Malasador Outline Final
Malasador Outline Final
Malasador Outline Final
ON ELECTION BAN
JANUARY 2024
AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS
ON ELECTION BAN
JANUARY 2024
i
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO
Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
APPROVAL OF THESIS OUTLINE
Name HANZ RAFAEL A. MALASADOR
Major N/A
Degree Sought BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN CRIMINOLOGY
Specialization N/A
Thesis Title AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN
__________________ _____________
Date Date
USM-EDR-F04-Rev.4.2020.11.16
ii
Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PRELIMINARIES
III
Appendices.................................................................................................................... 28
Application for Research Adviser................................................................................29
Application for Research Title.....................................................................................30
Estimated Budget of the Research..............................................................................31
Application for Thesis Outline Defense.......................................................................32
Curriculum Vitae..........................................................................................................33
Survey Questionnaire..................................................................................................35
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
1 Conceptual Framework 7
v
LIST OF APPENDICES
E Certification 22
F Curriculum Vitae 33
G Survey Questionnaire 35
vi
1
INTRODUCTION
The term "election ban" describes the time frame during which a particular
politicians from abusing their positions of authority and resources, this ban seeks to
guarantee impartial and fair elections. Aspiring politicians are expected to abstain from
any actions that could sway the results of the election during this time. Election bans are
They want to make sure that people running for public office aren't doing it to
further their own agendas or personal gain (Warren, 2010). Aspiring politicians must be
aware of and comprehend the implications of the election ban. It is imperative that they
acquaint themselves with the guidelines and protocols pertaining to the prohibition in
order to prevent inadvertent violations of any clauses. Aspiring politicians should also be
well-versed in the rationale behind the prohibition and how it affects the electoral
process. One issue that faces people who are banned from voting is that they are only
able to take part in politics for a limited amount of time. Election laws or regulations
prohibit candidates for public office in order to maintain free and democratic elections.
These prohibitions might include limitations on running for office, holding public
office, or participating in political actions. The election ban may make it more difficult for
1
2
participation in the democratic process. They might be unable to interact with voters,
garner support, and promote their platforms as a result of the ban. Their prospects of
their lack of involvement during the suspension period. It creates a level playing field
and allows new candidates to compete more fairly by temporarily disqualifying them
from the race. (Source: Snyder and Ansolabehere, "The Incumbency Advantage in U.S.
Elections," 2002).
Aspiring politicians can safeguard their reputations and steer clear of controversy
by being aware of the election ban. A candidate's chances of winning the election may
suffer if they are accused of misconduct as a result of breaking the ban. Aspiring
lawmakers can preserve their credibility and integrity during the election process by
being aware of the ban and abiding by its provisions. Election bans are required to
maintain the legitimacy of the electoral process. Election bans are one tool that
incumbent politicians can use to reduce their advantage. Election bans are required to
maintain the legitimacy of the electoral process. They have the power to dissuade
politicians with a history of wrongdoing from seeking office again. (Taken from "Ensuring
misappropriation, preserves the reputation of the candidate, and assures level playing
fields. Aspiring politicians can effectively plan their campaigns and avoid any violations
that could result in fines or disqualification by being aware of the ban's implications. As
3
a result, before participating in any political activity during the election period,
prospective politicians must become familiar with the election ban and its provisions.
This study aims determine the level of awareness of the local politicians on
election bans.
politicians in terms of
1.1. age
1.2. sex
The study will focus on the Awareness of the Local Politician on Election Ban
election bans may include insights into their understanding of specific restrictions,
awareness. Additionally, the study may provide data on the impact of awareness on
in the surroundings.
