BADER, B.-Ancient - Egyptian - Pottery
BADER, B.-Ancient - Egyptian - Pottery
BADER, B.-Ancient - Egyptian - Pottery
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chapter 15
Introduction
The examination of ceramics in Egypt has a relatively short history compared to archaeologies
in other areas of the world (see Chapter 13 in this volume), previously seriously neglecting
an important and abundant source that can be used for historical interpretations far beyond
chronological disputes. The study of such material should not be considered in isolation, but in
relation to other sources. It provides insights into issues connected to exchange of commod-
ities, socio-economy, and functional interpretation of archaeological features. The ceramic
repertoire found in and around tombs and cultic installations gives direct clues concerning the
cult, how the cult was conducted, and how long it may have lasted. Technological questions
connected to the production and firing of ceramics can be addressed as well as metrology
and supply routes, and even organizational or socio-economic developments might be
visible in the way ceramics were distributed. Together with textual evidence and other
archaeological finds, the interpretation of the archaeological record as a whole provides
a powerful tool towards a more comprehensive view on numerous aspects of life and
culture in ancient Egypt.
History
While beautifully decorated painted vessels of the Predynastic Period and New Kingdom
blue-painted jars were always prized as objects of early art, the same cannot be said for the
bulk of undecorated wares which abound on Egyptian sites. In the late 1800s and early
1900s archaeology in Egypt began to be conducted in a more scientific and controlled way,
mostly due to the work of Flinders Petrie and, as a result of his influence, pottery vessels
gained value as chronological markers and as ethnographic objects illustrative of daily life
in Egypt.1 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Petrie shipped many pots
1
Petrie 1904.
back to Britain for educational purposes, the majority of which ended up in University
College, London, but other vessels were distributed as ‘payment’ for subscriptions from
smaller provincial museums, which helped to defray the costs of Petrie’s excavations.2
Collections in Europe and the United States—New York, Leiden, Paris, Turin, Munich,
London, Leipzig, Berlin, and Vienna come to mind—also started to obtain pottery vessels,
mainly from excavations these museums had sponsored. Gradually Egyptian ceramics
came to be displayed in the great museums, mostly complete and/or decorated examples
like the assemblage of pottery from the tomb of Tutankhamun in the Museum in Cairo.3
A boost for pottery in museum showcases came in the late 1970s and early 1980s, with
exhibitions focusing on ceramics and their importance for interpreting ancient Egypt from
another point of view.4
Early excavation reports treated ceramic finds somewhat cursorily, sometimes giving
only a verbal description of vessels found. If such pieces were drawn, the drawings were
made in perspective, much like a tracing from a photograph, and showed only the outline.
While these are far from ideal, distinctive pottery types can usually be recognized.5 Petrie’s
treatises of finds in his later years (in the 1920s) were exemplary for his time, because he
supplied typologies of all find categories and tomb registers which listed all items found. If
checked closely there are of course inconsistencies, but his publications can be used to
reassess archaeological material to this day, because many of the finds still exist in museum
collections all over the world, often with their contextual information available. While
Reisner’s work in Nubia provides the second example of early rigour in methodology con-
cerning pottery analysis6, the combined efforts of several excavators in the 1930s to bring
some system into Egyptian pottery studies were not successful in the end.7 In the 1960s and
1970s, when archaeologists in other parts of the world were no longer content with the trad-
itional approach to archaeological interpretations8, a new generation of excavators in Egypt
began to regard ceramics as an additional source for dating, and collected more ceramic
material than ever before.9 This can also be seen in connection to the salvage campaign of
UNESCO in Nubia before the Aswan High Dam was built.10
The year 1975 saw the publication of the first volume of the Bulletin de Liaison du groupe
international d’étude de la céramique Ègyptienne, which was the first successful public forum
for general information on pottery found in excavations around Egypt including a gazetteer.
Soon thereafter a need was felt to categorize the wares and fabrics, and due to the initiative
of a group of field archaeologists working in Egypt the so-called ‘Vienna System’ of fabric
classification was created in the 1980s.11 This system, based on pottery mainly from the
Middle Kingdon and the Second Intermediate Period, was meant to provide a general
framework that could be utilized at any site and for various periods, with the inbuilt intention
of extending and elaborating it as the ceramicist at a given site would see fit (Nordström and
Bourriau 1993: 168). At the same time it provides the possibility of comparing the ceramic
material from different sites and ascertaining that the same kind of material appears at
2
Stevenson 2016.
