion . . . and loss causation”). As discussed supra section I, the origins of the twin requirements
go back to Globus v. Law Research Serv., Inc., 418 F.2d 1276 (2d Cir. 1969), and Schlick v.
Penn-Dixie Cement Corp., 507 F.2d 374 (2d Cir. 1974). By 1981, there was in Huddleston v.
Herman & MacLean, 640 F.2d 534 (5th Cir. 1981), a clear appellate-court ruling that a showing
of both elements was required. For a survey of the cases requiring loss causation, see Michael
J. Kaufman, Securities Litigation: Damages § 11:1 (2001).
43 See, e.g., Robbins v. Koger Props., Inc., 116 F.3d 1441, 1147 (11th Cir. 1997); Bryant v. Apple
South, Inc., 25 F. Supp. 2d 1372, 1382 (M.D. Ga. 1998); In re Valujet, Inc., 984 F. Supp. 1472,
1480 (N.D. Ga. 1997).
44 See, e.g., Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d. 165, 178–83 (3d Cir. 2000).
45 Some courts in fraud-on-the-market cases include as part of the required showing of loss cau-
sation a component that sounds more like transaction causation – that is, plaintiffs must
plead and prove that if they had known the truth, they would not have purchased. See
250 Merritt B. Fox
transaction-causation requirement, which logically should not be there at all in

this kind of case, trivially easy to meet. This tactic is innocent enough by itself.
After all, as we have seen, if they seriously tried to apply the requirement, they
would essentially be reversing the Supreme Court’s decision in Basic, since
the whole point of the fraud-on-the-market action is to allow suits to be brought
by plaintiffs who cannot show that the defendant’s misstatement caused their
purchases. The tactic has had an unfortunate side effect, however. Allowing
courts to avoid the reality that no real transaction causation exists creates much
confusion as to what the standard for loss causation should be.
2. Decisions Finding That Price Inflation Constitutes Loss Causation

Recall the meaning of loss causation, as it was originally developed in the
case law: a showing by the plaintiff that the purchased security declined in
value from what was paid or was sold at a loss and that the decline or loss
is in some way reasonably related to the falsity of the statement that induced
the purchase. Some courts prior to Dura concluded that a showing that the
price at the time of purchase was inflated by the misstatement is sufficient to
constitute loss causation. Typically, they simply asserted this to be the case
and made no attempt to explain how their conclusion relates to the meaning
of loss causation as it was originally developed in the case law.46
The approach of these courts that a showing of price inflation satisfies
the requirement of loss causation had at least two defects in terms of legal
reasoning. First, while the courts acquiesced to the idea developed in the prior
case law that the plaintiff must make a certain showing (i.e., loss causation),
they provided no reasoning as to how the new meaning assigned to the term
related to the meaning developed in the prior case law that established the
requirement. Nor did they try to establish how, in the different context of
fraud-on-the-market suits, showing price inflation satisfies the purposes for
which the original loss causation requirement was developed. Second, the
Bryant v. Avado Brands, Inc., 100 F. Supp. 2d 1368, 1382 (M.D. Ga. 2000); In re Valujet
Sec. Litig., 984 F. Supp. 1472, 1480 (N.D. Ga. 1997). Based on pleadings to this effect, the
courts in these cases denied motions to dismiss the complaints. Such a pleading fails to address
whether the plaintiff would have purchased the shares but for the misstatement, however –
nor is it very believable in most cases arising out of purchases in an efficient secondary market.
If the plaintiffs, who were outside investors, had known the truth, so would the market. The
shares might therefore have been an equally attractive purchase since the market price would
have been commensurately lower, compensating for the less rosy but true situation.
46 This is the approach of the two leading appellate opinions that hold that, in a fraud-on-the-
market case, a showing of price inflation satisfies loss causation. See, e.g., Knapp v. Ernst &
Whinney, 90 F.3d 1431, 1438 (9th Cir. 1996); Gebhart v. ConAgra Foods, Inc., 335 F.3d 824,
831 (8th Cir. 2003). This is also the approach that was used in the Ninth Circuit opinion in
Dura. Broudo v. Dura Pharms., Inc., 339 F.3d 933, 937–38 (9th Cir. 2003).
After Dura 251
approach redefines loss causation in such a way that the same evidence that
the courts found satisfied the transaction-causation requirement – that the
misstatement caused inflation in the price the plaintiff paid at the time of
purchase – satisfies loss causation, as well. Thus, their new definition rendered
loss causation, which is supposed to be an additional requirement beyond
transaction causation, totally redundant.
Although these courts did not do so, one could argue that allowing a show-
ing of price inflation to satisfy the loss causation requirement in fraud-on-
the-market cases sensibly relates to the traditional loss-causation formulation
because, if a false statement inflates price at the time of purchase, the market
ultimately will reflect the true situation. After that point, the price will be
lower than it would have been if the market had never realized the true situa-
tion. This argument has defects of its own, however. First, it in essence simply
redefines in ex post terms the ex ante reality that the plaintiff paid more for the
security than he or she would have but for the wrongful misstatement. The ex
post fact that the price is lower than it would have been if the market had never
realized the true situation hardly seems by itself like a compelling reason for
compensation. The reason for compensation, if there is one, comes from the
ex ante reality that the plaintiff was forced to pay too much. Second, when the
market realizes the true situation, the price will not necessarily be lower than
the price the plaintiff paid because, between the time of the purchase and
the point of market realization, other factors unrelated to the misstatements
may have pushed price up by more than the removal of the misstatements’
price inflation pushed it down. Therefore, even if the misstatement inflated
the price paid, the plaintiff may not have suffered a loss ex post, as required by
the traditional loss-causation formulation. Third, if all that the plaintiff has to
show to satisfy the loss causation requirement is that the misstatement inflated
price at the time of purchase, she does not need to show, as the traditional
loss-causation formulation requires, that she held until the point that the mar-
ket realized the true situation. If she sold earlier than that point, she may have
recouped at sale the amount of overpayment at purchase.
3. Pre-Dura Decisions Finding a Showing of Price Inflation Insufficient

to Satisfy the Loss-Causation Requirement
Other courts concluded that a showing that the price at the time of purchase
was inflated by the misstatement is insufficient to constitute loss causation
and appeared to require the same showing in fraud-on-the-market cases as in
traditional reliance cases. Robbins v. Koger Properties, Inc.47 and Semerenko v.
47 Robbins v. Koger Props., Inc., 116 F.3d 1441 (11th Cir. 1997).
252 Merritt B. Fox
Cendant Corp.48 are the two leading recent appellate-court opinions taking
this position. The reasoning in each also has serious problems.
In Robbins, the Eleventh Circuit rejected the price inflation theory by
the following route: First, it stated that transaction causation is equivalent to
reliance and is “akin to actual or ‘but for’ causation.”49 Second, it said that
the Supreme Court, in articulating the fraud-on-the-market theory in Basic,
found that a showing of price inflation “creates a presumption of reliance,”
which, the Robbins court said, is “more related to transaction causation” and
“not a presumption of causation.”50 Therefore the court refused to use the
fraud-on-the-market theory to alter the loss-causation requirement and stated
that it would continue to “require proof of a causal connection between the
misrepresentation and the investment’s subsequent decline in price.”51
As discussed above, the reasoning in the Robbins opinion ignores the fact
that the kind of reliance established by the Supreme Court in Basic is not but-
for causation – hence, a showing that satisfies the fraud-on-the-market kind of
reliance is not a showing of transaction causation.52 The reasoning ignores as
well that in Basic the Supreme Court describes a showing of price inflation as
providing the plaintiff an alternative way to demonstrate “the requisite causal
connection between a defendant’s misrepresentation and a plaintiff’s injury,”53
thereby suggesting that the Court did regard a showing of price inflation as
creating a presumption of causation. The reasoning also ignores the fact that,
because the fraud-on-the-market reliance standard is not but-for causation,
there is no need for a showing of something more in the form of traditional
loss causation in order to save defendants from insuring risks unrelated to
the subject matter of the misrepresentation. Finally, the reasoning in Robbins
ignores the special situations existing in the traditional reliance-based cases, in
which the loss-causation requirement was developed, that justified the unusual
focus on ex post rather than ex ante injury (i.e., that these cases typically arose
out of face-to-face or thin- or initial-market situations where the purchase
price paid by the plaintiff was not determined in, or guided by, a price in an
established, efficient secondary trading market).
In Semerenko, the Third Circuit also rejected the inflation theory, stating
that “an investor must also establish that the alleged misrepresentation prox-
imately caused the decline in the security’s value to satisfy the element of
loss causation.”54 It did so with a more policy-oriented focus, however. The
48 Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165, 185 (3d Cir. 2000).
49 Robbins, 116 F.3d at 1147. 50 Id. at 1148.
51 Id. 52 See supra section III.B.1.
53 Basic, 485 U.S. at 243.
54 Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165, 185 (3d Cir. 2000).
After Dura 253
Semerenko court’s concern was that “where the value of the security does not
actually decline as a result of an alleged misrepresentation . . . the cost of the
alleged misrepresentation is still incorporated into the value of the security and
may be recovered at any time simply by reselling the security at the inflated
price.”55 The court was certainly right that a plaintiff who sells before full
market realization of the truth should have his or her damages reduced or
eliminated by the extent to which the price continues to be inflated by the
misstatement. But full elimination of this price inflation, and hence of the
Third Circuit’s worry, does not require that price at time of plaintiff’s sale
be below the price paid, as is required under the traditional loss-causation
formulation. Again, other unrelated factors may have increased share price
by more than the full deflation reduced it. Moreover, as more fully discussed
below, the problem of sales prior to partial or full deflation could be considered
in terms of the determination of individual damages rather than causation and
thus is not necessarily fatal to the use of the inflation theory of loss causation.56
D. The Supreme Court’s Missed Opportunity in Dura

Dura presented the Supreme Court with an opportunity to clear up this lower-
court confusion completely. The Court had not developed the twin require-
ments of transaction causation and loss causation; indeed, it had never even
commented on them prior to Dura. The Court was therefore in a particularly
free position to end the confusion caused by the lower courts’ misapplica-
tion of a framework of their own making and to throw out these ill-fitting
requirements for fraud-on-the-market suits. In their place, the Court could
have in clear language substituted the simple requirement, consistent with
its reasoning in Basic and the fundamental logic of the fraud-on-the-market
theory, that the plaintiff plead and prove that the defendant’s misstatement
inflated the price the plaintiff paid. Because of the defendant’s wrongful mis-
statement, plaintiff paid an amount extra equal to this inflation for something
with no greater fundamental value than if the misstatement had not been
made. This overpayment is the injury suffered by the plaintiff and thus the
injury on which the causation analysis should focus (although the plaintiff’s
55 Id. The court made this statement to suggest that earlier Third Circuit opinions that appeared
to adopt the price-inflation theory of loss causation might be wrong. What the Third Circuit
rule is at this point was not tested by this case, however, since the court found that the complaint
alleged that the stock involved “was ‘buoyed’ by the defendants[’] alleged misrepresentations,
and that it dropped in response to disclosure of the alleged misrepresentations,” id. at 186, and
so the appellate court would have vacated the district court’s granting of defendants’ motion
to dismiss under either approach.
56 See infra section III.D.
254 Merritt B. Fox
recovery in damages would be limited to the extent that she receives at the
time of sale a benefit arising from the same wrong because of any continuing
inflation).57
Abandoning the rhetorical confusion of the transaction-causation and loss-
causation framework and instead straightforwardly addressing the underlying
reality in the way suggested here would have done more than just clear up
confusion. It would have brought the analysis of causation in fraud-on-the-
market cases in line with the modern economic thinking that has been the
driving force behind the evolution of securities regulation over the past two
decades. This thinking has an ex ante focus and is concerned with the law’s
effects on the structure of incentives of the various actors involved at the
time the plaintiff enters into the transaction. The ex ante focus calls for use
of the out-of-pocket measure of damages (i.e., the extra amount the plaintiff
pays at time of purchase because of the misstatement, assuming full market
realization of the true situation prior to the sale). As we have seen, unlike
actions based on traditional reliance, there are no strong reasons in the case of
fraud-on-the-market actions to depart from this measure.58 The out-of-pocket
measure has in fact been the standard measure of damages all along in Rule
10b-5 cases generally.59
In this regard, it is worth noting that straightforwardly addressing the under-
lying reality in the way suggested here corresponds to the well-known 1982
article by Daniel Fischel, in which he argues, using modern finance theory,
that in cases involving actively traded securities, proof of materiality, causation,
and measure of damages should all go to the same issue: the amount by which
the misstatement inflated share price.60 While the Supreme Court cited Fis-
chel’s article in Basic,61 the lower courts have largely ignored its implications,
as they have fashioned a post-Basic theory of causation for fraud-on-the-market
cases. As discussed below, the Court in its Dura opinion failed to seize this
opportunity to end the confusion created by the lower courts. It retained the
transaction-causation and loss-causation framework and rhetorically treated
the case of the plaintiff who sells prior to the market beginning to realize the
true situation as one involving an absence of loss causation rather than an
absence of damages. Despite its rhetorical shortcomings, however, the Court’s
opinion leaves open ample room for the development of rules with substantive
57 The reasoning for limiting recovery in this fashion corresponds to Judge Sneed’s concurring
opinion in Green v. Occidental, 541 F.2d 1335, 1341–46 (9th Cir. 1976) (Sneed, J., concurring).
58 See supra section II.B. 59 See text accompanying supra note 35.
60 See Daniel Fischel, Use of Modern Finance Theory in Securities Fraud Cases Involving Actively
Traded Securities, 38 Bus. Law. 1, 12–13 (1982).

61 Basic, 485 U.S. at 246 n.24.
After Dura 255
results that make good policy sense. It is simply important that courts keep the
underlying reality in mind as a guide in future action.
III. THE HISTORY OF DURA AND THE SUPREME

COURT’S HOLDING
Dura involved a class action by plaintiffs who were open-market purchasers

of defendant Dura Pharmaceutical’s shares. They alleged that they had been
damaged as a result of Dura falsely claiming progress on an asthma-medication
delivery device that the FDA ultimately found not approvable. The alleged
misstatements were made in a series of press releases issued from April 1997
through January 1998. On February 24, 1998, Dura publicly announced that
it expected less-than-forecast earnings, which it attributed to slow sales of
one of its current products, Ceclor CD. Dura’s share price dropped sharply
and the plaintiffs so alleged. In November 1998, Dura publicly announced
the FDA finding that the asthma-medication device was not approvable. The
plaintiffs did not allege that the November announcement was followed by
a price drop.62 The class consisted of all purchasers of Dura Pharmaceutical
shares between April 15, 1997, when the firm reported strong progress selling
Ceclor CD as well as the completion of patient dosing (a step in the tests
needed as part of the FDA approval process for the asthma-medication deliv-
ery device) and February 24, 1998, the date of the less-than-forecast earnings
announcement.
The district court dismissed the complaint in Dura for failure to state a
claim, deciding that, because the complaint did not allege any relationship
between the negative FDA finding and the February price drop, the plaintiff
failed to plead “loss causation.”63 The Ninth Circuit reversed, requiring only
a “pleading that the price at the time of purchase was overstated and sufficient
indication of the cause.”64 The Supreme Court granted certiorari on whether,
contrary to the Ninth Circuit’s position, a plaintiff in a fraud-on-the-market
suit such as Dura must demonstrate loss causation by pleading and proving
a causal connection between the misstatement and a subsequent decline in
price.65 Defendants, in support of their position that such a demonstration was
62 The price in fact fell 21 percent, from $123 /8 to $93 /4 . Brief for the United States as Amicus
Curiae Supporting Petitioners at 2–3, Broudo v. Dura Pharms., Inc., 544 U.S. 336 (2005)
(No. 03–932), 2004 WL 2069564.
63 In re Dura Pharms., Inc. Sec. Litig., Civil No. 99CV0151-L (NLLS), 2000 U.S. Dist. LEXIS
15258 (S.D. Cal. July 11, 2000).

64 Broudo v. Dura Pharms., Inc., 339 F.3d 933, 938 (9th Cir. 2003), rev’d, 544 U.S. 336 (2005).
65 Dura Pharms., Inc. v. Broudo, 542 U.S. 936 (2004) (mem).
256 Merritt B. Fox
required, cited opinions from other circuits.66 They were joined in their cer-
tiorari petition by an amicus brief from the solicitor general and the Securities
and Exchange Commission.
The Supreme Court reversed the Ninth Circuit’s judgment. The Court held
that a plaintiff cannot establish causation simply by alleging and subsequently
establishing that the price of the security on the date of purchase was inflated
because of a misstatement made by the issuer.67 Since the complaint alleged
only that the asthma-medication delivery device misrepresentations resulted
in the plaintiffs paying artificially inflated prices for Dura securities and that
they suffered damages, the Court concluded that the complaint was legally
insufficient and remanded the case.68
IV. ISSUES REMAINING OPEN
The Court’s holding in Dura is extremely narrow. It settles only one issue:
a plaintiff who merely alleges and subsequently establishes that a positive,
material misstatement in violation of Rule 10b-5 inflated the price she paid for
a security has not done enough to establish causation in a fraud-on-the-market
action for damages. The pleadings must provide in addition some indication of
the loss and the causal connection the plaintiff has in mind.69 And proof at trial
must provide evidence that the inflated purchase price proximately caused an
economic loss.70 The Court, however, did not specify what kinds of allegations
and proofs would be sufficient to meet these standards. Specifically, there are
two large, open questions. One concerns what constitutes a loss – specifically
whether a plaintiff would ever be allowed to establish that a misstatement
caused a loss in a situation in which the price at the time suit is brought
(or, if earlier, the time of sale) is higher than the purchase price. Stated in
more general terms, the first large, open question is whether a plaintiff’s loss
(and hence damages) is limited to his actual loss – that is, the difference
between purchase price and the price at time of sale. The second large, open
question concerns what, beyond the allegation that the misstatement inflated
the purchase price, would constitute a sufficient “indication of the loss and
the causal connection” for purposes of pleading and what, for purposes of
proof at trial, would constitute the kind of evidence sufficient to establish that
there had been an inflation in price that proximately caused an economic
66 See, e.g., Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165, 185 (3d Cir. 2000); Robbins v. Koger
Props., Inc., 116 F.3d 1441, 1148 (11th Cir. 1997).
67 Dura Pharms., Inc. v. Broudo, 544 U.S. 336, 338 (2005).
68 Id. at 346–48. 69 Id. at 346–47.
70 Id. at 345–46.
After Dura 257
loss. In particular, is it necessary for the plaintiff to plead and prove a price
drop immediately following the public announcement of the truth? Or can
the pleadings or proof at trial consist of some other kind of indication that the
purchase price had been inflated by the misstatement and that the market had
later realized the true situation dissipating this inflation?
A. Sale Price Above Purchase Price

Consider the situation in which the price at time of sale (or, if earlier, at
time the suit is brought) is higher than the price at time of purchase but
not as high as it would have been had not a misstatement-caused inflation in
price dissipated in the interim. In other words, other news in the interim that
was relevant to the issuer’s future but unrelated to the subject matter of the
misstatement was, on balance, sufficiently positive that it pushed the price up
more than it had been pushed down by the dissipation of the inflation.
In one sense of the word, the plaintiff has suffered no loss. She sold, or at
time of suit would have been able to sell, the share for more than she paid
for it. In such a situation, application of the loss-causation rule developed in
the context of a traditional reliance-based action would bar recovery. This rule
required that the purchased security had declined in value from what was paid
(or was sold at a loss) and that the decline or loss was in some way reasonably
related to the falsity of the statement that induced the purchase.71 This also
appears to be the position urged on the Court by the defendants in Dura, even
though Dura was a fraud-on-the-market suit, not a traditional reliance-based
suit.72
In another sense of the word, however, the plaintiff has suffered a loss.
Assuming that she does not sell before full market realization of the true
situation, the defendant’s misstatement has made her worse off in an amount
equal to its inflation of the purchase price. But for the misstatement, she
would have paid exactly that much less for the share; yet her return over
her period of ownership (however long, and from whatever mix of dividends,
distributions, and sales proceeds that she receives) would have been just as
71 See, e.g., Emergent Capital Inv. Mgmt. v. Stonepath Group, Inc., 343 F.3d 189, 197 (2d Cir.
2003). The loss-causation rule in traditional reliance-based actions and a rationale for its ex
post perspective for assessing whether a loss has occurred is discussed supra section II.
72 The question that the defendants successfully sought to have the Court certify was whether a
plaintiff in a fraud-on-the-market suit must demonstrate loss causation by pleading and proving
a causal connection between the misstatement and a subsequent decline in price. Petition
for Writ of Certiorari, Dura, 544 U.S. 336 (No. 03–932), 2003 WL 23146437. See also, John C.
Coffee, Loss Causation After “Dura”: Something for Everybody, N.Y. L. J., May 20, 2005, at 5.
258 Merritt B. Fox
great.73 Interestingly, the U.S. government, while arguing in its amicus briefs
in Dura that the Ninth Circuit ruling in Dura should be reversed, took the
position that the plaintiff in the situation being considered here has suffered a
loss.74
The Court explicitly reserved decision on this matter. It did so by first noting
that when a share purchaser who claims that the purchase price has been
inflated by a misrepresentation later sells at a price below the purchase price,
the lower price may be the result of factors unrelated to the misrepresentation,
not the dissipation of an inflated price. The Court then went on to observe
that unrelated factors can also push the sale price above the purchase price,
stating: “The same is true in respect of a claim that a share’s higher price is
lower than it would otherwise have been – a claim we do not consider here.”75
B. Sufficient Pleadings and Proofs at Trial That the Misstatement

Caused a Loss
What constitutes sufficient pleadings and proofs at trial that the defendant’s
misstatement inflated the purchase price in a way that resulted in a loss to the
plaintiff? To see the matters left open by the Supreme Court in this regard and
the variety of considerations relevant to the task of future courts in shaping
definitive rules with regard to these open matters, it is helpful to consider four
different situations. In each, a plaintiff-purchaser in a fraud-on-the-market
action claims that she was injured by a defendant-issuer’s misstatement. At
some point after the purchase, there is an unambiguous public announcement
by the issuer that the original statement was false. For simplicity, assume that
73 This statement is somewhat of an oversimplification, as it assumes that the misstatement does

not enable management to operate the firm in a different way. It is quite possible that the
misstatement allows managers more slack, and so they run the firm less profitably, or that the
misstatement permits managers to obtain more compensation. Both are actions that would
reduce future returns to the plaintiff. Or the misstatement could allow the firm to obtain
financing on more favorable terms, thus possibly increasing the value of the firm. Each of
these possibilities, however, raises issues of corporate and securities law that differ from the
cause of action under study here.
74 In its briefs, the government makes statements such as “the inflation attributable to the
untruth . . . could also be removed through an increase in price that is smaller than it otherwise
would have been . . . ” Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae Supporting Petitioners
at 7, Dura, 544 U.S. 336 (No. 03–932), 2004 WL 2069564; and “a price decline may not be a
necessary condition for loss causation, however, because the inflation attributable to the fraud
could be reduced or eliminated even if there were a net increase in price.” Brief for the United
States as Amicus Curiae at 13, Dura, 544 U.S. 336 (No. 03–932), 2004 WL 1205204.
75 Dura, 544 U.S. at 343.
After Dura 259
suit is brought immediately after the announcement (as soon as the market
has had a chance to reflect any reaction to the announcement of the truth).76
Two other assumptions will be made in this initial discussion of the four
situations; these assumptions will be dropped in subsequent discussion. One
initial assumption is that the plaintiff purchases her shares immediately after
the misstatement (as soon as the market has had a chance to reflect any reaction
to the original misstatement). The other is that in each of the four situations,
the purchase price is greater than the share price at the time the suit is brought
(and, if the plaintiff sold before the suit was brought, the price at time of sale
as well).
Ultimately, when the discussion of the remaining open issues is complete,
the implications of four potentially critical variables will have been consid-
ered: (1) Was there a significant price drop after the unambiguous public
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement or not? (2) Did the plaintiff
continue to hold her shares until after this public announcement of the truth
or did she sell earlier? (3) Did the plaintiff purchase the shares immediately
after the misstatement was made or later? and (4) Was the sale price lower
or higher than the purchase price? The implications of the fact that most
fraud-on-the-market actions are class actions will also be considered.
1. The First Situation: Price Drops Immediately after the Public

Announcement of the Truth While Plaintiff Still Holds Shares
In the first situation, the plaintiff still holds the shares at the time suit is brought.
She alleges and proves at trial that immediately after the announcement of
the falsity of the misrepresentation, the price dropped significantly.
There is little doubt that this plaintiff satisfies the Court’s requirements
under Dura concerning causation. The drop in price after the announcement
strongly indicates that the misstatement, when made, inflated price. It would
simultaneously indicate, consistent with the efficient market hypothesis, that
after the announcement, the market realized the true situation, thereby dis-
sipating the inflation in price. The misstatement caused the plaintiff to pay
more than she would have otherwise and, because she held her shares until
the inflation had dissipated, he or she did not recoup her injury through a
sale at a similarly inflated price. Thus she suffered a loss as a result of the
76 This assumption is made for expositional convenience to avoid needing to describe separately
the state of affairs in which the plaintiff sells after the public announcement but before the suit
is brought from the state of affairs in which the plaintiff still holds the shares at the time suit is
brought. Any differences in the results between these two states of affairs is not important for
points I make in this discussion.
260 Merritt B. Fox
misstatement.77 Given these considerations, the plaintiff’s allegation of the

price drop immediately after the announcement of the falsity of the misstate-
ment would certainly satisfy the Court’s requirement that the plaintiff allege
“some indication of the loss and causal connection.” Proof of this price drop
at trial would be a strong indication both that the misrepresentation inflated
the purchase price and that the inflation later dissipated before the plaintiff
sold, thereby proximately causing a loss.78
What, though, about cases in which, unlike this first situation, there is no
share-price drop immediately following the announcement? Is there any other
kind of evidence that satisfies the Court’s loss-causation requirements and, if
so, under what circumstances? Some of the circuit court opinions cited by
the defendants in Dura appear to suggest that nothing else would do.79 But
there are respectable arguments for allowing submission of a broader range
of evidence on the matter, as is elaborated just below in the discussion of
the second and third situations, and the Supreme Court has left this question
open.
77 I assume throughout this chapter that the impact on the underlying fundamental value of the
issuer’s shares of the facts asserted by the misstatement, if these facts were true, would remain
constant. See infra section VI.E for further discussion of this assumption.
78 Modern corporate finance teaches us that calculations of price drops or increases of this
sort should, when possible, be done on an adjusted basis using the market model to take into
account the influence of other factors that are simultaneously moving share prices in the market
generally. Ronald J. Gilson & Bernard S. Black, The Law and Finance of Corporate
Acquisitions 194–95 (2d ed. 1995). While courts and securities litigants increasingly recognize
that price drops and increases should be calculated in this fashion, the practice is far from
universal. All of the inferences in this chapter that I suggest can be derived from the fact that
price drops or increases are stronger when they are calculated on a market-adjusted basis.
Where the plaintiff submits only an unadjusted price change as evidence supporting his claim
that the misstatement inflated his purchase price, it is appropriate for the defendant to be able
to introduce market-adjusted data. If the a defendant’s data convincingly show that there has
been no price change on a market-adjusted basis, the inferences suggested here that can be
drawn from an adjusted price change would be unwarranted. Where the plaintiff does submit
to a market-adjusted price change as evidence supporting his claim that the misstatement
inflated his purchase price, it is also appropriate that the defendant be allowed to introduce
any evidence that some other firm-specific event occurred simultaneously that can explain the
price movement. The inferences in this chapter that I suggest can be derived from price drops
or increases assume that the defendant presents no persuasive evidence of this kind. If in fact
the defendant does introduce evidence that some other firm-specific event unrelated to the
misstatement or its correction explains the price change, then again the inferences suggested
here would be unwarranted.
79 Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165, 185 (3d Cir. 2000); Robbins v. Koger Props., Inc.,
116 F.3d 1441, 1148 (11th Cir. 1997). Each of these cases calls for pleading and proof that there
was a causal connection between the misstatement and a subsequent decline in price. It is
not clear whether these courts maintain that to establish the causal connection, the decline in
price needs to be subsequent to the public announcement of the truth or only subsequent to
the original misstatement.
After Dura 261
2. The Second Situation: Price Does Not Drop Immediately after the
Public Announcement of the Truth While Plaintiff Still Holds Shares
In this second situation, unlike the first, there is no significant price drop
immediately after the announcement of the falsity of the misstatement. Since
we assume that suit is brought immediately after the announcement and that
the price after the announcement is lower than at the time of purchase, there
has been a price drop at some point, just earlier than the announcement.
Like in the first situation, the plaintiff still holds the shares at the time suit is
brought.
In this second situation, the plaintiff should again easily be able to allege
and prove that the market realized the true situation. This is because the issuer
made an unambiguous public announcement that the earlier misstatement
was false. The efficient market hypothesis tells us, therefore, that to the extent,
if any, that the misstatement inflated the purchase price, the price after the
public announcement was no longer inflated by the misstatement. Thus, to
the extent that the misstatement caused the plaintiff to pay more than she
otherwise would have, she did not recoup her injury through a sale at a
similarly inflated price. As a consequence, if the misstatement did inflate the
purchase price, it caused the plaintiff to suffer a loss.
Did the misstatement in fact inflate the purchase price, however? The fact
that there was no negative price reaction after the unambiguous announce-
ment is unhelpful to the plaintiff’s claim, but it does not rule out the possibility
that the misstatement inflated the purchase price. This is because the misstate-
ment might initially have inflated the share price, but the market may have
realized the true situation prior to the public announcement of the truth.
Complete market realization of the true situation in this context means that
the price is no longer any higher than it would have been if the misstatement
had never been made. Prior to an unambiguous public announcement, the
operation of one or more phenomena may lead to a complete market real-
ization of the truth. One way is a series of earlier, smaller disclosures by the
issuer or others that gradually led market participants whose actions set price to
conclude that the misstatement was false. Another is that the price was pushed
back to the level it would have been but for the misstatement as a result of
trading by insiders or others based on nonpublic information or rumors con-
cerning the true state of affairs. Another would be a growing quiet awareness
on the part of certain highly sophisticated market participants – arbitrageurs
and sell-side analysts – that previously publicly available facts, which for a time
had gone unnoticed or seemed unimportant, were in fact inconsistent with
the misstatements. Yet another possibility is that, without the issuer recanting
its earlier misstatement, the higher earnings or sales in the future that one
262 Merritt B. Fox
would have predicted based on the misstatement simply did not materialize
or the poor financial condition of the issuer, which the misstatement masked,
subsequently became obvious.
In Dura, the Supreme Court’s requirements concerning how a plaintiff
establishes that a misstatement caused a loss are phrased in terms of what
more, beyond inflation in the purchase price, needs to be pled and proved.
The Court’s decision to phrase its requirements in these terms was presumably
due to the way that the Ninth Circuit opinion in Dura phrased its holding.
Unfortunately, phrasing the loss-causation requirements in these terms is likely
to lead to new confusion. In the very common situation in which the plain-
tiff still holds the shares after the public announcement of the falsity of the
misstatement, the something more is the public announcement. As just dis-
cussed, where the plaintiff already has clearly established that the misstatement
inflated the purchase price, the public announcement is surely enough addi-
tional evidence to establish that the plaintiff suffered a loss. Indeed, the only
coherent story that the Court tells to explain how an inflated purchase price
might not lead to a loss is where the investor resells at the still-inflated price.80
The efficient market hypothesis rules out any continuing inflation in price
once there has been an unambiguous public announcement of the falsity of
the misstatement.
There is thus an irony in the Supreme Court’s phrasing of its loss-causation
requirements in terms of what more needs to be established beyond the infla-
tion in purchase price. For a plaintiff who still holds shares at the time of the
public announcement, if anything is going to be difficult to establish, it is that
the purchase price was inflated, not the something more. I suspect that in
cases such as this second situation, in which there is no significant share-price
drop immediately following the public announcement, the issue of whether
the misstatement inflated the purchase price is in fact the issue troubling
the Court as well. The Court is probably concerned that, in many of these
cases, there was in fact no inflation in the first place and hence no possibility
that misstatement caused a loss. The misstatement, although arguably facially
material, did not inflate the purchase price and unrelated factors caused the
share-price drop observed prior to the public announcement.81
In some cases resembling this second situation, the misstatement did inflate
the purchase price and hence certainly did cause the plaintiff a loss; in others
it did not inflate the purchase price and hence could not possibly have caused
a loss. The existence of both of these possibilities gives rise to a question
that will have to be addressed by future courts: when there is no significant
80 See infra section V.B. 81 See infra section V.B.

After Dura 263
price drop after the public announcement of the falsity of the misstatement,
what alternative kinds of evidence, if any, will the plaintiff be allowed to
introduce in order to establish that the misstatement inflated the purchase
price?
The strongest alternative evidence would be a showing that the misstatement
itself, when initially made, was immediately followed by a significant price
increase. This kind of evidence should be at least as acceptable as evidence of
a significant price drop at the time of the public announcement of the falsity
of the misstatement because it is at least as good a market confirmation of
the importance of the misstatement. The problem, however, is that of all of
the misstatements that do inflate the purchase prices of the issuers’ shares,
probably most are made to avoid disappointing expectations rather than to
increase expectations, which means they are not followed by an immediate
significant price increase.
Thus, it is important whether other, less definitive kinds of evidence of
purchase price inflation are also acceptable to prove loss causation. If less
definitive evidence is allowed, it would need to relate to a combination of
showings. First, the plaintiff would need to establish that the misstatement
was self-evidently important in the sense that, if it were considered reliable,
it would significantly affect investors’ expectations concerning the issuer’s
future returns. The importance of the statement in this sense is something
that could be established, for example, by testimony of analysts or industry
experts. Such testimony would tend to be more persuasive if it was empirically
supported by studies showing the effect of similar announcements on the share
prices of other firms. Second, the plaintiff would need to establish that the
misstatement was in fact believed by the participants in the market whose
actions set prices. One indication of the extent to which it was believed by this
set of participants would be the reactions of analysts or the financial media
at the time the misstatement was made. Finally, the plaintiff would have to
explain how a claim that the misstatement inflated the purchase price could
be consistent with the absence of a price decline immediately after the later
public announcement of its falsity. Such an explanation would presumably
require the testimony of financial economists or securities market professionals
able to point to grounds for believing that, by one or more of the other routes
discussed above, the market was realizing the true situation prior to the public
announcement. The more persuasive the first two showings (the self-evident
importance of the misstatement and its acceptance as true by the market), the
less complete this third showing (the explanation of how the market realized
the true situation prior to the public announcement) needs to be for the overall
case to be convincing.
264 Merritt B. Fox
Nothing in the Supreme Court’s holding in Dura rules out the use of these
other, less definitive kinds of evidence. Since market realization of the true
situation by routes other than a public announcement is not uncommon,
allowing submission of these other kinds of evidence will permit actions to
succeed in the many cases where the purchase price genuinely was inflated
but there was no negative price reaction immediately after the announcement.
On the other hand, because these other kinds of evidence are less reliable than
either a price drop immediately after the announcement or a price increase
immediately after the misstatement, allowing them will also permit more
actions to succeed where in fact the misstatement did not inflate the purchase
price.
Of all of the kinds of cases in which a plaintiff might claim market real-
ization of the true situation by other routes prior to an unambiguous public
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement, the easiest to show are those
involving allegations that the price dropped after either (1) the higher earnings
or sales in the future that one would have predicted based on the misstatement
did not materialize, or (2) the poor financial condition of the issuer, which
the misstatement masked, subsequently became obvious. Indeed, how to deal
with these kinds of allegations has been a central question in many of the
lower-court fraud-on-the-market causation cases decided since the Supreme
Court’s decision in Dura.
In some of these cases, courts refuse to accept such allegations as satisfy-
ing the loss-causation requirement under circumstances suggesting that they
might as a general matter always insist on an allegation of price drop after the
misrepresentation itself has been unambiguously identified and corrected.82
82 For example, in an unpublished opinion, the Sixth Circuit affirmed a district-court dismissal
with prejudice of a complaint alleging that during the first half of 2001, Kmart improperly
reported, as a reduction in current expenses, rebates that it hoped to receive before the end
of the year. D.E.&J. Ltd. P’ship. v. Conway, 133 Fed. App’x 994, 996–97 (6th Cir. 2005). The
complaint alleged a sharp drop in share price in later 2001 after Kmart reported flat sales in
September and declining sales in November and December; a further 60 percent price drop
followed Kmart’s announcement of filing for bankruptcy on January 22, 2002. The complaint
alleged as well that starting on January 25, 2002, there had been various announcements
suggesting accounting improprieties, capped by a restatement of 2001 earnings on May 15,
2002, which included a reversal of the treatment of the hoped-for rebates. Id. at 996–97, 999–
1001. There was no allegation of a drop in price after the May 15, 2002, restatement. Id. at 1001.
The court found that “D.E.&J.’s causation theory looks remarkably like Broudo’s allegations
in his complaint [in Dura].” Id. at 1000. In support of this finding, the court stated, “D.E.&J.
never alleged that Kmart’s bankruptcy announcement disclosed any prior misrepresentation
to the market,” and “D.E.&J. has done nothing more than note that a stock price dropped
after a bankruptcy, never alleging the market’s acknowledgment of prior misrepresentations
that caused that drop.” Id. These statements come close to saying that price drops following
disclosures that reveal the true situation are not sufficient to establish loss causation because
After Dura 265
If this interpretation is correct, the implicit rule seems harsh, since often the
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement is the last act in a drama in
which the true troubled situation had become apparent well before.
Admittedly, the disappointment concerning earnings that leads to a price
drop may only be at most in part due to an earlier misstatement. Similarly,
the revelation of poor financial condition leading to a price drop may only at
most have been partly hidden by an earlier misstatement. Thus, in each case,
the price drop that follows these events does not show with the same clarity
that the misstatement in fact inflated price in the first place as would a price
drop that follows an unambiguous public announcement of the falsity of the
misstatement. This is a particularly difficult problem where an issuer’s share
price has dropped substantially, and it is obvious that at least some significant
portion of decline in the market’s valuation is due to factors unrelated to the
misstatement.
On the other hand, sometimes the relationship between an original mis-
statement and at least a portion of the subsequent disappointment or revelation
is fairly clear, for example, when premature earnings recognition in violation
of generally accepted accounting principles (GAAP) is followed within a few
quarters by an earnings disappointment of a similar magnitude. A dollar more
in the earlier period obtained through premature recognition is bound to mean
a dollar less in some subsequent period. If the market did not understand at the
time of the earlier period earnings announcement that the earnings for that
period had been enhanced in this way, falsely optimistic expectations about
subsequent period earnings were bound to develop and ultimately bound to be
disappointed. In apparent recognition of the existence of such circumstances
they do not specifically identify the misstatement itself and announce its falsity. See also In re
Tellium, Inc. Sec. Litig., No. 02-cv-5878, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 19467 (D.N.J. June 30, 2005);
In re Bus. Objects S.A. Sec. Litig., No. C 04–2401 MJJ, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 20215 (N.D.
Cal. July 27, 2005).
Taking a perhaps more middle ground, the court in Porter v. Conseco, Inc., No. 1:02-cv-
01332-DFH-TAB, 2005 Dist. LEXIS 15466 (S.D. Ind. July 14, 2005), granted without prejudice
a defendant’s loss-causation-based motion to dismiss a complaint alleging major accounting
irregularities and a drop in price after the company made an announcement revealing that
it was performing poorly but not disclosing the existence of the irregularities. The court said
that “this is not a case where plaintiffs can point to a sharp drop in the company’s stock
price following the announcement of the allegedly concealed truth. The stock had long since
hit bottom before these alleged misrepresentations.” Id. at 12. The court noted that plaintiffs
claimed in argument that the truth was beginning to “leak out” and thus was contributing to the
slide in share prices. The court responded that “whether the [Dura Court’s] use of the phrase
‘leak out’ shows that plaintiff’s suggestion would be sufficient under Dura Pharmaceuticals is
not clear. It is clear, however, that this theory is certainly not what plaintiffs have alleged in
the operative complaint.” Id.
266 Merritt B. Fox
and the resulting harshness of an absolute bar, other courts have denied loss-
causation-based defendant motions to dismiss or for summary judgment where
the plaintiffs have alleged that the price dropped when the higher earnings or
sales in the future that one would have predicted based on the misstatement
did not materialize, or when the poor financial condition of the issuer, which
the misstatement masked, subsequently became obvious.83
3. The Third Situation: Price Does Not Drop Immediately after Public
Announcement of the Truth and Plaintiff Has Sold Shares Earlier
In this third situation, like in the second, there is a price drop prior to the
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement, but there is no significant
price drop immediately after the announcement. Unlike in the second sit-
uation, however, the plaintiff sells before the announcement. In this third
situation, to prove that the misstatement caused a loss, the plaintiff must
show both that the misstatement inflated the purchase price and that his sale
occurred after at least partial market realization of the true situation. To estab-
lish that the misstatement inflated price, the plaintiff would need to make
the same showings, as would the plaintiff in the second situation, with regard
to the self-evident importance of the misstatement and its acceptance by the
market as true. The third showing relating to how the market realized the true
situation prior to the public announcement of the misstatement’s falsity takes
on new importance, however. This is because the plaintiff will not only need
to explain defensively why the lack of market reaction to the announcement
83 See, e.g., In re Daou Sys., Inc. Sec. Litig., 411 F.3d 1006 (9th Cir. 2005) (reversing a district court’s
grant of a defendant’s loss-causation-based motion to dismiss a complaint alleging accounting
violations involving premature recognition of income and a stock-price drop after a later
announcement that disclosed disappointing earnings but not the fact that the disappointing
earnings were the result of prematurely recognized income in earlier periods); In re Immune
Response Sec. Litig., 375 F. Supp. 2d 983 (S.D. Cal. 2005) (denying a defendant’s loss-causation-
based motion to dismiss a complaint alleging (1) misstatements that predicted likely Food and
Drug Administration approval of an anti-HIV drug and that asserted certain favorable test
results and (2) alleging a price drop after publication of an academic paper contested by the
issuer that cast doubt on the test results and a further price drop after a financial coventurer
pulled out); In re Loewen Group, Inc. Sec. Litig., No. 98–6740, 2005 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 23841
(E.D. Pa. Oct. 18, 2005) (denying a defendant’s loss-causation-based motion for summary
judgment with regard to a suit in which plaintiffs provided evidence that the issuer overstated
income by failing, when booking zero-interest installment sales, to discount to present value
the future installments and that share prices dropped after the company’s announcement of
$80 million in charges for “reserves and other adjustments” that did not reveal that a portion
of the charge was to account for the previously disregarded imputed interest, but where the
plaintiff produced no evidence that the share price dropped after a later disclosure of the
accounting irregularity itself).
After Dura 267
of the falsity of the misstatement does not undermine the plaintiff’s other evi-
dence showing the misstatement’s importance and acceptance as true but also
must affirmatively show that the partial or full market realization of the true
situation occurred prior to sale of the shares.
This difference is significant. At least where share price continued to fall after
the plaintiff’s sale, any weakness in the plaintiff’s showing that the decline prior
to his sale was due to market realization of the true situation cannot, unlike
in the second situation, be compensated for by the strength of his showings
relating to the misstatement’s self-evident importance and acceptance as true.
The plaintiff needs to establish that market realization of the true situation
occurred prior to his sale in order to show that he did not recoup his injury
through resale at an inflated price. The lack of a significant price drop after the
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement – despite a strong showing
of the self-evident importance of the misstatement and its market acceptance
as true – may be just as easily explained as the result of a market realization
of the true situation after the plaintiff’s sale as before. Again, while nothing in
the Supreme Court’s Dura opinion rules out the acceptability of the kinds of
evidence that the plaintiff in this third situation would need to introduce, a
presentation of the same evidence by the plaintiff in the third situation would
be less reliable in showing the misstatement really caused the plaintiff eco-
nomic disadvantage than if the same evidence were introduced by the plaintiff
in the second situation. This lower level of reliability provides a rationale for
a bright-line rule prohibiting a finding of loss causation in cases resembling
this third situation but not prohibiting such a finding in cases resembling the
second situation. The existence of a rationale does not necessarily mean, how-
ever, that such a bright-line rule should be adopted. Again, there is the familiar
trade-off involved in adopting such a rule. On the one hand, it prevents the
introduction of evidence that is less reliable, and thus it will block actions that
otherwise would have succeeded where in fact the misstatement did not cause
the plaintiff economic disadvantage. On the other hand, it will also block
actions that otherwise would have succeeded where in fact the misstatement
did cause the plaintiff economic disadvantage.
4. The Fourth Situation: Price Drops Immediately after the Public

Announcement of the Truth but the Plaintiff Sells Earlier
In this situation, like in the first, there is a price drop immediately after
the public announcement of the falsity of the misstatement. Unlike in the
first situation, but like the third, the plaintiff sells before the announcement.
The plaintiff in this situation cannot claim a loss based on the portion of
inflation in his purchase price indicated by the price drop at the time of the
268 Merritt B. Fox
public announcement. This is because he sold before market realization of

this portion of the inflation. Thus, the price he received still reflected some
inflation, thereby allowing him to recoup of that portion of his injury. To
prove that the misstatement caused any loss, the plaintiff must both show that
the misstatement inflated his purchase price by more than was indicated by
the price drop after the public announcement and that his sale was after the
market realization of the facts relating to this additional inflation.
This plaintiff’s proof problems are therefore essentially identical to the
plaintiff in the third situation. He cannot use the price drop after the public
announcement to establish that his purchase price was inflated in a way that
caused him a loss. He needs to show the existence of some additional inflation
that is not indicated by a postannouncement price drop and he needs to
show that market realization of the true situation with regard to this additional
inflation occurred prior to his sale. As a consequence, future courts face the
same range of possible rules concerning what evidence to admit with regard
to this fourth situation as they do with regard to the third. Whatever set of rules
the courts choose to deal with one situation should be applied to the other as
well.
5. Changing the Four Situations to Reflect a Later Purchase

The four situations assume that the plaintiff purchases his or her shares imme-
diately after the misstatement (as soon as the market has had a chance to reflect
any reaction). What if the plaintiff purchases after that point but before the
public announcement of the truth? A later purchase may alter the analysis
because, to the extent, if any, that the market realized the truth by the time of
the purchase, the inflation in the purchase price would be commensurately
dissipated, along with the potential loss.
The fact that the purchase was made later should not alter any conclusions
with regard to the first situation, in which the price drops after the public
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement and the plaintiff is still hold-
ing her shares. Assuming that the plaintiff is not claiming an inflation in
purchase price greater than what is indicated by the price drop after the public
announcement, the market clearly had no realization of the true situation until
the announcement and therefore not until after the plaintiff’s purchase.84 Her
purchase price would have involved the full amount of the inflation caused
84 Such a plaintiff, of course, might claim there was additional inflation that was not reflected in
the price drop after the announcement because the market partially realized the true situation
prior to the announcement. This portion of the plaintiff’s claim is the same as the claim made
by the plaintiff in the second purchase-time-changed situation, discussed just below in the text,
and should be treated accordingly by the courts.
After Dura 269
by the misstatement. Thus, the analysis made of the first situation as originally
portrayed is equally applicable here and the plaintiff should easily be able to
meet the Court’s requirements in Dura concerning pleading and proving loss
causation.
In the second purchase-time-changed situation, in which there is no price
drop after the public announcement of the truth and the plaintiff is still
holding the shares, the plaintiff needs to prove that the misstatement inflated
price by a showing that the misstatement was self-evidently important and
was accepted by the market as true. He also needs to reconcile the claim of
price inflation with the absence of a price drop after announcement through
an explanation of how the market realized the true situation prior to the
public announcement. It was observed earlier, in the discussion of the second
situation as originally portrayed, that the more persuasive the showings of the
self-evident importance of the misstatement and its acceptance as true by the
market, the less complete the explanation of how the market realized the true
situation prior to the public announcement needs to be for the overall case to
be convincing. Where the situation is changed so that the plaintiff makes his
purchase later, however, this explanation of how the market realized the true
situation takes on independent importance. This is because the plaintiff, to
establish that he suffered a loss, needs to show that the market has not already
fully realized the situation at the time of purchase. This change in the second
situation, with the plaintiff purchasing later, consequently converts it to one
that resembles the original portrayal of the third situation, in which the plaintiff
buys right after the misstatement but sells before the public announcement.85
Because of this resemblance, the analysis made in the original portrayal of
the third situation is equally applicable to this changed version of the second
situation. As a consequence, future courts face the same range of possible rules
concerning what evidence to admit with regard to this changed version of the
second situation, with the plaintiff purchasing later, as they do with regard
to the third situation as originally portrayed. Again, whatever set of rules they
choose to apply to one should be applied to the other as well.
85 In the second situation, as originally portrayed, I suggested that an alternative way for the
plaintiff to demonstrate that her purchase price had been inflated was to introduce evidence
that there was a price increase immediately after the misstatement was made. If the plaintiff
could successfully show such a price increase, this would be sufficiently convincing evidence
of the misstatement inflating her purchase price that she would not need to provide an
explanation of how the market realized the true situation prior to the public announcement.
With the second situation changed to reflect the plaintiff purchasing later, however, the plaintiff
would need to provide such an explanation, in order to show that market realization had not
occurred before her purchase.
270 Merritt B. Fox
The same can be said of changing the third and fourth situations to reflect
a later purchase by the plaintiff. Whether the plaintiff purchases immediately
after the misstatement (as the situations were originally portrayed) or later,
the plaintiff’s challenges are the same. She must demonstrate the existence of
price inflation without the aid of a price drop after the announcement, and her
explanation of how the market realized the true situation takes on importance
independent of that demonstration.
6. Class Actions Typically Involve a Mix of These Situations

Most fraud-on-the-market actions are class actions. The typical class is com-
posed of all persons who purchased an issuer’s shares from the time of the
misstatement until the time of the public announcement of its falsity. Thus,
the class will contain plaintiffs in each of the situations described above as orig-
inally portrayed and as changed to reflect a later purchase time. These realities
are something that will inevitably need to be considered by future courts as
they fashion rules to deal with these situations. These class actions fall into
two categories: instances in which the public announcement is followed by a
significant price drop and instances in which it is not.
The analysis of class actions in which there is a price drop immediately fol-
lowing the public announcement of the truth is very straightforward. Assuming
that there is no claim of inflation in purchase price beyond what is indicated
by the price drop after the public announcement, the market clearly had no
realization of the true situation until the announcement and therefore not
until after the purchases by all of the members of the class.86 For any member
of the class still holding the shares at the time the suit is brought, whenever
they were purchased, meeting the Court’s requirements in Dura concerning
pleading and proving loss causation should be easy. For the rest of the mem-
bers of the class, meeting these requirements should be impossible because
they sold prior to the announcement and thus recouped all of the claimed
inflation.
The analysis of class actions in which the public announcement of the truth
is not followed by an immediate significant price decline raises more issues. It
is important to stress, however, that for the class as a whole, the proof problems
are simpler than in many of the individual claims considered in the situations
86 Similar to the discussion of individual claims in section IV.A.5 supra, there might be a claim that
there was additional inflation that was not reflected in the price drop after the announcement
because the market partially realized the true situation prior to the announcement. This portion
of the claim is the same as the claim in a class action where the public announcement is not
followed by an immediate significant price drop and should be treated accordingly by the
courts.
After Dura 271
above. This is because for every share purchased at least once between the time
of the misstatement and the time of the public announcement, one or more
members of the class suffers losses that in the aggregate equal the amount, if
any, by which the share’s price was inflated at the time of its initial purchase.
If the share were purchased only once during the class period, then the single
purchaser suffers the full loss. If the initial purchaser sells it prior to the end of
the class period and the price at the time of her sale is still inflated to one extent
or another, she will recoup part or all of her injury. But the second buyer of
this share, if he holds until the suit is brought, sustains whatever portion of the
loss was not sustained by the first buyer. If there are three or more purchases
of the share during the class period, the same process is at work. Whatever
portion of the loss is not sustained by the earlier purchasers is sustained by
the later ones. Fundamentally, for the class as a whole, the situation is akin to
the second situation (in which the plaintiff still holds her shares at the time
of suit), but the situation is changed, as discussed above, to reflect that some
of the shares purchased during the class period were initially purchased at a
point in time later than immediately after the misstatement.
Probably, however, some members of the class would have purchased imme-
diately after the misstatement, and others close enough to the date of the
misstatement that if there was any inflation caused by the misstatement, its
dissipation was unlikely to have already occurred. As far as the class as a whole
is concerned, the shares initially purchased by these class members, even if
sold by them prior to the announcement, are more akin to the second situation
as initially portrayed, in which the individual plaintiff purchases immediately
after the misstatement is made and still holds her shares at the time the suit is
brought. With regard to these shares, one or more members of the class will, in
aggregate, suffer losses equal to the full amount by which the price was initially
inflated by the misstatement. Thus, the methods of proving that the class as a
whole suffered at least some losses are the same as for the individual claimant
in the originally portrayed second situation. One method of proof is to show
that there was a price increase immediately following the misstatement. If
there was no such increase, the other way of showing that the class as a whole
sustained at least some losses is to establish that the misstatement inflated the
price by a showing that the misstatement was self-evidently important and was
accepted by the market as true, reconciling the claim of price inflation with
the absence of a price drop after announcement through an explanation of
how the market realized the true situation prior to the public announcement.
Like the second situation as originally portrayed, to prove that the class as
a whole suffered at least some damages, the explanation of how the market
realized the true situation takes on no independent significance: the more
272 Merritt B. Fox
persuasive the showing of the self-evident importance of the misstatement and

its acceptance as true by the market, the less complete the explanation of how
the market realized the true situation prior to the public announcement needs
to be for the overall case to be convincing. As long as it is established that
the misstatement inflated the price for each of the shares initially purchased
immediately or soon after the misstatement was made, it follows that one or
more members of the class suffered a loss that in aggregate equals the full
amount by which the misstatement initially inflated the share price.
C. Combining the Open Questions

I have discussed the two large questions left open by the Court’s opinion in
Dura separately from each other in order to make clear what is at stake with
each. Under some circumstances, there is a possible interaction between the
two, however. Consider each of the four situations described above as initially
portrayed, except this time with the modification that the purchase price is
less than, not greater than, the share price at the time the suit is brought (and,
if the plaintiff sold before the suit was brought, than the price at the time of
sale as well).
1. Revisiting the First Situation

In the first situation, in which the announcement of the falsity of the mis-
statement is immediately followed by a significant stock-price drop and the
plaintiff still holds the shares at the time suit is brought, this changed assump-
tion that the price at the time of suit is higher than the purchase price turns
out to be unimportant. This is because the significant price drop after the
announcement is a very strong indication that the misstatement did inflate the
purchase price. The fact that the price after the announcement is still higher
than the purchase price does very little to undermine this conclusion since
the drop after the announcement strongly suggests that the increase before the
announcement was due to unrelated factors. Since the plaintiff clearly held
the shares until after market realization of the true situation, the misstatement,
which inflated her purchase price, unquestionably makes her economically
worse off. The case is essentially as strong for providing compensation to the
plaintiff in this price-trend-modified version of the first situation as it is in
the first situation as originally portrayed. Unless the ultimate rule turns out
to be that under no circumstances can there be compensation without an
ex post loss, which in my view would be unfortunate,87 the plaintiff in this
87 See supra section IV.A.

After Dura 273
price-trend-modified version of the first situation, with the price at the time
of suit greater than purchase price, should still meet the Supreme Court’s
pleading and proof requirements under Dura concerning causation.
2. Revisiting the Second and Third Situations

In the second and third situations, however, where there is not a significant
price drop after the falsity of the misstatement is announced, the fact that the
price at time the suit was brought (or, in the third situation, at the time of sale)
was higher than the price at time of purchase weakens the plaintiff’s claim that
the misstatement inflated the price.88 In these situations, if the misstatement
had in fact inflated the price, the dissipation of the inflation would have needed
to occur between the time of purchase and the time of the announcement
of the falsity of the misstatement (or, in the case of the third situation, the
time of sale) and this dissipation would have exerted downward pressure on
price. As for the other influences on price during this period, unrelated to
the misstatement, there is just as great a probability that they, too, on a net
basis, would have exerted a downward force on price as an upward one. This
means that if there was any inflation to be dissipated, the combination of the
dissipation of the inflation and the other unrelated influences on price were
more likely to be negative than positive.89 Thus, standing alone as a single
piece of evidence, the fact that the price at the time of suit or earlier sale is
higher than at the time of purchase suggests that it is more likely than not
that there never existed any misstatement-caused inflation in the first place.
Moreover, the greater the increase in price, the more likely this piece of
evidence suggests that there was no inflation from the misstatement.
The fact that the price went up does not, of course, rule out the possibility
that there was inflation in price due to the misstatement: as discussed earlier,
the other unrelated influences on price might well on a net basis have been
positive and enough so to more than counterbalance the downward force
exerted on price from dissipation of an inflation due to the misstatement. The
increase in price is simply, on a probabilistic basis, a negative piece of evidence
to be weighed against whatever positive pieces of evidence the plaintiff might
present in her efforts to show the self-evident importance of the misstatement
and its acceptance as true by the market and to explain how the market realized
88 The exception to this statement is when the price rose immediately after the misstatement was
made.
89 To be more precise, this statement would need to be modified to recognize that such unrelated
factors push price up or down from a path that reflects the fact that, over the long, run share
prices on average tend to grow. For relatively short periods of time, such as one or two quarters,
however, this growth factor is likely to be small relative to the other factors at work.
274 Merritt B. Fox
the true situation prior to the public announcement of its falsity. Thus, one
approach future courts might take is simply to consider all of these positive
pieces of evidence offered by the plaintiff and, if they are persuasive enough
to overcome the negative inference flowing from the fact that the price went
up, find that the plaintiff established that the misstatement inflated price.
Alternatively, future courts might construct one of a number of possible
bright-line rules triggered by the price at time of suit or earlier sale being
higher than the purchase price. The most extreme rule for cases that otherwise
resemble the second or third situations as originally portrayed would be an
absolute bar on payment of damages. There exists a rationale for such a bright-
line rule even if the law develops in a way that permits compensation despite
the lack of an ex post loss in cases in which there is either a significant price
drop immediately after the announcement of the truth (i.e., cases resembling
the first situation) or in which there is a significant price rise immediately after
the misstatement. If a case has neither of these characteristics, the plaintiff’s
argument that the misstatement inflated the price would, if allowed, have
to rest on her showing of the self-evident importance of the misstatement
and its acceptance as true by the market and her explanation of how the
market realized the true situation prior to the public announcement of its
falsity. The justification for a bright-line rule banning any such case would be
that the plaintiff’s argument is inherently weakened by the fact that the price
at the time suit is brought is higher than the purchase price.
A less draconian bright-line rule would be an absolute bar on payment of
damages only where the increase in price between time of purchase and time
suit was brought (or earlier sale) was substantial relative to past fluctuations
in price. Another approach would be to bar compensation unless the plaintiff
can meet the burden of establishing the existence of unrelated factors that
could be expected to increase price by more than he claims the misstatement
inflated price.
With all of these bright-line rules, the usual trade-off is involved: the more
restrictive the rule in terms of what evidence can be introduced, the more
cases that will be blocked in which the misstatement in fact does cause the
plaintiff economic disadvantage and the more cases that will be blocked in
which it in fact does not.90
90 My colleague Professor John Coffee favors a bar of some sort to recovery where the price at the
time suit is brought (or, if earlier, at time of sale) is higher than the purchase price. Coffee,
supra note 72, at 5. It is unclear, however, whether he favors a blanket bar to all such actions. He
may simply favor a bright-line rule barring recovery unless there is strong, definitive evidence
that the purchase price was inflated in the first place. In other words, he might allow recovery
in the first situation, involving a price decrease after the announcement of the truth, or where
After Dura 275
3. Revisiting the Fourth Situation

Again, assume the price at the time of sale is greater than the purchase price.
Consider, with this price-trend modification in assumptions, the fourth sit-
uation, in which the share price drops significantly immediately after the
announcement of the truth but where the plaintiff has sold her shares before
that point. As noted in the earlier discussion of this fourth situation as originally
portrayed, the plaintiff cannot claim a loss based on the portion of inflation
in his purchase price indicated by the price drop at the time of the public
announcement.91 To prove that the misstatement caused him any loss, the
plaintiff must show both that the misstatement inflated his purchase price by
more than was indicated by the price drop after the public announcement and
that his sale was after market realization of the facts relating to this additional
inflation. The modifying fact that the price at time of sale is greater than the
purchase price has the same significance as it does in modifying the second and
third situations. Thus, this plaintiff’s proof problems are essentially identical to
the proof problems of the plaintiff under the price-trend-changed assumption
in the second and third situations discussed just above, and the analysis set out
just above is equally applicable to this modified version of the fourth situation.
If courts use some kind of bright-line rule in these price-trend-modified second
and third situations, they should use the same bright-line rule here.
V. THE COURT’S REASONING IN DURA
The Supreme Court describes the Ninth Circuit holding concerning what
a securities fraud plaintiff needs to establish to prove “that the defendant’s
there is a price rise immediately after the original misstatement, but otherwise bar recovery
where the price at time of suit (or earlier sale) is higher than the purchase price.
Coffee’s reasoning really only supports this latter, narrower bar. His stated concern is with
what the absence of an ex post loss says about the likelihood that the price was inflated in
the first place, not an insistence that an investor must suffer an ex post loss to have been
made economically worse off by a misstatement. Coffee writes, “Economically, there is little
conceptual difference between a price decline because of the discovery of a prior misstatement
and a price that does not change because positive and negative news have offset each other.” Id.
at 8. He poses the following hypothetical, however. The share price increases by $5 from time
of purchase to time of suit. A plaintiff claims that a misstatement inflated the price by $10 and
that the market realization of the truth has dissipated this inflation while macroeconomic news
has boosted the price by $15. Thus, the $5 price increase is consistent with the plaintiff’s claim
that the misstatement made him $10 worse off. But it is also consistent with the misstatement
having caused no inflation in price and macroeconomic news boosting price by only $5, in
which case the misstatement had no effect on the plaintiff’s welfare. The hypothetical, Coffee
says, illustrates the danger of “‘phantom losses’ that have no corroboration in actual market
movements.” Id.
91 See supra section IV.B.4.
276 Merritt B. Fox
fraud caused an economic loss” as simply “that ‘the price’ of the security ‘on
the date of purchase was inflated because of the misrepresentation.’”92 The
Court rejects this holding, stating, “In our view, the Ninth Circuit is wrong,”93
and concluding, “normally . . . in fraud-on-the-market cases . . . an inflated pur-
chase price will not itself constitute or proximately cause the relevant economic
loss.”94 The Court gave a number of reasons for reaching this conclusion.
These reasons, when scrutinized, appear to be rather confused and unfortu-
nately do not provide much helpful guidance concerning how future courts
should decide the open issues delineated above.
A. An Inflated Price Results in No Loss at Time of Purchase

The Supreme Court states that “as a matter of pure logic, at the moment the
transaction takes place, the plaintiff has suffered no loss; the inflated purchase
payment is offset by ownership of a share that at that instant possesses equiv-
alent value.”95 The Court is thus apparently equating the value of a share at
any moment in time to its market price at that time even when that price has
been distorted by a misstatement. This rather slippery use of the term value
is apparently based on the idea that the plaintiff could at the moment of a
security’s purchase turn around and resell it at the same price as he bought
it. Using value in this way is contrary to one of the fundamental concepts in
modern corporate finance – the value of a share means the expected dividends
and other distributions, discounted to present value, that the holder or holders
of the share, whoever that may be over time, will receive during the life of
the issuing firm.96 It also ignores that the primary purpose of the securities
laws, including their antifraud provisions, is to promote economic efficiency
and fairness by trying to minimize the gap between price and value as it is
understood in this corporate finance sense. The market, with its capacity to
digest information possessed by many different participants relevant to pre-
dicting what the issuer’s future dividends and other distributions will be, is a
very powerful appraiser of value but not when price is distorted by a material
misstatement. More accurate share prices (i.e., prices that are closer to their
fundamental values) enhance the efficient functioning of our economy by
being better signals of where scarce capital should flow and by aiding in the
mechanisms that provide appropriate discipline and incentives to manage-
ment. Fairness is also related to minimizing the differences between price
92 Dura Pharms., Inc. v. Broudo, 544 U.S. 336, 338 (2005) (citation omitted).
93 Id. 94 Id. at 342.
95 Id. 96 Brealey et al., supra note 9, at 61–65.
After Dura 277
and fundamental value. The Court’s equating of value with price obscures the
fact that while the plaintiff might be able instantly to turn around and sell for
the same inflated price that he paid, eventually the truth will come out and
eliminate the inflation. Thus, someone will be left holding the bag, having
paid the premium but not able to resell at the premium.
The Supreme Court’s use of the term value is odd for a second reason as
well. Fraud-on-the-market suits are also available to sellers who sell at a price
that has been depressed due to a negative misstatement. It seems unlikely that
the Court would say the depressed price that the plaintiff received in such
a case equaled the value of the share she gave up because she could have
instantly turned around and repurchased the share for the same deflated price.
Presumably, the Court would recognize that the plaintiff suffered a loss at the
time of sale unless she in fact repurchased her shares at that same deflated price
before the market realized the true situation. This hypothetical concerning a
plaintiff-seller and a negative misstatement is completely symmetrical to one
involving a plaintiff-purchaser and a positive misstatement, and there is no
apparent rationale for treating them differently.
The Supreme Court’s suggestion that a share’s value equals its price is
also at odds with established securities law when it comes to the calcula-
tion of damages. The standard measure of damages in Rule 10b-5 actions,
including the Court’s own jurisprudence on the matter, is the out-of-pocket
measure (i.e., the extra amount that the plaintiff pays at the time of pur-
chase because of the misstatement, assuming no resale at a price that is still
inflated by the misstatement to one extent or another).97 This could hardly
be an appropriate measure of damages if value equals price at the time of
purchase.
B. No Inevitable Link between an Inflated Share Price

and Later Economic Loss
Having dismissed the idea that a loss could occur at the time of purchase, the
Supreme Court argues that there also might not be a loss later, saying, “the
logical link between the inflated share price and any later economic loss is
not invariably strong.”98 In support of this second argument, the Court starts
with the observation that “if, say, the purchaser sells the shares quickly before
97 See Randall v. Loftsgaarden, 478 U.S. 647, 662 (1986); Estate Counseling Serv., Inc. v. Merrill
Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith, Inc., 303 F.2d 527, 532 (10th Cir. 1962); Loss & Seligman,
supra note 34, at 4409–13.
98 Dura Pharms., Inc. v. Broudo, 544 U.S. 336, 342 (2005).
278 Merritt B. Fox
the relevant truth begins to leak out, the misrepresentation will not have led
to any loss.”99 It is certainly true, as already discussed, that it would be a
mistake to grant damages to such a purchaser. The reason for not granting
damages, however, is not that the purchaser did not incur an injury at the time
of purchase as a result of defendant’s wrongful misstatement; he did suffer
an injury by having to pay more than he otherwise would have but for the
misstatement. The reason for not granting damages is that the purchaser has
received a benefit arising from the same wrong in an amount equal to the
injury he suffered earlier. Indeed, a bar on the payment of damages to the
extent that the plaintiff recoups his injury by sale at a still-inflated price is
exactly the Ninth Circuit rule on damages, one set out by Judge Sneed in
his concurring opinion in Green v. Occidental Petroleum Corp.,100 which is
a standard textbook case on the matter. Thus, any implication in the Court’s
opinion that the Ninth Circuit holding in Dura would have led to such a
purchaser receiving damages is unfounded.
The Supreme Court then goes on to deal with the situation in which the
purchaser does not sell until after truth has come out:
If the purchaser sells later after the truth makes its way into the market place,
an initially inflated purchase price might mean a later loss. But that is far from
inevitably so. When the purchaser subsequently resells such shares, even at
a lower price, that lower price may reflect . . . other events.101
Here the Court is simply wrong. If the truth makes its way into the mar-
ket, the initially inflated price will inevitably result in a loss. Whether it
is the original purchaser of the share or some later purchaser, some investor
will be unambiguously economically disadvantaged because the misstatement
inflated his purchase price. The investor who purchased the stock when its
price was inflated and who is still holding it when the truth comes out will
have paid more for the share than he would have but for the misstatement and
will not be able to recoup this injury by selling at a similarly inflated price.
This is because the efficient market hypothesis, the foundation on which the
fraud-on-the-market theory is built, assures us that once the truth comes out,
the price will no longer be inflated.
The rationale that the Court provides for its incorrect conclusion involves
some odd form of backward reasoning. The issue the Court was purporting to
99 Id.
100 Green v. Occidental Petroleum Corp., 541 F.2d 1335, 1341–46 (9th Cir. 1976) (per curium).
101 Dura, 544 U.S. at 342–43.
After Dura 279
address was not whether every misstatement that at some point later is followed
by a price drop inevitably means that the misstatement has caused a loss. That
is obviously not true. The misstatement might not have inflated price in the
first place, and the drop would therefore have to be the consequence of some
unrelated factor, not the dissipation of inflation. The issue the Court was
purporting to address was whether there is inevitably a loss where price was
inflated by a misstatement and the truth later came out. The fact that not
every price drop is evidence that price has been inflated by a misstatement
is irrelevant because the proposition the Court was exploring assumed the
price was inflated. While the statement clearly fails to support logically the
Court’s conclusion that price inflation due to a misstatement followed by
the truth coming out does not inevitably lead to a loss, it probably does
reflect the Court’s appropriate concern with the reliability of evidence used to
establish that a price was inflated in the first place.
C. The Ninth Circuit Holding Lacks Precedent

The Supreme Court also criticizes the Ninth Circuit holding as “lack[ing]
support in precedent.”102 When past cases are examined carefully, however,
there is not very much precedent relevant to what needs to be shown to establish
causation in a fraud-on-the-market case. This lack of precedent going either
way is hardly surprising given how new the cause of action is. The precedent
that does exist is in fact fairly evenly split.
The Supreme Court starts by referring to what needs to be shown to establish
causation in common law deceit actions.103 The cases and commentary that it
refers to, however, relate to traditional reliance-based actions, since the fraud-
on-the-market theory is not a common law doctrine. As discussed in sections I
and II, the causal link between the defendant’s wrongful act and the plaintiff’s
injury is entirely different in a traditional reliance-based action than in a fraud-
on-the-market action. Therefore, while, as Joel Seligman says, the decision in
Dura is notable for its close reliance on common law concepts,104 the common
law cases on causation provide very little meaningful guidance to the question
before the Court. The Court’s review of circuit-court federal securities law
Rule 10b-5 opinions suffers to some extent from a similar problem. Two of the
four cases cited, Emergent Capital Investment Management, LLC v. Stonepath
102 Id. at 343. 103 Id. at 343–44.