Election Ban - refers to the period during an election when specific individuals are
Theoretical Framework
The altruism theory of voting is a model of voter behavior that holds that if
voters in a democracy have "social" preferences for the welfare of others, then
voting will be rational for an "altruistic" citizen who derives utility from helping others
because the large cumulative benefits of enacting the voter's preferred policy will
outweigh the extremely low probability of a single vote determining an election. [1]
Altruistic voting has been compared to buying a lottery ticket, in which the expected
Traditional theories of clientelism assert that vote buying is more likely when
parties are losing elections, while ignoring prior spending levels on vote buying. We
consider this framework is limited in a number of ways. First, it assumes that losses
winning an election feels just as good as losing one hurts. Second, it assumes that
point—i.e., it does not matter whether clientelist parties have had successes or
failures in the past (Kahneman et al., 1986, Schumacher et al., 2015). In this paper,
fielded a list experiment in Nicaragua for the 2008 elections, find that while the
7
incumbent party enjoyed the support of 40% of the electorate, 24% of registered
voters were offered a clientelist gift in an election that “[was] not heavily conteste
Conceptual Framework
the study. As shown in figure 1, the conceptual framework exhibited the variables of
the study as follows: The independent variable of the study is the socio-
demographic characteristic in terms of Age, Sex, Age, Civil Status, and Educational
Vote Selling
Educational
Attainment Betting on
Election
8
9
Firearm Ban
Kopel, David B. Fordham Urb. LJ 39, 1527, 2011: The conservative corporate
As a result, the National Rifle Association (NRA) started participating in politics and
succeeded in overturning the ban on handguns. Throughout the majority of the 20th and
21st centuries, there were fierce political, social, and cultural conflicts surrounding gun
argued that there was no such thing as a right to bear arms, that it was necessary to
outlaw the possession of firearms for self-defense, and that gun ownership for sports
purposes should only be permitted under extremely strict circumstances. The opposition
claimed that all gun control laws violated the unalienable right to bear arms. The cases
had been settled in most cases by the time Heller and McDonald appeared before the
Supreme Court. The Second Amendment right to keep and carry arms, particularly for
self-defense, is a basic individual right. The Supreme Court upheld this consensus
rather than creating any new ground. Still, this right is not unqualified. Certain laws
restricting access to firearms, especially those that target individuals who have
Gun policy is a hotly debated topic in the 2020 US election cycle, according to
Barry et al. (2019) In this regard, it is crucial to monitor changing public perceptions of
10
gun control. Utilizing information from the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and
Research's National Survey of Gun Policy, which was conducted in 2013, 2015, 2017,
and 2019, we looked at patterns of support for over two dozen gun laws over time by
state, political party, and gun ownership status. During the course of the study, the
majority of the policies that we looked at were supported. We found that public support
for stricter regulation of gun dealers, licensing and background checks for all handgun
purchases, and extreme risk protection orders increased over time. There were
significant differences in support for other concealed carry policies based on the
ownership status of firearms, but both gun owners and non-owners strongly supported
According to a new survey question from 2019, 84% of Americans were in favor
of making first-time gun buyers complete a safety course. Even though the topic of gun
policy is still very divisive, the vast majority of people, including those who do not own
controversy and discussion as the general public's ownership and use of firearms. As
tragedies like Sandy Hook Elementary School and Columbine High School show the
power and destruction these weapons can wreak when wielded by the wrong people,
the Second Amendment to the US Constitution, which states: "A well-regulated militia,
being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear
Legislators and the general public are actively looking for ways to address the
tragic deaths that are regularly reported in the news. Still, there's a lot of disagreement
about the right course of action. The main issues in this debate are who should possess
firearms, how they should be kept under surveillance, what kind of weapons are
appropriate for civilian use, and whether or not civilians should be permitted to carry and
own weapons. The study makes the case that people who abuse firearms for
destructive ends rather than just the existence of firearms in society are the main cause
of excessive gun violence. While laws restricting gun ownership are an attempt by
governments to improve public safety, opinions on whether or not these laws actually
lessen violence vary. In fact, some argue that they may make it worse.
Children's firearm injuries, both fatal and nonfatal, are a serious concern in
American society. From a low of 1.71 per 100,000 firearm deaths in 2013 to 2.22 per
100,000 in 2016 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018), the rate of
years, making it the second leading cause of death for children and adolescents in the
US (Cunningham et al., 2018). In addition, the issue of preventing child fatalities from
firearms has gained prominence due to recent mass shootings at elementary and
secondary schools.
Federal and state laws in the United States are tools used to try and lessen the
number of firearm-related injuries and fatalities, whether they result from accidental,
gun laws on firearm outcomes have been conducted in recent years (see, for instance,
specifically examined the effects of firearms on children and adolescents, but the
general conclusions imply that certain gun laws, such as those requiring criminal
fatalities. Over the lifespan, different types of firearm-related injuries can occur. First,
age has an impact on the mechanism of firearm injury. For instance, children under the
age of ten seldom commit suicide in any form, but among the top 10 causes of injury
deaths for this age group in the US are firearm homicide and unintentional firearm
deaths (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Moreover, individuals aged
10 years and older have a significantly higher incidence of firearm-related homicide and
suicide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Moreover, individuals aged
10 years and older have a significantly higher incidence of firearm-related homicide and
suicide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Second, the causes of
firearm deaths differ according to age as well. For instance, while intimate partner
violence accounts for just 9% of firearm homicides among those under the age of 18,
when the age range is restricted to 0–12, intimate partner violence accounts for 31% of
13–17. The number of kids who die as a result of intimate partner violence suggests
that limiting access to firearms for victims of domestic abuse may protect kids as well as
intimate partners. Similarly, making it harder for kids to obtain firearms—for example, by
enacting child access prevention (CAP) laws—may reduce accidental firearm deaths
initiatives.
