Session 2
Session 2
Session 2
Derechas Autónomas (CEDA; Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right), was formed
to defend church and landlords. CEDA was led by José María Gil-Robles and was modelled on
the German Nazi Party. Indeed, the political divisions within Spain seemed to increase under
the Second Republic. The right wing opposed the reforms, sometimes with violence.
Although some historians see the failure of land reform as central to the failure of the
government during this period, historian Paul Preston has argued that the right wing was in
any case never going to give the regime a chance. Azaña also did himself a disservice when
in January 1933 government guards set fire to houses in the village of Casas Viejas near
Cadiz in an attempt to ‘smoke out’ a group of anarchists. Twenty-five people were killed.
This incident lost the left-wing Republic a lot of working-class support, and led even the
socialists to withdraw support from Azaña, who resigned in 1933.
The destabilization of
the Spanish electoral
The Right Republic (November 1933–February 1936)
system In the elections of 1933, the Republic swung to the right, with the right-wing and centrist
It is worth noting that parties benefiting from the disunity of the left. Although CEDA was the largest party, the
the Spanish electoral
President resisted giving Gil-Robles power. However, CEDA forced the government’s hand
system ensured that
only a small swing in the in October 1934 by withdrawing support. Gil-Robles was made War Minister and two other
number of votes cast CEDA party members were given cabinet posts.
had a huge effect on the
parliamentary system.
The new government ruled for two years in what became known as the black years,
Thus, although there was because they embarked on systematically reversing the Left Republic’s reforms. Church
only a minor shift of votes control was restored over education and the clergy were again to be paid by the state.
from the left to the right, Azaña’s key economic reform – the land programme – was halted. Catalonia attempted to
there was a big change
in parliamentary power.
resist interference, and declared itself independent after CEDA joined the government. Its
The same was to happen autonomy was suspended after the Asturian miners’ uprising in 1934. This rebellion was
in 1936 when the Popular put down by troops, including Moroccan forces. Threats from the left of a ‘general strike’
Front gained control. The increased. Historians have argued that the violent suppression of this uprising increased the
instability created by the
likelihood of a civil war in Spain. In addition, the right lost the support of the Basques, who
electoral system was a
contributory factor to the now backed the left wing. Violence was widespread.
breakdown of the Second
Republic. STUDENT STUDY SECTION
Research activity
Research the Asturian miners’ uprising of 1934. In pairs, discuss the extent to which you agree
Prieto that this was an ‘attempted revolution’.
Prieto, whose full name
was Indalecio Prieto Tuero,
The political response to the Right Republic was divided. Caballero was more extreme in
was one of the leading
figures of the Socialist his speeches than the more moderate Prieto. He suggested that CEDA was the Spanish Nazi
Workers’ Party (Partido party and that the left should seek a Soviet-style solution for Spain. Thus, he articulated the
Socialista Obrero Español, parallels in Spanish politics to the broader European political landscape.
PSOE) in Spain. He was
a prominent critic of de In response, Gil-Robles demanded a shift to a more authoritarian approach to control the
Rivera’s government, and communists in Spain. This response led to more cooperation between the left’s factions:
was appointed finance socialists, anarchists, syndicalists and now communists. Indeed, Prieto attempted to find
minister in Zamora’s
government in 1931.
some common ground between the left and centre groups to enable them to take on the
right wing.
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The Popular Front (February–July 1936)
The right wing disintegrated as the economic and the political situation deteriorated, and in
Falange
the elections of February 1936, the ‘Popular Front’, which was an anti-fascist pact made up of
Falange (Phalanx) was
various left-wing groups including the socialists and the communists, was victorious. However, founded by Primo de
here was the same policy that was being advocated by Stalin in his ‘Popular Front’ policy from Rivera, the son of the
1935. Thus, the Popular Front was for many in Spain a final attempt to uphold democracy and former dictator, in 1933.
By early 1936, it had
peace, but others associated it with Stalin and the more extreme communist supporters.
8,000 members (mainly
The manifesto promoted by President Azaña, now returned to power, was liberal and not students). They had a
radical. Nevertheless, the government wanted to restore the reforms of the 1931–33 regime, ‘blue shirted uniform’.
The Falange demanded
and political prisoners were released. But there was still no political consensus; Caballero’s a strong authoritarian
socialists did not join the government and the right would not accept the restoration of leadership, but was also
reforms. committed to radical social
change.