104 Louis Loss, Joel Seligman, & Troy Paredes, Securities Regulation 1096 (Supp.
2007).
280 Merritt B. Fox
Group, Inc.105 and Bastian v. Petren Resources Corp.,106 are traditional reliance-
based actions, not fraud-on-the-market actions.
When it comes to actual fraud-on-the-market cases, the Court cites only one
case, Robbins v. Koger Properties, Inc.,107 which holds that a showing that the
price at the time of purchase was inflated by the misstatement is insufficient
to constitute loss causation.108 And while the Court refers to the “uniqueness”
of the Ninth Circuit’s perspective on this question,109 it fails to note that the
Eighth Circuit had adopted the same rule as the Ninth.110
VI. RESOLVING THE OPEN ISSUES
This chapter has identified two large questions left open by the Court’s decision
in Dura. The first is whether a plaintiff would ever be allowed to establish that
a misstatement caused a loss in a situation in which the price at the time suit is
brought (or, if earlier, the time of sale) is higher than the purchase price. The
second concerns what, beyond the allegation that the misstatement inflated
the purchase price, would constitute a sufficient “indication of the loss and the
causal connection” for purposes of pleading and what, for purposes of proof
at trial, would constitute the kind of evidence sufficient to establish that there
had been an inflation in price that proximately caused an economic loss. I
will address each of these issues specifically and then consider some larger
questions relevant to their resolution.
105 Emergent Capital Inv. Mgmt., LLC v. Stonepath Group, Inc., 343 F.3d 189 (2d Cir. 2003).
106 Bastian v. Petren Research Corp., 892 F.2d 680 (7th Cir. 1990).
107 Robbins v. Koger Props., Inc., 116 F.3d 1441 (11th Cir. 1997). Robbins, which is not a very
persuasively argued case, is discussed in more detail supra section II.C.3. The court in addition
cites Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165 (3d Cir. 2000), which is also a fraud-on-the-
market case. In Semerenko, the Third Circuit in dicta appears also to reject the inflation theory
of loss causation, stating “that an investor must also establish that the alleged misrepresentation
proximately caused the decline in the security’s value to satisfy the element of loss causation.” Id.
at 185. The Semerenko court’s concern is that where “the value of the security does not actually
decline as a result of an alleged misrepresentation . . . the cost of the alleged misrepresentation
is still incorporated into the value of the security and may be recovered at any time simply
by reselling the security at the inflated price.” Id. The court made this statement to suggest
that earlier Third Circuit opinions that appeared to adopt the price-inflation theory of loss
causation might be wrong. What the Third Circuit rule is at this point was not tested by this
case, however, since the court found that the complaint alleged that the stock involved “was
‘buoyed’ by the defendants[’] alleged misrepresentations, and that it dropped in response to
disclosure of the alleged misrepresentations. . . . ” Id. at 186. The appellate court would have
vacated the district court’s grant of defendants’ motion to dismiss under either approach.
108 Dura, 544 U.S. at 343–44. 109 Id. at 345.
110 Knapp v. Ernst & Whinney, 90 F.3d 1431, 1438 (9th Cir. 1996); Gebhart v. ConAgra Foods,
Inc., 335 F.3d 824, 831 (8th Cir. 2003).

After Dura 281
A. Price at Time of Suit Higher than Purchase Price: Limiting Recovery

to Actual Losses
There should not be a blanket rule barring damages in fraud-on-the-market
suits in which the price at the time suit is brought (or, if earlier, the time of sale)
is higher than the purchase price or, more generally, a rule limiting recoveries
to actual ex post losses. Such a rule would be a relic carried over without reason
from traditional reliance-based actions, in which, unlike fraud-on-the-market
actions, there is some rationale for a focus on ex post losses.111
1. Case in Which Misstatement Clearly Inflated Plaintiff’s

Purchase Price
In a case in which the price at the time of suit is higher than the purchase
price, but in which it is clear that the misstatement inflated the plaintiff’s
purchase price and that she has not recouped her injury through a sale prior
to complete market realization of the true situation, the defendant’s misstate-
ment has unquestionably made the plaintiff worse off in an amount equal to
the misstatement’s inflation of purchase price. But for the misstatement, the
plaintiff would have paid exactly that much less for the share and received in
return the same share with the same value. A rule prohibiting compensation
in such a case would result in a lack of balance in outcomes depending on
whether, after the purchase, other news affecting the fortunes of the issuer,
unrelated to the misstatement, is positive or negative.112 Investors would have
111 See supra section I.B.

112 A requirement of limiting recovery to actual losses, as an application of the traditional loss-
causation requirement to fraud-on-the-market cases would do, poses problems even when the
sale price is less than the purchase price if the difference is not as much as the misstatement-
inflated price. The following examples illustrate the point. In the first example, XYZ corporation
violates Rule 10b-5 by falsely announcing on June 1 a large increase in the sales of its food
division. This inflates XYZ’s share price by $10, resulting in its shares trading at $60 instead of
$50. Later the same day, A buys a share in the secondary market at the $60 price. Two things
happen thereafter during the month of June: the Bolivian government confiscates XYZ’s
mineral properties in Bolivia (part of a business unrelated to food) and the market realizes
the truth about the food division’s sales. As a result, by July 1, the price has gone down from
$60 to $30 (i.e., the confiscation subtracts $20 from the price and the realization of the truth
about the food sales subtracts another $10, for a total decline of $30). On July 1, suit is brought.
A has not sold. Under the approach advocated here, A’s loss due to the misstatement is $10
because the misstatement caused him to pay $10 more than he otherwise would have. He
would receive no compensation for the additional $20 because what happens to the share price
after the purchase is irrelevant to his injury. Application of the traditional loss-causation theory
would also result in the same $10 loss from the misstatement, but the reasoning would be very
different: A suffers a loss because of the $30 price drop but only $10 is considered caused by the
misstatement because the other $20 in decline is not a reasonably foreseeable consequence of
the misstatement.
282 Merritt B. Fox
to suffer the full downside risk associated with unrelated bad news. They would
not be able, however, to enjoy fully the upside risks associated with unrelated
good news, because any such gains would cancel out, where present, their
otherwise valid cause of action for damages from a misstatement that inflated
their purchase price. This lack of balance in outcomes is not only arbitrary,
it is inefficient. It distorts incentives for investors who seek to profit through
hard work by anticipating, ahead of the market, both good and bad news. Such
activities are socially useful because they help improve the accuracy of share
prices. More accurate prices help allocate scarce capital to the most promising
investment projects and assist in the mechanisms that discipline management
and provide incentives.
2. Case in Which It Is Not Clearly Established That the Misstatement

Inflated the Plaintiff’s Purchase Price
Now consider the situation where the plaintiff has not clearly established
one or more of the essential elements causally linking the misstatement to a
loss, that is, that the misstatement inflated the issuer’s share price in the first
place, that some or all of the inflation still remained when the plaintiff made
her purchase, and that the inflation still present at the time of purchase had
dissipated in part or in whole by the time of sale. In such a situation, the
fact that the price at the time suit is brought (or, if earlier, the time of sale)
In the second example, all the facts are the same except that in June, XYZ, instead of being a
target of a Bolivian confiscation, discovers oil in Indonesia. By July 1, the price has gone down
to only $55 (i.e., the oil discovery adds $5 to the price and the market realization of the truth
about the food sales subtracts $10, for a net loss of $5). Under the approach recommended here,
A again has incurred a $10 loss because the misstatement caused him to pay $10 more than he
otherwise would have for shares. Application of the traditional loss-causation requirement, in
contrast, would result in the recognition of $5 in loss because that is all that the price has gone
down.
As noted in the text, requiring the same loss causation showing in fraud-on-the-market
cases as in traditional reliance-based cases results in a lack of balance in outcomes depending
on whether, after the purchase, other news affecting the fortunes of the issuer is positive or
negative. Investors must suffer the full downside risk associated with bad news. If Bolivia
confiscates XYZ’s mineral properties, as in the first example above, A suffers the full $20 loss
associated with the confiscation, since his right of recovery is still limited to $10, the amount by
which market realization of the truth concerning the food division sales depressed the price.
Under this approach, investors cannot, however, fully enjoy the upside risks associated with
good news, because any such gains will be eroded by market realization of the truth. If XYZ
instead discovers oil in Indonesia, as in the second example above, A’s damages would be $5,
since that is all that the price declined. A receives none of the $5 that the good news is worth.
He would be able to sell the security for $55 and receive $5 in damages for a total of $60,
exactly what he paid. In contrast, under the approach recommended here, A would enjoy the
full $5 value of the good news. He could sell the security for $55 and receive $10 in damages,
for a total of $65, $5 more than he paid.
After Dura 283
is higher than the purchase price has some probative value. At a minimum,
it is negative evidence that should be weighed against whatever affirmative
evidence the plaintiff introduces with regard to these elements. Moreover, as
discussed in section IV, there is a rationale for bright-line rules triggered by
this fact that would bar damages under some circumstances. In deciding how
compelling the rationale is for adopting any such bright-line rule, however,
the lower courts should bear in mind that the arbitrariness and inefficiencies
that would result from a blanket rule that never allows recovery when the price
at time of suit (or earlier sale) is greater than the purchase price would still to
some extent be present as well with more narrowly tailored bright-line rules
applicable in only certain situations. Such rules are bound to cut out some
cases where in fact the misstatement did inflate the price.
B. Sufficient Pleadings and Proofs at Trial That the Misstatement

Caused a Loss
A threshold question is whether it is necessary for the plaintiff to plead and
prove a price drop immediately following the public announcement of the
truth. The discussion in section IV suggests that such a requirement, while
it has a rationale, would be too strict and that the plaintiff should be able to
introduce at least some other kinds of evidence showing that the purchase price
had been inflated by the misstatement and that the market had later realized
the true situation, thereby dissipating this inflation. To start, an immediate
significant increase in share price following a misstatement is good evidence
that the misstatement inflated price as a significant price drop following a
public announcement of the falsity of the misstatement. Even if there is
no price drop following the public announcement, a plaintiff who purchased
immediately after such a misstatement was made and was still holding after the
unambiguous public announcement of the falsity of the misstatement is very
likely to have suffered a loss. The share price increase after the misstatement
was made is a very strong indication that it inflated the plaintiff’s purchase
price. The public announcement of the truth while she is still holding the
shares assures that the inflation has fully dissipated and that she cannot recoup
her injury by a resale at the inflated price.
Limiting recovery to cases in which there is either a price drop after the
public announcement or an increase in price at the time the misstatement
is made has an attractive simplicity. Nevertheless, there are good arguments
for allowing a plaintiff to submit less definitive kinds of evidence at least
under some circumstances. Market realization of the true situation by another
route in advance of an unambiguous public announcement of the falsity of a
284 Merritt B. Fox
misstatement is not uncommon, and so many price inflating misstatements

would not be actionable if less definitive evidence were prohibited.113 More-
over, a blanket rule against submission of such less definitive kinds of evidence
would encourage an issuer that made a misstatement to let the truth out slowly
over time in bits and pieces so that no single announcement has a market-
adjusted price drop associated with it sufficiently large to be statistically signif-
icant. I have discussed in section IV plausibly available kinds of evidence that
could be quite persuasive as to importance of the misstatement, its acceptance
as true by the market, and how the market realized the true situation prior to
the public announcement. I also suggested that in the typical class action, at
least a portion of the shares were purchased at time of misstatement or close
enough to it that no dissipation of any inflation is likely to have occurred. As
far as damages owed to the class as a whole is concerned, these shares are
like the shares of persons in the second situation as originally portrayed and
discussed in section IV, who purchased immediately after the misstatement
and still held the shares at the time suit was brought (which is after the infla-
tion, if any, was fully dissipated). Thus, if the lawyers for the class can make a
persuasive argument that there was an initial inflation of price, then clearly, in
the aggregate, members of the class suffered at least some losses as the result of
the misstatement, regardless of the time and rate of dissipation of the inflation
between the making of the misstatement and the public announcement.
If less definitive kinds of evidence are allowed, the pleading standards need
to be carefully thought through. The Supreme Court stated that ordinary
pleading rules are not meant to impose a great burden on a plaintiff but that
“it should not prove burdensome . . . to provide a defendant with some indica-
tion of loss and the causal connection that the plaintiff has in mind.”114 Perhaps
a bit more ominously for plaintiffs, it also said it would “assume, at least for
argument’s sake, that neither the Rules [of Civil Procedure] nor the securities
statutes impose any special further requirement” beyond the Federal Rules of
Civil Procedure Rule 8(a)(2) requirement of “a short and plain statement of
113 As previously noted supra note 74, the U.S. solicitor general and the SEC urged the Supreme
Court to reverse the Ninth Circuit ruling in Dura. In their brief arguing for a grant of certiorari,
they drew a distinction, as ultimately does the Court and as is done here, between an investor
who purchases a share whose price has been inflated by a misstatement and sells while the
price is still inflated and an investor who does not sell “until the market price reflects the true
facts that had been concealed by the fraud.” In terms of how the market comes to reflect these
facts, the brief interestingly says: “This will most commonly occur when the truth is revealed
in whole or in part through corrective disclosure. That, however, is not the only way the fraud
may be revealed. Events may also effectively disclose the truth.” Brief for the United States as
Amicus Curiae, supra note 74, at 11.
114 Dura Pharms., Inc., v. Broudo, 544 U.S. 336, 347 (2005).
After Dura 285
the claim showing that the pleader is entitled to relief.”115 Ultimately, though,
whether this standard is met depends on the contours of what needs to be
proved at trial. The pleading with respect to the self-evident importance of
the misstatement under the assumption that it is reliable should be satisfied if
it is facially material. In essence, the Court already accepted this idea when
it blessed the fraud-on-the-market theory in Basic. Evidence concerning the
market acceptance of the misstatement as true should be available to plaintiffs
without discovery, and so requiring specific allegations with respect to this
matter would not necessarily be very burdensome. Evidence supporting an
explanation of how the market realized the true situation prior to the unam-
biguous public announcement may be more difficult to obtain. Moreover, as
we have seen, for some plaintiffs – ones who purchased right after the mis-
statement was made and were still holding their shares when suit is brought –
and for class-action lawyers showing that at least some damages are owed to
the class, a persuasive showing of the importance of the misstatement and its
acceptance as true by the market can substitute for a complete explanation
of how the market realized the true situation. Thus, at least in these kinds
of cases, a requirement of specific allegations with regard to this explanation
seems unwarranted.
C. The Relevance of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act

The Private Securities Litigation Reform Act (PSLRA) added section 21D(b)(4)
to the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (Exchange Act). This provision is titled
“Loss Causation” and provides that plaintiffs in private actions “shall have
the burden of proving that the act or omission of the defendant . . . caused
the loss for which the plaintiff seeks to recover damages.”116 The government
argued before the Supreme Court in Dura that this provision codifies the
need for plaintiffs in fraud-on-the-market cases to establish traditional loss cau-
sation with the requirement of a discrete drop in price after an unambiguous
announcement of the falsity of the misstatement and a limit on recovery equal
to the difference between the purchase price and the sale price.117 The weak-
ness of this argument is that it begs the question of what is the loss with respect
to which causation must be shown. The approach advocated in this chapter is
that for fraud-on-the-market cases, the loss with respect to which the plaintiff
must show causation is the inflation in the price the plaintiff paid minus the
amount, if any, by which share price at time of suit (or, if earlier, sale) is still
inflated.
115 Id. at 346. 116 15 U.S.C. § 78u-4(b)(4) (2000).
117 See, e.g., Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae, supra note 74, at 10–13.
286 Merritt B. Fox
The language of section 21D(b)(4) is fully consistent with the concept that
the loss that the plaintiff must show was caused by the defendant’s misstatement
and that the misstatement resulted in her paying too much for the security.118
Indeed, in section 21D(b)(4), the “loss” that is referred to is “the loss for
which the plaintiff seeks to recover damages,” and, as noted earlier, the out-of-
pocket measure of damages is the measure conventionally applied by courts
in Rule 10b-5 actions. Price inflation is the type of loss that most closely
corresponds with this measure of damages. Moreover, the PSLRA’s legislative
history supports the conclusion that a showing of price inflation satisfies the
requirements of section 21D(b)(4). The Conference Report, in explaining that
the purpose of section 21D(b)(4) is to require the plaintiff to plead and prove
that the misstatement “actually caused the loss incurred by plaintiff,” goes
on to state, “For example, the plaintiff would have to prove that the price
at which the plaintiff bought the stock was artificially inflated as a result of
the misstatement.”119 It is also significant that there existed appellate decisions
118 The government seeks to deny that this is a reasonable reading of the provision by stating “a
loss is a decline in value, and in a fraud-on-the-market case, that necessarily occurs at a point in
time after the purchase.” Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae Supporting Petitioners,
supra note 74, at 7–8. This narrow interpretation of the word loss seems contradicted by
the government elsewhere in this same brief and in its own earlier brief in support of the
defendant’s certiorari petition. In these briefs, the government makes statements such as “the
inflation attributable to the untruth . . . could also be removed through an increase in price
that is smaller than it otherwise would have been . . . ” id. at 7; and a “decline in price may not
be a necessary condition for loss causation, however, because the inflation attributable to the
fraud could be reduced or eliminated even if there were a net increase in price.” Brief for the
United States as Amicus Curiae, supra note 74, at 13. An additional problem with this narrow
reading of loss arises in the case of a fraud-on-the-market suit by a plaintiff who sold shares of
an issuer for less than he otherwise would have received because of a negative misstatement
on the part of the defendant and never repurchases the shares. According to the logic of the
narrow definition, even though the plaintiff never repurchases, he does not suffer a loss until
after market realization of the truth. Such a conclusion defies common sense.
119 H.R. Rep. No. 104–369, at 41 (1995) (Conf. Rep.), reprinted in 1995 U.S.C.C.A.N. 740. In terms
of congressional intent concerning the meaning of the word loss in § 21D(b)(4), the government
argues that, notwithstanding this example, Congress must have intended to require a showing
of a loss after purchase because the PSLRA also added to section 12 of the Securities Act of
1933 (Securities Act) a provision that it referred to as relating to “loss causation.” The addition
to section 12 enables defendants to reduce liability to the extent that he can show that the
amount otherwise recoverable represents amounts “other than the depreciation in value of
the . . . security” resulting from the misstatement. The government states, “[T]here is no reason
to believe that Congress had two different standards of loss causation in mind when it enacted
the PSLRA.” Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae Supporting Petitioners, supra note
74, at 8. The problem with the government’s argument is that the prima facie measure of
damages in a section 12 claim is recissionary: the difference between the price paid and the
price at the time of suit. Thus, any loss-causation limitation on section 12 damages would
inevitably have to be phrased in terms of a reduction in damages so measured. In contrast, the
ordinary measure of damages in a Rule 10b-5 action is the out-of-pocket measure, and hence
After Dura 287
prior to the passage of the PSLRA holding that a showing of price inflation is
sufficient to demonstrate loss causation.120
D. Should Fraud-on-the-Market Suits Be Discouraged by a Restrictive

Rule of Causation?
Some academic commentators have indicated a preference for fairly restric-
tive rules relating to causation. My colleague Professor John Coffee, based
on his doubts about the overall desirability of fraud-on-the-market suits in the
first instance, argues for requiring a discrete drop in price after an unambigu-
ous announcement of the falsity of the misstatement and limiting recovery
to the difference between the purchase price and the sale price, both akin to
traditional loss causation.121 He argues that these more restrictive rules would
limit the number of fraud-on-the-market actions. This is desirable because
limiting the number of actions means limiting the amount of associated trans-
action costs.122 These costs are primarily the fees that both sides pay to the
legal profession, costs that are ultimately borne by shareholders. Coffee points
out, correctly, that in the secondary-market-trading cases, where fraud-on-the-
market causes of action arise, the losses by the plaintiff-purchaser, who pays too
much, are counterbalanced by the gains of the seller, who is paid too much.123
The seller is usually also an outside investor, unrelated to the suit, who is
equally in the dark. From a societal point of view, therefore, because issuers
pay most of the damages, which ultimately come from the pockets of issuer
shareholders, fraud-on-the-market suits primarily redistribute wealth among
innocent investors. Accordingly, Professor Coffee feels that the compensatory
justification for such suits is weak,124 a conclusion with which I tend to agree.
Fraud-on-the-market actions can have an efficiency justification as well,
however, and this justification may be much stronger than the compensatory
justification. As Professor Coffee acknowledges, such actions deter corporate
misstatements.125 A lower level of corporate misstatements increases share-
price accuracy. Greater share-price accuracy makes the economy more effi-
cient through improvements in how new projects in the real economy are
there is no need to phrase a limitation on these damages in terms of a depreciation in the value
of the security.
120 See, e.g., In re Control Data Corp. Sec. Litig., 993 F.2d 616, 619–20 (8th Cir. 1991) (“To the
extent that the defendant’s misrepresentations artificially altered the price of the stock and
defrauded the market, causation is presumed.”).
121 John C. Coffee Jr., Causation by Presumption? Why the Supreme Court Should Reject Phantom
Losses and Reverse Broudo, 60 Bus. Law. 533, 537 (2005).

122 Id. at 542 123 Id. at 534.
124 Id. at 542–43. 125 Id. at 543.
288 Merritt B. Fox
selected for implementation and, by increasing the effectiveness of a number

of devices that limit the extent to which managers of public corporations place
their own interests above those of their shareholders, through improvements
in how existing projects are run.126 An expectation of a lower level of corporate
misstatements also lowers investor precaution costs, the resources secondary
market traders and their advisers expend trying to detect misstatements so as
to avoid losing transactions.
The question of the role of private civil damages litigation in deterring
issuer misstatements in situations in which neither the issuer nor its insiders
engage in significant trading is a complicated one. It involves a variety of rules
beyond causation requirements, including, among others, rules determining
how difficult it is to sue various potential defendants (e.g., issuers, directors and
officers, control shareholders, accountants), the amounts that such defendants
would be expected to pay out in damages, and the fees to plaintiffs’ class
action lawyers. Mandatory periodic disclosure rules and rules concerning
related issuer, officer, and gatekeeper liability are relevant as well. In addition
to deterring misstatements, the design of this whole complex of rules needs
to be concerned with the incentives of issuers to make truthful statements
in situations in which there is no duty to disclose and with the incentives
of different kinds of investors to gather, analyze, and act on information.127
It is desirable to have a set of rules that, working together, encourage suits
in which the efficiency benefits exceed the costs and that discourage suits in
which the opposite is the case. Personally, I believe that the prevailing set of
126 See Merritt B. Fox, Retaining Mandatory Securities Disclosure: Why Issuer Choice Is Not
Investor Empowerment, 85 Va. L. Rev. 1335, 1358–69 (1999). Professor Robert Thompson
expresses some reservations concerning the use of securities fraud suits to perform these
functions, writing that “state law of fiduciary duty and the deference inherent in the business
judgment rule provide both a check on possible management abuse of their authority and
considerable room for management to make decisions free of second-guessing by courts.”
Robert B. Thompson, Federal Corporate Law: Torts and Fiduciary Duty, 31 J. Corp. L. 877,
889 (2006) (citations omitted). Because of the way fraud-on-the-market suits deter managerial
abuse, however, it is not clear that they really deprive management of the room they need to
make decisions or give courts the ability to second-guess management’s substantive decisions.
Fraud-on-the-market suits deter managerial behavior only indirectly by encouraging honesty
in disclosure. Abuse that cannot be hidden is abuse that will probably not be undertaken. It is
not a court’s view of what constitutes abuse that managers fear, however; it is the market’s and
the public’s views. While it is true, as Thompson points out, that a management that chooses
to abuse is likely to make an actionable misstatement to hide it, the court simply has to judge
whether a material misstatement has been made, not whether or not the underlying behavior
constitutes abuse.
127 See Zohar Goshen & Gideon Parchomovsky, The Essential Role of Securities Regulation
(Colum. Law and Econ. Working Paper No. 259, 2004), available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=
600709 (discussing civil liability rules with regard to incentives of investors).
After Dura 289
rules is not perfect. They encourage some kinds of suits in which the costs
exceed the deterrence value and discourage some other kinds of suits in which
their deterrence value would exceed their costs. Imposition of a traditional loss-
causation rule in fraud-on-the-market suits does not appear to be a rational way
of remedying this problem, however. It will arbitrarily cut out plaintiffs in cases
in which positive news unrelated to the misstatement has counterbalanced the
effect on price from the market realization of the misstatement. There is no
reason to think that the deterrence value of these cases is any less or their
costs any greater than those of cases in which traditional loss causation can be
demonstrated. It will also cut out all cases in which there is no drop in price
after the unambiguous announcement of the falsity of the misstatement. This
seems arbitrary with respect to cases where there is other clear evidence of
price inflation. Again, compared to cases in which traditional loss causation
can be demonstrated, the deterrence value should be no less and, as explored
here, the costs should not be dramatically greater.
E. The Assumption of Constant Impact

I assume throughout this chapter that the facts asserted by the misstatement
would, if they had been true, have had a constant impact on the underlying
fundamental value of an issuer’s shares. For many kinds of misrepresentations,
this assumption is a reasonably close approximation of reality. To illustrate,
consider issuer A, with 5 million shares outstanding, that falsely stated that it
had an extra $60 million in cash in its treasury. If the issuer had really had this
$60 million in cash in the treasury at the time of the original misstatement,
the fundamental value of each share would have been increased by $12. The
same would be true if the issuer had really had this $60 million in the treasury
at the time of the announcement of the truth.
For other kinds of misstatements, this assumption of constant impact is
not a reasonable approximation of reality. To illustrate this second kind of
misstatement, consider issuer B, also with 5 million shares outstanding, which
falsely stated that it had an extra 1 million barrels of oil in storage. If the issuer
had really had those 1 million barrels of oil at the time the misrepresentation
was made and the price of oil was $60, the fundamental value of each share
would again have been increased by $12. Suppose, though, that between the
time of the misstatement and the time when the truth was announced, the
price of oil decreased to $50 per barrel. By the time of the announcement of
the truth, then, if the issuer had really had those 1 million barrels of oil in
storage, the fundamental value of each share would have been increased by
only $10. Thus, the impact of the facts asserted by the misstatement on the
290 Merritt B. Fox
underlying fundamental value of an issuer’s shares, which remained constant

in the first example, dropped by $2 in the second example.
I employ the constant-impact assumption because, despite its deviation from
reality with regard to this second type of misstatement, it simplifies the discus-
sion of the most important issues related to loss causation without a serious
loss of generality. For some kinds of cases, the lack of reality in the assumption
has no impact at all on the analysis. Consider again the misstatements by
issuer A and issuer B in the context of cases resembling the first or second
situations discussed in section III, in which an investor buys immediately after
the misstatement and holds the shares until after the public announcement
of the truth. An investor who buys a share of A pays $12 more per share than
he would have but for A’s misstatement, and the same is true of an investor
who buys a share of B.128 As a consequence, the misstatement caused each of
the investors a $12 loss. This is because each paid $12 too much and did not
recoup any of that loss by selling at a price that was to any extent still inflated
by the misstatement.
Where an investor purchases later than immediately after the misstatement
or sells before the market fully realizes the true situation, the assumption of
constant impact may be more problematic, but it still has a rationale. This
is because the efficient market hypothesis guarantees that the impact of the
facts asserted by the misstatement on the underlying fundamental value of an
issuer’s shares at the time of the misstatement is an unbiased estimate of this
impact at any point in the future as well. In other words, the value that the
market would assign to each share of B at the time of the misstatement reflects
both the chance that the price of oil in the future might go up and the chance
that it might go down. As a consequence, it would not be unreasonable to
have a rule that there is no loss in the case of an investor in our example
who purchased a share of B immediately after the oil misstatement, when,
if fully believed, it inflated the price by $12, and who sold shortly before the
announcement of the truth, when, if the misstatement was still fully believed, it
inflated the price by only $10. The value the market assigned to this nonexistent
oil at the time of the investor’s purchase reflected the possibilities both that
the price of oil might go up, which at time of sale would have resulted in a
share price inflation of more than $12, and that it might go down. Thus, it can
be argued, while the misstatement is a but-for cause of the $2 shortfall, it is
not a proximate cause. This is because, at the time the investor purchased the
share, the misstatement – if the investor were to sell before market realization
128 In each, for purposes of expositional convenience, I assume that the market fully believes the
misstatement at the time it is made. This assumption is not necessary for the point to hold.
After Dura 291
of the truth – was as likely to have resulted in a gain from an increase in the
amount the misstatement inflated price as to have resulted in a loss from a
decrease in the amount the misstatement inflated price. Under this argument,
it is the decrease in the price of oil, not the issuer’s misstatement, that is the
legal cause of the $2 shortfall.
Dura does not decide whether an economic disadvantage at time of sale
arising out of a fall in the underlying value of a falsely claimed asset, such as
this $2 shortfall, should be considered a loss caused by the misstatement. Cases
may arise, of course, that require resolution of this question, but beyond my
observation that a reasonable argument could be made that such a shortfall
should not be considered a loss, I do not pursue the issue further here. The
constant-impact assumption helps us keep our focus on what I believe are the
two most important questions for loss causation – Did the misstatement inflate
price in the first place? and Has the inflation dissipated by time of sale? –
questions that are involved in every fraud-on-the-market case.
VII. CONCLUSION
This chapter has evaluated the issues remaining open after the Supreme
Court’s decision in Dura. Analytically, in an action for damages based on the
fraud-on-the-market theory, for a positive misstatement to cause an investor to
suffer a loss, (1) the misstatement must inflate the market price of a security,
(2) the investor must purchase the security at the inflated price, and (3) the
investor must not resell the security sufficiently quickly that the price at the
time of sale is still equally inflated. Dura’s narrow holding is that a plaintiff
cannot establish causation merely by pleading and proving that the misstate-
ment inflated price. Future courts have thus been left the task of designing a
comprehensive set of rules concerning what the plaintiff must plead and prove,
and the acceptable forms of evidence, concerning each of these three critical
elements. I have tried to suggest a number of considerations that can help
them do that in a way that minimizes the conflict between the two important
social aims of deterring corporate misstatements and limiting the transaction
costs associated with civil litigation.
One important matter on which the Court expresses no opinion is whether
loss causation can ever be established when the price at the time suit is brought
(or, if earlier, at the time of sale) is higher than the purchase price. This chapter
concludes that a blanket rule against actions in which the price has increased
would be inappropriate because there are situations in which the price has
increased but each of the three critical elements can still be reasonably easily
and definitively established. When one or more of these elements cannot be
292 Merritt B. Fox
reasonably easily and definitively established, however, a price increase is a

negative piece of evidence concerning whether the misstatement inflated the
price, and a bright-line rule barring actions when price has increased might
be appropriate at least under some specified circumstances.
The other important matter on which the Supreme Court expresses no
opinion is whether the plaintiff must plead and prove a price drop immedi-
ately following the unambiguous public announcement of the falsity of the
misstatement. Again, this chapter concludes that a blanket rule requiring such
a showing is inappropriate. Other ways of demonstrating that the misstatement
inflated the price are sufficiently reliable that they should be allowed under
at least some circumstances. The absence of a price drop after the announce-
ment, however, makes it less clear when the inflation dissipated, which is
relevant to whether the plaintiff both bought at a time when the price was
still inflated (if it ever was inflated) and sold at a time when it was no longer
inflated. Some plaintiffs can show the other two elements reasonably easily
and definitively, for example, plaintiffs who purchase the security immedi-
ately after the misstatement is made and still hold it at the time of the public
announcement of its falsity. For plaintiffs whose purchase and sale timings
do not fit this profile, it may be appropriate to bar actions where there is no
postannouncement price drop. This problem is less critical for class actions
because at least minimum losses to the class as a whole can be established
without concern as to when the inflation dissipated.
9 From Boardroom to Courtroom to Newsroom
The Media and the Corporate Governance Scandals
Kathleen F. Brickey
The first trial is always in the court of public opinion.

– Donald Watkins, legal adviser to HealthSouth’s CEO Richard Scrushy
Enron and its progeny spawned an unprecedented amount of press coverage.

To their credit, the media comprehensively covered allegations of widespread
accounting fraud as serious and important news. Major newspapers deserve
special credit for the breadth and depth of their coverage.
While it was a safe assumption that the sagas of Enron and – to a lesser
extent – media icon Martha Stewart would receive sustained media attention,
the sheer magnitude of the corporate governance scandals fueled extraordinary
coverage of massive frauds at WorldCom, Tyco, HealthSouth, and Adelphia,
to name but a few. Before Enron collapsed into bankruptcy and became mired
in a complex Web of investigations, few would have predicted that the editors
of the Wall Street Journal would devote significant resources – including
prominent front-page space – to criminal investigations and prosecutions on
a long-term basis. But, to the Journal’s credit, it did.
Apart from the value that intensive coverage of virtually every aspect of
the corporate meltdown provided the papers’ general readership, the press
also helped inform public debate about how such massive frauds could have
occurred over a prolonged period of time without detection. For elected offi-
cials, business executives, legal and accounting professionals, academicians,
and corporate governance activists, the burning question was, What went
wrong and how can we fix it? The remarkable thing is that, thanks to media
saturation, almost everyone knew something about it.
Kathleen F. Brickey is James Carr Professor of Criminal Jurisprudence, School of Law, Washing-
ton University in St. Louis. Special thanks to Dania Becker and Sharon Palmer for their excep-
tional research and editorial assistance. This chapter is adapted from an article that appeared in
the Journal of Corporation Law at 33 J. Corp. L. 625 (2008).
293
294 Kathleen F. Brickey
Yet despite all the spilled ink, the Enron fiasco came close to being one
of the “biggest failures in financial journalism.”1 One of the most perplexing
questions is why the financial press was asleep at the switch when Enron
collapsed. Why was the news so late? How could the seventh-largest company
in the country melt down in a mere twenty-four days with so little forewarning?
How could the Houston Chronicle – whose headquarters were only a stone’s
throw from Enron’s – come so close to missing the biggest business story of
the year?2
To be sure, there were clues to be found. In a March 2001 Fortune article,
“Is Enron Overpriced?”3 Bethany McClean raised what, in retrospect, should
have been a provocative question: How does Enron make money? At the time,
her query might have seemed mildly out of sync. Enron was, after all, a major
corporation that Fortune had ranked as the most innovative company in the
country4 and one of the “100 Best Companies to Work For.”5
But McClean’s research unearthed some ominous warning signs about
Enron’s financial soundness. In the first nine months of 2000, for example,
Enron’s debt rose by nearly $4 billion, and almost all of its earnings in the
previous two years had come from sales of assets that Enron inexplicably
booked as recurring revenue. Yet despite the obvious implications of her
article, neither Wall Street nor the financial press rose to the challenge.
Enron’s fortunes took a turn for the worse when CEO Jeff Skilling abruptly
resigned in August 2001 for unspecified personal reasons, after just six months
on the job. Skilling’s sudden departure raised red flags for the Wall Street
Journal reporters John Emshwiller and Rebecca Smith. Why, they asked,
would Skilling – who described himself as “brilliant,”6 said he had never
failed at anything,7 and had recently been featured on the cover of Worth8
magazine as one of the top CEOs in the country – suddenly walk away at the
pinnacle of his career? And why would he abandon a $20 million severance
1 Kelly Heyboer, The One That Got Away, Am. Journalism Rev., Mar. 2002, at 12.
2 Id.
3 Bethany McLean, Is Enron Overpriced?, Fortune, Mar. 5, 2001, at 122 [hereinafter McLean,
Enron Overpriced?].
4 Bethany McClean & Peter Elkind, The Guiltiest Guys in the Room, Fortune, June 12, 2006,
at 26.
5 Heyboer, supra note 1. In 2001, the year Enron imploded, it was ranked twenty-second on the
list. Kenneth L. Lay, Guilty, Until Proven Innocent, Speech at the Houston Forum (Dec. 13,
2005) (on file with author) [hereinafter Lay Speech].
6 Bethany McLean, Enron’s Power Crisis, Fortune, Sept. 17, 2001, at 48 [hereinafter McLean,
Power Crisis].
7 Id. 8 The 50 Best CEOs, Worth, May, 2001.
From Boardroom to Courtroom to Newsroom 295
package and become obligated to repay a $2 million loan that Enron would
have forgiven had he stayed on just another four months?9
In the meantime, analysts reported what they described as “aggressive”
insider selling of stock by Enron executives, who collectively sold 1.75 million
shares in 2001 while the price of the stock was going down.10
Then came the bombshell. In October, as Emshwiller and Smith continued
to dig deeper to find out why Skilling had suddenly left, Enron announced
a $618 million third-quarter loss and a $1.2 billion reduction of shareholder
equity. Twenty-four days later, Enron descended into the hell of the largest
corporate bankruptcy in U.S. history, intense regulatory scrutiny, and criminal
investigation. The nation’s seventh-largest corporation, it seems, was a financial
house of cards. Where were all the financial journalists?
Enron’s October earnings report spawned an unprecedented amount of
press coverage. The Wall Street Journal and the New York Times alone fea-
tured more than 250 Enron stories in the ten weeks between the earnings
announcement and the end of the year.
During the following four years, Enron and other financial fraud scandals
remained major fixtures in the national press. Indeed, in May 2006 – the
month in which the verdict in the Skilling-Lay trial was announced – the
Enron scandal was the third-most-reported story in both the Journal and
the Times. Only terrorism and illegal immigration received more coverage.
Thus, despite a sluggish start at the gate, the media ultimately provided com-
prehensive and sustained coverage of a seemingly endless stream of scandals
and their aftermath. Ironically, journalists’ failure to pursue the Enron story
early in the game ultimately underscored how important its later comprehen-
sive coverage was to understanding the breadth and depth of the corporate
governance scandals. Yet despite much praiseworthy reporting, press coverage
of five high-profile criminal trials arising out of corporate governance scandals
raised troubling questions about media judgment and restraint.
In section I of this chapter – “Juries, the Media, and the Courts” – jury
deliberations in the trial of Tyco’s CEO Dennis Kozlowski and the jury
selection process in the Martha Stewart trial provide the focal point. Dur-
ing the Kozlowski trial, several newspapers, including the Wall Street Journal,
broke with journalistic tradition by publishing personal details about a juror
who reportedly flashed an OK sign to the defense table during jury deliber-
ations. The ensuing publicity over the courtroom incident ultimately led to
a mistrial by media. In the Martha Stewart trial, intense media interest in
9 McLean, Power Crisis, supra note 6, at 48. 10 Id.

covering all aspects of the proceeding led some journalists to violate a judi-
cial order against contacts with jurors until their service was over. Concern
about overly aggressive media coverage prompted the judge to modify the jury
selection process, which in turn produced – at least in part – a trial without
media.
Section I – teases out the legal and practical implications of these two
scenarios and suggests that journalistic mishaps like the one in the Tyco trial
could well have the effect of encouraging risk-averse jurists like the judge in
the Stewart trial to adopt more restrictive rules governing media coverage of
high-profile trials.
Section II – “The Media as Public Relations Machine” – explores the
growing phenomenon of high-profile defendants’ use of well-orchestrated and
increasingly costly multimedia campaigns to “set the record straight.” The pros-
ecutions of Arthur Andersen for shredding Enron documents and of Enron
CEO Ken Lay for defrauding Enron investors provide the backdrop for explor-
ing this phenomenon. They illustrate how high-profile defendants can (and
increasingly do) use public relations campaigns to demonize prosecutors, wit-
nesses, and the press to exonerate themselves. The case of HealthSouth’s CEO
Richard Scrushy builds on that theme but adds another troublesome dimen-
sion – the use of race and religion to manipulate the outcome of a trial. Section
II uses these three prosecutions to explore the potential corrosive effect such
public relations strategies can have on the criminal justice system.
The concluding section – “Praise or Blame?” – posits a series of questions
raised by the analyses in sections I and II that reveal growing points of tension
between the media and the courts. While there may be no definitive answers
to any or all of the queries posed, the chapter concludes by suggesting that,
if continued unchecked, aggressive media tactics in high-profile trials are
likely to invite greater judicial scrutiny of media coverage and of the roles
that defendants and defense lawyers play in manipulating the press to sway
public opinion. Simply put, thoughtful journalists and lawyers – perhaps even
publicists – who value the media’s continued ability to fulfill its watchdog role
would be well advised to consider the wisdom of exercising self-restraint.
Three appendices at the end of the chapter provide a “media-centric”
postscript on coverage of the corporate governance scandals. Appendix A dis-
cusses traditional print source coverage and the Enron “media frenzy” that
Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling blamed for Enron’s collapse. Appendix B exam-
ines recent innovations, including the creation of a special media room in
Houston’s federal courthouse, that are transforming coverage of major trials
by the mainstream media. And last, Appendix C considers two issues that
take on increased significance in the age of electronic journalism – source
credibility and the permanency (or lack thereof) of information that has his-
torical value.
I. JURIES, THE MEDIA, AND THE COURTS
Recent high-profile trials have increasingly thrust jurors into the limelight.
To be sure, interviews with jurors at the end of a trial can shed light on
the dynamics of jury deliberations and the idiosyncrasies of individual jury
members. Chappel Hartridge, an outspoken juror who commented extensively
on the Martha Stewart trial, is a prime example.
Hartridge spoke at length in widely covered interviews soon after the guilty
verdicts were announced. Some thought his opinions on the symbolic mean-
ing of the verdicts suggested that he misunderstood his role as a juror and used
the verdict to vent his anger about stock fraud and corporate greed – notwith-
standing that the core charges in the case were about lying and obstruction
of justice.11 To others, his public comments about Martha Stewart herself
suggested that class bias that may have compromised her right to a fair trial.12
But while widespread coverage of Hartridge’s public comments is illustrative
of intense and legitimate media interest in the inner workings of high-profile
trials, overly aggressive media tactics during the course of the trial can skew
the balance between the public’s right to know and the parties’ interest in
receiving a fair trial. It is to this balance that we now turn.
A. Mistrial by Media
One of the most stunning clashes between competing media and judicial
interests occurred near the end of contentious jury deliberations in the six-
month criminal fraud trial of Tyco’s CEO Dennis Kozlowski. It began when
Ruth Jordan – then known only as Tyco Juror No. 4 – reportedly flashed the
defense table an OK sign.13
In its coverage of this courtroom scene, the Wall Street Journal broke with
journalistic convention and published Jordan’s name, even though the trial was
11Hartridge thought the verdict might be “a victory for the little guy who loses money in the
markets because of these types of transactions.” Mem. of Law in Supp. of Martha Stewart’s Mot.
for New Trial Pursuant to Fed. R. Crim. P. 33, at 14, United States v. Stewart, No. S1–03-Cr-717
(MGC) (S.D.N.Y. Mar. 31, 2004) (on file with author).
12 Id. at 14–15.
13 David Carr & Adam Liptak, In Tyco Trial, an Apparent Gesture Has Many Meanings: Publicity
to Prompt Mistrial Motion, N.Y. Times, Mar. 28, 2004, at C1; Mark Maremont & Kara Scannell,
Tyco Jury Resumes Deliberating: Defense Fails in Mistrial Bid Based on Media Coverage of
Jury, but Incident Could Fuel Appeal, Wall St. J., Mar. 30, 2004, at C1.
still under way.14 Jordan immediately became the subject of public ridicule.
Not to be outdone, the New York Post published a front-page caricature of
Jordan complete with a prominent OK hand signal and the caption “Ms.
Trial.” Accompanying articles called her a “‘Holdout’ Granny,” a “braggart,”
and a “batty blueblood.”15 The next day, the New York Times published a
picture of the Post’s front-page sketch and ran an article on the decision
other papers had made to disclose Jordan’s identity.16 The Times story did not,
however, identify her by name.
These articles sparked a spirited debate about the propriety of the decision
by some papers to publish her name. But they also unleashed a barrage of
publicity that identified her as a seventy-nine-year-old retiree with a law degree
who was somewhat standoffish and, perhaps, a wee bit stingy (no Christmas
bonuses for the door guard at her apartment building).
This and other unwelcome public attention put Jordan in the spotlight while
she was still participating in jury deliberations. The publicity spawned several
anonymous communications, including a threatening letter, that “severely
distressed” and “terrified” her.17 And while she initially told the judge she
could continue deliberating, the fallout from the media frenzy ultimately led
the judge to declare a mistrial.18
Apologizing to a jury that had already deliberated for twelve days, the presid-
ing judge said it was “a shame” that the system “could not protect the process
sufficiently” to permit them to reach a verdict.19 Although he did not elaborate
further, Judge Obus alluded to “efforts to pressure the jury from the outside”
in announcing his decision to end the trial.20
Was it appropriate for the Journal and the Post to break with tradition and
risk the possibility of causing a mistrial? To ask this question is not to deny the
14 The Journal first identified Jordan in an article in its online version and later included her
name in a print story. Perhaps because Kozlowski was a native of Newark, New Jersey, the
Newark Star-Ledger also published her name.
15 Carr & Liptak, supra note 13; Matthew Rose, Behind the Tyco Mistrial: Judge Faults Media’s
Moves, Wall St. J., Apr. 5, 2004, at B1.

16 Carr & Liptak, supra note 13.
17 Andrew Ross Sorkin, Judge Ends Trial When Tyco Juror Reports Threat: Verdict Was Seen as
Near: Prosecutors Plan to Retry 2 Executives Accused of Stealing Millions, N.Y. Times, Apr. 3,
2004, at A1 [hereinafter Sorkin, Judge Ends Trial]. After the mistrial was declared, threats against
Jordan were posted on Yahoo!’s message boards along with her name and address. David Carr,
Some Critics Say Naming a Juror Went Too Far, N.Y. Times, Apr. 3, 2004, at B1 [hereinafter
Carr, Naming Went Too Far].
18 Mark Maremont, Tyco Juror Maintains Her Stance, Wall St. J., Apr. 8, 2004, at B2; Mark
Maremont & Kara Scannell, Tyco Juror Denied to Rest of the Panel That She Gave “OK,”
Wall St. J., Apr. 7, 2004, at C1; Andrew Ross Sorkin, No O.K. Sign and No Guilty Vote by
Juror No. 4, N.Y. Times, Apr. 7, 2004, at A1 [hereinafter Sorkin, No O.K. Sign].
19 Sorkin, Judge Ends Trial, supra note 17. 20 Id.
newsworthiness of the story. Just as the public had an interest in knowing what
influenced Chappel Hartridge’s vote to convict in the Martha Stewart trial,
the public had a legitimate interest in knowing what courtroom observers saw
in the Tyco trial. If Jordan flashed an OK sign in open court, the gesture might
have signaled that she had made up her mind and that a mistrial was imminent.
Indeed, a jury note sent to the judge the previous week complained that the
atmosphere in the jury room had become “poisonous” and the deliberative
process was “irreparably compromised.”21 So it is possible, but by no means
certain, that the deliberations would have come to a halt in any event.
But the relevant question is whether we really know the meaning of Jordan’s
hand gesture. When he declared the mistrial, Judge Obus described it as
“equivocal.”22 And after the mistrial was declared, Jordan denied that she had
ever signaled OK.23
But why, you might ask, wasn’t this reported before the end of the trial when
the original stories ran? The answer is, quite simply, that during the media
frenzy that led to the mistrial, reporters could not get her side of the story
because court rules prohibited press contact with sitting jurors during the trial.
And, of course, Jordan reportedly gave the controversial signal while the jury
was still deliberating.
In consequence, the furor leading up to the mistrial was based only on what
reporters thought they saw Ruth Jordan do in open court. They could not
“check the facts” because they could not ask Jordan – the most relevant source
of information – about what, if anything, she intended to convey. Nor could
they ask her fellow jurors how they interpreted the incident. Thus, the reports
leading to the declaration of a mistrial were based on only one side of the story –
what some court observers thought appeared to be an OK signal. But the
meaning and significance of the gesture – if there was a gesture – remained
the subject of a considerable dispute.24
So assuming arguendo the story was worth covering – but also acknowledging
that the reporting was, of necessity, one-sided – what did the personal details
about Ruth Jordan add to the newsworthiness or importance of the report? Was
it necessary to provide her name, picture, and background in order to convey
what reporters saw (or thought they saw) in open court? Did the importance
of this information to the press outweigh the risk that she would be subjected
to intense public pressure to change her mind?
21 Rose, supra note 15. 22 Carr, Naming Went Too Far, supra note 17.
23 Carr & Liptak, supra note 13; Mark Maremont & Kara Scannell, Tyco Juror Denied to Rest of
the Panel That She Gave “OK,” Wall St. J., Apr. 7, 2004, at C1; Sorkin, No O.K. Sign, supra
note 18.
24 Carr & Liptak, supra note 13.
The journalists should have more carefully weighed the consequences of

precipitating a mistrial near the end of jury deliberations. The judge’s decision
to end the trial without a verdict was precipitated by forces operating outside
the courtroom and jury room.25 Ruth Jordan would not have received the
threatening letter if her name had not been publicly disclosed, and it is not
entirely clear that the jury was deadlocked.
Indeed, some jurors expressed surprise and disappointment when the mis-
trial was declared, saying they had resumed their deliberations in earnest and
were close to reaching a verdict. In the words of one juror, “We were on the
verge this morning of coming up with our verdicts. . . . It was going to be the
day.”26 Others who spoke about the jury’s progress said they would probably
have acquitted the defendants on some counts, convicted them on others
(including “[a] lot of the most extreme” grand larceny charges), and perhaps
have deadlocked on the rest.27
Instead, the trial ended prematurely in response to a chain of events pre-
cipitated by the press. This result is particularly unfortunate in light of the
enormous amount of resources invested in the six-month trial and the cost of
trying the case again. Not surprisingly, the prosecutor immediately announced
that he would seek a retrial. And yes, at the end of the second trial – which
lasted “just” four months – the jury found the defendants guilty as charged on
twenty-two of twenty-three counts.28
But apart from the time and expense of a retrial, what are the potential
implications of the media’s abrupt departure from journalistic norms?
B. Trial without Media

To put the previous question in perspective, consider how the clash between
competing media and judicial interests could play out differently, as it had
earlier in the Martha Stewart trial. Stewart was accused of deceiving regula-
tory authorities to conceal the reason she sold all of her ImClone stock on
December 27, 2001. Although Stewart claimed that the timing of the sale was
driven by an earlier agreement with her broker to sell when the price fell below
$60 per share, the government charged that she sold the stock after receiving
25 As one attorney quipped to reporters after the mistrial, the media “are now the defense lawyer’s
secret weapon. . . . I have a trial coming up in October and I want you there.” Carr, Naming
Went Too Far, supra note 17.
26 Sorkin, Judge Ends Trial, supra note 17. 27 Id.
28 Andrew Ross Sorkin, Ex-Chief and Aide Guilty of Looting Millions at Tyco: 2nd Trial for
Kozlowski: Lawyers Plan Appeal – Conviction Is Latest in Corporate Scandals, N.Y. Times,
June 18, 2005, at A1.
a tip that her longtime friend and founder of ImClone was selling his stock
that day. Coincidentally (or not), the tip came the day before the Food and
Drug Administration formally notified ImClone that its application to market
a new cancer drug would be denied. And, of course, the agency’s denial of the
application triggered a precipitous decline in the price of ImClone’s stock.
From the outset, the investigation into Stewart’s fortuitously timed sale
attracted enormous media attention that predictably intensified as her trial
date approached. The unusual level of publicity understandably fed concerns
about impaneling unbiased jurors, and this prompted Judge Cedarbaum to
follow a two-phase jury selection process.29
First, several hundred prospective jurors were called to the courthouse to
fill out a lengthy background questionnaire. After reviewing the completed
questionnaires, lawyers on both sides then made challenges for cause. And
when the challenges were resolved, the remaining members of the jury pool
were questioned outside the presence of other prospective jurors in Judge
Cedarbaum’s robing room – a procedure that both the prosecution and defense
agreed would promote juror candor.
Before jury selection began, the government – on behalf of all parties to
the case – expressed concern that media representatives would try to interview
prospective jurors, and the prosecutor asked the court to remind the press that
contact with prospective jurors was forbidden.30 Judge Cedarbaum responded
by issuing an order banning press contacts with any potential or selected jurors
or their families until their jury service was complete.31 The order explained
that this step was needed to preserve the integrity of the jury selection process
and to protect the parties’ right to a fair trial.
Before prospective jurors filled out the background questionnaires, Judge
Cedarbaum had admonished them not to publicly disclose the contents. But
by the next day, someone had violated the confidentiality order by posting
paraphrased parts of the questionnaire on the Internet.32
Although there was no evidence that non-Internet media played any role
in the posting, the government asked Judge Cedarbaum to exclude the press
from voir dire questioning and to prohibit the publication or disclosure of
29 Slip Opinion, United States v. Stewart, No. 03-Cr-717 (MGC), slip op. at 1–2 (S.D.N.Y.
May 5, 2004) (on file with author).
30 ABC, Inc. v. Stewart, 360 F.3d 90, 94 (2d Cir. 2004).
31 Order, United States v. Stewart, No. 03-CR-717 (MGC) (S.D.N.Y. Jan. 2, 2004) (on file with
author). Orders barring communications between members of the press and jurors and their
families are typical in both criminal and civil trials.
32 ABC, 360 F.3d at 94. The paraphrased portions were posted on the celebrity gossip Web site
Gawker (http://www.gawker.com), and the person who posted them claimed to be a member
of the jury pool.
who was in the jury pool.33 The government’s letter request, which had not
been publicly disclosed, arrived on Judge Cedarbaum’s desk the same day
she received a letter from reporters asking whether the oral questioning of
prospective jurors would occur in open court. The reporters’ letter asked her
to allow pool reporters to cover voir dire if she intended to exclude the media.34
Without affording media representatives notice or an opportunity to be
heard, Judge Cedarbaum issued a two-page order barring the press from
the proceedings.35 Citing rampant media speculation about the identities
of prospective jurors that made it highly likely that their names and answers
to voir dire questions would be published, the order also provided that “no
member of the press may sketch or photograph or divulge the name of any
prospective or selected juror.”36
But what harm could come from disclosing jurors’ identities? Judge Cedar-
baum found that publication of personal information – or even the possibility
that it might be disclosed – created a “substantial risk” that prospective jurors
would be reluctant to provide “full and frank answers” to questions during voir
dire.37 And if prospective jurors were reluctant to provide candid responses
about what they had read or heard and whether they had preconceived opin-
ions about the case, that would impede prosecution and defense efforts to
effectively screen out potential bias.
To accommodate First Amendment interests, however, Judge Cedarbaum’s
order did permit publication of a transcript of each day’s proceedings, but with
the identities of prospective jurors and any “deeply personal information”
redacted.38
The decision to exclude the public and the press from observing voir dire
was highly unusual. Potential jurors are ordinarily questioned in open court,
33 Id. Neither defendant objected.
34 Id. at 94–95. This request was not unprecedented. Pool reporters were permitted to cover voir
dire proceedings in the trials of Imelda Marcos and Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman. Id.
35 Order, United States v. Stewart, No. 03-CR-717, 2004 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 426 (S.D.N.Y. Jan. 15,
2004). The order was based roughly on the following findings of fact:
(1) The Stewart case had attracted unusually widespread media attention;
(2) The press had indulged in rampant speculation about the identities of prospective jurors;
(3) Paraphrased parts of the juror questionnaire had been published on the Internet in
violation of Judge Cedarbaum’s directive that its contents not be disclosed (the order
defined the term press to include Internet media);
(4) There was a “substantial likelihood that some members of the press [would] disclose the
names of prospective or selected jurors with their responses to voir dire questions,” Jan.
15, 2004 Order, supra, at ∗ 1; and
(5) There was no less restrictive way to promote juror candor.
36 1 Id. at ∗ 3. 37 Id. at ∗ 1.
38 Id. at ∗ 3.
and the Supreme Court has repeatedly recognized a constitutional right of

public access to criminal trials,39 including the voir dire phase.40
Not surprisingly, the order was implemented over strong First Amendment
objections from the press. A coalition of news organizations moved to vacate
or modify the order to eliminate its three most objectionable parts: (1) closing
the voir dire proceedings; (2) requiring jury anonymity; and (3) prohibiting
the publication of juror’s names, regardless of how reporters had discovered
them.41 Denying the coalition’s motion, Judge Cedarbaum reiterated her con-
cerns about intense media interest in the case and added yet another to the
mix: the press had aggressively tried to approach jurors who came to the court-
house to fill out the questionnaires despite her order prohibiting press contacts
and communications with prospective or selected jurors.42
The coalition appealed the closing of voir dire proceedings to the Second
Circuit, which held that it was inappropriate to exclude the public and the
press.43 Although the court acknowledged that the right of access to criminal
trials sometimes must yield to “higher values”44 (e.g., the defendant’s right to
a fair trial and the jurors’ privacy interests), the strong presumption favoring
open access is difficult to overcome. The court unanimously ruled that, before
ordering closure of a trial or voir dire, the trial judge must make specific
findings that demonstrate (1) a “substantial probability” that the publicity
would prejudice the defendant’s right to a fair trial and that prejudice would
be avoided by closure and (2) that there were no other reasonable ways to
protect the defendant’s right to a fair trial.45
The court found that extensive media interest is an inadequate ground for
closing a criminal proceeding and that Judge Cedarbaum’s other findings of
fact fell short of the mark. Judge Cedarbaum’s order did not cite any improper
media conduct or violation of a court order.46 Moreover, while her order cited
the potential chilling effect that media presence might have on prospective
jurors during voir dire, the court found it highly unlikely that they would be
willing to reveal bias against Stewart while she was seated in the room but
would be more reluctant to do so when reporters were added to the mix.47 Nor
did the order identify any particularly controversial subject Judge Cedarbaum
39 Globe Newspaper Co. v. Sup. Ct., 457 U.S. 596, 605–06 (1982); Richmond Newspapers, Inc.
v. Virginia, 448 U.S. 555, 580 (1980).
40 Press-Enterprise Co. v. Superior Court, 464 U.S. 501, 504–10 (1984) [hereinafter Press-Enterprise
I].
41 ABC, Inc. v. Stewart, 360 F.3d 90, 95–96 (2d Cir. 2004).
42 Id. at 96. 43 Id. at 93.
44 Press-Enterprise I, 464 U.S. at 510.
45 Press-Enterprise Co. v. Superior Court, 478 U.S. 1, 14 (1986).
46 ABC, 360 F.3d at 101. But see supra text accompanying note 42.
47 Id.
thought would be explored during voir dire.48 Thus, the court held that the
order excluding the press from voir dire questioning impermissibly infringed
the First Amendment right of public access to the proceedings.
Notwithstanding that the court reaffirmed the media’s right to observe the
voir dire phase of the trial, the coalition’s victory was largely Pyrrhic. By
the time the court’s decision was announced, the jury had been seated and
the trial was well under way. Other restrictions on the press remained firmly in
place, moreover. Although the coalition had unsuccessfully challenged Judge
Cederbaum’s rules on juror anonymity and press contact with jurors, it did
not pursue those issues on appeal. Thus, the court’s ruling left unscathed both
the ban on publishing the jurors’ names or likenesses and the prohibition
against press contacts with jurors or their families until the jurors’ service was
complete.
C. Implications for the Future

Press speculation about the likely composition of Martha Stewart’s jury and
the controversial outing of Ruth Jordan in the Tyco case raise some provoca-
tive questions about coverage of high-profile criminal trials. Are these highly
publicized incidents likely to precipitate more (and more frequent) judicially
imposed restrictions on how journalists ply their trade?49
Notably, journalists who covered the Tyco and Stewart trials were on sig-
nificantly different legal footing. The Wall Street Journal and New York Post
were well within their legal rights. Since no law was broken, their decision to
publish Jordan’s name was a discretionary, if questionable, judgment call.
In contrast, if media representatives who covered the Martha Stewart trial
had published Chappel Hartridge’s name before the end of the trial, their vio-
lation of Judge Cedarbaum’s order would subject them to possible citation for
contempt and jail time, a step that judges are increasingly – and in journalists’
views, alarmingly – willing to take.50
48 Id. at 101–02.
49 Restrictions on press coverage of voir dire and on disclosure of jurors’ identities were also
imposed in the trials of HealthSouth CEO Richard Scrushy and star investment banker Frank
Quattrone. Simon Romero & Kyle Whitmire, Former Chief of HealthSouth Acquitted in $2.7
Billion Fraud: Case Fails to Sway Jury in Scrushy’s Hometown, N.Y. Times, June 29, 2005, at
A1; Simon Romero & Kyle Whitmire, Scrushy on Trial: Class, Race and the Pursuit of Justice in
Alabama, N.Y. Times, May 31, 2005, at C1; Kara Scannell & Randall Smith, Ban on Publishing
Jurors’ Names Is Upheld, Wall St. J., Apr. 15, 2004, at C1; Kara Scannell & Randall Smith,
Quattrone Judge Bars Divulging Juror Names, Wall St. J., Apr. 14, 2004, at C1.
50 New York Times reporter Judith Miller spent eighty-five days in jail after being held in contempt
for violating a court order to reveal a confidential source who leaked Central Intelligence
Agency operative Valerie Plame’s identity. Mark Silva, CIA Inquiry Shifts Focus to VP’s Aid:
N.Y. Times Reporter Breaks Her Silence, Chicago Trib., Oct. 1, 2005, at C7. According to the
Thus, through the simple expedient of issuing a judicial order prohibit-

ing the press from divulging jurors’ identities, the Tyco judge would have
had far more leverage over media treatment of Juror No. 4. And while jour-
nalists defended the decision to publish Jordan’s name, legal commentators
suggested that risk-averse judges will neither accept nor rely on journalistic
norms to police media self-restraint. In addition to fueling more (and more
creative) judicial curbs on coverage of high-profile trials, journalists might
also encounter other (perhaps equally unwelcome) changes in the ways tri-
als are conducted, including preemptive restrictions such as increased use of
sequestered or anonymous juries.51
Simply put, media editors and producers would be well advised to consider
whether departures from established journalistic norms are tantamount to
an open invitation for courts to exert a greater degree of control over press
coverage of high-profile trials.52
II. THE MEDIA AS PUBLIC RELATIONS MACHINE
The post-Enron proliferation of high-profile prosecutions has brought with it

vigorous public relations campaigns by defendants and their lawyers. This phe-
nomenon has undoubtedly been fueled by media interest in the prosecutions,
which translates into greater media access for the participants. In addition to
the standard fare of speeches, interviews, and press releases, Web sites have
added a new dimension to the mix and have become the medium du jour
for “setting the record straight.”53 E-mails, letter-writing campaigns, and even
newspaper ads have also proved to be instrumental in orchestrating the public
relations wars.54
Reporter’s Committee for Freedom of the Press, at least fifteen journalists have been jailed for
refusing to disclose confidential sources since 1984. John M. Ryan, Jail Time for Journalists,
Chicago Trib., July 24, 2005, at C1.
51 Carr, Naming Went Too Far, supra note 17. 52 See Carr & Liptak, supra note 13.
53 Shortly after they were indicted, Martha Stewart and HealthSouth CEO Richard Scrushy
launched Web sites through which they and their lawyers aggressively defended themselves.
Arthur Andersen’s public Web site also played a major role in the firm’s fight to avoid indictment
and conviction. Kathleen F. Brickey, Andersen’s Fall from Grace, 81 Wash. U. L.Q. 917, 943–44
& n.139 (2003). High-profile defendants can gain a marketing advantage through the use of
sponsored-link providers in Internet search engines. Payment of a price per hit helps ensure that
the defendant’s Web site will be displayed at or near the top of the list of hits a search generates.
A Washington-based litigation media consultant estimated that it cost Ken Lay several thousand
dollars for each quarter of a year that his Web site was listed as a top-sponsored link. Mary
Flood, Lay Is Paying to Tell His Side of the Story: He’s Giving Major Search Engines Pennies
a Hit to Make Sure His Web Site Gets Top Billing, Houston Chron., Jan. 10, 2002, at A1.
54 Arthur Andersen used its vast e-mail system to communicate with its employees to generate
letter-writing campaigns, Brickey, supra note 53, at 942–44, and Milberg Weiss used its e-mail
The accounting firm Arthur Andersen was the first in the post-Enron con-
stellation of high-profile defendants to launch an all-out offensive to clear the
firm’s name, spending $1.5 million over four months to burnish its reputation.55
Not to be outdone, Martha Stewart spent at least $1 million on jury experts and
public relations consultants who convened focus groups (at an estimated cost
of more than $10,000 per group), polled New York residents by phone (also
said to be expensive), created a Web site that attracted millions of hits and
generated nearly one hundred thousand sympathetic e-mail messages (cost
unknown),56 arranged carefully orchestrated interviews with Larry King and
Barbara Walters shortly before the trial began,57 and hired consultants to help
select a jury they hoped would be sympathetic to successful businesswomen
(estimated cost of up to $500,000).58
Although in some instances these public relations efforts have been wildly
successful, others have at times embarrassingly backfired and focused attention
where it was most unwanted. Nonetheless, wisely or not, public relations ploys
of every stripe have become an integral part of the defense strategy in celebrity
trials. So how could the media possibly resist?
A. The Demon Card

Arthur Andersen waged a highly aggressive public relations campaign to avoid
criminal prosecution for obstruction of justice in connection with its shredding
of tons of Enron-related documents. From the outset, Andersen’s multipronged
public relations efforts were highly effective.
On one front, Andersen sought to humanize the story by spotlighting the
thousands of employees who stood to lose their jobs if the firm were criminally
charged.59 Andersen even enlisted the legendary former UCLA basketball
system to advantage by sending messages that directed recipients to its Web site. Amanda
Bronstad, A Web-Savy Firm, Nat’l L.J., May 29, 2006, at 10.
55 Constance L. Hays & Leslie Eaton, Martha Stewart, Near Trial, Arranges Her Image, N.Y.
Times, Jan. 20, 2004, at A1.