Liquor Ban
An examination of the current alcohol and tobacco control laws and policies in
Singapore and the Philippines is done in comparison by Gianna Gayle Herrera Amul
and Jean-Francois Etter in the International Journal of Public Health, 67, 1605050,
2022. Utilizing a framework for public health law that integrates a systems approach
through a scorecard, we evaluated the tobacco and alcohol control progress of the
Philippines and Singapore based on SDG indicators, the WHO Framework Convention
on Tobacco Control, and the WHO Global Strategy to Reduce Harmful Use of Alcohol.
The scientific literature and official government documents provided the data.
Despite disparities in their health systems, Singapore (86.5) and the Philippines (73.5)
both achieved strong scores for alcohol control but only weak or moderate ones for
tobacco control (35.5 and 52.5). Both offer avenues for policy that support marketing
industry influence, and support alcohol harm prevention and tobacco cessation. A
health system-based scorecard was used to help set policy benchmarks, highlight
opportunities and gaps in these two countries, and pinpoint areas where current policies
The issue in this case, Satyam TandonChrist ULJ 6, 77, 2017, was the existence
of liquor vending machines on federal and state highways throughout the nation, which
gave drivers easy access to alcohol and resulted in a startlingly high number of traffic
14
fatalities. In order to minimize traffic accidents and guarantee the safety of highway
users, the judgment sought to ensure that any new or current liquor licenses issued to
The Supreme Court noted that under the guise of economic development, we
shouldn't turn a country into a global accident capital. They came to the conclusion that
there was an accident in India every four minutes after taking into account all of the
statistical data on traffic accidents. After that, it was determined that drunk driving was
the root cause, accounting for 27,152 traffic accidents on its own. Therefore, it was
decided that the urgent need to stop drunk driving on highways deserved quick
attention.
In contrast to their peers who do not attend college, 53.6% of college students
between the ages of 18 and 22 reported drinking alcohol in the previous month,
according to the 2017 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) (Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Thirty-five percent of college
students reported binge drinking (defined as having five or more drinks in one sitting;
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2018). Heavy drinkers in
college run the risk of seriously hurting themselves and other people. According to
Hingson et al. (2009), there were approximately 1,825 alcohol-related deaths among
students ages 18 to 24 enrolled in 2- and 4-year colleges nationwide in 2005, the most
recent year for which data are available. Additionally, 599,000 students suffered injuries,
696,000 were hit or assaulted, and 97,000 became victims of sexual assault or date
rape at the hands of a drunken student. According to Barnett et al. (2014), students who
drink more are more likely to have acute negative outcomes—like blackouts, physical
15
Long-term consequences of excessive alcohol use can also include liver disease,
processing deficits), and susceptibility to addiction (Bagnardi et al., 2015; Hingson et al.,
2009; Yoon et al., 2014; Zeigler et al., 2005). It is important to remember that excessive
drinking can have negative effects on students as well as the surrounding communities,
including crime, property damage, and noise disturbances (Wechsler et al., 2002a;
Wechsler et al., 1995). Prior studies suggest that policies implemented at the state and
local levels to modify the alcohol environment are linked to a decrease in alcohol
college students engage in binge drinking and drinking overall in states with stricter
alcohol laws (Chaloupka and Wechsler, 1996; Nelson et al., 2005a). Reducing college
campuses (Nelson et al., 2005b; Toomey et al., 2007). Schools use a variety of
measures on campus to try to limit and prevent alcohol abuse (Lenk et al., 2012).
campus have undergone a far less thorough evaluation of their efficacy. The College
Abuse and Alcoholism in 2015, provides college administrators with a framework for
the cost and accessibility of alcohol are among the most successful environmental-level
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2015).
Frederic Charles Schaffer and Andreas Schedler's 2007 book Elections for Sale: The
causes and consequences of vote buying, pages 17–30, depending on whether one
embraces the viewpoint of the candidate or the voter, a vot is essentially "bought" or
"sold." From this angle, vote buying can be understood as a contract or even an auction
in which the voter sells their vote to the highest bidder. We English speakers do, after
all, say "vote buying," so this market model is expressed not only in colloquial language
It should come as no surprise that scholars who support formal methods derived
from microeconomics, such asrational choice, are more likely to hol this viewpoint.