The anarchists encouraged peasants to seize land, which led to an increase in violence in
the countryside. They also openly recruited for their militias and organized bombings and
assassinations. Open conflict between the anarchist FAI and fascist CEDA and Falange
youth movements increased. The government again faced increasing disorder. In May, the
CNT called a general strike, and there were several strikes throughout June. The right wing
believed that Spain was in the early throes of a left-wing revolution.
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12 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 1: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936–39)
Document analysis
Document A
When considering which side, the Right or Left can be held responsible for causing the Civil War,
the debate often focuses on which side departed from democratic and legal means first. The
Socialists are held responsible, by some, for refusing to join the Popular Front government which
in turn concerned the Right; they thought this could be because the Socialists were now intent on
revolution. The Right then planned the coup to prevent this.
In terms of which side resorted to violence first, it could be viewed as the Left in attempting to seize
power in the Asturias Rising – but the right had attempted this earlier, in 1932 in the Sanjurjo Rising.
In the end most historians agree that it was the right’s coup that triggered the general conflict.
From Antony Beever, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939, 2006
Document B
Faced with the difficulties of modernising a backward economy and social structure in a country
without strong democratic traditions, and against the background of the Depression, the Republic
was facing insurmountable problems by 1936. Civil War may not have been inevitable but certainly
did not come as a surprise.
From Patricia Knight, The Spanish Civil War, 1998
Question
Explain the key points made by Antony Beevor in Document A and Patricia Knight in
ToK Time
Document B.
Discuss in small groups
how the political and
socio-economic situation
of a contemporary
observer influences his or
her opinion of a crisis such
as the Spanish Civil War.
Write up the key points of
your discussion in your ToK
journal.
Research question
Salvador Dalí painted ‘Soft Construction with Boiled Beans (Premonition of Civil War)’ in 1936.
In pairs, research Dalí’s motives in painting this picture and what the images in the picture
represent with regard to Spain and war.
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The course of the Spanish Civil War
With the assistance of Nazi Germany, General Franco airlifted 24,000
experienced troops of the Army of Africa to Spain. It was the fact that
Hitler responded to Franco’s pleas for help, that kept Franco’s efforts
alive. Once on the Spanish mainland, he used a policy of terror as
his forces moved towards Madrid in August. Franco’s success was
complemented by the achievements of General Emilio Mola, who
took territory in the north (see map).
The army coup had aimed to crush the ‘left revolution’, but had
instead politicized and radicalized many Spaniards towards the left.
The supporters of the Republican regime of 1936 became known as
the ‘Loyalists’, and those that supported the rebels called themselves
‘Nationalists’. Divisions could generally be drawn by class: the
workers supporting the Republic and the middle and upper classes
the Nationalists. The Nationalists also had the support of much of
the church. However, alliances could also be accidental, depending on
‘Death of a Loyalist’,
where they were when the war developed. The peasants of the north and central Spain tended photograph by Robert Capa,
to be Nationalists, while the landless labourers of the south followed the Republicans. The 5 September 1936.
Basques and Catalans supported the Republic, as it had backed their autonomous ambitions.
Although the Nationalists made gains in the first weeks of the war, the Republic retained
some advantages. It remained in control of most major cities and key industrial areas, it
had Spain’s gold reserves, and important elements of the military – most of the air force
and navy – remained loyal. Yet as you can see from the timeline and the maps below, the
Nationalists were able to make steady progress in pushing back the Republic.
Basque
Andorra
Pamplona
Catalonia
Valladolid Saragossa
Oporto Barcelona
Toftosa
AL
Madrid
Coimbra MENORCA
TUG
Toledo MALLORCA
POR
REPUBLIC OF SPAIN
Valencia
Lisbon
IBIZA
Alicante
N Córdoba
Seville
Granada Cartagena
MOROCCO ALGERIA
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12 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 1: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936–39)
Madrid
Coimbra MENORCA
TUG
Toledo MALLORCA
POR
REPUBLICAN Valencia
Lisbon
SPAIN IBIZA
Alicante
N Córdoba
Baena Key
Seville
Granada Cartagena Republican-held areas
Nationalist-held areas
Cádiz Málaga
1938 Feb Nationalists retake Teruel and launch the strategically crucial advance to the
Tangiers
Mediterranean to cut CataloniaMefa
off from the rest of Republican Spain
Apr Nationalists reach the Mediterranean at Vinaroz. Republican Spain cut in two
ALGERIA
MOROCCO
Jul Republican offensive on the River Ebro fails
Nov Nationalists drive Republicans back across River Ebro. Nationalists march on Barcelona
1939 Feb Barcelona falls to Nationalists
28 Mar Nationalists enter Madrid
1 Apr Franco announces end of war.
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Why did the Nationalists win the Spanish Civil
War?