56 But see supra note 53 and accompanying text.
57 Her lawyers had approved the Walters and King interviews but were surprised by an earlier
interview, published in the New Yorker, that Stewart decided to do on her own.
58 Hays & Eaton, supra note 55.
59 Andersen’s heavy investment in Internet and telecommunications technology made grassroots
organizing a relatively simple task. Chicago executives in Andersen’s internal technology

services operation could dial seven digits on their phone and reach any Andersen employee
worldwide. “Imagine having an 85,000-person discussion group,” he said. John Schwartz,
Arthur Andersen Employees Circle the Wagons, N.Y. Times, Mar. 22, 2002, at C1. The company’s
Internet connections enabled it to send mass e-mail communications to employees telling them
how to contact congressional representatives and the media. The employees, in turn, were able
to send their own mass e-mail messages to politicians and reporters.
coach John Wooden to help draft a letter calling on President Bush to intervene
on Andersen’s behalf.60
In contrast with its effort to put a human face on the firm, a second prong
of Andersen’s strategy was to demonize the prosecutors. From the outset,
Andersen claimed that criminal prosecution of the firm would be unjust and
“an extraordinary abuse of prosecutorial discretion.”61 Using every possible
opportunity to elaborate on this theme, Andersen legal documents called the
government’s decision to prosecute the firm “extraordinary,” “an unprece-
dented exercise of prosecutorial discretion,” and “a gross abuse of govern-
mental power.”62 Andersen even claimed that the prosecution was politically
motivated.63
Andersen’s Web site was also instrumental in its effort to discredit the
government’s case. It prominently posted documents that its lawyers prepared,
claiming myriad “factual and legal errors” in the indictment and calling the
obstruction of justice charge “false and wholly unsupported by the facts.”64
A series of press releases posted on the Web site repeatedly reinforced those
themes.65 And then there were full-page ads published in the Wall Street
Journal – including Coach Wooden’s letter to the president.66
Not surprisingly, legal arguments embedded in Andersen’s campaign to
discredit the case found their way into mainstream media coverage.
Articles liberally quoted everything from Andersen’s Web site postings to
documents its lawyers prepared.67 Language found in Web site postings and
60 Flynn McRoberts, Repeat Offender Gets Stiff Justice, Chicago Trib., Sept. 4, 2002, at A1.
61 Press Release, Statement by Arthur Andersen, LLP (on file with author) (Mar. 14, 2002)
[hereinafter Andersen March 14 Press Release].
62 Letter from Richard J. Favretto of Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw, to Michael Chertoff, Assistant
Attorney General at 1 (Mar. 13, 2002) (on file with author) [hereinafter Favretto Letter].
63 Such claims are easy to make but hard to accept given that the firm’s political action committee
put Andersen among the top-five corporate contributors to the Bush campaign, Barbara Ley
Toffler, Final Accounting – Ambition, Greed, and the Fall of Arthur Andersen
251 (2003), to say nothing of the improbability that a Bush administration Justice Department
would be out to get an auditor for a big energy company. And lest we forget, Andersen itself
overtly sought political relief.
64 Updated Analysis on the Justice Indictment of Andersen: The Government’s Factual and Legal
Errors at 1 (Mar. 15, 2002) [hereinafter Andersen Analysis] (on file with author).
65 See, e.g., Andersen March 14 Press Release, supra note 61.
66 Advertisement, Arthur Andersen, LLP, Injustice for All, Wall St. J., Mar. 27, 2002, at A10–11;
Advertisement, Arthur Andersen, LLP, Why We’re Fighting Back, Wall St. J., Mar. 20, 2002,
at A5.
67 See, e.g., Adrien Michaels & Peter Spiegel, Request for a Speedy Trial May Be Slow in Coming
Court Case, Fin. Times, Mar. 20, 2002, at 40 (quoting Andersen Analysis, supra note 64); Jackie
Spinner and Susan Schmidt, Andersen Wants Quick Trial on Obstruction Charge; Accounting
Giant Faces Rising Number of Defections by Clients, Wash. Post, Mar. 16, 2002, at E01 (same);
Zachary Coile, U.S. Issues Blistering Andersen Indictment; Action Threatens Survival of Enron
press releases appeared in documents filed with the court. Sound bites in
interviews with the press echoed the defense team’s legal claims. And so
it went down the line. And when all was said and done, Andersen’s legal
and public relations strategies had become so closely intertwined that it was
hard to tell one from the other.68 All this with a generous boost from the
press.
As one might expect, the government cried foul. Prosecutors complained
that Andersen’s campaign was designed to “flood the public record” with
slanted and inaccurate claims.69 Government lawyers were concerned that
the repetition of Andersen’s misleading and manipulative statements in the
press could influence the recollection and testimony of witnesses called to
testify at Andersen’s trial.70 Indeed, prosecutors even suggested that some of
Andersen’s highly unusual tactics bordered on witness coaching.
Although these concerns did not translate into concrete judicial rulings, they
raised fundamental questions about the potential impact Andersen’s public
relations campaign could have on the case. Not only was Andersen’s strategy
to bring public pressure to bear on the decision whether to prosecute; its effort
to try the case in the court of public opinion also had significant potential to
taint the jury pool.
The case against Andersen moved along with “giga-light speed.”71 Not so
with Enron’s CEO Ken Lay, whose prosecution proceeded at a far more stately
pace. Bearing that in mind, Ken Lay’s tale begins with a showcase event held
on the eve of his trial.
On December 13, 2005 – nearly a year and a half after his indictment for
conspiracy and fraud – Lay gave a speech before five hundred or so Houston
Accounting Firm, San Francisco Chron., Mar. 15, 2002, at A1 (same); Kurt Eichenwald,
Grand Jury Being Misused as Investigator, Andersen Says, N.Y. Times, Mar. 26, 2002, at C1
(quoting Andersen’s motion to quash); Jerry Hirsch, Edmund Sanders, & Jeff Leeds, Auditor
Balks at Guilty Plea in Enron Case: Andersen Says Its Destruction of Papers Does Not Warrant
a Plea Bargain That Could Be Firm’s Death Sentence, L.A. Times, Mar. 14, 2002, Bus. Sec., at
1 (quoting Favretto Letter, supra note 62); Susan Schmidt, Andersen Refuses to Plead Guilty:
Firm Could Be Indicted Today, Wash. Post, Mar. 14, 2002, at A01 (same).
68 Brickey, supra note 53, at 944–45.
69 Government’s Mem. of Law in Opp. to Def. Andersen’s Mot. to Quash Subpoenas and Limit
Grand Jury Proceedings, at 4–8 (Mar. 28, 2002) (on file with author).
70 Id. at 2.
71 Kurt Eichenwald, Andersen Wins an Early Trial as Date Is Set for May 6, N.Y. Times, Mar. 21,
2002, at C1. Andersen was convicted after lengthy jury deliberations, but the Supreme Court
overturned the conviction because of an erroneous jury instruction. Arthur Andersen LLP v.
United States, 544 U.S. 696 (2005).
business and academic leaders. Enron was the subject of his talk, of course,
and the speech received widespread national media attention.72
But what made this event so noteworthy? Every Houstonian in the audience
already knew the story of Enron’s collapse, and his speech drew what the
Houston Chronicle described as “polite applause.”73 National media interest
in his speech would be understandable if this had been the first time Lay had
spoken out since his indictment, but he had long since turned to the media to
get his version of the truth publicly told.
Thus, for example, immediately after appearing in court to plead not guilty
the year before, Lay and his lawyers went directly to a crowded hotel ballroom
where he held an hour-long televised press conference. Pursuing a bold, if risky,
strategy, he described the events leading up to Enron’s collapse, explained
his then-controversial sales of Enron stock, and fielded more than a dozen
questions from reporters.74 His press conference launched a media blitz that
included an appearance on CNN’s Larry King Live75 and an interview of his
lead lawyer on CBS’s MarketWatch.
So back to the Houston speech on the eve of the trial. Ken Lay spoke at
length about what a good company Enron was and the constructive role he
had played in building it. He also proclaimed his love of the company and
his sadness at the loss of jobs and Enron’s good name. But there is little new
72 See, e.g., John Emshwiller, Lay to Testify at His Enron Trial, Wall St. J., Dec. 14, 2005, at
B3; Kristen Hays, Enron Founder Lay Asks Ex-Employees for Help, St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
Dec. 14, 2005, at B7; Carrie Johnson, Enron Judge Refuses to Issue Gag Order, Wash. Post,
Dec. 17, 2005, at D2 [hereinafter Johnson, Judge Refuses Gag Order]; Carrie Johnson, Enron
Prosecutors Seek Gag Order After Speech, Wash. Post, Dec. 16, 2005, at D2 [hereinafter
Johnson, Prosecutors Seek Gag Order]; Joseph Nocera, Living in the Enron Dream World, N.Y.
Times, Dec. 28, 2005, at B1; Simon Romero, Enron’s Chief Offers His Case, N.Y. Times, Dec.
14, 2005, at C1; U.S. Asks for Gag Order After Lay’s Speech, Wall St. J., Dec. 16, 2005, at C4.
73 Mary Flood, Setting the Stage: Vocal Lay Foreshadows Defense in Speech: Ex-Enron Chief
Says His Trust in Fastow was “Fatally Misplaced,” Houston Chron., Dec. 14, 2005, at A1
[hereinafter Flood, Setting the Stage].
74 Transcript, Ken Lay Press Conference at Doubletree Hotel, Houston, Tex. (July 8, 2004) (on
file with author) [hereinafter Press Conference Transcript]; John R. Emshwiller, Rebecca
Smith, Kara Scannell, & Deborah Soloman, Lay Strikes Back as Indictment Cites Narrow Role
in Enron Fraud, Wall St. J., July 9, 2004, at A1; Mary Flood, Tom Fowler, & Michael Hedges,
Lay: It Wasn’t Criminal: The Charges: Lay Hit with 11 Counts, Including Wire and Bank Fraud,
and Making False Statements: His Reaction: Ex-Enron Chairman Calls Collapse “a Tragedy”
But Does Not Equate It to a Crime, Houston Chron., July 9, 2004, at A1; Kristen Hays, Ken
Lay Proclaims Innocence in Fraud Case: Indictment Accuses Former Enron Exec of Conspiracy
in Collapse, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 9, 2004, at C1; Kara Scannell & Rebecca Smith,
Former Enron CEO Makes His Case on Television, Wall St. J., July 9, 2004, at B1.
75 Transcript, CNN’s Larry King Live, Interview With Ken Lay (July 12, 2004) (on file with author)
[hereinafter Interview Transcript].

here to provide grist for the mill, except what one reporter described as its
“[a]ggressively self-pitying” content and tone.76
Apart from feeling persecuted by the government, Lay was pointedly angry at
the Enron Task Force. He charged that aggressive prosecutors had unleashed
a “wave of terror” in their relentless pursuit of criminal cases, leaving no
stone unturned to look for crimes where none existed. He also criticized the
prosecutors for prolonging the Enron investigation well beyond the projected
time line for completing it.77 But this, too, was old news. Lay had publicly
blasted the prosecution on this point a year before.
But his December pretrial speech personalized the attack by raising a ques-
tion about the lead prosecutor, Andrew Weissmann, who had left his post
with the Enron Task Force in July. Calling Weissmann’s departure “sudden
and unexpected,” Lay asked whether it was a “coincidence” that he left the
prosecution team “only days” after defense lawyers had filed a motion alleg-
ing prosecutorial misconduct in handling the case.78 Lay’s speech did not
directly accuse Weissmann of misconduct, but the pointed reference to him
was clearly a smear by innuendo. The alleged “coincidence” that Weissmann
left the Enron Task Force just as the defense team was crying foul was later
repeated in an article in the Legal Times soon after the Skilling-Lay trial got
under way.79
Yet as the Houston Chronicle inconveniently observed the day after the
speech, Weissmann’s departure had been planned – and was expected by his
fellow prosecutors – months in advance.80 And less than two weeks before
Lay gave his speech, Judge Sim Lake ruled that the defense had produced no
evidence of prosecutorial misconduct.81 The reference to Weissmann in Lay’s
76 Nocera, supra note 72. 77 Lay Speech, supra note 5.

78 Id.
79 The Legal Times reported that “Andrew Weissmann resigned from the Task Force in July 2005 –
which happened to be when defense lawyers in the Lay and Skilling case said they were going
to file a motion alleging prosecutorial misconduct.” Miriam Rozen, Enron Team Looks to
Bolster Its Record, Legal Times, Feb. 6, 2006, at 12.
80 Flood, Setting the Stage, supra note 73. See also Interview with Andrew Weissmann, Former
Director, Enron Task Force, New York, N.Y., 14 Corp. Crime Rep. 9, 14–15 (Feb. 27, 2006).
Weissmann decided to leave once it became clear that the months-long trial would last well
into 2006, John R. Emshwiller, Head of Enron Task Force to Resign: Departure Comes as Group
Still Faces Its Biggest Test: The Trial of Lay, Skilling, Wall St. J., Jul. 19, 2005, at C3, and
he timed his departure to coincide with the end of the Enron broadband services trial. Flood,
Setting the Stage, supra note 73.
81 Mary Flood, Judge Turns Back Defense: He Sees No Evidence of Misconduct by Prosecution,
Houston Chron., Dec. 2, 2005, at Bus. 1. Judge Lake said the public had a right to know
whether there had been prosecutorial misconduct, but that if there had been no wrongdoing
the allegations should be “publicly dispelled.” Id.
speech was, of course, intended to blunt the effect of Judge Lake’s ruling and
plant the seeds of distrust among potential Houston jurors.
Another notable aspect of the speech was its timing – scarcely a month
before the trial was expected to begin. And, perhaps, equally important, it
previewed the key points of Lay’s defense: (1) that the prosecution was trying
to criminalize legitimate business activity that officers of publicly held corpo-
rations engage in every day; (2) that the scope of the wrongdoing was limited,
that it was orchestrated by a handful of bad apples without the knowledge of
the top executives or the board, and that CFO Andy Fastow (whom Lay called
“despicable and criminal”) played the role of culprit in chief;82 (3) that aggres-
sive prosecutorial tactics had driven innocent Enron employees to plead guilty
and become cooperating witnesses because they were running out of money
to defend themselves; (4) that Enron was a successful company that went into
bankruptcy not because it was insolvent but because of liquidity problems;
(5) that Enron’s collapse into bankruptcy was triggered by the bursting of the
stock market bubble and by media coverage of possible wrongdoing by Fastow,
which prompted a loss of investor confidence; and, last but not least, (6) that
Lay would testify at his trial.
Perhaps the reason why the speech drew only “polite” applause was best
captured in a Houston Chronicle reporter’s quip. Lay seemed to be talking
not to the businesspeople and academics in the audience but to the jury that
would ultimately sit in judgment83 and to former Enron employees whom he
urged to come forward and “join in this fight.”84 Simply put, Lay needed two
things: a sympathetic jury and the cooperation of potential defense witnesses
who had made it clear that they would invoke their Fifth Amendment privilege
and refuse to testify.
These sentiments echoed much of what he said on Larry King Live the
week after his indictment was announced. But the Larry King interview was
punctuated with references to the “media frenzy”85 accompanying Enron’s
82 Fastow, who had pled guilty and was cooperating with the government, was scheduled to be a
key witness for the prosecution at Lay’s trial.
83 Flood, Setting the Stage, supra note 73. His attempts to impugn the credibility of Andy Fastow
and other cooperating witnesses who would testify at trial and to call into question the motives
of the Enron Task Force in bringing the prosecution prompted the government to seek a gag
order prohibiting out of court statements before the trial. Johnson, Prosecutors Seek Gag Order.
Calling Lay’s speech “a drop in the bucket” relative to other media coverage of the scandal,
the judge denied the motion. Johnson, Judge Refuses Gag Order, supra note 72.
84 Lay Speech, supra note 5.
85 Lay also used the term media frenzy at the press conference he held on the day of his arraign-
ment. Press Conference Transcript, supra note 74. When asked why the public did not believe
he was out of the loop at Enron, he said that media publicity had “lock[ed] in a lot of views”
about Enron’s culture and that “we’ve seen some of that even popularized in TV movies.” Id.
collapse, which became one of the most stunning claims he made in his
testimony at trial: the Wall Street Journal did it.
The Journal’s “complicity” in Enron’s demise began in mid-October 2001,
when the paper ran a series of articles that raised serious doubt about “the
bona fides of Andy Fastow”86 and his off-book partnership called LJM. The
first article was published the day after Enron announced its third-quarter
net loss and huge write-down in shareholder equity. Despite clear market
concerns reflected in Moody’s decision to put Enron securities on a credit
watch for a possible downgrade, and notwithstanding that the New York Times
and the Financial Times were giving major coverage to the Enron story and
that Fortune magazine had published an early article that questioned how
Enron made money,87 Lay accused the Wall Street Journal of conducting a
witch hunt that “kicked off a shockwave among investors” and caused a market
panic that led to Enron’s collapse.88
Although he never identified any inaccuracies in the stories, Lay testified at
trial that he thought the early articles “mischaracterized the true health and
the true condition of Enron and overemphasized – primarily overemphasized
the LJM matter and Andy Fastow and things that we . . . thought had become
history.”89 Thus, in the end, Ken Lay turned on the media he had earlier
turned to as a way to “start telling my story” and “get more of the truth”
publicly told.90
Lay’s codefendant Jeff Skilling also spoke out about Enron’s fall, motivated
(he said) by the need to get the truth about Enron publicly told. Like Lay,
Skilling gave media interviews (including an interview on Larry King Live)
and blamed the Wall Street Journal for Enron’s downfall. But unlike Lay,
who invoked his Fifth Amendment right to remain silent,91 Skilling gave
sworn testimony before the SEC and testified under oath at congressional
hearings, where he sparred with members of the House Energy and Commerce
Committee in full view of cameras and the press.92
86 Transcript, Opening Statement of Mike Ramsey, Counsel for Ken Lay, at 537 (Jan. 31, 2006),
United States v. Skilling, No. CRH-04–25 (S.D. Tex. 2006) (on file with author) [hereinafter
Trial Transcript].
87 McLean, Enron Overpriced?, supra note 3, at 122.
88 Trial Transcript, supra note 86 (questioning of defendant Ken Lay by defense attorney George
Secrest) (Apr. 24, 2006).

89 Id. (questioning of defendant Ken Lay by prosecutor John Hueston) (Apr. 27, 2006).
90 Interview Transcript, supra note 75.
91 Richard A. Oppel Jr. & Joseph Kahn, Enron’s Ex-Chief Harshly Criticized by Senate Panel:
Both Parties Join in Fray; Lay Appeals to Congress Not to Rush to Judgment, and Then Takes
the Fifth, N.Y. Times, Feb. 13, 2002, at A1.
92 Skilling told the Committee he believed Enron failed because of a lack of confidence in the
company triggered partly by media reports that set off alarm bells for investors and creditors.
Tom Hamburger & Greg Hitt, House Panel Challenges Skilling over Role at Enron: Executive
At trial, Skilling told the jury that Enron’s death spiral had been helped along
by a witch hunt that originated with Congress, regulators, and the press. More
specifically, he pointed to the Fortune magazine article that first cast doubt on
Enron’s credibility and the Wall Street Journal article that was published the
day after Enron announced substantial third-quarter losses in October 2001.
Like Lay, Skilling testified that the Journal article had managed to transform
“good” news (a $618 million third-quarter loss and a $1.2 billion write-down in
shareholder equity) into “bad” (implying wrongdoing by Andy Fastow in his
dealings with LJM). But Skilling went so far as to say the Fortune and Journal
articles were so one sided that he believed both had been “planted by short
sellers.”93
So Jeff Skilling – who had recently been touted as one of the country’s
brightest business leaders94 and had granted interviews with the likes of Larry
King to get the Enron story told – now blamed the media for conducting a
witch hunt that unfairly maligned the company and its top management.
Yet scarcely three weeks after his conviction, Skilling said in an interview
that his willingness to speak up before the trial – particularly his discussions
with the SEC – had been a mistake that helped the prosecution.95 And the
forum he chose for this interview? The Wall Street Journal, of course.96 Oh,
the irony of it all.
B. The Race and Religion Card

Religion has, for better or worse, been part of the legal scene in the post-Enron
era. Religion became part of Ken Lay’s public persona at least as early as
his July 2004 interview on Larry King Live, in which he discussed his own
upbringing as the son of a Baptist minister and his belief that faith would
sustain him throughout his legal ordeal.97 He also liberally injected religious
references into his first day of testimony at the criminal-fraud trial,98 insisting
Denies Knowledge About Partnership Details and Fastow Takes Fifth, Wall St. J., Feb. 8, 2002;
Lorraine Woellert, The-Reporter-Did-It-Defense: Ken Lay Claims the Press Sped Enron’s Fall
by Scaring Investors; Does He Have a Case?, Bus. Wk., May 8, 2006, at 34.
93 Trial Transcript, supra note 86 (testimony of Jeff Skilling) (Apr. 10, 2006). The articles were
published about six months apart.

94 Wendy Zellner, Derring-Do in the Corner Office, Bus. Wk., Feb. 21, 2001, at 80.
95 John Emshwiller, In New Interview, Skilling Says He Hurt Case by Speaking Up: Former Enron
President Says He Can Survive Jail; Depressing Days in Bed, Wall St. J., June 17, 2006, at A1.
96 Id. 97 Interview Transcript, supra note 75.
98 Alexei Barrionuevo & Simon Romero, Ken Lay Opens Up to the Jury: A Folksy Defense in
Enron Trial, N.Y. Times, Apr. 25, 2006, at C1 (noting Lay’s “ready references to his faith in
God”); Excerpts from Testimony by Enron Founder Ken Lay, Wall St. J. Online, May 2, 2006
(observing that on his first day on the stand, “Lay worked in references to his faith at every
opportunity”) (on file with author).
that he would not have engaged in criminal conduct because it would be

contrary to his “moral compass and religious faith.”99
To the casual observer, there seemed to be nothing cynical about Lay’s
emergence as a man of faith. Although his frequent public references to his
religious beliefs on the nation’s airwaves and on the stand may have been in
part an effort to burnish his image as the congenial, decent man who was for
years a pillar of the Houston community, they nonetheless seemed sincere.
Nothing suggested that his was a last-minute conversion.
Not so with HealthSouth’s CEO Richard Scrushy, who began to practice his
religion in a very public way when the time was ripe. Before his fraud indict-
ment and throughout the lengthy criminal trial,100 Scrushy made every effort
to develop a public persona that would resonate with a jury from Birmingham,
Alabama.
The initial challenge for the white multimillionaire to connect with the
jury pool began with demographics. Nearly 75 percent of Birmingham’s pop-
ulation is African American.101 Scrushy thus anticipated – correctly – a strong
minority presence on the jury. Eleven of the eighteen veniremen were African
American, and of the twelve jurors who completed the deliberations, half were
black.102
Scrushy began with his legal team, which was an evolving work of art.103
His chief legal adviser was Donald Watkins, a wealthy African American busi-
nessman and entrepreneur who could readily connect with a predominantly
black jury.104
99 Greg Farrell, Lay: No “Simple Answer” on Failure: “American Dream” Became “Nightmare,”
USA Today, Apr. 25, 2006, at B1.
100 Scrushy was allegedly the mastermind behind a $2.7 billion fraud at HealthSouth.
101 U.S. Census Bureau, http://quickfacts.census/gov/gfd/states/01/010700.html (last visited
Aug. 16, 2007). African Americans also constitute about 40 percent of the population in
Jefferson County, where Birmingham is located.
102 Nine of the sixteen jurors and alternates were African American. Dan Morse, For Former
HealthSouth Chief, An Appeal to Higher Authority: As Fraud Trial Nears an End, Scrushy
Preaches in Church, Interviews Ministers on TV; Not Aimed at Jurors, He Says, Wall St. J.,
May 13, 2005, at A1.
103 Scrushy went through at least four teams of lawyers before the case went to trial. See Carrick
Mollenkamp, Behind the Scrushy Defense: Shifting Teams, Feuding Lawyers; HealthSouth
Founder Taps a Birmingham Attorney in Unorthodox Strategy; Celebrating in the Wine Cellar,
Wall St. J., Feb. 2, 2005, at A1 [hereinafter Mollenkamp, Behind the Scrushy Defense].
104 Although his lead trial counsel was Jim Parkman, Scrushy tapped Watkins as his chief legal
adviser. Watkins had not practiced law for more than five years, but he masterminded the
sometimes-unorthodox defense strategy Scrushy’s team of advisers pursued. In exchange for
his agreement to interrupt his efforts to buy a Major League Baseball team, Watkins required a
$5 million retainer. Greg Farrell, Scrushy’s Lawyer Says Lay Strategy Was Wrong: “You Never,
Ever Put the CEO on the Witness Stand,” USA Today, May 30, 2006, at B3 [hereinafter Farrell,
Scrushy’s Lawyer]; Mollenkamp, Behind the Scrushy Defense, supra note 103.
Watkins’s first priority was to reshape Scrushy’s public image from that of
a wealthy and imperious businessman into that of a fundamentalist Christian
who came from humble origins and identified deeply with issues of race,
class, and the civil rights struggle. In his words, “The first trial is always in the
court of public opinion, and it comes down to community support and good
will.”105
Scrushy molded his private life to mirror his legal and public relations
strategy. First, he left the predominantly white Vestavia Hills evangelical
church he had been attending to join the Guiding Light Church – a predomi-
nantly black congregation with about four thousand members.106 His switch to
Guiding Light coincided with a $350,000 gift he made to the church, a pre-
cursor to donations totaling more than $1 million he gave to Guiding Light
Ministries in 2003.107
Then he began preaching at other fundamentalist churches – often black
or predominantly black congregations. During the year of the fraud trial, he
and his wife preached at more than forty Birmingham churches108 “to share
[their] testimonies of the trials and persecution” they had experienced at the
government’s hands.109 That same year, Scrushy’s foundation gave more than
$800,000 to churches whose pastors and congregants regularly attended his
trial.110 And just a month before the trial began, he became an ordained,
nondenominational Christian minister.111
105 Farrell, Scrushy’s Lawyer, supra note 104. Watkins’s view was that only when the client had his
public relations strategy in place could he turn his attention to a trial strategy.
106 Morse, supra note 102. Denying that the switch had anything to do with his legal problems,
he explained that he “felt called to attend” Guiding Light after watching its pastor on tele-
vision while he was exercising. Simon Romero, Will the Real Richard Scrushy Please Step
Forward: Race, Religion and the HealthSouth Founder’s Trial, N.Y. Times, Feb. 17, 2005, at C1
[hereinafter Romero, Please Step Forward]. Or, in the alternative, he abandoned Vestavia Hills
because he felt “judged” by his fellow congregants. Thomas S. Mulligan, Jurors Struggle in
Scrushy Fraud Case: The Judge Tells Them to Keep Trying; The Former Executive Has Mounted
a Vigorous Public Defense, L.A. Times, June 4, 2005, at A1.
107 Greg Farrell, Former HealthSouth CEO Scrushy Turns Televangelist, USA Today, Oct.
26, 2004, at 1B [hereinafter Farrell, Scrushy Turns Televangelist]; Peggy Gargis & Karen
Jacobs, Scrushy Acquittal Gets Alabama Hallelujahs, Boos, Reuters, June 29, 2005,
available at http://www.tiscali.co.uk/news/newswire.php/news/reuters/2005/06/29/business/
scrushyacquittalgets alabamahallelujahboos.html?page=2.
108 Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy Charity Gave to Churches: Foundation Sent $700,000 to Groups
Supporting Him, Birmingham News, Dec. 25, 2005, at 1D [hereinafter Tomberlin, Charity
Gave to Churches].
109 Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy Widens Ministry: Web Site Details Roles as Pastor, Televangelist,
Birmingham News, Mar. 10, 2006, at B1.

110 Id.; Tomberlin, Charity Gave to Churches, supra note 108.
111 Morse, supra note 102; Scrushy Starts Ministry as Trial Nears: Kingdom Builders Will Offer
Services Including Mortgages, Insurance and Healthcare, He Says, L.A. Times, Apr. 17, 2006,
at C2 [hereinafter Scrushy Starts Ministry].
But Scrushy’s media strategy had also transformed the CEO and minis-
ter into a broadcast personality as well. Before he was formally charged, he
appeared in a 60 Minutes interview with Mike Wallace, having waited “for the
right opportunity . . . to tell his story.”112 And while he was under indictment,
Scrushy and his wife, Leslie, launched a thirty-minute television show that
aired five days a week.113 The morning talk show, called Viewpoint, provided a
forum for discussing news stories “truthfully and accurately, free from the bias
of mainstream media.”114 The program often featured black ministers from the
Birmingham community as guests.115
And just who bankrolled this operation? The time slot was purchased by
Word of Truth Productions, an affiliate of the Guiding Light Church.116
The program’s only sponsor was Alamerica Bank, which was run by Donald
Watkins, Scrushy’s top legal adviser.117
But that’s only the beginning. While the Birmingham trial was in progress,
a second program, The Scrushy Trial with Nikki Preede, aired daily on another
local channel. As its title suggests, The Scrushy Trial was devoted exclusively
to favorable reporting on – what else – the Scrushy trial. And, in what a cynic
might call an extreme example of synergy: (1) Scrushy’s son-in-law had spent
$2 million to buy a controlling interest in the same station not long before
the trial began;118 (2) the producer of The Scrushy Trial was a former member
112 60 Minutes Interviews Richard Scrushy, http://www.richardmsrcushy.com/newsdetail.

aspx?News ID= 2News_ID=2 (posted Oct. 13, 2003) (last visited on Nov. 7, 2003) (quoting
Scrushy’s legal adviser Donald Watkins). A week later, in an interview on the Birmingham talk
show The Breakfast Club, Watkins defended Scrushy’s refusal to testify at the congressional
hearing and discussed his tenure at HealthSouth. Available at http://www.richardmscrushy.
com/newsdetail.aspx?News ID-6 (last visited on Nov. 7, 2003).
113 Although Scrushy said he would not discuss the evidence in the case, he said he would “deal
with the facts behind some of the personal attacks that have been made against me.” Scrushys
Will Host Talk Show on WTTO, available at http://www.al.com, Feb. 28, 2004 (archived on
Mar. 3, 2004, by the author). The early morning show conveniently aired each day before the
trial resumed. Morse, supra note 102.
114 Viewpoint with Richard and Leslie Scrushy, posted on http://www.morningviewpoint.com
(archived on Mar. 3, 2004, by the author).

115 By Scrushy’s own lights, his program featured guest appearances of at least two hundred
ministers in the span of a year. Morse, supra note 102.

116 Tom Bassing, Scrushy and Wife Take to the Airways, Birmingham Bus. J., Mar. 2, 2004, avail-
able at http://birmingham.bizjournals.com/birmingham/stories/2004/03/01/daily10.html. The

Viewpoint time slot followed a show featuring taped Guiding Light Church worship services.
117 Michael Tomberlin, Scrushys’ TV Show at the Bottom of Ratings, http://www.al.com, Mar. 3,
2004 (archived on Mar. 3, 2004, by the author). See supra notes 104–05 and accompanying text.
118 When Scrushy later established his own congregation, it met in his son-in-law’s television stu-
dio. Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy “Radioactive” After Trial: Business, Ministry Look Dim,
Experts Say, Birmingham News, June 30, 2006, at 6A [hereinafter Tomberlin, Scrushy
“Radioactive”]; Scrushy Starts Ministry, supra note 111. The Viewpoint set also served as the
of Scrushy’s country music band; (3) the program’s legal commentator, who
appeared on the show about three times a week, had previously been on
Scrushy’s legal team; and (4) after he bought the station, Scrushy’s son-in-law
aired Viewpoint twice a day in the time slot next to The Scrushy Trial show.119
An attempt to sway the jury?120 Res ipsa loquitor.
Scrushy’s Web site and television show were highly critical of the main-
stream media, but his antipathy toward the press culminated in yet another
bold attention-grabbing move three weeks before his trial began: he sued the
Birmingham News for libel.121 The complaint contained twelve counts of libel,
a single count of “tortuous [sic] interference with a contract,”122 and one count
of intentional infliction of emotional distress.123
His press release announcing the lawsuit decried the “drumbeat of libel
by the Birmingham News.”124 But judging from the complaint’s thin litany of
libels, one could easily conclude that the lawsuit was more a publicity stunt
than a serious legal claim.125 For example, one “libel” published by the News
background for a Scrushy news conference at which he proclaimed his innocence the day
before he was arraigned in Montgomery on bribery charges. Simon Romero, A High-Profile
Trial, a TV Show and a Son-in-Law in Charge, N.Y. Times, Nov. 7, 2005, at C4 [hereinafter
Romero, A High-Profile Trial].
119 Chad Terhune & Evelina Shmukler, “Scrushy Trial” on Local TV Is Family Affair, Wall St.
J., Feb. 15, 2005, at B1; Michael Tomberlin, TV Station Covering Trial Has Ties to Scrushy,
Birmingham News, Feb. 9, 2005, at 1D. The show’s host, Nikki Preede, had once done a brief
public relations stint for a law firm that represented Scrushy. Terhune & Shmukler, supra.
Consistent with the prosecutor’s complaint that Scrushy’s defense team had seized every
opportunity to “stand on the corner to be interviewed” on The Scrushy Trial show, Scrushy
advisers gave reporters covering the trial plastic spatulas emblazoned with a quote from the
opening statement for the defense: “No matter how thin you make it, there’s two sides to every
pancake.” Id. And as one commentator wondered, “What’s next? Will Scrushy have a blimp
over the courthouse, too?” Id.
120 Scrushy, of course, denied that he had any connection with the program. But after the prosecu-
tor voiced concerns about it, the judge instructed the jury not to watch it or any other program
related to Scrushy or HealthSouth. Id. Scrushy also regularly held “press conferences” during
the trial. Gargis & Jacobs, supra note 107.
121 Complaint, Scrushy v. Birmingham News, No. CV 2005 002496 (Jefferson County, Ala. Cir.
Ct., Mar. 20, 2004) (on file with author) [hereinafter Complaint].
Scrushy had earlier planned to start his own statewide newspaper to compete with the
Birmingham News. Michael Tomberlin, Talk Show Debuts, Birmingham News, Mar. 2, 2004.
122 Complaint, supra note 121, at 19, 20. See also Press Release, Richard Scrushy Files Suit Against
The Birmingham News, Dec. 20, 2004 (on file with author) [hereinafter Scrushy Press Release].
123 Complaint, supra note 121, at 20–21. 124 Scrushy Press Release, supra note 122.
125 Among the most ludicrous examples of the “drumbeat of libel” are two cartoons – one depicting
a prison, surrounded by barbed wire, bearing the name “Richard M. Scrushy Correctional
Facility,” and another showing Scrushy “on Santa’s bad list.” Scrushy Press Release, supra note
122. After his criminal trials were complete, the lawsuit was dismissed with prejudice on the
filing of a joint motion by both parties. Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy, News File to Dismiss
Lawsuit: Spokesman Says Other Legal Issues Pressing, Birmingham News, Mar. 21, 2006, at
was that Scrushy “chose not to answer questions from Congress, even refusing
to proclaim his innocence in the financial scandal engulfing the company he
created.”126
But as the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal (accurately) reported,
Scrushy did invoke his Fifth Amendment privilege at a hearing before the
House Energy and Commerce Committee on October 16, 2004, just weeks
before he was indicted.127 And yes, timing is everything. Scrushy refused to
testify before the Committee only a few days after his self-serving moment in
the sun had aired on 60 Minutes.128
But Scrushy’s media machine was anything but one-dimensional. A few
weeks before he was indicted, he launched a personal Web site129 “to fulfill[]
two immediate needs” – to tell his side of the story and to correct inaccuracies
about his case.130 He described the Web site as
a medium to help set the record straight and level the playing field. No longer
will the public have to be content with a single, one-sided presentation of the
facts filtered through and reflecting the personal prejudices of various news
reporters. Those stories will be challenged and corrected.131
The Web site also served as a forum for Scrushy’s lawyers to respond from “an
objective viewpoint” to questions about his strategies. The initial posting nicely
sums up Scrushy’s need to speak through unfiltered media: “[W]e cannot con-
tinuously issue press announcements for local distribution . . . or continuously
‘negotiate’ comments for publication by local and national media. This case
has received national and international attention, and the Web site gives us
an international medium through which to communicate.”132
1D; Dismissal, Scrushy v. Birmingham News, No. CV 2005 002496 (Jefferson County, Ala.
Cir. Ct., Mar. 27, 2006) (on file with author).
126 Scrushy Press Release, supra note 122.
127 Milt Freudenheim, Former Chief of HealthSouth Refuses to Respond at Hearing: Scrushy Asserts
Fifth Amendment, N.Y. Times, Oct. 17, 2003, at C7; Carrick Mollenkamp, HealthSouth’s Ex-
Chief Invokes Right to Silence: Scrushy Refuses to Answer Questions from Lawmakers but
Criticizes Investigators, Wall St. J., Oct. 17, 2003, at A7 [hereinafter Mollenkamp, Ex-Chief
Invokes Right to Silence].
128 Freudenheim, supra note 127; Mollenkamp, Ex-Chief Invokes Right to Silence, supra note
127. After Scrushy refused to testify, the committee played an eight-minute excerpt of the
broadcast interview and wondered aloud why he would be unwilling to say the same thing to
the Committee. Id.
129 Available at http://www.richardmscrushy.com.
130 Id.
131 Richard Scrushy Launches Web site, available at http://www.richardmscrushy.com/newsdetail.
aspx? News_ID=8 (quoting Tom Sjoblom, then attorney for Scrushy) (archived by author
Nov. 7, 2003).
132 Id.
The transformation of Scrushy’s public persona through preaching, broad-

casting, and the Internet not only raised his visibility in the local black com-
munity; it had a spillover effect in the courtroom. One tangible sign of this
was a group of loyal followers – most of them black, many of them ministers –
who became known as the “amen corner” in the courtroom. From as few
as six to as many as two dozen strong, they often attended the criminal trial,
filling the seats on Scrushy’s side of the courtroom. Many brought Bibles with
them, some wore vestments, and most gave approving nods when they thought
the defense scored points against the government.133 They even prayed with
Scrushy in the courtroom in the jury’s presence during breaks in the trial134
and incurred the wrath of courthouse security workers when they tried to
distribute pro-Scrushy leaflets as jury deliberations began.135
All told, Scrushy’s media and public relations strategy succeeded in trans-
forming the trial into a narrative about class and race rather than a forum
for resolving accusations of a $2.7 billion accounting fraud.136 This turn of
events confounded many observers because Scrushy was, after all, a white
multimillionaire, and all of the witnesses against him were white. His strategy
was nonetheless highly effective. After lengthy deliberations that appeared to
be headed for a deadlocked jury, the verdict was not guilty on all counts.137
133 John Archibald, Weird Stuff at Work at Scrushy Trial, Birmingham News, June 12, 2005, at 15A;
Romero, Please Step Forward, supra note 106. See also Gargis & Jacobs, supra note 107 (quoting
the pastor of a black congregation, who said that “[t]here were pastors and prayer warriors who
were here in court daily supporting him. . . . We said all along that the prosecution didn’t prove
its case against him.”); Ann Woolner, Blacks Fill Scrushy’s Amen Corner, Birmingham News,
Feb. 6, 2005, at 1B.
134 Simon Romero & Kyle Whitmire, Writer Says Scrushy Paid Her to Write Favorable Articles,
N.Y. Times, Jan. 20, 2006, at C3 [hereinafter Romero & Whitmire, Writer Says Scrushy Paid
Her].
135 Jay Reeves, Race Plays Subtle Role in Scrushy Trial, May 22, 2005, http://www.cbsnews.
com/stories/2005/05/22/ap/business/mainD8A8CM0G0.shtml (last visited Oct. 11, 2006). Con-

tinued media ploys during the trial and deliberations would not necessarily be lost on the
jurors. The jury was never sequestered. Archibald, supra note 133.
136 Reeves, supra note 135; Mulligan, supra note 106.
137 Jerry Mitchell, Scrushy’s Home Victory Shows Venue Matters, Clarion-Ledger (Jackson,
Miss.), July 14, 2005, at A6.

He was acquitted despite substantial evidence linking him to the fraud, partly because the
jury doubted the credibility of a lengthy parade of cooperating witnesses who testified against
him. Reed Abelson & Jonathan Glater, A Style That Connected with Hometown Jurors, N.Y.
Times, June 29, 2005, at C1; Dan Morse et al., HealthSouth’s Scrushy Is Acquitted: Outcome
Shows Challenges for Sarbanes-Oxley Act: SEC Suit Still Ahead; No Job Offer from Company,
Wall St. J., June 29, 2005, at A1 [hereinafter Scrushy Is Acquitted]; Kyle Whitmire, Jurors
Doubted Scrushy’s Colleagues, N.Y. Times, July 2, 2005, at C5 [hereinafter Whitmire, Jurors
Doubted Scrushy’s Colleagues].
Scrushy also seems to have benefitted from the so-called CSI effect, a phenomenon attributed
in part to the television show CSI, which is about crime scene investigation. Linda Deutsch,
The cause for celebration was, as it turned out, relatively short-lived. Within
six months of his acquittal, Scrushy once again found himself embroiled in
controversy, this time on two separate fronts. One related to a newly disclosed
component of his public relations campaign during the trial. Two people
from Birmingham, both of whom were associated with the Believers Temple
Church, claimed that Scrushy had paid them to drum up support in the black
community during the trial.
The first allegations were made by Audrey Lewis, who worked as a freelance
writer and an administrator at the church. Lewis charged that she had been
paid to write favorable articles about Scrushy for publication in the Birming-
ham Times, the city’s oldest black-owned newspaper.138 She said Scrushy had
suggested topics for her stories and had reviewed at least two of the four arti-
cles before they were published;139 that she had been paid $10,000 through a
“CSI” and “Law & Order” Lead Jurors to Great Expectations, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Jan.
30, 2006, at D1. CSI investigators’ heavy reliance on high-tech forensic evidence in run-of-
the-mill cases – where such evidence is exceedingly rare – is thought to foster unrealistic
expectations among jurors sitting in actual trials. Some Scrushy jurors faulted the prosecution
for failing to produce fingerprint evidence linking Scrushy directly to the fraud. Abelson &
Glater, supra note 137; Morse et al., Scrushy Is Acquitted, supra; Simon Romero & Kyle
Whitmire, Former Chief of HealthSouth Acquitted in $2.7 Billion Fraud: Case Fails to Sway
Jury in Scrushy’s Hometown, N.Y. Times, June 29, 2005, at A1; Chad Terhune & Dan Morse,
Why Scrushy Won His Trial and Ebbers Lost, Wall St. J., June 30, 2005, at C1; Kyle Whitmire,
Determined to Find Guilt, but Expecting Acquittal, N.Y. Times, June 29, 2005 at C5; Whitmire,
Jurors Doubted Scrushy’s Colleagues, supra.
138 The Birmingham Times, which was published weekly, had a circulation of about sixteen thou-
sand. Payments by corporations and the government to promote what passes for independent
commentary have also recently come to light. See, e.g., Abby Goodnough, U.S. Paid 10 Jour-
nalists for Anti-Castro Reports: Some Are Fired for Radio and TV Deals, N.Y. Times, Sept. 9,
2006, at A9 (reporting that the Bush administration’s Office of Cuba Broadcasting had paid
newspaper and broadcast journalists to provide commentary critical of Castro; one journalist
reportedly received $175,000 between 2001 and 2006); Thom Shanker, No Breach Seen in
Work in Iraq on Propaganda, N.Y. Times, Mar. 22, 2006, at A1 (reporting finding that the
U.S. military had paid a public relations firm to plant favorable articles in Iraqi news sources);
Philip Shenon, G.M. Entangled in Pay-for-Publicity Dispute, N.Y. Times, Apr. 28, 2006, at A19
(reporting that a public relations firm apologized after admitting it may have offered money
to independent commentators to garner public support for General Motors’ buyout plan; that
Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff paid at least two writers to publish articles supporting his
clients’ interests; and that the Bush administration had paid writers and commentators to pro-
mote the No Child Left Behind initiative); Ian Urbina & David D. Kirkpatrick, For Ex-Aide
to Bush, an Arrest Is a Puzzling Turn, N.Y. Times, Mar. 14, 2006, at A1 (observing that conser-
vative columnist and talk-show host Armstrong Williams generated controversy by accepting
$240,000 from the Bush administration to promote the administration’s education initiatives).
139 Romero & Whitmire, Writer Says Scrushy Paid Her, supra note 134; Michael Tomberlin &
Russell Hubbard, Minister: Scrushy Paid to Build Black Support; Ex-CEO Says “Shyster”
Stalked, Tried to Con Him, Birmingham News, Jan. 20, 2006, at A1.
public relations firm controlled by the founder of the Birmingham Times;140

and that she had also received a $2,500 personal check from Charles Russell –
a Scrushy spokesman and prominent crisis communications consultant –
toward the end of the trial.141
Lewis, who was part of a group that regularly attended the trial and prayed
with Scrushy in the courtroom, said, “I did everything possible to advocate
for his cause.”142 Titles of her articles ranged from Scrushy’s Binding Ties to
the African-American Community to Another Great Day for the Defense and
Everything but the Kitchen Sink.143 In her first story, she wrote that Scrushy’s
worst offense had been “giving support to a race of people that have been
oppressed for hundreds of years” and that the government had “absolutely
no solid evidence linking him to a crime.”144 The day the case went to the
jury, a front-page piece she wrote read, “[P]astors and community leaders have
rallied around Scrushy showing him the support of the Christian and African
American community.”145
Scrushy, of course, denied he had paid her to write flattering articles.
Although he did not deny that he had reviewed several of the stories before
publication, he claimed that Lewis had only e-mailed the unedited articles so
he could check for factual inaccuracies.146 Despite the tug of war over whose
story was closer to the truth, one thing is undeniably clear: Lewis did receive
thousands of dollars from the Scrushy camp.
During the trial, Scrushy signed a $20,000 retainer agreement with a local
public relations firm to perform marketing and public relations functions. The
same day, Lewis received a $5,000 check from the public relations firm, and
she received another $6,000 not long after that. It seems highly improbable that
more than half of the $20,000 retainer would have quickly wound up in her
hands, but it did. And it is more than passingly strange that the public relations
firm that wrote the checks was owned by the founder of the Birmingham
Times – the paper that published her highly favorable stories.147
140 The newspaper’s publisher said he was unaware of any financial ties between Lewis and
Scrushy. Romero & Whitmire, Writer Says Scrushy Paid Her, supra note 134.
141 She decided to go public with the story because “Scrushy promised me a lot more than what I
got.” Id.
142 Id.
143 Jerry Underwood, New Scrushy Battle Might Get Smelly, Birmingham News, Jan. 22, 2006, at
D1.
144 Evan Perez & Corey Dade, Scrushy Denies Trying to Buy Support: HealthSouth Ex-CEO Paid
PR Firm, Writer and Pastor During His Criminal Trial, Wall St. J., Jan. 20, 2006, at A12.
145 Romero & Whitmire, Writer Says Scrushy Paid Her, supra note 134.
146 Perez & Dade, supra note 144.
147 Oh, and by the way, the founder’s son just happened to be the paper’s publisher.
At the same time these allegations were revealed, Herman Henderson –

the pastor of the Believers Temple Church – also claimed he had been paid
by Scrushy to garner support in the black community. He said Scrushy had
agreed to pay him $5,000 a month for two years to perform public relations work
during and after the trial. In exchange for the payments, Henderson agreed
to enlist support for Scrushy among black ministers, arrange opportunities for
Scrushy to preach in black churches, and transport black supporters to the
courthouse during the trial.148
Scrushy denied he had ever hired Henderson to do anything for him and
called the pastor a “shyster” and a “con”149 – an assessment that some of
Henderson’s fellow pastors uncharitably shared.150 But regardless of whether
the allegations were true, they gained traction in the press and cast Scrushy in
a far less favorable light.
Then there was the matter of a federal bribery indictment. The second
indictment charged that Scrushy had funneled two payments of $250,000 each
to the Alabama governor in exchange for a seat on the state’s hospital board,
which oversees decisions on construction of new health-care facilities in the
state.151 Although the bribery indictment was handed up in Montgomery rather
than in Birmingham, in some respects, the ensuing scenario aptly illustrated
the adage that the past is prologue.
Just weeks before Scrushy was arraigned on the bribery charges, his son-in-
law bought a Montgomery-area television station,152 and shortly before the trial
began, the Montgomery station began airing Viewpoint – Scrushy’s religious
talk show – five times a week. The addition of the Montgomery station to the
son-in-law’s television venture increased the potential audience for Scrushy’s
Viewpoint show to roughly a million viewers.153
And adding a new wrinkle to his now-familiar theme, not long before his
Montgomery bribery trial began, Scrushy launched a new ministry, Kingdom
Builders International, whose grand design was to build churches and provide
food and clothing for needy African children. The Web site for the ministry,
which was launched about five weeks before the start of the trial, explained
148 Id. Other black ministers who supported Scrushy disputed Henderson’s account.
149 See Tomberlin & Hubbard, supra note 139.
150 Id. Scrushy told reporters, “You need to know that I’m about ready to sue him for extortion.”
Id.
151 Briefing, Toronto Star, Feb. 15, 2006, at E5. The governor and two of his top aides were also
charged.
152 The $235,000 package deal included two low-powered stations in the Montgomery area.
Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy Kin Buying Into Capital TV Market, Birmingham News,
Nov. 1, 2005, at D1.
153 Romero, A High-Profile Trial, supra note 118.
several secondary yet complementary missions.154 Kingdom Builders held its

inaugural founders’ meeting at a Birmingham hotel just five days before jury
selection in the bribery trial began.155 Also not long before the trial, the Scrushys
were “ordained” as pastors and ministers of Grace and Purpose Church, which
Scrushy had founded and whose congregation met at the Birmingham televi-
sion station his son-in-law owned.156
Scrushy’s increasingly religious public persona led skeptics to suggest the
new ministry was either a “savvy public relations move” or an effort “to build
an empire,”157 and they questioned whether he had “found” religion or “used”
it.158
But some things never change. As in Birmingham, Scrushy’s legal team was
a work in progress. The week before trial, Scrushy hired black civil rights lawyer
Fred Gray to join his defense team. To the dismay of the lead prosecutor (who
also was black), Gray’s opening argument likened Scrushy to Gray’s famous
former clients – civil rights activists Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr.159
Thus, as he had in the Birmingham fraud trial, Scrushy sought to curry
favor in Montgomery by playing the race and religion card before a jury whose
racial composition was substantially the same as the Birmingham jury. But
Montgomery isn’t Birmingham, and Scrushy’s strategy failed. At the end of
the day, the jury found him guilty as charged.
III. PRAISE OR BLAME?
The public has been well served by sustained coverage of the complex legal and
regulatory ground out of which the corporate governance scandals arose. To
its credit, the press has, in the main, acquitted itself well. But media coverage
of the ensuing investigations and trials has also raised a host of provocative
questions about judgment, professionalism, and restraint.
154 Michael Tomberlin, Scrushy Widens Ministry: Web Site Details Roles as Pastor, Televangalist,
Birmingham News, Mar. 10, 2006 [hereinafter Tomberlin, Scrushy Widens Ministry]. See also
http://www.richardmscrushy.com [hereinafter Scrushy Web site].
155 Scrushy Starts Ministry; Observer, Finding His Religion, Fin. Times, May 3, 2006, at 12. See
also Scrushy Web site, supra note 154.

156 Tomberlin, Scrushy Widens Ministry, supra note 154.
157 Tomberlin, Scrushy “Radioactive,” supra note 111.
158 Gargis & Jacobs, supra note 107.
159 Valerie Bauerlein, Opening Arguments Made in Scrushy Bribery Trial, Wall St. J., May 2,
2006, at C3; Rick Brooks, Scrushy, in Federal Bribery Trial, Revives Tack from Fraud Acquittal,
Wall St. J., May 1, 2006, at C3; Kyle Whitmire, Trial Begins for Former Alabama Governor,
N.Y. Times, May 2, 2006, at A16. The prosecutor complained that the reason Gray had been
added to the defense team was so he could play the race card by drawing these analogies.
How can courts best accommodate the First Amendment interests of the
press while protecting the parties’ interest in a fair and impartial jury when
media icons like Martha Stewart are on trial? Was it appropriate for the Wall
Street Journal and the New York Post to break with journalistic tradition and risk
the possibility of causing a mistrial in the Tyco case? Unrestrained journalistic
zeal can, after all, skew news-gathering and reporting functions and invite
increased judicial restrictions on the press.
Then there are more generalized questions of somewhat broader import.
How prevalent is manipulation of the press by media-savvy defendants? Should
we be concerned about well-orchestrated campaigns to publicly impugn the
motives and integrity of prosecutors and attack the credibility of witnesses
before trial? Or about enlisting the media to play on the passions of the
community from which the jury will be drawn?
On the one hand, media manipulation can undermine the legitimacy of the
courts and the press. On the other hand, “[i]t’s not illegal to buy popularity.”160
But relentless media manipulation raises serious questions about journalistic
credibility and independence and about the potential for extrajudicial forces
to inappropriately influence the outcome of a trial.
These are notable points of tension between the media and the courts,
whose respective roles in preserving the public’s right to know and ensuring a
fair trial sometimes seem at odds. And, as can readily be seen, it is not always
easy to discern the proper balance between competing goals of the media and
the courts. But if the press is to effectively perform its watchdog role, it should
be mindful of the occasional need to watch itself.
APPENDIX A: TRADITIONAL PRINT SOURCE COVERAGE
Traditional print source coverage of the Enron scandal began with Bethany
McLean’s March, 2001 article in Fortune magazine, “Is Enron Overpriced?”161
While the article raised substantial questions about how Enron made money,
there were few answers to be found. The article nonetheless laid the foundation
for further investigation by others into the complex accounting schemes that
ultimately brought Enron down. Enron officials challenged McLean’s premise
that Enron’s apparent profitability might well be a matter of smoke and blue
mirrors. When her article was published, 13 of 18 analysts rated Enron a buy
at $75 a share. At the same time, Enron officials were trying to convince
160 Evan Perez & Corey Dade, Scrushy Denies Trying to Buy Support: HealthSouth Ex-CEO Paid
PR Firm, Writer and Pastor During His Criminal Trial, Wall St. J., Jan. 20, 2006, at A12.
161 Bethany McLean, Is Enron Overpriced?, Fortune, Mar. 5, 2001, at 122. References to traditional
print source coverage are to newspapers, magazines, and books.

Wall Street that the stock should have been valued at $126. In a September
2001 article, “Enron’s Power Crisis,” McLean foresaw a bleaker picture as she
reported on Enron’s deteriorating relationship with Wall Street, which had
worsened with Skilling’s departure as CEO in August.162
Enron was certainly not the only corporate fraud story in 2001. At about
the same time that Enron was a top item of media interest, other major,
publicly held corporations were caught in more pedestrian forms of corpo-
rate wrongdoing.163 While many of these scandals attracted prolonged public
scrutiny and resulted in the imposition of significant fines, the media attention
was generally short-lived and sporadic compared with the marquee attention
that Enron received.
The release of Enron’s earnings report on October 16, 2001, revealing a $618
million third-quarter loss was a watershed event. Between the report’s release
and the end of the year, the Wall Street Journal featured ninety-eight Enron
stories, most of which were investigative reports by John Emschwiller and
Rebecca Smith. Although Enron CEOs Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling would later
blame Enron’s downfall on the negative effects of the Journal’s coverage, the
New York Times’ coverage was even more extensive. Between Enron’s October
earnings report and the end of the year, the Times ran 155 Enron stories. Thus,
exhaustive coverage by the Times and other major papers – as well as extensive
reporting in major business magazines – belie the claim that Enron’s downfall
was largely attributable to a witch hunt conducted by the Wall Street Journal.
The Enron story remained a major fixture in national newspapers from
January 2002 through May 2006, when the trial of Skilling and Lay ended with
guilty verdicts. During this sustained period, the Journal featured 386 stories,
while Enron captured a spot on the front page of the main section 49 times
and on the front page of the “Money and Investing” section another 135 times.
And during the pre-verdict coverage in May 2006, Enron was the second-
most-reported story in both the Journal and the Times, lagging only behind
illegal immigration. Remarkably, Enron was the subject of more features in
162 Bethany McLean, Enron’s Power Crisis, Fortune, Sep. 17, 2001, at 48.
163 In the first eighteen months following McLean’s first Enron story, for example, Citigroup
settled fraud allegations involving its subsidiary, TAP Pharmaceutical was fined $875M for a
Medicare/Medicaid kickback scheme, Xerox was fined $10M by the SEC for faulty accounting,
Carnival was fined $18M for falsifying records of oil discharges at sea, Schering-Plough was
fined by the FDA $500M for violating current good manufacturing practices regulations,
Tenet Healthcare was fined $55.8M for defrauding Medicare/Medicaid, Coca-Cola was sued
for human-rights abuses at a foreign bottling subsidiary, and Bristol-Myers Squibb was sued
for making false claims to the FDA. Bill Wasik, Dismal Beat: The March of Personal-Finance
Journalism, Harper’s Magazine, Mar. 1, 2003, at 81.
both papers than were stories about oil prices, the new head of the CIA, and
the Abramoff lobbying scandal.
Notwithstanding its sluggish start on the Enron beat, the Houston Chronicle
ultimately emerged as the preeminent source of Enron coverage. In all, from
March 2001, when the first questions about Enron were asked, until May,
2006, when the guilty verdicts were announced, the Chronicle ran almost two
thousand separate Enron stories. Yet while reporters from other news outlets
began to question Enron’s business in early Fall 2001, the Chronicle did not
begin heavily covering the story until after the startling third quarter earnings
report in October 2001.164
While the major newspapers and magazines were busy uncovering the
story behind Skilling’s sudden departure as CEO, the managing editor of
the Chronicle sent just one beat reporter to interview him. And when Skilling
declined to offer any explanation beyond “personal reasons” for stepping down,
the Chronicle failed to dig deeper to find one until after the third-quarter
earnings report was released two months later.
After the disastrous earnings report became public, the story could no longer
be ignored, and the Chronicle’s coverage increased dramatically. Between
the release of the earnings report and the end of the year, the Chronicle
ran 143 stories about the energy giant’s ensuing downfall, and most of the
business staff and many general assignment reporters in Houston, New York,
and Washington, D.C., were assigned to the story. The paper also set up a
dedicated Enron Web page that became a rich resource that provided archived
news articles, court documents, transcripts, and other topical material.
Enron was selected as one of the top three stories of 2001 by Fortune mag-
azine (finishing behind 9/11 and the economic recession), and reporting on
Enron was prominently featured in the first edition of Best Business Crime
Writing of the Year in 2002 and The Best Business Stories of the Year in 2003.
The Enron story also spawned an abundance of books written about various
aspects of the scandal. The most notable titles were written by the journalists
who covered the story from its inception. They include Conspiracy of Fools by
Kurt Eichenwald of the New York Times, 24 Days by Rebecca Smith and John
R. Emschwiller of the Wall Street Journal, and Enron: The Smartest Guys in
the Room by Fortune’s Bethany McLean and Peter Elkind. The Smartest Guys
in the Room won the Strategy and Business Best Book Title for 2003, the award
for Choice Outstanding Academic Title, and was made into a documentary
that earned widespread critical acclaim.
164 Between March and October 2001, the Chronicle ran fifty-one stories about Enron, mostly
about the general business of the company.
APPENDIX B: THE CHANGING FACE OF MEDIA COVERAGE
In addition to comprehensive trial coverage in traditional print sources, Inter-

net coverage of the trial of Enron’s Jeff Skilling and Ken Lay was also extraordi-
nary. Even though TV cameras and recording devices were not allowed in the
courtroom, the public gained “remarkable insight into the daily proceedings”
of the trial largely because of extensive Internet coverage.165
The most innovative aspect of Enron trial coverage was largely made pos-
sible by Judge Sim Lake’s creation of a special media room. In response to
intense media interest in the trial (and, perhaps, to correspondingly more lim-
ited courtroom space), Judge Lake created a specially equipped room where
journalists could watch the trial and ply their trade. The media room, which
had space for roughly one hundred journalists, provided them “a closed-
circuit feed of the witness stand and a wireless internet connection to the
outside world.”166 While notebook computers were allowed inside the room,
recording devices and phones were not.
The prohibition against phones and recording devices required journal-
ists in the media room to rely on the Internet as a medium for real-time
communication of information about the trial. The extent of their reliance
on the wireless Internet connection was evident early in the trial when
the WiFi network became overloaded, forcing technicians to install a new
router.
Creation of a media room from which journalists could simultaneously
observe the trial and report on it via the Internet thrust online journalism
to the forefront of trial coverage by the mainstream media. The Houston
Chronicle Web site provided the most comprehensive media coverage of the
Enron trial, although the Wall Street Journal and New York Times Web sites
were not far behind. All three Web sites had special sections devoted to the
Enron scandal with new, trial-related articles appearing almost daily. On the
Wall Street Journal Online, articles relating to the current day’s proceedings
were frequently updated as notable courtroom developments occurred.
The Houston Chronicle’s Web site had three blogs that were updated several
times a day during the trial. The first, the Trial Watch blog, gave a blow-by-
blow account of the court proceedings; the second, the Legal Commentary
blog, provided analysis by legal scholars and attorneys; and the third, Loren
Steffy’s Business blog, offered opinion on the trial.
165 Mike Tolson, The Enron Verdict: Coverage Entering New Phase for Media, Houston Chron.,
May 30, 2006, at Bus. 1.
166 Id.
The Houston Chronicle was by no means the only major paper to use blogs.
Although the New York Times did not run a blog, both Peter Lattman of the
Wall Street Journal and Frank Aherns of the Washington Post blogged the
trial. Noting the public’s reliance on media blogs as a means of gathering
instantaneous information about the Enron trial, Mr. Aherns said that hits on
the Washington Post’s Web site increased significantly when he decided to
blog directly from the media room in Houston instead of relying on periodic
reports from the Post’s courtroom reporter.167
The three papers’ Web sites also provided extensive background informa-
tion about Enron from its founding to its collapse and about the ensuing
investigations and trials.168 These background resources provided significant
supplements to current news articles, placed contemporaneous events in con-
text, and provided a better understanding of the underlying issues in the trial.
The Web sites also provided links to audio sound bites and video footage of
important interviews, analysis, and commentary about the trial.
Another remarkable aspect of Internet coverage of the Enron trial was that it
made court documents, exhibits, and trial transcripts widely available. Defense
exhibits were accessible through Ken Lay’s personal Web site, and the Justice
Department took the unusual step of posting the prosecution’s exhibits on
its own Web site.169 But the Justice Department and personal Web sites are
just the tip of the iceberg. As part of its reporting of the Enron scandal,
the Houston Chronicle Web site also featured an extensive number of court
documents, transcripts, and exhibits.170 While the Wall Street Journal and New
York Times provided similar, but more limited, offerings, both provided links
to FindLaw.com, which also had a wide array of Enron documents in a special
Enron section of its Web site.
Internet coverage of the Enron trial far exceeded both traditional print
source and television coverage. Thus, for example, CBS and ABC did not even
167 One indication of the extent to which blogging has changed the speed with which information
(and much misinformation) spreads is found in how quickly news of – and a wild assortment
of theories about – Ken Lay’s death was disseminated. During June, the terms “Ken Lay” and
“Kenneth Lay” appeared an average of 46 times a day on blog postings, and in the first twelve
hours after he was pronounced dead on July 5, 2006, his name appeared in 871 postings. Del
Jones, Bloggers Weigh in Fast with Theories on Lay’s Death, U.S.A. Today, Jul. 6, 2006, at 2B.
168 The background information included profiles of the defendants, key witnesses, and prosecu-
tion and defense lawyers, along with a time line of major events.
169 With the creation of the Justice Department’s Corporate Fraud Task Force in response to
the Enron scandal, however, indictments, informations, deferred prosecution agreements, and
similar materials became available online for approximately ninety corporate fraud prosecu-
tions on the Task Force Web site.
170 The Houston Chronicle had links to the jury instructions, prosecution and defense exhibits,
and a redacted indictment, among other trial documents.

interrupt national programming to report the jury’s guilty verdict on Skilling

and Lay, and NBC interrupted programming for only a little over three minutes
to report their convictions. In contrast, daily traffic on the Houston Chronicle’s
Web site was up twenty percent on the day of the verdict, “spiking immediately
after the verdict” was announced.171 “The spike prompted the [Web site] to
move temporarily to a text-only home page[,]” and “[a]t midday the Enron
story by itself account[ed] for as much as a fourth of the site’s traffic.”172
The combination of articles, background information, documents, exhibits,
transcripts, and blogs available via the Internet provided a wealth of informa-
tion about the Enron trial. The Internet allowed interested members of the
public to learn the details about the rise and fall of Enron and to follow the trial
of Skilling and Lay on a real-time basis. Public access to sources ranging from
primary documents to the views of the many journalists, legal scholars, and
lawyers who supplied input provided an extraordinary wealth of information
to those who followed the trial.
APPENDIX C: POSTSCRIPT ON PERMANENCY
Apart from the Internet’s many advantages, reliance on Internet coverage has
its own distinct disadvantages. Perhaps the most problematic issue is the lack
of permanency of much of the information that appears on the Internet.
Although permanency issues may not affect those who merely seek instant
news coverage of a story, the lack of historical value can be problematic for
journalists, authors, and academics.
The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Houston Chronicle all have
online archives for articles that have appeared both online and in print.173 But
permanency issues arise with respect to Web site only articles, blog postings,
and the special online sections that emerged during the Enron trial. The
Houston Chronicle’s policy is to let Web site-only articles expire without being
archived and to make the in-depth Enron special coverage Web pages acces-
sible for an indeterminate period of time.174 The Wall Street Journal’s special
Enron coverage will remain available “for as long as [editors decide] there is
171 Fritz Lanham & Mike McDaniel, The Enron Verdict: For the Media, a Chapter Closes, Hou.
Chron., May 26, 2006, at A6.
172 Id.
173 The New York Times online archives date back to 1852, the Houston Chronicle to 1985, and the
Wall Street Journal to 1996.

174 E-mail from Mike Read, Web Operation Editor at the Houston Chronicle (June 26, 2006,
11:05:13 CST) (on file with author).

news to write about.”175 Thus, much of the Enron coverage that has potential
historical value and that pushed the Internet to the forefront of mainstream
media coverage will be lost unless individual researchers have archived the
material themselves.
Permanency issues also occur with Findlaw, another Internet source of
legal news. With the passage of time, links may no longer be functional or
lead the reader to unrelated alternate pages176 or no longer contain meaningful
information.177
Similar permanency problems arise with personal Web sites, which are
increasingly being used by defendants in corporate governance scandals to
conduct aggressive public relations campaigns and to counter what they per-
ceive as biased or incomplete mainstream media coverage. Yet while both
Martha Stewart and Arthur Andersen effectively used personal Web sites to
promote their cause, neither Web site exists today. Lost with their Web sites
was a wealth of valuable information about their respective prosecutions, legal
strategies, and public relations campaigns.
Martha Stewart’s Web site provides an instructive example. On two occa-
sions when she posted letters to Web site visitors, the postings were taken
down almost immediately and then re-posted after ill-advised statements178 or
language from earlier drafts179 had been removed. While the revised letters
175 E-mail from Wall Street Journal Online Customer Support (June 26, 2006, 15:51:41 CST)
(on file with author).
176 Thus, for example, Findlaw’s Enron section provides a link for a book called “Anatomy of
Greed” by Brian Cruver, a former Enron employee. Brian Curver, Anatomy of Greed:
The Unshredded truth from an Enron Insider (Carroll & Graf Publishers 2002). But
clicking on the link now takes the reader to www.anatomyofgreed.com, a site where one can
apply for a cash advance.
177 For example, the link to Arthur Andersen’s homepage, www.arthurandersen.com, leads to the
Chicago-based company’s current homepage, which has no navigational ability or information

beyond an address and phone number. The Web site Andersen originally launched was
removed after the firm’s trial and conviction.
178 Immediately following her conviction on March 5, 2005, Stewart posted an open letter on
her Web site. Language from the original letter stating “I have done nothing wrong” was
quickly changed to read “I am obviously distressed by the jury’s verdict.” John Lehmann,
Martha’s Head: Jury Convicts Her on 4 Counts; May Spend 10–18 Mos. in Pen; Business Empire
Crumbling, N.Y. Post, Mar. 6, 2004, at 2.
179 On July 15, 2004, a draft of Martha Stewart’s pre-sentencing letter to Judge Cedarbaum was
accidentally posted shortly after her sentence was handed down. The draft was quickly removed
and replaced with the final letter that was sent to Judge Cederbaum. Constance L. Hays,
Stewart’s Letter to the Judge Shows Up Online, in Two Versions, N.Y. Times, Jul. 19, 2004, at
C5. The removed draft contained “a long apologia” for Sam Waksal’s sale of ImClone stock
the day before the FDA denied approval to market the company’s most promising new drug.
The draft also offered an explanation for Stewart’s parallel sale of her own ImClone stock
(which was the genesis of the criminal charges against her), pointedly referred to a juror that
remained on the Web site, the originals that had been briefly but imprudently
posted were permanently gone.180
Finally, increased reliance on the Internet leads to greater credibility con-
cerns. Unlike official newspaper Web sites, much of the information on the
Internet is unreliable. For example, during Martha Stewart’s trial, a number
of satirical sites with similar Web addresses popped up. Additionally, following
Ken Lay’s death, Internet conspiracy theories were rampant.181 While those
who followed the scandals closely would have been unlikely to confuse official
Web sites with unofficial ones, it could have been more difficult for the casual
observer to evaluate the credibility of unofficial information. Suffice it to say
that these sources thus require a heightened level of individual scrutiny.
On balance, the permanency and credibility issues raised by Internet cov-
erage are a small price to pay for the increased news coverage provided by the
Internet. Traditional news print articles are still available and are now more
readily accessible through the vast electronic archives provided by newspaper
Web sites. Without the Internet, much of this information would not be avail-
able to the general public.182 That the information may not be permanent or
may require a greater level of scrutiny to assure its credibility are relatively
small prices to pay for the advantages of increased and instantaneous Internet
coverage.
her lawyers had accused of lying on the jury screening questionnaire, and a statement that her
future was “unfortunately” in the hands of the judge to whom the letter was addressed. All of
these references were excised from the letter that was actually sent.
180 Although the impermanency of these Web postings can be problematic from the perspective
of those who want to do historical research on the case, from Martha Stewart’s perspective the
ability to quickly change the ill-advised open letter she posted after her conviction allowed
her to avoid another potential legal complication. Thus, the ability to change or remove Web
postings at will facilitates spontaneous communication, in contrast with the more controlled
and calculated responses appearing in newspapers and on television.
181 Tom Zeller Jr., A Sense of Something Rotten in Aspen, N.Y. Times, Jul. 10, 2006. Various
Web sites and blogs reported that Ken Lay had not in fact died and provided numerous
explanations – some quite preposterous – about his death and whereabouts.
182 Scholars, lawyers, and journalists, on the other hand, may have access though other Internet
sources such as LexisNexis and Westlaw, or though microfiche or microform archives available
at major libraries and newspapers.
part four
DELAWARE VERSUS
CONGRESS
On the Federalization of
Corporate Governance
10 How Delaware Law Can Support Better
Corporate Governance
James D. Cox
Corporate governance, or more particularly, improving corporate governance,

has been an important national topic for decades – indeed from the first appear-
ance of the public corporation. Within this discourse, we frequently find that
the public and academics alike have short memories. We too frequently focus
on the present more than on the sweep of history. So it is with the present cor-
porate governance discussions. We tend to begin with the collapse of Enron
in late 2001 and focus on the most recent tinkering with governance, such as
the New York Stock Exchange’s (NYSE) and Nasdaq’s listing requirements
and the novel, albeit discrete, federal incursion into the domain of corporate
governance with the passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. But corporate gover-
nance has a much longer history, and it is instructive to identify the forces that
support the evolution of governance practices. For example, forty years ago, we
were debating whether there should be a critical mass of independent directors
on public company boards; critical mass was thought to be a distinct minority
of two or three, and audit committees were just barely being discussed as a
governance tool. Within a decade, each of these practices became common
not because of listing requirements but because of the development of best
practices. The efficiencies inherent with independent voices on the board
and assigning recurring tasks – compensation, interaction with the auditors,
and nominating new board members – to specialized committees led to the
modern board structure. The task of the board was seen as monitoring, and
much of its work was carried out through committees. The financial reporting
failures epitomized by Enron can be seen as redefining critical mass. Two or
three good men or women out of nine is no longer good enough to get the
job done. Hence, the listing requirements changed to reflect this call for even
more independent oversight.
James D. Cox is Brainerd Currie Professor of Law, Duke University.
335
336 James D. Cox
Can courts play a role in nudging emerging practices in the direction of

becoming best practices? We can ponder what role the courts play in the
evolution of best practices. To be sure, courts have been innovative (or at
least responsive to innovative lawyers who appear before them) in melding
old law with a new governance paradigm. The best illustration of this is the
advent of the special litigation committee.1 Here we find courts deftly grafting
the monitoring role of independent directors to the historical relic of the
demand requirement in derivative suit litigation. The resulting product is
a mechanism by which the corporate body can be resuscitated to opine in
a demand excused case whether the corporation’s interests are advanced by
the derivative suit’s continuance. Similarly, a specially impaneled committee
of independent directors can be used to clothe a self-dealing merger with
the characteristics of arm’s-length negotiations.2 The Delaware judiciary was
a leader in stamping its early approval on each of these innovative uses of
emerging best practices.
The enactment of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act has sparked a new perspective
on the role of the United States’ foremost corporate legal standard setter,
the Delaware courts. This perspective has a smattering of conspiracy theory,
whereby the Delaware bench, bar, and legislature (and no doubt the governor,
too) maneuver the law to preserve the rents that this small state garners by
its being the haven of U.S. corporations (and limited liability partnerships
for that matter). The term conspiracy may be too harsh, but Machiavellian
gamesmanship may not be too far from how we characterize what some see
as the politics of the Delaware courts. We are all now familiar with the thesis:
Delaware, needing the substantial contributions that corporate franchise fees
provide its treasury, believes that its primary threat is federalization of corporate
law. Thus, the Delaware courts and legislature pursue a common strategy
that is designed to erode any momentum that may be gathering for such a
relocation of authority over corporate law. To paraphrase a classic remark,
every so often, the Delaware courts must sacrifice a corporate executive so
that freedom may reign for the managerial multitude. This thesis explains
why we are treated episodically to the Delaware Court of Chancery’s baton
coming down on the skull of an officer or director. But in most instances,
when conduct is questioned, the executives receive a reassuring pat on the
back, not a crunching blow to their plans.
1 See James D. Cox, Searching for the Corporation’s Voice in Derivative Suit Litigation: A Critique
of Zapata and the ALI Project, 1982 Duke L.J. 959 (reviewing the doctrinal developments
shaping the contemporary use of investigative committees).
2 See, e.g., Kahn v. Lynch Commc’n Sys., Inc., 669 A.2d 79, 84 (Del. 1995).
How Delaware Law Can Support Better Corporate Governance 337
This chapter’s thesis is consistent with the preceding explanation of what

motivates Delaware jurisprudence. However, my focus is on the methodology
that would allow the Delaware courts to reach conclusions with a healthy
respect for the political situation in which they find themselves. My thesis is
straightforward. The principles enshrined in the Delaware courts’ holdings
too frequently fail to embody substantive guidance, at least not in ways that
can reinforce good corporate practice. Simply stated, for most of Delaware
fiduciary duty law, “there is no there there,” as the saying goes. Because of the
vacuousness of Delaware fiduciary duty law, there is no substantive reinforce-
ment of the various structural directives that arise from listing requirements,
Sarbanes-Oxley, or even the development of best practices. This, in the eyes
of this author, is a sadly missed opportunity to use the expressive power of the
Delaware courts to move managers toward best practices.
I. THE DUTY-OF-CARE MUDDLE
Delaware has rendered its judgment in the closely watched (notorious?)