However, more nuanced historical or ethnographic accounts show that the term "vote
the 1830s, for example, English voters claimed that voting was a "birthright" (Hoppen
1996, 564). In San Isidro, a village in the Philippine province of Bataan, research on
electoral politics revealed that vote buying and selling can no longer be understood as
an exchange of goods and services between those who buy and sell their freedom in
the hopes of making a profit once they come into power. From the perspective of
17
common people... Elections are the moments when justice and equality are momentarily
realized as their backers fulfill their monetary commitments to help them during hard
making, according to Canare & Mendoza, (2021) Few studies have empirically
examined the role of various information sources, despite recent studies on vote buying
and selling attempting to unravel the potential drivers behind this phenomenon. This
study uses a special dataset from a poll of low-income voters in Metro Manila, the
correlates and potential triggers for an offer. The findings imply that there is no
accepting the offer and supporting the candidate who made it. The caliber of the
completing the vote-selling transaction (i.e., accepting the offer and casting a ballot for
the candidate) and having access to sources of "good quality information." This study
confirmed previous research indicating that vote-buying activities are primarily directed
used for such activities appears to be directed toward those with greater needs. It
should come as no surprise that vote-buying offers are more common in communities
that value social cohesion and in places where elections are hotly contested.
Additionally, our results imply that vote-buying might not always be successful in getting
18
a small percentage of voters to switch their preferred candidate. This aligns with
previous research indicating that vote buying and selling only terminates a long-
socioeconomic backgrounds.
norms and politicalpractices. Graeme Orr, The Journal of Legal History, 27 (3), 289–
314, 2006. Election bribery in the Westminster tradition began with the change in the
status of parliamentary service from a duty to a privilege. Its typical forms, such as vote-
buying with crude tactics, can be traced back to this change in focus from purchasing a
seat to purchasing votes. As concerns about election costs rise and ideas of fair
electoral competition develop, we can see a gradual shift from cultural acceptance of
taxonomy o the various types of bribery and judicial responses to them, this article
focuses on the pivotal period in the "war" on electoral bribery from 1868 to the early
secret ballot voting, election courts, stricter legislation, and mass franchise, will
direct market transaction in which voters exchange their vote for cash or gifts
(Guardado and Wantchekon, 2014). Vote buying, for example, is defined by Brusco and
19
her associates (2004: 67) as "the offering of money or, more frequently, small consumer
recipient's vote." Similarly, Aspinall and Sukmajati (2016: 20) slightly modify the
definition as “the systematic distribution of cash payments and/or goods to voters in the
few days leading up to the election with the implicit expectation that recipients will repay
with their vote.” vote.” Similarly, Kramon (2009: 4) defines vote buying as “the
support.” Finan and Schechter (2012: 864) view vote buying as “[offered] goods to
specific individuals before an election in exchange for their votes." Given that vote
buyers frequently do not explicitly demand a vote in exchange for their payment.
predicated on the idea that payment increases voter turnout and/or the paying
candidate's or party's vote share. The debate in the literature between swing targeting
and party loyalty and vote buying's efficacy is evident. Adhering to the party loyalist
voters who are predisposed to support them, the payment appears to be more about
encouraging apathetic supporters to cast their ballots in person than it does about
The swing-voter hypothesis, on the other hand, suggests that the money actually
works to buy an undecided voter's support. In this instance, the distributing party is
more concerned with voting choice than with the recipients' turnout at the polls (Nichter,
2008). Under the turnout-buying model, givers can be sure that the voter will select
them if a passive supporter bothers to show up. This stands in stark contrast to the
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swing-voter school's model, which states that the vote buyer cannot be certain whether
the recipient will cast their ballot for the buyer or for another candidate even if they show
up at the polls.
Betting on Election
No person shall make, lay or deposit any bet, wager or stake, to be decided by
the result of any election, by the election or defeat of one or more persons at any
election, or by any contingency connected with or growing out of any election. All
contracts for or on account of any money, property or thing in action so bet, wagered or
staked shall be void. Any person who shall pay, deliver or deposit any money, property
or thing in action upon the event of any bet, wager or stake prohibited by this section,
may sue for and recover the same from the winner or person to whom the same, or any
part thereof, shall have been paid or delivered, or with whom the same, or any part
thereof, shall have been deposited, whether he shall have been a stakeholder, or other
person, whether or not the same shall have been paid over by such stakeholder, or
whether or not such bet, wager or stake shall have been lost.