3
See El-Khouli et al 1993, although the addition of new drawings would have been an asset in view
of such an important and well-dated assemblage.
4
Arnold and Schulte 1978; Bourriau 1981. 5
E.g. De Morgan 1895; Garstang 1907.
6
Reisner 1910. 7
Bader et al. 2016: ix–x. 8
E.g. Binford 1972.
9
Arnold 1968. 10
Bourriau et al. 2000: 121.
11
Bourriau 1981; Arnold 1982; Bourriau and Aston 1985; Bietak 1991a: 324–30; Nordström and
Bourriau 1993, and see also ‘Fabrics: Vienna System’, later in this chapter.
314 Bettina Bader
various sites. It also facilitates mapping the distribution of certain fabrics in Egypt and
beyond, and thus emerging spatial patterns can be interpreted. There are local differences
between certain Nile clay fabrics in some periods12, but currently there are no additional
scientific studies to test this hypothesis. While this is perhaps less significant for the ubiqui-
tous alluvial Nile clay fabrics, it might give a better idea of the origin of the ‘desert wares’ or
marl clay fabrics, which to this day remain a grouping much more difficult to distinguish.
This particularly holds true for the earliest periods of Egyptian history—the Predynastic,
early Dynastic, and Old Kingdom marls—due to the very elaborate preparation of fabrics in
these periods.
In the late 1980s a new journal with a focus on ceramic studies in Egypt was launched, the
Cahier de la Céramique Égyptienne (founded by Pascale Ballet and now edited by Sylvie
Marchand, ceramicist at the Institut Française Archéologique Orientale, Cairo). It provides
a venue for longer reports and articles than the Bulletin de Liaison as well as themed discus-
sions. Since then numerous reports and books with ceramic studies as their sole topic,
based on painstaking work, have come into the public domain. These reports improved
continuously in their standards, particularly in terms of general description of shape and
fabric, craftsmanship of drawings, and the amount of material covered. The works include
pottery catalogues from excavations, typologies, and analyses, as well as interpretations.13
Sometimes pottery is the only type of artefact recovered from a site, and therefore the only
means for dating and interpretation in addition to the excavated structures. A certain caveat
is still noticeable in the interpretation of ceramic finds, which is not as far advanced as in
other areas of the world.14
Undoubtedly progress has been made, as demonstrated by the variety of contributions to
the conference Vienna 2 in 2012.15 In the twenty-first century, excavators in Egypt are gener-
ally conscientious not to leave pottery they have unearthed unprocessed or unanalysed.
However, the resources put into the study of ceramics differ to a great degree and this has
an immediate bearing on the quality and extent of the results that can be achieved. It is
hoped that this chapter will help to remove some of the barriers which still exist, and raise
awareness for the use of ceramics as a source in the historical disciplines in conjunction
with all other available sources.
The first specialized treatise on the raw materials of ancient Egyptian ceramics was by
Alfred Lucas in Materials and Industries in Ancient Egypt.16 He distinguished the fabrics in
the first place by colour, with the additional remark that there was a difference between ‘des-
ert’ wares and wares with organic inclusions. He also devoted some attention to surface
treatments and pigments.
In order to use ceramic material for any interpretation a categorization is a necessary first
step. It has been stated in the past17 that vessel shape is not sufficient for a proper assessment,
because similar shapes were manufactured from different raw materials. And those, in turn,
12
Bourriau 1998; Bader 2009: 602–39. 13
Millet 2007. 14
Arnold 1985; 1993.
15
Bader et al. 2016. 16
Lucas 1948: 425–41. 17
Bourriau 1991.
could be derived from different locations or workshops. Therefore the interpretation of the
vessel being made locally or imported from somewhere else (even within Egypt) depends
heavily on the identification of the raw materials. Crucial for the correct identification of
fabrics of wheel-turned pottery is the examination of a fresh sherd break made parallel to
the rim, because due to the centrifugal force of turning devices the organic inclusions are
oriented in the same way. In handmade pottery the classification may be based on scrutiny
of the surface and closer examination of the raw material.
Because several works on fabric classification of various periods have already appeared,
the description is here kept short.18 The classification of ceramics is based on the division
between Nile clay fabrics, marl clay fabrics, a mix of the two, and ceramics imported into
Egypt from the Aegean, Cyprus, Syria/Palestine, and Nubia. The first three groups are dis-
tinguished as follows. The Nile clay fabrics are divided into A, B1, B2, C, D, and E according to
their inclusions. Nile A shows fine mica and mineral inclusions, B1 some mineral inclusions
and chaff, B2 a larger amount of mineral inclusions and chaff, C contains pieces of straw and
some mineral inclusions, D includes limestone particles, and E rounded mineral inclusions.
The Nile E fabric was further divided into two groups depending on the number of quartz
grains and the presence of additional chaff.19 Some pottery classification systems divide
between Nile C1 and C2 depending on the size of the straw particles.20 The marl clay fabrics
are divided depending on the presence and quantity of mineral inclusions, limestone, and
argillaceous inclusions/‘marl pieces’. Marl A can be broken down into A1, A2, A3, and A4,
whose appearance seem to be chronologically significant.21 Marl A3 is the most distinctive
of the group due to the density of the groundmass and relative scarcity of inclusions. Marl
A1 is also relatively dense and limestone inclusions dominate, with some coarser mineral
inclusions. Marl A2 appears well sorted and contains a large quantity of limestone particles,
sometimes small pieces of marl/argillaceous inclusions, as well as some fine quartz. Marl A4
contains the same range of inclusions but coarser. Marl B shows many mineral grains in
different colours and a dense groundmass. Marl C22 was divided into three distinct sub-
groups: Marl C compact, Marl C1, and C2, with ‘C compact’ being distinguished by its very
thick white surface layer and extraordinary density. The nature and reason for the develop-
ment of this surface layer has recently been examined using chemical analysis.23 C1 shows a
dominance of limestone particles over mineral inclusions and C2 is dominated by mineral
inclusions over limestone particles. All three varieties contain relatively coarse brownish
reddish marl/argillaceous inclusions which give the fabrics their distinctive appearance.24
Marl D appears first in the 18th Dynasty, showing a red-brown section with many very
small limestone inclusions. Like Marl C, the surface shows a naturally developed light sur-
face that is often burnished, particularly in the later New Kingdom.25 The designation of
Marl E was given to a fabric similar to Marl B, but additionally containing coarse straw. The
18
Nordström 1972; Holthoer 1977: Bourriau and Aston 1985; Bietak 1991a: 317–33; Bourriau and
Nicholson 1992; Nordström and Bourriau 1993; Bourriau et al 2000; Aston 1998; Bader 2001;
Cyganowski 2003; Rzeuska 2006: 35–44; Rose 2007: 11–16.
19
Bietak 1991a: 326. 20
Bietak 1991a: 325–6. 21
Nordström and Bourriau 1993: 176–8.
22
Nordström and Bourriau 1993: 179–81; Bader 2001; Cyganowski 2003.
23
See Ownby and Griffiths 2009.
24
Cyganowski 2003; Griffiths and Ownby 2006: 67; Ownby and Griffiths 2009.
25
See Nordström and Bourriau 1993; Aston 1996: 65–6; McGovern 1997, but note that this study is
flawed due to the lack of a control sample: see Aston 2004b: 286.
316 Bettina Bader
main inclusion characterizing Marl F, the latest addition to the Vienna System, is mineral
grains, which are densely packed and give the fabric a crumbly and loose structure. It is
found mainly in the Eastern Nile Delta.26 There may be some overlap with a very sandy fab-
ric belonging to the Marl C2 grouping that appears at Tell el-Dabca in the late Second
Intermediate Period, but a thorough analysis is needed to find distinguishing criteria.
The existence of fabrics mixed from Nile and marl clays was proved by means of petro-
logic and chemical analysis for the Old and the New Kingdoms.27 The visual identification
of such mixes by means of macroscopic detection with a 10x hand lens, which is the usual
tool for the bulk of the material, is not easy and identification can only be ascertained by
means of technical analyses (see ‘Scientific Technologies used for Analysis of Ancient
Ceramics (Overview)’, later in this chapter).
Imports into Egypt, particularly from Syria/Palestine, are found on a regular basis, ran
ging from the Predynastic to the Late Periods and beyond.28 While the differentiation of
imports from the Egyptian fabrics in the Pharaonic periods is, in most cases, straightfor-
ward (despite exceptions to this rule, particularly in the Early Bronze Age), the distinction
between the various imported fabrics poses more problems. Ground-breaking petrographic
work has been done for the New Kingdom29, but the assumed less standardized organiza-
tion of production of transport containers (Figure 15.1) in the Middle Kingdom and the
Second Intermediate Period creates more difficulties. It is possible to define areas of origin,
but the distribution within Syria/Palestine is still largely unclear. Shape catalogues (also of
rims) might help in demarcating the distribution of certain form varieties. Such corpora are
available only for very few areas, such as Jericho and Aphek.30 A combination of petrologic
data and vessel or rim shape might also suggest origins of transport vessels. To date it is not
certain if there is a relationship between fabric and shape in the Middle Bronze Age mater
ial, because pilot studies are sorely missing. This information could be used for interpret
ation of transport routes and volume as well as for detection of shifts in trade patterns.
Imports from the Aegean and Cyprus are generally less common, but this is subject to
change during different periods.31 Such imports are considered particularly important for the
establishment of chronological networks between those cultures, and are used extensively.32
Bietak 1991a: 328; Aston 1998: 67; Aston 2004a: 35; Bader 2009: 652–3.
26
Nordström and Bourriau 1993: 166–7; Aston 1998: 68; Bourriau et al 2000: 19–25; Rzeuska 2006:
27
42–4.
28
Hartung et al. 2015; Nordström and Bourriau 1993: 183–6.
29
Smith et al. 2000; Serpico et al. 2003. 30
Kenyon and Holland 1982; Beck 2000.
31
See Merrillees 1968; Kemp and Merrillees 1980; Bell 1985; Walberg 1991; 1992; Maguire 1995;
Hankey 1995; Bourriau and Eriksson 1998; Fitton et al 1998; Merrillees 2003; Hein 2007.
32
Åström 2001; Bietak 2000–07; Phillips 2008.
0
1
2
3
4
5
10
classification systems.33 Similarly, the approach to the pottery fabrics in the later periods
concentrates much more on wares (fabric + surface treatment) because by then it is safe to
speak about large-scale industries that were distributed all over Egypt. This development
had already started in the Late Period and continued.34
Since the late 1960s, several modern technologies, generally used in other scientific fields,
have found their way into Egyptian archaeology.35 One of the first methods used was
Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA), initially applied in order to obtain information on the
33
E.g. Köhler 1998.
34
See Aston 1999: 2–9; Marchand 2009; Ballet and Południkiewicz 2012; Gates-Foster 2012.
35
I would like to thank M. Ownby for providing me with literature and discussing technologies with me.
318 Bettina Bader
chemical composition of ceramics and to detect the origins of the fabric.36 It was used, on
the one hand, to characterize Egyptian fabric groups and to check if they were consistent37
and, on the other hand, to detect the origins of wares imported into Egypt from the Levant.38
This expensive and destructive method involves the use of a nuclear research reactor and
multivariate statistical analysis for interpretation. The interpretations of the results of such
analyses can be very useful39 but can also be misleading.40 This depends both on the sampling
strategy used by the archaeologists and the comparative databases of the scientific labora-
tory. It has also proved difficult to relate ceramics and raw materials within this method.41
Another factor to be considered is whether the chemical soil composition in the regions
under scrutiny is different enough to yield a meaningful result. It has been found that even
Nile alluvium can be differentiated.42 Recent years have seen a considerable reduction of
research reactors and therefore fewer possibilities to use this method. Gradually NAA has
been replaced by Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS), which provides
a similar set of data to NAA but without the toxic waste.43
As for Egyptian ceramics and ceramics found in Egypt, petrography by itself, or in con-
junction with X-Ray Fluorescence Analysis (XRF), is being used more frequently.44 The
principle of petrography is to link the geology of inclusions (minerals, microfossils, etc) and
clay to the geology of a given region by scrutinizing a thin section. Not only does this
method provide a way of getting closer to the origins of ceramics, but a check on grouping
strategies for fabrics is also possible along with general information on shaping methods and
firing temperatures.45 The ideal way of publishing such information is in colour photographs
of the thin sections in conjunction with the sherd break, because it is the sherd break the
ceramicist tries to identify in the field. Thus, it would be possible to compare published fabric
groupings to material currently under analyses (ideally executed by Smith et al 2000).
Unfortunately, this is still not standard procedure and therefore much of the benefit of such
analyses cannot be used by ceramicists.
Standard XRF analysis acquires bulk compositional chemical data from powdered cer-
amic material. However, non-destructive XRF analysis measures the chemical composition
on the surface of pottery fragments or on the sherd break, as does Scanning Electron
Microscopy (SEM). Both provide data for the interpretation of slips, washes, and other sur-
face layers, as has been done on Marl clay fabrics. Such data allows syntheses on how and why
surface layers develop.46 The use of thermo-luminescence for Egyptian ceramics is quite
restricted and generally applied in order to estimate firing temperatures and to detect the
date of pigments and pottery.47 It is well worth exploring scientific technologies for analysis
of ceramic material, because, if used correctly, they can provide much additional informa-
tion for a diverse range of research questions.
Quantitative analysis
The knowledge of the quantity of different types of pottery (and/or other artefacts) in contexts
gives additional information about the character of a site: trade emporium versus settlement
versus workshop, to name but a few. The consideration of the frequency distributions of
pottery types in contexts may help to clarify functions or functional areas.48
The measurement for quantity of pottery forms the backbone of any statistical analysis.
In the past several methods for quantification have been used, such as sherd count49, number
of vessels represented50, surface measurement, displacement volume, or weight. The results
of such methods may be useful, but some applications are either complicated or heavily
biased, due to the various properties of ceramics. For example, sherd count is biased towards
thin-walled vessels, because they break more easily and into more pieces, and besides it is
not a constant measure.51 The concept of estimated vessel equivalents, first described in print
by Clive Orton, is based on the premise that each sherd broken off an ancient vessel represents
a certain proportion or percentage of a formerly complete vessel, regardless of whether it is
a body, base, handle, or rim fragment. This measurement represents the preserved part of a
vessel and creates no bias due to ceramic properties. As it is not always possible to measure the
preserved proportion of the rim/base exactly, the term estimated vessel equivalent is used.52
Measuring the preserved (diagnostic) parts of the vessels for determination of quantity
has been used in Egyptian archaeology by the founder members of the ‘Vienna Group’ since
the mid-1970s, although it has not been formulated or tested theoretically. Only recently
several studies were published using this kind of data.53 Because body fragments are often
ambiguous, the focus of quantitative studies is on so-called diagnostics like bases and rims.
They provide the most information about ancient vessels, facilitating an attribution to a
type. The identification of sherd material sometimes suffers from ambiguity, because some
rim types could belong to more than one vessel shape.54 Such cases must be taken into con-
sideration in the analysis, but should not deter from the approach in general. A measure-
ment of diameter is necessary for a measurement of the preserved part of the vessel (fractions
of a circle), taken by means of a rim diameter chart.55 This is the collected frequency data
which will disclose the quantity of the pottery in the end, sorted by type, fabric, or any other
criterion the analyst is interested in. Through a mathematical transformation, the estimated
vessel equivalents can be turned into numbers that have the same statistical properties as
counts, and can be used in statistical analyses56, although this has not yet been attempted
with Egyptian material. In connection with random sampling techniques such data provide
a powerful tool to answer the question ‘How many?’ in an objective way.57
320 Bettina Bader
(a) (b)
0 1 2 3 4 5 10
(k)
(j)
(f)
(i)
(g) (h)
Figure 15.2 Various pottery types to which small fragments can be ascribed.
Typology
The desire to try and impose order on things is perhaps deeply ingrained in human nature,
thus a division into different groups either according to shape, function, or size is often pre-
sented. Ideas proposed for botany by Linné and for archaeology by Montelius (1903) found
their counterparts in Egypt.58 The compilation of typologies of various ceramic vessels in
Egyptology began with Petrie. He and his followers were the first archaeologists in Egypt to
arrange (complete) pottery vessels by shape into a system of types and subtypes arranged by
letters and numbers, as for example in the Riqqeh corpus (e.g. 2k2 on pl. 28). A similar pro-
cedure was proposed by Guy.59 Petrie also did the same for all other artefact groups.60 This
arrangement developed over time, and rather than presenting a range of pottery of the same
type, as for example from Tell el-Yahudieh in 1906 (Petrie 1906: pl. 10), the approach later
changed to providing one example of each type as in Riqqeh61, Harageh62, and Sedment63,
although quite a wide variety of pots was shown. An intrinsic problem in the re-evaluation
58
Petrie 1904: 122–6. 59
Cf. Rose 2007: 169–76. 60
Engelbach 1915.
61
Engelbach 1915. 62
Engelbach and Gunn 1923. 63
Petrie and Brunton 1924.
of work done by Petrie and his followers is that the criteria for ascribing a vessel to one type
or another are unknown, and often vessels from one site were typed to vessels from another
site.64 It remains unknown how the early archaeologists typed pots from one site to another,
as examples are not physically available. In order to use these valuable data collections,
which are often the only information available from sites that are now destroyed, there is no
choice but to assume that the vessels were very similar.65 To disregard these early works
entirely would be a loss of information we cannot afford (see ‘Going Back to Material from
Old Excavations’, later in this chapter).
Nevertheless, it could only have been a small fraction of what was actually found and most
broken pottery was ignored (as was usual in the first half of the twentieth century). Pots show-
ing differences in fabrics or wares on the whole were not distinguished as separate types.
Since then ceramic typologies have been greatly refined, and not only do they take fabric
and ware into consideration, but also sherd material and certain indices. The typologies of
hemispherical cups66 and so-called ‘beer/wine jars’67 in the Middle Kingdom and Second
Intermediate Period provide a good example, as well as amphorae in the New Kingdom.68
These particular cases demonstrate that minute changes in the morphology of vessel types
are often of chronological significance, but not always. While passing time need not neces-
sarily be the only reason for such changes, it is by far the most frequently observed one.
Differences in morphology could also be due to regional shifts or the way in which work-
shops are organized or knowledge is transferred, but painstaking analysis is necessary to
find firm evidence for any of these interpretations. In contrast, other pottery types do not
seem to show any remarkable changes in shape over long periods of time (e.g. large rough
Nile C plates or dishes and pot stands in the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate
Period), but other changes such as in raw material or technology may occur. Crucial for
inferences of this kind is the employment of enough well-stratified examples in order to be
sure that a suspected change is not a mere coincidence, and consideration of all the different
factors together.
The possibility of using computerized statistical seriation and correspondence analysis to
define types and distributions has so far only been applied in cemeteries in Nubia.69
Drawings of vessels or diagnostic fragments, whether rim or base, handle or decorated wall
fragment, constitute the main part of an accurate, up-to-date description of ceramics.
Inaccurate drawings can very easily lead to misinterpretations.70 Nevertheless good drawings
convey a much better idea of the material than any verbal description could ever do, provided
the published scale is not too small. It should be noted that the pottery drawings produced
by Flinders Petrie and Guy Brunton in Sedment, for instance, were quite accurate even by
64
See Petrie and Brunton 1924: pl. xlvii. 65
Seidlmayer 1990: 5, 17–19.
66
Arnold 1982; 1988; Bietak 1991b; Bader 2007.
67
Arnold 1988; Szafranski 1998; Bader 2007; 2009: 160–82, 215–22. 68
Aston 2004b.
69
Säve-Söderbergh and Troy 1991: 220–93.
70
See Bader 2003; Marcus et al. 2009; Doumet-Serhal et al. 2009.
322 Bettina Bader
modern standards. When the author redrew some vessels from Sedment, reduced them to
a scale of 1:6 and overlaid them with the drawings of the same types from the original pub-
lication they looked exactly the same. However, for a critical consideration of various
aspects of the vessel, a scale of 1:3 is highly preferable, where even small details of technol-
ogy and rim morphology are recognizable.
Certain conventions should be followed, namely the combination of the outside view
with the section of the vessel in order to make the material visually comparable. Additionally,
an indication in the drawing of the manufacturing technique is useful, because it supplies
further clues not only for the dating of the vessel but also for technological considerations.
Sketching the quality of the surface, by drawing large straw, limestone, or other particles,
may prove useful sometimes, but the fabric description includes the quality of the surface.
Because time constraints are always involved, such a procedure is not considered crucial.
Often this is subject to artistic taste, much like the question concerning whether the section
of a vessel should be blackened in or left white, or whether the top line should touch the
section or not. While the process of drawing a vessel brings the ceramicist very close to
knowing its shape intimately, it is not sufficient by itself and needs to be complemented by
a short description including fabric, surface treatment, state of preservation, and measure-
ments, in order to produce a high standard for modern reports. Archaeological illustration
today has come a long way from the standards of the late nineteenth century.71
Ready access to digital photography has certainly radically changed procedures in docu-
mentation of pottery in the last five to seven years. But while it is an easy way to create a
visual record of a sherd or vessel, or minute details of it, digital photography cannot replace
drawing of pottery and with it the personal engagement with the material. The same holds
true for 3D scanning of pottery vessels, which may make sense for very special or fragile
material in museums.
Manufacture
The interpretation of pictorial evidence, mainly from tombs, helps in understanding the
stages of manufacture of Egyptian pottery.72 Additional data could be obtained from arch
aeological sites and scientific methods73, as well as from ethno-archaeology.74 By means of
this combined approach it has been possible to obtain a clearer idea of which techniques
were used in which periods. The particulars of collecting the raw material, processing it,
various shaping methods by hand or wheel or combined techniques, drying of the vessels,
and surface treatment and decoration, as well as firing, all have a potential bearing on the
dating of ceramics75 as well as on the history of manufacturing techniques and organiza-
tional issues. Close scrutiny of the vessels and fragments themselves provides additional
71
See pottery illustrations in De Morgan 1895; Nagel 1938; Bourriau 1981; Bourriau et al. 2000: Figure
5.4; as well as Wegner 2007; Rose 2007; and Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2016.