Disney-executive compensation case.3 My purpose here is not to evaluate the
correctness of the result in that case, which dismissed the plaintiff’s charges
of misconduct on the part of Disney’s CEO and the Disney board in the
employment of Michael Ovitz and, more particularly, his ensuing compen-
sation contract and costly termination. Disney does, however, provide a rich
illustration of what is wrong with Delaware jurisprudence.
Disney, like so many other corporate law cases, begins with the talisman of
the business judgment rule.4 As is frequently the case, the analysis begins with
a nod to the socially desirable objective that law should encourage managerial
risk taking, and this objective is joined with the equally well-respected con-
sciousness that business decision making is not within the unique competence
of the judiciary. Certainly, hiring and firing a senior executive fits neatly into
risky and important decisions that are best laid with the board and its manage-
ment team, not with the Delaware judiciary. Hence, not only does the business
judgment rule carry a fairly high presumption of no second-guessing of the
substance of a decision, but also this is manifested in the deference implicit
in the chancellor’s factual holdings. Disney shows that this presumption goes
also to the process by which the decision was made, a point examined more
fully later in this chapter.
3 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 906 A.2d 27 (Del. 2006), aff ’g 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch.
2005).
4 Disney, 906 A.2d at 52.
338 James D. Cox
Disney and many other important Delaware cases begin their formulation
of the role and importance of the business judgment rule by invoking Aronson
v. Lewis.5 This is a very curious precedent for divining the content of the
business judgment rule. To be sure, the Delaware Supreme Court took the
opportunity in Aronson to set forth the importance of the business judgment
rule. What makes its own decision and the reliance of subsequent courts on
that decision so curious is the failure of Aronson to understand that the matter
before it was light-years away from the type of matter that legitimately invokes
the commercial considerations that support the business judgment rule.
The issue before the court in Aronson was whether the derivative-suit plain-
tiff was excused before commencing her derivative suit from making a demand
on the board of directors to bring the suit. Using the issues posed by whether
to excuse a demand on the board of directors in Aronson to announce the
objectives of the business judgment rule’s deference to managers is a bit like
purchasing oranges with which to make an apple pie. There is good reason to
conclude that the directors’ response to a demand should not carry the same
presumptive weight that courts accord directors’ judgments in traditional busi-
ness matters. The considerations that justify the overwhelming deference that
courts accord directors’ decisions in normal commercial transactions do not
justify the same deference when a committee of the directors recommends dis-
missal of a derivative suit or when evaluating the board’s rejection of a demand
that has been made. For example, if a court is asked to review the directors’
decision to acquire Blackacre for a price that is alleged to be too high, the
court must weigh that prayer with a healthy respect that, if it does set aside the
board’s judgment respecting the price, the deciding directors are likely liable
for any consequential damages for their decision. Furthermore, if courts fail to
insulate directors from such second-guessing, this will discourage many from
agreeing to be (outside) directors and also will discourage risk taking by boards
of directors. There are, therefore, several justifications for judicial deference to
business decisions by boards of directors. But a decision as to whether a deriva-
tive suit should go forward is not a business decision. If the court permits a
derivative suit to proceed in the face of a recommendation of the company’s
directors that the suit is not in the company’s best interest, there is no personal
liability on the part of the deciding directors that ensues as a consequence of
the court substituting its judgment for that of the board. Simply stated, there
is no causal relationship between courts upsetting the directors’ rejection of
a demand and the responsibility of the deciding directors. Thus, there is no
need in situations such as Aronson for the reviewing court to temper its review
5 Aronson v. Lewis, 473 A.2d 805, 812 (Del. 1984).

out of concern for either managerial risk taking or the ability of corporations
to recruit well-qualified candidates to their boards. Also consider that the def-
erence called for by the business judgment rule is based on the sound belief
that, as between a court and captains of industry, the latter are more natural
repositories for understanding matters of finance, production, marketing, and
the like. This, indeed, is the true wisdom of the business judgment rule. On
the other hand, managerial experience and expertise in assessing the mer-
its of a suit would appear no better, and quite likely a good deal less, than
the experience and expertise of the derivative suit court. Thus, courts can
justifiably be less deferential in the demand-on-director area, such as Aron-
son, than they are when called upon to review director judgments in other
contexts.6 That such sharp distinctions were not understood by either Aronson
or Disney is cause to wonder whether Delaware is blind or just unqualifiedly
promanagement.
The above distinction is what underlies the universal demand approach that
was first embraced by the American Law Institute (ALI) and later incorporated
into the Model Business Corporation Act (Model Act), and has now become
the law in a distinct minority of the states. Why has Delaware not so rationalized
its treatment of the demand requirement? Perhaps the easy answer here is that
Delaware sees itself as a leader and not a follower. Equally plausible is that
the Aronson standard for deciding demand futility, being couched in terms
of whether the facts pose a “reasonable doubt” of a lack of independence
on the part of the deciding directors or whether the challenged transaction
is the product of a “valid exercise of business judgment,”7 are so inherently
vacuous as to permit Delaware’s politics to guide results in the individual case.
But in failing to adopt the universal demand requirement, Delaware has also
failed to embrace the notion that oversight is the central function of the board.
That is, by preserving the excuse-of-demand approach, Delaware focuses on
whether a majority of the board is implicated in the underlying wrongdoing;
the court does not focus, as the ALI and Model Act require, on the appropriate
oversight by independent directors when confronted with notice of a corporate
cause of action. This difference is not subtle but of fundamental import-
ance in identifying the functions of outside directors. That is, in Delaware, the
first line of responsibility is the court, whereas under the universal demand
approach it is with the corporation’s independent directors.
6 See In re PSE & G S’holder Litig., 801 A.2d 295 (N.J. 2002) (while adopting Aronson’s two-
pronged approach, the court goes to some length to stress that the approach in practice will
entail less deference than arises in a standard business judgment inquiry).
7 Aronson, 473 A.2d at 814.
340 James D. Cox
The backwaters of Delaware jurisprudence in Disney become even murkier.

Consider the following from the Delaware Court of Chancery:
[I]f the directors have exercised their business judgment, the protections
of the business judgment rule will not apply if the directors have made
an “unintelligent or unadvised judgment.” Furthermore, in instances where
directors have not exercised business judgment, that is, in the event of director
inaction, the protections of the business judgment rule do not apply. Under
those circumstances, the appropriate standard for determining liability is
widely believed to be gross negligence. . . . 8
Perhaps it is unduly technical to question why, if there is a conclusion that a

decision is “unintelligent” or “unadvised,” there needs to be a separate inquiry
into the presence of gross negligence. A simple answer is that the unintelligent
decision needs to be sufficiently extreme, just as does the inaction, to invoke
liability. This explanation sharpens the point raised later – namely whether
the conduct that is to be assessed against the gross negligence standard is the
decision itself or the process by which the decision was reached. And, if it is the
latter, is the assessment guided by announced criteria intended to strengthen
governance in corporations or by shallow considerations such as whether the
deciding directors were the CEO’s relatives? As we will see, in Delaware the
answer to each of these is no.
Disney cites extensively to In re Caremark International Derivative
Litigation,9 in which former Chancellor Allen reasons that the business judg-
ment rule is “process” oriented, so that the focus is on the good faith of the
deciding directors and the rationality of the process they follow.10
The focus is not on the wisdom of the resulting decision. Chancellor Allen
further reasons that, “where a director in fact exercises a good[-]faith effort to be
informed and [a good-faith effort] to exercise appropriate judgment, he or she
should be deemed to satisfy fully the duty of attention.”11 Here we see the issues
in full. A process-focused business judgment rule should meld nicely with cor-
porate governance considerations. After all, governance is all about process –
who decides and, more important, what process is more likely to ensure a
rich vetting of the corporate interests implicated by a transaction. Indeed, in
a perfect world, we would expect a symbiotic relationship between judicial
holdings and the development of best practices. Courts should announce, or
8 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693, 748 (Del. Ch. 2005) (citing for “unintel-
ligent or unadvised judgment” Mitchell v. Highland-Western Glass, 167 A. 831, 833 (Del. Ch.
1933), and Smith v. Van Gorkom, 488 A.2d 858, 872 (Del. 1985)).
9 In re Caremark Int’l Derivative Litig., 698 A.2d 959 (Del. Ch. 1996).
10 Id. at 967. 11 Caremark, 698 A.2d at 968.
at least celebrate, the steps expected to be taken for an appropriate judgment

to be reached. That is, courts can use the facts before them to announce steps
that they believe necessary for there to be a rational exercise of judgment.
Consider in this respect Smith v. Van Gorkom,12 in which the Delaware
Supreme Court shocked the corporate world by holding that the Transunion
directors acted with gross negligence in accepting the offer to sell the firm
for nearly a 50 percent premium. Among the facts relevant to this discussion
are that the offering price was based on calculations of whether Transunion
was an appropriate candidate for a leveraged buyout assuming a private equity
investment of $200 million and a five-year horizon; that Van Gorkom, the
CEO, presented the $55-per-share price to the buyer without consulting with
either his senior management or the board of directors; that the board approved
the sale at a meeting without advance knowledge of the substance of the
meeting; that a copy of the term sheet was not circulated at the board meeting
when the sale was approved; and that the board did not have the benefit of a
fairness opinion prepared by an investment banking firm or, for that matter,
by anyone else.
Van Gorkom was an excellent opportunity for the court to announce a
few minimal practices it would expect CEOs and boards to follow. While the
above facts are set forth in the court’s opinion, the opinion weaves none of them
into its holding. For example, perhaps the most glaring weaknesses were the
absence of an investment banker’s fairness opinion or Van Gorkom’s failure
to incorporate his management team into formulating possible approaches
to the firm’s problem of high cash flow, no taxes, and valuable accumulated
tax credits. Instead of examining what precisely he should have done, Van
Gorkom fuzzes the point by offering that retaining investment bankers is not
essential (although casual observation before and certainly after Van Gorkom
clearly suggests otherwise). Moreover, its holding provides no emphasis on Van
Gorkom’s failure to bring his team into the process or on just what process
would have better represented the interests of the Transunion shareholders.
Thus, among the questions we might ask after Van Gorkom is, Just what should
be the impact of the prevalent practice of employing investment bankers?
Similarly, what weight should be given to Van Gorkom’s failure to seek the
counsel of not just his senior officers but also the board?
Twenty years later, the same problem arose in Disney, where the facts
clearly involved another freewheeling executive: what did the Delaware court
think of this behavior, and what normative suggestions does it offer? Whereas
Van Gorkom is amazingly quiet on what it believed would have been better

342 James D. Cox
practices to follow, Disney, much to the credit of Chancellor Chandler, does

chastise the freewheeling behavior of CEO Michael Eisner and the board’s
lax oversight of him:
Eisner’s actions in connection with Ovitz’s hiring should not serve as a
model for fellow executives and fiduciaries to follow. His lapses were many.
He failed to keep the board as informed as he should have. He stretched
the outer boundaries of his authority as CEO by acting without specific
board direction or involvement. . . . To my mind, these actions fall far short
of what shareholders expect and demand from those entrusted with a fiduciary
position.13
But note the disconnect the court creates between the absent best practices
and its holding as to whether the conduct falls outside the protection of
the business judgment rule. The court dismisses the action against all the
parties, including Eisner, reasoning in part that “standards used to measure
the conduct of fiduciaries under Delaware law are not the same standards used
in determining good corporate governance.”14 Are we to conclude that well-
received notions of governance standards assume no significance in deciding
whether directors have acted rationally? Or are we to conclude that the breach
here was not so severe a departure from the norms of other CEOs in similar
circumstances as to rise to a gross departure? And, if it is the latter, just why
isn’t Eisner’s departure so extreme as to be actionable? The vacuousness of
both Van Gorkom and Disney allows the court free rein in any subsequent
cases. This is fertile soil for those who harbor notions of conspiracy. And for
us nonconspirators, we can only cry shame: Both cases would have been a
wonderful opportunity to invoke the expressive value of the law. Each would
have been a great opportunity to place an important stamp on just why it is
that corporate practices followed by others are good practices for all.
To its credit, the Delaware Supreme Court in Disney provides some empha-
sis of just what practices the Disney board could, as a matter of good corporate
governance, have followed:
In a “best [practice]” scenario, all committee members would have received,
before or at the committee’s first meeting . . . [to consider the Ovitz con-
tract] a spreadsheet or similar document prepared by (or with the assistance
of ) a compensation expert. . . . Making different, alternative assumptions, the
spreadsheet would disclose the amounts that Ovitz could receive under the
OEA [the employment contract] in each circumstance that might foreseeably
arise. One variable in the matrix of possibilities would be the cost to Disney
13 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693, 762–63 (Del. Ch. 2005).
14 Id. at 772.
of a non-fault termination for each of the five years of the initial term of the
OEA. The contents of the spreadsheet would be explained to the committee
members, either by the expert who prepared it or by a fellow committee
member similarly knowledgeable about the subject. The spreadsheet, which
ultimately would become an exhibit to the minutes of the compensation
committee meeting, would form the basis of the committee’s deliberations
and decision.
Had that scenario been followed, there would be no dispute (and no basis for
litigation) over what information was furnished to the committee members
or when it was furnished. Regrettably, the committee’s informational and
decisionmaking process used here was not so tidy.15
Against this template, Justice Jacobs then proceeds to assess the steps that the
Disney compensation committee did employ, as well as those of the full board,
concluding that their conduct was reasonable, albeit falling short of the more
optimal best-practices standard. In doing so, he elevates the importance of
best practices as well as provides important guidance as to what they mean.
Similarly, his consideration of the various steps that the Disney directors did
take in retaining and terminating Ovitz further steel the place for thoughtful
procedures and deliberations in the advice that corporate lawyers will give
their clients in the future. What we can hope is that the approach taken by the
Delaware Supreme Court in Disney elevates best practices to a presumptive
standard so that those who fall short bear the burden of persuasion that their
conduct was nonetheless reasonable or, at least, did not change the result from
what would have occurred had best practices been followed.
II. THE GOOD-FAITH MUDDLE
Corporate lawyers and academics cast their gaze toward the chimney above
the Delaware Supreme Court. Will white or black smoke be emitted? The
former signals the anointment of a holy trinity for fiduciary obligations: duties
of care, loyalty, and good faith; the latter means something quite different. But
what?
The notion that there is a freestanding obligation of good faith can at least
be traced to Chancellor Allen’s Caremark opinion.16 This decision clearly will
rank as one of the most significant decisions in Allen’s remarkable tenure
as Delaware chancellor. The opinion is all the more remarkable by the fact
that most of its qualities are dicta. The opinion arose in his approval of a
15 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 906 A.2d 27, 56 (Del. 2006).
16 In re Caremark Int’l Derivative Litig., 698 A.2d 959 (Del. Ch. 1996).
344 James D. Cox
derivative suit settlement in which small tribute was awarded to the attorneys in
compensation for the mild corporate therapeutics agreed to in the settlement.
In a now-famous statement, Chancellor Allen defined in Caremark the absence
of good faith as “sustained or systematic” inattention.17 As stated more recently
by the Delaware Court of Chancery in Disney:
[I]ntentional dereliction of duty, a conscious disregard for one’s responsibilities,

is an appropriate (although not the only) standard for determining whether
fiduciaries have acted in good faith. Deliberate indifference and inaction in
the face of a duty to act is, in my mind, conduct that is clearly disloyal to the
corporation. It is the epitome of faithless conduct.18
This statement of the duty of good faith was affirmed by the Supreme Court.19
There is good cause to question whether Disney’s formulation of good faith
is at odds with that in Caremark. In Caremark, Allen emphasizes the failure
of a firm to install law-compliance programs where the circumstances clearly
would have called for such monitoring. The tone is one of conscious disregard
rather than the more purposeful, deliberate tone in Disney. Moreover, the
chancery court in Disney appears to cabin good faith to instances where
the directors have a separate duty to act, such as in mergers.20 Why should
the monitoring role be so constrained? But more important, is a court act-
ing responsibly by even making such a suggestion? More significant, from a
governance perspective, Caremark makes clear that company directors have a
duty to install reasonably designed compliance systems. The expressive power
of Caremark, regardless of the trivial issue before the court, is beyond doubt.
After Caremark, multiple cottage industries flourished – those probing in exec-
utive and legal education programs the change introduced by Caremark and
the ongoing consulting for compliance programs. Each was accelerated by
Caremark. It is a dramatic illustration of the important thesis of this chapter:
Delaware should not miss opportunities to endorse best practices through the
expressive power of its opinions.
To be sure, the emerging good-faith requirement, at least as it applies to
abdication of directorial oversight, is borne of the necessity of the immunity
shield that Delaware and most other states authorize corporations to provide
17 Id. at 971.
18 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693, 755 (Del. Ch. 2005) (emphasis in
original).
19 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 906 A.2d 27, 62 (Del. 2006). It should also be noted
that the Delaware Supreme Court does not view “good faith” as a separate duty but as falling
within the continuum of obligations that span the duties of care and loyalty. See Stone ex rel.
Amsouth Bancorporation v. Ritter, 911 A.2d 362 (Del. 2006).
20 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693, 754–55 (Del. 2006).
their directors.21 Under the Delaware formulation of the immunity statute,

directors qua directors are not liable for damages for breaches of care but are
responsible for other types of breaches. Thus, characterizing the misconduct
as a breach of the fiduciary duty of good faith and defining that duty as other
than being solely care based preserves a cause of action against slumbering,
slothful, neglectful directors. So understood, we should compare Disney and
Caremark with abdication cases generally to isolate opinion qualities that relate
to improving corporate governance through the expressive power of the court.
Hoye v. Meek22 held liable the nonresident chair and president of Guaranty
Trust Company, a bank that failed quickly and spectacularly due to securities
speculation by Guaranty’s officers. Meek spent most of his time in Vermont
rather than in Ponca City, Oklahoma, where the bank was located. The daily
operations of the bank were overseen by Meek’s son, Maxwell, who spoke on
the phone regularly with his father. This worked for seven years, but Maxwell,
believing that interest rates would fall, began highly leveraged purchases of
Government National Mortgage Association (GNMA) certificates. The lever-
age purchases violated Guaranty’s internal policies. But worse yet, interest
rates rose, causing the GNMA certificates to lose their value so that, in two
years of initiating the leveraged GNMA purchases, the bank was insolvent.
Hoye clearly identifies that “the breach of duty resulted from both his
delegation of authority to Maxwell without adequate supervision and his failure
to avert Guaranty’s continued exposure to increasing indebtedness.”23 The
obligations of Meek and other directors could not be more clearly expressed.
Similarly, In re Abbott Laboratories Derivative Shareholder Litigation24 arose
from the substantial losses suffered by Abbott Laboratories as a consequence
of a $100 million fine (the largest ever imposed by the Food and Drug Admin-
istration [FDA]) and the required destruction of certain of its inventories,
which together prompted a charge to earnings of $168 million. The facts
revealed that over a six-year period, there were thirteen separate inspections
of two Abbott facilities, with some inspections lasting two months. As a result,
numerous warnings (so-called 483 letters and other letters) were issued by the
FDA to Abbott regarding product contamination. Each warning letter con-
tained the standard FDA notice that failure to correct could result in a variety
of sanctions. The senior officers were aware of the warning letters, as was the
audit committee. Abbott’s SEC filings, signed by its directors, also referred to
21 See, e.g., Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, § 102(b)(7) (2006) (immunizing directors from liability for
damages except for certain actions, including those undertaken other than in good faith).
22 Hoye v. Meek, 795 F.2d 893 (10th Cir. 1986).
23 Id. at 896.
24 In re Abbott Labs. Derivative S’holder Litig., 325 F.3d 795 (7th Cir. 2003).
346 James D. Cox
the ongoing inspection problems with the FDA. In holding that a reasonable
doubt for excusing a demand on the board had been alleged by the facts, the
court concluded:
[W]e find that six years of noncompliance, inspections, 483s, Warning Letters,
and notice in the press, all of which then resulted in the largest civil fine ever
imposed by the FDA and the destruction and suspension of products which
accounted for approximately $250 million in corporate assets, indicate that
the directors’ decision to not act was not made in good faith and was contrary
to the best interests of the company.25
Sleeping in the face of such warnings is clearly proscribed in Abbot, and the
message is equally clear to public directors that they need to take seriously
not just warnings but also the risks the firm regularly confronts. Note also
that there is no haven in Abbot for the directors due to their not being under
some independent duty to be watchful. Their duty to be watchful exists in all
circumstances, not just, as Disney holds, when board action is commanded by
corporate statute.
III. THE BIG MUDDLE – USURPATION OF

CORPORATE OPPORTUNITY
No area of Delaware corporate law is more indeterminate than that of the

usurpation of a corporate opportunity.26 The vagaries of Delaware’s – and
for that matter, most other states’ – treatment of fiduciaries appropriating
corporate opportunities for themselves is best understood by comparing the
cleaner and more rationalized approach recommended by the American Law
Institute (ALI). The ALI’s Principles of Corporate Governance eliminate much
of the uncertainty in dealing with this question because it treats the matter as a
governance matter and not a legal dispute.27 It does this by first clearly defining
what is a corporate opportunity, discretely varying the definition so that more
is included for senior officers than for outside directors. Second, the provision
treats opportunities as a breach unless their acquisition by the fiduciary was
first reviewed by the company, either through its board of directors or through
its stockholders. It is the latter step that directs the focus on governance, not
25 Id. at 809.
26 See generally James D. Cox & Thomas Lee Hazen, Cox and Hazen on Corporations
§ 11.08 (2d ed. 2003).
27 ALI Principles of Corporate Governance: Restatement and Recommendations § 5.05
(1992).
litigation, and, by doing so, reinforces the monitoring role of the board of
directors.
In contrast, Delaware embraces a litigator’s dream of ambiguity via a multi-
factor approach that defies certainty. In doing so, it expressly disavows a blan-
ket requirement of presenting the opportunity to the board. Instead, Delaware
pursues a mixed line-of-business and interest-and-expectancy standard that,
as a practical matter, is a factor analysis whereby a variety of considerations
are weighed, with only one being the prior rejection of the opportunity by
the board.28 In doing so, it is joined by most other state courts; only a few have
taken the more predictable corporate governance approach proposed by the
ALI.
The differences here are not questions of whether wrong results are reached
by rejecting the cleaner ALI approach. It may be that the results in individual
cases would not be different had the manager presented the opportunity to the
corporation before seizing it; the very factors weighed by the courts in those
cases may also cause the firm’s board to reject the opportunity. Even if this
were the case – and we will never know what would have occurred – two points
appear clear. First, examining opportunities through the internal procedures
of the corporation is much more expeditious and less costly than after-the-fact
litigation in individual cases. Second, adopting the ALI approach has powerful
expressive effects regarding the centrality of potential conflicts of interest being
worked through the corporation’s internal procedures. Lodging this question
with corporate boards stimulates them to develop internal procedures for
resolving such questions and related matters. This places the board where it
needs to be: monitoring the activities of senior management.
IV. THE ULTIMATE MUDDLE – DEFENDING CONTROL
Three decades ago, Professor William Cary published his now-classic arti-
cle calling for federally imposed minimum corporate standards.29 The article
rekindled a debate about whether there should be federal corporate law. It is
safe to say that presently we do have federal law, at least as it applies to judg-
ment defensive maneuvers – it is the law of Delaware. One cannot find an
approach at odds with the formula set forth by the Delaware Supreme Court in
Unocal v. Mesa Petroleum Co.30 Under the first step of Unocal’s formulation,
the incumbent board has the burden of proving that it acted in good faith and
28 See, e.g., Broz v. Cellular Info. Sys., Inc., 673 A.2d 148, 155 (Del. 1996).
29 William L. Cary, Federalism and Corporate Law: Reflections upon Delaware, 83 Yale L.J. 663
(1974).
30 Unocal Corp. v. Mesa Petroleum Co., 493 A. 2d 946 (Del. 1985).
348 James D. Cox
with reasonable basis to believe the suitor posed a threat to the company or its
shareholders. As originally formulated, the second step called upon the review-
ing court to assure that the defensive maneuver bore a reasonable relationship
to the identified threat. Overall, the Delaware courts continue to characterize
its Unocal analysis as entailing “intermediate scrutiny”∗ of a board’s defensive
maneuver. Within months of deciding Unocal, the Delaware Supreme Court,
in Moran v. Household International, Inc.,31 weakened its promise by uphold-
ing a board’s unilateral alteration of governance mechanisms through the poi-
son pill that was adopted when there was no immediate threat of a takeover.
The ultimate qualification of Unocal occurs within its second step, so that
instead of a delicate balancing of the impact of a particular defensive maneu-
ver against the threats posed by a change of control, the inquiry is whether
the defense was coercive, preclusive, or beyond a range or reasonableness.32
Hence, what is intermediate about the courts’ scrutiny under Unocal is the
allocation of the burden of proof to the board to show its lawyers and invest-
ment bankers provided a sufficient record of their deliberations in opposing
the bid. Evidence of Unocal’s evisceration is the near-universal success those
adopting defensive maneuvers enjoy when their actions are challenged.33
The most dramatic illustration within the takeover arena of an opportunity
to marry good governance to substantive law is in the case of the poison
pill. Before the poison pill, a suitor could directly approach the target firm’s
stockholders with its bid. This mechanism is resorted to when the target board
refuses to enter into a merger or sale of its assets; under either approach,
corporate mechanics permit the transaction only with the support of the target
board. Hence, the received governance model is that the target board can be
bypassed so that shareholders themselves can decide whether to accept the
bidder’s offer to tender their shares. The genius of the poison pill is that it
alters this scenario by forcing the bidder to persuade the target board that it
must redeem the pill. Absent redemption, pursuit of the takeover will give rise
to draconian effects on the target and its suitor.
∗ See Ronald Gilson & Ranier Kraakman, Delaware’s Intermediate Standard for Defensive
Tactics: Is There Substance to Proportionality?, 44 Bus. Law. 247 (1989).
32 See, e.g., Unitrin, Inc. v. Am. Gen. Corp., 651 A. 2d 1361, 1388 (Del. 1995); Paramount
Commc’ns, Inc. v. Time, Inc., 571 A. 2d 1140 (Del. 1989).

33 See Robert B. Thompson & D. Gordon Smith, Toward a New Theory of the Shareholder
Role: “Sacred Space” in Corporate Takeovers, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 261 (2002) (reviewing thirty-
four chancery court and eight supreme court decisions and finding that only chancery court
decisions pre-Paramount upset defensive maneuvers and no supreme court decision has upset
a defensive maneuver under Unocal). To be sure, the change of control decisions under Revlon
carry somewhat greater success for the plaintiffs, but this, too, is marginal.
Given the business judgment rule’s heavy overlay regarding the need to
encourage risk taking, as well as its deference to the vision of a firm’s managers
and directors, board and management decisions made in the heat of a contest
for control quite naturally call for a deferential attitude on the part of the
reviewing court. However, this deference is not justified by concerns of risk or
unique vision when there is not then an immediate threat to control. Failing
to note this distinction has caused the Delaware courts, as well as their sister
courts, to devoutly apply Unocal. This blind obeisance prevents them from
nudging governance practices in a better direction. That is, instead of Moran
examining the poison pill through the lens of Unocal’s two-pronged test, why
did the court not view the maneuver as the agent inserting itself between the
principal and the third party? This was the perspective that caused Chancellor
Allen in Blasius Industries, Inc. v. Atlas Corp.34 to condition any unilateral
board action that interfered with the ongoing exercise of a stockholder’s fran-
chise upon proof there is a compelling justification for such unilateral action.
Instead of the sterile and now-empty Unocal vessel in which all takeover
defenses are collected, a more norm-oriented judiciary should single out those
that directly alter the firm’s governance. On this area, much along the rea-
soning of Blasius, matters of good faith and encouraging risk taking are not
germane to resolving the impropriety of an agent changing the owner’s rights
as an owner. Far better in such circumstances is to heavily qualify the pill. In
Moran, where there was no outstanding bid, conditioning the court’s holding
on there being a stockholder meeting within sixty or ninety days to ratify the
pill would have greatly respected the governance rights of the firm’s owners.
More broadly, courts considering defensive maneuvers should begin their
analysis not with the business judgment rule but with a statement of what good
governance practices call for under the circumstances. The business judgment
rule should be seen as an instrument to carry out this vision and not a shade
that blocks vision. It may well be that courts could view certain defensive
maneuvers, such as poison pills and golden parachutes, as acceptable on the
condition that they are subject to periodic ratification by the stockholders.
This approach is not legislating standards but rather defining the meaning of
existing concerns of good faith and reasonableness.
V. CONCLUSION
The most powerful protection against wrongdoing or simple misdirection

of corporate assets is good corporate governance. What is good corporate
34 Blasius Indus., Inc. v. Atlas Corp., 564 A.2d 651 (Del. Ch. 1988).
350 James D. Cox
governance is not a static or finite concept. Most of what we associate with

corporate governance emerges from best practices that are accepted into the
marketplace. It is now time for the courts to weave this process into their deci-
sion making. Simply put, courts need to view their mission more broadly than
just deciding disputes. Otherwise, they leave too much clutter in their wake.
Most important, courts deciding corporate matters need to see themselves in
the norms business. Firm and crisp announcements of contemporary expec-
tations regarding how companies conduct their affairs need to become more
common in the court’s holdings. And when there is a departure from such
norms, as in Disney, the court must carefully weigh just why that breach is not
so consequential as to decide the case. Also, attention to governance should
cause courts to be less blinded by the standard arguments regarding the need
to encourage risk taking and the expertise of the board. These factors may well
apply to the question of what strategic alliances the firm should pursue; they
hold no sway on whether a poison pill once adopted should have an infinite
existence. Thus, the conditioning of holdings on a future ratification of the
stockholders is a truly intermediate position courts can take and one that would
squarely place the courts where they need to be – embracing governance in
their holdings.
11 Federalism versus Federalization
Preserving the Division of Responsibility
in Corporation Law
E. Norman Veasey, Shawn Pompian, and

Christine Di Guglielmo
An efficient division of responsibility and the specialization that necessarily

accompanies it lie at the heart of any successful business enterprise.1 The same
principle applies with equal force to the institutions charged with regulating
those enterprises or adjudicating their conduct. Since the enactment of the
Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (1934 Act), the prevailing division of respon-
sibility in the United States has broadly followed a federal model: the federal
government has limited itself (with important exceptions) to disclosure issues
in regulating the flow of information from public corporations to the securi-
ties markets, and the states have established the legal framework governing a
firm’s internal affairs. There is also a third, ambiguous area that some describe
as the regulation of voting procedure. That is a term that has some surface
legitimacy, but there is a concern that it may sometimes be used as a bootstrap
argument for increased federalization.
1 “Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins
in a day. Each person . . . might be considered as making four thousand eight hundred pins in a
day. But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having
been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made
twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day. . . . ” Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and
Causes of the Wealth of Nations pt. I.I.3. (1776). “Specialization is for insects.” Robert
Heinlein, Time Enough for Love (1973).
E. Norman Veasey is Senior Partner of the firm of Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP, and retired
Chief Justice of Delaware. Shawn Pompian graduated from the University of Virginia School
of Law in 2000 and served as a judicial clerk to Chief Justice Veasey from 2000 to 2001. He is
currently Attorney Adviser in the Office of the Legal Adviser at the U.S. Department of State.
Christine Di Guglielmo graduated from the University of Pennsylvania Law School in 2003 and
served as a judicial clerk to Chief Justice Veasey from 2003 to 2004. She is currently Associate at
the firm of Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP. The authors also wish to acknowledge the invaluable
assistance of Rob Eaton, a 2005 summer associate at Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP. The views
expressed in this chapter are solely those of the authors. This chapter originally appeared in 2 The
Practitioner’s Guide to the Sarbanes-Oxley Act at V-5-1 (John J. Huber et al. eds., 2006).
351
352 E. Norman Veasey, Shawn Pompian, and Christine Di Guglielmo
The division of authority between federal disclosure regulation and state

primacy over internal affairs naturally led to the evolution of specialized insti-
tutions to govern different facets of business. The federal government, par-
ticularly the Securities and Exchange Commission, developed an elaborate
regulatory apparatus devoted to monitoring and controlling the disclosure of
information to the markets.2 For their part, state lawmakers defined the rights
and obligations of a firm’s owners and managers, as well as governing state
disclosure issues. Delaware, in particular, embraced the federalism model and
adopted a wide range of innovations – most notably, the establishment of a
neutral body of experts to review and recommend changes to its corporation
law and the cultivation of a cadre of judges and lawyers with special expertise
in business law.
Despite occasional federal incursions into the states’ traditional domain, this
division of responsibilities survived more or less intact for nearly seventy years.
In 2001, however, a wave of highly publicized scandals broke at prominent
public corporations such as Enron, WorldCom, and Tyco. The scandals,
which followed closely on the heels of the now-infamous bursting of the
technology bubble, precipitated the passage of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002
(Sarbanes-Oxley),3 a loose package of federal legislation ostensibly intended
to rein in corporate executives run amok and restore investor confidence.
Unlike most of the federal initiatives that preceded it, Sarbanes-Oxley estab-
lished some mandatory rules governing the internal affairs of publicly listed
corporations. Not only were these rules arguably unrelated to the corporate
scandals they were supposed to address, but they also represented a percep-
tible shift in the established federal-state division of authority. And, perhaps
more ominously, Sarbanes-Oxley seemed to presage further federal incur-
sions of corporate governance and lawyer regulation – either directly through
the SEC or indirectly through listing requirements promulgated by the stock
exchanges. Sarbanes-Oxley and the SEC rules that have flowed from it thus
squarely present the question whether substantive regulation of corporate gov-
ernance is best undertaken at the state or national level (or some combination
thereof ).
2 The SEC often attempts to achieve substantive regulatory goals through the mechanism of
disclosure. For some examples in the Sarbanes-Oxley context, see infra section II; see also
Robert B. Thompson & Hillary A. Sale, Securities Fraud as Corporate Governance: Reflections
upon Federalism, 56 Vand. L. Rev. 859, 860 (2003) (arguing that “federal securities law and
enforcement via securities fraud class actions today has become the most visible presence in
regulating corporate governance”).
3 Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107–204, 116 Stat. 745 (codified as amended in scattered
sections of 15 U.S.C.).
Federalism versus Federalization 353
The guiding principle of the corporate governance regime in Delaware

and most other states is that each corporation should be free to choose –
within broad limits – the governance mechanisms appropriate for its situation.
Although there is wide latitude for private ordering, corporations that choose
poorly are punished in the first instance by the markets, which discount the
share price of companies with an inappropriate internal governance structure.
The rationale behind the enabling approach taken by the states is straightfor-
ward: corporations (particularly major public corporations) represent a highly
diverse group of entities. It would be virtually impossible to devise a set of
governance rules that fits even a majority of firms.
Superficially at least, the incentive for some to pursue federal regulation of
corporate governance is also quite simple: because malfeasance, misfeasance,
or nonfeasance by corporate managers – particularly if widespread – can have
a substantial effect on the national capital markets, it is argued that those
managers should be subject to a uniform set of governance rules established
at the national level. Without uniform national rules, the argument goes,
management will cause their companies to incorporate in states with the
weakest regulation of management activities.
This argument loses much of its force on closer scrutiny. One is reminded of
an intense debate about thirty years ago on the subject of whether there should
be federal chartering or federal minimum standards for directors’ duties. This
debate was sparked by the late Professor William L. Cary, of Columbia Law
School, who contended the following in several writings4 in the mid-1970s:
[I]n my opinion the time has come for us to consider a Federal Minimum
Standards Act. There has been a deterioration of corporate standards, and I
think it is safe to say that Delaware has been the sponsor and the victim of
this unhappy denouement. As has been stated already in this room, there has
been a race for the bottom.5
There was some academic agreement with this thesis at the time, and there
was some strong disagreement. The late S. Samuel Arsht, then arguably the
dean of the Delaware Corporate Bar, stated:
I submit that Professor Cary’s analysis of the Delaware experience is biased,

unscholarly and wholly unfair. If these articles had to measure up to the
4 William L. Cary, Federalism and Corporate Law: Reflections upon Delaware, 83 Yale L.J. 663
(1974); William L. Cary, A Proposed Federal Corporate Minimum Standards Act, 29 Bus. Law.
1101 (1974).
5 William L. Cary, Summary of Article on Federalism and Corporate Law, 31 Bus. Law. 1105
(1976).
required standards of an SEC disclosure document, they would be found

woefully deficient. . . .
On the merits, Professor Cary has failed to make out a case of any need for a
federal minimum standards act. To the extent that he has sought to bootstrap
his proposal by pointing the finger of scorn at Delaware his arguments do not
do him credit.6
Also, in a well-reasoned article with a persuasive economic analysis, Ralph
Winter, now a senior federal circuit judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
Second Circuit, wrote a paper in 1977 engaging this debate and concluding
“that state corporate legal systems do protect shareholders and that state reg-
ulation is generally preferable to federal regulation.”7 Judge Winter’s analysis
also concludes:
An expanded federal role in corporate governance would almost surely be
counterproductive. At the federal level, there is no mechanism by which
optimal legal rules governing the shareholder-corporation relation can be
determined. . . .
Once federal legislation is enacted, it will be very difficult to correct, no
matter how wrong it may be. Not only will bureaucrats view the legislation
as a cornerstone of the Republic and perhaps seek to expand its jurisdiction
and their own, but even the most demonstrably foolish rule will lead to calls
for more rather than less regulation. . . . At present, the case for federal inter-
vention (except for takeover statutes) lacks both a theoretical and empirical
basis. Worse, it finds its sole political sustenance in a movement that has little
sympathy for shareholders as investors or for the survival of the private sector
in general.8
Despite the intensity of this debate in the 1970s, federal intrusion into state
corporation law and litigation came in fits and starts, but no broad-based
preemption came about until the Sarbanes-Oxley era.
6 S. Samuel Arsht, Reply to Professor Cary, 31 Bus. Law. 1113, 1123 (1976). Professor Cary’s
“summary” and Arsht’s “reply” were part of a symposium held June 13–14, 1975, at the Airlie
House in Virginia. The February 1976 special issue of volume 31 of Business Lawyer was devoted
to the entire proceedings of that symposium, titled “An In-Depth Analysis of the Federal and
State Roles in Regulating Corporate Management.”
7 Ralph K. Winter Jr., State Law, Shareholder Protection, and the Theory of the Corporation, 6 J.
Legal Stud. 251 (1977). This article originally formed chapter 2 of a book prepared by Judge
Winter titled Government and the Corporation, published by the American Enterprise Institute
for Policy Research. The foregoing quotation appears at page 5 of his American Enterprise
Institute chapter.
8 Ralph K. Winter, Government and the Corporation 44–46 (1978); see also Ralph K.
Winter, Contractual Freedom in Corporate Law: The “Race for the Top” Revisited: A Comment
on Eisenberg, 89 Colum. L. Rev. 1526 (1989); Ralph K. Winter, Protecting the Ordinary Investor,
63 Wash. L. Rev. 881 (1988).
In contrast to the states’ approach, the nascent federal governance regime

established by Sarbanes-Oxley contemplates at most three categories of corpo-
rations: (1) private corporations that are not directly subject to federal require-
ments, (2) public corporations that must satisfy the minimum standards of
Sarbanes-Oxley, and (3) listed public corporations that must satisfy both the
Sarbanes-Oxley requirements and additional rules established by the stock
exchanges.
Not surprisingly, these categories have proved to be a poor fit for many
of the firms to which the regime applies. Preoccupied by the spectacular
failures of Enron, WorldCom, and others, Congress clearly fixed its attention
on the practices of the largest listed public companies while disregarding the
significant and costly impact of its legislation on the legions of smaller public
corporations. As a result, the smaller public companies face substantial costs for
implementing governance practices mandated by Sarbanes-Oxley that were
designed for much larger enterprises. These compliance costs can be expected
to lead many medium and small public companies to delist or to go private,
or to defer or forgo going public.
This chapter concludes that the unintended consequences of the federal
regime are the direct result of Congress legislating outside its area of expertise
and its proper role, thus changing the regulatory division of responsibility.
Unlike Delaware, which has extensive institutional experience with corpo-
rate governance issues, Congress, the SEC, and the federal courts are ill
prepared for a significant foray into substantive corporate governance rules.
Moreover, the habit of Congress in addressing financial market regulation
only in moments of real or perceived crisis is not well suited to the proper
role of governmental authority in establishing transparent, administrable, and
flexible rules that will apply to a diverse population of firms. Equally impor-
tant, given its wide-ranging interests and short attention span, Congress is not
well suited to monitor the effects of its legislation or to enact prompt reforms
to address deficiencies in the operation and consequences of the legislation it
has inflicted on business enterprises.
In short, Congress and the SEC should leave the states to regulate the
internal affairs of businesses and return to their own area of expertise: ensuring
that public companies present uniform, and uniformly vetted, information to
the capital markets.9 In the graphic metaphor depicted by Vice Chancellor
9 This is not to suggest that federal preeminence in the regulation of securities is unassailable.
Professor Roberta Romano, for example, has presented a compelling argument that the states
should have a greater role in this area as well. See Roberta Romano, Empowering Investors:
A Market Approach to Securities Regulation, 107 Yale L.J. 2359, 2361 (1998) (advocating
Leo Strine, the federal government has a proper and useful “lane” in which
to travel but should be reluctant to “veer out of its lane.”10
This chapter is organized into four sections. Section I presents a brief
overview of the traditional federal-state division of responsibility in business
regulation. Section II discusses the components of Sarbanes-Oxley and pro-
vides an assessment of their impact on the traditional federal-state balance.
Section III addresses corporate governance regulations promulgated by the
SEC and national stock exchanges in the wake of Sarbanes-Oxley. Section
IV explains why the states, particularly Delaware, are better suited than the
federal government to handle substantive corporate governance issues.
I. OVERVIEW OF THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS DOCTRINE

AND THE FEDERAL-STATE BALANCE
Any analysis of whether recent corporate governance initiatives at the federal

level upset the delicate balance between federal and state regulation of corpo-
rations must begin with a review of the history of business regulation in this
country and the basic principles that underlie our system of federalism.
During the late colonial and early federal periods, each corporation existed
only as a product of state chartering and was subject to careful legislative
monitoring to ensure that corporations served a public interest.11 By the turn
of the twentieth century, however, the number and variety of corporations
had increased substantially, the regulatory significance of state charters had
declined dramatically, and companies were increasingly privatized.12 State
courts thus gradually developed a common law of corporate governance based
on principles of fiduciary duty.13 After the birth of this state common law of
corporate regulation, concerns about trust abuses began to attract regulation
of some corporations at a national level.14
“a market-oriented approach of competitive federalism that would expand, not reduce, the
role of the states in securities regulation”).
10 See Leo E. Strine Jr., The Delaware Way: How We Do Corporate Law and New Challenges for
Free Market Economies 23 (Wash. Legal Found.: Critical Legal Issues, Working Paper Series
No. 133, 2005) (urging the federal government not to “veer out of its traditional lane” on matters
of corporate governance).
11 Myron T. Steele, Distinguished Jurist Lecture at the University of Pennsylvania, in Prac-
tising Law Institute, What All Business Lawyers and Litigators Must Know About
Delaware Law Developments 431, 437–38 (Mar. 3, 2005).
12 Id. at 438–39.
13 See id. at 439 (“In the world of modern capitalism, the ‘public’ side of the corporation evolved
into the dispersed interests of ownership. As a result, some mechanism was required to isolate
the corporation’s welfare from that of its promoters. Recognizing the primacy of corporate
fiduciary duties provided the solution.”).
14 Id.
From the early twentieth century forward, federal business regulation grew
in fits and starts but stood in a cautious balance with state corporate law.
Then, in 1933, Congress enacted the Securities Act. That act was followed
in 1934 by the Securities Exchange Act, which created the SEC.15 Professor
Joel Seligman has described the SEC’s regulation of proxies under section
14(a) of the 1934 Act as the first regulation of corporate governance by the
federal securities laws.16 From 1934 through 2002, however, the SEC focused
primarily on disclosure regulation as a means to ensure proper functioning of
the securities markets17 and to facilitate the effectiveness of the stockholders’
franchise.18 With the focus on disclosure, the SEC largely refrained from
regulating the aspects of corporate governance that have traditionally been the
province of state law – that is, the principles that work to balance power among
stockholders, directors, officers, and other corporate constituents.19
This division of responsibility for lawmaking and regulation, including
concerning corporations, between the state and national governments is the
foundation of our system of federalism. It ascribes certain matters to state
control, certain matters to the national government, and certain matters to
concurrent state and federal regulation. Under this system of federalism, the
national government has only the limited powers that are enumerated in the
Constitution; all other matters are left to regulation under the state’s police
15 15 U.S.C. § 78d (2005).

16 Joel Seligman, The SEC at 70: A Modest Revolution in Corporate Governance, 80 Notre
Dame L. Rev. 1159, 1162 (2005).
17 There is significant debate over whether the SEC’s authority relates primarily to disclosure
regulation. See, e.g., the discussion of the stockholder access proposal in section III.A. Cf. Mark
J. Roe, Delaware’s Competition, 117 Harv. L. Rev. 588, 615–16 (2003) (“Although the formal
division of authority is said to be that the SEC forces disclosure and regulates stock trading
while the states handle the internal affairs of shareholder-director relations, savvy lawyers,
judges, and analysts know better. Much substantive law can be – and is – made by the SEC in
the name of disclosure. Ex ante, to force disclosure that ‘this company is run by thieves’ usually
keeps the thieves out.”); id. (arguing that the federal government determines the content of
state corporation law, through the threat of federal preemption should states adopt corporate
laws of which the federal government does not approve). But cf. Roberta Romano, Is Regulatory
Competition a Problem or Irrelevant for Corporate Governance?, 21 Oxford Rev. Econ. Pol’y
212 (2005) (critiquing Roe’s thesis and arguing that the federal government’s regulation of
disclosure does not dictate the substance of corporation law).
18 This latter mission is one shared by Delaware courts, which have been strongly protective of
stockholders’ franchise rights. See Blasius Indus. Inc. v. Atlas Corp., 564 A.2d 651, 663 (Del.
Ch. 1988); Loudon v. Archer-Daniels, 700 A.2d 135 (Del. 1997); MM Cos. v. Liquid Audio,
Inc., 813 A.2d 1118 (Del. 2003).
19 Cf. Seligman, supra note 16, at 1169 (“[C]orporate governance was generally considered to be a
matter of state law outside the scope of what the SEC should address. . . . [O]ver time there had
evolved an implicit understanding that absent countervailing circumstances requiring federal
preemption, areas such as corporate governance would remain exclusively or largely matters
of state law.”).
powers.20 With respect to matters that the national government has the power
to regulate, it may choose to regulate concurrently with the states, to leave
the regulation entirely to the states, or to exercise sole authority in the area.
When Congress does enact legislation on a subject that falls within its enu-
merated powers, the doctrine of federal preemption guides the determination
of whether Congress has chosen to share authority with the states or to exercise
sole authority on the subject by preemption of state regulation.
When Congress legislates in a field that traditionally has been occupied by
the states, one must consider whether that legislation preempts state authority
in that field.21 That analysis begins “with the assumption that the historic police
powers of the States were not to be superseded” by federal legislation unless
“that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.”22 The “perplexing
question” of whether Congress has completely preempted state regulation or,
through its choice of regulatory measures, has left the power of the states intact
except where state and federal laws conflict may be answered by reference to
the evidence of Congress’s intent as gleaned through review of the regulatory
scheme itself:
The scheme of federal regulation may be so pervasive as to make reasonable

the inference that Congress left no room for the States to supplement it. Or
the Act of Congress may touch a field in which the federal interest is so
dominant that the federal system will be assumed to preclude enforcement
20 See U.S. Const. amend. X (“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”);
Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 51 (2005) (O’Connor, J., dissenting) (“Congress cannot use
its authority under the [Commerce] Clause to contravene the principle of state sovereignty
embodied in the Tenth Amendment. Likewise, that authority must be used in a manner
consistent with the notion of enumerated powers – a structural principle that is as much
part of the Constitution as the Tenth Amendment’s explicit textual command.”); Gibbons v.
Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, 190–95 (1824) (stating that the federal government’s powers consist only of
those enumerated in the Constitution, and that the Constitution’s grant of federal power over
commerce “among the several States” does not grant power over commerce that is internal to a
single state); id. at 195 (“The genius and character of the whole government seem to be, that its
action is to be applied to all the external concerns of the nation, and to those internal concerns
which affect the States generally; but not to those which are completely within a particular
State, which do not affect other States, and with which it is not necessary to interfere, for the
purpose of executing some of the general powers of the government.”).
21 Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp., 331 U.S. 218, 230 (1947); cf. also Gonzales, 545 U.S. at
41 (O’Connor, J., dissenting) (“We enforce the ‘outer limits’ of Congress’ Commerce Clause
authority not for their own sake, but to protect historic spheres of state sovereignty from excessive
federal encroachment and thereby to maintain the distribution of power fundamental to our
federalist system of government. One of federalism’s chief virtues, of course, is that it promotes
innovation by allowing for the possibility that ‘a single courageous State may, if its citizens
choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to
the rest of the country.’”) (citations omitted).
22 Rice, 331 U.S. at 230.
of state laws on the same subject. Likewise, the object sought to be obtained
by the federal law and the character of obligations imposed by it may reveal
the same purpose. Or the state policy may produce a result inconsistent with
the objective of the federal statute.23
States have traditionally and actively regulated the internal affairs of

corporations.24 Thus, federal law will preempt such state regulation only if
Congress shows a clear and manifest purpose to do so. This principle has
been reflected in a number of court decisions explicating the internal affairs
doctrine. The internal affairs doctrine – derived from a series of federal court
decisions considering the validity of various federal business regulations –
essentially embodies preemption analysis in the corporate law context and
serves as a choice-of-law principle. The doctrine covers two principal areas.
First, the internal affairs doctrine provides that state, not federal, law will gen-
erally govern the internal affairs of corporations. It also provides that the state
law that will control those internal affairs is that of the state in which the
company is incorporated.25
In VantagePoint Venture Partners 1996 v. Examen Inc., the Delaware
Supreme Court applied the choice-of-law aspect of the internal affairs doc-
trine to decide whether a corporation’s preferred stockholders had a right to
a class vote on a merger. The corporation, Examen, claimed that the pre-
ferred stockholders did not have such a right under Delaware law and the
preferred stock’s certificate of designations. VantagePoint, a preferred stock-
holder, claimed that the preferred stockholders were entitled to a class vote
because Examen was a “quasi-California corporation” under section 2115 of
the California Corporations Code and therefore subject to California Corpo-
rations Code section 1201(a), which entitled the preferred stockholders to a
class vote. The court held that the issue of whether the preferred stockhold-
ers were entitled to a class vote “clearly involve[d] the relationship among
a corporation and its shareholders.”26 Therefore, the court held, “Delaware’s
well-established choice of law rules and the federal constitution mandated that
23 Id. at 230–31.
24 See, e.g., CTS Corp. v. Dynamics Corp. of Am., 481 U.S. 69, 89 (1987) (“No principle of
corporation law and practice is more firmly established than a State’s authority to regulate
domestic corporations. . . . ”); Lyman P.Q. Johnson & Mark A. Sides, Corporate Governance
and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act: The Sarbanes-Oxley Act and Fiduciary Duties, 30 Wm. Mitchell
L. Rev. 1149, 1192 (2004) (“States, not the federal government, traditionally have regulated
corporate governance.”).
25 See VantagePoint Venture Partners 1996 v. Examen, Inc., 871 A.2d 1108, 1112 (Del. 2005) (“The
internal affairs doctrine is a long-standing choice of law principle which recognizes that only
one state should have the authority to regulate a corporation’s internal affairs – the state of
incorporation.”).
26 Id. at 1116.
Examen’s internal affairs, and in particular, VantagePoint’s voting rights, be

adjudicated exclusively in accordance with the law of its state of incorporation,
in this case, the law of Delaware.”27
In the federalism area, the internal affairs doctrine has been developed in a
series of frequently cited federal court decisions. In Santa Fe Industries, Inc.
v. Green,28 the U.S. Supreme Court considered the coverage of section 10(b)
of the Securities Exchange Act of 193429 and SEC Rule 10b-530 in the context
of a going-private, short-form merger. The Court refused “to federalize the
substantial portion of the law of corporations that deals with transactions in
securities, particularly where established state policies of corporate regulation
would be overridden,” without a clear expression of congressional intent to
enter that regulatory domain.31 Following their receipt of notice of a short-form
merger, minority stockholders of Kirby Lumber Corporation sued in federal
court, claiming that the merger grossly undervalued the minority stock. The
minority stockholders alleged that the merger violated federal law because the
merger was not based on any justifiable business purpose and the minority
did not receive prior notice of the merger. In addition, they alleged that the
undervaluation itself constituted actionable fraud under Rule 10b-5.
The U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York dismissed
the action for failure to state a claim on which relief may be granted. The
Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reversed. That court agreed that the
undervaluation itself did not support a claim under federal law. But the court
held that the plaintiffs did state a claim for relief based on their allegation
that the majority breached its fiduciary duty to the minority by effecting a
short-form merger without any justifiable business purpose and without prior
notice to the minority.32 The court held that neither misrepresentation nor
27 Id. 28 430 U.S. 462 (1977).

29 15 U.S.C. § 78j (2006).
30 Rule 10b-5 provides:
It shall be unlawful for any person, directly or indirectly, by the use of any means or
instrumentality of interstate commerce, or of the mails or of any facility of any national
securities exchange,
(a) To employ any device, scheme, or artifice to defraud,

(b) To make any untrue statement of a material fact or to omit to state a material fact
necessary in order to make the statements made, in the light of the circumstances
under which they were made, not misleading, or
(c) To engage in any act, practice, or course of business which operates or would
operate as a fraud or deceit upon any person, in connection with the purchase or
sale of any security.
17 C.F.R. § 240.10b-5.
31 Santa Fe Indus., 430 U.S. at 479. 32 Id. at 469–70.
nondisclosure was a necessary element of a Rule 10b-5 violation and that

the rule covered “breaches of fiduciary duty by a majority against minority
shareholders without any charge of misrepresentation or lack of disclosure.”33
The Supreme Court rejected the interpretation of Rule 10b-5 by the court
of appeals to the extent that it relied on the use of the word fraud in the rule
to encompass all breaches of fiduciary duty in connection with a securities
transaction.34 The Court noted that the scope of Rule l0b-5 was limited to the
scope of power granted by Congress to the SEC under section 10(b). The Court
interpreted section 10(b) as covering only conduct involving manipulation or
deception.35 Because the Court determined that the transaction as alleged
in the complaint did not involve deception or manipulation, it held that the
transaction did not violate section 10(b) or Rule 10b-5.36
The Court focused primarily on the language of the statute in concluding
that Rule 10b-5 did not permit a cause of action for breach of fiduciary duty
as alleged in the complaint. But, importantly, it also observed that “[a] second
factor in determining whether Congress intended to create a federal cause of
action in these circumstances is whether the cause of action [is] one tradition-
ally relegated to state law.”37 The Court noted that Delaware law provided
the minority stockholders with a cause of action that would enable them to
recover the fair value of their shares and that leaving the minority stockholders
to pursue that remedy would be entirely appropriate.38 The Court expressed
concern that interpreting Rule l0b-5 as covering the conduct alleged in the
complaint would “bring within the Rule a wide variety of corporate conduct
traditionally left to state regulation. . . . [T]his extension of the federal securi-
ties laws would overlap and quite possibly interfere with state corporate law.”39
The Court thus “adhere[d] to the position that ‘Congress by § 10(b) did not
seek to regulate transactions which constitute no more than internal corporate
mismanagement.’”40
That conclusion of the court represents the crux of the internal affairs doc-
trine: the internal affairs of corporations will be left to state oversight unless
Congress explicitly indicates its intent to exercise control in that area. The
Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit further developed the internal affairs
doctrine in Business Roundtable v. SEC.41 In that case, the Court held that SEC
33 Id. at 470 (quoting the opinion of the court of appeals) (internal quotation marks omitted).
34 Id. at 472. 35 Id. at 473.
36 Id. at 474.
37 Id. at 478 (second alteration in original) (internal quotation marks omitted).
38 Id. 39 Id. at 478–79.
40 Id. (quoting Superintendent of Ins. v. Bankers Life & Cas. Co., 404 U.S. 6, 12 (1971)).
41 905 F.2d 406 (D.C. Cir. 1990).
Rule 19c-4, which barred self-regulating organizations (SROs) from “listing

stock of a corporation that takes any corporate action ‘with the effect of nulli-
fying, restricting or disparately reducing the per share voting rights of [existing
common stockholders],’”42 exceeded the SEC’s authority under section 19 of
the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 because the rule “directly control[led]
the substantive allocation of powers among classes of shareholders.”43 As in
Santa Fe, the Court disavowed federal involvement in regulating the inter-
nal relationships among corporate constituents absent a finding of an express
congressional intent to do so.
In considering the SEC’s authority to enact Rule 19c-4, the Business
Roundtable court acknowledged two aspects of the SEC’s authority over the
SROs under section 19. First, it recognized that, under section 19(b), the SEC
had the power to approve changes to the SROs’ rules. Second, the court noted
the SEC’s power to impose amendments to the SROs’ rules for any of several
reasons, including “in furtherance of the purposes of [the Exchange Act].”44
The issue therefore centered on what “purposes” of the Exchange Act might
be furthered by Rule 19c-4. The SEC argued, among other things, that section
14 of the Exchange Act (pertaining to the SEC’s authority to regulate the proxy
process) demonstrated a purpose to ensure fair stockholder suffrage.45 The
court decided that the legislative purpose on which the SEC’s authority rests
can only be “defined by reference to the means Congress selected[; otherwise]
it can be framed at any level of generality – to improve the operation of capital
markets, for instance.”46 The court determined that section 14 showed that
Congress’s primary concern was disclosure to stockholders through control of
the proxy process.
The court held that Rule 19c-4
directly interferes with the substance of what the shareholders may enact. It
prohibits certain reallocations of voting power and certain capital structures,
even if approved by a shareholder vote subject to full disclosure and the
most exacting procedural rules. In 1934 Congress acted on the premise that
shareholder voting could work, so long as investors secured enough infor-
mation and, perhaps, the benefit of other procedural protections. It did not
seek to regulate the stockholders’ choices. With its step beyond control of
voting procedure and into the distribution of voting power, the Commission
would assume an authority that the Exchange Act’s proponents disclaimed
any intent to grant.47
42 Id. at 407 (alteration in original). 43 Id.

44 Id. at 408–09 (quoting § 19(c), 15 U.S.C. § 78s(c)) (alteration in original, emphasis omitted).
45 Id. at 410. 46 Id.
47 Id. at 411.
The court observed that state law governs the distribution of powers among
corporate constituents, and Rule 19c-4 stepped beyond disclosure and into that
area of state regulation.48 It opined that the Exchange Act draws an “intelligi-
ble conceptual line excluding the Commission from corporate governance.”49
That line falls between substantive regulation of stockholders’ choices and
procedural regulation of the voting process through regulation of disclosure.
Under Business Roundtable, then, the SEC has authority over certain proce-
dural aspects of stockholder voting – in particular, the disclosures that must be
made in connection with the solicitation of proxies – but may not control the
substance of corporate governance, such as the distribution of power among
corporate constituents.
In Kamen v. Kemper Financial Services, Inc.,50 the U.S. Supreme Court
again emphasized that distinction between substance and procedure. In
Kemper, a plaintiff brought a derivative suit to enforce section 20(a) of the
Investment Company Act (ICA),51 which prohibits materially misleading proxy
statements. In derivative suits, the claim belongs to the corporation, and the
stockholder asserting the claim must make demand on the board of direc-
tors or show that demand is excused. The plaintiff alleged that demand was
excused because it was futile, but the district court dismissed the suit on the
ground that plaintiff had not pleaded sufficient facts excusing demand to satisfy
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 23.1. The court of appeals affirmed, adopt-
ing as a federal common law rule the American Law Institute’s “universal
demand rule,” which abolishes the demand futility exception to the demand
requirement.52
The Supreme Court reversed, holding that “the function of the demand
doctrine in delimiting the respective powers of the individual shareholder and
of the directors to control corporate litigation clearly is a matter of ‘substance,’
not ‘procedure.’”53 The Court explained that the application of the demand
requirement in a suit under the ICA would be governed by federal law.54
Where the federal law did not involve a “distinct need for nationwide legal
standards” or a directly applicable statutory scheme, however, the Court held
that federal courts should look to state law to fill any gaps in the federal law,
particularly where the gaps bear on the allocation of power among corporate
constituents.55 The Court decided that, by determining who has the power to
48 Id. at 411–13.
49 Id. at 413; see also CTS Corp. v. Dynamics Corp., 481 U.S. 69, 86 (1987).
50 500 U.S. 90 (1991). 51 15 U.S.C. § 80a-20(a) (2006).
52 Kemper, 500 U.S. at 94. 53 Id. at 96–97.
54 Id. at 97.
control corporate litigation, the demand requirement related to the allocation

of power within a corporation.56 Because it also concluded that the demand
requirement was not inconsistent with the policies underlying the ICA, the
Court held that federal courts adjudicating cases under the ICA must apply
the demand futility exception as provided by state law.57 Kemper thus empha-
sized the primacy of state law in defining the relationships among corporate
constituents.
The Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit recently distinguished Business
Roundtable when faced with a case challenging the SEC’s authority under
the ICA to adopt a rule bearing on corporate governance. In Chamber of
Commerce v. SEC,58 the court upheld an SEC rule that required that an
investment company have a board with at least 75 percent independent direc-
tors and an independent chair for the company to engage in transactions
otherwise prohibited by the ICA. The Chamber of Commerce argued that
the rule exceeded the SEC’s power because the ICA did not grant the SEC
authority to regulate corporate governance. The court disagreed, finding that
the SEC did not exceed its authority by adopting the rule. The court found
that the purposes of the ICA included “tempering the conflicts of interest”
inherent in investment company structure and that Congress had selected
regulation of the governance structure of investment companies as a means
to achieve that purpose.59 The court left undisturbed the internal affairs and
preemption principles articulated in Business Roundtable, but found that the
express provisions of the ICA authorized the SEC’s rule. Chamber of Com-
merce thus reinforces the importance of evaluating preemption questions and
issues relating to agency authority only by reference to the means and ends
contemplated in the precise statutory context in which they arise.
II. SHIFTING THE BALANCE: THE SARBANES-OXLEY ACT OF 2002
Placed in historical context, Sarbanes-Oxley marks a perceptible change in the

division of responsibility between the federal government and the states. More
to the point, it represents a substantial federal incursion into the regulation
of corporate governance that was traditionally left to the states under the
internal affairs doctrine. To determine the extent of this incursion, this section
undertakes a review of each component of Sarbanes-Oxley and how those
components fit within the traditional federal-state balance.
55 Id. at 98–99. 56 Id. at 101.

57 Id. at 108–09. 58 412 F.3d 133 (D.C. Cir. 2005).
59 Id. at 139.
A. Sarbanes-Oxley Provisions within the Traditional Federal Competence

While Sarbanes-Oxley strays significantly beyond the boundaries of the inter-
nal affairs doctrine, many of its provisions stay well within (or involve a minimal
expansion of ) preexisting federal law.
1. Audit Regulation and Oversight

The centerpiece of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act is the regulation of accounting
practices in connection with the audit of public companies. Indeed, of all
Sarbanes-Oxley’s reforms, the establishment of standardized accounting regu-
lation (and the attendant provisions) may very well have the most lasting and
far-reaching effect on the operation of the securities markets. More important
for present purposes, the regulation of public company audits is closely related
to the disclosure standards that are at the heart of the federal regulatory regime.
Accordingly, in our view, this component of Sarbanes-Oxley is consistent with
the traditional focus of federal regulation.
At the center of the audit reforms was the creation of the Public Company
Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB).60 Sarbanes-Oxley charges the PCAOB
with establishing a registration and oversight scheme for all accounting firms
that prepare audit reports for public companies.61 Thus, the PCAOB essentially
has exclusive statutory power to establish (in consultation with advisory groups
and other experts) uniform “quality control” and ethical standards for the
preparation of public company audits, subject to the approval of the SEC.62
The PCAOB also has authority to monitor the performance of registered
accounting firms through inspections and to enforce compliance with the
audit standards it adopts.63
60 The PCAOB is not a federal government agency but a private, nonprofit corporation with
authority to oversee and regulate audit practices pursuant to Sarbanes-Oxley. See Sarbanes-
Oxley § 101(a)-(b).
61 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 101(c). Registration with the PCAOB is required for any accounting firm
that wishes to participate in the preparation or issuance of an audit report for an issuer subject
to the U.S. securities laws. See id. § 102(a). The registration application requires disclosure
of the applicant’s annual fees received for audit and nonaudit services; its general financial
information; the persons associated with the firm; and any civil, criminal, or administrative
disciplinary actions taken against the applicant. See id. § 102(b)(2); see also PCAOB Rules
2100 through 2106 (July 16, 2003), available at http://www.pcaobus.org/Rules/Rules of the
Board/Section 2.pdf (governing the registration of public accounting firms).
62 See PCAOB Release No. 2003–06 (Apr. 18, 2003); Sarbanes-Oxley § 107 (establishing SEC
oversight responsibility over PCAOB).

63 See Sarbanes-Oxley §§ 101(c)(3)-(4), 104, 105 (establishing PCAOB authority to conduct inspec-
tions of and to initiate investigations and disciplinary proceedings against public accounting
firms).
Congress did not leave the formulation of audit regulations entirely up to

the PCAOB, however. Instead, Sarbanes-Oxley directs the PCAOB to adopt
a set of mandatory standards. For example, in accordance with the direc-
tions set out in Sarbanes-Oxley, PCAOB regulations require accounting firms
to maintain for at least seven years sufficient documentation to support the
conclusions in each audit64 and to obtain independent reviews of each audit
report by a second audit partner or another qualified independent reviewer.65
Also in accordance with the Sarbanes-Oxley directives, PCAOB regulations
require a separate audit of the issuer’s internal controls over financial report-
ing detailing any material flaws or weaknesses in the internal controls (along
with an explanation of how the auditor tested the controls).66 Following the
directives in Sarbanes-Oxley, the PCAOB regulations essentially contemplate
an elaborate multiphase process to evaluate both the issuer’s internal controls
over financial reporting and management’s assessment of those controls.67
In addition to the rules specifically mandated by Sarbanes-Oxley, Congress
instructed the PCAOB to establish regulations in a number of areas with-
out directly specifying the content of the regulations, including regulations
governing the acceptance and continuation of audit engagements and the
supervision of audits.68 Until the PCAOB develops final rules in these areas,
public accounting firms are required to comply with the standards set out in the
Statement of Auditing Standards, Statements on Quality Control Standards,
and Code of Professional Conduct, established by the American Institute of
Certified Public Accountants.69
64 See Sarbanes-Oxley § l03(a)(2)(A)(i); see also PCAOB Auditing Standard No. 3 – Audit
Documentation (June 4, 2004), available at http://www.pcaobus.org/Rules/Rules of the
Board/Auditing Standard 3.pdf (implementing document preparation and retention require-
ments).
65 See Sarbanes-Oxley § l03(a)(2)(A)(ii); see also PCAOB Interim Quality Control Stan-
dards, available at http://www.pcaobus.org/ Standards/Interim_Standards/Quality_Control_

Standards/index.aspx (establishing standards for concurring partner opinions based on Am.
Inst. of CPAs SEC Practice Section §§ 1000.08(f), 1000.39).
66 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 103(a)(2)(A)(iii); id. § 404(b); see also PCAOB Auditing Standard
No. 2 – An Audit of Internal Control over Financial Reporting Performed in Conjunc-

tion with an Audit of Financial Statements § 14 (Mar. 9, 2004), available at http://www
.pcaobus.org/Standards/Standards and Related Rules/Auditing Standard No. 2.aspx (estab-
lishing requirements for audit of internal controls). The results of the internal controls audit
are to be included in the issuer’s annual report.
67 Daniel L. Goelzer & Phoebe W. Brown, The Work of the Public Company Accounting Oversight
Board, in 1 The Practitioner’s Guide to the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, at IV-1-1 (2004).

68 See Sarbanes-Oxley § l03(a)(2)(B).
69 See PCAOB Interim Rules 3200T, 3400T, 3700T, available at http://www.pcaobus.org/
Standards/Interim Standards/index.aspx; see also PCAOB Release No. 2003–005, at 9–14, avail-
able at http://www.pcaobus.org/rules/docket 004/2003–04-18 release 2003 005.pdf (setting out
rule-making priorities and agenda).
While the PCAOB is explicitly charged with regulating the conduct of pub-
lic company audits, Sarbanes-Oxley left the SEC to select an appropriate body
to establish the substantive accounting rules to be applied in audits.70 Not
surprisingly, the SEC reaffirmed the Financial Accounting Standards Board
(FASB), which has long set the de facto accounting standards for public com-
panies, as the body designated to establish “generally accepted” accounting
principles for public company audits.71
The introduction of uniform regulations for audit practices and the estab-
lishment of the PCAOB to police those practices generally fall well within the
traditional federal regulation of financial disclosure. Indeed, from its incep-
tion, the SEC has had the authority to establish the form and content of
financial statements for public companies, as well as the methods by which
those statements are prepared.72
Alas, even in this field, Sarbanes-Oxley did not always respect the federal-
state balance. Although Congress wisely left most substantive audit and
accounting rules to be devised by the PCAOB and FASB, it apparently could
not resist mandating at least some specific audit standards for public firms.
Some of these mandates, such as the audit documentation requirements, do
not intrude on public companies’ internal affairs. In contrast, by requiring all
public companies to perform regular audits of their internal controls, Congress
has (at least indirectly) sought to regulate the companies’ corporate governance
and has imposed substantial compliance costs on small public firms for which
extensive internal controls audits do not make economic sense.73 As a gen-
eral rule, decisions on the scope of a public company audit should be left to
the sound discretion of the issuer’s audit committee (under state law) and its
auditor rather than to one-size-fits-all federal regulation.
70 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 108(b).