We can analyze the reasons for the Nationalist victory by considering the weaknesses of the To access worksheet
Republicans versus the strengths of the Nationalists. 12.1 on propaganda
in the Spanish Civil
Military problems
The Republic lacked strong military leadership. There was no unified command, and the
communists and anarchists would not work together. Indeed, the anarchist militias and the
Basques refused to be led by a central command structure. The Basques would not permit
their forces to defend areas outside their own territory. In addition, loyal army officers, with
potentially valuable experience, were not trusted by the Republic.
In the first vital weeks of the war, the Republic was dependent on ineffective militia units
that formed haphazardly. This meant that they fought a series of local conflicts rather than
one clear overall campaign. Different fronts operated separately, although to some extent
this situation was due to the territory held by the Republicans. Many battlefields were not
within range of their air force, and they failed to sustain offensive campaigns in 1937 at
Brunete, Belchite and Teruel. Indeed, it was not until the end of 1936 that the Republicans
started to replace militias with a coherent ‘Popular Army’.
Economic problems
In areas under anarchist control, industries, public utilities and transport were taken over
by workers’ committees; in the countryside collective farms were set up. However, neither
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12 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 1: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936–39)
of these systems could supply the needs of the Republic to fight the war. Some historians
have argued that this situation was due more to the impact of the war than to a badly
run government, but most believe that the collectives impaired the Republic’s war effort.
Production in the key area of Catalan fell by two-thirds between 1936 and 1939, and the
Republic was increasingly affected by food and raw material shortages. Inflation was also
a problem, reaching 300 per cent during the war. At the same time wages only increased
by 15 per cent.
The international body known as the Non-Intervention Committee (NIC), established by
Britain and France in 1936 for the purpose of preventing the foreign influx of support to
the warring parties in Spain, also had an impact on the Republic. It starved the Republic of
all credit; the USSR was the only country willing to trade with it. Even this trade had to be
paid for using the entire gold reserves of Spain. Paul Preston has argued that communist
control ultimately improved the situation by centralizing control, but this happened too
late to save the Republic.
Foreign Assistance
STUDENT STUDY SECTION
Review activity
Look back at the timeline on pp.235–36. Identify key points where foreign intervention played
a significant role in the fighting.
Foreign aid has been seen as a critical factor in determining the outcome of the Spanish
Civil War. Some historians have suggested its role has been exaggerated; nevertheless, there
is no doubt that the foreign assistance given to the Republic was far more limited than that
afforded to the Nationalists. The main ally of the Republic was the USSR, and it was the
Soviets who initially saved the Republic and enabled it to fight a civil war in 1936–37. The
Soviet aircraft and tanks were better early on than their German and Italian counterparts.
However, no Soviet troops were sent to fight; they committed only 1,000 aircraft, 750 tanks
and some advisers. In addition, this aid had to be paid for by the Republic, which sent, as
we have seen, all of its gold reserves to Moscow.
The other key allies of the Republicans were the International Brigades, which were
organized by the Soviet Comintern. Some 35,000 foreign volunteers went to fight in Spain.
Although their role seems to have been significant in the defence of Madrid, overall their
impact was limited. In 1938, the Soviets withdrew their support and the International
Brigades went home, a final blow for the Republic.
Although France sent aid initially, the support ended when it joined Britain in the policy
of non-intervention. This policy was primarily driven by anti-communist sentiments, but
it also meant that Hitler and Mussolini had no opposition from the Western democracies.
This policy has been condemned by many historians. Francisco José Romero Salvadó writes
of the NIC that:
...it was never more than a sham which actually worked in favour of the insurgents. A legal
government was equated to a group of seditious generals. The Republic was hindered by an
arms embargo from mounting an effective defence and a perfect cloak was provided for the
Axis powers to continue their activities. Under British auspices, the committee would remain
until the end of the war an empty talking shop. It was a perfect weapon to prevent France from
making a more direct commitment, preserve consensus at home and avoid confrontation with
Germany and Italy.
