Unofficial China and “History from Below” (2640/2021)

official vs unofficial = from above (façade) vs from below (details)

the importance of history to an authoritarian state

history writings in China was, and still is to some extent, under the strict control of the
governments; history is often distorted to serve political parties/goals ----> official history
books = selection of facts, which are obsessed with boosting mythologized images of the
country and the people

examples:
中國文化常識 (Common Knowledge of Chinese Culture) (Hong Kong: The State
Council Overseas Chinese Affairs Office…, 2000) and its historical inaccuracies

all these examples from official history books try to create the official images of the
people (and the country): that Chinese people in the past and present are victim and hero,
politically conscious and committed to class struggles, revolutionary active, kind-hearted,
righteous, virtuous, nationalistic and selfless, intolerant to injustice

BUT:
~ the complicated human world simplified into two uncompromising opposite poles
between good and bad, friends and enemies. No grey areas? (e.g. landlords had to be
exploitative? Those who were a major force and generated development in a society
always = those who support socialism?)
~ Were “the people” really as great as described? e.g. Were their acts of violence only
targeting at redressing unjust exploitation? Could they oppress and exploit other people?

Why idealizing the people?

~ the ‘victim image’ helps raise the compassionate image of the Chinese Communist
Party as the people’s chosen liberator;
~ to rally the support of the populace to the Chinese Communist Party and the China they
ruled because people’s historical importance was exaggerated to inflate their self-
confidence and their nationalistic feelings (and therefore strengthen their love of a strong
and great CCP-led China)

Violence in Chinese Society 1 (2640/2021)

idealized image of China and the Chinese people: humane, peaceful, anti-violence; e.g.
韋政通, 中國文化概論 (Outlines of Chinese Cutlure)

social and cultural causes of violence in Chinese society:

a) family conflicts (patrilineal structure of society)
b) conflicts in local society (dominance of lineage organization)

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 c) ethnic violence (Han vs non-Han; Hakka 客家 vs Punti 本地)
d) class-conflict (new to China since early 20th century)
e) sectarian violence (e.g. White Lotus, Boxers, Red and Black Flags)
f) large-scale political rivalry (e.g. 1911 Revolution, warlords)
g) the importance of “face”
h) popular culture such as theatre, literature, martial art

conventional wisdom: “Chinese orthodox culture 正統文化 actively abhorred violence”?

Violence in orthodox culture:
a) filial piety 孝 (legitimize revenge)
b) judicial 刑 violence:
References: Wells William, Middle Kingdom (1904); John Gray, China (1878) and
Walks in the City of Canton (1862); Thomas Meadows, The Chinese Rebellions (1856).
tortures; capital punishments (slicing, decapitation, strangling; e.g. Ch'eng-meng 鄭鄤
case); flogging; gong; cangue; cage; chains.
c) Violence = a justifiable means to an end, a public display of state power and warning

Violence in popular culture:

a) cult of violent death; 鲁迅's "血饅頭" (Lu Xun’s “Blood Buns”) not fictitious; more
examples from One Day in China (1936) and news; long history of cannibalism (as
medicine, as symbolic power of ultimate victory and inflicting humiliation; Chong Key-
ray’s Cannibalism in China); postcards of execution;
spectacular enjoyment of executions + visualizing punishments
b) concept of Hell (imperfect Sinicization of Buddhism); morality book 善書 "A Living
Soul tours Hell" + temple decorations; violent punishments justified on wrong-doers
(borrowed freely by secret societies), but who could judge?
c) morality books and folklores: e.g. "砒霜砵" (Bowl of Poison); ‘蛇郎’ (Snake Man).
d) popular theatre and literature (props and stories)

Violence in Chinese Society (2) (2640/2021)

feuds/vendetta: prevalent in South China since early 18th century

locations: nearly everywhere > southern China; Gansu, Shantung, Hebei, etc.

scale and duration: varied from days to century; e.g. Black and Red Flags in Hailufeng,
Chaozhou, Huizhou (Robert Marks’ Rural revolution in South China (Stanford: 1984)),
Punti versus Hakka in central and western parts of Guangdong; example of a large-scale
feud in 1830s

Harry Lamley’s chapter points of interest:

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 1) feuds reflected growth of lineage power as a result of the spread of extensive local
trading networks and the development of a more commercialized economy; feuds helped
lead to formation of corporate communities; horizontal loyalty and social cohesion
2) feuding was customary practice (“normal”) > anomaly in this region
3) the important role of self-esteem and highly ostentatious competition among
communities
4) local militarization since late Ming (1550s); out of reach of state controls, both
coercive and spiritual; resistance to taxes and arrests prevailed
5) failure of legal system in the sense that (a) powerful lineages with close link with local
military/civil officials were bullying ---> abused parties could only take matters into own
hands, (b) litigation between lineages fostered corruption in the form of bribery among
venal local officials, which, in turn, helped perpetuate feuding
6) “adopted sons” were used; professional mercenaries were hired; local bullies were
pampered ---> gangster groups flourished
7) expensiveness: to maintain a standing bands of armed men; to purchase modern
weapons; to award the death; litigation cost ---> lineages in Zhangzhou and Quanzhou
involved in salt and opium smuggling to finance feuding

feuds in south China persisted throughout early and mid 20th century; frequency and
level of violence surpassed Qing Dynasty’s;
clashes between rural militia and Peasant Unions in 1922-27

economic causes of feuding: controls of local resources such as piers, markets, fuels,
water use, 沙田

non-economic causes: social customs; religious fairs; geomancy; marriage problems

periodic political violence: Taiping Rebellion; popular violence of the 1920s (class
warfare), e.g. Hailufeng Commune; state-sponsored violence during the Land Reform
in1949-52; Cultural Revolution in 廣西 various 縣 during the 1960s (鄭義, 紅色紀念碑)

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