71 See SEC Release No. 47,743 (Apr. 25, 2003) (reaffirming the status of the FASB as a standard
setter for accounting rules).
72 See, e.g., Securities Act of 1933 § 7, 15 U.S.C. § 77g (prescribing the information required in
a registration statement); Securities Act of 1933 § 19, 15 U.S.C. § 77s(a) (authorizing the SEC
to make rules regarding “the items or details to be shown in the balance sheet and earning
statement, and the methods to be followed in the preparation of accounts” related to registration
statements); Securities Act of 1933 § 28, 15 U.S.C. §§ 77aa(25), (26) (describing the balance-
sheet and earnings-statement requirements for registration statements); Securities Exchange
Act of 1934 § 3(b), 15 U.S.C. § 78c(b) (SEC rule-making authority to define accounting
terms); Securities Exchange Act of 1934 § 12(b), 15 U.S.C. 78l(b) (registration application
requirements for listed securities); Securities Exchange Act of 1934 § 13(b), 15 U.S.C. § 78m(b)
(SEC rulemaking authority for “the items or details to be shown in the balance sheet and
earning statement, and the methods to be followed in the preparation of [periodic] reports”).
73 There is every reason to expect that issuers will produce an audit of internal controls over
financial reporting where the value of the additional information to investors exceeds the cost
of producing the audit. This decision is best left to the individual issuer, however, because the
cost-benefit calculation is necessarily firm specific.
For the most part, however, the audit practice regulations and standards
under Sarbanes-Oxley entrench a welcome uniformity not only to the account-
ing principles applied in public company financial statements but also to
the methods by which those financial statements are vetted by independent
auditors.74 Such uniformity is valuable because it facilitates the comparison
of different firms’ financial statements, and it tends to increase investor confi-
dence in the results disclosed by the firms.75
2. Executive Certification of Financial Statements

To avoid the unseemly spectacle of high-ranking corporate officers disavowing
responsibility for filings with the SEC, Sarbanes-Oxley requires the chief
executive officer and the chief financial officer of each public company to
certify that the company’s quarterly and annual reports do not contain any
material misstatements and “fairly present in all material respects the financial
condition” of the company.76 The signing officers must also certify that the
company has implemented appropriate internal controls, that management
has evaluated those controls as of the end of the period covered by the report
being filed, and that the company’s auditor has been notified of any material
weaknesses in the controls.77
This certification provision effectively imposes a duty on the signing officers
to develop internal controls and disclosure controls and procedures sufficient
to ensure that they have the information necessary to verify the content of the
firm’s periodic reports – regardless of whether such controls and procedures
74 The European Union is also moving toward greater uniformity in the preparation of the
financial statements of companies listed in its member states. Beginning on January 1, 2005,
all financial statements prepared for listed firms were required to conform to International
Financial Reporting Standards. See So Far, So Good, Economist, June 18, 2005, at 73.
75 Auditors play a central role in the financial markets precisely because they act as “reputational
intermediaries” who vouch for the material accuracy of the data disclosed by management.
See John C. Coffee Jr., Understanding Enron: “It’s About the Gatekeepers, Stupid,” 57 Bus.
Law. 1403 (2002) (describing the role of reputational intermediaries in verifying and certifying
corporations’ statements about themselves). Uniform audit practices may enhance this function
by increasing transparency of the audit process and by establishing benchmarks for use by
analysts and investors. Of course, in a functioning market, one would expect public accounting
firms to follow best audit practices even in the absence of such regulations; if they did not,
investors would discount the value of the shares of issuers that hired them. Nevertheless,
uniform audit rules are probably necessary to the extent that comparisons of the technical
aspects and details of audits and audit procedures are beyond the ken of even trained market
analysts.
76 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 302(a)(1)-(3).
77 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 302(a)(4)-(5); 17 C.F.R. § 240.13a-15 (“Each such issuer’s management
must evaluate . . . the effectiveness of the issuer’s disclosure controls and procedures, as of the
end of each fiscal quarter. . . . ”); 17 C.F.R § 240.15d-15 (same).
would be mandated as a matter of state law. As a practical matter, however, the

certification is little more than a device to ensure that high-ranking executives
are ultimately responsible for any material misstatements in the company’s fil-
ings. This does not represent a substantial departure from prior federal law.78
Moreover, state law undoubtedly requires management to exercise reason-
able control over the activities of the corporation, including the implemen-
tation of an appropriate system for reporting information up the chain of
command.79
In short, while the Sarbanes-Oxley certification provision indirectly imposes
a minimum federal governance standard on corporations, it does not signifi-
cantly intrude on existing state law – at least so long as Congress does not later
mandate the implementation of specific internal controls.
3. Prohibition on Insider Trades during Pension-Fund Blackout Period

As Enron’s shares fell precipitously during its implosion, a number of Enron
executives limited their exposure to further losses by unloading their shares in
the company. Unfortunately, Enron employees who held company shares in
their pension plans were unable to follow suit because the implosion occurred
in the middle of a trading blackout period while the Enron pension plan
changed administrators. To prevent similar inequitable outcomes in the future,
Sarbanes-Oxley prohibits officers or directors from trading any shares in the
company acquired in connection with their service as an officer or director
during pension blackout periods.80 As this provision does not have a direct
impact on corporate governance and is related to federal regulation of both
insider trading and pension plans, the pension blackout provision does not
represent an expansion of federal power into fields previously reserved to the
states.
78 See Roberta Romano, The Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the Making of Quack Corporate Governance,
114 Yale L. J. 1521, 1541 & n.56 (2005) (“CEOs and CFOs had always been required to sign the
annual report and were liable for knowingly filing fraudulent reports as well as for inadequate
internal controls.”).
79 See, e.g., Graham v. Allis-Chalmers, 188 A.2d 125, 130 (Del. 1963) (“[D]irectors of a corporation
in managing the corporate affairs are bound to use that amount of care which ordinarily careful
and prudent men would use in similar circumstances. Their duties are those of control, and
whether or not by neglect they have made themselves liable for failure to exercise proper
control depends on the circumstances and facts of the particular case.”); In re Caremark Int’l,
Inc. Derivative Litig., 698 A.2d 959, 970 (Del. Ch. 1996) (recognizing that the board of directors
has a duty to implement an adequate reporting system in the corporation but leaving “the level
of detail that is appropriate for such an information system” to the “business judgment” of the
board).
80 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 306(a)(l); see also 17 C.F.R. pts. 240, 245, 249 (implementing blackout
prohibition through SEC rules).

4. Enhanced Criminal Penalties

Among the most publicized provisions of Sarbanes-Oxley were those related
to the criminal penalties for certain violations of the federal securities laws. In
addition to establishing new criminal offenses related to document retention81
and expanding the federal obstruction statute,82 Sarbanes-Oxley expanded
the federal mail-fraud statute to impose substantial sanctions on executives
who certify public filings that they know to be inaccurate, misleading, or
otherwise in violation of the requirements of Sarbanes-Oxley.83 Sarbanes-
Oxley also substantially increased the maximum fines and jail sentences that
may be imposed in securities fraud prosecutions,84 and it directed the U.S.
Sentencing Commission to review the Federal Sentencing Guidelines for
obstruction of justice and related securities offenses with a view to increasing
the relevant penal ties.85 These provisions of Sarbanes-Oxley simply enhance
the existing federal system of criminal penalties associated with securities fraud
and therefore fall well within the traditional federal competence.86
81 Section 802 of Sarbanes-Oxley, codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1519, makes it a criminal offense to

alter or destroy corporate records with the purpose of impeding a federal investigation. Another
portion of section 802, codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1520, makes it a criminal offense for public
accounting firms to engage in knowing violations of the audit paper retention requirements.
82 Section 1102 of Sarbanes-Oxley, codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1512, expands the federal obstruction
statute to include tampering with a document for the purpose of impeding an investigation.
Section 1107, codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1513, expands the federal obstruction statute to prohibit
knowing interference with a person’s employment because the person cooperated with a federal
investigation. To protect whistle-blowers, Sarbanes-Oxley also prohibits retaliation against the
employee of a public company for cooperation with a federal investigation, and it authorizes
an aggrieved whistle-blower to initiate a civil action for reinstatement and/or compensatory
damages. See Sarbanes-Oxley § 806.
83 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 906. Sarbanes-Oxley also clarified that the federal wire fraud statute
applies to securities fraud and to conspiracies and attempts to commit a securities fraud. See
id. § 807 (wire fraud); id. § 902 (attempt and conspiracy).
84 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 903(a) (wire fraud); id. § 903(b) (wire fraud); id. § 904 (ERISA); id. § 1106
(securities fraud). Sarbanes-Oxley expands other remedies against violators of the securities
laws. For example, it makes debts from securities fines not dischargeable in bankruptcy,
increases the statute of limitations for securities fraud, authorizes the SEC to temporarily
freeze assets in connection with securities investigations, and authorizes the SEC to prohibit
individuals from serving as officers or directors of public companies. See Sarbanes-Oxley § 803
(bankruptcy amendment); id. § 804 (statute of limitations); id. § 1103 (temporary freeze); id.
§ 1105 (authorization to censure individuals).
85 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 805 (obstruction sentencing guidelines); id. § 905 (wire-fraud sentencing
guidelines); id. § 1104 (securities-fraud sentencing guidelines).

86 The same can be said of the provision making it a crime for officers or other agents to “tak[e]
any action to fraudulently influence, coerce, manipulate, or mislead any independent public
or certified accountant . . . for the purpose of rendering [the company’s] financial statements
materially misleading.” Id. § 303(a). This provision falls squarely within the federal sphere, as
it protects the integrity of the audit process and the resulting financial statements filed with the
SEC.
5. Additional Disclosure Requirements

In keeping with the traditional federal emphasis on disclosure regulations,
Sarbanes-Oxley expands the existing reporting obligations of public compa-
nies. In particular, it requires firms to disclose the following in their periodic
reports:
r Any “material correcting adjustments” to financial statements identified
by the company’s auditor;87
r All “material off-balance sheet transactions, arrangements, obligations
(including contingent obligations), and other relationships of the issuer
with unconsolidated entities;”88
r Pro forma figures that are reconciled with the issuer’s results under gen-
erally accepted accounting principles;89
r Management’s assessment of the company’s internal controls, audited in
accordance with the rules established by the PCAOB;90
r The company’s code of ethics for senior financial officers (or the reason
the company has not adopted such a code);91 and
r The members of the company’s audit committee who are “financial
experts” (or the reason there are no financial experts on the committee).92
To improve monitoring of public company disclosures, Congress also

directed the SEC to review the periodic reports of public companies “on
a regular and systematic basis,” paying particular attention to companies that
(1) have issued material restatements of results, (2) have experienced unusual
share-price volatility, (3) have the largest market capitalization, (4) have an
unusually high market price to earnings ratio, or (5) have a significant effect
on “any material sector of the economy.”93
Although the disclosure components of Sarbanes-Oxley seem most obvi-
ously within the traditional responsibility of the federal government, several
of these provisions arguably amount to oblique corporate governance direc-
tives. For example, requiring each public company to disclose any finan-
cial experts on its audit committee is a not-so-subtle signal that the SEC
(and investors) should look unfavorably on companies that do not have such
experts.94 Nevertheless, a disclosure-oriented approach to federal regulation
87 Sarbanes-Oxley § 401(a). 88 See id. § 401(a).

89 See id. § 401(b). 90 See id. § 404.
91 See id. § 406(a). 92 See id. § 407.
93 See id. § 408(a). Sarbanes-Oxley also requires issuers to disclose “on a rapid and current basis”
any material changes in their operations or financial condition. Id. § 409.

94 As explained supra, requiring management to conduct an internal controls audit represents
a similar form of indirect corporate governance mandate. See Jesse A. Finkelstein & Mark J.
in this area is clearly preferable to substantive mandates; for example, the

SEC presumably will not view a company with suspicion if the company can
present a satisfactory explanation of why it does not have a financial expert on
its audit committee. Of course, these disclosure requirements may be an indi-
cation of future expansions of federal regulation in this area. In their present
form, however, the Sarbanes-Oxley disclosure provisions generally represent
an unremarkable extension of existing federal disclosure regulations.
6. Summary
As the foregoing analysis makes clear, a sizable portion of Sarbanes-Oxley
fits comfortably within existing federal law governing securities fraud and
disclosures by public companies. Any regulatory expansion raises the possibility
of conflict with state law,95 however, and Congress should be cognizant of the
interaction between any federal law or regulation and state law.
B. Sarbanes-Oxley Provisions within the Traditional State Competence

The more worrying aspects of Sarbanes-Oxley are those that represent an
expansion of federal authority into areas of corporate governance traditionally
regulated by the states. This section discusses a number of components that
present just such a concern.
1. Regulation of Nonaudit Services

The revelation of vast accounting irregularities (and, in some cases, outright
fraud) at companies such as Enron and WorldCom raised questions about
the efficacy of their independent auditors. In particular, observers questioned
Gentile, Relationship to State Law, in 1 The Practitioner’s Guide to the Sarbanes-Oxley

Act, at V-4-22 (2004) (discussing various “therapeutic” disclosure requirements promulgated
by the SEC as a means to influence corporate behavior); see also id. at V-4-30 (arguing that
required disclosures of a code of ethics for the chief financial officer indirectly conflicts with
state policy to leave such issues to the discretion of the corporation).
95 Conflict may exist even in areas that have been subject to federal regulation for quite some time,
as shown by a recent decision of the Delaware Court of Chancery. See Newcastle Partners,
L.P. v. Vesta Ins. Group, Inc., 887 A.2d 975 (Del. Ch. 2005) (mem. op.) (requiring that a
company proceed with a court-ordered annual meeting, despite the company’s argument that
proceeding with the meeting would cause the company to violate SEC proxy rules because
it was not prepared to issue an annual report and proxy statement or information statement);
cf. id. at 981–82 (“[T]he [federal and state] provisions do not actually conflict. Rather, they
both serve the same purpose of helping to safeguard the shareholders’ foundational voting
rights. . . . Any suggestion that there is an irreconcilable conflict between the [court’s order
for the company to hold the annual meeting] and SEC statutes and regulations would both
misconstrue the scheme of federal proxy regulation and weaken a basic premise of American
corporate law that is a defining characteristic of our federal system.”).
whether an auditor could provide a truly independent review and evaluation

of a company’s financial statements if the auditor also earned substantial fees
from the company for other, nonaudit services – fees that the auditor stood to
lose if the audit turned up problems with the company’s books. To address this
perceived conflict, Sarbanes-Oxley forbids accounting firms from providing
certain nonaudit services to the public companies they audit.96
By dictating what services a company may and may not purchase from a
public accounting firm – a decision that would otherwise be governed by state
law – this provision marks a clear departure from the traditional disclosure-
oriented approach of federal securities laws. Congress, in effect, has made a
substantive business decision on behalf of every public company in the United
States. But these implementing rules leave much to the audit committee to
determine (except for enumerated prohibited items). In the absence of any
empirical evidence that the provision of nonaudit services may compromise
the work of an independent auditor,97 however, there is no reason to believe
that state law fiduciary duty principles were insufficient to address any potential
conflicts that may arise from a company’s purchase of multiple services from
its auditor.98
2. Audit Committee Composition

In apportioning responsibility for the various accounting scandals, Congress
clearly believed that failures in board oversight were at least partly to blame.
To address these perceived failures, Sarbanes-Oxley requires that all of the
96 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 201(a). Prohibited nonaudit services include, among other things, book-
keeping, information technology, appraisals, outsourcing of human resources or other man-
agement functions, investment banking, and legal advice. See id. Auditing firms may perform
other services, such as tax preparation, that are not explicitly prohibited “only if the activity
is approved in advance by the audit committee of the issuer.” See id. §§ 201–02. It is unclear
why Congress viewed these other services as less of a threat to the auditor’s independence than
the prohibited services, except perhaps that they are less likely to result in substantial fees or
perhaps have been traditionally provided by auditing firms.
97 See Romano, supra note 78, at 1533–37 (describing studies addressing whether the provision of
nonaudit services compromises the quality of audits). Given that the studies have not found
any impairment to audits performed by accounting firms that performed multiple services for
the issuer, there is also no basis to argue that corporate management uses purchases of nonaudit
services to influence the results of audits.
98 Section 203 of Sarbanes-Oxley, which requires accounting firms to rotate the lead audit partner
for each public company every five years, suffers from the same infirmity. Here again, Congress
has mandated a business decision that would ordinarily be taken by the company’s board
of directors or audit committee subject to state law fiduciary duties – namely whether it
makes sense to change the lead partner on the audit. Ominously, Congress also directed
the comptroller general to study the effects of requiring public companies to rotate entire
accounting firms. See Sarbanes-Oxley § 207.
members of a listed company’s audit committee be independent directors

(as defined in the Act).99 The theory behind this rule is that independent
directors will cast a more critical eye on the company’s financial statements,
thus providing a more effective check on management abuses.100
Commentators, including the Delaware courts, have long advocated
majority-independent audit committees for public companies as a corporate
best practice.101 But there is an important distinction between aspirational
guidelines and mandatory rules: the best practice for some (or even most) pub-
lic companies is not necessarily the best practice for all such companies.102
Congress has thus negated the more flexible case-by-case approach of state
law by declaring that all public companies must have fully independent audit
committees regardless of the circumstances. So long as insider directors are
not subject to some particular conflict of interest, it is not clear that they should
automatically be prohibited from serving on the audit committee.103 Indeed,
there may be good reasons to have insider members of the audit committee,
particularly given that insiders often have an in-depth understanding of the
firm’s accounts that may be lacking among independent directors.
In accordance with the above analysis, federal regulation in this area should
be limited to the disclosure of audit committee members and should not extend
to substantive regulation of audit committee composition. This approach
would allow investors to make judgments about the likely quality of board
oversight of a company’s financial statements while leaving the company suffi-
cient flexibility to select the best available members for their audit committee.
3. Executive Bonuses
Among the measures designed to increase the accountability of top executives,
Sarbanes-Oxley requires the CEO and CFO of public companies to forfeit any
99 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 201 (directing the SEC to promulgate rules requiring the exchanges
to adopt listing standards on audit committee composition); Finkelstein & Gentile, supra
note 94, at V-4-13, V-4-14 (discussing SEC rules and stock-exchange listing standards for audit
committees).
100 See Romano, supra note 78, at 1530–31.
101 See, e.g., Ralph K. Winter Jr., State Law, Shareholder Protection, and the Theory of Competi-
tion, 6 J. Legal Stud. 251, 287 (1977). Similarly, beginning in 1999, the exchanges required
listed companies to have at least three independent directors on their audit committees. See
Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note 94, at V-4-12.
102 As stated by the Delaware Supreme Court in its 2000 decision in the Disney case, “Aspirational
ideals of good corporate governance practices . . . can usually help directors avoid liability. But
they are not required by the corporation law and do not define standards of liability.” Brehm
v. Eisner, 746 A.2d 244, 256 (Del. 2000).
103 An insider-dominated audit committee theoretically presents a potential conflict, as insiders
might engage in lax oversight of the company’s accounts as a means to increase their compen-
sation. But there is a lack of empirical evidence supporting a correlation between complete
audit committee independence and audit quality. See Romano, supra note 78, at 1532–33.
incentive compensation and any profits from trading in the company’s shares
that they receive during the twelve-month period after the company discloses
a material noncompliance with reporting rules “as a result of misconduct.”104
The idea is that executives should not profit personally from the accounting
misstatements made on their watch. Ultimately, however, decisions about the
appropriate compensation for executives (or the forfeiture of that compensa-
tion) should be left up to the board of directors.
A mandatory federal rule requiring forfeiture essentially strips the board of its
power under state law to fix executive compensation and to determine whether
executives should be made to return any compensation to the company as a
result of any potential misconduct. While the forfeiture rule may not come
into play in many cases,105 there is a well-founded concern that this provision
represents a first step toward more generalized federal regulation of executive
compensation.106 Indeed, as discussed in H.R. 4291 below, a bill has already
been introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives that would require a
separate shareholder vote to approve certain executive compensation plans.
4. Executive Loans
Embedded in the “Enhanced Financial Disclosures” section of Sarbanes-
Oxley is arguably the clearest federal incursion into areas traditionally gov-
erned by state law: a new general prohibition on corporate loans to officers
and directors.107 This provision is presumably a response to well-publicized
abuses of executive loan programs in which executives covered various per-
sonal expenses with funds from company loans. State law generally permits
loans by a corporation to its officers “whenever, in the judgment of the direc-
tors, such loan . . . may reasonably be expected to benefit the corporation.”108
Yet there is no evidence that state laws on fiduciary duty were inadequate to
address these abuses. To the contrary, state fiduciary law is expressly designed
104 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 304.

105 Because it is unclear what constitutes “misconduct” under section 304, the potential scope of
the forfeiture obligation is ambiguous. See Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note 94, at V-4-28.
106 See Roberta S. Karmel, Realizing the Dream of William O. Douglas – The Securities and
Exchange Commission Takes Charge of Corporate Governance, 30 Del. J. Corp. L. 79, 106
(2005) (suggesting that the executive compensation provisions in Sarbanes-Oxley could support
an attempt by the SEC to regulate the makeup of corporate compensation committees). For
their part, the New York Stock Exchange and Nasdaq rules require compensation issues at
listed companies to be decided by independent directors. See Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note
94, at V-4-16 (discussing exchange rules governing compensation and arguing that regulation
of compensation “create[s] new substantive obligations where none previously existed under
state law”).
107 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 402. The only exception to this rule is for companies that provide loans
or credit to the public on the same terms in the ordinary course of their business. See id.
108 Del. Code Ann. tit. 8, § 143.
to deal with situations in which executives misappropriate corporate funds

or otherwise attempt to loot the corporate treasury. Moreover, a blanket ban
on loans to all executives is the worst kind of one-size-fits-all rule and has
the effect of prohibiting a large swathe of legitimate transactions that benefit
both the companies and investors. For example, the ban on loans seems
to cover unremarkable practices, such as loans to facilitate the exercise of
executive stock options, which tend to align executives’ interests with those
of stockholders, or loans to support executive relocation at the company’s
request.109
Here again, rather than banning the potentially beneficial provision of
executive loans, federal regulation in this area could simply have required
public companies to disclose in greater detail the amount and terms of any
loans to executives. This approach would allow analysts and investors to review
the nature of loans provided to executives and to reach a judgment whether
the loans are beneficial to the company or reflect a failure of proper board
oversight. Tellingly, only one witness who testified before Congress during
the Sarbanes-Oxley hearings advocated a ban on loans to executives; most
advocated simple disclosure of the amount and terms of executive loans in
SEC filings.110 By establishing a blanket prohibition on potentially beneficial
conduct that is subject to effective regulation under state law, Congress took
over a field traditionally reserved to the states – and it did so in a manner likely
to be detrimental to the investors it meant to protect.111
5. Rules of Lawyer Conduct

With a view to encouraging knowledgeable insiders to identify improper activ-
ity by management, Sarbanes-Oxley directs the SEC to adopt rules of pro-
fessional responsibility that require any lawyer who practices before the SEC
109 Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note 94, at V-4-23–25 (observing that Sarbanes-Oxley could be
read to prohibit loans to facilitate the exercise of options, cash advances, advances of defense
costs in stockholder litigation, and the use of a company credit card); Romano, supra note 78,
at 1538 (discussing the use of corporate loans to facilitate the exercise of options); see also id. at
1539 (citing studies indicating that “most loans’ purpose is one of incentive alignment”).
110 See Romano, supra note 78, at 1538. Indeed, the use of executive loans “had not been a
component of recent policy discussions” and had not “generat[ed] scholarly controversy.” Id.
111 The prohibition on executive loans is also likely to have other unintended side effects and to
lead to anomalous results. Professor Romano notes that regulating compensation is virtually
impossible and may ultimately be detrimental to the company; when the government bans
a particular practice, parties will simply find an alternative (often less desirable and more
expensive) means to procure a similar result. See Romano, supra note 78, at 1539. Jesse
Finkelstein and Mark Gentile further observe that, although corporations may not make loans
to their own executives or directors, they may make loans to executives and directors of their
subsidiaries. See Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note 94, at V-4-24.
to report material violations of the securities laws “up the ladder” within the
company until the attorney receives an appropriate response.112 Under the
SEC rule implementing this provision, the lawyer is also permitted to notify
the SEC of a material violation without the issuer’s consent if the disclosure
is necessary (1) to prevent a violation that is likely to cause substantial harm,
(2) to prevent perjury, or (3) to rectify a past violation that was furthered by
the attorney’s services.113 The SEC has a further provision “on hold” that
would require a mandatory “noisy withdrawal” of the lawyer under certain
conditions.114 The SEC would be well advised to keep this provision on hold
or to drop it altogether. Indeed, state ethics rules already permit some dis-
closure of client information to prevent or rectify fraud or to permit a noisy
withdrawal and sometimes mandate that action.115
The promulgated SEC rules are expressly contemplated by Sarbanes-Oxley
but remain firmly in traditional federal territory only to the extent that they
prescribe rules of professional conduct for lawyers practicing before the SEC.
The problem is that the rules are very broad and are not necessarily limited to
lawyers who practice directly before the SEC; they may also cover the armies
of lawyers who participate indirectly in securities filings or investigations.116
Because federal standards prevail in the event of a conflict with state lawyer-
conduct standards,117 state law rules circumscribing the reporting of miscon-
duct to promote confidentiality of client communications may be preempted
for a substantial number of lawyers.
112 See Sarbanes Oxley § 307; see also 17 C.F.R. § 205.3(b). Under the SEC rule implementing this
provision, an attorney must report a “material violation” of the securities laws to the appropriate
authority within the issuer where a “prudent and competent” attorney would “conclude that it
is ‘reasonably likely’ that a material violation has occurred, is ongoing, or is about to occur.” 17
C.F.R. § 205.2(e); see also Implementation of Standards of Professional Conduct for Attorneys,
Exchange Act Release No. 47,276 (Jan. 29, 2003).
113 See 17 C.F.R. § 205.3(d)(2); see also Finkelstein & Gentile, supra note 94, at V-4-18–19 (dis-
cussing the potential breadth of the SEC rules of professional conduct for attorneys).
114 Proposed 17 C.F.R. § 205.3(d)(l)(A) (requiring an outside attorney to withdraw from the
representation if the attorney does not receive an appropriate response and requiring the
attorney to notify the issuer that the withdrawal was based on “professional considerations”);
Proposed 17 C.F.R. § 205.3(e) (requiring the issuer to notify the SEC of the withdrawal and
the related circumstances); see also Implementation of Standards of Professional Conduct for
Attorneys, Exchange Act Release No. 47282 (Jan. 29, 2003).
115 See ABA Model Rules of Professional Conduct Rules 1.2(d), 1.6, 1.16, 4.1.
116 Specifically, the rules cover attorneys (1) who represent clients in any formal SEC “proceeding”
(as that term is defined in 17 C.F.R. § 201.101(9)), (2) who make filings with the SEC, or (3)
who represent clients in SEC investigations. See 17 C.F.R. § 201.102(b) (representation in a
proceeding); 17 C.F.R. § 201.102(d)(2) (representation in a filing); 17 C.F.R. § 203.3 (making
Rule 102(e) applicable to investigations).
117 See Sarbanes-Oxley § 205.
This potentially vast preemption of state law is not justified by any failure
of state regulation of lawyers. More important, federal intervention in this
area threatens to undermine the delicate balance established under state law
between the interests of the public and the interests of the corporate client.
III. ANALYSIS OF REGULATIONS FOLLOWING SARBANES-OXLEY
A number of post–Sarbanes-Oxley regulatory developments in the federal

arena raise significant federalism questions. The SEC’s proposed stockholder
access rule raises questions concerning the SEC’s authority to regulate cor-
porate internal affairs as well as the wisdom of federalizing such regulation.
Changes to the listing requirements of the SROs raise similar questions. A
bill recently introduced in Congress by U.S. Representative Barney Frank
raises the question of whether regulation of executive compensation should
be federalized. This chapter addresses these developments in turn.
A. The SEC’s Stockholder Access Proposal

In 2003, the SEC proposed Rule 14a-11, which under certain circumstances
would permit stockholders to access a company’s proxy statement for the
purpose of nominating candidates for the board of directors.118 Under this pro-
posed stockholder access rule, stockholders or groups of stockholders owning
more than 5 percent of the company’s stock for at least two years would be
able to include nominees to the board on the company’s proxy materials if one
of two triggering events occurred:119 (1) if stockholders approved a stockholder
proposal submitted by a stockholder group owning at least 1 percent of the
company’s stock to opt into the stockholder access system or (2) if 35 percent
of the stockholders withheld their votes from a management nominee to the
board.120 At the annual meeting in the year following the occurrence of either
triggering event, the company would be required to include in its proxy mate-
rials a candidate nominated by a stockholder or group holding the required
amount of stock.121
118 Security Holder Director Nominations, Exchange Act Release No. 48,626 (proposed Oct. 14,
2003). This is at least the third time that the SEC has considered providing for direct stockholder
access to the company’s proxy for the purpose of nominating directors. See Seligman, supra
note 16, at 1162, 1163–65.
119 Roel C. Campos, The SEC’s Shareholder Access Proposal: It Still Has a Pulse, Remarks at the
Yale Law School Center for the Study of Corporate Law (Jan. 10, 2005), in Practising Law
Institute, What All Business Lawyers and Litigators Must Know About Delaware
Law Developments 1147, 1149 (2005).
120 Id. at 1149. 121 Id.
Proposed Rule 14a-11 proved highly controversial, drawing more than four-
teen thousand comments.122 Many of the comments received by the SEC
centered on the structure of the triggering events,123 whether the effects of
Sarbanes-Oxley and related reforms should be evaluated before enacting a
stockholder access rule,124 and the SEC’s authority to enact the rule.125 The
proposal has now faltered and is perhaps dead.126 Nevertheless, it merits con-
sidering whether the rule would be a valid product of SEC authority and
advisable as a matter of federalism.
There is significant disagreement, even among the commissioners them-
selves, over whether the SEC has the authority to enact Rule 14a-11.127 The
SEC claims as the source of its authority section 14(a) of the Exchange Act,
through the enactment of which, the SEC asserts, Congress intended to ensure
fair corporate suffrage for stockholders.128 Critics of the proposed rule contend
122 Id.; see also John C. Coffee Jr., Federalism and the SEC’s Proxy Proposal, N.Y.L.J. 5 (Mar. 18,
2004), available at http://www.sec.gov/ru1es/proposed/s71903/s71903–816.pdf (describing the
stockholder access proposal as “the most controversial and important proposal to emanate
from the SEC in over a decade”).
123 See, e.g., Letter from ABA, Section of Business Law, to SEC (Nov. 3, 2003), avail-
able at http://www.sec.gov/rules/proposed/s71903/abal110303.htm; Letter from ABA, Sec-

tion of Business Law, to SEC (Jan. 7, 2004), available at http://www.sec.gov/ru1es/
proposed/s7l903/aba10704.htm (acknowledging that stockholder access should be permitted
only where a triggering event signals strong stockholder dissatisfaction with the company’s
nomination process but questioning the ability of the proposed triggering events to reflect such
dissatisfaction).
124 See, e.g., Letter from ABA, Section of Business Law, to SEC (Jan. 7, 2004), available at
http://www.sec.gov/rules/proposed/s71903/aba010704.htm (“This subject can be revisited in the

future after evaluating whether these recently enacted reforms and other changes in company
practices have resolved the concerns that the direct access proposals seek to address.”).
125 Compare Letter from ABA, Section of Business Law, to SEC (Jan. 7, 2004), available at
http://www.sec.gov/rules/proposed/s7l903/aba0l0704.htm (arguing that the stockholder access

rule would create “a substantive right of access for shareholders that would impinge on corpo-
rate law – including valid provisions of a corporation’s organizational documents – [and thus]
would raise serious issues regarding the Commission’s authority”), with Coffee, supra note 122
(observing that “[t]he legality of proposal Rule 14a-11 depends upon where courts draw the line
between the realm of corporate governance, regulated primarily by state corporate law, and
the realm of securities regulation, where the SEC is the primary regulator,” and arguing that
proposed Rule 14a-11 is a “procedural” rule that falls within the SEC’s authority).
126 See E. Norman Veasey & Christine T. Di Guglielmo, What Happened in Delaware Corporate
Law and Governance from l992–2004? A Retrospective on Some Key Developments, 153 U. Pa.
L. Rev. 1399, 1505 n.473 (2005) (noting that the stockholder access proposal “now appears to
be dead”).
127 See Karmel, supra note 106, at 126–27 (stating that “[a]t least one sitting SEC Commissioner,
[Paul S. Atkins,] has expressed serious doubt about the SEC’s authority to promulgate a rule
mandating shareholder access to management’s proxy.”); Campos, supra note 119, at 1160.
2003), at text accompanying notes 46–48.

that director nominations are a matter of corporate internal affairs controlled

by state law, citing Santa Fe Industries and Business Roundtable.129 Propo-
nents of the rule argue that, under state law, stockholders are entitled to
nominate directors but that the proxy rules create obstacles to the exercise of
that right that the proposed rule seeks to remove in a balanced way.130 The
SEC expressly disclaims any attempt to create a stockholder right to nominate
directors. Instead, it insists that the proposed rule would merely regulate the
manner by which that right is exercised through regulation of the company
proxy, only where state law permits stockholder nominations.131
Professor John Coffee has asserted that section 14(a) grants the SEC suffi-
cient authority to adopt the stockholder access rule. He argues that section
14(a) is not limited to disclosure but, by requiring that anyone who solicits
proxies must comply with the SEC’s regulations, the section authorizes the
SEC to ensure a right of fair corporate suffrage.132 Professor Coffee under-
stands the SEC’s power as extending to the regulation of voting procedure
and believes that the stockholder access proposal fits within that domain.133
He cites a “long list of respected commentators” as understanding the SEC’s
power with respect to the proxy rules as based on a policy goal of placing an
absent stockholder in an equivalent position with a stockholder who attends
the annual meeting.134 Because a stockholder in attendance at an annual
meeting may nominate a director from the floor, such commentators suggest,
a stockholder participating in the meeting by proxy should also be permitted
to nominate a director via proxy.
129 See Letter from ABA, Section of Business Law, to SEC (Jan. 7, 2004), available at http://www.
sec.gov/rules/proposed/s71903/aba010704.htm (“The director election process is a fundamental
element of corporate governance provided for and controlled by state law. It includes the right
of shareholders to elect directors and govern the director nomination process, and reflects a
balance of rights and responsibilities between shareholders and directors that is important to
our system of corporate economic enterprise.”). See also supra this chapter for discussion of
Santa Fe Industries and Business Roundtable and the internal affairs doctrine.
130 Campos, supra note 119, at 1160.
2003), at text following note 58 (“Nothing in the proposed procedure establishes a right of
security holders to nominate candidates for election to a company’s board of directors; rather
the proposed procedure involves disclosure and other requirements concerning proxy materials
that are conditioned on the existence of such a right under state law and the occurrence of
specified events.”).
132 John C. Coffee Jr., Remarks at Roundtable Discussion Regarding Proposed Rules Relating to
Security Holder Director Nominations (Mar. 10, 2004) (transcript available at http://www.sec.
gov/spotlight/dir-nominations/transcript03102004.txt).
133 Id.
134 Coffee, supra note 122, at note 13 and accompanying text.
The Task Force on Shareholder Proposals of the Committee on Federal

Regulation of Securities of the American Bar Association’s Section of Business
Law (the Committee), co-chaired by Todd Lang and Charles Nathan, sub-
mitted comments regarding proposed Rule 14a-11, arguing that the rule would
exceed the SEC’s authority because it would constitute a federal grant of a
right to stockholders that does not exist under state law. The Committee con-
tends that the rule is a substantive, not a procedural, rule of the commission,
and therefore falls outside the scope of the SEC’s authority.135 The Committee
summarized its position as follows:
The Commission’s authority to regulate director nominations is confined to

disclosure and voting procedures related to proxy solicitations. State corporate
law otherwise governs the director nomination process and does not provide
shareholders a right of access to the company’s proxy materials, although such
a right may be established and the director nomination process may be reg-
ulated under organizational documents and by board action. Preemption of
state corporate law in this fundamental area of corporate governance cannot
be implied from the Commission’s general powers; it can only result from
direct Congressional action. Accordingly, the creation by the Commission of
a substantive right of access for shareholders that would impinge on corporate
law – including valid provisions of a corporation’s organizational documents –
would raise serious issues regarding the Commission’s authority. This would
include access requirements that conflict with the exercise of board or nom-
inating committee responsibilities with respect to the nominating process
or the use of company proxy materials, whether undertaken to implement
listing standards or to achieve other legitimate corporate purposes. Rule 14a-8
is not precedent for creation of such an access right because matters relating
to the election of directors are excluded from the Rule’s scope, reflecting
the design and use of Rule 14a-8 for other purposes. Therefore, the limited
access to company proxy statements provided by Rule 14a-8 is not determi-
native of the Commission’s authority to adopt an access rule involving the
director selection process. The Commission’s exercise of authority in this
area must separately be supported by considerations involving disclosure or
voting procedures.136
Critics and proponents alike of the stockholder access proposal agree that
the SEC’s authority in this area is limited. That is, assuming the SEC has
authority to regulate voting procedure, it may not venture into the area of
substantive regulation of corporate governance without an express grant of
135 Letter from ABA, Section of Business Law, to SEC (Jan. 7, 2004), available at http://www.sec
.gov/rules/proposed/s71903/aba010704.htm.
136 Id.
authority by Congress to do so. Thus, the definition of procedure becomes

important. The disagreement revolves around whether the stockholder access
proposal constitutes a substantive regulation or a limited procedural one.
The better view of the issue, in our judgment, is that the proposed stock-
holder access rule would go beyond the SEC’s authority over disclosure and
voting procedure and move into the substantive regulation of the balance
of power among corporate constituents. Under traditional state law princi-
ples, directors are responsible for nominating directors and for controlling the
company’s proxy materials. The stockholder access proposal would expand
stockholder power in both of these areas. Rule 14a-11 would not simply place
an absent stockholder in the same position as one who actually attended the
meeting and could nominate a director from the floor. A stockholder who
attended the meeting would still be required to obtain sufficient votes for her
candidate to be elected – an unlikely result for a floor nomination because
the proxies would already have been submitted. Rule 14a-11 would give the
nominator the benefits of soliciting votes and access to the corporation’s pock-
ets to do so, a benefit stockholders have never had before. In contrast, the
stockholder access rule would permit the stockholder to make the nomination
and solicit votes in support of her candidate in advance of the meeting and at
the company’s expense.
The timing of the stockholder access proposal suggests another interesting
view of the SEC’s authority with respect to the proposal. The SEC’s authority
under the Securities Act and the Securities Exchange Act has traditionally been
understood as extending to regulation of disclosure and voting procedure. It
could be argued that by legislating concerning so many aspects of corporate
governance, Sarbanes-Oxley has eroded the distinction between substantive
internal affairs and disclosure. If so, the statute may implicitly grant authority to
the SEC beyond the disclosure and limited procedural areas. That argument is
without force, however, for two reasons. First, the internal affairs doctrine holds
that, unless Congress demonstrates an express intent to regulate corporate
internal affairs, regulation will be left to the states. Thus, an implicit eroding
of a traditional distinction will not be sufficient to grant the SEC authority in
a new, substantive area of law. Second, as discussed above, Sarbanes-Oxley’s
corporate governance provisions largely function through the mechanism of
disclosure. Thus, the traditional means-end distinction is actually sustained –
or even reinforced – by Sarbanes-Oxley. That is, the SEC’s authority over
securities issuers is exercised by requiring disclosure of corporate governance
structures, not by mandating the structures themselves.
Regardless of whether the stockholder access proposal is ultimately adopted
by the SEC and challenged in court, it highlights important federalism
questions. If it is adopted and challenged, it will present another opportu-

nity for the courts to refine the boundary between state and federal regulation
of corporate governance. And even if it is not adopted, the proposal stands
as evidence of a move toward federalization of corporate governance and the
willingness of federal actors to venture further into a quintessentially state area
of regulation.
The foregoing discussion, of course, addresses only the SEC’s authority to
adopt Rule 14a-11. It does not consider whether adoption of the rule would
be advisable as a policy matter. In this regard – and as will be discussed in
more detail below – the development of corporate law is best left to the states.
Jurisprudentially, state law in this area is typically more flexible and balanced
than federal law.137 In our view, state legislatures and courts (especially expert
business courts like the Delaware Court of Chancery) are better positioned
to respond more appropriately to perceived needs for change or in a contex-
tual fact setting than are Congress or the many federal judges in nearly one
hundred federal district courts. Finally, Rule 14a-11 could create a perverse
incentive for states to opt out of allowing stockholder nominations entirely,
creating a race to the bottom among state corporate laws in the context of
stockholder suffrage. Without such an incentive for states to enact a blanket
prohibition on nominations by stockholders, state law retains the benefits of its
enabling approach and allows states to leave open the possibility of stockholder
nominations where they suit the circumstances of a particular company.
The weakness of the basis for federal (i.e., SEC) activity in the law governing
the voting by stockholders for the election of directors and the complexity of
that issue on the merits, apart from federalism concerns, have caused a shift
in focus from federal to state law. Now the analysis on voting for directors has
shifted to an examination of state default rules. The Committee on Corporate
Laws of the Section of Business Law of the American Bar Association is
studying whether to recommend changes in the Model Business Corporation
Act (in effect in some form in a majority of states) where the default provision
(section 7.28(a)) provides that directors shall be elected by a plurality (not a
majority) of the votes cast, even in an uncontested election, unless the articles
of incorporation provide otherwise. Delaware, where the law is not based on
the Model Act, has a similar but slightly different default formulation and
permits opting out of the statutory default in the certificate of incorporation or
in the bylaws.
The Corporate Laws Committee has set forth in a discussion paper the
issues and some options in this complex area and, in response to its invitation,
137 See Veasey & Di Guglielmo, supra note 126, at 1413 & n.39.
has reviewed many comments.138 Meanwhile, there is much activity among

investor groups and some private ordering by corporations in adopting guide-
lines obliging directors who receive a majority of withhold votes to resign. At
this time, the issue remains in flux, although the focus is definitely on state
law, not SEC regulation.139
B. Recent Amendments to the SROs’ Listing Rules

on Corporate Governance
Following Sarbanes-Oxley, in late 2003, the SEC approved amendments to
the listing standards of the principal SROs, including the New York Stock
Exchange (NYSE).140 The amendments regulate a variety of corporate gover-
nance issues. The federalism implications are similar to those raised by SEC
rule making like the stockholder access proposal but are perhaps both nar-
rower and broader in the listing standard context. They are narrower because
the listing standards do not constitute direct federal regulation of corporate
governance. They are broader because the SROs are not necessarily subject
to the same constitutional limits on authority as are the federal government
and its agencies. In addition, because the SEC exerts considerable influence
over the listing standards adopted by the SROs, those standards do constitute
indirect federal regulation of corporate governance.
138 Committee on Corporate Laws, Discussion Paper on Voting by Shareholders for the Elec-
tion of Directors (2005), available at http://www.abanet.org/buslaw/committees/CL270000pub/
directorvoting/20050621000000.pdf.
139 The Corporate Laws Committee noted in its release of September 26, 2005, that it had received
“many helpful observations and comments in the 36” letters commenting on its Discussion
Paper. The Committee noted that it “is continuing its objective and intensive work on this
subject.” Significantly, the Committee noted the following:
One positive development is the growing trend of voluntary adoption by certain corpo-
rations of corporate governance guidelines that address the failure of nominees to satisfy
a minimum vote requirement. One such guideline is that exemplified by the action of
the board of directors of Pfizer, Inc. (as well as similar action and variations thereon
by other companies), to the general effect that a nominee for director must tender his
or her resignation to the board of directors for action by the board in the event that
the nominee “receives a greater number of votes ‘withheld’ from his or her election
than votes ‘for’ such election.” The Committee is looking at whether there are suitable
ways in the Model Act to reinforce this kind of voluntary initiative. The Committee is
continuing as well to study other director voting issues, including those identified in the
Discussion Paper.
140 Many other SROs similarly amended their listing standards around the same time. Unless
noted otherwise, this discussion will focus on the NYSE listing standards as an example of the
federalism issues presented by corporate governance provisions of the SRO rules.
At the outset, it is important to note that the SEC must approve the SROs’
listing standards before they may take effect.141 The listing standards therefore
should not be viewed as purely private, contractual, nonfederal requirements
but as part of the federal regulatory landscape.142 In addition, beyond the
SEC’s authority to approve (or reject) listing standards presented to it by the
SROs, the SEC engages in a process of “regulation by raised eyebrow,”143
through which it encourages SROs to adopt as listing requirements corporate
governance standards that the SEC does not have the political wherewithal –
or perhaps even authority – to enact directly as SEC rules.
The 2003 amendments to the NYSE’s listing standards require that compa-
nies satisfy a number of corporate governance mandates in order to be listed
on that stock exchange. First, listed companies must have a board compris-
ing a majority of independent directors, and the listing standards now define
independence for this purpose and mandate that the board identify the inde-
pendent directors and disclose the basis for that determination.144 Second,
the new standards require that listed companies’ nonmanagement directors
regularly meet in executive sessions without management present.145 Third,
the amendments require that each company have a nominating or corporate
governance committee and a compensation committee comprised entirely of
independent directors, and prescribe certain processes that those committees
must follow and duties for them to perform.146 Fourth, the listing standards
141 See 15 U.S.C. § 78s(b) (requiring that the SROs submit proposed rule changes to the SEC for
review, public comment, and SEC approval before they become effective).
142 Cf. Donald E. Schwartz, Federalism and Corporate Governance, 45 Ohio St. L.J. 545, 574
(1984) (“The Company Manual of both the New York and American Stock Exchanges is an
important source of de facto law for affected companies in major respects.”).
143 Bus. Roundtable v. SEC, 905 F.2d 406, 410 n.5 (D.C. Cir. 1990) (quoting Schwartz, supra note
142, at 571). Donald Schwartz has described the SEC’s influence over the SROs as follows:
The creation of audit committees was central to the SEC objective to influence the
control system. Rather than adopt a controversial requirement, the Commission exerted
its influence on the New York Stock Exchange to have it adopt such a rule for companies
listed on the Exchange. This may be seen as regulation by raised eyebrow. The SEC
has the power to compel stock exchanges to adopt rule changes under section 19(c) of
the 1934 Act. Whether the SEC had the power to require the exchanges to adopt rules
regarding corporate governance is an open question, but in any event, the Commission,
through a speech by its then chairman, Roderick Hills, suggested that this was a good
idea for the Exchange, and the New York Stock Exchange responded by adopting such
a rule. As a result, all New York Stock Exchange listed companies now have audit
committees that are essentially independent.
Schwartz, supra note 142, at 571 (citations omitted).
144 NYSE, Listed Company Manual §§ 303A.01-02 (2004), available at http://nysemanual.nyse
.com/LCM/Sections.
145 Id. § 303A.03. 146 Id. §§ 303A.04–05.
now state that each listed company must have an audit committee that sat-
isfies the requirements under the SEC’s Rule 10A-3,147 as well as specifying
a number of other requirements and processes for the audit committee and
its members.148 Fifth, under the amendments, listed companies must give
stockholders the opportunity to vote on most equity compensation plans.149
Sixth, the amendments mandate that listed companies adopt and disclose
their own corporate governance guidelines that address, at minimum, a spe-
cific list of corporate governance issues.150 Seventh, the amendments similarly
require that companies adopt and disclose a code of business conduct and
ethics.151
Because these listing rules constitute indirect federal regulation of internal
corporate affairs, they raise the same policy questions concerning imposing
corporate governance rules at a national level that are raised by Sarbanes-
Oxley. Without the overlay of the SEC’s influence over the SROs’ listing
standards, the SROs might resemble states in the sense that they constitute
separate regulating bodies that may benefit investors by engaging in regulatory
competition in order to attract companies to list on their exchange. The SEC’s
role in “encouraging” the SROs to adopt corporate governance rules as listing
standards, however, undermines any such analogy between the states and the
SROs. Instead, the SROs can be seen as functioning as cogs in the federal
regulatory machine. As a result, the standards of the different SROs are likely
to converge toward a federal agenda, limiting any competition among them
for listings. In addition, any potential efficiency in adopting rule changes
is muted by the time required for public comment and SEC review and
approval. Finally, by prescribing specific corporate governance rules, the new
SRO listing standards resemble “the statutory- and rule-based prescriptive
methodology” generally employed in federal business regulation, instead of
the common-law principles and enabling statutes that define state regulation
of corporations.152 The convergence of corporate governance listing standards
among the different SROs highlights the problems created by the prescriptive
approach. The SROs’ other listing requirements and the characteristics of the
firms that list on them are quite different, suggesting that the SROs would
147 Id. § 303A.06. 148 Id. § 303A.07.

149 Id. § 303A.08. 150 Id. § 303A.09.
151 Id. § 303A.10.
152 Steele, supra note 11, at 437; see also William B. Chandler III & Leo E. Strine Jr., The
New Federalism of the American Corporate Governance System: Preliminary Reflections of Two
Residents of One Small State, 152 U. Pa. L. Rev. 953, 960 (2003) (noting “the overall discord
between the prescriptive quality of the 2002 Reforms – particularly the proposed Exchange
Rules – and the enabling approach to corporate regulation taken by the Delaware General
Corporation Law”).
probably be better than the SEC at crafting listing standards that would be
best suited to the particular needs and interests of the corporations that list
with them.
C. H.R. 4291 – Federalizing Regulation of Executive Compensation

On November 10, 2005, Barney Frank of Massachusetts introduced a bill in the
House of Representatives that would expand federal regulation of executive
compensation. H.R. 4291 proposes amendments to the Securities Exchange
Act, purportedly for the purpose of requiring “additional disclosure to share-
holders of executive compensation.”153 The language of the bill reveals, how-
ever, that its passage would expand federal involvement in executive compen-
sation far beyond regulation of disclosure.
The bill does begin by requiring certain disclosures regarding executive
compensation. It provides that issuers must include in their annual reports
and in management’s proxy solicitation materials “a comprehensive statement
of such issuer’s compensation plan” for certain senior executives. That dis-
closure regarding the compensation plan must include information about the
following:
(i) any type of compensation (whether present, deferred, or contingent)

paid or to be paid to such [executives], including
(I) an estimate of the present value of any accrued pension of such
officers;
(II) the estimated market value of any other benefits received by such
officers; and
(III) any agreements or understandings concerning any type of compen-
sation;
(ii) the short- and long-term performance measures that the issuer uses for
determining the compensation of such principal executive officers and
whether such measures were met by such officers during the preceding
year; and
(iii) the policy of the issuer adopted pursuant to the rules promulgated under
paragraph (3).154
Such disclosure requirements could fall within the traditional federal realm of
regulation of corporate disclosures. But the bill then adds a requirement that
the proxy solicitation materials that include the required disclosure regarding
executive compensation “shall require a separate shareholder vote to approve
153 H.R. 4291, 109th Congress (1st Sess. 2005). 154 Id. § 2(a).
such compensation plan.”155 That requirement interferes with the states’ tradi-
tional role in regulating the distribution of power among corporate constituents
and, thus, the internal affairs doctrine.156
Because H.R. 4291, if enacted, would represent a direct congressional action
regulating corporate governance, it would not implicate the issues concerning
federal regulatory authority discussed in section I (so long as it falls within
Congress’s broad power under the Commerce Clause, which it most likely
does). But it would implicate all the policy reasons for maintaining the appro-
priate division of responsibility for regulation of corporate governance between
the state and federal governments that are discussed in the next section of this
chapter.
It is highly unlikely that this bill will pass, at least in this form. The SEC staff
is, however, working on further rule-making initiatives relating to enhanced
disclosure requirements on various aspects of executive compensation.157 Care-
ful implementation of best practices concerning executive compensation – and
corresponding adoption of compensation plans that appropriately reflect the
needs and strategies of the corporations the executives lead – is the best prophy-
laxis against further federal intrusion into executive compensation decisions.158
If, despite adherence to such practices, government intervention proves nec-
essary, regulation of executive compensation is best left to the states.
V. PRESERVING THE TRADITIONAL FEDERAL-STATE BALANCE
Our analysis to this point has focused on the effects of Sarbanes-Oxley and other
reforms of corporation regulation on the division of labor between the federal
and state governments. It has established that Sarbanes-Oxley and related
155 The bill proposes similar disclosure of and separate stockholder vote to approve “any agreements
or understandings that [a person soliciting votes in connection with an acquisition, merger,
consolidation, or proposed sale or other disposition of substantially all the assets of an issuer]
has with [certain senior executives] of such issuer (or of the acquiring issuer) concerning any
type of compensation (whether present, deferred, or contingent) that are based on or otherwise
relate” to the transaction at issue. Id.
156 See Bus. Roundtable v. SEC, 905 F.2d 406, 411 (D.C. Cir. 1990) (stating that, in enacting the
Securities Exchange Act, “Congress acted on the premise that shareholder voting could work,
so long as investors secured enough information and, perhaps, the benefit of other procedural
protections. It did not seek to regulate the stockholders’ choices”).
157 Alan L. Beller, Remarks Before the Conference of the NASPP, The Corporate Counsel
and the Corporate Executive (Oct. 20, 2004), available at http://ww.sec.gov/news/speech/

spch102004alb.htm.
158 See William B. Chandler III, When Boards Make (or Allow) Bad Decisions – Anatomy of
a Board Liability Case, Address at the NACD Annual Corporate Governance Conference
(Oct. 25, 2005) (“[T]he entire matter of executive compensation . . . will either be regulated by
you, the fiduciaries, or by the politicians.”).
reforms do in fact represent a marked shift toward greater federal regulation of

internal corporate affairs, but it has not evaluated in detail whether this shift is
good, bad, or indifferent. As explained in this section, the expansion of federal
regulatory authority beyond those areas directly related to the operation of the
securities markets is both detrimental to investors and an inefficient allocation
of responsibility among regulators.
A. Investor Benefits of State Regulation

The central question for any scheme of business regulation is whether it pro-
vides a net benefit to investors, the ultimate beneficiaries of any such regulatory
scheme.159 The exclusive state regulation of corporate governance yields bene-
fits to investors that they would not receive under a federal regime. The theory
behind this proposition is well established: states compete with one another to
attract corporate charters (and the attendant incorporation revenues) and, in
the process, produce regulations with an optimal balance between manage-
ment and stockholder interests.160 Corporate managers will seek to incorporate
in states with optimal corporate regulation because their interests are aligned
with those of stockholders – that is, they want to maximize the value of the
firm’s shares. Managers who incorporate in states with lax regulation will find
that investors discount the firm’s share price (thereby raising its cost of capital)
to account for the increased probability of management abuses. Under this
view, Delaware became the preeminent state of incorporation because it has
a superior regulatory regime and provides superior ancillary services – such as
a judiciary with special expertise in business law and a well-developed body of
case law in the field.161
159 Of course, a complete recitation of the long-standing and well-documented debate over the
desirability of state regulation in this area is beyond the scope of this chapter. Nevertheless,
this section highlights a number of points raised in the debate that are instructive in evaluating
the impact of Sarbanes-Oxley.
160 See Winter, supra note 101, at 289.
161 Over the years, commentators have identified a number of positive factors that likely contribute
to Delaware’s central role in corporation law. For example, because Delaware depends on
incorporation revenues rather than ordinary tax revenues from companies headquartered in
Delaware, there is no need for state lawmakers to formulate laws to suit the interests of a
few big statewide employers. See Roberta Romano, The Genius of American Corporate
Law 38–39 (1993). Similarly, incorporation revenues – which make up a sizable proportion
of Delaware’s budget – function as a bond that would be forfeited if Delaware were not
responsive to the needs of corporations and their investors. See id. To preserve this income
stream, Delaware lawmakers have taken a number of precautions to ensure that the state’s
corporation law reflects the most advanced thinking in the area while remaining stable and
predictable. Thus, the Delaware corporation law is subject to regular review by experts, but
any changes must be approved by a two-thirds majority of both houses of the legislature.
In contrast, some scholars argue that competition among states in corpora-

tion law actually yields regulation that entrenches corporate management (at
investors’ expense) because state lawmakers seek to please corporate managers
who control the decision where to incorporate.162 A more nuanced version
of this race-to-the-bottom theory holds that state competition results in value-
enhancing regulation of corporations for some issues but favors managers over
investors on other issues, such as hostile takeovers.163 Other scholars take a
different approach, arguing that states do not, in fact, engage in regulatory
competition at all; instead, each state simply seeks to protect incumbent man-
agers of its local businesses.164 Under any of these lines of reasoning, they argue,
See id. at 41–42. Demonstrating their commitment to remain at the forefront of legal and
business developments in the field, members of the Delaware judiciary and bar are also
prominent participants in the academic analysis of corporate regulation.
162 See, e.g., William L. Cary, Federalism and Corporate Law: Reflections from Delaware, supra
note 4, at 668–86; see also Lucian Bebchuk et al., Does the Evidence Favor State Competition
in Corporate Law?, 90 Calif. L. Rev. 1775, 1780 (2002) (“Because managers have substantial
influence over where companies are incorporated, a state that wishes to maximize the number
of corporations chartered in it will have to take into account the interests of managers.”). As
numerous scholars have noted, this argument presupposes that investors will not discount
the shares of companies incorporated in management-friendly states. See, e.g., Winter, supra
note 101; Frank H. Easterbrook & Daniel R. Fischel, The Economic Structure of
Corporate Law 213–15 (1991) (“As a matter of theory, the ‘race for the bottom’ cannot exist.”).
163 See, e.g., Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Allen Ferrell, Federalism and Corporate Law: The Race
to Protect Managers from Takeovers, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 1168 (1999) (arguing that the state-
competition theory does not explain why many states have adopted restrictive antitakeover laws
that serve only to protect management at the expense of shareholders); Bebchuk et al., supra
note 162, at 1779 (arguing that “state competition induces states to provide rules that managers,
but not necessarily shareholders, favor with respect to corporate law issues that significantly
affect managers’ private benefits of control, such as rules governing takeovers”).
164 See Marcel Kahan & Ehud Kamar, The Myth of State Competition in Corporate Law, 55
Stan. L. Rev. 679 (2002–2003) (arguing that states do not actually compete in corporation law
because most states do not collect significant revenues from incorporation). Similarly, scholars
have argued that any competition for corporate charters takes place between the corporation’s
home state and Delaware because those are the legal regimes with which corporate advisers are
most familiar. See Bebchuk et al., supra note 162, at 1784 (“[C]ompetition is highly imperfect
in that Delaware faces scant competition in the market for out-of-state incorporations; firms
largely incorporate either in Delaware or in the state of their headquarters.”); Robert Daines,
The Incorporation Choices of IPO Firms, 77 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1559, 1562 (2002) (“Firm choices
are thus oddly ‘bimodal’ – they operate as if there is no national market but a single choice:
their home jurisdiction or Delaware. The nationwide search for attractive legal rules that Cary
feared and Winter cheered does not appear.” (citation omitted)). Daines suggests that one
reason for the “bimodal” operation of incorporation choices is that lawyers strongly influence
incorporation choice, and lawyers generally are familiar with the corporation law of their
home state and Delaware, which serves as a “common law language” of corporation law. This
then creates a “network effect,” which further increases the prominence of Delaware law. See
Daines, supra at 1580–82, 1587–88 (“For instance, as the number of firms incorporated in a
state increases, the amount of litigation increases, which may clarify the law, provide valuable
Delaware dominates state corporation law not because it has produced opti-
mal regulations but because it is most likely to protect management. Thus, it
is argued that federal intervention (or the threat of intervention) represents the
only viable means to restrain the management-friendly excesses of Delaware
law.165 Indeed, several scholars have suggested that the federal government
itself should be viewed as the principal competitor in corporation law along-
side Delaware.166
Not satisfied to leave the debate over the merits of state competition at
the level of theory, scholars have constructed a series of event studies in an
attempt to assess how investors value the state of a firm’s incorporation. These
studies essentially track the movements of a firm’s share price immediately
after it announces its intention to reincorporate in Delaware. If the share price
goes up (after controlling for other factors), one can infer that investors take a
positive view of the overall package of Delaware corporation law.167
Of the reincorporation event studies completed to date, all have found posi-
tive abnormal returns associated with a decision to reincorporate in Delaware
and half have found statistically significant positive abnormal returns.168
training to judges, and increase the availability of cheap legal advice. In addition, the more
firms that incorporate in a given state, the more likely the legislature may be to update the
state’s corporate code.”).
165 See, e.g., Lucian Arye Bebchuk, Federalism and the Corporation: The Desirable Limits on State
Competition in Corporate Law, 105 Harv. L. Rev. 1435 (1991) (arguing that federal intervention
in corporate governance is justified where necessary to prevent redistributions of wealth from
stockholders to management or to address effects of regulation on third parties other than
stockholders and management); William L. Cary, Federalism and Corporate Law: Reflections
upon Delaware, 83 Yale L.J. 663, 702–03 (1974) (advocating a federal statute prescribing, among
other things, fiduciary duties of officers and directors, a “fairness” standard for transactions with
directors, and mandatory stockholder approval of various corporate transactions).
166 See, e.g., Mark J. Roe, Delaware’s Politics, 118 Harv. L. Rev. 2491 (2005) (arguing that the
threat of federal intervention establishes limits on Delaware’s ability to act); Roe, supra note
17 (arguing that state competition is less important in corporation law than the threat of
federal intervention); Lucian Bebchuk & Allen Ferrell, A New Approach to Takeover Law and
Regulatory Competition, 87 Va. L. Rev. 101, 105 (2001) (proposing a nonmandatory federal
corporate governance regime that firms can choose instead of the state options); Renee M.
Jones, Rethinking Corporate Federalism in the Era of Corporate Reform, 29 Iowa J. Corp. L.
625 (2004) (arguing that Sarbanes-Oxley influenced the Delaware judiciary and that “vertical
competition” – that is, the threat of federal intervention – is more effective than “horizontal”
state competition).
167 See Sanjai Bhagat & Roberta Romano, Event Studies and the Law: Part II: Empirical Stud-
ies of Corporate Law, 4 Am. L. & Econ. Rev. 380, 381–83 (2002) (describing event-study
methodology).
168 See id. at 383–84 (2002) (“All [eight] of the studies find positive abnormal returns, with four
finding a significant positive stock return at the time of the announcement of the domicile
change. . . . ”); see also Romano, supra note 161, at 18 (“[W]hile several studies have found
significant positive stock price effects on firms’ reincorporation to Delaware, no study has
Similar event studies indicate that investors may even evaluate specific statu-
tory changes by state legislatures – particularly those concerning takeovers.169
Taking a different approach, a study by Robert Daines found that firms incor-
porated in Delaware were worth an average of up to 2 percent more than firms
incorporated in other states.170
These studies provide powerful evidence171 that investors place a positive
value on incorporation in Delaware and that Delaware’s dominant position
in corporation law is likely the result of its success in competing against other
states for corporate charters. In other words, the studies support the contention
that investors benefit from competition among states in corporation law – not
only because state competition yields better regulation than would the federal
government on its own but also because it allows states to experiment with
their regulations while being subject to market discipline.172
B. The Division of Responsibility

The case for leaving the regulation of internal corporate affairs to the states
does not rest solely on theories of state competition, however. To the contrary,
state regulation in this area is desirable because it is part of a sensible divi-
sion of responsibility that plays to the strengths of the different regulators.173
found a negative stock price effect as Cary would predict.”). Moreover, there is evidence that
the positive, abnormal returns are indeed attributable to the decision to reincorporate rather
than some other factor, such as the simultaneous disclosure of a new business plan. See Bhagat
& Romano, supra note 167, at 385 (citing study finding no statistical difference in returns based
on the reason for reincorporating). But see id. at 388 (discussing study finding a difference in
returns based on the reason for reincorporating).
169 See Bhagat & Romano, supra note 167, at 389–90 (discussing event studies of changes in
Delaware law).
170 See Robert Daines, Does Delaware Law Improve Firm Value?, 62 J. Fin. Econ. 525, 532 (2001).
The study also found that firms incorporated in Delaware were significantly more likely to
receive takeover offers and were more likely to be sold than firms incorporated in other states.
Id. at 541. But see Bebchuk et al., supra note 162, at 1785–86 (citing studies completed after
1999 finding no correlation between firm value and Delaware incorporation).
171 But cf. Bebchuk et al., supra note 162, at 1791–97 (arguing that the event studies finding positive,
abnormal returns on reincorporation in Delaware do not provide any meaningful evidence of

beneficial state competition). But see Bhagat & Romano, supra note 167, at 384 (arguing that
the flaws identified by Bebchuk, Cohen, and Ferrell are not significant and do not affect the
implications of the event studies).
172 Cf. Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1, 41 (2005) (O’Connor, J., dissenting) (describing as “[o]ne of
federalism’s chief virtues . . . the role of States as laboratories” that may “‘try novel social and
economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country’” (quoting New State Ice Co. v.
Liebmann, 285 U.S. 262, 311 (1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting))).
173 In addition, the drawbacks that sometimes accompany state regulation are not present in
this context. Unlike the devolution of insurance regulation to the states, for example, state
While federal regulators have both the expertise and the administrative capac-
ity to regulate nationwide securities markets, the states – and, in particular,
Delaware – are better placed than the federal government to regulate the
internal affairs of corporations.
As an initial matter, the federal government is not well suited to the nuanced
regulation of the fiduciary duties that lie at the heart of corporation law.174
Fiduciary duty law is by its nature fact intensive. Fiduciary relationships arise
in the context of complex and constantly evolving long-term arrangements
and therefore do not lend themselves easily to bright-line rules or detailed
regulations.175
Sarbanes-Oxley, however, does not account for the complexities of the cor-
porate environment. Rather than setting broad standards and allowing public
companies some leeway in determining how best to comply with those stan-
dards, Sarbanes-Oxley “prescribe[s] the precise means by which directors and
officers are to pursue certain ends.”176 Delaware fiduciary law, by contrast,
promotes good governance practices while “recogniz[ing] that what gener-
ally works for most boards may not be the best method for some others.”177
Delaware’s approach, which relies on the courts to define what is required of
officers and directors on a case-by-case basis, ensures that firms can select the
appropriate governance regime for their situation. This flexibility, so vital to
maintaining a sensible, effective regulatory regime for corporate governance,
is too often absent from Sarbanes-Oxley.
Failing to address the diversity of firms that are subject to a regulatory regime
is not merely a theoretical problem; it has important practical consequences.
By resorting to inflexible rules applicable to all public companies regardless
of the circumstances, Sarbanes-Oxley indiscriminately imposes substantial
compliance costs on those companies. Small firms, in particular, bear a heavy
regulation of corporate governance does not require companies to comply with multiple
regulatory regimes; a corporation’s internal affairs are governed only by the law of the state of
its incorporation.
174 Some scholars have argued that Delaware courts leave case law indeterminate to make it
more difficult for other states to emulate. See Ehud Kamar, A Regulatory Competition Theory
of Indeterminacy in Corporate Law, 98 Colum. L. Rev. 1908 (1998). Although Delaware’s
flexible “enabling” approach to corporate governance inevitably requires a case-by-case analysis
of fiduciary duties in marginal cases, Delaware case law produces relatively clear guidance in
the vast majority of cases. See Leo E. Strine Jr., Delaware’s Corporate-Law System: Is Corporate
America Buying an Exquisite Jewel or Diamond in the Rough? A Response to Kahan & Kamar’s
Price Discrimination in the Market for Corporate Law, 86 Cornell L. Rev. 1257, 1259 (2001).
175 See Daines, supra note 164, at 1582–83 (“Fiduciary duty rules are difficult to reduce to simple
statutory rules (given the nature of opportunism and the difficulty of predicting and legislating
to prevent future conflicts) and are instead regulated by a body of precedent.”).
176 Chandler & Strine, supra note 152, at 979. 177 Id.
burden under Sarbanes-Oxley. As Professor Roberta Romano has observed,

recent surveys suggest that Sarbanes-Oxley more than doubled the fixed costs
of being a public company and that the costs of complying with the Sarbanes-
Oxley internal audit requirements among smaller public companies “are an
order of magnitude greater than larger companies’ [costs].”178 More generally,
the tendency of Congress to impose mandatory requirements applicable to
large numbers of diverse businesses inevitably leads to unintended compliance
costs and rules that may be both under- and overinclusive.
In addition, while courts in states such as Delaware, New York, and Cali-
fornia have developed extensive case law addressing myriad fact patterns, fed-
eral regulators have no such repository of specialized institutional knowledge.
Delaware, in particular, has amassed a wealth of case law and has accumu-
lated substantial expertise in the regulation of corporate fiduciaries. It may be
that the federal courts (if given sufficient time) could eventually assemble a
repository of case law of comparable size, but busy federal district judges are
unlikely to seek out the sort of specialized knowledge of corporate affairs that
characterizes the Delaware Supreme Court and Court of Chancery.179
Finally, it is worth noting as a general matter that the process of federal
legislation is particularly ill equipped to deal with corporate governance issues.
As Roberta Romano has explained in detail, Congress typically legislates on
financial issues only in times of economic crisis, which results in hastily
formulated laws that are seldom revisited.180 In contrast, Delaware’s legislature
and its courts have built an excellent record of responding promptly to both
legal and business developments as they arise.181 To facilitate this process,
Delaware has established a process by which its corporation law is reviewed
by an expert panel charged with recommending revisions where appropriate.
VI. CONCLUSION
Federalism concerns in the context of corporation law raise myriad philosoph-

ical and practical questions. There may be broad constitutional limits on the
178 Romano, supra note 78, at 1520–21; see also David Wighton, The Boardroom Burden: Calls for
Reform Are Replaced by Concern That Corporate Shake-Up Has Gone Too Far, Fin. Times,
June 1, 2004, at 9 (reporting that International Paper spent $10 million on compliance with
section 404 of Sarbanes-Oxley in 2004 and that “General Electric has spent $30[ million] and
250,000 hours of employee time putting similar 404 measures in place”).
179 See Veasey & Di Guglielmo, supra note 126, at 1505.
180 Romano, supra note 78, at 1592–94.
181 See Roberta Romano, The States as a Laboratory: Legal Innovation and State Competition for
Corporate Charters, 23 Yale J. on Reg. 209, 225–26 (2006) (comparing the median time for
Delaware statutory amendment in response to a Delaware Supreme Court decision (two years)
with the time for congressional response to a U.S. Supreme Court decision (twelve years)).
power of Congress to legislate in areas of traditional state regulation, but it

is fair to assume for present purposes that Congress has preemptive powers it
has not yet used in the corporate area. This chapter has questioned whether
Congress has already gone too far in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act by regulating
internal corporate affairs that are traditionally the domain of the states. Given
the improbability of a congressional volte-face on this issue, however, it is
probably a moot point. In contrast, the desirability of further federal regula-
tion of corporations remains an open issue – and one that will come to the fore
if another major scandal should produce a public outcry similar to that gen-
erated by Enron, WorldCom, and the like. There is already a heated debate
whether the SEC has the power to, or should, enlarge its rule-making efforts
by taking action on shareholder voting for directors.
This chapter has argued that further federalization of corporation law would
be problematic both because it would be unlikely to benefit investors and
because the federal government is ill equipped to handle regulatory respon-
sibility for internal corporate affairs. Although state and private ordering ini-
tiatives to improve corporate governance are a work in progress, they are a
powerful example of the benefits of leaving the regulation of internal corpo-
rate affairs to dynamic bodies with the greatest interest and expertise in the
field. In short, given the complexity of the interaction between federal and state
regulation of corporations, unthinking expansion of federal power is plainly
not the answer. This is not the time for sloganeering or knee-jerk reactions.
This is the time for careful analysis.
part five
COMPARATIVE
CORPORATE
GOVERNANCE
12 Regulatory Differences in Bank and
Capital Market Regulation
Hideki Kanda
I. INTRODUCTION
It is well known that financial systems around the world can be roughly
distinguished as either bank-based systems or capital-market-based systems.
Whether and to what extent this distinction is meaningful is controversial.1
The answer depends upon what we consider. From a regulatory perspective,
two prototypical forms of regulation correspond to the counterparts of this
distinction, and thus we observe regulatory differences between the bank
system and the capital market system.2
In this chapter, I place particular emphasis on the costs of regulation and
the enforcement thereof. I argue that these costs are important determinants
when any given jurisdiction chooses a financial system. From this perspective,
this chapter has two purposes. First, I briefly describe prototypical forms of reg-
ulation in the bank system and the capital market system. I also briefly discuss
the change in the regulatory focus over time in both bank and capital market
regulation. This change has resulted from environmental change in the bank-
ing and capital markets. Second, I examine the descriptive and prescriptive
question of which system is, and should be, adopted in any given country
once the costs of regulation and enforcement are seriously considered. The
1 See, e.g., Rafael La Porta et al., Investor Protection and Corporate Governance, 58 J. Fin. Econ.
3 (2000) (arguing that outside investor protection rather than bank- or capital-market-based
systems is important).
2 Franklin Allen & Douglas Gale, Comparing Financial Systems (2000); Franklin Allen
& Douglas Gale, Comparing Financial Systems: A Survey (Wharton Sch. FIC, Working Paper
No. 01-15, 2001).
Hideki Kanda is Professor of Law, University of Tokyo. An early version of this chapter was written
for policy makers in Asian jurisdictions and presented at the Asian Development Bank Institute/
Wharton seminar “Regulatory Differences between the Banking Sector and the Securities Mar-
ket,” on July 26–27, 2001. It was published in 2 U. Tokyo J.L. & Pol. 29 (2005).
399
400 Hideki Kanda
cost of writing proper regulation and the cost of enforcing such regulation are
sometimes overlooked, but if these costs are taken into account seriously, we
can better understand (as a descriptive matter) why the bank-based system is
adopted in some jurisdictions and the capital market-based system is adopted
in other jurisdictions. This chapter presents a blunt hypothesis that the bank
system is better where the economy is small, while the capital market system
is better where the economy is large.
Section II offers a brief general discussion on the costs of regulation and
enforcement. Section III explores regulatory differences between the bank
system and the capital market system, and the problems associated with these
systems. The long-term credit bank system is also briefly addressed as an
intermediate system. Section IV asks the question of which system is and
should be better. Section V presents my preliminary conclusion.
II. COSTS OF REGULATION AND ENFORCEMENT
If some form of regulation in the financial sector is justified, no regulatory

system functions well unless accompanied by proper regulation and enforce-
ment thereof. What is proper is thus the primary concern for policy makers.
The starting premise should be to acknowledge the simple fact that the costs of
regulation and the costs of enforcement are not zero. In other words, the value
of regulation must be determined by both its benefits and its costs. Through
consideration of these benefits and costs, how to design and maintain effec-
tive regulation and an enforcement system thereof is the key issue for any
jurisdiction.
Imagine a world with only one simple rule: do not do bad things. This rule
may be appealing; what it says is quite right, and it covers all possible situations.
However, when a problem arises, who makes the decision, and based on what
specific criteria? Applying this abstract rule (appropriately) to each specific
situation or problem would be an extremely difficult task. Thus, in this world,
the cost of enforcing the rule would be prohibitively high, and so the rule
would not work at all in practice.
The reason every jurisdiction has complex rules is simple: the enforcement
of rules is costly. In other words, to reduce the cost of enforcement, there
must be specific rules. The problem is that if one attempts to write too many
specific rules, writing such rules is costly because it is not easy to write specific
rules so as to cover all possible situations or problems that may arise. In short,
the optimal level of specificity in writing rules is difficult to determine, even
from the enforcement perspective alone. In reality, a variety of factors other
than enforcement affect rule making in any jurisdiction, and so rule making is
more complex and contingent. Although one can list major factors that should
Regulatory Differences in Bank and Capital Market Regulation 401
be considered in rule making in the financial sector, specific regulatory rules

inevitably vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Each jurisdiction should adopt
specific regulatory rules that fit the jurisdiction best by carefully examining
the enforcement environment and other factors in that jurisdiction.
III. REGULATORY DIFFERENCES IN THE BANK SYSTEM

AND THE CAPITAL MARKET SYSTEM
A. The Bank System

Under the bank system, a bank funds itself by taking deposits from those who
have money and uses the money for lending to those who need capital. This
simple bank system is very popular in most Asian jurisdictions and elsewhere
still today.
Why we need regulation in this straightforward scheme is not simple. Gener-
ally, there are two realities that justify bank regulation. One is that it is imprac-
tical for dispersed depositors to monitor the bank effectively in an organized
fashion because of the collective action problem. Thus, regulators monitor
banks on behalf of dispersed depositors.3 Second, banks often participate in
(and sometimes operate) payment systems that inevitably accompany systemic
risk, thus producing a negative externality. Failure of one payment transaction
may lead to a disaster, so participants call for some form of regulation to deal
with this systemic risk.4
There are many well-known problems with this bank system, and this chap-
ter is not the place to explore the entire picture. I list three problems here. First,
banks have incentives to continue lending until they fail. In most jurisdictions,
some form of deposit insurance protects depositors in case of a possible bank
failure, and to protect the payment system and the jurisdiction’s economy,
the central bank and/or the government usually extends help through various
rescue measures if a bank, particularly a large bank, fails. Generally speaking,
this typical moral hazard problem is not easy to solve.
Second, banks face not only credit risk related to borrowers but, especially
today, market risk and other risks as well. Banks today tend to have financial
assets, such as bonds, that are subject to market risk, and even loans are often
securitized and thus produce market risk. Other risks include operational risks
such as that of sudden and unexpected computer breakdown. In short, banks
face many risks.
3 See Mathias Dewatripont & Jean Tirole, The Prudential Regulation of Banks (1995).
4 See generally Charles Goodhart, Financial Regulation: Why, How and Where Now?
(1998).
402 Hideki Kanda
Third, while banks bear these risks, depositors usually bear only the credit
risk of the bank with which they deal. Often deposit insurance protects depos-
itors (up to a certain amount), which results in almost no risk for depositors.
This means that risks are not diversified or spread out among many investors
but are instead taken somewhat concentrically by the bank. This form of risk
taking leaves banks vulnerable, especially today when risks exist more widely
and are spread across country borders. Banks, as intermediaries, are centralized
risk takers.
Bank regulation is basically designed to respond to these problems. First, the
most important part of today’s bank regulation ensures proper risk management
by banks. Excessive lending, sometimes coupled with a sudden downturn in
the economy (known as bursting of asset bubbles in Japan and elsewhere), has
led to bad-loan problems in many jurisdictions in Asia and elsewhere. Regu-
lators today require banks to make proper and strict assessments of each loan
in the bank’s asset portfolio. Regulators also undertake strict on-site examina-
tions of banks on a regular basis. Regulators take “prompt corrective actions”
when a bank’s capital decreases below a certain level. These strong and active
interventions by regulators are understood to be necessary in the bank system
today. While enhancing the transparency of banks is considered important,
market discipline is often not practicable, even though academics often argue
that it should be.
From a policy maker’s perspective, the bank system may seem relatively easy
to regulate because there is a clear focal point for the regulator to examine:
the bank. Unless banks fail, it is considered that there is no problem. However,
experience shows that maintaining perpetual bank solvency is not an easy task
and that the costs of regulation are thus very high. Banks frequently fail in
most countries. If regulation fails and banks fail, the result is often disastrous,
as experienced by Japan and other jurisdictions in the 1990s.
Historically speaking, the paradigm of bank regulation has changed over
time.5 While the purpose of bank regulation remains the same – that is, ensur-
ing soundness of banks – specific measures of bank regulation have changed.
Former regulation prohibited competition among banks and required banks
to maintain sound asset portfolios. Environmental changes in recent decades,
however, brought about a change in this old-fashioned regulatory strategy.
Today, competition among banks is considered desirable, and thus interest
rate regulation, branch regulation, and other forms of anticompetition regu-
lation have been removed in most industrialized countries. The philosophy
of regulation of banks’ asset portfolios has also changed. It formally prohib-
ited certain high-risk investments per se, while today regulation focuses on
5 See generally Robert C. Clark, The Soundness of Financial Intermediaries, 86 Yale L.J. 1 (1976).
maintaining the proper level of capital, not on particular investments in the

bank’s asset portfolio.
Over the past decades, technological change and deregulation have in-
creased the risks that banks face. Banks today face not only credit risk of
borrowers but market risk as well. Additionally, banks engage not only in
traditional banking business activities but in new business activities as well,
and banking institutions often shape financial conglomerates that engage in
various kinds of financial business activities. Moreover, economies of scope
and economies of scale tend to produce large banking institutions. These
modern institutions are often said to be “too big to fail” and their business
activities are too complex for regulators to understand and monitor properly.
The asymmetry of information between banks and regulators is so great today
that regulators are poorly equipped for direct intervention in bank activities.
Consequently, regulatory measures have changed from direct regulation to
indirect regulation. In other words, traditional regulation directly controlled
risks by, for example, prohibiting risky investments. In contrast, modern regu-
lation looks only at capital, and capital regulation also relies on internal control
and accounting systems by banks themselves.
The regulatory treatment of bank failure is also understood to be important.
There are several different possible causes for bank failure, including bad
management, fraud, and external economic conditions. However, the failed
bank’s assets disappear quickly and speedy regulatory intervention is called
for.
The outcomes of bank failures may differ depending upon legal, regulatory,
and political environments. Deposit insurance schemes play an important role,
not simply as providing insurance in the traditional sense but also as suppliers
of financial assistance and as purchasers of bad assets (where permitted). The
purpose of postinsolvency intervention by bank regulators (or special treatment
for failed banks) is understood to avoid confusions and to protect the payment
system. It is not to rescue the individual banks in question.
The above overview of bank regulation shows where the costs of bank reg-
ulation primarily lie. First, there is the cost of providing proper deposit insur-
ance. Second, regulation tries to prevent bank failure by requiring soundness
of banks. Third, bank failure results in an enormous cost, as postinsolvency
treatments often carry very high costs.
B. The Capital Market System

1. Basic Regulation
Under the capital market system, borrowers obtain funds not through banks
or similar intermediaries but directly from capital markets. Investors in the
404 Hideki Kanda
capital market, unlike depositors, take investment risks – that is, the risk of the
borrower’s failure. While intermediaries exist between borrowers and investors
in the form of brokers and dealers, they do not take investment risks in the
same way that banks do. Consequently, the regulatory focus is different from
that of the bank system.
While capital markets are both well-developed and well-functioning markets
as compared to product and other markets, they operate in highly regulated
environments. Highly organized securities markets on stock exchanges also
operate in highly regulated environments. The reason there is more rather
than less regulation in capital markets than in other markets stems from the
historical aim of securities regulation: the protection of public investors against
manipulative and deceptive activities by securities brokers. Thus, securities
regulation in most jurisdictions emerged with, and is centered upon, the idea
of retail investor protection.
In general, the capital market system is understood to be better than the
bank system in the following sense: various risks, including borrowers’ credit
risk and market risk, are spread out and taken by dispersed investors rather than
by intermediaries. This also means that borrowers can fund larger amounts
of money from the capital market than from the bank. The cost of capital is
therefore usually less in capital market financing than bank financing, if all
other things are equal. However, there are problems with the capital market
system as well, and there are costs of regulation and enforcement.
First, in the capital market system, there are numerous opportunities for
fraudulent activities, including manipulation, insider trading, and so on. Inter-
mediaries who pass investment and other risks on to investors also have incen-
tives to defraud public investors.
Second, capital markets are relatively difficult to regulate because, unlike in
the bank system, there is no single focal point on which regulators can focus.
Regulators must regulate the market entirely, and due to the nature of the
capital market, regulatory failure would lead to disaster.
How to regulate capital markets is not an easy question. Indeed, the benefits
of capital market regulation have not been well established in empirical litera-
ture by academics.6 However, experience in the United States, where we find
the most advanced capital markets, suggests the need for three strong sets of
regulation in order for capital markets to function properly: (1) strong investor
protection; (2) a strong watchdog or enforcement agency, like the U.S. Secu-
rities and Exchange Commission; and (3) strong regulation of intermediary
6 See, e.g., Roberta Romano, Empowering Investors: A Market Approach to Securities Regulation,
107 Yale L.J. 2359 (1998).
institutions. From a policy maker’s perspective, preparing and maintaining

such regulations is quite costly.
First, strong investor protection is usually ensured by two well-known regu-
latory schemes: mandatory disclosure and antifraud regulation. Additionally,
further regulation is usually called for to deal with the collective action prob-
lems faced by public bondholders in relation to debt securities. For instance,
the U.S. Trust Indenture Act of 1939 provides certain safeguards to protect
public bondholders.
Second, the complexity of enforcement of capital market regulation should
not be underestimated. For disclosure regulation to work, proper accounting
rules and proper auditing requirements must be provided. A good auditor sys-
tem (or certified public accountant system) must be developed. Also, both for
disclosure and antifraud rules, there must be a strong watchdog or enforcement
agency, such as the SEC. Finally, private enforcement is probably important,
given the complexity of capital market regulation. Defrauded investors must
be given a chance to resort to legal remedies. Additionally, for such private
enforcement to work, a well-functioning judicial system, with reliable courts
and private lawyers, must be established.
Third, as discussed subsequently, today the capital market system does not
imply a lack of intermediaries. Intermediaries such as investment funds and
pension funds are popularly observed in today’s capital markets throughout the
world. Thus, proper regulation of these intermediaries is necessary. Usually
these institutions act in the capacity of a fiduciary, and so a strong fiduciary
duty, such as regulation of conflict-of-interest transactions, must be imposed
on them. Again, enforcement must be effective here.
In the following, I examine only the costs of disclosure regulation and
its enforcement. However, a similar analysis would also apply to antifraud
regulation.
The value of disclosure has been well recognized, and the relationship
between the amount of information available in the marketplace and the
efficiency of the stock market has been well analyzed. Why the law must
require firms to disclose certain information, however, is not entirely clear.
Nevertheless, most industrialized economies today have a legal system of
mandatory disclosure. In fact, civil law countries have a register system of
merchants that provides specific information regarding the amount of stated
capital, the names of officers and directors, and other pertinent information
about business entities. In many jurisdictions, securities law provides a detailed
and complex disclosure system for large public companies.
The value of disclosure depends on the value of information being disclosed.
In general, information being disclosed consists of two kinds: accounting and
406 Hideki Kanda
nonaccounting information. For accounting information to be useful, it must

be based on proper accounting treatment. What is proper accounting, how-
ever, is not entirely clear and is much debated today. The global trend is that the
importance of market-value accounting is increasingly recognized. Today, the
efforts to harmonize the accounting standards are under serious discussion.7
Additionally, proper auditing requirements are the key for accounting infor-
mation to be reliable. Needless to say, there must also be a well-functioning
and reliable system of auditing professionals.
Mandatory disclosure, however, has both benefits and costs. Its value
depends on other elements of corporate governance. Among various determi-
nants of corporate governance, or how companies are run, it is well known that
two are most important: the method of finance and the ownership structure.
First, for the method of finance, jurisdictions can be classified as either bank-
centered systems or capital-market-centered systems. Because capital markets
function better when more information is available in the marketplace, dis-
closure is more important and more valuable in the capital-market-centered
system. In other words, in any given country’s policy, increased emphasis on
the disclosure system means increased emphasis on the capital-market-based
system.
Second, where ownership is concentrated, investors are able to collect neces-
sary information about the firm by themselves rather than through the manda-
tory disclosure system. Where ownership is spread out, dispersed investors face
a collective action problem and may benefit more from laws that mandate dis-
closure. This suggests that, where investors are more dispersed, the mandatory
disclosure system is more valuable and more effective.
Other legal infrastructures are equally important for capital markets to func-
tion well and properly. One typical example is the rule regarding corporate
takeovers. It is well known that corporate takeovers discipline inefficient man-
agement, but restrictive legal rules on corporate takeovers often emerge for
political reasons. Where corporate takeovers become difficult due to regu-
latory restrictions, the value of capital markets is reduced from a corporate
governance perspective.
7 In 2002, the U.S. Financial Accounting Standards Board and the International Account-
ing Standards Board (IASB) acknowledged their commitment to the convergence of their
respective accounting standards. FASB, Norwalk Agreement, available at http://www.fasb.org/
news/memorandum.pdf (last visited Nov. 6, 2007).
Similarly, in 2007, the Accounting Standards Board of Japan and IASB indicated their com-
mitment to convergence between Japanese GAAP and International Financial Reporting Stan-
dards. IASB, Tokyo Agreement, available at http://www.iasb.org/NR/rdonlyres/287C0E76-
E95C-47FD-BC13–9C167757CDE7/0/PRonTokyoAgreement.pdf (last visited Nov. 6, 2007).
Disclosure mandated by law also has inevitable weaknesses. For instance,

the most typical mandatory disclosure system is to require public companies
to make periodic public disclosures. Disclosure is made quarterly in most
jurisdictions, including the United States and Japan. The scope of information
being disclosed is carefully delineated by law, and the key information being
disclosed consists of accounting and financial data. Such periodic disclosure,
however, has at least two flaws. First, there is a time lag between the date when
disclosure documents, typically the firm’s financial statements, are prepared
and when they are actually disclosed. In Japan, the legal rule is that the
financial statements must be prepared and become public within three months
of the cutoff date. For instance, an annual report must be prepared and become
public within three months after the closing of the company’s fiscal year. Thus,
there is generally a three-month lag. Second, there is no obligation for the
company to update the information supplied in the financial statements even
if material events occur after the statements are prepared and become public.
There is an exception that certain important events must be disclosed in a
special report (the 8-K report in the United States), but this exception is not
comprehensive.
To rectify these two flaws, a supplemental scheme has been developed.
Stock exchanges and other self-regulatory organizations usually require what
is known as timely disclosure, by which the company is required to disclose per-
tinent information more often, and sometimes in more detail, than is required
by law. For instance, the Tokyo Stock Exchange requires listed companies to
file summary financial statements within two months after the closing of the
fiscal year and to file a special report for any event that would materially affect
investor decision making as soon as such event occurs.
The other problem is that any regulatory rule must be enforced, and enforce-
ment is often costly. Disclosure and accounting rules, particularly those for
hard information such as data in a firm’s financial statements, can be viewed as
enforceable at low cost. For example, if a publicly held company keeps supply-
ing false numbers in its financial statements, it is most likely to be uncovered
and penalized in the marketplace. Thus, contrary to insider-trading rules, for
instance, rules on disclosure and accounting are often self-enforcing. This
implies that it is the value of the substantive rule that matters, not so much the
cost or level of enforcement. In such situations, there is reason to expect that
various jurisdictions’ disclosure and accounting rules will converge in a more
efficient direction.
The Enron debacle in the United States reminded us of the cost of enforcing
disclosure regulation. Today, maintaining a reliable system of auditors and
408 Hideki Kanda
other gatekeepers is understood to be costly, and it is the price for using

well-functioning capital markets.
2. Broker-Dealer Regulation
Regulation of broker-dealers has traditionally been part of antifraud regulation,
and it prohibits brokers from defrauding customers, manipulating the market,
and so on. Thus, the conduct rule – an extensive list of fraudulent conduct
that is prohibited of broker-dealers – is the central part of such regulation.
However, the same institution may serve as broker and dealer at the same
time, and when the activities as dealer go wrong, the possibility of the broker’s
insolvency increases. Thus, the rule requiring brokers to segregate customers’
assets from their own has become another important part of such regulation.
However, even if these two rules are well written, they must be effectively
enforced. In other words, if a broker violates a conduct rule or segregation
rule and consequently becomes insolvent, its customers usually do not receive
satisfactory remedies. Various forms of a safety net have been developed for
such circumstances in most countries, such as the establishment of funds to
provide defrauded customers with compensation up to a certain amount. The
scope covered by such investor compensation schemes varies from jurisdiction
to jurisdiction. For instance, in the United States and Japan, such schemes
cover only segregation matters, but in the United Kingdom, they cover all
kinds of broker misconduct.
Over the decades, the nature of the risk faced by broker-dealers has also
changed. It used to be market risk, but today, as a result of the increase in off-
exchange transactions, typically swaps and other over-the-counter derivatives
transactions, broker-dealers face credit risk as well. Thus, today regulators
usually require financial soundness of broker-dealers. As in bank regulation,
regulators usually look at capital. Broker-dealer regulation is similar to bank
regulation in this respect.
3. Regulation of Institutions
Developments in capital markets in the past decades produced the growth
of institutional investors and new investment vehicles, typically mutual funds
and pension funds, that can “fend for themselves,” which led to the need
for adjustment on the part of the traditional regulatory structure. The initial
response to this institutionalization was to allow exemptions from the dis-
closure requirements in primary markets. Private placement exemptions were
thus recognized in most jurisdictions. The next stage was to push exemptions a
step further into the secondary markets and allow these sophisticated investors
and investment vehicles to trade in less-regulated or unregulated markets.
Rule 144A in the United States was an ambitious step in this direction. Here,
exemptions present a policy issue: whether we can live simultaneously with
two markets, one for retail investors and the other for institutional investors.
No satisfactory answer has yet been presented on this issue.
Investor institutionalization and the flowering of the asset management
business had an impact on the structure of both capital markets and industrial
organization.8 Although the stock markets established at stock exchanges were
formally the only places for stock tradings, investor institutionalization, cou-
pled with advanced computer technologies, brought about many changes in
stock trading. Stock exchanges have faced direct competition with various (off-
exchange) electronic trading systems, and the structure of stock markets has
become more complex. This has raised a difficult regulatory issue of whether
and how to regulate these electronic trading systems.
The ownership structure of public firms was also affected. The traditional
model of the separation of ownership and control, by which shares of public
firms are anonymously held by many dispersed public investors, did not reflect
the real world in most jurisdictions. Instead, the shares of public firms became
commonly held by a relatively small number of institutional investors and
retail investors.
Consequently, dual governance problems came to public attention. First,
we now observe increased discussion about when and how institutional
investors exercise their shareholder rights in the firms whose shares they own
and about whether increased activism by institutional stockholders is a good
thing for a national economy. Second, governance within these institutions
themselves became an important issue. The key question is how the manage-
ment of these institutions should be accountable to their public beneficiaries,
and whether some form of regulation should be installed to secure their
accountability. This regulation has a primary focus on governance, centering
upon applying fiduciary principles with a view to preventing conflicts of inter-
est and protecting public beneficiaries. Additionally, the regulation of retail
marketing of the units of the pool became an important issue.
The real development in this area, however, was not as straightforward as
one might expect. The United States enacted federal investment company
regulation as early as 1940. The regulation has worked well, but in the United
States, pooled investment funds are subject to fragmented regulation. Until
1999, the Glass-Steagall Act prohibited commercial banks from sponsoring
8 See generally Joel Seligman, The Transformation of Wall Street: A History of the
Securities and Exchange Commission and Modern Corporate Finance (2003). See also
Robert C. Clark, The Four Stages of Capitalism, 94 Harv. L. Rev. 561 (1981).
410 Hideki Kanda
mutual funds, and a separate area of pooling and management by commercial

banks, known as common and collective trusts, had developed. Additionally,
commodity pools are regulated by a separate statute and by a separate regulator.
Similar developments have occurred in relation to real estate investment trusts.
In Japan, in 2000, the Investment Trusts and Companies Act opened a door to
establishing a pooled investment fund that invests in a wide range of financial
assets, including real property. However, commodity funds are regulated by a
separate statute and by a separate regulator. In contrast, in 1986, the United
Kingdom introduced a comprehensive regulatory framework in this area in
its Financial Services Act, which became the Financial Services and Markets
Act in 2000. A variety of pooling and management schemes are categorized as
“collective investment schemes” and are subject to uniform regulation under
the Financial Services and Markets Act.
It is difficult to evaluate which country’s regulation is most desirable. Frag-
mented regulation in the United States and Japan has produced continuous
disputes among participants regarding jurisdictional and related issues. It may
also have hindered the development of new schemes and thereby increased
costs in each national economy. Fragmented industries, however, may com-
pete with one another under different sets of regulation, and this may be
better than a world in which all industries are subject to uniform functional
regulation.
4. Summary
As described above, under the capital market system, three sets of regulation
are understood to be necessary for capital markets to function properly: (1)
strong investor protection (disclosure, antifraud regulation, and broker-dealer
regulation), (2) a strong watchdog or enforcement agency, and (3) strong
regulation of institutional investors. Preparing, maintaining, and enforcing
these sets of regulation are costly.
C. The Long-Term Credit Bank System

Japan and some other economies have developed an intermediate system
between the simple bank system and the simple capital market system – the
long-term credit bank system. Under this system, a long-term credit bank, on
behalf of borrowers, goes to capital markets and funds there by issuing bank
notes or bank debentures. The bank, in turn, uses the proceeds for long-term
lending.
At first glance, this system appears to combine the advantages of the bank
system and the capital market system. Investors usually do not take risks other
than the risk of the long-term credit bank’s failure, and regulators have a focal
point for regulating. Additionally, money can be obtained from a wide investor
base for the long term.
Under this system, the soundness of long-term credit banks is the key,
and therefore if one long-term credit bank fails, it would lead to a greater
disaster than when one ordinary bank fails under the simple bank system.
This suggests that even stronger regulation is necessary for long-term credit
banks than under the simple bank system. However, the long-term credit bank
system may be worth trying in some jurisdictions where developing capital
markets with proper regulation is time consuming and costly. Once again, the
overall advantage of adopting this system depends on many factors that exist in
particular jurisdictions, and one cannot say in general terms that this system
is better or worse than other systems of finance.9
IV. WHICH SYSTEM?
While it is difficult to assess exactly the costs of regulation and enforcement

in the bank system and the capital market system, it seems that capital market
regulation is more costly than bank regulation. As discussed above, capital
market regulation must reach a wider range of matters, and particularly for
disclosure and antifraud regulation, the effectiveness of regulation very much
depends on other legal infrastructure, such as the existence of effective gate-
keepers, a strong enforcement agency, and a well-functioning and reliable
judicial system.
Thus, although many reservations may have to be made, as a prescriptive
matter, in countries whose economies are small, the bank system is probably
better. The relative costs of regulation and its enforcement between the two
systems may matter more in such countries. In contrast, as the size of an
economy becomes larger, the benefit of the capital market system – that is,
providing capital at cheaper cost – may offset or outweigh the costs of regulation
and its enforcement. If so, in a country whose economy is relatively large, the
capital market system is better.
Note that, in reality, there is almost no country where only one of these
systems exits. In all industrialized countries, the bank system and the capital
market system coexist. In those countries, banks primarily provide borrowers
with liquidity, and capital markets provide them with capital. Thus, in the real
9 In Japan, two of the three long-term credit banks failed in 1998. The remaining bank and the
successor banks of the failed two banks chose to become ordinary banks. As a result, long-term
credit banks do not exist today.
412 Hideki Kanda
world, the costs and benefits of the two systems must be considered in aggregate
rather than separately for each of the systems. This makes prescription more
complex and more ambiguous.
Additionally, the globalization of financial markets may have an impact on
even small economies. Borrowers in small countries may go out and fund in
capital markets outside their own countries more cheaply if effective capital
market regulation is in place in the economies where they fund. In other words,
a country may be able to borrow regulation from outside, although I will not
further address the costs associated with such borrowing in this chapter.
V. CONCLUSION
One system does not fit all economies. Each jurisdiction must make a policy
decision in choosing a system that fits its situation best. Whether one financial
system is better than others depends on many factors, including those not
discussed in detail in this chapter, such as corporate governance. This chapter
has emphasized the importance of regulation and its enforcement. Regulatory
differences must be properly recognized in choosing a financial system, and
the costs of regulation and enforcement are the key when any jurisdiction
makes its choice. Finally, it should be noted that there are additional costs
when a jurisdiction moves from one system to another. For instance, insofar
as long-term debt finance is concerned, Japan has been moving from the bank
system to the capital market system and abolishing the long-term credit bank
system. The costs associated with this move are substantial, and for that reason,
the move has been taking more time than expected.
13 European Corporate Governance after Five Years
with Sarbanes-Oxley
Rainer Kulms
I. REGULATORY CHALLENGES FOR THE EUROPEANS
A. The EU Commission’s Action Plan

The May 2003 European Union (EU) Action Plan Modernising Company
Law and Enhancing Corporate Governance in the European Union1 came
in the wake of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.2 The European Commission (the
Commission) acknowledged that, “[i]n many areas, the EU shares the same
broad objectives and principles of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and in some areas
robust, equivalent regulatory approaches already exist in the EU.” In October
2004, the European Commissioner for the Internal Market, Taxation and
Customs proposed to “converge” U.S. and European thinking in order to
narrow the gap between a rules-based, law-enforcement-oriented approach
and a comply-or-explain policy based on general principles.3
Financial scandals send out different regulatory messages depending on
whether they occur in an outsider economy with dispersed ownership or a
1 Modernising Company Law and Enhancing Corporate Governance in the European Union –
A Plan to Move Forward, COM (2003) 284 final (May 21, 2003).
2 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107–204, 116 Stat. 745 (2002).
3 Frits Bolkestein, European Comm’r for the Internal Mkt., Taxation & Customs, Corporate
Governance in the European Union, Speech Before The Hague (Oct. 18, 2004) (“[T]he
approaches on both sides of the Atlantic are quite different. The European approach is essen-
tially based on a principle and ‘comply or explain’ basis. The U.S. approach is rule-based and
relies more on law enforcement. What is important on both sides of the Atlantic, we aim for the
same basic goals. Wherever possible, we should aim to converge our thinking, before laws are
made. If we do not do this, friction will arise; and we will be faced with downstream regulatory
repair. . . . ”).
Rainer Kulms is Senior Research Fellow, Max Planck Institute for Comparative and Private
International Law and Lecturer at Law, University of Hamburg, Germany.
413
414 Rainer Kulms
bank-centered economy with block holdings.4 Against this background, the

Action Plan is a multipurpose response to internal and nondomestic pol-
icy challenges.5 On an international level, it pledges to improve European
competitiveness as corporate scandals have changed the world of company
law.6 From an intra–European Community perspective, the Action Plan tac-
itly acknowledges that supplying efficient and competitive rules for European
business has not always been a priority on the regulatory agenda.7 By offering a
combination of mandatory and nonbinding policy measures the EU Commis-
sion focuses on improving corporate efficiency and shareholder and third-party
rights. Corporate governance problems are to be remedied by harmonizing dis-
closure, board structure, director liability, and capital requirements. Company
mobility and cross-border restructuring are to be facilitated.8 A European Cor-
porate Governance Forum is charged with the coordination and convergence
of national corporate governance codes.9 The Commission’s policy statement
4 John C. Coffee Jr., A Theory of Corporate Scandals: Why the U.S. and Europe Differ, in
After Enron – Improving Corporate Law and Modernising Securities Regulation in
Europe and the U.S. 215 (John Armour & Joseph A. McCahery eds., 2006); see also Jennifer
Hill, Corporate Scandals Across the Globe: Regulating the Role of the Director, in Reforming
Company and Takeover Law in Europe 225 (Guido Ferrarini et al. eds., 2004) (comparing
Australian corporate scandals with their U.S. and U.K. counterparts).
5 Cf. Frits Bolkenstien, European Comm’r for the Internal Mkt., Taxation, & Customs, The EU
Action Plan for Corporate Governance, Speech in Berlin, Germany (June 24, 2004).
6 See, e.g., William Bratton, Enron and the Dark Side of Shareholder Value, 76 Tul. L. Rev. 1275,
1299–1331 (2002); Andrea Melis, Corporate Governance Failures: To What Extent Is Parmalat a
Particularly Italian Case?, 13 Corp. Governance 478 (2005); German Business – Dark Days
for Volkswagen, Economist, July 16, 2005, at 55; Guido Ferrarini & Paolo Giudici, Financial
Scandals and the Role of Private Enforcement: The Parmalat Case 5 (European Corporate
Governance Inst., Law Working Paper N. 40/2005, 2005). The breakdown of the Dutch com-
pany Royal Ahold NV is atypical for corporate financial scandals in continental Europe. Royal
Ahold had dispersed shareholders, but its management structures were ill equipped for a com-
pany, double listed at the New York Stock Exchange, and acting in a globalized environment.
Moreover, there was considerable gatekeeper failure. For a comprehensive study, see Abe de
Jong et al., Royal Ahold: A Failure of Corporate Governance (European Corporate Governance
Inst., Finance Working Paper No. 67/2005, 2005).
7 Report of the High Level Group of Company Law Experts on a Modern Regulatory Framework for
Company Law in Europe (Nov. 4, 2002), available at http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/internal

market/en/company/company /modern/consult/report_en.pdf. On the work of the High Level
Expert Group, cf. Jaap Winter, EU Company Law at the Cross-Roads, in Reforming Company
and Takeover Law, supra note 4, at 3.
8 Winter, supra note 7, at 12. For a survey, cf. Klaus Hopt, European Company Law: Where Does
the Action Plan of the Commission Lead?, in Corporate Governance in Context 119 (Klaus
J. Hopt et al. eds., 2005).
9 See Bolkestein, supra note 3 (“The objective of gathering a small group of very knowledgeable
people [i.e., the European Corporate Governance Forum] is to help the convergence of
national efforts, encourage best practice, and advise the Commission. It will, however, not
provide advice or expertise on legislative initiatives.”).
European Corporate Governance after Five Years with Sarbanes-Oxley 415
adds a dose of realism. In light of numerous national corporate governance

codes,10 centralized regulatory action will be taken only where the growing
integration of the capital markets calls for a unified approach.11 The European
Union law principles of subsidiarity and proportionality will be observed.12
The Commission does not explain, however, whether this is a statement in
favor of regulatory competition, so that centralized regulation would have to
address only negative externalities arising from national lawmaking.13 More-
over, there is potential tension between the various policy goals proclaimed by
the Commission. Favoring harmonization over regulatory competition might
enable the European Union to offer a countermodel toward standards set by
other international players.14 A unified policy assumes that externalities may
arise under decentralization, neglecting the competitive potential of rule mak-
ing by local authorities. The public consultation assessing the Commission’s
policies under the Action Plan indicates a preference for more enabling legis-
lation, allowing for greater diversity among the various national legal orders.15
10 Cf. the study commissioned by the European Commission, Weil, Gotshal & Manges LLP,
Comparative Study of Corporate Governance Codes Relevant to the European Union and Its
Member State, On Behalf of the European Commission, Internal Market Directorate General
(in Consultation with the European Association of Securities Dealers and the European
Corporate Governance Network) 74 (Jan. 2002), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal
market/company/docs/corpgov/corp-gov-codes-rpt-part1 en.pdf.
11 Modernising Company Law, supra note 1, at 11.
12 Modernising Company Law, supra note 1, at 12; cf. Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for
Internal Mkt. & Servs., The European Corporate Governance Action Plan: Setting Priorities,
Speech in Luxembourg (June 28, 2005); Gerard Hertig & Joseph A. McCahery, An Agenda
for Reform: Company and Takeover Law in Europe, in Reforming Company and Takeover
Law, supra note 4, at 21, 30.
13 Rather obliquely, the Commission makes a convergence argument. See Charles McCreevy,
European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Future of the Company Law Action Plan,
Speech in Copenhagen (Nov. 17, 2005) (“Corporate governance practices vary among Mem-
ber States because of their different economic, social and legal traditions. Nevertheless, there is
a clear market-driven trend towards convergence in Europe. . . . [M]arket participants, includ-
ing investors, have every interest in taking the view that such convergence is vital for integration
of our capital markets – and even for economic growth. . . . [T]he Commission has recognized
that . . . soft law instruments such as recommendations, rather than prescriptive detailed leg-
islation, are most appropriate. In so doing, the Commission [is] conscious of the need not to
overburden companies with too much regulation.”). Cf. Amir N. Licht, Regulatory Arbitrage
for Real: International Securities Markets in a World of Interacting Securities Markets, 38 Va.
J. Int’l L. 563, 588 (1998); Roger Van den Bergh, The Subsidiarity Principle in European
Community Law: Some Insights from Law and Economics, 1 Maastricht J. Eur. & Comp. L.
337, 343 (1994); Winter, supra note 4, at 13.
14 Cf. Jan Von Hein, Competitive Company Law: Comparisons with the USA, in Modern
Company Law for a European Economy 25, 31 (Ulf Bernitz ed., 2006).
15 Directorate Gen. for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Consultation and Hearing on Future Priorities
for the Action Plan on Modernising Company Law and Enhancing Corporate Governance
in the European Union – Summary Report (2006), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal
416 Rainer Kulms
The Commission has embarked on a single market review scrutinizing the

regulatory burden of the European Company Law Directives.16
B. Europe’s Capital Market Systems

The member states of the European Union have embraced two different
capital market systems, thereby defying the teachings of Berle and Means.17
In analyzing bank-centered and market-centered financial systems, La Porta,
Lopez-de-Silanes, and Vishny have emphasized the crucial importance of
corporate law protection for investors; they elaborate on their former anal-
ysis of legal systems and argue for strong securities laws for the benefit of
investors’ rights.18 But this does not adequately reflect the regulatory chal-
lenges the European Commission and the member states are faced with.
The European Union of 2007 includes countries that readily subscribe to
the market-centered ideal of a capital market, new member states that are
emerging from the transformation process,19 and those that Professor Roe
market/company/docs/consultation/final report en.pdf. On the economics of harmonization,

see Eilis Ferran, Building an EU Securities Market 122 (2004) (evaluating the regulatory
process for European securities law-making); Luca Enriques & Matteo Gatti, The Uneasy Case
for Topdown Corporate Law Harmonization in the European Union, 27 U. Pa. J. Int’l Econ. L.
939 (2006); Emanuela Carbonara & Francesco Parisi, The Economics of Legal Harmonization
(George Mason Univ. Law and Econ. Res. Paper Series 05–40, 2005), available at http://ssrn.
com/paper=870519; Luca Enriques, EC Company Law Directives and Regulations: How Trivial
Are They? (European Corporate Governance Inst. Law Working Paper No. 39/2005, 2005)
(citing efficiency reasons).
16 Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Hearing on Future Priorities
for the Action Plan on Company Law and Corporate Governance, Closing Remarks in Brussels
(May 3, 2006); Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Company
Law and Corporate Governance Today, Speech in Berlin, Germany (June 28, 2007).
17 Adolf A. Berle & Gardiner C. Means, The Modern Corporation and Private Prop-
erty (1932); cf. John C. Coffee Jr., The Rise of Dispersed Ownership: The Roles of Law and the
State in the Separation of Ownership and Control, in Capital Markets and Company Law
664 (Klaus Hopt & Eddy Wymeersch eds., 2003).
18 Rafael La Porta et al., What Works in Securities Laws? (NBER Working Paper No. W9882, July
2003), available at http://www.nber.org/papers/w9882; on the effects of corporate law protection

on valuation, cf. Rafael La Porta et al., Investor Protection and Corporate Valuation, 57 J. Fin.
1147 (2002).
.
19 Cf. Maciej Dzierzanowski & Piotr Tamowicz, Setting Standards of Polish Corporate Gover-
nance: A Polish Experience with Drafting Codes, 4 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 273 (2003); Andras
Kisfaludi, The Harmonisation of Hungarian Company Law, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 705
(2004); Katharina Pistor, Patterns of Legal Change: Shareholder and Creditor Rights in Tran-
sition Economies (European Bank for Reconstruction and Dev., Working Paper No. 49/2000,
2000).
would classify as “social democracies.”20 For historical reasons, these “socially

democratic” countries are also bank-centered economies.21 There is evidence
that the block holdings in the stakeholder economies are disintegrating, due
to the increase in cross-border acquisitions and pressure from institutional
investors.22 Moreover, in the aftermath of Basel II, the insider type of a capital
market may well be unable to generate sufficient funds for venture capital
companies and to respond to a changing climate in international investment
behavior.23 Thus, even in the traditional insider capital market systems bank-
centered models of corporate governance and more market-oriented patterns
of behavior do coexist. National legislators appear to be faced with the unenvi-
able task of accommodating the concerns of market-oriented investors without
offending openly the interests of the path-dependent constituencies.24 From
the perspective of the European Commission, this implies a double transi-
tion challenge. The new member states of the European Union are reluc-
tant to jeopardize their emancipation from state-controlled economies toward
an outsider market model. And the more seasoned member states on the
20 Mark J. Roe, Political Determinants of Corporate Governance 112 (2003) (on concen-
trated ownership as facilitating social democracies).
21 Coffee, supra note 17, at 705; cf. Enrico C. Perotti & Ernst-Ludwig von Thadden, The Political
Economy of Corporate Control and Labor Rents, 114 J. Pol. Econ. 145 (2006).
22 Theodor Baums & Kenneth Scott, Taking Shareholder Protection Seriously? Corporate Gover-
nance in the United States and Germany, 53 Am. J. Comp. L. 31, 58 (2005); Coffee, supra note
17, at 676; Jeffrey Gordon, The International Relations Wedge in the Corporate Convergence
Debate, in Convergence and Persistence in Corporate Governance 161, 176 (Jeffrey
Gordon & Mark Roe eds., 2004); Hertig & McCahery, supra note 12, at 24; Harald Baum,
Change of Governance in Historic Perspective: The German Experience (European Corporate
Governance Inst., Law Working Paper No. 39/2005, 2005).
23 Cf. Bank for International Settlements – Basel Committee Publications No. 107
(June 2004); Basel II: International Convergence of Capital Measurement and

Revised Framework, available at http://www.bis.org/publ/bcbs107.htm; Roland Kirstein, The
New Basel Accord, Internal Ratings, and the Incentives of Banks, 21 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 393,
402 (2001).
24 Klaus J. Hopt, Common Principles of Corporate Governance in Europe?, in Corporate
Governance Regimes – Convergence and Diversity 176, 183 (Joseph McCahery et al.
eds., 2002) (addressing path-dependent differences in corporate governance between the United
Kingdom and Germany); cf. Douglass C. North, Institutions, Institutional Change
and Economic Performance 99 (1990) (on the path-dependent character of incremental
change); Ronald J. Mann & Curtis J. Milhaupt, Path Dependence and Comparative Corporate
Governance, 74 Wash. U. L.Q. 317 (1996) (on the contribution of path dependence to corpo-
rate law scholarship); see also the analysis of Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Mark J. Roe, A Theory
of Path Dependence in Corporate Ownership and Governance, 52 Stan. L. Rev. 127 (1999) (on
the persistence of path dependence in the face of globalization).
418 Rainer Kulms
European continent have to open up their economies and legal systems to

“outsiders.”25
3. Outline
This chapter will analyze the implications of the European Commission’s
Action Plan in light of U.S. experiences with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. Both
U.S. federal legislators and the European Commission defend centralized
rule making by arguing that corporate scandals have undermined public con-
fidence in the capital markets. In this context, the Commission has been
criticized for taking a merely reactive approach toward the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act instead of protecting the strength of the diversity of national corporate law
systems within the European Union.26 This amounts to a rather broad-brush
criticism that the European Commission is deliberately playing the global-
ization argument to impose harmonized corporate governance standards on
national legal systems. A closer look suggests that a constitutional argument
is involved, focusing on the advantages and externalities of decentralized rule
making in the European Union.
European policy making relies on three regulatory mechanisms: deregula-
tion as a private market solution, national regulatory devices as an instrument
of home country control, and the harmonization of EU regulation.27 In a
nutshell, the current debate on corporate governance is primarily about the
merits of centralized rulemaking where member state law is thought to yield
unsatisfactory results.28 It would seem, though, that, in the age of globaliza-
tion, European regulatory issues go well beyond the inquiry of whether the
market for corporate law is so conditioned as to allow for regulatory com-
petition among the member states.29 In continental Europe, corporate law
25 Cf. John C. Coffee Jr., The Future as History: The Prospects for Global Convergence in Corporate
Governance and Its Implications, 93 Nw. U. L. Rev. 641 (1999) (on transition processes toward
dispersed ownership); Katharina Pistor, Enhancing Corporate Governance in the New Member
States – Does EU Law Help?, in Law and Governance in an Enlarged European Union
339, 352 (George Bermann & Katharina Pistor eds., 2004) (fears that accession countries may
have adopted a “comply but don’t enforce strategy” with respect to certain EU regulatory action
on corporate law matters).
26 Karel Lannoo & Arman Khachaturyan, Reform of Corporate Governance in the EU, 5 Eur.
Bus. Org. L. Rev. 37 (2004).

27 Wolfgang Kerber, Interjurisdictional Competition Within the European Union, 23 Fordham
Int’l. L.J. 217, 243 (2000).

28 This includes an argument that regulatory competition is ill equipped to overcome local
rent-seeking. Cf. Van den Bergh, supra note 13, at 346.

29 See analyses by Tobias H. Tröger, Choice of Jurisdiction in European Corporate Law – Perspec-
tives of European Corporate Governance, 6 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 3 (2005); Luca Enriques,
standards are a public good, traditionally supplied by national legislators.30

Globalization defies conventional wisdom that deficiencies of a public good
can be overcome by regulatory intervention. Rather, competitive efficiency
dictates that a public good should be privatized, thereby subjecting its pro-
vision to the workings of the market mechanism.31 For the European Com-
mission and the member states, corporate law is a test case for the merits
of regulatory action or private contracting on a market for the most efficient
rules.
This article addresses corporate governance aspects of the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act. But it is not intended to develop a comprehensive analysis of congressional
attitudes toward capital markets. Rather, the evaluation of the Act should add
insights to the regulatory debate on centralized and decentralized rule making
in federal rule-making systems. The Commission’s Action Plan on Corpo-
rate Governance in Europe was preceded by the detailed Financial Services
Action Plan designed to create a level playing field for issuers and investors.
This is a corollary to the U.S. debate on whether federal securities regulation
should also include capital-market-related aspects of corporate governance.
The implementation of the Commission’s Action Plan will be assessed, eval-
uating regulatory options in light of globalization, private ordering, and the
jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) on company mobility.
The ECJ’s jurisprudence is understood as a mechanism for containing nega-
tive externalities of national company laws. In assessing its regulatory strategy,
the European Commission should concentrate on rule making that forces
disclosure of information.
EC Company Law Directives and Regulations: How Trivial Are They? (European Corporate
Governance Law Working Paper No. 39/2005, 2005) (citing efficiency reasons and arguing
that regulatory competition between the member states of the European Union is severely
restricted so that a race to the bottom is highly unlikely). For a more optimistic stance on
regulatory competition, see John Armour, Who Should Make Corporate Law? EC Legislation
versus Regulatory Competition, in After Enron, supra note 4, at 497.
30 In this context, corporate statutes and their liability rules are prone to suffer from a tragedy
of the commons situation: Regulatory protectionism motivates national officials to yield

intrajurisdictional efficiency at the expense of interjurisdictional efficiency. Cf. Michael I.
Krauss, Product Liability and Game Theory: One More Trip to the Choice-of-Law Well, 2002
BYU L. Rev. 759, 782 (2002) (relying on the prisoner’s-dilemma approach); William Pow-
ers, Some Pitfalls of Federal Tort Law Reform Legislation, 38 Ariz. L. Rev. 38, 909, 910
(1996).
31 Cf. Gillian K. Hadfield & Eric L. Talley, On Public versus Private Provision of Corporate Law,
22 J.L. Econ. & Org. 414, 417 (2006); Christoph Engel, Wettbewerb als sozial erwünschtes
Dilemma (Preprints of the Max Planck Inst. for Res. on Collective Groups, 2006/12, 2006),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=902813.
420 Rainer Kulms
II. CORPORATE GOVERNANCE UNDER THE

SARBANES-OXLEY ACT
A. A Level Playing Field for Domestic and Foreign Issuers32

1. Basic Concepts
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 has its friends and foes.33 As it redesigns the
role of law in corporate governance, it changes the balance between federal and
state laws.34 The mandatory provisions of the Act are intended to address what
has been regarded as a major deficiency of the contractual approach to corpo-
rate governance.35 In this, an attempt is made to restore investor confidence
and to reduce the probability of a market crash.36 The Act is critical of capi-
tal market standards developed by self-regulatory organizations. The notion of
auditor peer review is denounced, and the Public Company Accounting Over-
sight Board (PCAOB) is established to oversee the audit of public companies
subject to the federal securities laws.37 Operating as a nonprofit organization,
the PCAOB is empowered to adopt or modify auditing and related quality
control standards and prohibit categories of consulting services, if necessary
for investor protection. Much to the chagrin of the European Commission,
32 William H. Donaldson, Chairman, SEC, U.S. Capital Markets in the Post-Sarbanes-Oxley

World: Why Our Markets Should Matter to Foreign Issuers, Speech in London (Jan. 25, 2005),
available at http://www.sec.gov/new/speech/spch012505whd.htm.
33 For an evaluation of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act after five years of enactment, see Donald C.
Langevoort, The Social Construction of Sarbanes-Oxley, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 1817 (2007) (after
a careful assessment, Langevoort makes a “best guess that SOX’s impact on doing business
will be a subtle ‘accountability creep” rather than a dramatic post-SOX epiphany, as part of a
long-running narrative about the boundaries and norms of corporate governance in a world
that both celebrates and worries about private economic power”).
34 Conversely, a one-size-fits-all approach to listing standards for director independence has the
effect of federalizing state corporate laws. See Stephen M. Bainbridge, A Critique of the NYSE’s
Director Independence Listing Standards, 30 Sec. Reg. L. J. 370 (2002).
35 Larry E. Ribstein, Market vs. Regulatory Responses to Corporate Fraud: A Critique of the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, 28 J. Corp. L. 1 (2002).

36 Cf. Donald Langevoort, Managing the “Expectations Gap” in Investor Protection: The SEC
and the Post-Enron Reform Agenda, 48 Vill. L. Rev. 1139 (2003); Frank Partnoy, Why Markets
Crash and What Law Can Do About It, 61 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 741 (2000).
37 Joel Seligman, The Transformation of Wall Street: A History of the Securities
and Exchange Commission and Modern Corporate Finance 738–41 (3d ed. 2003); Neil
H. Aronson, Preventing Future Enrons: Implementing the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, 8 Stan.
J.L. Bus. & Fin. 127, 133 (2002); Joel Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters: Corporate and
Securities Law After Enron, 80 Wash. U. L.Q. 449, 473–99 (2002) [hereinafter Seligman, No
One Can Serve Two Masters]; cf. Joel Seligman, Cautious Evolution or Perennial Irresolution:
Stock Market Self-Regulation During the First Seventy Years of the Securities and Exchange
Commission, 59 Bus. Law. 1347, 1370–77 (2004) (discussing private regulation of the stock
market).
foreign auditors will have to register with the PCAOB if they want to do
business in the United States.38
Under title III of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, audit committees are entrusted
with playing a vital role in guaranteeing market transparency.39 They have to
establish confidential procedures to allow whistle-blowing on accounting and
auditing matters.40 Audit committee members are to be recruited exclusively
from the independent directors of the company. The audit committee nomi-
nates the accounting firm. It is the audit committee the accountants will have to
report to.41 By emphasizing the role of the audit committee, federal legislators
have opted for an improved scheme of accountability in which independent
directors play a decisive role in overseeing corporate executives.42 This has
caused considerable uneasiness among issuers from national corporate law
systems with two-tier boards where independent directors on the managing
board are unknown.43 It is also a problem for German supervisory boards
subject to the mandatory rules of the Codetermination Act.44 The Securities
and Exchange Commission has strived to accommodate the concerns of for-
eign issuers by striking a balance between the legislative intent of Congress
and non-U.S. corporate life.45 For practical matters, the result has been a
38 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 106, 15 U.S.C. § 7216 (2006).

39 Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters, supra note 37, at 498; Aronson, supra note 37, at
137.
40 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 301, 15 U.S.C. § 78j-1 (2006). But see the critical assessment by
Jonathan Macey, Getting the Word Out About Fraud: A Theoretical Analysis of Whistleblowing
and Insider Trading, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 1899 (2007) (warning that the high costs of investigating
a whistle-blower’s complaint may outweigh the benefit of the whistle-blower provisions of the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act).
41 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 §§ 202, 204, 15 U.S.C. § 78j-1 (2006). Moreover, Nasdaq
Corporate Governance Standards now require all related party transactions to be approved by
the company’s audit committee or a comparable independent body of the board. NASD and
NYSE Rulemaking: Relating to Corporate Governance, Exchange Act Release No. 48,745, 81
SEC Docket (CCH) 1586 (Nov. 4, 2003).
42 Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters, supra note 37, at 499.
43 John C. Coffee Jr., Racing Towards the Top? The Impact of Cross-Listings and Stock Market, 102
Colum. L. Rev. 1757, 1825 (2002); Roberta S. Karmel, The Securities and Exchange Commission
Goes Abroad to Regulate Corporate Governance, 33 Stetson L. Rev. 849, 875 (2004); Larry
E. Ribstein, International Implications of Sarbanes-Oxley: Raising the Rent on US Law, 3 J.
Corp. L. Stud. 299, 306 (2003).
44 On German codetermination rules, see Katharina Pistor, Codetermination: A Sociopolitical
Model with Governance Externalities, in Employees and Corporate Governance 163 (Mar-
garet M. Blair & Mark J. Roe eds., 1999); Horst Siebert, Corporatist versus Market Approaches
to Governance, in Corporate Governance in Context, supra note 8, at 281, 298.
45 Standards Relating to Listed Company Audit Committees, Exchange Act Release No. 47,654,
79 SEC Docket (CCH) 2876 (Apr. 9, 2003); Roel C. Campos, Comm’r Sec. & Exch. Comm’n,
Embracing International Business in the Post-Enron Era, Speech in Brussels (June 11, 2003),
available at http://www.sec/gov/new/speech/spch0601103rcc.htm; Donaldson, supra note 32.
422 Rainer Kulms
functional convergence toward the corporate standards introduced by U.S.

legislation.46
To ensure truthful reporting, the Sarbanes-Oxley Act requires the chief
executive officer and the chief financial officer to certify periodic reports.47
The sanction is personal liability; executives will forfeit their bonuses if their
company has to make a restatement due to misconduct amounting to material
noncompliance with statutory requirements. The SEC is empowered to issue
rules requiring domestic and foreign issuers to include in their annual report
a statement on internal control mechanisms.48 A comply-or-explain approach
is pursued as listed companies are bound to a code of ethics.49 The Sarbanes-
Oxley Act proceeds to further lay down federal standards by barring corporate
officers and directors from selling securities during a blackout period if such
securities were received in connection with employment at their company.
Federal rules prohibit loans to directors and officers.50
2. Regulatory Outlook
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act is a bipartisan piece of legislation that was drafted
with great speed and less-than-astute reflection on the extent to which state
corporate law rules are capable of handling financial scandals of Enron-like
dimensions.51 Even supporters of a far-reaching federal securities regime do
46 Ribstein, supra note 43, at 318.

47 The SEC applies this certification requirement to foreign issuers as well. See Certification of
Disclosure in Companies’ Quarterly and Annual Reports, Exchange Act Release No. 46,427,
78 SEC Docket (CCH) 875 (Aug. 28 2002); Karmel, supra note 43, at 861.
48 The Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 § 404, 15 U.S.C. § 7262 (2006). See Alan L. Bellier, Dir. of
the Div. of Corporation Fin., SEC, Investors, the Stock Market, and Sarbanes-Oxley’s New
Section 404 Requirements, Speech in New York (Jan. 12, 2005), available at http://www.sec.
gov/news/speech/spch011205alb.htm. Foreign issuers have been granted an extension for first-
time compliance with section 404 by the SEC. Management’s Report on Internal Control
over Financial Reporting and Certification of Disclosure in Exchange Act Periodic Reports
of Non-Accelerated Filers and Foreign Private Issuers, Exchange Act Release No. 51,293, 84
SEC Docket (CCH) 3226 (Mar. 2, 2005). For an overall cost-benefit analysis of section 404,
see Joseph A. Grundfest & Steven E. Bochner, Fixing 404, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 1643 (2007).
49 The code of ethics applies to foreign issuers as well. Karmel, supra note 43, at 869. In com-
menting on the code of ethics, the European Commission internal market director-general,
Alexander Schaub, feared that imposing such a requirement on the CEO and senior financial
officers would tend to obscure the collective responsibility of the board as envisaged by the
European corporate governance schemes. Alexander Schaub, European Comm’n Internal
Mkt. Dir. Gen., Commentary on S7–40–02 (Nov. 29, 2002).
50 Cf. Lawrence A. Cunningham, The Sarbanes-Oxley Yawn: Heavy Rhetoric, Light Reform
(and It Might Just Work), 35 Conn. L. Rev. 915, 959 (2003).

51 Cf. Gary M. Brown, Changing Models in Corporate Governance – Implications of the Sarbanes-
Oxley Act, in Corporate Goverance in Context, supra note 8, at 143; Joseph A. Grundfest,
Punctuated Equilibria in the Evolution of United States Securities Regulation, 8 Stan. J. L.
not pretend that the mere enactment of corporate governance rules will restore
investor confidence. For them, the Act will have to be supplemented by an
activist SEC enforcement program,52 greater private litigation, more spirited
board members, and the workings of market forces.53 It is precisely the power
of these market forces that has led critics to believe that the regulatory thrust
of this legislation is doubtful. Critics claim that corporate governance should
be returned to the states whose regulatory competition will bring about the
most efficient approach to governing corporate financial scandals.54 Markets,
imperfect as they are, should be allowed to respond with greater speed and
precision to corporate governance failure.55 Professor Cunningham feels that
the congressional effort to shape new rules adds little to what is not already
established law.56 Management discussion and analysis disclosures under the
securities acts are to be made with greater frequency, including information
on long-term contractual obligations and debt.57 It would seem, however, that
these duties to disclose do not amount to a full “risk discussion and analysis.”58
The Sarbanes-Oxley Act expands the role of independent directors on the
audit committee, only to rely on state law to develop corporate fiduciary duties
and to accommodate the code of ethics.59
If, on the other hand, federal legislation improves transparency on the mar-
ketplace then it is difficult to maintain that the U.S. Congress should not
Bus. & Fin. 1 (2002); Roberta Romano, The Sarbanes-Oxley Act and the Making of Quack
Corporate Governance, 114 Yale L.J. 1521 (2005); Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters,
supra note 37, at 516.
52 See Roberta S. Karmel, Realizing the Dream of William O. Douglas – The Securities and
Exchange Commission Takes Charge of Corporate Governance, 30 Del. J. Corp. L. 79 (2005).

In this context, the enforcement biases of the SEC and its staff will have to be evaluated. Cf.
Stephen J. Choi & A.C. Pritchard, Behavioral Economics and the SEC, 56 Stan. L. Rev 1
(2003) (assessing the circumstances under which a regulator should rely on “a hybrid between
government oversight and market-based regulators, including self-regulatory organizations”).
53 Seligman, No One Can Serve Two Masters, supra note 37, at 516; Bengt R. Holmström &
Steven N. Kaplan, The State of U.S.: Corporate Governance: What’s Right and What’s Wrong?
27 (European Corporate Governance Inst., Finance Working Paper No. 23/2003, 2003).
54 Romano, supra note 51, at 1599; cf. Roberta Romano, Is Regulatory Competition a Problem
or Irrelevant for Corporate Governance? (Yale Law School Research Paper No. 307, 2005),
available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=693484.
55 Ribstein, supra note 35, at 48. 56 Cunningham, supra note 50, at 986.
57 Jeffrey N. Gordon, Governance Failures of the Enron Board and the New Information Order of
the Sarbanes-Oxley, 35 Conn. L. Rev. 1125, 1139 (2003).

58 Langevoort, supra note 36, at 1156; cf. Joshua Ronen, Post-Enron Reform: Financial Statement
Insurance and GAAP Re-visited, 8 Stan. J.L. Bus. & Fin. 39, 65 (2002) (suggesting an amend-
ment to the current conceptual framework of GAAP to allow for more precise statements on
management projections).
59 Aronson, supra note 37, at 138; Lyman P.Q. Johnson & Mark A. Sides, The Sarbanes-Oxley Act
and Fiduciary Duties, 30 Wm. Mitchell L. Rev. 1149, 1209 (2004).

424 Rainer Kulms
regulate corporate governance-related issues.60 This is an argument against

decentralized rule making, tacitly assuming that the Sarbanes-Oxley Act has
brought forth efficient enforcement mechanisms.61 In this context, congres-
sional efforts to curb class-action litigation may be counterproductive to a
vigorous enforcement of improved corporate governance standards.62 Con-
versely, the holding of the U.S. Supreme Court in Central Bank of Denver63
severely restricts shareholders’ ability to sue auditors for aiding and abetting in
a management scheme to defraud shareholders and potential investors.64 The
Sarbanes-Oxley Act is silent on gatekeeper liability.65 But it has stirred a debate
on the viability of U.S. accounting standards. It has been suggested that a more
principles-based approach would enable an auditor to police with greater con-
sistency the governance failures that have surfaced during the Enron scandal.66
From a European perspective, the debate on a rules-based approach is of great
interest, as it foreshadows transatlantic consensus building toward the mutual
recognition of accounting standards. There is one aspect of the debate that
deserves particular attention from European and member state lawmakers.
Bebchuk and Hamdani emphasize that states tend to enforce corporate law
rules through private litigation, whereas federal authorities combine public
and private enforcement mechanisms.67 If one accepts the concept of “reg-
ulation through litigation,”68 an increase in shareholder litigation is likely,
60 Langevoort, supra note 36, at 1152. But see the model of choice-enhancing (nonmandatory)
federal intervention in takeover law and incorporation rules proposed by Lucian Arye Bebchuk
& Allen Ferrell, A New Approach to Takeover Law and Regulatory Competition, 87 Va. L.
Rev. 111 (2001); Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Assaf Hamdani, Vigorous Race or Leisurely Walk:
Reconsidering the Competition over Corporate Charters, 112 Yale L.J. 553 (2002).
61 See Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Assaf Hamdani, Federal Corporate Law: Lessons from History,
106 Colum. L. Rev. 1793 (2006) (arguing for a more proactive approach by federal lawmakers
toward corporate law).
62 John C. Coffee Jr., Gatekeeper Failure and Reform: The Challenge of Fashioning Relevant
Reforms, 84 B.U. L. Rev. 301 (2004) (favoring reform without abandoning the securities class
action); see also John C. Coffee Jr., Reforming the Securities Class Action: An Essay on Deter-
rence and Its Implementation, 106 Colum. L. Rev. 1534 (2006).
63 Cent. Bank of Denver, N.A. v. First Interstate Bank of Denver, N.A., 511 U.S. 164 (1994); on
the scope of Central Bank, see SEC v. Fehn, 97 F. 3d 1276 (9th Cir. 1996).
64 The debate continues in the post-Enron era. See SEC v. Lucent Techs., Inc., 363 F. Supp. 2d
708, 723–25 (D.N.J. 2005) (discussing the various approaches taken by federal courts).
65 See the criticism in Coffee, Gatekeeper Failure, supra note 62, at 347, and his evaluation of the
regulatory policy options after the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, John C. Coffee Jr., Gatekeepers:
The Professions and Corporate Governance (2006).
66 See the analysis by William W. Bratton, Rules, Principles, and the Accounting Crisis, 5 Eur.
Bus. Org. L. Rev. 7 (2004).

67 Bebchuk & Hamdani, supra note 61, at 1821.
68 See Regulation Through Litigation (W. Kip Viscusi ed., 2002), available at http://www.
aei-brookings.org/publications/abstract.php?pid=253. For a European perspective, see Guido

aiming at a clarification of what a decisive accounting principle is.69 Alter-

natively, clearer rules on auditor liability might counterbalance an influx of
shareholder litigation.70
B. International Accounting Aspects

Section 108(d) of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act charges the SEC with the prepara-
tion of a study on whether the U.S. financial reporting system should adopt a
principles-based accounting system. In the aftermath of Enron, the financial
community had assumed that a rules-oriented approach had contributed to a
culture of noncompliance, as there was no guidance to novel transactions.71
Wall Street intermediaries associated principles-based accounting with the
International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), hoping for more rents
from listing foreign business.72 The 2003 SEC study “Adoption by the United
States Financial Reporting System of a Principles-Based Accounting System”73
contains a carefully balanced analysis of U.S. generally accepted account-
ing principles (GAAP) and international accounting standards (IAS). The
study notes that current U.S. GAAP is based on a conceptual framework
that combines detailed rules with general principles for further guidance.74
The SEC’s study moves for an objectives-based approach that does not exclu-
sively rely on the true and fair view method. In fact, it combines principles
Ferrarini & Paolo Giudici, Financial Scandals and the Role of Private Enforcement: The
Parmalat Case, in Armour & McCahery, After Enron, supra note 4, at 158, 193.
69 Coffee, Gatekeeper Failure, supra note 62, at 344.
70 Id. at 350; see also Stephen Choi, Market Lessons for Gatekeepers, 92 Nw. U. L. Rev. 916
(1998) (advocating that the issuer and the gatekeeper contract over the share of the gatekeeper’s
liability with respect to the issuer’s investors); Frank Partnoy, Barbarians at the Gatekeepers? A
Proposal for a Modified Strict Liability Regime, 79 Wash. U. L.Q. 491 (2001). But see Reinier H.
Kraakman, The Anatomy of Third-Party Enforcement Strategy, 2 J.L. Econ. & Org. 53 (1986)
(warning against a strict gatekeeper liability regime).
71 Bratton, supra note 66, at 10.
72 Id. at 7. Contra William J. Carney, Jurisdictional Choice in Securities Regulation, 41 Va. J.
Int’l L. 717, 723 (2001) (maintaining that U.S. exchanges will pressure the SEC into accept-
ing “some form of international disclosure standards as substitute for American standards”);
accord Frederick Tung, From Monopolists to Markets? A Political Economy of Issuer Choice in
International Securities Regulation, 2002 Wis. L. Rev. 1363 (2002).
73 SEC, Office of the Chief Accountant & Office of Economic Analysis, A Study
Pursuant to Section 108(d) of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 on the Adoption by

the United States Financial Reporting System of a Principles-Based Accounting
System (July 2003), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/studies/principlesbasedstand.htm.
74 Cf. Scott Taub, Deputy Chief Accountant, SEC, Remarks Before the 2003 Thirty-First AICPA
National Conference on Current SEC Developments (Dec. 11, 2003), available at http://www.
sec.gov/news/speech/spch121103sat.htm.
426 Rainer Kulms
with rules-oriented implementation guidance.75 The study emphasizes the

crucial importance of enforcement procedures that include oversight over
the auditors and litigation. An objectives-based approach should not pro-
voke an increase in litigation if auditors establish adequate documentation
procedures.
Since 2003, the SEC has increasingly evaluated both the domestic and inter-
national impacts of its regulatory policy on financial reporting. In a domestic
context, statements by SEC officials focus on the viability of a principles-based
approach.76 On an international level, the SEC has moved from granting
exemptions to Europeans77 to a more comprehensive approach, emphasizing
aspects of converging accounting standards.78 Adopting objectives-based rules
should not conflict with IAS and should foster global accounting standardiza-
tion. This is part of the SEC’s policy to increase comparability for investors by
facilitating global capital formation and creating greater competition among
stock exchanges.79 The SEC currently accepts foreign statements based on
IAS. European issuers will have to file reconciliation with U.S. GAAP only
if they have invoked an exemption from IAS, which is possible under the
75 James L. Kroeker, Deputy Chief Accountant, SEC, Remarks Before the 2007 Conference on
Principles-Based Accounting and the Challenges of Implementation, New York (Apr. 4, 2007),
available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech/2007/spch040407jlk.htm.
76 See Cynthia A. Glassman, Comm’r, SEC, Complexity in Financial Reporting and Dis-
closure Regulation, Remarks Before the 25th Annual USC Leventhal School of Account-
ing SEC and Financial Reporting Institute Conference, Pasadena, Calif. (June 8, 2006),
available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech/2006/spech/060806cag.htm; Kroeker, supra note
75; John M. White, Dir. of Div. of Corporation Fin., SEC, Principles Matter, Speech at
Practicing Law Institute Conference, New York (Sept. 6, 2006), available at http://ftp.sec.
gov/news/speech/2006/spch090909jww.htm. This includes specific regulatory relief and sim-
plification for smaller companies.
77 Cf. Kristina Sadlak, The European Commission’s Action Plan to Modernize European Company
Law: How Far Should the SEC Go in Exempting European Issuers from Complying with the
Sarbanes-Oxley Act?, 3 BYU Int’l L. & Mgmt. Rev. 1 (2006).
78 See Conrad Hewitt, Chief Accountant, SEC, Remarks at IASC Foundation: IFRS
Conference, Zurich, Switzerland (May 23, 2007), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/

speech/2007/spch052307cwh-2.htm.
79 See Roel C. Campos, Comm’r, SEC, The Global Market Place and a Regulatory
Overview, Speech in Amsterdam, Netherlands (Sept. 17, 2004), available at http://www.sec.

gov/news/spch091704rcc.htm; Robert K. Herdman, Chief Accountant, SEC, Moving Toward
the Globalization of Accounting Standards, Speech in Cologne, Germany (Apr. 18, 2002),
available at http://www.sec.gov./news/speech/spch554.htm; Susan Koski-Grafer, Senior Assoc.
Chief Accountant, SEC, Understanding the Financial Infrastructure for Globalization, Speech
in Tampa, Fla. (Feb. 4, 2005), available at http://www.sec.gov./news/speech/spch020202skg.
htm; Donald T. Nicolaisen, Chief Accountant, SEC, A Securities Regulator Looks at Con-
vergence, Statement (Apr. 2005), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech/spch040605dtn
.htm.
relevant European Union regulation.80 At the time of this writing, the SEC
was soliciting public comment on eliminating the reconciliation requirement
if foreign private issuers file an English-language version of their financial
statement that complies with IFRS.81
Although the SEC recognition of IFRS-based statements would consider-
ably reduce the cost of entering the U.S. market (for companies with multiple
listings),82 marked policy differences between the U.S. and the European
Union persist. The SEC staff has expressed confidence in an independent
accounting-standards setter with simple majority voting.83 A green paper by
the European Commission criticizes the activities of the IASB and states
that they should be subject to greater scrutiny to also reflect the interests of
stakeholders.84 This appears to suggest that the Commission would wish to
80 First-Time Application of International Financial Reporting Standards, Exchange Act Release

No. 51,535, 85 SEC Docket (CCH) 406 (Apr. 12, 2005).
81 Press Releases 2007–105, SEC Announces Roundtable Discussion Regarding Mutual
Recognition (May 24, 2007), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/press/2007/2007–105.htm;

Press Release 2007–128, SEC Soliciting Public Comment on Eliminating Reconciliation
Requirement for IFRS Financial Statements (July 3, 2007), available at http://www.sec.
gov/news/press/2007/2007–105.htm. The European Commission and the SEC have been
promoting convergence between GAAP and IFRS to eliminate the reconciliation require-
ment. See Annette L. Nazareth, Comm’r, SEC, Remarks Before the Institute for International
Bankers Annual Conference, Washington, D.C. (Mar. 13, 2006), available at http://www.sec.
gov/news/speechspch031306aln iib.htm.
82 Cf. Craig Andrew Doidge, U.S. Cross-Listings and the Private Benefits of Control, 72 J. Fin.
Econ. 519, 524 (2004); Deutsches Aktieninstitut, Dual Listing – Eine ökonomische
Analyse der Auslandsnotierungen deutscher Unternehmen (2005); Deutsches
Aktieninstitut, Delisting und Deregistrierung deutscher Emittenten in den USA –
¨
Status Quo, Anderungsvorschläge und Ergebnisse einer Befragung US-notierter
Unternehmen (2004) (studies analyzing dual listing decisions of German companies and
delisting decisions of German companies listed in the United States, based on question-
naires); see also Roel C. Campos, Comm’r., SEC, Regulatory Role of Exchanges and Interna-
tional Implications of Demutalization, Speech in Armonk, N.Y. (Mar. 10, 2006), available at
http://www.sec.gov./news//speech/spch031006rcc.htm. For a critical assessment of the costs of
the Sarbanes-Oxley Act for cross-listed firms, see Kate Litvak, Sarbanes-Oxley and the Cross-
Listing Premium, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 1857 (2007).
83 Donald T. Nicholaisen, Chief Accountant, SEC, Remarks Before the Public Hearing on the
IASC Constitution Review, Baruch College, N.Y. (June 3, 2004), available at http://www.sec.
gov/news/speech/spch060304dtn.htm.
84 Commission Green Paper on Financial Services Policy (2005–2010) (May 2005), available
at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/finances/docs/actionplan/index/green en.pdf (“The

debate about the future governance, funding and political accountability of global standard-
setting bodies, such as the International Accounting Standards Board, are of growing political
importance. The Commission considers that public oversight of these structures must be
strengthened, to ensure appropriate reflection of stakeholders, satisfactory transparency, due
process and sustainable financing.”). See also Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Inter-
nal Mkt. & Servs., Governance and Accountability in Financial Services, Speech in Brussels,
Belgium (Feb. 1, 2005); Matthias Schmidt, On the Legitimacy of Accounting Standard Setting
428 Rainer Kulms
include stakeholders in a centralized regulatory policy.85 It also underlines

the need for a coherent regulatory policy approach towards nongovernmental
standards setting and private lawmaking in corporate governance.
III. EUROPEAN CORPORATE GOVERNANCE IN THE AGE

OF SARBANES-OXLEY
A. Transatlantic Messages and Regulatory Choices

In scrutinizing the costs and benefits of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, commenta-
tors proceed on a common assumption: a strong, liquid securities market is
predicated on an informational model of transparency that enables investors
to make an informed judgment on a buy-or-sell decision. Ideally, the close
interface between securities regulation and corporate governance will reduce
agency and information costs, thereby shielding shareholders and the capital
market from executive wrongdoing.
Historically, it has been the mission of the Commission to implement the
right of establishment as embodied in article 44 (2)(g) (ex article 54) of the EC
Treaty. In acting on the advice of the High Level Expert Group on Company
Law,86 the Commission favors a combination of policies. The Action Plan calls
for regulatory action on investor-oriented information and company-mobility
related issues to achieve deep securities markets. Such a unified approach
would support the hypothesis that securities regulation follows major crises
in capital markets.87 But there is very little agreement within the European
Union that an efficiency-minded Commission should embark on imposing
corporate governance standards on member states. Post-Enron, member states
have taken action to address corporate governance problems,88 thereby begging
by Privately Organised Institutions in Germany and Europe, 54 Schmalenbach Bus. Rev. 171
(2002).
85 Cf. the legislative policy statement in the consultation document prepared by the Euro-
pean Commission Directorate-General for Internal Market and Services, Consultation on

Future Priorities for the Action Plan on Modernising Company Law and Enhancing Corporate
Governance in the European Union (2005), available at http://europa.eu.int/comm/internal
market/en/company/news/index/htm (“[T]he application of better regulation strategy and prin-
ciples in the field of company law and corporate governance will involve . . . the organization
of systematic consultation on all future initiatives. . . . ”).
86 See supra note 7.
87 Stuart Banner, What Causes New Securities Regulation? 300 Years of Evidence, 75 Wash. U.
L.Q. 849 (1997); Coffee, supra note 17, at 669.