No candidate for public office, before or during an election, shall make any bet or
wager with a voter, or take a share or interest in, or in any manner become a party to
such bet or wager, or provide or agree to provide any money to be used by another in
making such bet or wager, upon any event or contingency whatever. No person, directly
or indirectly, shall make a bet or wager with a voter, depending upon the result of any
21
election, with the intent thereby to procure the challenge of such voter, or to prevent him
Election-related wagering has a long history, despite times when it was illegal
and even unenforceable (Graeme Orr, Federal Law Review 42 (2), 309–331, 2014).
Due in large part to the bookmaking industry in those jurisdictions that allow political
betting, sizable online markets have developed in recent years. Election bets are
handled as sports bets in these markets. The history and common law regulations
surrounding election betting are examined in this article. It follows a path from early
case law that declared elector wagers invalid (for tainting voting decisions) to criminal
prohibitions, some of which remain in place today (because wagers could pass for
electoral bribery), and finally to modern systems for granting licenses for electoral
bookmaking.
The concept of commodification, the precautionary principle, and the liberal harm
principle are normative arguments concerning election betting and the law. The article's
conclusion is that friendly bets ought to be allowed in order to give partisans more
chance that bets on politicians will be commodified, it is best to ban them and
(mimeo), election betting markets have become more common. These markets, which
rely on the ability of many participants to quickly and affordably place bets on the results
of upcoming elections, are primarily an online phenomenon. Founded in 1988, the Iowa
22
Political Stock Market was the first of its kind, with a small number of traders and
modest stakes. The more recent iterations, most notably Intrade and Betfair, feature
that these markets' prices offer reliable predictions for the results of elections.
online election markets. In many western nations, election wagering has been practiced
for hundreds of years. It is more of an exception than a rule that these markets were
according to Fredén et al., (2020). Nevertheless, a lot of people choose to support the
underdogs. We contend that people use social media to determine how well-liked their
preferred party is among the general public. Voters tend to overestimate the chances of
underdogs winning when social networks act as echo chambers, a phenomenon seen in
real-life networks. We run voting experiments where a simulated network sends signals
networks against random networks. We discover that homophilic networks boost the
degree of support for underdogs, lending credence to anecdotal reports that echo
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this study is to determine the awareness of the local politician
on election ban. This chapter discussed the method used in the study, source of
data, sampling technique, data gathering procedure, instruments, and the statistical
treatment of data.
Research Design
randomly selected. The survey will ask the respondents’ awareness of the local
during the election period will be the respondents of this study, in which they will be
The respondents of this study will be the Local politicians who are holding a
Sampling Procedure
The researcher will use the purposive sampling procedure in selecting the
respondents.
Research Instrument
In gathering data for this study, the researcher will use a survey
characteristics, it is composed of three (3) categories namely, age, sex, age, civil
status and educational attainment. On the other hand, the local politicians’
perception, it is composed of two (2) categories, those are: firearm ban and liquor
ban.
25
The researcher will responsible in gathering all the data essential for the
achievements for the research. To realize the objective in this study and in order to
ensure the validity of the study to be conducted the researches will undertake the
following (1) Securing permission to conduct the study from the head of Department
North, Cotabato (2) Prepare a letter of confidentiality (3) Coordinate with the
respondents (4) Conduct the study through the use of survey questionnaire for the
Statistical Analysis
Responses from the questionnaire will be statistically analyzed with the data
instruments of the study. Data will be analysed and interpreted with the use of
The study focuses on the awareness of local politicians on the election ban
and on local politicians who are holding a position in Mlang, North Cotabato during
the election period. It will specifically look into their knowledge and understanding of
the rules and regulations surrounding the election ban, such as the restrictions on
The study will examine their knowledge on the consequences of violating the
election ban. This study will be limited only to 100 local politicians who are running
Ethical Consideration
subjected to harm in any ways, prior to the study, full consent will be obtained from
the participants. In addition, the protection of the privacy of research participants will
insured. Moreover, they have the rigjts to withdraw from the study from any stage if
27
they wish to do so. Lastly, any type of communication to this action of this research
REFERENCES
Amul, G. G. H., & Etter, J. (2022, October 13). Comparing Tobacco and Alcohol
Policies From a Health Systems Perspective: The Cases of the Philippines and
Singapore. International Journal of Public Health.
https://doi.org/10.3389/ijph.2022.1605050
Barry, L., Stone, M., Crifasi, K., Vernick, S., Webster, W., & McGinty, E. (2019,
September 9). Trends In Public Opinion On US Gun Laws: Majorities Of Gun
Owners And Non–Gun Owners Support A Range Of Measures. Health Affairs .
Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/10.1377/hlthaff.2019.00576
Canare, & Mendoza, U. (2021, August 3). Access to Information and Other Correlates
of Vote Buying and Selling Behaviour: Insights from Philippine Data.
SageJournal. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/02601079211034607
Fredén, A., Rheault, L., & Indriðason, I. H. (2020, June 10). Betting on the underdog:
the influence of social networks on vote choice. Political Science Research and
Methods. https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2020.21
Orr. (2019, March 18). Betting on Elections: History, Law and Policy. SageJournals.
Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.22145/flr.42.2.4
Hassan, T. A., Hollander, S., Van Lent, L., & Tahoun, A. (2019, August 26). Firm-Level
Political Risk: Measurement and Effects*. The Quarterly Journal of Economics.
https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjz021
Jernigan, H., Shields, Mitchell, & Arria, M. (2019, March 19). Assessing Campus
Alcohol Policies: Measuring Accessibility, Clarity, and Effectiveness. Wiley Online
Library. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/acer.14017
Kopel, B. (2016, March). The Great Gun Control War of the Twentieth Century—and its
Lessons for Gun Laws Today. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from
https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2458&context=ulj
Muhtadi, B. (2019, January 1). Does Vote Buying Affect Voting Behaviour? Chasing
Winning Margins and the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Springer eBooks.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6779-3_7
Tandon, S. (2017, July 1). The Highway Liquor Ban Case: State of Tamil Nadu v. K.
Balu & Others. Christ University Law Journal. https://doi.org/10.12728/culj.11.5
University of South Florida. (n.d.). Ranked #42 among Public Institutions & #97 among
Public & Private Universities in U.S. News & World Report (2023). Retrieved
December 10, 2023, from https://www.usf.edu/ods/documents/factbook-2022-23-
final.pdf
Zeoli, A. M., Goldstick, J. E., Mauri, A., Wallin, M., Goyal, M. K., & Cunningham, R. M.
(2019, August 1). The association of firearm laws with firearm outcomes among
children and adolescents: a scoping review. Journal of Behavioral Medicine.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10865-019-00063-y
30
APPENDICES
31
Madam:
I would like to request that you will be my Research adviser effective 1 st and 2nd semester, SY
2023-2024. I intend to work on “AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN.”
I am hoping for your most favorable approval on this request. Thank you very much.
APPROVED
USM-EDR-F02-Rev.5.2022.10.18
32
MADAM:
I would like to request your office to allow me to research on the study with title “AWARENESS
OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN.”
APPROVED
USM-EDR-F02-Rev.4.2021.11.04
Appendix B. Application for Research Title
33
NOTED
USM-EDR-F06-Rev.3.2020.02.24
Appendix D. Application for Thesis Outline Defense
34
RECOMMENDING APPROVAL:
APPROVED:
APPROVED:
PERSONAL INFORMATION
NICKNAME: Raprap
AGE: 21
NATIONALITY: Filipino
BACKGROUND
Kabacan, Cotabato
2024- Onward
2019-2020
2014 - 2015
( )31-40 ( ) 51-60
Part II. The Awareness of the Local Politician on election ban in terms of prohibited acts.
INSTRUCTION: Put a check mark in the table as your answer based on the following question.
4 Highly aware
3 Aware
2 Moderately aware
1 Unaware
2.1 FIRE ARM BAN (Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII- Sec. 261. 4 3 2 1
38
Prohibited Acts)
References
Commission of Election. (n.d.). Omnibus Election Code - Article XXII. Retrieved December 10,
2023, from https://comelec.gov.ph/?r=References%2FRelatedLaws
%2FOmnibusElectionCode
%2FOECArt22&fbclid=IwAR0cBGs0dBdfG5VXUFzl0upZxFIiyELHVVhYSWrOTuB9
8czQiUPvezaZ3Lw
Appendix F. Certification
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MINDANAO
Kabacan, Cotabato
Philippines
40
“This is to certify that I have read, checked, and verified the work of Hanz Rafael A. Malasador,
entitled, “AWARENESS OF THE LOCAL POLITICIANS ON ELECTION BAN”
This has passed through the evaluation of the panel members of the department.
Noted by: