World Happiness, Trust and Social Connections in Times of Crisis The World Happiness Report
World Happiness, Trust and Social Connections in Times of Crisis The World Happiness Report
World Happiness, Trust and Social Connections in Times of Crisis The World Happiness Report
Haifang Huang
Department of Economics, University of Alberta
Max Norton
Vancouver School of Economics, University of
British Columbia
Leonard Goff
Department of Economics, University of Calgary
Shun Wang
International Business School Suzhou, Xi'an
Jiaotong-Liverpool University
Citation:
Helliwell, J. F., Huang, H., Norton, M., Goff, L., & Wang, S.
(2023). World Happiness, Trust and Social Connections in Times
of Crisis. In World Happiness Report 2023 (11th ed., Chapter 2).
Sustainable Development Solutions Network.
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Chapter Contents
Introduction
By any standard, 2022 was a year of crises, including the continuing COVID-19
pandemic, war in Ukraine, worldwide inflation, and a range of local and global
climate emergencies. We thus have more evidence about how life evaluations,
trust and social connections together influence the ability of nations, and of the
world as a whole, to adapt in the face of crisis. Our main analysis relates to
happiness as measured by life evaluations and emotions, how they have evolved
in crisis situations, and how lives have been better where trust, benevolence, and
supportive social connections have continued to thrive.
In our first section, we present our annual ranking and modelling of national
happiness, but in a way slightly different from previous practice. Our key figure
2.1 continues to rank countries by their average life evaluations over the three
preceding years, with that average spanning the three COVID-19 years of 2020-
2022. That much remains the same. The main change is that this year we have
removed the coloured sub-bars showing our attempts to explain the differences
we find in national happiness. We introduced these bars in 2013 because readers
wanted to know more about some of the likely reasons behind the large
differences we find. Over the succeeding years, however, many readers and
commentators have thereby been led to think that our ranking somehow reflects
an index based on the six variables we use in our modelling. To help correct this
false impression, we removed the explanatory bars, leaving the actual life
evaluations alone on centre stage. We continue to include horizontal whiskers
showing the 95% confidence bands for our national estimates, supplemented
this year by showing a measure for each country of the range of rankings within
which its own ranking is likely to be. We also continue to present our attempts to
explain how and why life evaluations vary among countries and over time. We
then present our latest attempts to explain the happiness differences revealed by
the wide variations in national life evaluations.
In our second section, we look back once again at the evolution of life
evaluations and emotions since Gallup World Poll data first became available in
2005-2006. This year we focus especially on how COVID-19 has affected the
distribution of well-being. Has well-being inequality grown or shrunk? Where,
and for whom? We divide national populations into their happier and less happy
halves to show how the two groups have fared before and during the pandemic.
We do this for life evaluations, and for their emotional, social, and material
foundations.
In the third section, we document the extent to which trust, benevolence, and
social connections have supported well-being in times of crisis. First we add a
third year of COVID-19 data to illustrate how much death rate patterns changed
in 2022 under the joint influences of Omicron variants, widespread vaccination,
and changes in public health measures. Countries where people have confidence
in their governments were still able to have lower COVID-19 death tolls in 2022,
just as they did in 2020 and 2021.
Next we update our reporting on the extent to which benevolence has increased
during COVID-19, finding it still well above pre-pandemic levels.
Then we present data on how the conflict between Ukraine and Russia since
2014, and especially in 2022, is associated with patterns of life evaluations,
emotions, trust in governments, and benevolence in both countries.
Finally, we leverage new data from 2022 on the relative importance of positive
and negative aspects of the social context. These data show that positive social
environments were far more prevalent than loneliness and that gains from
increases in positive social connections exceed the well-being costs of additional
loneliness, even during COVID-19. These findings help us explain the resilience
of life evaluations. While crises impose undoubted costs, they may also expose
and even build a sense of shared connections.
Life evaluations. The Gallup World Poll, which remains the principal source of data in
this report, asks respondents to evaluate their current life as a whole using the
image of a ladder, with the best possible life for them as a 10 and worst possible as
a 0. Each respondent provides a numerical response on this scale, referred to as the
Cantril ladder. Typically, around 1,000 responses are gathered annually for each
country. Weights are used to construct population-representative national averages
for each year in each country. We base our usual happiness rankings on a three-
year average of these life evaluations, since the larger sample size enables more
precise estimates.
Life evaluations differ more between countries than do emotions and are better
explained by the widely differing life experiences in different countries.
Emotions yesterday are well explained by events of the day being asked about,
while life evaluations more closely reflect the circumstances of life as a whole.