88 On post-Enron corporate governance reform initiatives in the member states of the European
Union, see Luca Enriques, Bad Apples, Bad Oranges: A Comment from Old Europe on Post-
Enron Corporate Governance Reforms, 38 Wake Forest L. Rev. 911 (2003).
the question of whether regulatory competition will result in better investor

protection laws.89 This is not just an issue of member states defending their
own turf. In implementing the short-term measures of its Action Plan, the
European Commission has assumed that centralized action is superior to
member states’ policies on corporate governance and securities regulation.90
The recent policy announcements on simplifying community legislation in
the area of company law and reducing the regulatory burden suggest that
the Commission has begun to recognize the changing regulatory sentiment,
thereby relinquishing the traditional rhetoric of harmonizing national laws to
overcome internal trade barriers.91
B. European Securities Regulation

The first attempt to develop a regime of European securities regulation dates
back to 1977, when the Commission issued a recommendation for a code of
conduct for securities transactions. Two years later, harmonization policies
introduced the Listing Particulars Directive, which was followed by further
issuer-disclosure measures.92 The European Commission sought to foster a
single capital market by focusing on mutual recognition of national securi-
ties laws without establishing meaningful common disclosure standards.93 The
home member state was to control the EU-wide activities of its issuer, but Euro-
pean minimum standards had little effect. The member states largely retained
89 Cf. Stephen Choi, Law, Finance, and Path Dependence: Developing Strong Securities Markets,
80 Tex. L. Rev. 1657 (2002); Wolfgang Kerber, Interjurisdictional Competition Within the
European Union, 23 Fordham Int’l L. J. 217, 230 (2000); Roger Van den Bergh, Economic
Criteria for Applying the Subsidiarity Principle in the European Community: The Case of
Competition Policy, 16 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 363, 366 (1996); Van den Bergh, supra note 13,
at 343.
90 See the criticism by Frank H. Easterbrook, Federalism and European Business Law, 14 Int’l
Rev. L. & Econ. 125 (1994) (discussing regulatory choices in the European Community).
For a tour d’horizon through the European Union’s choices, see Eddy Wymeersch, About
Techniques of Regulating Companies in the European Union, in Reforming Company and
Takeover Law, supra note 4, at 145.
91 Heike Schweitzer & Christoph Kumpan, Changes of Governance in Europe, Japan, and
the US, Discussion Report, in Corporate Governance in Context, supra note 8, at 695;
Commission Communication on a Simplified Business Environment for Companies in the
Areas of Company Law, Accounting and Auditing (July 10, 2007), available at http://ec.europa.
eu/internal market/company/docs/simplification/com2007 394 en.pdf; McCreevy, supra
note 13 (recommending a “light touch” approach in corporate governance matters).
92 Niamh Moloney, New Frontiers in EC Capital Markets Law: From Market Construction to
Market Regulation, 40 Common Mkt. L. Rev. 809, 810 (2003).

93 Emilios Avgouleas, The Harmonisation of Rules of Conduct in EU Financial Markets: Economic
Analysis of Subsidiarity and Investor Protection, 6 Eur. L.J. 72, 77 (2000); see generally Niamh
Moloney, EC Securities Regulation 69 (2002); Moloney, supra note 92, at 810.
430 Rainer Kulms
regulatory supremacy in securities regulation matters. Compared to other

financial centers, the European capital market suffered from fragmentation.94
In developing liquid markets, continental Europe lagged behind the United
Kingdom. Member states with less exposure to international capital markets
tended to ignore the global implications of domestic securities regulation.95
The classic divide between bank-centered and market-centered corporate gov-
ernance mechanisms had left its mark on company-related information as
continental Europe paid very little attention to the interface between the secu-
rities regulation and corporate governance standards.96 Thus, it was feared
that continued market fragmentation with an embryonic European securities
regulation would severely curtail the benefits of the single European currency.
In 1999, the Commission published the Financial Services Action Plan
(FSAP)97 in support of deep securities markets with adequate investor protec-
tion. The FSAP proposes a coherent approach to integrated securities whole-
sale markets by taking regulatory action on the mutual recognition of prospec-
tuses, unlisted start-up companies, disclosure, and corporate governance. It is
the express wish of the European Commission to eliminate investment restric-
tions in order to create a “level playing field for similar financial products.”98
The 2001 report of the Committee of Wise Men on the Regulation of European
Securities Markets under the chairmanship of Alexandre Lamfalussy (Lam-
falussy Report)99 pushes for an efficient regulatory system and common rules of
interpretation.100 The Lamfalussy Report suggests midterm regulatory action
on a single prospectus for issuers, the modernization of listing requirements,
home-country control of primary markets and the definition of an investor,
the adoption of the international accounting standards, and the single passport
for recognized stock markets.101 The Lamfalussy Report is also aware of the
cumbersome decision-making procedures at Brussels and makes a plea for a
fast-track mechanism for adopting European securities legislation.102
94 Select Committee on European Union, Report, 2003, H.L. 45–14.

96 Cf. Werner F. Ebke, The Impact of Transparency Regulation on Company Law, in Capital
Markets and Company Law, supra note 17, at 178.

97 Communication of the European Commission, Financial Services: Building a Frame-
work for Action no. 17 (1999); cf. Ferran, supra note 15, at 43 (on the regulatory thrust of
the FSAP).
98 Building a Framework for Action, supra note 97, at no. 18.
99 Final Report of the Committee of Wise Men on the Regulation of European Secu-
rities Markets (Feb. 15, 2001), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/securities/

docs/lamfalussy/wisemen/final-report-wise-men en.pdf.
100 Id. at 10. 101 Id. at 13.
102 Id. at 22; Ferran, supra note 15, at 75; Gerard Hertig & Ruben Lee, Four Predictions About
the Future of EU Securities Regulation, 3 J. Corp. L. Stud. 359, 370 (2003) (warning that the
The member states have reacted to the signals from the marketplace and
the need for greater investor protection. There is a trend in the member states
to establish integrated financial market regulators.103 Corporate governance
codes are operative.104 Due to these national developments, member states
implement and enforce European Union securities legislation with varying
enthusiasm. From a constitutional point of view, it is asked whether there
are alternatives superior to centralized European legislation and whether the
envisaged regulatory action is mindful of the policy implications for global
financial markets.105 Nonetheless, the Lamfalussy Report has unleashed (cen-
tralized European) regulatory activity to such an extent that, in 2004, the
European commissioner for internal market and services diagnosed certain
“regulatory fatigue” among the members of the financial services industry.106
Even the most faithful implementation of the Lamfalussy Report is unlikely
to lead to a single European market in finance. The absence of common
rules on clearance and settlement and of minimum standards for taxation is a
barrier to a truly single European market.107 The green paper on financial ser-
vices policy identifies corporate governance principles, company law reform,
accounting, and statutory auditing as policy areas complementary to securities
regulation.108 In the following, a brief survey is given introducing European
Union capital market directives with implications for corporate governance.
Takeover law is not addressed, as the relevant directive has not brought about
a substantial harmonization of member states’ laws.109
envisaged fast-track procedure will fail in the day-to-day politics of the European Union and
that a European SEC (ESEC) with soft enforcement powers will be established).
103 Andreas Grünbichler & Patrick Darlap, Integration of EU Financial Markets Supervision: Har-
monisation or Unification, Austrian Financial Market Authority, 12 J. Fin. Reg. & Compliance
36 (2004). Professor Grünbichler is the executive director of the Austrian Financial Markets
Authority.
104 Cf. Weil, Gotshal & Manges LLP, supra note 10.
105 United Kingdom, Joint Report by HM Treasury, the Bank of England, and the Financial
Services Authority, After the EU Financial Services Action Plan: A New Strategic Approach 3
(May 2004). This also includes a consistent regulatory approach when adopting new directives.
See European Central Bank, Governing Council, Review of the Application of the Lamfalussy
Framework to EU Securities Markets Legislation (Working Paper, Feb. 17, 2005), available at
http://www.ecb.int/pub/pdf/other/lamfalussy-reviewen.pdf.
106 Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Assessment of the
Integration of the Single Market for Financial Services by the Commission, Speech in
Paris, France (Dec. 6, 2004), available at http://europa.eu/rpaid/presRelesasesAction.do?
reference=SPEECH/04/515&language=EN&guiLanguage=en.
108 Green Paper, supra note 84.
109 This is largely because of the opt-out provisions under the Directive, which make a common
regime on antitakeover defenses highly unlikely; see article 12 of the Council Directive (EC)
No. 2004/25 on Takeover Bids, O.J. (L 142) 12 of Apr. 30, 2004. Commission Report on the
432 Rainer Kulms
1. Initial Public Offerings – The Prospectus Directive

The European Union Prospectus Directive seeks to provide for a prospectus
that can be used as a “single” passport throughout Europe after having been
cleared by one competent member state authority.110 It is the express hope of
the drafters of the Directive that this passport will create a large, liquid, and
integrated capital market, thus enabling firms to raise capital on a community
wide basis. The requirements under the Directive are to be understood as
minimum standards that do not prevent member states or any other compe-
tent authority (including an exchange) from imposing other requirements,
notably regarding corporate governance. The Directive distinguishes between
debt securities offered pursuant to an offering program and all other offerings
that are classified as equity securities. The prospectus shall contain informa-
tion concerning the issuer and the securities to be offered. A summary is to
be given in nontechnical language, which shall convey the essential charac-
teristics and risks associated with the issuer, any guarantor, and of the rights
attaching to the securities. There is no duty to update information regularly.
The prospectus is valid for twelve months, and issuers are under a duty to
provide new information after such a period has lapsed. The Directive is less
clear on the responsibility of executive directors making false statements in the
prospectus than U.S. securities regulations. Various degrees of liability may
develop, as article 6 of the Directive contains only a very broad statement on
civil liability rules.111 Responsibility may attach either to the issuer as a whole
Implementation of the Directive on Takeover Bids, Staff Working Document (Feb. 21, 2007),
available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/company/docs/takeoverbids/2007–02-report
en.pdf (the many options and exemptions afforded under the Directive may actually create new
barriers among the member states); cf. Matteo Gatti, Optionality Arrangements and Reciprocity
in the European Takeover Directive, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 553 (2005).
110 European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) No. 2003/71 on the Prospectus to be Pub-
lished When Securities Are to Be Offered to the Public or Admitted to Trading and amending
Directive (EC) 2001/34, O.J. (L 345) 64 of Dec. 31, 2003); for a detailed analysis, see Ferran,
supra note 15.
111 Article 6 on Responsibility attaching to the prospectus:
1. Member States shall ensure that responsibility for the information given in a prospectus
attaches at least to the issuer or its administrative, management or supervisory bodies, the
offeror, the person asking for the admission to trading on a regulated market or the guarantor,
as the case may be. The persons responsible shall be clearly identified in the prospectus
by their names and functions or, in the case of legal persons, their names and registered
offices, as well as declarations by them that, to the best of their knowledge, the information
contained in the prospectus is in accordance with the facts and that the prospectus makes
no omission likely to affect its import.
2. Member States shall ensure that their laws, regulation and administrative provisions on
civil liability apply to those persons responsible for the information given in a prospectus.
However, Member States shall ensure that no civil liability shall attach to any person solely
or to its administrative, management, or supervisory bodies; the offeror; the

trader seeking admission to a regulated market; or the guarantor. Civil liability
for a false summary of information shall only lie if it contributes to a statement
falsifying the entire prospectus.
2. Disclosure – Transparency on Secondary Markets

Investor protection and the efficiency of the primary markets are to be sup-
plemented by the European Union directive on the harmonization of trans-
parency requirements about issuers whose securities have already been admit-
ted to trading on a secondary market.112 The member state of the issuer’s choice
shall determine the legal regime on disclosure for the issue of nonequity
securities. Otherwise, the issuer’s member state of incorporation shall be
controlling.113 Market transparency dictates that security issuers provide for a
regular flow of information by annual reports, a condensed half-yearly report,
and interim management statements regarding material events that may affect
the financial situation of the issuer and its subsidiaries.114 The annual and
interim reports shall be drawn up in accordance with IAS in order to pro-
vide a true and fair view of the issuer’s assets, liabilities, financial position,
and profit or loss.115 Shareholders acquiring or disposing of major holdings
shall notify the issuer, who, in turn, has to make public without delay any
change in the rights of holders of such shares.116 In view of Europe’s marked
difference between bank-oriented and market-based corporate governance sys-
tems, disclosure with secondary market relevance adds a twist to the debate
on ownership and control. Transparency is intended to operate as a tool for
controlling issuers from an insider’s and outsider’s perspective.117 With respect
on the basis of the summary, including any translation thereof, unless it is misleading,
inaccurate or inconsistent when read together with the other parts of the prospectus.
However, Member States shall ensure that no civil liability shall attach to any person solely on
the basis of the summary, including any translation thereof, unless it is misleading, inaccurate
or inconsistent with the other parts of the prospectus.
112 European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) 2004/109 on the Harmonization of Trans-
parency Requirements in Relation to Information About Issuers Whose Securities Are Admitted
to Trading on a Regulated Market and Amending Directive (EC) 2002/34 O.J. (L 390) 38 of
Dec. 31, 2004; on the member states’ attitude toward the Transparency Directive, see Ferran,
supra note 15.
113 Art. 2(1)(i) of the Directive. For issuers from third countries, the legal regime of the primary
market is controlling. Such issuers shall file their annual reports in the member state where
registered for their initial offering under the Prospectus Directive.
114 Cf. Preamble 2 of the Directive and arts. 4, 5, 6.
115 Preamble 9 of the Directive and art. 4. 116 Arts. 9, 16 of the Directive.
117 Cf. Ebke, supra note 96, at 173; Klaus J. Hopt, Modern Company and Capital Market Problems:
Improving European Corporate Governance After Enron, 3 J. Corp. L. Stud. 221, 241 (2003);
434 Rainer Kulms
to responsibility and liability, the Directive confers discretion on the member

states, which may decide against a system of personal sanctions.118
3. International Accounting Standards for Listed Companies

Companies listed within the European Union have applied international
accounting standards since January 1, 2005.119 As IAS ushers in a more investor-
oriented account on the state of the company, the board of directors is subject to
greater scrutiny by capital markets. This introduces an informational model to
Europe that is to facilitate investor decision making, thus putting less emphasis
on risk-containment strategies for creditors.120
Technically, many European companies, unlisted as they are, may defy
a call for more market information, preferably adhering to their traditional
accounting standards.121 But it is unclear to what extent nonlisted companies
will have to succumb to market pressures to use IAS as well, thereby assuring a
greater degree of comparability.122 A recent draft by the International Account-
ing Standards Board (IASB) argues for specific accounting standards for
Jens Wüstemann, Disclosure Regimes and Corporate Governance, 159 J. Institutional &
Theoretical Econ. 717, 719 (2003) (comparing disclosure in outsider and insider-control
systems).
118 Article 7 of the Directive on Responsibility and Liability stipulates:
Member States shall ensure that responsibility for the information to be drawn up and
made public in accordance with Articles 4, 5, 6 and 16 lies at least with the issuer or
its administrative, management or supervisory bodies and shall ensure that their laws,
regulations and administrative provisions on liability apply to the issuers, the bodies
referred to in this Article or the persons responsible within the issuers.
119 See article 2 of the Regulation (EC) No. 1606/2002 of the European Parliament and of the
Council on the Application of International Accounting Standards, O. J. (L 243) 1 of Sept.
11, 2002 (“‘[I]nternational accounting standards’ shall mean International Accounting Stan-
dards (IAS), International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and related interpretations
. . . issued or adopted by the International Accounting Standards Board”). To attain the status
of European Community Law, standards promulgated by the IASB have to be adopted by the
Commission, see arts. 3, 6 (2) of Regulation (EC) 1606/2002.
120 For the European Commission, the regulation is instrumental in bringing common accounting
standards to an integrated European capital market and preparing corporate Europe for the
challenges of globalization. Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs.,
IFRS – No Pain, No Gain?, Speech at the Official Opening of the FEE’s (Fédération des
Experts Comptables Européens) new offices, Brussels, Belgium (Oct. 18, 2005), available at
http://europa.eu.int/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/05/621&forma.
121 Karel Van Hulle, Financial Disclosure and Accounting, in CApital Markets and Company
Law, supra note 17, at 171; cf. Ian Dewing & Peter Russell, Accounting, Auditing and Corporate
Governance of European Listed Countries: EU Policy Developments Before and After Enron,
42 J. Common Mkt. Stud. 289 (2004) (on the difficulties in moving towards international
accounting standards).
122 See Britta Carstensen & Peter Leibfried, Auswirkungen von IAS/IFRS auf mittelständische
GmbH und GmbH & Co. KG, 2004 GmbH-Rundschau 864 (2004) (analyzing the costs and
benefit for nonlisted midsize companies voluntarily undertaking to observe IAS); Jonathan
“small and medium-sized entities,” as users’ needs and cost-benefit consid-

erations are different from those of large listed corporations.123 In making its
plea, the IASB recognizes that small- and medium-sized entities have to address
capital market concerns, as when they publish their financial statements for
the benefit of external users. Such external users may include, inter alia,
banks, credit-rating agencies, prospective business partners, and nonmanaging
shareholders.124
Traditional European company law for public limited companies (i.e.,
listed companies) is still based on the concept of a statutory minimum capital
as a device for shareholder and creditor protection.125 When the European
Commission prepared the Regulation on the International Accounting Stan-
dards, it found no major conflict with the Community rules on accounting.126
There is, however, a potential for open conflict between investor information
as envisaged by IAS and creditor protection by capital maintenance rules.127
Without attacking openly the minimum capital rules of the Second Company
Law Directive, the ECJ has questioned the signaling effect of national rules
on legal capital for creditor protection purposes.128 The High Level Expert
Group supports a differentiated approach toward legal capital, which is to be
supplemented by corresponding liability rules.129 Although member states are
softening their stance on minimum capital for private companies, their posi-
tion on public listed companies is less flexible. The Directive (EC) 2006/68
pledges to simplify the mandatory rules on capital formation, maintenance,
Rickford, ed., Reforming Capital – Report of the Interdisciplinary Group on Capital Mainte-
nance, 15 Eur. Bus. L. Rev. 919 (2004) (evaluating the convergence effects after introducing
IAS in the European Union).
123 International Accounting Standards Board, Basis for Conclusions on Exposure Draft: IFRS for
Small and Medium-Sized Entities (Feb. 2007).

124 Id.; cf. the empirical study in Bundesverband der deutschen Industrie (Confederation
of German Industry & Ernst & Young, Rechnungslegung im Umbruch 40 (2005)

(evaluating the largely positive attitude of German nonlisted midsize companies toward such
accounting standards).
125 Wolfgang Schön, The Future of Legal Capital, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 429, 438 (2004).
126 Van Hulle, supra note 121, at 159.
127 Wolfgang Schön, Wer schützt den Kapitalschutz?, 166 Zeitschrift für das gesamte Han-
delsrecht 1 (2002).
128 This is, however, a criticism that was made in the context of private, nonlisted companies.
See Kamer van Koophandel en Fabrieken v. Inspire Art Ltd., ECJ C-167/01 (Sept. 30, 2003),
available at http://curia.eu.int/en/content/juris/index form.htm; on legal capital as a signaling
device, cf. John Armour, Legal Capital: An Outdated Concept?, 7 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 5, 25
(2006); John Armour, Share Capital and Creditor Protection: Efficient Rules for a Modern Com-
pany Law, 63 Mod. L. Rev. 355, 359 (2000); Peter O. Mülbert & Max Birke, Legal Capital –
Is There a Case Against the European Legal Capital Rules?, 3 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 695,
727 (2002).
129 Cf. Thomas Bachner, Wrongful Trading – A New European Model for Creditor Protection?, 5
Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 293 (2004).

436 Rainer Kulms
and alteration, but it does not change the established balance between share-
holders and creditors.130
4. Statutory Audit
In developing a coherent strategy on the statutory audit, the European Com-
mission attempts to combine several prongs of capital market policy. Regulat-
ing the single market for auditing services is to safeguard harmonized financial
disclosure and the establishment of a pan-European capital market. However,
the role of the auditor will be strengthened to improve corporate governance
and investor confidence in market efficiency.131 In a first move, the Commis-
sion’s 2002 Recommendation on Statutory Auditors’ Independence laid down
core principles on professional standards, auditor responsibility, conflicts of
interest, and internal safeguard mechanisms for auditing firms.132 The impact
of the Enron and the Parmalat scandals and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act finally
convinced the Commission openly to acknowledge the interface between mar-
ket transparency, professional auditing, and corporate governance.133 In May
2006, the European Parliament and the Council adopted a new directive on
the statutory audit “to rebuild trust in the audit function.”134 The Directive
prefers regulatory action over market control by relying on board-of-directors-
centered governance and public oversight.135 Efficient public oversight at the
130 European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) No. 2006/68 of Sept. 6, 2006, amend-
ing Council Directive (EEC) No. 77/91 as regards the formation of public limited liability
companies and the maintenance and alteration of their capital, O. J. (L 264) 32 of Sept. 6,
2006.
131 Anita I. Anand & Niamh Moloney, Reform of the Audit Process and the Role of Shareholder
Voice: Transatlantic Perspectives, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 232, 283 (2004).
132 European Commission Recommendation (EC) No. 2002/590, Statutory Auditors’ Indepen-
dence in the EU: A Set of Fundamental Principles, O.J. (L 191) 22 of July 19, 2002.
133 See European Commission Communication to the Council and the European Parliament,
Reinforcing the Statutory Audit in the EU, COM (2003) 286 final (May 21, 2003) (the Com-
munication refers expressly to the Sarbanes-Oxley Act), available at http://eur-lex.europa.
eu/LexUriServ/site/en/com/2003/com2003 0286en01.pdf.
134 European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) No. 2006/43 of May 17, 2006, on Statutory
Audits of Annual Accounts, amending Council Directive (EEC) No. 78/660 and Council
Directive (EEC) No. 83/349/EEC and repealing Council Directive (EEC) No. 84/253, O.J.
(L 157) 87 of June 9, 2006, available at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/oj/2006/1
157/1 15720060609en00870107.pdf; see the preparatory documents introduced by the Euro-
pean Commission, Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council
on Statutory Audit of Annual Accounts and Consolidated Accounts and Amending Council
Directive (EEC) No. 78/660 and Council Directive (EEC) No. 83/349, Mar. 16, 2004; Memo-
randum, European Commission Proposal for a Directive on Statutory Audit: Some Frequently
Asked Questions, Mar. 16, 2004.
135 See art. 41; Benito Arruñada, Audit Failure and the Crisis of Auditing, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L.
Rev. 635 (2004).

member state level requires that auditors be registered, subject to investiga-

tions by nonaudit professionals.136 Independence from the audited company
dictates that the auditor is not involved in its management decisions and does
not have any financial, business, employment, or other relationship.137 The
Directive stops short of outlawing auditor consultancy work for the audited
company.138 But auditors have to establish that such work will not compromise
their independence. In what is a considerable departure from market mech-
anisms, member states will have to lay down rules on audit fees, outlawing
contingency fees, and cross-subsidization between income from auditing and
nonauditing services.139 The Directive provides for auditor rotation,140 and in
reaction to the Parmalat scandal, the auditor of a conglomerate group shall
also be responsible for the audit report on the consolidated accounts.141
C. Implementing the Action Plan on Corporate Governance

1. Audit Committees
The Directive on the statutory audit emphasizes the importance of an exter-
nal audit for capital market transparency. In order to buttress the link between
internal governance mechanisms and meaningful auditing procedures, article
41 of the Directive provides for the establishment of an audit committee.142 It
has to be composed of the nonexecutive members of the administrative body,
members of the supervisory body of the audited entity, or members appointed
at the shareholders’ meeting.143 At least one member of the audit commit-
tee has to be independent with competence in accounting or auditing.144
136 Council Directive (EC) No. 2006/43 arts. 15 et seq., 31.

137 Id. at art. 23(1). 138 Cf. Arruñada, supra note 135, at 639.
139 Council Directive (EC) No. 2006/43 art. 25. 140 Id. at art. 43.
141 Id. at art. 27(a).
142 On the interface between corporate governance, external audits, and capital market trans-
parency, cf. Peter Nobel, Audit Within the Framework of Corporate Governance, in Capital
Markets and Company Law, supra note 17, at 207.
143 Art. 41(1) of the Council Directive (EEC) No. 2006/43:
Each public-interest company shall have an audit committee. The Member State shall
determine whether audit committees are to be composed of non-executive members of
the administrative body and/or members of the supervisory body of the audited entity
and/or members appointed by the general meeting of shareholders of the audited entity.
At least one member of the audit committee shall be independent and shall have
competence in accounting and/or auditing.
144 The European rules auditing committees are inspired by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. The U.S.
requirements on auditor oversight have also operated as a powerful incentive for some
member states to model their national oversight mechanisms after the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.
Ferran, supra note 15, at 228. In administering the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, the SEC accepts
438 Rainer Kulms
The audit committee shall monitor the financial reporting process, the effec-
tiveness of the company’s internal and risk-management systems, and the
statutory audit. Procedures for reviewing internal whistle-blowing procedures,
however, are relegated to the nonbinding Recommendation on Independent
Directors.145 The (statutory) auditor shall be nominated by the audit com-
mittee for appointment by the general meeting of the shareholders.146 The
auditor or the auditing firm shall report to the auditing committee.147 From
the point of view of harmonizing corporate governance, the future of pan-
European audit committees is somewhat clouded. After intensive debate in
the Law Committee of the European Parliament, a compromise was reached,
allowing member states to derogate from the provisions on the statutory audit
if listed companies have a similar body with comparable functions.148
2. Amending the Accounting Directives and Collective Board

Responsibility
Accounting rules serve capital market transparency. They are a proxy for
disclosure.149 Thus, the June 2006 Directive of the European Commis-
sion aims at increased liability of board members with respect to financial
statements.150 The Directive imposes collective responsibility on the members
of the administrative, management, or supervisory bodies for drawing up the
annual or consolidated accounts, the annual or consolidated annual report,
and the corporate governance statement. The annual report shall also con-
tain information on special purpose entities and on transactions between the
company and related persons where such a transaction is material and has
not been concluded under normal commercial conditions. The corporate
that the nonexecutive members of the audit committee of nondomestic issuers may include
labor representatives. Alan L. Beller, Dir. Div. of Corporation Fin., SEC, Regulation in a
Global Environment, Speech in Berlin, Germany (Apr. 20, 2004), available at http://www.sec.
gov/news/speeh/spchalb042004.htm.
145 See infra section III.3.c.
146 Council Directive (EEC) No. 2006/43, arts. 37, 41(4).
147 Id. at art. 41(5).
148 See Report (Confederation of German Industry: Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie,
NvWR), July 2005, at 138.

149 Cf. Jens Wüstemann, Institutionenökonomik und internationale Rechnungslegung-
sordnungen 1, 16 (2002).
150 European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) No. 2006/46 of June 14, 2006, amend-
ing Council Directive (EEC) No. 78/660 on the Annual Accounts of Certain Types of
Companies, Council Directive (EEC) No. 83/349 on Consolidated Accounts, Council
Directive (EEC) No. 86/635 on the Annual Accounts and Consolidated Accounts of Banks
and Other Financial Institutions and Council Directive (EEC) 91/674 on the Annual
Accounts and Consolidated Accounts of Insurance Undertakings, available at http://eur-lex.
europa.eu/smartapi/cgi/sga_doc?smartapi!celexplus!prod!DocNumber&lg=en&type_doc=
Directive&an_doc=1991&nu_doc=674.
governance statement is to disclose information regarding the company’s

adherence to a national corporate governance code, the applicable control
and risk-management systems, and a description of shareholders’ rights. The
Directive favors a comply-or-explain approach toward company application
of a national corporate governance code.151 Contrary to U.S. practice under
the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, EU law refrains from requiring boards to certify the
effectiveness of internal control mechanisms.152 Member states are, however,
authorized to introduce a more rigid regime on corporate governance and
transparency.153 The Directive does not change current liability rules. After
the European Commission had published a draft of the Directive,154 mem-
ber states indicated that they did not wish to modify established concepts of
personal liability, thereby reflecting the U.S. debate on the scope of liability
for false statements under section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of
1934.155 The responsibility of the member of the administrative, management,
or supervisory bodies will be conditioned on the individual member’s scope
of professional duties in the day-to-day business of the company.156
The Directive recognizes the regulatory burden for smaller- and medium-
size enterprises. It raises the compliance thresholds so that member states may
authorize a greater number of companies to prepare abridged accounts and
notes to the accounts.157
151 Cf. Statement of the European Corporate Governance Forum on the Comply-or-Explain Prin-
ciple, Brussels (Feb. 22, 2006), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/company/
ecgforum/index.en.htm.
152 The European Corporate Governance Forum, Statement on Risk Management and Internal
Control (June 2006) (denying the need for introducing a legal obligation for boards to certify
the effectiveness of internal controls at the EU level, referring somewhat generally to a trade-off
between the benefits of additional statutory requirements and the regulatory burden and costs
for companies).
153 In 2006, the German government suggested that the officers of a corporation certify that the
annual accounts give a true view of the financial situation, properly describing the decisive
chances and risks. Cf. Cordula Heldt & Sascha Ziemann, Sarbanes-Oxley in Deutschland?
Zur geplanten Einführung eines strafbewehrten “Bilanzeides” nach dem Regierungsentwurf eines
Transparenzrichtlinie-Umsetzungsgesetzes, 17 Neue Zeitschrift für Gesellschaftsrecht
652 (2006).
154 Press Release, European Comm’n, Accounts: Commission Proposes Collective Board Respon-
sibility and More Disclosure on Transactions, Off-Balance Sheet Vehicles and Corpo-
rate Governance (Oct. 28, 2004), available at http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?
reference=IP/04/1318&language=en&guiLanguage=en.
155 See In re Enron Corp. Sec., Derivative and ERISA Litig., 235 F. Supp. 2d 549 (S.D. Tex. 2002);
SEC v. Lucent Techs., 363 F. Supp. 2d 708, 723 (D.N.J. 2005).

156 See Report (Confederation of German Industry: Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie,
NvWR), Apr. 2005, at 67.

157 DG Internal Market, Report on Impacts of Raised Thresholds Defining SMEs – Impact Assess-
ment on Raising the Thresholds in the 4th Company Law Directive (EEC) No. 78/660 Defining
Small- and Medium-Sized Companies (Dec. 2005), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal
market/accounting/docs/studies/sme thresholds en.pdf.
440 Rainer Kulms
3. Independent Directors
In February 2005, the Commission issued a nonbinding recommendation,
inviting member states to take regulatory action on listed companies by intro-
ducing nonexecutive or supervisory directors on a mandatory or comply-or-
explain basis.158 Less strict than Nasdaq standards,159 the Recommendation
refrains from specifying the ratio between independent directors and other
members of the board.160 The Commission strikes a balance between one-
tier and two-tier corporate governance systems, as independent directors may
either be added to the board of directors or to the supervisory board. Boards
should be so organized that a sufficient number of independent nonexecutive
or supervisory directors play an effective role in key areas where the poten-
tial for conflict of interest is particularly high. Nomination, remuneration,
and audit committees should be established to make recommendations to
the board. At least a majority of the members of the audit committee should
be independent. The Recommendation attempts to bridge the gap between
bank-centered and capital-market-centered systems. For companies with dis-
persed ownership, the involvement of independent board committees is to
ensure manager accountability to weak shareholders. Independent commit-
tees of companies with large block holdings are thought to protect the interests
of the minority shareholders. Compared to section 301 of the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act, the Recommendation contains a rather mild admonishment to review
procedures on whistle-blowing, implying that the status quo in member state
law will not be affected.161 Implementing whistle-blowing rules will bring a
cultural change to some European countries. So far, U.S. companies with
European subsidiaries have encountered legal difficulties in attempting to
comply with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. In France, anonymous whistle-blowing
158 European Commission Recommendation (EC) No. 2005/162 on the Role of Non-Executive or
Supervisory Directors of Listed Companies on the Committees of the (Supervisory) Board, O.J.
(L 52) 51 of Feb. 25, 2005, available at http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/site/en/oj/2005/l
052/l 05220050225en00510063.pdf.
159 Revised Rules 4200 (a)(15) & 4350 (c)(1) of the Nasdaq Compliance Standards mandate that
a majority of the board be independent. SEC, NASD and NYSE Rulemaking: Relating to
Corporate Governance, Exchange Act Release No. 48,745, 81 SEC Docket (CCH) 1586 (Nov.
4, 2003), available at http://www.sec.gov/rules/sro/34–48745.htm.
160 This is because of differences in member state laws on the composition of the board that
distinguish companies with widely held shares from others (leaving aside the specific problem
of how to accommodate German laws regarding codetermination on supervisory boards).
161 Section 4.3.8 of annex I to the Recommendation (EC) No. 2005/162 stipulates:
The audit committee should review the process whereby the company complies with
existing provisions [emphasis added] regarding the possibility for employees to report
alleged significant irregularities in the company, by way of complaints or through
anonymous submissions, normally to an independent director, and should ensure that
hotlines are in conflict with data protection laws, as they would give rise to
an internal climate of defamation.162 In Germany, the approval of the Works
Council has to be sought.163
4. Disclosure of Directors’ Remuneration

The Commission recommendation on the remuneration regime for directors
of listed companies164 supplements the policy on audit committees. The Rec-
ommendation emphasizes the interface between internal corporate control
mechanisms and transparency for the benefit of investors.165 The Recom-
mendation envisages that member states take regulatory action to require a
listed company to disclose its remuneration policy in an annual report. Such
remuneration may be included in the annual report, attached to the report,
or made independently. The statement should also explain the company’s
approach to termination periods and payments in the directors’ contracts.
The Recommendation suggests that the total remuneration and other benefits
granted to individual directors over the relevant fiscal year be disclosed in the
annual report. Member states are urged to empower shareholders to control
the company’s remuneration when the annual general meeting is held.166 This
includes a shareholder vote on share-based remuneration schemes.
5. Shareholders’ Rights
Buying shares confers the full scope of rights on the purchaser. Thus, bargain-
ing on shareholders’ rights appears to be quintessentially a matter of private
arrangements are in place for the proportionate and independent investigation of such
matters and for appropriate follow-up action.
Cf. the comparative study on whistleblowing rules, Matthias Schmidt, “Whistle-blowing” Reg-
ulation and Accounting Standards Enforcement in Germany and Europe – An Economic Per-
spective, 21 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 143 (2005).
162 Commission Nationale de l’Informatique et des libertés, Délibération No. 2005–111 (CEAC/
Exide Technologies) & Délibération No. 2005–110 (McDonald’s France/McDonald’s Corpo-

ration U.S.) (May 26, 2005).
163 Arbeitsgericht [Labor Court Wuppertal] June 15, 2005, 5 BV 20/05, 2005 Zeitschrift für
Wirtschaftsrecht 1334 (2005); cf. Simon, Case Note, 2005 Der Betrieb 1800.
164 European Commission Recommendation (EC) No. 2004/913 Fostering an Appropriate Regime
for the Remuneration of Directors of Listed Companies, O.J. (L 385) 55 of Dec. 29, 2004,
available at http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/lex/en/repert/1710.htm.
165 Press Release, European Comm’n, Directors’ Pay – Commission Sets Out Guidance on
Disclosure and Shareholder Control (Oct. 6, 2004), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal

market/company/directors-remun/index en.htm.
166 Germany has introduced a statutory regime of disclosure that allows an opt-out of transparency
on individual director remuneration if the general meeting of shareholders consents. Holger

Fleischer, Das Vorstandsvergütungs-Offenlegungsgesetz, 2005 Der Betrieb 1611 (2005).
442 Rainer Kulms
ordering that does not require regulatory intervention. Nonetheless, nondo-

mestic shareholders may experience difficulties in exercising their right to
vote in a cross-border context. On June 12, 2007, the Council of Ministers
adopted a directive on the exercise of certain rights of shareholders in listed
companies.167 The Directive lays down basic rules on advance information
on shareholders’ general meetings, electronic participation in these meetings,
and in absentia voting, and it abolishes all forms of share blocking.168 Issuers
do not have a right to opt out of the envisaged legislation even if the share-
holders’ meeting so decides. The Commission has refrained from introducing
mandatory rules related to the exercise of voting rights, such as stock lending,
depository receipts, and language requirements, acknowledging that some
leeway for private ordering might be preferable.169
The Report of the High Level Group of Experts notes that proportional-
ity between ultimate economic risk and control normally requires control
rights reflecting the amount of share capital owned.170 In corporate practice
control enhancing mechanisms abound.171 The consultation on the Commis-
sion’s Action Plan revealed that plans for regulatory measures will receive a
mixed welcome. Issuers emphasize the freedom of contract and reject the
need for intervention at the EU level. On the other hand, representatives
from the investing community (shareholders’ associations and institutional
investors) support regulatory action in order to curtail the role of dominant
shareholders.172 Currently, the Commission carries out an impact assessment
167 Provisional Text of the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council,
European Union – The European Parliament & Council of Ministers (June 1, 2007),
available at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms data/docs/2004/7/9/1994.pdf; Press
Release, European Comm’n, Corporate Governance: Directive on Shareholders’ Rights For-
mally Adopted (June 12, 2007), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/company/
shareholders/indexa en.htm.
168 See art. 4 et seq. of the Directive.
169 Recital 4 of the introductory remarks to the Directive describes the regulatory purposes as an
attempt to lay down certain “minimum standards . . . with a view to protecting investors and
promoting the smooth and effective exercise of shareholder rights attaching to voting shares.”
See Consultation Document by the European Comm’n, Internal Mkt. & Servs. DG, Fostering
an Appropriate Regime for Shareholders’ Rights, MARKT/13.05.2005 (Apr. 30, 2007), available
at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/company/docs/shareholders/consulation2 en.pdf.
170 See Report of the High Level Group, supra note 7.
171 Commission Study on Proportionality Between Ownership and Control in EU Listed Companies
(June 2007) (referring to multiple voting rights shares, nonvoting shares (without preference),
nonvoting preference shares, pyramid structures, depository certificates, voting rights ceilings,
golden shares, cross-shareholdings, and shareholder agreements), available at http://ec.europa.
eu/internal market/company/docs/shareholders/study/final report en.pdf.
172 See Directorate General, supra note 15, at 8.
to determine the need and potential scope of a regulatory instrument at the

EU level.173
IV. WHITHER EUROPEAN CORPORATE GOVERNANCE?
A. Private Ordering and Externalities – The European Court of Justice

on Company Mobility
Officials in the United States have occasionally noted a transatlantic conver-
gence between U.S. and European regulatory concepts.174 There are similari-
ties between the short-term priorities of the EU Action Plan and the standards
set by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and its federalizing strategy. Comparative corpo-
rate governance reveals that convergence toward international standards cre-
ates unstable punctuated equilibriums, occurring intermittently on selected
173 Press Releases, European Comm’n, Commission Publishes External Study on Proportion-
ality Between Capital and Control in EU Listed Companies (June 4, 2007), available at
http://europa.eu/rapid/preeReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/07/751&format=HTML&aged=
0&language=EN.
174 Conrad Hewitt, Chief Accountant, SEC, Remarks at Baruch College, New York (May 3, 2007),
available at http://www.sec.gov./news/speech/2007/spch050307cwh.htm; Ethiopis Tafara, Dir.,

Office of Int’l Affairs, SEC, Remarks Before Transatlantic Financial Market Symposium Panel,
“The Road to Regulatory Convergence: Where Are We and Where Are We Going?” Luxem-
bourg (Apr. 27, 2005), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech 042705et.htm; Scott A.
Traub, Deputy Chief Accountant, SEC, International Convergence and Public Oversight of
Accounting and Auditing Standards, Speech in Amman, Jordan (May 20, 2004), available at
http://www.sec.gov.news /speech/spch052004sat.htm; cf. Maria Cardilli, Regulation Without
Borders: The Impact of Sarbanes-Oxley on European Companies, 27 Fordham Int’l L.J. 785
(2004); Ronald J. Gilson, Globalizing Corporate Governance: Convergence of Form or Function,
49 Am. J. Comp. L. 329 (2001). A dialogue has been established to come to terms with the
extraterritorial implications of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act and European securities regulation. See
The U.S.-EU Regulatory Dialogue and Its Future, Hearing Before the Committee on Financial
Services – U.S. House of Representatives, 108th Cong. 100 (May 13, 2004); Hans-Jürgen Hell-
wig, The Transatlantic Financial Markets Regulatory Dialogue, in Corporate Governance
in Context, supra note 8, at 363. The April 2007 “Framework for Advancing Transatlantic
Economic Integration Between the United States of America and the European Union” calls,
inter alia, for a continued informal financial markets dialogue on the implementation of
the Basel II rules and for the mutual recognition of U.S. GAAP and IFRS. Press Release
on the U.S.-EU Summit, annex 6, White House, Framework for Advancing Transatlantic
Economic Integration Between the United States of America and the European Union (Apr.
30, 2007), available at http://www.whitehouse.gov./news/releases/2007/04/print/20070430–4.
html; see also Kern Alexander et al., Transatlantic Financial Regulatory Dialogue, 7 Eur. Bus.
Org. L. Rev. 647 (2006) (on the transatlantic regulatory dialogue); Press Release 2007–105,
SEC, SEC Announces Roundtable Discussion Regarding Mutual Recognition (May 24, 2007),
available at http://www.sec.gov./news/press/2007/2007–105.htm.
444 Rainer Kulms
issues.175 Nowadays, even insider systems experience change, and national

lawmakers implement regulatory standards typical of capital markets with
dispersed ownership.176 Analyzing capital markets from a globalization per-
spective does not explain, however, why centralized European action should
be taken instead of relying on the forces of the marketplace.177 Apparently,
centralized rule making dominates decentralization where the externalities of
national legal systems cannot be properly internalized.178 The ECJ’s jurispru-
dence on company mobility illustrates that private ordering is a viable alter-
native to centralized rule making.179 By examining national company laws on
their compatibility with the (European) internal market, the ECJ redefines
the trade-off between decentralized rule making and the negative externalities
of national legislative efforts.180
1. Regulatory Entry and Exit under the Freedom of Establishment

The ECJ favors a deregulatory approach by implementing the freedom of
establishment under the EC Treaty.181 A series of judgments guarantees free
175 William Bratton & Joseph McCahery, Comparative Corporate Governance and Barriers to
Global Cross Reference, in Corporate Governance, supra note 24, at 23, 24, 37; cf. Jonathan
Rickford, Corporate Governance Systems – How Much Convergence?, in Corporate Gov-
ernance in the US and Europe – Where Are We Now? 25 (Geoffrey Owen et al. eds.,
2006).
176 In this context, Professors Bratton and McCahery diagnose a trade-off between ownership
concentration, monitoring, and management initiative and private rent seeking, which may
affect national convergence processes. Bratton & McCahery, supra note 175, at 29.
177 Cf. Nicolas Jabko, The Political Foundations of the European Regulatory State, in The Politics
of Regulation 2002 (Jacint Jordana & David Levi-Faur eds., 2004) (questioning the link
between European integration and globalization).
178 Jean-Jacques Laffont & Wilfried Zantman, Information Acquisition, Political Game and the
Delegation of Authority, 18 Eur. J. Pol. Econ. 407, 417 (2002).

179 See Jean-Jacques Laffont & Jerome Pouyet, The Subsidiary Bias in Regulation, 88 J. Pub.
Econ. 255, 266 (2003) (on how the negative side effects of local government can be checked
by (regulatory) competition among the various jurisdictions and by centralized rule making).
180 Cf. Luca Enriques & Martin Gelter, Regulatory Competition in European Company Law and
Creditor Protection, 7 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 417 (2006).

181 The freedom of establishment for corporate organizations is guaranteed by articles 43 and 48
of the EC Treaty.
EC Treaty art. 43:
Within the framework of the provisions set out below, restrictions on the freedom of
establishment of nationals of Member States in the territory of another Member State
shall be prohibited. Such prohibition shall also apply to restrictions on the setting-up of
agencies, branches or subsidiaries by nationals of any other Member State established
in the territory of any Member State.
Freedom of establishment shall include the right to take up and pursue activities as
self-employed persons and to set up and manage undertakings, in particular companies
or firms within the meaning of the second paragraph of 48, under the conditions laid
entry to the host state, thus facilitating corporate relocation decisions.182 Non-
domestic European companies are entitled to access to justice in the host
state irrespective of whether they have been incorporated under the laws of
another member state. Creditor protection is a valid regulatory policy purpose.
But a foreign European company may commence business activities without
depositing funds to satisfy potential creditor claims. Conversely, it is illegal
to apply specific liability rules to a director of a nondomestic company no
longer operative in its country of incorporation. Absent fraud, it is legitimate
to circumvent restrictive laws of one member state and resort to the more
liberal company law regime of another.183 Private companies are entitled to
demonstrate mobility by consummating a cross-border merger.184
The ECJ’s rulings on regulatory exit are less far reaching. In the Daily
Mail case, a British statute was upheld that conditioned a corporate-relocation
decision upon the payment of a de facto exit tax.185 Since then, no tax-related
down for its own nationals by the law of the country where such establishment is effected,
subject to the provisions of the chapter relating to capital.
EC Treaty art. 48:
Companies or firms formed in accordance with the law of a Member State having
their registered office, central administration or principal place of business within the
Community shall, for the purposes of this chapter, be treated in the same way as natural
persons who are nationals of Member States.
“Companies or firms” means companies or firms constituted under civil or commercial
law, including cooperative societies, and other legal persons governed by public or
private law, save for those which are non-profit making
Consolidated Version of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, Dec. 24, 2002,
O.J. (C 325) 33.
182 ECJ judgments, Case No. C-221/97, Centros Ltd. v. Erhvervs- og Selskabstyrelsen, 1999 E.C.R.
I–1459 (1999); Case No. C-208/00, Überseering B.V. v. Nordic Construction Co. Baumanage-
ment GmbH (NCC), 2002 E.C.R. I-9919 (2002); Case No. C-167/01, Kamer van Koophandel
en Fabrieken v. Inspire Art Ltd. (2003); Case No. C-411/03, SEVIC Systems AG, 2005 ECR
I-10805 (2005).
183 See ¶ 95 et seq. of the ECJ’s judgment Case No. C-167/01, Kamer van Koophandel en
Fabrieken v. Inspire Art Ltd. (2003) (“[T]he reasons for which a company chooses to be formed
in a particular Member State are, save in the case of fraud, irrelevant with regard to application
of the rules on freedom of establishment. . . . [T]he fact that the company was formed in a
particular Member State for the sole purpose of enjoying the benefit of a more favourable
legislation does not constitute abuse even if that company conducts its activities entirely or
mainly in that second State. . . . ”).
184 See ECJ Judgment in the SEVIC case, supra note 182; Behrens, Case note, CMLR 43, 1669
(2006); see also the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on Cross-Border
Mergers of Limited Liability Companies, O.J. (L 310) of Dec. 13, 2005.
185 ECJ judgment, Case No. 81/87, The Queen v. H.M. Treasury and Comm’rs of Inland Revenue,
ex parte Daily Mail & General Trust plc., 1988 E.C.R. 5483 (1988). A Hungarian court has
requested a preliminary ruling that may give the ECJ a chance to reassess its holding in the
Daily Mail case and to specify the conditions for regulatory exit from member states: Reference
446 Rainer Kulms
relocation cases have come to the ECJ.186 It is, therefore, uncertain whether
the ECJ may mellow its stance on tax aspects of company mobility.187
2. The ECJ’s Major Beneficiaries: Private Companies

It is no coincidence that private companies have become the motor for com-
pany mobility and regulatory competition in corporate Europe. National reg-
ulatory policies for private companies and partnerships are less restrictive,188
hence the relative ease for European judges to intervene and foster company
mobility. The ECJ’s agnosticism toward pseudoforeign companies has paved
the way for free regulatory choice and private ordering. The English Private
Limited Company stands to become the major beneficiary of this state of
European Community law. Investors opt for this type of business organiza-
tion, continue to have it registered in the United Kingdom and coordinate
their activities from the head office on the European continent.189 There is no
taxable income in the United Kingdom, and shareholders reap the benefits
of English company law, which they consider to be of greater appeal than its
for a Preliminary Ruling from the Szegedi Ítéótábla (Court of Appeal of Szeged) Case No.
C-210/06P, Cartesio Oktató és Szolgáltató Bt., O.J. (C 165) 17 of July 15, 2006.
186 The X and Y and de Lasteyrie du Saillant cases involve tax liabilities of individuals who held
shares of European multinational companies. See ECJ judgments, Case No. C-436/00, X and
Y v. Riksskatteverk (2002); Case No. C-9/02, Hughes de Lasteyrie du Saillant v. Ministère
de l’Économie, des Finances et de l’Industrie (2004). See also Case No. C-292/04, Meilicke,
Weyde & Stöffler v. Finanzamt Bonn-Innenstadt (2007).
187 For a detailed analysis, see Gero Burwitz, Tax Consequences of the Migration of Companies: A
Practitioner’s Perspective, 7 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev 589, 596 (2006).

188 In the debate on company mobility in the EU, the factual settings of the cases before the
ECJ are often overlooked. See the Centros, Überseering, and Inspire-Art rulings, supra note
182 (dealing with close corporations or private companies). See also Joseph McCahery, Har-
monization in European Company Law: The Political Economy of Economic Integration, in
European Integration and the Law – Four Contributions on the Interplay Between
European Integration and National Law to Celebrate the 25th Anniversary of the
Maastricht University’s Faculty of Law 155 (D. Curtain et al. eds., 2006). Cf. Joseph
A. McCahery & Erik P.M. Vermeulen, Topics in Corporate Finance: Understanding
(Un)incorporated Business Forms 9 (2005) (assessing the legal regime for closely held
firms); Larry E. Ribstein, Why Corporations?, Berkeley Bus. L.J. 1 183, 191 (2004) (analyzing
the choice between corporation and partnership from a U.S. perspective).
189 It is estimated that some thirty thousand private limited companies have moved headquarters to
Germany; Andre O. Westhoff, Die Verbreitung der limited mit Sitz in Deutschland, 97 GmbH-
Rundschau 525, 528 (2006); Harry Rajak, The English Limited Company as an Alternative
Legal Form for German Enterprise, 2005 EWS 539 (2005); Marco Becht et al., Corporate
Mobility Comes to Europe: The Evidence (Working Paper, Université Libre de Bruxelles &
Saı̈d Business School, Oxford University, 2005).
continental European counterparts.190 Some member states have taken up the

competitive challenge, modernizing their laws on private companies.191
In favoring private companies over listed corporations, the ECJ’s holdings
on company mobility might be thought to be incoherent.192 But this reflects
the balance of power among the member states, the European Commission,
and the European judges. The corporate law policies of the member states
have tended to establish a noncooperative equilibrium, foreclosing regulatory
choice and interjurisdictional competition to corporations.193 Although the
ECJ has the means to mold Community law, it has attempted to use its
discretionary power in a spirit of cooperation to avoid alienation with the major
regulatory players in the European Union.194 Member states are still reluctant
to bestow free regulatory choice on listed corporations. Rules on stakeholder
protection place considerable barriers on the road to exit from one corporate
law jurisdiction.195 Nonetheless, the importance of private companies for listed
corporations should not be underestimated. Listed corporations have begun to
rely on (more liberal) private company law vehicles to escape the constraints
of their domestic corporate law rules. In creating foreign private (holding)
companies, mergerlike devices are put into effect.196 There are also signs that
190 The same practice is observed with respect to private limited companies established in offshore
centers such as the British Virgin Islands or the Cayman Islands. The provisions of the EC
Treaty on the freedom of establishment are equally applicable to these companies.
191 See Harm-Jan De Kluiver, Private Ordering and Buy-Out Remedies Within Private Company
Law: Towards a New Balance Between Fairness and Welfare?, 8 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev.
103 (2007) (on the Private Company Law Reform in the Netherlands); Ulrich Seibert, Close
Corporations – Reforming Private Company Law: European and International Perspectives, 8
Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 83 (2007) (on German reform projects).
192 Cf. Horatia Muir Watt, Experiences from Europe: Legal Diversity and the Internal Market, 39
Tex. Int’l L.J. 429, 450 (2004).

193 Cf. Christian Kirchner et al., Regulatory Competition in EU Corporate Law After Inspire Art:
Unbundling the Delaware Product, 2 ECFR 2, 159, 176 (2005) (pointing to the switching costs an
established company would face in migrating from one national legal order to another); Joseph
A. McCahery & Erik P.M. Vermeulen, Does the European Company Prevent the “Delaware-
effect”? (Tilburg University, TILEC Discussion Paper DP 2005–10, 2005) (arguing that “there
are few political incentives for lawmakers to pass legislation that might serve to disrupt the
EU’s non-competitive equilibrium in company law”).
194 Robert Cooter & Josef Drexel, The Logic of Power in the Emerging European Constitution:
Game Theory and the Division of Powers, 14 Int’l Rev. L. & Econ. 307, 324 (1994).
195 In Germany, for example, local interest groups heavily defend the country’s codetermination
laws. For an analysis, see Katharina Pistor, Codetermination: A Sociopolitical Model with
Governance Externalities, in Employees and Corporate Governance 163 (Margaret M.
Blair & Mark J. Roe eds., 1999).
196 Foreign holding companies are exempt from German laws on codetermination. BAG [Federal
Labor Supreme Court] Feb. 14, 2007 (7 ABR 26/06); OLG [Court of Appeal Düsseldorf ] Oct.
30, 2006 (26 W 14/06 AktE).
448 Rainer Kulms
competition from private company law197 and globalization will push national
legislators toward reform: legislative activities of the European Union are
designed to extend corporate mobility to listed corporations.198
3. Regulatory Policy Implications

The ECJ’s rulings on company mobility make an attempt to attack the negative
externalities of national corporate law systems by emphasizing private choice
and the freedom of establishment. But private ordering is not unlimited. It has
to internalize spillovers arising from regulatory differences between national
legal orders.199 Member states are authorized to derogate from the freedom of
establishment for “grounds of imperative national interest.”200 However, this
caveat should not be overestimated. It rather acknowledges the evolution of
company law. As corporate law systems have ceased to be all-encompassing
regulatory devices, there is a need for allocating the spheres of influence of
various national laws.201 Traditional legal terminology classifies this regula-
tory problem as an issue of whether mandatory law takes precedence over
private choice.202 From a transnational point of view, this requires a policy
decision on the extent to which the host state may control the internal affairs
197 Cf. Vino Timmerman, Welfare, Fairness and the Role of Courts in a Simple and Flexible Private
Company Law, Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 326 (2007).
198 See European Parliament and Council Directive (EC) No. 2005/56 on Cross-Border Mergers
of Limited Liability Companies, O.J. L (310) 1 of Nov. 25, 2005 and the European Commission
Proposal for a Fourteenth European Parliament and Council Directive on the Transfer of
the Registered Office of a Company from One Member State to Another with a Change of
Applicable Law (XV/D2/6002/97-EN REV.2).
199 The ECJ’s approach may lead to conflicts between national systems of creditor protection
under company and insolvency laws. Cf. Horst Eidenmüller, Free Choice in International
Corporate Law: European and German Corporate Law in European Competition Between Cor-
porate Law Systems, in Economic Analysis of Private International Law 187, 199 (Jürgen
Basedow & Toshiyuki Kono eds., 2006) (arguing against harmonizing creditor protection stan-
dards by centralized EU legislative action, favoring compulsory insurance for the benefit of
tort creditors); Gerard Hertig & Hideki Kanda, Creditor Protection, in The Anatomy of Cor-
porate Law: A Comparative and Functional Approach 70, 78 (Reinier Kraakman et al.
eds., 2004) (noting a considerable degree of international convergence in the rights of corpo-
rate creditors); Andrew Keay, Directors’ Duties to Creditors: Contractarian Concerns Relating
to Efficiency and Over-Protection of Creditors, 66 Mod. L. Rev. 665, 687 (2003); Roger Van
den Bergh, Regulatory Competition or Harmonization of Laws? Guidelines for the European
Regulator, in The Economics of Harmonizing European Law 27, 32 (Alain Marciano &
Jean-Michel Josselin eds., 2002). In this context, the case for regulatory competition in creditor
protection is investigated by Enriques & Gelter, supra note 180, at 417.
200 See the ECJ’s jurisprudence, supra note 182. 201 Cf. Muir Watt, supra note 192, at 452.
202 Id. at 443; Fabio Morosini, Globalization and Law: Beyond Traditional Methodology of Com-
parative Legal Studies and an Example from Private International Law, 13 Cardozo J. Int’l &
Comp. L. 541, 559 (2005).
of a foreign company.203 Ultimately, this begs the question of whether pri-

vate international law rules are capable of recalibrating conflicting regulatory
concepts in corporate law.204 It is against this background that the European
Commission will have to decide when to take centralized regulatory action
for private companies.205
Marked differences between private companies and listed corporations tend
to obscure a surprising regulatory policy overlap. Lawmakers may be driven
by path dependence in corporate law systems and concerns about national
sovereignty and personal rent seeking. But globalization forces them to face
competitive processes and private ordering under foreign legal orders as they
ponder centralized regulatory action. In this context, the European Union will
have to decide to what extent it is prepared to accept external private ordering
or standards setting from nongovernmental or nondomestic institutions.
B. Information-Forcing Rules
Regulatory competition does not automatically guarantee better rules and
optimal corporate charters. It may be deficient or too slow to counterbalance
the effects of national policies.206 The U.S. debate on regulatory competition
illustrates that, absent strong markets, high corporate law standards are not
self-evident. Such competition will be beneficial only if it is “exit-less” and
will result in a “race to the top.” 207 A closer scrutiny of the current regulatory
climate in the European Union suggests that regulatory competition among
the member states has its problems.208 Tax is an important issue209 and so
203 Cf. Andrea J. Gildea, Überseering: A European Company Passport, 30 Brook. J. Int’l L. 257,
260 (2004).
204 Cf. Paul F. McGreal, The Flawed Economics of the Dormant Commerce Clause, 39 Wm. &
Mary L. Rev. 1191, 1275 (1998); Horatia Muir Watt, European Integration, Legal Diversity and
the Conflict of Laws, 9 Edinburgh L. Rev. 6, 16 (2004–2005).
205 Proposals for a European Statute on Private Companies have been greeted with little enthu-
siasm. See Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs., Addressing the
European Parliament Committee on Legal Affairs (Nov. 21, 2006); McCreevy, supra note 16.
206 Cf. Damien Gerardin & Joseph A. McCahery, Regulatory Co-opetition: Transcending the
Regulatory Competition Debate, in The Politics of Regulation, supra note 177, at 90.
207 John C. Coffee Jr., Law and Regulatory Competition: Can They Co-Exist?, 80 Tex. L. Rev.
1729, 1735 (2002).

208 Jens Christian Dammann, Freedom of Choice in European Corporate Law, 29 Yale J. Int’l L.
477, 492 (2004); Tröger, supra note 29, at 14.

209 The ECJ judgment in the Marks & Spencer case has only removed very specific tax law
obstacles to company mobility in Europe. See ECJ, Case No. C-446/03, Marks & Spencer, plc
v. David Halsey (Her Majesty’s Inspector of Taxes) (2005) (ruling on tax deductibility of losses
in multicountry corporate groups), available at http://curia.eu.int/en/content/juris/index form
.htm.
450 Rainer Kulms
are the obstacles to enforcing investor rights.210 National governments have a

strong incentive to offer high standards in securities regulation and corporate
law to nondomestic investors.211
In evaluating the future of its Action Plan, the European Commission
will have to consider the complexities of regulatory processes at the member
state level and the cost of introducing centralized rules.212 The U.S. securities
regulation teaches that lack of information is a threat to transparency and
active liquid markets.213 The European Commission should, therefore, con-
centrate on information-forcing rules to maintain a high standard of market
transparency.214 Centralized regulatory action requires a cost-benefit analysis
and a scrutiny of rent-seeking behavior and of the spillover effects of national
corporate laws.215 It is a matter of political controversy whether the Commis-
sion should become active only in cases of market failure during competitive
regulatory processes.216 It would nonetheless seem that European Commission
action is apposite where the negative externalities of national legal systems have
210 Cf. the analysis by Eidenmüller, supra note 199 (citing factual obstacles); Kirchner et al., supra
note 193 (emphasizing the switching costs an established company would face in migrating
from one national legal order to another).
211 Enriques, supra note 15. But see McCahery & Vermeulen, supra note 193 (arguing that “there
are few political incentives for lawmakers to pass legislation that might serve to disrupt the
EU’s non-competitive equilibrium in company law”).
212 For an assessment of the future of the Action Plan, see Theodor Baums, European Company
Law Beyond the 2003 Action Plan, 8 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev. 143 (2007).
213 SEC v. Infinity Group Co., 212 F.3d 180, 191 (3d Cir. 2000) (“[T]he securities laws were intended
to provide investors with accurate information and to protect the investing public from the
sale of worthless securities through misrepresentations.”) (citing H.R. Rep. No. 85, 73d Cong.,
1st Sess., at 1–5 (1933); cf. Stephen Breyer, Regulation and Its Reform 26 (1982); Stefan
Grundmann, Regulatory Competition in European Company Law: Some Different Genius?,
in Capital Markets in the Age of the Euro – Cross-Border Transactions, Listed
Companies and Regulation 561, 573 (Guido Ferrarini et al. eds., 2002); Stefan Grundmann,
The Structure of European Company Law: From Crisis to Boom, 5 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev.
601, 617 (2004).
214 In this, a distinction has to be made between corporate finance, company formation, and
restructuring. Grundmann, Some Different Genius?, supra note 213, at 578; accord Hertig
& McCahery, supra note 12, at 24. See also ECJ, Criminal Proceedings Against Berlusconi,
Adelchi, Dell’Utri et al., joint cases C-387/03, C-391/02 and C-403/02 (2005) (emphasizing the
importance of disclosure of annual financial statements); Niamh Moloney, Confidence and
Competence: The Conundrum of EC Capital Market Law, 4 J. Corp. L. Stud. 1, 22 (2004).
215 Cf. Breyer, supra note 213, at 23; Oliver Budzinski, Towards an International Governance
of Transborder Mergers? – Competition Networks and Institutions Between Centralism and

Dualism, 36 N.Y.U. J. Int’l L & Pol. 1, 47 (2003); Stefan Grundmann & Wolfgang Kerber,
European System of Contract Laws: A Map for Combining the Advantages of Centralised and
Decentralised Rulemaking, in An Academic Greenpaper on European Contract Law 295,
300 (Stephen Grundmann & Jules Stuyck eds., 2002).
216 Cf. Gerardin & McCahery, supra note 206, at 99; Katharina Pistor & Chenggang Xu, Incom-
plete Law, 35 N.Y.U. J. Int’l L. & Pol. 931, 962 (2003).

to be offset in order to clear the way for company and investor mobility.217 In the
following, the Commission’s action plans will be briefly reassessed to ascertain
whether centralized regulatory action is necessary.218
C. Cases for Centralized European Regulatory Action

1. Action Plans – Enabling to Establish More Transparency?
The Prospectus and the Transparency Directives are designed to force disclo-
sure. They are intended to create a level playing field within the European
Union to enable issuers freely to offer securities and to empower investors to
make buy-and-sell decisions on the basis of a minimum content of compara-
ble information. With respect to general securities regulation and supervision,
member states converged on the single regulator model.219 But elsewhere,
there is diversity. The directives do not prevent issuers from voluntarily sub-
scribing to higher standards of disclosure in order to make a first-class offering
of securities. Information-forcing rules cannot bridge the gap between out-
sider and insider systems on the financial markets. The European definition
of securities falls considerably behind the almost all-encompassing coverage of
the U.S. securities acts. It is the responsibility of each member state to develop
civil liability rules. In this, rules on liability for making false statements have
to be improved, especially in countries that are slowly moving from an insider
system to an open-market approach.220 The latest experience with member
states legislating on (criminal) liability for false financial statements suggests
that European Union regulatory action is necessary to maintain minimum
standards.221 From the point of view of improving transparency of capital
217 Cf. Easterbrook, supra note 90, at 128; Gerardin & McCahery, supra note 206, at 92; Roger Van
den Bergh, Towards an Institutional Legal Framework for Regulatory Competition in Europe,
53 Kyklos 435, 458 (2000); Klaus Hopt, Company Law in the European Union: Harmonization
and/or Subsidiarity?, 1 Int’l & Comp. Corp. L.J. 41, 52 (1999); Stephen Woolcock, Competition
Among Rules in the European Market, in International Regulatory Competition and
Coordination 289, 300 (William W. Bratton et al. eds., 1996).
218 Martin Gelter & Mathias Siems, Judicial Federalism in the ECJ Berlusconi Case: A Political
Choice Analysis, 46 Harv. Int’l L. J. 487, 504 (2005) (assuming that industry pressure has led
the European Commission to act on the interface between corporate governance and securities
regulation).
219 Ferran, supra note 15, at 225. Elsewhere, member states’ sensitivities have to be taken into
account. Id. at 227.