From Francisco J. Romero Salvadó, Modern History Review, February 1995
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STUDENT STUDY SECTION
Document analysis
What criticisms does Salvadó make of the Non-Intervention Committee (p.238)?
Research activity
In small groups, research the different countries, groups and famous individuals that went to
Spain to fight in the International Brigades; for example, the Abraham Lincoln Brigade from
the USA.
Nationalist strengths
Political unity
The major strength of the Nationalists was unity. In July 1936, however, the Nationalists
were almost as divided as the Republicans. Their only common aim was to overthrow the
government. Initially, Generals Mola, Goded and Sanjurjo seemed more important than
Franco, but after the first few weeks Franco had emerged as the leader. In September 1936,
the generals decided that they needed a unified command. It was agreed that Franco would
assume political and military control. He became head of government and head of state.
This rise to power was due not only to other leaders dying, or doing badly in the war, but
also to his position in command of the Army of Africa and because important German aid
came through him.
To achieve political unity, Franco needed to control both the Carlists and the Falange. In
1937 their numbers were impressive: 70,000 and one million respectively. In April, Franco
merged the two parties. This new party, Falange Española Tradicionalista (FET; Spanish
Traditionalist Phalanax), was under his control.
Franco was also assisted by support from the church, which opposed the left and its secular
ideologies. From the pulpit, church leaders would denounce atheist communism and call
for a crusade to protect Christian civilization. Indeed, Franco used a mixture of propaganda
and terror in the areas under his command.
Although some historians argue that the Soviet involvement in the war (which may have
been Stalin’s deliberate policy) led to its extension, others have suggested that Franco gained
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12 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 1: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR (1936–39)
power and authority from his victories on the battlefield, and that it was he who extended
the war to enhance his own dictatorial power. The nationalistic politics of Franco were not
undermined by the foreign support given by Germany and Italy.
Military unity
Militarily the Nationalists initially had similar problems to the Republicans – ‘columns’
of Carlist and Falangist militias attempted to operate alongside regular army units. In
contrast, however, these militias were effectively drawn into the regular army. The Army
of Africa played a significant role. It contained the best troops in the country, and it could
cover for other forces while they were being trained and equipped. In open and mobile
offensive operations, the Army of Africa proved itself the most effective force in the entire
Civil War.
The unified command was key to the Nationalists’ success. Franco’s leadership was
accepted by the other generals and right-wing parties. Ultimately, the Italian forces were
under his command too. They were successful in pushing on and winning offensives,
and were also able to adopt effective defensive tactics during the Republican offensive
campaigns of 1937.
The Nationalists had sound communications, and managed to equip their growing army
throughout the civil war. They could also rely on their large number of junior officers.
Franco was an able military and political leader. He would often not pursue more radical
advice given to him by his German and Italian advisers. His concern for his troops ensured
that the majority was obedient.
Economic advantage
The business community backed the Nationalists, which meant they could get credit to buy
war supplies. Also, by September 1936 they were in control of the main food-producing
areas. After their successes in 1937 in the north, they added the main industrial areas to
their control.
The Nationalists also benefited from international trade and credit, which was not
restricted. It has been estimated that the USA gave $700 million in credit during the course
of the war. This meant that Franco’s forces could buy all the rubber and oil they needed,
acquired from US companies.
Foreign assistance
As suggested above, some historians have argued that foreign aid was a crucial factor
in the Nationalists’ victory over the Republic. Hugh Thomas writes in his 1961 book
The Spanish Civil War that the conflict ‘became an international crisis whose solution
was decided by external circumstances.’ Indeed, the rebels benefited from more aid,
which was of a better quality than that given to the Republicans, and its supply was
continuous throughout the war. The Germans had airlifted Franco’s Army from
Morocco to the mainland in the first stage of the war, at a vital moment in the conflict.
The Germans also committed the Condor Legion – 10,000 troops, 800 aircraft and 200
tanks. The Italians sent 70,000–75,000 troops, 750 planes and 150 tanks. The Portuguese
sent 20,000 troops and permitted aid to pass over their long border with Spain. This
assistance was significant in several ways. It allowed the Nationalists to fight in the first
place, owing to the German airlift, but German planes also gave the Nationalists control
of the air from 1937. Franco’s command was not compromised, and after an Italian
defeat at Guadalajara, they were taken under Spanish command. The key benefit for the
Nationalists, however, was not the manpower, as most of their armies were Spanish, it
was the modern equipment they received.
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