We show later in the chapter that emotions are significant supports for life
evaluations.
Positive emotions are more than twice as frequent (global average of 0.66) as
negative emotions (global average of 0.29), even during the three COVID years
2020-2022.
The overall length of each country bar represents the average response to the
ladder question, which is also shown in numerals. The confidence intervals for
each country’s average life evaluation are shown by horizontal whiskers at the
right-hand end of each country bar. Confidence intervals for the rank of a
country are displayed to the right of each country bar.[2] These ranking ranges
are wider where there are many countries with similar averages, and for countries
with smaller sample sizes.[3]
In the Statistical Appendix, we show a version of Figure 2.1 that includes colour-
coded sub-bars in each country row, representing the extent to which six key
variables contribute to explaining life evaluations. These variables (described in
more detail in Technical Box 2) are GDP per capita, social support, healthy life
expectancy, freedom, generosity, and corruption. As already noted, our
happiness rankings are not based on any index of these six factors — the scores
are instead based on individuals’ own assessments of their lives, in particular
their answers to the single-item Cantril ladder life-evaluation question. We use
observed data on the six variables and estimates of their associations with life
evaluations to explain the observed variation of life evaluations across countries,
much as epidemiologists estimate the extent to which life expectancy is affected
by factors such as smoking, exercise, and diet.
Notes: Those with a * do not have survey information in 2022. Their averages are
based on the 2020 and 2021 surveys.
The rest of the top 20 include Czechia, the United Kingdom, and Lithuania, 18th
to 20th. The same countries tend to appear in the top twenty year after year, with
19 of this year’s top 20 also being there last year. The exception is Lithuania,
which has steadily risen over the past six years, from 52nd in 2017 to 20th this
year.[5] Throughout the rankings, except at the very top and the very bottom, the
three-year average scores are close enough to one another that significant
differences are found only between country pairs that are in some cases many
positions apart in the rankings. This is shown by the ranking ranges for each
country.
There remains a large gap between the top and bottom countries, with the top
countries being more tightly grouped than the bottom ones. Within the top
group, national life evaluation scores have a gap of 0.40 between the 1st and 5th
position, and another 0.28 between 5th and 10th positions. Thus there is a gap
of less than 0.7 points between the first and 10th positions.
Despite the general consistency among the top country scores, there have been
many significant changes among the rest of the countries. Looking at changes
over the longer term, many countries have exhibited substantial changes in
average scores, and hence in country rankings, as shown in more detail in the
Statistical Appendix, and as noted above for the Baltic countries.
The scores are based on the resident populations in each country, rather than
their citizenship or place of birth. In World Happiness Report 2018 we split the
responses between the locally and foreign-born populations in each country and
found the happiness rankings to be essentially the same for the two groups.
There was some footprint effect after migration, and some tendency for migrants
to move to happier countries, so that among the 20 happiest countries in that
report, the average happiness for the locally born was about 0.2 points higher
than for the foreign-born.
The second and third columns of Table 2.1 use the same six variables to estimate
equations for national averages of positive and negative affect, where both are
based on answers about yesterday’s emotional experiences (see Technical Box 2
for how the affect measures are constructed). In general, emotional measures,
and especially negative ones, are differently and much less fully explained by the
six variables than are life evaluations. Per-capita income and healthy life
expectancy have significant effects on life evaluations,[10] but not, in these
national average data, on positive affect.[11] But the social variables do have
significant effects on both positive and negative emotions. Bearing in mind that
positive and negative affect are measured on a 0 to 1 scale, while life evaluations
are on a 0 to 10 scale, social support can be seen to have similar proportionate
effects on positive and negative emotions as on life evaluations. Freedom and
generosity have even larger associations with positive affect than with the Cantril
ladder. Negative affect is significantly ameliorated by social support, freedom,
and the absence of corruption.
In the fourth column, we re-estimate the life evaluation equation from column 1,
adding both positive and negative affect to partially implement the Aristotelian
presumption that sustained positive emotions are important supports for a good
life.[12] The results continue to buttress a finding in psychology that the existence
of positive emotions matters much more than the absence of negative ones
when predicting either longevity[13] or resistance to the common cold.[14]
Consistent with this evidence, we find that positive affect has a large and highly
significant impact in the final equation of Table 2.1, while negative affect has
none. In a parallel way, we find in the final section of this chapter that the effects
of a positive social environment are larger than the effects of loneliness.