220 See recommendations in Klaus J. Hopt & Hans-Christoph Voight, Empfehlungen, Prospekt-
und Kapitalmarktinformationshaftung 1 (Klaus J. Hopt & Hans-Christoph Voigt eds.,

2005).
221 See factual analysis in the opinion of the Advocate-General Kokott, of Oct.14, 2004, in the ECJ
joint Cases No C-387/02, C-391/02 and C-403/02, Criminal Proceedings Against Berlusconi
et al.
452 Rainer Kulms
markets, it is regrettable that the Prospectus and Transparency Directives

remain silent on whistle-blowing.222
The Directive providing for collective board responsibility and the Rec-
ommendation on Director Remuneration support the information-forcing
function of European legislation. It is also possible to reconcile the Draft
Directive on the statutory audit with the transparency requirement. But it
remains doubtful whether the proposed legislation will substantially improve
the quality of the audit. Obviously, the position of the statutory auditor in
corporate governance systems with prevailing block holdings creates loyal-
ties different from companies with dispersed ownership. This situation might
be overcome by mandating that statutory auditors be nominated by minority
shareholders. It is less clear, however, whether this is a matter to be regulated by
the European Union. Arguably, implementing a directive on statutory audits
imposes an obligation on the member states to introduce corresponding liabil-
ity rules and to protect the specific interests of minority shareholders in insider
corporate governance systems.223 This verdict would also apply to the audit
committee and the Commission Recommendation on Independent Direc-
tors. Audit committees are an important mechanism to safeguard transparent
decision-making procedures in the corporate setting that the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act envisages. In corporate governance systems with block holdings, it is vital
to ensure that minority shareholders have the right to nominate an indepen-
dent director who protects their interests. It is unlikely that such an institution
will be brought about by private ordering.224
2. Cross-Border Mergers
Under the laws of most member states, mergers are possible only between two
resident national companies.225 The ECJ judgment of December 13, 2005,
222 Accepting whistleblowing would, in fact, be an acknowledgment of failing external corporate

governance mechanisms. It is unclear, though, what whistle-blowing can actually achieve, as
it comes at a time when basic institutions of corporate governance are malfunctioning. Macey,
supra note 40, at 1917.
223 Cf. Gelter & Siems, supra note 218, at 504.
224 In this context, it should not be overlooked that even under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act there
are limits to director independence. Cf. Lucian Arye Bebchuk & Jesse Fried, Pay Without
Performance 28, 202 (2004). This problem is likely to be magnified where an independent
director is nominated by the minority shareholders.
225 But see the Austrian-German cross-border merger case decided by Oberster Gerichtshof
[OGH] [Supreme Court] Mar. 20, 2003, Zeitschrift für Unternehmensrecht 1086 (Austria);
Georg Wenglorz, Die grenzüberschreitende “Heraus”-Verschmelzung einer deutschen Kapi-
talgesellschaft: Und es geht doch!, 58 Betriebsberater 1061(2004).
has determined that this position is in conflict with Community law: inter-
European mergers are to be allowed.226 But for practical (e.g., tax) reasons,
important barriers to cross-border mergers will remain.227 It is obvious that pri-
vate ordering will not bring about an efficient solution, as information-forcing
procedures are severely restricted by member state laws. In October 2005,
the EU Directive on cross-border mergers became effective.228 It has to be
implemented by the member states by the end of 2007. Under the Directive,
the assets of the merging companies are transferred to the new company. The
merging companies do not have to go into liquidation. Conversely, a merger
by acquisition of the merging company can be executed without liquidating
the target company.229 During the merger proceedings, the respective national
laws will be observed, but a “reconciliation” between conflicting national com-
pany law concepts will take place. This does not, however, apply to national
law rules on creditor protection, which continue to apply to the premerger
creditors of the merging companies. The Directive provides for conflict-of-law
rules on codetermination.230
3. The Statute for the European Company (Societas Europaea)

The Council Regulation on the Statute for a European Company sets out to
provide for enabling rules for private ordering where public limited liability
companies engage in transnational activities within the Community or plan
for a cross-border joint venture merger without having to dissolve the com-
pany in one jurisdiction and reincorporate in another.231 Public and private
limited liability companies of different member states may establish a Societas
226 ECJ, Case No. C-411/03, SEVIC Sys. Aktiengesellschaft v. Amtsgericht Neuwied (2005), avail-
able at http://curia.eu.int/en/content/juris/index form.htm.
227 Cf. Stefan Leible & Jochen Hoffmann, Grenzüberschreitende Verschmelzungen im Binnen-
markt nach “Sevic,” 52 Recht der Internationalen Wirtschaft 161 (2006).

228 See Directive, supra note 198.
229 Art. 14 of the Council Directive (EC) No. 2005/56 on cross-border mergers.
230 See Press Release, European Comm’n, Commission Welcomes Council Agreement on Mak-
ing Cross-Border Mergers Easier (Nov. 25, 2004) (IP/04/1405), available at http://europa.eu/
rapid/searchAction.do; Charles McCreevy, European Comm’r for Internal Mkt. & Servs.,
Statement on the Adoption of the European Parliament Opinion on the Cross-Border
Mergers Directive (May 10, 2005), available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal market/company/
mergers/index en.htm; Report (The Confederation of German Industry, Bundesverband der
Deutschen Industrie, NvWR), Mar. 2005, at 44.
231 Council Regulation (EC) No. 2157/2001 on the Statute for a European Company (SE), O.
J. (L 294) 1 of Nov. 10, 2001; Carla Tavares Da Costa & Alexandra de Meester Bilreiro, The
European Company Statute 37 (2003). For country reports on member states implementing
the regulation, see The European Company – All over Europe (Krzysztof Oplustil &
Christoph Teichmann eds., 2004).
454 Rainer Kulms
Europaea (SE) as a holding company232 or as a subsidiary.233 Beginning in

article 37, the Council Regulation authorizes existing public limited liability
companies to opt for a conversion into a SE.234 By the end of June 2007,
seventy-four SEs had been established in the European Union, and an addi-
tional group of fifteen was still in the planning phase. Virtually all financial
and real estate SEs have very few employees. There is a considerable number
of “shelf companies” without any noticeable business activities.235
The Regulation does not purport to create a federal company law for the
Community. The law of the member states where the SE has its registered
office is largely controlling. The dichotomy between one-tier and two-tier cor-
porate governance systems remains intact.236 Thus, there may be a German
type of SE as well as a U.K. equivalent with diverging rules on capital main-
tenance and emission of securities. With some justification, the Regulation
on the European Company has been criticized for achieving too little when
it comes to setting down common principles for European governance.237
Moreover, legal uncertainty from a conflict-of-laws perspective persists. But
this tends to underrate the potential of the Regulation for jurisdictional com-
petition. The European Company will help to overcome national law barriers
to mobility. National companies may adopt the form of a European Company
and migrate in due course to an investor-friendly country.238 The Regulation
is likely to overcome the obstacles that English law has created towards the
reincorporation of companies.239 This, in turn, should contribute to regulatory
232 Arts. 2(2), 32 et seq. of the Council Regulation on the Statute for a European Company.
233 Arts. 2(3), 35 of the Council Regulation on the Statute for a European Company.
234 Recently, the German chemical company BASF moved for conversion into a SE, arguing,
inter alia, that after conversion, the supervisory board would be smaller, thereby providing for
a more efficient corporate governance structure with less labor representatives under German
codetermination laws. See Revised Satzung BASF (Statutes of the BASF Corporation) of Mar.
16, 2007, available at http://www.corporate.basf.com; Magazin Mitbestimmung 06/2007,
available at http://www.boeckler.de.
235 Statistical data on the European company (Societas Europaea) can be obtained at http://www.
seeurope-network.org and http://www.worker-participation.eu/about wp, research networks

organized under the auspices of the European Trade Union Institute for Research, Education,
and Health and Safety.
236 Peter Böckli, Konvergenz: Annäherung des monistischen und des dualistischen Führungs- und
Aufsichtssystems, in Handbuch Corporate Governance 201, 204 (Peter Hommelhoff et al.

eds., 2003).
237 See Luca Enriques, Silence Is Golden: The European Company as a Catalyst for Company
Law Arbitrage, 4 J. Corp. L. Stud. 77 (2004) (analyzing the relevant legal literature).
238 Id. at 80.
239 Id. at 82; cf. Brian R. Cheffins, Company Law – Theory, Structure and Operation 427
(1997) (on the position of English Law toward a market for incorporation in the European
Union).
arbitrage and to regulatory competition within the European Community.240

The combination of both the Statute for a European Company and the
jurisprudence of the ECJ on company mobility should operate as an incen-
tive for member states to compete for more efficient national company and
securities laws.
D. Decentralized Enforcement in Member States

This chapter has argued for an information-forcing approach to corporate
governance in the European Union to create transparent markets. If rules
on transparency and liability are to be meaningful, powerful enforcement is
vital.241 Even after the 1995 Private Securities Litigation Reform Act in the
United States, private litigation still adds to SEC enforcement polices. Pretrial
discovery in the United States combined with U.S. rules of costs contribute
to disclosure of information, which lends credibility to securities litigation
and established principles of corporate governance. European lawyers are still
unfamiliar with the idea of acting like a “private attorney-general”242 who
polices private behavior and contributes to rule making by litigation.243 But
it is precisely this threat of litigation that would greatly help open up insider
types of capital markets, as management would have to justify activities before
a more general public.244 In fact, a two-step process is warranted. Shareholder
litigation has to become a meaningful tool for shareholders who do not or
cannot sell their shares at an acceptable price. This will require greater open-
mindedness toward class-action-like procedures and rules on discovery, which
reflect the specific challenges of litigating capital market and corporate gov-
ernance issues in court. It is unrealistic to make a plea for European civil
240 Enriques, supra note 237, at 83.

241 This includes speedy administration of justice. See Daniela Marchesi, Litiganti, Avvocatie
Magistrati 20 (2003) (analyzing speed and cost of judicial proceedings in the member states
of the European Union).
242 The European Commission now endorses private enforcement as a complement to pub-
lic enforcement of antitrust law, noting that collective actions (i.e., litigation) consoli-
date a large number of smaller claims. Commission Green Paper on Damages Action for
Breach of EC Antitrust Rules (Dec. 19, 2005) COM (2005) 672 final; European Commis-
sion Staff Working on the Green Paper SEC (2005) 1732, available at http://ec.europa.
ed/comm/competition/antitrust/actionsdamages/documents.html.
243 Cf. Rafaele Lener, L’introduzione della class action nell’ordinamento italiano del mercato
finanziario, 32.2 Giurisprudenza Commerciale 269/I (2005); Les ‘class actions’ devant le
juge français: Rêve ou Cauchemar, 394 Petites Affiches/La Loi/Le Quotidien Juridique
No. 115 (2005).
244 Cf. Baums & Scott, supra note 22, at 71 (on enforcement problems under German law).
456 Rainer Kulms
procedure converging on U.S. rules for class actions.245 But specific provision
has to be made for empowering those dispersed shareholders who would oth-
erwise shy away from litigating their rights. The United Kingdom has recently
introduced group litigation orders.246 Germany enacted rules mildly reminis-
cent of class-action procedures on collectively litigating issues of evidence.247
It is to be hoped that investor pressure will push member states toward estab-
lishing powerful enforcement mechanisms,248 which will be handled by com-
petent judges.249
IV. CONCLUSION
Major financial scandals on both sides of the Atlantic have provided the
European Union and its member states with an opportunity to reevaluate their
regulatory approaches toward corporate governance and securities regulation.
The Commission’s Action Plan proposes corporate governance measures that
converge on standards introduced under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.250 As the
Commission assesses its long-term strategy under the Action Plan, a policy shift
toward less mandatory and more enabling EU legislation is discussed.251 This
may reflect a regulatory climate different from that of the United States at the
245 See the analysis by J. Sordet, Vers des Securities Class Actions à la Française, 392 Petites
Affiches/La Loi/Le Quotidien Juridique No. 244, 4, 5 (2003) (on the current rules of
French civil procedure for collective action), and the cautious plea by L. Magnier, Les Class
Actions d’Investisseurs en Produits Financiers, 394 Petites Affiches/La Loi/Le Quotidien
Juridique No. 115, 33 (2005) (on a class-action type of remedy in securities litigation in France).
246 U.K. Dept. for Constitutional Affairs, Civil Procedure Rules Part 19.10 (Group
Litigation), available at http://www.dca.gov.uk/civil/procrules fin/contents/parts/part19.htm#

ruleIDAC025E.
247 BGBl. I No. 50 of Aug.19, 2005, at 2437; cf. Heiko Plassmeier, Brauchen wir ein Kapitalanleger-
Musterverfahren? – Eine Inventur des KapMuG, 8 Neue Zeitschrift für Gesellschaft-

srecht 609 (2005). On the legislative history, see Fabian Reuschle, Möglichkeiten und Grenzen
kollektiver Rechtsverfolgung, 2004 Wertpapier-Mitteilungen 966, 972 (2004).
248 Cf. Gerard Hertig, Convergence of Substantive Law and Convergence of Enforcement: A Com-
parison, in Convergence and Persistence, supra note 22, at 328, 333; Hopt, supra note 217,
at 58.
249 Cf. Luca Enriques, Do Corporate Law Judges Matter? Some Evidence from Milan, 3 Eur. Bus.
Org. L. Rev. 765 (2002).

250 See Mathias Siems, Die Konvergenz der Rechtssysteme im Recht der Aktionäre 428
(2005) (analyzing the conditions for convergence of shareholder rights in the age of globaliza-
tion and Europeanization).
251 On the law-making processes in multilayer regulatory systems, cf. Jody Freeman, The Private
Role in Public Governance, 75 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 543, 550, 664 (2000); Wolfgang Kerber & Klaus
Heine, Zur Gestaltung von Mehr-Ebenen-Rechtssystemen aus ökonomischer Sicht, in Verein-
heitlichung und Diversität des Zivilrechts in transnationalen Wirtschaftsräumen
(Claus Ott & Hans-Bernd Schäfer eds., 2002) (analyzing decentralized rule making under
default rules and federal systems); see also the European Commission’s cautious approach
time Congress debated the Sarbanes-Oxley Act. The European Commission

is faced with market-centered economies, insider systems, and capital markets
in which the impact of globalization is felt. Throughout the member states,
the degree of private law enforcement is remarkably weak. National rules on
civil procedure constitute an important barrier to shareholder activism, and
rules on whistle-blowing and liability differ considerably.
Traditionally, European company law and problems of corporate gover-
nance have been classified as policy issues over whether or not to harmo-
nize member states’ laws. Ironically, the ECJ’s jurisprudence on company
mobility both alleviates and aggravates the strain on national corporate law
systems. The ECJ has opened up new opportunities for regulatory competi-
tion, private ordering, and arbitrage among the legal orders of the member
states. This will not undo all the obstacles to the freedom of establishment in
cross-border investment. Private companies are the major beneficiaries of the
ECJ’s holdings. Existing and new enterprises respond differently to regulatory
competition.252
But regulatory competition will force the member states to internalize the
negative effects of their national laws and to facilitate private ordering and
attract foreign investors.253 In this context, national legislators increasingly
favor liberalization and voluntary standards, both on a domestic and on a
European Union level.254 There is a trade-off between the microeconomic
aspects of corporate contracting and its macroeconomic side effects.255 There is
also a trade-off between the informational advantages of regional government
toward coregulation, in Commission White Paper on European Governance, COM (2001) 428
final (July 25, 2001).
252 Zsuzsanna Fluck & Colin Mayer, Race to the Top or Bottom? Corporate Governance, Freedom
of Reincorporation and Competition in Law (European Corporate Governance Working Paper

No. 90/2005, 2005).
253 In the long run, this should also contain rent-seeking behavior and regulatory capture in the
member states. On regulatory capture as an important element of the economic theory of

regulation, see Jonathan R. Macey, Corporate Law and Corporate Governance – A Contractual
Perspective, 18 J. Corp. L. 185, 205 (1993).
254 Cf. Gerardin & McCahery, supra note 206 (arguing for a new model of intra- and extragov-
ernmental cooperation, which they term regulatory co-opetition); Steen Thomsen, The Hidden
Meaning of Codes: Corporate Governance and Investor Rent-Seeking, 7 Eur. Bus. Org. L. Rev.
845 (2006). This policy approach is also endorsed by the European Corporate Governance
Forum, Statement on the Comply-or-Explain Principle of Feb. 22, 2006, available at http://www.
europa.eu.int/comm/internal market/company/docs/ecgforum/ecgf-comply-explain en.pdf.
255 Cf. Paul B. Stephan, Regulatory Competition and Cooperation: The Search for Virtue, in
Transatlantic Regulatory Cooperation – Legal Problems and Political Prospects

169, 190 (George A. Bermann et al. eds., 2000); Henri Tjiong, Breaking the Spell of Reg-
ulatory Competition. Reframing the Problem of Regulatory Exit (Preprints aus der Max-
Planck-Projektgruppe Recht der Gemeinschaftsgüter, 2000/13), available at http://papers.ssrn.
com/paper.taf?abstract id=267744.
458 Rainer Kulms
and the externalization effects of national legal systems.256 The European

Commission should, therefore, concentrate on information-forcing regulatory
action that removes obstacles to cross-border activities within the EU and
private ordering.257
Regulatory competition among the member states does not necessarily guar-
antee that the national legal orders will converge on the international standards
of corporate governance to which the Commission’s Action Plan subscribes.258
This suggests a need for centralized regulatory action, assuming that the Com-
mission’s position in the international competition among regulators will be
strengthened. It is perhaps a matter of conjecture whether the Commission’s
assessment of the implications of globalization is apposite. But in the long run,
a combination of both – globalization and competitive efficiency – may even-
tually force the European Union and the classic nation-states to accept more
private ordering and out-of-state lawmaking by transnational, non-European,
or nongovernmental institutions.
256 Laffont & Zantman, supra note 178, at 417.
257 This includes a policy debate on standards for creditor and investor protection and on whether
freedom for choosing an insolvency regime should be granted. Eidenmüller, supra note 199;
Horst Eidenmüller, Efficient Creditor Protection in European Company Law, 7 Eur. Bus.
Org. L. Rev 1 (2006).
258 Von Hein, supra note 14, at 32.
Epilogue
Three Secular Trends of Corporate Law
Joel Seligman
I feel a little bit like I’m Huck Finn at my own funeral. I’ve never heard
so many kind words, and it’s been deeply moving. I’ve had to pinch myself
occasionally to remember I’m still alive. I do want to note, for the record, that
while I’m becoming a university president, I’m still going to play a role in
securities law. This has been my life as a scholar since I began many years
ago, and I’m looking forward particularly to working with Troy Paredes on the
fourth edition of the Securities Regulation treatise, what will now be the Loss,
Seligman, and Paredes treatise.
The greatest joy of my academic life has been my friends. To see the
number of colleagues in this room is especially moving. Harvey Goldschmid,
for example, whom I met my first day on the job in August of 1974 at a
conference that Elliot Weiss helped organize, provides a sense of continuity
for my entire career.
Since the purpose of this conference is to reflect on the new corporate law,
let me offer a few thoughts on where we are going by addressing three secular
trends, which in the decades to come will have a good deal to do with the
development of corporate governance standards.
The first general trend of corporate governance has been the growing irrel-
evance of state corporate law. This trend dates back decades. It is a study
in abdication. It is a study of common law techniques that were the great
achievement of nineteenth-century jurisprudence, that do not work well for
the application of standards to the largest corporations today. Delaware, at
most, is an occasional and episodic residual claimant in articulating the stan-
dards by which corporations are now governed. It is striking when you think
Joel Seligman is President, University of Rochester, and former dean and Ethan A. H. Shepley
University Professor at Washington University School of Law. What follows are edited remarks
delivered at a conference held in his honor, where the chapters of this book were initially presented.
459
460 Joel Seligman
about the major scandals of the past few years, how thoroughly irrelevant
state corporate law was to the deterrence or remedy of so much that occurred
beginning with Enron.
Why was that so? There are traditional critiques of state corporate law
focusing on limitations with jurisdiction and venue, or on the fact that it
doesn’t have an enforcement agency. But there is a more fundamental point,
and that is the very limitation of the common law itself. The common law is
judge-made law. It operates in a fact-specific way. The common law is reactive
to cases brought before it. The common law is largely incapable of developing
detailed standards. What we have seen in the response of the law-creating
community in recent decades, and on the part of boards of directors, is an
almost urgent need to know what is the right thing to do. The common law
can occasionally tell you what you should not do. It is generally inadequate
for prescription.
Throughout the twentieth century, we saw the virtual total abdication of the
common law from the regulation of insider trading, even before the Securities
and Exchange Commission came into existence, largely because of its com-
mitment to the doctrine of privity or the difficulty of enforcing common law
standards interstate. Even much more important, by the early 1930s the duty of
care had often become largely irrelevant, and the duty of loyalty has become
increasingly irrelevant. The effective legal standards with which corporations
comply today have been transformed from difficult-to-enforce duties in state
courts into precise and detailed statutes and rules that are enforced through
federal disclosure or fraud standards.
Disclosure standards today are the essence of what we mean by the “duty
of loyalty” and the “duty of care.” When you look at the leading corporations
in this country and compare the number of instances in which one has been
successfully sued in a state law duty-of-care or duty-of-loyalty suit with the
number of instances in which they have been held liable under the federal
securities laws, in all their permutations, the federal securities laws dwarf the
state law standards.
Let me take this point further. The abdication of state law standards has
accelerated in the very recent past precisely because of the mandatory disclo-
sure system. This achievement in the past few years has been fundamental,
particularly with regard to auditing and accounting. Accounting is an area that
Louis Brandeis urged is the very essence of governance. By that, he referred
to how boards of directors in fact manage corporations. Internal accounting
controls matter. Public reports matter. This is an area in which state law has
been generally absent. To be sure, there have been occasional cases. But when
Epilogue 461
you focus on the audit breakdowns that we saw in the recent past, the state law
is essentially nowhere to be seen.
We are seeing right now a new abdication, of less consequence, but clearly
obvious in its implications, in the area of executive compensation. The waste
doctrine is not dead, but it is largely so. It is a doctrine that has been very difficult
to enforce in the state of Delaware for decades because of the mechanisms by
which one could dismiss a derivative action before trial. But after Chancellor
Chandler’s Disney decision,1 you are essentially seeing a process by which an
area where state law has proved to be ineffectual will inevitably be succeeded
by progressively more detailed federal standards.
Does this mean that state corporate law will become entirely irrelevant?
No – it still has a role. But, with respect to the largest business corporations,
it is a shrinking one. As we look into the future, this sense of abdication in
state response will continue, because the very nature of state corporate law
jurisprudence is ill equipped to deal with the complexity and technicality of
the management of the giant corporation today.
To be precise, there are three underlying reasons why state law is ill equipped
to address governance in large corporations.
First, it is too fact specific. For example, in the version of the recent Disney
chancery court case that I mentioned, 103 of 174 pages (59 percent) addressed
material facts. The pivotal lead issue of waste was addressed in three pages.
The essence of the common law is to resolve the case before the court rather
than develop standards applicable to future behavior.
Second, it can be erratic. Common law often appears to be less settled than
statutory law. There are many illustrations of this. But again, to rely on the
Disney case, it comes as a shock to see this decision emerge as a principal
vehicle for the development of a new or significantly amplified duty of good
faith, which Chancellor Chandler informs us subsumes both the duty of care
and the duty of loyalty.2
1 In re Walt Disney Co. Derivative Litig., 907 A.2d 693 (Del. Ch. 2005).
2 Id. at 755 (citations omitted):
To act in good faith, a director must act at all times with honesty of purpose and in the
best interests and welfare of the corporation. The presumption of the business judgment
rule creates a presumption that a director acted in good faith. In order to overcome
that presumption, a plaintiff must prove an act of bad faith by a preponderance of
the evidence. To create a definitive and categorical definition of the universe of acts
that would constitute bad faith would be difficult, if not impossible. And it would
misconceive how, in my judgment, the concept of good faith operates in our common
law of corporations. Fundamentally, the duties traditionally analyzed as belonging to
corporate fiduciaries, loyalty and care, are but constituent elements of the overarching
462 Joel Seligman
Third, it is too standardless: the more important point is that state corpo-
rate law lacks the standards of both federal securities laws and self-regulatory
organizations in the most fundamental areas of corporate governance, which
include the duties of the board, its audit committee, and its internal and out-
side auditors. The purpose of common law is essentially compensatory and
requires thoughtful judgment about a detailed case record. But from the point
of view of deterrence and predictability, it is a weak reed on which to rely.
How, to take the Disney case again, should compensation be determined?
Obviously, only after a reasonable investigation and in good faith. But what
does that ultimately tell you about magnitudes, comparators, or process? Both
federal law and the self-regulatory organization standards have gone consid-
erably further to provide operational standards on which major corporations
can rely.
Let me turn to a second secular trend, and, from my point of view, a more
complex one. This is the role of federal securities laws. If the probability is
that state law will atrophy in its application to large corporations over time, I
would suggest the probability for federal securities laws in the decades to come
will continue to be a pendular or erratic process. By that, I mean periods of
significant standard-creating activity, as we’ve seen in the aftermath of Enron
and the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, alternating with periods of underbudgeting and
understaffing, as we saw in the late 1990s and may be entering again. The
SEC’s role will fluctuate for a number of reasons.
Federal securities laws are highly reactive to the very deficiencies of state law.
The SEC is the basic enforcement agency for corporate law. Federal secu-
rities law resolves problems with respect to jurisdiction and venue. Federal
law provides the detailed standards. Here is where you have the enforcement
mechanisms. At the same time, the SEC is subject to the risk of overbureau-
cratization, which occurs because of the ever-growing complexity of new SEC
initiatives.
Let me offer an illustration. I was struck less by the Sarbanes-Oxley Act’s
section 404, which has become a buzzword for the expense of compliance with
internal controls, than I was by the Public Company Accounting Oversight
Board’s (PCAOB) Auditing Standard No. 2, which was its key enforcement
mechanism. Section 404 is a very short provision in a very long statute. There
concepts of allegiance, devotion and faithfulness that must guide the conduct of every
fiduciary. The good faith required of a corporate fiduciary includes not simply the duties
of care and loyalty, in the narrow sense that I have discussed them above, but all actions
required by a true faithfulness and devotion to the interests of the corporation and its
shareholders.
Epilogue 463
was little testimony with respect to section 404. It was one of a panoply of
concepts. Auditing Standard No. 2 was a standard that showed some, but not
sufficient, attention to the consequences of applying the new standards to
small and medium companies as well as large ones. It is a standard that the
SEC approved during a period in which it was swamped with rule-making
responsibilities under the Sarbanes-Oxley Act.
There was consideration given to what the likely consequence of adopting
section 404 would be and the enforcement of it through both SEC rules and
PCAOB standards. But the predictions turned out to dramatically understate
the costs of compliance.
It is typical, for example, whether you look at the new National Market
System (NMS) standards or the securities offering proposals, that the SEC
adopts complex rules. They are long. They are detailed. They are precise and
they risk backlash in a way that is somewhat different than the SEC experienced
before. When money is on the line, the SEC always risks backlash. When you
rework systems through the NMS or through section 404, it may be wise. It
may be defensible. But it is likely to be a process by which, when you have
an agency adopting as many detailed rules as the SEC does, the periodic
backlash will contribute to erratic pendulum swings in terms of congressional
and White House support.
I believe that the pendulum process itself is not wise for sound public policy.
It has led to alternating periods in which fraud has become a more serious
problem and in which Congress has provided significant support that too often
is followed by periods of insufficient support from Congress or the White
House. The SEC, as important and dominant as it is in corporate governance
today, is an agency whose stability is not as sure as it is sometimes believed to
be. I’ve become concerned, as I’ve studied recent rule adoptions, that when
you have an agency vulnerable to criticism that it has been insensitive to the
cost or compliance burdens involved in new standards, this further aggravates
the SEC’s pendular support.
In the future, both state-proposed law and the SEC may be transformed
by a third secular trend, which in the long run may prove to be the most
significant – the internationalization of standards. For more than twenty years,
the SEC has haltingly moved toward a multijurisdictional system of disclosure
standards.3 There has been progress developing common accounting standards
through the International Accounting Standards Board and the International
3 See, e.g., 2 Louis Loss, Joel Seligman, & Troy Paredes, Securities Regulation 796–
98 (4th ed. 2007) (reciprocal and common prospectus approach); id. at 798–803 (Canadian
multijurisdictional approach).
464 Joel Seligman
Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO).4 In recent years, cross-

border securities transactions have dramatically increased.5
At the same time, cross-border fraud has increased. In recent years, the SEC
has frequently and successfully litigated fraud cases against defendants who
inappropriately relied on Regulation S when there has been a prima facie
violation of the Securities Act and the securities involved are “part of a plan to
evade the registration provisions of the Securities Act.”6
Nonetheless, a new regime of securities regulation may emerge with a
blue-ribbon tier of issues, at least in the United States, the European Union,
and in Japan, subject to new international standards initially for reporting
and accounting standards. This may also result in international corporate
governance standards.
Inevitably, there will be pressure as international standards become more
prominent to reduce compliance burdens in the United States both at the
state and at the federal levels. At the state level, this may lead to a new type
of federal corporate governance statute, intended not to increase regulatory
burdens, but to simplify comprehension of the United States’ system by corpo-
rations with headquarters abroad. At the federal level, this will mean inevitable
compromises in the application of federal securities standards.
4 See, e.g., International Disclosure Standards, Exchange Act Release No. 7745, 70 SEC Docket
(CCH) 1474 (Sept. 28, 1999) (adopting IOSCO standards to be part of federal securities laws);
James D. Cox, Regulatory Duopoly in U.S. Securities Markets, 99 Colum. L. Rev. 1200 (1999);
Symposium, International Accounting Standards in the Wake of Enron, 28 N.C. J. Int’l. L. &
Com. Reg. 725 (2003).
5 E.g., in 2002, foreign purchases of U.S. securities equaled $549 billion. 2003 Securities
Industry Fact Book 74. As of December 31, 2004, there were 1,240 private issuers registered
and reporting with the SEC. Of these, 497 were from Canada, 107 from the United Kingdom,
86 from Israel, 40 from Brazil, 39 from Mexico, 34 from the Netherlands, 33 from France, and
31 from Japan. No other country had more than thirty companies. In the United States, 439
companies were on the NYSE, 60 on the Amex, 246 on the Nasdaq NMS, 45 on the Small
Caps, and 450 in the OTC. SEC, Foreign Companies Registered and Reporting with the U.S.
SEC (Dec. 31, 2004).
6 See, e.g., Geiger v. SEC, 363 F.3d 481, 488 (D.C. Cir. 2004) (transaction amounted to a design
to evade registration when there was “[resort] to fraud”); SEC v. Autocorp Equities, Inc., 292
F. Supp. 2d 1310, 1327–28 (D. Utah 2003); In re Charles F. Kirby, 2000 SEC LEXIS 2681
(SEC Dec. 7, 2000) (“Regulation S is not available with respect to any transaction or series
of transactions that, although in technical compliance with these rules, is part of a plan or
scheme to evade the registration provisions of the [Securities Act].”); SEC v. Corp. Relations
Group, Inc., No. 6:99-cv-1222-Orl.-28KRS, 2003 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 24925 (M.D. Fla. Mar. 28,
2003) (“The evidence shows no confusion or misapprehension on the part of the defendants,
but rather a calculated albeit failed attempt to evade a regulation that they well understood.”);
SEC v. Softpoint, 958 F. Supp. 846, 860 (S.D.N.Y. 1997) (Regulation S shelters only bona
fide overseas transactions); SEC v. Schiffer, 1998 Fed. Sec. L. Rep. (CCH) ¶ 90,247 (S.D.N.Y.
June 10, 1998) (Regulation S is not available for “bogus” transactions).
Epilogue 465
Whether international standards will largely supplant state and federal dis-
closure or accounting standards for large corporations in the United States
is a riveting question in the early twenty-first century. It is already clear that
challenges with respect to standard setting may prove to be easier than chal-
lenges with respect to enforcement. Will there be an international SEC? If so,
will it be modeled after the U.S. version, whose purpose is to be an investor’s
advocate, or after the United Kingdom’s Financial Services Authority, which
is widely viewed as more focused on promoting the United Kingdom’s secu-
rities markets than the investor? Will an international SEC simply address
securities or also banks, insurance companies, and hedge funds? Who will be
the judiciary?
When I accepted a position to begin my career in academic administration
in the fall of 1994, I did so with the belief that virtually everything likely to occur
in federal securities law had been accomplished for the foreseeable future.
After I accepted a position to become a law school dean, control of Congress
changed, the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995 was enacted,
and the pace of change accelerated. So my closing remark is a humble one.
One can identify trends; one can never be certain about the pace of change.
Nonetheless, as Newton sagely observed: “Fortune favors the prepared mind.”
Index
ABA. See American Bar Association universal demand rule, 363

Abbott Laboratories decision, 345, 346 See also specific topics
Abramoff, J., 320n138, 346 American Society of Corporate Secretaries
advisory board model, 52, 66, 92n159. See also (ASCS), 35
monitoring board Angelides, P., 231
AFSCME. See American Federation of State, Aronson decision, 338, 339
County and Municipal Workers Arrow, K., 223
AICPA. See American Institute of Certified Arsht, S. S., 353–354
Public Accountants Arthur Andersen case, 305–306, 330
ALI. See American Law Institute ASCS. See American Society of Corporate
American Bar Association (ABA) Secretaries
Conference Board and, 42, 44 audit committee
Corporate Laws Committee, 383 accounting and, 5, 63, 76, 78
Director’s Guidebook and, 35–44 Action Plan and, 437
liability and, 94 alternative mechanisms and, 78
Model Act and, 50, 383 common law and, 462
monitoring model and, 22, 35–44, 46, 66n16 conservatism and, 81–88, 94
Principles and, 16, 39, 50 COSO and, 71
SEC and, 381, 383 earnings management and, 5, 74, 82–83
structural model and, 36 expertise and, 63, 74, 75, 78, 82. See
See also specific topics expertise
American Federation of State, Country and fair value and, 85, 89
Municipal Workers (AFSCME), 200 financial reporting and, 71, 74, 75, 168–171
American Institute of Certified Public function of, 82
Accountants (AICPA), 71, 367 incentives and, 83n118, 88, 89
American Law Institute (ALI), 46, 47–53, 339, independence and, 51, 62, 64, 70, 74, 374,
346 462. See also independent directors
CORPRO and, 47–50 insiders and, 374
Eisenberg and, 19n7, 34, 47. See also internal controls and, 70–71
Eisenberg, M. managerial abuse and, 88–89
Model Act and, 46n120, 339 NYSE and, 70, 71
monitoring model and, 19n7, 22, 34, 46–54, SOX and, 72, 81, 90, 374, 421, 452. See also
66n16. See also monitoring board Sarbanes-Oxley Act
outside directors and, 51, 52n137 SEC and, 70–73, 385n143. See also
Principles and, 22, 34, 39, 46, 50, 346–347 Securities and Exchange Commission
social responsibility and, 45, 51 See also specific topics
467
468 Index
Bainbridge, S. M., 3, 8, 217–233 monitoring model. See monitoring model

banking system nominations. See nominating committee
asymmetries and, 403 plurality of, 4
block-holdings and, 414 policymaking and, 26, 33
bubbles and, 402 proxy machinery and, 27, 31
capital markets and, 12, 399–400, 411–412 reforming, 27–31
deposit insurance, 12 role of, 22–28
failures and, 12, 403 shareholders and. See shareholders
Glass-Steagall Act and, 409 social responsibility and, 7, 45, 51, 231
long-term credit, 410–411 structural model and, 36–38
Money Trust and, 17, 23n18 types of, 21n14
Morgan firm, 17, 18, 26 See also specific topics
Pujo Committee hearings and, 17 Brandeis, L. D., 3, 17, 460
regulation in, 11, 399, 401–403 Bratton, W. W., 3, 7, 150–187
risk and, 402, 403 bribery, 28, 65, 68, 80, 322–323
scandals and, 414 Brickey, K. F., 3, 9, 293–332
trusts and, 410 Brudney, V., 21n14, 34, 48, 56
See also specific topics Buffett, W., 73, 155n16
BarChris decision, 29 Bush administration, 2, 307, 307n63, 320n138
Basic Inc. v. Levinson, 238, 246 business judgment rule (BJR)
Dura and, 253–254 Business Roundtable and, 49
transaction causation and, 248 Delaware courts and, 10, 337–340
Bastian v. Petren Resources Corp., 279 Disney and, 337–340
Bebchuk, L. A., 3, 6, 117–148, 179, 180–183, 189 good faith and, 461n2
Berle, A., 24–27, 30, 64, 219–226 liability and, 4, 288n126, 461n2
Berle-Dodd debates, 24, 24n24, 64 loyalty and, 93
Birmingham News, 317 Principles and, 48–50
BJR. See business judgment rule role of, 349
Black-Scholes model, 173 Unocal test and, 54
Blasius Industries, Inc. v. Atlas Corp., 349 Business Roundtable, 40, 41–47
boards, 24 ALI and, 48, 50
audit committee. See audit committee board reform and, 59
Berle and Means on, 25, 27, 30 corporate legitimacy and, 44
care, duty of. See care, duty of Model Act and, 46n120
CEO and, 4, 32, 56, 96–115. See chief monitoring model and, 34–35, 44, 48, 49, 52
executive officer outside directors and, 44, 45
CFO. See chief financial officer role of board and, 45
committees. See specific committees SEC and, 361–364, 380
compensation and. See executive Statement of, 44–47
compensation types of boards, 21n14
director duties, 93 Business Roundtable v. SEC, 361–364, 380
Eisenberg on, 33. See also Eisenberg, M. buybacks, 173, 233
expertise and. See expertise
general function of, 26 capital market system
incentives and. See incentives asset management and, 409
independence and. See independent banking and, 12, 399–400, 411–412, 417. See
directors also banking system
legal model of, 30 Basel II and, 417
liability and, 31. See liability Berle on, 416. See Berle, A.
Mace study and, 29 disclosure and, 405–406, 408
managerialism and, 29–31, 54, 134 dual governance and, 409
Index 469
enforcement and, 404–405 decision making and, 96, 97, 98, 106
EU and, 416–420 devil’s advocate and, 107–112
institutional investors and, 409 dissent and, 96–115
intermediary institutions, 405 effectiveness of, 96
investor protection, 404 exit payments and, 174, 177, 178
Japan and, 12 feedback and, 102
long-term credit and, 410–411, 412 golden parachute, 178, 193–194
management and, 103 illusion of control and, 100
regulation and, 4, 11, 12, 353, 355, 399, incentives and, 7, 166. See incentives
403–411 incumbent, 130
risks and, 403–407 independent directors and. See
Rule 144A and, 409 independent directors
SEC and, 12, 362 investor activism and, 60n168
U.K. and, 209 management and, 29, 130–133
care, duty of, 37, 93, 460 monitoring board and. See monitoring
ALI and, 47–50 board
board model and, 36n78 overconfidence and, 5, 96–115
business judgement rule and, 93 ownership position, 192
Delaware law and, 57, 66, 337–344 pension plans, 6, 135–136, 142, 147
Disney decision and, 57 performance/pay, 137–141, 174
liability and, 4, 20, 20n12 poison pills, 66, 349
loyalty and. See loyalty, duty of poor decisions, 98, 102
New Jersey ruling on, 66 removal of, 56, 130
outside directors and, 39 retention constraints, 167
Caremark decision, 340, 343–346 risk and, 101, 103, 105, 106
Cary, W., 347, 353 Sarbanes-Oxley and, 368, 422. See also
causation Sarbanes-Oxley Act
Basic and, 248, 250 severance packages, 177, 178, 193–194
“but for” causes, 239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 249, shareholders and, 4, 7, 97, 104, 124, 132
252 status expertise, 90–91, 93
definition of, 235 tournament incentive, 178
Dura and, 235–292 turnover and, 103
fraud-on-the-market cases and, 235–292 chief financial officer (CFO), 163, 368, 375,
loss and, 238, 241–246, 248–249 422
price inflation and, 250–253 Chrysler, 29
reliance-based cases and, 235, 243–246, 249 Citigroup, 56
Rule 10b-5 cases, 235, 241, 243, 244, 254 Clark, R., 224
transaction and. See transaction causation Clayton Antitrust Act, 23
See also specific cases, topics Clinton administration, 231
Cedarbaum, M. G., 300–304 Coase, R., 221
Central Bank of Denver case, 424 codetermination, 46, 421, 440, 447, 453
CEO. See chief executive officer Coffee, J., 287–288, 380
CFO. See chief financial officer Committee of Sponsoring Organizations of
Chamber of Commerce v. SEC, 364 the Treadway Commission (COSO), 71
Chandler, W. B., 57–58 compensation committee, 37, 46, 51, 196, 201,
charitable organizations, 127 385
chief executive officer (CEO) Conference Board, 22, 29, 34, 41–47
board and, 4, 6, 32, 96–115, 126–127 consensus model, 39, 63
compensation. See executive compensation conservatism, 63, 76–77, 81–88
conflict of interest and, 98 constant impact assumption, 289–291
corporate resources and, 127 cookie-jar reserve, 168–170
470 Index
Corporate Director’s Guidebook (ABA), 35–41 Directors Who Do Not Direct (Douglas), 25
Corporate Directorship Practices, 41–42 disclosure
COSO. See Committee of Sponsoring Action Plan and, 451
Organizations of the Treadway apathy and, 227
Commission capital markets and, 406–407, 411
Cox, J. D., 4, 10, 335–350 care, duty of, 460
CSI effect, 320n137 compensation and, 6, 67n26, 135, 142–143,
Cunningham, L. A., 3, 5, 62–94 183, 192, 197, 387–389
duty to speak, 241n13
Daines, R., 392 enforcement and, 455
debt investors, 5, 85, 88, 89, 95 EU and, 436, 441, 451
decision making, model of, 98 Exchange Act and, 362–363
deconglomeration movement, 54 harmonization and, 12, 429
Delaware courts, 4, 10, 13, 37, 54, 335–350 institutional investment and, 408
audit committees and, 374 internationalization and, 463, 465
Caremark decision, 80 loyalty, duty of, 460
case law and, 10, 393n174 mandatory, 9, 12, 143, 288, 405, 407
corporate law and, 10, 11, 217 PCAOB and, 366–367
corporate worth and, 392 proxy system and, 362
decisions by, 55 Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 40, 73, 365, 368,
deconglomeration and, 54 371–373, 375–377, 423
DGCL and, 217 SEC and, 218, 228, 352, 352n2, 354, 357,
Disney and. See Disney 357n17, 362, 380–383, 463
duty of care and, 66 state law and, 363
enabling approach, 393n174 Disney decision, 337–346
excuse-of-demand approach, 339 common law and, 461
executive compensation and, 461 executive compensation and, 462
expertise and, 66, 89 federalization and, 461
federalization and, 336 good faith and, 344
fiduciary duty in, 10 monitoring board and, 22
good faith and, 343–346 waste and, 461
independent directors and, 65, 66, 89 Disney, R., 228n42
Model Act and, 383 diversification, 31, 182
monitoring board and, 20–22, 52, 54–60 dividend-based bonus
principles in, 336 stock options, 176–177
reincorporation and, 391 Douglas, W. O., 25, 26
Rule 10b-5 and, 361 DRR. See Directors Remuneration Report
Rule 14a-11 and, 383 Drucker, P., 96
Sarbanes-Oxley and, 336 Dura Pharmaceuticals, Inc. v. Broudo, 9,
special litigation committee, 336 235–292
standards and, 353 Basic and, 253–254
takeovers and, 10, 193–194 class actions and, 270
Unocal test and, 54 court’s reasoning in, 276–281
Van Gorkom and, 39 ex ante analysis, 239
See also specific cases fraud-on-the-market and, 235–292
Demsetz, H., 221 history of, 255–256
derivatives market, 161n39, 165n49, 340, 345, loss causation and, 240, 249–253
408 price inflation and, 239, 257
devil’s advocate, 6, 107–112 reliance-based actions and, 237
Di Guglielmo, C., 4, 11, 351–397 Rule 10b-5 violations, 249
Directors Remuneration Report (DRR), 203 transaction causation and, 240, 249–253
Index 471
duty of care. See care, duty of EU and, 443, 447

duty of loyalty. See loyalty, duty of freedom of establishment and, 444–446,
448
earnings management mergers and, 452
accounting and. See audit committee minimum capital rules and, 435
conservatism and, 94 national interest and, 448
cookie-jar reserve, 168 private companies and, 446–448
noise-traders and, 168 pseudo-foreign companies, 446
real, 82–84, 94 European Union (EU), 368n74, 442
speculation and, 170 Action Plan, 413–458
ECJ. See European Court of Justice capital market system and, 416–420
efficient market hypothesis (EMH), 157, 172, corporate mobility and, 448
238, 259–262, 278, 290 disclosure and, 433–434, 451
Eisenberg, M., 31, 37, 66 ECJ and, 443, 447. See European Court of
ALI and, 47 Justice
board and, 26, 27, 29–34 European Commission. See European
managerial model and, 30, 31–34 Commission
monitoring model and, 19n7, 31–43, 46. See FSAP and, 430
also monitoring board harmonization and, 12, 429
outside directors, 37 High Level Group and, 442
structural model and, 38 IAS and, 426
Eisner, M., 342 independent directors, 440–441
Emergent Capital Investment Management Lamfalussy Report, 431
LLC v. Stonepath Group, Inc., 279 liability and, 451
EMH. See efficient market hypothesis post-Enron regulation, 428
Emshwiller, J., 294, 295 Prospectus Directive, 432–433
enforcement, 400–401, 455–456, 462 regulatory competition, 449
Enron, 2, 4, 5, 57, 67, 169, 335, 436 Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 413–458
audit committee, 79 SEs and, 454
bankruptcy of, 311 shareholders rights, 441–443
books concerning, 326 single regulator model, 451
independent directors and, 67, 79 whistleblowing and, 440–441
Internet and, 327–328 Examen decision, 359
Lay and, 309–312 executive compensation, 3, 56, 61n168, 200
pension plan, 369 accountability and, 148–149
print source coverage, 324–331 advisory vote, 203–204
Sarbanes-Oxley and. See Sarbanes-Oxley aggregate compensation, 120
Act of 2002 anti-takeover provisions and, 133
Task Force, 310 arm’s-length model and, 123–136, 179–182
erosion doctrine, 220 average remuneration, 150n2
European Commission, 12, 413 boards and, 123, 195–198. See boards
accounting rules, 438 bonuses and, 145, 174, 176, 177
Action Plan, 428, 450 boom market and, 188
IASB and, 427 camouflage and, 135
information-forcing rules, 450–451 CD&A, 192, 196, 197, 199, 213
Lamfalussy Report, 430 clawback provisions, 145
Listing Particulars Directive, 429 compensation committee, 37, 46, 51, 196,
PCAOB and, 420 201, 385
European Court of Justice (ECJ), 420, deferral of, 135
443–449 Delaware and, 461
company mobility and, 446, 447, 448, 455 departure and, 140–141
472 Index
executive compensation (cont.) waste doctrine, 461

difficult problems of, 212 windfalls and, 142, 144
director compensations and, 127 expertise, 5
disclosure and. See disclosure accounting and, 5, 63, 71, 76–78
dividend neutrality and, 146, 176 audit committee and, 63, 74–78, 82, 94. See
earnings and, 122 also audit committee
equity-based plans, 139–140, 143 boards and, 62–93
excessive, 202 categories of, 73
executive influence over, 131 as consultants, 93
executive loans, 376–377 definition of, 75–76, 76n86, 92
exit packages, 147 Delaware law and, 66, 89
expansion and, 146 devil’s advocate and, 6
federalism and, 387–388. See federalism future role of, 79–94
Ferri-Maber study, 205–207, 211 incentives for, 93
four goals of, 191 independent directors and, 90. See
golden parachutes, 189, 193 independent directors
goodbye payments, 136–137 internal control and, 80
Hart model, 175 liability and, 92n160, 93
incentives and. See incentives literates and, 75n75
increases in, 150 monitoring model and, 93
independent directors and, 68 Nasdaq and, 73
institutional ownership and, 132 NYSE and, 73
ISS and, 210 resource allocation and, 83
line-worker compensation and, 189 Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 69, 77, 80, 88,
managerial influence and, 6, 117–149 92
new CEOs and, 130 scandal and, 76, 95
non-equity compensation, 7, 138, 143 SEC and, 63, 77, 95
options and, 7, 140, 145. See stock options status expertise, 89
Pareto-optimal swap, 181 substantive vs. status, 93–94
pensions and, 135, 147 value of, 63
private equity model, 212 See also specific topics
ratcheting and, 129
retirement benefits, 121, 136 Fama, E., 79
reverse leverage buyouts and, 212 FASB. See Financial Accounting Standards
Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 375 Board
“say on pay” and, 202, 211 Fastow, A., 311, 312
scandals and, 118 FDA. See Food and Drug Administration
search firms and, 37 Federal Reserve Act, 23
SEC and, 142, 183n94, 387 Federal Trade Commission Act, 23
SERPS and, 147 federalism, 394
severance and, 212 corporate law and, 11–12, 395. See specific
shareholders and, 117, 118, 122, 151, 195–198, topics
203–204 disclosure and, 351. See disclosure
social costs and, 134 Disney decision and, 461
social responsibility and, 189 federalization and, 351–393, 395
stealth compensation, 134–136, 140–141 harmonization and, 12
tax rates and, 190 internal affairs doctrine, 359
tradeoff problems, 181 regulatory responsibility and, 395
transparency and, 6, 141–143 Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 353–355, 364–377,
U.K. and, 8, 202, 205 378–388
Index 473
states and, 388–394, 461–462 Germany, 421, 440–441

system of, 357 Glass-Steagall Act, 409
United States and, 12 globalization, 412, 418, 419, 448, 449, 463
Financial Accounting Standards Board Globus decision, 242
(FASB), 367 GNMA. See Government National Mortgage
financial crisis of 2008, 217, 234 Association
Financial Services Action Plan (FSAP), 430 golden parachutes, 178, 189, 193–194, 218
Financial Times, 312 Goldschmid, H., 48
Fischel, D., 20n12, 69, 254 Gordon, J. N., 3, 7, 19, 68, 189–214
Food and Drug Administration (FDA), 345 Government National Mortgage Association
Fortune magazine, 312, 313 (GNMA), 345
Fox, M. B., 3, 9, 235–290 Graham, B., 154
Francis decision, 43n108 Green, M., 30, 51
Frank, B., 200, 378, 387 Green v. Occidental Petroleum Corp., 278
fraud-on-the-market cases Greenbury Code, 213
actual losses, 281–283 Greenspan, A., 73
broker-dealer regulation, 408 Grinstein, Y., 120, 133, 146
causation and, 235–292
as class actions, 270–272 harmonization, 12, 429
constant impact assumption, 289–291 Hart model, 175, 182
Dura and, 249–253, 257. See Dura decision Hartridge, C., 297, 299, 304
efficient market hypothesis and, 278 HealthSouth, 293, 296, 314
ex ante analysis, 238 hedge funds, 3, 210, 227, 465
expertise and, 76 Holmstom, B. R., 233
limiting recovery to actual losses, 281 Houston Chronicle, 325, 327, 328, 329–330
loss causation and, 239, 247 Hoye v. Meek decision, 345
managerial abuse and, 289n126 Huddleston v. Herman & MacLean, 243
price inflation and, 256, 258, 277
reliance-based actions and, 238, 279 IAS. See International Accounting Standards
Rule 10b-5 and, 361 ICA. See Investment Company Act
sufficient pleadings and, 258 IFRS. See International Financial Reporting
transaction causation and, 238, 247 Standards
types of claims, 258–270 incentives
free lunch fallacy, 185–187 arm’s length model, 125
free-market model, 51 causation and, 238, 288
Fried, J. M., 3, 6, 117–148, 179, 180–183, compensation and, 119–124, 144, 179, 181,
189 212. See also executive compensation
FSAP. See Financial Services Action Plan conservatism and, 87
ex ante focus and, 254
GAAP. See generally accepted accounting golden parachute, 178, 193
principles independent directors and, 93–94
General Motors, 56 managerial, 113, 118, 120, 122, 176, 211, 276,
generally accepted accounting principles 281
(GAAP), 79 options and, 162–163, 170, 185
conservatism and, 85, 86 renomination and, 125–126
expertise and, 81 restricted stock and, 166
IAS and, 425–426 shareholders and, 122, 137–141, 152, 164,
stock options and, 186 171–172
generally accepted auditing standards speculation and, 152–153, 162
(GAAS), 79, 81 See also specific types, topics
474 Index
independent directors, 33, 41, 43, 64, 80, 196 International Financial Reporting Standards
ALI and, 49, 51, 52n137 (IFRS), 368n74, 425, 427
audit committee and, 51, 70, 74. See also International Organization of Securities
audit committee Commissions (IOSCO), 463
Business Roundtable and, 44, 45 internationalization, 412, 418, 448–449, 463.
CEO and, 29, 57, 68 See also specific organizations, topics
compensation committee and, 51 Internet, 305, 305n53, 305n54, 306n59, 327
compliance and, 68 Investment Company Act (ICA), 363–364
definition of, 92, 93, 94 IOSCO. See International Organization of
Delaware courts and, 66, 89 Securities Commissions
Enron and, 67, 79 ISS. See Institutional Shareholder Services
EU and, 440–441
exchange rules and, 92 Japan
expertise and, 5, 69, 71, 81–94. See also broker-dealer regulation, 408
expertise capital market system and, 12, 412
incentives for, 93–94 disclosure and, 407
liability and, 29, 93 investment trusts, 410
management and, 29, 68 long-term credit and, 411n9, 412
monitoring board and. See monitoring Jensen, M. G., 33, 137, 185
board Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation
nominating committee and, 51 Act, 172
politics of, 64–67 Jordan, R., 297–300
Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 92
social interests, 68 Kaldor-Hicks model, 185
standards of, 196 Kamen v. Kemper Financial Services, Inc., 363
state courts and, 67 Kanda, H., 4, 11
structural model and, 37 Kaplan, S. N., 233
takeovers and, 54, 66, 68 Karmel, R., 20n12
See also audit committee; specific topics Kemper decision, 363
insider trading, 39, 53, 145, 219, 295, 300, 369, Kieff, F. S., 1–15, 96–115
407, 460 King, L., 311
institutional investors, 132 Korn-Ferry report, 43
activism and, 60n168 Kozlowski, D., 295, 297
apathy and, 227 Kulms, R., 4, 12, 413–457
capital markets and, 409
conflicts of interest, 229 Lake, S., 327
disclosure and, 408 Lambert model, 173n71
economies of scale and, 227n39 Lamfalussy, A., 430
gains from, 228–229 Lamont, T. W., 17
ISS and, 210 Lang, T., 381
ownership/control and, 232 Larry King Live, 312, 313
principal-agent problem and, 231 Lay, K., 296, 308, 310, 312, 325, 327, 329, 331
proxy system and, 232 Leech, N., 43
public pension funds and, 227 Levitt, A., 71
rise of, 225–232 Lewis, A., 320
takeovers and, 226 liability, 4
Institutional Shareholder Services (ISS), ALI and, 48, 53
210 boards and, 31, 54
internal affairs doctrine, 356–364 Business Roundtable and, 44, 49
International Accounting Standards (IAS), care and, 53. See care, duty of
425, 434–436, 463 causation and. See causation
Index 475
Conference Board and, 44 media

conflict of interest and, 29 mistrial and, 297–300
Delaware courts and, 340, 345. See public relations and, 305–323
Delaware courts scandals and, 9, 293–333
directors and, 20, 20n12, 29, 36, 45, 54, mergers, 167, 175, 183, 452–453
91 Mitchell, L. E., 3, 4, 17–60, 233
disclosure and, 218n11, 433. See disclosure Model Act. See Model Business Corporation
enforcement and, 455 Act
EU and, 435–439, 445, 451–457 Model Business Corporation Act (MBCA), 25,
expertise and, 29, 92n160, 93–94 217
Guidebook and, 35, 44 ABA and, 50, 383
independence and, 20, 29, 46 ALI and, 46n120, 339
liability shield, 21n14, 34–57 Business Roundtable and, 46n120
management and, 20 Delaware and, 383
monitoring board and, 4, 20n12, 28, 34–57 monitoring board and, 38
outside directors and, 20, 29 Modern Corporation and Private Property, The
Principles and, 53 (Berle/Means), 24–25, 30, 209, 219–226
reform and, 31 Money Trust investigation, 17, 23, 23n18
Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 93n163, 422, 424. monitoring board, 33, 54, 66
See Sarbanes-Oxley Act ABA and, 22, 34, 38–43, 46, 66n16
SEC and, 439 advisory board and, 42
takeovers and, 41 ALI and, 19n7, 21, 34, 39, 46, 47, 51, 52
taxes and, 135 best practice and, 58
tragedy of the commons and, 419n30 BJR and, 49. See business judgment rule
Van Gorkom and, 41 Business Roundtable and, 20, 45, 49, 52
See also specific cases, topics care, duty of, 4, 20, 20n14
Lindbergh, C. A., 23n18 consensus and, 39, 63
List v. Fashion Park case, 241 Corporate Director’s Guidebook and, 38, 39,
London Stock Exchange, 203, 207 42
loyalty, duty of, 27, 93, 154, 460 CORPRO and, 47
Delaware courts and, 20, 22, 52, 54–60
Mace, M., 29 development of, 20, 31–53
managerialism Disney case and, 18n4, 22. See also Disney
boards and, 27, 31 decision
deconglomeration and, 54 dominance of, 46
monitoring board and, 26 Douglas model and, 25, 26
proxy reform and, 31 Eisenberg and, 19n7, 31–43. See also
reform and, 30 Eisenberg, M.
scandal and, 37 endorsements of, 35–47
Martha Stewart case, 10 expertise and. See expertise
ImClone and, 300 false security and, 59
Internet and, 330–331 Francis decision and, 43n108
jury selection in, 295, 297, 299, 306 history of, 19
media and, 293, 295, 303, 304, 324 judicial developments and, 37
MBCA. See Model Business Corporation Act Korn-Ferry report and, 43
McAvoy, P., 48 Lamont on, 18
McClean, B., 294 legal rules for, 33
McGrath, K., 232 liability and, 4, 20n12, 34–57
McLean, B., 324 managerialism and, 26, 43
Means, G., 219–226 minimal duties under, 41, 55
Meckling, W., 33 Model Act and, 38
476 Index
monitoring board (cont.) Principles of Corporate Governance (ALI), 22,

outside directors and, 18, 20n14, 51, 51–57 34, 39, 46, 50, 346–347
reform and, 18, 52 Private Securities Litigation Reform Act
scandals and, 59 (PSLRA), 285–287, 455, 465
self-referential structures and, 25 proportionality test, 54
shareholders and, 19, 38, 190 PSLRA. See Private Securities Litigation
SOX and. See Sarbanes-Oxley Act Reform Act
structural model and, 38 Public Company Accounting Oversight Board
takeovers and, 51 (PCAOB), 365, 420, 421, 462, 463
Van Gorkom and, 39, 53 Pujo Committee hearings, 17, 23
Moran v. Household International, Inc.,
347–349 Raines, F., 140
Mundheim, R., 43 Reagan, R., 46, 46n119, 52
Murphy, K. J., 137, 184, 185 real earnings management, 5, 63, 82–84, 94
mutual funds, 31 reliance-based actions, 243–246
repurchase programs, 173, 233
Nader, R., 30, 38, 51, 66 restricted stock plans, 165, 166
Nasdaq, 71, 73 RiskMetrics, 201, 210
Nathan, C., 381 Robbins v. Koger Properties, Inc., 251, 449
National Commission on Fraudulent Romano, R., 230, 355n9, 394
Financial Practices, 71
National Market System (NMS), 463 Santa Fe Industries, Inc. v. Green, 46, 360,
neoclassical theory, 51 362, 380
New York Stock Exchange (NYSE), 70, 73, Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 (SOX), 2, 11, 12,
335, 384 60, 62, 335, 364–377
New York Times, 312 Action Plan and, 413–458
NMS. See National Market System auditing and, 69, 72, 81, 365–368, 374, 394,
noise trading, 7, 153t, 155–160, 155–160, 164, 421, 452
169–174, 178, 187 categories covered, 355
nominating committee, 37, 46, 51, 69 CEO and, 368, 375, 422
NYSE. See New York Stock Exchange certification provision, 367–369
corporate governance and, 420–443
Obama, B., 8, 200, 217–234 costs and, 394
out-of-the-money pricing, 183 criminal penalties and, 370
oversight boards, 33 decision making and, 108
Delaware courts and, 336
Panic of 1907, 23n18 disclosure and, 371–372, 382
Paredes, T. A., 1–15, 96–115 ECJ and, 443
Pareto-optimality, 185 enforcement and, 424, 462
Parmalat scandal, 436, 437 Enron and, 41
Pay without Performance (Bebchuk/Fried), EU and, 413–458
117–149 expertise and, 69, 77, 80, 92
PCAOB. See Public Company Accounting FASB and, 367
Oversight Board federalism and, 395
Pennsylvania Railroad, 28 gatekeeper liability and, 424
pension funds, 10, 210, 220, 229–231, 369 globalization and, 418
Perkins, R., 53 have-or-disclose provision, 92
Peter, U., 133 independence and, 92
poison pills, 66, 349 internal affairs doctrine and, 365
Pompian, S., 11, 351–397 lawyer conduct and, 376–377
principal-agent problem, 222, 231 liability and, 93n163
Index 477
non-audit services and, 372–373 Rule 19c-4, 362

oversight and, 365–368 Sarbanes-Oxley Act and, 352, 382
PCAOB and, 365–367, 420, 462 SROs and, 362, 378, 385, 387
regulatory development and, 378–388 stockholder access, 378, 378–384, 379
SEC and, 352, 382 voting and, 381
Section 301, 440 Securities Shareholder Bill of Rights Act, 218
Section 404, 462 Security Analysis (Graham/Dodd), 154–155
SROs and, 420 self-interested transactions, 66
states and, 372 self regulating organizations (SROs), 361–362,
stockholder access and, 379 384–387
Title III, 421 Seligman, J., 13, 30, 51, 66, 235, 357
whistleblowing and, 440 Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 251
“say on pay” provisions, 198, 200–211, 217–218 SERPS. See Supplemental Executive
Schlick v. Penn-Dixie Cement Corp., 242 Retirement Plans
Schumer, C., 218, 234 shareholder activism, 3, 29, 217–234
Scrushy, R., 296, 305n53, 314–323 argument against, 223
SEC. See Securities and Exchange coordination of, 228
Commission Disney and, 228n42
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), hedge funds and, 210
13, 351 public pension plans and, 8
access rule, 381 survey of, 226
audit committees and, 70–73, 385n143 union plans and, 8
bureaucratization of, 13 shareholders, 225–232
capital markets and, 12 access and, 183
CD&A requirement, 192, 196, 199 accountability and, 224
Chamber of Commerce decision and, 364 activism. See shareholder activism
Congress and, 355, 362 advisory vote, 203–204
cross-border fraud, 464 asymmetries of information, 222
director nominations, 381 audit committee and. See audit committee
disclosure and, 463 authoritative control and, 6, 222–223
doctrine of privacy and, 460 block formation, 219n12
enforcement and, 3, 462 boards and, 4, 64, 126. See boards
executive compensation and, 142, 183n94, buybacks and, 233
387 CEO and, 7, 60, 97, 104–105, 125, 132. See
expertise and, 63, 77, 81 chief executive officer
ICA and, 364 confidence of, 2
IFRS and, 427 conservatism and, 85, 87
independent directors and, 65 cookie-jar reserve, 168–170
internal affairs doctrine, 382 corporate law and, 154. See specific topics
investigations of, 28 creditors and, 38n89
lawyer conduct and, 376–377 diversification and, 31
listing standards, 386 dumb money and, 158, 164, 170, 171n61
majority voting and, 8 earnings management and, 85, 85n128,
NMS and, 463 168–170
non-U.S. corporations and, 421 empowerment of, 179, 182
PCAOB and, 463 entrenching provisions, 183
Principles-Based Accounting study, 425 erosion doctrine, 220
proxies and, 24, 31, 232, 357, 380 EU and, 442
Rule 10A-3, 386 executive compensation and, 117, 118, 122,
Rule 14a-11, 378, 379, 382, 383 166, 195–198, 203. See executive
Rule 14a-8, 381 compensation
478 Index
shareholders (cont.) cost-benefit test, 185–187

financial reports and, 168–171 dividends and, 172, 176–177
fundamental value and, 155, 159–160, 164, dumb money and, 186
168 fair deal and, 184, 186
golden parachutes and, 178, 189, 193, 218 financial reporting and, 170
incentives and, 137–141, 152, 164, 171–172 free lunch fallacy, 185–187
institutional investors. See institutional fundamental value and, 170
investors GAAP regulations and, 186
long term, 152, 157, 164, 169 indexing and, 181
modeling of, 153–160, 182 Kaldor-Hicks approach, 185
monitoring model and, 38, 190. See mergers and, 167
monitoring board opportunism and, 165
noise trading and. See noise trading out-of-the-money pricing, 181
options and. See stock options Pareto-optimality and, 185
ownership/control and, 219–226 repricing of, 191
proposals by, 230 repurchase and, 173
proxy system and, 24, 31, 232, 357, 380 restraints on, 165–167, 171, 182
repurchase plans, 172 retention and, 167, 171, 182, 185
restrictions on, 218 risk aversion and, 163
securities law and, 154 salary and, 163
shareholder-value norm, 19, 19n10, 151 vesting practices, 165
short positions, 157, 164 Strine, L., 355
smart money and, 158, 164, 169, 170, 171n61 structural model, of board, 36–38
speculation and, 152, 154–155, 157, 169–171, Structure of Corporate Law (Eisenberg), 30,
234 47
supersize pay, 179–188 Structure of the Corporation (Eisenberg), 31,
takeovers and, 154, 224 47
taxes and, 172–174 Supplemental Executive Retirement Plans
transparency and, 142, 182 (SERPS), 147
types of, 7, 154–155, 184 supply-side theory, 87
unified model, 175
values of, 153 takeovers, 53, 58, 190, 225n34, 431
Wall Street Rule and, 8 defenses against, 129, 133
wealth maximization norm, 224 Delaware courts and, 10, 193
See also specific types, topics golden parachute and, 193–194, 194
Skilling, J., 294, 313, 325, 327, 329 independent directors and, 66, 68
Smith, R., 50, 294 institutional investors and, 226
Smith v. Van Gorkom case, 39, 41, 53, 341, 342 liability and, 41
social responsibility, 25, 45, 51, 231 monitoring board and, 51
SOX. See Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002 outsiders and, 54
Spitzer, E., 3 shareholders and, 154, 224
SROs. See self regulating organizations state legislation and, 133
stakeholder board, 190 Taming the Giant Corporation (Nader,
Stempel, R., 56 Green, and Seligman), 30, 46
Stewart decision, 330 TARP. See Troubled Assets Relief Program
Stewart trial. See Martha Stewart case taxes, 85–87, 172–174
stock options Texas Gulf Sulphur case, 29
Black-Scholes model and, 173 Tokyo Stock Exchange, 407
bonuses and, 174, 176–177 transaction causation, 254
choice of investment, 165 Basic and, 248, 250
corporate reporting crisis and, 171 “but for” and, 249
Index 479
Dura and, 240, 249–253, 253 federal-state balance, 356–364

fraud-on-the-market actions and, 238, 247 federalism and. See federalism
loss and, 238, 241–246, 248 financial system of, 11
price inflation and, 252 GDP in, 187
reliance-based actions and, 243–246, 249 Glass-Steagall Act and, 409
Treadway Commission, 71, 75 independent directors, 210
Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP), 218 information-forcing rules, 450–451
Trust Indenture Act of 1939, 405 investment company regulation, 409
Tyco, 293, 295 ownership and, 210, 220
regulatory competition, 449
United Kingdom Rule 144A and, 409
AIM firms and, 206 “say on pay” and, 201, 207, 209–211
broker-dealer regulation, 408 SEC and, 13. See Securities and Exchange
class actions, 456 Commission
collective investment and, 410 SOX and. See Sarbanes-Oxley Act
Combined Code of Corporate state law, 356–364, 390–392, 458, 460–461.
Governance, 202 See also specific topics
commodity funds, 410 Supreme Court. See specific decisions
DRR and, 203 See also specific organizations, topics
executive compensation and, 8, 202, 205 Unocal v. Mesa Petroleum Co., 54, 347–349
Ferri-Maber study, 205–207, 208
Financial Services Authority, 465 value investing, 155n16
governance model, 200 Van Gorkom. See Smith v. Van Gorkom case
Greenbury Code and, 203, 213 VantagePoint Venture Partners 1996 v.
liquid markets and, 430 Examen Inc., 359
London Stock Exchange and, 207 Veasey, N. E., 4, 351–397
private companies, 446 venture capital, 73, 176n85, 176n86, 417
“say on pay” and, 189–215 Verizon, 200
shareholders and, 200
Thatcher government, 202 Walden Asset Management, 200
United States Wall Street Journal, 312, 313, 325, 327, 328,
accounting standards, 87 329–330
broker-dealer regulation, 408 Watergate investigation, 28, 65
class actions, 456 Watkins, D., 314, 316
Congress and, 29, 355, 359, 362. See also Weill, S., 56
specific legislation Weissman, A., 310
Delaware courts. See Delaware courts whistleblowing, 421, 438, 440, 452, 457
disclosure and, 407 Wilson, W., 23
8-K report, 407 Winter, R., 354
federal bailouts, 29 WorldCom, 2, 57, 293

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PERSPECTIVES ON CORPORATE GOVERNANCE

F. Scott Kieff is a professor at the George Washington University Law School in

Troy A. Paredes is a professor at the Washington University School of Law in Saint

Cambridge University Press

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the

ISBN-13 978-0-511-78962-5 eBook (NetLibrary)

Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy

Contributors page vii

part one. the board of directors and the ceo

part two. the why, when, how, and how much of

part three. constraining managers and directors:

part four. delaware versus congress: on the

part five. comparative corporate governance

Stephen M. Bainbridge, William D. Warren Professor of Law, UCLA School

Lucian A. Bebchuk, William J. Friedman and Alicia Townsend Friedman

William W. Bratton, Peter P. Weidenbruch, Jr., Professor of Business Law,

Kathleen F. Brickey, James Carr Professor of Criminal Jurisprudence,

James D. Cox, Brainerd Currie Professor of Law, Duke University School of

Lawrence A. Cunningham, Professor of Law, The George Washington

Christine Di Guglielmo, Weil, Gotshal & Manges, LLP

Merritt B. Fox, Michael E. Patterson Professor of Law, Columbia Law School

Jesse M. Fried, Professor of Law, Harvard Law School

Jeffrey N. Gordon, Alfred W. Bressler Professor of Law and Albert E. Cinelli

Hideki Kanda, Professor of Law, University of Tokyo

F. Scott Kieff, Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law

Lawrence E. Mitchell, Theodore Rinehart Professor of Business Law, The

Troy A. Paredes, Professor of Law, Washington University in St. Louis, School

Joel Seligman, President, University of Rochester

E. Norman Veasey, Chief Justice, Delaware Supreme Court (Retired); Senior

The chapters in this book were presented at a conference on “The ‘New’

F. Scott Kieff and Troy A. Paredes

F. Scott Kieff and Troy A. Paredes

Although a number of factors contributed to the stock market decline that

the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) engaged in wide-scale

The next chapter is William Bratton’s “Supersize Pay, Incentive Com-

setting. After describing a theoretical framework for understanding various

Merritt Fox’s “After Dura: Causation in Fraud-on-the-Market Actions” is

Corporation Law,” Veasey, along with Shawn Pompian and Christine Di

of regulation and enforcement determines the type of financial system that is

This book concludes with an Epilogue comprising an essay by Joel Selig-

On Tuesday afternoon, December 2, 1913, Thomas W. Lamont and Louis D.

of Modern Finance (1990).

For much of the succeeding ninety-four years, lawyers and businesspeople

The reform literature ignores history. It typically assumes the monitoring

6 Indeed, it assumes the board of directors as a given.

Second, and the subject of this chapter, is my argument that Gordon’s

This chapter proceeds as follows. Section I provides a brief overview of

I. EARLY UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE ROLE OF THE BOARD

18 Money Trust Investigation, Investigation of Financial and Monetary Conditions

Corporate governance reform in the modern sense traditionally is traced

broadly than those of directors. Id.

Legal Thought, 30 Law & Soc. Inquiry 179 (2005).

25 See, e.g., Chester I. Barnard, The Functions of the Executive (1938).

II. REFORMING THE BOARD

concern at a series of legal and social developments, developments that threat-

erates.” Nader et al., supra note 39, at 78.

to Be a Director?” 27 Bus. Law. 7 (1972).

brought on in part by recession, occurred, and with them the resignations or