72
Arnold 1976; Bourriau 1981: 14–22; Arnold 1993; Holthoer 1977: 5–37.
73
Vandiver and Lacovara 1985/1986.
74
Brissaud 1982; Nicholson and Patterson 1985a; 1985b. For a list of kiln sites over a larger spread of
periods see Bourriau et al. 2000: 137–43 and Soukiassian et al. 1990.
75
Bourriau 2006.
hints on the techniques used76, because the potters did not always remove all traces of
manufacture very carefully, and thus the ceramicist gains insights into the sequence of steps
undertaken to produce the vessels (chaîne operatoire). One particular problem is the recog-
nition in pottery vessels of the use of the fast or kick wheel, in contrast to the slow wheel,
which according to Klotz’s discovery of a depiction of the kick wheel in the Ramesside
period should be dated much earlier than traditionally.77 In particular the firing process is
of great interest, because the technology used can tell us much about the temperatures
achieved and therefore the technical abilities of the ancient Egyptians.78
Function of vessels
Beside the actual shape of vessels—open for presentation and consumption and closed for
storage and preservation79—pictorial evidence is crucial in the Egyptian context for the
interpretation of the function of vessels. This source helped to identify a number of func-
tional vessels used such as bread moulds, spinning bowls, large vats for the production of
beer, beer jars, and firedogs, to name but a few.80 The identification of special ritual vessels
like hes-vases or canopic jars does not pose further problems. Relating pottery to reliefs or
wall paintings and ritual is very rewarding81 and provides further insights into the use of
ceramic vessels, even though there may sometimes be a discrepancy between the intended
use and the actual use. The latter can occasionally be understood by traces of secondary
modification and use like abrasions (stand) or smoke blackening marks from exposure to
fire (for cooking).82 The study of jar labels might also allow some interpretations, but
whether the designation signifies usual or unusual contents often remains unresolved.83 The
archaeological context and additional non-ceramic finds often also allow interpretations
concerning function.84 Many avenues of exploration are still to be followed in this field.
76
Rzeuska 2006: 45–54. 77
Klotz 2013.
78
Nicholson and Patterson 1985c; Soukiassian et al 1990; Nicholson 1993; Hope 1993.
79
Arnold 1988: 135–6.
80
See for bread moulds Jacquet-Gordon 1981, spinning bowls Dothan 1963; Vogelsang-Eastwood
1987/1988; Allen 1998; Gould 2010, large vats for the production of beer Faltings 1998, beer jars Holthoer
1977: 86–8, and firedogs Aston 1989.
81
E.g. Seiler 1995; Rzeuska 2001; Hendrickx et al 2002; Op de Beeck 2007.
82
See Bourriau et al. 2000: 142–4. 83
Aston 2007.
84
Bietak 1985; Bader and Ownby 2013; Sullivan 2013.
85
E.g. 1,000,000 diagnostics mentioned by Rzeuska 2006: 55, and 85,000 mentioned by
Bourriau 1991: 264.
324 Bettina Bader
of artefact found, there should be a system in operation that allows evaluation of as many
aspects as possible, in order to take the whole archaeological record into account. It will
only rarely be possible to ‘draw everything’, except in very favourable conditions and with
plenty of resources. Crucial in the decision of what and how to record is the nature of the
site. If the ceramic material comes from the surface or contexts disturbed in modern times,
it would be a waste of resources to concentrate on typological studies of certain morpho-
logical aspects of pottery. The same holds true for most known dumps of early excavators
and the fills of casemate structures. While it would be deeply wrong to simply discard such
material without any further study, a general corpus of shape and fabrics will enhance the
knowledge of spatial distribution of shapes and fabrics within the country and the site. It
will also allow periods of use to be pinpointed by comparative analysis with ceramic mater-
ial from better dated sites. There may not be other types of finds in some periods, so ceram-
ics are almost always the best way to get a comprehensive overview of the occupational
history of a site. Another issue is controlled excavation versus survey, both of which require
different approaches towards the material.