As for the coefficients on the other variables in the fourth column, the changes
are substantial only on those variables – especially freedom and generosity –
that have the largest impacts on positive affect. Thus we can infer that positive
emotions play a strong role in supporting life evaluations, and that much of the
impact of freedom and generosity on life evaluations is channelled through their
influence on positive emotions. That is, freedom and generosity have large
impacts on positive affect, which in turn has a major impact on life evaluations.
The Gallup World Poll does not have a widely available measure of life purpose to
test whether it also would play a strong role in support of high life evaluations.
Dependent Variable
(0.331)***
(0.388)
Notes: This is a pooled OLS regression for a tattered panel explaining annual
national average Cantril ladder responses from all available surveys from 2005
through 2022. See Technical Box 2 for detailed information about each of the
predictors. Coefficients are reported with robust standard errors clustered by
country (in parentheses). ***, **, and * indicate significance at the 1, 5, and 10
percent levels respectively.
2. The time series for healthy life expectancy at birth are constructed based on
data from the World Health Organization (WHO) Global Health Observatory
data repository, with data available for 2005, 2010, 2015, 2016, and 2019. To
match this report’s sample period (2005-2022), interpolation and extrapolation
are used. See Statistical Appendix 1 for more details.
3. Social support is the national average of the binary responses (0=no, 1=yes) to
the Gallup World Poll (GWP) question “If you were in trouble, do you have
relatives or friends you can count on to help you whenever you need them, or
not?”
4. Freedom to make life choices is the national average of binary responses to the
GWP question “Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with your freedom to choose
what you do with your life?”
The variables we use in our Table 2.1 modelling may be taking credit properly due
to other variables, or to unmeasured factors. There are also likely to be vicious or
virtuous circles, with two-way linkages among the variables. For example, there
is much evidence that those who have happier lives are likely to live longer, and
be more trusting, more cooperative, and generally better able to meet life’s
demands.[15] This will double back to improve health, income, generosity,
corruption, and a sense of freedom. Chapter 4 of this report highlights the
importance of two-way linkages between altruism and subjective well-being.
Another possible reason for a cautious interpretation of our results is that some
of the data come from the same respondents as the life evaluations and are thus
possibly determined by common factors. This is less likely when comparing
national averages because individual differences in personality and individual life
circumstances tend to average out at the national level. To provide even more
assurance that our results are not significantly biased because we are using the
same respondents to report life evaluations, social support, freedom, generosity,
and corruption, we tested the robustness of our procedure by splitting each
country’s respondents randomly into two groups (see Table 10 of Statistical
Appendix 1 of World Happiness Report 2018 for more detail). We then examined
whether the average values of social support, freedom, generosity, and absence
of corruption from one half of the sample explained average life evaluations in
the other half of the sample. The coefficients on each of the four variables fell
slightly, just as we expected.[16] But the changes were reassuringly small
(ranging from 1% to 5%) and were not statistically significant.[17]
Overall, the model explains average life evaluation levels quite well within regions,
among regions, and for the world as a whole.[18] On average, the countries of
Latin America still have mean life evaluations that are significantly higher (by
about 0.5 on the 0 to 10 scale) than predicted by the model. This difference has
been attributed to a variety of factors, including some unique features of family
and social life in Latin American countries.[19] In partial contrast, the countries of
East Asia have average life evaluations below predictions, although only slightly
and insignificantly so in our latest results.[20] This has been thought to reflect, at
least in part, cultural differences in the way people think about and report on the
quality of their lives.[21] It is reassuring that our findings about the relative
importance of the six factors are generally unaffected by whether or not we
make explicit allowance for these regional differences.[22]
We can now use the model of Table 2.1 to assess the overall effects of COVID-19
on life evaluations. A simple comparison of average life evaluations during 2017-
2019 and the pandemic years 2020-2022 shows them to be down slightly
(-0.09, t=2.2) in the western industrial countries[23] (for which the 2022 data are
complete) and slightly higher than pre-pandemic levels in the rest of the world,
where there are fewer available surveys for 2022. Our modelling suggests that
the growth of prosociality cushioned the fall of life evaluations in the industrial
countries, and made it a net increase in the rest of the world. Thus if we add an
indicator for the three COVID years 2020-2022 to our Table 2.1 equation, using
data only from the three COVID years and the three preceding years, it shows no
net increase or decrease in life evaluations.[24] This suggests, in a preliminary
way, that the undoubted pains were offset by increases in the extent to which
respondents had been able to discover and share the capacity to care for each
other in difficult times. We shall explore other evidence on this point in the next
section.
Figure 2.2: Happiness gaps between the top and bottom halves of each country’s
population, 2020-2022