Certainly the most rewarding strategy is to concentrate on diagnostic fragments such as
rims, bases, handles, and any painted, incised, or unusual sherds. The viability of the attempt
to reconstruct complete vessels depends on the care taken in the excavation, the scale of the
operation, and the nature of the site. While complete vessel shapes are much more common
in grave contexts or special (e.g. foundation) deposits, the likelihood of such finds is rather
small in settlements. Without doubt, complete vessels hold more information than partly
ambiguous sherd material, therefore any chance for reconstruction should be taken
wherever feasible. With some experience it is possible to judge fairly accurately if certain
contexts will yield joins, making it potentially worthwhile to spend time on this. The
body fragments of broken vessels also contain information that should not be disposed of
too lightly. Non-joining body fragments of various contexts should at least be sorted into
fabric and ware groups and the quantity measured. The most promising methods are
weighing (e.g. Memphis) or measuring the surface area (practice at Dahshur, S. Allen,
personal communication and Tell el-Daba), in order to gain independent quantitative
data that is comparable between contexts in addition to the diagnostic fragments.86
Moreover, fabrics may be represented among the body fragments missing in the range of
diagnostics, and therefore such information would be lost. A combination of weighing
and sherd count can provide interesting insights into post-depositional processes in dif-
ferent contexts, if compared.
The use of random sampling is an innovation in Egyptian archaeology and a few recent
studies have utilized this methodology. It has to be understood that techniques like random
sampling do not replace the knowledge of the ceramicist but form an addition to retrieving
quantitative data in an objective way.87 Random sampling does not mean a subjective choice
(or ‘shopping list’) as many archaeologists still believe, and it is common practice in prehis-
tory as well as in zooarchaeology and the study of human remains, and is now included in
various computer programs (e.g. the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences).
See Bourriau 1991 for an example involving a ceramicist collaborating with a trained statistician; see
87
The increasing trend to re-evaluate pottery in museums from excavations conducted in the
early part of the twentieth century offers valuable insights by means of re-recording and
redrawing the material according to modern standards. This undertaking alone provides
vital evidence for the distribution of shapes and fabrics in Egypt, hitherto only suspected
due to the cursory description given in these old site reports.89 Combined with a re-evaluation
of the excavation itself, a possibility exists for more refined dating of find groups other than
88
Bourriau 1991. 89
E.g. Bader 2001: 111, for comparanda for ‘type 36’.
326 Bettina Bader
just the pottery, and additional inferences may in many cases be possible.90 Several such
studies have been undertaken, but unfortunately not all have been published to date.91 A
re-evaluation of the early Middle Kingdom cemetery of Sedment undertaken by the author
still awaits its final touches and publication.
The largest project making use of the excellent preservation of ceramic vessels was the
Middle Kingdom Pottery Handbook project (initiated by Bietak in the framework of the
Special Research Programme: Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean
in the 2nd Millennium bc), the results of which were published.92 In this respect there are
still many possibilities for future projects hidden in the storerooms of museums.
Suggested reading
During the past decade so many publications dealing with ancient Egyptian ceramics
appeared that it is impossible to list them here in their entirety. The conference proceedings
of Vienna 2—Egyptian Ceramics in the 21st century edited by Bader et al., Knoblauch and
Köhler in 2016 may serve as a starting point because it contains a diachronic overview of the
steadily growing field with many older references and new research avenues. Nevertheless,
the fundamental works on Egyptian ceramic studies of the pharaonic periods out of which
everything else developed are Arnold, D. 1981, Bourriau 1981, Arnold and Bourriau 1993,
and Bietak 1991a. While those provide the foundations for successful engagement with
Egyptian pottery on a practical level, works such as Aston 1998, Bourriau and Nicholson 1992,
and Bourriau, Smith, and Nicholson 2000 point the way to New Kingdom fabric classifica-
tion systems. For more fabric classification systems beyond the Vienna System see Ballet
and Południkiewicz 2012, Gates-Foster 2012, Köhler 1998, and Marchand 2009.
Ideas for research avenues to be applied on data from Egyptian pottery can be found in
Arnold, Dean 1985, Bader and Ownby 2013, Redmount and Keller 2003, and Orton et
al. 1993 (with a new edition by Orton and Hughes 2013). Pollard et al. 2007 gives a compre-
hensive overview of the application of analytical chemistry to ceramics although many of
those can currently only be applied to Museum pieces outside of Egypt due to severe sam-
pling restrictions. Two specialized periodicals dealing with Egyptian pottery are Bulletin de
Liaison de la Céramique Égyptienne (1975 onwards) and Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne
(1977 onwards).
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